Publishing for the Popes The Roman Curia and the Use of Printing (1527-1555) (Library of the Written Word / Library of the Written Word - the Handpress World, vol. 61, 80) [Illustrated] 2020005193, 2020005194, 9789004348646, 9789004348653, 9004348646

Table of contents :
Publishing for the Popes: The Roman Curia and the Use of Printing (1527–1555)
Copyright
Dedication
Contents
Acknowledgements
List of Illustrations
Abbreviations
Editorial Note
1 Introduction
2 Prelude
1 Stimuli from Verona
2 Stimuli from Germany
3 The Stampatore Camerale before and after the Sack
Cardinal Marcello Cervini's Printing Enterprises (1539-1555)
3 Portrait of a Cardinale Editore
1 Cervini's Career and Cultural Interests
4 Cervini's Greek Press
1 From the Establishment to the Demise of the Press
2 The Output of the Press
5 Cervini's Latin Press
1 Francesco Priscianese and Cervini's Latin Press
2 The Output of the Press
6 Cervini's Editorial Activity after 1544
1 Beyond Rome
2 Back to the Urbe
7 Epilogue
1 Two Cardinals Exploiting Printing
2 Blado and Nicolini as Official Printers
3 The Greek Community in Venice
4 Olaus Magnus
5 Loyola and the First Jesuits
8 Conclusion
Documentary Appendices
Appendix A The Greek Partnership Accounts
Appendix B Short-title Catalogue of Books Sponsored by Cervini
Bibliography
Index of Names

Citation preview

Publishing for the Popes

Library of the Written Word volume 80

The Handpress World Editor-in-Chief Andrew Pettegree (University of St Andrews) Editorial Board Ann Blair (Harvard University) Falk Eisermann (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz) Shanti Graheli (University of Glasgow) Earle Havens (Johns Hopkins University) Ian Maclean (All Souls College, Oxford) Alicia Montoya (Radboud University) Angela Nuovo (University of Milan) Helen Smith (University of York) Mark Towsey (University of Liverpool) Malcolm Walsby (enssib, Lyon) Arthur der Weduwen (University of St Andrews)

volume 61

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/lww

Publishing for the Popes The Roman Curia and the Use of Printing (1527–1555) Paolo Sachet

leiden | boston

Cover illustration: Jacopino del Conte (attr.), Portrait of Cardinal Marcello Cervini degli Spannocchi (detail). Galleria Borghese, Rome. Copyright 2019 by Foto Scala Firenze, by courtesy of the Italian Ministero dei Beni e Attività Culturali e del Turismo. Names: Sachet, Paolo, author. Title: Publishing for the popes : the Roman Curia and the use of printing (1527-1555) / Paolo Sachet. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2020] | Series: Library of the written word, 1874-4834 ; volume 80 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020005193 (print) | LCCN 2020005194 (ebook) | ISBN 9789004348646 (hardback) | ISBN 9789004348653 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Printing--Italy--Rome--History--16th century. | Book industries and trade--Italy--Rome--History--16th century. | Catholic Church--Publishing--Italy--Rome--History--16th century. | Marcellus II, Pope, 1501-1555--Career in publishing. | Catholic Church. Curia Romana--History--16th century. Classification: LCC Z156.R7 S23 2020 (print) | LCC Z156.R7 (ebook) | DDC 686.209456/3209031--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020005193 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020005194

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: ‘Brill’. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 1874-4834 ISBN 978-90-04-34864-6 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-34865-3 (e-book) Copyright 2020 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense, Hotei Publishing, mentis Verlag, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh and Wilhelm Fink Verlag. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

To Anna, Marcella and Louise ‘[T]ὰ σῦκα σῦκα, τὴν σκάφην δὲ σκάφην ὀνομάσων’ ‘Willing to call figs figs and a trough a trough’ Lucian, Quomodo historia conscribenda sit, 41

∵

Contents Acknowledgements ix List of Illustrations x Abbreviations xi Editorial Note xii 1 Introduction  1 2 Prelude  11 1 Stimuli from Verona  12 2 Stimuli from Germany  16 3 The Stampatore Camerale before and after the Sack  26 Cardinal Marcello Cervini’s Printing Enterprises (1539–1555)  41 3 Portrait of a Cardinale Editore  43 1 Cervini’s Career and Cultural Interests  49 4 Cervini’s Greek Press  66 1 From the Establishment to the Demise of the Press  67 2 The Output of the Press  75 2.1 Eustathius’s Commentaries on Homer  75 2.2 Theophylact’s Commentary on the Gospels  81 5 Cervini’s Latin Press  91 1 Francesco Priscianese and Cervini’s Latin Press  91 2 The output of the Press  100 2.1 Editio Princeps of Arnobius  100 2.2 Letters of Innocent III and of Nicholas I  106 2.3 Pamphlets of Cardinal Bessarion and of Henry VIII  120 2.4 Additional Publications  126 6 Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544 134 1 Beyond Rome  135 2 Back to the Urbe  159 7 Epilogue  185 1 Two Cardinals Exploiting Printing  185 2 Blado and Nicolini as Official Printers  188

viii 3 4 5

Contents

The Greek Community in Venice  193 Olaus Magnus  196 Loyola and the First Jesuits  200

8 Conclusion  207 Documentary Appendices  213 A. The Greek Partnership Accounts  215 B. Short-title Catalogue of Books Sponsored by Cervini  225 Bibliography  243 Index of Names  297

Acknowledgements Over the years I spent completing this book, I incurred debts of gratitude with many scholars and friends. Since it all started with my Ph. D. dissertation at the Warburg Institute, with its marvellous library, vibe and community, I cannot but begin with thanking my supervisor, Jill Kraye, for her untiring support and encouragement, and my examiners, Kate Lowe and Simon Ditchfield, for their insightful remarks. I am happily indebted to Claudia Daniotti, Stephen Parkin and Madeline McMahon, three learned friends who patiently read and commented on various drafts of the book, helping to improve style and contents. I am also much obliged to Andrew Pettegree for endorsing the work of a new author and including it in the Library of the Written Word book series. My warmest thanks go to my former tutors in Milan, Lodovica Braida and Claudia Di Filippo, and to Anthony Grafton, Angela Nuovo, François Dupuigrenet Desroussilles, Gigliola Fragnito, Alastair Hamilton, Martin Davies, Guido Giglioni, Gian Mario Cao, Margaret Meserve, Stefano Prandi, Stefan Bauer, Cristina Dondi, Matteo Al Kalak, Filippo De Vivo, Vincenzo Lavenia, Stefania Pastore, Margherita Palumbo, Marcello Simonetta, Alessandro Morandotti, Francesco Ammannati, Allegra Iafrate, Cesare Santus, Federico Zuliani, Giuliano Mori, Marco Iacovella, Anita Sganzerla, Lo­renzo Coccoli, Geri Della Rocca de Candal and David Speranzi for their advice. It was a privilege to share ideas and information with four other scholars fascinated by Cervini: Raphaële Mouren, Chiara Quaranta, Giacomo Cardinali and Sam Kennerley. I am also grateful to Carlo Ginzburg, Adriano Prosperi, Massimo Firpo, Jane Everson, Ian Maclean, Carlo Ossola and Corrado Bologna, from whom I had the chance to receive some challenging and inspiring inputs. Needless to say, the errors still spoiling the following pages are all due to myself. My research could not be accomplished without the generous sponsorship awarded by the AHRC, the Bibliographical Society and the Swiss Confederation as well as the short-term fellowships of the Scuola Normale Superiore in Pisa, the Institut d’Histoire de la Réformation in Geneva and the Firestone Library in Princeton. Equally essential was the help of the personnel of the libraries and archives where I worked, including, most notably, Paolo Vian and Pier Paolo Piergentili of the Vatican Archive, Aldo Coletto of the Braidense Library in Milan and Piero Marchi of the Archivio di Stato in Florence. I owe a great deal to the Coccoli, the Vannucchi-Burke, the Allen and the Boulden families for welcoming me in their lovely houses in Rome, Florence and London during my research stays. Last but certainly not least, I am deeply grateful to my extended family, especially Sofia for her always-inquiring mind and witty ­partnership in life. In appreciation of all they gifted me with, I dedicate this book to Anna, Marcella and Louise, extraordinary women who departed too soon.

List of Illustrations 1. 2. 3.

4. 5. 6.

7. 8. 9.

10.

11.



BNCF, Fondo Nazionale II.XI.2: Cervini’s manuscript copy of Claudio Tolomei’s Cesano, f. 1r  51 ASF, Cervini, vol. 64: an unrecorded copy of the Collectio Avellana made for Cervini, f. 1r  108 Milan, Biblioteca della Società Storica Lombarda, FS.OO.4.10: copy of Innocent III, Decretalium, atque aliarum epistolarum tomus primus (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543), with Hermann Kyrieleis’s forgery of Luther’s inscription, sig. aiv  112 BCas, F.IV.2: copy of Nicholas I, Epistolae (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1542) annotated and corrected by Massarelli, p. LXXXVIII  116 BNB, L.P.34: Grolier’s copy of Nicholas I, Antiqua et insignis epistola … (Leipzig: Melchior Lotter, 1536), front cover  117 Milan, Biblioteca Trivulziana, Triv. Cod. 378: Cervini’s copy, corrected and partly written by him, of Seripando’s In Divi Pauli epistolas ad Romanos commentarius, f. 31v  170 BCas, Inc. 707: Cervini’s annotated copy of Jerome’s Epistolae (Rome: Sixtus Riessinger, not after 1467), sig. [Aiv]r  172 Title-page of Eustathius of Thessalonica, Παρεκβολαὶ εἰς τὴν Ὁμήρου Ἰλιάδα καὶ Ὀδύσσειαν, vol. IV (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1550; BNB copy, YY.XIII.37)  190 ASF, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 153r: the only known copy of Bulla prorogationis subsidii trecentorum millium scutorum (Rome: [Antonio Blado], April 1555) issued by Cervini as Pope Marcellus II  191 BCas, DD.IV.46: Cervini’s copy of Theodoret’s In quatuordecim sancti Pauli epistolas commentaries (Florence: Lorenzo Torrentino, 1552), title-page showing his accession number  241 BNB, AF.X.37: Julius’III dedication copy of Ferretti’s De Ravennati exarchatu, front cover  242

Credits

Figs. 1-2, 4-5, 7-11: by courtesy of the Italian Ministero dei Beni e Attività Culturali e del Turismo Fig. 3: by courtesy of Biblioteca della Società Storica Lombarda Fig. 6: by courtesy of Archivio Storico Civico and Biblioteca Trivulziana - Copyright Comune di Milano

Abbreviations

Libraries and Archives

ASF ASR ASV BAM BAV BCas BL BNB BNCF BNCR BNF BNM BNN BSB

Archivio di Stato, Florence Archivio di Stato, Rome Archivio Apostolico Vaticano, Vatican City Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City Biblioteca Casanatense, Rome British Library, London Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense, Milan Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Florence Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Rome Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III, Naples Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich



Printed Books

CT

 oncilium Tridentinum: diariorum, actorum, epistularum, tractatuum nova C collectio (13 vols., Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1901–2001) DBI Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italia­ na, 1960–) ILI Index des livres interdits, ed. by J. M. de Bujanda (11 vols., Sherbrooke and Geneva: Droz, 1986–2001) EDIT16 Censimento nazionale delle edizioni italiane del XVI secolo: edit16.iccu.sbn.it RICI Le biblioteche degli ordini regolari in Italia alla fine del secolo XVI: rici.vatlib.it VD16 Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des 16. Jahrhunderts: gateway-bayern.de USTC Universal Short Title Catalogue: www.ustc.ac.uk

Editorial Note For quotations from primary sources, both in Latin and in the Italian vernacular, whether published or in manuscript, I have adopted the following editorial conventions: the letters u and v, i and j, ae and e are distinguished according to modern conventions; accents, apostrophes and punctuation have been added where necessary and omitted when superfluous; all abbreviations are expanded, and all translations are my own unless otherwise indicated.

Chapter 1

Introduction This book aims to provide the first comprehensive insight into the complex relationship between an increasingly powerful governmental institution, the mid-sixteenth-century papacy, and a relatively new medium of communication, printing by means of moveable type. In particular, I will analyse how this nexus took shape at the very heart of the Catholic Church, in Rome, where several attempts were made by the Curia to publish books, often in connection with other Italian printing centres, such as Venice, Florence and Bologna. The time frame taken into consideration covers roughly thirty years. It begins in 1527, with the Sack of Rome, an historic watershed: before this traumatic episode took place, the Eternal City witnessed the high point of the ­Renaissance and of the expansionistic dreams of the papacy; thereafter, the Curia was forced to face up to the Reformation as a European-wide problem and accept the political domination of Emperor Charles v over Italy. The drastic impact of the Sack on the papal city’s economy meant that its printing industry had to restart afresh. This study concludes in 1555, a year of seismic changes for both the internal politics of the papacy and the international backdrop. On 23 May, the cardinals in conclave elected a new pope; he was the head of the recently-established Roman Inquisition, Gian Pietro Carafa, who reigned as Paul iv and was the moving force behind the promulgation of the first Index of Forbidden Books in 1558–1559. Moreover, in September 1555, the German Protestant princes signed the Peace of Augsburg with Charles v. The treaty led to the recognition of Lutheranism in the Holy Roman Empire as well as Charles V’s abdication and the division of his vast domain between his brother ­Ferdinand and his son Philip. This chain of events had critical consequences for the religious history of the whole European continent. It also prepared the ground for the end of the wars between France and the Habsburg family concerning Italy, with Philip ii of Spain emerging as dominus of the fragile political system of the peninsula. In cultural terms, the central decades of the sixteenth century were marked by the rise and rapid development of the censorship policies of the Catholic Church, directed mainly against printed books, as part of its struggle against the Reformation and with those aspects of Renaissance culture which it came to regard as immoral. Many well-documented studies have shed light on ecclesiastical censorship, benefiting from the opening of the archive of the Roman Inquisition in 1998 and from the ground-breaking critical edition of the

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004348653_002

2

Chapter 1

Indexes of Forbidden Books (ili).1 Printed books soon came to be perceived as a dangerous channel through which Protestantism was able to enter the minds of readers and influence their thought. That printing favoured the successful spread of the doctrines of the Reformers is a long-established and enduring historiographical topos, the overall validity of which cannot be questioned, especially in the light of Andrew Pettegee’ and Jean-François Gilmont’s analyses of the role consciously played by Luther and Calvin in the instrumentalization of the new technology.2 The counterpart to this commonplace is the failure to take account of Catholic engagement with printing.3 Almost all of the Church’s 1 See esp. Gigliola Fragnito, La Bibbia al rogo: la censura ecclesiastica e i volgarizzamenti della Scrittura (1471–1605) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1997); her Proibito capire: la Chiesa e il volgare nella prima età moderna (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2005); her Rinascimento perduto: la letteratura italia­ na sotto gli occhi dei censori (secoli xv–xvii) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2019); and, among her many recent essays on the subject, ‘La censura ecclesiastica in Italia: volgarizzamenti biblici e letteratura all’Indice: bilancio degli studi e prospettive di ricerca’, in María José Vega, Julian Weiss and Cesc Esteve (eds.), Reading and Censorship in Early Modern Europe (Conference Proceeding, Barcelona, 11–13 December 2007) (Bellaterra: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2010), pp. 39–56, and ‘La censura ecclesiastica romana e la cultura dei “semplici”’, Histoire et civilisation du livre, 9 (2014), pp. 85–100. See also Vittorio Frajese, Nascita dell’Indice: la cen­ sura ecclesiastica dal Rinascimento alla Controriforma (Brescia: Morcelliana, 2006); Peter Godman, The Saint as Censor: Robert Bellarmine between Inquisition and Index (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2000); Ugo Rozzo, La letteratura italiana negli Indici del Cinquecento (Udine: Forum, 2005); the insightful articles by Adriano Prosperi, ‘Censurare le favole’ and ‘“Damnatio memoriae”: nomi e libri in una proposta della Controriforma’, both in his L’Inquisizione romana: letture e ricerche (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2003), pp. 345–384 and 385–411; and Giorgio Caravale, ‘Libri proibiti, libri suggeriti: considerazioni su illetterati e censura nell’Italia della prima età moderna’, in Guido Dall’Olio, Adelisa Malena and ­Pierroberto Scaramella (eds.), Per Adriano Prosperi: i: La fede degli Italiani (Pisa: Edizioni della Normale, 2011), pp. 183–189. For the broader picture, see Sandro Landi, Stampa, censura e opinione pubblica in età moderna (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2011) and Hubert Wolf, Index: der Va­ tikan und die verbotenen Bücher (Munich: Beck, 2006). 2 Andrew Pettegree, Brand Luther: 1517, Printing, and the Making of the Reformation (New York: Penguin Press, 2015) and Jean-François Gilmont, Jean Calvin et le livre imprimé (Geneva: Droz, 1997). In the debate over the relationship between printing and the Reformation, I endorse the point of view of Gilmont, ‘Riforma protestante e lettura’, in Guglielmo Cavallo and Roger Chartier (eds.), Storia della lettura nel mondo occidentale (Rome: Laterza, 1995), pp. 243–275, who discusses the influence of the printed word on a largely illiterate European audience. See also Robert W. Scribner, For the Sake of Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation (Cambridge and New York: cup, 1981), esp. pp. 1–13, and infra, Chap. 2, n. 17. 3 For an extreme version of the conventional belief in the dichotomy between Protestant and Catholic use of the printing press, often unsupported by evidence, see Elizabeth L. E ­ isenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early Modern Europe (2 vols., Cambridge and New York: cup, 1979), esp. i, pp. 303–450, later abridged in her Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: cup, 1993), pp. 148–186.

Introduction

3

attempts to make use of this means of communication in support of its own cause have been overlooked, with the result that this area of sixteenth-century religious and cultural history remains largely neglected. The few surveys conducted in the final quarter of the twentieth century concern only Germanspeaking regions and address the issue with a preliminary and statistical approach.4 More recently, the place of books and printing has been explored with regard to other Catholic areas, such as the Hispanic world, the Low Countries, Austria and Lorraine, while the new surveys conducted on the Italian scene remain confined to the initiatives of the lower clergy, including nuns, friars and preachers.5 Although there are some scattered bibliographical studies, hardly known outside the narrow circle of specialists in the field, there is no full-scale investigation exploring the attitudes towards printing held by the hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church as a religious and political establishment.6 This 4 Richard A. Crofts, ‘Printing, Reform, and the Catholic Reformation in Germany (1521–1545)’, The Sixteenth Century Journal, 16 (1985), pp. 369–381; Mark U. Edwards, Jr., ‘Catholic Controversial Literature (1518–1555): Some Statistics’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 79 (1988), pp. 189–205, and his Commerce and Print in the Early Reformation: Printing, Propaganda, and Martin Luther (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994). The merits and shortcomings of this kind of studies are discussed by Jean-François Gilmont, ‘La bibliographie de la controverse catholique au xvie siècle: quelques suggestions méthodologiques’, Revue d’histoire ec­ clésiastique, 74 (1979), pp. 362–371, and John M. Frymire, The Primacy of the Postils: Catholics, Protestants, and the Dissemination of Ideas in Early Modern Germany (Leiden: Brill, 2010), p. 155. 5 On the one hand, see Natalia Maillard Álvarez (ed.), Books in the Catholic World during the Early Modern Period (Leiden: Brill 2014) – with a remarkable introduction by the editor at pp. i–xvi but no attention to the papacy whatsoever – and Malcolm Walsby, ‘Promoting the Counter-Reformation in Provincial France: Printing and Bookselling in Sixteenth-Century Verdun’, in Daniel Bellingradt, Paul Nelles and Jeroen Salman (eds.), Books in Motion in Early Modern Europe Beyond Production, Circulation and Consumption (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2017), pp. 15–38, as well as Alexandra Walsham, ‘“Domme Preachers”?: Post-Reformation English Catholicism and the Culture of Print’, Past & Present, 168 (2000), pp. 72–123. On the other: Emily Michelson, The Pulpit and the Press in Reformation Italy (Cambridge MA: hup, 2013) and Edoardo Barbieri, ‘Note sulla committenza editoriale ecclesiastica nell’Italia del Quattro e Cinquecento’, in Marco Santoro and Samanta Segatori (eds.), Mobilità dei mestieri del libro tra Quattrocento e Seicento (Pisa and Rome: Serra, 2013), pp. 231–244, referring to his earlier essays on the subject. 6 Partial exceptions to the general neglect of this topic are Valentino Romani, ‘Per lo Stato e per la Chiesa: la tipografia della Reverenda Camera Apostolica e le altre tipografie pontificie (secc. xvi–xviii)’, Il Bibliotecario, (1998), pp. 175–192 and his ‘Tipografie papali: la Tipografia Vaticana’, in Massimo Ceresa (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: ii: La Biblioteca Vaticana tra Riforma Cattolica, crescita delle collezioni e nuovo edificio (1535–1590) (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2012), pp. 261–279, as well as Ugo Rozzo, Linee per una storia dell’editoria religiosa in Italia (1465–1600) (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1993), esp.

4

Chapter 1

­ irrors a widespread disregard for the dynamics underpinning the relations m between moveable type and the secular and clerical authorities which held sway in the Italian peninsula.7 Consequently, the assumption which seems to underlie most scholarship on the sixteenth-century Zeitgeist is that Protestant exploitation of printing was clever, active and forward-looking, whereas the Roman Curia was inept and reactionary in its dealings with the new medium. The aim of this book is to interrogate this assumption, with no apologetical intent. By focusing on the editorial projects undertaken by members of the Curia between 1527 and 1555, I shall examine the Catholic Church’s attitude towards printing, looking at its biases, its tactics and its mistrust of the phenomenon. The period examined is particularly helpful in challenging the current approach towards the relationship between printing and the papacy, since in those years ecclesiastical censorship on recent publications was just taking its first steps and the promulgation of the first Index of Forbidden Books was yet to come. For my purpose, the papal city offers a unique case study. While Rome may not mirror the entire spectrum of situations encountered by Catholic clergy and believers in Europe, it certainly reflects the approach taken in the leading centre of Catholic power and its ultimate reference point. We need to bear in mind, however, that, due to the relative autonomy in religious matters either achieved or claimed by rising nation states such as Spain, Portugal and France and the political success of Reformation movements especially in Central and Northern Europe, the sixteenth-century papacy faced serious difficulties in exerting a decisive influence beyond the Alps and, to some extent, struggled to make its direct influence felt in the southern Italian regions controlled by the Spanish monarchy.8 In spite of the popes’ and the Curia’s aspirations, pp. 80–119. Finally, I would like to draw attention to Tipografie romane promosse dalla Santa Sede: mostra di edizioni (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1972); this exhibition catalogue endeavoured, for the first time, to treat all the various attempts by the Catholic Church to establish a press in Rome in early modern times. Other bibliographical case studies will be discussed in due course. Here, it is worth noting that Roman printing after 1527 has received much less scholarly attention than the six earlier decades, which have been intensively studied by bibliographers. 7 See the ground-breaking preliminary analysis of Angela Nuovo, ‘Stampa e potere: sondaggi cinquecenteschi’, Bibliologia, 1 (2006), pp. 53–85. Landi, Stampa, does not focus on the official use of printing by governements; this point, however, would have strongly reinforced his call for abandoning the following equations: printing = factor of progress enhacing free thinking; political bodies = factor of regress, vainly censoring and regulating the printing industry (ibid., pp. 7–15). 8 On the limits of the sixteenth-century (and later) papacy, see Simon Ditchfield, ‘Tridentine Catholicism’, in Alexandra Bamji, Geert H. Janssen and Mary Laven (eds.), The Ashgate ­Research Companion to Counter-Reformation (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013), pp. 15–32, at pp. 24–27. Still useful for the situation in the Papal States is Mario Caravale and Alberto Caracciolo,

Introduction

5

s­ elf-perception and self-representation, Catholic policy was not uniformly dictated by Rome, especially since lay rulers were often unwilling to expose their domains to its influence. Recently, the notion of plurality has been making its way into the analyses of early modern Catholicism in Europe and on the global scale; this appears to be an effective strategy to appreciate the different and often divergent lines of actions amongst the papacy, the secular and regular clergy and the communities of believers.9 Even so, the papacy still played a highly authoritative role in the Cinquecento and had a compelling impact on the cultural development of large areas of the European continent, first and foremost Italy, where it was also one of the main military powers. The research question underpinning my investigation is whether the attempts made by the Catholic Church in Rome and elsewhere in Italy to harness printing can be treated as evidence of a policy, that is, a line of action pursued with sufficient coherence, despite the frequent changes in leadership. Three points need to be established in order to answer this question. First of all, it is crucial to look in detail into these attempts, assessing their specific strengths and shortcomings in cultural and, whenever feasible, financial terms. Secondly, the key players involved and the type of works they sponsored for publication must be identified, in order to uncover the level of engagement of the Roman Catholic hierarchy and what they aimed to achieve through their support for local printing presses. Finally, we have to understand how these attempts fitted into the Catholic establishment’s early efforts not only to ­censor



9

Storia d’Italia: xiv: Lo Stato pontificio da Martino v a Pio ix (Turin: utet, 1978), esp. pp. 139–406. See also the remarks on the Italian scenario by Gigliola Fragnito, ‘Istituzioni ecclesiastiche e costruzione dello Stato: riflessioni e spunti’, in Giorgio Chittolini, Anthony Molho and Pierangelo Schiera (eds.), Origini dello Stato: processi di formazione statale in Italia fra medioevo ed età moderna (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994), pp. 531–550, now in her Cinquecento italiano: religione, cultura e potere dal Rinascimento alla Controriforma, ed. by Elena Bonora and Miguel Gotor (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2011), pp. 17–34. On the sociopolitical development of the early modern Curia: Antonio Menniti Ippolito, Il tramonto della curia nepotista: papi, nipoti e burocrazia curiale tra xvi e xvii secolo (Rome: Viella, 2008); Pierre Hurtubise, La cour pontificale au xvie siècle d’Alexandre vi à Clement viii (1492–1605) (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2017); and Maria Antonietta Visceglia, La Roma dei papi: la corte e la politica internazionale (secoli xv–xvii) (Rome: Viella, 2018), with earlier bibliography. Gigliola Fragnito and Alain Tallon (eds.), Hétérodoxies croisées: catholicisme pluriels entre France et Italie, xvie–xviie siècles (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2017) and Simon Ditchfield, ‘The “Making” of Roman Catholicism as a “World religion”’, in Jan Stievermann and Randall C. Zachman (eds.), Multiple Modernities? Confessional Cultures and the Many Legacies of the Reformation Age (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2018), pp. 189–204.

6

Chapter 1

printing and the printed word, but also to structure the Roman education system around the new requirement to fight Protestantism.10 Four preliminary remarks need to be made. The first relates to the subject of this book. In my survey of the Curia’s use of printing, I will focus extensively on the publication of works, rather than ordinances and edicts. While the first aspect represented a ground-breaking and sophisticated attempt to promote the cause of the Catholic Church in the sixteenth-century religious controversy, the second was a cross-confessional appropriation of printing for the early modern business of government, as discussed in Chapter 2. The second remark concerns the term used to describe the period in which the events reconstructed here occurred, that is, the mid- and late sixteenth century.11 Over the past 60 years, historians have put forward various replacements for the traditional label of Counter-Reformation, ranging from Catholic Reformation, Age of Confessionalisation, Tridentine Catholicism, Catholic Renewal and Early Modern Catholicism.12 It seems to me, however, that CounterReformation, with specific application to the Italian situation and most importantly to the point of view adopted by the Roman Curia, remains a meaningful and evocative term, covering not only the mainstream centralising and repressive policies of the papacy, but also the contemporary (often unsuccessful) attempts by the Catholic hierarchy to renew spirituality, reform abuses and promote new cultural projects.13 I am not suggesting that such attempts should be judged as ‘positive’ elements, counterbalancing (let alone obliterating) the many ‘negative’ aspects of the Church of Rome’s response to the Reformation. As I shall try to illustrate in the case of printing, it is possible to present a 10

Paul Grendler’s studies on Italian universities, including The Universities of the Italian ­Renaissance (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), have been taken as guides for the investigation of this last topic. 11 See Eric Cochrane, Italy 1530–1630 (London and New York: Longman, 1988), for an introduction to the history of the country during this period. For an interesting and unconventional insight into the contemporary European context, especially in its broad sociological and cultural threads, see William J. Bouwsma, The Waning of the Renaissance: 1550–1640 (New Haven and London: yup, 2000). 12 The terms and their cultural backgrounds are analysed by John W. O’Malley, Trent and All That: Renaming Catholicism in the Early Modern Era (Cambridge MA and London: hup, 2000), who coins the somewhat flat and tautological label of ‘Early Modern Catholicism’. 13 Massimo Firpo, in his article ‘Rethinking “Catholic Reformation” and “Counter-­ Reformation”: What Happened in Early Modern Catholicism? The Case of Italy’,  Journal of Early Modern History, 20 (2016), pp. 293–312, has argued convincingly for the legitimacy of the term Counter-Reformation. See also The Ashgate Companion to Counter-Reforma­ tion (esp. Ditchfield, ‘Tridentine Catholicism’, at pp. 19–21), along with the review by Elena Bonora, ‘Il ritorno della Controriforma (e la Vergine del Rosario di Guápulo)’, Studi storici, 57 (2016), pp. 267–295, and her La Controriforma (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2008).

Introduction

7

c­ omplementary analysis of the attitudes of the Catholic Church and of the Reformers which avoids the usual rhetoric of pro and con. My third remark is closely connected to the second and involves the struggle within Roman Catholicism over the approach to take towards the Reformation and the internal reform of the Church. At the highest level of the Curia, cardinals began to follow two contrasting projects from the late 1530s. On the one hand, there were the so-called ‘intransigents’, championed by Gian Pietro Carafa, whose rigid position was de facto embodied in the Roman Inquisition (a permanent congregation of cardinals created in July 1542 to act as supreme court against heresy); on the other, there were those in favour of compromise, who hoped to win back Protestants by making some theological concessions, especially on the crucial subject of salvation. This second informal party initially gathered around Gasparo Contarini and received backing from Emperor Charles v. After Contarini’s failed attempt at reconciliation with the Reformed camp in 1541 and his death in the following year, many of his followers, coming under the influence of Juan de Valdés’s teachings, embraced a more radical theology based on the primacy of God’s grace and the salvific outcome of Christ’s sacrifice especially for true believers. This group, which I shall refer to as spirituali, was formed after 1542 and led by Cardinal Reginald Pole.14 The intransigents, however, managed to eradicate any desire for compromise in the Catholic establishment by taking an increasingly decisive role in papal elections, defining orthodoxy very narrowly and bringing to trial the main figures in the circle of spirituali during the third quarter of the sixteenth century, including, most famously, Cardinal Giovanni Morone.15 My fourth remark concerns the need to keep in mind that the Catholic Church had been involved in printing long before the Reformation and the Sack of Rome, starting with Sweynheym and Pannartz, the first entrepreneurs to bring Gutenberg’s invention to Italy in 1464. Support for and interaction 14

15

I have relied, in particular, on Massimo Firpo, Tra Alumbrados e ‘Spirituali’: studi su Juan de Valdés e il Valdesianesimo nella crisi religiosa del ’500 italiano (Florence: Olschki, 1990) and his Dal sacco di Roma all’Inquisizione: studi su Juan de Valdés e la Riforma italiana (Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso, 1998), as well as on the earlier articles by Gigliola ­Fragnito, ‘Gli “spirituali” e la fuga di Bernardino Ochino’, and ‘Evangelismo e intransigenti nei difficili equilibri del pontificato farnesiano’, now both in her Cinquecento italiano, respectively pp. 141–188 and 188–220. Elena Bonora, Giudicare i vescovi: la definizione dei poteri nella Chiesa postridentina (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2007), and Massimo Firpo, La presa di potere dell’Inquisizione romana: 1550–1553 (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2014), with reference to his earlier collaborative studies on the trials of Morone and other prelates. See also Massimo Firpo and Germano ­Maifreda, L’eretico che salvò la Chiesa: il cardinale Giovanni Morone e le origini della Con­ troriforma (Turin: Einaudi, 2019).

8

Chapter 1

with this new mode of communication, however, came mainly from a few high-ranking curial prelates, such as the bishops Giovanni Andrea Bussi and Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo and the cardinals Bessarion, Cusa, Torquemada and Todeschini Piccolomini,16 rather than from the papacy as an institution. Furthermore, the perspective of these prelates and the world they experienced were completely different from those of their successors in the mid sixteenthcentury: from Paul ii (1464–1471) to the first half of Leo x’s reign, the Curia largely resembled a secular humanist court, while the whole continent was still united under the same Catholic faith embodied by a single, Roman pontiff. Nor should the occasional granting of privileges to protect some works from piracy be seen as a considered political, cultural or religious policy on the part of the papacy before 1527, since the whole process usually started with a plea from the individual printer or the author of a specific work, similarly to the systems developed elsewhere.17 At the end of the fifteenth century and beginning of the sixteenth, papal interest in printing leaned generally towards regulation rather than exploitation, as the threatening implications for the Church’s political and religious authority of an almost unlimited and unmediated access to knowledge started to become apparent. The interventions of Innocent viii in 1487, of Alexander vi in 1501 and of Leo x in 1515 moved in this direction, building up a system of preliminary censorship in which printing licences known as imprimatur were issued by local bishops or, in the Eternal city, by the Master of the Sacred ­Palace.18 The rise of Protestantism called for further improvements of this 16

See the recent overview provided by Concetta Bianca, ‘Le strade della ‘sancta ars’: la stampa e la curia a Roma nel xv secolo’, in Cristina Dondi et al. (eds.), La stampa romana nella Città dei Papi e in Europa (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2016), pp. 1–8. Mario Bevilacqua, ‘Tipografi ecclesiastici nel Quattrocento’, La Bibliofilía, 45 (1943), pp. 1–29 aridly lists several incunabula which were issued by either religious orders or printers who were also clerics. 17 See Maria Grazia Blasio, ‘Cum gratia et privilegio’: programmi editoriali e politica pontificia (Roma, 1487–1527) (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 1988); and for a broader prospective, based on different sources, see Jane C. Ginsburg, ‘Proto-Property in Literary and Artistic Works: Sixteenth-Century Papal Printing Privileges’, The Columbia Journal of Law & the Arts, 36 (2013), pp. 345–458. On privileges in early modern Europe, see Edwige KellerRahbé, Henriette Pommier and Daniel Régnier-Roux (eds.), Privilèges de librairie en France et en Europe, xvie–xviie siècles (Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2017), including the Venetian case analysed by Angela Nuovo, ‘Naissance et système des privilèges à Venise du xve au xvie siècle’, pp. 331–347, which can be complemented with Sabrina Minuzzi (ed.), The Invention of the Author: The Privilegio di Stampa in Renaissance Venice (Venice: ­Marsilio, 2017). 18 Frajese, Nascita dell’Indice, pp. 15–35, stresses the very limited effect of these first regulations. Nevertheless, they marked an extremely important turn, if one considers the

Introduction

9

s­ ystem, expanding control over the books already printed and circulating on the market; and yet, until the early 1540s, the papacy was as incapable of deciding how to go about this as it was of harnessing the potential of printing to counteract and thwart Reformed propaganda. And even after the Roman Inquisition was established and entrusted with some form of control over printed publications in 1542, it took more than 15 years for the Church to consolidate the lists of prohibited books which were issued locally by lay rulers and Catholic universities throughout Europe and to produce what was intended to be the first universal Index. It is also necessary to say a few words about the method adopted in the present investigation, which entails combining the history of the book and religious history, with a secondary focus on the history of scholarship, politics and economics. This integrated approach is pivotal to the investigation of printing as a means to produce material objects that are, at the same time, commodities to be purchased and vessels of knowledge to be read. It requires taking into account and evaluating a variety of different primary sources: books issued at the time, with their contents, paratextual sections, copy-specific evidence and manuscript sources; published and unpublished letters of the major figures involved, as well as diplomatic correspondence; and contemporary notarial and governmental acts. I have made extensive use of the collections of manuscript and printed material in the Vatican Library, the British Library, the Casanatense Library in Rome and the Braidense Library in Milan. I have also located and examined unpublished documents in several Italian archives and libraries, especially those in Vatican City, Rome and Florence. By drawing on such a wide range of sources, it was possible to trace the trajectory of people, ideas and projects which shaped the cultural attitude of the Catholic Church towards printing on the cusp between late Renaissance and early CounterReformation. In my reconstruction, I have opted for a flexible chronological approach, in order to make my argument clearer and help readers follow the general threads. As the history of ideas has to be anchored to individuals, I based my conclusions, as much as possible, on the actions and the words of those who were chiefly responsible for harnessing printing to the advantage of the papacy. It also seemed worth paying special attentions to their networks, in a society in d­ evelopment of the control over printing established in the following decades and centuries by the Catholic and Protestant churches, as well as by European lay rulers; see Mario Infelise, Libri proibiti: da Gutenberg all’Encyclopédie (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1999), esp. pp. 7–28 and, more generally on lay censorship, his I padroni dei libri: il controllo sulla stampa nella prima età moderna (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2014).

10

Chapter 1

which kinship, connections and patronage were pivotal both in business and for climbing the social ladder. Chapter 2 serves as prologue, illustrating some highly relevant cases in which printers were employed by the Catholic hierarchy for a variety of purposes over the first half of the Cinquecento, both in Italy and the Holy Roman Empire. In the next four chapters, I analyse in depth the numerous attempts made by Cardinal Marcello Cervini (1501–1555) to set up a papal press and publish books for the popes. Finally, Chapter 7 presents the epilogue, contextualising Cervini’s undertakings in preparation for the general conclusion. Two appendices have been added to provide transcription of pivotal documentation (A) and list the many books sponsored by Cardinal ­Cervini (B).

Chapter 2

Prelude On 5 June 1527, Rome was under attack. The city had been ravaged for a month by the mutinous troops of Emperor Charles v. Pope Clement vii, taking refuge in the Castel Sant’Angelo, eventually surrendered, accepting ignominious conditions that involved a huge ransom and the loss of the city of Modena and other northern parts of the Papal States. The military policy of the papacy allegedly aimed at keeping the Italian peninsula free from the encroachments of France and the Holy Roman Empire had failed, and the prestige of the pope as the supreme and unassailable head of Christianity was fatally damaged. The traumatic days of the Sack of Rome marked the end of the Renaissance papacy and of the golden age of Roman cultural life. In the wake of Reformation propaganda, imperial publicity and apocalyptic prophecies, many regarded the episode as a divine punishment for the immoral conduct of recent popes and their courts.1 The pillage of the city wreaked havoc on its economy and weakened its already fragile printing industry. Rome had been the cradle of Italian printing; but times had changed since the incunable era. By the second quarter of the sixteenth century, Rome had been overshadowed by other centres such as Venice, and, in some specific fields, Milan and Florence.2 In this chapter, I will investigate the inception of a new trend towards the institutionalisation of p ­ rinting as

1 André Chastel, Le sac de Rome, 1527: du premier maniérisme à la Contre-Réforme (Paris: Gallimard, 1984) and Massimo Firpo, ‘Il sacco di Roma del 1527 tra profezia, propaganda politica e riforma religiosa’, in his Dal sacco di Roma all’Inquisizione, pp. 7–60. A broader picture of the phenonemon is offered by Ottavia Niccoli, Profeti e popolo nell’Italia del Rinascimento (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1987) and her Rinascimento anticlericale: infamia, satira e propaganda in Italia tra Quattro e Cinquecento (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2005). 2 For a general overview of the development of printing in Rome, see Francesco Barberi, ‘Librai e stampatori nella Roma dei Papi’, in his Per una storia del libro: profili, note, ricerche (Rome: Bulzoni, 1981), pp. 197–235, at pp. 197–211 and Gian Ludovico Masetti Zannini, Stampatori e librai a Roma nella seconda metà del Cinquecento: documenti inediti (Rome: Fratelli Palombi, 1980). For the years before 1527, see in particular Concetta Bianca et al. (eds.), Scrittura, ­biblioteche e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento: aspetti e problemi: atti del seminario, 1–2 giugno 1979 (Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di paleografia, diplomatica e archivistica, 1980); Massimo Miglio (ed.), Scrittura, biblioteche e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento: atti del ii seminario, 6–8 maggio 1982 (Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di paleografia, diplomatica e archivistica, 1983) and his, Saggi di stampa: tipografi e cultura a Roma nel Quattrocento, ed. by Anna Modigliani (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2002); Paola Farenga (ed.), Editori e edizioni a Roma nel ­Rinascimento (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2005); Dondi et al. (eds.), La stampa romana.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004348653_003

12

Chapter 2

a medium in the service of the Catholic cause. The focus will fall on the situation in Verona, the Holy Roman Empire and Rome herself, prior to 1540. 1

Stimuli from Verona

Following the chaos of the Sack, several cardinals abandoned Rome. Among them was the former papal secretary Gian Matteo Giberti, who went off to take possession of his bishopric in Verona. Residing there frequently for the rest of his life, he attempted to implement his own version of a religious reformation: a return to the active and pious episcopate of the ancient Church. He sought to uproot the clerical scandals and abuses which were as rampant in Verona as elsewhere in the Renaissance Church. He gave renewed emphasis to pastoral care and encouraged preaching, visiting his diocese regularly and keeping an eye on local monastic communities. He also paid particular attention to the education of his flock, especially the parish priests. His interventions went well beyond the reform of morals and were aimed at forming a new type of clergy through better knowledge of the Bible and of the writings of the Greek Church Fathers. His zeal remained a milestone in the Italian Counter-Reformation, despite his ambiguous links to the spirituali – most notably, he helped fra’ ­Bernardino Ochino flee to Switzerland in the summer of 1542. At his death, Giberti was quickly elevated to the status of an exemplary bishop, becoming a model, at least on paper, for other Catholic clergymen, especially after the closure of the Council of Trent.3 Printing played a significant role in Giberti’s pioneering activity. Soon after his arrival in Verona, he established a diocesan press attached to the bishop’s palace, purchasing the machinery as well as the Latin and Greek fonts. In the absence of competent local printers, Giberti turned to Venice, the leading printing centre in Europe, where he could find highly skilled manpower. Giberti primarily wanted to publish Greek books, so he summoned to Verona Stefano Nicolini da Sabbio and his brothers, who specialized in Greek printing and who worked at his behest from 1529 to 1532.4 The publishing house was to be 3 See esp. Adriano Prosperi, Tra evangelismo e controriforma: Gian Matteo Giberti (1495–1543) (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1969); for more recent studies, see Angelo Turchini, ‘Giberti, Gian Matteo’, in dbi, liv, 2000, pp. 623–629. Cf. also Matteo Al Kalak, ‘I vescovi ­riformati: nuove prospettive per una categoria antica’, in Lucia Felici (ed.), Ripensare la Riforma protestante: nuove prospettive degli studi italiani (Turin: Claudiana, 2015), ­ pp. 107–121. 4 Prosperi, Tra evangelismo, pp. 217–234; Lorenzo Carpané and Marco Menato, Annali della tipografia veronese del Cinquecento, i (Baden-Baden: Koerner, 1992), pp. 21–23; Cristina

Prelude

13

the official organ of his communication strategy, which involved not only official publications but, more importantly, educational renewal. Since ­Giberti’s plan entailed both institutional and cultural aspects, his episcopal press was not restricted to disseminating directives to nuns, preachers and clergymen, along with vernacular accounts of his activities prepared by his right-hand man Tullio Crispoldi, but also produced commentaries on the Psalms and the New Testament, together with scholarly editions of Greek Christian authors, notably John Chrysostom and John Damascene.5 The enterprise, however, turned out to be less profitable than anticipated for the Nicolini brothers, who headed back to Venice after issuing only a dozen books in Verona. Yet, Giberti did not abandon his plans to exploit printing for his own purposes. For some years, he used Venetian firms – including the Nicolinis’ main shop – to publish works by his collaborators, such as Tullio Crispoldi’s sermons.6 Basil’s collective writings were also given to the Nicolini brothers to publish in their original language in 1535, following the collation of the manuscripts that had been recovered by Gasparo Contarini and Reginald Pole. Later, Adamo Fumano (Righi), who may have participated in the preparations for the Greek edition, was entrusted with the Latin translation of this collection, which came out in 1540 in Lyon with a dedication to Vittoria Colonna.7 S­ tevanoni, ‘Il greco al servizio della riforma cattolica: per uno studio della tipografia di ­Stefano Nicolini da Sabbio e di G.M. Giberti a Verona (1529–1532)’, in Nikolaus M. Panayotakis (ed.), Origini della letteratura neogreca: atti del secondo Congresso internazionale ‘Neograeca Medii Aevii’, Venezia 7–10 novembre 1991, ii (Venice: Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e ­Postbizantini, 1993), pp. 606–632; her ‘La grande stagione dei libri greci’, in Ennio Sandal (ed.), Il mestier de le stamperie de i libri: le vicende e i percorsi dei tipografi di Sabbio Chiese tra Cinque e Seicento e l’opera dei Nicolini (Brescia: Grafo, 2002), pp. 83–110, esp. nos. 34 and 35; and Ennio Sandal, ‘Scrittura devota ed editoria religiosa nella bottega dei Nicolini da Sabbio’, in Commentari dell’Ateneo di Brescia, 2004, pp. 247–277. The last two scholars interpret Giberti’s enterprise as an unproblematic part of the so-called ‘Catholic reformation’, a point of view open to debate. 5 For a comprehensive list, see Carpané and Menato, Annali, pp. 158–170, nos. 15–27. 6 Cf. Sandal, ‘Scrittura devota’, pp. 255–258. On Crispoldi’s writings and religious belief, see Paolo Salvetto, Tullio Crispoldi nella crisi religiosa del Cinquecento: le difficili ‘pratiche del viver christiano’ (Brescia: Morcelliana, 2009). 7 ustc 812756 and 147855. On the Greek codices used for the 1535 edition, see Enrica Follieri, ‘Il libro greco per i Greci nelle imprese editoriali romane e veneziane della prima metà del ­Cinquecento’, in her Byzantina et italograeca: studi di filologia e paleografia, ed. by Augusta Acconcia Longo, Lidia Perria and Andrea Luzzi (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1997), pp. 249–273, at pp. 268–269, while Sandal, ‘Scrittura devota’, pp. 263–264, dwells on the dedication. See also Alessandro Pastore, ‘Righi, Adamo (Adamo Fumano)’, in dbi, lxxxvii, 2016, pp. 508–511 and Prosperi, Tra evangelismo, pp. 228–230 for an overview of the cultural context.

14

Chapter 2

Then, in 1539, Giberti bought another set of fonts and hired the bookseller Antonio Putelletto as the manager of a new episcopal press.8 Since Putelletto had no expertise in Greek printing, his output centred on devotional works in the Italian vernacular, especially by Crispoldi and Giberti himself. In his list of publications, there was also a significant presence of classical authors (Cicero, Terence and a Latin translation of Galen), medical essays, as well as humanist grammars and treatises, including Erasmus’s De conscribendis epistolis. ­Putelletto’s most important publication was the 1542 Constitutiones, representing Giberti’s entire spiritual legacy. In his printing enterprises, Giberti took advantage of the circle of learned men gathered around him such as Crispoldi, Fumano, Bernardino Donato, Pier Francesco Zini, Niccolò Ormanetto and, for a while, Francesco Berni and ­Marcantonio Flaminio. The first target audience for his publications, both with Nicolini and Putelletto, consisted of parish priests, preachers, theologians and pious laymen, in line with his programme of cultural, educational and moral reformation.9 His learned Greek and Latin editions of the Fathers, however, were clearly addressed to a more élite readership, including perhaps the Venetian Greek community.10 They certainly fit perfectly with the evangelical ideals cultivated in Contarini’s circle, as they were meant to encourage the independent study of the Sacred texts as a path which could lead believers to true piety and they bore almost no trace of polemic with Protestants.11 A former d­ iplomat 8

9 10 11

Carpané and Menato, Annali, pp. 23–26. See ibid., pp. 171–193, nos. 28–53, for a descriptive list of his publications for Giberti and of the few books he went on to publish in the years until 1547. Sandal, ‘Scrittura devota’, pp. 254–255 highlights the business links between Nicolini and Puteletto in Venice in 1526 and 1527. Adriano Prosperi, ‘Di alcuni testi per il clero nell’Italia del primo Cinquecento’, Critica Storica, 7 (1968), pp. 137–168, at p. 147. See Stevanoni, ‘Il greco al servizio’. On Contarini: Gigliola Fragnito, Gasparo Contarini: un magistrato veneziano al servizio della Cristianità (Florence: Olschki, 1988). The dedication to Clement vii in Giberti’s edition of Zigabenus argued that all the issues affecting the sixteenth-century Church sprang from having abandoned the reading and imitation of the Greek Fathers: ‘Dionysius, Athanasius, Basilius, Chrysostomus, multique alii … A quorum lectione cessasse, et monitis recessisse malorum omnium occasion fuit’ (Euthymius Zigabenus, Commentationes in omnes psalmos (Verona: Stefano Nicolini and brothers, 1530), sig. +iv). In Giberti’s publications, a direct, albeit vague attack to Lutheranism appears in John Damascene, Ἔκδοσις τῆς ὀρθοδόχου πίστεως … περὶ τῶν ἐν πίστει κεκοιμημένων (Verona: Stefano Nicolini and brothers, 1531), sig. I3r, followed by a Greek ‘Aldine’ address to all lovers of the Greek language and culture (οἱ φιλέλληνοι); in the Latin translation of the second treatise made by ­Ludovico Nogarola, the tone was more pugnacious. Nogarola highlighted how the book proved the Protestants wrong in denying the existence of Purgatory, though he certainly exaggerated in presenting Giberti’s editorial undertakings as anti-heretical instruments:

Prelude

15

and an admirer of Erasmus, Giberti was also willing to play a part in European humanism. He presented a parchment copy of the 1529 Greek and Latin editio princeps of Chrysostom’s commentary on the Pauline epistles to Henry viii, at a time when the king was still a champion of Catholicism.12 Erasmus too may have received a copy, as he expressed his appreciation for this endeavour, which resembled many of his own patristic editions and was consulted by the Dutch scholar for the final edition of his ground-breaking Annotationes to the New Testament.13 Finally, given Giberti’s close ties with the French court, it is possible that he was able to make contact with one of the most distinguished and refined book collectors of his time, Jean Grolier. This would explain why Grolier owned as many as three different copies of Giberti’s editio princeps of Euthymius Zigabenus.14 Despite this multifocal attention to developing a varied readership, the small amount of evidence at our disposal suggests that the presses of Nicolini and Putelletto in Verona were never able to develop into profitable businesses and remained completely dependent on Giberti’s financial support. For all their limitations, Giberti’s printing and editorial enterprises exerted considerable influence on the Catholic establishment both in his own day and later. The place of episcopal publishing houses in the communication strategy of the Counter-Reformation is a largely unexplored topic, but falls outside the Roman focus of this book.15 Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning that one of the first actions undertaken by other pillars of virtue among the sixteenth-century Catholic episcopate such as the saintly archbishop of Milan, Carlo Borromeo, and the bishop of Verona, Agostino Valier, was to appoint privileged local printers in their dioceses.16 As far as the city of Rome is directly concerned, we

12 13 14 15 16

John Damascene, De iis qui in fide dormierunt (Verona: Stefano Nicolini and brothers, 1529), sigs. a2v–a3r. Stevanoni, ‘Il greco al servizio’, p. 621, n. 1. Henry’s copy is now BL, C.24.f.1–4; see James P. Carley (ed.), The Libraries of King Henry viii (London: The British Library in association with The British Academy, 2000), nos. 1024, 1157. ustc 635482. Prosperi, Tra evangelismo, p. 217, n. 101 and Desiderius Erasmus, Opera Omnia: Ordo vi, ix: Annotationes in Novum Testamentum (pars quinta), ed. by M.L. van ­Poll-van de Lisdonk (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2009). Gabriel Austin, The Library of Jean Grolier: A Preliminary Catalogue (New York: The ­Grolier Club, 1971), p. 57, nos. 190–192. Examples of proto-institutional presses in the service of German bishops and princes are illustrated by Rudolph Hirsch, Printing, Selling and Reading (1450–1550) (Wiesbaden: ­Harrassowitz, 1969), pp. 52–56. Kevin M. Stevens, ‘Printing and Politics: Carlo Borromeo and the Seminary Press of Milan’, in Nicola Raponi and Angelo Turchini (eds.), Stampa, libri e letture a Milano nell’età di Carlo Borromeo (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 1992), pp. 97–133, esp. p. 100 and Massimo Petta, ‘Books and Devotion in Milan (1570–1590)’, in Joaquim Carvalho (ed.), Bridging the Gaps:

16

Chapter 2

shall see how part of Giberti’s plan and his staff were to be taken over by Cardinal Marcello Cervini from 1540 onwards, with some remarkable adjustments to adapt to the change in historical and political circumstances which had occurred in the intervening years. 2

Stimuli from Germany

In the same years in which Giberti was attempting to set up his episcopal press, the battle between Reformed and Catholic pamphleteers reached its height in the Holy Roman Empire. Catholic propaganda, to be sure, was no match for the flood of publications issued in support of the Reformation.17 An impressive campaign was mounted by the Reformers, spearheaded by its leaders, who understood the potential of printing as a means of persuasion and exploited it to the full. From very early on, German printers tended to settle in the main Reformed cities, which were also prominent printing centres and, especially in Southern Germany, were pivotal stop-overs in the commercial routes between central Europe and the Italian peninsula (Nuremberg, Strasbourg, Augsburg, Ulm, Lübeck, Magdeburg, Hamburg and later Frankfurt and Regensburg). In these cities, chiefly Lutheran writings were published, by far the most lucrative publications at the time. Although some printers genuinely believed in the Protestant cause, it must be borne in mind that most were primarily concerned with the prosperity of their own firms and were willing to print Catholic literature when this seemed profitable. By contrast, there were very few committed Catholic printers; and, among major printing towns, only Cologne remained

17

Sources, Methodology and Approaches to Religion in Europe (Pisa: Plus-Pisa University Press, 2008), pp. 107–127. This is further evidence of the conscious continuity of Borromeo’s actions (in a very different historical and geographical context) with the policy promoted in Verona by Giberti, on which see Enrico Cattaneo, ‘Influenze veronesi nella legi­ slazione di san Carlo Borromeo’, in Problemi di vita religiosa in Italia nel Cinquecento: atti del convegno di storia della Chiesa in Italia, Bologna 2–6 settembre 1958 (Padua: Antenore, 1960), pp. 123–166, esp. p. 139. On Valier, see Carpané and Menato, Annali, pp. 29–30. Alongside the studies quoted in the Introduction, Chap. 1, n. 2, see: Alfred Götze, Die hochdeutschen Drucker der Reformationszeit (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1963); Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, L’apparition du livre (Paris: Michel, 1971), pp. 400–438; Jean-François Gilmont (ed.), The Reformation and the Book (Aldershot and Brookfield VT: Ashgate, 1998), especially the introduction by Gilmont and John L. Flood, ‘The Book in Reformation Germany’, at pp. 21–103; John D. Fudge, Commerce and Print in the Early Reformation (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2007); and, finally, Andrew Pettegree ‘Calvin and Luther as Men of the Book’, in Karen E. Spierling (ed.), Calvin and the Book: The Evolution of the Printed Word in Reformed Protestantism (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015), pp. 17–32.

Prelude

17

solidly bound to the Roman Catholic Church.18 As early as the mid-1520s, it became apparent that publishing in support of the Catholic faith was an unwise choice economically. The case of Leipzig is illustrative of the difficulties faced by Catholics even in very favourable circumstances. Thanks to the zeal of Duke George of Saxony, Leipzig was for a short while the sole imperial city in which only Catholic publications were officially permitted.19 Yet, even this protectionist policy failed to stimulate the market for anti-Lutheran ­pamphlets. Several printers left the city and published Reformed literature elsewhere; those who remained rapidly went bankrupt due to poor sales. In 1539, when George died, the duchy was inherited by his Protestant brother Heinrich, who immediately changed the regulations and promoted publishing in support of the Reformation. German Catholics, of course, tried to harness printing technology, so as to counteract the steady stream of Reformation propaganda. A group of combative scholars attempted to oppose Luther and his partisans not only in the many imperial diets which were held but also by means of their writings. The leading figures among them were called the ‘Four Evangelists’: Johann Eck, Johann Fabri, Johannes Cochlaeus (Dobneck) and Friedrich Nausea.20 Their efforts were largely ineffective, however, overwhelmed as they were by the great success of their enemies. As a result, they were discredited as profiteers and troublemakers in the opinion of contemporaries and in German scholarship; even in the environment of the sixteenth-century Curia and in later Catholic historiography, their reputation was quite low. Some reproached them as shortsighted opponents of progress, others as incompetent polemists. The bias against them persists in some recent accounts.21 In analysing their failure, we 18 19 20

21

Heinz Finger, ‘Editoria italiana – editoria tedesca nel ’500’, in Marco Santoro (ed.), La stampa in Italia nel Cinquecento: atti del convegno, Roma 17–21 ottobre 1989 (2 vols., Rome: Bulzoni, 1992), ii, pp. 697–717. Duke George himself wrote controversial literature and supported several German ­Catholic authors; see Hans Becker, ‘Herzog Georg von Sachsen als kirchlicher und theologischer Schriftsteller’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 24 (1927), pp. 161–269. The epithet, which was originally intended to be sarcastic, was coined by the radical Flemish Reformer Johann Campanus in 1536; see Hubert Jedin, Storia del Concilio di Trento (4 vols., Brescia: Morcelliana, 2009–2010 [original German ed.: Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1949–1975]), i, p. 442, n. 130, and ibid., pp. 441–457, for an account of their activities. See the criticism of this tendency by Croft, ‘Printing, Reform’, pp. 369–370, and Edwards, ‘Catholic Controversial Literature’, pp. 189–190, as well as the preface to Erwin Iserloh (ed.), Katholische Theologen der Reformationszeit (5 vols., Münster: Aschendorff, 1984– 1988), i, pp. 7–9, and that of Remigius Bäuer to Wilbirgis Klaiber (ed.), Katholische Kontroverstheologen und Reformer des 16. Jahrhunderts: ein Werkverzeichnis (Münster: ­Aschendorff, 1978), esp. pp. xxii–xxiii. For a recent study challenging the alleged inferiority of German Catholic preaching in the early Reformation, see Frymire, The Primacy,

18

Chapter 2

should be more careful in giving the due weight to the enormous difficulties which they faced in relation to publication costs and the limited availability of both publishers and generous patrons. Many of their publications were self-financed and did not even recoup the costs of production. This economic element, which is often overlooked, certainly played a considerable part in the breakdown of their strategy and, to some extent, the easy victory of their adversaries. In this war of communication, where rapidity and presenting one’s message in an appealing format were all important, the disadvantage on the Catholic side was probably fatal. While German readers showed little interest in the conservative and plodding expositions of the Catholic controversialists, they were enticed by the novelty, boldness and caustic tone of Lutheran writings. The fact, too, that the majority of the Catholic pamphlets were written in Latin contributed to their lack of success. Reporting from Mainz in November 1548, the papal envoy Luigi Lippomano summed up the situation: ‘Everybody writes more than ever, their books are everywhere, while the Catholic ones are very rare and badly regarded’.22 By the time the papacy took an interest in the matter, the weakness of ­Catholic publishing initiatives had already become an almost insurmountable hindrance. The publication of the bull Exsurge Domine in 1520 demonstrated the limits of the Catholic Church’s ability to use the printing press to promote its own agenda. Eck, who had been entrusted with issuing the text, struggled to find any sympathetic printers in Catholic Bavaria and was eventually forced to employ a provincial firm in Ingolstadt run by Andreas Lutz.23 By contrast, Reformers distributed the bull, together with sarcastic notes by Ulrich von ­Hutten and Luther’s reply, so that, ironically, the Church’s threat of excommunication was more widely circulated by Luther’s supporters than by his opponents. The shrewd technique of inserting defamatory glosses and comments into official Catholic publications played an important role in Protestant propaganda; and it was not until later in the century that the Catholic Church came up with a esp. pp. 38–49. Cf. also the well-balanced overview of David Bagchi, ‘Printing, Propaganda, and Public Opinion in the Age of Martin Luther’, in The Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Religion, 2016 (online publication: https://oxfordre.com/religion/view/10.1093/acrefore /9780199340378.001.0001/acrefore-9780199340378-e-269). 22 asf, Cervini, vol. 22, f. 19r: ‘Ognun scrive piu che mai, li libri loro si vendono da pertutto, li catholici sono rarissimi, et quelli pessimamente veduti’. On Lippomano’s missions, see Pino Simoni, Luigi Lippomano: vescovo e nunzio apostolico del Cinquecento: profilo biobibliografico (Verona: Archivio storico Curia diocesana, 1993), pp. 18–26 and the earlier bibliography at pp. 67–69. 23 Jedin, Storia del Concilio, i, pp. 201–207, esp. p. 205, and Karl Schottenloher, ‘Magister Andreas Lutz in Ingolstadt, der Drucker der Bulle “Exsurge Domine” (1519–1524)’, Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, 32 (1915), pp. 249–266.

Prelude

19

counter-strategy.24 The Frankfurt fair in 1537 produced another instance of the supremacy of Reformed pamphlets in the book trade. A pamphlet by Henry viii against the failed council summoned in Mantua was distributed for free, while Luther’s comments on the recent convocation bull could be readily purchased. The German Catholic responses either remained in manuscript or were published with great difficulty and meagre success.25 As the religious crisis provoked by Luther exerted an ever stronger impact on German territories and their politics, the Catholic controversialists sought help and economic support from Rome. Although their insistent pleas reached various papal envoys to the Holy Roman Empire, they nevertheless went largely unheeded.26 Some of the best minds of the Curia were sent to Germany as nuncios and legates to deal with the Lutheran issue: not only the learned ­Girolamo Aleandro and Pier Paolo Vergerio the Younger, who later became a religious exile, but also Giovanni Morone, Fabio Mignanelli, Marcello Cervini and Tommaso Campeggi. None of them, however, seriously advocated the controversialists’ cause before the pope, preferring instead to offer sporadic private donations. In addressing the Roman establishment, two of the German controversialists, in particular, gave serious consideration to the printing strategies and cultural initiatives which the Church needed to implement in order to defeat (or, at least, weaken support for) the Reformation. The first of these was the Bavarian humanist Johannes Cochlaeus.27 A prolific writer and prominent polemist, Cochlaeus was constantly in touch with 24

Cf. the case study on the first editions of the Tridentine decrees (Rome: Paolo Manuzio, 1564) in my ‘Privilege of Rome: The Catholic Church’s Attempt to Control the Printed Legacy of the Council of Trent’, in Wim François and Violet Soen (eds.), The Council of Trent: Reform and Controversy in Europe and Beyond (1545–1700) (3 vols., Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2018), i, pp. 341–369. 25 Jedin, Storia del Concilio, i, pp. 377–378. On the European importance of the annual fair in Frankfurt, see John L. Flood, ‘“Omnium totius orbis emporiorum compendium”: The Frankfurt Fair in the Early Modern Period’, in Robin Myers, Michael Harris and Giles Mandelbrote (eds.), Fairs, Markets and the Itinerant Book Trade (New Castle DE and London: Oak Knoll and British Library, 2007), pp. 1–42. 26 Most of these letters were collected and published by Walter Friedensburg, ‘Beiträge zum Briefwechsel der Katholischen Gelehrten Deutschlands im Reformationszeitalter’, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 16 (1896) pp. 470–499; 18 (1898), pp. 106–131, 233–297, 420–463, 596–636; 19 (1899), pp. 211–264, 473–485; 20 (1900), pp. 59–95, 242–259, 500–545; 21 (1901), pp. 537–594; 23 (1902), pp. 110–155, 438–477. 27 The standard biography, Martin Spahn, Johannes Cochläus: ein Lebensbild aus der Zeit der Kirchenspaltung (Berlin: Dames, 1898), should be consulted together with the studies by Remigius Bäumer, Johannes Cochlaeus (1479–1552): Leben und Werk im Dienst der ­katholischen Reform (Münster: Aschendorff, 1980) and Monique Samuel-Scheyder, ­Johannes Cochlaeus: humaniste et adversaire de Luther (Nancy: Presses universitaires de

20

Chapter 2

the papal diplomats from 1521 until his death in 1552. Over these 30 years, he never stopped denouncing the malice of German printers (Lutherans to a man, according to him) and the disadvantageous position he and his fellow Catholics occupied in the book trade, since they usually had to shoulder the publication expenses themselves and rarely recouped their costs.28 Like many of his colleagues, he was accused of merely wishing to make a living out of writing religious polemics rather than being sincerely committed to the cause; the charge of using the Lutheran crisis for his own advantage came, for instance, from both the Reformer Johann Campanus and the Catholic envoys Girolamo ­Aleandro and Giovanni Morone, but the persistence of his requests for publication subsidies, including a few successful pleas to Giberti, suggests that his needs and those of other controversialists were genuine.29 To remedy this situation, Cochlaeus put himself forward as a figure who could coordinate the publications of German Catholic writers and tried to set up a Catholic press for the entire country. Persuading two of his relatives to join the enterprise, he managed to set up publishing houses first in Leipzig and then in Mainz and to encourage collaboration between the few Catholic book dealers in the Holy Roman Empire.30 The first press was entrusted to his niece’s husband, Nikolaus Wolrab, and was in business between 1536 and 1539. As we have seen, Leipzig was at the time the ideal place for a centralised Catholic enterprise. In addition, Cochlaeus was by then secretary to Duke George and would have been in

28 29

30

Nancy, 1993). David Bagchi, ‘“Teutschland uber alle Welt”: Nationalism and Catholicism in Early Reformation Germany’, Archive für Reformationsgeschichte, 82 (1991), pp. 39–58, has shed light on how Cochlaeus managed to conjugate his Catholic faith with his German identity, against the nationalistic topos of the Lutheran Reformation. His numerous letters to curial prelates can be found in Friedensburg, ‘Beiträge’, 18 (1898). Almost all of them refer to the issues mentioned above; but see esp. pp. 117, 123, 236, 239, 243, 247, 264, 268, 271–273, 277–278, 282. On this accusation, see Jedin, Storia del Concilio, i, p. 455, n. 183 and Friedensburg, ­‘Beiträge’, 18 (1898), pp. 128–129. That Giberti was amongst Cochlaeus’s most committed patrons is evident from the letters in ibid., pp. 236, 239–240, 244, 251, 254, 263–264, 421–423, 425, in spite of what is suggested by Prosperi, Tra evangelismo, p. 227, n. 126. On his enterprises, see Christoph Reske, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet: auf der Grundlage des gleichnamigen Werkes von Josef Benzing (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2007), ad indicem (Wolrab; Behem); Werner Simon, ­‘“Catechismus” im Medium Buchdruck: Mainzer Katechismusdrucke der Reformations­ zeit’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 75 (2000), pp. 160–180, at pp. 161–162; Finger, ‘Editoria italiana’, pp. 707–712; Adolph Tronnier, ‘Zur Lebengeschichte des Mainzer Druckers Franz Behem: i. Der Familienstand Behems’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 13 (1938), pp. 168–178; and, finally, ­Simon P. Widmann, Eine Mainzer Presse der Reformationszeit im Dienste der katholischen Litteratur: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Buchhandels und der Litteratur des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts (Paderborn: Schöningh, 1889).

Prelude

21

a position to influence the city’s printing regulations in favour of the old faith. When Heinrich of Saxony came to power, however, Wolrab was forced to switch to the Protestant camp. In response to this turn of events, Cochlaeus rapidly established another publishing house in Mainz, summoning Franz Behem, a book dealer from Dresden who was married to another of his nieces. Overcoming initial losses, this press prospered, enabling Cochlaeus to link it to the major Catholic printers in the country, especially the Quentel family and the Birckmann dynasty of Cologne. In 1549, they all joined forces, together with the publisher Theobald Spengel, and created a partnership, called ‘die große Kompagnie’, for the ‘worldwide distribution of good and learned Catholic books’ from the two main imperial archdioceses along the Rhine.31 Cochlaeus promptly wrote to Cardinal Cervini and sought to obtain a special papal privilege to import its German publications into the Italian peninsula and protect them from the competition of Italian book dealers.32 Although his request was not successful, the Catholic partnership survived Cochlaeus himself, who died in January 1552, and continued for another 30 years, until Behem’s death in 1582. Finally, it is worth noting that Cochlaeus paid attention to the very few presses set up by other German opponents of Luther. In particular, he succeeded in his attempts to keep alive the only sizeable Catholic press in southern Germany, the enterprise established in 1539 by Alexander Weissenhorn in the Bavarian university town of Ingolstadt, upon Johann Eck’s invitation. Fearing that Weissenhorn might revert to publishing Protestant literature, Cochlaeus fed this printer with a considerable amount of pro-Catholic writings between 1543 and 1546.33 31

32

33

Heinz Finger, ‘Die “Große Kompagnie” in Köln und Mainz: Ein rheinisches Verlegerkonsortium im europäischen Buchhandel des 16. Jahrhunderts’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 70 (1995), pp. 294–310 (original Latin quotation at p. 302) and, more broadly on Cologne printing history, Wolfgang Schmitz, Die Überlieferung deutscher Texte im Kölner Buchdruck des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts (Habilitationsschrift; Cologne: University of Cologne, 1990). Friedensburg, ‘Beiträge’, 18 (1898), pp. 630–631: ‘Quae utique minore cum timore damni Italiam transmitti poterunt, si impetrari posset a summo pontefice privilegium pro duobus typographis, Joanne Quentel Coloniensi et Francisco Behem atque Theobaldo Spengel bibliopola Maguntino, qui ad dispergendum in orbem bonos et erudite scriptos Catholicorum libros inierunt inter se societatem, cum singuli totum impensarum onus perferre non possent. Ipsi vero non solum in Germaniam, sed etiam in Italiam (si eis pro subditis Italiae dominiis papa privilegium quantumcunque breve et modicum ad sex, septem aut octo annos daret, ne aliis liceret imprimere contra eorum voluntatem), quia timent ne minoribus impensis et laboribus alii imprimerent et ipsi sua exemplaria ­vendere non possent’. Flood, ‘The Book in Reformation Germany’, p. 31.

22

Chapter 2

Amid serious financial difficulties, Wolrab (until 1539), Behem, Weissenhorn and the Catholic printers’ federation published almost exclusively controversialist literature, including, of course, many works by Cochlaeus. Even if the latter’s strenuous efforts were not able to overturn the power of Reformed propaganda, they certainly contributed to the survival of the Catholic cause in the German book trade. On the one hand, proper support from Rome would very likely have increased its impact on readers and helped to maintain the centralisation of Catholic propaganda in the hands of reliable and committed printers. On the other, in the papacy’s view, the unstable situation of the Holy Roman Empire in the mid-sixteenth century could hardly be deemed favourable for investing in the creation of a centralised Catholic pole of book production. The religious wars and the sudden confessional changes in major German cities posed too high a risk. Cochlaeus experienced it in Leipzig, while even Cologne had been a source of great scandal a couple of years prior to the establishment of the Große Kompagnie. Archbishop Hermann of Wied (1477–1552) had tried to implement evangelical reforms with the help of Bucer and ­Melanchton, holding out for several months even after his excommunication and deposition by Paul iii in early 1546.34 The Roman Curia was also solicited to launch a vast cultural programme against the Reformation by Johann Fabri, bishop of Vienna who himself gave his backing to Cochlaeus’s projects.35 Remarkably, Fabri had already tried to publish (apparently in Rome) the rare Greek patristic texts he had the opportunity to study and copy in the Vatican Library in 1522, seeking sponsorship from Cardinal Matthäus Schiner – who died in that year – and possibly from Giberti.36 Although these codices were put to good use in Fabri’s early treatises 34 35

36

See Andreea Badea, Kurfürstliche Präeminenz, Landesherrschaft und Reform: das Schei­ tern der Kölner Reformation unter Hermann von Wied (Münster: Aschendorff, 2009). There is no modern bibliography of Fabri which builds on Leo Helbling, Doctor Johann Fabri, Generalvikar von Konstanz und Bischof von Wien (1478–1541): Beiträge zu seiner Le­ bensgeschichte (Münster: Aschendorff, 1941). See the profile by Herbert Immenkötter, ­‘Johann Fabri’, in Iserloh (ed.), Katholische Theologen, i, pp. 90–96, with earlier bibliography including dissertations, and the remarks on his foresight related the early Zwinglian Reformation in Haiko Augustinus Obermann, Masters of the Reformation: The Emerge of a New Intellectual Climate in Europe (Cambridge: cup, 1981), pp. 241–243. A telling example of his engagement with Catholic German printing is the letter which he received from Worlab on 4 June 1539 and which was promptly forwarded by Cochlaeus to Aleandro (asv, Arm. lxiv, vol. 26, ff. 225r-227v). The following year, he financed Behem’s new press in Mainz, as Cochlaeus reported to Cardinal Contarini (Friedensburg, ‘Beiträge’, 18 (1898), p. 425). Other instances can be found in Fabri’s correspondence with the curial envoys to the Holy Roman Empire: ibid., 20 (1900), pp. 59–95, 242–259. See Giovanni Mercati, ‘Scritti ecclesiastici greci copiati da Giovanni Fabri nella Vaticana’, in his Opere minori (6 vols., Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1937–1984), iv, pp. 110–142 (originally published in 1921), at pp. 110–128.

Prelude

23

against Luther, it was only in the following decade that Fabri’s proactive attitude towards printing fully grew into a blueprint for a centralised Catholic policy.37 In July 1536, he submitted to Paul iii a lengthy memorandum concerning the preparations for the council which was supposed to be convened in Mantua in the following months.38 In his view, the ecumenical assembly would either lead Protestants back into the Roman Church’s embrace or else unmask them as schismatic heretics. In both cases, an in-depth knowledge of Protestantism was paramount; and, to achieve this, several measures should be adopted as a matter of urgency. Fabri drafted a comprehensive, point-by-point cultural plan, designed to train the Catholics who would attend the council, in particular the Italian members of the Curia (and even the pope). First, it was necessary for the papacy to purchase six or seven copies of treatises by Reformed scholars, including Swiss Reformers and Anabaptists, and make them available for careful study to Catholics of irreproachable reputation. Heretical claims and internal inconsistencies should be identified and accurately listed. After an official condemnation of their contents, these books should immediately be burnt to prevent any future influence (points 7–27, 31–34, 40 of Fabri’s memorandum). The Holy See should also encourage the publication of contemporary and older Catholic works, since – Fabri implied – many of them might not be known to the Curia (26–27, 31, 44, 46, 50). It was more important for Catholic envoys to the council to be experts on the Bible than on scholastic theology; and, above all, they must have rhetorical skills sufficient to match the eloquence of the Reformers (27, 29–30, 36, 39). The printed Bibles circulating at the time were marred by errors and should be emended by churchmen learned in Latin, Greek and Hebrew before the council opened (37). The more than 3,000 mistakes made by Luther and Zwingli in translating the Bible into German should also be exposed (38). Greek patristic literature was being intentionally altered and distributed in Protestant Latin translations; the pope should therefore appoint capable scholars to undertake the pressing task of emending these works (51–52). Studying and publishing the acts of earlier councils was also a crucial enterprise, in which several monastic libraries, with their precious manuscript holdings, should be involved. These included the contentious councils of Pisa, Constance, Ferrara-Florence and Basel, as well as the Fifth Lateran Council (41, 47–49). The German controversialists should be supported, as they were heroically resisting the tide of the Reformation, while living in very straitened circumstances, with no money to print their valuable works or to attend the approaching council on behalf of 37 38

ustc 674753 and 828581. For the Praeparatoria futuri universalis nuper indicti concilii, see CT, iv/1, pp. 10–23.

24

Chapter 2

their bishops (60–61, 70). Finally, the pope was asked to take serious steps to reform curial abuses in time for the council (54–56). For our purposes, the most important of Fabri’s remarks concerns the issue of distributing the results of the forthcoming council (53). He insisted on the necessity of appointing trusted printers in Mantua who would work solely in the service of the council. In addition, no other printers, whether in the city or elsewhere, should be allowed to publish the council’s deliberations. This monopoly would enable the Catholic Church to avoid the spread of false information and to prevent manipulation by the Reformed side, as had happened with recent imperial diets, about which, he claimed, Protestants had published untruthful accounts, including statements that had never been explicitly made. If these measures were not put in place, confusion would arise regarding the decisions of the council, producing uncertainty that would be even worse than the present situation.39 Like Cochlaeus, Fabri felt that what was needed was better control of information and more adroit exploitation of printing as a tool to promote a clear and centralised message. This could be achieved only by means of supervised and privileged printing presses, tasked with conveying the voice of the papacy to Christendom.40 Otherwise, the Catholic Church would have no hope of competing with the Protestants’ aggressive use of the printed word. The pope’s response to the Praeparatoria was short but generally positive, asking for further details on books to be purchased and published and about suitable Catholic scholars to be recruited. Fabri’s advice to set up Catholic presses specifically devoted to disseminating the results of the council was, however, dismissed with the comment: ‘Et hoc fiet favente Deo’ (‘This will happen, God willing’)’.41

39

40

41

Ibid., p. 18: ‘Summa etiam erit necessitas, ut Sua Sanctitas proprios librorum excursores Mantuae habeat, qui solum Sua Sanctitati deserviant, adiecta etiam poena, ne quisquam aliquid excudat non solum praedicto loco, verum etiam aliis in regionibus, earum rerum, quae in concilio tractata fuerint, alioqui adversarii suis editionibus magnas parient confusiones et forte tumultus, eritque adeo postremus error peior priore. Expertus dico. Scio enim, quid in aliquot Germaniae principum dietis ac conventibus acciderit, ubi Lutherani mox non tantum quae dicta, sed et fere quae non dicta, dumtaxat cogita fuerunt, imprimi fecerunt’. In 1536 and 1537, Cochlaeus clearly borrowed from Fabri in presenting Wolrab’s press as a means to have a trusted printer ‘maxime propter concilium’ and publish ‘genera selectarum scripturarum … ut Catholicis praesto sit ad serviendum in concilio, ne praeveniant ea in re nos haeretici, quemadmodum hactenus perniciose fecerunt, presertim in comitiis Augustensibus’ (Friedensburg, ‘Beiträge’, 18 (1898), pp. 268, 277). CT, iv/1, pp. 23–26, esp. p. 25.

Prelude

25

In December 1536, Fabri expanded his ambitious programme in a second letter to nuncio Morone and, indirectly, the pope.42 He described his own efforts, as well as those of Eck, Nausea, Cochlaeus, Witzel and other minor figures, and expressed their renewed willingness to take part in the preparations for the council by drafting reports on the ecclesiastical abuses in Germany. At the pope’s behest, six lists, labelled from A to F, were also prepared; these concerned Lutheran publications, older theological books, anti-Lutheran publications, past and current controversialists, monasteries housing manuscripts of early councils and German Catholic authors in need of support, including Nausea, Cochlaeus and Witzel.43 Fabri pointed out that, without such preparations, the ecumenical council would not be able to restore the rifts in the Christian Republic and defeat the Reformation. Yet, although it accurately predicted the course of events, Fabri’s plan was not taken into serious consideration. In the first place, it made excessive economic and logistic demands on the papacy. Secondly, and most importantly, it envisaged prolonged theological disputes, increasing the risk of independent action on the part of the council to the detriment of the pope and the Curia.44 Paul iii dismissed Fabri’s letter with a flattering but vague reply.45 Moreover, the council in Mantua never took place and was officially called off after a plan to relocate it to Vicenza was deferred.46 The road to Trent was still long and difficult; and when the council finally convened, Fabri’s programme was not put into action. It seems, however, that at least two crucial points struck home: the Protestant manipulation of official information and their superior ability in printed campaigns. On 19 August 1540, Cardinal Farnese, Paul iii’s grandson, laid out to his colleague and nuncio Marcello Cervini the drawbacks of a new diet in Worms: Protestants would grow stronger with every small concession and attract further converts from the German Catholic side, where they could already count on many silent sympathisers. Both issues would be exacerbated if notaries were allowed to stay and write down all the time every subject treated, as, due to their arrogance, every little decision made in favour of

42

Ibid., pp. 50, 52–59 and Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland: Erste Abteilung (1533–1559), ii: Nuntiatur des Morone (1536–1538), ed. by Walter Friedensburg (Gotha: Perthes, 1892), pp. 76–84. 43 The lists are not included in CT, iv/1. 44 Jedin, Storia del Concilio, i, pp. 391–392. 45 CT, iv/1, pp. 64–65. 46 On the Mantua-Vicenza council, see Jedin, Storia del Concilio, i, pp. 325–397.

26

Chapter 2

the Protestants will swell printed books with glosses and commentaries. As a result, this poison will seep into the minds of many, who were likely … to take the side which will be presented to their ears with more appearances and from a larger number of sources.47 3 The Stampatore Camerale before and after the Sack What was happening in Rome in the meantime? Fabri’s concerns speak for themselves with regard to the Curia’s meagre understanding of the impact of printing. Over the first four decades of the Cinquecento, however, the papacy had been interacting with the technology of moveable type to serve an immediate purpose: to spread its proclamations more quickly, cheaply and broadly. Such an approach – very remote from the experimentations of Giberti, Cochlaeus and Fabri – can be described as a bureaucratic use of the new technology. This is hardly surprising given the pope’s two-fold identity as both a temporal and spiritual authority. Just as his political orders needed to be disseminated throughout his temporal domain, so, too, his religious pronouncements had to reach the faithful throughout his spiritual domain, which was ostensibly depicted as global (‘Urbi et orbi’). No other European ruler enjoyed the benefits or had to shoulder the burdens of a theocracy, producing a comparable quantity of official material. Bulls, briefs, indulgences and motu propri, taxes, laws and bandi, as well as statutes, rules and constitutions for lay guilds and religious orders were constantly promulgated by different authorities, from the pope himself to the various bodies comprising the intricate Roman bureaucratic system, such as the Apostolic Chamber, the Chancery, the Datary, the tribunals of Penitentiary, Sacra Rota and Signatura and the Commune of Rome (also known as Popolo Romano).48 These texts could normally be fitted onto a single broadsheet and printed in large quantities rapidly and with little 47

48

asf, Cervini, vol. 2, f. 70v: ‘Et l’uno et l’altro di questi inconvenienti farà tanto maggior il suo progresso quanto si permetterà che nel detto convento debbino stare li notari per scrivere tempo per tempo tutto quello che si tratterà, perché d’ogni piccola cosa, che facci in favore delli Protestanti, se ne vedrà per l’arrogantia loro crescere gli volumi stampati, con chiose, et commenti, per far penetrar tanto più questo veleno nelle menti di molti, equali [sic] è verosimile che stieno sospesi dell’esito di questo convento, et disposti a ­pigliare quella parte che con più apparentie et da più bande li sia condotta alli orecchi’. For an historical overview of the papal administration, see Fernando de Lasala and ­Paulius Rabikauskas, Il documento medievale e moderno: panorama storico della diplomati­ ca generale e pontifica[!] (Rome: Pontificia Università Gregoriana and Istituto portoghese di Sant’Antonio, 2003), esp. pp. 222–266.

Prelude

27

effort; and these advantages were important, since the area of impact, so to speak, of papal documentation was often extraordinarily vast, requiring remarkably high print runs. Bulls had to travel from Rome throughout Europe. It is clear that no single printer in the Eternal City had the wherewithal to supply the entire continent. But here the interests of other European entrepreneurs came to the Church’s aid. The universality of these kinds of ephemeral documents was a very appealing feature for early printers, who had a constant need to recoup their investments as quickly as possible. The trade in papal proclamations and other local administrative commissions has correctly been identified as a way to provide printers with a steady, regular income and workflow.49 It is no coincidence that Gutenberg and other prototypographers were publishing indulgences as early as the mid-1450s.50 Even so, the Roman pontiffs were not the first to centralise administrative publications by appointing a single, trusted printer in the capital city to carry out this work. For reasons which still need to be ascertained, the pioneer in the field was the ruler of a then peripheral area of Europe: Henry vii of England. It was he who granted the title of the King’s official printer to William Faques as early as 1504. Two years later, Richard Pynson, a more experienced entrepreneur, managed to obtain the role for himself and developed it systematically, receiving regular financial compensation. On ascending to the throne in 1509, Henry viii renewed his reliance on Pynson, who continued to act as the privileged royal printer until his death in 1529, expanding his monopoly into the production of indulgences and works of state propaganda thanks to the support of Cardinal Wolsey. By February 1530, Thomas Berthelet had taken over; from then on, the office of the King’s (or Queen’s) printer was a fixture in the London publishing world.51 The French Kings had also granted kindred titles 49

Peter Stallybrass, ‘“Little Jobs”: Broadsides and the Printing Revolution’, in Sabrina A. ­Baron, Eric N. Lindquist and Eleanor F. Shevlin (eds.), Agent of Change: Print Culture Studies After Elizabeth L. Eisenstein (Amherst and Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 2007), pp. 315–341 and Flavia Bruni and Andrew Pettegree (eds.), Broadsheets: Single-Sheet Publishing in the First Age of Print (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2017). For the methodological challenges posed by conservation problems and the ensuing disproportion of seventeenth-century extant specimens, see Ugo Rozzo, La strage ignorata: i fogli volanti a stampa nell’Italia dei Secoli xv e xvi (Udine: Forum, 2008) together with Bruni and ­Pettegree (eds.), Broadsheets, Chap. 1 and the two essays by Flavia Bruni (Chaps. 2 and 6). 50 E.g., ustc 743954–743955. Rozzo, La strage ignorata, pp. 11–25. 51 See Pamela Neville-Sington, ‘Press, Politics and Religion’, in Lotte Hellinga and Joseph B. Trapp (eds.), The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, iii: 1400–1557 (Cambridge: cup, 1999), pp. 576–607, summing up her Ph.D. dissertation, Richard Pynson, King’s Printer (1506–1529): Printing and Propaganda in Early Tudor England (London: The Warburg Institute, 1990); for a broader picture, cf.: Graham Rees and Maria Wakely, Publishing, Politics

28

Chapter 2

sporadically since 1487, but their meaning seemed to be related to ‘the recognition of an already achieved distinction’, with no material benefit resulting from them. It was only in the years immediately before the French Wars of Religion, between 1559 and 1561, that official proclamations began to be entrusted by law to a privileged printer, such as Jean Dallier, Michel de Vascosan and, above all, François Estienne.52 In Rome, it appears that a handful of printers, such as Eucharius and ­Marcellus Silber, Johann Besicken, Giacomo Mazzocchi and Etienne Guillery, controlled the publication of administrative material from the beginning of the sixteenth century. They shared this profitable sector of the local market in a somewhat haphazard fashion, as far as can be inferred from what survives of such highly perishable documentation. It is also worth noting in this connection that most broadsheets do not carry any publishing data. Colophons were probably deemed unnecessary for two reasons. First, the printing location was obviously Rome, while pronouncements already ended with a date, often showing the name of the official who had been tasked with the compilation – the segretario ai brevi for papal briefs, the custos for the Chancery and the notary for the Apostolic Chamber. Secondly, these editions were intended for immediate consumption: they were normally distributed in print and pasted up on church doors or in other relevant meeting places within a few days from promulgation. Modern attribution to a specific printer relies on the detailed analysis of fonts and decorative title borders. As Tinto convincingly demonstrated, the two Silbers were responsible for the majority of the extant bulls, bandi etc. which were issued before the Sack.53 Thus, they can rightfully be regarded as the most prominent publishers of contemporary papal ‘red tape’, and this prominence was probably due to some special relations they enjoyed with particular individuals within the Curia. However, when they placed their imprint on the productions of their presses, neither the Silbers nor the other printers ever made explicit reference to any institutional link whatsoever with the pope or the Apostolic Chamber, and this reflects the simple fact that no such official connection existed, as yet. Historians must resist the temptation to generalise and extrapolate, projecting later

52 53

and Culture: The King’s Printers in the Reign of James i and vi (Oxford: oup, 2009); Lotte Hellinga, William Caxton and Early Printing in England (London: The British Library, 2010); and Vincent Gillespie and Susan Powell (eds.), A Companion to the Early Printed Book in Britain (1476–1558) (Cambridge: Brewer, 2014). Elizabeth Armstrong, Robert Estienne, Royal Printer: An Historical Study of the Elder Stephanus: Revised Edition ([Abingdon]: Sutton Courtenay, 1986), pp. 117–118, 155–156. Alberto Tinto, Gli annali tipografici di Eucario e Marcello Silber (1501–1527) (Florence: ­Olschki, 1968).

Prelude

29

notions retrospectively onto past events. In the case of the stampatore camerale, it would be misleading to consider either Eucharius and Marcellus Silber or, worse, Giacomo Mazzocchi as official printers, as, rather surprisingly, two authorities in the field of the calibre of Emerenziana Vaccaro and Francesco Barberi repeatedly did.54 They were forerunners only because they succeeded in obtaining a commercial primacy over competitors in a relatively open market. Between 1505 and 1523, only Mazzocchi and Guillery styled themselves with an official title in the colophons of their publications, but they did so to indicate their (presumably competitive) activity as ‘Romanae Academiae bibliopolae’, i.e., the chief booksellers to the University of Rome, the Studium Urbis.55 By the mid-1520s, the Roman printing scene had drastically shrunk. It was in this context that the Curia began to formalise a privileged relationship with a single typographer. The aforementioned printers were either dead or on the verge of bankruptcy and were thus making way for a few rising figures. Among them, two northern Italians stood out: Francesco Minizio Calvo and Antonio Blado. Unlike other promising colleagues (namely, Ludovico degli Arrighi and Demetrios Doukas), they both managed to survive unscathed the havoc wrought by the Sack in 1527 and to exploit the lack of serious competitors in the following decade. In contrast to his brother Michele in Venice, Francesco Tramezzino never opened a printshop in Rome, remaining a prominent bookseller in the city, while Valerio Dorico, who began as a music publisher, went back to issuing books of all kinds as late as 1531–1532 and only six years later expanded his activity in association with his brother, Luigi.56 54

55

56

Emerenziana Vaccaro, ‘Documenti e precisazioni su Antonio Blado ed eredi’, Bollettino dell’Istituto di patologia del libro, 9 (1950), pp. 48–85, at pp. 51, 57. Francesco Barberi, ­‘Blado, Antonio’, in dbi, x, 1968, pp. 753–757, at p. 753; his ‘Calvo, Francesco Giulio’, in dbi, xvii, 1974, pp. 38–41, at p. 39; and his essays collected and republished in Tipografi romani del Cinquecento: Guillery, Ginnasio Mediceo, Calvo, Dorico, Cartolari (Florence: Olschki, 1983), pp. 19–20 and, less assertively, at p. 84. Romani, in his ‘Per lo Stato’, p. 175, and ‘Tipografie papali’, p. 265, is more prudent on the matter, while Masetti Zannini, Stampatori e librai, p. 167 went as far as stating that a ‘Stamperia camerale’ existed from the very beginning of Blado’s printing activity in 1516. Fernanda Ascarelli, Annali tipografici di Giacomo Mazzocchi (Florence: Sansoni, 1961), esp. nos. 1 and 158, and Francesco Barberi, ‘Stefano Guillery e le sue edizioni romane (1506– 1524)’, in his Tipografi romani, pp. 9–55, at pp. 13–14, 16, 20. Evangelista Tosini, a third university bookseller in the early sixteenth century, paid for the publication of Ptolemy’s Geography in 1507 and 1508 (cf. ustc 851474 and 851481). See respectively: Alberto Tinto, Annali tipografici dei Tramezzino (Venice and Rome: Istituto per la collaborazione culturale, 1966), esp. pp. xii–xiii; Francesco Barberi, ‘I Dorico, tipografi a Roma nel Cinquecento (1526–1572)’, in his Tipografi romani, pp. 99–146 (originally published in 1965), and, briefly, Lorenzo Baldacchini, ‘Dorìco, Valerio e Luigi’ in

30

Chapter 2

When compared with his earlier and immediate predecessors, including the learned Giacomo Mazzocchi, Calvo’s profile as a scholar is outstanding. Apparently born in Menaggio (Como), he was a gifted humanist and bookseller in Pavia in 1516. Travelling throughout Europe, he befriended Alciato, Minuziano, Amaseo, Egnazio, Erasmus, Rhenanus, Amerbach, Froben and Grolier, and sympathised with Luther’s ideas for a couple of years. In 1520–1521, he settled in Rome, where he relied on the support of Paolo Giovio and Gian Matteo Gi­ berti. At the time the two were in the service of Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, who was the powerful head of the Chancery (vicecancellarius) under his cousin Leo x and later reigned as Pope Clement vii between November 1523 and September 1534. Calvo soon became acquainted with Guilio de’ Medici and opened his own printshop in 1523, the same year Medici was elected pope. During the period when Giberti was put in charge of the Datary and emerged as Clement vii’s diplomatic mastermind, Calvo published, mostly anonymously, a dozen comedies – including plays by Ariosto, Bibbiena and Machiavelli – and some classical and humanist literature, such as works by Galen, Hippocrates, Plutarch, Erasmus, Poliziano, Donà, Liburnio, Sannazzaro, Bembo, Sadoleto, Trissino and Giovio. His press shut down about 1531, the last year in which he placed his imprint on publications before illness overtook him.57 Beginning in January 1524, he also started to print numerous bulls and pronouncements of the Chancery and the Apostolic Chamber, gradually taking over from ­Marcellus Silber as the leading printer of this kind of material. For a few months, they continued to publish separately the same broadsheets, but soon Silber’s firm faced an irreversible crisis.58 As a result, Calvo achieved a prominent role in the small world of contemporary Roman printing. He had scholarship, technical knowledge, a solid business and, most importantly, the right connections with the establishment. In the dedications of his books, Giberti’s name crops up several times; we know for a fact that he made it easier for Calvo to borrow books from the Vatican Library in his capacity of probibliotecharius and that he Marco Menato, Ennio Sandal and Giuseppina Zappella (eds.), Dizionario dei tipografi e degli editori italiani: il Cinquecento, i: A-F (Milan: Editrice bibliografica, 1997), pp. 388–391. On Arrighi and Doukas see ibid., the entries at pp. 41–45 and 401–403. 57 The detailed catalogue of his output is given in Francesco Barberi, ‘Le edizioni romane di Francesco Minizio Calvo’, in Miscellanea di scritti di bibliografia ed erudizione in memoria di Luigi Ferrari (Florence: Olschki, 1952), pp. 57–98, at pp. 64–98 (a short-title version can be found his Tipografi romani, pp. 78–97, at pp. 89–97). For Calvo’s life, see Barberi’s dbi entry mentioned above, with earlier bibliography. 58 Tinto, Gli annali di Eucario e Marcello Silber, nos. 320–330. See also Barberi, ‘Le edizioni di Calvo’, p. 58 for a few collaborations between the two about 1522, with Calvo still acting as a publisher.

Prelude

31

entrusted Calvo with reprinting in Rome the recently-published Enchiridion of Johann Eck, arguably the most famous among the early Catholic treatises against Luther.59 In the light of Giberti’s later engagement with printing in ­Verona, these are remarkable pieces of evidence, confirming his role as the main patron of Calvo’s enterprise. They also suggest that it was probably thanks to Giberti that the Curia eventually officially recognised Calvo’s primacy: in the final sentences of a papal proclamation written in the Italian vernacular and dated 24 January 1527, Calvo’s name is accompanied by a new title, that of impressore apostolico.60 Since this is, as far as we know, the first and only time this designation appears in print and no payment to Calvo has been traced in the papal account books, it is probable that the title was more honorific than the indication of a proper office. In a contract stipulated in March 1527, he is mentioned as calcografus apostolicus, while Alciato addressed him in similar terms in a letter he wrote in September 1530.61 As we shall see in Chapter 7, the same title was later held by Stefano Nicolini, as a member of the papal household with barely any obligations related to printing. Not even the vicissitudes of the Sack of Rome created a significant setback for Calvo and his enterprise; he escaped the Landsknechts’ massacre by taking refuge, along with Jean Grolier’s son, in the residence of the Spanish bishop Cassador, while his press went back to work in December, issuing a new bull by which Clement vii, finally free, revoked all the concessions he had granted during his imprisonment.62 By contrast, the papacy was undergoing a moment of great difficulty, with the court removed to Orvieto and the government of the city left in the hands of a legate, Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggi. The power vacuum somehow helped Calvo to strengthen his position as the sole reliable and experienced printer in town, as appears from the official publications he still managed to produce, at a growing pace, between 1528 and 1529.63 The conditions were increasingly favourable for him to become more than a publisher 59

60 61 62 63

ustc 827999. Cf.: Giovanni Mercati, ‘Su Francesco Calvo da Menaggio primo stampatore e Marco Fabio Calvo da Ravenna primo traduttore del corpo ippocratico in latino’, in his Notizie varie di antica letteratura medica e di bibliografia (Rome: Tipografia poliglotta vaticana, 1917), pp. 47–71, at pp. 52, 56; Barberi, ‘Le edizioni di Calvo’, nos. 4, 14, 20, 39–40, 59, 66, 68–69, 86, 93, 120 (probably plus nos. 2, 46, 67 and 128–129); and Prosperi, Tra ­evangelismo, pp. 97–98, 105, 126, n. 87. ustc 822964, seemingly lost, and Barberi, ‘Le edizioni di Calvo’, no. 88. Cf. ibid., pp. 60–62 (drawing kindred conclusions about the difference between Calvo’s title and that of stampatore camerale) and Mercati, ‘Su Francesco Calvo’, pp. 55–56. ustc 822962. Barberi, ‘Le edizioni di Calvo’, nos. 98, 101–104, 107. We are aware from Cesar Grolier’s diary that the first text, the famous bull In coena Domini, was entrusted to Calvo by Cardinal Campeggi himself (ibid., p. 60).

32

Chapter 2

of administrative broadsheets, if only the Curia had been prepared to use his press to launch a counterattack on the millenarian, Imperial and Reformed propaganda which was canvassing the pillage as a sign of God’s wrath.64 Clement vii, however, had more pressing necessities than orchestrating a campaign in print, ostensibly failing to grasp the extent to which negative publicity was damaging his public image both in Italy and beyond the Alps. His concerns lay in exploiting diplomacy to get out of the corner he found himself in as quickly as possible, rather than devising such a time-consuming strategy as the promotion of apologetical works. From one point of view, he succeeded in reasserting his political role, making peace with Charles v, recouping part of the territories he had lost and even obtaining the return of the Medici to Florence. From another, he remained dramatically unresponsive to the threats posed by pamphlets like Alfonso de Valdés’s renowned Diálogo de las cosas acaecidas en Roma, Diálogo de Mercurio y Carón and Apologia altera refutatoria. While the dialogues appeared in Spanish as anonymous editions probably prepared in Venice by the Nicolini brothers between 1529 and 1530, the latter text was even issued in Basel with a false colophon showing Rome as the place of publication in 1528. The printer responsible for this wilful desecration of the papal authority is known to be Johann Faber aus Emmich, concealed under the pseudonyms ‘Emmeus’ and ‘Nicetas Pistophilus’.65 1530 marked a watershed in Calvo’s short career as an officially designated printer. With near perfect timing, the number of his commissions from the Curia plummeted just after Giberti had been definitively dismissed from his role as Clement vii’s chief political advisor, owing to his openly French sympathies in a court which was, by then, forcefully pro-imperial.66 This further reinforces the hypothesis that Calvo’s enterprise and his connections with the Roman establishment depended largely upon Giberti’s own fortune in the papal hierarchy. Calvo’s last official publication dates to September 1530.67 However, he kept printing other books over the course of the following year and ostensibly reissued Maximilianus Transylvanus’s exotic epistolary report on the ­Moluccas as late as November 1533, after he had already fallen ill with gout.

64 See Niccoli, Profeti e popolo, pp. 224–239 and Firpo, ‘Il sacco di Roma’, pp. 49–60. 65 See ustc 612463 and 861671, referring to the same edition described differently in VD16 (v 53) and EDIT16 (cnce 35050): no copy with the Basel imprint has yet be traced. For the Nicolini editions: ustc 342889–342890. 66 Elena Bonora, Aspettando l’imperatore: principi italiani tra il papa e Carlo v (Turin: ­Einaudi, 2014) provides the most updated picture of the political context after the Sack. 67 ustc 809907.

Prelude

33

S­ ignificantly, in this last of his Roman editions, he decided to maintain the original dedication to Giberti, who is still addressed as Cardinal Datarius.68 In the meantime, a new star was rising in the background: Antonio Blado. A printer from Asola (Mantua), Blado had been active in Rome since 1516, developing a profitable business with a strong focus on easy sellers, including guides to Roman churches and monuments in different languages (Mirabilia Urbis), pasquinades, almanacs and prophecies, devotional, didactic, medical, music and chivalric books, political and religious orations as well as early antiProtestant pamphlets, such as those written by the Master of the Sacred P ­ alace, Silvestro Mazzolini (Prierio).69 In contrast to Calvo, he ventured into publishing humanist works only occasionally prior to 1530, preferring to invest in short, cheap books intended for wide circulation – most of which have probably been lost. It is clear that papal and curial pronouncements fitted Blado’s business model very well, since a good number came out from his press from the mid-1520s onwards (a further proof that Calvo did not enjoy any exclusive rights in their production).70 In 1530, the proportion of official publications issued by Calvo and those printed by Blado reversed in favour of the latter. Ultimately, he, and not Calvo, became the printer who was the first appointed stampatore camerale, with a privilege granting him the monopoly for this ephemeral material. Nevertheless, the process leading to Blado’s achievement of this position was considerably slower and more problematic than has usually been thought. Since it took some twenty years, it needs to be thoroughly illustrated in all its complexity. Here too, earlier scholarship tended to emphasize a continuity between the roles held by Calvo and Blado, but such a view is misleading and 68

ustc 841639, unknown to Barberi, ‘Le edizioni di Calvo’. In respect of the edition carried out ten years earlier, coincidentally in November 1523, this one is exceedingly rare and shows a wholly reset text from gathering B onwards. Copy checked: Oxford, Bodleian Library, Vet. F1 e.42. 69 His output was carefully reconstructed by Giuseppe Fumagalli, Giacomo Belli and Eme­ renziana Vaccaro, Catalogo delle edizioni romane di Antonio Blado asolano ed eredi (1515– 1593) (4 vols., Rome: Presso i principali librai et al., 1891–1961). For his biography, see ­Barberi, ‘Blado, Antonio’, together with: Giuseppe Fumagalli, Antonio Blado tipografo ­romano del sec. xvi (Milan: Hoepli, 1893); Vaccaro, ‘Documenti e precisazioni’; Marco Menato and Giuliano Tamani, ‘Blado, Antonio’, in Menato, Sandal and Zappella (eds.), Dizionario dei tipografi, i, pp. 147–149; and Valentina Sestini, ‘Blado, Antonio’, in Rosa Marisa Borraccini et al. (eds.), Dizionario degli editori, tipografi, librai itineranti in Italia tra Quattrocento e Seicento (Pisa and Rome: Fabrizio Serra, 2013), i, pp. 147–152, partially building on her PhD dissertation defended at Udine University in 2008. On Mazzolini, see Michael Tavuzzi, Prierias: The Life and Works of Silvestro Mazzolini da Prierio (1456–1527) (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997). 70 E.g., ustc 822908, 822924, 822933, 822938, 822970, 836331.

34

Chapter 2

lacks evidence. For instance, Barberi suggests that, when Calvo moved to ­Milan in about 1534, he passed his typographical equipment on to Blado along with, in some fashion, the appointment as ‘papal printer’. If the first assumption is entirely correct, as the two printers’ use of the same fonts makes clear, the second is based on no ascertainable grounds at all and seems to contradict what Barberi himself has pointed out elsewhere about the elusive nature of Calvo’s title.71 In fact, it is hard to think that the transition was so idyllic, even supposing there were a transition. Blado did not wait for Calvo to leave the city and openly began to compete with him in 1530. In August, he started to receive payments from the Apostolic Chamber for printing papal proclamations.72 Rather than a peaceful handover of an office which was yet to be created, these overlaps and changes seem to mirror the remarkable shift in power taking place in the upper echelons of the Curia in the aftermath of the Sack. While Giberti abandoned the court, the newly-created cardinal Ippolito de’ Medici, the pope’s nephew, immediately rose to prominence and became one of the main patrons of arts and letters in the city.73 In addition, he became vicecancellarius in 1532. As we shall see more extensively in Chapter 3, Blado was involved in the academies which flourished at de’ Medici’s court and in Giovanni Gaddi’s house. It was through Gaddi (and almost certainly thanks to Ippolito de’ Medici) that he managed to obtain, on 23 August 1531, the extraordinary ten-year papal privilege for all Machiavelli’s works – his first important commission in terms of literary works.74 In the princeps of the Discorsi, another powerful Florentine cardinal related to the Gaddi and Medici families, Niccolò Ridolfi, was mentioned by Blado as his own patron and the supplier of the original manuscript upon which the printed text was based.75 71 72 73 74

75

Cf. Barberi, ‘Blado, Antonio’, p. 753 and his ‘Calvo, Francesco Giulio’, p. 39 with his ‘Le edizioni di Calvo’, p. 62. Vaccaro, ‘Documenti e precisazioni’, pp. 57, 73. Guido Rebecchini, ‘Un altro Lorenzo’: Ippolito de’ Medici tra Firenze e Roma (1511–1535) (Venice: Marsilio, 2010). On the later development of the cardinale nipote, see Mennitti Ippolito, Il tramonto della curia nepotista. Only the Discorsi, Historie and Principe were issued: ustc 839309, 839312–839313. Six month later, Clement vii granted a similar privilege to Bernardo Giunta, who had already started publishing these works in Florence with the consensus of Machiavelli’s heirs (cf. ustc 839296, 839302, 839314). See Adolf Gerber, Niccolò Machiavelli: die Handschriften, Ausgaben und Übersetzungen seiner Werke im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (Gotha: Perthes, 1912), passim; Pio Paschini, ‘Note alle prime edizioni del Machiavelli’, Atti dell’Accademia degli Arcadi, n.s., 6–7 (1930), pp. 67–77; and Roberto Ridolfi, Vita di Niccolò Machiavelli: settima edizione italiana accresciuta e riveduta (Florence: Sansoni, 1978), pp. 514, 531, 598. Niccolò Machiavelli, Discorsi … sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1531), sig. Aiiv: ‘Quanto a la scrittura, io [i.e. Blado] mi terrò sempre giustificato con l’originale di propria mano de l’Autore, donde per benifitio di Monsignor Reverendissimo Ridolfi, padron mio, si sono fedelissimamente cavati’. The manuscript may have been the

Prelude

35

The cardinal camerlengo, head of the Apostolic Chamber, had also recently changed, with the appointment of Agostino Spinola, a grand-nephew of Sixtus iv from the Riario side of the family, in 1528. If, as it appears, Blado was a descendent of the first prefect of the Vatican library, Bartolomeo Sacchi (Platina), it may well be that he found in Spinola the same support which Sacchi had found in Spinola’s papal ancestor. That the name ‘Platyna’ made its first appearance in Blado’s colophons as late as October 1530 can be regarded as a proof of his belated need to emphasise his origins and revive his family network.76 Be that as it may, it is certain that Blado benefited enormously from the election of Paul iii in late 1534. His connections within the Curia and the Roman cultural milieu were not lost by this change in leadership. A large part of ­Ippolito de’ Medici’s entourage, upon their master’s sudden death in August 1535, went to serve the Farnese family, including, most notably, the new cardinal nephew, Alessandro (actually the pope’s grandson and namesake, at the time a 15-year-old boy); and Cardinal Farnese immediately ‘inherited’ not only most of de’ Medici’s lucrative benefices, but also the management of the Apostolic Chancery. Blado’s name appears in print for the first time as impressor cameralis (printer of the [Apostolic] Chamber) in a group of three bulls about the Order of Knights of St Peter, the last of which was propagated by Paul iii – but not necessarily printed – in December 1535.77 Although this is normally taken as the earliest evidence of Blado’s activity as official printer, we should bear in mind that bulls were reissued every now and then and there is no certainty about the precise date in which these ones went under the press. Ignoring this practice and simply connecting imprint and date of promulgation of any act may easily lead scholars to wrong conclusions. A reductio ad absurdum to prove how ungrounded these premises are: a few documents originally promulgated in the mid-sixteenth century were clearly issued at least a century later and yet they retain the imprints of Blado and his heirs as chamber’s printers.78

76

77 78

one presented by Machiavelli to Clement vii, Ridolfi’s uncle: Paschini, ‘Note alle prime edizioni’. A more complex scenario is depicted in Niccolò Machiavelli, Discorsi sopra la prima decade di Tito Livio, ed. by Francesco Bausi (Rome: Salerno, 2001), pp. 797, 854–857. Augusto Campana, ‘Antonio Blado e Bartolomeo Platina’, in his Scritti: i: ricerche medievali e umanistiche, ed. by Rino Avesani, Michele Feo and Enzo Pruccoli (2 vols., Rome: ­Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2012), i, pp. 283–293, originally published in 1947. The relevant 1530 edition by Blado is ustc 814183. ustc 848690. ustc 762681, 847080, 847192.

36

Chapter 2

Significantly, shorter versions of Blado’s ‘1535’ edition, comprising only the first two bulls originally issued by Leo x and Clement vii about 1521 and 1526, also circulated with the same subscription by Blado, though no one would consider them as early evidence of his official role in the 1520s.79 The woodcut of Paul iii’s coat-of-arms with the black fleur-de-lys at sig. G2r also suggests that the ‘1535’ edition was printed later, as Blado started to use this cut – usually within an elaborate wreath – no earlier than 1543–1544, while his output of the mid-1530s often bears the wreathed version with the white fleur-de-lys.80 In addition, it is noteworthy that all these documents were reprinted in about 1561, together with a new bull by Pius iv concerning the Knights: on this occasion Blado used the same wording to describe himself as impressor cameralis.81 A few months after December 1535, Blado was also entrusted with a fouryear privilege for the printing of the breviary, which had recently been revised and reformed by Cardinal Quiñones: he brought out the first edition himself, while, together with two partners, he subcontracted the publication of the second edition to the Venetian branch of the Giunta family.82 When Cardinal Spinola died in 1537, luck was again on Blado’s side, since the newly-appointed camerlengo was the other grandson of Paul iii, Cardinal 79 Cf. ustc 848685 and 848686. 80 In particular, one can compare the bulls related to the ecumenical council between 1536 and 1545. Although they generally have no printing date, the rapid-changing scenario which eventually led to the opening of the assembly in Trent guarantees that such delicate pronouncements were printed and circulated very closely to their date of promulgation and then quickly superseded. Cf. ustc 860880, 860882–860884, 860886 with ustc 860887–860888, 860891. 81 ustc 848693. Cf. also ustc 848692. In all its complexity as a source, MS 255 in the Biblio­ teca dell’Archivio di Stato of Rome may provide another pointer to the possibility that all these bulls showing Blado as impressor cameralis were issued long after 1535. As the original title label reveals, this eighteenth-century manuscript volume appears to be an inventory of the former archive of the Stamperia Camerale. It lists chronologically the official documents produced by the different official presses until 1694 according to their date of promulgation. While most proclamations are recorded one by one, the bulls related to the Order of St Peter are mentioned only once and collectively at f. 32r, under the date 25 August 1561. 82 John Wickham Legg, The Second Recension of the Quignon Breviary: Following an Edition Printed at Antwerp in 1537 and Collated with Twelve Other Editions (2 vols., London: Henry Bradshaw Society, 1908–1912), and his ‘An Agreement in 1536 between Certain Booksellers of Rome and Venice to Bring out the Second Text of the Reformed Breviary of Cardinal Quignon: With Introduction, List of Editions, and Bibliographical Notes’, The Library, 13 (1913), pp. 323–348. For the historical context, see also Simon Ditchfield, Liturgy, Sanctity and History in Tridentine Italy: Pietro Maria Campi and the Preservation of the Particular (Cambridge: cup, 1995), pp. 23–27.

Prelude

37

­ uido Ascanio Sforza di Santa Fiora, who was to remain in power for over 25 G years. From then on, it was just a matter of time for Blado to see his privileged commercial relationship with the Curia, and the Apostolic Chamber in particular, become officially recognised and protected by law. Scholars have debated the date when this took place, but Fumagalli is correct in arguing that it could have happened no earlier than 1549.83 The second known occurrence of the official title crops up in a bull promulgated in October 1538 yet printed with what look like later types employed by Blado and heirs, while shortly afterwards, as we learn from the Chamber’s account books, Blado started to receive a regular monthly stipend, precisely in his capacity as Camerae Apostolicae impressor/stampator.84 Nevertheless, the use of the title in his publications was highly inconsistent over the course of the following decade. In a preface addressed to Cardinal Sforza di Santa Fiora in 1559, Blado recalled that, upon receiving the camerlengo’s mandate, he had begun to act as the sole official printer some fifteen years earlier, i.e., 1544/45.85 On a closer examination, however, this assertion sounds too hasty, if not openly misleading, since in the mid-1540s curial documents were still occasionally published by other printers, such as Girolama Cartolari; significantly, it was also at about the same time that Blado became interested in branching out into Viterbo, where the authorities were keen to establish a university and a printshop.86 By May 1547, any apparent disagreement with the Curia had waned and Blado was allowed (or felt confident enough) to sign a full-length book – Ambrogio Fracco’s Sacrorum ­Fastorum libri xii – with the pompous inscription ‘s.d.n. Papae et Camerae Apostolicae Typographum’.87 It is likely that he had also benefited from the recent appointment of another of the pope’s grandsons, Cardinal Ranuccio Farnese, as head of the Penitentiary – an unscrupulous move which brought to an end the 27-year-long rule of the Pucci family over this key department of the Curia. Getting closer and closer to obtaining full control over official publications, Blado was able to expand his grip beyond the boundaries of the Eternal 83 Fumagalli, Antonio Blado, p. 60. 84 ustc 853172 and Vaccaro, ‘Documenti e precisazioni’, pp. 73–74; in the payment order of 24 May 1539, he was also addressed as ‘bullarum suae santitatis[sic] stampator’ (asr, Mandati camerali, vol. 871, f. 176r). 85 Fumagalli, Antonio Blado, pp. 38–39. Retrospectively, Blado’s heirs successfully went as far as to present him as the official printer since either 1528 or even the reign of Leo x. 86 Francesco Barberi ‘La tipografia romana di Baldassarre Jr. e Girolama Cartolari (1540– 1559)’, in his Tipografi romani, pp. 147–163 (originally published in 1951), at pp. 154–155 and Attilio Carosi, Librai, cartai e tipografi in Viterbo e nella Provincia del Patrimonio di S. Pietro in Tuscia nei secoli xv e xvi (Viterbo: Comune di Viterbo, 1988), pp. 49–51, with transcription of the related contract. 87 ustc 830470.

38

Chapter 2

City, publishing, at least as far as we know, the statutes of two municipalities located in the environs, such as Sezze and Rieti.88 The real turning point took place as late as the first months of 1550, following Paul iii’s death and Julius iii’s election. With a rescript signed on 10 March, the new pontiff acknowledged the long-standing service provided by Blado, by then about 65-years old, as printer of the Apostolic Chamber and Chancellery (Camera et Cancelleria impressor) under Clement vii and Paul iii. In this capacity, Julius rewarded him with a fixed monthly salary of 4 ducati starting from the day of his own election (7 February 1550) and granted a universal privilege, valid for two years after the publication of all Blado’s Latin and vernacular editions, explicitly including broadsheets. A month later, Cardinal Sforza of Santa Fiora transmitted the order to the treasurer of the Apostolic Chamber, who took note in the account book of the new arrangement for Blado’s pay.89 The office of official printer had finally been created. As a result, Blado alone was responsible, by force of law, for printing all current bulls, pronouncements, bandi, charters, avvisi and regulations, though he also continued to undertake in his own right major publications while occasionally using his official title in their colophons or title-pages too. The role, which fitted so well into the Church’s hierarchy that it soon became as venal as other offices, was passed on to Blado’s heirs until 1594 and guaranteed the family business a constant cashflow. In its turn, the popes were ensured that their proclamations and other official material were issued smoothly and efficiently for a relatively small amount of money. As this chapter has shown, the emergence of an official printer to the papal administration was a much slower and more problematic process than has generally been assumed. While it is possible to see traces of interaction between a few Rome-based printers and the Curia before the spring of 1550, this is due to the temporary commercial primacy they managed to exert and the network of cardinals supporting them. Blado himself took 15 years to attain the longed-for papal appointment, though he was acting as the de facto printer of the Apostolic Chamber. Nevertheless, official status is not a matter of interpretation, especially not at the time: the formal creation of the role occurred only with Julius iii’s resolution, and certainly not on the basis of the allegedly earliest appearance of the related title in the imprint of a proclamation spread in 1535 but possibly reprinted years later. Postdating is never without ­consequence. 88 89

ustc 856127 and 852558. Romani, ‘Per lo Stato’, p. 176 passingly mentioned this crucial document, which is found in asv, Cam. Ap., Div. Cam., vol. 161, ff. 41r-42r. The privilege was originally envisaged to last for three years, as the correction of ‘triennium’ in ‘biennum’ makes clears.

Prelude

39

In this case, it sheds new light, on the one hand, on the importance of Paul iii’s reign and, on the other, on the personalities who were interested in helping Blado to achieve prominence little by little and in centralising administrative publications into the hands of a single printer. In this respect, the pope and his underage grandsons did not act alone. Another cardinal was experimenting with Roman printing in the early 1540s in order to launch an anti-Protestant publishing programme in support of the papacy. He was Marcello Cervini, the protagonist of the following chapters. Although his name is never mentioned in connection with the poorly-documented rise of the office of the stampatore camerale, Cervini represents the main link between Blado and the highest ranks of the Curia from 1534 onwards. As we shall see, he took a pivotal role in Roman cultural life, he served Paul iii as secretary and a highly trusted envoy in Europe and at Trent and he was involved at different levels in the education of Alessandro and Ranuccio Farnese and of Guido Ascanio Sforza, whom he continued to serve as advisor for a long time after their early promotion to the Sacred College. Likewise, Cervini was at the forefront of the Church’s cultural policy under Julius iii, his former colleague in directing the Tridentine assembly, and it is certainly no coincidence that the pope appointed him as the firstever Cardinal Librarian in the same year in which Blado’s position was eventually formalised.

Cardinal Marcello Cervini’s Printing Enterprises (1539–1555) The central part of this book concerns the promotion of printing in support of the Catholic Church by a sixteenth-century Italian cardinal, Marcello Cervini degli Spannocchi. Between 1539 and 1555, Cervini sponsored the publication of numerous books: writings of the Church Fathers; works on Church history; institutional publications of the papacy; pamphlets against Protestants; and editions of classical texts. His partnerships with the printers Antonio Blado and Francesco Priscianese in the early 1540s represented a pioneering attempt to set up institutional presses in the service of the papacy. Cervini’s involvement in printing took place against a dynamic historical background, marked by the pontificate of Paul iii, the final break between the Roman Catholic and the Reformed churches, the early meetings of the Council of Trent and the wars conducted by Charles v both in the Empire and in Italy. Cervini was one of the most prominent figures during this period, as secretary to Cardinal Alessandro Farnese and Paul iii, as legate to the imperial court and to the Tridentine Council, as a member of the Roman Inquisition and, finally, as Pope Marcellus ii. His wide-ranging interests enabled him to exert a powerful influence on the culture of the late Italian Renaissance and, especially, on contemporary churchmen. Although his editorial projects sometimes failed to see the light of day or rapidly collapsed, their long-lasting legacy contributed significantly to the subsequent development of the cultural policy of the Catholic Church towards printing. Many of the scholars and prelates who collaborated with Cervini actively participated afterwards in the compilation of the various Indexes of Forbidden Books and also in the establishment of the first papal press, founded by Pius iv in 1561 and managed for a decade by Paolo Manuzio. After a rapid overview of relevant primary sources and secondary literature, the first chapter focuses on Cervini’s education and political beliefs as well as his broad cultural interest in manuscripts and printed books. There follows a detailed account of his two main printing enterprises, the Greek and Latin presses established in the Urbe in the early 1540s, and a general picture of the numerous books he published after 1544 in Rome and elsewhere. The final chapter deals with other Roman presses which were set up in the 1550s to serve similar purposes to those pursued by Cervini.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004348653_004

Chapter 3

Portrait of a Cardinale Editore In the light of Cervini’s prominence in his own day, it is unremarkable that a large quantity of documentation about him has survived; what is exceptional, however, is the sheer amount and extent of this material, which allows us to follow Cervini’s movements and his thinking from his youth in Montepulciano to his death. Most of his private papers are preserved in a specific fondo of the Archivio di Stato of Florence, acquired from his heirs by Grand Duke Pietro Leopoldo in 1787, while many letters, either from or to Cervini, are held in the Vatican Library and the British Library.1 Those sent in the 1540s and 1550s to his secretary Angelo Massarelli are to be found in the fondo of the Tridentine Council in the Vatican Archive (asv, Conc. Trid., vols. 139–140), the first volume of which was put together in January 1627 by the prefect of Castel Sant’Angelo Archive, Giovanni Battista Confalonieri. A large part of the original letters ­Cervini sent to Cardinal Farnese and the latter’s secretary, Bernardino Maffei, during the legation to Trent are preserved in Carte Farnesiane, another fondo of the Vatican Archive. The correspondence of contemporary scholars also contain relevant information, notably the letters of Pietro Bembo, Annibale Caro, Donato Giannotti, Paolo Manuzio, Claudio Tolomei, Benedetto Varchi, Paolo Giovio, Latino Latini, Andreas Masius (André Maes), Giulio Poggiani and ­Giovanni Della Casa.2 Within this very large group of sources, the papers of 1 asf, Cervini, comprising 75 filze, two of which (nos. 53–54) contain the correspondence of his nephew, Cardinal Bellarmino. As for the history and the partial inventory of this fondo, see the introduction in CT, x, pp. xvii–xxix. See also bav, Vat. lat. 4104, 6411, 6177–6178, 6186, 6189 (Part 1), 14830 and Reg. lat. 2023; BL, Add MS 10274. Portions of Cervini’s correspondence are published in Léon Dorez, ‘Antoine Eparque: recherches sur le commerce des manuscrits grecs en Italie au xvie siècle’, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, 13 (1893), pp. 281–364; Friedensburg, ‘Beiträge’; Gottfried Buschbell, Reformation und Inquisition in Italien um die Mitte des xvi. Jahrhunderts (Paderborn: Schöningh, 1910); CT, x–xi; Gottfried Buschbell (ed.), Briefe von Johannes und Olaus Magnus, den letzten Katholischen Erzbischöfen von Upsala (Stockholm: Norstedt & Söner, 1932). A great many valuable documents concerning the conciliar works are edited in CT, i–xiii, where one can also find a complete transcription of Massarelli’s detailed Tridentine diaries (CT, i, pp. 149–873). 2 Pietro Bembo, Lettere: edizione critica, ed. by Ernesto Travi, (4 vols., Bologna: Commissione per i testi di lingua, 1988–1993); Annibale Caro, Lettere familiari, ed. by Aulo Greco (3 vols., Florence: Le Monnier, 1957); Donato Giannotti, Lettere a Piero Vettori pubblicate sopra gli origi­ nali del British Museum, ed. by Roberto Ridolfi and Cecil Roth (Florence: Vallecchi, 1932); Ester Pastorello, L’epistolario manuziano: inventario cronologico-analitico (1483–1597) (Florence: Olschki, 1957) and her Inedita manutiana (1502–1597): appendice all’inventario (­Florence:

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004348653_005

44

Chapter 3

Piero Vettori and Guglielmo Sirleto are especially valuable.3 A number of notarial acts concerning Cervini’s publications have been traced in the Archivio di ­Stato of Rome, which can be put alongside the documents from the Vatican Library and the Vatican Archive.4 When Cervini was elected pontiff as Marcellus ii in April 1555, he was hailed as an ‘angelic pope’, and most Catholics entertained high hopes that he would be able to reform the Church of Rome. His first actions lived up to these expectations: he humbly retained his baptismal name and refused to distribute offices to his relatives. His pontificate, however, lasted only twenty-two days; already in frail health and weakened by flagellation and overwork, he succumbed to a stroke. In the wake of the unfulfilled promise of his brief papacy, Cervini’s reputation rapidly acquired a legendary aura: the Missa Papae Marcelli, composed by Pier Luigi da Palestrina in 1562, contributed to the formation of this posthumous ‘bella figura’. Stemming from a solid family tradition, the majority of the studies devoted to him have also inclined to uncritical praise, ­overlooking Olschki, 1960); Claudio Tolomei, De le lettere … libri sette … (Venice: Giolito, 1547); Bene­detto Varchi, Lettere (1535–1565), ed. by Vanni Bramanti (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2008) and Vanni Bramanti (ed.), Lettere a Benedetto Varchi (1530–1563) (Manziana: Vecchiarelli, 2012); Paolo Giovio, Opera, i–ii: Lettere, ed. by Giuseppe Guido Ferrero (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1956–1958); Latino Latini, Epistolae, coniecturae, et observationes sacra, profanaque eruditione ornatae, ed. by Domenico Magri (2 vols., Rome and Viterbo: Giovanni Casoni and Typographia Brancatia, 1659–1667); Max Lossen (ed.), Briefe von Andreas Masius und seinen Freunden: 1538 bis 1573 (Leipzig: Adolf Dürr, 1896); Giulio Poggiani, Epistolae et orationes, ed. by Antonio Maria Graziani and Girolamo Lagomarsini (4 vols., Rome: Generoso Salomoni, 1756–1762); Giovanni Della Casa, Opere: tomo terzo contenente le lettere (Venice: Pasinelli, 1752), together with Ornella Moroni (ed.), Corrispondenza Giovanni Della Casa, Car­ lo Gualteruzzi (1525–1549) (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1986) and Eliana Carrara, ‘Giovanni Della Casa, Piero Vettori e il loro carteggio in volgare’, in Stefano Carrai (ed.), Giovanni Della Casa ecclesiastico e scrittore, (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2007), pp. 125–170. Della Casa’s papers in bav, Vat. lat. 14825–14837 are also of great importance. 3 On Vettori: BL, Add. mss 10263–10282. They are partially published in Giannotti, Lettere a Piero Vettori, with an inventory of the entire correspondence at pp. 163–183; Carrara, ­‘Giovanni della Casa’; Lucia Cesarini Martinelli, ‘Contributo all’epistolario di Piero Vettori (lettere a don Vincenzo Borghini, 1546–1565)’, Rinascimento, 19 (1979), pp. 189–227. On Sirleto: bav, Vat. lat. 6177–6186, 6189–6195, 6416, 6946 and Reg. lat. 387, 2023. A significant portion of his correspondence with Cervini concerning the first phase of the Tridentine Council is published in an abridged form in CT, x, pp. 929–955. 4 asr, Notari segretari e cancellieri della Reverenda Camera Apostolica; Notari del Tribunale dell’Auditor Camerae; Miscellanea Corvisieri. bav, Vat. lat. 3963 and 3965 (the latter was transcribed with occasional flaws in Léon Dorez, ‘Le registre des dépenses de la Bibliothèque Vaticane de 1548 à 1555’, in Fasciculus Ioanni Willis Clark dicatus (Cambridge: cup, 1909), pp. 142–185, at pp. 168–185); many other codices held in the Vatican Library will be cited in due course. asv, Camera Apostolica, Diversa Cameralia; Armadi; Miscellanea.

Portrait of a Cardinale Editore

45

the problematic features of his ecclesiastical career.5 Even in the groundbreaking biography written by Pietro Pollidori in 1744 drawing on a great many original sources, Cervini was deliberately portrayed as a symbol of the political unity and harmony of the Church in his day, when, in reality, there were bitter conflicts in its ranks, as he himself was well aware.6 The detailed studies by William V. Hudon and, to a certain extent, Samuele Giombi generally follow these lines.7 Chiara Quaranta, in her recent monograph, sought to dismantle the myths surrounding Cervini and bring to light his pragmatic and often unscrupulous political role in the Curia of Paul iii and Julius iii.8 With regard to the subject of this book, however, it is worth noting that Quaranta adopted a predominantly political perspective, devoting only a single, though dense, chapter, to Cervini’s cultural interests.9 Massimo Firpo, too, has mainly explored his political and inquisitorial role at the court of Julius iii.10 As Giombi has noted, even though reconstructing Cervini’s humanist interests would doubtless enlighten us about the cultural history of the late Italian Renaissance and the early Counter-Reformation, a full-scale survey has yet to be undertaken.11 Cervini’s collecting of manuscripts and printed books is of great interest for our purposes, as it was often connected to his publishing 5

The first biographers of Cervini were his brother and his nephew: Alessandro Cervini, Vita di Papa Marcello ii alla comunità del Vivo scritta (unpublished manuscript in asf, Cervini, vol. 52, ff. 124r-131v) and Marcello Cervini the Younger, De laudibus Marcelli ii … oratio … habita in templo collegii politiani Socieatis Iesu (Siena: Matteo Florimi, 1611). The other sixteenth-century literary portraits of Cervini were canvassed by two former members of his household. Cf. Giulio Poggiani, Laudatio Marcelli ii … ad sacrum collegium recitata (Rome: Ascanio and Girolamo Donangeli, 1592, with a manuscript copy in asf, Cervini, vol. 52, ff. 100r-110v) and Onofrio Panvinio’s additions to Bartolomeo Platina, Historia de vitis pontificum Romanorum (Venice: Michele Tramezzino, 1562), ff. 306r-308v. 6 Pietro Pollidori, De vita, gestis et moribus Marcelli ii. pontificis maximi commentarius (Rome: Mainardi, 1744), esp. the dedication to pope Benedict xiv at sigs. a2r-b1v. 7 William V. Hudon, ‘Marcellus ii, Girolamo Seripando and the Angelic Pope’, in Marjorie Reeves (ed.), Prophetic Rome in the High Renaissance Period (Oxford: Clarendon, 1992), pp.  373–387, and his Marcello Cervini and Ecclesiastical Government in Tridentine Italy (DeKalb IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 1992); Samuele Giombi, Un ecclesiastico tridentino al governo diocesano: Marcello ii Cervini (1501–1555) e la riforma della Chiesa fra centro e periferia (Ancona: Edizioni di Studia Picena, 2010). 8 Chiara Quaranta, Marcello ii Cervini (1501–1555): riforma della Chiesa, Concilio, Inquisizione (Bologna: il Mulino, 2010), listing further bibliography, including local contributions, at pp. 29–32. 9 Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 428–458. 10 Firpo, La presa di potere, esp. pp. 203–213. 11 Samuele Giombi, ‘Lo studio umanistico dell’antichità cristiana nella Riforma cattolica: rassegna storiografica e ipotesi interpretative’, Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa, 28 (1992), pp. 143–162.

46

Chapter 3

­ rojects; however, only a handful of studies delve into the details about the p development of his immense collection by focusing on contemporary sources other than inventories. His crucial relationship with the Greek scribe Antonios Eparchos, for example, was examined at the end of the nineteenth century by Emile Legrand and by Léon Dorez, who also described Cervini’s pertinacity in seeking out a copy of Pliny’s Historia naturalis masterfully collated by Augusto Valdo (ca. 1460–1527), professor of Greek at the Roman Studium.12 By contrast, increasing attention has been paid to the dispersal of his library and its connection with the Vatican Library. Paola Piacentini’ and Giacomo Cardinali’s recent studies on this subject are part of a long and honourable tradition going back to Cardinal Giovanni Mercati, whose outstanding body of works is still a mine of information for patient diggers.13 Another aspect of his patronage which has attracted scholarly interest – and yet is rarely recalled outside its 12

13

Dorez, ‘Antoine Eparque’ and Emile Legrand, Bibliographie hellénique ou description rai­ sonnée des ouvrages publiés en grec par des Grecs aux xve et xvie siècles (4 vols., Paris: Leroux, 1885–1906), i, pp. 259–262, 277–281; ii, pp. 360–376; for a more recent account, see Helles Giotopoulou-Sisilianou, Antonios ho Eparchos: henas Kerkyraios oumanistes tou 16ou aiona (Athens: [s.n.], 1978) and Brigitte Mondrian, ‘Les Eparque, une famille de ­médicins collectionneurs de manuscrits aux xve–xvie siècles’, in Sophia Patoura (ed.), Η ελληνική γραφή κατά τους 15ο και 16ο αιώνες (Athens: The National Hellenic Research Foundation, 2000), pp. 145–163. Léon Dorez, ‘L’exemplaire de Pline l’Ancien d’Agosto Valdo de Padoue et le Cardinal Marcello Cervini’, Revue des bibliothèques, 5 (1895), pp. 14–20, suggesting that Cervini may have planned a publication with Paolo Manuzio. The ­Valdo-Cervini Pliny is now bav, Inc.ii.145. See also Paola Piacentini, ‘Augusto Valdo († 1527) e un Plinio appartenuto a Marcello Cervini (Inc.ii.145)’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 20 (2014), pp. 621–656. Paola Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii Cervini: una ricostruzione dalle carte di Jeanne Bignami Odier: i libri a stampa, (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2001); her, ‘Marcello Cervini (Marcello ii): la Biblioteca Vaticana e la biblioteca personale’, in Ceresa (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Apostolica: ii, pp. 105–143; and her ‘Appunti su codici ­cerviniani di ambiente bolognese’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 25 (2019), pp. 399–432. The shortcomings of the former study were pointed out by Raphaële Mouren, in her review in Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes, 61 (2003), pp. 704–706. ­Cardinali, to whom I am indebted for his help, is preparing a monograph on Cervini’s editio princeps of Theodoret’s Eranistes and the critical edition of Cervini-Sirleto correspondence. Other insightful contributions by him and other scholars concerning Cervini’s library will be discussed later on in this chapter. A list of Mercati’s writings is provided by Augusto Campana (ed.), Bibliografia degli scritti del Cardinale Giovanni Mercati (1890– 1956) (Vatican City: ­Biblioteca ­Apostolica Vaticana, 1957), to be supplemented with Giovanni Mercati, Opere minori, vi, pp. ix–xviii. The most remarkable of his essays illuminating various aspects of the history of the sixteenth-century book world will be cited in due course.

Portrait of a Cardinale Editore

47

specific bailiwick – concerns architecture. Since 1979, a series of articles has elucidated Cervini’s connections with Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, ­Vignola (Jacopo Barozzi), Sebastiano Serlio and Vasari, as well as his pivotal role in the revival of Vitruvian studies in sixteenth-century Rome. This led not only to the publication of at least one printed book, the Annotationes on De architectura by the French humanist Guillaume Philandrier, but also to the compilation of Steven Pigge’s Farrago (1554) and the famous Codex Pighianus. The Codex Coburgensis, an equally celebrated collection of drawings of antiques, has also been ascribed to Cervini’s circle.14 Over the past twenty years, we have acquired a clearer and richer understanding of Cervini. We are now more aware of him as an astute politician, pious bishop and efficient inquisitor, as well as an erudite patron, generous man of letters and passionate bibliophile. How these various aspects of his activity and personality come together remains an open question; Cervini’s attitude towards printing can offer a revealing point of convergence. With regard to this interest of his, it should be noted that three articles by Léon Dorez, Pio ­Paschini and Stanley Morison, all now out-of-date, represent the sole attempts to give an overall account of Cervini’s publishing activities.15 Later in 14

15

See nos. 27 and 118 in Appendix B of the present volume. David R. Coffin, ‘Pope Marcellus ii and Architecture’, Architectura, 9 (1979), pp. 11–29; Peter Dreyer, ‘Vignolas Planungen für eine befestigte Villa Cervini’, Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, 21 (1984), pp. 365– 396; Margaret Daly Davis, ‘Zum Codex Coburgensis: frühe Archäologie und Humanismus im Kreis des Marcello Cervini’, in Richard Harprath and Henning Wrede (eds.), Antiken­ zeichnung und Antikenstudium in Renaissance und Frühbarock: akten des internationalen Symposions, Coburg 8–10 September 1986 (Mainz: von Zabern, 1989), pp. 185–199; ­Frédérique Lemerle, Les Annotations de Guillaume Philandrier sur le ‘De Architectura’ de Vitruve: Livres i à iv (Paris: Picard, 2000), pp. 15–18; Pietro Ruschi, ‘Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane, il Vignola e il cardinale Marcello Cervini, architetto dilettante’, in Carlo Prezzolini and Valeria Novembri (eds.), Papa Marcello ii Cervini e la Chiesa della prima metà del ‘500 (Montepulciano: Le Balze, 2003), pp. 199–261; Rossana Nicolò, ‘La villa di Marcello Cervini al Vivo d’Orcia’, Quaderni dell’Istituto di Storia dell’Architettura, 43 (2004), pp. 51– 74; Yves Pauwels, ‘Philibert De l’Orme et ses cardinaux: Marcello Cervini and Jean Du Bellay’, in Frédérique Lemerle, Yves Pauwels and Gennaro Toscano (eds.), Les Cardinaux de la Renaissance et la modernité artistique (Lille: IRHiS, 2009), pp. 149–156. Léon Dorez, ‘Le Cardinal Marcello Cervini et l’impremiere à Rome (1539–1550)’, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, 12 (1892), pp. 289–312; Pio Paschini, ‘Un cardinale editore: ­Marcello Cervini’, in his Cinquecento romano e riforma cattolica: scritti raccolti in occasione dell’ottantesimo compleanno dell’autore (Rome: Facultas Theologica Pontificii Athenaei Lateranensis, 1958), pp. 183–217, originally published in 1952 and building on his ‘­ Guglielmo Sirleto prima del cardinalato’, in his Tre ricerche sulla storia della Chiesa nel Cinquecento (Rome: Edizioni liturgiche, 1945), pp. 155–282. Stanley Morison, ‘Marcello Cervini Pope

48

Chapter 3

the twentieth century, some eminent bibliographers, drawing on these articles, have mainly discussed the beautiful Greek fonts employed in some of the ­publications sponsored by Cervini.16 All these studies gave the lion’s share of their attention to one endeavour in particular, the first edition of the Homer commentaries by the Byzantine scholar Eustathius of Thessalonica, leaving aside the rest of Cervini’s involvement in printing and the context in which it arose. As a result, they tended to overemphasise the continuity of his programme with that of earlier Roman humanism, as if there was little or nothing new in his various enterprises. Four important exceptions are the studies of Deoclecio Redig de Campos on Francesco Priscianese, of Valentino Romani on the editio princeps of the Ge’ez New Testament, and of Robert J. Wilkinson and Giacomo Cardinali on Cervini’s promotion of Syriac studies and printing.17 Lastly, Raphaële Mouren has investigated the relationship of Cervini with the Florentine humanist Piero Vettori, shedding light on several editorial collaborations between the two on the basis of Vettori’s papers held in the British Library.18

16

17

18

Marcellus ii: Bibliography’s Patron Saint’, Italia Medioevale e Umanistica, 5 (1962), pp. 301–319. Roberto Ridolfi, ‘Nuovi contributi sulle stamperie papali di Paolo iii’, La Bibliofilía, 50 (1948), pp. 183–197; Alberto Tinto, ‘Nuovo contributo alla storia della tipografia greca a Roma nel sec. xvi: Nicolò Sofiano’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 40 (1965), pp. 171–175, and his ‘The History of a Sixteenth-Century Greek Type’, The Library, ser. 5, 25 (1970), pp. 285–293; Evro Layton, The Sixteenth Century Greek Book in Italy: Printers and Publishers for the Greek World (Venice: Istituto ellenico di studi bizantini e postbizantini di Venezia, 1994), ad indicem. Deoclecio Redig de Campos, ‘Francesco Priscianese, stampatore e umanista fiorentino del sec. xvi’, La Bibliofilía, 40 (1938), pp. 161–183; Valentino Romani, ‘La stampa del Nuovo Testamento in etiopico (1548–1549): figure e temi del Cinquecento romano’, in Studi di biblioteconomia e storia del libro in onore di Francesco Barberi (Rome: Associazione italia­ na biblioteche, 1976), pp. 481–498; Robert J. Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic and Kabba­ lah in the Catholic Reformation: The First Printing of the Syriac New Testament (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2007), plus the review by Alastair Hamilton in Quærendo, 48 (2008), pp. 1–4, which points out many inaccuracies; other errors have recently been corrected by Giacomo Cardinali, ‘Ritratto di Marcello Cervini en orientaliste (con precisazioni alle vicende di Petrus Damascenus, Mosè di Mārdīn ed Heliodorus Niger): prima parte’, Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance, 80 (2018), pp. 77–98 and his ‘Ritratto di Marcello Cervini en orientaliste (con precisazioni alle vicende di Petrus Damascenus, Mosè di Mārdīn ed Helio­dorus Niger): seconda parte’, ibid., pp. 325–343. Raphaële Mouren, ‘La lecture assidue des classiques: Marcello Cervini et Piero Vettori’, in Patrick Gilli (ed.), Humanisme et Eglise en Italie et en France méridionale (xve siècle – ­milieu du xvie siècle) (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2004), pp. 433–463 and her ‘Du Cardinal au prote: travail d’équipe autour d’éditions grecques au mileu du xvie siècle’, in Martine Furno (ed.), Qui écrit? Figures de l’auteur et des co-élaborateurs du texte, xve–xviiie siècle (Lyon: ens, 2009), pp. 53–74.

Portrait of a Cardinale Editore

1

49

Cervini’s Career and Cultural Interests

Marcello Cervini was born in 1501 into a patrician family from Montepulciano, near Siena. His father, Ricciardo, amassed a considerable fortune as a curial and Church official. As the trusted agent of the wealthy Spannocchi he was able to link his name to theirs, thus securing the elevation of his family to the nobility of the Republic of Siena in 1493; this alliance is symbolized in the Cervini coat-of-arms, which has a deer, a cerva, surrounded by cobs, pannocchie.19 Ricciardo ensured his son’s future by providing him with a well-grounded humanist education and passing on to him his own interests in astronomy and Latin literature, together with a valuable collection of books.20 During the 1520s, Marcello was sent to Siena to study classics, mathematics and eloquence, most likely at the Studio.21 In 1528 – or possibly earlier in the decade – he joined the accademia senese.22 At the centre of this circle of men of letters (not to be confused with the later Intronati) were the Tolomei brothers, Lattanzio, Bandino and Claudio,23 and it included not only Cervini’s principal teacher, Giovan Battista Politi,24 but also his lifelong friend, Bernardino Maffei.25 Other contemporaries such as Francesco Molza and Pietro Aretino also took part in the academy when in the city.26 As with many other Italian academies, its precise activities remain largely undocumented. The little we do 19

Marco Palma, ‘Cervini, Ricciardo’, in dbi, xxiv, 1980, pp. 111–113, and Paola Piacentini, ‘La giovinezza di Marcello Cervini nelle lettere al padre (1519–1524)’, in Vincenzo Fera and Giacomo Ferraù (eds.), Filologia umanistica: per Gianvito Resta (Padua: Antenore, 1997), pp. 1421–1461, passim. 20 Ibid., pp. 1445, 1458–1461. On Ricciardo’s library, see Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, pp. xxxiv–xxxv. 21 Piacentini, ‘La giovinezza di Marcello Cervini’, p. 1426, n. 14. The Commune of Siena discouraged private teaching by means of protectionist legislation in favour of the Studium; see Peter Denley, Commune and Studio in Late Medieval and Renaissance Siena (Bologna: clueb, 2006). 22 Quaranta, Marcello ii, p. 50, n. 36. 23 The Tolomei brothers were among the most learned figures in the Republic of Siena and afterwards in Rome. On the humanists Lattanzio and Bandino, see Quaranta, Marcello ii, p. 43, n. 16. Claudio was celebrated for his vast erudition, his collection of letters and his treatises on the Italian vernacular; see Luigi Sbaragli, Claudio Tolomei umanista senese del Cinquecento: la vita e le opere (Siena: Accademia per le Arti e per le Lettere, 1939). 24 The brother of the controversialist Ambrogio Catarino Politi, he taught dialectic and mathematics at the University of Siena; see Quaranta, Marcello ii, p. 41, n. 7. 25 Renato Sansa, ‘Maffei, Bernardino’, in dbi, lxvii, 2006, pp. 223–226, in which there is no mention of Maffei’s participation in this academy. 26 Léo Košuta, ‘Aonio Paleario et son groupe humaniste et réformateur à Sienne (1530–1546)’, Lias, 7 (1980), pp. 3–59, and his ‘L’Académie siennoise: une académie oubliée du xvie ­siècle’, Bullettino senese di storia patria, 87 (1980), pp. 123–157.

50

Chapter 3

know, however, suggests a group of scholars engaged in debating the forms and uses of the Italian vernacular, into which they translated Greek and Latin classics.27 In this context, Cervini was able to nurture his passion for Cicero and made a vernacular version of De amicitia, now lost. Apparently, he also started to transpose Xenophon’s Oeconomicus, while there are solid palaeographical arguments to date to 1525–1526 the copy of Claudio Tolomei’s treatise on the Italian vernacular (Cesano) which Cervini wrote in an unusally neat version of his young hand (Fig. 1).28 At the end of 1524, Cervini visited Rome and submitted to the Medici pope, Clement vii, a prediction by his father of a forthcoming flood, along with a proposal to reform the Julian calendar. During this visit, his intellectual and practical skills earned the appreciation of the Portuguese ambassador Miguel da Silva, the cardinals Giovanni Piccolomini, Egidio da Viterbo, Lorenzo Pucci and the archbishops and bishops Benedetto Accolti, Girolamo Aleandro, Gian Pietro Carafa and Giberti.29 From 1531 on, he gradually established himself in the city, serving in the Curia and participating in Roman cultural life. He encountered there a group of Florentine patricians who were forced to flee their city after the rise to power of Duke Alessandro de’ Medici in 1530 and were plotting – each one with his own purpose – either to restore the Florentine Republic or to impose an openly oligarchic government on Florence. Tolerated and occasionally supported by Clement vii (who was himself a Medici), the noblemen were part of the upper ranks of the Church hierarchy and led by the Gaddi brothers, Niccolò Ridolfi, Giovanni Salviati and later by the young

27 Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 54–56. On a possible link between Cervini and another academy, that led by Coriolano Martirano, see no. 89 in Appendix B as well as François Fossier, ‘Premières recherches sur le manuscrits latins du cardinal Marcello Cervini (1501–1555)’, Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome: moyen âge, temps modernes, 91 (1979), pp. 381–456, at p. 383, n. 14. 28 Pollidori, De vita Marcelli ii commentarius, p. 13 states that the manuscript of De amicitia was part of Pius V’s library and was still available in the 1770s, at the time he was working on his biography. On Cervini’s attempt to Latinise Xenophon, see Catalogus Translatio­ num et Commentariorum: Medieval and Renaissance Latin Translations and Commentar­ ies, vii, ed. by Virginia Brown, Paul Oskar Kristeller and F. Edward Cranz (Washington DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1992), pp. 180–181, 185. On Cervini’s copy of Ce­ sano (now bncf, Fondo Nazionale, ii.xi.2), see the thorough analysis in Claudio Tolomei, Il Cesano de la lingua toscana: edizione critica riveduta e ampliata, ed. by Ornella Castellani Pollidori (Florence: Accademia della Crusca, 1996), pp. xiii–xiv, xix–xc, including plates. The editio princeps (ustc 859294) was published in Venice by Giolito in 1555 without the author’s consent; Cervini had no part in it. 29 asf, Cervini, vol. 49, cc. 72r-150r.

Portrait of a Cardinale Editore

Figure 1

bncf, Fondo Nazionale ii.xi.2: Cervini’s manuscript copy of Claudio Tolomei’s Cesano, f. 1r.

51

52

Chapter 3

c­ ardinal Ippolito de’ Medici.30 All of them were also generous patrons of letters, especially Ippolito de’ Medici, Niccolò Ridolfi and Giovanni Gaddi.31 A  large part of the Italian cultural elite of the period – from Piero Vettori, ­Donato Giannotti and Benedetto Varchi to the artists Benvenuto Cellini, ­Sebastiano del Piombo, Andrea del Sarto and Jacopo Sansovino – frequently assembled in their Roman residences and libraries. Closely connected to the Florentine enclave were the accademia dei Vignaiuoli and dei Virtuosi (also known as della Nuova Poesia and, subsequently, dello Sdegno). The first gathered in the house of Uberto Strozzi and involved most of Ippolito de’ Medici’s court; the second, which originated inside Ippolito’s court, was re-established by Giovanni Gaddi and continued after his death in 1542 on the initiative of Claudio Tolomei. Although not much is known about these circles, it seems that they engaged both in erudite discussions, poetical exercises and licentious poetic jokes and certainly some of those affiliated to them joined Cervini and other patrons in the study of Vitruvius and Roman antiquities in the early 1540s.32 Given his interest in antiquities, the classics and their vernacular translation, it is little wonder that Cervini’s name frequently crops up in connection with these early circles, crowded with Tuscan men of letters, especially from Siena and Arezzo.33 Some of their members were longstanding friends of his such as Francesco and Trifone Benci, Claudio Tolomei, Annibale Caro, ­Giovanni Della Casa, Francesco Molza and (possibly) Bernardino Maffei, while others were to ­become partners in his printing and publishing projects, that is, Francesco Priscianese, Antonio Blado and Pier Paolo Gualtieri. 30 31

32

33

See Paolo Simoncelli, Fuoriuscitismo repubblicano fiorentino (1530–54): i: 1530–37 (Milan: Franco Angeli, 2006). On de’ Medici’s court, see Guido Rebecchini, ‘Un altro Lorenzo’; on the circle and the outstanding library of Cardinal Ridolfi, see Davide Muratore, La biblioteca del cardinale ­Niccolò Ridolfi (2 vols., Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso, 2009). Giovanni Gaddi’s cultural promotional activities are insufficiently explored. For his biography, see Vanna Arrighi, ‘Gaddi, Giovanni’, in dbi, LI, 1998, pp. 156–158. For what little is known about the two academies, see Michele Maylender, Storia delle Accademie d’Italia (5 vols., Bologna: Cappelli, 1926–1930), iv, p. 86; v, pp. 141, 478–480, as well as Quaranta, Marcello ii, p. 76, nn. 105–107, and Enrico Garavelli, ‘“L’erudita bottega di messer Claudio”: nuovi testi per il Reame della Virtù (Roma 1538)’, Italique, 16 (2013), pp. 111–154. I consider them as separate circles, following Rebecchini, ‘Un altro Lorenzo’, pp. 216–219. On the informal architecture academy, see the bibliography mentioned above in n. 13, along with the account provided by Luca Contile in his, Delle lettere … (Pavia­: Girolamo Bartoli for Giovanni Battista Turlino, 1564), i, ff. 19v-20v, 29v-31r, and the ambitious three-year editorial programme drawn up by Tolomei in 1543 (see his De le let­ tere, ff. 81r-85r, as well as ff. 66v-67r). See, e.g., the numerous references to him, mostly as ‘Messer Marcello’, in: Caro, Lettere, ad indicem; Varchi, Lettere, pp. 25, 61–62, 65; Bramanti, Lettere, ad indicem; Bembo, Lettere, voll. iii–iv, ad indicem.

Portrait of a Cardinale Editore

53

It is likely that the academies of Siena and Rome exerted considerable influence on Cervini’s literary education, providing an ideal environment in which to perfect his skills and knowledge and to make contacts with the world of publishing. This is particularly plausible (though, in the absence of hard information, it must remain a matter for speculation) in the case of the Roman academies, where links to local printers – especially Blado, known by the academic nickname ‘Greybeard’ (‘Barbagrigia’) – were very strong. For instance, the 1539 manifesto of the Virtuosi/Nuova Poesia entitled Versi e regole della nuova poesia toscana was published by Blado, who also contributed to the collection by publishing some verses under his own name at the very end of the book.34 Priscianese, who was to become Cervini’s Latin printer, is also celebrated in this volume for his vernacular Latin grammar and his friendship with ­Simone Pescia, Donato Giannotti and Niccolò Ardinghelli; he appears as the addressee of four pieces penned by Gualtieri, Paolo Del Rosso, Dionigi Atanagi and, above all, Claudio Tolomei.35 In the early days of Cervini’s Roman stay, another erudite circle flourished in Rome: the Horti Colocciani. There is no evidence to prove that Cervini was among the members of this group, which attracted more prominent and established personalities such as Bembo, Castiglione, Giberti and Blosio Palla­ dio. Yet, it is certain that Cervini soon became very close to its leader, Angelo Colocci, an eclectic scholar, voracious book collector and passionate, though not entirely proficient, amateur of Greek literature.36 Colocci and Cervini shared an interest in ancient scientific authors and in around 1533 they worked together on the translation of some treatises by Heron of Alexandria, an enterprise which can be linked to Colocci’s unfinished research on ancient systems

34

Versi, et regole de la nuova poesia Toscana (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1539), sigs. Yiiir–Yivr. The opening complaint about the academicians’ ingratitude is clearly a literary divertisse­ ment, despite Barberi’s remark in his ‘Blado, Antonio’, pp. 754–755. 35 Versi, et regole, sigs. Fiv, Pivr, Sivr, Tiiv-Tivr. 36 On him and the Horti: Vittorio Fanelli, Ricerche su Angelo Colocci e sulla Roma ­cinquecentesca (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1979) and Corrado Bologna and Marco Bernardi (eds.), Angelo Colocci e gli studi romanzi (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apo­ stolica Vaticana, 2008), with updated bibliography at pp. xii–xviii; on his remarkable library: Marco Bernardi, ‘Gli elenchi bibliografici di Angelo Colocci: la lista A e l’Inventario Primo (Arch. Bibl. 15, pt. A)’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 20 (2014), pp. 89–153; his ‘La lista C o Inventario secondo (1558) dei libri di Angelo Colocci (Vat. lat. 3958, ff. 184r-196r)’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 22 (2016), pp. 7–111; and his ‘Colocci e Tebaldeo di fronte al Sacco di Roma (1527): le liste f e g e un nuovo documento epistolare’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 23 (2017), ­ pp. 35–117.

54

Chapter 3

of measurement. A year earlier, Colocci had lent some money to Cervini, who was later to return the favour by trying in vain to convince the pope to agree to Colocci’s request to transfer the bishopric of Nocera from himself to his illegitimate son. In February 1538, the two were also emending Varro together and asked Vettori to have access to his own manuscript for collation.37 Their friendship is significant for the purposes of this investigation because of Colocci’s involvement in Roman printing. Not only was the famous Greek press attached to Leo x’s Greek College located in a property owned by Colocci,38 but he also edited and published some humanist texts, drawing on his remarkable private collection.39 Most importantly, as we shall see, Cervini was to accomplish one of Colocci’s most ambitious projects: the edition of the commentaries on Homer by Eustathius of Thessalonica. The election to the papacy in 1534 of Paul iii, an acquaintance of Cervini’s father, was a turning point for Marcello. The pope appointed him as the instructor, and later on as the secretary, of the cardinal nephew Alessandro Farnese; he also played a part in the education of the other young papal cardinal grandson, Guido Ascanio Sforza di Santa Fiora. From then onwards, ­Cervini’s influence and power grew exponentially: as early as 1538 he was the pope’s ‘secret’ secretary. After his elevation to the cardinalate in the following year, he was entrusted with a delicate diplomatic mission to France and ­Flanders, and with the organisation of the ecumenical council and legation to

37

38

39

Samy Lattes, ‘“De ponderibus and mensuris” di Angelo Colocci’, in Atti del Convegno di studi su Angelo Colocci, Jesi 13–14 settembre 1969, Palazzo della Signoria (Jesi: Ammini­ strazione Comunale di Jesi, 1972), pp. 95–108. bav, Vat. lat. 4104, ff. 1r-17v, 20r, 22r-24v, 56r-57r and the analysis in Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 67, 73–74, 81–82, and Piacentini, ­‘Marcello Cervini: la Biblioteca Vaticana’, pp. 119–120. BL, Add. MS 10265, f. 264r. It is worth noting that Vettori dedicated to Cervini his edition of Cato and Varro in 1541 (see n. 62 in ­Appendix B). Vittorio Fanelli, ‘Il ginnasio greco di Leone x a Roma’ and ‘Aspetti della Roma cinquecentesca: le case e le raccolte archeologiche del Colocci’, both in his Ricerche su Angelo Colocci, pp. 91–125. On the college printing press: Francesco Barberi and Emidio Cerulli, ‘Le edizioni greche “In gymnasio Mediceo ad Caballinum montem”’, in Atti del Convegno su Angelo Colocci, pp. 61–76. The later documental analysis by Anthony Hobson, ‘The Printer of the Greek editions “In gymnasio Mediceo ad Caballinum montem”’, in Studi in onore di Francesco Barberi, pp. 331–335, has been recently disproved by Adolfo Tura, ‘Di due incunaboli ignoti, di uno poco conosciuto e della tipografia romana “in gymnasio Mediceo”’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 88 (2013), pp. 63–67. Augusto Campana, ‘Angelo Colocci conservatore ed editore di letteratura umanistica’, in his Scritti: i, ii, pp. 827–838, and his ‘Dal Calmeta al Colocci: testo nuovo di un epicedio di P.F. Giustolo’, ibid., pp. 857–905. See also the essays in Bologna and Bernardi (eds.), Angelo Colocci e gli studi romanzi, for his pioneering interest in early vernacular manuscripts.

Portrait of a Cardinale Editore

55

Trent, together with Giovanni Maria Ciocchi Del Monte and Reginald Pole.40 Although he was not the president of the assembly, he was to all intents and purposes the leading figure in the first period of the Tridentine Council, while Angelo Massarelli, his trusted personal secretary, was also the secretary to the council up to its conclusion in 1563; as cardinal legate, he sometimes cunningly promoted his personal point of view by making adjustments to the strict instructions of the Roman Curia.41 In 1548, he officially joined the Roman Inquisition, having already dealt, after his own fashion, with many cases of heresy and dissent throughout Italy.42 In the conclave of 1549 following Paul iii’s death, Cervini was one of the most popular candidates; but he was too close to the French party for Emperor Charles v and therefore failed to get a sufficient number of votes. Nevertheless, the election of his former colleague, Cardinal Del Monte, as Julius iii, strengthened his position in the Curia, enabling him to act more and more independently from his former pupil and employer Alessandro Farnese. Cervini spent the following years between Rome and his bishopric of Gubbio, co-ordinating the repression of heresy in the Italian peninsula, exercising his episcopal role in an exemplary fashion and preparing the ground for his own election as pope in April 1555.43 His success in the conclave was mostly due to the support of Paul iii’s grandsons, especially Sant’Angelo (viz, Ranuccio Farnese) and Santa Fiora. In backing him, the two prelates carved out a place for themselves in the Cervini family narrative: as late as 1621, Cardinal Bellarmino, Cervini’s most illustrious nephew, defended the biographical oration on Marcellus ii written by Bellarmino’s own nephew, also 40

The relevant documents are published in Nuntiaturberichte Giovanni Morones vom deutschen Königshofe 1539–1540, ed. by Franz Dittrich (Paderborn: Schöningh, 1892); Nun­ tiaturberichte aus Deutschland: Erste Abteilung (1533–1559), v: Nuntiaturen Morones und Poggios, Legationen Farneses und Cervinis (1539–1540), ed. by Ludwig Cardauns (Berlin: Bath, 1909); Marc Dykmans, ‘Quatre lettres des Marcel Cervini cardinal-legat après de Charles Quint en 1540’, Archivium Historiae Pontificiae, 19 (1991), pp. 113–171. See also the thorough analysis of Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 83–100, esp. pp. 92–98, and 185–315. 41 See the account in ibid., p. 267, and the apt description of the council as ‘Cerviniano’ by Simon Ditchfield, ‘Trent Revisited’, in Dall’Olio, Malena and Scaramella (eds.), Per Adriano Prosperi: i, pp. 357–370, at pp. 365–366. The importance of Cervini’s role is also mirrored by the significant number of treatises on Tridentine topics which Catholic prelates either dedicated or sent to him, not only during the first phase of the Council, but also before and after that: see Appendix B, nos. 17–18, 37, 48, 51, 55, 57, 63–64, 67, 75, 87, 93, 101–107, 110–113, 119, 121. 42 Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 284–315, esp. p. 313. Indeed, among the treatises mentioned above in n. 41, we find two self-apologetical works which Guillaume Postel (no. 106) and Jacopo Nacchianti (no. 57) addressed to Cervini in the hope of contesting the charges of heresy moved against them by the Inquisition. 43 On Cervini’s clever political manoeuvres, see Firpo, La presa di potere, ad indicem.

56

Chapter 3

named M ­ arcello Cervini.44 In responding to the doubts of the Siena inquisitor about the passage in which Marcello the Younger said that ‘the Farnese patronage had made Marcello pope’, Bellarmino specified that God had used Ranuccio and Santa Fiora to gain the vote of the Farnese ‘creatures’ (i.e., the cardinals appointed by Paul iii) and improve the odds in Cervini’s favour.45 Cervini’s political and ecclesiastical views were opaque even to his own contemporaries. This is all the more remarkable in the light of the sharp divisions within the Catholic hierarchy at the time. As has been discussed in the introduction, two groups of high-ranking prelates took contrasting positions towards the Reformation. On the one hand there were the intransigents, mainly members of the Roman Inquisition; on the other were the compromisers, or, after 1542, the so-called spirituali, who shared some theological common grounds with the more moderate wing of the Reformation. In his youth, Cervini might easily have come into contact with some of the new ideas from Germany, since these circulated widely in Italian academies, as well as in the Farnese court. For instance, some members of the accademia senese such as Ludovico Castelvetro, Aonio Paleario and Lattanzio Ragnoni spread Reformed doctrines and then openly embraced them, while the accademia dei Virtuosi had affiliations with Marcantonio Flaminio, who was to become the main Italian promoter of Juan de Valdés’s religious beliefs.46 Cervini himself, however, seems to have been disinclined to engage in theological matters. When in 1520 his friend Ambrogio Catarino Politi encouraged him to join the Dominicans and devote his skills to the study of sacred letters, he refused. He took minor vows fifteen years later; but this was as much as anything to improve his chances for a curial career – a path which had successfully been followed by 44 45

ustc 4021801. ‘… Ho visto l’oratione Latina et l’epistola dedicatoria del Signore Marcello Cervini, mio nipote, et non ci ho notato errore nessuno circa la fede né circa li costumi. Et quelle parole ‘Patrocini Farnesium effecit papam Marcellum’ non intendo che cosa di male conteghino, perché sebene Dio è quello, che fa li Papi, tuttavia si serve degli homini per farli, et però può assai nell’elettione dei Papi il patrocinio di quelli, a chi tocca eleggere. Né si può negare, che il patrocinio di casa Farnese, come causa seconda, habbi fatto Marcello Papa, perché Papa Paulo iii, che fu di casa Farnese, fece Marcello Cardinale, senza la qual di­ gnità non sarebbe stato fatto Papa; et poi i principali, che procuronno l’elettione di Papa Marcello in conclave furono il Cardinale Santo Angelo et Cardinale Santo Fiore [sic], nipoti di Paulo iii, et essi tirorno seco le altre creature aderrenti a casa Farnese’. The letter is transcribed and briefly commented on by Godman, The Saint as Censor, p. 51, 344. Cf. Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 462, 466 for the relationship between Cervini and Ranuccio, citing some of the numerous passages in asf, Cervini, vols. 37, 48, 50–51, passim. Ibid., vol. 1–2, 5, 7, passim for the links between Cervini and Santa Fiora, less frequently mentioned in the relevant literature. 46 Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 57–64, 76.

Portrait of a Cardinale Editore

57

many others.47 Up until 1539, he perfectly embodied the Renaissance secretary: a well-educated, zealous and worldly man, with distinguished abilities in solving juridical and diplomatic issues as well as ghost-writing impeccable Latin and vernacular letters.48 The legation to Flanders in 1540, however, marked a watershed in his approach to contemporary religious problems, since he had the opportunity to see with his own eyes the extent of the crisis on the other side of the Alps and the threats posed to the papacy and the Catholic hierarchy. His analysis tended to focus on the political causes and consequences of the Protestant turmoil, under the influence of the humanist and papal nuncio to ­Vienna Cardinal Girolamo Aleandro, with whom he also shared a passion for the Greek language and books in general. During the legation, Cervini also met his later secretary and right-hand man, Angelo Massarelli, who was to knock at Cervini’s door following Aleandro’s death in 1542. Another crucial point which Cervini came to realise, largely through Aleandro, concerned the outstanding rhetorical abilities displayed by Protestant speakers and authors (Melanchthon above all), as opposed to their Catholic counterparts, which were often represented by Italian clerics and would – Cervini came to see – require more careful selection by the Curia. Following Erasmus, the cream of humanist scholarship had moved beyond the Alps, where it was prospering.49 Cervini, however, reacted innovatively to the situation: this was also the time when he became aware of the importance of relaunching the Church’s scholarship and communication strategy through printing, and, consequently, the need for a centralised Catholic press, as had been partially envisaged by Cochlaeus, Fabri 47

Ibid., pp. 41, 68. On Politi, see Giorgio Caravale, Beyond the Inquisition: Ambrogio Catarino Politi and the Origins of the Counter-Reformation (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2017) and later on in Chap. 6. 48 See on this figure, Marcello Simonetta, Rinascimento segreto: il mondo del segretario da Petrarca a Machiavelli (Milan: Franco Angeli, 2004), and, for the mid-sixteenth century, Douglas Biow, Doctors, Ambassadors, Secretaries: Humanism and Professions in Renais­ sance Italy (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2002), pp. 155–196, including earlier bibliography cited esp. at p. 155, n. 1. Cervini’s career was so iconic that it was presented as a model in Francesco Sansovino’s Secretario, one of the most influential treatises on the subject, first published in Venice in 1564 (ustc 854754). See the comment on the passage in Elena Bonora, Ricerche su Francesco Sansovino impreditore librario e lette­ rato (Venice: Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti, 1994), pp. 160–161. 49 Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 90–91, 96–101. A key figure in scholarship and religious controversy during the first half of the Cinquecento, Aleandro (1480–1542) has not been the object of well-rounded studies since the partial biography of Jules Paquier, L’humanisme & la réforme: Jérôme Aléandre de sa naissance à la fin de son séjour à Brindes (1480–1529) avec son portrait, ses armes, un fac-simile de son écriture et un catalogue de ses oeuvres (Paris: Leroux, 1900). See also Giuseppe Alberigo, ‘Aleandro, Girolamo’, in dbi, ii, 1960, pp. 128–135.

58

Chapter 3

and other German controversialists with whom he had become acquainted.50 While still involved in the Flemish legation, he commissioned his first book: a reply to Calvin’s second edition of the Institutio (1539). A copy of this pernicious work was given to him by a colleague, Bernardo Sanzio, bishop of Aquila, and its contents, which Cervini judged to be exceptionally dangerous, had to be refuted. This delicate task was assigned to Albert Pigge (Pighius), who produced his treatise in 1542.51 Roughly at the same time, Cervini was also the indirect target of Reformed propaganda, remarkably from Calvin himself. Under cover of one of the best pseudonyms of all time, that of the great Church ­Father and historian Eusebius Pamphili, Calvin disseminated a confidential memorandum which Cardinal Farnese and Cervini had addressed to Charles v on behalf of the pope in April 1540, along with his own scornful annotations.52 It was on his return to Rome, however, that Cervini entered the cultural battleground in person and began to promote a range of literature very different from these controversial works, as we shall see. Meanwhile, he grew into one of the most active cardinals in Church matters and took a leading role in the preparation and later direction of the Council of Trent. His overriding concern was to defend the political power of the Church and the papacy, which entailed regaining control over the secular and, above all, regular clergy as well as 50 Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 114–115, 433–435. 51 ustc 666787–666788 and 630363. Pigge recounted the genesis of the work in his preface to a later unpublished treatise (bav, Ott. lat. 774, ff. 2r-8r, at f. 6r, transcribed in Hubert Jedin, Studien über die Schriftstellertätigkeit Albert Pigges (Müster: Aschendorff, 1931), pp. 157–165, at p. 163). Other details can be found in his correspondence with the papal envoys, including Cervini, in Friedensburg, ‘Beiträge’, 23 (1902), pp. 110–155, esp. letters nos. 245, 259. For the ensuing debate between Pigge and the French Reformer, cf. also Anthony N.S. Lane, John Calvin Student of the Church Fathers (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1999), pp. 179–189 and Nathalie Szczech, Calvin en polémique: une maïeutique du verbe (Paris: Classique Garnier, 2016), ad indicem (Pighius). 52 Calvin published his Consilium admodum paternum Pauli iii both in Latin and German in Strasbourg in 1541, before his return to Geneva (ustc 624854 and 624058). In selecting this pseudonym, he clearly channeled Eusebius’s strategy to reproduce sources (cf. ­Anthony Grafton, ‘Church History in Early Modern Europe: Tradition and Innovation’, in Katherine Van Liere, Simon Ditchfield and Howard Louthan (eds.), Sacred History: Uses of the Christian Past in the Renaissance World (Oxford: oup, 2012), pp. 3–26). See Quaranta, Marcello ii, p. 85, n. 10, on Cervini’s contribution to the original text. It is also significant that Cervini owned a copy of another, more notorious manipulation of a papal restricted document, published and commented on by Calvin under the title Admonitio paterna in 1545 (ust 609239): Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. B 231. For the most up to date overview of Calvin’s stance towards the Council, see Emidio Campi, ‘The Council of Trent and the Magisterial Reformers’, in François and Soen (eds.), The Council of Trent, i, pp. 277–309, at pp. 295–303.

Portrait of a Cardinale Editore

59

establishing a clear distinction between Catholic orthodoxy and heresy.53 In solving theological problems and presiding over crucial dogmatic debates in the council, he usually sought the help of experts such as Guglielmo Sirleto and Girolamo Seripando, in order to ensure that his position in favour of the pope’s interests was solidly grounded historically and in accord with Catholic tradition. Through his correspondence with Sirleto, in particular, he gathered together numerous excerpta from unpublished works of the Church Fathers and earlier conciliar acts preserved in Vatican manuscripts.54 In line with many other prelates of the Curia, Cervini’s focus tended to be on the Italian situation, since he rapidly came to regard the Lutheran areas of the Holy Roman Empire as a lost cause, an unruly terminally-ill patient and a rotten branch to be cut off from the rest of Christendom.55 With a great deal of 53

His inflexible attitude towards some alleged prerogatives of the monastic orders to the detriment of the papal authority clearly emerges from his first actions as legate to Trent. As he told Maffei with a pictoresque turn of phrase on 6 January 1545 (asv, Carte ­Farnesiane, vol. 1, Part 1, f. 25r): ‘havemo stabilita l’autorità de Nostro Signore quanto s’è possuto: sbattendo alcuni cervelli gagliardi (che forse hanno qualche sdegno col palazzo, dico de Italiani) …’ 54 Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 205–284 and, specifically, Roberto Spataro, ‘Il cardinale Cervini e l’argomentazione patristica durante la iv sessione del Concilio di Trento’, Salesianum, 59 (1997), pp. 33–49 and Jean-Louis Quantin, ‘Sirleto, le Concile de Trente et Jean ­Chrysostome’, in Benedetto Clausi and Santo Lucà (eds.), Il ‘sapientissimo calabro’: ­Guglielmo Sirleto nel v centenario della nascita (1514–2014): problemi, ricerche, prospettive: atti del Convegno, Roma, Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Antica in Palazzo Corsini – Sala delle Canonizzazioni, 13–15 gennaio 2015 (Rome: Università degli studi di Roma Tor Vergata, 2018). ­Notwithstanding his relevance in the intellectual history of the sixteenth century, no comprehensive study has been carried out on Sirleto. See: Paschini, ‘Guglielmo Sirleto’; Georg Denzler, Kardinal Guglielmo Sirleto (1514–1585): Leben und Werk: ein Beitrag zur nachtridentinischen Reform (Munich: Hüber, 1964); Leonardo Calabretta and Gregorio Sinatora (eds.), Il Card. Guglielmo Sirleto (1514–1585): atti del convegno di studio nel iv cen­ tenario della morte, Guardavalle, S. Marco Argentano, Catanzaro, Squillace, 5–7 ottobre 1986 (Catanzaro: Istituto di scienze religiose di Catanzaro-Squillace, 1989); Santo Lucà, ­‘Guglielmo Sirleto e la Vaticana’, in Ceresa (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Vaticana: ii, pp. 145–188; Clausi and Lucà (eds.), Il ‘sapientissimo calabro’, including mine ‘Guglielmo il Greco: Sirleto e i progetti editoriali del cardinale Marcello Cervini’ at pp. 209–220; and later on in the present volume. On Seripando, see Hubert Jedin, Girolamo Seripando: sein Leben und Denken im Geisteskampf des 16. Jahrhunderts (2 vols., Wurzburg: Rita-Verlag, 1937), recently translated in into Italian (Brescia: Morcelliana, 2016) with an updated bibliography provided by Angelo Maria Vitale (vol. ii, pp. 1225–1278). See ibid., i, pp. 333–486 for Seripando’s contributions to the Council under Cervini’s guidance. Further insights on the relationship between the two are provided ibid., ii, pp. 849–854 and infra, Chap. 6. 55 For instance, he wrote to Maffei on 1 December 1546 (asf, Cervini, vol. 19, f. 73bisr, also transcribed in CT, x, p. 746): ‘non è dubio … che le forze di Sua Santità et Sua Maestà [i.e., the Pope and the Emperor] non sono bastanti a provedere in tanti luoghi a un tratto, senza che, essendo l’infirmità della Germania assai diversa da quella delle altre provincie

60

Chapter 3

ingenuity and ambiguity, for over 15 years he managed to take an intransigent stand against both the Reformation and the appeals to the Church’s internal renewal either in the theological or hierarchical field. His constant efforts, at least on paper, to limit clerical abuses and to promote the residency of bishops earned him the sympathy of both camps within the Church hierarchy. In attempting to stamp out heresy, rather than taking the strict stance of the chief inquisitor Gian Pietro Carafa, he preferred to adopt the more accommodating approach of the early Jesuits. For Cervini, one of the first supporters of the newly established Society of Jesus and a close associate of Diego Laynez, ­Alfonso Salmerón and Peter Canisius, the possibility given by the pope to ­Loyola and his followers of absolving penitents in utroque foro by private abjuration was in perfect harmony with his own concerns, particularly during the 1540s, since such an approach of working ‘behind the curtain’, so to speak, was helpful in preventing scandals, criticism and damage to the image of the Church.56 His evasiveness continued even when he officially joined the Inquisition and had to deal with the ongoing investigation of high-level spirituali, including two of his competitors for the papacy, cardinals Pole and Morone.57 As the cardinal protector of the Augustinians and Servites and deputy protector of the Conventual Franciscans, Cervini paid particular attention to exerting control over religious orders and preachers.58 He was also involved in the

56

57 58

christiane, ne bisogna separare le medicine, et non usare a tutte la medesima. Ma come si fa a gli infermi che sono sfidati da medici, alla Germania horamai si può dar’ a mangiare ciò che vuole, et non restar per lei di sanar l’altre provincie, che per ancora sono sanabili, accioché non si infermino a morte loro ancora’. Five months later, he was even more direct in envisaging an ad hoc solution for Germany (asf, Cervini, vol. 19, f. 97v, also transcribed in CT, xi, p. 199): ‘… ancora che quanto alla Germania, ogni volta che s’andasse a buon camino, a me non dispiacerebbe che, quoad mores, Sua Santità separasse quella provincia dalle altre, essendo amalata de diversa infirmità dalle altre, né che mandasse un suo legato a trattare con Germani medesimi questa parte o in Diete, o in colloquii, o come se volessero chiamare. Questo partito all’altri forse non piacerà, ma a me pareria etiam salutare’. See also Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 198, 259, 275. Ibid., pp. 284–315 and, more generally, Jessica Dalton, Between Popes, Inquisitors and Princ­ es: How the First Jesuits Negotiated Religious Crisis in Early Modern Italy (Leiden and ­Boston: Brill, forthcoming) Further light on Cervini’s relationship with Loyola and the Jesuits will be shed in Chap. 7. Quarante, Marcello II, pp. 372–428 and the telling case reconstructed by Firpo, ‘Marcello Cervini’. See the examples cited in Buschbell, Reformation und Inquisition, commented on and expanded by Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 286–312. Other relevant information is in the correspondence with the papal nuncio to Venice Giovanni Della Casa (bav, Vat. lat. 14830) and with the bishop of Verona Luigi Lippomano (asf, Cervini, vol. 22), partially analysed in Lorenzo Campana, ‘Monsignor Giovanni Della Casa e i suoi tempi’, Studi storici, 16 (1907), pp. 3–84, 247–269, 349–580; 17 (1908), pp. 145–282, 381–606; 18 (1909), pp. 325–513, esp. at

Portrait of a Cardinale Editore

61

i­ ntensification of the Church’s censorship policy at the end of the reign of Paul iii. In the early summer of 1549, when the pope’s time was running out, the Roman Inquisition made the first moves to draw up a universal Index of Forbidden Books issued by the Catholic Church. The theological faculties of Paris and Leuven had already banned a large number of Reformed books and authors; but there was no precedent, since the sixth century, for a universal list of prohibitions coming from the pontiff himself. In principle, it would be in force over the whole of Christendom and all secular powers. Simultaneously, inspections of Roman bookshops, which had already taken place in 1543, were resumed and strengthened, while the Venetian Republic was (unsuccessfully) pressed to impose an index compiled by the papal nuncio Giovanni Della Casa on its thriving book industry.59 This upsurge of book control in Rome and in the rest of Italy took place, significantly, some months after the official appointment of Cervini as cardinal inquisitor in September 1548. Remarkably, a few months earlier, during his stay in Bologna as legate to the council, he had dealt in person with the circulation of heretical ideas in print; in particular, he had been handling the case of the local booksellers Giordano Zilettti and Francesco Linguardo, which kept him busy until December 1548. In the light of Cervini’s direct experience in the book trade, no other prelate could understand better than he that putting pressure on booksellers could help in reconstructing the chain of their heterodox customers. As early as 13 June 1548, he wrote from Rome with careful instruction to his man in Bologna, Massarrelli, who was one of the figures in charge of the trial of Ziletti and Linguardo together with the city legate (first Cardinal Morone, then Cardinal Del Monte): I am glad that the case of the bookseller Francesco [Linguardo] is proceeding. It seems to me that nothing should be overlooked. What he has confessed to about the possession and sale of Lutheran books is insufficient. He must also declare how many he sold and to whom, and he has to surrender those he still retains.60

59 60

16 (1907), pp. 349–580, and 17 (1908), pp. 152–282, together with Antonio Santosuosso, ‘The Moderate Inquisitor: Giovanni Della Casa’s Venetian Nunciature (1544–1549)’, Studi ­veneziani, 2 (1978), pp. 119–210; Lorenzo Tacchella, ‘Visite pastorali di Luigi Lippomano (1553–1555)’, Vita veronese, 31 (1978), pp. 130–134, 201–208, 260–267 and his Il processo degli eretici veronesi nel 1550: s. Ignazio di Loyola e Luigi Lippomano (carteggio) (Brescia: ­Morcelliana, 1979). Paul F. Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian press (1540–1605) (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), pp. 85–89, and ili, iii, pp. 45–50 and viii, pp. 27–28. asv, Conc. Trid., vol. 139, f. 16r (also transcribed in Buschbell, Reformation und Inquisition, p. 192, n. 6): ‘… mi piace che si segutii la causa di Francesco [Linguardo] libraro: p ­ arendomi

62

Chapter 3

His recommendation was duly enforced and, even though Linguardo temporarily managed to escape from prison, Morone was able to draw up a list of purchasers of heretical publications.61 Over the course of his brilliant career, Cervini pursued a wide range of cultural interests, including book collecting and the study of classics, religious literature and ecclesiastical history. In his papers, one frequently comes across examples of his enthusiasm for rare books, beautiful bindings, fine parchment, ecclesiastical antiquities (such as the tombs and coat-of-arms of popes and cardinals), papal decrees and writings, as well as records of past ecumenical councils. Although he took an interest in Latin classical authors, from Cicero and Varro to Vitruvius and Cyprian, Greek texts were his central passion, especially philosophy (Aristotle), science (Heron of Alexandria, Euclid and Ptolemy) and anything pertaining to the Church Fathers and their fortuna.62 He acquired several manuscripts from the Greek islands with the help of Antonios Eparchos from Corfu and a few bishops scattered through the Venetian maritime empire, such as Dionisio Zanettini (Grechetto), bishop of Ceos and later of Mylopotamos, Giovanni Pietro Ferretti, bishop of Milos and later Lavello, Pietro Lando, archbishop of Crete, Giacomo Cocco, archbishop of ­Corfu, and Livio Podocathor, archbishop of Nicosia and nephew of the bibliophile Cardinal Ludovico.63 Very occasionally, he received news about rare books from Magna Graecia through the local clergy, including the pugnacious Dominican bishop Tommaso Caselli.64 Some of Cervini’s Latin and Greek discoveries were traded with or borrowed from noted collectors, like the Spanish ­ambassador Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, as well as his learned colleagues in the Sacred College, such as Gregorio Cortese. His vast book network, including his h ­ alf-brother Romolo in Padua, often overlapped with his political ­responsibilities and aspiration; he relied extensively on the papal nuncios to

61 62 63

64

che non si debba in modo alcuno negligere; et quanto a quel ch’egli confessa d’haver ­tenuti, et venduti libri lutherani, non basta, bisognando che dica quanti libri, et a chi l’ha venduti, et che consegni quelli che gli erano rimasi …’. Cf. also other telling passages reported by Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 295–296 and, more broadly, Guido Dall’Olio, Eretici e inquisitori nella Bologna del Cinquecento (Bologna: Istituto per la storia di Bologna, 1999). Massarelli’s answer is in asf, Cervini, vol. 23, f. 72r, reported by Buschbell, Reformation und Inquisition, p. 193, n. 2: ‘Et si attenderà con li complici che haveano comertio seco [e.g., with Linguardo], et comprati libri prohibiti, de quali il card. Morone ha una lista’. Paschini, ‘Un cardinale editore’; Giombi, ‘Lo studio umanistico’; Mouren, ‘La lecture assidue’ and her ‘Du Cardinal au prote’; Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 430–437, 450–458. Some of these exchanges, especially those between Cervini and Grechetto, are thoroughly analysed in Giacomo Cardinali, ‘Autoritratto di cardinale bibliofilo: undici nuovi codici greci di Marcello Cervini (e uno di Angelo Colocci)’, Archivum mentis, 7 (2018), pp. 185– 226, with identification of the copies currently in the Vatican Library and elsewhere. asf, Cervini, vol. 44, f. 37r.

Portrait of a Cardinale Editore

63

Venice, France and the Holy Roman Empire (Della Casa, Girolamo Dandini, Michele Della Torre, Prospero Santacroce, Giovanni Morone, Girolamo Verallo, Giovanni Poggio, Fabio Mignanelli, Sebastiano Pighini and Luigi Lippomano) and on a few foreign prelates.65 In this respect, his connections with the French episcopate following his diplomatic mission to the royal court in 1540 and the legation in Trent and Bologna have been overlooked, though they played a relevant part in his book collecting, his printing projects and, ultimately, his own election to St Peter’s throne. While Jean de Hangest, bishop of Noyon, was a fellow humanist, Jacques-Paul Spifame de Brou, the bishop of Nevers who was to convert to Calvinism, kept Cervini informed on the latest controversialist and patristic publications that appeared in France. Spifame de Brou’s patron was Cardinal Charles of Guise, whose vicar he was in the Rheims archbishopric. As we learn from a hitherto neglected letter of thanks penned by Louis of Guise, Charles brother, Cervini was a driving force behind Louis’ appointment as cardinal in December 1553 and in this way succeeded in acquiring the support of this powerful family, ostensibly in preparation for the upcoming conclave.66 As a result of this network, during the 1540s and 1550s, Cervini became one of the major collectors in Italy. His library, divided between Montepulciano and Rome, contained around 1,500 volumes, of which two thirds were printed editions in Latin and Greek; today, most of his books form an important part of the Vatican Library.67 Could there have been a better qualified candidate to 65

66 67

asf, Cervini, vols. 4, 22–23, 40, 43–47, 50, passim. See: Anthony Hobson, Renaissance Book Collecting: Jean Grolier and Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Their Books and Bindings (Cambridge: cup, 1999), pp. 80–81, 104; Francesco Lo Conte, ‘“Bibliothecam Venetiis ­hornatissimam habet”: due indici inediti di manoscritti greci appartenuti a Diego Hurtado de Mendoza (1504–1575)’, Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici, n.s., 53 (2016), pp. 173–236, as well as Piacentini, ‘Marcello Cervini: la Biblioteca Vaticana’; Dorez, ‘Antoine Eparque’ and his ‘Un élève de Paul Manuce: Romolo Cervini’, Revue des Bibliothèques, 5 (1895), pp. 139–143, 153–179; Robert Devreesse, ‘Les manuscrits grecs de Cervini’, Scriptorium, 20 (1968), pp. 250–270; and, most recently, Giacomo Cardinali, ‘Legature ‘alla Cervini’?’, Scriptorium, 71 (2017), pp. 39–78. See also Santo Lucà, ‘La silloge manoscritta greca di Gu­ glielmo Sirleto: un primo saggio di ricostruzione’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Vaticanae, 19 (2012), pp. 317–355, for a provisional list of the Greek codices which passed from Cervini to Sirleto. asf, Cervini, vols. 43, f. 51r; 45, ff. 42r, 52r, 96r; 47, f. 20r. For a partial analysis of the content of this vast collection and the complex routes by which it mostly entered the Vatican Library, see Piacentini, ‘Marcello Cervini: la ­Biblioteca Vaticana’ and her La biblioteca di Marcello ii, esp. pp. vii–xxviii; Samuele Giombi, ‘Le biblioteche di ecclesiastici nel Cinquecento italiano: rassegna di studi recenti e prospettive di lettura’, Lettere italiane, 44 (1991), pp. 298–307; Giovanni Mercati, ‘Sulla venuta dei codici del Cervini nella Vaticana e la numerazione loro’, in his Per la storia dei manoscritti greci di Genova, di varie badie basiliane d’Italia e di Patmo (Vatican City: Biblioteca ­Apostolica Vaticana, 1935), pp. 181–202, and his Codici latini Pico Grimani e Pio e di altra biblioteca ignota del secolo xvi esistenti nell’Ottoboniana e i codici greci Pio di Modena: con

64

Chapter 3

become the earliest cardinal librarian of the Catholic Church? Already closely involved in the Vatican Library under Agostino Steuco’s not especially assiduous direction, Cervini was appointed as chief librarian in 1548, upon the latter’s death; and two years later became the first cardinal in charge of the library. The creation of such a new role by Julius iii is a clear indication of the increasing attention and importance given to the papal book collection as an institution in the service of the Church and the appointment certainly marked the triumph of Cervini’s cultural strategy. He contributed significantly to the impressive growth of the library, raising new funds and increasing acquisitions, as well as reordering, restoring and cataloguing its collection and administering and reforming its offices.68 His commitment was total, while his aim could have hardly been clearer. In a heart-felt letter of September 1554 to Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, he wrote: ‘the library is the most important treasure of the Apostolic See, for in it the faith is preserved against heresies’.69 Even more than the ecumenical Council and the Roman Inquisition, the stronghold against present and future doctrinal deviations was, in Cervini’ eye, the papal library, regarded as an unrivalled repository of the written knowledge which documented and underpinned the Church’s tradition and the primacy of the R ­ oman pontiff. Moreover, this mine of information was firmly under the pope’s control and protected against undesirable meddling: access could easily be regulated through the system of special permission to consult the collections which were usually granted by the cardinal librarian. When needed, the library also served as a secure place for the temporary storage of heretical publications: in April 1551, Cervini was entrusted with thirty-two Protestant books which had just been confiscated by the Holy Office from Roman bookshops; in his ­capacity

68

69

una digressione per la storia dei codici di S. Pietro in Vaticano (Vatican City: Biblioteca ­Apostolica Vaticana, 1938), pp. 106–143; Devreesse, ‘Les manuscrits grecs’; Fossier, ‘Pre­ mières recherches’; Neil R. Ker, ‘Cardinal Cervini’s manuscripts for the Cambridge Friars’, in Raymond Creytens and Pius Künzle (eds.), Xenia medii aevi historiam illustrantia oblata Thomae Kaeppeli O. P. (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1978), pp. 51–71. See the essays in Ceresa (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Vaticana: ii by Pierre Petitmengin, ‘I manoscritti latini’, pp. 43–62; Massimo Ceresa, ‘Acquisizioni e ordinamento degli stampati nel corso del Cinquecento’, pp. 90–104; and Piacentini, ‘Marcello Cervini: la Biblioteca Vaticana’, all of which add to the concise account of Jeanne Bignami-Odier, La Biblio­ thèque vaticane de Sixte iv à Pie xi: recherches sur l’histoire des collections de manuscrits (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1973), pp. 44–47. Seeking more funds for the Vatican Library, Cervini pointed out (asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 21r): ‘La libraria è il maggior Thesoro ch’habbia la sede Apostolica perché in essa si conserva la fede, dall’Heresie …’ The same sentence was crossed out in the minute of a letter to Cardinal Giovanni Angelo de’ Medici: ibid., f. 47r. The two epistles were published as appendices in Dorez, ‘Le cardinal Marcello Cervini’, pp. 311–313.

Portrait of a Cardinale Editore

65

as both inquisitor and cardinal librarian, he had them locked up in a room in the library with restricted access.70 Cervini’s interaction with books and printing had no parallel in the Catholic hierarchy of his generation. In its fourfold nature, it was connected to different stages of production, control and consumption: he was a voracious collector, an inspector of books as inquisitor and a keeper as head librarian, but he also acted as an investor in the pursuit of his munificent and distinctively visionary patronage. At a different level, Cervini was involved in the publication of some 90 printed editions and a good number of unpublished works and planned projects: it is not without justification he has been called a cardinale editore.71 The next three chapters will shed light on this extraordinary quest. 70 71

Agostino Borromeo, ‘Aspetti della riforma della Chiesa nelle fonti della Biblioteca ­ aticana’, in Ceresa (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Vaticana: ii, pp. 237–259, at pp. 242–243. V The term was first used by Paschini, ‘Un cardinale editore’.

Chapter 4

Cervini’s Greek Press Cervini’s involvement in printing was far more significant than that of a common Renaissance patron and bibliophile. As a high-ranking Catholic prelate, his first aim was to establish printing presses over which he could exert strict control to relaunch Rome as the cultural headquarters for the production of a new, mostly anti-Protestant, scholarship. Although the Greek and Latin presses which he set up in Rome in the early 1540s have been investigated since the late nineteenth century, the rapid failure of the two firms has made them appear to be a marginal event, with little relevance beyond bibliographical studies. Even in this area of research, the almost exclusive focus on the publication of Eustathius’s commentaries on Homer has led to a neglect of other groundbreaking aspects of Cervini’s interest in printing. Consequently, there is as yet no comprehensive, comparative and contextualising account; the present chapter and the two following are a contribution to filling this gap in our knowledge. They draw on new documentary evidence and examine the important influence which Cervini’s innovative project exerted on later policies adopted by the Roman Catholic Church with regard to the use of printing. The following pages deal specifically with the Greek press established in Rome by Cervini, illustrating the aims and premises which underlay his cultural programme, the people involved in it and, finally, its disappointingly small output, consisting of just two publications. Of previously known sources, I shall refer frequently to the accounts of the press, which were probably compiled retrospectively for Cervini from 1543 onwards and are now preserved among his papers in Florence.1 This important document covers the years 1540–1544, with additions penned in 1546 and 1550, thus also including the aftermath of the press. The accounts are fully provided in Appendix A.2

1 asf, Cervini, vol. 51, ff. [128bis]r-[136bis]v. Massarelli informed Cervini on 26 May 1543 (ibid., vol. 23, f. 3r): ‘Habbiamo tandem fatto li conti con li Gionti, et messer Antonio Blado, secondo che Vostra Signoria Reverendissima et Illustrissima potrà veder per la copia che li mando. Io ho visto con diligentia detti conti, insieme, et da me, et parmi stiano bene, ma circa le partite del dare et dell’havere mi rimetto a lei, non essendone io informato altramente’. See also ibid., vol. 50, f. 172v for the updates arranged by Giambattista Cervini in 1546. 2 Both Dorez, ‘Le cardinal Marcello Cervini’, pp. 295–297, 301–308, and William A. Pettas, The Giunti of Florence: Merchant Publishers of the Sixteenth Century (San Francisco: Rosenthal, 1980), pp. 309–316 gave only partial transcriptions. Angela Nuovo, The Book Trade in the Ital­ ian Renaissance (Brill: Leiden, 2013), pp. 61–65 briefly commented on contents. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004348653_006

Cervini’s Greek Press

1

67

From the Establishment to the Demise of the Press

A letter of Paolo Manuzio from 1539 informs us that at this time Cervini and his pupil Cardinal Alessandro Farnese wanted to set up a Greek press in Rome. The main purpose of the enterprise would be to publish all the Greek manuscripts held in the Vatican Library, producing multiple copies to ensure their diffusion throughout the globe for the benefit of all peoples and posterity.3 The young Cardinal Farnese was probably mentioned for the sake of flattery, since later on in the letter, Manuzio attributes the idea solely to Cervini, shifting from a plural to a singular addressee.4 Nevertheless, Alessandro may well have provided support for this project of his trusted secretary and mentor. As cardinal nephew, he would have been in a position to secure the endorsement of his grandfather, Paul iii, as well as the whole-hearted co-operation of the Vatican Library staff. To fulfil his ambitious programme, Cervini, first of all, hired the rising star of  the Roman printing industry, Antonio Blado. Blado’s connections to the Farnese circle, to the Florentine exiles in Rome and to Roman academies (Vi­ gnaiuoli, Virtuosi and Nuova Poesia) easily explain his familiarity with Cervini: the two probably met in the early 1530s, while the latter was still a promising curial secretary.5 Blado’s extensive network and considerable experience provided Cervini with a guarantee that the books he wanted to publish would be produced efficiently and widely distributed. His project, however, required much more than this. As Cervini was aware, Blado knew very little if any Greek, so he did not have the technological skill to produce books in that language. The major centre for Greek printing was ­Venice, with its Greek community and a well-established tradition of philhellenic printers going back to Aldus Manutius.6 Thus, Blado went to Venice on ­Cervini’s behalf in order to get hold of the appropriate fonts and to recruit suitable personnel. He received support and advice from Cervini’s friend, Paolo 3 After prasing Cervini and Farnese as literary patrons, he writes (Paolo Manuzio, Epistolarum … libri xii (Venice: Aldo Manuzio the Younger, 1580), p. 26): ‘Magna enim optimae voluntatis documenta saepissime dedistis, maiora etiam dare cogitatis. Cum quidem, ut Antonius Bladus ad me detulit, pulcherrimam rem et vobis dignissimam aggressi, omnes libros graece scriptos, qui nunc in bibliotheca Palatina conditi asservantur, praelo subiicere cogitetis, ut multiplicatis exemplaribus, per orbem terrarum, in usum omnium gentium omniumque ­saeculorum divulgentur’. 4 Ibid.: ‘… ut in ea re, quae ad commodium studiosorum, maxime vero ad tuam, ut ego sentio, gloriam spectat, operae ne parcat … et vero tua voluntas maximi est apud me ponderis …’ 5 Cf. Chapters 2.3 and 3.1 in the present volume. 6 For Italian, esp. Venetian, Greek printing, see Layton, Sixteenth-Century Greek Book, esp. pp. 3–55.

68

Chapter 4

Manuzio, a prominent printer as well as Aldus’s youngest son; yet Blado was not able to acquire from him the Greek types which he sought.7 To resolve this crucial technical matter, Blado got in touch, certainly at Manuzio’s suggestion, with Nikolaos Sophianos and Stefano Nicolini da ­Sabbio. Sophianos was a scholar, copyist and cartographer from Corfu, as well as a former student of the Greek College of Leo x, where he may have learnt type design and printing techniques from Ianos Lascaris and Zacharias Kallierges. ­After the closure of the school in 1521, he joined for a short period his former schoolmates Matthaios Devaris and Konstantinos Rallis in the service of Leo x’s nephew, Cardinal Niccolò Ridolfi; but, in the end, he preferred to leave Rome. After collaborating with Devaris cataloguing Ridolfi’s Greek books, Sophianos moved to Venice, where he copied and traded manuscripts from 1533.8 Before then, it is possible that Cervini and Sophianos ran into one another in Ridolfi’s circle and that Cervini may have had the opportunity to observe­Sophianos’s­renowned calligraphic ability. The main role played by Sophianos­in Cervini’s Greek press was almost certainly that of type-designer of the Greek font known as ‘Cervini 1’, though the handwriting taken as a source of inspiration for Cervini’s earliest font was not his.9 Stefano Nicolini was a learned printer and skilled typographer, born in Sabbio Chiese, Brescia, like many other contemporary artisans linked to paper production and the book. His extensive knowledge of Greek may have resulted from his period of apprenticeship in Manuzio’s family press under Andrea ­Torresani, which lasted until 1520.10 He also seems to have nourished literary ambitions of some sort, as he wrote a successful introductory ‘teach yourself’ manual on learning Italian, Greek and Latin (in that order) under the title Corona preciosa (1527, at Torresani’s expenses). This included a spin-off, 7 Manuzio, Epistolarum libri xii, p. 26: ‘Cui se muneri Bladus a te esse praepositum aiebat: itaque venisse ad nos, ut et eos typos, quibus atramento illitis charta imprimitur, conflandos curaret, et si qua praeterea sunt ad opus necessaria, maturaret. Sane sum laetus ­plurimum, hominemque sua sponte diligentissum, tamen cohortari non desino … eique dixi, ut ad omnia me et fratribus uteretur. Neque minus prolixe, quae verbis pollicitus sum, ubi ille petierit, re prestabo’. On the close relationship between Manuzio and Cervini, see my ‘A Humanist Printer Moves from Venice to Rome: The Curial Patronage of Paolo Manuzio’, in Dondi et al. (eds.), La stampa romana, pp. 217–233, at pp. 219, 225, 228–229. 8 On Sophianos’s life, see Layton, Sixteenth-Century Greek Book, pp. 460–472, with earlier bibliography, and Muratore, La biblioteca, i, pp. 66–70. See ibid., pp. 54–66, for Devaris and Rhallis. 9 Tinto, ‘The History of a Greek Type’, p. 288; William A. Pettas, ‘Nikolaos Sophianós and the Greek Printing in Rome’, The Library, ser. 5, 29 (1974), pp. 206–213, at p. 208; Layton, Sixteenth­-Century Greek Book, pp. 32, 463–464 and her ‘The History of a Sixteenth-Century Greek Type Revised’, The Historical Review/La Revue Historique, 1 (2004), pp. 35–50, at p. 40. 10 Il mestier de le stamperie, pp. 13–17, 26–27.

Cervini’s Greek Press

69

Alphabetum graecum (1534).11 Starting in 1521, Nicolini printed several Greek books in Venice, either alone or with his brothers, and mainly on behalf of local publishers and booksellers, notably the merchants Andreas Kunadis and Damiano di Santa Maria di Spič.12 Most importantly, he was the manager of the episcopal press set up by Giberti in Verona between 1529 and 1534 discussed in Chapter 2. Nicolini was ideally suited to act as Blado’s silent partner in Cervini’s Greek press, since he was accustomed to working on commission and had successfully run an ecclesiastical press that anticipated many features of Cervini’s project. It has been implicitly assumed that Cervini did not set up an independent firm but opted instead to employ Nicolini and possibly Sophianos in Blado’s workshop, given that the published books bear only Blado’s name on the titlepage or in the colophon. The available documentation, however, when examined more closely, suggests that Blado was merely the publisher of Cervini’s books, which were printed by Nicolini and initially by Sophianos at a separate press which was called the ‘stamperia dei greci’.13 At some point in 1540, a fourth partner joined the enterprise. This was Benedetto Giunta, son of Fran­ cesco, a Roman bookseller based in the Campo dei Fiori, who shared the profits with Blado and Antonio Salamanca in the 1536 subcontract for Quiñones’s Breviary.14 He should not be confused, as occasionally happens, with the more famous Benedetto Giunta, son of Filippo and manager of the Florentine branch of the family firm with his brother Bernardo. With his brother Jacopo, who worked as a bookseller in Lyon, Benedetto, the son of Francesco, was in a good position to take advantage of the widespread commercial relationships of the Giunta family press in helping with the distribution of the Greek publications – the fact that the unsold books were still in his house as late as September 1550 11

12

13

14

ustc 844589 and 802653. See Stevanoni, ‘La grande stagione’, pp. 90–92, 103–104 as well as Enrica Follieri, ‘Su alcuni libri greci stampati a Venezia’, in her Byzantina et italograeca, pp. 65–110, and her ‘Il libro greco’. The title of the first work is a pun on Nicolini’s name, Stefano meaning crown (corona) in Greek. Il mestier de le stamperie, pp. 26–28 and, specifically for Greek publications, Layton, Six­ teenth-Century Greek Book, pp. 402–420; for a collective catalogue of all the Venetian publications by the Nicolini family, see Lorenzo Carpané, ‘Annali tipografici, Venezia 1521– 1551’, in Il mestier de le stamperie, pp. 121–238. In November 1543, Nicolini mentioned the original agreement he made with Blado and Giunta as the ‘promessa fatta da loro in la stamparia delli greci in presentiae de tutti li stampatori … et maxime del rectore’: asr, Miscellanea Corvisieri, env. 9, f. [1]r-v. See also Giannotti, Lettere a Vettori, p. 105, on 22 January 1542: ‘I Greci hanno fatto ancora eglino [i.e. for Cervini] una lettera greca simile a quella d’Aldo …’ See the genealogical chart in William A. Pettas, The Giunti of Florence: A Renaissance Printing and Publishing Family: A History of the Florentine Firm and a Catalogue of the Edi­ tions (New Castle de: Oak Knoll, 2013), p. 172.

70

Chapter 4

suggests that this was, indeed, the arrangement.15 He was also in charge of the financial accounts together with Blado. Finally, one of Vettori’s informants in Rome indicated that the role of ‘main assistant’ to printing operation was played by Basilio Zanchi. A learned (albeit unruly) monk, Zanchi was a N ­ eolatin poet, employee of the Vatican Library and protégé first of Leo x and later of cardinals Pio da Carpi, Cortese and Cervini. Since he had no proven technical skill, it is likely that his responsabilities in the ‘stamperia dei greci’ mostly concerned checking texts and reading proofs. His involvement was unofficial and that explains why Zanchi’s name did not appear in notorial documentation.16 An organisational chart of Cervini’s Greek press would, therefore, look something like this: Sophianos as designer of the Greek font and possibly corrector; Zanchi as chief corrector; Nicolini as master printer or, at the very least, supervisor of type-cutting and (probably with the assistance of Zanchi, ­Sophianos and later Blado) of the production process; Blado as publisher through his own firm; and Giunta as accountant and agent for distribution. A couple of other anonymous assistants must have been employed to help with setting and inking text-blocks, operating the press and checking proofs. It is likely that the compositor came from Venice as part of Nicolini’s team, since this job required some specialist skill. As soon as Cervini began to gather together people and equipment for his Greek press, he had to leave Rome in order to accompany Cardinal Farnese on a diplomatic mission to the French and the Imperial courts. As we have seen, this long European trip, which began on 28 November 1539, dramatically changed Cervini’s approach towards the Reformation and convinced him of the need to harness printing in the service of the Catholic Church. It also led to 15 16

asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 128r: ‘In casa di Benedetto Gionti sono li soprascritti libri per conto dello Illustrissimo et Reverendissimo Cardinale Santa Croce [i.e. Cervini] …’ On Giunta’s European trade network, see Nuovo, The Book Trade, pp. 51–71. BL, Add MS 10278, f. 34v (Cosimo Rucellai to Vettori on 1 April 1542): ‘Delle stampe non vi ho che dire, per essendo li capi d’ambedue malati. Della latina, è a capo, come penso sappiate, il Priscianese … Della greca, è, se non capo, almeno principale assistente don Basilio Zanchi, il quale mi disse … mi mostrerebbe ogni cosa come prima fosse sano’. On Zanchi and the Vatican Library, see Ceresa (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Vaticana: ii, ad indicem. In spite of the fact that Zanchi was investigated by the Inquisition for his unorthodox belief and behaviour from the mid-1540s onwards, Cervini continued to involve him in various scholarly and editorial undertakings. The cardinal also owned several of Zanchi’s printed works: cf. Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 441–442, n. 276 with: bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 113r-115r, 116r, 127r, 178r, 188r-v, 214r, 388r, 404r; Vat. 6178, ff. 21r, 107r; Vat. lat. 6186, f. 2r; as well as ­Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, nos. B289, D122, D183–184, D264, D452, plus nos. D153 and D204 (two works by Zanchi’s brother). Zanchi was jailed for heresy both under Paul iv and Pius v, probably dying in prison after 1567.

Cervini’s Greek Press

71

his elevation to the cardinalate (the first among the many secretaries of the Farnese) and the appointment as legatus a latere to Emperor Charles v; a few months later, he was assigned the titular church of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, and became known as Cardinal (of) Santa Croce.17 When he returned to Rome in late 1540, he resumed his publishing project. On 4 December, ­Donato Giannotti, a member of the accademia dei Virtuosi, informed his friend Piero Vettori that Cervini’s press would first publish Greek Christian authors, especially unknown works, and would then carry on with pagan Greek philosophers, orators and poets, as well as Latin books.18 Six days later, the first stock of paper was purchased.19 A very rare pamphlet by Sophianos on the astrolabe, printed with the new Greek font and dedicated to Pope Paul iii, can plausibly be dated to 1541 or early 1542; it was almost certainly planned as a presentation edition with a very small print run and restricted circulation, intended to show off both Sophianos’s scholarship and the typographical quality of the editions to come. In the dedication, Sophianos mentioned making the new font as commissioned (‘κατὰ κέλευσιν’) by Cervini, who incidentally owned a manuscript copy of the treatise.20 The only two extant printed copies seems to be the one presented to the pope (bav, Vat. lat. 3686, ff. 12r-19v), with a nearly contemporary manuscript Latin translation at ff. 1v-11v made by ‘Arnoldo Arnerio’ (i.e., Arlenius) and that of the British Library, Royal MS.16.cxii.21 A slightly earlier work by Sophianos, the celebrated map of ancient and modern Greece, has recently been linked to Cervini’s editorial activity: its 17 Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 86–87, 103. 18 Giannotti, Lettere a Vettori, p. 82: ‘Monsignor Cervino … mette ordine di fare una s­ tamperia greca per stampare tutta la scrittura sacra, et di quella gli autori più reconditi. S­ eguiteranno poi i philosophi, gli oratori e poeti, et finalmente stamperanno libri latini; che sarà bella cosa’. It is no coincidence that Blado had published earlier in 1540 Giannotti’s masterpiece, De la Republica dei Vinitiani, in octavo and quarto; a second edition with two octavo issues followed in 1542 (see ustc 832708–832711). 19 asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 135r. 20 See Legrand, Bibliographie hellénique, i, p. 266 (transcription of dedication), as well as Tinto, ‘The History of a Greek Type’, p. 288, and Layton, ‘The History Revised’, p. 40. For Cervini’s manuscript copy, see Devreesse, ‘Les manuscrits grecs’, no. 63. 21 Cf. the kindred metathesis in a nearly contemporary secretarial note ‘Arnolotus Arnelius’ in Arlenius’s letter to Sirleto in 1570 in Vat. lat. 6792, i, f. 155v, reported by Giovanni Mercati, ‘Un indice di codici greci posseduti da Arnoldo Arlenio’, in his Opere minori, iv, pp. 358–371 (originally published in 1927), at p. 362, n. 4. On Arlenius’s relationship with Mendoza and Cervini, see later on in Chap. 6. The BL copy is part of a Greek manuscript Sammlung on astrolabes formerly belonging to Isaac Causabon. At least six manuscript copies of Sophianos’s treatise were produced in the sixteenth century: bnf, Par. gr. 2499 and 2782A as well as Suppl. gr. 13; bsb, Cod. graec. 511 (owned by Eparchos); bncf, Fondo Magliabechiano, ii.iii.40; bav, Barb. gr. 267.

72

Chapter 4

­princeps was in all likelihood printed in Rome in mid-1540 at Blado’s expenses, though no copies of it and of the second edition printed in Basel by Oporinus in 1544 survived.22 Finally, we can pinpoint a third preparatory publication for Cervini’s Greek enterprise: a Byzantine play on the Passion of Christ, misattributed to Gregory of Nazianzus and now believed to have been written between the eleventh and twelfth centuries. This first edition was issued in 1542 by none other than Blado himself. Blado also signed a highly significant dedication to Cervini in which he connected, for the first time, the cardinal’s editorial project directly to the pope. By publishing Christian books useful to individual piety and salvation, Cervini was hailed as a follower of Paul iii’s exemplary model, while Blado was, in his turn, an imitator of Cervini.23 This overemphasis on institutional patronage was to be a recurrent topic in the paratext of Cervini’s publications, since he usually preferred to present them as official rather than private undertakings. In addition, a letter dated 10 July 1542 and exchanged between two personalities close to Cervini, Basilio Zanchi and Cardinal Rodolfo Pio da Carpi, sheds light on the editorship of this editio princeps. Zanchi recounted that he had not only prepared the text by collating four manuscripts, but he also presented Cardinal Pio with a copy of the book. Two days before this letter, another complimentary copy had been sent to Vettori through Cosimo Rucellai.24 22

23

24

George Tolias, ‘Nikolaos Sophianos’s Totius Graeciae Descriptio: The Resources, Diffusion and Function of a Sixteenth-Century Antiquarian Map of Greece’, Imago Mundi, 58 (2006), pp. 150–182, with a number of inaccuracies on Cervini’s project taken from Layton, Sixteenth-Century Greek Book and her ‘The History Revised’. Tolias’s hypothesis can be further corroborated by the existence of a hitherto unnoticed 1549 Roman reprint of Sophianos’s topographical table, which usually accompanied the map. The only known copy is held in Biblioteca Mai, Bergamo (ustc 857018); another one was ostensibly sent by Cervini to Vettori in September 1549 through Orazio Davanzati and the Cavalcanti bank: BL, Add MS 10266, f. 8r. Pseudo-Gregory of Nazianzus, Tραγῳδία, Χριστòς πάσχων … (Rome: Blado, 1542), sigs. +iir-v: ‘[S]i cui nunc multo, quam unquam antea, sanctior et moderatior Roma videtur, factum laudet, causam non quaerat, cum videat qualem Pontificem habeamus. Cuius quidem Pontificis vestigia, quae ad immortalitatem ducunt, omnimo non pauci sequuntur, sed ipse hoc egregie, ac praeter caeteros facis. Vitae innocentia, consilio, re adiuvas, atque excitas ad bene agendum. Nunc quidem etiam animum applicuisti ad eos libros ­divulgandos, qui legentibus in aeternae salutis via quasi duces esse possunt. Quod tuum institutum alii laudant, ego etiam pro mea tenui fortuna imitor. Nam ex multis Gregorii Nazanzeni scriptis, quae non dum exierunt, tragoediam de morte Christi, luculentissimis versibus expressam, emisi. Et quoniam, hoc tu genere scriptorum quam delecteris, non ignoro; qui omni ratione id agis, ut ad sanctissimorum hominum exemplum tuam vitam moresque conformes; quod iam es consecutus, volui, ut ea in tuo nomine appareret’. Bergamo, Biblioteca civica Angelo Mai, Manoscritti, mab 48: ‘La singular et innata humanità di Vostra Illustrissima et Reverendissima Signoria mi dà fiducia de mandarle la

Cervini’s Greek Press

73

The first two publications produced by the press – the first volume of ­ ustathius’s commentaries on Homer and Theophylact’s commentary on the E Gospels – were issued in 1542, when relations between the four partners were already riven by internal dissension and mistrust, combined with financial difficulties. By September of the same year, Sophianos had quit the enterprise and become embroiled in a controversy with Benedetto Giunta over money and over the Greek punches and types which he had almost certainly cut himself, as we learn from the first of the three proxies he made in Venice to be represented in Rome.25 The consequences of this first desertion were not particularly negative. On the contrary, large-scale plans were still in place at the end of 1542, as we learn from a papal privilege which Blado obtained from the Curia. This important concession protected for a period of one year from the date of publication all the books Blado was to print in Latin, Greek and the Italian vernacular ‘for the benefit of scholars’ and ‘mainly on behalf of the Apostolic Chamber’. As was customary, the petitioner did not go into excessive details and took sole credit; no mention of Cervini or Blado’s partners was made in the document. It is all too apparent from the scope and the nature of the editions involved, however, that this privilege concerned primarily Cervini’s printing projects and the Greek press.26 The genuine blow for the enterprise came a few months later, with the dissatisfaction felt by Nicolini, the only partner remaining who had mastered Greek. In the autumn of 1543, a previously overlooked judicial dossier shows that Blado and Giunta failed to honour the agreement concerning Nicolini’s salary, debts and the minimum amount of work he was obliged to produce each day. Nicolini apparently worked a while longer for Blado and Giunta in

25

26

Tragedia di Nazianzeno sopra la Passione del nostro Signore Iesu Cristo … io prima l’ho riveduta et conferita con quatro esemplari con tutta quella diligentia che ho possuto ­usare’. BL, Add MS 10281, f. 77v: ‘Basilio [Zanchi] … manda … una tragidia di Gregorio ­Nazianzeno ch’egli ha fatta stampar’ di nuovo …’ Incidentally, Zanchi owned an authoritative eleventh-century Greek manuscript of Nazianzenus’s works (now bav, Vat. gr. 1592). The three documents were published by Fani D. Mavroidi, ‘Εἰδήσεις γιὰ ἑλληνικὰ τυπογραφεῖα τῆς Ἰταλίας τὸν 16o αἰώνα’, Δωδώνη, 6 (1975), pp. 237–252, at pp. 248–251, and commented on in Layton, Sixteenth-Century Greek Book, p. 464. It was not until 1551 that the case was resolved in favour of Sophianos, as we see in the notarial acts published by Tinto, ‘Nuovo contributo’ and Pettas, ‘Nikolaos Sophianós’. For the later use of this font, see Tinto, ‘The History of a Greek Type’, and, despite occasional overstatements of the evidence, Layton, ‘The History Revised’. As early as 1 April 1542, Cosimo Rucellai and Devaris feared that Eustathius and Theophylact would be the only publications to be issued by the press: BL, Add. MS 10278, f. 34v. asv, Arm. xli, vol. 25, f. 407r (only mentioned in Paschini ‘Un cardinale editore’, p. 199, n. 51 and Ginsburg, ‘Proto-Property’, p. 393).

74

Chapter 4

order to pay off his debts to them; but the Greek press established by Cervini was finished by the end of 1543 or mid-1544 at the latest.27 Internal quarrels affected the endeavour much more than its huge costs, which were covered by Cervini, apparently with ease. Nevertheless, should the enterprise have continued, it is very unlikely that it would ever have stood a chance of generating a profit, increasing production and sustaining itself in the long run. The figures survive to show this: at the end of 1546 – four years after the publication of the two books issued by the press – Cervini still had to recoup 10.2% of his very high investment of nearly 2,000 scudi, with which he had expected to cover all production and distribution costs. In other words, the enterprise was in the red by some 200 scudi.28 Three-quarters of the print runs, as we shall see, remained unsold and there is evidence that Giunta and Blado were only able to make a disappointing amount of money out of the whole time-consuming operation (11.7 scudi each, at best). We can reasonably infer that they would have enjoyed their share of the profits if their debts with Cervini had been completely paid 27

28

asr, Miscellanea Corvisieri, env. 9, ff. [1]r-[2]v: ‘Petitio magistri Stefani. Die 28 Novembre 1543. Maestro Stefano de Nicolini da Sabbio stampatore dimanda a Messer Benedetto et Mastro Antonio Blado che da prima martii 1542 per fino alli 12 di maggio 1542 scuti 53 a ragione de scuti 21 il mese per promessa fatta da loro in la stamparia delli greci in presentiae de tutti li stampatori. Item dimanda da 18 di maggio per fin hora et per fin 17 gennaro 1544 per haver promesso di lavorare una forma greca, et haver cura delle altre tre che son quattro, et mancando de lavorare greco dovesse fare la forma latina et li hanno promesso scuti 8 al mese et defalcarne uno al mese che son nove et questo per 20 mesi non si die mancare né da uno né dal’altro per fin che serrà scontato li 20 scuti delli quali loro pretendevano de havere scuti 47. Et mastro Stefano pretendeva et pretende de non esser debbitore di cosa alcuna et così sopra de questo domanda se habbi da pronunciare’. For a transcription of the entire document, see Eugenio Casanova, ‘Le carte di Costantino Corvisieri all’Archivio di Stato di Roma’, Gli archivi italiani, 7 (1920), pp. 20–48, at pp. 30–32. Vaccaro, ‘Documenti e precisazioni’, pp. 60–61, Tinto, ‘Nuovo contributo’, p. 172, n. 17, and Layton, ‘The History Revised’, p. 42, esp. n. 35, merely touch on it, in contrast to Layton, Sixteenth-Century Greek Book, pp. 406–408, and Il mestier de le stamperie, pp. 37–38. asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 134v: ‘Il Reverendissimo Cardinale Santa Croce deve dare … [scudi] 1991.65 ½ [-] 1788 [=] 203.65 [sic]’. The ratio used in the account, as was common practice in Rome, was 1 scudo = 10 giuli = 100 baiocchi. Nevertheless, a sudden increase in the cost of gold which occurred between 1541 and 1542 altered the relation between scudi and giuli (1 scudo = 11,50/11,86 giuli). On monetary variations in sixteenth-century Rome, see Jean Delumeau, Vie économique et sociale de Rome dans la seconde moitié du xvie siècle (Paris: de Boccard, 1957–1959), pp. 173–185, who also provides at pp. 185–198 useful terms of comparison related to prices of other primary goods, such as wheat, oil, meat and wine. In 1544, a little over six litri of wheat can be bought with a giulio (cf. ibid., p. 186). On 4 October 1544, Massarelli informed Cervini that he had just heard the new ‘bando delle monete, ci[o]è che li grossi papali vaglino 27 quattrini, gli altri grossi 25, i baiocchi 3 quattrini l’uno, et li quattrini 5 a baiocco, li scudi d’oro x iuli di grossi papali, li ducati di camera xi iuli’ (asf, Cervini, vol. 23, f. 29v).

Cervini’s Greek Press

75

off and a positive balance between costs and earnings had been achieved; but this was never to be the case. After the collapse of the press, the cardinale editore continued to sponsor the publication of Greek books in Rome during the following years, as we shall see in Chapter 6. Since Cervini could no longer count on a press at his own service and that of the Catholic Church, however, he simply proceeded edition by individual edition, relying either on Blado or Nicolini. The first instance of this new modus operandi is the special arrangements which were devised to complete Eustathius’s commentaries from 1545 onwards. 2

The Output of the Press

2.1 Eustathius’s Commentaries on Homer According to the accounts, the partnership of Blado, Giunta, Nicolini and Sophianos­produced only two books. The plan was to begin, significantly, with a Christian text, the commentary on the Gospels by Theophylact; however, this was temporarily put aside in order to prepare and publish the first volume of Eustathius’s commentaries on Homer, which came out before the Theophylact edition.29 The edition of the commentaries on the Homeric poems by the Byzantine scholar Eustathius of Thessalonica is generally regarded as Cervini’s supreme achievement in Greek printing; a great deal of scholarly attention has been devoted to the book, but some of it is marred by groundless generalisations and by a tendency to overestimate this accomplishment among the many attained by Cervini. The emphasis on the volume as an embodiment of Cervini’s humanist attitudes has obscured the motives behind his support for Roman publishing houses and his desire to exploit printing as the main medium for the transmission of the Catholic Church’s cultural strategy.30 The editio prin­ ceps of Eustathius’s commentaries was indeed a direct product of the tradition of Roman humanism but within the context of Cervini’s cultural policy it was an exception. A plan had initially been drawn up in the second decade of the sixteenth century, involving the printer Giacomo Mazzocchi and members of 29 Giannotti, Lettere a Vettori, pp. 105–106, wrote on 22 January 1542: ‘I Greci … havevano cominciato a stampare Theophylato ma l’hanno lasciato indietro et hanno messo su l’Eustachio sopra Omero, quello che emendò il Lascaris et era in mano del cardinale Ridolfi’. 30 See, e.g., Tinto, ‘The History of a Greek Type’, p. 286: ‘The tradition of the printing-house of the Greek College in Rome is ideally linked with the enterprising publishing initiative taken by Cardinal Marcello Cervini during the pontificate of Paul iii’.

76

Chapter 4

Leo x’s Greek College, particularly Colocci and Ianos Lascaris.31 When Cervini embarked on this endeavour thirty years later, he almost certainly regarded himself as the legitimate heir of his friend Colocci’s project and, in this one case, succumbed to his desire to have his name linked to the past glories of ­Roman humanism. The first volume, comprising Eustathius’s commentary on the first five books of the Iliad was printed in May 1542, employing Sophianos’s Greek font (known as Cervini 1). The result is strikingly beautiful. Owing­to Cervini’s bibliophilic concerns, nothing was overlooked: high-quality paper was used in abundance to accommodate the text that was printed with a large type and ample margins.32 This reflected negatively on production costs, however. Of the 1,277 copies printed, 2 were on parchment and prepared for Cervini himself. Producing the 1275 normal copies cost 991.44 scudi (nearly 0.78 scudi each) for both material and labour, while Cervini’s two deluxe exemplars required 19.44 scudi alone (9.72 scudi each, more than 12 times a copy on good-quality paper). To this, one should add half the salary given to the correctors: for 75 scudi, they worked for five months on the Eustathius, equal to the time they spent on the Theophylact edition, and the very similar number of pages in the two books means that we can plausibly divide this cost into two. Allocating 37.50 scudi to the print run increases the costs of each copy by 2 baiocchi, bringing that of a normal copy to 0.80 scudi and that of a deluxe copy to 9.74 scudi. In total, the production of the Eustathius edition accounted for some 1,050 scudi. By contrast, the number of sales was little short of a disaster: as late as 13 September 1550, 57% of the print run (i.e. 728 copies) was still in Giunta’s hands. Nor had all other copies been sold in the proper commercial sense of the word, since at least 39 were dispatched as presentation copies. This group 31

32

See Concetta Bianca et al. (eds.), Le prime edizioni greche a Roma (1510–1526) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2017), pp. 215–232, with Filippomaria Pontani’s detailed analysis of the princeps of another shorter Homeric commentary, the Scholia D to Iliad, successfully produced by Lascaris using the College press in 1517. For general literature on the press, cf. n. 38 in Chapter 3.1. In the words of Cosimo Rucellai, who was shown by Zanchi a copy of the publication on 9 September 1542 (BL, Add. MS 10272, f. 71v): ‘… il primo tomo di Eusthatio finito et legato … è stampato molto magnificamente che è bella letterona, et bella [carta] …’ Other reports of Rucellai to Vettori provide hitherto unknown details on the Eustathius edition. We learn from them that Cervini wished to publish the five books on the Iliad in late July 1542, while the release of this first volume and the continuation of the enterprise were postponed until the fall due to the excessive heat of the Roman summer (ibid., ff. 66r67r); a copy of the first volume was sent to Vettori at the end of October 1542 (ibid., f. 82r). It should be noted that the condition of Rucellai’s letters is often so critical that extensive portions of text are no longer legible.

Cervini’s Greek Press

77

comprises Cervini’s own copies (the two on parchment mentioned above plus two normal paper copies) and those given to friends and helpers. Among those who received copies we find the high curial prelates who were most likely already backing his project or whose support Cervini was seeking: the cardinals Ridolfi, Pio da Carpi, Santa Fiora and Carafa, as well as the treasurer of the Apostolic Chamber, the newly-appointed bishop of Anglona Bernardino ­Elvino. Scholars who played a part (either certainly or possibly) in the editorial undertaking, such as Basilio Zanchi, Francesco Maria Molza, Matthaios ­Devaris, Ubaldino Bandinelli, Fausto Sabeo for the Camaldoli friars and Giovan Battista Ramusio also received a copy. All recipients obtained one copy only, except for Devaris, who got as many as 25; no doubt intended for him to distribute them in his turn to his friends, including other erudite Greek and nonGreek scholars working for Ridolfi.33 As a result, only 508 copies were distributed for sale, in three different ways. 196 were distributed to nine Roman monasteries, a circumstance to which we shall return soon below in connection with the edition of Theophylact. Most of the remainder were shipped out of Rome and franchised to booksellers: 50 copies to Jacopo Giunta, Benedetto’s brother, in Lyon and 115 to Giovanni Andrea Dossena in Bologna, a hundred of which were to be given to the governor of the city (possibly Benedetto Conversini), who, we can hypothesise, had been asked to distribute them for free. In addition, 6 were despatched to ­Bernardo Giunta in Florence, 70 to Lucantonio Giunta’s heirs in Venice, 10 to Agostino Botti in Naples and 30 to Lorenzo Torrentino in Bologna. Finally, 31 copies stayed in the Urbe: 8 were given to ‘Giordano libraro in Roma’ (clearly Giordano Ziletti), while 23 were sold straightforwardly in Giunta’s bookshop. The retail price Giunta asked to his customers corresponded to 1.2 scudi (12 giuli); this implies, at least in theory, a meagre profit margin of 33.3% (0.40 scudi) on each copy, excluding transportation and storage costs, which must have been feasible for Giunta. In many other cases, the reality was quite different. First, the 196 copies distributed to the Roman monasteries were sold for sums which were significantly less than their production cost: the accounts recorded 222.60 scudi in total collected from the friars, but this figure clearly covered the 212 copies of the Theophylact they had also received. Moreover, the fact that only four of the nine monasteries are listed among those r­ ecipients 33

This might be how Giannotti, who owned and annoted the four-volume set of the Eustathius edition, received his copy of the first volume. This set is now in the Angelica Library in Roma (SS.7.18-21), as pointed out by Elisabetta Sciarra, ‘I copisti e la stampa: interazioni tra testo e margine nelle cinquecentine delle raccolte romane’, Segno e testo, 9 (2011), pp. 247–268, at p. 254.

78

Chapter 4

of copies who had effectively paid suggests that not all of them were willing to honour their debts and that those who did eventually benefited from a huge discount.34 Secondly, shipping a large portion of the print run abroad did not come without extra costs: the accounts record slightly more than 25 scudi for the shipments of all Cervini’s publications from his Greek and Latin press, with considerably higher rates for those travelling largely or entirely by land. To be sure, the foreign booksellers entrusted by Giunta with selling the Eustathius adjusted the unit price by adding on their fee. Despite this, they duly sent back to Rome the money they had made as though they had charged only 12 giuli per copy. The accounts show that all the sums earned from the sales achieved by ­Giunta and his colleagues went towards recouping Cervini’s initial investments. It seems, however, that Giunta, perhaps in partnership with Blado, was allowed to retain for himself half of the earnings made in his Roman shop, as the accounts recorded the proceeds from just 11 copies out of the 23 he had succeeded in selling. This reduces the number of copies distributed to be sold for the partnership’s benefit to 496. Yet this already low figure decreases even further if we take into account the copies which were actually sold by the other booksellers who offered the Eustathius on Giunta’s behalf. By 1546, Torrentino had managed to shift all his 30 copies, while Botti and the Giunta of Venice had sold 7 and 38 copies out of the 10 and 70 they had respectively received. No trace of the remaining 179 copies, distributed for sale in Rome, Florence, Bologna and Lyon as listed above, can be found in the accounts. Like Botti’s and the Venetian Giunta’s surplus, these books would have probably ended up 34

Their resistance to paying is seen clearly in the general accounts drawn up by Priscianese and reported by Massarelli to Cervini (asf, Cervini, vol. 23, ff. 1r-v): ‘Li frati di san Paulo dicono haver dato a maestro Antonio [Blado] 60 scuti. Gli altri che non l’hanno adesso. La Pace, che han pagato a Montaguti [i.e., Silvestro da Montacuto] per commissione di Vostra Signoria Reverendissima et Illustrissima. San Salvatore, che non vi è il loro procuratore, quando tornarà, che faranno et diranno, però molto mal volentieri, per haver libri pur troppi … Santa Maria Nova, che Vostra Signoria Reverendissima gli ha promesso far’ expedire un motu proprio, che questi 110 scuti che hanno a pagar de libri, se li faran bono nele decime, anzi che per ciò vol mandar’ un homo a posta a Vostra Signoria Reverendissima, perchè non possano pagar l’una et l’altra somma. Santa Croce in Hierusalem, che Vostra Signoria Reverendissima et Illustrissima ha fatto loro tempo 4 mesi, ma che fatto Pascha vedranno di pagar li Nicolai, che sonno 8 scuti. Il resto de li 44 che li toccano, dopo detto tempo. La Transpontina, che non li possano pagar prima che al capitolo, qual sarà verso la Pentecoste. Santo Augustino dicono il medesmo, cioè di non posser pagar fin ala Pentecoste, al lor capitolo. Santo Pietro in Vincola, che li pagarà dopo Pascha. Talché Vostra Signoria Reverendissima et Illustrissima vede che, standosi ala semplice risposta di detti frati, questi dinari o non si pagaranno mai, o molto tardi’. On Priscianese credits, see later on in Chapter 5.

Cervini’s Greek Press

79

g­ athering dust as part of the back stock of the booksellers who had been entrusted with them, if Cervini and Giunta had not decided in April 1551 to sell them on to Francesco Tramezzino not even at their value (5 giuli) in the attempt to settle the debts of the Apostolic Chamber towards Giunta and those of Giunta towards the cardinal.35 On a closer look, therefore, the number of sales of copies which directly benefited the partnership only amounted to 282, significantly less than a quarter of the print run, and those copies truly generating profit were as few as 86. But at least 875 copies needed to have been sold at the full price of 12 giuli in order to recoup the initial investment! This can hardly be described as a successful business model: sooner or later, the press was destined to fall apart. Following the firm’s collapse in late 1543, Sophianos and Eparchos put themselves forward to complete the publication of Eustathius in Venice in the summer of 1544, but the project was resumed in Rome in February 1545 with a special agreement signed by Cervini, Blado, Giunta and the prospective editor, the Vatican custos Niccolò Majorano.36 This time Cervini covered the expenses with an advance payment of 600 scudi. A new font (‘Cervini 2 and 2a’), more economical than Sophianos’s Greek in terms of the space it took up, had already been prepared by 1542 in two different sizes by another employee of the Vatican Library, the scribe Giovanni Onorio from Maglie, who also worked

35

36

asr, Notari del Tribunale dell’Auditor Camerae, vol. 6155 (Ludovicus Reydettus), ff. 487r488r. The transaction gave a return of 385.5 scudi, as it concerned 771 copies, including 718 held by Benedetto Giunta, 5 in Tommaso Giunta’s shop in Venice, 41 in the stock of Jacopo Giunta in Lyon, 4 in that of Bernardo Giunta’s heirs in Florence and the three for which Botti had failed to find purchasers in Naples. On this occasion, Cervini discovered that some dealers had not accurately reported all the sales of the Eustathius and managed to claim back the related revenue. For instance, Tommaso Giunta had omitted to declare 27 copies sold in addition to the 38 he had previously reported. This reflects badly on the ability of Benedetto Giunta to keep track of foreign distribution, which was entrusted for the most part to his own relatives. The contract, written by Massarelli, is part of the same dossier of the press’s accounts: asf, Cervini, vol. 51, ff. 126r-127r. Cf. also Pio Paschini, ‘Un ellenista del Cinquecento: Nicolò Majorano’, in his Cinquecento romano, pp. 219–136 (first published in 1927) and Massimo Ceresa, ‘Majorano, Niccolò’, in dbi, lxvii, 2006, pp. 660–663. See also E ­ parchos’s letter to Cervini published in Dorez, ‘Antoine Eparque’, pp. 306–307, esp. p. 306: ‘Per l’altro corier non arivai dar lettere a risposta di quella de li 16 del presente, per la quale Vostra Signoria Reverendissima scrive circa al stampar del Eustathio. El qual, pensando io non esser stato dato ad altri [ostensibly Blado and Giunta], lo dimandai a compirlo qui con avantagio, insieme con messer Nicolao Sophiano; et perché già quello è dato via, altro non dirò circa ciò’.

80

Chapter 4

e­ xtensively for Cervini.37 Three further volumes were slowly produced until 1551, containing the commentaries on the remaining books of the Iliad and the whole of the Odyssey, together with an index commissioned from Matthaios Devaris. It seems likely that these volumes were issued in a number of copies corresponding to the remainders of the first volume in Giunta’s stock, probably between 750 and 800.38 The main codex used for establishing the text was the one which Colocci had wished to print; owned and emended by Lascaris, it had subsequently entered the collection of Cardinal Niccolò Ridolfi together with a large part of Lascaris’s books.39 Other manuscript sources were gathered for collation. As Paul Canart has pointed out, Majorano almost certainly annotated a second manuscript – the acephalous Vat. gr. 1905 – and brought it to the press’s premises and used it on site. This manuscript actually came from his own library, a fact which sheds new light on the reason behind his involvement in the undertaking.40 Bessarion’s exceptional copy containing the author’s autograph ­commentary on Odyssey – bnm, Gr. Z. 448 (=1047) – was retrieved from the 37

See Maria Luisa Agati, Giovanni Onorio da Maglie: copista greco (1535–1563) (Rome: Accademia dei Lincei, 2001), esp. pp. 157–190, with earlier literature, and the unpublished, incorrect report on this new type given by Rucellai to Vettori on 28 October 1542 (BL, Add. MS 10272, f. 82r). Onorio’s office as Greek copyist and restorer (scriptor et instaurator) of the Vatican Library should have prevented private patrons from employing him. Onorio, however, was allowed to work for a few personalities very close to pope Paul iii, such as: the cardinals Farnese, Santa Fiora and Ridolfi; Fulvio Orsini, librarian to the Farnese; Agostino Steuco, the Vatican librarian until 1548; and, most notably and consistently, Cervini himself. See the thorough analysis provided by Giacomo Cardinali, ‘Il Barberinianus gr. 532, ovvero le edizioni mancate di Marcello Cervini, la filologia di Guglielmo Sirleto e il surmenage di Giovanni Onorio’, Byzantion, 88 (2018), pp. 45–89. 38 Cf. ustc 828521 and EDIT16 cnce 18394. On the likely print run, see Ridolfi’s hypothesis in his ‘Nuovi contributi’, pp. 195–196. The Roman edition, slightly improved by Johann Gottfried Stallbaum, was reprinted in Leipzig between 1825 and 1830; a facsimile of this edition was published in Hildesheim in 1960. See also: Eustathius of Thessalonica, Com­ mentarii ad Homeri Iliadem pertinentes ad fidem codicis Laurentiani, ed. by Marchinus van der Valk et al. (5 vols., Leiden: Brill, 1971–1995); Irene Anna Liverani, ‘L’editio princeps dei Commentarii all’Odissea di Eustazio di Tessalonica’, Medioevo Greco, 2 (2002), pp. 81–100; Eric Cullhed, Eustathios of Thessalonike: Commentary on Homer’s Odyssey 1–2 (Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet, 2016); and Filippomaria Pontani, Vassilis Katsaros and Vassilis Sarris (eds.), Reading Eustathios of Thessalonike (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 2017). 39 bnf, Par. gr. 2695, 2701–2702. On Ridolfi’s library, which was ultimately acquired by Catherine de’ Medici, Queen of France, see Muratore, La biblioteca, i, pp. 157–173 (esp. pp. 161–162), 313–351. 40 Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae codices manu scripti recensiti: codices Vaticani Graeci 1745–1962, ed. by Paul Canart, i (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1970), p. 632. The codex was one of the many presented by Majorano to the Vatican library in 1554 (Piacentini, ‘Marcello Cervini: la Biblioteca Vaticana’, p. 113).

Cervini’s Greek Press

81

Venetian Library of San Marco and brought to Rome in the summer of 1546, with the help of Bembo and Ramusio acting as intermediaries.41 It is also the case that the Laur. 59.2-3, containing the commentaries on Iliad, was employed at some stage; this codex from the Laurenziana Library was lent by Clement vii to Ridolfi and recovered by Cosimo de’ Medici as late as May 1550 from Ridolfi’s heirs.42 Finally, another manuscript was tracked down in one of the richest monastic libraries of the day, that of the Dominican monastery in Bologna. The portion concerning the Iliad was borrowed with great difficulty and expense by Della Casa in May 1541 for Vettori, who handed it back three months later through Varchi.43 As all the scholars involved were already close to Cervini, it seems improbable that they did not share the information with him and that Vettori, in particular, did not pass on his own notes. Was this codex of Eustathius the jealously guarded manuscript which Cervini managed to obtain as a loan from the same Bolognese library in August 1544?44 2.2 Theophylact’s Commentary on the Gospels Before August 1542, after the text had been collated by the Spanish Hellenist Francisco Torres and revised by Guglielmo Sirleto, Theophylact’s commentary

41

For this and two other Iliad codices owned by Bessarion, see Lotte Labowsky, Bessarion’s Library and the Biblioteca Marciana: Six Early Inventories (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1979), pp. 55, 87–88 and Eric Cullhed, ‘The Autograph Manuscripts Containing Eustathius’ Commentary on the Odyssey’, Mnemosyne, 65 (2012), pp. 445–461, at pp. 445– 446. In his letter (Bembo, Lettere, p. 576, incorrectly summarised in Pettas, The Giunti: A Renaissance Family, p. 51), Bembo told Ramusio that the Iliad had been printed and the team was now in need of a second manuscript of the Odyssey for collation. It is worth noting that Ramusio, then librarian of St Mark and official historian to the Republic, had been given a copy of the first volume of Cervini’s edition. 42 Muratore, La biblioteca, i, pp. xvi and 316–320. 43 Cf. the letters in: Carrara, ‘Giovanni della Casa’, p. 137; Varchi, Lettere, p. 107; Bramanti, Lettere, p. 193; and the unpublished letter in BL, Add. MS 10265, f. 311r, misleadingly hinting at the existence of the commentary to Odyssey in the same library. The pre-1512 catalogue of the Dominican library can be found in Marie-Hyacinthe Laurent, Fabio Vigili et les ­bibliothèques de Bologne au debut du xve siècle d’après le ms. Barb. Lat. 3185 (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1943), esp. pp. 79–80, no. [306]. See also Venturino Alce and Alfonso D’Amato, La biblioteca di S. Domenico in Bologna (Firenze: Olschki, 1961), pp. 102–103 on the ever stricter loan policy adopted in 1482 and 1543. The codex borrowed by Vettori does not seem to have entered the Archiginnasio Library in Bologna. 44 asf, Cervini, vol. 41, f. 128r (Stefano Foscarari, prior of San Domenico and former inquisitor in Bologna, to Cervini): ‘ … dir posso, Padrone mio osservantissimo, con non poco contento, più presto mi fia comodo, mandarò a Vostra Illustrissima Signoria il libro ­richiestomi in nome di quella dal Padre nostro Procuratore e già detto libro molte fiate a diversi è sta’ negato, il che adesso con essa gratiosissimamente si concede’.

82

Chapter 4

on the Gospels was printed.45 One of the manuscripts used came directly from Cervini’s library (now bav, Ott. gr. 453–455), described in the late sixteenthcentury as ‘a torn and spoiled copy, which was used by printers’. Feron and Battaglini correctly regarded this as the archetype specifically prepared for the press and the Greek inscription at the foot of the first volume confirms that it ‘started to be written on 6 February 1542’.46 It is highly plausible that other codices already in the Vatican Library were also employed for collation, such as Vat. gr. 641–645 and 647.47 In addition, the involvement as main editor of ­Torres, who was by then the librarian to the bibliophile Cardinal Giovanni Salviati, suggests that Salviati’s manuscript of the commentary on John (now bav, Vat. gr. 2187) played a significant role in the story. A revealing letter written by Torres to Vettori made explicit reference to the high number of manuscripts which were colleted.48 The entire print run consisted of 1,309 copies, of which 1,205 were on normal paper (‘carta bastarda’), 100 on larger and probably finer paper (‘carta mezana’) and 4 on parchment (‘carta pecora’).49 Printing the first and second group cost 45

asf, Cervini, vol. 51, ff. 130v and 134v. On Torres, see Santo Lucà, ‘Traduzioni patristiche autografe dal greco in latino del gesuita Francisco Torres († Roma 1584)’, in Francesca Prometea Barone, Caroline Macé and Pablo Alejandro Ubierna (eds.), Philologie, ­herméneutique et histoire des textes entre Orient et Occident: mélanges en hommage à Sever J. Voicu (Leiden: Brill, 2017), pp. 71–118, with earlier literature. Torres’ densely annotated copy of the Theophylact edition is to be found in BCas, KK.xi.22, as pointed out by Dorez, ‘Le cardinal Marcello Cervini’, p. 304, n. 5. I am grateful to Francesco Volpi for helping me retrive this copy. 46 Cf. Devreesse, ‘Les manuscrits grecs’, p. 266, no. 127 (‘scissus et corruptus, quo usi sunt impressores’) and Codices manuscript graeci Ottoboniani Bibliothecae Vaticanae descripti, ed. by Ernest Feron and Fabiano Battaglini (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1893), pp. 252–253. 47 Cf. Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae codices manu scripti recensiti: codices Vaticani Grae­ ci, iii: Codices 604–866, ed. by Robert Devreesse (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1950), pp. 64–71, and Robert Devreesse, Le fonds grec de la Bibliothèque Vaticane des origins à Paul v (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1965), ad indicem manu­ scriptorum sub signatura. 48 Annaclara Cataldi Palau, ‘La biblioteca del Cardinale Giovanni Salviati: alcuni nuovi manoscritti greci in biblioteche diverse della Vaticana’, Scriptorium, 49 (1995), pp. 60–95, at. p. 76, no. 147. Torres’ letter, which can be dated to December 1541 in the light of the internal reference to the on-going editions of Theophylact and Eustathius, has recently been discussed in Giacomo Cardinali ‘Il Barberinianus gr. 532’, pp. 67–68. It was published in Clarorum Italorum et Germanorum epistolae ad Petrum Victorium, ed. by Angelo Maria Bandini (2 vols., Florence: Presidium Facultate, 1758–1760), ii, pp. 246–249. See ibid., p. 247: ‘Theophylactus probus interpres Evangeliorum … nunc conlatis multis exemplis graece quam emendatissime inprimitur’. 49 One parchment copy was presumably given to the pope. If so, the actual bav, Membr.i.21 (formerly I.R.765 and Arm.343.46) is the most likely candidate. On the early history of the

Cervini’s Greek Press

83

750.42 and 72.48 scudi respectively, while the four deluxe copies for Cervini required as much as 35.52 scudi. Eight scudi were given to Sirleto for correcting the text, though the other half of the correctors’ overall fee, i.e. 37.50 scudi, should also be added to the production costs of the Theophylact edition. These amounted in total to 903.92 scudi (almost 0.66 scudi for each normal copy; 0.76 scudi for a copy in ‘mezana’; 8.91 scudi for one of the parchment copies). The same appalling financial dynamic which we analysed in the case of the Eustathius edition can also be observed here: 983 unsold copies, 580 distributed and 300 sold. Only 79 normal paper copies generated profit for the partnership, with a theoretical margin of 34% between production costs and retail price (10 giuli), which is reduced as soon as one takes into account the costs of shipping most of these copies abroad. 20 copies were donated for free (of which 8 went to Cervini himself), while Giunta retained the 9 scudi made by selling 9 of the 22 Theophylacts on sale in his book shop. Once again, the distribution of copies to local monasteries was a loss-making venture. Among the religious orders which were reluctantly obliged to acquire several copies of Eustathius and Theophylact were the Benedictines (housed in San Paolo fuori le Mura), the Canons Regular of the Lateran (in Santa Maria della Pace and San Pietro in Vincoli), the Canons Regular of San Giorgio in Alga (in San Salvatore in Lauro), the Olivetans (in Santa Maria Nuova, now Santa Francesca Romana), the Cistercians (in Santa Croce in Gerusalemme), the Augustinians (in ­ Sant’Agostino) and the Carmelites (in Santa Maria in Transpontina and San Crisogono). The Benedictines of San Paolo alone were given no fewer than 50 copies of both editions! There cannot have been more than 200 monks in all these monasteries combined who had advanced knowledge of Greek and wanted their own personal copy of Eustathius and Theophylact. While it is true that religious foundations could also play a role in the retail book trade by selling popular books to pilgrims, the scholarly nature of the two publications excludes this possibility.50 It seems far more plausible to think that Cervini, rather than Giunta, hoped to use the Roman monasteries as a way of spreading

50

Vatican printed collections and shelfmarks, see: Ceresa, ‘Acquisizioni e ordinamento’; ­Tiziana Pesenti, ‘Gli stampati: la formazione della “Prima Raccolta” e i suoi cataloghi’, in Claudia Montuschi (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: iii: La Vaticana nel Seicento (1590–1700): una biblioteca di biblioteche (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2014), pp. 543–598; and Francesco D’Aiuto and Paolo Vian (eds.), Guida ai fondi ma­ noscritti, numismatici, a stampa della Biblioteca Vaticana: ii: Dipartimenti Stampati – ­Dipartimento del Gabinetto Numismatico – Uffici della Prefettura – Archivio – Addenda, elenchi e prospetti, indici (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2011), pp. 743–771, 858–860. Cf. Nuovo, The Book Trade, pp. 64–65.

84

Chapter 4

the copies they had received to their fellow monks in the respective order across Italy. For the sake of this, the cardinal was even prepared to forgo any profit. Indeed, in complaining about the devices employed by the monks of Santa Maria Nuova to avoid handing over money, he warned Massarrelli that ‘payment should not be delayed … especially so that the copies are distributed in [their] monasteries, and there is no monastery which cannot afford to buy a book, as it is canonically instructed to do’.51 Whether this convoluted distribution plan was successful or not, it is hard to prove with any certainty, but the surviving bibliographical evidence suggests it may not have been.52 In order to understand Cervini’s aim in promoting Theophylact’s work, the study of its early modern reception in print is particularly helpful. Written about 1100, these commentaries on the New Testament are the most important Greek biblical exegesis after the homilies of Chrysostom.53 By 1542, three Latin versions had already appeared in print. Theophylact’s commentaries on the letters of St Paul were translated by Cristoforo Persona, a Catholic monk and prolific translator of Greek Christian texts under Paul ii and Sixtus iv, who later became prefect of the Vatican Library. Persona’s translation was printed by Ulrich Han in Rome in 1477, but under the name of Athanasius.54 In 1527,

51

52

53

54

asv, Conc. Trid., vol. 139, f. 6r: ‘Ali frati di Santa maria nova, io non ho promesso, salvo far opera che il Thesauriere metta a conto dele loro imp[egnatio]ni assegnate già a mercanti, et così non bisogna ritardare il pagamento per questo, massimamente che li libri si ­distribuiscano per li conventi, et non è convento alcuno che non possa comprare un libro, si come è tenuto per li canoni’. Between 1596 and 1603, the vast majority of Italian monasteries was asked to send lists of their holdings to the Congregation of the Index (Jesuits and Dominicans were exempted from this measure). rici, the online database collecting this valuable data (http://rici .vatlib.it), records only five copies, declared for the purpose of the survey, of Cervini’s Theophylact (BIB60030). See ibid., nos. BIB29025 and BIB60030 for Eustathius’s first and subsequent volumes. The Benedictines of San Sisto in Piacenza and the friars of Camal­ doli owned both the editions produced by the Greek press; the latter, however, obtained their copies through Sabeo. Theophylact’s works were published in volumes cxxiii–ccxxvi of Migne’s Patrologia Graeca, drawing mainly on the critical edition published by Bernardo Maria De Rubeis in Venice between 1754 and 1758. The first two volumes contain his commentaries on the Gospels; for a full English translation, see Theophylact of Ochrid, The Explanation on the Gospels (4 vols., House Springs MO: Chrysostom Press, 2004–2007). See also: E.W. ­Saunders, ‘Theophylact of Bulgaria as Writer and Biblical Interpreter’, Biblical Research, 2 (1957), pp. 31–44; Dimitri Obolensky, Six Byzantine Portraits (Oxford and New York: ­Clarendon and oup, 1988), pp. 34–82; and Margaret Mullet, Theophylact of Ochrid: Read­ ing the Letters of a Byzantine Bishop (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1997). ustc 990510.

Cervini’s Greek Press

85

however, it was reprinted in Cologne and correctly attributed to Theophylact.55 Three years earlier, in 1524, the Reformed theologian Oecolampadius had brought out in Basel his Latin version of Theophylact’s commentaries on the Gospels. This edition, which enjoyed immediate success, was continually revised by Oecolampadius until 1542, the year in which Cervini’s Greek editio princeps was published.56 Finally, in 1534, the German humanist and Protestant theologian Johannes Lonicerus produced a Latin translation of Theophylact’s commentary on four of the Minor Prophets, combining it in 1540 with his new translation of Paul’s letters.57 A later Latin edition comprising the commentaries on the Gospels, the Minor Prophets and Paul’s letters was edited by Erasmus’s former secretary Philippus Montanus in 1554.58 Although the heterodox scholar and later religious émigré Ludovico Castelvetro planned to print his vernacular translation in Modena about 1546 and then again in the 1550s for the local bishop, it is evident that the sixteenth-century printed reception of Theophylact was chiefly influenced by the German-speaking world and became the preserve of Reformed scholarship and of a few Basel printers, such as Andreas Cratander, Johannes Bebel and Johannes Herwagen.59 Cervini’s Greek princeps aimed to break up this monopoly, replacing the ‘mendacious’ work of Oecolampadius, as was stated in the introductory address to the ‘students of sacred literature’.60 While the Greek text was still in press, Torres made the same accusations in his letter to Vettori and recounted how he had been entrusted by Cervini with producing a new, more realible Latin translation.61 Such a replacement translation was never accomplished. 55 56 57 58 59

60 61

Theophylact of Ochrid, In omnes Divi Pauli Apostoli epistolas enarrationes diligenter recog­ nitae (Cologne: Peter Quentel, 1527); see esp. sig. †iv for the reattribution. ustc 696855 and 696865. The text was reprinted nearly 50 times in France and the ­German-speaking areas over the course of the sixteenth century. ustc 696870 and 696873. ustc 696869. Matteo Al Kalak, Il riformatore dimenticato: Egidio Foscarari tra Inquisizione, concilio e governo pastorale (1512–1564) (Bologna: il Mulino, 2016), pp. 171–173. It appears that Castelvetro was able to borrow a manuscript of Theophylact from the Vatican Library, while in Rome: Giovanni Mercati, ‘Per la storia della Biblioteca Apostolica, bibliotecario Cesare Baronio’, in his Opere minori, iii, pp. 201–274, (originally published in 1913), at p. 244, n. 1. Theophylact of Ochrid, Ἑρμηνεῖα εἰς τὰ τέσσαρα Εὑαγγέλια (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1542), sig. *iir: ‘praesertim cum in ea, quae in Latinum superioribus annis versa est, multa desint, plura vero perperam legantur, sive veteris exemplaris, sive interpretis ea culpa fuerit’. Clarorum italorum … epistolae, ii, p. 248: ‘Theophylactus probus interpres Evangeliorum conversus fuerat in latinum ab Oecolampadio, sed perverse, ut ab homine Lutherano cum fraude sentetiarum, tum offensione legentium et barbare. Is liber … mihi delatus est a Marcello cardinali Santicrucio [Cervini], viro gravissimo et ornatissimo, a capite iterum integre vertendus: plurima loca sunt depravata, multa lubrica, pleraque perplexa, omnia

86

Chapter 4

Yet, four years later, in lamenting the intentional alterations of the Reformed patristic editions, Sirleto recalled in a private letter to Cervini how numerous were the interpolations inserted by Oecolampadius in the Latin Theophylact.62 In doing so, Cervini, Torres and Sirleto went right to the heart of the religious and cultural contest between Rome and the Reformation, challenging the interpretations of the Scriptures by Protestant scholars and competing with them to find authoritative evidence in the Christian tradition by exploiting humanist philology. This was very much in line with the concern expressed by Fabri in 1536 in his Praeparatoria, as illustrated in Chapter 2. In calling for countermeasures against the corrupted Reformed translations of the Greek Fathers, the German controversialist singled out Oecolampadius’s Theophylact as a telling example.63 In this respect, the fact that Cervini kept a copy of Fabri’s treatise among his papers is of the utmost importance.64 Praising the man who invented movable types, the same introductory address sheds light on Cervini’s wholly positive notion of printing. The anonymous author of this paratext (possibly Sirleto or Torres) hailed the technology as a way of saving ancient works from oblivion, disseminating them publicly and thus helping an ever-changing and fragile humankind to save itself through the study of sacred texts.65 Given the press’s short existence and meagre production, it is worth asking to what extent the ambitious programme of producing unpublished (especially Christian) Greek works from the Vatican Library was ever fulfilled. If we take into account all the Greek books which Cervini helped to publish during his barbara atque inepta’. It must be around this time that Torres presented Cervini with two samples of his ability to translate from Greek into Latin (no. 97 in Appendix B) and wrote him a letter about his methodology (bav, Vat. lat. 6210, ff. 252r-253r): Lucà, ‘Sirleto e ­Torres’, pp. 562–564, 593–599 brings this documentation into view, but dates them to ca. 1550, ignoring Torres’ relationship with Cervini prior to 1545 (ibid. p. 561). 62 bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 67v: ‘S’è visto ancho in Theophylatto quanto apertamente [Ecolampadio] ha detto il contrario e in molti lochi ha lasciato’. 63 CT, iv/1, pp. 17–18: ‘Preterae Sua Sanctitas ante omnia et praecipue considerare debet, quod Oecolampadius, Capito et alii multos libros ex Chrysostomo, Theophylacto ac aliis de Graeco in Latinum converterunt et ubicunque locum aliquem suis haeresibus adversari deprehenderunt, illum praetergressi sunt ac non translatum reliquerunt multisque in locis adulterarunt. Proinde necessarium erit, ut Sua Sanctitas aliquot Italicae nationis Graece et Latine eruditos viros interim, dum ad concilium venitur, subordinet ac deputet, qui eiusmodi illorum translationes oblatis Graecis exemplaribus emendent ac eorum ­errores detegant, brevis notatis erroribus, quo loco et quam graviter hallucinati sint, veluti in quasdam annotationes redigant. Nam optimi quique actores per eiusmodi perfidos ­interpretes sunt corrupti ac depravati’. 64 asf, Cervini, vol. 30, also including Fabri’s letter to Morone in December 1546. 65 Theophylact, Ἑρμηνεῖα, sig. *iiir.

Cervini’s Greek Press

87

lifetime (listed in Appendix B and discussed in Chapter 6), there is little doubt that he did in fact succeed in accomplishing a large part of his vision, ensuring that some important writings by the Greek Church Fathers and prominent religious Byzantine scholars were printed. Despite the brief period of activity of his Greek press, there are indications that its editorial programme was (or would have been) the one which he had envisaged, reflecting a preference for divinae over humanae litterae. The first author selected for publication was Theophylact, even though in the end he was preceded by Eustathius; and in January 1542 (a few months before the first issues of contention arose between the partners), Giannotti reaffirmed to Vettori that ‘the Greeks’ were planning to ‘print at a furious pace, not only sacred texts, but all the books which Cervini has handed over to them’, while the introduction to Theophylact alluded to related upcoming publications. In addressing Vettori, Torres delved into details, mentioning Clement of Alexandria, Dionysius the Aeropagite, Eusebius and Philo of Alexandria; Cervini himself informed Rucellai in mid-April 1542 that he wished to print Philo and Clement.66 It should also be noted that the plan to use Vatican manuscripts as textual sources for printed editions by no means excluded also drawing on Cervini’s personal library and on the collections of the cardinals close to him such as Ridolfi and Salviati. The accounts show us that the the published copies were not, on the whole, destined for the international market: the shipment to Lyon was probably due in the first place to Giunta’s family connections there, just like the abortive attempt to deliver some copies to Spain. Cervini instead paid special attention to Italy and members of the clergy, notably friars. Such a focus on the Italian ­peninsula, the Papal States and specifically religious orders is perfectly in line not only with his political concerns, but also the point of view he expressed as papal legate in the conciliar meeting of 1 March 1546 and the related

66 Giannotti, Lettere a Vettori, p. 106: ‘… si stamperà a furia, oltre a’ libri sacri, tutto quello che [Cervini] darà loro alle mani …’; Theophylact, Ἑρμηνεῖα, sig. *iiir; Clarorum italorum … epistolae, ii, p. 247: ‘Ad hoc etiam genus [i.e., the best authors] pertinet, quod heic fit in inprimendis magnis auctoribus graecis, nunc quidem Theophylacto, et Eustachio in ­Homerum, post Pedagogum Clementis [of Alexandria], commentariis in Dionysium ­Aeropagitam, Eusebio et Phylone Alexandrino, et aliis …’; BL, Add. MS 10272, f. 61v: ‘… ­ragionando noi della stampa e dimandandogli io che cose volveva si stampassino poi che fusso finite e l’Eusthatio e il Theophilatto (che vanno innanzi gagliardamente), [Cervini] mi rispose di cose ecclesiastiche, come sono e quell Philon che scrive le vite degli Hebrei e quell Clemente Alessandrino, cioè il suo Pedagogo’. The emphasis is mine. Only the Pae­ dagogus was eventually published in 1550 as part of Clement’s opera omnia, with the ­pivotal contribution of Vettori (see nos. 83–84 in Appendix B and later in Chapter 6). On Philo, see Torres’ translation (n. 61 above and no. 97 in Appendix B).

88

Chapter 4

­ umanist-inspired educational plan for introducing Biblical instruction in h every monastery.67 The most remarkable feature of Cervini’s patronage was its institutional scope. This has been overlooked in previous scholarship, which has tended to see his support for printing as a by-product of his personal passion for books and as an isolated endeavour with only tenuous links to the papacy. This view relies largely on the private correspondence between Piero Vettori and Donato Giannotti, both of whom were friends of Cervini; yet, these letters describe only the private side of Cervini’s engagement with his Greek as well as his Latin Roman press. On a public level, he was not merely a patron of printing for his own individual glory, but pursued a programme of publishing books for the good of the Catholic Church, editions which were presented in the prefaces to them as the cultural and institutional initiatives of the pope and the Apostolic Chamber. For instance, the edition of Theopylact is hailed as an offshoot of Paul iii’s ‘divine virtue’.68 We can gain a better understanding of this intended official role by expanding the range of our sources. In the first place, in the two contracts related to the edition of Eustathius’s commentaries on Homer, it is clearly stated that the book either was to be or had been printed by order of the pope for the Apostolic Chamber. In the second contract, Cervini is defined as representative (‘ministro’) of the Apostolic Chamber, though it did not have any official role in this crucial department of the papal administration.69 One of Cardinal Bembo’s letters also seems to confirm that the Eustathius edition was seen as a papal enterprise among scholars and churchmen outside Cervini’s immediate circle.70 Furthermore, one of the officials in Cervini’s household entitled the 67

CT, v, p. 506 and Louis B. Pascoe, ‘The Council of Trent and Bible Study: Humanism and Scripture’, The Catholic Historical Review, 52 (1966), pp. 18–38. 68 Theophylact, Ἑρμηνεῖα, sig. *iiir. 69 See the commercial agreement between Cervini, Niccolò Majorano, Antonio Blado and Benedetto Giunta (Rome, 21 February 1545), in asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 126r: ‘Essendosi a questi mesi passati per ordine di Nostro Signore Papa Paulo iii stampato il principio dello Eustachio Greco sopra Homero, …’ The formula employed in the sale contract between Cervini, Giunta and the bookseller Francesco Tramezzino (Rome, 7 April 1551), in asr, Notari del Tribunale dell’Auditor Camerae, vol. 6155 (Ludovicus Reydettus), f. 487r, is even clearer: ‘Alli anni passati, il Reverendissimo Cardinal de Sancta Croce per conto della Camera Apostolica, et per ordine de Nostro Signore facesse stampare … mille docento setttantacinque volumi del commento de Eustatio sopra li primi cinque libri della Eliade d’Homero’. 70 See the letter of July 1546 from Bembo to Giovanni Battista Ramusio, secretary to the Venetian Republic, in Bembo, Lettere: edizione critica, iv, p. 576: ‘Qui si è stampato Eustasio sopra la Iliade, in assai bella stampa e forma. Ora vogliono stampar l’Odissea. E tutto ciò si fa per ordine di Nostro Signore’.

Cervini’s Greek Press

89

partnership accounts ‘Libri della camara et della libraria’, which should be read as: ‘Books of the [Apostolic] Chamber and the [Vatican] Library’.71 As early as 1542, shortly after his arrival in the Eternal City, Nicolini used Blado’s press to publish the statutes of the Brotherhood of the Holiest Sacrament of Santa Maria sopra Minerva; the brothers were proud to employ Nicolini for this publication, as they regarded him as ‘the printer of the papal books’.72 Perhaps, the most telling piece of evidence is contained in the preliminary agreement Eparco and Sophianos made with Cervini in mid-1544 in order to publish Greek books on behalf of the papacy, including the works of Philo of Alexandria, Eusebius and Theodoret. Even though this plan to relocate Cervini’s­Greek press in Venice was not carried out, the cardinal was prepared to anticipate the money and then be reimbursed by the Apostolic Chamber, while Eparchos proposed to be subsidised directly by the pope and repay the pontiff with part of the print runs.73 Similar allusions to an official role can be found regarding Cervini’s Latin press. Its manager, Francesco Priscianese, referred in his letters either to 71 72

73

asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. [136bis]v. Li capituli, statuti, et ordinationi della venerabile Compagnia del Sacratissimo Corpo di Christo (Rome: Stefano Nicolini through Antonio Blado, 1542), sig. Aiv: ‘Noi … deputamo Mastro Steffano de Sabio della diocese di Bressa, Stampatore delli libri di Sua Santità, ad imprimere et stampare li capituli … di essa nostra compagnia’. Dorez, ‘Antoine Eparque’, pp. 306–307: ‘Ma perché Vostra Signoria Reverendissima [Cervini­] mi dice, che quando io volesse pigliare a stampar qualche altro bono libro, pigliando la impresa sopra di me, et intitulando li libri a Nostro Signore, ne daria agiuto di far tal cosa, et poi la Camera rimborsar li danari che ne havesse dato, perhò dico a Vostra Signoria Reverendissima che mi son desyderoso di stampar qualche bona cosa, et havemo pensato et calculato con quelli che intendeno le cose dela stampa, et dicemo così: che semo contenti et cusì desyderemo a stampar et intitular li libri al nome del Nostro Signore et meter ancora le arme di Sua Santità, del Reverendissimo Monsignor Farnese et di Vostra Signoria Reverendissima et per ogni libro che fosse de cento foglii, cioè carte ducento, id est quinterni quatro de carta mezzana bonissima et benissime stampata, Sua Santità ne dia per agiuto scudi cento d’oro. Et fornita l’opera, noi siamo tenuti dar volumi cento a Sua Santità a pagamento de ditti scudi cento che ne agiutarà, et assendendo l’opera più de li ditti foglii cento, over dessendendo manco de li ditti foglii 200[sic], Sua Santità ne pagara a la rata portione; id est, si el libro fosse più de cento foglii, dar più agiuto, et si manco, manco. Et cussì noi faremo tutta la spesa che andarà a stampar questi libri honoratamente. Et piacendo a Vostra Signoria Reverendissima, se comenzarà da Philone Judaeo over Eusebio, over le opere de Theodorito, che sono molto desyderati tuti questi libri, over da quello altro che piacerà a Vostra Signoria Reverendissima. Perhò Vostra Signoria se degnarà scriver risposta in questa cosa, aciò sapia vegnir io over messer Nicolò [Sophianos] per far li pati, come di sopra over come meglio piacera a Vostra Signoria Reverendissima; che io son molto desyderoso de far qualche bene a commune utilità. Et con questo modo, pigliaremo la impresa de stampar quanti libri graeci se potrano mai trovar, che sii liciti de stampar’.

90

Chapter 4

­ ervini’s ‘papal presses’ or more often described them as the initiatives of carC dinals, priests and papal officials.74 Moreover, the words of the Florentine ambassador to Rome show that Priscianese’s publishing house was generally perceived as a semi-official papal enterprise: reporting to Duke Cosimo i on 7 February 1542, Averardo Serristori, the well-informed Florentine ambassador to Rome, wrote that his friend and protégé Priscianese had established a press in the city to which the pope, that is, Paul iii, gave some ancient and unpublished books from his library to print.75 So, although Cervini was by all means the moving force behind the project, he successfully portrayed it as an initiative of the pope in the public eye. In this sense, both the two Roman presses in his service can be regarded as proto-institutional papal enterprises devised and run by Cervini. A more effective implementation of Cervini’s cultural programme, however, was achieved by the Latin press he set up in Rome, as we shall in the following chapter. 74 75

See his letters in Redig De Campos, ‘Francesco Priscianese’, pp. 176–180. Priscianese, e.g., wrote to Giannotti on 5 July 1544 (ibid., p. 180): ‘Il Cardinale [Cervini] che si soleva mo­ strare ardente in queste sue stamperie papali, è diventato più freddo di una tramontana’. asf, Mediceo del Principato, Relazioni con Stati Italiani ed Esteri, Stati Italiani, Roma, vol. 3264, f. 111v: ‘… non voglio manchare di dirle come qui è uno Messer Francesco della Pieve a Presciano [i.e. Priscianese], dominio di Vostra Excellentia et amicho mio, il quale ha cominciato una stamperia, a chi il papa dà a stampare certi libri antichi della sua libreria et mai più stampati, perché fa una lettera anticha della medesima sorte che quella grande di Basilea, ma assai più bella’. I am indebted to Guido Rebecchini and Marcello Simonetta for drawing my attention to this important piece of evidence. On Serristori’s relationships with Cervini, Priscianese and Blado, see Emanuela Ferretti, ‘Between Bindo Altoviti and Cosimo i: Averardo Serristori, Medici Ambassador in Rome’, in Alan Chong, Donatella Pegazzano and Dimitrios Zikos (eds.), Raphael, Cellini and a Renaissance Banker: The Pa­ tronage of Bindo Altoviti (Boston: Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, 2003), pp. 456–461.

Chapter 5

Cervini’s Latin Press The aim of this chapter is to examine the press established by Cervini to publish Latin books. This account will be more extended than the previous chapter devoted to his Greek publications, firstly, because Cervini’s Latin enterprise has received little attention in previous scholarship; and, secondly, because its output of six Latin editions was more substantial than the two Greek editions issued by Nicolini and Blado. First, new light will be shed on the Latin press and its manager, Francesco Priscianese. Then follows a complete analysis of all the press’s publications, together with the earlier and later reception of each book and its author, which will be crucial for achieving a better understanding of the motives that led Cervini to select precisely this group of works. Finally, we shall look at three other editions by Priscianese which may have been sponsored or encouraged by Cardinal Cervini. 1

Francesco Priscianese and Cervini’s Latin Press

At the end of 1540, Cervini’s Greek press was finally established. A few months later, he began to set up a Latin press, in accordance with the second stage of his plan, as reported by Donato Giannotti.1 To run the press, he selected another member of Cardinal Ridolfi’s court and possibly of the accademia dei Virtuosi, the Florentine humanist Francesco Priscianese. Much of Priscianese’s life before and after his Roman stay in the 1540s remains obscure. The little we know is mostly connected with his linguistic studies and his activity for Cervini.2 A teacher, grammarian and skilled Latinist, Priscianese was particularly interested in the Italian vernacular, Cicero’s prose and Neoplatonic philosophy. This typical early sixteenth-century Florentine scholar left the city, like many of his compatriots, in the wake of the fall of the Republic in 1530, after taking an active part in the siege of Florence as ‘commissario’ for the Mugello area. There follows a ten-year gap in his biography, until late in 1540, when we find him in Rome as a valued member of the Florentine Republican community, which had reassembled there and which included among its number Donato Giannotti, the former secretary of the Republic. By this time, Priscianese had 1 See above, Chapter 4, n. 18. 2 See my biographical entry in dbi, lxxxv, 2016, pp. 402–404, with earlier bibliography.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004348653_007

92

Chapter 5

already joined Ridolfi’s household and had travelled to Venice to publish his first grammatical works.3 There is no reason to accept Pio Paschini’s undocumented hypothesis that Giannotti may have recommended Priscianese to Cervini, acting as intermediary between the two.4 We should bear in mind that Priscianese, as far as we  know, had no previous experience in the book trade, unlike the rest of Cervini’s­team (Blado, Nicolini, Giunta and Sophianos). So, something else must have led Cervini to entrust him with the delicate task of managing a press on his own. Cervini’s decision was doubtless driven by a variety of factors: the many acquaintances which he shared with Priscianese, including Antonio Blado; Priscianese’s outstanding ability as a Latinist, which made him a very suitable editor and press supervisor; his high reputation among the Roman Florentine circle around Cardinal Ridolfi (from whom Cervini chose other collaborators such as the Greeks Devaris, Majorano and Sophianos). The main motive, however, appears to have been the close relationship between Cervini and Priscianese, who were almost certainly in contact with one another some years before coming together in the printing enterprise. To get to the bottom of this relationship, we will need to investigate the ten years between Priscianese’s flight from Florence and his Roman activity in the 1540s. From the correspondence of the Florentine humanist community which, after 1530, was scattered in Florence, Rome, Venice, Padua and Bologna, we can glean some information about the beginning of Priscianese’s Roman stay and his involvement in the same cultural circles as Cervini. An unpublished extract from a letter by Mattio Franzesi to Benedetto Varchi on 9 April 1535 records the recent arrival (‘not even a month’) of Priscianese in Rome. According to Fran­ zesi, Priscianese had played a leading role in a prank organised by a student of his, Amerigo Antinori, together with some other companions.5 After dining in 3 Lucinda M.C. Byatt, ‘Aspetti giuridici e finanziari di una “familia” cardinalizia del xvi secolo: un progetto di ricerca’, in Cesare Mozzarelli (ed.), ‘Familia’ del principe e famiglia aristocrati­ ca, ii (Rome: Bulzoni, 1988), pp. 611–630, at p. 622 and Varchi, Lettere, p. 92. In Venice, Priscianese issued, with the publisher Bartolomeo Zanetti, his Della lingua romana and his very successful Latin grammar in the Italian vernacular, Dei principii della lingua romana, later known as ‘Priscianello’ (ustc 851343 and 851341–851342). During that summer in Venice, he dined at Titian’s house and came into contact with Pietro Aretino and other Florentine exiles in Venice. 4 Paschini, ‘Un cardinale editore’, pp. 192–193. 5 Amerigo Antinori (b. 1516) was a Florentine condottiero in the service of the Farnese family and later of Cosimo i. He was expelled from Florence around 1532 and fled to Rome. A portrait of him by Pontormo is today in the Museo Nazionale di Palazzo Mansi in Lucca. See Rossella Carrus and Valentina Tofani (eds.), Futuro Antico: The History of the Antinori Family and Their Palace (Florence: Alinari, 2007), pp. 78, 191.

Cervini’s Latin Press

93

their company, Priscianese went home to get some rest, but was woken up by Antinori and his friends in the middle of the night. The group then performed a parody of a papal election in his room, and Priscianese was elevated to the throne of St Peter. Everyone arrived naked, and then took Priscianese’s clothes off; he was eventually left alone to sleep with Antinori’s mistress, so that the new pope could ‘be totally joined to the Church in marriage’.6 The blasphemous joke had been reported to Franzesi by Benedetto Busini and Luigi Sostegni­. Franzesi’s amusing anecdote, resembling a novella by Boccaccio, provides us with four important details: first, Priscianese was in Rome by March 1535; second, he taught there, as he had done in Tuscany, but as a private tutor for the Antinori, a wealthy anti-Medicean family; third, he very quickly began to take part in the carefree cultural life of the first years of Paul iii’s reign, which was still bore the influence of Francesco Berni’s irreverent poetry and the light-hearted court of Clement vii; finally, the names of Varchi, Franzesi, Busini and Sostegni suggest that Priscianese was drawn at once into Giovanni Gaddi’s circle and the Vignaiuoli academy, the very milieu to which Cervini himself belonged.7 It is no coincidence that this letter from Franzesi opened with a reference to Cervini in connection with Gaddi.8 Three months later, in another letter to Varchi, Franzesi referred to Priscianese as a friend of both of theirs. He, however, was mentioned separately from the rest of the learned group, which included Benvenuto Cellini and the musician Bernardo Pisano (Pagoli): in a disparaging, or perhaps jesting, remark, Priscianese was singled out as a grammarian. Franzesi also said that Priscianese was suffering from a problem with his legs. Cervini made an appearance in this letter, too, as the recipient of missives from Varchi and Vettori sent via Franzesi.9 In a third letter from Franzesi to Varchi in December 1537, Priscianese’s name cropped up again, among those of Ardinghelli, Vettori, Molza, Antinori and Cellini, while in March 1538 Caro forwarded to Varchi an epistle from Priscianese himself as an attachment to a jocular account of the fast-growing Virtuosi academy, with a reference to Cervini in relation to a different matter.10 6

bncf, Autografi Palatini, Varchi, vol. i, no. 96, f. 1v. Significantly, the passage was crossed out in Raccolta di prose fiorentine (17 vols., Florence: Stamperia di s.a.r., 1716–1745), iv/1, pp. 47–51 (esp. p. 49), while it was restored in Bramanti, Lettere, pp. 71–72. 7 See Danilo Romei, Berni e berneschi del Cinquecento (Florence: Edizioni centro 2P, 1984), esp. pp. 51–64, 168. 8 Bramanti, Lettere, p. 70: ‘mi sono messo a rispondere alla vostra, la quale insieme con una di Messer Marcello [Cervini] era nel mazzo del Monsignore [Giovanni Gaddi]’. 9 Ibid., pp. 75–76. 10 Ibid., pp. 116, 131–134.

94

Chapter 5

The correspondence between Benedetto Varchi and Piero Vettori contains a further piece of biographical information concerning Priscianese’s involvement, in July 1537, in the Roman cultural milieu. Varchi wrote that Priscianese had professed to be entirely on Vettori’s side (‘tutto tutto vostro’) and had praised his Annotationes on Cicero on behalf of his own patron,11 who, as we learn from the beginning of the letter, was the Florentine Niccolò Ardinghelli, secretary to Cardinal Farnese and a close friend of Cervini, with a similar curial career and literary tastes.12 The Florentines Vettori and Varchi had frequently referred warmly to Ardinghelli and Cervini as ‘Messer Niccolò’ and ‘Messer Marcello’ in the early 1530s.13 Cervini and Ardinghelli, moreover, invited Vettori to move to Rome in 1536–1537, actively supported him during his work on the Annotationes and encouraged him to make peace with Paolo Manuzio after a bitter quarrel over their competing editions of Cicero’s Familiares in the early 1540s.14 On the basis of these passages from the correspondence of Franzesi, Varchi and Vettori, we can definitely place Priscianese in Rome five years earlier than 1540, consorting with the same people as Cervini. It was these personal connections which no doubt led Cervini to recruit him for his project to set up a Latin press. It is also significant that the cardinal owned a copy of Priscianese’s Della lingua romana.15 Over the course of 1541, preparations for establishing a Latin publishing house began to be made. Like the Greek press, Priscianese’s firm was provided with an elegant new font, modelled by him on the type which the Giunta­

11 Varchi, Lettere, p. 57. The Annotationes were published as Explicationes suarum in Cicero­ nem castigationum, an appendix to Vettori’s six-volume edition of Cicero, issued in 1537 by Giunta in Venice (ustc 764212). In 1540, Vettori promoted Priscianese’s Latin grammar, which had been enthusiastically recommended by Giannotti: see Giannotti, Lettere a Vet­ tori, pp. 81, 84–85. 12 See Mario Rosa, ‘Ardinghelli, Niccolò’, in dbi, iv, 1962, pp. 30–34, and the notes in Randolph Starn (ed.), Donato Giannotti and His ‘Epistolae’: Biblioteca Universitaria Alessan­ drina, Rome, Ms. 107 (Geneva: Droz, 1968), p. 79. 13 Varchi, Lettere, ad indicem. For another reference to the friendship of this group, see the sonnet to Ardinghelli, in Benedetto Varchi, Opere … ora per la prima volta raccolte, ii (Trie­ ste: Sezione letterario-artistica del Lloyd austriaco, 1859), pp. 865–866; ibid., p. 886, for a poem dedicated to Priscianese. 14 Giannotti, Lettere a Vettori, p. 79; Varchi, Lettere, pp. 86–88, 90–91 and asf, Cervini, vol. 20, ff. 65v-66r. On the quarrel between the two scholars, see Raphaële Mouren, ‘Une longue polémique autour de Cicéron: Paolo Manuzio et Piero Vettori’, in Yann Sordet (ed.), Passeurs­de textes: imprimeurs, éditeurs et lecteurs humanistes dans les collections de la Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009), pp. 81–91. 15 Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. D 279.

Cervini’s Latin Press

95

had used for Vettori’s Annotationes.16 The press may have been located in Priscianese’s house, possibly near the Porta del Popolo, if we can treat Giannotti’s Dialogi de’ giorni as a reliable source of historical information; in this work, set in the early spring of 1546, a brief dialogue takes place between Priscianese and Michelangelo in front of Priscianese’s door. Here, ‘le sue belle stampe … et tutto questo ordine della stamperia’ were displayed for the delight of the great artist.17 In January 1542, the Latin press was ready to start printing books. It was Giannotti who informed Vettori that ‘in a few days [Priscianese] will begin printing some sacred works such as Arnobius’s Contra gentes and other sacred writers given to him by the Cardinal of Santa Croce [i.e. Cervini]’.18 Once more, Cervini’s preference was clearly for Christian literature – an initial, unrealistic plan to publish all of Cicero’s works and print them in capital letters (‘in maiu­ scole’) was rapidly abandoned.19 In addition to his commissions from Cervini, Priscianese planned to publish vernacular books, using a new italic font; yet in March 1543 he was still completely absorbed by ‘the ecclesiastical books for the Cardinal of Santa Croce’.20 It is unclear whether or not he managed to acquire a set of italic types; but, between 1543 and 1544, he found the time and

16

The progress of the Annotationes can be traced through the correspondence in Giannotti, Lettere a Vettori, pp. 97, 102, 105, 107. Giannotti tried in vain to persuade Vettori to publish the work with Priscianese under his own supervision. The same did Cosimo Rucellai in July 1542, prasing Priscianese’s types and the beauty of the Arnobius edition: BL, Add. MS 10281, f. 77r. 17 Donato Giannotti, Dialogi de’ giorni che Dante consumò nel cercare l’inferno e ’l purgatorio, ed. by Deoclecio Redig de Campos (Florence: Tipografia galileiana, 1939), pp. 65–66, 71–72. The only surviving manuscript of this work (bav, Vat. lat. 6528) was wrongly thought to have been written in Priscianese’s hand (Giannotti, Dialogi, p. 7) and then correctly re-attributed to one of Gian Vicenzo Pinelli’s scribe by Starn, Donato Giannotti, pp. 3–4, n. 5. 18 Giannotti, Lettere a Vettori, p. 105: ‘Et [Priscianese] fra pochi giorni cominciera’ a stampare certe opere sacre, come Arnobio contra gentes, et altri scrittori sacri dategli dal cardinale di Santa Croce’. 19 Ibid., p. 102: ‘Il detto Cardinale [Cervini] è entrato in una gran fantasia di volere fare stampare l’opere di Cicerone in maiuscole et già le lettere sono fatte, alla qual opera attende il Priscianese e al ritorno suo vuol fare un collegio de’ ciceroniani che sono qua, … per esaminar un poco queste opere di Marco Tullio et formare un testo correttissimo, il quale sarà dato poi al Priscianese che lo stampi nelle dette lettere’. Ridolfi, ‘Nuovo contributo’, pp. 184–185, correctly pointed out that the term ‘maiuscole’ referred to capital letters, resembling the writing in ancient manuscripts. In addition, the epistle seems to suggest that Priscianese’s Latin type was designed starting with the capital letters; see also Giannotti, Lettere a Vettori, pp. 102, 105. 20 Giannotti, Lettere a Vettori, p. 111: ‘… i libri ecclesiastici a stanza del Cardinale Santa Croce …’

96

Chapter 5

energy to publish a number of works in Italian, for which he secured papal privileges.21 By this stage, however, his collaboration with Cervini may have already come to an end. In May of 1543, Priscianese was keen to move his press to Florence. Despite his republican sympathies and exile in Rome, his affection for his native city, as he was at pains to explain in a letter to Vettori, remained strong. If only Duke Cosimo de’ Medici would commission him to print the Florentine codex of Justinian’s Digest (the so-called Pandectae), he would be ready to leave Rome and spend the rest of his days in his beloved homeland, serving the bitterest enemy of his Roman patrons. Vettori’s endorsement for the commission produced no effect.22 In July 1544, Priscianese announced to Vettori that he was publishing on his own and lamented that Cervini was withdrawing more and more from his printing programme.23 We are aware of some attempts he made to establish himself as an independent humanist printer in Rome, approaching Michelangelo, Paolo Giovio, Antonio Agustín, Vettori and Varchi, offering to publish their works.24 Nothing, however, came of these 21

22

23 24

At the end of his activity as publisher, Priscianese was said to have three or four sets of types, among which was a beautiful ‘cancelleresca’: Giannotti, Lettere a Vettori, pp. 118, 121–122, and Giorgio Padoan, ‘A casa di Tiziano, una sera d’agosto’, in Tiziano e Venezia: convegno internazionale di studi, Venezia, 1976 (Vicenza: Neri Pozza, 1980), pp. 357–367, at p. 366, n. 66. No mention of this is to be found in Luigi Balsamo and Alberto Tinto, Origini del corsivo nella tipografia italiana del Cinquecento (Milan: Il Polifilo, 1967). Redig de Campos, ‘Francesco Priscianese’, pp. 176–178 and Mouren, ‘La lecture assidue’, p. 449, n. 82. On the Florentine Pandectae, collated by Poliziano, edited by Lelio Torelli and eventually printed by Lorenzo Torrentino in 1553, see: Giovanni Gualandi, ‘Per la storia dell’editio princeps delle Pandette fiorentine di Lelio Torelli’, in Le Pandette di Giustinia­ no: storia e fortuna di un codice illustre: due giornate di studio, Firenze 23–24 giugno 1983 (Florence: Olschki, 1986), pp. 143–198; Jean-Louis Ferrary, ‘Les travaux d’Antonio Agustín à la lumière de lettres inédites à Lelio Torelli’, Faventia, 14 (1992), pp. 69–83; Davide Baldi, ‘Il Codex Florentinus del Digesto e il “fondo pandette” della Biblioteca Laurenziana (con un’appendice di documenti inediti)’, Segno e testo, 8 (2010), pp. 99–186 and plates. Redig de Campos, ‘Francesco Priscianese’, p. 180. In his colourful and occasionally cryptic language, Giovio made the first move to print the initial part of his Historiae in Priscianese’s marvellous type, which he labelled as ‘more libidinous than Messalina’. On 16 August 1543, he announced to Maffei that he was revising the work in the cool of his Museo in order to bring it to Rome and pay for printing with Cervini’s Latin press, provided that the cardinal agreed to the plan (bam, E 31 inf., f. 1r: ‘Hor signor mio mi godo il bel castello … rivedendo al singular fresco del Museo, iocondo, piscoso, bello et affectato come la sottana del Signor Datario, dico rivedendo delicta iu­ venctutis meae nelli primi libri della Historia, quali portarò a Roma stampandisse dal Priscianese in quella letra luxuriosa più che Messalina, s’el Signor Cardinale Santa Croce vorrà favorirmi netto di gabella. Sapete bene che Belcastro [Giacomo Giacomelli] non hebbe si bella letra et fu impensis propriis usque ad ligaturas inclusive.) The letter is analysed by Franco Minonzio, ‘“non so se ci accorderemo”. Una edizione mancata delle

Cervini’s Latin Press

97

e­ fforts. It is indicative of his economic problems that, in 1544, he employed Blado’s firm to publish the Italian translation of Suetonius by the Florentine Paolo Del Rosso, after having obtained a papal privilege for himself.25 In line with his recently conceived plan to move to Florence, he dedicated the book to the Florentine envoy, Averardo Serristori. It can be inferred from the poor quality of his last Roman publications that his press closed down sometime in the same year, having published only a dozen books. Six of these – by far the most challenging – were publications commissioned by Cervini, who was the main source of his work and income. When these editions turned out to be less profitable than anticipated, his publishing venture collapsed. After planning to move to Naples, Priscianese once again hoped to relocate his press to Florence and work as the privileged printer of Cosimo i in mid1545.26 A year later, seriously ill and oppressed by debts, he was forced to sell his printing machinery and types. These were probably purchased by his competitor, Lorenzo Torrentino, when he was appointed stampatore ducale in Florence­.27 Afterwards, we lose track of Priscianese, apart from some works written by him, which were published in Venice from 1549 to 1579.28 Priscianese’s press, during its three years of activity between 1541 and 1544, worked in close collaboration with the partnership of Blado, Giunta and Nicolini­. His publications were distributed in part by the Giunta family, as we know from the Greek partnership accounts, while his type was employed in the prefaces of the two books produced by Nicolini and Blado: Theophylact’s commentaries on the Gospels and the first volume of Eustathius’s commentary on Homer. In turn, he used Onorio’s Greek font in three of his publications issued in 1543: De acquis by Oribasius and speeches by Cardinal Bessarion and

25 26

27 28

­Historiae di Giovio in una lettera (“Di Roma, alli 5 di Luglio 1544”) di Francesco Priscianese a Pier Vettori’, in Quaderni di italianistica 2010 (Pisa: ets, 2010), pp. 45–76, esp. p. 53, n. 24. ustc 857778. asv, Arm. xli, vol. 28, f. 220r and Paschini, ‘Un cardinale editore’, pp. 197–198. Ferrary, ‘Le travaux’, p. 73, n. 12 and his letter to Varchi on 30 August 1545 (Raccolta di prose fiorentine, iv/2, p. 217): ‘Scrivetemi qualcosa del vostro essere, e se fate alcuna cosa di bello, e che, e come passino le cose dell’Accademia, e della stampa, la quale voi chiamavate segreta, se ella si è palesata ancora, e come ella faccia faccende. Vorrei anche sapere se quello stampatore Tedesco, il quale si diceva condursi per istampare le Pandette, è arrivato ancora, o se sia per essere condotto egli, o altri per tale effetto, che qua tra gli Stampatori si dice, che’l Reverendo Campano ha questa cura da sua eccellenza e che si farà mirabilia. Fate che io sappia qualcosa, e se siate d’animo di volere ancora dare alle stampe le vostre cose’. Giorgio Costa, Michelangelo alle corti di Niccolò Ridolfi e Cosimo i (Rome: Bulzoni, 2009), pp. 79–81. Sachet, ‘Priscianese, Francesco’, p. 403.

98

Chapter 5

­Ludovico Sensi.29 It seems, nevertheless, that Priscianese made a separate agreement with Cervini, especially as regards the division of the income from sales. In the Greek partnership accounts, Cervini’s debts and credits (dare e havere) do not include any record of Priscianese’s books, in contrast to the detailed expenses and earnings from the editions of Theophylact and Eustathius. The only reference was to the cost of moving a large quantity of Priscianese’s books, packed in 36 bales, from his dwelling to Giunta’s house in March 1544, seemingly after the shutdown of his press.30 Furthermore, in the spring of 1543, Cervini was informed by his secretary, Angelo Massarelli, that a quarrel had broken out between Priscianese and the Giuntas (Benedetto and, most likely, his brother Jacopo) over a sum of 90 scudi. While the Giuntas wanted to collect the money and then give Priscianese his portion, Priscianese was determined to collect his own portion personally, on the basis of his verbal agreement with Cervini. In this case, however, Cervini opted for the most practical solution, that is for the Giunta to collect all the money, including Prisicianese’s share.31 It also appears that Priscianese gave only part of his print runs to Blado and Giunta for distribution and reserved for himself copies for presentation and for distribution in Rome. This hypothesis provides a valid explanation for some inconsistencies in the Greek partnership accounts. As we have seen, the Greek press’s publications were presented to several cardinals and clergymen, acquired­by a dozen monasteries in Rome and shipped to the main cities in the  Papal States as well as Venice and Lyon. According to the accounts, Priscianese’s­Latin editions were almost entirely spread within the Papal States 29 30 31

Ridolfi, ‘Nuovi contributi’, pp. 189, 196–197. asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 133v. Ibid., vol. 23, f. 2r (Massarelli to Cervini): ‘È ancora nata tra detti Gionta, et Priscianese una mezza discordia circa il riscoter di questi dinari, imperoché questi Gionti vorrebbono loro riscotere li dinari tutti, et pagar poi per sua mano il Priscianese, il qual dall’altra banda per le parole detteli da da [sic] Vostra Reverendissima et Illustrissima Signoria et confermateli poi da me, fa instantia da sé a riscoter li 90 scuti’. asv, Conc. Trid., vol. 139, f. 6r (Cervini to Massarelli): ‘Quanto ala difficultà, et freddezza, con che vanno cotesti frati in pagare i libri tanto greci, quanto latini, che ali mesi passati lo furno dati … ne sento dispiacere ma ala fine saranno pur forzati di farlo. Et io per hora non vedo di poter far’altro in questa cosa, se non di scrivere, come fo, la alligata lettera a cotesto Governatore perché adverta detti frati, che essendoli stato fatto tanto benefitio di tempo, non voglino prorogar più il pagamento di essi libri, come è dovere. Potrete voi dare detta lettera a Sua Signoria et fare che la mandi per li frati et lo dica che li librari non possano più aspettare … La richiesta fattavi da detti Giunti circa l’assignare al Priscianese tante dette [i.e, debiti (debts)] di cotesti frati, che ascendino ala somma di 90 scuti me pare honesta, perché così non si generarà confusione’. Cf. ibid., f. 5r for the end of the conflict between Priscianese and Giunta, and asf, Cervini, vol. 23, ff. 1r-v (transcribed here at n. 28 of Chapter 4) for a breakdown of the monks’ debts and their excuses for postponing payment.

Cervini’s Latin Press

99

with the help of local officials (legates and governors). In March 1543, however, Massarelli reported that Priscianese distributed his publications to the same Roman monasteries which had purchased Cervini’s Greek publications: it was the same monasteries which were supposed to pay the disputed 90 scudi mentioned above. We therefore need to bear in mind that the Greek partnership accounts are not entirely reliable in relation to Priscianese’s printing on Cervini’s­behalf. In other words, they supply information only on that part of the work which the former shared with Blado, Giunta and, possibly at the beginning, Nicolini. It follows that the number of Priscianese’s books recorded in this source does not necessarily correspond to the actual print run of his editions. This is confirmed by the fact that the entries relating to the Latin press’s publications are introduced each time as the books ‘given to us by mes­ser Francesco Priscianese on behalf of most reverend Monsignor Santa Croce’. Prudentially, we can set the average print run at 1,000 copies for folios and 1,300 for quartos, assuming that Priscianese entrusted Blado and Giunta with half the copies he had seen through the press. At present, there is insufficient evidence to establish whether or not there was an actual written agreement between Priscianese and Cervini and possibly a second, simpler account book devoted to the costs and profits of the Latin publications. Whatever the case, it is certain that Priscianese regarded himself as directly dependent on the cardinal, as is shown by the proposal he made to the Duke of Florence to print the Digest. He told Vettori that he would be willing to embark on the publication of the Pandectae under the same conditions which he enjoyed in Rome: investing no money of his own and being paid for his work by agreement.32 According to the Greek partnership accounts, Priscianese printed six editions for Cervini. The letters of Pope Nicholas i and Arnobius’s Adversus gentes were completed between 1542 and 1543. The decretals and letters of Pope Innocent iii, Cardinal Bessarion’s orations against the Turks and Henry viii’s pamphlets against Luther followed soon after. These works largely reflected Cervini’s original plan, which envisioned the publication of unknown religious works (‘libri sacri’) from the papal library: they pertained to religion; apart from the works by Henry viii and Bessarion, they were editiones principes; and, except for the Arnobius edition, they were published from manuscripts or printed copies in the Vatican Library. Like the two Greek books issued by Nicolini­and Blado, Priscianese’s first editions were large and elegant folio 32

Redig de Campos, ‘Francesco Priscianese’, p. 177: ‘io verrei a Fiorenza quando il Duca facesse stampare le Pandette, come qua si ragiona, et io fossi sopra ciò eletto, intendendo però che egli le facesse stampare di suo, com’io penso voglia fare, et me pagasse del mio lavoro et manifattura quello che fussimo d’accordo, come fanno questi ministri papali …’

100

Chapter 5

volumes­, with ample margins which were devoid of any textual commentary or biblical references and therefore suitable for personal annotations. This careful concern for typography is hardly surprising in a devoted bibliophile such as Cervini. The neat mise en page, the absence of printed marginalia, so that the text was surrounded by blank space, and the very readable Latin font intentionally recall the masterpieces of Aldus Manutius. By contrast, the editions of Bessarion and Henry viii produced towards the end of the press’s activity were modest quartos, printed with less typographical care. 2

The Output of the Press

2.1 Editio Princeps of Arnobius Publishing the Disputations against the Pagans (Adversus gentes or nationes) by Arnobius Afer the Elder of Sicca was a very demanding endeavour. The textual preparation took up a large part of 1542 and the first months of 1543. The printing was also a long-drawn-out affair, as shown by the existence of at least three separate issues.33 The main difficulty was the poor condition of the only manuscript then known. This was owned by the Vatican librarian Fausto Sabeo­, who had retrieved it at an unrecorded location somewhere in the Holy Roman Empire.34 After the work’s publication by Priscianese, the manuscript was probably presented by Sabeo to King Francis i and is today MS Par. lat. 1661 of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. It is dated to the ninth century and has a continuous uncial text, which is difficult to read and occasionally erased.35 As well as Arnobius’s treatise in seven books, it contains another work, Oc­ tavius by Marcus Minucius Felix, which was erroneously treated in the printed edition as the eighth (octavus) book of Arnobius. We learn from the dedication to Francis i that the editorial work, which required excellent palaeographical skills and solid knowledge of late antiquity, was carried out by Sabeo and, more

33 34

35

ustc 811088–811089. See also the references in Giannotti, Lettere a Vettori, pp. 105, 107; and Redig de Campos, ‘Francesco Priscianese’, pp. 178–179. On Sabeo’s journeys to central Europe in search of manuscripts, see Giovanni Mercati­, ‘Francesco Calvo e Fausto Sabeo’, in his Opere minori, vi, pp. 26–61 (originally published in 1937), at pp. 32–52 and Alessandro Cutolo, Un bibliotecario della Vaticana nel xvi secolo: Fausto Sabeo (Milan: Cisalpino, 1949), pp. 10–33. See Concetto Marchesi, ‘Per una nuova edizione di Arnobio’, Rivista di filologia e istruzione classica, n.s., 10 (1932), pp. 485–496; and Arnobius, Contre le gentiles: Livre i, ed. by Henri Le Bonniec (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1982), pp. 96–100.

Cervini’s Latin Press

101

extensively, by Girolamo Ferrario and Priscianese.36 According to the ten-year papal privilege included in the book’s preliminaries, the cost of the edition was entirely shouldered by Sabeo.37 Since, however, Cervini was deeply involved in the edition – he was asked to solicit the curial bureaucracy for a dispensation of the papal privilege to sell the volume – he probably made substantial contribution to the printing expenses and left the honour to Sabeo.38 At Cervini’s behest, Priscianese handed 459 copies over to Giunta, though only 165 were distributed, evenly, in just three cities, Perugia, Macerata and Bologna.39 A copy was given to Elvino, the Apostolic Treasurer, who received, apparently ex officio, a specimen of all Cervini’s publications; another was presented to the newly-appointed head of the Roman Inquisition, Cardinal Gian Pietro Carafa, while two were given by Sabeo to Cardinal Tournon and Innocenzo Del Monte with special celebratory verses; Vettori also got a copy

36 Arnobius, Disputationum adversus gentes libri octo nunc primum in lucem editi (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1542–1543), sig. aiir: ‘… et quia eius curatio in longum protrahebatur … Hieronymus Ferrarius, et Franciscus Priscianensis viri doctissimi, et ingenii, et iudicii perspicacissimi, emendandi, et imprimendi Arnobium provinciam susceperunt: et ita feliciter sunt assecuti, ut illum a variis, et enormibus vitiis, atque erroribus vindicarint: tum elegantibus, et pulcherrimis typis impressum in stadium produxerint’. Priscianese sent a copy of his Arnobius edition to Vettori, emphasising his and Ferrario’s efforts; see Redig de Campos, ‘Francesco Priscianese’, pp. 178–179. On Girolamo Ferrario, nicknamed Correggio, who died in Rome in 1542, see Giannotti, Lettere a Vettori, ad indicem, and Mario Emilio Cosenza, Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of the Italian Human­ ists and of the World of Classical Scholarship in Italy (1300–1800), ii (Boston: Hall, 1962), p. 1383. In 1542, he published a commentary on Cicero’s Philippics (ustc 829188), mentioning a codex owned by Cervini among his textual sources. 37 Arnobius, Disputationum, sig. aiiiv: ‘dilectus filius Faustus Sabeus … ad communem non solum literatorum, sed etiam Christi fidelium utilitatem opera Arnobii contra Gentes sua impensa imprimi facere intendat …’ 38 In March 1543, Massarelli reported to Cervini (asf, Cervini, vol. 23, f. 1r): ‘L’Arnobio è fornito, et si è havuto il privilegio di Francia, messer Francesco prega Vostra Signoria Reve­ rendissima gli facci mandar quello di sua Santità quale dice d’esser’ in mano di Monsignor Blosio expedito, perché se li darà poi total’ expeditione’. The breve in asv, Arm. xli, vol. 25, f. 47r, is dated 18 Aug 1542. For the evidence of Sabeo’s close acquaintance with Cervini, see Germano Jacopo Gussago, Biblioteca clarense: ovvero notizie istorico-critiche intorno agli scrittori e letterati di Chiari, ii (Chiari: Tellaroli, 1822), pp. 110–113. Three of Sabeo’s epigrams to Cervini are to be found in asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 142r. 39 In the Greek partnership account, the edition was mistakenly recorded by Blado and Giunta as ‘Arnobi sopra psalmi’, though such work had been written by Arnobius the Younger in the late fifth century and had been published by Erasmus in 1522 (ustc 667042). This confusion can be explained in the light of the muddled reception of the two Arnobiuses at the threshold of early modernity. I shall tackle this issue in a separate article.

102

Chapter 5

t­ogether with a letter from Priscianese.40 Others were certainly given out by Cervini and Priscianese, but we are short of details on this side of the business for the reason mentioned above. Incidentally, two prominent collectors of the day, Mendoza and Grolier, had this edition on their shelves, probably as a result of purchase.41 Priscianese’s edition was an important philological achievement, which raised interest among both Catholic and Reformed scholars in Arnobius and his distinctive account of early Christianity.42 The editio princeps provided the base text for later, improved, editions, including the second, which was issued in 1546 under the supervision of Sigismund Gelenius, a Czech humanist and follower of Erasmus living in Basel.43 Among the sixteenth- and seventeenthcentury printed books devoted to Arnobius’s work, the densely annotated 1583 Roman edition by Fulvio Orsini is particularly noteworthy, because of its evident continuity with Cervini’s project.44 Not only was the book described on the title-page as ‘the later and more correct Roman edition’, but Orsini also benefitted from the expertise of Guglielmo Sirleto, one of Cervini’s key ­subordinates 40

asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 130v-131r. Cutolo, Un bibliotecario, pp. 53–54 (Innocenzo Del Monte’s copy must have been offered after his scandalous creation as cardinal nephew to Julius iii, in 1550). Priscianese’s letter, dated 18 October 1543, is transcribed in Redig de Campos, ‘Francesco Priscianese’, pp. 178–179. 41 Anthony Hobson, ‘Catalogue of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza’s Library of Printed Books’, in his Renaissance Book Collecting, pp. 141–219, no. 176 and Austin, The Library, p. 47, no. 30. See also Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, nos. B 175, D 48, D 459 for three records which may refer to one or more Cervini’s copies of his edition. 42 Arnobius, Contre le gentiles, p. 101. Sabeo, Priscianese and Ferrario carefully recorded their conjectural emendations in a separate gathering – a rather unusual scruple at the time.; see Arnobius, Disputationum … libri, sigs. αir–αiir. 43 Many surviving copies of the editio princeps are annotated; e.g., among the holdings of the British Library, four out of five copies have sixteenth- and seventeenth-century annotations: 1222.b.10, 692.f.15, 1219.k.17, C.81.e.5(1). The last two of these copies, as we learn from inscriptions on their title-pages, were owned by a Parisian scholar (‘Antonius Carpentarius Doc. Med. Paris’.) and by Thomas Cranmer (‘Thomas Cantuarion’); see David Selwyn, The Library of Thomas Cranmer (Oxford: Oxford Bibliographical Society, 1996), p. 10, no. 16. 44 ustc 811090. A bibliographical list of such editions, with commentary, can be found in Arnobius, The Case Against the Pagans, ed. by George E. McCracken (Westminster MD: Newman Press, 1934), pp. 232–234. For an insightful philological analysis, see also Luigi Battezzato, ‘Congetture cinquecentesche inedite ad Arnobio e Minucio Felice: gli studi di Johannes Livineius’, Lexis, 24 (2006), pp. 523–547 and his ‘Renaissance Philology: Johannes Livineius (1546–1599) and the Birth of the Apparatus Criticus’, in Christopher Ligota and Jean-Louis Quantin (eds.), History of Scholarship: A Selection of Papers from the Seminar on the History of Scholarship Held Annually at the Warburg Institute (Oxford: oup, 2006), pp. 75–111.

Cervini’s Latin Press

103

and at the time cardinal librarian of the Vatican and a renowned scholar. In the introduction, Sirleto is said to be the first to have realised that the supposed eighth book of Arnobius’s treatise was, in fact, the Octavius of Minucius Felix.45 This discovery had already been made, however, by either Antoine or Maximilien Morillon and by François Baudouin, who brought out the first edition of Minucius’s Octavius in Heidelberg in 1560.46 It seems improbable that Sirleto and Orsini, who were well versed in current patristic scholarship, can have been unaware of Baudouin’s edition – his name may have been omitted because­of the suspicion aroused by him as a Catholic who had converted to Calvinism and then returned to Catholicism.47 Arnobius was the first in a long series of early Christian authors – broadly speaking, Church Fathers – which Cervini continued to promote long after the demise of his Roman presses, as we shall see in the following chapter. The car­ dinale editore selected, in particular, their unpublished works, especially those devoted to the refutation of ancient heresies. The reason is to be found in his attitude towards the religious crisis of the sixteenth century. Although he spent much of his life attempting to halt the spread of Protestantism, his main concern was the problems which the new movement posed for the political power of the Roman Church and the papacy. Like many contemporary churchmen – above all, Girolamo Aleandro – Cervini seems not to have fully taken on board, most notably before his involvement in the Tridentine Council, the theological implications of the Reformation. The Roman Curia often treated Protestants merely as rebels who wished to overturn the hierarchical order of church and state, referring to them, in the traditional way, as novatori. Yet they also maintained that Protestant belief, in all its forms, was not particularly new, but rather a collection of earlier heretical statements which had already been anathematized by past councils and popes. Luther and the other Reformed leaders were frequently understood in the light of the accounts written by earlier pious adversaries of notorious heretics such as Donatus, Arius, Nestorius and so  on, up to Jan Hus.48 Drawing on this background, Cervini developed a 45 Arnobius, Disputationum adversus gentes libri septem: M. Minucii Felicis Octavius: Romana editio posterior et emendatior (Rome: Domenico Basa and Francesco Zanetti, 1583), sig. a5r-v. 46 ustc 673977. See also Minucius Felix, Octavius, ed. by Hermann Boenig (Leipzig: Teubner, 1982), p. v. 47 Michael Erbe, François Bauduin (1520–1573): Biographie eines Humanisten (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1978) and Mario Turchetti, Concordia o tolleranza? François Bau­ douin (1520–1573) e i ‘moyenneurs’ (Geneva: Droz, 1984). 48 Jedin, Storia del Concilio, i, p. 440, and Quaranta, Marcello ii, p. 90–101, 197. A similar approach can be found in contemporary catalogues of heresies compiled by Catholic

104

Chapter 5

f­ orward-looking cultural strategy involving the use of the past to influence the present. He believed that the publication of anti-heretical works by the Church Fathers would provide Catholics with historically-grounded arguments which were as persuasive as contemporary controversialist literature – and perhaps even more so.49 In Cervini’s view, this strategy – later employed by him while presiding over the church council in Trent and Bologna – would demonstrate objectively, on the one hand, the inconsistency of Protestant doctrine and, on the other, the historical and divine justification of the Roman Church. For Cervini­, although several unorthodox movements had cropped up over the fifteen centuries of Christianity’s history, they had always been proved wrong solely by their resistance to, and often separation from, the unique true Church. These heresies had been condemned in ecumenical councils and eradicated by means of the written word and, at times, by military power.50 The edition of Arnobius was conceived within this intellectual framework, as can be seen from Sabeo’s dedicatory letter to Francis i, in which the treatise was directly connected to the current religious situation, with military terminology extensively employed to highlight the notion of a fiercely fought battle between Catholics and heretics.51 The French king was hailed as the ‘Most powerful champion of religion, and most vigilant guardian and defender of the Christian Republic and formidable battle-axe of heretics’ (‘religionis validissimum propugnaculum, et Christianae Reipublicae vigilantissimus tutor, ac defensor, et haereticorum formidolosa bipennis’), and the patron of pious publications such as the present work. In addition, Sabeo claimed to have recovered the manuscript of Arnobius ‘e media barbariae’ (‘from the midst of barbarism’) a­ uthors, on which see Irena Backus, Historical Method and Confessional Identity in the Era of the Reformation (1378–1615) (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2003), pp. 382–389. See also Fabri’s description of the eucharistic dispute between Lutherans and Zwinglians in 1536, in CT, iv/1, p. 21. 49 Jedin, Storia del Concilio, i, pp. 439–440, 451, 453–454, places the beginning of a fundamental change in the Catholic strategy towards the Reformation in the late 1530s, when earlier polemical treatises and catalogues of errors were progressively overtaken by preaching and the clarification of orthodox Catholic positions. At the same time, theolo­ gia positiva (the analytical study of theology grounded in the Bible, the Church Fathers and the ecumenical councils) began to replace the dialectical methodology of medieval scholasticism. 50 See Backus, Historical Method, pp. 383, 385–388, 391, for similar statements by contemporary Catholics as well as the transconfessional analysis provided by Pierre Petitmengin, ‘Les Haeretici nostri temporis confrontés aux hérésies de l’Antiquité’, in Irena Backus, Philippe Büttgen and Bernard Pouderon (eds.), L’argument hérésiologique, l’Église an­ cienne et les Réformes, xvie–xviie siècles (Paris: Beauchesne, 2012), pp. 177–198. 51 Arnobius, Disputationum, sig. aiir: ‘ut pietatis christianae maximus dux [Francis I], et propagator, integer, et abstersus, hac miserabili tempestate, qua in horas vera Religio undique exagitatur, in publicum prodiret’.

Cervini’s Latin Press

105

and to possess it by ‘iure belli’ (‘the law of war’), having probably removed the codex from a Protestant region in either Switzerland or Germany on the grounds that a work against pagans should be a weapon in the hands of pure Christians in their struggle to stamp out heresy. Some ‘docti viri’ had then warmly encouraged him to print the text, so that Arnobius, fighting under Francis’s insignia, could overthrow the false gods, rites and ceremonies of the contemporary counterparts of Roman pagans. Sabeo also promised the king that many other Latin and Greek sacred authors would appear, as if from the Trojan horse.52 This was a clear reference to Cervini’s editorial project, the aim of which was to storm the citadel of Protestantism: the sacred books published by him, like Greek soldiers penetrating the Trojan camp, would wreak havoc on the opponents of Roman Catholicism. Arnobius and the other promised publications would help to ensure victory in the religious wars of the sixteenth century. Cervini’s apologetic programme failed, however, to take into account that the past, once recovered, could produce unexpected results. In searching for evidence of Church tradition, he and his collaborators unveiled the multifaceted history of Christianity, which revealed that Arnobius was not quite the most suitable model for sixteenth-century Catholic orthodoxy: he had a partly materialistic understanding of the soul, had been influenced by Epicureanism and sympathised with the battle against religious icons (iconoclasm); in some highly rhetorical passages, he even seemed to praise the ancient atheists and to cast blame on the pagan gods as if they really existed. Adversus gentes was essentially a learned philosophical treatise by a recently converted Christian believer who had a deep interest in Roman Stoicism.53 The same could be said of the dialogue Octavius by Minucius Felix, which perhaps explains how Cervini and his collaborators were so easily able to mistake it for the final book of Arnobius’s­treatise.54 On account of his ambiguous statements and beliefs, ­Arnobius’s works were included among the libri non recipiendi (‘books 52

53

54

Ibid., sig. aiiv: ‘Iure enime belli meus est Arnobius, quem e media barbariae non sine di­ spendio, et discrimine eripuerim: ut sub tali, ac tanto Imperatore tantus religionis antesi­ gnanus in Deos gentium, ritus, sacra, et caerimonia validius digladietur. Spero equidem sub tuis signis propudiosum Divorum gregem in fugam versurum, atque eversurum … multi utriusque linguae Scriptores, qui conclamati, et deperditi desyderantur, tanquam ex equo troiano prodibunt in lucem: ac te … acclamabunt, plaudent, et arridebunt’. See Emanuele Rapisarda’s introduction to Arnobius, Adversus nationes, ed. by Francesco Corsaro (Catania: Università di Catania, 1965), pp. 7–135, and Michael Bland Simmons, Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian (Oxford: Clarendon, 1995). See the analysis in Minucius Felix, Octavius, ed. by Jean Beaujeu (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1964), pp. vii–xliv, lxxix–xciv, and Id., The Octavius, ed. by G.W. Clarke (New York: Newman Press, 1974), pp. 5–48.

106

Chapter 5

which were not to be used’) in the Decretum Gelasianum, along with those of Tertullian­, Lactantius, Origen and some minor Christian authors.55 It was not by chance, therefore, that the manuscript tradition of Arnobius is so thin. Cervini­ and his subordinates apparently failed to realise the potential risks of publishing a work such as Adversus gentes, so excited were they by the prospect of bringing to light a new Christian text ‘solo et unico (come dicono) al mondo’.56 This naivety was due to the novelty of the enterprise; and, in fact, there were no repercussions. Nevertheless, later on, when Cervini privately promoted the publication of other works by Church Fathers, the editors took more care in explaining to readers how they should approach the text (cf. Chapter 6). 2.2 Letters of Innocent iii and of Nicholas i A similar use of the past underpinned the two editions of papal letters, one by Innocent iii and the other by Nicholas i. A strong interest in ecclesiastical history, springing from the revival of antiquarianism, was cultivated by Cervini with the help of his half-brother Romolo and his friend Bernardino Maffei. An extraordinary array of essays on the history of popes, cardinals, conclaves was amassed over the years first by his secretary Angelo Massarelli and later by his protégé Onofrio Panvinio (nos. 60–61, 92, 94, 99, 115, 122 in Appendix B). Copying the register of ‘papa Gregorio’ – evidently Gregory vii and thus drawing from what today is asv, Reg. Vat. 2 – in mid-1543 was part of this passionate activity.57 Likewise, Cervini was instrumental for the survival of the so-called Collectio Avellana, a bulky assemblage of epistles written by early emperors and popes from the late third century to the mid-fifth century, mainly on the subjects of schism and heresy. Not only did he retrieve this highly valuable ­collection in the monastery of Fonte Avellana, in his diocese of Gubbio, (now

55 56 57

Das Decretum Gelasianum de libris recipiendis et non recipiendis, ed. by Ernst von Dobschütz (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1912), pp. 45–46, 55–56. Redig de Campos, ‘Francesco Priscianese’, p. 178. These are the words which Priscianese attributed to the patrons of the publication, thus including Cervini. asf, Cervini, vol. 23, ff. 1r, 3r and asv, Conc. Trid., vol. 139, f. 5r. The later request by Francisco­Torres confirmed that Cervini had a copy of the register of Gregory vii (bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 294r). This must be bav, Ott. Lat. 300 (Fossier, ‘Première recherches’, p. 435, no. 333), which was later emended by Onofrio Panvinio, as we learn from the entry in Sirleto’s library catalogue (bav, Vat. lat. 6163, f. 262v, no. 52). asv, Reg. Vat. 3 is another sixteenth-century copy of asv, Reg. Vat. 2. On Panvinio, see Stefan Bauer, The Invention of Papal History: Onofrio Panvinio between Renaissance and Catholic Reformation (Oxford: oup, 2020). I am grateful to the author for allowing me to consult this valuable book when it was still unpublished. See ibid., esp. pp. 33–48 for Panvinio’s relationship with Cervini, which are also discussed in the present volume in Chap. 6 and Appendix B.

Cervini’s Latin Press

107

bav, Vat. lat. 4961), but he also gave it to Panvinio to study and edit and had at least one copy made for his personal library (Fig. 2).58 Furthermore, Cervini studied the papal registers and gained an outstanding knowledge of the subject, on which he was consulted by Maffei and Panvinio in 1545. Although he was in Trent, and thus presumably away from his notes, he had no difficulty illustrating how Boniface viii’s nephews, Giacomo and Fran­ cesco Caetani, were appointed cardinals in 1296 and how official sources did not reveal whether they were brothers or cousins.59 The publications of the letters of Innocent iii and Nicholas i discussed here, however, were not merely a private endeavour to satisfy Cervini’s erudite curiosity. In both, we can observe the germ of another idea which would feature in the later cultural policy of the Catholic Church: the defence of the papacy through a teleological glorification of its history. The past was employed once again as a tool of controversy and propaganda, with all the associated simplifications and contradictions this approach involved. In the battle of knowledge and scholarship with the Reformation, Cervini re-affirmed the centuries-old 58

59

On this series of mostly unique documents, see Rita Lizzi Testa and Giulia Marconi (eds.), The Collectio Avellana and Its Revivals (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars, 2019). On Panvinio’s­uncompleted edition, see Appendix B, no. 123 in the present volume. One of Cervini’s copies, so far unknown, corresponds to asf, Cervini, vol. 64, entitled ‘Epistolae Pontificum et Imperatorum de diversis rebus’; see also Fossier, ‘Premières recherches’, p. 446, no. 494. A volume with a kindred title transcribed by Federico Ranaldi was recorded on 16 March 1552 in the account book of the Vatican Library under Cervini’s management (Dorez, ‘Le registre’, p. 178, no. 84 and Mercati, ‘Per la storia della biblioteca apostolica’, pp. 259–260, n. 6). asv, Carte Farnesiane, vol. 10, f. 94r-v, addressing Maffei: [added to the right side: ‘Per il padre don Onofrio’] ‘Non credevo che voi altri signori antiquarii non sapeste le promotioni di Papa Bonifacio Ottavo. Pure, poi che me ne domandate, lui fece l’anno 1296 nele tempora di quadrigesima una promotione de cardinali fra quali furno dui suoi nepoti, Jacomo et Francesco, chiamati tutti dui per cognome Caetani. In modo che di necessità erano o fratelli carnali, o nati di dui carnali. De Jacomo trovarete memoria in San Clemente, dove sono alcuni versi, per li quali pare che fusse frate di San Francesco, essendo chiamato lì Jacob collega minorum. Di tutti dui è memoria in Anagni, come dovete ricordarvi per la pittura che se ne vede ancora nel Vescovato. De la promotione si vede al tempo ne re­ gistri antichi di esso Bonifacio; che precise fussero fratelli carnali, per quelche fin qui ho trovato, non lo posso affirmare’. In truth, the creation took place on 17 December 1295, including two different nephews called Giacomo/Jacopo, one from the Stefaneschi branch (died 1343 as protector of the Franciscan order), the other from the Tomasi branch (died 1300). Significantly, Cervini owned a manuscript copy of Stefaneschi’s biography of Pope Celestine v, presently bav, Vat. lat. 4932 (Fossier, ‘Premières recherches’, p. 422, no. 176). Ibid., p. 423, no. 217; p. 430, no. 274; p. 439, no. 393; p. 444, no. 478 for other papal registers in Cervini’s library. Cf. also bav, Vat. lat. 6178, f. 116r for Cervini’s request to consult the papal registers in the Vatican Library with regard to the history of indulgences in July 1547.

108

Figure 2

Chapter 5

asf, Cervini, vol. 64: an unrecorded copy of the Collectio Avellana made for Cervini, f. 1r.

tradition of the Roman Church by making available works, not only by the Fathers, but also by historically important popes. Papal letters and decretals were deployed alongside the writings of ancient Christian writers in order to

Cervini’s Latin Press

109

s­ afeguard the sixteenth-century papacy, as if there were no differences, contrasts or conflicts between these two types of sources. Supervising the conciliar debates in Trent and Bologna, Cervini made every effort to ground his opinions in history and tradition, mostly in support of the pope’s interests. Through his lively correspondence with Sirleto, he collected numerous excerpts from unpublished works of the Church Fathers and from earlier conciliar acts preserved in manuscripts in the Vatican Library as a means of providing solid evidence for his positions.60 Another significant pointer to his forward-looking concerns for official sources is that, in December 1548, one of his first acts as newly-appointed papal librarian was to buy back a register stolen during the Sack of Rome in 1527 (now asv, Reg. Vat. 20). This manuscript contains the letters written by Gregory ix, the founder of the Papal Inquisition, in the final two years of his reign. Another Greek bibliophile and scholar, Cardinal Miguel da Silva, rescued the register of the first four years of Clement iv’s reign and presented it to the Vatican library through Cervini in April 1549. Finally, the epistles of Leo ix were copied on parchement and bound for the library in 1551, while one of Clement vi’s registers was given back to the papal collection in 1553.61 Cervini thus anticipated the historiographical approach which both Protestant and Catholic scholars would adopt in the second half of the century, beginning with the monumental projects of Matthias Flacius Illyricus (Centuriae Magdeburgensis) and Cesare Baronio (Annales ecclesiastici). While Protestants looked back to the early days of Christianity, exasperated at the departure of Roman bishops from the original intentions of the Apostles, Catholics wanted to prove that the Roman Church was the natural and faithful heir of Jesus and the Apostles. Both sides were investigating the past in the search for the original primitive Church (ecclesia primigenia) and debating what that church meant (a community of true believers or an institution) and where it manifested itself (in several places or only in Rome). Although sixteenth-century confessional historiography undoubtedly contributed to the improvement of historical method, its aims remained chiefly apologetic. Even Flacius and Baronio tended to overlook inconvenient historical developments, manipulate 60 61

See Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 205–284. A great deal of this material is scattered in asf, Cervini, vols. 29, 33–34, 63, the latter concerning the sacrament of confirmation and written by Cervini himself. See: Dorez, ‘Le registre’, p. 169, no. 8 and pp. 174–175, nos. 57–58; Giovanni Mercati, Note per la storia di alcune biblioteche romane nei secoli xvi–xix (Vatican City: Biblioteca Aposto­ lica Vaticana, 1952), p. 129, n. 2; and bav, Vat. lat. 3963, f. 1r; f. 13r, no. 60; f. 10r, no. 270 (‘Registrum Clementi sexti quale restituì alla libraria messer Alfonso Muran scriptor ­apostolico’), the latter incorrectly reported by Piacentini, ‘Marcello Cervini e la Vaticana’, p. 115.

110

Chapter 5

facts to their own side’s advantage and recount past events in light of contemporary religious disputes.62 The collection of Innocent iii’s epistles was published in a folio edition in 1543. It contained the decretals (official resolutions announced in papal briefs) of the first three years of his pontificate, from 1198 to 1200. Further volumes were probably planned, since the edition was entitled ‘tomus primus’. There is no evidence, however, to support Paschini’s implication that the failure to complete this project was due to dissatisfaction with the first volume. The phrase ‘tomus primus’ in the title may simply refer to the fact that the volume was based on the first of the six Vatican registers of Innocent’s letters.63 These manuscripts, compiled at the behest of Innocent iii, were formerly held in the Vatican Library but later moved to the Archivio Segreto Vaticano, as a result of the separation of the two institutions in the early seventeenth century.64 Modern scholars unanimously regard Guglielmo Sirleto as the book’s editor.65 Paschini, on the other hand, thought that Sirleto merely compiled the appendix, containing a list of emendations carried out under Paul iv between 1555 and 1559, which is usually bound into the original volume; and his view, in truth, seems more likely.66 Sirleto’s name appears only in the supplement published some twelve years after the book’s publication, in which he expressed a harsh judgement on the edition: comparing the printed volume to the Vatican 62

63

64 65

66

See: Backus, Historical Method, pp. 1–5, 326–382, who disagrees with the still valuable study by Pontien Polman, L’élément historique dans la controverse du xvie siècle (Gembloux­: Ducolot, 1932); Massimo Firpo (ed.), ‘Nunc alia tempora, alii mores’: storici e storia in età postridentina: atti del Convegno internazionale, Torino, 24–27 settembre 2003 (Florence: Olschki, 2005); Irena Backus, Philippe Büttgen and Bernard Pouderon (eds.), L’argument hérésiologique: l’Eglise ancienne et les Réformes, xvie–xviie siècles: actes du colloque de Tours, 10–11 septembre 2010 (Paris: Beauchesne, 2012); Van Liere, Ditchfield and Louthan (eds.), Sacred History, esp. the essays by Anthony Grafton, Euan Cameron, Giuseppe­Antonio Guazzelli and Simon Ditchfield. Paschini, ‘Un cardinale editore’, pp. 194–195. On the composition of the six registers, see Christopher Robert Cheney and Mary G. Cheney (eds.), The Letters of Pope Innocent iii (1198–1216) Concerning England and Wales: A Calendar with an Appendix of Texts (Oxford: Clarendon, 1967), pp. xix–xx, with earlier bibliography. asv, Reg. Vat. 4. For a thorough description, see Die Register Innocenz’ iii.: 1. Band.: 1. Pon­ tifikatsjahr, 1998/99: Texte, ed. by Othmar Hageneder and Anton Haidacher (Graz and Cologne: Österreichisches Kulturinstitut in Rom, 1964), pp. xiv–xxxii. Etienne Baluze’s introduction to Innocent iii, Epistolarum … libri undecim (Paris: François­ Muguet, 1682), i, sig. eir; Helmuth Feigl, ‘Die Überlieferung der Register Papst Innozenz’­ III.’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 65 (1957), pp. 242– 295, at pp. 264–266; Cheney and Cheney, The Letters of Innocent iii, p. xxiii, and Die Register Innocenz’ iii, p. xxxiii. Paschini, ‘Un cardinale editore’, p. 195.

Cervini’s Latin Press

111

register, he bemoaned several errors and omissions.67 A letter by Massarelli informs us that the edition was collated against the manuscript immediately after it was printed.68 However, we do not know whether Sirleto was responsible for this collation, but decided to publish his lectiones only a dozen years later, or whether, instead, he made another collation in the 1550s. What seems to be the clean copy of the errata is to be found in the MS Reg. lat. 299 of the Vatican Library at ff. 173r-185v. The document, unfortunately, is undated.69 Yet given his involvement in Cervini’s project, as well as his personal interest in ecclesiastical history, we can safely assume that he at least read the book soon after its publication in 1543. Sirleto, moreover, continued to take an interest in Cervini’s editorial project long after the death of his patron. He showed himself to be Cervini’s main cultural and spiritual heir by having his corrections to Priscianese’s edition printed, twelve years after its publication, with a similar font and page format, so that the supplement could be readily inserted into the original book. Priscianese’s editio princeps was well received at the time of its publication and is still regarded as a pioneering enterprise.70 The text was emended through conjectures (ope ingenii) by the Dutch theologian Jakob Middendorp in the collected works of Innocent iii issued in Cologne in 1575 and soon afterwards reprinted in Venice.71 Further attempts to publish the rest of the Vatican registers followed; but it was not until 1964 that a complete edition was begun, under the auspices of the Austrian Historical Institute of Rome.72 It goes without saying that Protestant scholars were scornful of an edition of the letters of 67 Innocent iii, Decretalium, atque aliarum epistolarum tomus primus (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543), sig. Air: ‘Gugliemus Sirletus custos Bibliothecae vaticanae lectori salutem. Cum legeremus Innocentii Tertii Pontificii Maximi Librum impressum, animadvertimus in eo esse multa depravata, quaedam manca, nonnulla vero addita. Hunc igitur cum exemplari Bibliothecae vaticanae contulimus, et errata ipsa correximus, quaeque deerant, addimus, et quae addita fuerant, substulimus, notato paginarum, et versuum, numero’. The detailed list of errata continues until sig. Aviir. 68 asf, Cervini, vol. 23, f. 1r: ‘L’Innocentio è finito, ma non la tavola, la qual mi ha mostra, et parmi stia assai bene, anderà dietro a stamparla, et si rivede tuttavia con diligentia lo stampato, et rincontrasi’. 69 On this miscellaneous codex bearing various collations of the work of the Church Fathers and early popes, see Codices Reginenses latini, ii: Codices 251–500, ed. by Andreas Wilmart (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1945), pp. 137–140. 70 Feigl, ‘Die Überlieferung’, p. 266. 71 Innocent iii, Opera, quae quidem obtineri potuerunt omnia … locupletiora, emendatio­ raque nunc reddita (2 vols., Cologne: Maternus Cholinus, 1575). The book was reprinted in Venice between 1576 and 1578 (ustc 836350). See also Feigl, ‘Die Überlieferung’, pp. 266–267. 72 Die Register Innocenz’ iii., Graz etc. 1964-.

112

Chapter 5

Figure 3

Milan, Biblioteca della Società Storica Lombarda, FS.OO.4.10: copy of Innocent iii, Decretalium, atque aliarum epistolarum tomus primus (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543), with Hermann Kyrieleis’s forgery of Luther’s inscription, sig. aiv.

a notorious papal malleus haereticorum published in Rome. Intriguingly, on the verso of the title-page of a copy now in the library of the Società Storica Lombarda in Milan, there is an inscription signed ‘Martinus Luther’ and dated 1544. Unfortunately, however, this turns out to be one of the high-quality forgeries produced by Hermann Kyrieleis in the late nineteenth century (Fig. 3).73 The decision to publish Innocent iii’s decretals and letters in 1543 can hardly have been casual. A proud upholder of papal supremacy against the demands of local churches and of the Holy Roman Empire, Innocent also established the Inquisition and promoted the crusade against the Albigensian 73

Marina Bonomelli, Un tesoro nascosto: incunaboli e cinquecentine della Società Storica Lombarda (Milan: Electa, 2002), pp. 12, 15. On the work of Kyrieleis, see Max Herrmann, ‘Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott’: Vortrag gehalten von Max Herrmann in der Gesellschaft für deutsche Literatur zu Berlin und mit ihrer Unterstützung herausgegeben (Berlin: Behr’s, 1905), esp. pp. 26–32.

Cervini’s Latin Press

113

Cathars.74 During his pontificate, the Fourth Lateran Council was convened in Rome and worked under his direction to reform the Church and to unite the forces of Christendom in the fight against heretics and Muslims, while the new Dominican and Franciscan orders were taking their first steps under the probing eye of the papacy. The connection with events in Cervini’s day is obvious. The pontificate of Paul iii, like that of Innocent iii, was a time of innovation with regard to the control of heresy, the approval of new religious orders and the defence of papal supremacy against the threat of an ecumenical council, especially during the 1540s. In 1542, the medieval structure of the Inquisition was renewed by centralising its activity in Rome and appointing a congregation of cardinals, known as the Holy Office, to administer it. These developments gave a significant boost to the struggle against heresy.75 In the same year, an unsuccessful attempt was made to convene an ecumenical council in Trent. This location was a concession to Charles v on the part of Paul iii, who would have preferred the bishops to gather in Rome or in the Papal States. The pope had little interest in the participation of Protestant emissaries and feared the Conciliarist leanings of the Catholic episcopacy. A council held closer to Rome would have been easier to control and to suspend, if necessary.76 The Fourth Lateran Council, summoned and directed by Innocent iii, had set a precedent for a Roman venue, as had more recently the Fifth Lateran Council during the papacy of Leo x. That the contemporary resonance of the edition of Innocent’s letters was not lost on Cervini is suggested by the entry in the partnership accounts of Blado and Giunta, in which the book is registered as ‘Innocentio contro hereses’.77 Nor is it a coincidence that Innocent iii’s battle against heresy 74

Among the vast secondary literature on Innocent iii, see the recent Andrea Sommerlechner (ed.), Innocenzo iii: Urbs et orbis: atti del congresso internazionale, Roma 9–15 settem­ bre 1998 (2 vols., Rome: Società romana di storia patria, 2003); John C. Moore, Pope ­Innocent iii (1160/61-1216): To Root Up and To Plant (Leiden: Brill, 2003), with earlier bibliography; Thomas Frenz (ed.), Papst Innozenz iii.: Weichensteller der Geschichte Europas: interdisziplinäre Ringvorlesung an der Universität Passau, 5.11.1997-26.5.1998 (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2010). On his notion of the Church and the papacy, see Wilhelm Imkamp, Das Kirchenbild Innocenz’ iii (1198–1216) (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1983). 75 See Elena Brambilla, Alle origini del Sant’Uffizio: penitenza, confessione e giustizia spiritua­ le dal medioevo al xvi secolo (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2000); Andrea Del Col, L’inquisizione in Italia dal xii al xxi secolo (Milan: Mondadori, 2006); and Giovanni Romeo, L’inquisizione nell’Italia moderna (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2009). 76 Jedin, Storia del Concilio, i, pp. 506–510, and Adriano Prosperi, Il Concilio di Trento: una introduzione storica (Turin: Einaudi, 2001), p. 28. When the council eventually took place in Trent in 1545, the pope secretly provided the cardinal legates with the authority to suspend it; and the assembly was moved to Bologna at the earliest possible opportunity. 77 asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 131v. It is also noteworthy that Cervini owned a manuscript copy of Innocent iii’s Liber de sacramentis and Sermones (Fossier, ‘Premières recherches’, p. 434, no. 326, now bav, Ott. lat. 4).

114

Chapter 5

was praised by Maternus Cholinus in the introduction to his 1575 edition of the pope’s writings. In his dedicatory letter to Gregory xiii, Cholinus stressed the relevance of the work to contemporary religious strife.78 In 1542, Priscianese published sixteen letters by Pope Nicholas i (c. 800– 867), combined with an account of his times excerpted from the chronicles of Regino of Prüm (d. 915) and Sigebert of Gembloux (c. 1030–1112). While both chronicles had previously appeared in print, the publication of the papal epistles was another editio princeps for Cervini and his collaborators.79 In Cervini’s day, there were several manuscripts of Nicholas’s letters in the Vatican Library.80 We know that the editors collated at least two manuscripts, since the preface informs us that a new manuscript arrived at the press when the printing of the book was almost completed; as it was too late to emend the text, a list of variant readings was compiled from the new codex and inserted at the beginning of the volume.81 The manuscripts employed for the edition have not, however, been identified, even though the textual tradition of Nicholas’s letters has been studied in depth.82 Nor have the editors been identified. The authors of the letter to the reader refer to themselves simply as ‘we’.83 The edition may have been prepared by a group of scholars, with Priscianese playing some part, as he did with Arnobius. It is tempting to assume that Sirleto also made a contribution to the book, as he probably did to the edition of Innocent iii’s decretals and letters; but, in the absence of any evidence, this must remain in 78 Innocent iii, Opera, sigs. *iir-*iiiv. 79 Sigebert of Gembloux, Chronicon ab anno 381 ad 1113 cum insertionibus ex historia Galfridi & additionibus Roberti abbatis Montis … (Paris: Henry Etienne and Jean Petit, 1513); Regino of Prüm, Annales … ante sexingentos fere annos editi (Mainz: Johann Schöffer, 1521). Cervini owned a copy of the former: Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. D 127. 80 For the complex manuscript tradition, see Ernst Perels, ‘Die Briefe Papst Nikolaus’ i.: I’, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für Ältere Deutsche Geschichtskunde, 37 (1912), pp. 535–586 and his ‘Die Briefe Papst Nikolaus’ i.: ii: Die kanonistische Überlieferung’, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für Ältere Deutsche Geschichtskunde, 39 (1914), pp. 43–153; and Fedor Schneider, ‘Reise nach Italien (October und November 1902)’, Neues Archiv der Gesell­ schaft für Ältere Deutsche Geschichtskunde, 28 (1903), pp. 711–726, at pp. 717–724. 81 Nicholas i, Epistolae (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1542), sigs. +iiv-+vir: ‘Commodum excudendo librum hunc absolveram, cum alterum Nicolai Pontificis epistolarum exemplar diligenter a nobis conquisitum adinvenimus: quod quidem cum percurrissemus, multa que[sic] aut plane diversa, aut emendatiora esse viderentur, placuit ea omnia abscribere. Tu fac bona consulas’. It is stated in Epistolarum decretalium summorum pontificum tomus tertius (Rome: Stamperia del Popolo Romano (Giorgio Ferrari), 1591), p. 4, that the sixteen letters in Priscianese’s edition were taken from ‘vetustissimis codicibus’. 82 An investigation of the printed editions was announced (but apparently never accomplished) in the only modern edition of the text: Nicholas i, ‘Epistolae’, ed. by Ernst Perels, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Epistolae, vi: Karolini Aevi iv (Berlin: Weidmann, 1925), pp. 257–690, at p. 266. 83 Nicholas i, Epistolae, sig. +iir.

Cervini’s Latin Press

115

the realm of speculation. As for the print run, we only know that Giunta was given 483 copies, of which fewer than half were sent to Lyon, Bologna, Perugia and Naples and 9 were sold in Giunta’s Roman bookshop. The copy in the Casanatense Library in Rome (F.iv.2) is traditionally described as Cervini’s on account of the numerous manuscript emendations supposedly written by him; yet these notes are clearly in Massarelli’s hand and the different pens and inks he employed suggest that he repeatedly went through the text shortly after printing and no later than moving to Trent in the mid-1540s (Fig. 4). It is still highly plausible that Massarelli intervened on his master’s copy rather his own one, as, in his position at the time, he could have hardly afforded to pay for the expensive binding, which was apparently made by Maestro Luigi, one of the best Roman artisans working for Cervini as well as the Vatican Library. Not only did Massarelli report most of the variants and mistakes listed in the initial gathering, but he also spotted other misprints and inconsistencies; and we know that it was customary for Cervini to ask his collaborators to keep collating and correcting his printed books.84 The copy recorded in the inventories of Salviati’s library was probably one of those distributed by Cervini and Priscianese as gifts. Such was the case of the copy which Cardinal Morone was happily expecting to receive in late January 1542.85 By contrast, Mendoza and Grolier presumably bought this edition of Nicholas’ letters at their own expense, as they did with the Arnobius edition.86 84

85

86

On the blind-tooled binding and Maestro Luigi, see Piccarda Quilici (ed.), Biblioteca Casanatense: legature antiche e di pregio (sec. xvi–xviii): catalogo (2 vols., Rome: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1995), i, p. 151, no. 178 and ii, p. 53, fig. 75, as well as Cardinali­, ‘Legature ‘alla Cervini’?’, p. 68 and his ‘Legature di “Mastro Luigi” per la Biblioteca Vaticana (con un catalogo di alcuni suoi ferri)’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 23 (2017), pp. 119–144. An early, ungracious seventeenth-century manuscript annotation to front pastedown attributes the notes to Cervini (‘cum notis Marcelli PP ii’). Dorez, ‘Le cardinal Marcello Cervini’, p. 306 suggests that only some annotations were written by Cervini, while Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, p. xxxv–xxxvi, n. 55 disagrees with him and yet is unable to identify the handwriting. An entry in Cervini’s library inventories may refer to this copy (ibid. no. D 391, possibly repeated at D 378). On the collations of printed copies, see, e.g., bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 146r, 373r (the latter referring to a new collation of Nicholas’ letters made by Sirleto and Federico Ranaldi in August 1553) and Vat. lat. 6178, ff. 9r, 21r, 146r; Mouren, ‘La lecture assidue’, p. 458 and Cardinali, ‘Il Barberinianus gr. 532’, pp. 49–60, 65–68. Cataldi Palau, ‘La biblioteca del Cardinale Salviati’, no. 114; for Morone, see asf, Cervini, vol. 4, f. 114r. Four months later, Morone was keen to see a specimen of what was probably another of Cervini’s publications (ibid., f. 115r: ‘Ma se quella potrà con qualche occasione mandarmi qualche cosa del suo, pregola si degni farlo, per che non solo mi sarà gratissimo l’authore, m’ancora desidero veder la forma della stampa’). Hobson, ‘Catalogue of de Mendoza’s Library’, no. 772 and Austin, The Library, p. 66, no. 345 (illustrated at pl. iv.).

116

Figure 4

Chapter 5

BCas, F.iv.2: copy of Nicholas i, Epistolae (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1542) annotated and corrected by Massarelli, p. lxxxviii.

Cervini’s Latin Press

Figure 5

117

bnb, L.P.34: Grolier’s copy of Nicholas i, Antiqua et insignis epistola … (Leipzig: Melchior Lotter, 1536), front cover.

The only predecessor to Cervini’s interest in Nicholas i was the German controversialist Johannes Cochlaeus. In 1536, he published one of his typically pugnacious pamphlets, in which he included two letters by Nicholas – the first

118

Chapter 5

and the seventh in Priscianese’s edition – and the excerpts from Regino and Sigebert. The pamphlet was certainly known to Cervini, who had close ties to Cochlaeus, and was the source from which Priscianese took the extracts of the two medieval chronicles.87 Priscianese’s edition was itself the precursor of later editorial enterprises carried out by the Catholic Church. Several papal decretals were published in the Corpus iuris canonici issued in 1582 under Gregory xiii.88 In 1589, moreover, Sixtus v entrusted a committee of cardinals with the task of publishing the decretals; and in 1591, the head of the committee, the cardinal librarian Antonio Carafa, brought out a vast three-volume collection from Clement i to Gregory vii, containing seventy letters by Nicholas i, which were given a scholarly apparatus of annotations.89 Nicholas i was not well known to sixteenth-century readers; nevertheless, his papacy (858–869) was almost as significant as that of Innocent iii. Nicholas was a resolute supporter of the temporal and spiritual primacy of the pope, who extended the Roman Church’s sphere of influence and who pursued a policy of independence from Constantinople and the Byzantine Empire. He fought against Eastern iconoclasm and the separatist tendency of the archbishops of Ravenna, Tours, Rheims, Bourges, Trier and Cologne; and he was prepared to intervene in the election of the patriarch of Constantinople as well as in the private affairs of Frankish rulers.90 On account of his importance for the history of the papacy, Ferdinand Gregorovius considered him to be the c­ rucial link between Gregory the Great and Gregory vii.91 In the sixteenth c­ entury, 87 Nicholas i, Antiqua et insignis epistola … ad Michaelem Imperatorem … eiusdem Nicolai P.P. decreta … brevis historiarum illius temporis commemoratio, ex Reginone … ad Regem Angliae­ Henricum viii. Defensio Ioannis Episcopi Rossen. et Thome Mori … per Ioannem Cochleum: fragmenta quarundam Tho. Mori epistolarum ad Erasmum Rot. et ad Ioannem Coc. (Leipzig: Melchior Lotter, 1536), esp. sigs. Aiir-Liiiiv, Qiiir-Xiiiir. Curiously, Grolier owned a copy of this publication, too: Austin, The Library, p. 66, no. 345.1, i.e. bnb, L.P.34 (Fig. 5). 88 ustc 805723–805724. 89 Epistolarum decretalium tomus tertius, pp. 3–268. 90 There is no modern biography of him; but see François Bougard, ‘Niccolò i, Santo’ in En­ ciclopedia dei papi, ii (Rome: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, 2000), pp. 1–22. On his understanding of temporal and spiritual power, see Anton Greinacher, Die Anschauun­ gen des Papstes Nikolaus i. über das Verhältnis von Staat und Kirche (Berlin and Leipzig: Rothschild 1909); Ernst Perels, Papst Nikolaus i. und Anastasius Bibliothecarius: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Papsttums im neunten Jahrhundert (Berlin: Weidmann, 1920), pp. 151– 180, 280–205; Salvatore Vacca, ‘Prima Sedes a nemine iudicatur’: genesi e sviluppo storico dell’assioma fino al Decreto di Graziano (Rome: Pontificia Università Gregoriana, 1993), pp. 109–119. 91 Ferdinand Gregorovius, Storia della città di Roma nel Medio Evo, v (Rome: Aequa, 1940), pp. 9–11.

Cervini’s Latin Press

119

Nicholas’s letters could provide valuable material for reconstructing the historical background to contemporary debates about theology and canon law.92 According to the letter to the reader in Priscianese’s edition, these epistles had been excavated, with Paul iii’s support, from the ruin and decay of presentday Rome and Italy because they were as fundamental for a historical understanding of those times as they were for the good government of the Church, since they showed how to keep ‘our religion’ intact and inviolate.93 The three main themes in the letters were then set out: first, the pope’s disputes with the Byzantine clergy over the appointment of the layman Photius as patriarch of Constantinople; secondly, the attempt by the recently converted church of Bulgaria to achieve independence (autocephaly); and, finally, the divorce of Lothair ii of Lotharingia from his wife Teutberga, which was o­ pposed and condemned by the Holy See. This last issue was not mentioned in the sixteen papal letters but rather in a brief account of the Synod of Metz of 863 (ff. cxxxxvii– cxxxxix) and in the extracts from the chronicles of Regino and Sigebert (ff. cli–clxvii). The pronouncements by Nicholas on matrimony marked an important milestone in the history of this sacrament. The pope had been forced to intervene as a result of the unacceptable behaviour of Lothair ii and Ingiltrud, the unfaithful wife of Count Boso.94 In the 1540s, any discussion of marriage was overshadowed by the contentious divorce of the English monarch Henry viii from Catherine of Aragon. This polemic was no doubt the main reason for Cervini’s­choice of publication. Cochlaeus’s 1536 pamphlet had been largely devoted to recent events in England; and the two letters of Nicholas here included, together with some of the pope’s decisions drawn from Gratian’s Decretals, were intended to support the Catholic position and convince Reformed ­scholars to abandon their erroneous beliefs.95 Cochlaeus presented the excerpts from the medieval chronicles of Regino and Sigebert as a sort of continuation of his arguments against Henry viii’s second marriage: the story of 92

See Bougard, ‘Niccolò I’, and Detlev Jasper and Horst Fuhrmann, Papal Letters in the Early Middle Ages (Washington DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2001), pp. 110–125. 93 Nicholas i, Epistolae, sig. +iir: ‘In qua rerum omnium perturbatione, ac ruina, cum inter caetera diu iacuerint Nicolai primi Pontifici Maximi Epistolae, perutiles illae quidem, cum ad illorum temporum cognitionem, tum vero ad ecclesiam bene regendam maxime appositae, eas tandem aliquando adinventas Pauli iii Pontifici Maximi beneficio habemus’. Ibid.: ‘Ex quibus quidem Epistolis facile intelligimus quanta santissimi atque optimi viri cura, ac studium fuerit, ut religionem nostram ab omni labe integram inviolatam que[sic] servaret’. 94 See Suzanne Fonay Wemple, Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the Cloister (500 to 900) (Philadelphia: UPenn, 1981), pp. 75–96. 95 Nicholas i, Antiqua et insignis epistola, sigs. Aiir–Aiiv.

120

Chapter 5

Lothair which they narrated was, he said, ‘an example to discourage the king from what he had undertaken’.96 The pamphlet ended with a defence of the ‘martyrs’ John Fisher and Thomas More, along with some of their letters. By commissioning a publication of Nicholas I’s letters, Cervini was evidently pursuing much the same aim as Cochlaeus, though in a less overt way. 2.3 Pamphlets of Cardinal Bessarion and of Henry viii That the editions of Cardinal Bessarion and Henry viii played a secondary role in Cervini’s project is suggested by their smaller format compared to the folio volumes he had sponsored and by a somewhat reduced degree of typographical quality in the pamphlets containing Henry’s writings. Significantly, these publications were not first editions; however, they are outstanding examples of the way first printed editions were recovered and reused. They also conveyed messages which Cervini wanted to bring to life again. In order to grasp his ­intentions, we need to place these editions in their appropriate political contexts. Bessarion’s writings against the Turks were published in 1543 by Priscianese’s­ press.97 This collection of works comprised letters and orations addressed to the Italian rulers, calling on them to attack the Ottoman Empire and halt its expansion into the Balkans. The volume also included a Latin version of the first Olynthiac oration by Demosthenes, which Bessarion had translated as an exemplary exhortation to action.98 Bessarion had given manuscripts of all these works to the French humanist Guillaume Fichet, so that he could circulate them in the French court. Keen to support his friend’s publicity ­campaign against the Turks, as well as to exploit the newly established press attached to the Sorbonne, Fichet published the texts in a quarto edition of 1471, one of the

96

Johannes Cochlaeus, De matrimonio serenissimi Regis Angliae Henrici Octavi congratulatio disputatoria (Leipzig: Michael Blum, 1535). Significantly, Cervini owned a copy of this publication Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. D100. Nicholas i, Antiqua et insignis epistola, sigs. Qiiir, Riiv. 97 Bessarion, Orationes de gravissimi periculis … eiusdem de pace … exhortatio (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543). 98 For the historical and literary background, see Norman Housley, The Later Crusades (1274– 1580): from Lyons to Alcazar (Oxford and New York: oup, 1992), pp. 107–112, 387, and Nancy Bisaha, Creating East and West: Renaissance Humanists and the Ottoman Turks (Philadelphia: UPenn, 2004), pp. 109–114. On Bessarion’s translation of the first Olynthiac, see Daniel Tangri, ‘Demosthenes in the Renaissance: A Case Study on the Origins and Development of Scholarship on Athenian Oratory’, Viator, 37 (2006), pp. 545–582, at pp. 557– 558, 569–571, 580.

Cervini’s Latin Press

121

first incunables printed in France.99 This edition, as has recently been pointed out, was a turning-point in the passage from manuscript to print technology: employing the two media interchangeably, Fichet preserved some typical features of the codex such as presentation copies tailored to individual recipients.100 The print run was, in fact, quite small, only around 100 copies, most of which were presented by Fichet to Northern European rulers and high-ranking prelates.101 The presentation copies were often printed on parchment – a small number of parchment copies were also distributed in manuscript – and bore specialized rubrications and illuminations, along with a personal dedication from the editor. In many of the copies, Fichet had the numerous typos corrected by hand. This operation was repeated four separate times, with the result that only a few copies were emended in full.102 The exemplar given to King Edward iv of England, one of the most striking copies on parchment, was elegantly decorated, fully corrected and supplied with a printed dedicatory letter to Edward from Fichet. This outstanding volume was almost certainly originally kept in the Royal Library; but, in unknown circumstances, it later entered the Vatican Library (now bav, Vat. lat. 3586).103 As this was the very copy employed by Priscianese for his 1542 edition, it must have come into the papal collection by then. If, as seems likely, it was part of an exchange of gifts between the papacy and an English monarch, we can assume that Edward iv would not have re-gifted the volume and that neither Edward v nor Richard iii would have had the time or opportunity, during their brief and troubled reigns, to arrange for the volume to be transported to Rome. The ­donation therefore probably occurred at some point after the accession of Henry vii in 1485 and before Henry viii’s break with the Roman Catholic 99 Bessarion, Epistolae et orationes, [Paris: Ulrich Gering, Martin Crantz and Michael Friburger, 1471]. See Margaret Meserve, ‘Patronage and Propaganda at the First Paris Press: Guillaume Fichet and the First Edition of Bessarion’s “Orations against the Turks”’, The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, 97 (2003), pp. 521–588; Lauro-Aimé Colliard­, Un ami savoyard du Cardinal Bessarion: Guillaume Fichet: ancien recteur de l’Université de Paris (Fasano: Schena & Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 2004); and the analysis of the contents of this and the later editions in Vasileios Pappas, ‘The First Political Printed Book in Europe: The Epistolae et Orationes contra Turcos by Cardinal Bessarion’, International Journal of Language and Literature, 2 (2014), pp. 37–55. 100 Meserve, ‘Patronage and Propaganda’, pp. 554–557. 101 Ibid., pp. 527, 538–540. 102 Ibid., pp. 586–588, for a list of the corrections and their appearance in the most important copies. 103 See Janet Backhouse, ‘The Royal Library from Edward iv to Henry vii’, in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, iii: 1400–1557, ed. by Lotte Hellinga and Joseph B. Trapp (Cambridge: cup, 1999), pp. 267–273, and James P. Carley, ‘The Royal Library under Henry viii’, ibid., pp. 274–281.

122

Chapter 5

Church in 1532–1534. The book was presumably used by the Tudor monarchs in connection with the diplomatic relations they established with Renaissance popes from Innocent viii onwards: Henry viii, in particular, was rewarded by Julius ii, Leo x and Clement vii with several gifts as a champion of Catholicism and key ally of Rome.104 Both Henry viii and Leo x were passionate bookcollectors; and Henry gave two presentation copies of his Assertio against Luther­(one manuscript and one printed book) to Leo in 1521, while he received from the pope the stunning codex of the Golden Gospels, written on purple parchment in the late tenth century.105 About this time, Henry was trying to convince Leo x of his commitment to the idea of embarking on a crusade against the infidel.106 A deluxe copy of the editio princeps of Bessarion’s speeches, personally dedicated to one of Henry’s royal predecessors, would have been the perfect gift to underscore his crusading zeal. It was certainly Cervini who arranged for the precious copy of Bessarion’s speeches and letters in the Vatican Library to be used for the new edition, since it was through his secretary, Angelo Massarelli, that Priscianese borrowed the book and returned it to the Vatican librarian, Agostino Steuco.107 Priscianese may also have had access to one or more of the three manuscripts of Bessarion’s Latin version of the first Olynthiac in the Vatican Library.108 It is likely that he was the sole editor of the text, though it is possible that Niccolò Majorano and Guglielmo Sirleto, because of their interest in Bessarion as a patron of Greek studies in their southern Italian homeland, contributed in some way. Relying on the editio princeps – and perhaps the Vatican manuscripts of ­Bessarion’s Demosthenes translation – Priscianese was able to improve the only previous Italian edition, issued in Rome by Blado in 1537, especially by 104 Margaret Mitchell, ‘Works of Art from Rome for Henry viii: A Study of Anglo-Papal Relations as Reflected in Papal Gifts to the English King’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 34 (1971), pp. 178–203. 105 See Nello Vian, ‘La presentazione degli esemplari vaticani della Assertio septem sacramen­ torum di Enrico viii’, in Collectanea vaticana in honorem Anselmi M. Card. Albareda (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1962), ii, pp. 355–375 and Carley (ed.), The Li­ braries of King Henry viii. There is no trace of Edward iv’s Bessarion in the early surviving records, which began with a list of Henry’s holdings in Richmond palace in February 1535 (ibid., pp. 3–29). Henry’s Golden Gospels are in the Pierpont Morgan Library of New York, MS M.23. 106 Mitchell, ‘Works of Art’, pp. 181–183. According to Housley, Later Crusade, p. 446, this was merely a pose on Henry’s part. 107 On 11 March 1543, Massarelli reported to Cervini (asf, Cervini, vol. 23, f. 1r): ‘Sono stato con messer Francesco Priscianese, qual mi ha reso il Bessarione, et affrontò che a ponto Monsignore dela libraria [Steuco] venne anco lui a casa di detto messer Francesco così lo resi al’hora a sua Signoria’. 108 bav, Vat. lat. 3585, 4037, 5356. See Tangri, ‘Demosthenes’, pp. 557–558, n. 83.

Cervini’s Latin Press

123

taking account of all the hand-written emendations in Edward iv’s copy, and by including Fichet’s letter of dedication and distich to the English king. ­Bessarion’s annotations to his translation of the first Olynthiac were also restored.109 Was Cervini’s aim in reprinting the book a desire to renew Bessarion’s appeal to engage in battle against the Turks, or did he instead want to publish an elegant and celebratory edition? Although both goals may have played some part in the enterprise, the latter was more likely to have been the main impetus. Paul iii’s plans for a crusade were too tentative and ambiguous for us to assume that Cervini’s primary purpose was to publish a call to arms. The threat posed by the Ottoman advance in Europe was, to be sure, a grave concern to the papacy throughout the early modern period; and in 1542, plans for a crusade were in the mind of the pope in connection with the ecumenical council to be convened in Italy.110 Yet Paul iii often employed the idea of a crusade as a stratagem in his European political policy, though he was well aware that the power gained by the Ottoman fleet of Suleiman the Magnificent over the Mediterranean required quick and effective counter-action. In the summer of 1537, the Curia had begun to fear for its own safety in the belief that an assault on Rome by the Turks was imminent; however, the Holy League of Spain, Genoa, Venice and Malta rapidly assembled by the pope resulted in defeat at Preveza in 1538. As with the plan to convene an ecumenical council, there never seemed to be another appropriate moment for a joint enterprise between European rulers. Since Paul iii was determined to keep out of the struggle between Francis i and Emperor Charles v, he was reluctant to raise the delicate subject of a military campaign against the Turks. France, as an ally of the Turks, would not participate and might react by pushing forward the plan to hold a national church council or even by giving serious consideration to a full-scale separation from Rome along the lines of England. Charles, for his part, needed to 109 Two minor variants in the 1543 edition derive from mistakes in entering the hand-written corrections in Edward iv’s copy of the editio princeps. Vat. lat. 3586, f. 15v.17: archidanii] Rome 1543, sig. diiir.23: Archidanuagesilai (for Archidami Agesilai)]; Vat. lat. 3586, f. 29v.20: nostraque] Rome 1543, sig. giiv.7: nostra que]. Vasileios Pappas, ‘Η λατινική μετάφραση του Α΄ Ολυνθιακού Λόγου του Δημοσθένη από τον Καρδινάλιο Βησσαρίωνα’, Medi­ terranean Chronicle, 2 (2012), pp. 189–216, correctly describes Priscianese’s edition as the best text available. The version in Jacques-Paul Migne’s Patrologiae cursus completus … Series Graeca, clxi, pp. 669–676, relies on the inferior edition published by Blado. 110 For an insight into Paul iii’s complicated attitude towards a crusade, see Kenneth M. Setton­, The Papacy and the Levant (1204–1571), iii: The Sixteenth Century (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1984), pp. 394–504, esp. pp. 450–479. For a concise account of military actions undertaken by Christian forces at this time, see Housley, Later Crusades, pp. 131–134.

124

Chapter 5

reach a compromise with the Protestant rulers of the Empire before embarking on such a major military endeavour. Paul iii did not want to encourage Charles v to grant any concessions to Protestants, but the Lutheran princes shrewdly refused to take part in a crusade unless the emperor acknowledged their faith and summoned an imperial diet. From the papacy’s point of view, this was too high a price to pay for a crusade. During his meeting with Cardinal Farnese in Ghent in 1540, Cervini defended this position, opposing Charles V’s plan to convene a diet in Speyer.111 The imperial forces were therefore left almost on their own in their fight against the Ottomans in Hungary and in their disastrous expedition against Algiers. In the spring of 1542, Paul iii changed his mind about a crusade and finally decided to summon an ecumenical council in Trent by the end of the year.112 Neither event, however, took place. Instead, a new Italian war broke out in July between Francis i and Charles v, with the Turks actively supporting France in besieging Nice and the emperor enticing Henry viii to enter the conflict on his side. The pope found himself once again in the uncomfortable role of frustrated peace-maker. Given the international political situation in 1542–1543, it is not impossible that Cervini wanted to promote a crusade as a means both of restoring peace between France and the Empire and of helping to ensure that the council at Trent would be convened. Nevertheless, Paul iii’s difficult balancing act in the ever-changing European scenario make it doubtful that Priscianese’s Bessarion edition was intended primarily as a renewed call for a crusade against the Turks.113 The partnership accounts tell us only about the distribution of the volume in the Papal States: 650 of the 660 copies given by Priscianese to Giunta were sent to Bologna (250), Perugia (200) and Macerata (200) and were intended for further distribution by the city legates and governors. One was presented to the Apostolic Treasurer.114 While in Piacenza in early April 1543, Cervini asked Massarelli to send 50 copies of this work together with 50 copies of Henry

111 Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 83–86. See also Jedin, Storia del Concilio, i, pp. 416–418. 112 On the first, unsuccessful, attempt to convene a council in Trent, see Jedin, Storia del Con­ cilio, i, pp. 499–544. 113 For a more straight-forward reuse of Bessarion, see the individual and self-promoting oration written by Agostino Steuco for Charles v in Lucca in 1541: Mauro Donnini, ‘L’“Oratio” inedita “Ad Carolum v pro republica Christiana” di Agostino Steuco’, in his Humanae ac divinae litterae: scritti di cultura medievale e umanistica (Spoleto: Fondazione Centro italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 2013), pp. 125–162; and Vincenzo Lavenia, ‘Steuco, Agostino’, in dbi, xciv, 2019, pp. 236–240, at p. 238. 114 asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 133r.

Cervini’s Latin Press

125

viii’s pamphlets.115 The book’s philological accuracy and elegant layout, on the other hand, suggest that it was aimed at a learned readership. The reprint seems to have been designed to give the 1471 edition a new lease of life, as is indicated, firstly, by the inclusion of Fichet’s dedication to Edward iv and Bessarion’s letter to Fichet, which had not appeared in the Paris edition of 1500 or in Blado’s reissue, but which, in the early 1540s, would only have been of interest to bibliophiles.116 Secondly, Priscianese deliberately copied the mise en page of the first Olynthiac in the editio princeps. In Fichet’s edition, Bessarion’s annotations were inserted into indents in the text columns, an expedient to cope with marginalia which was typical of the incunable era but which was largely outdated in the 1540s.117 It was probably at Cervini’s behest that Priscianese reproduced this old-fashioned technique in order to make the new edition resemble an incunable. He was certainly capable of printing marginalia next to the main text, in what by then was the usual way, as he showed in his other two quarto editions. Both these editions, published by Priscianese in 1543, were works by Henry viii: his famous Assertio septem sacramentorum, written in response to ­Luther’s De captivitate babylonica ecclesiae; and two letters which Henry and Luther exchanged some years later.118 The two works were clearly designed to be bound together by owners at their earliest convenience, though they were registered separately and given by Priscianese to Giunta in a slightly different number of copies – 668 for the Assertio, 678 for the letters between Luther and Henry. They were also unevenly distributed, with 100 additional copies of the letters sent to Perugia.119 As I have elucidated elsewhere, internal evidence shows that Priscianese’s source was the first English edition taken from the Vatican Library, possibly the copies presented by the English king to 115 asv, Conc. Trid., vol. 139, f. 5r. 116 Bessarion, Orationes de gravissimi periculis, sigs. [a]iir-[a]iiiv. Bessarion, Epistolae et ora­ tiones ([Paris]: Guy Marchant, 1500) and his Ad illustrissimos, inclitosque Italiae principes contra Turcas exhortatio (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1537). 117 Meserve, ‘Patronage and Propaganda’, pp. 541–542. 118 Henry viii, Assertio septem sacramentorum adversus Martin Lutherum (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543) and his Literarum, quibus … Henricus viii rex Angliae, et Franciae, domi­ nus Hyberniae, ac fidei defensor respondit ad quandam epistolam Martini Lutheri ad se mis­ sam, et ipsius Lutheranae quoque epistolae exemplum (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543). 119 asf, Cervini, vol. 51, ff. 131v-133r. Grolier owned two different copies of Priscianese’s edition of the Assertio: Austin, The Library, p. 59, nos. 226–227 (ibid., no. 225 for his copy of an earlier edition of the Literae). The bav copy of Priscianese’s edition of the Literae (R.I.iv.1093, formerly I.R.4660), which entered the papal library very early on, is intriguingly bound with Bessario’s epistolae in what may be a contemporary vellum with a late sixteenth-century manuscript title along spine.

126

Chapter 5

the ­reigning pope. As for the purposes behind these publications, a thorough analysis of the political background suggests that Cervini was not planning to persuade the English king to return to the Roman Catholic fold – an option which was no longer on the table and which would in any case fly in the face of his recent publication of Pope Nicholas I’s decrees on divorce – but intended instead to undermine Henry’s alliance with Charles v. Reprinting Henry’s early writings in 1543 enabled Cervini to land a blow simultaneously on Luther, the target of the pamphlets, and on Henry, the former Catholic champion who had betrayed his faith. Contemporary readers, whatever their confession, could be counted on to remember the history of this work, which provided a vivid illustration of the deep divisions within the Protestant world – an argument often employed by Catholic controversialists to demonstrate the falsity of heretical belief, in contrast to the unifying power of the true faith. No other anti-Lutheran treatise could offer Cervini so many polemical opportunities.120 Finally, a glance at the influence exerted by the two pamphlets of Henry viii’s writings published by Priscianese, which were re-printed only three times over the second half of the sixteenth century.121 Regardless of this moderate success, it is noteworthy that all three printings contained both the As­ sertio and the exchange of letters between Henry and Luther and were issued in France in the early 1560s as part of the controversies between Catholic and Huguenots over the sacraments during the Wars of Religion. 2.4 Additional Publications Along with these six books which Priscianese published for Cervini, we can certainly add a seventh which was not reported in the Greek partnership accounts: the very rare Greek-Latin editio princeps of a compilation of a few short medical treatises on waters put together by the ancient physician Oribasius. Not only was it printed employing Onorio’s Greek types in the preface and text, but the Latin dedication to Cardinal Farnese, completely overlooked by earlier scholarship, left no room for doubt. In addressing his patron, the writer and translator – the Lucca physician and Galenian scholar Agostino Ricchi (1512– 1564) – stated that the project had seen the light of the day thanks to Cervini’s consent and support.122 This thin publication comprises the first 5 chapters of 120 Paolo Sachet, ‘Henry and Luther in Rome: The 1543 Editions of the Assertio and Literae’, in Flavia Bruni, Margherita Palumbo and Stephen Parkin (eds.), Luther in Italy (Leiden: Brill, 2020), forthcoming. 121 ustc 153046, 153223, 154531. 122 Oribasius, De aquis … περὶ ὑδάτων (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543), sig. aiiv: ‘… magnum etiam pondus accessit cohortatio Marcelli Cervini, Cardinalis sanctae Crucis, ad

Cervini’s Latin Press

127

Book v of Oribasius’s Collectaneae medicae, including, amongst other excerpts, a long passage from a commentary by Galen (De aeris, acquis et locis) which is preserved in its entirety only in Arabic. The final hydrological extract was drawn from Oribasius’s epitome Ad Eunapium and corresponds to Chapter xiv of Book i. Except for this concluding part, the Greek text in Priscianese’s edition might have been based on a sixteenth-century codex owned by the ­Ravenna humanist Marco Fabio Calvo, used by him for making a lost Latin translation, and presented to the Vatican Library by Calvo’s nephew under Paul iii (now bav, Vat. gr. 288); but establishing this will require further investigation.123 The princeps of the Collectaneae was published by Morel in Paris in 1556, while a complete Latin edition, curated by Giovan Battista Rasario independently from Ricchi, had appeared over a year earlier in Venice, from Paolo Manuzio’s press. In 1558, Rasario issued the Latin translation of the four books Ad Eunapium, too.124 Both Ricchi and Rasario partook in the Renaissance revival of Galen by editing two ground-breaking Latin opera omnia based on Greek manuscripts, following in the footsteps of other learned physicians like Agostino Gadaldino and Conrad Gessner. Their interest in Oribasius stemmed from these larger projects.125 It is no coincidence that Ricchi mentioned his ongoing enterprise in his preface to Farnese. The first, fourth and fifth volumes of his Galen’s edition had already been carried out in Venice by the Farri quem quum hoc meum consilium detulissem, non solum non neglexit homo prudentissimus, sed ut est publicae utilitatis mirum in modo addictus, pluribus etiam verbis huius­ cemodi studium commendavit’. This letter is dated 1 April 1543. The title-page bears the decorative border with armours all’antica, putti and marine creature used in Bessarion’s Orationes de gravissimi periculis. The presentation copy to Cardinal Farnese, bound in Rome with his family heraldic symbol (the French fleur-de-lys) repeatedly gilt to both covers, is bav, R.I.iv.814 (formerly I.R.8807). Ricchi presented Cervini with a manuscript copy of his translation of Oribasius’s Compendium medicinae written on parchment, now bav, Ott. lat. 2239 (cf. Fossier, ‘Premières recherches’, p. 439, no. 404, providing an incorrect transcription of the entry in Cervini’s library catalogue, and Dorez, ‘Antoine Eparque’, p. 302, n. 3). 123 See Riccardo Gualdo, ‘Fabio Calvo, Marco’, in dbi, xliii, 1993, pp. 723–727 and Bibliothe­ cae Apostolicae Vaticanae codices manu scripti recensiti: codices Vaticani Graeci, i: Codices 1–329, ed. by Giovanni Mercati and Pio Franchi de’ Cavalieri (Rome: Tipografia poliglotta vaticana, 1923), p. 403. Vat. gr. 287 (ibid., pp. 401–403), bearing another work by Oribasius (Synopsis ad Estathium filium), was part of the remarkable Greek medical manuscripts bought by Cervini from Eparchos on 8 April 1551; Dorez, ‘Antoine Eparque’, pp. 302–303 mistakenly regards this manuscript as the main source of Ricchi’s edition. 124 ustc 152175, 845434–845435. 125 See the recent reassessment of Stefania Fortuna, ‘The Latin Editions of Galen’s Opera omnia (1490–1625) and their Prefaces’, Early Science and Medicine, 17 (2012), pp. 391–412.

128

Chapter 5

b­ rothers in 1541, while the final tome was issued in 1545. Cardinal Farnese was the dedicatee of vol. iv.126 Finally, we should bear in mind a few remarkable episodes in Ricchi’ and Cervini’s biography. First, Ricchi had already collaborated with Sophianos in Venice about 1533–1534 in writing an alternative version in demotic Greek of Act v of his comedy i tre tiranni; secondly, the year of the edition, he had just arrived in Rome and he may have held a medical consultation with Cervini on this occasion, as he was to do in 1550 during another short stay in the Eternal City. Following the latter consultation, Cervini recommended him to Julius iii. As a result, Ricchi was appointed as papal archiater, a position which he also held under Paul iv and most probably maintained during Cervini’s intervening, brief pontificate. In addition, it is worth recalling that Cervini had composed and recited a Latin poem in praise of thermal and medical waters as a young promising member of the accademia senese, according to his eighteenth-century biographer, Pollidori.127 Priscianese was also involved in the publication of Aegidiane Constitutiones by Cardinal Gil Álvarez Carrillo de Albornoz, a fourteenth-century corpus of laws regulating the administration of the Church’s domain.128 In 1539, Paul iii entrusted Cardinal Rodolfo Pio da Carpi with the revision of this work.129 Supported by a team of jurists, Pio, in his capacity as legate of the March of ­Ancona, reorganised Albornoz’s six books, including new material (genuine, pseudonymous and later), and adding Aegidianae, referring to Gil’s authorship, to the title.130 At some point in 1543, Cardinal Pio commissioned Priscianese to print the official edition, which bore Pio’s coat-of-arms on the title-page. ­According 126 Oribasius, De aquis, sig. air-v: ‘Itaque etsi in emendandis Galeni libris, quo in pulvere multos iam annos desudo, occupatus totus essem, facere tamen non potui, quin illud, quod ex Oribasii libris, ad hanc rem aptissimum esse cognoscebam, in latinum (ut per occupations licuit) converterem’. See ustc 831449. 127 See Elisa Andretta, ‘Ricchi, Agostino’, in dbi, lxxxvii, 2016, pp. 214–215. Other warm recommendations for Ricchi comprises those made by: Cervini to his brother Romolo; Cervini and Del Monte to Paul iii in 1545 (CT, x, pp. 89, 259, 483) and Annibal Caro to Cervini in 1553 (bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 372v). See also Pollidori, De vita Marcelli ii commentarius, p. 14. 128 Among the vast literature devoted to this work, see esp. Paolo Colliva, Il cardinale Albor­ noz, lo stato della Chiesa, le ‘Constitutiones Aegidianae’ (1353–1357): con in appendice il testo volgare delle costituzioni di Fano dal ms. Vat. lat. 3939 (Bologna: Publicaciones del Real Colegio de España, 1977), and Wolfgang Weber, Die Constitutiones Sanctae Matris Ecclesiae des Kardinals Aegidius Albornoz von 1357: unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Strafre­ chtsnormen (Aalen: Scientia, 1982). 129 See Christiane Hoffmann, Kardinal Rodolfo Pio da Carpi und seine Reform der Aegidiani­ schen Konstitutionen (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1989). 130 Ibid., pp. 113–133, for a list of the extensive modifications made by Pio.

Cervini’s Latin Press

129

to the colophon of the substantial folio volume, Priscianese published the text in 1543; in fact, it was completed, two years later, by a different printer, the widow of Baldassarre Cartolari, Girolama.131 The reason for the delay was that the necessary papal approval was not forthcoming until 10 September 1544. By that time, Priscianese’s firm was in deep financial trouble, and he was unable to fulfil the commission. Cardinal Pio therefore entrusted the completion of the printing to Girolama Cartolari, who had recently published Mambrino Roseo’s Italian adaptation of Guevara’s Speculum Principis with a dedication to Pio and his arms on the verso of the title-page.132 The connection between the Cartolari and the Giunta families are also helpful in explaining why the former were involved in the endeavour: in the early 1540s the landlord and possible partner of Baldassare’s printshop in Vicolo del Pellegrino was none other than Benedetto Giunta, the bookseller participating in Cervini’s enterprises. Since Girolama moved her business to Parione only in early 1545, she was most likely still in Benedetto’s premises while taking over the publication of the Constitu­ tiones.133 When the text was eventually published, it was widely distributed throughout the Papal States.134 We do not know, however, whether Priscianese managed to benefit from this profitable publication. On paper, the papal privilege addressed to him should have protected his interests;135 but he may have been forced to transfer the entitlement to the benefits entailed by the privilege to Cartolari, when she took over the printing. The Priscianese-Cartolari edition of the Constitutiones was extremely important, since it set a precedent for later printings of the treatise, beginning with the Venetian editions of the late sixteenth century.136 Strictly speaking, it 131 Aegidianae constitutiones (Rome: Francesco Priscianese and Girolama Cartolari, 1543– 1545), ff. [1v, 23v-24v], 147v. For a description of the edition, see Colliva, Il cardinale Albor­ noz, pp. 502–503. Ridolfi, ‘Un’edizione del Priscianese’, was the first to identify this book as one of Priscianese’s editions. 132 ustc 835181. 133 See the Cartolaris’ imprints in ustc 846120, 846680, 848691, 832023, 800935, 814572 (with links to the related entries in EDIT16), partially discussed in Francesco Barberi, ‘La tipografia romana di Baldassarre Jr. e di Girolama Cartolari (1540–1559)’, in his Tipografi rom­ ani, pp. 147–163, at pp. 151–153. Drawing from Barbieri, EDIT16 overlaps this Benedetto Giunta with his more famous namesake, the son of Filippo the Elder and director of the Florentine family press with his brother Bernardo between 1531 and 1548. On the locations of Roman printers in the Cinquecento, see Marina Vernier, ‘Topografia della tipografia (o  meglio del libro) a Roma nel xvi secolo’, in Dondi et al. (eds.), La stampa romana, pp. 197–215, which seems to rely on Barberi. 134 In this particular case, the present location of the numerous extant copies in Italian libraries is probably indicative of the work’s initial distribution; see ustc 800815. 135 Aegidianae constitutiones, f. [1v]. 136 See Colliva, Il cardinale Albornoz, pp. 244–252, 503–505.

130

Chapter 5

was not financed by Cervini, though it is highly probable that he played some role in obtaining the work for Priscianese. In the early 1540s, the link between Pio da Carpi and Cervini was quite strong, especially in religious matters. Not only would they both take an active part in the Roman Inquisition later in the decade, but from 1542 they also worked together in supervising the troublesome Franciscan Conventuals: as cardinal-protector of the Franciscans, Pio asked Cervini to be his deputy and help him cope with several delicate cases of heresy and doctrinal deviation within the order.137 The two cardinals were also early supporters of the Jesuits, whom Pio supervised as cardinal-protector for some time after 1544.138 Another potential piece of evidence for Cervini’s involvement is an entry in his library catalogue which might refer to the ­Priscianese-Cartolari edition.139 More importantly, however, Pio was definitely aware of Cervini’s printing projects, since he was the recipient of the Greek press’s two publications.140 It is very likely that Pio decided to take advantage of Cervini’s Latin press, which was regarded, like the Greek press, as a protopapal enterprise, as highlighted in Chapter 4. Pio’s edition of the Constitutiones Aegidiane fits in well with the works which Priscianese printed for Cervini; and the large folio format and elegant font undoubtedly gave it the air of an official publication. A kindred conclusion can be drawn in relation to Ludovico Sensi’s orations to the citizens of Perugia, which were in fact a long encomium to Paul iii. The author dedicated Priscianese’s edition to Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, ­encouraging him to imitate his grandfather.141 Yet the pope was not exactly the most beloved figure in Perugia. The city, stirred up by local noble families 137 On their intervention, Quaranta, pp. 167–168, 177–179. See also Bruno Katterbach, ‘De ­Cardinali Rodulpho Pio de Carpo protectore O. F. M. nominato anno 1541’, Archivium Fran­ ciscanum Historicum, 16 (1923), pp. 557–558. Copies of five letters addressed by Cervini to Pio on this subject between July 1543 and July 1554 are in asv, Fondo Pio, vol. 55, env. 2, ff. 4r-7r. Three other original letters from Cervini to Pio are found in bam, Archivio Falcò Pio di Savoia, i sezione, vol. 524 (i.e. V.N. 491), env. 42. See ibid., vol. 525 (i.e., V.N. 490), env. 2, ff. 1r-60r for some of Pio’s proclamations during his legation in the Marca Anconitana, written by his secretary Sigismondo Bozio. 138 Josef Wicki, ‘Rodolfo Pio da Carpi, ester und einziger Kardinalprotektor des Gesellschaft Jesu’, Miscellanea Historiae Pontificiae, 21 (1959), pp. 243–267. For Cervini’s involvement with the Jesuits, see Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 303–310, 351–356 and later on in Chap. 7.5. 139 Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. D17: ‘Egidii Albornotii de costitutione [?] ecclesiae’. Cervini also owned a copy of Albornoz’s Testamentum (ibid., no. B250), printed in Bologna in 1533 (ustc 808412). 140 Copies of Eustathius and Theophylact were given to ‘Reverendissimo Cardinale di Carpi’ (asf, Cervini, vol. 51, ff. 129r, 130r). 141 Ludovico Sensi, Ad cives Perusinos conciones quinque (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543), sigs. aiir–aiiir.

Cervini’s Latin Press

131

i­ncluding the Baglioni, had recently revolted against his rule in the so-called Salt War (1540) and had had to surrender to the papal troops led by Pier Luigi Farnese, Paul iii’s son and father to Cardinal Farnese. The defeat marked the definitive loss of Perugian freedom, embodied in the construction of the much-loathed Rocca Paolina.142 Sensi’s orations, commissioned by the legate (Cardinal Ascanio Parisani), were clearly devised to appease the inhabitants and increase the pontiff’s popularity. Such a fine piece of institutional propaganda on the peripheries of the Papal States accords well with the official status which Cervini wished to confer on his Latin press and the sporadic use of Onorio’s Greek font suggests his direct involvement also in this publication, perhaps in collaboration with his former pupil, Cardinal Farnese. A further piece of evidence is provided by the copy in the Vatican Library, which was probably presented to Paul iii. Not only was it printed on parchment and bound at the time with a Roman-style gilt decoration with interlacing fillet and floral elements, but it was also recorded in the first catalogue of the Vatican printed books, compiled by Alessandro Ranaldi in the early seventeenth century. Finally, a copy of the work appears in Cervini’s library inventories.143 We have seen how each of Priscianese’s editions sponsored by Cervini revealed aspects of the underlying aims of the latter’s project. First and foremost, its purpose was to promote the writings of the Church Fathers and to challenge Protestant scholarship in the field of patristic philology and Biblical studies. Secondly, great importance was assigned to ecclesiastical history, which was fundamental for justifying the Roman Catholic Church’s religious and political positions in their conflict with Protestants and with some controversial elements within the Catholic world. Continuity with the past, even if superficial, was thought to undermine the beliefs of the Church’s opponents, which were treated as heretical departures from tradition. Priscianese’s three major publications (Arnobius, Nicholas i and Innocent iii) advanced these two strategies. Thirdly, Cervini’s desire to contribute to classical scholarship found an outlet in the publication of Bessarion’s orations against the Turks. As with the edition of Eustathius’s commentaries on Homer, it can be ascribed to his passion for Greek literature, a vestige of his education and juvenile interests which persisted into his maturity, when the defence of the Church became his overriding 142 See: Christopher F. Black, ‘Perugia and Papal Absolutism in the Sixteenth Century’, The English Historical Review, 96 (1981), pp. 509–539; Rita Chiacchella, ‘Per una reinterpretazio­ ne della “guerra del sale” e della costruzione della Rocca Paolina in Perugia’, Archivio stori­ co italiano, 145 (1987), pp. 3–60; and Alessandro Monti, La guerra del sale (1540): Paolo iii e la sottomissione di Perugia (Perugia: Morlacchi, 2017). 143 bav, Membr.iv.10 (former shelfmarks: R.I.4496; Arm.343.11; no. 1962 in Ranaldi’s catalogue in bav, Vat. lat. 6446 and 14477) and Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. D 266.

132

Chapter 5

concern. The objectives of Cervini’s project were long-term: he had little interest in pursuing short-lived polemical strategies. The sole exception was the republication of Henry viii’s writings against Luther, which seems to have been designed to embarrass both the former Catholic monarch and the leading and emblematic figure of the Reformation. Understanding the political context in which these editions were published is crucial to analysing the output of Cervini’s Latin press. The events of 1541– 1544, so important for the Catholic Church, had an impact on the choice of works for publication. During these four years, the papacy finally abandoned its dithering and confused approach to the Reformation – by then a pressing matter not only in the Holy Roman Empire, but also in a large part of Europe, including Italy. After the failure of the last illusory attempts at reconciliation with German Protestants in the Diet of Regensburg (1541), the convening of an ecumenical council and the renewal of the Roman Inquisition were seen as complementary measures to contain the spread of Protestantism and define Catholic orthodoxy once and for all. At various times, Paul iii’s religious policy was influenced by the wars in Italy and Germany, his conflict with Emperor Charles v, the Turkish threat and the break of the English church from Rome. Cervini’s editorial programme, however, was sufficiently far-sighted to remain untouched by any sudden changes in the international political scene. There is no evidence that events caused him to alter his publication plans. It was instead conflicts between the partners involved and financial problems which brought about the collapse of Cervini’s innovative project to exploit the printing press in the service of the Catholic Church. It seems that at some point in 1543, Cervini realised that his project needed new capital investment and other forms of supports from inside the Curia. We know for a fact that he appealed to Cardinal Parisani, former Apostolic Treasurer, legate to Perugia from 1542 and, as such, the recipient of several copies of Cervini’s Latin publications. In response, Parisani apologized for not possessing the means to contribute to his correspondent’s worthy and laudable printing enterprises and hoped that together they could persuade the pope as well as Elvino, the current Treasurer, to remedy the situation.144 They might have not succeeded in this; yet in the light of Parisani’s proposal, an earlier entry in the Greek partnership account might plausibly be interpreted as recording an indirect subsidy of 200 scudi given by 144 asf, Cervini, vol. 41, f. 93r: ‘Quanto a la cosa de la stampa, mi duole non poter col mio proprio aiutar’ una opera così degna et laudabile et che le cose di qua siano sì strette. ­Tuttavia dovendo la Signoria Vostra Reverendissima in breve passar di qua con Nostro ­Signore, s’haverà occasion’ di parlarn’ insieme et con lei et con il Signor Tes[aurie]ro et pigliar qualche spediente buono’.

Cervini’s Latin Press

133

Paul iii to the endeavour, even though Cervini remained the official creditor of the sum. We can also speculate that Cervini sought the help of other cardinals and prelates who were closer to him than Parisani. Intriguingly, the only possible donor – the evidence is inconclusive – was the bishop of Senigallia, M ­ arco Quinto Vigerio della Rovere, whose links with Cervini are obscure.145 Nevertheless, these small financial subventions could not save the two presses from collapse. 145 asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 135r: ‘E adì 27 novembre scudi dugento hauti dal Tesauriere di ­Campagna per mandato del Thesauriere di Sua Santità scudi 200 … E adì … scudi venticinque baiochi 20 di iuli x per scudo hauti per nome di Sua Signoria Reverendissiima da messer Pier Maria Landrevilla agente del Vescovo di Sinigaglia scudi 25.20’. Vigerio della Rovere and Cervini had apparently met in Piacenza in October 1540: Nuntiaturberichte, v, p. 405. They were to cross path again at the Council of Trent, from where Cervini alerted Rome about Vigerio’s critical positions on God’s grace and the duty of episcopal residency (Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 242, 245, 265, 270).

Chapter 6

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544 For Cervini, the central decade of the Cinquecento, from the opening of the Tridentine council to election as pontiff in 1555, was crowded with political and pastoral engagements, as well as a multitude of new printing endeavours. Several additions should be made to the ever-growing list of Cervini’s publications in respect of what has been partially reconstructed by Pollidori, Tiraboschi, Dorez, Paschini, Mouren, Piacentini and Cardinali.1 To the best of my knowledge, the number of books which saw the light of the day entirely or largely because of Cervini can be increased to over 90. One cannot but marvel at so high a figure. Such activity is outstanding, even for a celebrated bibliophile and patron; but three aspects are especially noteworthy owing to their innovative features: first, Cervini’s direct involvement with printing presses and the printing process; second, the type of books which he promoted; third, his aim in having these books published. The last two chapters have dwelt extensively on these aspects, analysing the history and output of two presses set up in Rome in the early 1540s. Here, it is worth dwelling on his interaction with printing after the failure of these enterprises in 1544 – a subject which has been largely neglected in earlier scholarship – while also highlighting polycentricity and teamwork as the fourth and fifth remarkable features of Cervini’s activity. Because of the sheer number of editions involved, a detailed examination is neither possible nor advisable in the present volume, as it would quickly divert our discussion to the fascinating and highly complex world of erudition and manuscript hunting during the late Italian Renaissance and the trans-­ European ‘republic of letters’ which began to emerge in the early sixteenth century. By contrast, the overall picture will help to clarify the principles guiding Cervini in his undertakings and introduce some of the cultural challenges the Catholic Church was to face later in the Cinquecento. A few exceptions to this overall approach have been made for projects or publications which exerted considerable influence over the sixteenth century and indeed beyond. As a companion to the following pages, an annotated list of Cervini’s publications can be found in Appendix B. 1 Pollidori, De vita Marcelli ii commentarius, pp. 76, 88–89 and passim; Girolamo Tiraboschi, Storia della letteratura italiana: nuova edizione, vii/1 (Florence: Molini, Landi and Co., 1809), pp. 29–31; Dorez, ‘Le cardinal Marcello Cervini’; Paschini, ‘Un cardinale editore’; Mouren, ‘La lecture assidue’; Piacentini, ‘Marcello Cervini e la Vaticana’; and Cardinali, Legature ‘alla Cervini’?’ and his ‘Il Barberinianus gr. 532’. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004348653_008

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

1

135

Beyond Rome

After 1544, Cervini seemed to abandon the idea of setting up a press in the service of the papacy. His unsatisfactory experience with the daily administration of the two Roman presses possibly contributed to his decision, though the main reason lies in his increasing responsibilities for the affairs of the Church and his move to Trent and later to Gubbio to run his diocese. He continued, however, to select books for publication, entrusting them to important printers based in Rome (Antonio Blado, Stefano Nicolini, the Dorico brothers, Ippolito Salviani), Venice (Andrea Arrivabene, Gabriele Giolito, the Brucioli and Farri brothers, the firm Ad signum spei, Lucantonio Giunta’s heirs and, finally, Paolo Manuzio), Bologna (Anselmo Giaccarelli) and Florence (Lorenzo Torrentino, Bernardo Giunta and heirs).2 All of them were variably successful and established entrepreneurs and some had played a role in the first phase of Cervini’s activity, such as Manuzio, Blado, Nicolini and the Giunta family, as well as Lo­ renzo Torrentino, who had worked as a bookseller in Bologna before moving to Florence. It should also be noted that, in this second phase of his engagement with printing, Cervini still relied occasionally on printers who held official or semi-official positions such as Torrentino, the printer for the Duchy of Florence­from 1547 onwards, and Giaccarelli, who worked for the Commune of Bologna, receiving a starting grant for his publishing house and then issuing a large part of its ordinances.3 This may well be one of the reasons which led Cervini to entrust them with some of his projects, despite being located in places of printing which were only second-rank. Torrentino in particular held by contract a series of printing and commercial privileges which granted, at least in theory, a wide circulation to his books.4 2 The ‘tesi di laurea’ of Elettra Maria Spolverini, ‘Ad signum spei’: un’impresa editoriale venezia­ na del xvi secolo (Udine: Università degli studi, 2002–2003) successfully identifies the bookseller Giovanni (Fererio) Francesi as the founder of this press, which is commonly known under its Latin trade name, meaning ‘At the Sign of Good Hope’. I am grateful to Angela Nuovo for allowing me to consult Spolverini’s work. 3 On Torrentino, see Domenico Moreni, Annali della tipografia fiorentina di Lorenzo Torrentino, impressore ducale (Florence: Daddi, 1819); Frans Slits, Laurentius Torrentinus: drukker van Cosimo, hertog van Florence (1500–1563) (Gemert: Heemkundekring De Kommanderij Gemert­, 1995); and Gustavo Bertoli, ‘Contributo alla biografia di Lorenzo Torrentino, stampatore ducale a Firenze (1547–1563)’, in Luigi Borgia et al. (eds.), Studi in onore di Arnaldo d’Addario (Lecce: Conte, 1995), pp. 657–664. On Giaccarelli, see Ascarelli and Menato, La tipografia del ‘500, pp. 57–58 (with earlier bibliography), and Pierangelo Bellettini, ‘Sugli inizi dell’attività tipografica di Anselmo Giaccarelli a Bologna’, in Luigi Balsamo and Leonardo Quaquarelli (eds.), Sul libro bolognese del Rinascimento (Bologna: clueb, 1994), pp. 155–180. 4 See the useful remarks in Claudia Di Filippo Bareggi, ‘Giunta, Doni, Torrentino: tre tipografie fiorentina fra repubblica e principato’, Nuova Rivista Storica, 58 (1974), pp. 318–348; Antonio Ricci, ‘Lorenzo Torrentino and the Cultural Programme of Cosimo i de’ Medici’, in Konrad

136

Chapter 6

The ten-year papal privilege assigned to him on 30 April 1550 was as likely to have been procured by Cervini as by the Florentine envoys to Rome, as it concerns the exclusive right to print and sell not only the major undertaking of the ducal press, the Pandectae, but also all its future publications, including new commentaries, notes and glosses. This latter specification is in line with the kind of books Cervini was keen to spread.5 The fact that Torrentino had acquired some fonts from both Sophianos and Priscianese may be taken as further evidence of Cervini’s interest in the establishment of the ducal press.6 It is no coincidence, therefore, that the cardinal entrusted Torrentino with two highly significant undertakings between 1550 and 1552: the princeps of Clement­ of Alexandria’s writings with a separate Latin edition and the translation of Theodoret’s commentary on Paul’s letters.7 In those two years, the attempts to revive the book market of Florence must have caught Cervini’s attention, as he decided to lend the matrices of Sophianos’s Greek font (‘Cervini 1’) to Bernardo Giunta and heirs about 1548. The informal deal, involving the publication of Aristotle’s works and other classical texts, stayed in place until late 1552 and was entirely due to the mediation of Vettori­, who was working as corrector for the Giunta press (nos. 77–81 in Appendix B).8 The following year, Duke Cosimo i planned to set up a new official press devoted to Greek printing only, probably because he was unsatisfied with Torrentino’s performance in that domain. Although nothing came of it, the two

5 6

7 8

Eisenblicher (ed.), The Cultural Politics of Duke Cosimo i de’ Medici (Aldershot: Routledge, 2001), pp. 103–119; and Nuovo, ‘Stampa e potere’, pp. 57–63, 81–83 and her The Book Trade, pp. 231–232. asv, Cam. Ap., Div. Cam., vol. 161, ff. 154v-155r. On Torrentino’s Pandectae edition, see Chap. 5, n. 22. Pettas, ‘Nikolaos Sophianós’, p. 210 and Costa, Michelangelo alle corti, pp. 79–81. Nevertheless, Cervini refused to lend to Torrentino Sophianos’s matrices which had been given to the Giunta­of Florence and repaired by them: BL, Add. MS 10274, ff. 9r and 13r (Cervini to Vettori: ‘[Torrentino] mi ricercò di nuovo delle madri delle lettere greche. Fecili rispondare ch’io l’havevo prestate al Giunti, dal quale … pareria poco honesto di leverle a lui per prestarle ad un’altro’) as well as n. 6 below. ustc 822881, 823004, 858949, 858950. On the textual sources of Clement’s editio princeps, including manuscripts from the libraries of the Medici, Cervini and Cardinal Pio da Carpi, see Mouren, ‘La lecture assidue’, p. 458. BL, Add MS 10274, ff. 6r, 9r, 13r, 21r, 22r, 23r, 45r, 47r. See also Mouren, ‘La lecture assidue’, pp. 452–453 and Pettas 2013, pp. 53–54, 75. Cervini duly received from Vettori printing proofs and final copies of Plato, Phalereus and Aristotle (BL, Add MS 10274, ff. 23r, 33r, 37r, 39r, 43r), while he was kept up-to-date together with Maffei about the progress of Vettori’s commentary on Rhetoric (BL, Add MS 10275, f. 166r). In December 1545, Francesco Campana had tried in vain to obtain for Doni’s Florentine press ‘quella lettera greca di Roma con la quale fu stampato l’Eustathio’: ibid., f. 66r.

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

137

scholars preliminarily involved, Ioannes Vergekios and Giovanni Onorio, were closely affiliated to Cervini and had been working for him as copyists, the former turning out to be much less reliable than the latter; this, and the fact that Onorio was behind the second Greek type cut in Rome in the early 1540s, points towards Cervini as one of the masterminds of this unfulfilled project.9 The Florentine case allows us to establish that the vast majority of the cardinal’s publications were in fact either partially or wholly managed by proxy, with the exchange of letters containing thorough instructions, reports and even printing proofs as enclosed attachments (these are, as is usual, no longer included with the surviving epistles and probably were lost). In the Tuscan capital, Cervini could count on a deeply trusted friend such as Vettori, but could also appeal to Arnoldus Arlenius, former secretary and librarian to Hurtado de Mendoza as well as Torrentino’s learned partner in the bookselling business in Bologna and later in the ducal publishing house. Arlenius’ and Cervini’s ideas of harnessing printing for the dissemination of chiefly Christian authors were very similar, as far as we can infer from the dedication to Cardinal Accolti dated Bologna 1542 and written by Arlenius for his belated edition of Lycophron’s Alexandra (sig. βir).10 In Rome and Bologna, Cervini normally exploited his own staff, making good use, for instance, of Giambattista Cervini, Bernardino Maffei, Guglielmo Sirleto and Angelo Massarelli, while he relied on the papal 9

10

Pettas 2013, p. 68 as well as BL, Add. MS 10275, f. 207r (Cardinal Pio da Carpi to Vettori on 21 August 1551): ‘… Messer Giovan Vergetio greco, molto affetionato a Vostra Signoria, … desidera presentare all’Eccellenza del Signor Duca [Cosimo I] … un saggio d’una lettera greca che è stata stimata in Roma bellissima … molto elegante et tirata molto leggiadramente. Egli desidera avere introduttione per … offerirgliela’. Several references to Verge­ kios’s laziness and shortcomings can be found in Cervini-Sirleto correspondence (bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 47r, 81r-v, 87r, 105r, 183v-184r, 235r-v and Vat. lat. 6178, ff. 65r-71r, 77r-78r, 80r, 87r-88r, 132r, 138r). Upon Sirleto’s recommendation, Vergekios lived for six months in Cervini’s house, but he was kicked out in June 1546 and eventually dismissed two years later. Despite this friction, he occasionally crops up in Cervini-Vettori correspondence in the early 1550s (BL, Add MS 10274, ff. 7r, 24r, 31r; see also ibid., Add MS 10272, ff. 58r and 60r). It is worth recalling that Ioannes’s father, Angelos Vergekios, was a renowned copyist for Francis i, whose handwriting was used by Garamond to cut the celebrated grecs de roi. Onorio extensively copied and restored manuscripts in the Vatican Library from 1535 to 1563, particularly under the direction of first Steuco and then Cervini (cf. Agati, Giovanni Onorio) and for Cervini, often together with Sirleto (Cardinali, ‘Il Barberinianus gr. 532’). The passage, featuring a reference to the Aldine βιβλιοτάφοι (‘book buriers’), is partially transcribed in Mercati, ‘Un indice di codici greci’, p. 358, n. 3. Although Arlenius refused the invitation to Rome which Masius extended in 1551 apparently on Cervini’s behalf (ibid., p. 351), he did copy and collate for the Vatican library a Florentine codex of Cyril of Alexandria’s commentary on Isaiah in the summer of 1552. See bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 161v and Vat. lat. 6178, f. 10r, as well as Dorez, ‘Le registre’, p. 184, no. 148.

138

Chapter 6

nuncios as well as another member of his household, the French humanist Gentian Hervet, to direct operations in Venice. Meetings with printers probably took place in the very few cases when Cervini was physically in the right town at the right time, but there are no surviving records of such encounters. Cervini’s vast epistolary network enabled him to reach two major printing centres, Paris and, rather surprisingly, Basel. His political and cultural links with France have already been highlighted, though their impact on his editorial activity deserves a few additional remarks. First of all, they allowed Cervini to follow closely the publication of learned books supported by Francis i and Henri ii. Especially after the appointment of the humanist publisher Robert Estienne as the King’s printer for Latin and Hebrew (1539) as well as Greek books (post 1542), this royal patronage acquired the features of a centralised official enterprise. Despite the absence of anti-Protestant topics in the French enterprise, the resemblance with Cervini’s projects for a Greek and Latin papal press is clear.11 This offered another reason for Cervini to keep himself constantly up to date and obtain as soon as he could copies of these books, especially the beautiful Greek editions printed with Garamond’s types, as he did between 1544 and 1548 through the papal envoys, Ardinghelli, Dandini and Della Torre, and later through two local scholars.12 On 30 November 1548, from Poissy, Della Torre even provided him with the catalogues of Robert Estienne’ and Simon de Colines’ output as well as an account of the new books produced by other Parisian printing houses.13 Only a few months earlier, Cervini had been drafting a list of authors to be given to the second French envoy to the Tridentine Council for ‘printing them in France’, perhaps hoping to take part either in the royal enterprise or in Estienne’s private activity.14 A further hint of his fascination with this celebrated Parisian printer may come from a recommendation letter addressed by Cardinal Maffei to Vettori on 6 May 1553, concerning Robert Estienne’s son, Henri. This unpublished piece of evidence implies that the young French scholar had just been in Rome visiting Maffei; it seems improbable that, on this occasion, he did not meet Cervini himself, who

11 Armstrong, Robert Estienne, esp. pp. 117–161. 12 asf, Cervini, vol. 4, ff. 44r-45r; vol. 17, ff. 32r, 37r; vol. 43, f. 157r-v; vol. 45, ff. 52r, 96r; vol. 46, f. 119r. The books involved were the editions of Eusebius, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, the first Greek New Testament and Justin Martyr (ustc 149157, 149170, 153859, 149681, 150985). In 1549, Jean Conseil, Franciscan theologian at the Sorbonne, also promised Cervini to send him any new (Parisian) publication ‘worthy of him’ (asf, Cervini, vol. 44, f. 72r). 13 Ibid., vol. 17, ff. 47r, 57r-v. 14 Ibid., vol. 43, f. 34r.

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

139

was by then the main supporter of Greek letters in Rome as well as Vettori’ and Maffei’s long-term patron and friend.15 In France, Cervini had enthusiastic sources of information, alongside followers and imitators who dedicated their literary endeavours to him. Such is the case of two unpublished treatises penned in Rome in 1552 by Mathieu Ory, concerning iconoclasm and pentience, two pivotal issues in the Reformation controversy (nos. 111–112 of Appendix A). A Dominican theologian and key figure for the repression of heresy in France as the chief Inquisitor of the kingdom, Ory probably got in contact with Cervini through Cardinal François de Tournon or his confrère Ambrogio Catarino Politi, who had written a treatise on the same subject only two years earlier and was one of Cervini’s longstanding friends.16 The first royal almoner and chancellor of the Sorbonne Jean de Gagny also thanked Cervini warmly for inspiring him to circulate ancient and modern books in print. This was no rhetorical praise. Recent studies have shed new light on this passionate bibliophile, hunter of manuscripts and promoter of early Christian literature, and similarities between his project and Cervini’s Roman publishing houses are apparent. In 1547, he set up a press with his nephew, the printer Nicolas Le Riche, using a device with two interlacing anchors representing the Greek and Latin languages; under Gagny’s patronage, the press produced about 20 learned octavo publications using an Aldine-like Italic font which he had specially commissioned. His admiration for the Aldine press and its unsurpassed model of scholarship balanced with book aesthetics led him to become briefly involved with Le Riche in the commerce of Aldine books in the French Kingdom on behalf of Gian Francesco Torresani.17 Gagny 15

16

17

BL, Add MS 10275, f. 178r: ‘Venendo costà Messer Enrico figlio di Roberto Stefano, tipografo già del Re Cristianissimo, giovane dotto, et ben costumato, et degno della conoscenza et amicitia di Vostra Signoria, ho voluto accompagnarlo con questa mia, et raccomandarlo a Vostra Signoria, acciò che ella voglia vederlo volentieri, et fare che quanto egli è desideroso d’imparare, così possa partirsi di costì tanto più satisfato, et contento … Di che io ne la priego molto’. Remarkably, Maffei makes no mention of Robert’s recent flight to Geneva as a Calvinist convert, even though this cast several doubts on Henri’s personal beliefs at the time. Cervini was in Rome on 27 May 1553 (asf, Cervini, vol. 46, f. 130r). Incidentally, this letter also enables us to date the first meeting between Vettori and Estienne. Matthieu Ory, De cultu imaginum, in asv, Conc. Trid., vol. 7, ff. 279r-301v, with a rather generic dedication to Cervini at ff. 279r-281v. The cardinal’s name as dedicatee, written in red ink, is fading. See also ustc 850175, Part 3 and Caravale, Beyond the Inquisition, pp. 32–33, 40–41. I am grateful to Giacomo Cardinali for helping retrieve the previously unrecorded treatise De poenitentia in BAV, Vat. lat. 6170, ff. 193r-206v. André Jammes, ‘Un bibliophile à découvrir, Jean de Gagny’, Bulletin du bibliophile, 1996 (1), pp. 35–81, with previous literature and an intriguing analysis of the books bound for him. Cervini owned a copy of the most important and successful scholarly work pro-

140

Chapter 6

paid homage to Cervini in a dedication dated 1548 (no. 71 of Appendix B). On this occasion, he offered his services should Cervini wish to undertake new publications in Paris with Le Riche.18 Little, if anything, followed from this proposal, since Gagny died the following year. Finally, we find a late admirer in the Benedictine friar Joachim Périon (1499– 1559). A renowned translator of Aristotle and leading opponent of Petrus Ramus, in 1554 Périon dedicated to Cervini his Greek and Latin editions of seven discourses by Nectarius of Constantinople and Chrysostom (nos. 72–73 in Appendix B). In presenting the publication as a fulfilment of the commitment he had made with Cervini three years earlier, Périon also referred to a new enterprise to take place under the cardinal’s auspices concerning the edition of the orations of Basil the Great and Gregory of Nazianzus: this project was never carried out probably owing to Cervini’s death in May 1555.19 Basel posed several issues for a prince of the Church on account of its religious policy. Even if it continued to honour its tolerant tradition, the city had officially embraced the (Zwinglian) Reformation in 1529, while the princebishop had already been forced to move out to Porrentruy. Like Venice and Paris, it hosted one of the largest European book industries with little, if any, confessional boundaries; and yet an increasingly high number of Protestant books bore the name of the city on their title-pages, notably from the early 1540s onwards. Finally, since Johannes Amerbach’ and Erasmus’s times, Basel had emerged as a leading centre of patristic studies, but subsequent publications were frequently marked by anticlericalism and openly reformed messages and were edited by prominent reformers as often as not.20 If Pollidori is

18 19

20

duced by Gagny, i.e. his commentaries on the Apostolic Epistles and the Apocalypse of John: ­Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. B 138, corresponding to one of the six editions issued in Paris between 1543 and 1550 (ustc 140789, 149707, 116943–116944, 150423–150424). Gasparo Contarini, De elementis (Paris: Nicholas Le Riche, 1548), sig. Aiv: ‘… si tibi bonorum librorum exemplaria largiter suppetant quae typis nostris excudi commodum duxe­ ris, omnem tibi operam praestaturos nos recipimus ut quam emendatissimi exeant’. See Jean-François Maillard et al. (eds.), La France des Humanistes: héllenistes, i (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), pp. 349–479 with a full list of the authors he translated and published, including Basil, Pope Clement i, Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, Damascene, Justin Martyr, Maximus the Confessor and Origen as well as other works by Chrysostom. Ibid., pp. 411–412 for the dedication, appearing only in the Latin edition. Cervini owned a remarkable number of the works written, commented or translated by Périon: see Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, nos. B 18, B 134, D 120, D 143, D 152, D 185, D 208, D 276, D 292–293, D 373, F 49. As introduction to the vast subject, see: Alfred Berchtold, Bâle et l’Europe: une histoire culturelle (2 vols., Lausanne: Payot, 1990); Amy Nelson Burnett, ‘The Reformation in Basel’, in Amy Nelson Burnett and Emidio Campi (eds.), A Companion to the Swiss Reformation (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2016), pp. 170–215; and Peter G. Bietenholz, ‘Printing and the

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

141

correct in stating that Cervini was entrusted with a mission to Basel on his way back to Rome at the end of his legation to Flanders in 1540, the cardinal would have been well aware of the religious and publishing situation in the Swiss city.21 Nevertheless, the great appeal Basel could exert even on the Catholic clergy is shown by a letter from Nicolas Glerey, a Savoyard priest later involved in the Catholic college of Annecy.22 Glerey wrote from Freiburg im Breisgau on 1 May 1549 to inform Cervini about book matters, as he had been requested to do. He drew up a list of recent patristic and controversial Catholic books from the stock of three Basel printers and added a few other brand-new titles available in Freiburg straight from the Frankfurt fair. Before going on to plead that he might continue to enjoy the fruits of a benefice he had been granted, he also claimed that Basel printers were fond of Cervini and willing to publish in carefully prepared editions any book the cardinal wished to bring to light for the benefit of the scholarly world. Needless to say, Glerey offered himself as a middleman. Although we are ignorant of the identity of the printers Glerey had in mind, it is significant that at least two books published by Johannes Oporinus – the humanist publisher not quite regarded as a supporter of the Catholic cause – can be easily traced back to Cervini, as the cardinal appears as their dedicatee. However little interested in religious quarrels he may have been, Oporinus had already made a name for himself by publishing the Latin Koran revised by Theodor Bibliander and prefaced by Melanchthon and Luther in 1543 as well as the first edition – as we have recently learned – of Curione’s Pasquillus extaticus shortly before; moreover, the Reformed scholars Pietro Perna and Sebastian Castellio were amongst Oporinus’s first collaborators.23 Basle Reformation’, in The Reformation and the Book, pp. 235–263. The final point is ­developed in my article ‘La Chiesa davanti ai Padri: Erasmo, gli umanisti riformati e la patristica cattolica romana tra Rinascimento e Controriforma’, Rivista di storia e lettera­ tura religiosa, 64 (2018), pp. 389–419. 21 Pollidori, De vita Marcelli ii commentarius, pp. 34–35, describing, with perhaps undue emphasis, the attempts to promote the Catholic faith in Basel. If Cervini ever stopped in the city, this must have occurred after 17 September, when he penned his last report from Brussel, and 2 October, when he was in Lyon: Nuntiaturberichte, v, pp. 401 (letter no. 194) and 404, n. 3. 22 asf, Cervini, vol. 44, ff. 39r-40r. On this obscure cleric, see Serge Tomamichel, Le Collège d’Annecy au xvie siècle: une école de la Réforme catholique? (Paris: Don Bosco, 1999), pp. 61, 135. The Humanist Library of Sélestat holds two of his books (K 179a; K 179b). 23 See Martin Steinmann, Johannes Oporinus: ein Basler Buchdrucker um die Mitte des 16 Jahr­ hunderts (Basel and Stuttgart: Helbing & Lichtenhahn, 1967); Celio Secondo Curione, ‘Pasquillus extaticus’ e ‘Pasquino in estasi’: edizione storico-critica commentata, ed. by Giovanna Cordibella and Stefano Prandi (Florence: Olschki, 2018); and Hans R. Guggisberg, Sebastian Castellio, 1515–1563: Humanist and Defender of Religious Toleration in a Confes­ sional Age (Abingdon: Routledge, 2017; originally published in German in 1997), passim.

142

Chapter 6

Both the editions dedicated to Cervini were Aristotelian texts (nos. 69–70 in Appendix B): one was edited the year before Glerey’s letter by Gentian Hervet, to whom I shall shortly return; the other, with commentary by Périon, was to appear in 1553. Neither of them was amongst Cervini’s primary concerns and their strictly philosophical content was probably deemed appropriate for a publication in a Reformed stronghold such as Basel. If ever Cervini and Oporinus made direct contact with one another, this would most probably have taken place thanks either to Torrentino or, even more plausibly, Arle­nius. The latter corresponded with Oporinus and provided him and other Swiss scholars such as Vadian, Grynaeus and Gessner with manuscripts and printed books in the late 1530s and throughout the 1540s. Arlenius published his edition of Lycophron with Oporinus in 1546 and even resided in Basel for a while, following his break with Hurtado de Mendoza about 1548.24 Between 1546 and 1549, Venice and Bologna were chosen for another interesting group of books connected to the first period of the Council of Trent. As one of the leaders of the council, Cervini was well aware of the importance of disseminating its results. Of the three representatives of the pope, he was the one who handled this delicate task, since Pole quit his office in 1546 when the decree on justification was being approved, while Del Monte, though the ­president of the council, increasingly came under Cervini’s influence. Using the Venetian and Bolognese publishing houses run by Andrea Arrivabene, Gabriele­Giolito and Anselmo Giaccarelli, Cervini was responsible for the publication of the decree on justification along with an anonymous Italian translation of the text, Catarino Politi’s pamphlet in defence of the relocation of the assembly from Trent to Bologna, and, most importantly, the complete collection of the council’s deliberations up to 1548 (nos. 47, 49, 65–67 in Appendix B). Archival evidence shows that he also planned to publish the behind-the-scenes discussions of the decrees as they were being formulated, the so-called acta.25 24

25

Arlenius’s stay in Basel and his earlier relations with Oporinus are ultimately proven by Beat Rudolf Jenny, ‘Arlenius in Basel’, Basler Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Altertumskunde, 64 (1964), pp. 5–45. E.g., the manuscripts he passed on to Oporinus: Carlos Gilly, Die Manuskripte in der Bibliothek des Johannes Oporinus: verzeichnis der Manuskripte und Druckvorlagen aus dem Nachlass Oporins anhand des von Theodor Zwinger und Basilius Amerbach erstellten Inventariums (Basel: Schwabe and Co., 2001), nos. 117.3, 124.1, 175. See also Mercati, ‘Un indice di codici greci’, pp. 364–365 for the Greek commentaries on Plato retrieved by Arlenius in Italian libraries and sent to another prominent printer in Basel, Henric Petri. On Arlenius’s connections with Italian unorthodox circles, cf. Dall’Olio, Eret­ ici e inquisitori, pp. 76–77, 126–128 and Enrico Garavelli, ‘Arnoldo Arlenio, Lodovico Domenichi e la prima edizione degli Hieroglyphica di Pierio Valeriano’, La Bibliofilía, 109 (2007), pp. 169–189. CT, v, pp. xxvi–xxvii.

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

143

Cervini’s plans for the diffusion of the conciliar deliberations through printing were, however, always subservient to the interests of the papacy: he kept control of all dissemination and ensured that it was as centralised as possible. This is apparent in the instructions which he gave to the council’s secretary, Angelo Massarelli, and the nuncio to Venice, Giovanni Della Casa, telling them to evaluate any publications of conciliar material in relation to papal and imperial politics, to check every stage of the printing, including proof-sheets, to push for a ban on unofficial publications and to monitor the distribution of official editions.26 Similar measures were adopted in relation to two other important works resulting from the Council and backed by the cardinal legates, i.e. the explicatory treatises compiled by the Franciscan professor Andrés de Vega and the Dominican theologian Domingo de Soto in 1547–1548 on a pivotal and controversial issue such as justification (nos. 51 and 55 in Appendix B). Vega sought Cervini’s help in persuading Della Casa to publish his Expositio. The plea was successful and the nuncio Della Casa, who was in charge of censorship along with the inquisitor Marino ‘Zotto’ and the Venetian Savi, granted his i­ mprimatur, as is emphasised on the title-page of the work.27 Yet Cervini’s contribution was equally crucial in other respects. Not only did he read, correct and approve drafts and possibly printed proofs, but, in providing Vega with a licence to read heretical books, he also paved the way for the possibility of presenting the last part of the work as a confutation of Calvin’s recently published Antidotum

26

27

bav, Vat. lat. 14830, ff. 12r-13r, 16r, 63r, 64bisr, 68r, 119r, 123v, 131v, 217r and asf, Cervini, vol. 23, ff. 77r, 80r-83r, 85r-v, 89r-169r (partially transcribed in CT, v, pp. xiii–xvi with Cervini’s answers in asv, Conc. Trid., vol. 139). Massarelli, for example, reassured Cervini about the tight control exerted over the small print run of the Bolognese edition of the Tridentine decrees (asf, Cervini, vol. 23., f. 105r): ‘Il numero, che se ne stampa, è 150, né si daran fuora senza commissione di Vostra Signoria Reverendissima, et lo stampatore [i.e., Anselmo Giaccarelli] (se non mi inganna, et credo, che non m’ingannerà) non n’haverà veruno’. Del Monte, who had been one of Politi’s pupils in law, shared the same prudent attitude concerning the timing and distribution of his former teacher’s pamphlet (CT, xi, p. 519). The cost of printing, charged to the Apostolic Chamber, was 50 scudi, while the Translatio sacri Concilii ex Tridento ad civitatem Bononiae (no. 66 in Appendix B) was printed separately and also funded by the Apostolic Chamber: Generoso Calenzio, ‘Delle rarità e preziosità tipografiche del Tridentino’, in his Documenti inediti e nuovi lavori sul Concilio di Trento (Rome: Sinimberghi, 1874), pp. 437–574, at pp. 441, 445. Cf. Vega’s letter, ostensibly written in March 1548, in asf, Cervini, vol. 42, f. 72r-v. Like Vega’s shorter pamphlet on justification published in 1546 (ustc 862193), the Expositio bears Della Casa’s imprimatur and is dedicated to Cardinal Pedro Pacheco, leader of the Spaniards to the Council. On the different bodies which supervised over the Venetian book market, see Grendler, The Roman Inquisition (esp. pp. 25–62).

144

Chapter 6

against the Tridentine assembly.28 The description of Cervini as the indefatigable force behind the decree on salvation in the proem to the Expositio could hardly have been more appropriate. When he eventually received a final copy of the edition in January 1549, Cervini could rejoice because Vega’s work had forever fixed the text and memory of the decree against any heretical adulteration, as he had always wished.29 De Soto, sponsored by Cardinal Del Monte, was less cautious and presented Cervini with a copy of his De natura et gratia after the official publication in June 1547. The cardinal rebuked him for having included in the final pages a late draft of the decree instead of the official version: such a mistake must be  emended. In traditional style, Soto blamed the over-hasty printers (the Venetian Giunta, in this case) and sent instructions to correct the part of the print run not yet in distribution.30 These instructions were followed in the print shop: leaf 256 was reset and replaced in several copies. By comparing the two variants, we learn that the main problem lay in one single, albeit crucial word in the first canon, defining Adam as creatus in God’s holiness and justice instead of the more appropriate constitutus. Lest he expose the Catholic Church and the Council to Protestant criticism, Soto opted to present the mistake as a mere typographical inaccuracy and himself as the diligent corrector. In the newly-composed half-title, which now bore the date of the decree, he 28 29

30

ustc 450008. Andrés de Vega, Tridentini decreti de iustificatione expositio, et defensio … Habes etiam Christiane lector duobus posterioribus libris responsionem ad impiam antidotum Calvini in acta Synodi Tridentinae (Venice: ad signum Spei, 1548), f. 5r. asf, Cervini, vol. 32, ff. 47r-48r and vol. 42, f. 72r-v. One of the two heretical versions of the decree ‘printed in Germany’ and mentioned by Ottaviano Raverta to Cervini in the early 1547 (ibid., vol. 42, f. 61r) may well have been Calvin’s Antidotum, which comprises the acts of the first seven Tridentine sessions interpolated with harsh comments; the following year, Olaus Magnus alerted Cervini to the dangers of this pestiferous publication: Buschbell (ed.), Briefe von Johannes und Olaus Magnus, p. 46. See also asf, Cervini, vol. 34, f. 111r for Politi’s judgement on Vega’s Expositio and Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. D124 for Cervini’s copy of Vega’s work. Cf. ibid., no. D 419 for the generic entry ‘Concilium tridentinum 1547. Plura exemplaria’, which may hide Calvin’s Antidotum along with other contemporary unauthorised editions of the conciliar acts. asf, Cervini, vol. 32, ff. 51r-54r and vol. 42, ff. 106r-106bisr. In his Domingo de Soto: estudio biográfico documentado (Salamanca: Apartado 17, 1960), pp. 166–170, Vicente Beltrán de Heredia connects this episode to the ensuing quarrel between Politi and Soto, whilst supplying inaccurate archival references. Del Monte’s recommendations to Della Casa concerning Soto’s works to be printed are to be found in bav, Vat. lat. 14830, ff. 243r, 245r, 291v. Cervini’s copy appears in his library inventories: Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. B 130. On the controversy between Politi and Soto, see Caravale, Beyond the Inquisition, pp. 160–170. Politi also addressed his Interpretatio decreti de iustificatione to Del Monte and Cervini (no. 48 in Appendix B).

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

145

informed the reader that the text had been reprinted, relying this time on an authentic exemplar, especially in order to rectify the ‘misprint’ which had inexplicably slipped in during the printing process.31 This brazen attempt to blame textual shortcomings on the printers was not new to Cervini. As we learn from the private correspondence with Maffei during the legation to Trent, he endorsed a similar solution for the issue of textual inconsistency and mistakes in Jerome’s translation of the Vulgate, the most common Latin version of the Bible. In early April 1546, the bishops in Trent eventually reached an agreement on the canonical books and abuses of the Scriptures and approved the two decrees of the fourth session. The opening lines of the second decree firmly insisted that the Vulgate was the sole authentic Bible to use for the instruction of Catholics – independent reading and interpreting being widely discouraged as pretentious attitudes – and that ‘no one is to dare, or presume to reject it under any pretext whatsoever; this veto thus included philological arguments, which could tend to undermine its authority.32 Maffei and Cardinal Farnese voiced the doubts of the Roman Curia at such a bold and unscholarly statement, given that the Vulgate text was known to be corrupted. By contrast, Cervini pointed out to Maffei (twice, with ­increasing passion) that admitting textual mistakes in the Vulgate in an official decree was ultimately counterproductive for the Church in its present situation. At most, the Tridentine fathers regarded faults as attributable to printers, though there was no need to mention this in the decree. Explaining why editions differed from one another, Cervini even invoked a zoological analogy for a philological-bibliographical concept: the Vulgate was the species – one which needed to be safeguarded, we can add – while printed copies of the text were as

31

32

I collated the two copies of the bncr (68.10.D.2 and 68.13.B.30.1), also available online. The half-title of the cancel reads: ‘Primum decretum de peccato originali quintae sessionis habitae die xvii Iulii mdxlvi Concilii Tridentini. Iterum impressum ad verum exem­plar, opera et diligentia fratris Dominici Soto, precipue ob insigne mendum quod erat in primo canone. Ubi se inscio, impressum fuerat creatus, pro constitutus’. On roles and costs of correctors, see Anthony Grafton, The Culture of Correction in Renaissance Europe (London: British Library, 2011). The passage is taken from J. Waterworth’s translation: The canons and decrees of the sacred and oecumenical Council of Trent (London: Dolman, 1848); for the original text of the decree, cf. Conciliorum oecumenicorum generaliumque decreta: editio critica, iii: The Oecu­ menical Councils of the Roman Catholic Church from Trent to Vatican ii (1545–1965), ed. by Klaus Ganzer, Giuseppe Alberigo and Alberto Melloni (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010), pp. 16– 17. On the long-lasting consequences of excluding vernacular Bibles and limiting the direct access to the Scriptures, see Fragnito, La Bibbia al rogo and her Proibito capire.

146

Chapter 6

variable as the individual members of that species.33 It ought to be noted, however, that the third paragraphs of the decree did lay the responsibility for textual deficiencies on the printers, denouncing their arrogant carelessness, hastiness and, implicitly, greed. On the one hand, the decree laments the typographical errors as well as the anonymity or false imprints found in recently published Bibles; on the other, it calls for an effective implementation of the decision taken at the fifth Lateran Council concerning the various measures of censorship which could be exerted by local bishops. All in all, Cervini’s account of these events was accurate. A first draft, presented to the general assembly on 17 March, did refer, among the abuses of Scripture, to the errors marring the textual tradition of the Vulgate and to the need for a papally authorised revision based, rather quixotically, on a single reliable manuscript witness of the Greek and Hebrew versions. Yet the large majority of prelates rejected this on 3 April. Robert Wauchope – the erudite archbishop of Armagh and, like Cervini, an early supporter of the Jesuits – made the straightforward suggestion that the blame was put on the printers: ‘since the Vulgate does not contain any substantial errors, avoid any mention of faults [in the decree]. It could be stated that faults are the responsibility of printers, but we should report this only in the conciliar acts’.34

33

34

asf, Cervini, vol. 19, f. 31r (also transcribed in CT, x, p. 446): ‘che la nostra aeditione vulgata fusse scorretta non è stato accettato se non forse de incorrettione de librari [scilicet printers, rather than booksellers], de le quali non occorreva far mentione nel decreto’. asf, Cervini, vol. 19, ff. 32r-33r (also transcribed in CT, x, p. 468): ‘… invero, il voler publicare in un decreto che la nostra Bibbia fusse scorretta, cioè quella de la chiesa Romana … saria stato troppo errore per noi, maximamente a questi tempi, che la detta chiesa è pur troppo calumniata et oppressa … Non dico qui come l’editione per iudicio di molti non si poteva ragionevolmente chiamare incorretta, per trovarsi questo libro o quello incorretto, essendo ella come una spetie, et li libri come individui. Né diro anco come non si crede per molti che in essa si trovi altra incorrettione che de librari, ancora che paria hoggi a nostri ingegni più delicati che alcune cose si potessero interpretare con più chiarezza o con più elegantia’. CT, v, p. 60, ll. 20–22: ‘non fiat mentio de mendis, quod vulgata non habet aliquas incorrectiones substantiales. Declararentur igitur esse ab impressoribus, sed ponatur in actis concili’. Discussions and votes can be followed in detail in CT, v, pp. 10–82, including the records of the smaller congregations supervised by Cervini at pp. 10–11, 21–27, 36–38, 76– 82. Del Monte openly embraced Cervini’s prudent stance (‘neque fatendum, quod nostri codices sint mendosi, propter adversaries etc., cum si quae mendosae sint, parvi momenti et evenerint incuria impressorum’), while Pole, from a genuinely ecumenical perspective, was sceptical about the idea of approving the Vulgate without mentioning the original Greek and Hebrew versions, ‘quia debemus pro omnibus ecclesiis providere’ (ibid., p. 59, ll. 32–38; p. 65, ll. 3–6, 29–34).

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

147

Even so, the apparent conflict between Cervini’s views as expressed in the Tridentine decree and his humanistic appetite for collated and edited texts is all too apparent to be ignored. How did these two attitudes co-exist? Here, his extraordinary political agility and broader ecclesiastical vision come into play. With Del Monte’s help, Cervini led the assembly to adopt his default approach towards the Church’s most delicate and unresolved issues, involving centralisation and discretion. The Vulgate should and can be corrected, yet secretly and through the initiative of the pope. In the attempt to tackle the problem in the most discreet way possible (‘tacitamente’), he suggested to Maffei that either the pope or the Council took charge of issuing a revised version of the Latin Bible and the Greek Bible (the Septuagint) in the near future.35 Although his initial predictions on how long the process would take were completely wrong, it is nevertheless the case that he did take immediate action, compensating for the usual procrastination of the Curia. In the two years after 1546, he laid the foundation for the troubled philological undertaking which would only be completed as late as 1592 with the publication of the Sixto-Clementine Bible.36 First, Cervini tried to win over the Franciscan scholar Richard du Mans (Cenomanus), a staunch defender of the Vulgate and of Scholastic theology at the conciliar meetings who had shown his knowledge of Greek and Hebrew in collating the Psalms in 1541.37 Cenomanus was given Cervini’s own copy of the most challenging work to overcome, Erasmus’s Annotationes, which borrowed 35

36

37

asf, Cervini, vol. 19, ff. 32v-33r (also transcribed in CT, x, p. 468): ‘… col partito qual s’è preso, si viene a fare il medesimo effetto senza periculo alcuno, perché né più, né meno, si rimette a Nostro Signore la correttione della Bibbia, così latina, come greca et hebrea, et chi havesse humore in tal’impresa, non harà causa di scorucciarsi con noi per questo. Staremo adonque aspettando che voi ci mandiate presto una bella Bibbia corretta et emendata per potere stamparla et se di qua li studii et le fatighe di molti valent’ homini che ci sono potranno aiuntare ponto, sarete aiutati volontieri. Et così quelli che pigliasseno hora ammiratione, come fate voi, d’essere stata authenticata la edition commune, senza mentione di farla correggere, vedendola poi corretta n’haranno perpetuo obligo a Sua Santità et il Concilio non harà data la sententia contra alla scrittura dela nostra chiesa; anzi, per contrario l’harà authenticata et approvata’. See also CT, x, pp. 446–447. See Godman, The Saint as Censor, pp. 139–147, with earlier bibliography, including, most notably, Hildebrand Höpfl, Kardinal Wilhelm Sirlets Annotationen zum Neuen Testament: eine Verteidigung der Vulgata gegen Valla und Erasmus (Freiburg i. B.: Herdersche Verlags­ handlung, 1908) and Victor Baroni, La Contre-Réforme devant la Bible: la question biblique (Lausanne: Editions la Concorde, 1943). See the concise account in James K. Farge, Biographical Register of Paris Doctors of Theol­ ogy, 1500–1536 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1980), pp. 147–149. Cenomanus’s collations were appended to his edition of Peter Lombard’s Glossa in Psal­ mos (ustc 140218). His only other published work was an Antidotum against Erasmus’s edition of Augustine, also issued in 1541 as part of Augustine’s omnia printed in Lyon (ustc 125017).

148

Chapter 6

from Lorenzo Valla’s highly critical remarks on the Vulgate and underpinned Erasmus’s epochal revision of the Latin New Testament. Nevertheless, a few months before leaving Bologna in September 1548, all Cenomanus was able to give the cardinal were preliminary observations on the difference between the Latin and Greek New Testaments, with reference to Matthew in particular.38 A more suitable and reliable candidate was at hand in Rome, indeed part of Cervini’s household: Gugliemo Sirleto. On 17 April 1546, Sirleto reiterated to Cervini his plan to form a scholarly team which would work on the revision of the Latin, Greek and Hebrew Bible. He also reported on the discontent emerging in Rome over the recent decree on the Vulgate and mildly expressed his own scholarly concerns on this pronouncement.39 Cervini transformed Sirleto’s proposal into what became on Sirleto’s part a solitary, life-long and ultimately unfulfilled commitment to emend Jerome’s New Testament. After all, Sirleto, a formidable homo trilinguis, possessed a nearly unrivalled knowledge of patristic literature – necessary for comparing the Church Fathers’ quotations from different versions of the Bible – and had already investigated along with Basilio Zanchi the most authoritative manuscript of the Septuagint, the Vatican codex B (i.e. bav, Vat. gr. 1209). In addition, he firmly believed in the superiority of the Vulgate, even though he came from the Greek-speaking area of Calabria.40 Over the years, Cervini provided him with enthusiastic support, a papal salary and some remarkable working tools, such as various versions of the Sacred Text, including Henri Estienne’s Greek New Testament as well as the Bible and other biblical treatises annotated or written by Giovanni Pico and retrieved from the outstanding library belonging to the late cardinals Dome­ nico and Marino Grimani. Cervini also helped Sirleto in illuminating the most challenging passages and began writing his own paraphrase of Paul’s letter to the Romans shortly before his papal election. Even if it remained almost completely unpublished, Sirleto’s massive body of perceptive annotations, mostly

38

39 40

asf, Cervini, vol. 23, ff. 95r, 97r, 98r, 99r, 103r, 111r and asv, Conc. Trid., vol. 139, f. 35r. Erasmus’s Annotationes do not appear in Cervini’s holdings published in Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, though they were successfully retrieved by Massarelli on 3 October­1548. Cenomanus’s letter to Cervini with his observations is in asf, Cervini, vol. 29, ff. 228r-230r, published in Josse Le Plat, Monumentorum ad historiam concilii tridentini potissimum illustrandam spectantium amplissima collectio (7 vols.; Leuven: Typographia academica, 1781–1787), iv, pp. 104–110. In September 1549, Cenomanus sent Cervini his best wishes from Paris via his confrère Jean Conseil (asf, Cervini, vol. 44, f. 72r). bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 47r fully transcribed in CT, x, p. 939. Giacomo Cardinali, ‘Le vicende vaticane del codice B della Bibbia dalle carte di Giovanni Mercati. ii: i prestiti e le cessioni esterne’, Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 22 (2016), pp. 117–236, at pp. 190–196. For his serious doubts on the dogmatic reliability of Codex B, see Latini, Epistolae, ii, pp. 80, 84–85.

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

149

directed against Valla and Erasmus, facilitated the works of the late sixteenthcentury papal committees set up to prepare the official edition of the Vulgate.41 A strong interest in the Hebrew tradition can be detected in another scholarly investigation sponsored by Cervini. In 1550, the cardinal commissioned from Niccolò Majorano an assessment of the authorship, dating and reliability of an ‘Aegydiani Targum’. Although today the codex containing Majorano’s study has not yet been identified, its record in Sirleto’s library catalogue shows beyond a reasonable doubt that the work Majorano investigated was nothing less than the famous Targum Neophyti (now bav, Neofiti 1), a copy made for Egidio of Viterbo in 1504 and the only extant manuscript witness of the expanded Aramaic version of the Hebrew Pentateuch.42 Given the task he had been assigned, Majorano must have worked directly on this precious manuscript, which was probably delivered into his hands by Girolamo Seripando, who was Egidio’s successor as General of the Augustinians and keeper of the large portion of Egidio’s books which had been deposited in the Neapolitan monastery of San Giovanni a Carbonara.43 As bibliophile, scholar and cardinal 41

42

43

The most significant references to the Annotationes in Cervini-Sirleto correspondence are analysed in Paschini, ‘Guglielmo Sirleto’, pp. 195–212 and Hopfl, Kardinal Sirlets Annota­ tionen. See, however, bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 369r-v (Sirleto to Cervini on 27 September 1553: ‘Ho incominciato a scrivere sopra il primo capitolo de gl’atti de l’apostoli et v’è molto da dire sì circa li sensi, come le parole … Vostra Signoria Reverendissima m’aiuterà … et, quando sarà qui, anco in consigliarme et advertirme come in l’altre ha fatto, quante volte è accaduto raggionare di luoghi difficili’). On Cervini’s paraphrase, see Appendix B, no. 120. On the place taken by Sirleto’s works in the early negative reception of Erasmus in the Italian peninsula, see Silvana Seidel Menchi, Erasmo in Italia (1520–1580) (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 1987), esp. pp. 228–239. On Pico-Grimani Hebrew and Aramaic books, see Mercati, Codici Pio Grimani, pp. 1–38 (with Cervini’ and Sirleto’s exchanges, to be integrated with Maffei’s letter in CT, x, p. 729) and Giuliano Tamani, ‘La Bibliothèque hébraique du Cardinal Domenico Grimani’, in Georges Vajda (ed.), Etudes hébraïques: actes du xxixe Congrès international des orientalistes, Paris, juillet 1973 (Paris: l’Asiathèque, 1975), pp. 10–45. The four volumes of Pico’s annotated Bible were retraced by Mercati as bav, Ott. lat. 332, 338, 760 and 1763, along with Pico’s Job (bav, Ott. lat. 607); see Piacentini, ‘Marcello Cervini e la Vaticana’, p. 129, fig. 17 for a sample reproduction. On Estienne’s New Testament (ustc 150710), sent to be bound ‘alla greca’ by Maestro Luigi: bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 388r-390r; Vat. lat. 6178, f. 21r. Paschini, ‘Un ellenista’, p. 229 and Pollidori, De vita Marcelli ii commentarius, pp. 81–84, who quoted two letters from Majorano to Cervini which have apparently been lost. The passages in Latini, Epistolae, ii, pp. 111, 113, 116 apparently refers to a Latin Targum belonging to Egidio and, subsequently, to Zanchi and Borromeo. On MS Neofiti 1, see Benjamin Richler (ed.), Hebrew Manuscripts in the Vatican Library: Catalogue (Vatican City: Biblio­ teca Apostolica Vaticana, 2008), pp. 528–529. On the dispersal of Egidio’s library, see Emma Abate, ‘Filologia e Qabbalah: la collezione ebraica di Egidio da Viterbo alla Biblioteca Angelica di Roma’, Archivio italiano per la sto­ ria della pietà, 26 (2014), pp. 409–446 and Margherita Palumbo, ‘I codici postillati di E ­ gidio

150

Chapter 6

protector of the Augustinian order, Cervini displayed an interest in Egidio’s scholarly legacy, perhaps recollecting the favour he had obtained from the famous Hebraist as a newcomer to Rome in the mid-1520s. Most notably, he rescued the original manuscript of the Historia xx saeculorum from the stall of a second-hand bookseller in Campo dei Fiori; through Sirleto and Cervini’s nephew, Erennio, this book was lent to Seripando in 1562, ending up in the Carbonara monastery with most of Seripando’s library.44 By contrast, it is unclear how to deal with Majorano’s proposal to publish his annotations on the Septuagint. This all stemmed from his study of ‘a very old Vatican codex’, ostensibly the Codex B (Vat. gr. 1209). Was this editorial plan backed up or blocked by Cervini? The indirect evidence provided by Latini and Masius is ambiguous: Masius promised to ask for Cervini’s approval in February 1554 but Majorano was told in April to be ready to carry out the printing with or without the cardinal’s financial support.45 Like Sirleto, Cervini was ­persuaded that the Greek Bible contains interpolations inserted by Arians and other early sects to make it conform to their heretical thinking, as he ­elucidated

da Viterbo, dal Sant’Uffizio alla Casanatense’, in Myriam Chiabò, Rocco Ronzani and Angelo Maria Vitale (eds.), Egidio da Viterbo cardinale agostiniano tra Roma e l’Europa del Rinascimento: atti del convegno (Viterbo, 22–23 settembre 2012 Roma, 26–28 settembre 2012) (Rome: Centro Culturale Agostiniano and Roma nel Rinascimento, 2014), pp. 299–322. 44 The codex is now bnn, MS lat. ix. B 14. See Francis X. Martin, ‘The Writings of Giles of Viterbo’, Augustiniana, 29 (1979), pp. 141–193, at p. 170 for a concise description of contents, including Seripando’s note recording Cervini’s fortunate acquisition. On the Egidio-­ Cervini acquaintanceship, see asf, Cervini, vol. 49, passim between ff. 72r and 150r. On Seripando’s borrowing of the manuscript, which was not returned due to his death in Trent in 1563, see the letters in bav, Vat. lat. 6180 (ff. 91r, 92r, 96v) and 6416 (f. 69r) transcribed in Poggiani, Epistolae, i, pp. 120–122, as well as Sirleto’s answers in bav, Vat. lat. 6179, ff. 16v, 18r, 22r, 23r, 28r. Finally, on the Carbonara library, founded by Seripando in 1552, see the recent account by Anna Delle Foglie, ‘La ‘Brava Libraria’ di San Giovanni a Carbonara e il Vat. Lat. 11310’, in Rosa Marisa Borraccini (ed.), Dalla notitia librorum degli inventari agli esemplari: saggi di indagine su libri e biblioteche dai codici Vaticani latini 11266–11326 (Macerata: eum, 2009), pp. 327–345. 45 Lossen, Briefe von Andreas Masius, p. 153 (‘Mihi spem, cum isthic essem, Majoranus (fecer­ at) evulgandarum observationum, quas ex graeco utriusque Testamenti codite vetustissimo Vaticano annotarat’) and Latini, Epistolae, ii, p. 12. Other occurrences in this correspondence are discussed in Paschini, ‘Un ellenista’, pp. 230–232. For a broader perspective, cf. Cardinali, ‘Le vicende vaticane’ and Scott Mandelbrote, ‘When Manuscripts Meet: ­Editing the Bible in Greek during and after the Council of Trent’, in Ann Blair and AnjaSilvia Goeing (eds.), For the Sake of Learning: Essays in Honor of Anthony Grafton (2 vols., Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2016), i, pp. 251–267. Majorano’s annotations are yet to be found.

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

151

in his letters to Maffei.46 For this reason, he may not have been pleased by the idea of publishing unsystematic notes on the text. It is significant, however, that this plan was still in the air in the four years following Cervini’s death. It soon emerged that the major hindrances to the endeavour were Majorano’s inability to honour his commitment and the intervening drastic changes in the Catholic hierarchy. To Latini’ and Masius’ regret, everything had been abandoned by November 1559. Even if Majorano had recently participated in the papal attempts to reform the Church and was not on the blacklist of the Roman Inquisition, unlike some of his colleagues, he maintained that publishing his learned discussion on the variants in the Biblical textual tradition was too risky in the climate of suspicion created by the late Paul iv, the rigorist pope Gian Pietro Carafa. A few months later, Majorano was sent to his diocese in Molfetta (Puglia) by order of the new pontiff, Pius iv. This marked the end of his scholarly activity, which was so dependent on the treasures held in the papal library.47 Perhaps Majorano’s fears were well founded, since interest in his annotations rapidly declined. As a little-known letter from Latini to Masius written on 3 December 1560 reveals, Sirleto denied Masius’s­ request to consult the work. He claimed that it must not be disseminated: the many spurious biblical passages it contained could be polemically used by ‘the present-day Arians, Macedonians and other heretics’, that is, the Protestant scholars.48 After the closure of the Council, Venetian presses continued to be exploited by Cervini, notably for a considerable number of Latin translations of Greek texts. Most of them were the work of a single author, the French humanist Gentian Hervet (1499–1584). Formerly a teacher to the Pole family, Hervet transferred from the household of his former pupil, Cardinal Pole, to that of 46

asf, Cervini, vol. 19, f. 31r (also in CT, x, pp. 446–447): ‘difficilmente si puo sperare che il testo greco concordi de verbo ad verbum con il latino. Il qual testo greco, perch’è stato più corrutto dalli Arriani et altri Heretici che il nostro latino, però s’è accettato per authentico il nostro senza far altra mentione di quello’. asf, Cervini, vol. 19, f. 33r: ‘… volendo questi tali [i.e., the more sophisticated minds] sempre adattare la lettione latina alla greca et al’hebrea, li testi delle quali due lingue, son ben spesso più scorretti che li latini; anzi, quanto più sono li exemplari antichi et fideli, tanto più si trovano conformi alla nostra latina vulgata’. 47 Ceresa, ‘Majorano, Niccolò’, p. 663, while Paschini, ‘Un ellenista’, pp. 231–232 downplayed the relevance of this passage in Latini, Epistolae, ii, p. 64: ‘Maioranus non adest, variarumque lectionum publicandarum cogitationem omnem iam prorsus abiecit; non enim se sine periculo tantam rem aggredi posse, Paulo vivente, prudentissime vidit’. The emphasis is mine. 48 Latini, Epistolae, ii, p. 80. This suggests that Majorano’s notes were held in Cervini’s own library.

152

Chapter 6

Cervini in 1545, during the first conciliar meetings, and remained a faithful ­collaborator over the following ten years.49 Hervet and Cervini shared a passion for classical philosophy. Not only did Cervini put together an enviable collection of philosophical books, but, in his early days as cardinal, he had studied Aristotle with Antonio Bernardi from Mirandola, with whom he was still in touch in late 1547 and 1551; he had also planned to write a commentary on the Rhetoric and made Maffei transcribe the Poetics.50 His blueprint for his Greek and Latin presses, including philosophical texts, and his ties with such commentators on Aristotle as Vettori and Périon have been elucidated. A year before their encounter, Hervet had published his translations of Alexander of Aphrodisias’s De fato and Aristotle’s De anima with Philoponus’s related commentary in Lyon, the latter with a dedicatory letter to Cardinal Pole.51 Nevertheless, he was to make a name for himself in the history of philosophy as the translator of the central text of Pyrrhonian scepticism, Sextus Empiricus’s Adversus Mathematicos. It is tempting to connect this lifetime enterprise with his search for unpublished Greek works in Mendoza’s library, conducted on Cervini’s behalf in 1545–1546 and resulting in the Latin edition of the Dialo­ gus Ammonius by Zacharias Scholasticus (no. 46 in Appendix B) and the making of several manuscript copies for the cardinal’s library, including Photius’s Myriobiblon. Mendoza owned one of the very few examples of Sextus’s works, later lost in the 1671 fire at El Escorial. Yet Hervet may also have had access to 49

50

51

Maillard et al. (eds.), La France des humanistes, pp. 185–276 provides a concise biography of him as well as the transcription of his dedications to Cervini, Pole and his later French patrons (Jean de Morvillier, Jean de Hangest and Cardinal Charles of Guise), who had all had links with Cervini. See also Catherine Magnien, ‘Hervet (Gentian) (1499–1585)’, in Colette Nativel (ed.), Centuriae latinae: ii: Cent une figures humanistes de la Renaissance aux Lumières à la mémoire de Marie-Madeleine de la Garanderie (Geneva: Droz, 2006), pp. 371–379 and L.D. [Bressan], ‘Gentian Hervet difensore dei Greci al Concilio di Trento’, Unitas, 34 (1979), pp. 169–176. bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 287r; Vat. lat. 6178, f. 143r; asf, Cervini, vol. 20, ff. 7v, 10v, 29r; BL, Add. MS 10274, f. 18r. See also Mouren, ‘La lecture assidue’, pp. 439–441 and Marco Forlivesi (ed.), Antonio Bernardi della Mirandola (1502–1565), un aristotelico umanista alla corte dei Farnese: atti del convegno ‘Antonio Bernardi nel v centenario della nascita’ (Mirandola, 30 novembre 2002) (Florence: Olschki, 2009). A literary portrait of Cervini as a cardinal-­ philosopher is canvassed by Paolo Manuzio in 1541, in an edition of Cicero: see Appendix B, no. 43. For another Greek philosophical text addressed to him, see ibid., no. 124. Cervini was also the dedicatee of Sebastiano Erizzo’s treatise on logic Trattato dell’istrumento et via inventrice de gli antichi, which was edited by Girolamo Ruscelli and published in Venice in 1554 (ustc 828355). Since the contents of Ruscelli’s dedication to the cardinal are too generic to be taken as evidence of sponsorship or inspiration, this book has not been included in Appendix B. Ruscelli and Cervini had probably met in Rome through the Virtuosi/Nuova Poesia. ustc 149138 and 149255.

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

153

Cervini’s own copy (bav, Ott. gr. 21), which was produced in Venice in 1541 with the help of Eparchos and Romolo Cervini, and was based on the codex once in San Zanipolo and now in the Marciana library, Gr. iv, 26 (=1442). Finally, it is noteworthy that another humanist related to Mendoza and Cervini, the Spanish Juan Páez de Castro, started working on a Latin translation of Sextus Empiricus’s Outlines in 1549 in Rome.52 Undoubtedly, in serving Cervini, Hervet refined his expertise on the Church Fathers and rapidly became the cardinal’s main Latin translator, often working side by side with Sirleto, who usually took care of the textual accuracy of the Greek originals and kept Cervini informed about the progress of the endeavours. In 1548, Hervet was sent to Venice to supervise the publications of some his own Latin transpositions. That Cervini was behind such a plan is shown not only by a passage in his correspondence with Sirleto and Della Casa and Hervet’s grateful dedications which preface these editions, but also the exceptionally wide-ranging ten-year papal privilege which must have been due to his advocacy of Hervet on the occasion.53 The French humanist took full advantage of this Venetian stay; he searched the local libraries for Cervini and printed nearly all the translations he had planned to publish: the commentary on 52

53

See the primary evidence published in Dorez ‘Antoine Eparque’ and his ‘Un élève’ and reported in Cardinali, ‘Legature ‘alla Cervini’?’, pp. 60–61, 65–67, 74–75. More broadly, one can consult Luciano Floridi, Sextus Empiricus: The Transmission and Recovery of Pyrrhon­ ism (Oxford: oup, 2002) as well as Gianni Paganini and José R.M. Neto (eds.), Renaissance Scepticisms (Dordrecht: Springer, 2006) and Arantxa Domingo Malvadi, Bibliofilia hu­ manista en tiempos de Felipe ii: la biblioteca de Juan Páez de Castro (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca; Area de Publicaciones de la Universidad de León, 2011). On Cervini’s copy of the Myriobiblon, now bav, Ott. gr. 21: Luciano Canfora, Il Fozio ritrovato: Juan de Mariana e André Schott (Bari: Dedalo, 2001), pp. 15–35, 397–401 and ‘Legature ‘alla Cervini’?’. asv, Arm. xli, vol. 41, f. 108r (dated 5 February 1548): ‘… dilectus filius Gentianus Hervetus Aurelius … ipse librum Theodoreti Cyrensis episcopi cui nomen est Eranistes cum altero eius operi de ereticis fabulis et decretis orthodoxis, et divi Chrysostomi divique Basilii sa­crifici ordinationem, cum Nicolai Cabasilar in idem sacrificium interpretatione, et ­Maxi­mi monachi Mystogogiam hoc est ad sacra mysteria introductione, et Alexandrii Aphrodisei Questiones naturales, propediem in lucem edere statuerit ad publicum christia­nae veritatis et philosophiae amatorum utilitatem …’ bav, Vat. lat. 6178, f. 137r (Cervini to Sirleto on 28 February 1548): ‘Messer Gentiano è andato a Venetia per far stampare alcune opere da lui tradotte di greco in latino …’ bav, Vat. lat. 14830, f. 111r (Cervini to Della Casa on 19 March 1548): ‘Messer Gentiano Herveto mio familiare essendo venuto a Venetia per stampare alcuni libri tradotti da lui, gli ho commesso che, mentre vi si fermerà, cerchi coteste librarie et m’avvisi se c’è libro alcuno bono et raro, perché, potendosi, io lo faria trascrivere. Hora mi fa intendere che in la libraria di Santo Marco c’è uno o dui libri degni d’esser trascritti. Et perché non si possono haver così facilmente, prego Vostra ­Signora Reverendissma che le piaccia operare con chi bisognerà che sieno prestati per l’effetto suddetto, pregandone etiam in mio nome coloro a chi ella ne parlarà’.

154

Chapter 6

the liturgy of Nicholas Cabasilas along with Maximus the Confessor’s Mystagogia; Theodoret’s Eranistes, and Chrysostom’s homilies on the Psalms, published in 1548–1549 by Ad signum spei both as an autonomous book and as ff. 146r-279r of the fifth volume of Chrysostom’s collected Latin works.54 This opera omnia was simply a quarto reprint of the folio edition issued in Basel by Froben and Herwagen in 1547, though the Venetian publisher carefully turned into anonymous contributors the many Protestant scholars featuring as translators, beginning with Oecolampadius.55 Erasmus was spared this prudent operation of preliminary censorship, even if Italian Catholic hierarchies were looking more and more unfavourably at his output, including his patristic undertakings. Characteristically, Cervini’s opinion of the Dutch humanist was not overtly negative and never led him to voice open condemnation, but it became increasingly hostile, especially in Biblical matters, from the mid-1540s onwards; Hervet’s stance is unknown, although he had been one of Erasmus’s admirers and imitators while serving the Pole family, with his English translation of De immensa misericordia Dei (1526), his orations De pilis et barba radenda (1535) and his Quaedam opuscula published by Etienne Dolet in 1541.56 Even so, it is highly implausible that either he or Cervini was aware that their ­Chrysostomian first Latin edition was to figure as one of the very few Catholic contributions to a five-volume unorthodox publication. Similarly, Hervet made an unhappy 54 Respectively, ustc 817337, 858945, 836445 and 836442. On the first publication see Edoardo Barbieri, ‘La tipografia dei fratelli Brucioli, l’attività editoriale di Antonio e il Cabasilas di Gentien Hervet’, in Elise Boillet (ed.), Antonio Brucioli: humanisme et évangelisme entre Réforme et Contre Réforme: actes du colloque de Tours, 20–21 mai 2005 (Paris: Champion, 2008), pp. 53–76. Cervini gave a Greek manuscript of Cabasilas to the Vatican Library in January 1549 (Dorez, ‘Le registre’, p. 169, nos. 10–11), while retaining his own copy of De sacrificio missae (i.e. bav, Ott. gr. 339); according to Lucà, ‘La silloge’, p. 331, Hervet used for the Mystagogia the actual bav, Ott. gr. 260, which may well correspond to Cervini’s copy recorded in Devreesse, ‘Les manuscripts grecs’, p. 262, no. 48, as unidentified. On Chrysostom: Giovanni Mercati, Alla ricerca dei nomi degli ‘altri’ traduttori nelle omilie sui salmi di S. Giovanni Crisostomo e variazioni su alcune catene del Salterio (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1952), esp. pp. 16–19; the excellent Ph.D. dissertation by Sam Joseph Kennerley, The Reception of John Chrysostom and the Study of Ancient Christianity in Early Modern Europe, c.1440–1600 (Cambridge: University of Cambridge, 2017), esp. Chap. 6; and Jean-Louis Quantin, ‘Du Chrysostome latin au Chrysostome grec: une histoire européen­ ne (1588–1613)’, in Martin Wallraff und Rudolf Brändle (eds.), Chrysostomosbilder in 1600 Jahren: Facetten der Wirkungsgeschichte eines Kirchenvaters (Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 2008), pp. 267–346. Hervet’s translation of Aphrodisias’s Quaestiones naturales, mentioned in the papal privilege, was published by Oporinus in 1548, as discussed above. 55 ustc 679610. 56 Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 448–458; Sachet, ‘La Chiesa davanti ai padri’, pp. 409–418; and, more broadly, Seidel Menchi, Erasmo in Italia. Hervet’s abovementioned publications ­correspond to ustc 515195, 185569, 140276.

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

155

choice in entrusting his Cabasilas and Maximus the Confessor to the Brucioli brothers in the same year in which their press was about to be shut down for publishing and selling heretical texts. Over the 1550s, Hervet’s skills as translator were put to good use for the Latin versions of Clement of Alexandria’s opera omnia and Theodoret’s commentary on Paul, both issued by Torrentino in Florence. For this edition of Theodoret, he employed a Greek manuscript which had been copied and bound for ­Cervini in Venice in 1546 (now bav, Ott. gr. 17), probably under Hervet’s own supervision.57 His transposition of Theodorus Balsamon’s Scholia to Photius’s Nomocanon – a milestone of Byzantine civil and canon law as well as conciliar history – was also commissioned by Cervini, as Hervet’s autograph codex (now bav, Ott. lat. 238) was in the cardinal’s library, along with an original Greek codex (now bav, Ott. gr. 249). Hervet brought this work to light as late as 1561 with the Greek royal printer Guillaume Morel in Paris, adding a concise dedication to Jean du Tillet, bishop of Saint-Brieuc and likely owner of another manuscript of the original work.58 Not all Cervini’s Venetian publications of early Christian literature were handled by Hervet. Another skilled patristic translator employed by the cardinal was the cleric Pier Francesco Zini, a protégé of Giberti introduced to Cervini by Luigi Lippomano in 1550. For instance, Zini was entrusted with the Latin translation of Damascene’s treatise against iconoclasts, which was published in Venice by Paolo Manuzio in 1554.59 The same year Cervini obtained for him a long-awaited benefice close to Verona, while Zini’s translation of Gregory of Nyssa’s De virginitate requested by Cervini and Sirleto never saw the light of the day and his plan to work on Chrysostom was not brought to completion. Paratextual evidence, however, enables us to attribute to Cervini a crucial role 57

58 59

Cardinali, ‘Legature ‘alla Cervini’?’, pp. 44–45. Hervet revised his translation of Clement when he was an eighty-year-old canon in Rheims. The new edition came out posthumously in 1590 (ustc 170960) with a preface written by his nephew, who reported Hervet’s complaints against Torrentino’s haste at the time of the princeps. ustc 153051. Mercati, Codici Pio Grimani, p. 14, n. 1 and Devreesse, ‘Les manuscripts grecs’, p. 259, no. 8. Sirleto had envisaged a Latin translation of the Greek Fathers’ letters gathered by Balsamon in his Scholia as early as July 1546: bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 239r-240v. ustc 836458. On Zini’s prolific activity, see Luciano Bossina and Enrico V. Maltese, ‘Dal ’500 al Migne: prime ricerche su Pier Francesco Zini (1520–1580)’, in Mariarosa Cortesi (ed.), i Padri sotto il torchio: le edizioni dell’antichità cristiana nei secoli xv–xvi: atti del convegno di studi, Firenze, Certosa del Galluzzo, 25–26 giugno 1999, (Florence: SISMEL-Certosa del Galluzzo, 2002), pp. 265–273 and Chapter 6 of Luciano Bossina, Teodoreto restituito: ricerche sulla catena dei Tre Padri e la sua tradizione (Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso, 2008). Lippomano’s recommendation is in asf, Cervini, vol. 22, f. 44r.

156

Chapter 6

in the Latin edition of Zigabenus’s Orthodoxae fidei dogmatica panoplia, published by Zini in 1555.60 Giberti’s legacy can be traced in other projects which met with Cervini’s unconditional support, even though they were completed after 1555. The first comprises the extensive hagiographical Latin collection put together ‘in opposition to all modern heresies’ by a pioneer of the field, the new bishop of Verona, Luigi Lippomano (no. 26/A-C in Appendix B). While the first five tomes of the Sanctorum priscorum patrum vitae were printed in Venice by Ad signum spei, volumes vi–viii, which Cervini had been told about in late 1553, were issued in Rome between 1558 and 1560 by Ippolito Salviani and Antonio Blado. Despite his substantial help, Cervini’s name is not mentioned in the numerous dedications and addresses to readers; nor does Lippomano dwell much in the paratext on the pivotal contributions to vols. iv–vii from Hervet, Sirleto and Zini.61 Lippomano also edited a Catena in Psalmos drawing on a large variety of ecclesiastical authors; although it was published posthumously by his nephew, the Catena was started in late 1553 under Cervini’s aegis (no. 42 in Appendix B).62 60

61

62

bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 378r-v, 380r-381r and Vat. lat. 6178, ff. 50r, 54r, 140r. On Zini’s benefice, see also Moroni (ed.), Corrispondenza, p. 133. A Latin translation of Nyssenus’s De virgi­ nitate was published in Rome in 1562, possibly relying on the one made by Zini: cf. ­Appendix B, no. 39. In dedicating his Zigabenus to Lippomano, Zini thanked Cervini for providing a Greek manuscript of the Vatican Library for his translation and described the cardinal as remarkably generous towards all scholars: Euthymius Zigabenus, Orthodoxae fidei dogmatica panoplia (2 vols., Venice: Girolamo Scoto, 1555), sig. *ivr. The correspondence between Lippomano and Cervini in asf, Cervini, vol. 22 – partially transcribed in CT, x and Buschbell, Reformation and Inquisition – is rich in references to the progress of this endeavour, which anticipated Laurentius Surius’s biographies. See in particular the letter announcing the inception of the project in 1550 at f. 39r (‘Ad aviso di Vostra Signoria Reverendissima ho messe all’ordine et fatti già iiii libri de vitis sanctorum, et sono numero 163 con alcuni scolii contra tutte le moderne heresie. Et preparo anchora un’altro libro di esse vite, li quali spero non spiaceranno a Vostra Signoria Reverndissima per essere tutte scritte da probati et buoni auttori’) and that of 20 December 1553 at f. 70v for what was to be later gathered in vols. vi–viii. On Sirleto’ and Hervet’s search for manuscripts, transcriptions and translations for Lippomano, see Paschini, ‘Guglielmo Sirleto’, pp. 235–244, and Lucà, ‘Guglielmo Sirleto e la Vaticana’, pp. 154–156, 158, both relying on bav, Vat. lat. 6177–6178, as well as Gianmario Cattaneo, ‘Un appunto sul manoscritto Vaticanus Ottobonianus gr. 92 (Menologio di febbraio): Cervini, Sirleto e la traduzione latina di Gentien Hervet’, Byzantion, 88 (2018), pp. 91–101. On Zini’s role, see Bossina and Maltese, ‘Prime ricerche’, pp. 231–236. More broadly on medieval and early modern hagiographical collections: Sofia Boesch Gajano (ed.), Raccolte di vite di santi dal xiii al xviii secolo: strutture, messaggi, fruizioni (Fasano: Schena, 1990), esp. pp. 111–130 on Lippomano. asf, Cervini, vol. 22, ff. 70v, 72v. It is worth noting that Lippomano had previously issued a catena on the Genesis and on the Exodus in Paris (ustc 149526 and 150428). Cervini owned a copy of the former (Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. B12).

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

157

A third belated enterprise concerns another former member of Giberti’s entourage, Galeazzo Florimonte, bishop of Aquino and later Sessa Aurunca. An accomplished man of letters and philosopher, Florimonte decided to weave together a collection of the sermons of the Church Fathers in his own vernacular translation (no. 50/A-B in Appendix B). As discussed with Cervini and Pole in Trent, it was thought that such an edition would benefit priests, friars and patres familias. Following Cervini’s constant encouragements and advice during the long writing process, a first volume appeared in 1553, printed by Gabrie­ le Giolito.63 The second volume, also edited by Florimonte, was issued in Venice as late as 1564. Yet in a letter sent to Cervini on 17 August 1550, Florimonte wrote that this second part was in the cardinal’s hands and was ready to be copied by one of Cervini’s scribes before being submitted to the printer. The reason for the lapse of almost 14 years before the book saw the light of the day may lie in what Cervini confessed to Maffei shortly after he received Florimonte’s letter: he wished to use this vernacular anthology in carrying out his pastoral duties in Gubbio. It therefore seems likely that Cervini retained the manuscript and used it in his bishopric, meaning Florimonte might have been obliged to prepare a new clean copy and probably as a result continued to enlarge and revise the material.64 As the correspondence between Sirleto and Cervini makes clear, the Italian translation of three orations of Nazianzenus and Cyprian by Annibal Caro was intended to serve a similar purpose to that of Florimonte’s collection: ‘everyone would be able to read and hear’ the two discourses on charity, ‘learning what is suitable for a [good] Christian’, while that on episcopal responsibilities was to inspire the higher clergy. According to Sirleto, the latter worked on the bishop of Pola, Antonio Elio (who, in fact barely set foot in his diocese). This editorial project, too, was completed long after Cervini’s death and published in 1569 by Caro’s nephew together with Paolo and Aldo Manuzio the Younger in Venice (no. 45 in Appendix B). Nevertheless, the vernacular translation of Cyprian’s sermon on alms dated back to the summer of 1552 and a first version of it was initially carried out by a certain ‘messer Dionisio’, who had recently worked as a copyist for Ottavio Pantagato. Sirleto apparently contributed to the endeavour, lending his copy of Cyprian’s opera omnia printed in Basel in 1540 with his numerous corrections to the text, which had been originally 63 64

The explanatory dedication to Cervini is at sigs. *iir-v. See also asf, Cervini, vol. 42, ff. 109r, 110r, 114r, 127r; vol. 43, f. 122r-v; vol. 44, 12v, 20r, 33r; vol. 45, f. 17r. For Florimonte’s education and career, see Franco Pignatti, ‘Florimonte, Galeazzo’, in dbi, xlviii, 1997, pp. 354–356. asf, Cervini, vol. 45, f. 17r as well as vol. 19, ff. 133r (‘…io rivorria … quelle sue Homilie … per valermene nella mia Chiesa et Diocesi d’Agobbio’), 134r, 136r and vol. 20, f. 247v.

158

Chapter 6

established by Erasmus.65 Likewise, Nazianzenus’s oration on the ideal bishop had largely been completed by mid-August 1553, when Caro asked for Sirleto’s help to finish the task and honour his promise to Cervini.66 Before leaving Venice for Rome, we should look at on one final scholarly undertaking, as it shows how Cervini and his team carefully pondered the pros and cons of circulating some works by the Fathers which were the subject of debate and how they were ready to turn down an appealing proposition. While acting on Cervini’s behalf and transcribing Greek works for the Vatican Library in Venice, the Hellenist Francisco Torres came up with the idea of printing the Apostolic Constitutions traditionally attributed to Clement, one of the first bishops of Rome and an important Apostolic Father. Sirleto, who was the first to hear about Torres’ proposal, argued against it in a letter and it is clear that Cervini agreed with him ex silentio. The core of the issue was the controversial authorship and dating of the text (which bears traces of Arianism). It was no coincidence that both the sixth ecumenical council and Pope Gelasius had labelled it as interpolated and apocryphal. As it went under the name of a prominent early pope, the contents should be repeatedly checked by an expert prior to dissemination. Even so, Sirleto maintained that publishing the Apostolic Constitutions in the midst of the religious struggle would be excessively dangerous and would be seen as expressing the Church’s approval of a non-­ canonical book. In other words, the results may be counter-productive to the cause of the papacy.67 65 66

67

ustc 640567. bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 159r-v: ‘Laudo molto il parere di Vostra Signoria Rerendissima in far tradurre simili trattati di dottori santi antichi de simili materie, accioché ogn’uno le possia[sic] leggere et intendere et imparare quel che si appartiene ad un christiano … questo trattato di San Cipriano è bellissimo, et quello del Nazianzeno peri philoptochias me par che sia meravigliosa, perché … move mirabilmente et mostra che l’homo è obbligato a farla [i.e., charity] non solo quanto è christiano, ma etiam quant’homo’. See also ibid., ff. 159r, 368r, 372v, 404r and Vat. lat. 6178, ff. 5r, 41r as well as Stanislao Tamburri (ed.), Annibal Caro: Le Lettere familiari e le traduzioni patristiche (Civitanova Marche: Comune di Civitanova, 1997) and Giacomo Cardinali, ‘Un acquisto “poco giuditioso” del cardinale Antonio Carafa: il Gregorio Nazianzeno commentato da Elia di Creta Vat. gr. 1219’, Νέα Ῥώμη, 10 (2013), pp. 303–318, who points out that Caro owned a valuable manuscript containing six orations by Gregory of Nazianzus (now bav, Vat. gr. 1218). bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 406r-v: ‘[Torres] me domandava il mio parere sopra il far stampare quelli otto libri di constitutioni, quali sono sotto il nome di Clemente. Io gli rispose ­liberamente quanto me pare; dico che innanci che se stampassero, siano letti e riletti da persona bene intelligente, che quanto più il libro par che sia sotto il nome d’un papa tanto grande quanto fu Clemente, tanto è più de essere accorto in mandare simile libro fuore. Gl’ho anche scritto quel che li stesso Clemente dice de le constitutioni quali lui ha scritte, cioè che non son d’essere divulgate a tutti per le cose mysteriose che in quelle se

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

159

For a while, such an argument was effective. In time, however, Torres did publish the Greek princeps with his commentary in defence of Clement’s authorship, taking advantage of Ziletti’s press in Venice in 1563.68 There some irony in the fact that in the Latin edition of the Apostolic Constitution, issued in Antwerp with Plantin in 1578, Torres appended the 80 pseudo-Nicene canons translated from two Arabic manuscripts, one of which had been in Cervini’s­ library and had probably been lent to him by the man responsible for looking after Cervini’s book legacy, Sirleto himself. By then the most illustrious and powerful of the erudite cardinals in Rome, Sirleto was also the edition’s dedicatee.69 2

Back to the Urbe

Despite this remarkable activity in different Italian and European centres, Cervini’s­ editiones principes of Greek pagan and ecclesiastical authors were preferably published in Rome whenever the precarious conditions of the local market permitted, that is to say only six times between 1545 and 1555 (nos. 15– 16, 19, 25, 28–29 in Appendix B). Cervini was often forced to rely again on Blado, whose team had by then apparently acquired sufficient linguistic and technical skills to work alone, even if it was mostly absorbed by setting and correcting the last three volumes of the challenging Eustathius edition. The only proper Greek printer available in town, employed twice by Cervini in those years, was none other than Nicolini, who had managed in the meantime to join the papal

68

69

c­ ontengono. Hor … che diremo di queste adulterate, come in la sexta synodo se testifica, et apocryphe, secondo che papa Gelasio determina? Et che non accadeva auttenticare quelli libri, che la chesa per il passato non ha havuto in numero di libri canonici. Il Torres, con tutto che havea scritto che era per partire per andare a far stampare questi otto libri, mi ha scritto che gli piace il mio parere et che se penserà bene sopra ciò’. In spite of their negative response to this project, Sirleto and Cervini were supporting the publication of one of Torres’ treatises in Florence: see Appendix B, no. 87. ustc 804256. The copy given to the printer, including Torres’ instruction, is now bav, Vat. gr. 839, as pointed out by Giovanni Mercati, ‘Note on the manuscripts of the Apostolic Constitutions used in the editio princeps’, in his Opere minori, iii, pp. 338–339 (originally published in 1914). ustc 406400. Mercati, Note per la storia di alcune biblioteche romane, p. 18, n. 2 and the new evidence discussed by Santo Lucà, ‘Guglielmo Sirleto e Francisco Torres’, in Clausi and Lucà (eds.), Il ‘sapientissimo calabro’, pp. 533–602, at pp. 542–544 and 572–573, including an undated letter to Sirleto written by Torres in 1570s which probably triggered Sirleto’s change of mind about the convenience of publishing the Apostolic Constitutions.

160

Chapter 6

household as a private printer (perhaps with Cervini’s support) and work independently, as we shall see in the next chapter. Very soon, however, neither Blado nor Nicolini was able to keep up with Cervini’s pace. In Rome, the cardinal’s editorial initiatives became particularly hectic, to the extent that only a handful of them was successfully carried out before his death. On the one hand, his deepening involvement in the Vatican Library up to his appointment as head librarian in 1548 accelerated the discovery of ancient texts which were considered worthy of being disseminated. On the other, the active engagement of such scholars as Sirleto, Majorano and Cardinal Niccolò Ardinghelli did not only allow Cervini to follow the progress of his projects from abroad, but also led these three men of letters to propose new works for publication, to the point that it is difficult to establish Cervini’s responsibility for some of their common undertakings. The cardinal’s correspondence and other manuscript sources, however, can often be of help in attribution, as opposed to paratexts, in which Cervini was not eager to be mentioned. For instance, Majorano edited in 1545 the first edition of Theodoret’s De providentia. In his dedication to Cardinal Ridolfi, he recounted that he had retrieved an ancient and occasionally barely readable manuscript while reorganising books in the Vatican Library for the benefit of its users.70 At first, he was in doubt whether to risk publishing such a faulty text, but was warmly encouraged to do so by many friends, who had read and approved of this instructive work. We can reasonably suppose that Sirleto was among Majorano’s advisors in this matter, together, it would seem, with the Greeks in Ridolfi’s household. Cervini’s contribution to printing becomes even more likely if we take two elements into consideration. On the one hand, in the mid-1540s Sirleto and Cervini grew increasingly interested in Theodoret as a crucial and largely unknown author whose works deserved to be studied and disseminated in print; on the other, Massarelli reported in his diary on 27 June 1545 that Cervini expressed to Majorano his gratitude for the publication of De providentia (‘il Theodoreto finito’), of which he had probably received a copy in Trent, and 70

This ought to be the actual bav, Vat. gr. 622, a thirteenth-century manuscript which had apparently been in the papal library since Sixtus iv: Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae codices Vaticani Graeci, iii, pp. 30–31. The proof for the attribution is the poor condition of f. 59, containing the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh sermons. These portions of text were supplied by Majorano, as he states in Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Περὶ προνοίας λόγοι δέκα (Rome: [Antonio Blado], 1545), p. 4: ‘In extrema pagella sexti, et prima septimi, scissa erat charta, desiderabanturque pauca, quae sic ex ingenuo supplevimus’. Then follows Majorano’s integrations for the lacunae, corresponding to pp. 132 and 134 of this edition.

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

161

his encouragement for the continuation of the Eustathius edition, which had been entrusted to Majorano a few months earlier, as we have seen.71 Similarly, in 1553 Majorano took the whole credit for the first edition of Damascene’s dialogues in favour of icons and symbols in Christian worship (no. 29 in Appendix B), though he acknowledged Sirleto’s role in finding and supplying the Greek manuscript he had edited. In this case, Cervini’s imprima­ tur can easily be inferred from his arrangements for the Latin edition of the work, which was immediately entrusted to Zini, as mentioned above. The account book of the Vatican Library when it was under Cervini’s direction provides more solid evidence: a Greek manuscript copied by Emmanuel Provataris was paid for on 20 November 1552, while 6 scudi and 4 giuli were returned to Majorano in April 1553 for the expenses connected to this very edition, which is said to be ‘printed … for the Apostolic Library’. Finally, it is remarkable that Majorano himself decided to present a copy of the edition to Cervini’s nephew, Ricciardo, who was one of Sirleto’s pupils.72 Another second-ranking player in Cervini’s Roman undertakings was the Hellenist Camillo Peruschi. Bishop of Alatri from 1547, Peruschi was the longserving rector of the Roman University, the Studium Urbis, following the resignation of his uncle, Francesco, in his favour about 1530. Camillo Peruschi was lax in the performance of his duties in this post which he delegated to different deputies; Cervini was to deal with this situation when he joined the ­committee 71 Theodoret, Περὶ προνοίας λόγοι, pp. 5–6. On 13 March 1544, the papal nuncio to Venice, Fabio­Mignanelli, informed Cervini that ‘il Theodoretto’ had been sent to Benedetto Giunta­in Rome, without specifying contents and features of the book (asf, Cervini, vol. 16, f. 4bisr). Cervini had two manuscripts of Theodoret’s works copied and bound in Venice in this period (now bav, Ott. gr. 16–17): Cardinali, Legature ‘alla Cervini’?’, pp. 44–48, dates them to 1545–1546, when Cervini was already in Trent. Further references to the transcription of other works by Theodoret for Cervini in the second half of 1545 can be found in Piacentini, ‘Marcello Cervini: la Biblioteca Vaticana’, pp. 121–122 and CT, i, p. 210, n. 2. For the entry in Massarelli’s first diary, cf ibid., p. 210, ll. 20–21 and Paschini’s convincing interpretation in his ‘Un cardinale editore’, p. 199. 72 John Damascene, Λόγοι τρεῖς ἀπολογητικοί (Rome: Stefano Nicolini, 1553), sig. avr-v. Dorez, ‘Le registre’, p. 179, no. 102 and p. 182, no. 125, incorrectly reporting the amount of money given to Majorano (cf. the original bav, Vat. lat. 3965, f. 46v). On Provataris, who worked for both Cervini and the Vatican Library in the early 1550s, see Paul Canart, ‘Les manuscrits copiés par Emmanuel Provataris (1546–1570 environ): essai d’étude codicologique’, in Mélanges Eugéne Tisserant, vi (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1964), pp. 173–287, as well as bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 407r (‘bisogna farle carezze [to Provataris], perché in Roma non vi è altro che scriva greco’). Ricciardo Cervini’s copy is in BCas, B.vii.62 (cf. the ex-dono inscription to front endpaper, dated Rome, 13 April 1553). On Ricciardo’s education, see asf, Cervini, vol. 52, f. 44r and Paschini, ‘Gugliemo Sirleto’, passim.

162

Chapter 6

of cardinals formed by Julius iii in 1552 to relaunch the University as a mostly anti-Protestant institution.73 In the previous decade, however, ­Peruschi was responsible for editing two editiones principes: Aelian’s Varia historia and Theodoret’s­ Eranistes (nos. 15 and 19 in Appendix B). That Cervini played a part in the first publication is highly probable. With the help of Majorano, who had been teaching Greek in the Studium for more than a decade, Peruschi employed a codex from the Vatican Library (now bnf, Suppl. gr. 352). The loan was allowed only because the text was to be printed as an official publication of the library. Behind such a plan, it is not difficult to see Cervini, rather than Agostino Steuco, the highly criticised librarian of the day. Moreover, Peruschi’s dedication to the pope praises for their patronage of Greek letters the cardinals Farnese and Santa Fiora, the papal grandsons who had been taught by Cervini.74 A kindred combination of paratextual evidence and indirect sources allow us to trace Cervini’s role in the editio princeps of Pseudo-Apollodorus’s Bibliotheca, which appeared in Rome shortly after his death, under the auspices of other cardinals (no. 25 in Appendix B). By contrast, we are certain that Peruschi’s Greek edition of the Eranistes had been thoroughly planned by Cervini since mid-1545. This is by far the most documented of all the enterprises the cardinal undertook after 1544 and enables us to see the extent to which he was capable of gathering a team of scholars and making them work synergistically, each covering a specific position. The preparation of a clean collated copy, assigned to Ioannes Vergekios and supervised by Sirleto, began in late 1545. A few months later, a new manuscript witness of the work (bav, Vat. gr. 624) was retrieved in the Vatican Library and 73

74

Filippo Maria Renazzi, Storia dell’Università degli studi di Roma detta comunemente La Sapienza, ii (Rome: Pagliarini, 1804), pp. 92, 137, 155–157; José M. Floristán Imízcoz, ‘Epístola literaria de Camillo Peruschi Isidoro, rector del Estudio de Roma, al patriarca ecuménico Metrófanes iii (1569)’, Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici, 40 (2004), pp. 171–207; and Salvatore Costanza, ‘L’epistola di dedica di Camillo Peruschi a Paolo iii ed altri componimenti nell’editio princeps di Eliano, Varia historia (1545)’, Studi Classici e Orientali, 49 (2003), pp. 327–345. Both Floristán and Costanza misinterpret Pius iv’s brief issued in 1563 in favour of Peruschi (asv, Arm. lii, vol. 1, f. 310r). This did not mark Peruschi’s first appointment as rector, but his restatement in the office after he had temporarily lost the papal favour. Several documents, partly edited by Renazzi, confirm he had held this position under Paul iii, Julius iii and Paul iv. On the University and the cardinal committee, see Sachet, ‘A Humanist Printer’, at pp. 222–223. On Majorano’s Greek lecturship, see Emanuele Conte (ed.), i maestri della Sapienza di Roma dal 1514 al 1787: i rotuli e altre fonti (2 vols., Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo, 1991) ii, ad indicem as Nicolaus Maioranus. His successor, Giovan Battista Gabia, also collaborated with Cervini by copying a manuscript for the Vatican Library (ibid., ii, ad indicem as Iohannes Baptista Gabbia­, and Dorez, ‘Le registre’, p. 179, nos. 93–94). Petitmengin, ‘I manoscritti latini’, p. 46 and Costanza, ‘L’epistola di dedica’.

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

163

borrowed by Majorano and Giambattista Cervini following some friction with Steuco. On 13 July 1546, Cervini decided that the Eranistes had to be published in its entirety; even if Sirleto had pointed out to him that in this catalogue of heresies Thedoret touched only tangentially on notions typical of sixteenthcentury heterodoxies and was not ‘a medicine for the present-day evil’, Cervini justified his choice on the ground that ‘every day an [old] heresy is renewed and vacillating souls can be greatly pacified when they see the [right] understanding of the Church and the ancient doctors’. The printing operations were entrusted to Nicolini, looked after mainly by Ardinghelli and Majorano and completed in late January 1547.75 The final errata containing misprints and incorrect readings were supplied by Sirleto after a codex from Salviati’s library reached the print shop at the very last minute.76 Notwithstanding the attention paid to the whole editorial process, the freshly printed text presented the editors with an issue, which opens another window onto Cervini’s mindset. Cervini and Sirleto realised that a few passages conveyed ambiguous information on the original sin and the Eucharist, since Theodoret was close to Nestorianism in this respect. Nearly the whole print run was held in the print shop and an additional gathering of four leaves with a guide to the correct interpretation of these passages was included at the beginning of the book.77 This solution, encouraged by Ardinghelli, was later adopted by Cervini for his editions of Cabasilas (1548), while a theological alert to the sentences ‘ambigious and dangerous for the [true] religion’ should also have appeared in the princeps of Clement (1550).78 75

76 77 78

Ioannes Vergekios is often mistaken for another Greek scribe named Petros, who was also related to Angelos: e.g., Piacentini, ‘Marcello Cervini e la Vaticana’, p. 122 and Lucà, ‘La silloge’, pp. 345–346. This results from identifying Cervini’s copy of the Eranistes as bav, Ott. gr. 39, which was signed by Petros in a colophon dated 1535. The problem is still open to investigation, though there is no doubt that Cervini, Sirleto and Vettori always referred to Vergekios as ‘Giovanni’ (see n. 9 in this chapter). On the Vat. gr. 624, see Bibliothecae Apos­ tolicae Vaticanae codices Vaticani Graeci, iii, pp. 32–33 as well as bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 104r, 155v and asf, Cervini, vol. 42, f. 8r. bav, Vat. lat. 6178, f. 94r (Cervini to Sirleto in response to bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 239r-240v): ‘Et quanto a Theodoreto, per mio iudicio saria bene che si stam[passe], nonostante che le heresie, quali egli principalmente perseg[uit]a non veglino hoggi, per che, come sapete, ogni giorno se ne rinuova qualch’una et il vedere il senso de la Chiesa et de Dottori antichi aqquieta molto gl’animi titubanti. Et però a me pareria che, dovendosi stampare, si stampasse tutto’. Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Διάλογοι τρεῖς κατά τινων Αἱρέσεων (Rome: Stefano Nicolini, 1547), sigs. [χ]ir-v. Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Διάλογοι, ff. Air-Aivr. Nicholas Cabasilas, De divino altaris sacrificio: Maximi [Confessoris], de mystagogia … divi Chrysostomi et divi Basilii sacrificii, seu missae ritus, ex sacerdotali Graeco (Venice: ­Alessandro Brucioli and brothers, 1548), sigs. Aiiiv-Aviiiv and ff. 101r-103r. The alert to the

164

Chapter 6

In the case of Eranistes, this novelty sparked a lively debate within the community of Roman Hellenists, with different points of view expressed on how to deal with those statements by the Church Fathers which were inconsistent with the newly-established Tridentine orthodoxy. A vivid account by Sirleto informs us that he met with Peruschi, Steuco and Zanchi in mid-February 1547 to discuss how to correct the Eranistes, especially the passage on the transubstantiation in the Eucharist. Sirleto and Zanchi proposed to intervene in the passage, regarding the salvation of souls as more important than the textual tradition, while Steuco and Peruschi argued, from the philological point of view, for the integrity of the text and the preservation of the ‘good authors’. Torres seconded Sirleto’s opinion and drew attention to Theodoret’s assertions on baptism. Peruschi reiterated his absolute rejection of textual intervention and received support from a number of Greek scholars in Rome, notably Angelos Lascaris, Ianos’s son, and Hermodorus Lestarchos, a member of Salviati’s household. The Greeks – Sirleto told Cervini – protested against this proposed emendation as though the entire Greek Church would collapse if Theodoret’s authority was diminished. Finally, Sirleto attacked Peruschi for being ignorant in theology (like Steuco and unlike Sirleto and Zanchi) and wanting to defend the text he had edited only out of personal pride; he also recalled the rector’s stubbornness in regarding as a mistake in the Eustatius edition a simple Greek conjunction (ὅτι), which later turned out to be correct.79

79

readers of Clement was drafted by Sirleto but was not included in the book, since the overdue printing operations had just been completed: see Cervini’s letters to Vettori, the editor of this Greek editio princeps: BL, Add MS 10274, ff. 2r-6r, 7r (‘Ho havuto gli ultimi terni delli Stromati di Clemente, quali ho mandati a messer Guglielmo [Sirleto], accioché lo finisca di legger tutto et senza perdita di tempo vi mandi li luoghi che gli paiano da notare, come dubii et pericolosi nella religione. Avvertendolo che, tardando, saria causa di tenere indrieto [sic] la editione di quel libbro), 9r, 11r, 17r (‘L’avvertentie alli lettori di luochi suspetti, non le vedendo in la epistola [i.e. the dedicatory letter], stimo che haviate disegnato che sien poste separate, o in anzi, o in fine. A mio iudicio staranno meglio in anzi, dove ciascuno possa esserne avvertito, in la prima fronte, prima che cominci a leggere il libbro. Pur di tutto mi rimetto a voi’), 18r-19r, 20r (‘Quanto alle annotationi [on Clement], poiché l’opera è stampata et mandata fuora, non credo che sia da entrare in altro’). See also Sirleto’s criticism against Hervet’s translation of Palladius: no. 74 in Appendix B. bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 113r-115r. For the little we know about Angelos Lascaris, see David Speranzi, ‘Vicende umanistiche di un antico codice: Marco Musuro e il Florilegio di Stobeo’, Segno e testo, 8 (2010), pp. 313–350, at pp. 315. The only biographical account on Hermodorus/Michael Lestarchos is Phaidon K. Bouboulides, Μιχαὴλ-Ἑρμόδωρος Λῃστάρχος. Ἕλλην λόγιος του ιϚ′ αἰῶνος (Athens: [s. n.], 1959), who is unaware of Hermodorus’s­affiliation to Salviati between 1544 and 1547. This information, however, can be countercheck by confronting: Clarorum Italorum … epistolae, i, pp. 38–39; bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 183v; as well as the payment for his accommodations in Rome in bav, Arch. Salviati, vol. 234, ff. 53r and 65r. On Hermodorus’ correspondence after he left Italy, see Andreas Rhoby, ‘The Letter

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

165

Given their role as proposers as well as executants, Ardinghelli, Sirleto and Majorano were also key players in Cervini’s Greek editions which never saw the light. These mainly pertain to patristic literature and the early conciliar acts, in other words the subject which were closest to Cervini’s heart. Had it not been for his premature death, Ardinghelli was destined to follow Cervini’s steps not only as a papal secretary who managed to win promotion to the cardinalate, but also as a cardinale editore. In 1545, he sponsored with Cervini Vettori’s edition of Euripides’s Elektra, which was corrected by Majorano and printed in Rome by Blado in some 1,500 copies, after Vettori had received a sample sheet of the Eustathius edition to appreciate Onorio’s smaller and larger Greek font.80 Shortly after the Eranistes had come off the press, Ardinghelli apologised for the insufficient theological checks carried out on the contents by Peruschi and was also sorry for his own naivety, adding that all he had done was intended only to ‘carry on the excellent enterprise undertaken by Cervini, that is to say printing’ and that ‘in the future he would move more cautiously’. This demonstrates that he was the real force behind the Eranistes and that he was in all likelihood willing to provide money for new Greek editions. Indeed, he immediately asked for Sirleto’s advice on the authors to be printed. Sirleto advised him to focus on ‘the ancient and most highly regarded of the Church’s doctors, especially those who had been translated either badly or by heretics’, beginning with the works of Athanasius and Cyril of Alexandria. Cervini agreed with Sirleto and desired that some unpublished orations of Gregory of Nazianzus were also considered as possible publications. Two months later, Ardinghelli put forward the idea of starting with Theophylact’s commentaries on the Pauline epistles, literally a sequel to Cervini’s edition of Theophylact’s commentaries on the Gospels. In the meantime, he remarked that he was waiting for Cervini’s instructions on other Greek texts to publish.

80

Network of Ioannes and Theodosios Zygomalas’, in Stavros Perentidis (ed.), Ιωάννης και Θεοδόσιος Ζυγομαλάς. Πατριαρχείο, θεσμοί, χειρόγραφα (Athens: Deadalus, 2009), pp. 125–152. No. 16 in Appendix B. BL, Add. MS 10275, ff. 44r (Ardinghelli to Vettori: ‘Il numero delle stampate e’ grandissimo, credo di 1500, tanto che se ne potrà mandar per tutto. A voi se ne indirizza hora … 50, accioché le possiate distribuire alli amici’.), 63r (Ardinghelli to Vettori: ‘Quanto alla forma delle lettere, potrete vedere con quale delle due vi contenta­ rete più che la si stampi, o con quella del testo, o con quella del commento dello incluso folio di Homero’.); ibid., Add. MS 10272, f. 231r and Mouren, ‘La lecture assidue’, p. 452. On his career and friendship with Vettori and Cervini from the mid-1530s onwards, see Rosa, ‘Ardinghelli, Niccolò’, with reference to the other extant letters from Ardinghelli to Vettori in BL, Add. MS 10275 and 10279.

166

Chapter 6

Cervini a­ pparently sent his guidelines, though they were of little use, as Ar­ dinghelli passed away in August.81 As for Sirleto, his name has been mentioned so many times in the present volume that the reader can have no doubt that he held a special place in all Cervini’s enterprises. His pivotal contributions as book-hunter, translator, editor, advisor and coordinator can only grow in number as his correspondence and the manuscripts of the Vatican Library are systematically investigated. In his analysis of the manuscript Barb. gr. 532, Cardinali provides telling examples of Sirleto’s unfulfilled editorial projects under Cervini’s aegis, also involving Onorio and comprising the works of Athanasius, Andreas of Caesarea, PseudoDionysius the Areopagite, Basil and Theodoret.82 A lesser-known case concerns his proposal in July 1546 to print the decrees of the Council of Ephesus along with numerous canonical epistles of the Greek Fathers collected by Zonaras­and Balsamon, drawing on Cardinal Farnese’s library. Significantly, Sirleto told Cervini that he intended to submit the plan to Ardinghelli and Majorano, who were already willing to publish the Eranistes.83 Later in the 1550s, 81

82 83

bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 392r (Sirleto to Cervini on 8 February 1547): ‘Io son andato da Monsignor Reverendissimo Ardinghelo … me rispose … che quel che ha fatto, non l’ha fatto per altro se non per continuarse all’opera tanto bona incominciata da Vostra Signoria Reverendissima [i.e. Cervini], dico de la stampa, ma che per l’avvenire se andarà più cautamente. Me domandò quel che me parea che fusse ben di stampare appresso; io le disse che saria bene stampare prima li dottori autentichi e principali nella Santa Madre Chesa, et massime quelli li quali son stati tradotti o malamente o vero da heretici et che, volendo far un bel principio, incominciassemo da santo Athanasio, il quale ha scritto molto et catholicamente … massimamente non havendo cosa alcune greca del detto santo Athanasio, o vero se stampasse san Cyrillo, al manco quel che è stato tradotto da Ecolampadio, qui ubique fuit Oecolampadius aut οἰκόσκοτος, per dire propriamente. Sua Signoria Reve­ rendissima [i.e. Ardinghelli] disse che le piaceva molto il mio parere et me commisse che io vedessi che opere di Athanasio fussero nella libraria [i.e, the Vatican Library]’. See also ibid., ff. 296v (‘[Ardinghelli] non mancarà di pigliare alcuno bon’ordine alla stampa e … pensava di far stampare il Theophylatto sopra l’epistole di San Paolo’), 299r (‘L’altro dì tra i libri dell’Illustrissimo Farnese ho ritrovato un Theophylatto sopra l’epistole di San Paolo … Il Reverendissimo Ardinghelo … dice che spera havere dui altri, et havendo varii e molti esemplari, essendone che li corregga bene, certamente se farà una bona opera stamparlo …’) and 301r. See also Piacentini, ‘Marcello Cervini e la Vaticana’, p. 115. Cardinali, ‘Il Barberinianus gr. 532’. bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 239r-240v. For the manuscript of Zonara and Balsamon, see the inventory of Cardinal Farnese’s Greek library published by Fernand Benoit, ‘Farnesiana’, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, 40 (1923), pp. 165–206, at pp. 178–183, no. 68. Farnese’s copy of the decrees of the Council of Ephesus had been entrusted to Giovanni Onorio, but it does not seem to be included in this inventory. Later in 1548, details on the transcription of the ‘Synodo efesina’ recurred frequently in Cervini-Sirleto correspondence (see Devreesse, ‘Les manuscripts grecs’, p. 260, no. 17 and Cardinali, ‘Legature “alla Cervini”?’, pp. 57–58, with reference to a forthcoming essay on the subject).

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

167

Sirleto and Cervini planned to publish a letter from Theodoret to Pope Leo the Great with a Greek and a Latin edition to be carried out in Venice by Hervet. Likewise, the two wished to disseminate Eustratius of Constantinople’s On the State of Souls After Death in Greek and Latin in order to prove the Protestants wrong in denying the cult of the saints; the discovery of this treatise in the Vatican Library made Sirleto exclaim that ‘every day it becomes clearer to us that all contemporary heresies have cropped up at other times in the past and that there have already been those who wrote against them for the sake of truth’.84 While the three years 1544–1547 were fraught with Greek undertakings, it seems that this side of Cervini’s editorial activity was provisionally set aside behind between 1548 and 1552. It was only in the mid-1550s that Majorano tried to help Cervini in reviving the project of a Greek papal press. Following the completion of the belated Eustathius edition, he first made arrangements for printing Chrysostom’s De virginitate, using the funds of the Vatican Library. A manuscript was retrieved and copied in Florence in April 1552; another, written by Filippo Gheri, was sent from Venice through the papal nuncio Beccadelli a year later. In the meantime, Onorio’s Greek type must have either worn out or become unavailable, as Cervini was forced to ask Vettori for the restitution of Sophianos’s Greek type, which he had lent to the Giunta of Florence in the late 1540s. The matrices and characters were sent to Rome in November 1552. Between December 1552 and February 1553, they were repaired by a punchcutter by the name of Natale di Natale, expressly for Chrysostom’s De virgin­ itate and other books to be printed for the Vatican Library.85 Between August and September 1553, Majorano and Sirleto tried to sell the many unsold copies 84

85

On Thedoret’s letter, which was meant to show that this author was not regarded as a heretic by the fifth-century popes: bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 336r-v and Vat. lat. 6178, ff. 24r. On Eustratius: bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 121r (Sirleto to Cervini: ‘Ogni dì potemo essere più certi che tutte l’heresie di questi tempi sono state altre volte et hanno havuti chi l’ha scritto contra esse et in defensione di la verità), 127r, 132r; Vat. lat. 6178, ff. 132r-133r (Cervini to Sirleto: ‘… l’opera … del Eustrathio … è molto a proposito per le cose dei tempi presenti. Piacciavi far trascrivere in ogni modo detto libro per me … quando voi haveste tempo di traslatarlo di greco in latino, ve ne eshorterei et mi piaceria molto perché, havendosi poi a divulgare, si potesse stampare in l’una et l’altra lingua per maggior utilità pubblica’), 138r. Dorez, ‘Le registre’, pp. 178–181, nos. 88, 107 115, 119 and BL, Add. MS 10274, ff. 45r (Cervini to Vettori: ‘il Maiorano, a chi ho ordinato che stampi una certa opera greca, mi dice come gli mancano le lettere. Onde pensando che hora le nostre che havete voi costà non devino essere in opera, ho voluto pregarvi … che, potendo, mi accomodiate per alcuni giorni dele madri et delle forme, acciò si possino gittar qua quelle lettere che bisognaranno, et poi vi si potranno rimandare ad ogni vostro beneplacito’) and 47r. Apparently, the type was never sent back to Vettori. See also p. 136 above. As early as July 1551, Majorano had asked for Cervini’s advice on which Greek works would be appropriate to send to press,

168

Chapter 6

of the 1542 Theophylact edition to Francesco Tramezzino, the main bookseller supplying both Cervini and the Vatican Library. This was ostensibly in order to raise money for the new Greek enterprise, making the best of what the earlier one had produced. Tramezzino, however, offered a sum which barely corresponded to 3 giuli per copy, while the original cost and retail price of a normal copy, as we have seen, amounted to 6.6 and 10 giuli respectively. Sirleto and Majorano let the offer stand, while hoping that Giulio Giunta, Benedetto’s cousin from the Florentine branch of the family, would buy the books for more money in the attempt to establish his own bookshop. After that, the issue disappears from the Cervini-Sirleto correspondence and probably remained unresolved.86 In 1554, Sirleto admitted that the efforts for Chrysostom’s De virginitate should be focused on publishing in Venice, with Zini’s help, the Latin translation made by Giulio Poggiani and, ideally, paired with Zini’s Latin version of Gregory of Nyssa on the same subject: printing the original text was regarded as either too difficult or no longer possible in Rome. However, the Latin edition of Chrysostom’s treatise was produced as late as 1562, employing Paolo Manuzio’s Roman press in the service of Pius iv.87 In fact, the only immediate outcome of Majorano’s attempts to relaunch Greek printing were the Greek and Latin editions of Damascene’s Contra imaginum calumniatores mentioned above (nos. 29 and 44 in Appendix B), which are less fully documented in the

86

87

­ roposing some of Isidorus Pelusiota’s epistles and any other book against the Greek Orp thodox Church (bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 220r). bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 373r and 374r (‘Col Tramezzino non se può fare accordo niuno quant’alli Theophilatti che sia d’utilità a tutte le due parti, perché al modo che vorrebe lui li Theophilatti non verrebono pagati tre giulii l’uno, il che sarebbe gettarli’). Ceresa, ‘Acquisizioni e ordinamento’, p. 92 and n. 9, misinterprets the latter passage as though Majorano­and Sirleto were planning a new Theophylact edition with Michele Tramezzino, Francesco’s brother and printer in Venice. See Appendix B, no. 38 as well as bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 378r (‘Il Guardarobba ha domandato al Maiorano il Chrysostomo de virginitate … Messer Giulio [Poggiani] del Signor Roberto [de’ Nobili, later cardinal] l’ha tradotto più del mezo … credo sarebe a proposito scrivere al Zino che tra tanto traducesse il Nysseno de virginita, quale ha in mano, et se potrebbe mandare fuore insiemi[sic] con quello di Chrysostomo’) and 380r-v (‘[Zini] m’ha scritto che se era stampato l’opera di Chrysostomo, glila mandasse per incominciare a tradurla. Certo saria molto bene che, havendo ritrovato questa persona da bene, la quale sa et vuole fare questa bon’opera, l’aiutassemo, dico con animarlo et darli gli originali, che possi tutta via andare innaci, et poiché non se ritrova modo di stampare il greco, al manco che facciamo tra tanto che vada latino fuore …’) and Vat. lat. 6178, f. 50r. In 1556, Poggiani tried to persuade Majorano and Sirleto to let him publish his translation of Chrysostom with a dedication to Cardinal Pole (bav, Vat. lat. 6416, f. 71r). The 1562 edition bears Poggiali’s dedication to Cardinal Truchsess, with extensive praise of Cervini, Sirleto and Pole and an account of the many stages which were necessary to complete this project: John Chrysostom, De virginitate liber (Rome: Paolo Manuzio, 1562), sigs. aivv-biiir.

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

169

accounts of the Vatican Library, but should undoubtedly be placed within this institutional context. Although any printer based in Rome could have been employed for the task, the Latin editions sponsored by Cervini in the Urbe after 1544 are derisory in number: a mere four books of different kinds, all concentrated in the first half of the 1550s (nos. 21–22, 32, 36 in Appendix B). First came the recently-revised statutes of a religious order under his control, the Augustinians. This series of rules had been compiled by the general, Seripando, with the help of another learned young member of the order, Onofrio Panvinio. In his capacity as cardinal protector, Cervini approved the text with two letters which were included in this rare and elegant folio edition.88 In 1554, Cervini appeared with Sirleto and Zanchi in the paratext of the Biblical commentaries of Gregory the Great gathered together by Paterius and edited by Marco Antonio Giorgi from a manuscript provided by Zanchi, while his name is inextricably linked to Ippolito Salviani’s treatise on fish, even if the production of this book, begun in 1554, was only completed as late as 1558. Finally, an eight-volume edition dedicated to Cervini was completed by Blado in the early 1555. It comprises the first part of the opera omnia by a glory of the Augustinian order, Egidio Romano. The main editor of the text was Cristoforo da Padova, who had been elected general of the Augustinians as Seripando’s successor in 1551, thanks to Cervini’s support. Intriguingly, Cristoforo claimed to have taken inspiration from Cervini’s earlier editorial undertakings, such as the editions of Arnobius, Nicholas i, Innocent iii, Theodoret, Chrysostom and Damascene. If only the Augustinians had larger means – Cristoforo also maintained – he would embark on a vast editorial programme for the dissemination of the works of Egidio and other prominent members of the order, presumably including Giacomo and Egidio da Viterbo.89 88

89

Stefan Bauer, ‘Panvinio, Onofrio’, in dbi, lxxxi, 2014, pp. 36–39, at p. 36. Constitu­tiones Ordinis fratrum eremitarum sancti Augustini (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1551), sigs. Aiir and Avv. Cervini’s patronage is also mentioned in Seripando’s preface at sig. Aivv. The high production costs (some 170 scudi) are mentioned in Egidio Romano, Primus tomus operum (Rome: Antonio­Blado, 1554–1555), i, sig. +iir. Ibid., sig. +iiv: ‘… tu cardinalis optime … semper operam dedisti, ut quicumque libri ad christianae reipublicae utilitatem pertinerent, illi exirent in lucem et veritatis patrocinium tuerentur. Tua opera Arnobius auctor vetustissimus, Nicolaus pontifex qui primus eo nomine dictus fuit, Innocentius tertius, ex graecis vero Chrysostomus in psalmos, Theodoritus contra haereses, Ioannes Damascenus de imaginibus, in eruditorum manibus nunc habentur, et cum magna omnium utilitate leguntur. Haec quidem faciunt, ut quivis tibi iure optimo debeat, et veterum auctorum libros tanque eorum patrono dedicare studeat. Mihi vero tanto magis id faciendum fuit, quod nostrae Augustinianae familiae vigilantissimum protectorem te praestas’. See also ibid., sig. +iir and Franca Petrucci, ‘Cri­ stoforo da Padova’, in dbi, xxxi, 1985, pp. 92–94. In 1556, Cristoforo and other Augustinian monks joined forces to pay Blado for issuing another of Egidio’s works: ustc 828052.

170

Figure 6

Chapter 6

Milan, Biblioteca Trivulziana, Triv. Cod. 378: Cervini’s copy, corrected and partly written by him, of Seripando’s In Divi Pauli epistolas ad Romanos commentarius, f. 31v.

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

171

The number of Latin books connected to Cervini increases if we take into consideration the editions printed after his death and some of manuscript works which were clearly intended for publication. Within the first group, it is worth singling out the revised constitutions of the Servites – who, like the Augustinians, were under Cervini’s protection – and Seripando’s commentaries on Paul’s letters to the Romans and Galatians, including a series of 67 questions and answers to confute the interpretations of Luther and other Reformers (nos. 34, 90–91 in Appendix B). Their complex publishing history is particularly noteworthy because of Cervini’s initial encouragements and his extensive remarks to improve the contents, including a revealing passage for what concerns his bias towards controversial literature in general: lest he offer a compendium of Protestant ideas like Fisher involuntary did with his Confu­ tatio, Seripando should keep it short and quote from the works of the ‘heretics’ only occasionally and directly, in their specific context. Partly due to Cervini’s slowness in sending back the revised manuscripts, Seripando’s commentaries were published posthumously, first by Plantin and then, more exhaustively, by the Augustinian monk Felice Milensio, with a militant dedication to Bellarmino.90 Another crucial undertaking, this time related to Cervini’s ecclesiology, was Panvinio’s research on the Roman stay of St Peter and the papal primacy; the first book of this apologetical treatise appeared in print as late as 1589, while an earlier, similar tract written by Massarelli never saw the light of the day (nos. 92 and 99 in Appendix B). Likewise, substantial works begun by Seripando on free will and by Panvinio on papal history remained unpublished (nos. 107, 115, 121–123 in Appendix B). Giovanni Pietro Ferretti’s detailed historical investigations on the exarchate of Ravenna and the ecumenical councils met the same fate, though Cervini planned to print them in Rome about 1549 (nos. 108 and 116 in Appendix B). Finally, it is important to bear in mind that the paraphrase on Paul mentioned above was not the only personal project on divinae litte­ rae Cervini left unfinished. At various stages of his life, he studied the texts of ­Jerome and Tertullian.91 Most importantly, the cardinal made extensive 90 Jedin, Girolamo Seripando, pp. 945–954 provides a thorough reconstruction of the events and sums up Seripando’s dedication to Cervini as well as Cervini’s remarks. However, Jedin ignores the existence of an early version of the Quaestiones which can be found (unsurprisingly) in asf, Cervini, vol. 62, with title in Cervini’s hand. Jedin is also unaware that the hand making extensive corrections and writing the second half of Cervini’s copy of Seripando’s commentary on the Romans (Milan, Biblioteca Trivulziana, Triv. Cod. 378) was none other than Cervini himself (Fig. 6). 91 Cervini’s annotations appear in the Casanatense copy (Inc. 707–708) of Jerome’s Epistolae printed by Riessinger in Rome not after 1467 (ustc 994341; Fig. 7) and the bav copy

172

Figure 7

Chapter 6

BCas, Inc. 707: Cervini’s annotated copy of Jerome’s Epistolae (Rome: Sixtus Riessinger, not after 1467), sig. [Aiv]r.

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

173

­ reparations for editing a pillar of Latin patristics, Cyprian, carefully collating p three manuscripts with the help of other scholars, probably including Faerno. Cervini’s annotations were devoutly recorded by Latino Latini in May 1559 on a copy of the two-volume edition of Cyprian printed in Lyon by Gryphius in 1537.92 Latini’s own edition was eventually issued by Paolo Manuzio in Rome in 1563, shortly after Chrysostom and Gregory of Nyssa on celibacy and Ptolemy’s Analemmate, all of which had also been envisaged by Cervini in the previous twenty years (nos. 38–41 in Appendix B). One of the reasons for Cervini’s apparent lack of interest in publishing Latin books in Rome is that other exciting possibilities enticed him in the late 1540s. In particular, the thriving multicultural milieu of the Eternal city enabled him to engage in some pioneering attempts to print in Ge’ez (the liturgical language of the Ethiopic church) and Syriac. This was no coincidence. On the one hand, the many prelates from the Eastern Churches and Orientalists who resided in Rome naturally looked on Cervini as their main interlocutor and patron. The cardinal possessed a few books in Hebrew, ‘Chaldaic, Arabic and Assyrian’, and, in his capacity as head of the Vatican Library, had been laying the foundations of the papal collections of Oriental manuscripts. On the other, Cervini had successfully placed himself at the centre of the papal diplomatic efforts towards

92

(R.i.ii.850) of Tertullian printed in Paris in 1545 (ustc 149444). See respectively Alberto Vaccari, ‘La fortuna della lettera d’Aristea in Italia’, in his Scritti di erudizione e filologia, i: Filologia biblica e patristica (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1952), pp. 1–23 (originally published in 1930), at p. 8 and Giovanna Azzali Bernardelli, Quaestiones Tertulliane­ ae criticae (Mantua: Galli, 1990). Cervini also wrote a collection of excerpta on the Confirmation, drawing from the Gospels, the Latin and Greek Church Fathers, the early and modern councils and other ecclesiastical authorities up to Rabanus Maurus, Oecumenius and Theophylact: asf, Cervini, vol. 63. ustc 147295 and 157168. Latini also transcribed the conjectures and variants proposed by Gabriele Faerno and Antonio Agustín. This copy was found by Giovanni Mercati, ‘D’alcuni nuovi sussidi per la critica del testo di S. Cipriano’, in his Opere minori, ii, pp. 153–267 (originally published in 1898–1899), at pp. 160–165, 221–225, 261–262, 264–267. Its present shelfmark is bnn, Rari Branc. A 19(1–2). See also Pierre Petitmengin, ‘Latino Latini: une longue vie au service des Pères de l’Eglise’, in Gilli (ed.), Humanisme et Eglise, pp. 381–407, esp. pp. 393, 395, 398–399. Neither Mercati nor Petitmengin dwells on the details in the Cervini-Sirleto correspondence, though they shed some light on the philological works which were undertaken during the summer of 1552 in connection with the vernacular translation of Cyprian’s oration on alms. Cervini had already obtained a codex of Cyprian from the Avellana library which he incorrectly believed to be Peter Damian’s copy, while Sirleto bought another, more comprehensive manuscript in Campo dei Fiori (possibly bav, Ott. lat. 306, incorrectly ascribed to Cervini by Fossier, ‘Premières recher­ches’, p. 422, no. 175). See bav, Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 163r, 394r-395r, 400r; Vat. lat. 6178, ff. 7r, 27r. Cf. also infra, p. 157, with reference to Sirleto’s annotations on his printed copy.

174

Chapter 6

the Eastern Churches during the reigns of Paul iii and Julius iii, encouraging relations with the Ethiopians, Maronites, Syrians, Armenians and Chaldeans. The leaders of these communities sent envoys to the Urbe in search of the pontiff’s support in overcoming their internal divisions and financial difficulties; occasionally, they went so far as to declare themselves obedient to the pope and promote usually short-lasting unions between their churches and the Catholic communion.93 Two unpublished letters written by the Maronite Patriarch Musa are particularly illuminating in this connection. In the first letter, translated into Italian and dated 5 April 1543, Cervini is hailed as ‘protector of the whole Maronite nation’ (‘protettor di tutta la Nation di Maruniti’), while he is said to be the ‘corrector of our misfortunes’ (‘correctorem nostrae calamitatis’) in the second epistle, which was translated into Latin and is dated 3 September 1543. Both letters confirm Giacomo Cardinali’s intuition that Cervini was the real force behind the detailed papal instruction given to Dionigi ‘visitatore dei Maroniti’ on 20 November 1542.94 Together with Bembo and Pole, Cervini backed the group of scholars who gathered around Pietro Etiope (Tasfâ Sion/Ṣeyon) in the church of Santo Stefano degli Abissini, including two figures from Cervini’s entourage, Pier Paolo Gualtieri, a member of the accademia dei Virtuosi, and Mariano Vittori. The ensuing publication of the New Testament and Paul’s epistles in Ge’ez as well as of two ancillary books on the Ethiopian liturgy and grammar were due to his encouragement and almost certainly financial assistance between 1548 and 1552 (nos. 20, 30–31 in Appendix B).95 It is important to bear in mind that 93

94

95

For the general context: Alastair Hamilton, ‘Eastern Churches and Western Scholarship’, in Anthony Grafton (ed.), Rome Reborn: The Vatican Library and Renaissance Culture (New Haven: yup, 1993), pp. 225–249; Matteo Salvadore, The African Prester John and the Birth of Ethiopian-European Relations, 1402–1555 (London and New York: Routledge, 2016); and Cesare Santus, Trasgressioni necessarie: communicatio in sacris, coesistenza e conflitti tra le comunità cristiane orientali (Levante e Impero ottomano, xvii–xviii secolo) (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2019). More specifically on Cervini: Giorgio Levi della Vida, Ricerche sulla formazione del più antico fondo dei manoscritti orientali della Biblioteca Vati­ cana (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1939), ad indicem; Cardinali, ‘Ritratto di Cervini: prima parte’ and his ‘Ritratto di Cervini: seconda parte’. asf, Cervini, vol. 41, ff. 101r-102r and Cardinali, ‘Ritratto di Cervini: seconda parte’, p. 331– 333, 343–345. The Garshuni letter in asf, Cervini, vol. 41, f. 99r-v, dated 5 April 1544 and signed by Patriarch as Petrus, seems to be a shorter alternative version of the one translated into Italian, consisting of a recommendation for the deacon Sarkis/Cerchis. I am grateful to Joseph Moukarzel for helping me access the contents of this epistle. See Ignazio Guidi, ‘La prima stampa del Nuovo Testamento in etiopico fatta in Roma nel 1548–1549’, Archivio della R. Società romana di storia patria, 9 (1886), pp. 273–278 and Valentino­Romani, ‘La stampa del Nuovo Testamento’. Osvaldo Raineri, ‘Pietro Bembo e la prima stampa delle lettere di San Paolo in etiopico’, Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

175

Cervini himself had no knowledge of the language.96 Nevertheless, his fascination with Abyssinia dated back to the early 1540s, possibly after he had come across Tasfa Sion about 1536 at the papal hearing conceded to João Bermudez, the later self-proclaimed patriarch of Ethiopia. Cervini owned more than one copy of the main ethnographical treatise about the region, Damião de Gois’ Fides, religio et mores Aethiopium. The work was first published in Leuven in 1540 with a dedication to Paul iii. Regarding it as a way to enhance papal authority and Catholicism in the East, Gois asked his main patron in the Curia, Pietro Bembo, to present the Fides to the pope. As the Portuguese scholar was in contact with other erudite cardinals, including Sadoleto, Pole and Madruzzo, one wonders whether Cervini was also somehow involved in the scheme.97 Moreover, in November 1542, a recently affiliated member of his household, Ludovico Beccadelli, completed his partial revision of an Italian translation Lincei: rendiconti della Classe di Scienze morali, storico e filologiche, 35 (1980), pp. 395–398 and Massimo Danzi, La biblioteca del cardinal Pietro Bembo (Geneva: Droz, 2005), pp. 75– 77, both highlight the important role played by Bembo in the enterprise, while Wilkinson, Orientalism, p. 74, n. 42, points out some of its many textual shortcomings. On the Roman church of the Abyssinians, see Ilaria Delsere and Osvaldo Raineri, Chiesa di Santo Stefano dei Mori: vicende edilizie e personaggi (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2015). On the early modern understanding of Chaldaic as variably Ethiopic, Syriac and even Arabic, see Hamilton, ‘Eastern Churches’ and Mariano Vittori’s preface to his Chaldeae, seu Aethiopicae linguae institutiones … item omnium Ethiopicae regum … libellus (Rome: Valerio Dorico, 1552). 96 Wilkinson, Orientalism, p. 69, n. 23 mistakenly claims that Cervini knew Ge’ez, due to a misinterpretation of the following passage from Vittori, Chaldeae, seu Aethiopicae linguae institutiones, sig. ҉ ☼iir: ‘Adest tibi ac quidem valde familiariter Petrus Paulus Gualterius Aretinus, vir doctus, ac perhumanus, qui solus ex nostratibus possit errores corrigere …, siquidem ante eum nullus ex latinis hominibus hac in lingua legitur profecisse’. Although Vittori was addressing Cervini, the ‘first learned Latin man of letters to master Ge’ez’ was Cervini’s protégé, Pier Paolo Gualtieri. 97 Cf.: Salvadore, The African Prester John, pp. 167–168; Piacentini, La biblioteca di Mar­ cello ii, nos. D 128, D 130, D 170, D 357 and Elisabeth Feist Hirsch, Damião de Gois: The Life and Thought of a Portuguese Humanist, 1502–1574 (The Hauge: Nijhoff, 1967), esp. pp. 104–105. On Sion, see the overview of documents and earlier bibliography in Renato Lefevre, ‘Docu­menti e notizie su Tasfā Ṣeyon e la sua attività romana nel sec. xvi’, Rassegna di studi etiopici, 24 (1969–1970), pp. 74–133, to be supplemented with the entry by Alessandro Bausi and Gianfranco Fiaccadori in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, v (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2014), pp. 525–528; Salvadore, The African Prester John, pp. 186–194; and Cardinali, ‘Ritratto di Cervini: prima parte’, pp. 87–90. See also Rafał Zarzeczny, ‘Su due manoscritti etiopici della Biblioteca Casanatense a Roma’, in Rafał Zarzeczny (ed.), ‘Aethiopia fortitudo ejus’: studi in onore di Monsignor Osvaldo Raineri in occasione del suo 80° compleanno (Rome: Pontificio Istituto Orientale, 2015), pp. 501–537, for one of Sion’s Biblical ­manuscripts which did not entered the Vatican collection and was not used in the 1548–1549 New Testament edition.

176

Chapter 6

of Francisco Alvarez’s Verdadeira Informaçao das Terras do Preste João das Indias. The manuscript work, dedicated to the French Greek scholar Pierre Danes, remained unpublished, though Beccadelli admitted having benefited from the help of the Abyssinian monks of Santo Stefano, especially friar Peter (i.e. Sion).98 The most relevant precursors of Cervini’s publications in Ge’ez, however, were the earlier direct collaborations between him and Tasfa Sion, which emerged from the challenging issues raised in the Tridentine Council between 1546 and 1547, such as the number of canonical books in the Bible, the different liturgical procedures, the role of the sacraments and the intercession of the saints. It is well known that Cervini asked Maffei to search in the Vatican library for the original bull of union between Rome and the Egyptian Copts (here called ‘Jacobites’) which had been issued in 1443 by Eugenius iv in the aftermath of the Council of Ferrara-Florence. On this occasion, he also put forward the idea of translating the liturgies used by Ethiopians (‘Indians’) and Maronites on the basis of what he had been told by Sion and an unidentified Maronite high prelate.99 Concerning the Ethiopian Mass, a translation was effectively carried out with the help of Sion and Gualtieri. Rather than Maffei, who was by then secretary to the pope, Cervini entrusted the supervision of the project to his right-hand man in cultural matters, Sirleto. By the summer of 1547, Gualtieri had fulfilled his task and two clean copies were produced, one for the pope, the other for Cervini; the latter was probably used by Blado for printing the text in 1549, along with Bernardino Sandro’s transposition of the Ethiopic baptismal rite (no. 20 in Appendix B). A parallel undertaking concerned the study and translation of the spurious Nicene canons in Ge’ez as 98 Salvadore, The African Prester John, pp. 164–165, building on Roberto Almagià, Contributi alla storia della conoscenza dell’Etiopia (Padua: La Garangola, 1941). The two copies in bav, Ott. lat. 2022 and 2789 are likely to be those recorded in Cervini’s library, along with the earlier Italian transposition in bav, Ott. lat. 1104: see Fossier, ‘Premières recherches’, p. 428, nos. 251–253. 99 Cervini’s letter (asf, Cervini, vol. 19, f. 28r) is published in CT, x, p. 418, no. 334 and briefly commented on in Salvadore, The African Prester John, p. 193 and Cardinali, ‘Ritratto di Cervini: seconda parte’, p. 329, where the Maronite prelate is regarded as either Ambrosius de Melita or Simone, archbishop of Tripoli. Cervini intended to use the bull to ‘shut the mouth’ of a few unruly members of the Tridentine assembly, especially the bishop of Chioggia Jacopo Nacchianti: see Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 221–224. On the various early modern descriptions of Ethiopic (Chaldean, Indian, etc.), see Samantha Kelly, ‘The Curious Case of Ethiopic Chaldean: Fraud, Philology, and Cultural (Mis)Understanding in European Conceptions of Ethiopia’, Renaissance Quarterly, 68 (2010), pp. 1227–1264. On Copts and Rome, see Alastair Hamilton, The Copts and the West (1439–1822): The European Discovery of the Egyptian Church (Oxford: oup, 2006).

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

177

contained in one of Sion’s codices (now bav, Vat. et. 2), as well as the comparison of these canons with the Greek original. This project was abandoned and was seemingly not meant for publication, though it is relevant to our purpose as it involves the same men employed for the translation of the Ethiopian mass, with the addition of Francisco Torres, and because it provides a further proof of Cervini’s painstaking attention to historical sources related to the papacy and the ecumenical councils, even outside the Latin and Greek worlds.100 Moreover, it may be in recognition of these services that Tasfa Sion started to be regarded as a member of Cervini’s household.101 It is worth dwelling a little longer on some peculiarities of the Ge’ez New Testament which shed further light on its production and Cervini’s patronage. First, it is no coincidence that the printers employed for this publication were Valerio and Ludovico Dorico, as their press could meet an essential requirement, viz a compositor who was skilled enough to handle the complex Ge’ez characters. The task of this employee was so important that exceptionally his name was mentioned in the first colophon of the New Testament. He was the poet and playwright Angelo Oldradi, who was to set up the text of Vittori’s Ge’ez grammar in 1552 and had been providing the Dorico brothers with his own works for publication. This undermines Barberi’s hypothesis that the Doricos were chosen by Cervini only because Blado was busy with completing the Eustathius edition. In fact, Blado did not have personnel with the expertise to print in Ge’ez and was consequently entrusted only with the Latin translation of the Ethiopian Mass.102 100 Most of the passages in bav, Vat.lat. 6177, ff. 16r, 118r-119v, 310r, 313r, 317r, 321r-323r, 325v, 328r-v, 334r, 343r, 346r, 350r, 356r and Vat. lat. 6178, ff. 116r-119r, 121r-122r are transcribed and chronologically ordered in Lefevre, ‘Documenti e notizie’, pp. 81–88. These apocryphal canons were published and translated by Mauro da Leonessa, ‘La versione etiopica dei canoni apocrifi del Concilio di Nicea secondo i Codici Vaticani ed il Fiorentino’, Rassegna di studi etiopici, 2 (1942), pp. 29–89. For Cervini’s copies of conciliar acts, see, e.g., Fossier, ‘Premières recherches’, p. 428, nos. 240, 244–245; p. 437, no. 357; p. 439, nos. 402–403 and the Greek acts of the seventh and eighth ecumenical councils copied from Mendoza’s library, now bav, Ott. gr. 27, on which see Cardinali, ‘Legature ‘alla Cervini’?’, pp. 63–65. On earlier cardinals interested in this subject, see Concetta Bianca, ‘Libri ‘conciliari’ nelle biblioteche romane della seconda metà del Quattrocento’, in Concetta Bianca and Anna Scattigno (eds.), Scritture carismi istituzioni: percorsi di vita religiosa in età mo­ derna: studi per Gabriella Zarri (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2018), pp. 105–122. 101 E.g., in the dedication to Cervini in Vittori’s Ge’ez grammar Chaldeae, seu Aethiopicae lin­ guae institutiones, sig. ҉ iv, Tasfa Sion, who had recently died, is described as ‘admodum intim[us], et familiar[is]’ of the cardinal. 102 Testamentum Novum cum Epistola Pauli ad Hebreos (Rome: Valerio and Ludovico Dorico, 1548–1549), sig. +ivv: ‘Impressit omnia … Valerius Doricus Romae, impensis Petri Cosmo Ethiopis, et Angelus de Oldradis operaius eius composuit …’ See also the colophon of

178

Chapter 6

Secondly, we should focus on some evidence concerning the institutional support for this undertaking. On 2 April 1547, the accounts of the Apostolic Chamber related to Paul iii’s extraordinary expenses record a payment of 12 scudi to the ‘Ethiopian monks’, specifically for casting the types they wanted to employ for their printing activity.103 In addition, a curious detail which can be found in many copies of the New Testament suggests that different princes of the Church patronised this edition: the heraldic coat below the first title in Ge’ez tends to vary from copy to copy, featuring the arms of cardinals Álvarez de Toledo, De Cupis, Del Monte, Ridolfi and, of course, Cervini himself as well as Paul iii.104 Thirdly, it is remarkable that Cervini and his group of Orientalists consciously linked their experimentations to the very first typographical undertaking in the field of Ethiopic studies, which had led Johann Potken and Marcellus Silber to publishing the Ge’ez Psalms in Rome in 1513.105 Potken, too, had taken advantage of the expertise of the community in Santo Stefano and had used what was probably the only Ethiopic manuscript in the Vatican library at this time, i.e. bav, Vat. et. 20.106 His alphabet, which accompanied the Psalms as a

103

104

105 106

­Vittori, Chaldeae, seu Aethiopicae linguae institutiones, transcribed in Lefevre, ‘Documenti e notizie’, p. 105, n. 1. On Oldradi, see Dennis E. Rhodes, ‘Ortensia and Hortolana: with Notes on Angelo Oldradi’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 71 (1996), pp. 97–98. Barberi’s assumption is to be found in his ‘I Dorico’, p. 120. asr, Camerale i, vol. 1293, f. 125r: ‘A dì 2 di Aprile scudi 12 d’oro in oro alli frati indiani per pagare lo stagno per fare la stampa della lor lingua’. The compiler recorded on the right side this payment as 13 scudi and added this figure to the general sum written at the bottom of the page. This inconsistency may either be the result of a mistake or indicate that the monks were actually given 13 scudi. I am indebted to Olivia Adankpo and Lorenzo Coccoli for generously sharing with me this crucial archival source and helping to correct the odd amount of money reported in Lefevre, ‘Documenti e notizie’, p. 81 (‘scudi I d’oro in oro’). Cervini’s copy is BCas, Rari 947. One copy on parchment was presented to Paul iii, with his lavishly gilt and painted coat-of-arms on Latin and Ge’ez title-pages (bav, Membr.iv.14, formerly I.R.11 and Arm.343.55.41). Another copy on paper (bav, R.i.iv.2218), wanting the first gathering and showing the French royal coat to the Ge’ez title-page at f. [+]ir, was given to the Vatican Library by the pilgrim-friars housed in Santo Stefano degli Abissini, as attested by Fausto Sabeo on 28 January 1552 on the final leaf of a gathering added to the end of the book. Here one can also find the official document of the new rules approved by the same friars in September 1551, published by Mauro da Leonessa, Santo Stefano Maggiore degli Abissini e le relazioni romano-etiopiche (Vatican City: Tipografia poliglotta vaticana, 1929). ustc 800233. Levi della Vida, Ricerche, pp. 99; Renato Lefevre, ‘Giovanni Potken e la sua edizione romana del Salterio in etiopico 1513’, La Bibliofilía, 68 (1966), pp. 289–308; Wilkinson, Orien­ talism, pp. 66–67 and Salvadore, The African Prester John, pp. 72–74. For a general overview

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

179

guide to Western readers, was republished in the 1548–1549 New Testament, while Vittori made explicit reference to Potken in addressing Cervini as the dedicatee of his Ethiopic grammar.107 As extraordinary as it may seem, Cervini also stood behind the preparatory work for the Syriac New Testament carried out in the early 1550s. This time, the scholars involved were Andreas Masius, Guillaume Postel and, most importantly, Moses of Mardin, a Syrian cleric known for his reckless character, who was also an envoy of Patriarch of Antioch Ignatius ‘Abdallah. Wilkinson and Cardinali have reconstructed in detail the development of this project. In particular, Cardinali has convincingly showed how it was closely connected with the printing of the Ge’ez New Testament, through Cervini, Sion and Moses, who was a guest in Santo Stefano in 1549, when the Ethiopian publication had just come out of the press. New evidence can be drawn from a hitherto unpublished letter from the Patriarch Ignatius ‘Abdallah to Cervini, an Italian translation of which survives in Cervini’s papers in Florence. The epistle was written in 1551 and reached Rome with Moses on 15 October 1552, at the time of his second trip, which can now be dated in more detail. In it, Moses is said to have already met Cervini during his first Roman stay and now to be eager to arrange for printing in the Syriac language; Cervini’s help is specifically requested by the Patriarch to carry out this enterprise, which would ‘renew our books, which have aged, and as a result revive the faith in our believers, since [at present] the fathers cannot instruct their sons due to lack of books’.108 of European printing in Ethiopic and Ge’ez, see H.F. Wijnman, ‘An outline of the development of Ethiopian typography in Europe’, in Books on the Orient (Leiden: Brill, 1960), pp. ix–xxviii. 107 ‘Alphabetum seu potius syllabarium literarum Chaldearum’, in Testamentum Novum cum Epistola Pauli ad Hebreos, sigs. +iiiv-+ivv. Vittori, Chaldeae, seu Aethiopicae linguae institu­ tiones, sig. ҉ ☼iir. 108 asf, Cervini, vol. 48, f. 53r-v: ‘Havendoci riferito il discipulo il quale ha basato le mani et piedi tuoi, Mose sacerdote, del tuo bene operar et dela charità che hai usata prontamente con tutti i peregrini, mi son rallegrato … Secondo che tu sei solito di operar senza alcun mancamento, vogli seguitando finir l’opera del discipulo Mose quando sarà venuto ala presentia de tuoi piedi et introdurlo avanti el padre nostro, padre delli padri, il Papa … et per la tua charità dar aiuto al detto discipulo in quel che li occorerà. Egli domanda di far la stampa per la lettra soriana. Habbi cura di esso, egli è quello che porta seco le lettera del nostra fede nelle quale conveniamo tutti noi Iacobiti … vehementemente domando dalla bontà tua che tu sia assistente al discipulo in questa cosa et spetialmente nel far dela stam­ pa, a fin che se rinovino i libri che sono invecchiati et così se vivifichi la fede de nostri fedeli, perché per il mancamento de libri non possono li homini erudire i figlioli … Scritta l’anno 1551 da Christo et 1862 da Alexandro [i.e. since the death of Alexander the Great in 323 bc] Giunta a Roma il 15 ottobre 1552’. The emphasis is mine.

180

Chapter 6

This document sheds new light on Cervini’s role as intermediary between the patriarch, Moses and the pope; the reference to a second letter which had also been given to Moses on this occasion and served to illustrate Jacobite theology is to the profession of faith sent by the Patriarch to Julius iii on 28 May 1551 and translated into Latin by Ambrosius de Melita. The two years the pope took to reply to this act of submission can now be justified in the light of Moses’ late arrival in Rome in mid-October 1552. This also provides a terminus after which Moses’ own profession of faith, translated and generically dated by Masius to 1552, must have been recited.109 The Patriarch’s letter to Cervini also suggests that a plan for printing ‘Syrian books’ had already been conceived during Moses’ first stay in Rome, about 1549–1550. Cervini and Moses were only waiting for Ignatius’ permission to proceed. This reflects on the rapidity with which Cervini put the plan into action. The necessary fonts were cast some 30 days after Moses’ arrival in the Urbe, in November-December 1552, and their cost was included in the budget of the Vatican library, undoubtedly on Cervini’s orders. A type specimen sheet (‘una mostra’) was immediately prepared and presumably shown to the cardinal.110 However, no Roman publication was produced with these types, most likely due to technical difficulties and political complications. No printer in Rome was apparently ready to embark on the project (probably because a suitably skilled compositor was lacking), while Moses’ claims of being a priest were disputed by his compatriots and the attention of the Curia, including Masius and Maffei, was suddenly taken up by the arrival of a Nestorian abbot, who succeeded in obtaining from the pope his election as patriarch of the Assyrian­/ Chaldean Church under the name of Sulaqa in early 1553. As argued by Cardinali, it is highly plausible that the matrices remained in Cervini’s hands and that Mardin brought with him the types on his way to Austria, initially following the 109 The two professions are largely transcribed and commented on in the dissertation of Patriarch Ignace Antoine ii Hayek, Le relazioni della Chiesa Siro-giacobita con la Santa Sede dal 1143 al 1656, ed. by Pier Giorgio Borbone and Jimmy Dacacche (Paris: Geuthner, 2015; originally discussed in Rome in 1936), pp. 63–81. Significantly, one of the two copies of de Melita’s translation is to be found in Cervini’s paper (asf, Cervini, vol. 34, ff. 120r-129r). 110 bav, Vat. lat. 3965, f. 39r (also transcribed in Dorez, ‘Le registre’, pp. 179–180, nos. 103–104): ‘La spesa fatta in polzoni per la stampa di libri soriani importa dieci scudi, che di tanto si è fatto patto col M[aestr]o [i.e., Moses or rather the punch-cutter] … Item in la forma scudi tre … Item ha speso in mistura per tragettare littere da fare una mostra Iulii 8…. a Moyse Soriano, li sopradetti scudi tredici d’oro, quali si sonno spesi per far la stampa da stampare libri in lingua soriana per uso della libraria. Di Palazzo, il dì 3 di decembre 1552’. The cost of the type specimen, incorrectly reported by Dorez as amounting to 3 giuli, was not included in the refund given to Moses and was likely to have been covered by Cervini himself.

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

181

steps of the papal legate to England, Cardinal Pole. The Syriac New Testament was eventually published in Vienna in 1555 under the supervision of another scholar linked to Cervini, Johann Albrecht von Widmanstetter, whose teacher in Syriac had been a member of Cervini’s household, Petrus Damascenus.111 Our journey through Cervini’s publications after 1544 is about to end. The last, most unexpected stop-over brings us further to the East and concerns the cardinal’s interest in Chinese script. An intriguing ‘Chinese alphabet’ – the earliest of its kind in Europe – can be found in a manuscript journal in which the French humanist Nicolas Audebert recorded what he had seen during his Italian tour between 1574 and 1578. Audebert stated to have copied this peculiar series of symbols ‘from a leaf written, as they say, by pope Marcellus [ii]’. He also provided the precise location of the document: ‘in the Vatican library, inside the third restricted room’.112 There is no reason to question the attribution to Cervini. Behind the impersonal Latin form used by Audebert (‘as they say’), there was almost certainly a staff member of the Vatican Library, where material and spiritual memories of the cardinale editore were cherished like relics, especially under Sirleto’s management between 1572 and 1585. And it can hardly be a coincidence that, at the bottom of the same leaf, Audebert took note of another wonder he had been shown in the library; it was the original copy of Henry viii’s Assertio with the dedicatory distich to pope Leo x, the very copy which Cervini had used for his edition of this work in 1543. As Donald Lach speculated, Cervini’s ‘Chinese alphabet’ may be connected with a request made in 1556 by Widmanstetter, possibly at Postel’s suggestion. By contrast, the links with Ferdinando Ruano seem more tenuous, even if this talented scribe 111 Cf. Wilkinson, Orientalism, esp. pp. 69–90 and Cardinali ‘Ritratto di Cervini: parte prima’. The Viennese edition is Ketābā d-Ewangeliyōn qaddīšā de-Māran w-Alāhan Yēšūʾ Mešīḥā … Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii De Iesu Christo Domino et Deo nostro (Vienna: Michael Zimmermann, 1555). Widmanstetter’s own copy is in the bsb, Rar.155. See also Seripando’s letter to him in Jedin, Girolamo Seripando, p. 1174. On Moses’ later career and interest in books, see Pier Giorgio Borbone, “Monsignore vescovo di Soria”, Also Known as Moses of Mardin, Scribe and Book Collector’, in Hristianskij Vostok/Christian Orient, 8/xiv (2017), pp. 79–114. The most recent study on Sulaqa is Lucy Parker, ‘The Ambiguities of Belief and Belonging: Catholicism and the Church of the East in the Sixteenth Century’, The Eng­ lish Historical Review, 133 (2018), pp. 1420–1445, referring at n. 49 to a mention of Cervini among other cardinal inquisitors in a letter which Sulaqa wrote to Pope Julius iii after leaving Rome. 112 BL, MS Lansdowne 720, f. 275r (formerly 279): ‘Alphabetum idiomatis de Cina. Ex Bibliotheca Vaticana Romae. In tertia aula conclusa. Ex schedula manu Marcelli Papae scripta, ut aiunt’. Audebert may refer here to the so-called ‘guardarobba del papa’: cf. Pierre Petitmengin­, ‘Recherches sur l’organisation de la Bibliothèque Vaticane à l’époque des Ranaldi (1547–1645)’, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, 75 (1963), pp. 561–628, esp. table 1.

182

Chapter 6

was one of Cervini’s protégés in the papal library and share with his patron a passion for letterform which resulted in the publication of Sette alphabeti.113 Needless to say, this book, too, has to be counted among Cervini’s editorial offspring (no. 33 in Appendix B).114 As this chapter illustrates, Cervini persevered in his publishing programme long after the collapse of his two Roman presses. Greek and Latin patristics remained the chief cornerstone. Great importance continued to be given to institutional publications (whether connected to the papacy, the council or religious orders), Biblical exegesis, and historiographical undertakings, though most projects related to the second and third groups were not accomplished in Cervini’s lifetime. The cardinal also maintained his interest in promoting Greek literature, philosophy and science, but only when other scholars, notably Vettori, reached out for him to do so. Controversial treatises were definitely abandoned in so far as Cervini did not endorse Cochlaeus’s attempt to improve the distribution of German Catholic publications in Italy in January 1549, as mentioned in Chapter 2. By contrast, new categories of books came into play, especially those concerning Eastern Christians and Orientalists. The lack of detailed account books comparable to those of the Greek partnership hinders our understanding of prices, distribution and targets. And the fact that Cervini used so many printers in different economic contexts further ­complicates the picture. Nevertheless, scattered evidence substantially confirms the trends we have observed in the early 1540s. 113 Cf. Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, ii: A Century of Wonder: Book Three: The Scholarly Disciplines (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1977), pp. 511– 514 and the linguistic analysis by Takata Tokio, ‘A Note on a 16th-Century Manuscript of “The Chinese Alphabet”’, in Antonino Forte and Federico Masini (eds.), A Life Journey to the East: Sinological Studies in Memory of Giuliano Bertuccioli (1923–2002) (Kyoto: Scuola Italiana di Studi sull’Asia Orientale, 2002), pp. 165–179. I am grateful to Sam Kennerley for the second reference. Both Lach and Tokyo provide reproductions of Audebert’s leaf. Montaigne also marvelled at the copy of the Assertio during his visit on 6 March 1581, on which see François Rigolot, ‘Curiosity, Contingency, and Cultural Diversity: Montaigne’s Readings at the Vatican Library’, Renaissance Quarterly, 64 (2011), pp. 847–874. 114 Cervini’s insatiable curiosity sparked the composition of this beautiful and exceedingly rare manual, as attested by Ruano in the dedication to the cardinal: ‘… per volere io scriver con ragione habbia preso regola, et misura dalle lettere antiche, che in più luoghi di Roma si veggono, sì come a Vostra Signoria Reverendissima promisi, quando mi domandò s’io sapevo la misura d’una lettera mauiscola, che ella vidde in mano mia …’ (Ruano, Sette al­ phabeti, sig. Aiv). The title-page is dominated by Cervini’s coat-of-arms. The first volume of the exceptionally detailed and accessible catalogue of the Vatican Latin manuscripts, completed in 1550 by Ruano, was also dedicated to Cervini, the true force behind the enterprise as cardinal librarian (see bav Vat. lat. 3967, ff. [4]r-v; Petitmegin, ‘I manoscritti latini’, pp. 52–59).

Cervini’s Editorial Activity after 1544

183

While price range was maintained between 1 and 2 scudi, the regular clergy remained Cervini’s main perspective readership, especially in relation to the works of the Church Fathers, which the cardinal regarded as useful for preaching, teaching and keeping monks away from heresy. For these precise reasons, he bought several copies of his edition of Gregory the Great and ordered to distribute them to all the Servites’ preachers and monasteries in mid-1554. In his view, the book was affordable, costing not even 10 giuli (i.e. 1 scudo).115 As with his Roman publications in the mid-1540s, his new editiones principes quickly found their way into prominent collectors’ libraries beyond the Alps.116 In the space of a few years, some of them were also reissued and widely distributed by the Swiss publishing houses, mostly in Basel and often with a brand new paratext involving one or more Reformers.117 In the light of the stance taken by Cervini and his collaborators against Protestant publications in the historical and patristic fields (notably those by Oecolampadius), this may sound like a paradox; yet it is a revealing one, as it exposes all the limits of ­Cervini’s plan in the open market of books in the mid-sixteenth century, when confessional barriers were still fairly permeable. 115 Cervini wrote to the general of the Servites on 21 April 1554 (asf, Cervini, vol. 47, f. 194r): ‘Se la Paternità Vostra leggerà con diligentia l’opera di san Pantherio nuovamente stampata sopra tutte l’opere di San Gregorio, la farà fermo iudicio che quelli che vogliono, predicando, insegnar a gli altri, troveranno in detta opera una via piena, facilissima et catholica, et da far bonissimi i frutti nella vigna di Dio. Però essendone stati consignati alcuni volumi per nostro ordine a Maestro Zacharia da Firenze, quale esorterà la Paternità Vostra in nome nostro ch’ella modestamente disponga tutti quelli che predicano a pigliar­ ne uno, anzi sarebbe d’ornamento non solamente ne conventi dove sono studii, ma in tutti quelli che hanno bon numero di frati. Noi volontieri faciamo questo perch’el’libbro non è caro, non passando dieci giulii, et perché nella religione [i.e., the order of the Servites­] si venghino seminando queste pie, sante, utili dottrine’. For this edition (no. 32 in Appendix B), rici, no. BIB2224 records three provenances related to Servites. Other price indicators can be found in the account book of the Vatican Library. For instance, in December 1551 Cervini bought from the bookseller Bartolomeo Molini the Greek Clement and the correspondent Latin translation for the library collection. The first book was paid 2 scudi, the second 1.10 scudi (Dorez, ‘Le registre’, pp. 176–177, no. 74). Earlier in that year, Giordano Ziletti had sold the Greek Clement to the library for 2.20 scudi (ibid., p. 176, no. 66). 116 E.g., Grolier owned a copy of the Latin edition of Clement and two copies of Theodoret’s commentaries on Paul: Austin, The Library, p. 53, no. 132 and p. 78, nos. 506–507. 117 While Arnobius and Eustathius were republished in 1546 and 1559 respectively (ustc 613137, 654584), the Latin Eranistes appeared in Basel in 1549 (ustc 615352) and so did the Latin Clement in 1556 (ustc 622826). In one case only, Jenny, ‘Arlenius in Basel’, p. 19 informs us that the go-between was Torrentino; he sent a copy of Theodoret’s De providentia to Vadian, who was chosen as dedicatee by Rudolph Gwalter for the edition printed in Zurich in 1546 (ustc 696652).

184

Chapter 6

New pieces of information can doubtless be gathered from a case-by-case analysis of the dozens of books which were published thanks to Cervini. At present, my main goal has been to demonstrate that such incessant and multifaceted activity was not confined to 1540–1544, but took up most of the final fifteen years of Cervini’s life and continued to bear fruits even after his sudden death as pope Marcellus ii. In this regard, the witty consolation Paolo Manuzio sent to Cervini’s brother in mid-May 1555 seems extremely appropriate: ‘although we are deprived of his [Cervini’s] presence, the imprint (‘stampa’) left by his praiseworthy behaviour and most holy actions is still apparent’.118 As this chapter demonstrates, Cervini’s printing operations were a substantial part of his lasting ‘imprint’ onto the culture of the late Renaissance and early Counter-Reformation. 118 Paolo Manuzio, Tre libri di lettere volgari (Venice: Paolo Manuzio, 1556), f. 7r-v: ‘… quantunque la sua presenza non habbiamo, apparisce nondimeno la stampa de’ suoi lodati costumi, e santissime operationi’.

Chapter 7

Epilogue This final chapter aims to contextualise Cervini’s outstanding interaction with printing and highlight common leitmotifs in the editorial policy of the ­sixteenth-century Catholic Church. In the first place, it is worth looking again at the innovators presented in Chapter 2 and illustrating how they were related to each other and Cervini. Then I will focus on some contemporary experiments involving the use of moveable types in Venice and Rome in order to show their similarities with and often dependence on the various projects of Giberti, Cochlaeus, Fabri and, above all, Cervini. 1

Two Cardinals Exploiting Printing

In the 1530s, a new era was ushered in by Giberti both in respect of the Church’s internal reformation and the use of printing, as shown in detail in the prologue to the present volume. It is now appropriate to ask whether Giberti inspired the main curial figure who exploited printing in the mid-Cinquecento, that is to say Marcello Cervini. As is often the case, the answer lies in the details, which we can extract from Cervini’s letters and books. The young Cervini got in touch with Giberti while in Rome in 1525–1526. It is possible that they were introduced to one another by Colocci, whose scholarly meetings Giberti was keen to attend. To be sure, Giberti was one of the Roman high prelates to whom Cervini presented a copy of his father’s astronomic predictions.1 Their subsequent exchanges have left no significant traces. It is certain, however, that Cervini largely relied on Giberti’s model in administering the dioceses of Reggio and Gubbio, especially in his attempt to restore episcopal authority and control local clergy and preachers.2 It is no coincidence that, in 1547, Cervini lamented with Maffei the wretched state of the Veronese diocese under Giberti’s successor, Pietro Lippomano, who was poorly served by his brother Giovanni as administrator; all to the detriment of G ­ iberti’s 1 Prosperi, Tra evangelismo, p. 99–100, 200. asf, Cervini, vol. 49, ff. 83r, 85v (Cervini to his father Ricciardo on 14 March 1525 [1524 according to the Florentine style]: ‘Sono stato più volte a rifarmi vedere da la Signoria Revendissima del Datario [Giberti]’), 95r, 129r-v, 150r (‘Monsignor Datario mostrò haver hauta chara la copia del libretto, et dice vi ringratia’). 2 Cf. the different analyses by Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 151–184 and Giombi, Un ecclesiastico tridentino, passim.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004348653_009

186

Chapter 7

cherished memory and legacy. Shortly after, with the appointment of a new bishop, Luigi Lippomano, Cervini became deeply involved with the pastoral care and the repression of heresy in Verona, as well as with the publication of Luigi’s works.3 Even more importantly for the purpose of our investigation, several of Giberti’s works and publications can be found on Cervini’s shelves, such as the 1530 edition of Zigabenus, the Constitutioni per le Monache of 1539, Fumano’s Latin translation of Basil issued in 1540, the famous Constitutiones printed in 1542, and a manuscript copy of Giberti’s sermons. In addition, we can be reasonably certain that Cervini owned a copy of the two most important patristic achievements of Giberti’s presses, even if they do not appear in his library inventories. The 1529 Chrysostom edition was extensively used by Sirleto in his studies on and translations of this Church Father, which he conducted first on behalf of Cervini and then for his own, unfulfilled, editorial projects later in the century. Likewise, Sirleto employed the editio princeps of Damascenus’s De Orthodoxa Fide and De his qui in fide dormierunt; in 1547, he translated a Latin extract of  the second work and sent it to Cervini, assuming that the cardinal could check the translation against the Greek text, very likely on the copy owned by Cervini’s father and presently held at the Casanatense Library (B.vi.45).4 Cervini also kept an eye on the undertakings of Giberti’s right-hand man in scholarly publishing activity, Adamo Fumano. For instance, in November 1541, he briefed Giannotti about Fumano’s recent translation of Xenophon’s Apomnemoneumata, which had been dedicated to Cardinal Farnese. Moreover, seven years later, Fumano communicated to Sirleto that Giberti had borrowed from the Vatican Library a manuscript of Chrysostom’s commentary on the Psalms, a work that Cervini and Hervet had been editing for the first time in Latin translation.5 3 asf, Cervini, vol. 19, ff. 82r, 83bisr, 84v. On inquisitorial activity in Verona, see Buschbell, Re­ formation und Inquisition, ad indicem (Verona) – partially drawing on the Lippomano-­Cervini correspondence in asf, Cervini, vol. 22 – and Tacchella, Il processo agli eretici veronesi. 4 Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, nos. B 26, B 31, B 112, D 179. Fossier, ‘Premières recherches’, p. 434, no. 319. On Chrysostom, see Quantin, ‘Sirleto’, pp. 304–311. On Damascene, see bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 302r: ‘Il greco è stampato, dico questa opera di Damasceno insieme con l’altri stampati in Verona. Queste parole allegate son in quel che tradusse Gioanne Ecolampadio per maggior sua dannatione’. On Ricciardo Cervini’s copy of this edition, lavishly bound with his name in gilt lettering in Greek on front cover and the family crest on the back, see Quilici (ed.), Biblioteca Casanatense, p. 151, no. 179 and pl. 498. 5 Giannotti, Lettere, pp. 104–105: ‘Io avevo tradotto Ἀπομνημονεύματα Xenophontis, et disegnavo mandargli fuori. Hora intendo dal cardinale di Santa Croce [Cervini] che un certo messer Adamo [Fumano], che sta col vescovo di Verona [Giberti], gli ha tradotti e diritti al cardinale Farnese, di modo che penso tormi dalla impresa, non obstante che il cardinale di Santa Croce

Epilogue

187

The overlaps between Giberti’ and Cervini’s enterprises extended to personnel, from skilled workers, such as Stefano Nicolini, to intellectual manpower, such as Florimonte and Zini, and the authors selected for publication, especially Chrysostom and Damascene. There is no doubt, therefore, that Giberti’s legacy nourished Cervini’s undertakings, especially in the field of Greek patristics. We should point out, however, that Cervini took to a higher level Giberti’s humanistic faith in the beneficial spread of the original sources of Christian literature. He moved the discourse from particular to general, from the attempt to reform a local diocese to the possibility of influencing the whole of Christendom against the Protestant Weltanschauung, with notable emphasis on the Italian clergy and preferably from a Roman perspective. While Giberti worked on mid- and lower levels of the Catholic hierarchy (in membris), Cervini was a firm believer in the reformation from above (reformatio in capite) under the supervision of the papacy in the name of strict orthodoxy. Despite their different foci, the many resemblances between these two high prelates’ ground-breaking attitude towards printing did not escape their contemporaries’ notice and were perhaps even clearer from a distant viewpoint such as that of Jean de Gagny, chancellor of the Sorbonne. We have touched on Gagny’s dedication to Cervini in 1548 and his vain attempt to involve the cardinal in his and Le Riche’s firm in Paris. In this telling piece of paratext, Gagny also declared that he had embarked on book publishing after looking at the example of Cervini and Giberti. Gagny went on to draw another interesting comparison between the dedicatee, Cervini, and the author of the book he had published, Cardinal Gasparo Contarini (1483–1542); this prefatory letter opens the posthumous editio princeps of Contarini’s De elementis, a learned treatise on physics written some fifteen years earlier. In Gagny’s eye, Contarini and Cervini were like brothers on account of their multidisciplinary erudition and irreproachable moral conduct; for this reason, Cervini had to shield Contarini’s literary offspring from calumniators. It is unclear whether Gagny was referring to the specific polemics around the book, which conveyed a conservative Aristotelian notion of matter, or, as seems more likely, to Contarini’s debated religious legacy.6 The chancellor of the Sorbonne certainly showed little skill in gli vogli vedere et consigliarmi’. bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 133r (Sirleto to Cervini on 11 April 1548): ‘Messer Adamo m’ha detto che la buona memoria del vescovo di Verona [Giberti] havea havuto ad imprestito Chrysostomo sopra salmi circa xl et che l’havea reso alla libraria vaticana’. One of Fumano’s letters to Cervini survives in asf, Cervini, vol. 41, f. 148r. It is dated Verona, 11 October 1545; although it concerns the shipment of a dyed cloth for the cardinal, it clearly betrays the high degree of acquaintance which existed between the two men. 6 Contarini, De elementis, sig. Air-v: ‘Itaque annum fere abhinc tuo et Gilberti [sic] Matthaei Veronensis episcopi exemplo adductus (si licet magna parvis componere) typos exculpi

188

Chapter 7

reading the recent political development in the Roman Curia. By 1548, Cervini had long since distanced himself from Contarini’s conciliatory line towards the Reformation and had contributed significantly to burying such an approach forever in Trent, by approving the decree on justification in which good works and faith were regarded as equal in order to acquire salvation.7 2

Blado and Nicolini as Official Printers

The detailed overview in Chapter 2 concerning the rise of the stampatore ca­ merale (printer of the Apostolic Chamber) has illustrated how this position slowly came to be acknowledged as late as 1550. The year 1535, which was often presented by earlier literature as the beginning of Antonio Blado’s appointment, marked a step forward, but was far from resolving the matter. Once the starting point is moved from 1535 to 1550, it becomes impossible to maintain that, in selecting the personnel for his printing enterprises in 1540, Cervini chose Blado because of the latter’s official role, since this role was still to be created. Nor did Cervini’s Greek press appear to benefit at all from Blado’s frenetic activity as the main printer – though not yet the only one – for the papal bureaucracy. In truth, the opposite can easily be argued. Blado’s experience at Cervini’s side was instrumental to strengthening his position in the Curia over the 1540s. Paul iii’s administration was dominated by the pope’s grandsons, since Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, Cardinal Santa Fiora and Cardinal Ranuccio Farnese were the heads of the Apostolic Chancellery, Chamber and Penitentiary curavissem quam proxime fieri potuit Aldinos Graecos et Latino … optime quosque tum veterum quam recentiorum libros … excudi fecimus, inter quos sunt hi posthumi Gasparis Contareni Cardinalis liberi (liber quinque dico de elementis …), quos in tuo nomine ­apparere voluimus ut haberent qui se mortuo parente ab calumniatoribus defenderet. Tu ergo pupillos fratris tui liberos (quidni enim fratrem appellem eiusdem sodalitii hominem, morum probitate disciplinarumque eruditione affinem tibi Contarenum?), tu inquam hos libe­ros adopta et perinde ac tuos habe’. On what is likely to be Cervini’s dedication copy, see Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. F 40. See also Luca Burzelli, ‘Tradition and Success of a Physical Treatise: Contarini’s De Elementis in the Last XVI Century’, Mediterranea, 5 (2020), to whom I am grateful for sharing this forthcoming article. 7 For an extensive analysis of Cervini’s positions towards Contarini, see Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 87–116 (esp. pp. 106–108) and 152–153. Cervini kept in his library and personal archive some of the most controversial amongst Contarini’s works: Fossier, ‘Premières recherches’, nos. 199 and 342 (De officio episcopi), 436 (Della grazia e della predestinazione, to Lattanzio Tolomei); Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. D160 (Torrentino’s collective edition of 1553, including the Katechesis); as well as the Epistola de iustificatione and Sadoleto’s damaging answer in asf, Cervini, vol. 29, ff. 269r-278v and 308r-311v.

Epilogue

189

r­ espectively. The three young cardinals were at the same time Cervini’s former pupils and the leaders of the three institutions which produced the highest number of laws and edicts in early modern Rome. In his quest for formal confirmation of his unofficial role as the stampatore camerale, Blado also exploited the institutional character of the publications he printed on Cervini’s behest. In particular, the belated completion of the Eustathius edition may have finally triggered Blado’s appointment as the official administrative printer. The chronology of the two events is extraordinarily tight. Julius iii signed a rescript (motu proprio) in Blado’s favour on 10 March 1550, while the papal privilege for Eustathius’s Homeric commentaries was issued within the following 48 hours, on 12 March, though the request must have been submitted to the pope a few days earlier than that. The privilege was immediately printed in the last volume of Cervini’s edition, which also contains a general dedication of the work written by Majorano and addressed to Julius iii. In the title-page of this volume, Blado’s large device is accompanied by the subscription ‘Apud Antonium Bladum, impressorem cameralem’, seemingly the first time in which the title of stampatore camerale was used with the full right to do so (Fig. 8).8 The same subscription appears in variant B of the title-page of volume iii, which was specially reprinted in 1551 for the very few copies of the whole edition which were printed on parchment.9 Since we can presume that Cervini backed Blado before Julius iii, it is somehow ironic that, once he himself became pope in the spring of 1555, he was only able to exploit the stampatore camerale for two official publications before passing away (nos. 23–24 in Appendix B and Fig. 9). Blado was not alone in looking for curial recognition of his activity as printer. In the mid-1540s, another of Cervini’s employees, Stefano Nicolini, was also playing his cards well. In doing so, he certainly took advantage of his unique relationship with Cervini, who continued to protect him even after the collapse of the Greek press. Such support was critical, as, unlike Blado, Nicolini could not count on other meaningful connections in the papal court, especially after Giberti’s death in 1543. Nevertheless, Nicolini appeared to be quicker than Blado in gaining favour with Paul iii. In Chapter 4, we have seen how, in a joint publication issued with 8 Eustathius of Thessalonica, Παρεκβολαὶ εἰς τὴν Ὁμήρου Ἰλιάδα καὶ Ὀδύσσειαν, vol. iv (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1550), sigs. +ir-v and +iiir. The papal privilege is followed by those issued by Charles v on 15 October 1544 and Henri ii on 22 March 1548 (ibid., sig. +iir-v). 9 See, e.g., bncr, 68.12 F.1-4 and bnf, VELINS-541-544. The latter may have been Julius iii’s presentation copy, as it was formerly part of the Vatican Library: Ridolfi, ‘Nuovi contributi’, p. 195, n. 2.

190

Figure 8

Chapter 7

Title-page of Eustathius of Thessalonica, Παρεκβολαὶ εἰς τὴν Ὁμήρου Ἰλιάδα καὶ Ὀδύσσειαν, vol. iv (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1550 ; BNB copy, YY.XIII.37).

191

Epilogue

Figure 9

asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 153r: the only known copy of Bulla prorogationis subsidii trecentorum millium scutorum (Rome: [Antonio Blado], April 1555) issued by Cervini as Pope Marcellus ii.

192

Chapter 7

Blado in 1542, he – and not Blado – was hailed as ‘printer of the papal books’. This is a clear reference not only to the official status of Cervini’s undertakings, but also the well-established role played by Nicolini in them. In 1545, Nicolini acted more straightforwardly on the pope’s behalf. He sent to Pietro Contarini in Venice Paul iii’s bull related to the processions and plenary indulgences for the opening of the ecumenical council. On this occasion, he folded the bull like an envelope and signed it employing the cryptic title of ‘pope’s commissioner  throughout Italy’ (‘Sanctissimi Domini nostri commissarius per totam Italiam’).10 Although he omitted to specify his prerogatives, the context suggests that they were connected to the commerce of bulls and possibly their production, too. Should this be the case, there are no solid grounds to determine whether Nicolini sought some form of understanding with Blado, who aimed at monopolising the market of papal proclamations in print, or the two former partners in Cervini’s Greek press became competitors. From 1547 onwards, Nicolini began to style himself as ‘chalcographus apo­ stolicus’. Significantly, the first time he used this title was on the title-page of one of Cervini’s most challenging editiones principes, Theodoret’s Eranistes. As Barberi pointed out, this title seemed to resuscitate the honorific briefly used by Calvo in his final years in Rome. Evidence shows that Nicolini acted as private printer of the pope and, in this capacity, he was included in the papal famiglia until his death in 1569. His salary came in the form of a regular payment of the rent of his accommodation in Parione.11 The rights and duties this position entailed, however, are largely unclear. Some provisional conclusions can be drawn from analysing his production in Rome, of which we regrettably lack an updated catalogue.12 It apparently consisted of a dozen of exceedingly rare booklets and broadsheets in Latin and the Italian vernacular; the only outstanding exceptions in terms of size and cultural impact were the Eranistes and another of Cervini’s Greek first editions, Damascene’s dialogues against iconoclasts (nos. 28–29 in Appendix B). In spite of their various nature, a large 10 11

12

See the copy in bnm, MISC 379.13, sigs. Aiiiv and Aivv. Nicolini’s signature is reproduced in the Marciana online provenance database (https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immaginipossessori/809-nicolini-da-sabbio-stefano, consulted on 30/05/2019). Valentino Romani, ‘Appunti su un istituto editoriale: lo stampatore palatino della “famiglia” pontificia (secc. xvi–xvii)’, Annali della scuola speciale per archivisti e bibliote­ cari, 19–20 (1979–1980), pp. 31–43, at pp. 33–36 and again in his ‘Tipografie papali’, p. 267. Cf. also Sandal, ‘Scrittura devota’, pp. 268–272, and Barberi, ‘Le edizioni di Calvo’, p. 62. The ‘tesi di laurea’ by Nerina Durin, Edizioni dei Nicolini da Sabbio (1521–1601) (Parma: University of Parma, 1969–1970), conducted under Luigi Balsamo’s supervision, is based on the few bibliographical sources available at the time, while Carpané, ‘Annali tipografici’ focuses exclusively on the Venetian output of the Nicolini family.

Epilogue

193

part of these publications bear Nicolini’s title. The diversity and discontinuity of his Roman output suggest that he had little, if any obligations as papal printer. As for his privileges, there seems to be no trace of commercial advantages related to any particular category of books, as opposed to what was happening with the stampatore camerale and the papal administrative material. The great benefit Nicolini obtained from becoming part of the papal court was that he was no longer needed to publish books regularly in order to make a living. This was doubtless an unexpected outcome for Cervini. The main motive for the cardinal to help Nicolini obtain a permanent position must have been to exploit him for carrying on publishing Greek Christian authors under the pope’s aegis. Yet, following the Damascene edition in 1553, Nicolini stopped printing Greek books altogether. That Nicolini’s position rapidly ended up being an honorific sinecure with minimal impact on the Roman printing system and the editorial policy of the Church is proven by the fact that he did not hesitate to make sporadic use of his title outside the walls of the Eternal City. Nicolini signed as ‘apostolic chalcographer’ a few publications he issued in Venice with his family press in the early 1550s: three books with no apparent connection to either the Curia or Cervini – Crispoldi’s Orationi da far nel tempo della carestia as well as Manenti’ and Mariani’s Tariffa – and two vernacular accounts of the bulls Julius iii promulgated against heresy and prohibited books. In the imprint of Natale Conti’s collection of Greek and Latin poems (Venice, 1550), the Nicolini brothers went so far as to use Stefano’s title collectively.13 3

The Greek Community in Venice

In the previous chapters, we have dwelt on the crucial role exerted by Antonios Eparchos in enlarging Cervini’s and the papal libraries, as well as on his proposal to relocate Cervini’s Greek press in Venice in 1544 under his and Sophianos’s management. Eparchos’s contacts with Giberti and the German Catholic scholars were practically non-existent. By contrast, he maintained an intense correspondence with Cervini, fluctuating between vague emulation and sheer dependence. On the one hand, he attempted to involve Cervini 13

ustc 824675, 836691, 836692, 840017, 840922. Cf. also ustc 823823 (‘impressum Venetiis, per fratres de Nicolinis de Sabio impressores apostolicos’). The only copy of the two vernacular ‘summaries’ of Julius iii’s bulls are to be found in the Archivio di Stato of Venice: see Carlo De Frede, ‘Due “avanzi” veneziani della stampa non libraria del ‘500 relativi all’eresia e ai libri proibiti’, Studi veneziani, n.s., 38 (1999), pp. 217–221 and Rozzo, La strage ignorata, pp. 197–199.

194

Chapter 7

in an aborted plan to publish the Greek acts of the Council of Florence in September­1542, possibly in Rome with Cervini’s Greek press, and to keep alive Cervini’s ­tangential interest in the Greek publications he was carrying out in Venice with Sophianos and other émigrés in the mid-1540s, including his anti-­ Lutheran and anti-Turkish Lamentation for Greece, which he dedicated to Paul iii and which also contains a eulogy to Contarini. Eparchos later attempted to persuade Cervini to print an unpublished work of Chrysostom he had discovered in 1548. He also tried in vain to carve out a niche for himself in the Tridentine Council as either secretary or interpreter to the Greek nation; he assumed the Greeks would be willing to appoint Cervini as their protector in the assembly and submit to the papal authority. Yet all he was able to obtain was an informal subsidy of 10 scudi per month from both Cervini and Cardinal Farnese, on top of a papal pension of 200 scudi he had been enjoying intermittently since 1540.14 Another Greek scholar aspiring to unite the Greek Church with Rome and become a pioneer in Venetian Greek printing was Metrophanes, the Orthodox Metropolitan of Caesarea and later Patriarch of Constantinople. Metrophanes arrived in Italy in December 1546 as envoy of the newly-elected Patriarch Dionysios­ ii. In May 1548, he established an enterprise with the copyist-printer Vasileios Valeris and the Byzantine merchants Demetrios Marmaretos and Silvestro­de Odino. Relaunching earlier editorial experimentations in the field (including those led by Nicolini, Andreas Kunadis and Damiano di Santa Maria­), Metrophanes and his Greek partners focused on Greek ­devotional 14

Dorez, ‘Antoine Eparque’, esp. pp. 285–286, 290–291, 297 (Eparchos to Cervini, from Venice: ‘… prego … che scriva a monsignor legato [i.e., Fabio Mignanelli] che dimandi … che gli facino dar li atti del concilio Florentino greci, che sono in la libraria de Bisarione, che gli voglio trascriver, et poi verrò de là [in Rome?] per metergli a stampa, che sera di grandissima utilità al mondo per le cose di Gretia. Io gli aspettava di Candia, ma fin hora non gli posso haver’), 304, 308, 311 (‘… pur si revera si farà il concilio, penso che vi sarò da presso, et vi rechiederemo per protettor di Greci insieme con qualche altro di Germania, perché non è di restar più scandali, ma che sii unus pastor et unum ovile), 315–318, 325–326 (‘… attendemo a incontrar Chrsysostomo. Il qual prego Vostra Signoria Reverendissima … che la faci per ogni modo de metterlo in stampa, perché non è oro al mondo che non lo paghi’), 359. Ibid., p. 301, for Eparchos’s self-absorbed prediction about Giberti’s death in 1543. As late as 1554, Cervini recommended Eparchos to Filippo Archinto, papal nuncio to Venice (asf, Cervini, vol. 47, f. 149r). On the group of scholars around Eparchos as well as his Lamentation (ustc 828155), see Francesca Lotti, Angelo Forte da Corfù a Venezia: pratica medica, divulgazione culturale e identità greca nel primo Cinquecento. Opera Om­ nia (Ph.D. dissertation; Pisa: Università degli studi di Pisa, [2014]), pp. 67–109. Cf. also two exceedingly rare publications: Sophianos’ demotic translation of pseudo-Plutarch’s Paidagogos, issued in 1544 by him and Bartolomeo Zanetti (ustc 849972), and Eparchos’s edition of the April section of the Orthodox liturgical book known as Menaea, printed in 1548 by Zanetti for Andrea Spinelli (ustc 819966).

Epilogue

195

books for Orthodox believers, such as the Anthologion, Nomimon and Hermolo­ gion; the texts were taken from the library Metrophanes had brought with him to the West. Sophianos was certainly involved in the preparation, as he provided Valeris with a set of his own printing types (‘Cervini 1’), probably after his ­short-lived Venetian press had shut down. The Metrophanes-Valeris printing enterprise survived only briefly until late 1549.15 It seems highly plausible that Cervini was one of the personalities who inspired this endeavour, owing to his personal connections with Metrophanes and with Sophianos acting as intermediary. One of Metrophanes’s first acts on Italian soil was to travel to Rome along with Sophianos to seek Cervini’s blessing and introduction to the papal court – a confirmation of the high esteem Cervini enjoyed in the Byzantine milieu. The two Greeks, who apparently found shelter in Cardinal Ridolfi’s Roman residence, knocked at Cervini’s door in mid-May 1547, but could only speak to Sirleto, as Cervini was busy in Trent. Although the envisaged reunification between Catholics and Orthodox did not succeed because of internal resistance on both sides, it is remarkable that Cervini was one of the few cardinals who encouraged Metrophanes to participate in the Council as a representative of the Greek Church and patriarchal emissary. As opposed to the Greek metropolitan, who soon headed back to Venice, Sophianos remained in Rome until the first quarter of 1548. During this stay, which has escaped the attention of his biographers, he not only informed Cervini about a copy of Zonaras owned by Metrophanes, showing familiarity with the contents of the Greek prelate’s library. He also resumed his activity in the service of Cervini, being entrusted with the transcription of the epistles of Isidorus Pelusiota. Absorbed as he was in solving the dispute with Bene­ detto Giunta and Antonio Blado concerning the possession of the original set of ‘Cervini 1’, Sophianos could not fulfil his commitment with the cardinal and decided to return to Venice, precisely when Metrophanes and Valeris were setting up their Greek publishing enterprise.16 15

16

On Metrophanes’s secret mission, see the commented documentation in Buschbell, Re­ formation und Inquisition, pp. 39–43, shedding light on the role played by bishop Zanettini (Grechetto), and the insightful analysis provided in Vittorio Peri, ‘Il Concilio di Trento e la Chiesa greca’, in Giuseppe Alberigo and Iginio Rogger (eds.), Il Concilio di Trento nella prospettiva del terzo millennio: atti del convegno tenuto a Trento il 25–28 settembre 1995 (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1997), pp. 403–441, esp. at pp. 431–436, where later relationships between Cervini and other Byzantine envoys are recalled. On his printing enterprises, cf. Stephanos E. Kaklamanis, ‘Tρεις πρώτες εκδόσεις (1548–1549) από το τυπογραφείο του Βασιλείου Βάρελη και ο Μητροφάνης Καισαρείας’, Θησαυρίσματα, 20 (1990), pp. 218–252 and Layton, The Greek Book, pp. 494–499, with a broader focus on Greek religious printing in Renaissance Venice at pp. 131–178, 223–261. bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 258r (Sirleto to Cervini): ‘… Nicolò Sophiano è venuto in Roma con uno arcevescovo Greco … di Cesaria di Cappadocia et m’ha pregato che io raccomandasse

196 4

Chapter 7

Olaus Magnus

Shortly afterwards, in Rome, new plans for harnessing the power of printing were made by a Catholic high prelate to disseminate religious propaganda. In 1553, the last Catholic archbishop of Uppsala and primate of Sweden, Olaus Magnus, set up a printing house in the monastery of St Bridget, the Goths’ national hospice in Piazza Farnese where he was spending his final days in exile. As we learn from his will, during the four years in which his firm was active, Olaus amassed tools and publications to the considerable value of 600 scudi, including two presses and four boxes of characters. Hiring four different printers in rapid succession (Giovanni Maria and Duodecimo Viotti from Parma, Antonio Guidotti from Mantua and Francesco Ferrari from Milan), Olaus mainly published works on the Catholic past of Sweden and Denmark, which had both recently converted to Lutheranism. In fact, this was an extraordinary experiment in domestic self-publishing: together with St Bridget’s biography and prophecies, the core of the catalogue consisted of the historical surveys written over a long period by Olaus and his late brother, Johannes, who had been archbishop of Uppsala before Olaus. The firm ‘in the house of St Bridget’ did not, however, survive Olaus’s death in 1557 and its stock and equipment were taken over by the eclectic publisher Vincenzo Luchino. The publication issued by Luchino in 1560 with the colophon ‘in aedibus divae Brigidae’ is nothing but a re-issue of the 1557 first edition of Johannes Magnus’ history of the Uppsala episcopacy, with recomposed title- and final pages, as well as the conjugate leaves Aviii and Pi.17 a Vostra Signoria Reverendissima sopra detto arcevescovo …’ Ibid., f. 127v (Sirleto to ­Cervini): ‘Nicolò Sophiano m’ha reso il quinterno de le epistole de Santo Isidoro Pelusiota, quale Vostra Signoria Reverendissima m’havea fatto dare per trascrivere … l’havea tenuto già un mese senza haver scritta una carta, et … se escusava di non possere per la sua lite …’ See also ibid., f. 229v and Vat. lat. 6178, f. 132r. On Sophianos’s obscure activities after 1545, see Layton, The Greek Book, pp. 467. 17 Cf. ustc 839650 and 839649. Valentino Romani, ‘Per la storia dell’editoria italiana del Cinquecento: le edizioni romane “in aedibus sanctae Brigidae” (1553–1557)’, Rara Volumina, 5 (1998), pp. 23–36, with a catalogue of the output. On the Magnus brothers, see: Jules Martin, ‘Deux confesseurs de la foi au xvie siècle: Joannes et Olaus Magnus’, L’université catholique, n.s., 58 (1908), pp. 353–376, 597–601, and 59 (1908), pp. 194–230; Hjalmar Grape, Olaus Magnus: forskare, moralist, konstnär (Stockholm: Proprius, 1970); Kurt Johannesson, The Renaissance of the Goths in Sixteenth-Century Sweden: Johannes and Olaus Magnus as Politicians and Historians (Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford: University of California Press, 1991; originally published in Swedish in 1982); and Carlo Santini (ed.), I fratelli Gio­ vanni e Olao Magno: opera e cultura tra due mondi: atti del convegno internazionale, RomaFarfa (Rome: Il calamo, 1999).

Epilogue

197

Olaus Magnus was doubtless familiar with Giberti and Cervini, as the two cardinals helped to support him and his brother Johannes, expressing ­sympathy for their cause when they arrived penniless in Italy in the late 1530s and corresponding with Johannes in the early 1540s. Giberti gave them money in Vicenza in 1539 and probably facilitated their Venetian stay as guests of Patriarch­ Querini. There the Magnus brothers were finally able to complete some of their historiographical undertakings and advance their other printing projects, notably the publication of Olaus’s map of the North Sea and the two related short commentaries in German and Italian.18 In his turn, Cervini encouraged the Magnus brothers to go back to Rome in 1541 and took part in Johannes’s funeral in 1544. Yet his acquaintance with Olaus grew stronger over the years, in contrast to the superficial relation the two Magnus brothers had had with Giberti, who died in 1543. The Swedish archbishop diligently participated in the conciliar works in Trent and Bologna and exchanged a considerable number of letters with Cervini, notably in 1547–1549, when the cardinal had already headed back to the papal court.19 At this time, Cervini threw his weight behind Olaus to protect the house of St Bridget from the claims of part of the Roman nobility over the property, especially the Peruschi and Massimo families, while the area was undergoing major renovation works in the construction of the square in front of the Farnese palace. Olaus kept the cardinal up to date on the political developments in Poland, Hungary and the Holy Roman Empire, where he could count on many friends. Along with Friedrich Nausea, one of Olaus’s German informers was Cochlaeus, who had edited substantial portions of Cassiodorus’s Variae, one of the sources on ancient Goths most cherished by the Magnus brothers. Olaus joyfully welcomed Cochlaeus’s troubled printing enterprises, which he funded with his meagre resources, occasionally transmitting his enthusiasm to Cervini. The Swedish archbishop also maintained that he and Cochaleus could win the communication battle against the reformers and re-establish orthodoxy in Germany and Scandinavia – the ‘Gothic’ world, as Olaus b­ roadly

18 19

The map and the extremely rare commentaries (ustc 839652 and 839654) are reprinted in Hermann Richter, Olaus Magnus’ Carta marina (Lund: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1967). Olaus’s extant correspondence with Cervini in asf, Cervini are published in Buschbell (ed.), Briefe von Johannes und Olaus Magnus. Ibid., pp. xxi–xxii, Buschbell lists Johannes’s letters to Cervini, Giberti and a few other Roman cardinals, letters which can be found in Olaus’s edition of Johannes Magnus, Metropolis ecclesiae Upsalensis in regnis Suetiae et Gothiae (Rome: Francesco Ferrari for St Bridget’s House, 1557) pp. 144–170. Significantly, a copy of Johannes’s masterplan for re-establishing the Catholic faith in Scandinavia is ­preserved in asf, Cervini, vol. 33, ff. 143r-144v.

198

Chapter 7

­described it.20 Olaus was also keen in showing Cervini how deeply he was committed to helping the Curia and the Roman Inquisition exert control over the Italian printing industry and book trade. In 1548–1549, he travelled twice to Venice, once to tackle the dissemination of heretical publications within the community of German expatriates, on another occasion to assist Della Casa in preparing his list of prohibited books; this list, however, received little, if any support from the Venetian authorities, who eventually managed to sabotage its application.21 In the light of these connections, it is unsurprising that Cervini’s editorial activity may have inspired Olaus in the mid-1550s. In his Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus, Olaus mentioned Salviani’s still unpublished book on fish, which Cervini was in effect co-authoring through his international enquiries. In particular, the description of the shad fish and its diffusion in Italy was likely sourced from face-to-face conversation with Salviani and almost certainly Cervini.22 We can also identify the Life of St Bridget in Cervini’s library inventory as a copy of the book which inaugurated Olaus’s publishing programme in 1553.23 Historical subjects played a pivotal role in the publications of both Olaus and Cervini: they were a way to underline how Protestants were unjustly breaking with religious and cultural tradition. By contrast, the use of illustrations to enforce the messages conveyed by written texts was an innovative feature introduced by Olaus, since the Italian and especially Roman clergy did not seem eager to adopt a communication strategy akin to the German Protestant and Catholic Flugtschriften.24 Although his publications were all in Latin, Olaus 20

ustc 611836. Buschbell (ed.), Briefe von Johannes und Olaus Magnus, ad indicem (‘Alatri, Bischof Camillo de Peruschi’, ‘Cervino, Marcello’, ‘Cervino, Giambatista’, ‘Cochlaeus, Johannes’­, ‘Maximi’ and ‘Peruschi’), esp. pp. 45–47, 71, 74, 83, 85–86 and Johannesson, The Renaissance, pp. 149–162. On Cochlaeus’ and Olaus’s common interest in Cassiodorus, cf.: Harold Stone, ‘The Polemics of Toleration: The Scholars and Publishers of Cassiodorus’ Variae’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 46 (1985), pp. 147–165, at pp. 155–157, and Olaus Magnus, A Description of the Northern Peoples, Rome 1555, ed. by Peter G. Foote (3 vols., London: Hakluyt Society, 1996–1998), iii, ad indicem auctorum (‘Cassiodorus’). 21 Cf. Buschbell (ed.), Briefe von Johannes und Olaus Magnus, pp. 56–57, 84; Johannesson, The Renaissance, p. 154; Grendler, The Roman Inquisition, pp. 85–89; and ili, iii, pp. 45–50. 22 Olaus Magnus, A Description, i, p. xxxvii; iii, pp. 1060, 1138–1339. 23 Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. D 354. 24 Johannesson, The Renaissance, pp. 163–170. See also David Bagchi, ‘Poets, Peasants, and Pamphlets: Who Wrote and Who Read Reformation Flugschriften?’, in Kate Cooper and Jeremy Gregory (eds.), Elite and Popular Religion: Papers Read at the 2004 Summer Meeting and the 2005 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2006), pp. 189–196, as well as Scribner, For the Sake of Simple Folk and Edwards, Commerce and Print. On the Italian production of this ephemera, cf. Rozzo, Linee and his La strage ignorata.

Epilogue

199

targeted a broader, less scholarly audience than Cervini. His ­encyclopaedic illustrated Description of the Northern Peoples is particularly telling in this regard; this was at once a demonstration for Olaus’s compatriots of the common Catholic history and destiny of Scandinavia, and a powerful literary and visual portrait of the region aimed at persuading the pope and other European rulers to free Sweden and Denmark (then including Iceland and Norway) from the yoke of Lutheran ‘tyrants’ such as Gustav Vasa and Christian iii. These two foci can be seen clearly in the first substantial book published by Olaus at St Bridget’s­, that is Johannes Magnus’ illustrated Historia de omnibus Gothorum et Sueonumque regibus. Two editions were produced, bearing two different dedications dated 30 January 1554. One has a remarkably illustrated title-page with the Swedish arms and a Biblical reference to wise kings, since the book appeals to Gustav Vasa’s four young sons, whom Olaus continued to hope could be of help in restoring the Catholic faith in the country. The other features the papal coat-of-arms on the title-page and addresses Pope Julius iii, who was in practice the main patron of the press through the subsidies he supplied to Olaus to compensate for the loss of his episcopal revenue in Sweden.25 Olaus’s project shows another distinctive feature. In connecting his press to the national hospice in Rome of a country which had embraced the Reformation, he seemed to foresee the purposes for which the national colleges were established later in the century by Gregory xiii and other popes of the ­Counter-Reformation. It should be noted, however, that the monastery of St Bridget under Olaus’s direction (1549–1557) was still one of the many medieval institutions founded in the Eternal City to offer aid and comfort to pilgrims and did not aim to form Catholic clergy for the re-evangelisation of Sweden.26 Olaus was not able to transform it into a Swedish exclave for the education of Catholic priests and believers. In fact, in striving to train young Swedes in

25

26

ustc 839647–839648. See the excellent introduction to Olaus Magnus, A Description, i, pp. xiii–lxxii, and Astrid M.H. Nilsson, ‘Johannes Magnus’ Historia de omnibus Gothorum et Sueonumque regibus and Gostagus the Tyrant’, in Astrid Steiner-Weber and Franz Römer (eds.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Vindobonensis: Proceedings of the Sixteenth International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies (Vienna 2015) (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2018), pp. 511–520. Olaus’s Roman first editions of his and Johannes’s Historiae enjoyed great success also in the highest spheres of the contemporary scholarly world, as is proven by the fact that both publications were in Grolier’s library: Austin, The Library, p. 65, nos. 319–320. Liam Chambers and Thomas O’Connor (eds.), College Communities Abroad: Education, Migration and Catholicism in Early Modern Europe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2017), discussing earlier literature, and the paper ‘I collegi nazionali e lo studio delle lingue tra xvi e xvii secolo’ delivered by Aurélien Girard and Giovanni Pizzorusso at the International Conference Lo studio delle lingue nella Roma del Cinquecento: luoghi e risorse, Rome, 6 February 2018.

200

Chapter 7

the Catholic faith, beginning with his own nephew, he ultimately relied on the schools which the Jesuits were establishing in Rome in the early 1550s.27 5

Loyola and the First Jesuits

The last innovative publishing initiatives we must examine relate to the Society of Jesus during the middle decade of the sixteenth century. The founder of the Company, Ignatius of Loyola, encouraged his fellows to write and publish refutations of Protestant thinking and didactic work for internal use. He himself used Blado’ and Luchino’s firms to print several books to which the Company maintained an exclusive right, beginnig with the Latin version of his Spiri­tual Exercises approved by Paul iii in 1548.28 In the meantime, the first Jesuit colleges were being established. Two years after its foundation in 1551, the main one, the Collegium Romanum, inaugurated its courses and rapidly became a competitor to the Studium Urbis in both humanae and divinae litter­ ae. A year later, the Jesuit Collegio Germanico was established in Rome for the training of German priests, who had to attend the courses of the Collegio Romano.29 It seems that Loyola’s idea of setting up a Jesuit press was a response the miserable conditions of the Catholic faith and the formidable obstacles to publishing Catholic works in the Holy Roman Empire. As reported by Jerónimo Nadal on 6 July 1555, Protestant publications were ‘multiplying endlessly’, while the confutations of them were mostly out of print, so that Catholic morale was very low. If Catholics wanted to read religious books, they were practically obliged to encounter heretical works. All was not lost, however, since the Austrian chancellor Widmanstetter wished to involve the Jesuits in e­ xploiting printing in the name of King Ferdinand against the ‘heretics’. Partly to alleviate 27 Johannesson, The Renaissance, pp. 155–156. 28 ustc 836132. John W. O’Malley, The First Jesuits (Cambridge MA: hup, 1993), pp. 114–115 and Valentino Romani, ‘Note e documenti sulla prima editoria gesuitica’, Archivio della Società­romana di storia patria, 117 (1994), pp. 189–192. 29 See Ricardo G. Villoslada, Storia del Collegio Romano dal suo inizio (1551) alla soppressione della Compagnia di Gesù (1773) (Rome: Pontificia Università Gregoriana, 1954) and Peter Schmidt, Das Collegium Germanicum in Rom und die Germaniker: zur Funktion eines römischen Ausländerseminars (1552–1914) (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1984). A general overview of the many Italian colleges is provided by Sabina Pavone, ‘I Gesuiti in Italia (1548–1773)’, in Sergio Luzzatto, Gabriele Pedullà and Erminia Irace (eds.), Atlante della letteratura italiana, ii: Dalla Controriforma alla Restaurazione (Turin: Einaudi, 2011), pp. 359–373. For a larger picture, see also Paul F. Grendler, Jesuit Schools and Universities in Europe, 1548– 1773 (Leiden: Brill, 2019).

Epilogue

201

the German situation, partly in support of teaching activities, Loyola granted permission for the establishment of a printing firm in the recently-founded Jesuit college in Vienna. Thus, the Viennese enterprise, especially as Widmanstetter and Nadal initially envisaged it, should have served the same p ­ urpose as Cochlaeus’s project for a centralised Catholic publishing house in Germany, though this time the selected location was the capital of the Habsburg domain, rather than the archbishoprics along the Rhine on which Cochlaeus had ­concentrated his efforts.30 Nevertheless, difficulties soon arose in putting this new ambitious plan into action. Juan de Vitoria and Peter Canisius took four further years to establish this press, which barely managed to provide texts for the college and shut down in 1572, after a rather dysfunctional period of activity. Its major achievement was the republication of the Spiritual Exercises in 1,500 copies in 1563.31 In 1556, the Jesuit Collegio Romano was granted the status of a university. The same year Loyola made moves to set up a printing house in the college. On the one hand, he realised that scribal practice could no longer keep up with the pace of the Collegio’s output; on the other, outside publishers often proved to be unreliable, such as the Neapolitan printer who produced a faulty edition of the Jesuit exhortation on frequent communion. At first, Loyola hoped to persuade Cosimo de’ Medici through Laynez or ‘some cardinals’ to hand over some of the Latin fonts discarded by Torrentino. Then, he arranged for a roman and an italic font to be dispatched from Venice with the help of Luchino, Tramezzino and the rector of the Venetian college. Getting hold of suitable types, however, turned out to be trickier than expected. The fonts were 30 31

See Chapter 2.2. ustc 655313. Jerónimo Nadal, Epistolae ab anno 1546 ad 1577, i (Madrid: Avrial, 1898), pp. 309–310: ‘Ho avuto … un gran desiderio … che alcuni attendesseno ad aiutare alli pochi catholici in Alemagna, et confutare quelli miseri heretici. Li suoi libri si moltiplicano in infinito, et stampano di nuovo; et li libri catholici, che son fatti contra loro, già non si stampano più, né quasi si trovano, in modo che li medesimi catholici dicono (benché non si possono scusare) che non trovano da leggere altri libri che di questi lutherani, che è andar tutto alla roina, che già etiam li pochi catholici si curano poco delle scomunicationi del papa, et prohibitione di legger libri heretici. Per questo … ci habbiamo sforzato di per mezzo del cancellario d’Austria [Widmanstetter] … far in Vienna una stampa buona in nome del re, nella qual si stampasseno quotidianamente libri catolici et purgati, et si facessino alcuni nuovi contra questa peste di Lutero … Io spero che … farà gran frutto quella stampa di Vienna, alla qual impresa è affettatissimo il cancellario, et mi ha strettamente raccomandato che io la tratte con la P[otenza] Vostra [i.e Loyola] acciò che li nostri aiutino’. See Loyola’s answer in Monumenta Ignatiana: epistolae et instructiones, ix (Madrid: Lopez del Horno, 1909), p. 318 and Cecilio Gómez-Rodeles, Imprentas de los an­ tiguos jesuitas en Europa, América y Filipinas durante los siglos xvi al xviii (Madrid: Sucesores­de Rivadeneyra, 1910), pp. 3–12.

202

Chapter 7

e­ ventually bought in Rome for 20 scudi: they were those which had been recently used by Blado to print Polanco’s Directorium and Des Freux’s Copia ver­ borum on the Society’s behalf.32 The press began operations as late as October 1556, a few months after Loyola’s death, under the supervision of the new superior general, Diego Laynez. At the same time, the rector of the earliest Jesuit ­college, founded in Messina (Sicily) tried to set up a press and a paper mill, but to no avail.33 Over the six decades of its activity, the press of the Collegio Romano acted as the official press of the Jesuits, publishing internal letters, constitutions, rules and papal privileges, together with Loyola’s Spiritual Exercises and the first Rationes studiorum. It also published some of the college’s academic disputations, a few educational manuals intended to replace those by Erasmus and an edition of Martial’s epigrams in which the obscenities had been carefully expurgated by André Des Freux.34 The non-commercial, in-house and somewhat tentative nature of the enterprise is revealed by the fact that the printers were either obscure workmen or members of the Society, while the students themselves were employed as correctors. Even so, the press provided hugely significant support for Jesuit interventions in the four spheres of activity which were closest to their mission: education, spiritual devotion, defence of orthodoxy and evangelisation. The successful experiment was instrumental to maintaining unity during the rapid expansion of the Society and was followed by many other Jesuit schools throughout the world, beginning with the college of Goa.35 Owing to the magnitude of the phenomenon, the extent to 32 33

34 35

ustc 850067 and 826597. See the well-documented articles by Giuseppe Castellani, ‘La tipografia del Collegio Romano­’, Archivum historicum Societatis Jesu, 2 (1933), pp. 11–16 (reprinted in Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria, 115 (1992), pp. 133–146) and María Mercedes Bergadá, ‘San Ignacio de Loyola y la primera imprenta jesuita’, Estudios, 88/476 (1956), pp. 83– 90. Among the sources mentioned by Castellani and Bergadá, see in particular Monu­ menta Ignatiana, x (Madrid: Lopez del Horno, 1910), p. 656 and Lainii Monumenta, i (Madrid­: Lopez del Horno, 1912), pp. 414–415. Many of the press’s publications survive only in single copies at the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale of Rome, which incorporated the College library in 1873–1874. ustc 841165. Cecilio Gómez-Rodeles, Imprentas de los antiguos jesuitas en Europa and his Imprentas de los antiguos jesuítas en las misiones de Lebante durante los siglos xvi al xviii (Madrid: Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, 1912); Guillermo Furlong Cardiff, Los Jesuitas y la imprenta en la América Latina (Buenos Aires: Academia Literaria del Plata 1940); Bernabé Bartolomé Martínez, ‘Las librerías e imprentas de los jesuitas (1540–1767): una aportación notable a la cultura española’, Hispania Sacra, 40 (1988), pp. 315–388; Paul Begheyn, Jesuit Books in the Dutch Republic and its Generality Lands 1567–1773: A Bibliography (Leiden: Brill, 2014); Idalia García Aguilar, ‘Imprenta y librerías jesuitas en la Nueva España’, in Idalia García Aguilar and Pedro Rueda Ramírez (eds.), El libro en circulación en la América colonial:

Epilogue

203

which such a widespread but cautious use of printing contributed to the establishment of the Society as a new order and of its educational model as the chief training ground for Counter-Reformation scholarship still needs to be properly elucidated, especially outside the Spanish-speaking world. This analysis should also take into account another aspect of the extraordinary relationship of the  Jesuits to the printed book, that relating to the culture of institutional libraries.36 Most relevantly to the present investigation, in the Society’s early interactions with printing we can again detect Cervini’s direct influence. The close personal links between the cardinal, Loyola and the first Jesuits went beyond the discrete fight against the spread of the Reformation within the Italian clergy, the administration of the cardinal’s dioceses in Reggio Emilia and Gubbio, and the participation of Cervini’s nephews, notably Bellarmino, to the intellectual flourishing of the order.37 Cervini was the main force behind the Jesuits’ participation in the first phase of the Tridentine council, employing them in his successful attempt to dictate the agenda of the assembly. It was within this context that he emerged as one of the first literary patrons of the Society. In 1547, he entrusted Laynez (his confessor in Trent) as well as Jay and Salmerón with writing a series of summaria against Lutheran theology to illustrate the traditional Catholic views on the sacraments, purgatory, indulgences and the Mass.38 As Paul Nelles has recently shown, Cervini was also responsible for the birth of a specific and highly successful sub-genre of the Jesuit output, that of the epistolary reports from the missions to the New World. His curiosity led to more detailed ­accounts, while his enthusiasm facilitated the early manuscript circulation

36

37

38

producción, circuitos de distribución y conformación de bibliotecas en los siglos xvi al xviii (Mexico City: Quivira, 2014), pp. 205–237. See: José Luis Betrán (ed.), La Compañía de Jesús y su proyección mediatica en el mundo hispánico durante la edad moderna (Madrid: Silex, 2010); Natale Vacalebre, ‘Produzione e distribuzione libraria gesuitica nel Cinquecento: il caso delle “Adnotationes et meditationes in Evangelia” di Jerónimo Nadal (Anversa, Martin Nuyts, 1593–1595)’, Titivillus, 1 (2015), pp. 305–323; and his Come le armadure e l’armi: per una storia delle antiche biblio­ teche della Compagnia di Gesù: con il caso di Perugia (Florence: Olschki, 2018). Cf. Pietro Tacchi Venturi, Storia della Compagnia di Gesù in Italia (2 vols., Rome: La Civiltà Cattolica, 1950–1951), ad indicem (s.v. ‘Cervini, Marcello’ and ‘Marcello ii’); Quaranta, Marcello­ ii, pp. 304–310; Giombi, Un ecclesiastico tridentino, pp. 233–239; and Franco Motta, Bellarmino: una teologia politica della Controriforma (Brescia: Morcelliana, 2005), pp. 17–40. All these learned treatises are published in CT, vi/3, pp. 3–531, as part of the conciliar acts. See ibid., pp. xxxi–xxxvii for their genesis and Cervini’s commission. On the Jesuits in Trent, see Sabina Pavone, ‘Preti riformati e riforma della Chiesa: i gesuiti al Concilio di Trento’, Rivista storica italiana, 117 (2005), pp. 110–134 and Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 278–280.

204

Chapter 7

of  these letters as edifying readings. The Jesuits presented him with a great number of manuscript presentation copies, which he gathered, annotated and included­in his library.39 One cannot but wonder whether he would have promoted their publication into print, an operation the Society conducted shortly after his death, in the second half of the 1550s. Equally remarkable is the number of occasions on which Cervini threw his weight behind Loyola’s educational projects, as we can see by weaving together some scattered unpublished sources. To the best of my knowledge, Cervini’s pivotal contribution to the convoluted process of establishing the Venetian and Paduan colleges has gone unnoticed. Both projects originated from the generous donation to the Society made in 1546 by Andrea Lippomano, the former prior of the Trinità monastery in Venice. Instigated by Lippomano’s relatives, the authorities of the Serenissima were opposed to the bequest, since it paved the way for the penetration of an external religious order in the Republic. In April and August 1548, Cervini vigorously exhorted the papal nuncio Della Casa to unblock the stalemate and shared Della Casa’s answer with Lo­ yola himself, with whom he had long been on very close terms. In September, the Doge approved Lippomano’s donation. Through it – and in spite of further complications – the Society was able to open its schools in Venice (1550) and in Padua (1552).40 Additionally, Cervini organised with Del Monte a rapid ­doctoral examination for Canisius, Jay and Salmerón in Bologna in 1549, so that the 39 See bav, Ott. lat. 797 (which must correspond to Cervini’s library record in Fossier, ‘Pre­ mières recherches’, p. 439, no. 395) and Paul Nelles, ‘Jesuit Letters’, in Ines G. Županov (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of the Jesuits (Oxford: oup, 2019), pp. 44–72, at p. 58. 40 bav, Vat. lat. 14830, ff. 115r (‘… il Priore dela Trinità di Venetia ha fatto due parti de suoi benefitii: una, applicandola in opera pia, l’altra dandola a suoi parenti. La pia è stata d’estinguere il Priorato di Santa Maria Madalena di Padua, et erigerne dui collegii de scolari, uno fatto in Padua, l’altro da farsi in Venetia, per imparare dottrina christiana, et buone lettere. Et perché il sopradetto Priore ha ottenuto che tali collegii sieno perpetuamente sotto la cura et governo dela compagnia di Giesù, di che si sono spedite le bolle, et toltone il possesso spirituale, prego Vostra Signoria Reverenda che, restando solo il possesso temporale … voglia far per ciò ogni caldo et efficace offitio appresso cotesta Illustrissima Signoria, accioché questa buona opera habbia il debito effetto, che me ne farà pia­ cere singularissimo’) and 117r (‘… la ringratia anco messer Ignatio, havendoli io mostrata la sopradetta lettera sua …’). Cardinal Farnese, too, urged Della Casa to take action (bav, Vat. lat. 14832, f. 246v). See on the two colleges: Tacchi Venturi, Storia della Compagnia, ii/2, pp. 305–324, quoting other interventions by Cervini which are inferred from Loyola’s correspondence; Maurizio Sangalli, Cultura politica e religione nella Repubblica di Venezia tra Cinque e Seicento (Venice: Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere e arti, 1999), with earlier bibliography on the Serenissima and the Jesuits; and Paul F. Grendler, The Jesuits and Ital­ ian Universities, 1548–1773 (Washington: The Catholic University of American Press: 2017), pp. 115–153.

Epilogue

205

three Jesuits could meet the requirements to teach theology at the University of Ingolstadt, where a college was founded in 1556. Though largely overlooked, his support was also crucial in obtaining papal consent to the foundation of the University of Dillingen in 1551 and the Jesuit involvement in the new institution; this project had been financed since 1547 by Cardinal Otto Truchsess, prince-bishop of Augsburg, chief promoter of Dillingen as a publishing centre and one of Cervini’s most active correspondents.41 Likewise, Cervini backed Cardinal Morone in the establishment of the Collegium Germanicum, of which he was chosen as one of the protectors in 1552, and encouraged the expansions­of the Jesuit schools in Central Italy, especially in Gubbio (1552), Loreto (1554) and, with no immediate effect, in Montepulciano, where a college was opened only in 1556–1557. Finally, it is worth noting that Cervini was directly involved in the early activity of the Collegio. In 1554, as a prominent member of the committee of the Studium Urbis, he tried in vain to persuade Loyola to let a Jesuit teach theology at the Roman University, which was traditionally weak in that domain. The offer was made a few months after the Collegio had inaugurated its lectureships with some public talks in the presence of six cardinals, including Cervini.­ Together with other committed patrons of the Society (Álvarez de Toledo, Bartolomeo­ de la Cueva and Morone), Cervini took an active part in the committee of cardinals created by Julius iii in early 1555 to provide the Collegio with some endowments; when Cervini was elected as Julius’s successor a few months later, the Jesuits hoped that he would put an end to the fragile condition of the Collegio’s finances, though his time on the papal throne proved too short to achieve this.42 They also had high expectations of Cervini’s pontificate finally delivering on the long-awaited reformation of the Church, in which they were eager to play a part with their writings and colleges. As emerged in a private audience between the founder of the Jesuits and the new pope, Loyola and Cervini shared the same idea of an internal renewal: this should 41

42

asf, Cervini, vol. 18, ff. 56r, 60r 91r, 97r; vol. 19, f. 142r; vol. 22, ff. 23r, 39r-v. The papal bull for the university was published by Blado (ustc 836705). On the crucial role of the Jesuits in the German Catholic education, see Bernhard Duhr, Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge (4 vols., Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1907–1928) and Grendler, Jesuits Schools, passim. On Truchsess and the first typographer in Dillingen: Otto Bucher, ‘Sebald Mayer, der erste Dillinger Buchdrucker (1550–1576)’, Jahrbuch des historischen Vereins Dillingen, 54 (1952–1953), pp. 109–129. Cf.: Ernesto Rinaldi, La fondazione del Collegio Romano: memorie storiche (Arezzo: Coope­ rativa tipografica, 1914), pp. 48–49; Villoslada, Storia del Collegio Romano, pp. 25, 29, 134; Hudon, Marcello Cervini, pp. 49, 115, 137; O’Malley, The First Jesuits, pp. 201–202, 234; ­Giombi, Un ecclesiastico tridentino, pp. 233–239; and Grendler, The Jesuits, pp. 12, 349, 426–433.

206

Chapter 7

work through the entire Church hierarchy, from top to bottom; it should be embodied in the pontiff and directed by the Curia, which was the first body to undergo reform. It is no coincidence that Marcellus ii wished to appoint two Jesuits as advisors on how this process of reformation should be initiated.43 In the light of these personal relationships and common purposes, it seems highly unlikely that Loyola, Laynez and their fellows were unfamiliar with the cardinal’s editorial activities. Even if the press of the Collegio Romano came into existence the year after Cervini’s death, it can be argued that the early Jesuits partially understood the power of the press through the lens provided by Cervini. The first encouragement to exploit the printing press came from Widmanstetter, former secretary to Cardinal Truchsess and Cervini’s chief collaborator in preparing the edition of the Syriac New Testament. Furthermore, the ensuing idea of centralising production in Rome appears to adapt Cervini’s hierarchical view of the Church’s communication policy to the specific needs of the Society. The press of the Collegio Romano was to fix, so to speak, in printed form, the first Jesuit textual production, which had to be faithfully ­reprinted by the other colleges’ presses, in the same way in which the Collegio had to lead the other colleges and help the papacy restore and spread Catholicism.44 Such a strategy echoed the same concerns towards the production of stable texts and control of their distribution which underpinned Cervini’s numerous undertakings in the field of publishing. 43 O’Malley, The First Jesuits, p. 322 and Mario Scaduto, Storia della Compagnia di Gesù in Italia, iv: L’epoca di Giacomo Lainez (1556–1565): l’azione (Rome: La Civiltà Cattolica, 1974) pp. 8–11. See also, Monumenta Ignatiana: fontes narrativi de S. Ignatio de Loyola et de Socie­ tatis Iesu initiis, i (Rome: Monumenta historica Societatis Jesu, 1943), 714–717. On 18 May 155, a few days after Cervini’s death, Loyola declared that ‘si el papa reformase a sí, y a su casa, y a los cardenales en Roma, que 25 no tenía más que hacer, y que todo lo demás se haría luego’ (ibid., p. 719), reiterating what he and other Jesuits had told pope Marcellus ii (ibid., pp. 582–583). 44 See Loyola’s master plan for the Collegio Romano as summed up in Villoslada, Storia del Collegio Romano, pp. 14–16.

Chapter 8

Conclusion This book was undertaken in response to the lack of scholarly interest in the sixteenth-century Catholic Church’s use of printing as a means of communication in the wake of the Reformation. To fill this gap in the literature, at least in part, I focused on the situation in Rome and investigated, in particular, the attitude of the Curia between 1527 and 1555. The principal thrust of my research was to question the assumption that while Catholics, and especially the Roman hierarchy, sought to impose a tightly controlled and wide-ranging censorship on the Italian market for printed books, they were unable, in contrast to Protestant leaders and publicists, to exploit the potential of printing to the full and were even resistant to any positive involvement with it. I stated in the Introduction (Chapter 1) that, in order to revise this outdated perspective and offer an alternative interpretation of the goals pursued by the Catholic Church in relation to printing, it was necessary to establish three points. My first point concerned the need to reconstruct the curial experiments with printing between 1527 and 1555. The number and similarity of these attempts called into question the conventional wisdom; by examining in detail the degree of continuity between these various experiments, I have shown that, taken together, they constituted an important feature of the policy of the papacy in the delicate passage between late Renaissance culture and the early Counter-Reformation. After discussing precursors such as Giberti in Verona and Fabri and Cochlaeus in Germany, we have seen how the Curia became ever more engaged in devising plans for publishing houses and printed publications, all in the service of the papacy and of the Catholic struggle against Protestantism. Alongside the increasingly intensive employment of Antonio Blado’s press for the Church’s administrative publications, the pioneering use of printing made by Cardinal Marcello Cervini in the 1540s and early 1550s, in Rome and elsewhere in Italy, ushered in a period of experimentation with the medium of printing. As is often the case with exemplary ground-breaking figures, Cervini’s forays into publishing attracted several other churchmen and scholars interested in playing their part in them and yet mostly unable to act independently. From the late 1540s onwards, however, we can observe how some new projects devised by personalities other than Cervini. Such initiatives include the press in the convent of St Bridget in Rome, sponsored by the ­Swedish archbishop Olaus Magnus, the publishing enterprise of the Collegio

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004348653_010

208

Chapter 8

­ omano, planned by Loyola, and the appointment of Nicolini as ‘calchograR phus apostolicus’ and member of the papal household. My second point had to do with the people involved in these enterprises and the books which they published. It is important to stress that the sponsors of Catholic publications were well aware of earlier attempts in the field. Fabri, Giberti and Cervini had tried to help Cochlaeus with his Catholic presses in Germany, each according to their own analysis of the situation in the Holy Roman Empire; Cervini had among his papers an annotated copy of Fabri’s Praeparatoria, and, significantly, he and Giberti were mentioned together as enlightened supporters of printing by Gagny, a French Catholic scholar of the Bible and the Church Fathers; in search of sponsors for his ambitious plan to re-establish Catholicism in Scandinavia, Olaus Magnus, too, looked to Giberti and, even more straightforwardly, to Cervini, who was also influential in respect of how Loyola and the first Jesuits decided to exploit printing. A large portion of the Curia of Paul iii and Julius iii was involved, sometimes repeatedly, in these projects at various stages; some lent their manuscripts or received copies of the printed publications, others provided subsidies or assisted the scholarly work, often through the members of their households. To cite only the most illustrious cardinals, these included Niccolò Ardinghelli, Gian Pietro Carafa, Gregorio Cortese, Miguel da Silva, Alessandro Farnese, Bernardino Maffei, Giovanni Morone, Reginald Pole, Rodolfo Pio da Carpi, Niccolò Ridolfi, and Giovanni Salviati. Furthermore, this interest in printing on the part of cardinals was not seriously affected by internal divisions in the Curia, transcending even the bitter conflict between intransigents and spirituali. Among the scholars entrusted with the intellectual side of the business, Niccolò Majorano, Gentian Hervet and Pier Francesco Zini stand out on account of their continuous engagement over many years. The most important figure in this group, however, was unquestionably Sirleto: one of the earliest collaborators of Cervini, he also took part in all the cultural enterprises supported by the papacy after 1555, while silently climbing the curial ladder until his appointment as cardinal librarian and head of the Congregation of the Index. There is also a notable continuity in the type of works selected for ­publications – a clear indication of the aims envisaged by the papacy in relation to printing. I have indicated four main areas of specialisation in the editorial programmes of the various personalities engaged in publishing for the popes. The first was writings of the Church Fathers and of early Christian thinkers. In most cases, the intention was to publish these works for the first time; occasionally, however, it was to correct and replace earlier editions by Protestant scholars, notably Oecolampadius. In the Italian context, this second

Conclusion

209

issue became p ­ articularly pressing just after the period taken into examination in this book, since the most distinguished of all patristic scholars, Erasmus, began to be regarded as a heresiarch, mainly due to the vein of a­ nti-­ecclesiastical satire which ran through his writings. As a result of the Council of Trent’s condemnation in 1546 of any version of the Bible other than the Vulgate, the Roman Church also needed to publish a philologically sound edition of the Bible. This work was started by Cervini and Sirleto, but went on to involve the best minds of the Curia for decades and was brought to completion in the ­Sixto-Clementine Vulgate printed in 1592, 1593 and 1598. The second area was official books related to the Council of Trent. In this regard, too, Cervini seems to anticipate later concerns of the Curia. Following the closure of the council in December 1563, the Catholic Church was indeed under increasing pressure to reform and distribute in print the official books of liturgy, devotion, canon law and suchlike. The publication of the whole body of Tridentine decrees emerged in those days as another pivotal issue, which was tackled by building on Cervini’s edition related to the first phase of the assembly. The third area was ecclesiastical history. For an institution such as the Roman­Church, which based its authority and ultimately its existence on the notion of tradition, the study of the past was crucial, not only in order to cope with the threat posed by the Reformation (the unique theological features of which it greatly underestimated), but also to provide support for its own arguments against both Protestants and dissenters within the Catholic fold such as advocates of Conciliarism. Cervini’s early edition of the decretals of Nicholas i and Innocent iii, along with his personal investigation of the history of the papacy, the Curia and the ecumenical councils, laid the foundation for later enterprises coordinated by the Curia, through congregations of cardinals, and culminating in Cesare Baronio’s Annales. The fourth area was religious publications in Oriental languages. These were addressed, on the one hand, to the Eastern Christian Churches with which the papacy hoped to establish closer relations in order to expand its influence, to prevent a similar move on the part of the Protestant camp and to undermine the increasing power of the Ottoman Empire. Once more, it was Cervini who inaugurated this editorial line, which was taken over by the Medici Oriental Press in the late sixteenth century and, later in the seventeenth century, by the press of the Propaganda Fide (which extended its efforts at proselytisation to non-Christian nations in the Levant and the New World). A remarkable feature of these editorial programmes is the tangential role assigned to humanist editions of the Latin and Greek classics and, even more clearly, to polemical literature. From this we can infer that the Curia became

210

Chapter 8

eager, somewhat belatedly, to put an end to the ‘pagan’ dimension of the Italian Renaissance, which had flourished in Rome until a few years earlier, and recognised the failure of the polemical campaigns conducted by chiefly German Catholic controversialists in the 1520s and 1530s. A final element of continuity can be found in the target readership. Evidence points towards a very selective group of prospective readers, as indicated by the fact that these publications usually contained bare texts in Latin or Greek in a period when the use of the Italian vernacular was rapidly acquiring a prominent position in the book trade. This may suggest that books sponsored by the Curia, especially the works of the Church Fathers and ecclesiastical histories as well as official Tridentine publications, were primarily intended for learned secular and regular Catholic clergy, with the purpose of achieving internal conformity and discipline. Such an exclusive communication strategy towards the clergy would fit in with a typical feature of the Church’s policy pursued towards the laity in Italy, in which the various Indexes of Forbidden Books sought to keep the ‘simple folk’ as ignorant as possible of the arcana fidei, as well as ‘protecting’ them from immoral and anti-clerical material.1 Furthermore, this inward-looking attitude can easily be related to the major effort undertaken by the papacy throughout the sixteenth century to transform Rome from a centre of late Renaissance culture, with its paganising tendencies, to the capital of Counter-Reformation Catholicism – a transformation which started under Paul iii and Julius iii and involved, as we have seen, the University of Rome and local institutions for clerical education, beginning with the Collegio Romano. The third and final point raised in the Introduction goes right to the heart of the problem of interpreting the attitude of the Roman hierarchy towards printing in the sixteenth century. It concerned the complex relationship between the Church’s attempts, on the one hand, to employ printing as a means of official communication and, on the other hand, to gain control over the free circulation of books through a system of strict censorship. At first glance, these two endeavours appear to be diametrically opposed. Evidence presented in this book, however, has revealed this to be a superficial judgement, arising from an ideological interpretation of history, which sees the invention and spread of printing as a key factor in the progress of liberalism – a new technology which 1 In some cases, this discouraged reading and demonised printed books per se: see Gigliola Fragnito, ‘“Zurai non legger mai più”: censura libraria e pratiche linguistiche nella penisola italiana’, in Alain Tallon (ed.), Le sentiment national dans l’Europe méridionale aux xvie et xviie siècles (France, Espagne, Italie) (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2007), pp. 251–272, and her ‘La colpa di leggere nella prima età moderna’, in Per Adriano Prosperi: i, pp. 171–182.

Conclusion

211

made possible the expansion of free thinking, writing and speech embodied in the sixteenth century by the Reformation, in opposition to the constraints imposed by repressive early modern governments, above all, those of the Papal States and the Catholic nations of southern Europe. With regard to the history of the book, this viewpoint has encouraged surveys centred on the private book trade and institutional – both religious and secular – censorship. By contrast, little attention has been devoted to the use made of printing by state authorities in Italy during this era, as if their role was confined merely to control and prohibition. As I have tried to argue, the mid-sixteenth-century Catholic Church is an exemplary case of a different approach towards printing adopted by a prominent institution, one in which censorship and promotion coexisted. We have seen how the papal attempts to mobilise printing developed in parallel with the growth of the extensive censorship system which it built up. Most importantly, the two policies were pursued by the same figures, as the profiles of Cervini and Sirleto amply demonstrate. In the minds of these and many other high-ranking prelates, including the German controversialists, Olaus Magnus and Loyola, the two policies were broadly in line and not perceived to be ­contradictory – indeed, the same high level of scholarship and knowledge was needed whether selecting books for prohibition or for promotion. There is a further connection in terms of timing. Reformers began to issue printed propaganda in the early 1520s; yet it was not until Cervini’s endeavours in 1539 and 1540 that the Curia took its first steps towards the centralised use of printing. And it was a few years after that, in 1542, the Catholic hierarchy began to respond to the flood of Protestant publications throughout the Italian peninsula by establishing the Roman Inquisition and charging this new congregation with the task of controlling the book trade. Recent studies on Catholic censorship have brought to light different opinions within the Roman Curia regarding the extent of prohibition which should be imposed; but they have also shown that no one, whatever his political and religious beliefs, questioned the urgent need for ecclesiastical censorship altogether. Likewise the plans to employ printing as a means of countering reformed propaganda never met with factional opposition among the cardinals of the Curia – the many failures which these plans suffered were not due to any internal sabotage, but rather to financial and managerial shortcomings. This is not to deny that the Curia harboured some serious doubts in relation to printing, but these were mostly concerned with the excessive profit-seeking of the book trade and the inaccuracy of the texts which were produced and distributed in print. It was not the medium of printing nor printed books in themselves which posed the greatest threat to the Catholic establishment, but instead the agents of this technology, that is,

212

Chapter 8

printers and booksellers. This may explain why the plans to employ printing in the second half of the sixteenth century became inextricably connected to establishing a papal press in Rome managed by a trusted (and closely supervised) printer and publisher. A kindred scheme was adopted first by Pius iv in calling Paolo Manuzio to Rome in 1561 and by Sixtus v in setting up the Typographia Vaticana in 1587. In the light of the three points dealt with in this book, it seems valid to interpret the aims pursued, more or less coherently, by the Catholic Church in relation to the use of printing as a policy in the mid-sixteenth century. Yet, this study has revealed how this was more properly the beginnings of a policy which did not disappear along with Cervini and his fellows. The reader may have noticed how frequently the editorial undertakings analysed in the previous chapters seem to resemble a number of enterprises which took place long after 1555 and became landmarks of Counter-Reformation culture. In order to scrutinize these highly relevant relationships, however, it is necessary to provide, first and foremost, a thorough reconstruction of the interaction between the papacy and printing in the second half of the sixteenth century, similarly to the one attempted in this volume. Such future research will not, I believe, significantly alter the picture which I have presented in this book. Rather, it is likely to produce an even sharper image of the many interlocking facets of the sixteenth-century Catholic Church’s policy towards printing and the way in which the use of moveable types and censorship coexisted within the most powerful religious institution of early modern Europe.

Documentary Appendices

∵

Appendix A

The Greek Partnership Accounts [128v] 1) + 1542 Eustachii greci sopra Homero stampati per conto del Reverendissimo Cardinale Sancta Croce sono in tutto buoni et interi n.ro 1275 Et più in carta pecora n.ro 2 Restano in poter di messer Benedetto n.o 731 [129r] + 1) Eustachio di rincontro sono stribuiti come qui di sotto per ordine di Monsignor Reverendissimo 1 A don Basilio della Pace 1 Al Molza 1 A messer Ubaldino 25 A messer Mathia greco in casa il [sic] Reverendissimo Ridolphi 1 Al Reverendissimo Cardinale Ridolphi 1 Al Reverendissimo Cardinale di Carpi 2 A Sua Signoria Reverendissima 1 Al Reverendissimo Cardinale Santa Fiore 2 Altri a Sua Signoria Reverendissima 1 A messer Giovan Baptista Ramusio 1 A messer Fausto per e frati di Camaldoli 1 Al Reverendo Monsignore Thesauriere -----n.o 38 1 Al Reverendissimo et Illustrissimo Cardinale Teatino hora di Napuli n.o 39 A diverse religioni di frati 50 A frati di San Paulo 30 A frati della Pace 15 A frati di San Salvadore del Lauro 50 A frati di Sancta Maria Nova

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004348653_011

216

Appendix A

8 A frati di Sancta Maria Transpontina 20 A frati di Sancta Croce in Hyerusalem 15 A frati di Sancto Agostino 8 A frati di San Grisogono -----196 39 -----235 Mandati fuor di Roma in commessione 50 A Lione a Jac[op]o Giunti 10 A Bologna a Giovan Andrea Dossena 6 A Firenze a Bernardo Giunti 70 A Vin[eti]a a rede di Lucantonio Giunti 105 A Bologna a Giovan Andrea Dossena per consegnare al Governatore di Bologna per ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 10 A Napoli a Agostino de Botti 30 A Bologna a Lorenzo Torentino libraro 23 Venduti in bottega nostra 8 A Giordano libraro in Roma -----312 Il restante sono in casa nostra [129v] 2) + Theophilati sopra Evangeli greci stampati per conto del Reverendissimo Cardinale Santa Croce In carta mezana n.ro 100 In carta bastarda n.ro 1205 In carta pecora n.ro 4 [130r] + 2) Theophilati di rincontro distribuiti come qui di sotto per ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 1 A don Basilio della Pace 1 Allo spagnolo che aiutò correggere

The Greek Partnership Accounts

217

1 Al signor Marcantonio Bentivogli 1 Al Molza 1 A messer Ubaldino 25 A messer Mathia greco in casa il [sic] Reverendissimo Ridolphi 1 Al Reverendissimo Cardinale Ridolphi 1 Al Reverendissimo Cardinale di Carpi 4 A Sua Signoria Reverendissima in carta pecora 4 A Sua Signoria Reverendissima in dua volte 1 A messer Fausto per e frati di Camaldoli 1 Al Reverendissimo Cardinale Santa Fiore 1 A messer Stephano da Sabio 1 A messer Giovan Baptista Ramusio 1 Al Reverendo Monsignore Thesauriere -----21 A diverse religioni di frati 50 A frati di San Paulo 30 A frati della Pace 15 A frati di San Salvador’ del Lauro 50 A frati di Sancta Maria Nuova 8 A frati di Sancta Maria Transpontina 20 A frati di Sancta Croce in Hyerusalem 16 A frati di San Pietro in Vincula 15 A frati di Sancto Agostino 8 A frati di San Grisogono -----212 Mandati fuori in commessione 50 A Lione a Jac[op]o Giunti 10 A Bologna a Giovan Andrea Dossena 6 A Firenze a Bernardo Giunti 100 A Vin[eti]a a rede di Lucantonio Giunti 100 A Bologna a Giovan Andrea Dossena per consegnare al Governatore di Bologna per ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 10 A Napoli a Agostino de Botti 30 A Bologna a Lorenzo Torentino libraro 22 Venduti in bottega nostra

218

Appendix A

+ 20 A Bologna a Giovan Andrea Dossena per consegnare al legato -----348 [130v] 3) + Epistole di Papa Nicola primo in foglio consegnateci per nome di Monsignore Reverendissimo Sancta + [Croce] da messer Francesco Priscianese in tutto n.ro 483 Arnobii sopra psalmi in foglio consegnateci da messer Francesco Priscianese per conto di Sua Signoria Reverendissima sono in tutto n.ro 459 [131r] + 3) Epistole di Papa Nicola di rincontro distribuite come qui di sotto 50 A Lione a Jac[op]o Giunti 100 A Bologna a Giovan Andrea Dossena per consegnare al Governatore de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 50 A Perugia a Antonio Pasini per consegnare al legato de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 10 A Napoli a Agostino de Botti 9 Venduti in bottega nostra 1 Al Reverendo Monsignore Thesauriere -----220 Il restante sono in casa nostra Arnobii di rincontro distribuiti come qui di sotto 1 Al Reverendissimo Cardinale di Chieti 50 A Perugia a Antonio Pasini per consegnare al legato de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 65 A Macerata al Governatore de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 50 A Bologna per consegnare al legato de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 1 Al Reverendo Monsignore Thesauriere -----167 Il restante sono in casa nostra

The Greek Partnership Accounts

219

[131v] 4) + Innocentio contro hereses consegnatici da messer Francesco Priscianese per conto de Sua Signoria Reverendissima sono in tutto n.ro 740 Assertiones contra Luterum consegnateci dal detto messer Francesco Priscianese per conto di Sua Signoria Reverendissima sono in tutto n.ro 668 [132r] + 4) Innocentio di rincontro sono tutti in casa nostra n.ro 740 Assertiones de rincontro sono distribuiti come qui di sotto 50 A Bologna a Giovan Andrea Dossena per consegnare al legato de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 100 A Perugia a Antonio Pasini per consegnare al legato de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 200 A Macerata al Governatore de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 200 A Bologna per consegnare al legato de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 1 Al Reverendo Monsignore Thesauriere -----551 Il restante sono in casa nostra [132v] 5) + Lettere in risposta del Re d’Inghilterra consegnateci da messer Francesco Priscianese per conto di Monsignor Reverendissimo Sancta Croce sono in tutto n.ro 678 Bessarioni consegnatici da messer Francesco Priscianese per conto di Sua Signoria Reverendissima sono in tutto n.ro 660 [133r] + 5) Lettere di rincontro distribuite come qui sotto 50 A Bologna per consegnare al legato per ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima

220

Appendix A

200 A Perugia a Antonio Pasini per consegnare al legato per ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 200 A Macerata al Governatore de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 200 A Bologna per consegnare al legato de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 1 Al Reverendo Monsignore Thesauriere -----651 Il restante sono in casa nostra Bessarioni di rincontro sono distribuiti come qui sotto 50 A Bologna per consegnare al legato de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 200 A Perugia a Antonio Pasini per consegnare al legato de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 200 A Macerata al Governatore per ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 200 A Bologna a Giovan Andrea Dossena per consegnare al legato de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 1 Al Reverendo Monsignore Thesauriere -----651 Il restante sono in casa nostra [133v] 6) + 1540 Il Reverendissimo Cardinale Sancta Croce deve dare per le sotto scritte spese fatte sopra li retroscritti libri di Sua Signoria Reverendissima 1542 Addì 18 novembre 1542 scudi 2 baiochi 75 per spese fatte in balle tre, mandate a Lione a Jac[op]o Giunti cioè canavaccio corde fachini [per] portarle a Ripa et il nolo fino a Livorno in tutto scudi 2.75 E addì detto per spese fatte sopra un fagotto mandato a Firenze  scudi [0.]15 E addì 22 detto de novembre per più spese fatte sopra 4 balle mandate a Vinetia computata la vettura fino a Pesaro scudi 9 E addì primo di dicembre scudi 7 baiochi 35 per spese fatte a balle 12 de ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima per mandare in Spagna che sono ancora in casa nostra scudi 7.35 E adì detto de dicembre per spese fatte a balle 6 mandate a Bologna    scudi 2.10 1543 E adì 13 aprile per spese fatte a un fagotto mandato a Napoli  scudi [0.]30

The Greek Partnership Accounts

221

E adì 30 detto per spese fatte a un fagotto mandato a Bologna scudi [0.]20 1544 E adì 27 marzo 1544 scudi 7 baiochi 82 ½ per spese fatte in balle 36 di più libri hauti dal Priscianese per farli inballare e portare da casa sua a casa nostra in tutto scudi 7.82 ½ Et per far mutare dette balle da un’ magazino a un altro scudi 1.23 E adì 31 detto scudi 3 baiochi 95 per più spese fatte per far’ balle 31, che balle 6 per mandare a Perugia et 25 restorno a Roma scudi 3.95 Fatto debitore a un’altro conto in questo (7 in tutto scudi 34.85 ½ [134r] + 6) Il Reverendissimo Cardinale Sancta Croce deve haver’ per li sotto scritti danari riscossi dalle sotto scritte religione [sic] di frati per e libri consegnati lor’ per ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima Da frati di San Paulo scudi 60 Da frati di Sancta Maria Transpontina scudi 17.60 Da frati di Sancta Croce in Hyerusalem scudi 35 Da frati di Sancta Maria Nuova scudi 110 Fatto creditore a un altro conto in questo (7 in tutto scudi 222.60 [134v] 7) + Il Reverendissimo Cardinale Santa Croce deve dare addì 22 agosto 1542 scudi novecento novant’uno baiochi 44 di iuli x per scudo sono per la stampatura et carta di 1275 Eustachii sopra Homero greci; sono fogli 162 l’uno fanno rixime 413, fogli 50 a iuli xxiiii la rixima montano scudi 991.44 Item per dua di detti Eustachi in carta pecora in tutto fogli 314 a baiochi sei la carta montano scudi 19.44 Item per la stampatura et carta di cento Theophilati sopra Evangelii in carta mezana sono fogli 148 l’uno fanno rixime 29 fogli 300 a iuli xxiiii la rixima montano

222

Appendix A

1.44 [+] 71.44 scudi 72.48 Item per la stampatura et carta di 1205 Theophilati sopra Evangelii in carta bastarda solo [sic] fogli 148 l’uno fanno rixime 356 fogli 340 a iuli xxi rixima montano 1.40 [+] 749.2 scudi 750.42 Item per quattro di detti Theophilati in carta pecora fogli 592 a baiochi sei il foglio montano scudi 35.52 Et per li correctori di mesi cinque pagati per ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima scudi 15 il mese in tutto scudi 75 Item a messer Guglielmo per corregere il Theophilato de ordine di Sua Signoria Reve­ rendissima scudi otto scudi 8 Item per più spese fatte sopra più libri di Sua Signoria Reverendissima come si vede nel foglio in questo 6) scudi 34.85 ½ 1546 E adì 9 de ottobre scudi 4.50 per perdita de moneta delli scudi 66 de ricontro et ne fa buoni Giordano Ziletti per Lorenzo Torentino de Bologna scudi 4.50 -----------1991.65 ½ 1788 -----------203. 65 [sic] [135r] + 7) 1540 Il Reverendissimo Cardinale Sancta Croce deve haver’ addì 15 de dicembre 1540 scudi sessanta di iuli x per scudo hauti cont[anti?] per dar’ caparra per la carta scudi 60 1541 E adì 10 febrar’ 1541 scudi dugento di iuli x per scudo hauti per nome di Sua Signoria Reverendissima da Salvestro da Montauto scudi 200 E adì 19 novembre scudi cinquanta dal detto scudi 50 E adì 5 dicembre scudi 50 scudi 50 E adì 14 detto scudi 50 scudi 50 E adì 24 detto scudi venti cinque scudi 25

The Greek Partnership Accounts

223

1542 E adì 14 gennaro 1542 scudi cento venti cinque scudi 125 E adì 23 febraro scudi cento quarant’otto scudi 148 E adì 24 marzo scudi dugento cinquanta scudi 250 E adì primo aprile scudi cento scudi 100 E adì 28 detto scudi cento scudi 100 E adì 27 novembre scudi dugento hauti dal Tesauriere di Campagna per mandato del Thesauriere di Sua Santità scudi 200 Et per xiii Theophilati a iuli x l’uno et xi Eustachii a iuli xii l’uno venduti in bottega nostra montano scudi 26.20 E adì … scudi venticinque baiochi 20 di iuli x per scudo hauti per nome di Sua Signoria Reverendissiima da messer Pier Maria Landrevilla agente del Vescovo di Sinigaglia scudi 25.20 Et scudi dugento venti dua baiochi 60 riscossi da diverse religione [sic] di frati come si vede distintamente in questo 6) scudi 222.60 1546 E adì 9 d’ottobre scudi 66 ne ha fatti buoni Giordano Ziletti per 30 Eustati, 30 Theofilatti datti a Lorenzo Torentino de Bologna scudi 66 E per sette Eustati, 3 Teofilatti venduti per Augustino de Botti in Napoli scudi 11.40 E per 38 Eustati, 33 Teofilati vendutti in Vin[eti]a scudi 78.60 -----------1788.00 [135v] 8) + Il Reverendissimo Cardinale Sancta Croce di rincontro deve dare scudi novanta nove di iuli x per scudo per valuta di scudi 90 d’oro in oro dati per ordine di Sua Signoria Reverendissima a messer Marcantonio suo maestro di casa scudi 99 Et deve dare scudi duo baiochi 20 per valuta di duo scudi d’oro in oro dati a messer Bernardino da Lucha sensale per senseria del contro scritto molte venduto scudi 2.20

224

Appendix A

-----------101.20 [136r] + 8) Il Reverendissimo Cardinale Sancta Croce per conto delli scudi 600 che ci presta per finir’ di stampar’ l’Eustachio deve haver’ scudi dugento novantasette di iuli x per scudo per valuta di scudi 270 d’oro in oro di iuli x per scudo sono per scudi 300 di suo monte venduto a scudi 90 d’oro in oro il cento scudi 297 E adì 23 di gennaro 1546 scudi sessanta d’oro in oro da casi scudi 66 E adì 3 di maggio scudi settanta cinque et mezo d’oro in oro da casi scudi 83 baiochi 5 E adì 6 detto scudi cento d’oro in oro da casi scudi 110 ----------scudi 556.5 scudi 101.20 -----------scudi 454.85 [sic] [136bis]r [blank] [136bis]v Libri della camara et della libraria

Appendix B

Short-title Catalogue of Books Sponsored by Cervini This is an annotated list of the editions planned, supported or inspired directly by Cervini from 1540 onwards. It is arranged according to place of publication and printers, following a rough chronological order; books published after ­Cervini’s death in 1555 and works left unpublished are also included. When identifiable, editors are indicated. Publications dedicated to Cervini or retaining thankful mentions to him in the paratext are marked by an asterisk. Other pieces of documentary evidence are to be found in footnotes, unless they have already been illustrated in Chapters 3–7.

Rome

Cervini’s Greek press (Antonio Blado with Stefano Nicolini and Benedetto Giunta)

1. Sophianos, Nikolaos, Περὶ κατασκευῆς καὶ χρήσεως κρικωτοῦ ἀστρολάβου, ca. 1542 2/A. Eustathius of Thessalonica, Παρεκβολαὶ εἰς τὴν Ὁμήρου Ἰλιάδα καὶ Ὀδύσσειαν, 1542, ustc 828521 [vol. i only, ed. by Basilio Zanchi and Niccolò Majorano?] 3. Theophylact of Ohrid, Ἑρμηνεῖα εἰς τὰ τέσσαρα Εὑαγγέλια, 1542, ustc 858975 [ed. by Francisco Torres and Guglielmo Sirleto]



Cervini’s Latin press (Francesco Priscianese)

4. Nicholas i, Epistolae, 1542, ustc 844557 5. Arnobius of Sicca, Disputationum adversus gentes, 1542–1543, ustc 811088– 811089 [ed. by Francesco Priscianese and Girolamo Ferrario] 6. Innocent iii, Decretalium atque aliarum epistolarum tomus primus, 1543, ustc 836338 [ed. by Guglielmo Sirleto?] 7. Bessarion, Orationes, 1543, ustc 814297 8. Henry viii, Assertio septem sacramentorum, 1543, ustc 835634 9. Henry viii, Literarum ad quandam epistolam Martini Lutherum exemplum, 1543, ustc 835635–835636 10. Oribasius, De aquis. Пερὶ ὑδάτων, 1543, ustc 845431 [ed. by Agostino Ricchi]* 11. Aegidianae constitutiones, 1543, ustc 800815 [printing completed in 1545 by Girolama Cartolari] 12. Sensi, Ludovico, Conciones quinque, 1543, ustc 855913

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���� | doi:10.1163/9789004348653_012

226

13. 14.

Appendix B

Antonio Blado

Sophianos, Nikolaos, [Totius Graeciae descriptio], ca. 1540 [lost edition] Pseudo-Gregory of Nazianzus, Tραγῳδία, Χριστòς πάσχων, 1542, ustc 802984 [ed. by Basilio Zanchi]* 15. Aelian et al., Ποικίλης ἱστορίας βιβλία [et alia], 1545, ustc 807814 [ed. by Camillo Peruschi]1 16. Euripides, Ἠλέκτρα, 1545, ustc 828501 [ed. by Piero Vettori] 17. Fiordibello, Antonio, De auctoritate ecclesiae, 1545, ustc 8297062 18. Pantusa, Giovanni Antonio, De predestinatione et gratia [et De libero arbitrio et operibus], 1545, ustc 7621933 19. Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Περὶ προνοίας λόγοι δέκα, 1545, ustc 858943 [ed. by Niccolò Majorano] 20. Modus baptizandi, preces et benedictione quibus Ecclesia Ethiopicum utitur, 1549, ustc 819944 [ed. by Bernardino Sandro and Pier Paolo Gualtieri]4 2/B. Eustathius of Thessalonica, Παρεκβολαὶ εἰς τὴν Ὁμήρου Ἰλιάδα καὶ Ὀδύσσειαν, 1549– 1551, ustc 828521 [vols. ii–iv, ed. by Niccolò Majorano and ­Matthaios Devaris] 21. [Augustinians], Constitutiones Ordinis fratrum eremitarum, 1551, ustc 808012*5 22. Egidio Romano, Primus tomus operum, 8 vols., 1554–1555, ustc 828051* 23. Cervini, Marcello (as Pope Marcellus ii), Regulae omnes, ordinationes, et constitutiones Cancellariae, April 1555, ustc 809961 24. Cervini, Marcello (as Pope Marcellus ii), Bulla prorogationis subsidii trecentorum millium scutorum, April 15556 25. Pseudo-Apollodorus, Bibliotheces, October 1555, ustc 809792 [ed. by Benedetto Egio and Scipione Tetti]7 1 The presentation copy to Paul iii, bound with his gilt supralibros, is bav, R.i.iv.1644. 2 The oration addresses Cardinal Sadoleto, Fiordibello’s patron. Prior to publication, a manuscript copy of the work was sent to Cervini, who may have used it in Trent. See Franco ­Pignatti, ‘Fiordibello, Antonio’, in dbi, xlviii, 1997, pp. 119–121, at p. 120. 3 A copy of this book was sent to Cervini in Trent by the author through Maffei in December 1545: asf, Cervini, vol. 20, f. 85r. The second work, De libero arbitrio, is dedicated to Cardinal Ardinghelli (Pantusa, Liber de predestinatione, f. 31r-v). 4 The presentation copy to Paul iii, bound in Rome with his gilt supralibros, is bav, R.i.iv.2003. Born in Cremona, Sandro worked as Greek and Latin copyist for his master, Reginald Pole, and ostensibly wrote the archetype of the 1535 collective edition of Basil, printed in Venice by Nicolini (see Follieri, ‘Il libro greco’, p. 269 and Chap. 2.1 in the present volume). Modus baptizandi was promptly reprinted in Leuven, with three different editions between 1549 and 1550 (ustc 403451, 404906, 408653). 5 Cervini owned one or two copies of this book: Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. D 33 and D 263. 6 The only known copy of this broadsheet is appended to asf, Cervini, vol. 51, f. 153r (see Fig. 9). 7 In writing the final essay on Apollodorus, Tetti must have used Cervini’s copy of Photius, as demonstrated by Canfora, Il Fozio ritrovato, pp. 62–66. I would add that this was likely to happen when Cervini was still alive, in the first half of 1555. Egio’s thanks to Sirleto, Zanchi and

Short-title Catalogue of Books Sponsored by Cervini

227

26/C. Lippomano, Luigi, Sanctorum priscorum patrum vitae, 1558–1560, ustc 838231 and 838233 [vols. vii–viii]



27.

Giovanni Andrea Dossena

Philandrier, Guillaume, In decem libros M. Vitruvii Pollionis de architectura annotationes, 1544, ustc 762290



Stefano Nicolini



Valerio and Luigi Dorico

28. Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Διάλογοι τρεῖς κατά τινων Αἱρέσεων, 1547, ustc 858944 [ed. by Camillo Peruschi]8 29. Damascene, John, Λόγοι τρεῖς ἀπολογητικοί, 1553, ustc 836453 [ed. by Niccolò Majorano]*

30. Testamentum Novum cum Epistola Pauli ad Hebreos et Missale [in Ge’ez], 1548– 1549, ustc 803271 [ed. by Tasfâ Sion, Pier Paolo Gualtieri and Mariano Vittori] 31. Vittori, Mariano, Chaldeae, seu Aethiopicae linguae institutiones, 1552, ustc 863716*9 32. Gregory i and Pucci, Antonio, Expositio in omnes libros Veteris et Novi Testamenti a divo Patherio congesta … et Antonii Puccii Card. … homiliae xiiii … , 3 vols., 1553– 1554, ustc 834181 [ed. by Marco Antonio Giorgi?]*10



8

9 10

Onorio in both the dedication to Fulvio Orsini and the scholia to the text (sigs. siiir, sviiiv, uvv) can be regarded as further hints towards Cervini’s involvement in this scholarly endeavour. Together with the manuscripts owned by Jean Matal, Scipione Tetti and Cardinal Pio da Carpi, Egio made extensive use of a codex from the Farnese library, which had been written by Onorio for the late Paul iii (now BL, Harley MS 5732). It is worth noting, however, that Cervini had commissioned a copy of the Bibliotheca and lent it to Vettori as early as 1550. On this occasion, Cervini remarked that many copies of the work can be found in Rome (BL, Add. MS 10274, ff. 15r, 17r, 21r–23r). Sirleto family’s copy (bav, R.i.iv.2101) was one of the very first to come out from the press; not only does it lack the final errata, as all copies of variant A, but also the initial address to the reader concerning the ambiguous passages of the work. The address was supplied by hand on the front and rear endpapers in what seems to be a neater version of Sirleto’s handwriting. The book was part of the bequest which Sirleto’s brother, Girolamo (died 1576), left to the Vatican Library to help fill gaps in the collection. The inscription to the front endpaper is reported in Mercati, ‘Per la storia della biblioteca apostolica’, p. 257, n. 1 and reproduced in ­Petitmengin, ‘I manoscritti latini’, p. 68, fig. 14a. Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, p. viii, mentions two other bav copies with this inscription, but misunderstood the donor of the bequest, as though he were Guglielmo Sirleto himself. For Cervini’s copy, see Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, D 433. For Cervini’s copies, see Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. D 29 and, possibly, no. D 282.

228

Appendix B

33. Ruano, Ferdinando, Sette alphabeti, 1554, ustc 853719* 34. [Servites], Regula beati patris Augustini … Constitutiones fratrum Servorum beatae Mariae, 1556, ustc 840890 [ed. by Lorenzo Mazzocchi]11



Anonymous printer



Ippolito Salviani



Paolo Manuzio and Stamperia del Popolo Romano

35. Julius iii – Servites, Motu proprio, [1550?], ustc 840894*12

36. Salviani, Ippolito, Aquatilium animalium historiae, 1554–1558, ustc 85434613 26/B. Lippomano, Luigi, Sanctorum priscorum patrum vitae, 1558, ustc 838232 [vol. vi]

37. Pole, Reginald, De concilio, 1562, ustc 850096 [originally written in 1545, with a dedication to Pole’s colleagues, Cervini and Del Monte]* 38. Chrysostom, John, De virginitate, 1562, ustc 836475 [ed. by Giulio Poggiani]* 39. Gregory of Nyssa, De virginitate, 1562, ustc 834187 [ed. by Pietro Galesini] 40. Ptolemy, De analemmate, 1562, ustc 851491 [trans. by William of Moerbeke and ed. by Federico Commandino]*14 41. Cyprian, Opera, 1563, ustc 815159 [ed. by Latino Latini] 42. Lippomano, Luigi, Catena in Psalmos ex auctoribus ecclesiasticis, 1585, ustc 838237 [ed. by Andrea Lippomano]15

11

This revision of the Servites’ statutes was accomplished by the general of the order, L­ orenzo Mazzocchi, along with Cervini as cardinal protector: cf. asf, Cervini, vol. 22, ff. 77r–80v; Pollidori, De vita Marcelli ii commentarius, p. 103; and Franco A. Dal Pino (ed.), Fonti storico-spirituali dei Servi di Maria, iii/1 (Padua: Messaggero, 2008), p. 319, no. 767. 12 Cervini approved the text in his capacity of cardinal protector of the Servites. Cf. also Pollidori, De vita Marcelli ii commentarius, p. 94, which might refer either to this bull or to a larger, apparently lost edition. 13 Cervini’s coat-of-arms stands out at the head of the engraved title-page. 14 In his dedication to Cardinal Ranuccio Farnese, Commandino recalled how Cervini had generously entrusted him with publishing Moerbeke’s medieval Latin translations of two otherwise lost works, Ptolemy’s Analemmate and Archimedes’s On Floating Bodies. Rather than Moerbeke’s original manuscript, which was owned by Cervini (bav, Ott. lat. 1850), the codex used by Commandino appears to be bav, Barb. lat. 304, as persuasively argued by Marshall Clagett, Archimedes in the Middle Ages, iii: The Fate of the Medieval Archimedes (1300 to 1565): Part iii: The Medieval Archimedes in the Renaissance, 1450–1565 (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1978), pp. 611–614. See also infra, no. 68. 15 The presentation copy to Pope Sixtus v, lavishly bound and gauffered, is bav, R.i.i.602.

Short-title Catalogue of Books Sponsored by Cervini

229

Venice

Paolo and Aldo Manuzio the Younger



Niccolò Bascarini for Melchiorre Sessa



Andrea Arrivabene



Gabriele Giolito



Giunta (Heirs of Lucantonio)

43. Cicero, De philosophia volumen secundum, 1541, ustc 822233 [ed. by Paolo Manuzio]16* 44. Damascene, John, Adversus sanctarum imaginum oppugnatores orationes tres, 1554, ustc 836458 [ed. by Pier Francesco Zini]*17 45. Gregory of Nazianzus and Cyprian, Due orationi et il primo sermone di s. Cecilio Cipriano sopra l’elemosina, 1569, ustc 834190 [ed. by Annibale Caro]*18

46. Zacharias Scholasticus, Dialogus Ammonius, 1546, ustc 864074 [ed. by Gentian Hervet]*19

47. Decretum de iustificatione sacrosancti oecumenici et generalis Concilii Tridentini, 1547, ustc 860902 and 86090320

48. Politi, Ambrogio Catarino, Interpretatio decreti de iustificatione, 1547, ustc 850166* 49. Il decreto del sacrosanto universale Concilio di Trento, sopra la materia della ­giustificazione, 1548, ustc 860907 50/A. Augustine et al., Varii sermoni di catholici, et antichi dottori, 1553, ustc 811463 [vol. i, ed. by Galeazzo Florimonte]*

51.

Soto, Domingo de, De natura et gratia, 1547, ustc 857097 and 857099 [printed together with Niccolò Bascarini]

16

In the dedication, Manuzio praised Cervini for his inspiring capacity of fulfilling his many duties as cardinal and yet being able to devote himself to the study of philosophy and ancient literature. The first part of this ground-breaking edition of Cicero’s philosophical works was dedicated to Hurtado de Mendoza (ustc 822233). Cervini’s copy is no. D 137 in Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii. The copy of Girolamo and Guglielmo Sirleto, with manuscript corrections, is now bav, Aldine.ii.88. The cardinal’s copy of the edition, possibly presented by Hervet, is Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. B 183. Two different issues. From Venice, Grechetto informed Cervini that the decree had not yet been published on 15 March 1547 (asf, Cervini, vol. 42, f. 73r). Ibid., vol. 55 retains Cervini’s own copy of the edition.

17 18 19 20

230

Appendix B

52. Simplicius of Cilicia, Commentarii in octo Aristotelis Physicae auscultationis libros, 1551 ustc 856508 [ed. by Gentian Hervet]21



Brucioli brothers



Farri brothers



Ad signum Spei

53. Cabasilas, Nicholas, et al., De divino altaris sacrificio [et alia], 1548, ustc 817337 [ed. by Gentian Hervet]*

54. Theodoretus of Cyrrhus, Eranistes seu Polymorphus, 1548, ustc 858945 [ed. by Gentian Hervet]*

55. Vega, Andrés de, Tridentini decreti de iustificatione expositio … habes etiam responsionem ad impiam antidotum Calvini in acta Synodi Tridentinae, 1548, ustc 862193* 56. Chrysostom, John, Vere aureae in psalmos homiliae, 1549, ustc 836445 [ed. by Gentian Hervet and included in the first volume of Chrysostom’s opera omnia issued by Ad signum spei between 1548 and 1549]*22 26/A. Lippomano, Luigi, Sanctorum priscorum patrum vitae, 1551–1556, ustc 838220, 838224, 838226–838227, 838230 [vols. i–v]23 57. Nacchianti, Jacopo, Tractatus de episcoporum residentia, 1554, ustc 844082*24

21

22 23 24

Dedicated to Cardinal Tournon, the work was certainly accomplished with Cervini’s tacit consent. Hervet was still a member of the latter’s household and the publication contains at sig. *ivv a few celebratory verses by Gabriele Faerno, another of Cervini’s protégés employed in the Vatican Library. In addition, Cervini’s owned a manuscript of the original Greek text (Cardinali, ‘Il Barberinianus gr. 532’, p. 75 correcting Devreesse, ‘Les manuscripts grecs’, p. 262, no. 52), which may have served as working copy. A record in his library inventory may refer to this edition (Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. F 25). Cervini’s copy is no. D 280 in Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii. Cf. also ibid., nos. D 241 and D 251. Cervini sent the first volume of this collection to be bound in 1551 (bav, Vat. lat. 6177, f. 199v and 6178, f. 12r). Cervini’s manuscript presentation copy is bav, Ott. lat. 465 (Fossier, ‘Premières ­recherches’, p. 438, no. 374). This treatise is connected with the new image of a zealous Catholic prelate which Nacchianti wished to convey after his trial for heresy in 1549. Cervini was one of the first to cast doubts on Nacchianti’s belief but might have also played a part in his unexpected absolution under Julius iii. See Wietse de Boer, ‘Nacchianti, Giovanni Battista’ in dbi, lxxvii, 2012, pp. 655–658, esp. p. 657.

Short-title Catalogue of Books Sponsored by Cervini



Plinio Pietrasanta



Girolamo Scoto



Michele Tramezzino

231

58. Chrysostom, John, In Evangelium Sancti Matthaei brevis enarratio … eiusdem homiliae tres postremae in Matthaeum, 1554, ustc 836456 [ed. by Cristofano Serarrighi]25

59. Euthymius Zigabenus, Orthodoxae fidei dogmatica panoplia, 2 vols., 1555, ustc 828530 [ed. by Pier Francesco Zini]* 50/B. Augustine et al., Seconda parte de’ sermoni, 1564, ustc 811478 [vol. ii, ed. by ­Galeazzo Florimonte]

60. Panvinio, Onofrio, Romani pontifices et cardinales, 1557, ustc 846537*26 61. Platina, Bartolomeo, De vitis pontificum Romanorum … usque ad Pium iiii, 1562, ustc 807520 [ed. and augmented by Onofrio Panvinio]*27

Lyon

62.

Sebastian Gryphius

Cato and Varro, De re rustica, 1541 ustc 140163 [ed. by Piero Vettori]*

25 The Enarratio, probably a 6th-century assemblage from Chrysostom’s works, was translated by Serarrighi about 1540 and dedicated to Cervini in a manuscript version (Florence, Bibiloteca Medicea Laurenziana, San Marco 687) which probably never reached the dedicatee due to Vettori’s reticence in helping Serarrighi. The 1554 edition was addressed to Della Casa and promoted by Beccadelli. On Serarrighi and his fascination for Cervini, Juan de Valdés and later Calvin, see Enrico Garavelli, ‘Cristofano Serarrighi: nuovi documenti per una biografia’, Bollettino della Società di studi valdesi, 203 (2009), pp. 43–83, including the two dedications mentioned above, and his ‘Ancora su Cristofano Serarrighi e Lodovico Domenichi’, in Salvatore Lo Re and Franco Tomasi (eds.), Varchi e altro Rinascimento: studi offerti a Vanni Bramanti (Manziana: Vecchiarelli, 2013), pp. 395–411. 26 In the dedication to Cardinal Farnese, Cervini is depicted as the main force behind Panvinio’s ‘conversion’ to ecclesiastical history (sig. *iiiv, reported in Ferrary, Onofrio Panvinio, pp. 9–10). 27 In the address to the reader at sig. Kkiiv, Panvinio recollected how Cervini persuaded him to shift from Roman history to Church history about 1553.

232

Appendix B

Cologne

Melchior von Neuß



Peter Quentel

63. Pigge, Albert, De libero hominis arbitrio et divina gratia, 1542, ustc 63036328

64. Nausea, Friedrich, Catholicus catechismus, 1543, ustc 620665*29

Bologna

Anselmo Giaccarelli



Alessandro Benacci

65. Decreta Concilii Tridentini, 1548, ustc 860906 66. Translatio Concilii ex Tridento ad civitatem Bononiae, 1548, ustc 860912 67. Politi, Ambrogio Catarino, De optimis vel ineundi, vel prosequendi concilii rationibus, 1549, ustc 85016930

68. Archimedes, De iis quae vehuntur in aqua, 1565, ustc 810252 [trans. by William of Moerbeke and ed. by Federico Commandino]*31

28

A copy of the work was in Cervini’s library in Montepulciano (Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. B2); another one was in Rome (ibid., no. D31). bav, R.G.Teol.ii.31 is a copy of Pigge’s Hierarchiae ecclesiasticae assertio (ustc 662680) which was personally inscribed by the author to Cervini. It may easily be part of the works ‘from Germany’ which Pigge sent to Cervini from Venice on 13 October 1541, asking for a benefice in order to continue to ‘serve the public [scholarly] interest’ (bav, Vat. lat. 6416, f. 57r). Pigge also inscribed to Cervini a copy of his Ratio componendorum dissidiorum (ustc 689857), which is now BCas, FF(min).i.16 2. 29 Book ii is dedicated to Cervini, while the whole work is inscribed to Paul iii. The first book addresses the cardinals Pole, Parisio and Morone; the third Cardinal Farnese; the fourth Cardinal Marino Grimani; the fifth Girolamo Verallo; the sixth Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg, the Benedictine abbots Wolfgang von Grünstein and Gerwin Blarer, as well as Johann viii von Maltitz, bishop of Meißen. See Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. B20 for Cervini’s copy of this text, either in the first or later editions. 30 See Caravale, Beyond the Inquisition, pp. 176–177 for the correspondence among Cervini, Massarelli and Del Monte on the subject. Cervini’s copy of the booklet is asf, Cervini, vol. 74, with a few manuscript corrections at ff. 4r–5r. For what was probably another copy of this book, see Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. D123. 31 As he recounted in the preface, Commandino was asked by Cervini to publish this work along with Ptolemy’s Analemmate a few years before 1555: see infra, no. 40.

Short-title Catalogue of Books Sponsored by Cervini

233

Basel

Johann Oporinus

69. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Quaestiones naturales, 1548, ustc 689002 [ed. by Gentian Hervet]*32 70. Aristotle, De ortu et interitu, 1553, ustc 612884 [ed. and commented on by Joachim Périon]*

Paris

71.

Nicolas Le Riche

Contarini, Gasparo, De elementis, 1548, ustc 149967 [ed. by Jean de Gagny]*



Charlotte Guillard



Sébastien Nivelle



Martin Le Jeune

72. Nectarius of Constantinople and Chrysostom, Λόγοι, 1554, ustc 154242 [ed. by Joachim Périon]*

73. Nectarius of Constantinople and Chrysostom, Conciones ad populum septem, 1554, ustc 196799 [ed. by Joachim Périon]*

74.

Palladius of Galatia and Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Lausiaca … historia … et ­Theodoreti … religiosa historia, 1555, ustc 151852 [ed. by Gentian Hervet]33 75. Hervet, Gentian, Oratio ad concilium, qua suadetur, ne matrimonia, quae ­contrahuntur a filiis familias sine consensu … habeantur deinceps pro legitimis, 1556, ustc 19801034 32 33

34

A record in Cervini’s library inventories is likely to refer to this edition: Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. F 50. Originally translated in support of Lippomano’s hagiographical enterprise (asf, Cervini, vol. 22, ff. 39r, 41r, 42r, 46r, 55r, 56r, 58r, 59r, 62r, 63r), the two texts were planned to be printed in Rome in February 1552 (ibid., f. 65r). They were published a few months after Cervini’s death, with a dedication to Cardinal Pole. Bernardo Torresani (Bernard Turrisan) promptly republished the text in Paris (ustc 151851). On the textual source for the translation of Palladius, see Lucà, ‘Sirleto e Torres’, p. 548. Sirleto checked and criticised this work by Hervet: Paschini, ‘Guglielmo Sirleto’, pp. 235–244 and Lucà, ‘Guglielmo Sirleto e la ­Vaticana’, pp. 154–156, 158, A first draft of this treatise on clandestine marriages, dated Rome, 20 January 1552, can be found in asf, Cervini, vol. 29, ff. 295r–304v, with a title added by Cervini himself. See the transcription provided in CT, xiii/1, pp. 145–149.

234

Appendix B

Guillaume Morel

76. Balsamon, Theodorus, Canones sanctorum apostolorum, conciliorum generalium et particularium, sanctorum patrum et aliorum veterum theologorum, 1561, ustc 153051 [ed. by Gentian Hervet]

Florence

Bernardo Giunta and Heirs



Lorenzo Torrentino

77. Vettori, Piero, Commentarii in tres libros Aristotelis de arte dicendi, 1548, ustc 863102*35 78. Plato, Λύσις ἢ περὶ φιλίας, 1551, ustc 849838 [ed. by Piero Vettori] 79. Xenophon, Ἀπομνημονευμάτων πρῶτον, 1551, ustc 864002 [ed. by Piero Vettori] 80. Pseudo-Demetrius Phalereus, Περὶ ἑρμηνείας. De elocutione, 1552, ustc 826492 [ed. by Piero Vettori] 81. Aristotle, Πολιτικῶν βιβλία ὀκτώ. De optimo statu Reip. libri octo, 1552, ustc 810936 [ed. by Piero Vettori] 82. Terence, Comoediae, 1565, ustc 858765 [ed. by Gabriele Faerno]36

83.

Clement of Alexandria, Τὰ εὐρισκόμενα ἄπαντα ex Bibliotheca Medicea, 1550, ustc 822881 [ed. by Piero Vettori]*37 84. Clement of Alexandria, Omnia quae quidem extant opera, 1551, ustc 823004 [ed. by Gentian Hervet]*38 85. Hervet, Gentian, De Domini in coelos ascensione oratio, 1552, ustc 83569339

35 36

37 38 39

See Mouren, ‘La lecture assidue’, p. 458. At the end of 1553, Cervini, Sirleto and Francesco Davanzati reported that the work was being printed in Rome with a newly cast Latin type, but Faerno confessed to Vettori that the printers had only produced the Andria and were postponing the task until after Christmas holidays. Eventually, at the start of Pius iv’s reign, Silvio Antoniano and Cardinal Borromeo entrusted Vettori and the Giunta of Florence with the publication of ­Terence and Faerno’s learned annotations. In his dedication, Vettori praised Borromeo as a novel Cicero for contributing to Sirleto’s recent appointment as cardinal (sig. *vir-v). See BL, Add. MS 10266, ff. 28r, 103r, 105r; Add. MS 10274, ff. 71r; Add. MS 10275, ff. 27r–38r, 77r, 235r-v. In late 1553, plans were also made for printing Cornelius Celsus with Vettori’s annotations (ibid., Add. MS 10275, f. 235r). bav, R.i.i.344 is the copy Maestro Luigi bound “alla greca” for the papal library for 10 giuli (Cardinali, ‘Legature di “Mastro Luigi”, pp. 126, 133, 140 pl. 6). For Cervini’s copy, see Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. D 392. Cervini was doubtless behind this ephemeral edition, which was remarkably distant from Torrentino’s usual output as ducal printer. One also wonders whether Hervet might have delivered this oration in Florence before Cosimo.

Short-title Catalogue of Books Sponsored by Cervini

235

86. Theodoretus of Cyrrhus, In quatuordecim sancti Pauli Epistolas commentarius, 1552, ustc 858949–858950 [ed. by Gentian Hervet]*40 87. Torres, Francisco, Antapologeticus pro libro suo De residentia pastorum iure divino, 1552, ustc 85974141

Vienna

Michael Zimmermann

88. Ketābā d-Ewangeliyōn: Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii [in Syriac], 1555, ustc 607924 [ed. mainly by Johann Albrecht von Widmanstetter and Moses of Mardin]

Naples

Giovanni Maria Simonetta

89. Martirano, Coriolano, Christus patiens, in his Tragoediae viii, 1556, ustc 841239 [ed. by Marzio Martirano]42

40

41

42

A folio and an octavo edition were carried out at the same time. Cervini’s copy of the former edition, recorded in his library inventory (Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, no. D 12), is currently BCas, DD.iv.46 (Fig. 10), with the distinctive capped accession number in between two dots at the head of the title-page: cf. Mercati, ‘Sulla venuta dei codici del Cervini’, and his Codici latini Pico Grimani Pio, passim and pl. viii/3. Piacentini ­‘Marcello Cervini: la Biblioteca Vaticana’, p. 126, fig. 15 and Lucà, ‘Guglielmo Sirleto e la Vaticana’, p. 169, fig. 15 reproduces other examples. In the dedication to Cardinal Salviati, Torres thanked Sirleto for his support (pp. 7–8). It seems that Cervini received a copy of this book and approved of the contents in August 1552 (bav Vat. lat. 6178, f. 4r as well as bav Vat. lat. 6177, ff. 406v–407r). A year earlier, Torres had published his treatise on episcopal residence with other essays which had also been printed by Torrentino, possibly with Cervini’s intermediation (ustc 859740). In Cervini’s library, there were multiple copies of these works: Piacentini, La biblioteca di Marcello ii, nos. D115–116, D119. Christus patiens was the only religious play written by Martirano, taking inspiration from the homonymous drama by Pseudo-Gregory of Nazianzus, which had been published by Blado and Cervini in 1542 (cf. no. 14 in this list). A neat manuscript copy of Martirano’s play can be found in bav, Vat. lat. 3615, elegantly bound and blind-tooled in the ­mid-sixteenth century. This can be reasonably identified with the record in Cervini’s library inventory (‘Coriolani Martirani tragedia’), which Fossier turned into a collection of tragedies and was consequently unable to retrieve: cf. Fossier, ‘Premières recherches’, p. 400, no. 1434 and p. 438, no. 375. On the close ties among Cervini, Martirano, Seripando and Widmanstetter, see Elena Valeri, ‘Martirano, Coriolano’, in dbi, lxxi, 2008, pp. 341–344.

236

Appendix B

Giovanni Giacomo Carlino

90. Seripando, Girolamo, In Divi Pauli epistolas ad Romanos Galatas commentaria, 1601, ustc 4035487*

Antwerp

91.

Christophe Plantin

Seripando, Girolamo, Commentarius in Epistolam Pauli ad Galatas: eiusdem ad nonnullas quaestiones ex textu epistolae Catholicae responsiones, 1567, ustc 404511*

Verona

Girolamo Discepolo



Unpublished Works44

92. Panvinio, Onofrio, De primatu Petri et apostolicae sedis potestate, 1589, ustc 846556 [only book i]43

93. Sadoleto, Jacopo, De aedificatione Catholicae ecclesiae, 1539–1541 [lost?]45 94. Massarelli, Angelo, [Short treatises and excerpts of original documentation on the history of the papacy (esp. cardinals, conclaves, territorial ­jurisdiction)], 43

The whole treatise was dedicated to Cervini in the first manuscript version, completed by 1 November 1553: bav, Vat. lat. 6883 (esp. f. 1r). The posthumous printed edition is dedicated to Pius v; here, too, Panvinio recalled Cervini’s encouragements (Panvinio, De primatu Petri, sigs. +viiiv-++ir). 44 Pollidori, De vita Marcelli ii commentarius, pp. 76 and 88–89 mentions a few additional manuscript works dedicated to Cervini which I was unable to identify, including: Tractatum de venatione by ‘Julius Varrozzinus’, a cleric of Nicastro cathedral; an Italian translation of Vincent of Lérins Commonitorium made by a ‘Nicolaus Benius’; and the rhymes of ‘Nicolaus Phrysius’, allegedly a member of Cervini’s household. 45 Sadoleto sent to Cervini the first book of this unfinished work in 1540, while the two churchmen were both in France; a year later, with an heartfelt letter, he asked for Cervini’s unbiased remarks on his work, parts of which had been submitted to cardinals Laurerio, Contarini, Pole, Fregoso and Bembo, too. See Jacopo Sadoleto, Epistolarum libri sexdecim (Lyon: Sebastian Gryphius, 1550), pp. 896–900 and what was probably an overinterpretation of this passage in Pollidori, De vita Marcelli ii commentarius, p. 89. Another version of Sadoleto’s work was addressed to Cardinal Salviati in 1539 under the title De extructione Catholicae ecclesiae; this was published by Angelo Mai in Spicilegium romanum, ii (Rome: Collegium Urbanum, 1839), pp. 101–178.

Short-title Catalogue of Books Sponsored by Cervini

237

ca. 1540–1557 [bncr, Vitt. Em. 269 and bav, Vat. lat. 12125–12127, formerly asv, Misc., Arm xi, vols. 43–45]46 95. Rorario, Girolamo, Democritus – Atropos, 1540 [bnm, Lat. xiv 47 (=4705)] *47 96. Gori, Giulio, Opusculum de ratione et via computi and other mathematical works, after 1540-before 1555 [Rome, Biblioteca Lancisiana, Lancisi, ms.133 lxxv.1.17]*48 97. Philo of Alexandria, De specialibus legibus – Demosthenes, Pro libertate Rhodiensium, ca. 1540–1542 [trans. by Francisco Torres; bav, Vat. lat. 6217]* 98. Nausea, Friedrich, Pro Christiana religione conservanda, 1543 [bav, Vat. lat. 6147]* 99. Massarelli, Angelo, De primatu Petri, before 1545? [asv, Misc., Arm. ii, vol. 35]49 100. Sirleto, Guglielmo, Adnotationes [on the New Testament], started in 1546 [bav, Vat. lat. 6132–6144, 6151] 101. Mazzocchi, Lorenzo, Pro certitudine gratiae, October 1546 [bav, Vat. lat. 6209, transcribed in CT, xii, pp. 690–692]* 102. Laynez, Diego; Le Jay, Claude; and Salmerón, Alphonso, Summaria sententiarum theologorum super articulis Lutheranorum de sacramentis, purgatorio, indulgentiis, sacrificio missae, 1547 [various manuscripts copies, including those in bav, Ott. lat. 581, 745 and 777 featuring Cervini’s own annotations] 103. Lippomano, Luigi, De matrimonio, 1547* [asf, Cervini, vol. 29, transcribed in CT, xiii/1, pp. 60–72] 104. Seripando, Girolamo, [De forma indulgentiarum], 1547* [asf, Cervini, vol. 42, transcribed in CT, xiii/1, pp. 52–54] 105. Spina, Bartolomeo, De certitudine gratiae, January 1547 [asf, Cervini, vol. 42, transcribed in CT, xii, pp. 725–727]* 46 47

48 49

Contents of these five manuscripts are detailed in CT, i, pp. xcviii–ci. Incorrectly listed as MS xiv 45 in Fossier, p. 443, no. 462. Aidée Scala, Girolamo Rorario: un umanista diplomatico del Cinquecento e i suoi Dialoghi (Florence: Olschki, 2004) demonstrates that this is the final version of two of the unpublished Dialoghi which Rorario had written between 1513 and 1520. See ibid., esp. pp. 51–54, 72–73, 80, 115. Although Scala dated this version between 1540 and 1545, the dedication to Cervini (translated into Italian by Scala at pp. 73 and 80) allows us to pinpoint the production of this manuscript in late 1540, as Cervini is addressed as legatus a latere and Cardinal Santa Croce in Gerusalemme; the acquisition of the title of Santa Croce took place on 5 November, while his legation had officially ended a month earlier. We can thus speculate that Rorario was in search of new allies in the Curia, following the abrupt end of his diplomatic career in the service of Paul iii precisely in 1540, probably due to his illegitimate offspring (Scala, Girolamo Rorario, p. 39). Other unpublished essays by Gori, a member of Cervini’s household, can be found in asf, Cervini, vol. 73. Their present location suggests that they were also addressed to the cardinal. Massarelli’s autograph, in his early handwriting, is to be found at ff. 66r–83v. It is likely to have been written before he was appointed as secretary to the Tridentine council.

238

Appendix B

106. Postel, Guillaume, Apologia et postulatio, 1547–1548 [asf, Cervini, vol. 33 and bav, Barb. lat. 834]*50 107. Seripando, Girolamo, De iustitia et liberalitate Christiana, 1547–1555 [bnn, Cod. vii D 13]*51 108. Ferretti, Giovanni Pietro, [Epitome of the ancient councils], 1548–1549 [untraced as yet]52 109. Majorano, Niccolò, Disquisitio de libri Targum Aegydiani auctore, antiquitate, interprete latino et utilitate, ca. 1550 [untraced as yet] 110. Anonymous, De materia indulgentiarum brevis narratio, 1552* [asv, Conc. Trid., vol. 78, transcribed in CT, xiii/1, pp. 253–254] 111. Ory, Mathieu, De cultu imaginum, 1552 [asv, Conc. Trid., vol. 7]* 112. Ory, Mathieu, De poenitentia, 1552 [BAV, Vat. lat. 6170]* 113. Da Vercelli, Riccardo, De pluralitate beneficiorum, 1553* [Parma, Biblioteca Palatina, MS 997, fasc. 5, transcribed in CT, xiii/1, pp. 183–192] 114. Gregory of Nazianzus, De hominis fabrica, 1553 [trans. by Ambrogio Ferrari; bav, Ott. lat. 776]*53 115. Panvinio, Onofrio, De sacrorum cleri ordinum origine, ca. 1553 [bav, Vat. lat. 6883]54

50 51

52

53

54

See Cesare Vasoli, ‘L’“Apologia et postulatio ad rev. d. Marcellum car. Sanctae Crucis et Consistorii patres” di Guillaume Postel’, in Fera and Ferraù (eds.), Filologia umanistica, pp. 1801–1819 and Quaranta, Marcello ii, pp. 216–217. The preface is an extensive celebration of Cervini’s ground-breaking, albeit short pontificate. Jedin, Girolamo Seripando, ii, pp. 954–958 dwells on Cervini’s role in this unfinished project which was intended to be a detailed confutation of Luther’s notion of salvation and human will. The parts which Seripando managed to write were edited by Anselm Forster (Münster: Aschendorff, 1969) and translated into Italian by Alfredo Marranzini in his Dibattito Lutero-Seripando su “Giustizia e libertà del Cristiano” (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1981), pp. 127–294. The work was read and approved by Cervini. Although the presses of Torrentino and ­Cochlaeus were considered for printing this text, nothing came of it. See asf, Cervini, vol. 43, ff. 109r, 128r; vol. 44, f. 14r. This epitome is not included in Ferretti’s numerous manuscript works now gathered in bav, Vat. lat. 5828–5836. This translation of De opificio hominis dedicated to Cervini was discovered by Mercati, Codici latini Pico Grimani Pio, pp. 173–184 and commented on in Philip Levine, ‘Two Early Latin Versions of St. Gregory of Nyssa’s περὶ κατασκευης ἀνθρώπου’, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 63 (1958), pp. 473–492. The manuscript bears an alternative title written by another early hand: ‘De mundi phisiologia’. An erudite Benedictine monk, Ferrari had published his translation of Origen’s commentary on John in 1551, with a dedication to pope Julius iii (ustc 845450). See Bauer, The Invention, p. 36.

Short-title Catalogue of Books Sponsored by Cervini

239

116. Ferretti, Giovanni Pietro, De Ravennati exarchatu, ca. 1554 [bav, Barb. lat. 2746; Vat. lat. 5441 and 5831]55 117. Majorano, Niccolò, Adnotationes [on the Septuagint], ca. 1554–1559 [untraced as yet] 118. Pigge, Steven, Inscriptionum antiquarum farrago, 1554 [Berlin Staatsbibliothek, Ms. lat. Fol. 61h]* 119. Usodimare, Stefano, Responsio, 1554* [asv, Conc. Trid., vol. 78, transcribed in CT, xiii/1, pp. 259–260] 120. Cervini, Marcello, [Paraphrase of Paul’s Letter to the Romans], first half of 1555 [untraced as yet]56 121. Seripando, Girolamo, Ricordi richiesti da Marcello ii, 1555 [bnn, Cod. San Martino 425, transcribed in CT, xiii/1, pp. 315–317] 122. Panvinio, Onofrio, De varia Romani pontifìcis creatione, 1563 [bsb, Clm 147–152]*57

55

56

57

In September 1549, Cervini invited Ferretti to bring to Rome all his works and present to Paul iii his study on the Ravenna Exarchate; he had previously helped Ferretti in researching this subject by opening the doors of the Vatican Library for him. Ferretti ­responded enthusiastically, though he took some extra time to revise the work, which was eventually given to Julius iii in the early 1550s. See asf, Cervini, vol. 44, ff. 60r, 71r, 90r as well as the material requested by Cervini (ibid., vol. 41, f. 192bisr), now preserved ibid., vol. 59. A copy of the first version of the treatise, dedicated to Clement vii (1531) and annotated by Ferretti, is to be found in Cervini’s own papers (ibid., vol. 65, ff. 1v–20v). The dedication copy bound for Julius iii was given by Pius iv to Cardinal Borromeo along with most of Julius’s books and is now manuscript bnb, AF.x.37 (Maria Luisa Grossi Turchetti, ‘San Carlo e la Braidense: di alcuni manoscritti appartenuti a san Carlo Borromeo’, Libri & documenti, 38 (2012), pp. 67–80, at p. 75; see also Fig. 11). Cervini submitted to Sirleto up to four chapters of this ‘mia parafrasi’, omitting any further details. He asked, however, for a careful assessment of the contents, worrying about mistakes which were likely to pertain to theology (bav, Vat. lat. 6178, ff. 33r, 35r, 39r). The subject of Cervini’s work is revealed by a misplaced letter Sirleto sent him on 9 April 1555 (asf, Cervini, vol. 52, f. 45r): ‘Aspetto con grandissimo desiderio la paraphrasi di Vostra Signoria Reverendissima sopra l’epistola alli Romani, quali spero che m’habbi a dar grandissimo aiuto’. As early as 1546, Cervini was said to be writing on the Pauline epistles, as reported by Massarelli in his diary (CT, i, p. 372). It may not be incorrect to link these notes of Cervini with the commentaries on Paul which he had encouraged Seripando to write in Trent in late 1545 (cf. nos. 90–91). In the dedicatory letter, dated 1 May 1563, Panvinio presented this work as a belated completion of the investigation which he had started ten years earlier with Cervini and other scholarly friends (bsb, Clm 147, ff. 2r–3r, quoted in Ferrary, Onofrio Panvinio, p. 14, n. 35).

240

Appendix B

123. Collectio Avellana, 1567 [ed. by Onofrio Panvinio; bav, Vat. lat. 4961 and 6206]*58 124. Timaeus of Locri, De anima mundi et natura, 1550 [trans. by Ludovico Nogarola; University of Glasgow Library, Hamilton 132]*59 58

59

The publication of this collection was hindered by Panvinio’s death in 1568. See the drafted title-page and dedication to Cardinal Truchsess in bav, Vat. lat. 6206, ff. 219r and 221r, partially transcribed in Ferrary, Onofrio Panvinio, p. 10; from here, we learn that Cervini had entrusted Panvinio with editing the Collectio Avellana in the early 1550s. Panvinio also praised Cervini’s foresight: following the discovery of the manuscript, the cardinal had immediately understood that the Collectio would be sought after by ‘the students of the Catholic truth’. I am deeply grateful to Sam Kennerley for informing me about this philosophical text while I was in the final stages of proofing. Since Nogarola had previously translated from Greek for Giberti, this manuscript dedicated to Cervini can be seen as an additional piece of evidence linking the cardinal' and Giberti’s projects (cf. n. 11 in Chap. 2.1 and Chap. 7.1).

Short-title Catalogue of Books Sponsored by Cervini

241

Figure 10 BCas, DD.iv.46: Cervini’s copy of Theodoret’s In quatuordecim sancti Pauli epistolas commentaries (Florence: Lorenzo Torrentino, 1552), title-page showing his accession number.

242

Appendix B

Figure 11 bnb, AF.x.37: Julius’iii dedication copy of Ferretti’s De Ravennati exarchatu, front cover.

Bibliography

Archival and Manuscript Sources



Archivio Apostolico Vaticano ( formerly Archivio Segreto Vaticano), Vatican City (ASV )

Arm. xli, vols. 25, 28, 41 Arm. lii, vol. 1 Arm. lxiv, vol. 26 Cam. Ap., Div. Cam., vol. 161 Carte Farnesiane, vols. 1 and 10 Conc. Trid., vols. 7, 78, 139–140 Fondo Pio, vol. 55 Misc., Arm. ii, vol. 35 Reg. Vat. 2, 3, 4, 20



Archivio di Stato, Florence (ASF)



Archivio di Stato, Rome (ASR)



Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich (BSB)



Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris (BNF)



Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan (BAM)

Cervini, vols. 1–52, 54–75 Mediceo del Principato, Relazioni con Stati Italiani ed Esteri, Stati Italiani, Roma, vol. 3264

Camerale i, vol. 1293 Mandati camerali, vol. 871 Miscellanea Corvisieri, env. 9 Notari del Tribunale dell’Auditor Camerae, vol. 6155

Clm 147–152 Cod. graec. 511

Par. gr. 2499, 2695, 2701–2702, 2782A Par. lat. 1661 Suppl. gr. 13 and 352

Arch. Falcò Pio di Savoia, I sezione, vol. 524 (i.e. V.N. 491), env. 42. Arch. Falcò Pio di Savoia, I sezione, vol. 525 (i.e., V.N. 490), env. 2. E 31 inf.

244

Bibliography



Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City (BAV )



Biblioteca civica Angelo Mai, Bergamo



Biblioteca dell’Archivio di Stato, Rome



Biblioteca Lancisiana, Rome



Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence



Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense, Milan (BNB)



Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Florence (BNCF)



Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Rome (BNCR)

Arch. Salviati, vol. 234 Barb. gr. 267 and 532 Barb. lat. 834 and 2746 Neofiti 1 Ott. gr. 16–17, 21, 27, 39, 249, 260, 339, 453–455 Ott. lat. 4, 238, 300, 306, 332, 338, 465, 581, 607, 745, 760, 774, 776–777, 797, 1104, 1763, 1850, 2022, 2239, 2789 Reg. lat. 299, 387, 2023 Vat. et. 2 and 20 Vat. gr. 287–288, 622, 624, 641–645, 647, 839, 1209, 1218, 1592, 1905, 2187 Vat. lat. 3585–3586, 3615, 3686, 3963, 3965, 3967, 4037, 4104, 4932, 4961, 5356, 5441, 5828– 5836, 6132–6144, 6147, 6151, 6163, 6170, 6177–6186, 6189–6195, 6206, 6209–6210, 6217, 6411, 6416, 6446, 6528, 6792, 6883, 6946, 12125–12127, 14477, 14825–14837

MAB 48

MS 255

Lancisi, ms.133 lxxv.1.17

Laur. 59.2–3 San Marco 687

AF.x.37

Autografi Palatini, Varchi, vol. i, no. 96 Fondo Nazionale, ii.xi.2 Fondo Magliabechiano, ii.iii.40

Vitt. Em. 269

Bibliography



Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice (BNM)



Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele iii, Naples (BNN)



Biblioteca Palatina, Parma



Biblioteca Trivulziana, Milan



British Library, London (BL)



The Morgan Library and Museum, New York



Staatsbibliothek, Berlin



Specific Copies of Printed Books



Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich (BSB)



Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris (BNF)



Biblioteca Angelica, Rome

Gr. Z. 448 (=1047) Gr. iv, 26 (=1442) Lat. xiv, 47 (=4705)

Cod. vii D 13 Cod. San Martino 425 MS. lat. ix. B 14

MS 997, fasc. 5

Triv. Cod. 378

Add. MSS 10263–10282 Harley MS 5732 Lansdowne 720 Royal MS.16.cxii

MS M.23

Ms. lat. Fol. 61h

Rar.155

VELINS-541–544

SS.7.18–21

245

246

Bibliography



Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City (BAV )



Biblioteca Casanatense, Rome (BCas)



Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense, Milan (BNB)



Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Rome (BNCR)



Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice (BNM)



Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele iii, Naples (BNN)

Aldine.ii.88 Inc.ii.145 Membr.i.21 Membr.iv.10 Membr.iv.14 R.G.Teol.ii.31 R.i.ii.850 R.i.i.344 R.i.i.602 R.i.iv.814 R.i.iv.1093 R.i.iv.1644 R.i.iv.2003 R.i.iv.2101 R.i.iv.2218

FF(MIN).i.16 2 KK.xi.22 B.vi.45 B.vii.62 DD.iv.46 F.iv.2 Inc. 707–708 Rari 947

L.P.34

68.10.D.2 68.1.68.12 F.1–4 68.13.B.30.1

MISC 379.13

Rari Branc. A 19(1–2)

Bibliography



Biblioteca della Società Storica Lombarda, Milan



British Library, London (BL)



Bodleian Library, Oxford



The Humanist Library, Sélestat



Primary Printed Sources and Secondary Literature

247

FS.OO.4.10

692.f.15 1219.k.17 1222.b.10 C.24.f.1–4 C.81.e.5(1)

Vet. F1 e.42

K 179a and 179b

Abate, Emma, ‘Filologia e Qabbalah: la collezione ebraica di Egidio da Viterbo alla Biblioteca Angelica di Roma’, Archivio italiano per la storia della pietà, 26 (2014), pp. 409–446. Aegidianae constitutiones (Rome: Francesco Priscianese and Girolama Cartolari, 1543– 1545), USTC 800815. Aelianus et al., Ποικίλης ἱστορίας βιβλία [et alia] (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1545), USTC 807814. Agati, Maria Luisa, Giovanni Onorio da Maglie: copista greco (1535–1563) (Rome: Accademia dei Lincei, 2001). Al Kalak, Matteo, ‘I vescovi riformati: nuove prospettive per una categoria antica’, in Lucia Felici (ed.), Ripensare la Riforma protestante: nuove prospettive degli studi italiani (Turin: Claudiana, 2015), pp. 107–121. Al Kalak, Matteo, Il riformatore dimenticato: Egidio Foscarari tra Inquisizione, concilio e governo pastorale (1512–1564) (Bologna: il Mulino, 2016). Alberigo, Giuseppe, ‘Aleandro, Girolamo’, in DBI, ii, 1960, pp. 128–135. Alce, Venturino and D’Amato, Alfonso, La biblioteca di S. Domenico in Bologna (Firenze: Olschki, 1961). Alexander of Aphrodisias, De fato, et de eo quod est in nostra potestate (Lyon: Gilles and Jacques Huguetan, 1544), USTC 149138. Alexander of Aphrodisias, Quaestiones naturales (Basel: Johann Oporinus, 1548), USTC 689002.

248

Bibliography

Almagià, Roberto, Contributi alla storia della conoscenza dell’Etiopia (Padua: La Garangola, 1941). Andretta, Elisa, ‘Ricchi, Agostino’, in DBI, lxxxvii, 2016, pp. 214–215. Apollodorus (Pseudo-), Bibliotheces (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1555), USTC 809792. Archimedes, De iis quae vehuntur in aqua (Bologna: Alessandro Benacci, 1565), USTC 810252. Aristotle, De anima (Lyon: Gilles and Jacques Huguetan, 1544), USTC 149255. Aristotle, De ortu et interitu (Basel: Johann Oporinus, 1553), USTC 612884. Aristotle, Πολιτικῶν βιβλία ὀκτώ. De optimo statu Reip. libri octo (Florence: Bernardo Giun­ta and Heirs, 1552), USTC 810936. Armstrong, Elizabeth, Robert Estienne, Royal Printer: An Historical Study of the Elder Stephanus: Revised Edition ([Abingdon]: Sutton Courtenay, 1986). Arnobius of Sicca, Adversus nationes, ed. by Francesco Corsaro (Catania: Università di Catania, 1965). Arnobius of Sicca, Contre le gentiles: Livre I, ed. by Henri Le Bonniec (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1982). Arnobius of Sicca, Disputationum adversus gentes libri octo (Basel, Hieronymus Froben and Nikolaus Episcopius, 1546), USTC 613137. Arnobius of Sicca, Disputationum adversus gentes libri octo nunc primum in lucem editi (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1542–1543), USTC 811088–811089. Arnobius of Sicca, Disputationum adversus gentes libri septem M. Minucii Felicis Octavius: Romana editio posterior et emendatior (Rome: Francesco Zanetti and Domenico Basa, 1583), USTC 811090. Arnobius of Sicca, The Case Against the Pagans, ed. by George E. McCracken (Westminster MD: Newman Press, 1934). Arnobius the Younger, En optime lector, … damus … commentarios … in omnes psalmos (Basel: Johann Froben, 1522), USTC 667042. Arrighi, Vanna, ‘Gaddi, Giovanni’, in DBI, li, 1998, pp. 156–158. Ascarelli, Fernanda, Annali tipografici di Giacomo Mazzocchi (Florence: Sansoni, 1961). Augustine et al., Seconda parte de’ sermoni (Venice: Girolamo Scoto, 1564), USTC 811478. Augustine et al., Varii sermoni di catholici, et antichi dottori (Venice: Gabriele Giolito, 1553), USTC 811463. Augustine, Omnium operum primus [-decimus] tomus (Lyon: Charlotte Guillard for Hugues et Aymon de La Porte, 1541), USTC 125017. Austin, Gabriel, The Library of Jean Grolier: A Preliminary Catalogue (New York: The Grolier Club, 1971). Azzali Bernardelli, Giovanna, Quaestiones Tertullianeae criticae (Mantua: Galli, 1990).

Bibliography

249

Backhouse, Janet, ‘The Royal Library from Edward iv to Henry vii’, in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, iii: 1400–1557, ed. by Lotte Hellinga and Joseph B. Trapp (Cambridge: CUP, 1999), pp. 267–273. Backus, Irena, Büttgen, Philippe and Pouderon, Bernard (eds.), L’argument hérésiologique: l’Eglise ancienne et les Réformes, xvie–xviie siècles: actes du colloque de Tours, 10–11 septembre 2010 (Paris: Beauchesne, 2012). Backus, Irena, Historical Method and Confessional Identity in the Era of the Reformation (1378–1615) (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2003). Badea, Andreea, Kurfürstliche Präeminenz, Landesherrschaft und Reform: das Scheitern der Kölner Reformation unter Hermann von Wied (Münster: Aschendorff, 2009). Bagchi, David, ‘“Teutschland uber alle Welt”: Nationalism and Catholicism in Early Reformation Germany’, Archive für Reformationsgeschichte, 82 (1991), pp. 39–58. Bagchi, David, ‘Poets, Peasants, and Pamphlets: Who Wrote and Who Read Reformation Flugschriften?’, in Kate Cooper and Jeremy Gregory (eds.), Elite and Popular Religion: Papers Read at the 2004 Summer Meeting and the 2005 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2006), pp. 189–196. Bagchi, David, ‘Printing, Propaganda, and Public Opinion in the Age of Martin Luther’, in The Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Religion, 2016 (online publication: https:// oxfordre.com/religion/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780199340378.001.0001/acrefore -9780199340378-e-269). Baldacchini, Lorenzo, ‘Dorìco, Valerio e Luigi’ in Marco Menato, Ennio Sandal and Giuseppina Zappella (eds.), Dizionario dei tipografi e degli editori italiani: il ­ Cinquecento, i: A-F (Milan: Editrice bibliografica, 1997), pp. 388–391. Baldi, Davide, ‘Il Codex Florentinus del Digesto e il “fondo pandette” della Biblioteca Laurenziana (con un’appendice di documenti inediti)’, Segno e testo, 8 (2010), pp. 99–186. Balsamo, Luigi and Tinto, Alberto, Origini del corsivo nella tipografia italiana del Cinquecento (Milan: Il Polifilo, 1967). Balsamon, Theodorus, Canones sanctorum apostolorum, conciliorum generalium et particularium, sanctorum patrum et aliorum veterum theologorum (Paris: Guillaum Morel, 1561), USTC 153051. Bamji, Alexandra, Janssen, Geert H. and Laven, Mary (eds.), The Ashgate Research Companion to Counter-Reformation (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013). Barberi, Francesco and Cerulli, Emidio, ‘Le edizioni greche “In gymnasio Mediceo ad Caballinum montem”’, in Atti del Convegno di studi su Angelo Colocci, Jesi 13–14 settembre 1969, Palazzo della Signoria (Jesi: Amministrazione Comunale di Jesi, 1972), pp. 61–76. Barberi, Francesco, ‘Blado, Antonio’, in DBI, x, 1968, pp. 753–757.

250

Bibliography

Barberi, Francesco, ‘Calvo, Francesco Giulio’, in DBI, xvii, 1974, pp. 38–41. Barberi, Francesco, ‘Le edizioni romane di Francesco Minizio Calvo’, in Miscellanea di scritti di bibliografia ed erudizione in memoria di Luigi Ferrari (Florence: Olschki, 1952), pp. 57–98. Barberi, Francesco, ‘Librai e stampatori nella Roma dei Papi’, in his Per una storia del libro: profili, note, ricerche (Rome: Bulzoni, 1981), pp. 197–235. Barberi, Francesco, Tipografi romani del Cinquecento: Guillery, Ginnasio Mediceo, Calvo, Dorico, Cartolari (Florence: Olschki, 1983). Barbieri, Edoardo, ‘La tipografia dei fratelli Brucioli, l’attività editoriale di Antonio e il Cabasilas di Gentien Hervet’, in Elise Boillet (ed.), Antonio Brucioli: humanisme et évangelisme entre Réforme et Contre Réforme: actes du colloque de Tours, 20–21 mai 2005 (Paris: Champion, 2008), pp. 53–76. Barbieri, Edoardo, ‘Note sulla committenza editoriale ecclesiastica nell’Italia del Quattro e Cinquecento’, in Marco Santoro and Samanta Segatori (eds.), ­Mobilità dei mestieri del libro tra Quattrocento e Seicento (Pisa and Rome: Serra, 2013), pp. 231–244. Baroni, Victor, La Contre-Réforme devant la Bible: la question biblique (Lausanne: Editions la Concorde, 1943). Bartolomé Martínez, Bernabé, ‘Las librerías e imprentas de los jesuitas (1540–1767): una aportación notable a la cultura española’, Hispania Sacra, 40 (1988), pp. 315–388. Basil The Great, Moralia, ascetica magna, ascetica parva (Lyon: Sebastian Gryphius, 1540), USTC 147855. Basil The Great, Opera quaedam (Venice: Stefano Nicolini for Damiano Santa Maria, 1535), USTC 812756. Battezzato, Luigi, ‘Congetture cinquecentesche inedite ad Arnobio e Minucio Felice: gli studi di Johannes Livineius’, Lexis, 24 (2006), pp. 523–547. Battezzato, Luigi, ‘Renaissance Philology: Johannes Livineius (1546–1599) and the Birth of the Apparatus Criticus’, in Christopher Ligota and Jean-Louis Quantin (eds.), History of Scholarship: A Selection of Papers from the Seminar on the History of Scholarship Held Annually at the Warburg Institute (Oxford: OUP, 2006), pp. 75–111. Bauer, Stefan, ‘Panvinio, Onofrio’, in DBI, lxxxi, 2014, pp. 36–39. Bauer, Stefan, The Invention of Papal History: Onofrio Panvinio between Renaissance and Catholic Reformation (Oxford: OUP, 2020). Bäumer, Remigius, Johannes Cochlaeus (1479–1552): Leben und Werk im Dienst der katholischen Reform (Münster: Aschendorff, 1980). Becker, Hans, ‘Herzog Georg von Sachsen als kirchlicher und theologischer Schriftsteller’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 24 (1927), pp. 161–269. Begheyn, Paul, Jesuit Books in the Dutch Republic and its Generality Lands 1567–1773: A Bibliography (Leiden: Brill, 2014).

Bibliography

251

Bellettini, Pierangelo, ‘Sugli inizi dell’attività tipografica di Anselmo Giaccarelli a Bologna’, in Luigi Balsamo and Leonardo Quaquarelli (eds.), Sul libro bolognese del Rinascimento (Bologna: CLUEB, 1994), pp. 155–180. Beltrán de Heredia, Vicente, Domingo de Soto: estudio biográfico documentado (Salamanca: Apartado 17, 1960). Bembo, Pietro, Lettere: edizione critica, ed. by Ernesto Travi, (4 vols., Bologna: Commissione per i testi di lingua, 1988–1993). Benoit, Fernand, ‘Farnesiana’, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, 40 (1923), pp. 165–206. Berchtold, Alfred, Bâle et l’Europe: une histoire culturelle (2 vols., Lausanne: Payot, 1990). Bergadá, María Mercedes, ‘San Ignacio de Loyola y la primera imprenta jesuita’, Estudios, 88/476 (1956), pp. 83–90. Bernardi, Marco, ‘Colocci e Tebaldeo di fronte al Sacco di Roma (1527): le liste f e g e un nuovo documento epistolare’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 23 (2017), pp. 35–117. Bernardi, Marco, ‘Gli elenchi bibliografici di Angelo Colocci: la lista A e l’Inventario Primo (Arch. Bibl. 15, pt. A)’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 20 (2014), pp. 89–153. Bernardi, Marco, ‘La lista C o Inventario secondo (1558) dei libri di Angelo Colocci (Vat. lat. 3958, ff. 184r–196r)’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 22 (2016), pp. 7–111. Beroaldo, Filippo the Younger, Carminum ad Augustum Trivultium libri iii (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1530), USTC 814183. Bertoli, Gustavo, ‘Contributo alla biografia di Lorenzo Torrentino, stampatore ducale a Firenze (1547–1563)’, in Luigi Borgia et al. (eds.), Studi in onore di Arnaldo d’Addario (Lecce: Conte, 1995), pp. 657–664. Bessarion, Ad illustrissimos, inclitosque Italiae principes contra Turcas exhortatio (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1537), USTC 814298. Bessarion, Epistolae et orationes, [Paris: Ulrich Gering, Martin Crantz and Michael Friburger­, 1471], USTC 200684. Bessarion, Epistolae et orationes ([Paris]: Guy Marchant, 1500), USTC 201926. Bessarion, Orationes de gravissimi periculis … eiusdem de pace … exhortatio (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543), USTC 814297. Betrán, José Luis (ed.), La Compañía de Jesús y su proyección mediatica en el mundo hispánico durante la edad moderna (Madrid: Silex, 2010). Bevilacqua, Mario, ‘Tipografi ecclesiastici nel Quattrocento’, La Bibliofilía, 45 (1943), pp. 1–29. Bianca, Concetta et al. (eds.), Le prime edizioni greche a Roma (1510–1526) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2017).

252

Bibliography

Bianca, Concetta et al. (eds.), Scrittura, biblioteche e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento: aspetti e problemi: atti del seminario, 1–2 giugno 1979 (Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di paleografia, diplomatica e archivistica, 1980). Bianca, Concetta, ‘Libri ‘conciliari’ nelle biblioteche romane della seconda metà del Quattrocento’, in Concetta Bianca and Anna Scattigno (eds.), Scritture carismi istituzioni: percorsi di vita religiosa in età moderna: studi per Gabriella Zarri (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2018), pp. 105–122. Bianca, Concetta, ‘Le strade della ‘sancta ars’: la stampa e la curia a Roma nel xv secolo’, in Cristina Dondi et al. (eds.), La stampa romana nella Città dei Papi e in Europa (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2016), pp. 1–8. Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae codices manu scripti recensiti: codices Vaticani Graeci, i: Codices 1–329, ed. by Giovanni Mercati and Pio Franchi de’ Cavalieri (Rome: Tipografia poliglotta vaticana, 1923). Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae codices manu scripti recensiti: codices Vaticani Graeci, iii: Codices 604–866, ed. by Robert Devreesse (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1950). Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae codices manu scripti recensiti: codices Vaticani Graeci 1745–1962, ed. by Paul Canart, i (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1970). Bietenholz, Peter G., ‘Printing and the Basle Reformation’, in Jean-François Gilmont (ed.), The Reformation and the Book (Aldershot and Brookfield VT: Ashgate, 1998), pp. 235–263. Bignami-Odier, Jeanne, La Bibliothèque vaticane de Sixte iv à Pie xi: recherches sur l’histoire des collections de manuscrits (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1973). Biondo, Michelangelo, Tavole de anno in anno della anticipatione delle stelle fisse (Rome: Girolama Cartolari, 1545), USTC 814572. Biow, Douglas, Doctors, Ambassadors, Secretaries: Humanism and P­ rofessions in Renaissance Italy (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2002). Bisaha, Nancy, Creating East and West: Renaissance Humanists and the Ottoman Turks (Philadelphia: UPenn, 2004). Black, Christopher F., ‘Perugia and Papal Absolutism in the Sixteenth Century’, The English Historical Review, 96 (1981), pp. 509–539. Blasio, Maria Grazia, ‘Cum gratia et privilegio’: programmi editoriali e politica pontificia (Roma, 1487–1527) (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 1988). Boesch Gajano, Sofia (ed.), Raccolte di vite di santi dal xiii al xviii secolo: strutture, messaggi, fruizioni (Fasano: Schena, 1990). Bologna, Corrado and Bernardi, Marco (eds.), Angelo Colocci e gli studi romanzi (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2008).

Bibliography

253

Boniface viiiand Clement v, Liber sextus decretalium … una cum Clementinis & extravagantibus … restitutus (Rome: Stamperia del Popolo Romano, 1582), USTC 805724. Bonomelli, Marina, Un tesoro nascosto: incunaboli e cinquecentine della Società Storica Lombarda (Milan: Electa, 2002). Bonora, Elena, ‘Il ritorno della Controriforma (e la Vergine del Rosario di Guápulo)’, Studi storici, 57 (2016), pp. 267–295. Bonora, Elena, Aspettando l’imperatore: principi italiani tra il papa e Carlo v (Turin: Einaudi, 2014). Bonora, Elena, Giudicare i vescovi: la definizione dei poteri nella Chiesa postridentina (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2007). Bonora, Elena, La Controriforma (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2008). Bonora, Elena, Ricerche su Francesco Sansovino impreditore librario e letterato (Venice: Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti, 1994). Borbone, Pier Giorgio, ‘“Monsignore vescovo di Soria”, Also Known as Moses of Mardin, Scribe and Book Collector’, in Hristianskij Vostok/Christian Orient, 8/xiv (2017), pp. 79–114. Borromeo, Agostino, ‘Aspetti della riforma della Chiesa nelle fonti della Biblioteca Vaticana’, in Massimo Ceresa (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: ii: La ­Biblioteca Vaticana tra Riforma Cattolica, crescita delle collezioni e nuovo edificio (1535–1590) (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2012), pp. 237–259. Bossina, Luciano and Maltese, Enrico V., ‘Dal ’500 al Migne: prime ricerche su Pier Francesco Zini (1520–1580)’, in Mariarosa Cortesi (ed.), I Padri sotto il torchio: le edizioni dell’antichità cristiana nei secoli xv–xvi: atti del convegno di studi, Firenze, Certosa del Galluzzo, 25–26 giugno 1999, (Florence: SISMEL-Certosa del Galluzzo, 2002), pp. 265–273. Bossina, Luciano, Teodoreto restituito: ricerche sulla catena dei Tre Padri e la sua tradizione (Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso, 2008). Bouboulides, Phaidon K., Μιχαὴλ-Ἑρμόδωρος Λῃστάρχος. Ἕλλην λόγιος του ιϚ′ αἰῶνος (Athens: [s. n.], 1959). Bougard, François, ‘Niccolò i, Santo’ in Enciclopedia dei papi, ii (Rome: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, 2000), pp. 1–22. Bouwsma, William J., The Waning of the Renaissance: 1550–1640 (New Haven and London: YUP, 2000). Bramanti, Vanni (ed.), Lettere a Benedetto Varchi (1530–1563) (Manziana: Vecchiarelli, 2012). Brambilla, Elena, Alle origini del Sant’Uffizio: penitenza, confessione e giustizia spirituale dal medioevo al xvi secolo (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2000). Bruni, Flavia and Pettegree, Andrew (eds.), Broadsheets: Single-Sheet Publishing in the First Age of Print (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2017).

254

Bibliography

Bucher, Otto, ‘Sebald Mayer, der erste Dillinger Buchdrucker (1550–1576)’, Jahrbuch des historischen Vereins Dillingen, 54 (1952–1953), pp. 109–129. Burnett, Amy Nelson, ‘The Reformation in Basel’, in Amy Nelson Burnett and Emidio Campi (eds.), A Companion to the Swiss Reformation (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2016), pp. 170–215. Burzelli Luca, ‘Tradition and Success of a Physical Treatise: Contarini’s De Elementis in the Last XVI Century’, Mediterranea, 5 (2020), forthcoming. Buschbell, Gottfried (ed.), Briefe von Johannes und Olaus Magnus, den letzten Katholischen Erzbischöfen vo Upsala n(Stockholm: Norstedt & Söner, 1932). Buschbell, Gottfried, Reformation und Inquisition in Italien um die Mitte des xvi. Jahrhunderts (Paderborn: Schöningh, 1910). Byatt, Lucinda M.C., ‘Aspetti giuridici e finanziari di una “familia” cardinalizia del xvi secolo: un progetto di ricerca’, in Cesare Mozzarelli (ed.), ‘Familia’ del principe e famiglia aristocratica, ii (Rome: Bulzoni, 1988), pp. 611–630. Cabasilas, Nicholas, et al., De divino altaris sacrificio [et alia] (Venice: Brucioli brothers, 1548), USTC 817337. Calabretta, Leonardo and Sinatora, Gregorio (eds.), Il Card. Guglielmo Sirleto (1514– 1585): atti del convegno di studio nel iv centenario della morte Guardavalle, S. Marco Argentano, Catanzaro, Squillace, 5–7 ottobre 1986 (Catanzaro: Istituto di scienze religiose di Catanzaro-Squillace, 1989). Calenzio, Generoso, ‘Delle rarità e preziosità tipografiche del Tridentino’, in his Documenti inediti e nuovi lavori sul Concilio di Trento (Rome: Sinimberghi, 1874), pp. 437–574. Calvin, John, Acta synodi tridentinæ cum antidoto ([Geneva: Jean Girard], 1547), USTC 450008. Calvin, John, Admonitio paterna Pauli iii … cum scholiis ([Basel, Robert Winter], 1545), USTC 609239. Calvin, John, Concilium papae: Ein seer vaeterlicher Rath ([Strasbourg: Wolfgang Köpfel, 1541]), USTC 624058. Calvin, John, Consilium admodum paternum Pauli iii … et Eusebii Pamphili … explicatio (Strasbourg: Wendelin Rihel, 1541), USTC 624854. Calvin, John, Institutio Christianae religionis (Strasbourg: Wendelin Rihel, 1539), USTC 666787–666788. Campana, Augusto (ed.), Bibliografia degli scritti del Cardinale Giovanni Mercati (1890– 1956) (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1957). Campana, Augusto, ‘Angelo Colocci conservatore ed editore di letteratura umanistica’, in his Scritti. I: ricerche medievali e umanistiche, ed. by Rino Avesani, Michele Feo and Enzo Pruccoli (2 vols., Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2012), ii, pp. 827–838. Campana, Augusto, ‘Antonio Blado e Bartolomeo Platina’, in his Scritti. I: ricerche medievali e umanistiche, ed. by Rino Avesani, Michele Feo and Enzo Pruccoli (2 vols., Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2012), i, pp. 283–293.

Bibliography

255

Campana, Augusto, ‘Dal Calmeta al Colocci: testo nuovo di un epicedio di P.F. Giustolo’, Scritti. I: ricerche medievali e umanistiche, ed. by Rino Avesani, Michele Feo and Enzo Pruccoli (2 vols., Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2012), ii, pp. 857–905. Campana, Lorenzo, ‘Monsignor Giovanni Della Casa e i suoi tempi’, Studi storici, 16 (1907), pp. 3–84, 247–269, 349–580; 17 (1908), pp. 145–282, 381–606; 18 (1909), pp. 325–513. Campi, Emidio, ‘The Council of Trent and the Magisterial Reformers’, in Wim François and Violet Soen (eds.), The Council of Trent: Reform and Controversy in Europe and Beyond (1545–1700) (3 vols., Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2018), i, pp. 277–309. Canart, Paul, ‘Les manuscrits copiés par Emmanuel Provataris (1546–1570 environ): essai d’étude codicologique’, in Mélanges Eugéne Tisserant, vi (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1964), pp. 173–287. Canfora, Luciano, Il Fozio ritrovato: Juan de Mariana e André Schott (Bari: Dedalo, 2001). Caravale, Giorgio, ‘Libri proibiti, libri suggeriti: considerazioni su illetterati e censura nell’Italia della prima età moderna’, in Guido Dall’Olio, Adelisa Malena and Pierroberto Scaramella (eds.), Per Adriano Prosperi: I: La fede degli Italiani (Pisa: Edizioni della Normale, 2011), pp. 183–189. Caravale, Giorgio, Beyond the Inquisition: Ambrogio Catarino Politi and the Origins of the Counter-Reformation (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2017). Caravale, Mario and Caracciolo, Alberto, Storia d’Italia: xiv: Lo Stato pontificio da Martino v a Pio ix (Turin: UTET, 1978). Cardinali, Giacomo, ‘Autoritratto di cardinale bibliofilo: undici nuovi codici greci di Marcello Cervini (e uno di Angelo Colocci)’, Archivum mentis, 7 (2018), pp. 185–226. Cardinali, Giacomo, ‘Il Barberinianus gr. 532, ovvero le edizioni mancate di Marcello Cervini, la filologia di Guglielmo Sirleto e il surmenage di Giovanni Onorio’, Byzantion, 88 (2018), pp. 45–89. Cardinali, Giacomo, ‘Le vicende vaticane del codice B della Bibbia dalle carte di Giovanni Mercati. ii: i prestiti e le cessioni esterne’, Miscellanea Bibliothecae ­Apostolicae Vaticanae, 22 (2016), pp. 117–236. Cardinali, Giacomo, ‘Legature “alla Cervini”?’, Scriptorium, 71 (2017), pp. 39–78. Cardinali, Giacomo, ‘Legature di “Mastro Luigi” per la Biblioteca Vaticana (con un catalogo di alcuni suoi ferri)’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 23 (2017), pp. 119–144. Cardinali, Giacomo, ‘Ritratto di Marcello Cervini en orientaliste (con precisazioni alle vicende di Petrus Damascenus, Mosè di Mārdīn ed Heliodorus Niger)’, Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance, 80 (2018), pp. 77–98 and 325–343. Cardinali, Giacomo, ‘Un acquisto “poco giuditioso” del cardinale Antonio Carafa: il Gregorio Nazianzeno commentato da Elia di Creta Vat. gr. 1219’, Νέα Ῥώμη, 10 (2013), pp. 303–318.

256

Bibliography

Carley, James P. (ed.), The Libraries of King Henry viii (London: The British Library in association with The British Academy, 2000). Carley, James P., ‘The Royal Library under Henry viii’, in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, iii: 1400–1557, ed. by Lotte Hellinga and Joseph B. Trapp (Cambridge: CUP, 1999), pp. 274–281. Caro, Annibale, Lettere familiari, ed. by Aulo Greco (3 vols., Florence: Le Monnier, 1957). Carosi, Attilio, Librai, cartai e tipografi in Viterbo e nella Provincia del Patrimonio di S. Pietro in Tuscia nei secoli xv e xvi (Viterbo: Comune di Viterbo, 1988). Carpané, Lorenzo and Menato, Marco, Annali della tipografia veronese del Cinquecento, i (Baden-Baden: Koerner, 1992). Carpané, Lorenzo. ‘Annali tipografici, Venezia 1521–1551’, in Ennio Sandal (ed.), Il ­mestier de le stamperie de i libri: le vicende e i percorsi dei tipografi di Sabbio Chiese tra Cinque e Seicento e l’opera dei Nicolini (Brescia: Grafo, 2002), pp. 121–238. Carrara, Eliana, ‘Giovanni Della Casa, Piero Vettori e il loro carteggio in volgare’, in Stefano Carrai (ed.), Giovanni Della Casa ecclesiastico e scrittore, (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2007), pp. 125–170. Carrus, Rossella and Tofani, Valentina (eds.), Futuro Antico: The History of the Antinori Family and Their Palace (Florence: Alinari, 2007). Casanova, Eugenio, ‘Le carte di Costantino Corvisieri all’Archivio di Stato di Roma’, Gli archivi italiani, 7 (1920), pp. 20–48. Cassiodorus, Antiqua regum Italiae gothicae gentis rescripta ([Leipzig: Nickel Schmidt], 1529), USTC 611836. Castellani, Giuseppe, ‘La tipografia del Collegio Romano’, Archivum historicum Societatis Jesu, 2 (1933), pp. 11–16. Cataldi Palau, Annaclara, ‘La biblioteca del Cardinale Giovanni Salviati: alcuni nuovi manoscritti greci in biblioteche diverse della Vaticana’, Scriptorium, 49 (1995), pp. 60–95. Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum: Medieval and Renaissance Latin Translations and Commentaries, vii, ed. by Virginia Brown, Paul Oskar Kristeller and F.  Edward Cranz (Washington DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1992). Cato and Varro, De re rustica (Lyon: Sebastian Gryphius, 1541), USTC 140163. Cattaneo, Enrico, ‘Influenze veronesi nella legislazione di san Carlo Borromeo’, in ­Problemi di vita religiosa in Italia nel Cinquecento: atti del convegno di storia della Chiesa in Italia, Bologna 2–6 settembre 1958 (Padua: Antenore, 1960), pp. 123–166. Cattaneo, Gianmario, ‘Un appunto sul manoscritto Vaticanus Ottobonianus gr. 92 (Menologio di febbraio): Cervini, Sirleto e la traduzione latina di Gentien Hervet’, ­Byzantion, 88 (2018), pp. 91–101. Ceresa, Massimo, ‘Acquisizioni e ordinamento degli stampati nel corso del Cinquecento’, in Massimo Ceresa (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: ii: La Biblio-

Bibliography

257

teca Vaticana tra Riforma Cattolica, crescita delle collezioni e nuovo edificio (1535– 1590) (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2012), pp. 90–104. Ceresa, Massimo, ‘Majorano, Niccolò’, in DBI, lxvii, 2006, pp. 660–663. Cervini, Marcello (as Pope Marcellus ii), Bulla prorogationis subsidii trecentorum millium scutorum (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1555). Cervini, Marcello (as Pope Marcellus ii), Regulae omnes, ordinationes, et constitutiones Cancellariae (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1555), USTC 809961. Cervini, Marcello the Younger, De laudibus Marcelli ii … oratio … habita in templo collegii politiani Socieatis Iesu (Siena: Matteo Florimi, 1611), USTC 4021801. Cesarini Martinelli, Lucia, ‘Contributo all’epistolario di Piero Vettori (lettere a don Vincenzo Borghini, 1546–1565)’, Rinascimento, 19 (1979), pp. 189–227. Chambers, Liam and O’Connor, Thomas (eds.), College Communities Abroad: Education, Migration and Catholicism in Early Modern Europe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2017). Chappe, Paulinus, [Indulgentia for contributions to the war against the Turks, 1454–1455] ([Mainz: Printer of the 42-line Bible [=Johann Gutenberg], 1454–1455]), USTC 743954. Chappe, Paulinus, [Indulgentia for contributions to the war against the Turks, 1454–1455] ([Mainz: printer of the 31-line indulgence and of the 36-line Bible, 1454–1455]), USTC 743955. Chastel, André, Le sac de Rome, 1527: du premier maniérisme à la Contre-Réforme (Paris: Gallimard, 1984). Cheney, Christopher Robert and Cheney, Mary G. (eds.), The Letters of Pope Innocent iii (1198–1216) Concerning England and Wales: A Calendar with an Appendix of Texts (Oxford: Clarendon, 1967). Chiacchella, Rita, ‘Per una reinterpretazione della “guerra del sale” e della costruzione della Rocca Paolina in Perugia’, Archivio storico italiano, 145 (1987), pp. 3–60. Chrysostom, John, De virginitate (Rome: Paolo Manuzio and Stamperia del Popolo Romano, 1562), USTC 836475. Chrysostom, John, In Evangelium Sancti Matthaei brevis enarratio … eiusdem homiliae tres postremae in Matthaeum (Venice: Plinio Pietrasanta, 1554), USTC 836456. Chrysostom, John, Opera (5 vols., Venice: Ad signum Spei, 1548–1549), USTC 836442. Chrysostom, John, Opera (Basel: Nikolaus Froben and Johannes Herwagen, 1547), USTC 679610. Chrysostom, John, Vere aureae in psalmos homiliae (Venice: Ad signum Spei, 1549), USTC 836445. Cicero, De philosophia volumen secundum (Venice: Paolo Manuzio, 1541), USTC 822233. Cicero, Omnium quae hactenus excusa sunt, castigatissima (6 vols., Venice: Lucantonio Giunta, 1537), USTC 764212.

258

Bibliography

Clagett, Marshall, Archimedes in the Middle Ages, iii: The Fate of the Medieval Archimedes (1300 to 1565): Part iii: The Medieval Archimedes in the Renaissance, 1450–1565 (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1978). Clarorum Italorum et Germanorum epistolae ad Petrum Victorium, ed. by Angelo Maria Bandini (2 vols., Florence: Presidium Facultate, 1758–1760). Clausi, Benedetto and Lucà, Santo (eds.), Il ‘sapientissimo calabro’: Guglielmo Sirleto nel V centenario della nascita (1514–2014): problemi, ricerche, prospettive: atti del ­Convegno, Roma, Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Antica in Palazzo Corsini – Sala delle Cano­nizzazioni, 13–15 gennaio 2015 (Rome: Università degli studi di Roma Tor Vergata, 2018). Clement i (Pesudo-), Διαταγαὶ τῶν ἅγιων ἀποστόλων (Venice: Giordano Ziletti, 1563), USTC 804256. Clement i (Pseudo-), Apostolicarum constitutionum et catholicae doctrinae (Antwerp: Christophe Plantin, 1578), USTC 406400. Clement of Alexandria, Τὰ εὐρισκόμενα ἄπαντα ex Bibliotheca Medicea (Florence: Lorenzo Torrentino, 1550), USTC 822881. Clement of Alexandria, Omnia quae quidem extant opera (Florence: Lorenzo Torrentino, 1551), USTC 823004. Clement of Alexandria, Omnia quae quidem extant opera (Basel: Michael Isengrin, 1556), USTC 622826. Clement of Alexandria, Opera omnia (Paris: Sébastien Nivelle, 1590), USTC 170960. Clement vii, Bando contra li sudditi soi Duchi, Marchesi, Conti, Baroni et altri Signori ([Rome: Antonio Blado, 1526]), USTC 822933. Clement vii, Breve super locationibus, pensionibus, & censibus domorum, vinearum, casalium ([Rome: Antonio Blado, 1529]), USTC 822970. Clement vii, Bulla contra homicidas ([Rome: Antonio Blado, 1524]), USTC 822908. Clement vii, Bulla erectionis officii dominorum Militum sancti Petri (Rome: Antonio Blado, [1526]), USTC 848686. Clement vii, Bulla in qua Mons Fidei erigitur pro christianae fidei defensione ([Rome: Antonio Blado, 1526]), USTC 822938. Clement vii, Bulla per quam gratias et expectativas revocat ([Rome: Francesco Minizio Calvo 1527]), USTC 822962. Clement vii, Bullae duae tramsumptae per R.P.D. episcopum Vigorniensem ([Rome: Antonio Blado, 1524]), USTC 822924. Clement vii, Clemente vescovo servo de’ servi di Dio a futura memoria ([Rome: Francesco Minizio Calvo 1527]), USTC 822964. Clement vii, Regula Cancellarie super extensione consensuum in resignationibus (Rome: [Francesco Minizio Calvo], 1530), USTC 809907. Cochlaeus, Johannes, De matrimonio serenissimi Regis Angliae Henrici Octavi congratulatio disputatoria (Leipzig: Michael Blum, 1535).

Bibliography

259

Cochrane, Eric, Italy 1530–1630 (London and New York: Longman, 1988). Codices manuscript graeci Ottoboniani Bibliothecae Vaticanae descripti, ed. by Ernest Feron and Fabiano Battaglini (Rome: Tipografia Vaticana, 1893). Codices Reginenses latini, ii: Codices 251–500, ed. by Andreas Wilmart (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1945). Coffin, David R., ‘Pope Marcellus ii and Architecture’, Architectura, 9 (1979), pp. 11–29. Colliard, Lauro-Aimé, Un ami savoyard du Cardinal Bessarion: Guillaume Fichet: ancien recteur de l’Université de Paris (Fasano: Schena & Presses de l’Université de ParisSorbonne, 2004). Colliva, Paolo, Il cardinale Albornoz, lo stato della Chiesa, le ‘Constitutiones Aegidianae’ (1353–1357): con in appendice il testo volgare delle costituzioni di Fano dal ms. Vat. lat. 3939 (Bologna: Publicaciones del Real Colegio de España, 1977). Conciliorum oecumenicorum generaliumque decreta: editio critica, iii: The Oecumenical Councils of the Roman Catholic Church from Trent to Vatican ii (1545–1965), ed. by Klaus Ganzer, Giuseppe Alberigo and Alberto Melloni (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010). Concilium Tridentinum: diariorum, actorum, epistularum, tractatuum nova collectio (13 vols., Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1901–2001). Constitutiones Ordinis fratrum eremitarum sancti Augustini (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1551), USTC 808012. Contarini, Gasparo, De elementis (Paris: Nicolas Le Riche, 1548), USTC 149967. Conte, Emanuele (ed.), I maestri della Sapienza di Roma dal 1514 al 1787: i rotuli e altre fonti (2 vols., Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo, 1991). Conti, Natale, De horis [et alia] (Venice: Pietro Nicolini and brothers, 1550), USTC 823823. Contile, Luca, Delle lettere… (Pavia: Girolamo Bartoli for Giovanni Battista Turlino, 1564), USTC 823854. Cosenza, Mario Emilio, Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of the Italian Humanists and of the World of Classical Scholarship in Italy (1300–1800), ii (Boston: Hall, 1962). Costa, Giorgio, Michelangelo alle corti di Niccolò Ridolfi e Cosimo I (Rome: Bulzoni, 2009). Costanza, Salvatore, ‘L’epistola di dedica di Camillo Peruschi a Paolo iii ed altri componimenti nell’editio princeps di Eliano, Varia historia (1545)’, Studi Classici e Orientali, 49 (2003), pp. 327–345. Crispoldi, Tullio, Orationi da far nel tempo della carestia o d’altro flagello (Venice: Stefano Nicolini, 1551), USTC 824675. Cristina Dondi et al. (eds.), La stampa romana nella Città dei Papi e in Europa (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2016).

260

Bibliography

Crofts, Richard A., ‘Printing, Reform, and the Catholic Reformation in Germany (1521– 1545)’, The Sixteenth Century Journal, 16 (1985), pp. 369–381. Cullhed, Eric, ‘The Autograph Manuscripts Containing Eustathius’ Commentary on the Odyssey’, Mnemosyne, 65 (2012), pp. 445–461. Cullhed, Eric, Eustathios of Thessalonike: Commentary on Homer’s Odyssey 1–2 (Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet, 2016). Curione, Celio Secondo, ‘Pasquillus extaticus’ e ‘Pasquino in estasi’: edizione storico-critica commentata, ed. by Giovanna Cordibella and Stefano Prandi (Florence: Olschki, 2018). Cutolo, Alessandro, Un bibliotecario della Vaticana nel xvi secolo: Fausto Sabeo (Milan: Cisalpino, 1949). Cyprian, Alter tomus operum (Lyon: Sebastian Gryphius, 1537), USTC 157168. Cyprian, Opera (Lyon: Sebastian Gryphius, 1537), USTC 147295. Cyprian, Opera … repurgata (Basel: Johannes Herwagen, 1540), USTC 640567. Cyprian, Opera (Rome: Paolo Manuzio and Stamperia del Popolo Romano, 1563), USTC 815159. D’Aiuto, Francesco and Vian, Paolo (eds.), Guida ai fondi manoscritti, numismatici, a stampa della Biblioteca Vaticana: ii: Dipartimenti Stampati – Dipartimento del Gabinetto Numismatico – Uffici della Prefettura – Archivio – Addenda, elenchi e prospetti, indici (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2011). Dal Pino, Franco A. (ed.), Fonti storico-spirituali dei Servi di Maria, iii/1 (Padua: Messaggero, 2008). Dall’Olio, Guido, Eretici e inquisitori nella Bologna del Cinquecento (Bologna: Istituto per la storia di Bologna, 1999). Dalton, Jessica, Between Popes, Inquisitors and Princes: How the First Jesuits Negotiated Religious Crisis in Early Modern Italy (Leiden and Boston: Brill, forthcoming). Damascene, John, Adversus sanctarum imaginum oppugnatores orationes tres (Venice: Paolo Manuzio, 1554), USTC 836458. Damascene, John, De iis qui in fide dormierunt (Verona: Stefano Nicolini and brothers, 1532), USTC 836416. Damascene, John, Ἔκδοσις τῆς ὀρθοδόχου πίστεως … περὶ τῶν ἐν πίστει κεκοιμημένων (Verona: Stefano Nicolini and brothers, 1531), USTC 836415. Damascene, John, Λόγοι τρεῖς ἀπολογητικοί (Rome: Stefano Nicolini, 1553), USTC 836453. Danzi, Massimo, La biblioteca del cardinal Pietro Bembo (Geneva: Droz, 2005). Das Decretum Gelasianum de libris recipiendis et non recipiendis, ed. by Ernst von Dobschütz (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1912). Davis, Margaret Daly, ‘Zum Codex Coburgensis: frühe Archäologie und Humanismus im Kreis des Marcello Cervini’, in Richard Harprath and Henning Wrede (eds.), Antikenzeichnung und Antikenstudium in Renaissance und Frühbarock: akten des

Bibliography

261

i­ nternationalen Symposions, Coburg 8–10 September 1986 (Mainz: von Zabern, 1989), pp. 185–199. De Boer, Wietse, ‘Nacchianti, Giovanni Battista’ in DBI, lxxvii, 2012, pp. 655–658. De Frede, Carlo, ‘Due “avanzi” veneziani della stampa non libraria del '500 relativi all’eresia e ai libri proibiti’, Studi veneziani, n.s., 38 (1999), pp. 217–221. Decreta Concilii Tridentini (Bologna: Anselmo Giaccarelli, 1548), USTC 860906. Decretum de iustificatione sacrosancti oecumenici et generalis Concilii Tridentini (Venice: Andrea Arrivabene, 1547), USTC 860902 and 860903. Del Col, Andrea, L’inquisizione in Italia dal xii al xxi secolo (Milan: Mondadori, 2006). Della Casa, Giovanni, Opere: tomo terzo contenente le lettere (Venice: Pasinelli, 1752). Delle Foglie, Anna, ‘La ‘Brava Libraria’ di San Giovanni a Carbonara e il Vat. Lat. 11310’, in Rosa Marisa Borraccini (ed.), Dalla notitia librorum degli inventari agli esemplari: saggi di indagine su libri e biblioteche dai codici Vaticani latini 11266–11326 (Macerata: EUM, 2009), pp. 327–345. Delsere, Ilaria and Raineri, Osvaldo, Chiesa di Santo Stefano dei Mori: vicende edilizie e personaggi (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2015). Delumeau, Jean, Vie économique et sociale de Rome dans la seconde moitié du xvie siècle (Paris: de Boccard, 1957–1959). Demetrius Phalereus (Pseudo-), Περὶ ἑρμηνείας. De elocutione (Florence: Bernardo ­Giunta and Heirs, 1552), USTC 826492. Denley, Peter, Commune and Studio in Late Medieval and Renaissance Siena (Bologna: CLUEB, 2006). Denzler, Georg, Kardinal Guglielmo Sirleto (1514–1585): Leben und Werk: ein Beitrag zur nachtridentinischen Reform (Munich: Hüber, 1964). Devreesse, Robert, ‘Les manuscrits grecs de Cervini’, Scriptorium, 20 (1968), pp. 250–270. Devreesse, Robert, Le fonds grec de la Bibliothèque Vaticane des origins à Paul v (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1965). Di Filippo Bareggi, Claudia, ‘Giunta, Doni, Torrentino: tre tipografie fiorentina fra repubblica e principato’, Nuova Rivista Storica, 58 (1974), pp. 318–348. Die Register Innocenz’ iii.: 1. Band.: 1. Pontifikatsjahr, 1998/99: Texte, ed. by Othmar Hageneder and Anton Haidacher (Graz and Cologne: Österreichisches Kulturinstitut in Rom, 1964). Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Ρωμαικῆς ἀρκαιολογίας βιβλία (Paris: Robert Estienne, 1546), USTC 153859. Ditchfield, Simon, ‘The “Making” of Roman Catholicism as a “World religion”’, in Jan Stievermann and Randall C. Zachman (eds.), Multiple Modernities? Confessional Cultures and the Many Legacies of the Reformation Age (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2018), pp. 189–204.

262

Bibliography

Ditchfield, Simon, ‘Trent Revisited’, in Guido Dall’Olio, Adelisa Malena and Pierroberto Scaramella (eds.), Per Adriano Prosperi: I: La fede degli Italiani (Pisa: Edizioni della Normale, 2011), pp. 357–370. Ditchfield, Simon, ‘Tridentine Catholicism’, in Alexandra Bamji, Geert H. Janssen and Mary Laven (eds.), The Ashgate Research Companion to Counter-Reformation (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013), pp. 15–32. Ditchfield, Simon, Liturgy, Sanctity and History in Tridentine Italy: Pietro Maria Campi and the Preservation of the Particular (Cambridge: CUP, 1995). Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1960-). Donnini, Mauro, ‘L’“Oratio” inedita “Ad Carolum V pro republica Christiana” di ­Agostino Steuco’, in his Humanae ac divinae litterae: scritti di cultura medievale e ­umanistica (Spoleto: Fondazione Centro italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 2013), pp. 125–162. Dorez, Léon, ‘Antoine Eparque: recherches sur le commerce des manuscrits grecs en Italie au xvie siècle’, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, 13 (1893), pp. 281–364. Dorez, Léon, ‘L’exemplaire de Pline l’Ancien d’Agosto Valdo de Padoue et le Cardinal Marcello Cervini’, Revue des bibliothèques, 5 (1895), pp. 14–20. Dorez, Léon, ‘Le Cardinal Marcello Cervini et l’impremiere à Rome (1539–1550)’, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, 12 (1892), pp. 289–312. Dorez, Léon, ‘Le registre des dépenses de la Bibliothèque Vaticane de 1548 à 1555’, in Fasciculus Ioanni Willis Clark dicatus (Cambridge: CUP, 1909), pp. 142–185. Dorez, Léon, ‘Un élève de Paul Manuce: Romolo Cervini’, Revue des Bibliothèques, 5 (1895), pp. 139–143, 153–179. Dreyer, Peter, ‘Vignolas Planungen für eine befestigte Villa Cervini’, Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, 21 (1984), pp. 365–396. Duhr, Bernhard, Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge (4 vols., Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1907–1928). Durin, Nerina, Edizioni dei Nicolini da Sabbio (1521–1601) (Tesi di Laurea; Parma: University of Parma, 1969–1970). Dykmans, Marc, ‘Quatre lettres des Marcel Cervini cardinal-legat après de Charles Quint en 1540’, Archivium Historiae Pontificiae, 19 (1991), pp. 113–171. Eck, Johann, Enchiridion ([Roma, Francesco Minizio Calvo, 1525]), USTC 827999. Edwards, Mark U. Jr., ‘Catholic Controversial Literature (1518–1555): Some Statistics’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 79 (1988), pp. 189–205. Edwards, Mark U. Jr., Commerce and Print in the Early Reformation: Printing, Propaganda, and Martin Luther (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994). Egidio Romano, De regimine principum (Rome: Antonio Blado for Giovanni Antonio da Padova, 1556) USTC 828052. Egidio Romano, Primus tomus operum (8 vols., Rome: Antonio Blado, 1554–1555), USTC 828051.

Bibliography

263

Eisenstein, Elizabeth L., Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: CUP, 1993), pp. 148–186. Eisenstein, Elizabeth L., The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early Modern Europe (2 vols., Cambridge and New York: CUP, 1979). Ennio Sandal (ed.), Il mestier de le stamperie de i libri: le vicende e i percorsi dei tipografi di Sabbio Chiese tra Cinque e Seicento e l’opera dei Nicolini(Brescia: Grafo, 2002). Eparchos, Antonios, Εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδος καταστροφὴν (Venice: Aldus’s Heirs, 1544), USTC 828155. Epistolarum decretalium summorum pontificum tomus tertius (Rome: Stamperia del Popolo Romano (Giorgio Ferrari), 1591), USTC 806656. Erasmus, Desiderius, De immensa dei misericordia. A sermon of the excedynge great mercy of god (London: [Thomas Berthelet, 1526]), USTC 515195. Erasmus, Desiderius, In Novum Testamentum annotationes (Basel: Hieronymus Froben and Nikolaus Episcopius, 1535), USTC 635482. Erasmus, Desiderius, Opera Omnia: Ordo vi, ix: Annotationes in Novum Testamentum (pars quinta), ed. by M.L. van Poll-van de Lisdonk (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2009). Erbe, Michael, François Bauduin (1520–1573): Biographie eines Humanisten (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1978). Erizzo, Sebastiano, Trattato dell’istrumento et via inventrice de gli antichi (Venice: Plinio Pietrasanta, 1554), USTC 828355. Euripides, Ἠλέκτρα (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1545), USTC 828501. Eusebius of Caesarea et al., Ἐκκλησιαστικῆς ἱστορίας βιβλία (Paris: Robert Estienne, 1544), USTC 149157. Eusebius of Caesarea, Εὐαγγελικῆς προπαρασκευῆς βιβλία (Paris: Robert Estienne, 1544), USTC 149170. Eustathius of Thessalonica, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem pertinentes ad fidem codicis Laurentiani, ed. by Marchinus van der Valk et al. (5 vols., Leiden: Brill, 1971–1995). Eustathius of Thessalonica, Παρεκβολαὶ εἰς τὴν Ὁμήρου Ἰλιάδα καὶ Ὀδύσσειαν (4 vols., Rome: Antonio Blado, 1549–1551), USTC 828521. Eustathius of Thessalonica, Παρεκβολαὶ εἰς τὴν Ὁμήρου Ἰλιάδα καὶ Ὀδύσσειαν (Basel, Hieronymus Froben and Nikolaus Episcopius, 1559–1560), USTC 654584. Euthymius Zigabenus, Orthodoxae fidei dogmatica panoplia (2 vols., Venice: Girolamo Scoto, 1555), USTC 828530. Fabri, Johann, Malleus … in haeresim Lutheranam (Cologne: Peter Quentel for Johann Soter, 1524), USTC 674753. Fabri, Johann, Opus adversus nova … dogmata Martini Lutheri (Rome: Marcello Silber, 1522), USTC 828581.

264

Bibliography

Fanelli, Vittorio, Ricerche su Angelo Colocci e sulla Roma cinquecentesca (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1979). Farenga, Paola (ed.), Editori e edizioni a Roma nel Rinascimento (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2005). Farge, James K., Biographical Register of Paris Doctors of Theology, 1500–1536 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1980). Febvre, Lucien and Martin, Henri-Jean, L’apparition du livre (Paris: Michel, 1971). Feigl, Helmuth, ‘Die Überlieferung der Register Papst Innozenz’ iii.’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 65 (1957), pp. 242–295. Ferrary, Jean-Louis, ‘Les travaux d’Antonio Agustín à la lumière de lettres inédites à Lelio Torelli’, Faventia, 14 (1992), pp. 69–83. Ferretti, Emanuela, ‘Between Bindo Altoviti and Cosimo i: Averardo Serristori, Medici Ambassador in Rome’, in Alan Chong, Donatella Pegazzano and Dimitrios Zikos (eds.), Raphael, Cellini and a Renaissance Banker: The Patronage of Bindo Altoviti (Boston: Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, 2003), pp. 456–461. Finger, Heinz, ‘Die “Große Kompagnie” in Köln und Mainz: Ein rheinisches Verlegerkonsortium im europäischen Buchhandel des 16. Jahrhunderts’, GutenbergJahrbuch, 70 (1995), pp. 294–310. Finger, Heinz, ‘Editoria italiana – editoria tedesca nel ’500’, in Marco Santoro (ed.), La stampa in Italia nel Cinquecento: atti del convegno, Roma 17–21 ottobre 1989 (2 vols., Rome: Bulzoni, 1992), ii, pp. 697–717. Fiordibello, Antonio, De auctoritate ecclesiae (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1545), USTC 829706. Firpo, Massimo (ed.), ‘Nunc alia tempora, alii mores’: storici e storia in età postridentina: atti del Convegno internazionale, Torino, 24–27 settembre 2003 (Florence: Olschki, 2005). Firpo, Massimo, ‘Rethinking “Catholic Reformation” and “Counter-Reformation”: What Happened in Early Modern Catholicism? The Case of Italy’, Journal of Early Modern History, 20 (2016), pp. 293–312. Firpo, Massimo, Dal sacco di Roma all’Inquisizione: studi su Juan de Valdés e la Riforma italiana (Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso, 1998). Firpo, Massimo, La presa di potere dell’Inquisizione romana: 1550–1553 (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2014). Firpo, Massimo, Tra Alumbrados e ‘Spirituali’: studi su Juan de Valdés e il Valdesianesimo nella crisi religiosa del ’500 italiano (Florence: Olschki, 1990). Firpo, Massimo and Maifreda, Germano, L’eretico che salvò la Chiesa: il cardinale Giovanni Morone e le origini della Controriforma (Turin: Einaudi, 2019). Flood, John L., ‘“Omnium totius orbis emporiorum compendium”: The Frankfurt Fair in the Early Modern Period’, in Robin Myers, Michael Harris and Giles Mandelbrote

Bibliography

265

(eds.), Fairs, Markets and the Itinerant Book Trade (New Castle DE and London: Oak Knoll and British Library, 2007), pp. 1–42. Flood, John L., ‘The Book in Reformation Germany’, in Jean-François Gilmont (ed.), The Reformation and the Book (Aldershot and Brookfield VT: Ashgate, 1998), pp. 21–103. Floridi, Luciano, Sextus Empiricus: The Transmission and Recovery of Pyrrhonism (Oxford: OUP, 2002). Floristán Imízcoz, José M., ‘Epístola literaria de Camillo Peruschi Isidoro, rector del Estudio de Roma, al patriarca ecuménico Metrófanes iii (1569)’, Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici, 40 (2004), pp. 171–207. Follieri, Enrica, ‘Il libro greco per i Greci nelle imprese editoriali romane e veneziane della prima metà del Cinquecento’, in her Byzantina et italograeca: studi di filologia e paleografia, ed. by Augusta Acconcia Longo, Lidia Perria and Andrea Luzzi (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1997), pp. 249–273. Follieri, Enrica, ‘Su alcuni libri greci stampati a Venezia’, in her Byzantina et italograeca: studi di filologia e paleografia, ed. by Augusta Acconcia Longo, Lidia Perria and Andrea Luzzi (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1997), pp. 65–110. Forlivesi, Marco (ed.), Antonio Bernardi della Mirandola (1502–1565), un aristotelico umanista alla corte dei Farnese: atti del convegno ‘Antonio Bernardi nel V centenario della nascita’ (Mirandola, 30 novembre 2002) (Florence: Olschki, 2009). Fortuna, Stefania, ‘The Latin Editions of Galen’s Opera omnia (1490–1625) and their Prefaces’, Early Science and Medicine, 17 (2012), pp. 391–412. Fossier, François, ‘Premières recherches sur le manuscrits latins du cardinal Marcello Cervini (1501–1555)’, Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome: moyen âge, temps ­modernes, 91 (1979), pp. 381–456. Fracco, Ambrogio Novidio, Sacrorum fastorum libri xii (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1537), USTC 830470. Fragnito, Gigliola and Tallon, Alain (eds.), Hétérodoxies croisées: catholicisme pluriels entre France et Italie, xvie–xviie siècles (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2017). Fragnito, Gigliola, ‘“Zurai non legger mai più”: censura libraria e pratiche linguistiche nella penisola italiana’, in Alain Tallon (ed.), Le sentiment national dans l’Europe méridionale aux xvie et xviie siècles (France, Espagne, Italie) (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez­, 2007), pp. 251–272. Fragnito, Gigliola, ‘Istituzioni ecclesiastiche e costruzione dello Stato: riflessioni e spunti’, in Giorgio Chittolini, Anthony Molho and Pierangelo Schiera (eds.), Origini dello Stato: processi di formazione statale in Italia fra medioevo ed età moderna (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994), pp. 531–550. Fragnito, Gigliola, ‘La censura ecclesiastica in Italia: volgarizzamenti biblici e letteratura all’Indice: bilancio degli studi e prospettive di ricerca’, in María José Vega, Julian

266

Bibliography

Weiss and Cesc Esteve (eds.), Reading and Censorship in Early Modern Europe (Conference Proceeding, Barcelona, 11–13 December 2007) (Bellaterra: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2010), pp. 39–56. Fragnito, Gigliola, ‘La censura ecclesiastica romana e la cultura dei “semplici”’, Histoire et civilisation du livre, 9 (2014), pp. 85–100. Fragnito, Gigliola, ‘La colpa di leggere nella prima età moderna’, in Per Adriano ­Prosperi: I: La fede degli Italiani (Pisa: Edizioni della Normale, 2011), pp. 171–182. Fragnito, Gigliola, Cinquecento italiano: religione, cultura e potere dal Rinascimento alla Controriforma, ed. by Elena Bonora and Miguel Gotor (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2011). Fragnito, Gigliola, Gasparo Contarini: un magistrato veneziano al servizio della ­Cristianità (Florence: Olschki, 1988). Fragnito, Gigliola, La Bibbia al rogo: la censura ecclesiastica e i volgarizzamenti della Scrittura (1471–1605) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1997). Fragnito, Gigliola, Proibito capire: la Chiesa e il volgare nella prima età moderna (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2005). Fragnito, Gigliola, Rinascimento perduto: la letteratura italiana sotto gli occhi dei censori (secoli xv–xvii) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2019). Frajese, Vittorio, Nascita dell’Indice: la censura ecclesiastica dal Rinascimento alla Controriforma (Brescia: Morcelliana, 2006). Frenz, Thomas (ed.), Papst Innozenz iii.: Weichensteller der Geschichte Europas: interdisziplinäre Ringvorlesung an der Universität Passau, 5.11.1997–26.5.1998 (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2010). Freux, André des, De utraque copia verborum et rerum praecepta (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1556), USTC 826597. Friedensburg, Walter, ‘Beiträge zum Briefwechsel der Katholischen Gelehrten Deutschlands im Reformationszeitalter’, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 16 (1896) pp. 470– 499; 18 (1898), pp. 106–131, 233–297, 420–463, 596–636; 19 (1899), pp. 211–264, 473– 485; 20 (1900), pp. 59–95, 242–259, 500–545; 21 (1901), pp. 537–594; 23 (1902), pp. 110–155, 438–477. Frymire, John M., The Primacy of the Postils: Catholics, Protestants, and the Dissemination of Ideas in Early Modern Germany (Leiden: Brill, 2010). Fudge, John D., Commerce and Print in the Early Reformation (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2007). Fumagalli, Giuseppe, Antonio Blado tipografo romano del sec. xvi (Milan: Hoepli, 1893). Fumagalli, Giuseppe, Belli, Giacomo and Emerenziana Vaccaro, Catalogo delle edizioni romane di Antonio Blado asolano ed eredi (1515–1593) (4 vols., Rome: Presso i principali librai et al., 1891–1961). Furlong Cardiff, Guillermo, Los Jesuitas y la imprenta en la América Latina (Buenos Aires: Academia Literaria del Plata, 1940).

Bibliography

267

Gaigny, Jean de, Brevissima et facillima in omnes divi Pauli epistolas scholia … Itidem in septem canonicas epistolas, et divi Joannis Apocalypsin, brevissima scholia recens ­edita (Paris: Simon de Colines, 1543), USTC 140789. Gaigny, Jean de, Brevissima et facillima in omnes divi Pauli epistolas scholia … Itidem in septem canonicas epistolas et divi Joannis Apocalypsin, brevissima scholia recens edita (Paris: Vivant Gaultherot, 1547), USTC 149707 and 116943. Gaigny, Jean de, Brevissima et facillima in omnes divi Pauli epistolas scholia. In septem canonicas epistolas et divi Joannis Apocalypsin brevissima scholia (Paris: Jean Foucher, 1547), USTC 116944. Gaigny, Jean de, Brevissima et facillima in omnes divi Pauli epistolas scholia … Itidem in septem canonicas epistolas et divi Joannis Apocalypsin, brevissima scholia recens edita (Paris: Vivant Gaultherot, 1550), USTC 150423. Gaigny, Jean de, Brevissima et facillima in omnes divi Pauli epistolas scholia … Itidem in septem canonicas epistolas et divi Joannis Apocalypsin, brevissima scholia recens edita (Paris: Jean Foucher, 1550), USTC 150424. Galen, Operum omnium sectio prima [-octava] (Venice: Giovanni Farri and brothers, 1541), USTC 831449. Garavelli, Enrico, ‘“L’erudita bottega di messer Claudio”: nuovi testi per il Reame della Virtù (Roma 1538)’, Italique, 16 (2013), pp. 111–154. Garavelli, Enrico, ‘Ancora su Cristofano Serarrighi e Lodovico Domenichi’, in Salvatore Lo Re and Franco Tomasi (eds.), Varchi e altro Rinascimento: studi offerti a Vanni Bramanti (Manziana: Vecchiarelli, 2013), pp. 395–411. Garavelli, Enrico, ‘Arnoldo Arlenio, Lodovico Domenichi e la prima edizione degli ­Hieroglyphica di Pierio Valeriano’, La Bibliofilía, 109 (2007), pp. 169–189. Garavelli, Enrico, ‘Cristofano Serarrighi: nuovi documenti per una biografia’, Bollettino della Società di studi valdesi, 203 (2009), pp. 43–83. García Aguilar, Idalia, ‘Imprenta y librerías jesuitas en la Nueva España’, in Idalia García Aguilar and Pedro Rueda Ramírez (eds.), El libro en circulación en la América colonial: producción, circuitos de distribución y conformación de bibliotecas en los siglos xvi al xviii (Mexico City: Quivira, 2014), pp. 205–237. Gaurico, Luca, Ars metrica (Rome: Baldassarre Cartolari, 1541), USTC 832023. Gerber, Adolf, Niccolò Machiavelli: die Handschriften, Ausgaben und Übersetzungen seiner Werke im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (Gotha: Perthes, 1912). Giannotti, Donato, Dialogi de’ giorni che Dante consumò nel cercare l’inferno e ’l purgatorio, ed. by Deoclecio Redig de Campos (Florence: Tipografia galileiana, 1939). Giannotti, Donato, Lettere a Piero Vettori pubblicate sopra gli originali del British Museum, ed. by Roberto Ridolfi and Cecil Roth (Florence: Vallecchi, 1932). Gillespie, Vincent and Powell, Susan (eds.), A Companion to the Early Printed Book in Britain (1476–1558) (Cambridge: Brewer, 2014).

268

Bibliography

Gilly, Carlos, Die Manuskripte in der Bibliothek des Johannes Oporinus: verzeichnis der Manuskripte und Druckvorlagen aus dem Nachlass Oporins anhand des von Theodor Zwinger und Basilius Amerbach erstellten Inventariums (Basel: Schwabe and Co., 2001). Gilmont, Jean-François (ed.), The Reformation and the Book(Aldershot and Brookfield VT: Ashgate, 1998). Gilmont, Jean-François, ‘La bibliographie de la controverse catholique au xvie siècle: quelques suggestions méthodologiques’, Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique, 74 (1979), pp. 362–371. Gilmont, Jean-François, ‘Riforma protestante e lettura’, in Guglielmo Cavallo and Roger Chartier (eds.), Storia della lettura nel mondo occidentale (Rome: Laterza, 1995), pp. 243–275. Gilmont, Jean-François, Jean Calvin et le livre imprimé (Geneva: Droz, 1997). Ginsburg, Jane C., ‘Proto-Property in Literary and Artistic Works: Sixteenth-Century Papal Printing Privileges’, The Columbia Journal of Law & the Arts, 36 (2013), pp. 345–458. Giombi, Samuele, ‘Lo studio umanistico dell’antichità cristiana nella Riforma cattolica: rassegna storiografica e ipotesi interpretative’, Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa, 28 (1992), pp. 143–162. Giombi, Samuele, Un ecclesiastico tridentino al governo diocesano: Marcello ii Cervini (1501–1555) e la riforma della Chiesa fra centro e periferia (Ancona: Edizioni di Studia Picena, 2010). Giombi, Samuele. ‘Le biblioteche di ecclesiastici nel Cinquecento italiano: rassegna di studi recenti e prospettive di lettura’, Lettere italiane, 44 (1991), pp. 298–307. Giotopoulou-Sisilianou, Helles, Antonios ho Eparchos: henas Kerkyraios oumanistes tou 16ou aiona (Athens: [s.n.], 1978). Giovio, Paolo, Opera, vol. i–ii: Lettere, ed. by Giuseppe Guido Ferrero (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1956–1958). Godman, Peter, The Saint as Censor: Robert Bellarmine between Inquisition and Index (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2000). Gómez-Rodeles, Cecilio, Imprentas de los antiguos jesuitas en Europa, América y Filipinas durante los siglos xvi al xviii (Madrid: Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, 1910). Gómez-Rodeles, Cecilio, Imprentas de los antiguos jesuítas en las misiones de Lebante durante los siglos xvi al xviii (Madrid: Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, 1912). Götze, Alfred, Die hochdeutschen Drucker der Reformationszeit (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1963). Grafton, Anthony, ‘Church History in Early Modern Europe: Tradition and Innovation’, in Katherine Van Liere, Simon Ditchfield and Howard Louthan (eds.), Sacred History: Uses of the Christian Past in the Renaissance World (Oxford: OUP, 2012), pp. 3–26.

Bibliography

269

Grafton, Anthony, The Culture of Correction in Renaissance Europe (London: British Library, 2011). Grape, Hjalmar, Olaus Magnus: forskare, moralist, konstnär (Stockholm: Proprius, 1970). Gratian, Decretum emendatum … Gregorii xiii pontificis maximi iussu editum (Rome: Stamperia del Popolo Romano, 1582), USTC 805723. Gregorius i and Pucci, Antonio, Expositio in omnes libros Veteris et Novi Testamenti a divo Patherio congesta … et Antonii Puccii Card. … homiliae xiiii … (3 vols., Rome: Valerio and Luigi Dorico, 1553–1554), USTC 834181. Gregorovius, Ferdinand, Storia della città di Roma nel Medio Evo, v (Rome: Aequa, 1940). Gregory of Nazianzus (Pseudo-), Tραγῳδία, Χριστòς πάσχων (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1542), USTC 802984. Gregory of Nazianzus and Cyprian, Due orationi et il primo sermone di s. Cecilio Cipriano sopra l’elemosina (Venice: Aldo Manuzio the Younger, 1569), USTC 834190. Gregory of Nyssa, De virginitate (Rome: Paolo Manuzio and Stamperia del Popolo Romano, 1562), USTC 834187. Greinacher, Anton, Die Anschauungen des Papstes Nikolaus i. über das Verhältnis von Staat und Kirche (Berlin and Leipzig: Rothschild 1909). Grendler, Paul F., Jesuit Schools and Universities in Europe, 1548–1773 (Leiden: Brill, 2019). Grendler, Paul F., The Jesuits and Italian Universities, 1548–1773 (Washington: The Catholic University of American Press: 2017). Grendler, Paul F., The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian press (1540–1605) (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977). Grendler, Paul, The Universities of the Italian Renaissance (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002). Grossi Turchetti, Maria Luisa, ‘San Carlo e la Braidense: di alcuni manoscritti appartenuti a san Carlo Borromeo’, Libri & documenti, 38 (2012), pp. 67–80. Gualandi, Giovanni, ‘Per la storia dell’editio princeps delle Pandette fiorentine di Lelio Torelli’, in Le Pandette di Giustiniano: storia e fortuna di un codice illustre: due giornate di studio, Firenze 23–24 giugno 1983 (Florence: Olschki, 1986), pp. 143–198. Gualdo, Riccardo, ‘Fabio Calvo, Marco’, in DBI, xliii, 1993, pp. 723–727. Guevara, Antonio de, Institutione del prencipe christiano di Mambrino Roseo (Rome: Girolama Cartolari, 1543), USTC 835181. Guggisberg, Hans R., Sebastian Castellio, 1515–1563: Humanist and Defender of Religious Toleration in a Confessional Age (Abingdon: Routledge, 2017). Guidi, Ignazio, ‘La prima stampa del Nuovo Testamento in etiopico fatta in Roma nel 1548–1549’, Archivio della R. Società romana di storia patria, 9 (1886), pp. 273–278. Gussago, Germano Jacopo, Biblioteca clarense: ovvero notizie istorico-critiche intorno agli scrittori e letterati di Chiari, ii (Chiari: Tellaroli, 1822).

270

Bibliography

Hamilton, Alastair, ‘Eastern Churches and Western Scholarship’, in Anthony Grafton (ed.), Rome Reborn: The Vatican Library and Renaissance Culture (New Haven: YUP, 1993), pp. 225–249. Hamilton, Alastair, The Copts and the West (1439–1822): The European Discovery of the Egyptian Church (Oxford: OUP, 2006). Hayek, Ignace Antoine ii, Le relazioni della Chiesa Siro-giacobita con la Santa Sede dal 1143 al 1656, ed. by Pier Giorgio Borbone and Jimmy Dacacche (Paris: Geuthner, 2015). Helbling, Leo, Doctor Johann Fabri, Generalvikar von Konstanz und Bischof von Wien (1478–1541): Beiträge zu seiner Lebensgeschichte (Münster: Aschendorff, 1941). Hellinga, Lotte, William Caxton and Early Printing in England (London: The British Library, 2010). Henry viii, Assertio septem sacramentorum adversus Martin Lutherum (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543), USTC 835634. Henry viii, Assertio septem sacramentorum. Litterarum quibus respondit ad quandam epistolam Martini Lutheri (Lyon: Guillaume Rouillé, 1561), USTC 153046. Henry viii, Assertio septem sacramentorum (Paris: Guillaume Desboys, 1562), USTC 154531. Henry viii, Assertio septem sacramentorum (Paris: Sébastien Nivelle, 1562), USTC 153223. Henry viii, Literarum … ad quandam epistolam Martini Lutherum exemplum (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543), USTC 835635–835636. Herrmann, Max, ‘Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott’: Vortrag gehalten von Max Herrmann in der Gesellschaft für deutsche Literatur zu Berlin und mit ihrer Unterstützung herausgegeben (Berlin: Behr’s, 1905). Hervet, Gentian, De Domini in coelos ascensione oratio (Florence: Lorenzo Torrentino, 1552), USTC 835693. Hervet, Gentian, De pilis et barba radenda (Paris: Guillaume de Bossozel, 1535), USTC 185569. Hervet, Gentian, Oratio ad concilium, qua suadetur, ne matrimonia, quae contrahuntur a filiis familias sine consensu … habeantur deinceps pro legitimis (Paris: Martin Le Jeune, 1556), USTC 198010. Hervet, Gentian, Quaedam opuscula (Lyon: Etienne Dolet, 1541), USTC 140276. Hirsch, Elisabeth Feist, Damião de Gois: The Life and Thought of a Portuguese Humanist, 1502–1574 (The Hauge: Nijhoff, 1967). Hirsch, Rudolph, Printing, Selling and Reading (1450–1550) (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1969). Hobson, Anthony, ‘The Printer of the Greek editions “In gymnasio Mediceo ad Caballinum montem”’, in Studi di biblioteconomia e storia del libro in onore di Francesco Barberi (Rome: Associazione italiana biblioteche, 1976), pp. 331–335.

Bibliography

271

Hobson, Anthony, Renaissance Book Collecting: Jean Grolier and Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Their Books and Bindings (Cambridge: CUP, 1999). Hoffmann, Christiane, Kardinal Rodolfo Pio da Carpi und seine Reform der Aegidia­ nischen Konstitutionen (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1989). Höpfl, Hildebrand, Kardinal Wilhelm Sirlets Annotationen zum Neuen Testament: eine Verteidigung der Vulgata gegen Valla und Erasmus (Freiburg i. B.: Herdersche Verlagshandlung, 1908). Housley, Norman, The Later Crusades (1274–1580): from Lyons to Alcazar (Oxford and New York: OUP, 1992). Hudon, William V., ‘Marcellus ii, Girolamo Seripando and the Angelic Pope’, in Marjorie Reeves (ed.), Prophetic Rome in the High Renaissance Period (Oxford: Clarendon, 1992), pp. 373–387. Hudon, William V., Marcello Cervini and Ecclesiastical Government in Tridentine Italy (DeKalb IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 1992). Hurtubise, Pierre, La cour pontificale au xvie siècle d’Alexandre vi à Clement viii (1492– 1605) (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2017). Il decreto del sacrosanto universale Concilio di Trento, sopra la materia della giustificazio­ ne (Venice: Gabriele Giolito, 1548), USTC 860907. Imkamp, Wilhelm, Das Kirchenbild Innocenz’ iii (1198–1216) (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1983). Immenkötter, Herbert, ‘Johann Fabri’, in Erwin Iserloh (ed.), Katholische Theologen der Reformationszeit (5 vols., Münster: Aschendorff, 1984–1988), i, pp. 90–96. Index des livres interdits, ed. by J.M. de Bujanda (11 vols., Sherbrooke and Geneva: Droz, 1986–2001). Infelise, Mario, I padroni dei libri: il controllo sulla stampa nella prima età moderna (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2014). Infelise, Mario, Libri proibiti: da Gutenberg all’Encyclopédie (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1999). Innocent iii, Decretalium atque aliarum epistolarum tomus primus (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543), USTC 836338. Innocent iii, Epistolarum … libri undecim (Paris: François Muguet, 1682). Innocent iii, Opera (Venice: Officina Societatis Typographorum, 1578) USTC 836350. Innocent iii, Opera, quae quidem obtineri potuerunt omnia … locupletiora, emendatioraque nunc reddita (2 vols., Cologne: Maternus Cholinus, 1575), USTC 626316. Innocent viii and Alexander vi, Bulle super fundatione officii dominorum collectorum plumbi ([Rome: Antonio Blado, after 1516), USTC 836331. Iserloh, Erwin (ed.), Katholische Theologen der Reformationszeit (5 vols., Münster: Aschendorff, 1984–1988). Jammes, André, ‘Un bibliophile à découvrir, Jean de Gagny’, Bulletin du bibliophile, 1996 (1), pp. 35–81.

272

Bibliography

Jasper, Detlev and Fuhrmann, Horst, Papal Letters in the Early Middle Ages (Washington DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2001). Jedin, Hubert, Girolamo Seripando: la sua vita e il suo pensiero nel fermento spirituale del xvi secolo (Brescia: Morcelliana, 2016). Jedin, Hubert, Girolamo Seripando: sein Leben und Denken im Geisteskampf des 16. Jahr­ hunderts (2 vols., Wurzburg: Rita-Verlag, 1937). Jedin, Hubert, Storia del Concilio di Trento (4 vols., Brescia: Morcelliana, 2009–2010 [original German ed.: Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1949–1975]). Jedin, Hubert, Studien über die Schriftstellertätigkeit Albert Pigges (Müster: Aschendorff, 1931). Jenny, Beat Rudolf, ‘Arlenius in Basel’, Basler Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Altertums­ kunde, 64 (1964), pp. 5–45. Jerome, Epistolae ([Rome: Sixtus Riessinger, not after 1467]), USTC 994341. Johannesson, Kurt, The Renaissance of the Goths in Sixteenth-Century Sweden: Johannes and Olaus Magnus as Politicians and Historians (Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford: University of California Press, 1991). Julius iii, Bulla super erectione studii generalis in oppido Dilingae (Rome: [Antonio Blado], 1552), USTC 836705. Julius iii, Motu proprio, [Rome: s.n., 1550?], USTC 840894. Julius iii, Summario de la bolla degli heretici ([Venice:], Stefano Nicolini, [1550]), USTC 836691. Julius iii, Summario de la bolla della rivocatione della faculta di poter tenere e leggere libri prohibiti ([Venice:], Stefano Nicolini, [1550]), USTC 836692. Justin Martyr, [Opera] (Paris: Robert Estienne, 1551), USTC 150985. Kaklamanis, Stephanos E., ‘Tρεις πρώτες εκδόσεις (1548–1549) από το τυπογραφείο του Βασιλείου Βάρελη και ο Μητροφάνης Καισαρείας’, Θησαυρίσματα, 20 (1990), pp. 218–252. Katterbach, Bruno, ‘De Cardinali Rodulpho Pio de Carpo protectore O.F.M. nominato anno 1541’, Archivium Franciscanum Historicum, 16 (1923), pp. 557–558. Keller-Rahbé, Edwige, Pommier, Henriette and Régnier-Roux, Daniel (eds.), Privilèges de librairie en France et en Europe, xvie–xviie siècles (Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2017). Kelly, Samantha, ‘The Curious Case of Ethiopic Chaldean: Fraud, Philology, and Cultural (Mis)Understanding in European Conceptions of Ethiopia’, Renaissance Quarterly, 68 (2010), pp. 1227–1264. Kennerley, Sam Joseph, The Reception of John Chrysostom and the Study of Ancient Christianity in Early Modern Europe, c.1440–1600 (Ph.D. dissertation; Cambridge: University of Cambridge, 2017). Ker, Neil R., ‘Cardinal Cervini’s manuscripts for the Cambridge Friars’, in Raymond Creytens and Pius Künzle (eds.), Xenia medii aevi historiam illustrantia oblata Tho­ mae Kaeppeli O.P. (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1978), pp. 51–71.

Bibliography

273

Ketābā d-Ewangeliyōn: Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii [in Syriac] (Vienna: Michael Zimmermann, 1555), USTC 607924. Klaiber, Wilbirgis (ed.), Katholische Kontroverstheologen und Reformer des 16. Jahrhunderts: ein Werkverzeichnis(Münster: Aschendorff, 1978). Košuta, Léo, ‘Aonio Paleario et son groupe humaniste et réformateur à Sienne (1530– 1546)’, Lias, 7 (1980), pp. 3–59. Košuta, Léo, ‘L’Académie siennoise: une académie oubliée du xvie siècle’, Bullettino senese di storia patria, 87 (1980), pp. 123–157. L.D. [Bressan], ‘Gentian Hervet difensore dei Greci al Concilio di Trento’, Unitas, 34 (1979), pp. 169–176. Labowsky, Lotte, Bessarion’s Library and the Biblioteca Marciana: Six Early Inventories (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1979). Lach, Donald F., Asia in the Making of Europe, ii: A Century of Wonder: Book Three: The Scholarly Disciplines (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1977). Landi, Sandro, Stampa, censura e opinione pubblica in età moderna (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2011). Lane, Anthony N.S., John Calvin Student of the Church Fathers (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1999). Lasala, Fernando deand Rabikauskas, Paulius, Il documento medievale e moderno: pano­rama storico della diplomatica generale e pontifica[!] (Rome: Pontificia Università Gregoriana and Istituto portoghese di Sant’Antonio, 2003). Latini, Latino, Epistolae, coniecturae, et observationes sacra, profanaque eruditione ornatae, ed. by Domenico Magri (2 vols., Rome and Viterbo: Giovanni Casoni and Typographia Brancatia, 1659–1667). Lattes, Samy, ‘“De ponderibus and mensuris” di Angelo Colocci’, in Atti del Convegno di studi su Angelo Colocci, Jesi 13–14 settembre 1969, Palazzo della Signoria (Jesi: Ammi­ nistrazione Comunale di Jesi, 1972), pp. 95–108. Laurent, Marie-Hyacinthe, Fabio Vigili et les bibliothèques de Bologne au debut du xve siècle d’après le ms. Barb. Lat. 3185 (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana­, 1943). Lavenia, Vincenzo, ‘Steuco, Agostino’, in DBI, xciv, 2019, pp. 236–240. Laynez, Diego, Lainii Monumenta: Epistolae et acta, i: 1536–1556 (Madrid: Lopez del Horno, 1912). Layton, Evro, ‘The History of a Sixteenth-Century Greek Type Revised’, The Historical Review/La Revue Historique, 1 (2004), pp. 35–50. Layton, Evro, The Sixteenth Century Greek Book in Italy: Printers and Publishers for the Greek World (Venice: Istituto ellenico di studi bizantini e postbizantini di Venezia, 1994). Le Plat, Josse, Monumentorum ad historiam concilii tridentini potissimum illustrandam spectantium amplissima collectio (7 vols.; Leuven: Typographia academica, 1781–1787).

274

Bibliography

Lefevre, Renato, ‘Documenti e notizie su Tasfā Ṣeyon e la sua attività romana nel sec. xvi’, Rassegna di studi etiopici, 24 (1969–1970), pp. 74–133. Lefevre, Renato, ‘Giovanni Potken e la sua edizione romana del Salterio in etiopico 1513’, La Bibliofilía, 68 (1966), pp. 289–308. Legg, John Wickham, ‘An Agreement in 1536 between Certain Booksellers of Rome and Venice to Bring out the Second Text of the Reformed Breviary of Cardinal Quignon: With Introduction, List of Editions, and Bibliographical Notes’, The Library, 13 (1913), pp. 323–348. Legg, John Wickham, The Second Recension of the Quignon Breviary: Following an Edition Printed at Antwerp in 1537 and Collated with Twelve Other Editions (2 vols., London: Henry Bradshaw Society, 1908–1912). Legrand, Emile, Bibliographie hellénique ou description raisonnée des ouvrages publiés en grec par des Grecs aux xve et xvie siècles (4 vols., Paris: Leroux, 1885–1906). Lemerle, Frédérique, Les Annotations de Guillaume Philandrier sur le ‘De Architectura’ de Vitruve: Livres i à iv (Paris: Picard, 2000). Leo x, Bulla erectionis Collegii dominorum militum sancti Petri de Urbe (Rome: Antonio Blado, [1521]), USTC 848685. Leo x, Clement viiand Paul iii, Bulla erectionis officii dominorum militum sancti Petri (Rome: Antonio Blado [1535]), USTC 848690. Leo x, Clement vii, Paul iiiand Pius iv, Bulla erectionis collegii dominorum militum sancti Petri de Urbe (Rome: [Heirs of] Antonio Blado, [1561]), USTC 848692–848693. Leonessa, Mauro da, ‘La versione etiopica dei canoni apocrifi del Concilio di Nicea se­condo i Codici Vaticani ed il Fiorentino’, Rassegna di studi etiopici, 2 (1942), pp. 29–89. Leonessa, Mauro da, Santo Stefano Maggiore degli Abissini e le relazioni romanoetiopiche­(Vatican City: Tipografia poliglotta vaticana, 1929). Levi della Vida, Giorgio, Ricerche sulla formazione del più antico fondo dei manoscritti orientali della Biblioteca Vaticana (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1939). Levine, Philip, ‘Two Early Latin Versions of St. Gregory of Nyssa’s περὶ κατασκευης ἀνθρώπου’, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 63 (1958), pp. 473–492. Li capituli, statuti, et ordinationi della venerabile Compagnia del Sacratissimo Corpo di Christo (Rome: Stefano Nicolini through Antonio Blado, 1542), USTC 842817. Lippomano, Luigi, Catena in Exodum ex auctoribus ecclesiasticis (Paris: Charlotte Guillard and Guillaume Desboys, 1550), USTC 150428. Lippomano, Luigi, Catena in Genesim ex authoribus ecclesiasticis (Paris: Charlotte Guillard, 1546), USTC 149526. Lippomano, Luigi, Catena in Psalmos ex auctoribus ecclesiasticis (Rome: Stamperia del Popolo Romano, 1585), USTC 838237.

Bibliography

275

Lippomano, Luigi, Sanctorum priscorum patrum vitae (8 vols., Venice and Rome: Ad signum Spei, Ippolito Salviani and Antonio Blado, 1551–1560), USTC 838220, 838224, 838226–838227, 838230–838233. Liverani, Irene Anna, ‘L’editio princeps dei Commentarii all’Odissea di Eustazio di Tessalonica’, Medioevo Greco, 2 (2002), pp. 81–100. Lizzi Testa, Rita and Marconi, Giulia (eds.), The Collectio Avellana and Its Revivals (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars, 2019). Lo Conte, Francesco, ‘“Bibliothecam Venetiis hornatissimam habet”: due indici inedita di manoscritti greci appartenuti a Diego Hurtado de Mendoza (1504–1575)’, Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici, n.s., 53 (2016), pp. 173–236. Lossen, Max (ed.), Briefe von Andreas Masius und seinen Freunden: 1538 bis 1573 (Leipzig: Adolf Dürr, 1896). Lotti, Francesca, Angelo Forte da Corfù a Venezia: pratica medica, divulgazione culturale e identità greca nel primo Cinquecento. Opera Omnia (Ph.D. dissertation; Pisa: Università degli studi di Pisa, [2014]). Loyola, Ignacio de, Exercitia spiritualia (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1548), USTC 836132. Loyola, Ignacio de, Exercitia spiritualia (Vienna: Druckerei des Jesuitenkollegiums, 1563), USTC 655313. Lucà, Santo, ‘Guglielmo Sirleto e Francisco Torres’, in Benedetto Clausi and Santo Lucà (eds.), Il ‘sapientissimo calabro’: Guglielmo Sirleto nel V centenario della nascita (1514– 2014): problemi, ricerche, prospettive: atti del Convegno, Roma, Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Antica in Palazzo Corsini – Sala delle Canonizzazioni, 13–15 gennaio 2015 (Rome: Università degli studi di Roma Tor Vergata, 2018), pp. 533–602. Lucà, Santo, ‘Guglielmo Sirleto e la Vaticana’, in Massimo Ceresa (ed.), Storia della Bi­ blioteca Apostolica Vaticana: ii: La Biblioteca Vaticana tra Riforma Cattolica, crescita delle collezioni e nuovo edificio (1535–1590) (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2012), pp. 145–188. Lucà, Santo, ‘La silloge manoscritta greca di Guglielmo Sirleto: un primo saggio di ricostruzione’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Vaticanae, 19 (2012), pp. 317–355. Lucà, Santo, ‘Traduzioni patristiche autografe dal greco in latino del gesuita Francisco Torres († Roma 1584)’, in Francesca Prometea Barone, Caroline Macé and Pablo Alejandro Ubierna (eds.), Philologie, herméneutique et histoire des textes entre Orient et Occident: mélanges en hommage à Sever J. Voicu (Leiden: Brill, 2017), pp. 71–118. Machiavelli, Niccolò, Discorsi sopra la prima Deca di Tito Livio (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1531), USTC 839309. Machiavelli, Niccolò, Discorsi sopra la prima Deca di Tito Livio (Florence: Bernardo Giunta­, 1531), USTC 839296. Machiavelli, Niccolò, Discorsi sopra la prima decade di Tito Livio, ed. by Francesco Bausi (Rome: Salerno, 2001).

276

Bibliography

Machiavelli, Niccolò, Historie (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1532), USTC 839312. Machiavelli, Niccolò, Historie fiorentine (Florence: Bernardo Giunta, 1532), USTC 839302. Machiavelli, Niccolò, Il principe [et alia] (Florence: Bernardo Giunta, 1532), USTC 839314. Machiavelli, Niccolò, Il principe [et alia] (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1531), USTC 839313. Magnien, Catherine, ‘Hervet (Gentian) (1499–1585)’, in Colette Nativel (ed.), Centuriae latinae: ii: Cent une figures humanistes de la Renaissance aux Lumières à la mémoire de Marie-Madeleine de la Garanderie (Geneva: Droz, 2006), pp. 371–379. Magnus, Johannes, Gothorum Sueonumque historia (Rome: Giovanni Maria Viotti for St Bridget’s House, 1554), USTC 839647. Magnus, Johannes, Historia … de omnibus Gothorum Sueonumque regibus (Rome: Giovanni Maria Viotti for St Bridget’s House, 1554) USTC 839648. Magnus, Johannes, Historia metropolitanae ecclesiae Upsalen. in regnis Suetiae et Gothiae (Rome: Vincenzo Luchino, 1560), USTC 839650. Magnus, Johannes, Metropolis ecclesiae Upsalensis in regnis Suetiae et Gothiae (Rome: Francesco Ferrari for St Bridget’s House, 1557), USTC 839649. Magnus, Olaus, A Description of the Northern Peoples, Rome 1555, ed. by Peter G. Foote (3 vols., London: Hakluyt Society, 1996–1998). Magnus, Olaus, Kurze auslegung und verklerung der neuen mappen von den alten Göttenreich und andern nordlenden sampt (Venice: s.n., 1539), USTC 839654. Magnus, Olaus, Opera breve, la quale demonstra, e dechiara, overo da il modo facile de intendere la charta, over delle terre frigidissime di settentrione (Venice: Giovanni Tommaso, 1539), USTC 839652. Maillard Álvarez, Natalia (ed.), Books in the Catholic World during the Early Modern Period (Leiden: Brill 2014). Maillard, Jean-François et al. (eds.), La France des Humanistes: héllenistes, i (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999). Malvadi, Arantxa Domingo, Bibliofilia humanista en tiempos de Felipe ii: la biblioteca de Juan Páez de Castro (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca; Area de Publicaciones de la Universidad de León, 2011). Mandelbrote, Scott, ‘When Manuscripts Meet: Editing the Bible in Greek during and after the Council of Trent’, in Ann Blair and Anja-Silvia Goeing (eds.), For the Sake of Learning: Essays in Honor of Anthony Grafton (2 vols., Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2016), i, pp. 251–267. Manenti, Giacomo, Tariffa de tutte le mercancie (Venice: Stefano and Cornelio Nicolini for Giacomo Manenti, 1552), USTC 840017. Manenti, Giacomo, Tariffa de tutti li ori che correno per il mondo (Venice: Stefano Nicolini for Giacomo Manenti, 1552), USTC 840922. Manuzio, Paolo, Epistolarum … libri xii (Venice: Aldo Manuzio the Younger, 1580), USTC 840498.

Bibliography

277

Manuzio, Paolo, Tre libri di lettere volgari (Venice: Paolo Manuzio, 1556), USTC 840467. Marchesi, Concetto, ‘Per una nuova edizione di Arnobio’, Rivista di filologia e istruzione classica, n.s., 10 (1932), pp. 485–496. Marranzini, Alfredo, Dibattito Lutero-Seripando su ‘Giustizia e libertà del cristiano’ (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1981). Martial, Epigrammata (Rome: Tipografia del Collegio Romano, 1558), USTC 841165. Martin, Francis X., ‘The Writings of Giles of Viterbo’, Augustiniana, 29 (1979), pp. 141–193. Martin, Jules, ‘Deux confesseurs de la foi au xvie siècle: Joannes et Olaus Magnus’, L’université catholique, n.s., 58 (1908), pp. 353–376, 597–601 and 59 (1908), pp. 194–230. Martirano, Coriolano, Tragoediae viii (Naples: Giovanni Maria Simontta, 1556), USTC 841239. Masetti Zannini, Gian Ludovico, Stampatori e librai a Roma nella seconda metà del Cinquecento. documenti inediti (Rome: Fratelli Palombi, 1980). Massimo Ceresa (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: ii: La Biblioteca Vaticana tra Riforma Cattolica, crescita delle collezioni e nuovo edificio (1535–1590) (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2012). Mavroidi, Fani D., ‘Εἰδήσεις γιὰ ἑλληνικὰ τυπογραφεῖα τῆς Ἰταλίας τὸν 16o αἰώνα’, Δωδώνη, 6 (1975), pp. 237–252. Maylender, Michele, Storia delle Accademie d’Italia (5 vols., Bologna: Cappelli, 1926–1930). Menato, Marco and Tamani, Giuliano, ‘Blado, Antonio’, in Marco Menato, Ennio Sandal and Giuseppina Zappella (eds.), Dizionario dei tipografi e degli editori italiani: il Cinquecento, i: A-F (Milan: Editrice bibliografica, 1997), pp. 147–149. Menniti Ippolito, Antonio, Il tramonto della curia nepotista: papi, nipoti e burocrazia curiale tra xvi e xvii secolo (Rome: Viella, 2008). Mercati, Giovanni, ‘D’alcuni nuovi sussidi per la critica del testo di S. Cipriano’, in his Opere minori (6 vols., Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1937–1984), ii, pp. 153–267. Mercati, Giovanni, ‘Francesco Calvo e Fausto Sabeo’, in his Opere minori (6 vols., Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1937–1984), vi, pp. 26–61. Mercati, Giovanni, ‘Note on the manuscripts of the Apostolic Constitutions used in the editio princeps’, in his Opere minori (6 vols., Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1937–1984), iii, pp. 338–339. Mercati, Giovanni, ‘Per la storia della Biblioteca Apostolica, bibliotecario Cesare Baro­ nio’, in his Opere minori (6 vols., Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1937– 1984), iii, pp. 201–274. Mercati, Giovanni, ‘Scritti ecclesiastici greci copiati da Giovanni Fabri nella Vaticana’, in his Opere minori (6 vols., Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1937–1984), iv, pp. 110–142. Mercati, Giovanni, ‘Su Francesco Calvo da Menaggio primo stampatore e Marco Fabio Calvo da Ravenna primo traduttore del corpo ippocratico in latino’, in his Notizie

278

Bibliography

varie di antica letteratura medica e di bibliografia (Rome: Tipografia poliglotta vaticana, 1917), pp. 47–71. Mercati, Giovanni, ‘Sulla venuta dei codici del Cervini nella Vaticana e la numerazione loro’, in his Per la storia dei manoscritti greci di Genova, di varie badie basiliane d’Italia e di Patmo (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1935), pp. 181–202. Mercati, Giovanni, ‘Un indice di codici greci posseduti da Arnoldo Arlenio’, in his Opere minori (6 vols., Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1937–1984), iv, pp. 358–371. Mercati, Giovanni, Alla ricerca dei nomi degli ‘altri’ traduttori nelle omilie sui salmi di S. Giovanni Crisostomo e variazioni su alcune catene del Salterio (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1952). Mercati, Giovanni, Codici latini Pico Grimani e Pio e di altra biblioteca ignota del secolo xvi esistenti nell’Ottoboniana e i codici greci Pio di Modena: con una digressione per la storia dei codici di S. Pietro in Vaticano (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1938). Mercati, Giovanni, Note per la storia di alcune biblioteche romane nei secoli xvi–xix (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1952). Mercati, Giovanni, Opere minori (6 vols., Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1937–1984). Meserve, Margaret, ‘Patronage and Propaganda at the First Paris Press: Guillaume Fichet and the First Edition of Bessarion’s “Orations against the Turks”’, The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, 97 (2003), pp. 521–588. Michelson, Emily, The Pulpit and the Press in Reformation Italy (Cambridge MA: HUP, 2013). Miglio, Massimo (ed.), Scrittura, biblioteche e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento: atti del ii seminario, 6–8 maggio 1982 (Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di paleografia, diplomatica e archivistica, 1983). Miglio, Massimo, Saggi di stampa: tipografi e cultura a Roma nel Quattrocento, ed. by Anna Modigliani (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2002). Minonzio, Franco, ‘“non so se ci accorderemo”. Una edizione mancata delle Historiae di Giovio in una lettera (“Di Roma, alli 5 di Luglio 1544”) di Francesco Priscianese a Pier Vettori’, in Quaderni di italianistica 2010 (Pisa: ETS, 2010), pp. 45–76. Minucius Felix, Octavius … restitutus ([Heidelberg]: Ludwig Lucius, 1560), USTC 673977. Minucius Felix, Octavius, ed. by Jean Beaujeu (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1964). Minucius Felix, The Octavius, ed. by G.W. Clarke (New York: Newman Press, 1974). Minucius Felix, Octavius, ed. by Hermann Boenig (Leipzig: Teubner, 1982). Minuzzi, Sabrina (ed.), The Invention of the Author: The Privilegio di Stampa in Renaissance Venice (Venice: Marsilio, 2017).

Bibliography

279

Mitchell, Margaret, ‘Works of Art from Rome for Henry viii: A Study of Anglo-Papal Relations as Reflected in Papal Gifts to the English King’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 34 (1971), pp. 178–203. Modus baptizandi, preces et benedictione quibus Ecclesia Ethiopicum utitur (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1549), USTC 819944. Modus baptizandi, preces et benedictione quibus Ecclesia Aethiopum utitur (Leuven: Hugo Cornwels for Merten Verhasselt, 1550), USTC 403451. Modus baptizandi, preces et benedictione quibus Ecclesia Aethiopum utitur (Leuven: Hugo Cornwels for Merten Verhasselt, 1549–1550), USTC 404906. Modus baptizandi, preces et benedictione quibus Ecclesia Aethiopum utitur (Leuven: Hugo Cornwels for Peeter Verhasselt, 1550), USTC 408653. Mondrian, Brigitte, ‘Les Eparque, une famille de médicins collectionneurs de manuscrits aux xve–xvie siècles’, in Sophia Patoura (ed.), Η ελληνική γραφή κατά τους 15ο και 16ο αιώνες (Athens: The National Hellenic Research Foundation, 2000), pp. 145–163. Monti, Alessandro, La guerra del sale (1540): Paolo iii e la sottomissione di Perugia (Perugia: Morlacchi, 2017). Monumenta Ignatiana: epistolae et instructiones, ix–x (Madrid: Lopez del Horno, 1909–1910). Monumenta Ignatiana: fontes narrativi de S. Ignatio de Loyola et de Societatis Iesu initiis, i (Rome: Monumenta historica Societatis Jesu, 1943). Moore, John C., Pope Innocent iii (1160/61–1216): To Root Up and To Plant (Leiden: Brill, 2003). Moreni, Domenico, Annali della tipografia fiorentina di Lorenzo Torrentino, impressore ducale (Florence: Daddi, 1819). Morison, Stanley, ‘Marcello Cervini Pope Marcellus ii: Bibliography’s Patron Saint’, Italia Medioevale e Umanistica, 5 (1962), pp. 301–319. Moroni, Ornella (ed.), Corrispondenza Giovanni Della Casa, Carlo Gualteruzzi (1525– 1549) (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1986). Motta, Franco, Bellarmino: una teologia politica della Controriforma (Brescia: Morcelliana, 2005). Mouren, Raphaële, ‘Du Cardinal au prote: travail d’équipe autour d’éditions grecques au mileu du xvie siècle’, in Martine Furno (ed.), Qui écrit? Figures de l’auteur et des co-élaborateurs du texte, xve–xviiie siècle (Lyon: ENS, 2009), pp. 53–74. Mouren, Raphaële, ‘La lecture assidue des classiques: Marcello Cervini et Piero Vettori’, in Patrick Gilli (ed.), Humanisme et Eglise en Italie et en France méridionale (xve siècle­– milieu du xvie siècle) (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2004), pp. 433–463. Mouren, Raphaële, ‘Une longue polémique autour de Cicéron: Paolo Manuzio et Piero Vettori’, in Yann Sordet (ed.), Passeurs de textes: imprimeurs, éditeurs et lecteurs humanistes dans les collections de la Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009), pp. 81–91.

280

Bibliography

Mullet, Margaret, Theophylact of Ochrid: Reading the Letters of a Byzantine Bishop (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1997). Muratore, Davide, La biblioteca del cardinale Niccolò Ridolfi (2 vols., Alessandria: Edi­ zioni dell’Orso, 2009). Nacchianti, Jacopo, Tractatus de episcoporum residentia (Venice: Ad signum Spei, 1554), USTC 844082. Nadal, Jerónimo, Epistolae ab anno 1546 ad 1577, i (Madrid: Avrial, 1898). Nausea, Friedrich, Catholicus catechismus (Cologne: Peter Quentel, 1543), USTC 620665. Nectarius of Constantinople and Chrysostom, Conciones ad populum septem (Paris: Sébastien Nivelle, 1554), USTC 196799. Nectarius of Constantinople and Chrysostom, Λόγοι (Paris: Charlotte Guillard, 1554), USTC 154242. Nelles, Paul, ‘Jesuit Letters’, in Ines G. Županov (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of the Jesuits (Oxford: OUP, 2019), pp. 44–72. Neville-Sington, Pamela, ‘Press, Politics and Religion’, in Lotte Hellinga and Joseph B. Trapp (eds.), The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, iii: 1400–1557 (Cambridge: CUP, 1999). Neville-Sington, Pamela, Richard Pynson, King’s Printer (1506–1529): Printing and Propaganda in Early Tudor England (Ph.D. dissertation; London, The Warburg Institute, 1990). Niccoli, Ottavia, Profeti e popolo nell’Italia del Rinascimento (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1987). Niccoli, Ottavia, Rinascimento anticlericale: infamia, satira e propaganda in Italia tra Quattro e Cinquecento (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2005). Nicholas i, ‘Epistolae’, ed. by Ernst Perels, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Epistolae, vi: Karolini Aevi iv (Berlin: Weidmann, 1925), pp. 257–690. Nicholas i, Antiqua et insignis epistola … ad Michaelem Imperatorem … eiusdem Nicolai P.P. decreta … brevis historiarum illius temporis commemoratio, ex Reginone … ad Regem Angliae Henricum viii. Defensio Ioannis Episcopi Rossen. et Thome Mori … per Ioannem Cochleum: fragmenta quarundam Tho. Mori epistolarum ad Erasmum Rot. et ad Ioannem Coc. (Leipzig: Melchior Lotter, 1536), USTC 611907. Nicholas i, Epistolae (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1542), USTC 844557. Nicolini, Stefano, Introduttorio nuovo intitolato corona preciosa (Venice: Giovanni Antonio Nicolini and brothers for Andrea Torresano, 1527), USTC 844589. [Nicolini, Stefano], Alphabetum Graecum (Venice: Stefano Nicolini, 1534), USTC 802653. Nicolò, Rossana, ‘La villa di Marcello Cervini al Vivo d’Orcia’, Quaderni dell’Istituto di Storia dell’Architettura, 43 (2004), pp. 51–74. Nilsson, Astrid M.H., ‘Johannes Magnus’ Historia de omnibus Gothorum et Sueonumque regibus and Gostagus the Tyrant’, in Astrid Steiner-Weber and Franz Römer (eds.), Acta

Bibliography

281

Conventus Neo-Latini Vindobonensis: Proceedings of the Sixteenth International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies (Vienna 2015) (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2018), pp. 511–520. Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland: Erste Abteilung (1533–1559), ii: Nuntiatur des Morone (1536–1538), ed. by Walter Friedensburg (Gotha: Perthes, 1892). Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland: Erste Abteilung (1533–1559), v: Nuntiaturen Morones und Poggios, Legationen Farneses und Cervinis (1539–1540), ed. by Ludwig Cardauns (Berlin: Bath, 1909). Nuntiaturberichte Giovanni Morones vom deutschen Königshofe 1539–1540, ed. by Franz Dittrich (Paderborn: Schöningh, 1892). Nuovo, Angela, ‘Naissance et système des privilèges à Venise du xve au xvie siècle’, in Edwige Keller-Rahbé, Henriette Pommier and Daniel Régnier-Roux (eds.), Privilèges de librairie en France et en Europe, xvie–xviie siècles (Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2017), pp. 331–347. Nuovo, Angela, ‘Stampa e potere: sondaggi cinquecenteschi’, Bibliologia, 1 (2006), pp. 53–85. Nuovo, Angela, The Book Trade in the Italian Renaissance (Brill: Leiden, 2013). O’Malley, John W., The First Jesuits (Cambridge MA: HUP, 1993). O’Malley, John W., Trent and All That: Renaming Catholicism in the Early Modern Era (Cambridge MA and London: HUP, 2000). Obermann, Haiko Augustinus, Masters of the Reformation: The Emerge of a New Intellectual Climate in Europe (Cambridge: CUP, 1981). Obolensky, Dimitri, Six Byzantine Portraits (Oxford and New York: Clarendon and OUP, 1988), pp. 34–82. Oratione et morte di santa Lucia, sopra il male delli occhi (Rome: Girolama Cartolari, 1544), USTC 800935. Oribasius, Ad Eunapium libri iiii (Venice: Vincenzo Valgrisi, 1558), USTC 845435. Oribasius, Collectorum medicinalium libri xvii (Venice: Paolo Manuzio [before 1555]), USTC 845434. Oribasius, De aquis. Пερὶ ὑδάτων (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543), USTC 845431. Oribasius, Τὰ τῶν ἰατρικῶν συναγωγῶν ἀνατομικά (Paris: Guillaume Morel, 1556), USTC 152175. Origenes, In Evangelium Ioannis explanationum tomi xxxii (Venice: Andrea and Giacomo Spinelli, 1551), USTC 845450. Padoan, Giorgio, ‘A casa di Tiziano, una sera d’agosto’, in Tiziano e Venezia: convegno internazionale di studi, Venezia, 1976 (Vicenza: Neri Pozza, 1980), pp. 357–367. Paganini, Gianni and Neto, José R.M. (eds.), Renaissance Scepticisms (Dordrecht: Springer, 2006). Palatino, Giovanni Battista, Libro nuovo d’imparare a scrivere (Rome: Baldassarre Cartolari, 1540), USTC 846120. Palladius of Galatia and Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Lausiaca … historia .. et Theodoreti … religiosa historia (Paris: Bernard Turrisan, 1555), USTC 151851.

282

Bibliography

Palladius of Galatia and Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Lausiaca … historia .. et Theodoreti … religiosa historia (Paris: Martin Le Jeune, 1555), USTC 151852. Palma, Marco, ‘Cervini, Ricciardo’, in DBI, xxiv, 1980, pp. 111–113. Palumbo, Margherita, ‘I codici postillati di Egidio da Viterbo, dal Sant’Uffizio alla Casanatense’, in Myriam Chiabò, Rocco Ronzani and Angelo Maria Vitale (eds.), Egidio da Viterbo cardinale agostiniano tra Roma e l’Europa del Rinascimento: atti del ­convegno (Viterbo, 22–23 settembre 2012 Roma, 26–28 settembre 2012) (Rome: Centro Culturale Agostiniano and Roma nel Rinascimento, 2014), pp. 299–322. Pantusa, Giovanni Antonio, De predestinatione et gratia (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1545), USTC 762193. Panvinio, Onofrio, De primatu Petri et apostolicae sedis potestate (Verona: Girolamo Discepolo, 1589), USTC 846556. Panvinio, Onofrio, Romani pontifices et cardinales (Venice: Michele Tramezzino, 1557), USTC 846537. Pappas, Vasileios, ‘The First Political Printed Book in Europe: The Epistolae et Orationes contra Turcos by Cardinal Bessarion’, International Journal of Language and Literature, 2 (2014), pp. 37–55. Pappas, Vasileios, ‘Η λατινική μετάφραση του Α΄ Ολυνθιακού Λόγου του Δημοσθένη από τον Καρδινάλιο Βησσαρίωνα’, Mediterranean Chronicle, 2 (2012), pp. 189–216. Paquier, Jules, L’humanisme et la réforme: Jérôme Aléandre de sa naissance à la fin de son séjour à Brindes (1480–1529) avec son portrait, ses armes, un fac-simile de son écriture et un catalogue de ses oeuvres (Paris: Leroux, 1900). Parker, Lucy, ‘The Ambiguities of Belief and Belonging: Catholicism and the Church of the East in the Sixteenth Century’, The English Historical Review, 133 (2018), pp. 1420–1445. Paschini, Pio, ‘Guglielmo Sirleto prima del cardinalato’, in his Tre ricerche sulla storia della Chiesa nel Cinquecento (Rome: Edizioni liturgiche, 1945), pp. 155–282. Paschini, Pio, ‘Note alle prime edizioni del Machiavelli’, Atti dell’Accademia degli Arcadi, n.s., 6–7 (1930), pp. 67–77. Paschini, Pio, ‘Un cardinale editore: Marcello Cervini’, in his Cinquecento romano e riforma cattolica: scritti raccolti in occasione dell’ottantesimo compleanno dell’autore (Rome: Facultas Theologica Pontificii Athenaei Lateranensis, 1958), pp. 183–217. Paschini, Pio, ‘Un ellenista del Cinquecento: Nicolò Majorano’, in his Cinquecento romano e riforma cattolica: scritti raccolti in occasione dell’ottantesimo compleanno dell’autore (Rome: Facultas Theologica Pontificii Athenaei Lateranensis, 1958), pp. 219–136. Pascoe, Louis B., ‘The Council of Trent and Bible Study: Humanism and Scripture’, The Catholic Historical Review, 52 (1966), pp. 18–38. Pastore, Alessandro, ‘Righi, Adamo (Adamo Fumano)’, in DBI, lxxxvii, 2016, pp. 508–511.

Bibliography

283

Pastorello, Ester, Inedita manutiana (1502–1597): appendice all’inventario (Florence: Olschki, 1960). Pastorello, Ester, L’epistolario manuziano: inventario cronologico-analitico (1483–1597) (Florence: Olschki, 1957). Patrologiae Cursus Completus: Series Graeca, ed. by Jacques-Paul Migne (161 vols., Paris: Jacques-Paul Migne, 1857–1866). Paul iii, Bulla Collegii militum s. Pauli (Rome: Baldassarre Cartolari, 1541), USTC 846680 and 848691. Paul iii, Bulla declaratoria suspensionis sacrosancti generalis Concilii, et revocationis legatorum ([Rome: Antonio Blado, 1543]), USTC 860887. Paul iii, Bulla indictionis sacrosancti generalis Concilii ([Rome: Antonio Blado, 1536]), USTC 860880. Paul iii, Bulla indictionis sacrosancti generalis Concilii ([Rome: Antonio Blado, 1537]), USTC 860882. Paul iii, Bulla novae monitionis et requisitionis poenalis praelatorum, & aliorum vocem in Concilio habentium ([Rome: Antonio Blado, 1545]), USTC 860891. Paul iii, Bulla prorogationis sacrosancti generalis Concilii ([Rome: Antonio Blado, 1537]), USTC 860883. Paul iii, Bulla novae prorogationis sacrosancti generalis Concilii ([Rome: Antonio Blado], 1538), USTC 860884. Paul iii, Bulla sacri oecumenici Concilii Tridenti celebrandi ([Rome: Antonio Blado], 1542), USTC 860886. Paul iii, Bulla sacri oecumenici et generalis Concilii, ad quartam dominicam in quadragesima proxime futura celebrandi, seu prosequendi ([Rome: Antonio Blado, 1544]), USTC 860888. Paul iii, Bulla secundi augmenti Montis fidei almae urbis (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1542 [but after the 16th century]), USTC 762681. Paul iii, Bulla super confirmatione facultatum Collegii scriptorum archiuii Rom. Curiae (Rome: Antonio Blado [1538]), USTC 853172. Paul iii, Statutum quod familiares dd. cardinalium, patriarcharum &c. non possint petere salarium nisi pro biennio a die obitus patroni (Rome: Heirs of. Antonio Blado, [but after the 16th century]) USTC 847192. Pauwels, Yves, ‘Philibert De l’Orme et ses cardinaux: Marcello Cervini and Jean Du Bellay’, in Frédérique Lemerle, Yves Pauwels and Gennaro Toscano (eds.), Les Cardinaux de la Renaissance et la modernité artistique (Lille: IRHiS, 2009), pp. 149–156. Pavone, Sabina, ‘I Gesuiti in Italia (1548–1773)’, in Sergio Luzzatto, Gabriele Pedullà and Erminia Irace (eds.), Atlante della letteratura italiana, ii: Dalla Controriforma alla Restaurazione (Turin: Einaudi, 2011), pp. 359–373. Pavone, Sabina, ‘Preti riformati e riforma della Chiesa: i gesuiti al Concilio di Trento’, Rivista storica italiana, 117 (2005), pp. 110–134.

284

Bibliography

Perels, Ernst, ‘Die Briefe Papst Nikolaus’ i.: I’, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für Ältere Deutsche Geschichtskunde, 37 (1912), pp. 535–586. Perels, Ernst, ‘Die Briefe Papst Nikolaus’ i.: ii: Die kanonistische Überlieferung’, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für Ältere Deutsche Geschichtskunde, 39 (1914), pp. 43–153. Perels, Ernst, Papst Nikolaus i. und Anastasius Bibliothecarius: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Papsttums im neunten Jahrhundert (Berlin: Weidmann, 1920). Peri, Vittorio, ‘Il Concilio di Trento e la Chiesa greca’, in Giuseppe Alberigo and Iginio Rogger (eds.), Il Concilio di Trento nella prospettiva del terzo millennio: atti del convegno tenuto a Trento il 25–28 settembre 1995 (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1997), pp. 403–441. Pesenti, Tiziana, ‘Gli stampati: la formazione della “Prima Raccolta” e i suoi cataloghi’, in Claudia Montuschi (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: iii: La Vaticana nel Seicento (1590–1700): una biblioteca di biblioteche (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2014), pp. 543–598. Peter Lombard, In totum psalterium eximii prophetarum David commentarii (Paris: Jean Loys for Poncet Le Preux, 1541), USTC 140218. Petitmengin, Pierre, ‘I manoscritti latini’, in Massimo Ceresa (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: ii: La Biblioteca Vaticana tra Riforma Cattolica, crescita delle collezioni e nuovo edificio (1535–1590) (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2012), pp. 43–62. Petitmengin, Pierre, ‘Latino Latini: une longue vie au service des Pères de l’Eglise’, in Patrick Gilli (ed.), Humanisme et Eglise en Italie et en France méridionale (xve siècle – milieu du xvie siècle) (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2004), pp. 381–407. Petitmengin, Pierre, ‘Les Haeretici nostri temporis confrontés aux hérésies de l’Antiquité’, in Irena Backus, Philippe Büttgen and Bernard Pouderon (eds.), L’argument hérésio­ logique, l’Église ancienne et les Réformes, xvie–xviie siècles (Paris: Beauchesne, 2012), pp. 177–198. Petitmengin, Pierre, ‘Recherches sur l’organisation de la Bibliothèque Vaticane à l’époque des Ranaldi (1547–1645)’, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, 75 (1963), pp. 561–628. Petrucci, Franca, ‘Cristoforo da Padova’, in DBI, xxxi, 1985, pp. 92–94. Petta, Massimo, ‘Books and Devotion in Milan (1570–1590)’, in Joaquim Carvalho (ed.), Bridging the Gaps: Sources, Methodology and Approaches to Religion in Europe (Pisa: Plus-Pisa University Press, 2008), pp. 107–127. Pettas, William A., ‘Nikolaos Sophianós and the Greek Printing in Rome’, The Library, ser. 5, 29 (1974), pp. 206–213. Pettas, William A., The Giunti of Florence: A Renaissance Printing and Publishing Family: A History of the Florentine Firm and a Catalogue of the Editions (New Castle DE: Oak Knoll, 2013).

Bibliography

285

Pettas, William A., The Giunti of Florence: Merchant Publishers of the Sixteenth Century (San Francisco: Rosenthal, 1980). Pettegree, Andrew, ‘Calvin and Luther as Men of the Book’, in Karen E. Spierling (ed.), Calvin and the Book: The Evolution of the Printed Word in Reformed Protestantism (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015), pp. 17–32. Pettegree, Andrew, Brand Luther: 1517, Printing, and the Making of the Reformation (New York: Penguin Press, 2015). Philandrier, Guillaume, In decem libros M. Vitruvii Pollionis de architectura annotationes, (Rome: Andrea Dossena, 1544), USTC 762290. Piacentini, Paola, ‘Appunti su codici cerviniani di ambiente bolognese’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 25 (2019), pp. 399–432. Piacentini, Paola, ‘Augusto Valdo († 1527) e un Plinio appartenuto a Marcello Cervini (Inc. ii. 145)’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 20 (2014), pp. 621–656. Piacentini, Paola, ‘La giovinezza di Marcello Cervini nelle lettere al padre (1519–1524)’, in Vincenzo Fera and Giacomo Ferraù (eds.), Filologia umanistica: per Gianvito Re­ sta (Padua: Antenore, 1997), pp. 1421–1461. Piacentini, Paola, ‘Marcello Cervini (Marcello ii): la Biblioteca Vaticana e la biblioteca personale’, in Massimo Ceresa (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: ii: La Biblioteca Vaticana tra Riforma Cattolica, crescita delle collezioni e nuovo edificio (1535–1590) (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2012), pp. 105–143. Piacentini, Paola, La biblioteca di Marcello ii Cervini: una ricostruzione dalle carte di Jeanne Bignami Odier: i libri a stampa, (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2001). Pigge, Albert, De libero hominis arbitrio et divina gratia (Cologne: Melchior von Neuß, 1542), USTC 630363. Pigge, Albert, Hierarchiae ecclesiasticae assertio (Cologne: Melchior von Neuß, 1538), USTC 662680. Pigge, Albert, Ratio componendorum dissidiorum (Cologne: Melchior von Neuß, 1542), USTC 689857. Pignatti, Franco, ‘Fiordibello, Antonio’, in DBI, xlviii, 1997, pp. 119–121. Pignatti, Franco, ‘Florimonte, Galeazzo’, in DBI, xlviii, 1997, pp. 354–356. Pius V, Constitutiones pro pauperibus, & in alma urbe carceratis (Rome Heirs of Antonio Blado, 1586 [but after the 16th century]), USTC 847080. Platina, Bartolomeo and Panvinio, Onofrio, De vitis pontificum Romanorum … usque ad Pium iiii (Venice: Michele Tramezzino, 1562), USTC 807520. Plato, Λύσις ἢ περὶ φιλίας (Florence: Bernardo Giunta and Heirs, 1551), USTC 849838. Poggiani, Giulio, Epistolae et orationes, ed. by Antonio Maria Graziani and Girolamo Lagomarsini (4 vols., Rome: Generoso Salomoni, 1756–1762).

286

Bibliography

Poggiani, Giulio, Laudatio Marcelli ii … ad sacrum collegium recitata (Rome: Ascanio and Girolamo Donangeli, 1592), USTC 850052. Polanco, Juan de, Breve directorium (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1554), USTC 850067. Pole, Reginald, De concilio (Rome: Paolo Manuzio and Stamperia del Popolo Romano), 1562, USTC 850096. Politi, Ambrogio Catarino, De optimis vel ineundi, vel prosequendi concilii rationibus (Bologna: Anselmo Giaccarelli, 1549), USTC 850169. Politi, Ambrogio Catarino, Enarrationes [et alia] (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1552), USTC 850175. Politi, Ambrogio Catarino, Interpretatio decreti de iustificatione (Venice: Gabriele Giolito, 1547), USTC 850166. Pollidori, Pietro, De vita, gestis et moribus Marcelli ii. pontificis maximi commentarius (Rome: Mainardi, 1744). Polman, Pontien, L’élément historique dans la controverse du xvie siècle (Gembloux: Ducolot, 1932). Pontani, Filippomaria, Katsaros, Vassilis and Sarris, Vassilis (eds.), Reading Eustathios of Thessalonike (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 2017). Priscianese, Francesco, De primi principii della lingua romana (Venice: Bartolomeo Zanetti, 1540), USTC 851341–851342. Priscianese, Francesco, Della lingua romana (Venice: Bartolomeo Zanetti, 1540), USTC 851343. Prosperi, Adriano, ‘Di alcuni testi per il clero nell’Italia del primo Cinquecento’, Critica Storica, 7 (1968), pp. 137–168. Prosperi, Adriano, Il Concilio di Trento: una introduzione storica (Turin: Einaudi, 2001). Prosperi, Adriano, L’Inquisizione romana: letture e ricerche (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2003). Prosperi, Adriano, Tra evangelismo e controriforma: Gian Matteo Giberti (1495–1543) (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1969). [Psalms and Song of Songs, in Ge’ez], (Rome: Marcello Silber for Johann Potken, 1513), USTC 800233. Ptolemy, De analemmate (Rome: Paolo Manuzio and Stamperia del Popolo Romano, 1562), USTC 851491. Ptolemy, Geographiae (Rome: Bernardino Vitali for Evangelista Tosini, 1507), USTC 851474. Ptolemy, Geographiae (Rome: Bernardino Vitali for Evangelista Tosini, 1508), USTC 851481. Quantin, Jean-Louis, ‘Du Chrysostome latin au Chrysostome grec: une histoire européenne (1588–1613)’, in Martin Wallraff und Rudolf Brändle (eds.), Chrysostomosbilder in 1600 Jahren: Facetten der Wirkungsgeschichte eines Kirchenvaters (Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 2008), pp. 267–346.

Bibliography

287

Quantin, Jean-Louis, ‘Sirleto, le Concile de Trente et Jean Chrysostome’, in Benedetto Clausi and Santo Lucà (eds.), Il ‘sapientissimo calabro’: Guglielmo Sirleto nel V centenario della nascita (1514–2014): problemi, ricerche, prospettive: atti del Convegno, Roma, Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Antica in Palazzo Corsini – Sala delle Canonizzazioni, 13–15 gennaio 2015 (Rome: Università degli studi di Roma Tor Vergata, 2018). Quaranta, Chiara, Marcello ii Cervini (1501–1555): riforma della Chiesa, Concilio, Inquisizione (Bologna: il Mulino, 2010). Quilici, Piccarda (ed.), Biblioteca Casanatense: legature antiche e di pregio (sec. xvi– xviii): catalogo (2 vols., Rome: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1995). Raccolta di prose fiorentine (17 vols., Florence: Stamperia di S.A.R., 1716–1745). Raineri, Osvaldo, ‘Pietro Bembo e la prima stampa delle lettere di San Paolo in etiopico’, Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei: rendiconti della Classe di Scienze morali, storico e filologiche, 35 (1980), pp. 395–398. Rebecchini, Guido, ‘Un altro Lorenzo’: Ippolito de’ Medici tra Firenze e Roma (1511–1535) (Venice: Marsilio, 2010). Redig de Campos, Deoclecio, ‘Francesco Priscianese, stampatore e umanista fiorentino del sec. xvi’, La Bibliofilía, 40 (1938), pp. 161–183. Rees, Graham and Wakely, Maria, Publishing, Politics and Culture: The King’s Printers in the Reign of James i and vi (Oxford: OUP, 2009). Regino of Prüm, Annales … ante sexingentos fere annos editi (Mainz: Johann Schöffer, 1521), USTC 690311. Regula beati patris Augustini … Constitutiones fratrum Servorum beatae Mariae (Rome: Valerio and Luigi Dorico, 1556), USTC 840890. Renazzi, Filippo Maria, Storia dell’Università degli studi di Roma detta comunemente La Sapienza, ii (Rome: Pagliarini, 1804). Reske, Christoph, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet: auf der Grundlage des gleichnamigen Werkes von Josef Benzing (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2007). Rhoby, Andreas, ‘The Letter Network of Ioannes and Theodosios Zygomalas’, in Stavros Perentidis (ed.), Ιωάννης και Θεοδόσιος Ζυγομαλάς. Πατριαρχείο, θεσμοί, χειρόγραφα (Athens: Deadalus, 2009), pp. 125–152. Rhodes, Dennis E., ‘Ortensia and Hortolana: with Notes on Angelo Oldradi’, GutenbergJahrbuch, 71 (1996), pp. 97–98. Ricci, Antonio, ‘Lorenzo Torrentino and the Cultural Programme of Cosimo I de’ Medici’, in Konrad Eisenblicher (ed.), The Cultural Politics of Duke Cosimo I de’ Medici (Aldershot: Routledge, 2001), pp. 103–119. Richler, Benjamin (ed.), Hebrew Manuscripts in the Vatican Library: Catalogue (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2008). Richter, Hermann, Olaus Magnus’ Carta marina (Lund: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1967). Ridolfi, Roberto, ‘Nuovi contributi sulle stamperie papali di Paolo iii’, La Bibliofilía, 50 (1948), pp. 183–197.

288

Bibliography

Ridolfi, Roberto, Vita di Niccolò Machiavelli: settima edizione italiana accresciuta e riveduta (Florence: Sansoni, 1978). Rigolot, François, ‘Curiosity, Contingency, and Cultural Diversity: Montaigne’s Readings at the Vatican Library’, Renaissance Quarterly, 64 (2011), pp. 847–874. Rinaldi, Ernesto, La fondazione del Collegio Romano: memorie storiche (Arezzo: Coope­ rativa tipografica, 1914). Romani, Valentino, ‘Appunti su un istituto editoriale: lo stampatore palatino della “famiglia” pontificia (secc. xvi–xvii)’, Annali della scuola speciale per archivisti e bibliotecari, 19–20 (1979–1980), pp. 31–43. Romani, Valentino, ‘La stampa del Nuovo Testamento in etiopico (1548–1549): figure e temi del Cinquecento romano’, in Studi di biblioteconomia e storia del libro in onore di Francesco Barberi (Rome: Associazione italiana biblioteche, 1976), pp. 481–498. Romani, Valentino, ‘Note e documenti sulla prima editoria gesuitica’, Archivio della ­Società romana di storia patria, 117 (1994), pp. 189–192. Romani, Valentino, ‘Per la storia dell’editoria italiana del Cinquecento: le edizioni romane “in aedibus sanctae Brigidae” (1553–1557)’, Rara Volumina, 5 (1998), pp. 23–36. Romani, Valentino, ‘Per lo Stato e per la Chiesa: la tipografia della Reverenda Camera Apostolica e le altre tipografie pontificie (secc. xvi–xviii)’, Il Bibliotecario, (1998), pp. 175–192. Romani, Valentino, ‘Tipografie papali: la Tipografia Vaticana’, in Massimo Ceresa (ed.), Storia della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: ii: La Biblioteca Vaticana tra Riforma Cattolica, crescita delle collezioni e nuovo edificio (1535–1590) (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2012), pp. 261–279. Romei, Danilo, Berni e berneschi del Cinquecento (Florence: Edizioni centro 2P, 1984). Romeo, Giovanni, L’inquisizione nell’Italia moderna (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2009). Rosa, Mario, ‘Ardinghelli, Niccolò’, in DBI, iv, 1962, pp. 30–34. Rozzo, Ugo, La letteratura italiana negli Indici del Cinquecento (Udine: Forum, 2005). Rozzo, Ugo, La strage ignorata: i fogli volanti a stampa nell’Italia dei secoli xv e xvi (Udine: Forum, 2008). Rozzo, Ugo, Linee per una storia dell’editoria religiosa in Italia (1465–1600) (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1993). Ruano, Ferdinando, Sette alphabeti (Rome: Valerio and Luigi Dorico, 1554), USTC 853719. Ruschi, Pietro, ‘Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane, il Vignola e il cardinale Marcello Cervini, architetto dilettante’, in Carlo Prezzolini and Valeria Novembri (eds.), Papa Marcello ii Cervini e la Chiesa della prima metà del '500 (Montepulciano: Le Balze, 2003), pp. 199–261. Sachet, Paolo, ‘A Humanist Printer Moves from Venice to Rome: The Curial Patronage of Paolo Manuzio’, in Dondi et al. (eds.), La stampa romana nella Città dei Papi e in Europa (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2016), pp. 217–233.

Bibliography

289

Sachet, Paolo, ‘Guglielmo il Greco: Sirleto e i progetti editoriali del cardinale Marcello Cervini’, in Benedetto Clausi and Santo Lucà (eds.), Il ‘sapientissimo calabro’: Gu­ glielmo Sirleto nel V centenario della nascita (1514–2014): problemi, ricerche, p­ rospettive: atti del Convegno, Roma, Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Antica in Palazzo Corsini – Sala delle Canonizzazioni, 13–15 gennaio 2015 (Rome: Università degli studi di Roma Tor Vergata, 2018), pp. 209–220. Sachet, Paolo, ‘Henry and Luther in Rome: The 1543 Editions of the Assertio and Literae’, in Flavia Bruni, Margherita Palumbo and Stephen Parkin (eds.), Luther in Italy (Leiden: Brill, 2020), forthcoming. Sachet, Paolo, ‘La Chiesa davanti ai Padri: Erasmo, gli umanisti riformati e la patristica cattolica romana tra Rinascimento e Controriforma’, Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa, 64 (2018), pp. 389–419. Sachet, Paolo, ‘Priscianese, Francesco’, in DBI, lxxxv, 2016, pp. 402–404. Sachet, Paolo, ‘Privilege of Rome: The Catholic Church’s Attempt to Control the Printed Legacy of the Council of Trent’, in Wim François and Violet Soen (eds.), The Council of Trent: Reform and Controversy in Europe and Beyond (1545–1700) (3 vols., Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2018), i, pp. 341–369. Sadoleto, Jacopo, Epistolarum libri sexdecim (Lyon: Sebastian Gryphius, 1550), USTC 150551. Salvadore, Matteo, The African Prester John and the Birth of Ethiopian-European Relations, 1402–1555 (London and New York: Routledge, 2016). Salvetto, Paolo, Tullio Crispoldi nella crisi religiosa del Cinquecento: le difficili ‘pratiche del viver christiano’ (Brescia: Morcelliana, 2009). Salviani, Ippolito, Aquatilium animalium historiae (Rome: Ippolito Salviani, 1554–1558), USTC 854346. Samuel-Scheyder, Monique, Johannes Cochlaeus: humaniste et adversaire de Luther (Nancy: Presses universitaires de Nancy, 1993). Sandal, Ennio, ‘Scrittura devota ed editoria religiosa nella bottega dei Nicolini da Sabbio’, in Commentari dell’Ateneo di Brescia, 2004, pp. 247–277. Sangalli, Maurizio, Cultura politica e religione nella Repubblica di Venezia tra Cinque e Seicento (Venice: Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere e arti, 1999). Sansa, Renato, ‘Maffei, Bernardino’, in DBI, lxvii, 2006, pp. 223–226. Sansovino, Francesco, Del secretario (Venice: Francesco Rampazetto, 1564), USTC 854754. Santini, Carlo (ed.), I fratelli Giovanni e Olao Magno: opera e cultura tra due mondi: atti del convegno internazionale, Roma-Farfa (Rome: Il calamo, 1999). Santosuosso, Antonio, ‘The Moderate Inquisitor: Giovanni Della Casa’s Venetian Nunciature (1544–1549)’, Studi veneziani, 2 (1978), pp. 119–210. Santus, Cesare, Trasgressioni necessarie: communicatio in sacris, coesistenza e conflitti tra le comunità cristiane orientali (Levante e Impero ottomano, xvii–xviii secolo) (Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2019).

290

Bibliography

Saunders, E.W., ‘Theophylact of Bulgaria as Writer and Biblical Interpreter’, Biblical Research, 2 (1957), pp. 31–44. Sbaragli, Luigi, Claudio Tolomei umanista senese del Cinquecento: la vita e le opere (Siena: Accademia per le Arti e per le Lettere, 1939). Scaduto, Mario, Storia della Compagnia di Gesù in Italia, iv: L’epoca di Giacomo Lainez (1556–1565): l’azione, (Rome: La Civiltà Cattolica, 1974). Scala, Aidée, Girolamo Rorario: un umanista diplomatico del Cinquecento e i suoi Dialoghi (Florence: Olschki, 2004). Schmidt, Peter, Das Collegium Germanicum in Rom und die Germaniker: zur Funktion eines römischen Ausländerseminars (1552–1914) (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1984). Schmitz, Wolfgang, Die Überlieferung deutscher Texte im Kölner Buchdruck des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts (Habilitationsschrift; Cologne: University of Cologne, 1990). Schneider, Fedor, ‘Reise nach Italien (October und November 1902)’, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für Ältere Deutsche Geschichtskunde, 28 (1903), pp. 711–726. Schottenloher, Karl, ‘Magister Andreas Lutz in Ingolstadt, der Drucker der Bulle “Exsurge Domine” (1519–1524)’, Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, 32 (1915), pp. 249–266. Sciarra, Elisabetta, ‘I copisti e la stampa: interazioni tra testo e margine nelle cinquecentine delle raccolte romane’, Segno e testo, 9 (2011), pp. 247–268. Scribner, Robert W., For the Sake of Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation (Cambridge and New York: CUP, 1981). Seidel Menchi, Silvana, Erasmo in Italia (1520–1580) (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 1987). Selwyn, David, The Library of Thomas Cranmer (Oxford: Oxford Bibliographical Society, 1996). Sensi, Ludovico, Ad cives Perusinos conciones quinque (Rome: Francesco Priscianese, 1543), USTC 855913. Seripando, Girolamo, Commentarius in Epistolam Pauli ad Galatas: eiusdem ad nonnullas quaestiones ex textu epistolae Catholicae responsiones (Antwerp: Christophe Plantin, 1567), USTC 404511. Seripando, Girolamo, De justitia et libertate christiana, ed. by Anseim Forster (Münster: Aschendorff, 1969). Seripando, Girolamo, In Divi Pauli epistolas ad Romanos Galatas commentaria (Naples: Giovanni Maria Simonetta, 1601), USTC 4035487. Sestini, Valentina, ‘Blado, Antonio’, in Borraccini, Rosa Marisa et al. (eds.), Dizionario degli editori, tipografi, librai itineranti in Italia tra Quattrocento e Seicento (Pisa and Rome: Fabrizio Serra, 2013), i, pp. 147–152. Setton, Kenneth M., The Papacy and the Levant (1204–1571), iii: The Sixteenth Century (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1984). Sigebert of Gembloux, Chronicon ab anno 381 ad 1113 cum insertionibus ex historia Galfridi & additionibus Roberti abbatis Montis … (Paris: Henry Etienne and Jean Petit, 1513), USTC 144079.

Bibliography

291

Simmons, Michael Bland, Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian (Oxford: Clarendon, 1995). Simon, Werner, ‘“Catechismus” im Medium Buchdruck: Mainzer Katechismusdrucke der Reformationszeit’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 75 (2000), pp. 160–180. Simoncelli, Paolo, Fuoriuscitismo repubblicano fiorentino (1530–54): i: 1530–37 (Milan: Franco Angeli, 2006). Simonetta, Marcello, Rinascimento segreto: il mondo del segretario da Petrarca a Machiavelli (Milan: Franco Angeli, 2004). Simoni, Pino, Luigi Lippomano: vescovo e nunzio apostolico del Cinquecento: profilo biobibliografico (Verona: Archivio storico Curia diocesana, 1993). Simplicius of Cilicia, Commentarii in octo Aristotelis Physicae auscultationis libros (Venice: Heirs of Lucantonio Giunta, 1551), USTC 856508. Slits, Frans, Laurentius Torrentinus: drukker van Cosimo, hertog van Florence (1500–1563) (Gemert: Heemkundekring De Kommanderij Gemert, 1995). Sommerlechner, Andrea (ed.), Innocenzo iii: urbs et orbis: atti del congresso internazionale, Roma 9–15 settembre 1998 (2 vols., Rome: Società romana di storia patria, 2003). Sophianos, Nikolaos, Παιδαγωγὸς (Venice: Bartolomeo Zanetti, 1544), USTC 849972. Sophianos, Nikolaos, Περὶ κατασκευῆς καὶ χρήσεως κρικωτοῦ ἀστρολάβου (Rome: [Antonio Blado with Stefano Nicolini and Benedetto Giunta, ca. 1542]). Soto, Domingo de, De natura et gratia (Venice: Heirs of Lucantonio Giunta and Niccolò Bascarini, 1547), USTC 857097 and 857099. Spahn, Martin, Johannes Cochläus: ein Lebensbild aus der Zeit der Kirchenspaltung (Berlin: Dames, 1898). Spataro, Roberto, ‘Il cardinale Cervini e l’argomentazione patristica durante la iv sessione del Concilio di Trento’, Salesianum, 59 (1997), pp. 33–49. Speranzi, David, ‘Vicende umanistiche di un antico codice: Marco Musuro e il Florilegio di Stobeo’, Segno e testo, 8 (2010), pp. 313–350. Spicilegium romanum, ii (Rome: Collegium Urbanum, 1839). Spolverini, Elettra Maria, ‘Ad signum spei’: un’impresa editoriale veneziana del xvi secolo (Tesi di laurea; Udine: Università degli studi, 2002–2003). Stallybrass, Peter, ‘“Little Jobs”: Broadsides and the Printing Revolution’, in Sabrina A. Baron, Eric N. Lindquist and Eleanor F. Shevlin (eds.), Agent of Change: Print Culture Studies After Elizabeth L. Eisenstein (Amherst and Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 2007), pp. 315–341. Starn, Randolph (ed.), Donato Giannotti and His ‘Epistolae’: Biblioteca Universitaria Alessandrina, Rome, Ms. 107 (Geneva: Droz, 1968). Statuta, sive constitutiones civitatis Reatae (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1549), USTC 852558. Statuta, sive constitutiones civitatis Setiae (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1547), USTC 856127. Steinmann, Martin, Johannes Oporinus: ein Basler Buchdrucker um die Mitte des 16 Jahr­ hunderts (Basel and Stuttgart: Helbing & Lichtenhahn, 1967).

292

Bibliography

Stevanoni, Cristina, ‘Il greco al servizio della riforma cattolica: per uno studio della tipografia di Stefano Nicolini da Sabbio e di G.M. Giberti a Verona (1529–1532)’, in Nikolaus M. Panayotakis (ed.), Origini della letteratura neogreca: atti del secondo Congresso internazionale ‘Neograeca Medii Aevii’, Venezia 7–10 novembre 1991, ii (Venice: Istituto Ellenico Di Studi Bizantini e Postbizantini, 1993), pp. 606–632. Stevanoni, Cristina, ‘La grande stagione dei libri greci’, in Ennio Sandal (ed.), Il mestier de le stamperie de i libri: le vicende e i percorsi dei tipografi di Sabbio Chiese tra Cinque e Seicento e l’opera dei Nicolini (Brescia: Grafo, 2002), pp. 83–110. Stevens, Kevin M., ‘Printing and Politics: Carlo Borromeo and the Seminary Press of Milan’, in Nicola Raponi and Angelo Turchini (eds.), Stampa, libri e letture a Milano nell’età di Carlo Borromeo (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 1992), pp. 97–133. Στιχηρὰ ψαλλόμενα μηνῖ ἀπρίλλιῳ (Venice: Bartolomeo Zanetti for Andrea Spinelli, 1548), USTC 819966. Stone, Harold, ‘The Polemics of Toleration: The Scholars and Publishers of Cassiodorus’ Variae’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 46 (1985), pp. 147–165. Suetonius, Le vite de dodici Cesari (Rome: Antonio Blado for Francesco Priscianese, 1544), USTC 857778. Szczech, Nathalie, Calvin en polémique: une maïeutique du verbe (Paris: Classique Garnier, 2016). Tacchella, Lorenzo, ‘Visite pastorali di Luigi Lippomano (1553–1555)’, Vita veronese, 31 (1978), pp. 130–134, 201–208, 260–267. Tacchella, Lorenzo, Il processo agli eretici veronesi nel 1550: S. Ignazio di Loyola e Luigi Lippomano (carteggio) (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1979). Tacchi Venturi, Pietro, Storia della Compagnia di Gesù in Italia (2 vols., Rome: La Civiltà Cattolica, 1950–1951). Tamani, Giuliano, ‘La Bibliothèque hébraique du Cardinal Domenico Grimani’, in Georges Vajda (ed.), Etudes hébraïques: actes du xxixe Congrès international des ­orientalistes, Paris, juillet 1973 (Paris: l’Asiathèque, 1975), pp. 10–45. Tamburri, Stanislao (ed.), Annibal Caro: Le Lettere familiari e le traduzioni patristiche (Civitanova Marche: Comune di Civitanova, 1997). Tangri, Daniel, ‘Demosthenes in the Renaissance: A Case Study on the Origins and Development of Scholarship on Athenian Oratory’, Viator, 37 (2006), pp. 545–582. Tavuzzi, Michael, Prierias: The Life and Works of Silvestro Mazzolini da Prierio (1456– 1527) (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997). Terentius, Comoediae (Florence: Bernardo Giunta and Heirs, 1565), USTC 858765. Tertullian, Opera (Paris: Charlotte Guillard, 1545), USTC 149444. Testamentum Novum cum Epistola Pauli ad Hebreos et Missale [in Ge’ez] (Rome: Valerio and Luigi Dorico, 1548–1549), USTC 803271. Τῆς Καινῆς Διαθήκης ἄπαντα (Paris: Robert Estienne, 1546), USTC 149681.

Bibliography

293

Τῆς Καινῆς Διαθήκης ἄπαντα (Paris: Robert Estienne, 1550), USTC 150710. The canons and decrees of the sacred and oecumenical Council of Trent (London: Dolman­, 1848). Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Διάλογοι τρεῖς κατά τινων Αἱρέσεων (Rome: Stefano Nicolini, 1547), USTC 858944. Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Περὶ προνοίας λόγοι δέκα (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1545), USTC 858943. Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Περὶ προνοίας λόγοι δέκα (Zurich: Christoph Froschauer, 1546), USTC 696652. Theodoretus of Cyrrhus, Eranistes seu Polymorphus (Venice: Farri brothers, 1548), USTC 858945. Theodoretus of Cyrrhus, Eranistes seu Polymorphus (Basel: Jakob Kündig for Johann Oporinus, 1549), USTC 615352. Theodoretus of Cyrrhus, In quatuordecim sancti Pauli Epistolas commentaries (Florence: Lorenzo Torrentino, 1552), USTC 858949–858950. Theophylact of Ochrid, Enarrationes in epistolas S. Pauli (Rome: Ulrich Han, 1477), USTC 990510. Theophylact of Ochrid, In Habacuc Ionam Nahum et Osee prophetas enarrationes ([Basel­, Johann Bebel], 1534), USTC 696870. Theophylact of Ochrid, In omnes Divi Pauli Apostoli epistolas enarrationes diligenter recognitae (Cologne: Peter Quentel, 1527). Theophylact of Ochrid, In omnes divi Pauli apostoli epistolas enarrationes (Basel: Andreas Cratander, 1540), USTC 696873. Theophylact of Ochrid, In quator evangelia enarrationes ([Basel: Andreas Cratander, 1524]), USTC 696855. Theophylact of Ochrid, In quator evangelia enarrationes (Cologne: [Peter Quentel], 1542), USTC 696865. Theophylact of Ochrid, In quator evangelia enarrationes … item in minores aliquot prophetas (Basel: Johannes Herwagen, 1554), USTC 696869. Theophylact of Ochrid, The Explanation on the Gospels (4 vols., House Springs MO: Chrysostom Press, 2004–2007). Theophylact of Ohrid, Ἑρμηνεῖα εἰς τὰ τέσσαρα Εὑαγγέλια (Rome: Antonio Blado with Stefano Nicolini and Benedetto Giunta, 1542), USTC 858975. Tinto, Alberto, ‘Nuovo contributo alla storia della tipografia greca a Roma nel sec. xvi: Nicolò Sofiano’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 40 (1965), pp. 171–175. Tinto, Alberto, ‘The History of a Sixteenth-Century Greek Type’, The Library, ser. 5, 25 (1970), pp. 285–293. Tinto, Alberto, Annali tipografici dei Tramezzino (Venice and Rome: Istituto per la collaborazione culturale, 1966). Tinto, Alberto, Gli annali tipografici di Eucario e Marcello Silber (1501–1527) (Florence: Olschki, 1968).

294

Bibliography

Tipografie romane promosse dalla Santa Sede: mostra di edizioni (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1972). Tiraboschi, Girolamo, Storia della letteratura italiana: nuova edizione, vii/1 (Florence: Molini, Landi and Co., 1809). Tokio, Takata, A Note on a 16th-Century Manuscript of “The Chinese Alphabet”’, in Antonino Forte and Federico Masini (eds.), A Life Journey to the East: Sinological Studies in Memory of Giuliano Bertuccioli (1923–2002) (Kyoto: Scuola Italiana di Studi sull’Asia Orientale, 2002), pp. 165–179. Tolias, George, ‘Nikolaos Sophianos’s Totius Graeciae Descriptio: The Resources, Diffusion and Function of a Sixteenth-Century Antiquarian Map of Greece’, Imago Mundi, 58 (2006), pp. 150–182. Tolomei, Claudio, De le lettere … libri sette … (Venice: Giolito, 1547), USTC 859281. Tolomei, Claudio, Il Cesano (Venice: Gabriele Giolito and brothers, 1555), USTC 859294. Tolomei, Claudio, Il Cesano de la linga Toscana: edizione critica riveduta e ampliata, ed. by Ornella Castellani Pollidori (Florence: Accademia della Crusca, 1996). Tomamichel, Serge, Le Collège d’Annecy au xvie siècle: une école de la Réforme catholique? (Paris: Don Bosco, 1999). Torres, Francisco, Antapologeticus pro libro suo De residentia pastorum iure divino (Florence­: Lorenzo Torrentino, 1552), USTC 859741. Torres, Francisco, De summi pontificis supra Concilia auctoritate [et alia] (Florence: Lorenzo­ Torrentino, 1551), USTC 859740. Translatio Concilii ex Tridento ad civitatem Bononiae (Bologna: Anselmo Giaccarelli, 1548), USTC 860912. Transylvanus (von Sevenborgen), Maximilianus, Caesaris a secretis epistola, de admirabili & novissima Hispanorum in orientem navigatione (Rome: Francesco Minizio Calvo, 1533), USTC 841639. Tronnier, Adolph, ‘Zur Lebengeschichte des Mainzer Druckers Franz Behem: I. Der Familienstand Behems’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 13 (1938), pp. 168–178. Tura, Adolfo, ‘Di due incunaboli ignoti, di uno poco conosciuto e della tipografia romana “in gymnasio Mediceo”’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 88 (2013), pp. 63–67. Turchetti, Mario, Concordia o tolleranza? François Baudouin (1520–1573) e i ‘moyenneurs’ (Geneva: Droz, 1984). Turchini, Angelo, ‘Giberti, Gian Matteo’, in DBI, LIV, 2000, pp. 623–629. Vacalebre, Natale, ‘Produzione e distribuzione libraria gesuitica nel Cinquecento: il caso delle “Adnotationes et meditationes in Evangelia” di Jerónimo Nadal (Anversa, Martin Nuyts, 1593–1595)’, Titivillus, 1 (2015), pp. 305–323. Vacalebre, Natale, Come le armadure e l’armi: per una storia delle antiche biblioteche della Compagnia di Gesù: con il caso di Perugia (Florence: Olschki, 2018). Vacca, Salvatore, ‘Prima Sedes a nemine iudicatur’: genesi e sviluppo storico dell’assioma fino al Decreto di Graziano (Rome: Pontificia Università Gregoriana, 1993).

Bibliography

295

Vaccari, Alberto, ‘La fortuna della lettera d’Aristea in Italia’, in his Scritti di erudizione e filologia, i: Filologia biblica e patristica (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1952), pp. 1–23. Vaccaro, Emerenziana, ‘Documenti e precisazioni su Antonio Blado ed eredi’, Bollettino dell’Istituto di patologia del libro, 9 (1950), pp. 48–85. Valdés, Alfonso de, Apologia (Rome: Emmeus apud Nicetas Pistophilus [i.e. Basel: Johann Faber aus Emmich], 1528), USTC 861671. Valdés, Alfonso de, Dialogo de Mercurio y Caron ([Venice: Giovanni Antonio Nicolini and brothers, 1530]), USTC 342889. Valdés, Alfonso de, Dialogo en que particularmente se tratan las cosas acaecidas en Roma en año de m.d.xxvii. ([Venice: Giovanni Antonio Nicolini and brothers, 1530]), USTC 342890. Valeri, Elena, ‘Martirano, Coriolano’, in DBI, lxxi, 2008, pp. 341–344. Van Liere, Katherine, Ditchfield, Simon and Louthan, Howard (eds.), Sacred History: Uses of the Christian Past in the Renaissance World (Oxford: OUP, 2012). Varchi, Benedetto, Lettere (1535–1565), ed. by Vanni Bramanti (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2008). Varchi, Benedetto, Opere … ora per la prima volta raccolte, ii (Trieste: Sezione ­letterario-artistica del Lloyd austriaco, 1859). Vasoli, Cesare, ‘L’“Apologia et postulatio ad rev. d. Marcellum car. Sanctae Crucis et Consistorii patres” di Guillaume Postel’, in Vincenzo Fera and Giacomo Ferraù (eds.), Filologia umanistica: per Gianvito Resta (Padua: Antenore, 1997), pp. 1801–1819. Vega, Andrés de, Tridentini decreti de iustificatione expositio … habes etiam responsionem ad impiam antidotum Calvini in acta Synodi Tridentinae (Venice: Ad signum Spei, 1548), USTC 862193. Vernier, Marina, ‘Topografia della tipografia (o meglio del libro) a Roma nel xvi secolo’, in Cristina Dondi et al. (eds.), La stampa romana nella Città dei Papi e in Europa (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2016), pp. 197–215. Versi, et regole de la nuova poesia toscana (Rome: Antonio Blado, 1539), USTC 859276. Vettori, Piero, Commentarii in tres libros Aristotelis de arte dicendi (Florence: Bernardo Giunta and Heirs, 1548), USTC 863102. Vian, Nello, ‘La presentazione degli esemplari vaticani della Assertio septem sacramentorum di Enrico viii’, in Collectanea vaticana in honorem Anselmi M. Card. Albareda (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1962), ii, pp. 355–375. Villoslada, Ricardo G., Storia del Collegio Romano dal suo inizio (1551) alla soppressione della Compagnia di Gesù (1773) (Rome: Pontificia Università Gregoriana, 1954). Visceglia, Maria Antonietta, La Roma dei papi: la corte e la politica internazionale (secoli xv–xvii) (Rome: Viella, 2018). Vittori, Mariano, Chaldeae, seu Aethiopicae linguae institutions (Rome: Valerio and Lui­ gi Dorico, 1552), USTC 863716.

296

Bibliography

Walsby, Malcolm, ‘Promoting the Counter-Reformation in Provincial France: Printing and Bookselling in Sixteenth-Century Verdun’, in Daniel Bellingradt, Paul Nelles and Jeroen Salman (eds.), Books in Motion in Early Modern Europe Beyond Production, Circulation and Consumption(Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2017), pp. 15–38. Walsham, Alexandra, ‘“Domme Preachers”?: Post-Reformation English Catholicism and the Culture of Print’, Past & Present, 168 (2000), pp. 72–123. Weber, Wolfgang, Die Constitutiones Sanctae Matris Ecclesiae des Kardinals Aegidius Albornoz von 1357: unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Strafrechtsnormen (Aalen: Scientia, 1982). Wemple, Suzanne Fonay, Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the Cloister (500 to 900) (Philadelphia: UPenn, 1981). Wicki, Josef, ‘Rodolfo Pio da Carpi, ester und einziger Kardinalprotektor des Gesellschaft Jesu’, Miscellanea Historiae Pontificiae, 21 (1959), pp. 243–267. Widmann, Simon P., Eine Mainzer Presse der Reformationszeit im Dienste der katholischen Litteratur: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Buchhandels und der Litteratur des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts (Paderborn: Schöningh, 1889). Wijnman, H.F., ‘An outline of the development of Ethiopian typography in Europe’, in Books on the Orient (Leiden: Brill, 1960), pp. ix-xxviii. Wilkinson, Robert J., Orientalism, Aramaic and Kabbalah in the Catholic Reformation: The First Printing of the Syriac New Testament (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2007). Wolf, Hubert, Index: der Vatikan und die verbotenen Bücher (Munich: Beck, 2006). Xenophon, Ἀπομνημονευμάτων πρῶτον (Florence: Bernardo Giunta and Heirs, 1551), USTC 864002. Zacharias Scholasticus, Dialogus Ammonius (Venice: Niccolò Bascarini for Melchiorre Sessa, 1546), USTC 864074. Zarzeczny, Rafał, ‘Su due manoscritti etiopici della Biblioteca Casanatense a Roma’, in Rafał Zarzeczny (ed.), ‘Aethiopia fortitudo ejus’: studi in onore di Monsignor Osvaldo Raineri in occasione del suo 80° compleanno (Rome: Pontificio Istituto Orientale, 2015), pp. 501–537.

Index of Names Accolti, Benedetto, Cardinal 50, 137 Ad signum Spei (press) 135, 154, 156, 230 Adam 144 Aelian 162, 226 Agesilaos ii, King of Sparta 123n Agustín, Antonio 96, 173n Albornoz, Gil Álvarez Carrillo de, Cardinal 128, 130n Albrecht of Brandenburg, Cardinal 232n Alciato, Andrea 30–31 Aleandro, Girolamo, Cardinal 19–20, 22n, 50, 57, 103 Alexander iii, the Great, King of Macedon 179n Alexander of Aphrodisias 152, 153n–154n, 233 Alexander vi, Pope 8 Álvarez de Toledo, Juan, Cardinal 178, 205 Alvarez, Francisco 176 Amaseo, Romolo 30 Amerbach, Johannes 30, 140 Ameruzza, Marcantonio 223 Andreas of Caesarea 166 Antinori, Amerigo 92–93 Antoniano, Silvio, Cardinal 234n Apollodorus (Pseudo-) 162, 226 Archimedes 228n, 232 Archinto, Filippo 194n Ardinghelli, Niccolò, Cardinal 53, 93–94, 138, 160, 163, 165–166, 208, 226n Areopagite see Dionysius the Areopagite Aretino, Pietro 49, 92n Ariosto, Ludovico 30 Aristotle 62, 136, 140, 152, 233–234 Arius 103 Arlenius, Arnoldus 71, 137, 142 Arnobius of Sicca 95, 99–106, 114–115, 131, 169, 183n, 225 Arnobius the Younger 101n Arrighi, Ludovico degli 29, 30n Arrivabene, Andrea 135, 142, 229 Atanagi, Dionigi 53 Athanasius of Alexandria 14n, 84, 165–166 Audebert, Nicolas 181, 182n Augustine of Hippo 147n, 229, 231

Baglioni family 131 Balsamon, Theodorus 155, 166, 234 Baluze, Etienne 110n Bandinelli, Ubaldino 77, 215, 217 Barberi, Francesco 29, 34, 177, 192 Baronio, Cesare, Cardinale 109, 209 Bascarini, Niccolò 229 Basil of Caesarea, the Great 13, 14n, 140, 153n, 166, 186, 226n Battaglini, Fabiano 82 Baudouin, François 103 Bebel, Johannes 85 Beccadelli, Ludovico 167, 175–176, 231n Behem, Franz 21–22 Bellarmino, Roberto, Cardinal 43n, 55–56, 171, 203 Bembo, Pietro, Cardinal 30, 43, 53, 81, 88, 174–175, 236n Benacci, Alessandro 232 Benci, Francesco 52 Benci, Trifone 52 Benedict xiv, Pope 45n Bentivoglio, Marcantonio 217 Bermudez, João 175 Bernardi della Mirandola, Antonio 152 Bernardino da Lucca 223 Berni, Francesco 14, 93 Berthelet, Thomas 27 Besicken, Johann 28 Bessarion, Cardinal 8, 80, 81n, 97, 99–100, 120, 122–125, 127n, 220, 225 Bibbiena (Bernardo Dovizi), Cardinal 30 Bibliander, Thedor 141 Birckmann family 21 Blado, Antonio 29, 33–39, 41, 52–53, 66n, 67–75, 78–79, 88n, 89–92, 97–99, 101n, 113, 122, 123n, 125, 135, 156, 159–160, 165, 169, 177, 188–189, 192, 195, 200, 202, 205n, 207, 225–226, 235n Heirs 37 Blarer, Gerwin 232n Boccaccio, Giovanni 93 Boniface viii, Pope 107 Borromeo, Carlo, Cardinal 15, 16n, 149n, 234n, 239n

298 Boso, Count 119 Botti, Agostino 77–78, 216–218, 223, 238n Bozio, Sigismondo 130n Bridget of Sweden 196, 198 Brucioli family 135, 155, 230 Bucer, Martin 22 Buonarroti, Michelangelo 95–96 Busini, Benedetto 93 Bussi, Giovanni Andrea 8 Cabasilas, Nicholas 153–154, 163, 230 Caetani de’ Tomasi, Giacomo, Cardinal 107n Caetani degli Stefaneschi, Giacomo, Cardinal 107n Caetani, Francesco, Cardinal 107 Calvin, John 2, 58, 143, 144n, 231n Calvo, Francesco (Minizio) 29–34, 144n, 192 Calvo, Marco Fabio 127 Campana, Francesco 97n, 136n Campanus, Johann 17n, 20 Campeggi, Lorenzo, Cardinal 31 Campeggi, Tommaso 19 Canart, Paul 80 Canisius, Peter 60, 201, 204 Capito (Köpfel), Wolfgang Fabricius 86n Carafa, Antonio, Cardinal 118 Carafa, Gian Pietro, Cardinal (Pope Paul iv) 1, 7, 50, 60, 77, 101, 110, 128, 151, 162n, 208, 215, 218 Cardinali, Giacomo 46, 48, 134, 166, 174, 179–180 Carlino, Giovanni Giacomo 236 Caro, Annibale 43, 52, 93, 128n, 157–158, 229 Cartolari family 129 Cartolari, Baldassarre 129 Cartolari, Girolama 37, 129–130, 225 Caselli, Tommaso 62 Cassador, Guillermo 31 Cassiodorus 197 Castellio, Sebastian 141 Castelvetro, Ludovico 56, 85 Castiglione, Baldassarre 53 Catherine of Aragon, Queen of England 119 Cato 54n, 231 Causabon, Isaac 71n Cavalcanti family 72n Celestine v, Pope 107n Cellini, Benvenuto 52, 93 Celsus, Aulus Cornelius 234n

Index of Names Cenomanus (Du Mans), Richard 147–148 Cerchis (Sarkis) 174n Cervini, Alessandro 45n, 184 Cervini, Erennio 150 Cervini, Giambattista 66n, 137, 163 Cervini, Marcello the Younger 45n, 56 Cervini, Marcello, Cardinal (Pope Marcellus ii) 10, 16, 19, 21, 25, 39, 41, 43–209, 211, 215–240 Cervini, Ricciardo 49, 54, 185n, 186 Cervini, Ricciardo the Younger 161 Cervini, Romolo 62, 106, 128n, 153 Charles v, Holy Roman Emperor 1, 7, 11, 32, 41, 55, 58, 59n, 71, 113, 123–124, 126, 132, 189n Cholinus, Maternus 114 Christian iii, King of Denmark 199 Chrysostom, John 13, 14n, 15, 84, 86n, 140, 153n, 154–155, 167–169, 173, 186–187, 194, 228, 230, 231 Cicero 14, 50, 62, 91, 94–95, 101n, 152, 229, 234n Ciocchi Del Monte, Giovanni Maria, Cardinal (Julius iii) 38, 45, 55, 61, 64, 102n, 128, 142–144, 146n, 147, 162, 174, 178, 180, 181n, 189, 193, 199, 204–205, 208, 210, 228, 230n, 232n, 238n–239n Ciocchi Del Monte, Innocenzo, Cardinal 101, 102n Clement i, Pope 118, 140n, 158 Clement iv, Pope 109 Clement vi, Pope 109 Clement vii, Pope 11, 14n, 30–32, 34n–35n, 36, 38, 50, 81, 93, 122, 212, 215–240 Clement of Alexandria 87, 136, 155, 163, 164n, 183n, 234 Cocco, Giacomo 62 Cochlaeus (Dobneck), Johannes 17–22, 24–26, 57, 117–120, 182, 185, 197, 201, 207–208, 238n Colines, Simon de 138 Colocci, Angelo 53–54, 76, 80, 185 Colonna, Vittoria 13 Commandino, Federico 228, 232 Confalonieri, Giovanni Battista 43 Conseil, Jean 138n, 148n Contarini, Gasparo, Cardinal 7, 13–14, 22, 187–188, 194, 233, 236n Contarini, Pietro 192

Index of Names Conti, Natale 193 Contile, Luca 52n Conversini, Benedetto 77 Cortese, Gregorio, Cardinal 62, 70, 208 Cranmer, Thomas 102n Cratander, Andreas 85 Crispoldi, Tullio 13–14, 193 Cueva, Bartolomeo de la, Cardinal 205 Curione, Celio Secondo 141 Cusa, Nicholas of, Cardinal 8 Cyprian 62, 157, 158n, 173, 228–229 Cyril of Alexandria 137n, 165 da Padova, Cristoforo 169 da Silva, Miguel, Cardinal 50, 109, 208 da Vercelli, Riccardo 238 Dallier, Jean 28 Damascene, John 13, 140n, 155, 161, 168–169, 186–187, 192–193, 227, 229 Damascenus, Petrus 181 Damian, Peter, Cardinal 173n Dandini, Girolamo, Cardinal 63, 138 Danes, Pierre 176 Davanzati, Francesco 234n Davanzati, Orazio 72n De Cupis, Gian Domenico, Cardinal 178 Del Monte, Giovanni Maria, Cardinal see Ciocchi Del Monte, Giovanni Maria, Cardinal (Julius iii) del Piombo (Luciani), Sebastiano 52 Del Rosso, Paolo 53, 97 del Sarto, Andrea 52 Della Casa, Giovanni 43, 44n, 52, 60n, 61, 63, 81, 143, 144n, 153, 198, 204, 231n Della Torre, Michele, Cardinal 63, 138 Demosthenes 120, 122, 237 Des Freux, André 202 Devaris, Matthaios 68, 73n, 77, 80, 92, 215, 217, 226 Dionysios ii, Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople 194 Dionysius of Halicarnassus 138n Dionysius the Areopagite (Pseudo-) 14n, 87, 140n, 166 Discepolo, Girolamo 235 Dolet, Etienne 154 Donà, Girolamo 30 Donato, Bernardino 14 Donatus Magnus 103

299 Doni, Anton Francesco 136n Dorez, Léon 46–47, 134 Dorico, Luigi 29, 135, 177, 227 Dorico, Valerio 29, 135, 177, 227 Dossena, Giovanni Andrea 77, 216–220, 227 Doukas, Demetrios 29, 30n Eck, Johann 17–18, 21, 25, 31 Edward iv, King of England 121–123, 125 Edward v, King of England 121 Egidio da Viterbo, Cardinal 50, 149–150, 169 Egidio Romano 169, 226 Egio, Benedetto 226, 227n Egnazio (Cipelli), Giovanni Battista 30 Elio, Antonio 157 Elvino, Bernardino 77, 101, 132, 215, 217–220 Eparchos, Antonios 46, 62, 71n, 79, 89, 127n, 153, 193– 194 Erasmus 14–15, 30, 57, 85, 101n, 102, 140, 147–149, 154, 157, 202, 209 Erizzo, Sebestiano 152n Estienne, François 28 Estienne, Henri 138, 139n, 148, 149n Estienne, Robert 138, 139n Euclid 62 Eugenius iv, Pope 176 Euripides 165, 226 Eusebius Pamphili of Caesarea 58, 87, 89, 138n Eustathius of Thessalonica 48, 54, 66, 73, 75–76, 78, 79n, 81–83, 87–88, 97–98, 130n, 131, 136n, 159, 161, 165, 167, 177, 183n, 189, 215, 221, 223–226 Eustratius of Constantinople 167 Euthymius Zigabenus 14n, 15, 156, 186, 231 Faber aus Emmich, Johann 32 Fabri, Johann 17, 22–26, 57, 86, 104n, 185, 207–208 Faerno, Gabriele 173, 230n, 234 Faques, William 27 Farnese family 35, 67, 92n, 227n Farnese, Alessandro, Cardinal 25, 35, 39, 41, 43, 54–55, 58, 64, 67, 70–71, 80n, 89n, 94, 124, 126–128, 130–131, 145, 162, 166, 186, 188, 194, 204n, 208, 231n–232n Farnese, Pier Luigi, Duke of Parma 131 Farnese, Ranuccio, Cardinal 37, 39, 55–56, 188, 228n

300 Farri family 127–128, 135, 230 Ferdinand i, Holy Roman Emperor 1, 200 Feron, Ernest 82 Ferrari, Ambrogio 238n Ferrari, Francesco 196 Ferrario, Girolamo 101, 102n, 225 Ferretti, Giovanni Pietro 62, 171, 238–239 Fichet, Guillaume 120–121, 123, 125 Fiordibello, Antonio 226 Firpo, Massimo 45 Fisher, John 120, 171 Flacius Illyrucus, Matthias 109 Flaminio, Marcantonio 14, 56 Florimonte, Galeazzo 157, 187, 229, 231 Foscarari, Stefano 81n Fossier, François 235n, 237n Fracco, Ambrogio 37 Francesi (Fererio), Giovanni 135n Francis i, King of France 100, 104–105, 123–124, 137n, 138 Franzesi, Mattio 92–94 Fregoso, Federico, Cardinal 236n Froben, Johann 30, 154 Fumagalli, Giuseppe 37 Fumano (Righi), Adamo 13–14, 186, 187n Gabia, Giovan Battista 162n Gadaldino, Agostino 127 Gaddi family 34, 50 Gaddi, Giovanni 34, 52, 93 Gagny, Jean de 139–140, 187, 208, 233 Galen 14, 30, 127, 128n Galesini, Pietro 228 Garamond, Claude 137n, 138 Gelasius i, Pope 158, 159n Gelenius, Sigismund 102 George ii the Bearded, Duke of Saxony 17, 20 Gessner, Conrad 127, 142 Gheri, Filippo 167 Giaccarelli, Anselmo 135, 142, 143n, 232 Giacomelli, Giacomo 96n Giacomo da Viterbo 169 Giannotti, Donato 43, 52–53, 71, 77n, 87–88, 90n, 91–92, 94n, 95 Giberti, Gian Matteo 12–16, 20, 22, 26, 30–34, 50, 53, 69, 155–157, 185–189, 194n, 196–197, 207–208 Gilmont, Jean-François 2 Giolito de’ Ferrari, Gabriele 50n, 135, 142, 157, 229

Index of Names Giombi, Samuele 45 Giorgi, Marco Antonio 169, 227 Giovio, Paolo 30, 43, 96 Giunta family 36, 66n, 69, 78, 87, 94, 97, 129, 144, 167–168, 234n Giunta, Benedetto di Filippo 69, 129n Giunta, Benedetto di Francesco 69–70, 73–80, 83, 88n, 92, 97–101, 113, 115, 124–125, 129, 161n, 168, 195, 215, 225 Giunta, Bernardo 34n, 69, 77, 129n, 136, 216–217, 234 Heirs 79n, 135–136, 234 Giunta, Giulio 168 Giunta, Jacopo di Francesco 69, 77, 79n, 98, 216–218, 220 Giunta, Lucantonio 77 Heirs 77, 135, 216–217, 229 Giunta, Tommaso 79n Glerey, Nicolas 141–142 Gois, Damião de 175 Gori, Giulio 237 Gratian 119 Gregorovius, Ferdinand 118 Gregory i, the Great, Pope 118, 169, 183, 227 Gregory vii, Pope 106, 118 Gregory ix, Pope 109 Gregory xiii, Pope 114, 118, 199 Gregory of Nazianzus 72, 73n, 140, 157–158, 165, 229, 238 Pseudo- 226, 235n Gregory of Nyssa 155, 156n, 168, 173, 228 Grimani, Domenico, Cardinal 148, 149n Grimani, Marino, Cardinal 148, 149n, 232n Grolier, Cesar 31 Grolier, Jean 15, 30–31, 102, 115, 118n, 183n, 199n Grünstein, Wolfgang von 232n Grynaeus, Simon 142 Gryphius, Sebastian 173, 231 Gualtieri, Pier Paolo 52–53, 174–176, 226–227 Guevara, Antonio de 129 Guidotti, Antonio 196 Guillard, Charlotte 233 Guillery, Etienne 28–29 Guise, Charles of, Cardinal 63, 152n Guise, Louis of, Cardinal 63 Gustav i (Vasa), King of Sweden 199 Gutenberg, Johannes 7, 27 Gwalter, Rudolph 183n

Index of Names Habsburg family 1, 201 Han, Ulrich 84 Hangest, Jean de 63, 152n Heinrich iv the Pious, Duke of Saxony 17, 21 Henri ii, King of France 138, 189n Henry vii, King of England 27, 121 Henry viii, King of England 15, 19, 27, 99–100, 119–122, 124–126, 132, 181, 219, 225 Hermodorus (Michael) Lestarchos 164 Heron of Alexandria 53, 62 Hervet, Gentian 138, 142, 151–156, 164n, 166, 186, 208, 229–230, 233–235 Herwagen, Johannes 85, 154 Hippocrates 30 Homer 48, 54, 66, 73, 75n, 87n, 88, 97, 131, 165n, 215, 221 Hudon, William V. 45 Hurtado de Mendoza, Diego 62, 71n, 102, 115, 137, 142, 152–153, 177n, 229n Hus, Jan 103 Hutten, Ulrich von 18 Ignatius ‘Abdallah, Syriac Patriarch of Antioch 179–180 Ingiltrud (d’Orléans) 119 Innocent iii, Pope 99, 106–107, 110, 112–114, 118, 131, 169, 209, 219, 225 Innocent viii, Pope 8, 122 Isaiah 137n Jay, Claude le 203–204, 237 Jedin, Hubert 171n Jerome 145, 148, 171 Job 149n John the Evangelist 140n Julius ii, Pope 122 Julius iii, Pope see Ciocchi Del Monte, Giovanni Maria, Cardinal Justianian i, Byzantine Emperor 96 Justin Martyr 138n, 140n Kallierges, Zacharias 68 Kunadis, Andreas 69, 194 Kyrieleis, Hermann 112 Lach, Donald 181 Lactantius 106 Lando, Pietro 62 Landrevilla, Pier Maria 133n, 223 Lascaris, Angelos 164

301 Lascaris, Ianos 68, 75n, 76, 80, 164 Latini, Latino 43, 150–151, 173, 228 Laurerio, Dionisio, Cardinal 236n Laynez, Diego 60, 201–203, 206, 237 Le Jeune, Martin 233 Le Riche, Nicolas 139–140, 187, 233 Legrand, Emile 46 Leo i, the Great, Pope 167 Leo ix, Pope 109 Leo x, Pope 8, 36, 37n, 54, 68, 70, 76, 113, 122, 181 Lestarchos see Hermodorus Lestarchos Liburnio, Niccolò 30 Linguardo, Francesco 61–62 Lippomano, Andrea 204 Lippomano, Andrea (Luigi’s nephew) 228 Lippomano, Giovanni 185 Lippomano, Luigi 18, 60n, 63, 155–156, 186, 233n, 227–228, 230, 237 Lippomano, Pietro 185 Lonicerus, Johannes 85 Lothair ii, King of Lotharingia 119–120 Loyola, Ignatius of 60n, 200–206, 208, 211 Luchino, Vincenzo 196, 200–201 Luther, Martin 2, 17–19, 21, 30–31, 99, 103, 125–126, 141, 171, 219, 238n Pseudo- 112 Lutz, Andreas 18 Lycophron 137, 142 Machiavelli, Niccolò 30, 34, 35n Heirs 34n Madruzzo, Cristoforo, Cardinal 175 Maestro Luigi (binder) 115, 149n, 234n Maffei, Bernardino, Cardinal 43, 49, 52, 59n, 96n, 106–107, 136n, 137–139, 145, 147, 151–152, 157, 176, 180, 185, 208, 226n Magnus, Johannes 196–197, 199 Magnus, Olaus 144n, 196–199, 207–208, 211 Mai, Angelo 236n Majorano, Niccolò 79–80, 88n, 92, 122, 149–151, 160–163, 165–168, 189, 208, 225–227, 238–239 Maltitz, Johann viii von 232n Manenti, Giovanni 193 Manutius, Aldus 67–68, 100 Manuzio Family 68 Manuzio, Aldo see Manutius, Aldus Manuzio, Aldo the Younger 157, 229

302 Manuzio, Paolo 41, 43, 46n, 67–68, 94, 127, 135, 152n, 155, 157, 168, 173, 184, 212, 228–229 Mariani, Giovanni 193 Marmaretos, Demetrios 194 Martial 202 Martirano, Coriolano 50n, 235 Martirano, Marzio 235 Masius (Maes), Andreas 43, 137n, 150–151, 179–180 Massarelli, Angelo 43, 55, 57, 61, 66n, 74n, 78n–79n, 84, 98–99, 101n, 106, 111, 115, 122, 124, 137, 143, 148n, 160, 161n, 171, 232n, 236–237, 239n Massimo family 197 Matal, Jean 227n Matthew the Evangelist 148 Maximus the Confessor 140n, 154–155 Mazzocchi, Giacomo 28–30, 75 Mazzocchi, Lorenzo 228, 237 Medici family 32, 34, 136n Medici, Alessandro de’, Duke of Florence 50 Medici, Catherine de’, Queen of France 80n Medici, Cosimo de’, Duke of Florence 81, 90, 92n, 96–97, 99, 136, 137n, 201, 234n Medici, Giulio de’, Cardinal see Clement vii Medici, Ippolito de’, Cardinal 34–35, 52 Melanchthon (Schwartzerd), Philip 22, 57, 141 Melita, Ambrosius de 176n, 180 Mercati, Giovanni, Cardinal 46, 173n Messalina, Valeria 96n Metrophanes iii, Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople 194–195 Michelangelo See Buonarroti, Michelangelo Middendorp, Jakob 111 Mignanelli, Fabio, Cardinal 19, 63, 161n, 194n Milensio, Felice 171 Minucius Felix, Marcus 100, 103, 105 Minuziano, Alessandro 30 Moerbeke, William of 228, 232 Molini, Bartolomeo 183n Molza, Francesco 49, 52, 77, 93, 215, 217 Montacuto, Silvestro da 78n, 222 Montaigne, Michel de 182n Montanus, Philippus 85 More, Thomas 120 Morel, Guillaume 127, 155, 234 Morillon, Antoine 103

Index of Names Morillon, Maximilien 103 Morison, Stanley 47 Morone, Giovanni, Cardinal 7, 19–20, 25, 60–63, 86n, 115, 205, 208, 232n Morvillier, Jean de 152n Moses of Mardin 179–180, 181n, 235 Mouren, Raphaële 48, 134 Musa, Maronite Patriarch of Antioch 174 Nacchianti, Jacopo 55n, 176n, 230 Nadal, Jerónimo 200 Natale, Natale di 167 Nausea, Friedrich 17, 25, 197, 232, 237 Nectarius of Constantinople 140, 233 Nelles, Paul 203 Nestorius 103 Neuß, Melchior von 232 Nicholas i, Pope 78n, 99, 106–107, 114–120, 126, 131, 169, 209, 218, 225 Nicolini da Sabbio family 12–15, 32, 69n, 192n, 193 Nicolini da Sabbio, Stefano 12–15, 31, 68–70, 73–75, 89, 91–92, 97, 99, 135, 159–160, 163, 187–189, 194, 208, 217, 225–227 Nivelle, Sébastien 233 Nobili, Roberto de’, Cardinal 168n Nogarola, Ludovico 14n, 240 Ochino, Bernardino 12 Odino, Silvestro de 194 Oecolampadius (Hussgen), Johannes 85–86, 154, 166n, 183, 186n, 208 Oecumenius 173n Oldradi, Angelo 177, 178n Onorio, Giovanni 79, 80n, 97, 126, 131, 137, 165–167, 227n Oporinus, Johannes 72, 141–142, 154n, 233 Oribasius 97, 126–127, 128n, 225 Origen 106, 140n, 238n Ormanetto, Niccolò 14 Orsini, Fulvio 80n, 102–103, 227n Ory, Mathieu 139, 238 Pacheco, Pedro, Cardinal 143n Páez de Castro, Juan 153 Paleario, Aonio 56 Palestrina, Giovanni Pier Luigi da 44 Palladio, Blosio 53, 101n Palladius of Galatia 164n, 233

303

Index of Names Pannartz, Arnold 7 Pantagato, Ottavio 157 Pantusa, Giovanni Antonio 226 Panvinio, Onofrio 45n, 106–107, 169, 171, 231, 236, 238–240 Parisani, Ascanio, Cardinal 131–133 Parisio, Pier Paolo, Cardinal 232n Paschini, Pio 47, 92, 110, 134 Pasini, Antonio 218–220 Paterius 169, 183n Paul ii, Pope 8, 84 Paul iii, Pope 22, 24–25, 35–37, 39, 41, 45, 54–56, 59n, 61, 67, 71–72, 75n, 80n, 88, 90, 93, 113, 119, 123–124, 127–128, 130–133, 162n, 174–175, 178, 188–189, 192, 194, 200, 208, 210, 226n–227n, 232n, 237n, 239n Paul iv, Pope see Carafa, Gian Pietro, Cardinal Paul the Apostle 85, 136, 148, 155, 166n, 171, 174, 239 Pelusiota, Isidorus 168n, 195, 196n Périon, Joachim 140, 142, 152, 233 Perna, Pietro 141 Persona, Cristoforo 84 Peruschi family 197 Peruschi, Camillo 161–162, 164–165, 226–227 Peruschi, Francesco 161 Pescia, Simone 53 Peter Lombard 147n Peter the Apostle 63, 171 Petitmengin, Pierre 173n Petri, Henric 142n Pettegree, Andrew 2 Phalereus, Demetrius (Pseudo-) 136n, 234 Philandrier, Guillaume 47, 227 Philip ii, King of Spain 1 Philo of Alexandria 87, 89, 237 Philoponus, John 152 Photius of Constantinople 119, 152, 155, 226n Piacentini, Paola 46, 134 Piccolomini, Giovanni, Cardinal 50 Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni 148, 149n Pietrasanta, Plinio 231 Pietro Etiope see Sion/Ṣeyon, Tasfa (Pietro Etiope) Pietro Leopoldo, Grand Duke of Tuscany 43 Pigge (Pighius), Albert 58, 232 Pigge (Pighius), Steven 47, 239 Pighini, Sebastiano Antonio, Cardinal 63 Pinelli, Gian Vincenzo 95n

Pio da Carpi, Rodolfo, Cardinal 70, 77, 128–130, 136n–137n, 208, 215, 217, 227n Pisano (Pagoli), Bernardo 93 Pius iv (Giovanni Angelo de’ Medici), Pope 36, 41, 64n, 151, 162n, 168, 212, 239n Pius v, Pope 50n, 70n, 236n Plantin, Christophe 159, 171, 236 Platina (Sacchi), Bartolomeo 35, 231 Plato 136n, 142n, 234 Pliny the Elder 46 Plutarch 30 Pseudo- 194n Podocathor, Livio 62 Podocathor, Ludovico Cardinal 62 Poggiani, Giulio 43, 45n, 168, 228 Poggio, Giovanni, Cardinal 63 Polanco, Juan Alfonso de 202 Pole family 151, 154 Pole, Reginald, Cardinal 7, 13, 55, 60, 142, 146n, 151–152, 157, 158n, 174–175, 181, 208, 226n, 228, 232n–233n, 236n Politi, Ambrogio Catarino (Lancillotto) 49n, 56, 57n, 139, 142, 143n, 144n, 229, 232 Politi, Giovan Battista 49 Poliziano (Angelo Ambrogini) 30, 96n Pollidori, Pietro 45, 128, 134, 140 Pontormo, Jacopo da 92n Postel, Guillaume 55n, 179, 181, 238 Potken, Johann 178–179 Prierio (Mazzolini), Silvestro 33 Priscianese, Francesco 41, 48, 52–53, 70n, 78n, 89–102, 106n, 111, 114, 118–122, 124–130, 136, 218–219, 221, 225 Provataris, Emmanuel 161 Ptolemy 29n, 62, 173, 228, 232n Pucci family 37 Pucci, Antonio, Cardinal 227 Pucci, Lorenzo, Cardinal 50 Putelletto, Antonio 14–15 Pynson, Richard 27 Quaranta, Chiara 45 Quentel family 21 Quentel, Peter 232 Quiñones, Francisco de, Cardinal 36, 69 Rabanus Maurus 173n Ragnoni, Lattanzio 56

304 Rallis, Konstantinos 68 Ramus, Petrus 140 Ramusio, Giovan Battista 77, 81, 88n, 215, 217 Ranaldi, Alessandro 131 Ranaldi, Federico 107n, 115n Rasario, Giovan Battista 127 Raverta, Ottaviano 144n Redig de Campos, Deoclecio 48 Regino of Prüm 114, 118–119 Rhenanus, Beatus 30 Riario family 35 Ricchi, Agostino 126–128, 225 Richard iii, King of England 121 Ridolfi, Niccolò, Cardinal 34, 35n, 50, 52, 68, 77, 80–81, 87, 91–92, 160, 178, 195, 208, 215, 217 Heirs 81 Riessinger, Sixtus 171n Romani, Valentino 48 Rorario, Girolamo 237 Roseo, Mambrino 129 Ruano, Ferdinando 181, 182n, 228 Rucellai, Cosimo 70n, 72, 73n, 76n, 80n, 87, 95n Ruscelli, Girolamo 152n Sabeo, Fausto 77, 84n, 100–101, 102n, 104–105, 178n, 215, 217 Sadoleto, Jacopo, Cardinal 30, 175, 188n, 226n, 236 Salamanca, Antonio 69 Salmerón, Alfonso 60, 203–204, 237 Salviani, Ippolito 135, 156, 169, 198, 228 Salviati, Giovanni, Cardinal 50, 82, 87, 115, 163–164, 208, 235n–236n Sánchez de Arévalo, Rodrigo 8 Sandro, Bernardino 176, 226 Sangallo, Antonio the Younger da 47 Sannazzaro, Jacopo 30 Sansovino, Jacopo 52 Santa Fiora, Cardinal see Sforza di Santa Fiora, Guido Ascanio, Cardinal Santa Maria di Špic, Damiano di 69, 194 Santacroce, Prospero, Cardinal 63 Sanzio, Bernardo 58 Scala, Aidée 237n Schiner, Matthäus, Cardinal 22 Scoto, Girolamo 231

Index of Names Sensi, Ludovico 98, 130–131, 225 Serarrighi, Cristofano 231 Seripando, Girolamo, Cardinal 59, 149–150, 169–171, 181n, 236–239 Serlio, Sebastiano 47 Serristori, Averardo 90, 97 Sessa, Melchiorre 229 Sextus Empiricus 152–153 Sforza di Santa Fiora, Guido Ascanio, Cardinal 37–39, 54–56, 77, 80n, 162, 188, 215, 217 Sigebert of Glemboux 114, 118–119 Silber, Eucharius 28–29 Silber, Marcellus 28–30, 178 Simone (archbishop of Tripoli) 176n Simonetta, Giovanni Maria 235 Simplicius of Cilicia 230 Sion/Ṣeyon, Tasfa (Pietro Etiope) 174–177, 179, 227 Sirleto, Girolamo 227n, 229n Sirleto, Guglielmo 44, 59, 71n, 81, 83, 86, 102–103, 106n, 109–111, 114, 115n, 122, 137, 148–151, 153, 155–169, 173n, 176, 181, 186, 187n, 195, 208–209, 211, 222, 225, 226n–227n, 229n, 234n–235n, 237, 239n Sixtus iv, Pope 35, 84, 160n Sixtus v, Pope 118, 212, 228n Sophianos, Nikolaos 68–73, 75–76, 79, 89, 92, 128, 136, 167, 193–195, 196n, 225–226 Sostegni, Luigi 93 Soto, Domingo de 143–144, 145n, 229 Spannocchi family 49 Spengel, Theobald 21 Spifame de Brou, Jacques–Paul 63 Spina, Bartolomeo 237 Spinola, Agostino, Cardinal 35–36 Steuco, Agostino 64, 80n, 122, 124n, 137n, 162–164 Strozzi, Uberto 52 Suetonius 97 Sulaqa 180, 181n Suleiman i, the Magnificent, Sultan 123 Surius, Laurentius 156n Sweynheym, Conrad 7 Terence 14, 234 Tertullian 106, 171, 173n Tetti, Scipione 226, 227n Teutberga, Queen of Lotharingia 119

305

Index of Names Theodoret of Cyrrhus 89, 136, 153–155, 160–164, 166–167, 169, 183n, 192, 226–227, 230, 233, 235 Theophylact of Ohrid 73, 75–77, 81–88, 97–98, 130n, 165, 168, 173n, 216, 221–223, 225 Tillet, Jean du 155 Timaeus of Locri 240 Tiraboschi, Girolamo 134 Titian 92n Todeschini Piccolomini, Francesco, Cardinal 8 Tolomei, Bandino 49 Tolomei, Claudio 43, 49–50, 52–53 Tolomei, Lattanzio 49, 188n Torelli, Lelio 96n Torquemada, Juan de, Cardinal 8 Torrentino, Lorenzo 77–78, 96n, 97, 135–136, 142, 155, 183n, 201, 216–217, 222–223, 234, 235n Torres, Francisco 81–82, 85–87, 106n, 158–159, 177, 216, 225, 235, 237n Torresani (Asolano), Gian Francesco 139 Torresani, Bernardo (Bernard Turrisan) 233n Torresani, Andrea 68 Tosini, Evangelista 29n Tournon, François de, Cardinal 101, 139, 230n Tramezzino, Francesco 29, 79, 88n, 168, 201 Tramezzino, Michele 29, 168n Transylvanus, Maximilianus 32 Trissino, Gian Giorgio 30 Truchsess von Waldburg, Otto, Cardinal 168n, 205–206, 240n Usodimare, Stefano 239 Vaccaro, Emerenziana 29 Vadian, Joachim 142, 183n Valdés, Alfonso de 32 Valdés, Juan de 7, 56, 231n Valdo, Augusto 46 Valeris, Valerios 194–195 Valier, Agostino, Cardinal 15 Valla, Lorenzo 148–149 Varchi, Benedetto 43, 52, 81, 92–94, 96, 97n Varro 54, 62, 231

Vasari, Giorgio 47 Vascosan, Michel de 28 Vega, Andrés de 143–144, 230 Verallo, Girolamo, Cardinal 63, 232n Vergekios, Angelos 137n, 163n Vergekios, Ioannes 137, 162, 163n Vergekios, Petros 163n Vergerio, Pier Paolo 19 Vettori, Piero 44, 46, 52, 54, 70–72, 76n, 80n, 81–82, 85, 87–88, 93–96, 99, 101, 136–139, 152, 164n, 165, 167, 226, 227n, 231, 234 Vigerio della Rovere, Marco Quinto 133, 223 Vignola (Barozzi), Jacopo 47 Viotti, Duodecimo 196 Viotti, Giovanni Maria 196 Vitoria, Juan de 201 Vitruvius 52, 62 Vittori, Mariano 174, 175n, 177, 179, 227 Wauchope, Robert 146 Weissenhorn, Alexander 21–22 Widmanstetter, Johann Albrecht 181, 200–201, 202n, 206, 235 Wied, Hermann of 22 Wilkinson, Robert J. 48, 175n, 179 Witzel, Georg 25 Wolrab, Nikolaus 20–22, 24n Wolsey, Thomas, Cardinal 27 Xenophon 50, 186, 234 Zacharia da Firenze 183n Zacharias Scholasticus 152, 229 Zanchi, Basilio 70, 72, 73n, 76n, 77, 148, 149n, 164, 169, 215–216, 225–226 Zanetti, Bartolomeo 92n, 194n Zanettini (Grechetto), Dionisio 62, 195n, 229n Zigabenus see Euthymius Zigabenus Ziletti, Giordano 61, 77, 159, 183n, 216, 222–223 Zimmermann, Michael 235 Zini, Pier Francesco 14, 155–156, 161, 168, 187, 208, 229, 231 Zonaras, Ioannes 166, 195 Zotto (da Venezia), Marino 143