Psychology PSY1011/1022 A Custom Edition (2nd Edition) [2nd ed.] 0170425266, 9780170425261

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Psychology PSY 1011 / PSY 1022: A Custom Edition Compiled by Dr Shruti Mujumdar & Associate Professor Sean Cain

Psychology PSY1011/ PSY1022: A Custom Edition Compiled by Dr Shruti Mujumdar & Associate Professor Sean Cain

2nd Edition Author: Douglas A. Bernstein, Julie Ann Pooley, Lynne Cohen, Bethanie Gouldthorp, Stephen Provost, Jacquelyn Cranney

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Douglas A Bernstein,Julie Ann Pooley, Lynne Cohen, Bethanie Gouldthorp,

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Table of Contents Sectioni

Psychology PSYion

Chapter !

Introducing Psychology Chapter i, Douglas A. Bernstein et al [2018] Psychology: Australia and New Zealand [Cengage Learning Australia] (9780170386302 )

Chapter 2

Biological Aspects of Psychology

40

Chapter 3

Sensation and Perception Chapter 4, Douglas A. Bernstein et al [2018 ] Psychology: Australia and New Zealand [Cengage Learning Australia] (9780170386302 )

98

Chapter 4

Learning Chapter 5, Douglas A. Bernstein et al [2018] Psychology: Australia and New Zealand [Cengage Learning Australia] (9780170386302 )

178

Chapters

Human Development Chapter n, Douglas A. Bernstein et al [2018] Psychology: Australia and New Zealand [Cengage Learning Australia] (9780170386302 )

230

Chapter 6

Personality

Chapter 13, Douglas A. Bernstein et al [2018] Psychology: Australia and New Zealand [Cengage Learning Australia] (9780170386302 )

304

Chapter 7

Culture and Psychology

350

Chapter 8

Indigenous Psychology Chapter 17, Douglas A. Bernstein et al [2018 ] Psychology: Australia and New Zealand [Cengage Learning Australia] (9780170386302 )

384

.

Chapter 3, Douglas A Bernstein et al [2018] Psychology: Australia and New Zealand [Cengage Learning Australia] (9780170386302)

Section 2

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Chapter 16, Douglas A Bernstein et al [2018] Psychology: Australia and New Zealand [Cengage Learning Australia] (9780170386302 )

4

Psychology PSYIO22

Chapter 9

Memory Chapter 6, Douglas A. Bernstein et al [2018 ] Psychology: Australia and New Zealand [Cengage Learning Australia] (9780170386302 )

434

Chapter 10

Psychological Disorders and Treatment Chapter 14, Douglas A. Bernstein et al [2018] Psychology: Australia and New Zealand [Cengage Learning Australia] (9780170386302 )

494

Chapter ii

Social Cognition and Influence Chapter 15, Douglas A. Bernstein et al [2018] Psychology: Australia and New Zealand [Cengage Learning Australia] (9780170386302 )

594

Index

659

Psychology PSY1011

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Chapter 1

INTRODUCING PSYCHOLOGY Psychology as a discipline has changed immensely since its humble beginnings. There is an amazing array of professional and applied areas that people with psychological training now work in. In this opening chapter, we provide an overview of psychology as a discipline and many of the more specialised areas in which psychologists work. However, the main focus is on providing an understanding of the theoretical and applied work of the discipline of psychology. It is important to note that the knowledge that you will gain from using this book underpins much of human behaviour, which is relevant and may be applied to many other disciplines and professions. We describe the linkages that tie these areas to one another and to other subjects, such as economics and medicine, and how research in psychology is being applied in everyday life. We then tell the story of how psychology developed and the various ways in which psychologists approach their work.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES On completion of this chapter, you should be able to: 1.1 define psychology

1.4 understand the diversity of psychology

1.2 understand the history of psychology

1.5 develop an awareness of the knowledge, skills and values that reflect the science and application of psychology, and the possible career pathways in psychology.

1.3 describe the role of the scientific method in the study of psychology

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY 1 Can studying psychology equip you with skills such as good oral and written communication skills and numeracy skills, well-developed computer skills, the ability to find and research information, and environmental awareness? 2 What other settings, other than psychological practice, do psychologists work in ?

t CourseMateExpress

Bring your learning to life with interactive study and exam preparation tools that support your textbook. CourseMate Express includes quizzes, videos, concept maps and more.

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Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

INTRODUCTION A diverse range of employment opportunities is on offer when you study psychology. Studying psychology at an undergraduate level provides you with a range of skills and competencies that enable you to work in many different fields. In addition, some people choose to pursue postgraduate studies and become registered psychologists. In this book , we endeavour to provide you with the knowledge to consider different pathways for your future studies and employment. Here are a number of people who have used the skills and knowledge gained in their study in psychology: 1 Nadine completed an undergraduate degree in psychology and then decided to seek employment before pursuing further studies. She worked in events management , where she was able to effectively use her excellent oral and written communication skills, knowledge of human behaviour, and problem-solving ability in a timely and ethical manner. After a year in the workforce, Nadine decided to study counselling at a postgraduate level. 2 Michelle found her dream job working as a regional training coordinator after completing her undergraduate degree in psychology. She works in a remote location assisting people as part of a mental health and drug service. Her teamwork and oral communication skills are invaluable to her role. 3 After completing a four-year degree in psychology, Frank went on to complete a Graduate Training Program in the public service. After developing his skills in human resources, Frank now manages a human resources department within a university. 4 Donna received an honours degree in psychology and was able to apply her high-level research skills when she started work in a large metropolitan hospital’s sleep clinic. Using her knowledge and understanding of psychological theories related to sleep, Donna has progressed in her place of employment and now coordinates the sleep clinic. 5 Gerry completed a Master of Applied Psychology degree where he focused on community psychology. He sought employment in a non-government organisation in a regional location, where his role involves working with families to support children with learning difficulties. 6 As a graduate with a Master of Applied Psychology with a clinical focus, Josey completed supervised practice that enabled her to establish her own private clinical practice, which now employs three clinical staff. 7 Following completion of her honours degree in psychology, Eleanor went on to do a PhD during which she completed groundbreaking research into effective behavioural interventions for children with autism spectrum disorder. She now works as an academic in a university and also consults privately with other organisations. The people described above are doing fascinating work in different areas, and some are employed as psychologists in one or more of psychology’s many specialty areas, or subfields. Most of these people took their first psychology course without realising how many of these subfields there are, or how many different kinds of jobs are open to people who study psychology. But each of these people found something in psychology — perhaps something unexpected that captured their interest , and they were intrigued. And who knows? By the time you have finished this book and your course, you may have found some aspect of psychology so compelling that you will want to make it your life’s work too. At the very least, we hope you enjoy learning about psychology, the work of psychologists, and how that work benefits people everywhere. There are a number of perspectives that underpin the structure of this book . In each chapter, we will highlight the application of psychological knowledge and skills through the appropriate Graduate Attributes of the Australian Undergraduate Psychology Program: knowledge and its application,

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CHAPTER OUTLINE The world of

psychology: an overview

A brief history of

psychology Approaches to the science of

psychology Human diversity and psychology Studying and working in psychology in Australia and New Zealand

Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

research skills , critical and creative thinking skills, values and ethics in psychology, communication and interpersonal skills, and psychological literacy. An important aspect of this text is the focus on using psychological knowledge and the development of psychological literacy.

1.1 THE WORLD OF PSYCHOLOGY: AN OVERVIEW psychology the science

Psychology is the science that seeks to understand behaviour and mental processes, taking into account

of behaviour and mental processes

physical attributes and the interaction with the environment. Generally, the goals of psychology are to understand, explain and predict human behaviour in different contexts. Psychology training begins with an undergraduate degree, which enables students to develop psychological knowledge and skills and apply them to a diverse range of areas, such as those described in the examples at the beginning of this chapter. These provide insights into the different outcomes and pathways that students of undergraduate psychology may take. Many students who begin an undergraduate psychology degree utilise their skills and knowledge in different careers without formally completing postgraduate studies to become a psychologist. A more detailed description of how to become a registered psychologist in Australia and New Zealand is given at the end of this chapter and online in Appendix A, ‘Careers for psychology graduates’. To begin to appreciate all of the things that are included under the umbrella of behaviour and mental processes, TRY THIS Si take a moment to think about how you would answer this question: Who are you ? Would you describe your personality, your 20 /20 vision, your interests and goals, your skills and accomplishments, your IQ, your cultural background, or perhaps a physical or emotional problem that bothers you ? You could have listed these and many other things about yourself, and every one of them would reflect some aspect of what psychologists mean by behaviour and mental processes. It is no wonder, then, that this book’s table of contents features so many different topics, including some — such as vision and hearing that you may not have expected to see in a book about psychology.The topics have to be diverse in order to capture the full range of behaviours and mental processes that make you who you are and that come together in other ways in people of every culture around the world. Some of the world’s half-million psychologists focus on what can go wrong in behaviour and mental processes psychological disorders, problems in childhood development, stress-related illnesses and the like while others study what goes right. They explore, for example, the factors that lead people to be happy and satisfied with their lives, to achieve at a high level, to be creative, to help others, and to develop their full potential as human beings.This focus on what goes right , on the things that make life most worth living, has become known as positive psychology (Waterman, 2013; Wood & Tarrier, 2010) , and you will see many examples of it in the research described throughout this book.

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positive psychology a field of

research that

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focuses on people’s

positive experiences and

characteristics, such as happiness, optimism and resilience

Subfields of psychology When psychologists choose to focus their attention on certain aspects of behaviour and mental processes, they enter one of psychology’s subfields. Let’s look at the typical interests and activities of psychologists in each subfield; more will be described in later chapters. This section outlines many of the subfields of psychology. However, it is important to realise that there are nine areas of psychology which have been endorsed (that is, recognised) by the Psychology Board of Australia , and which also reflect the nine colleges within the Australian Psychological Society; namely, clinical, clinical neuropsychology, community, counselling, educational and developmental, forensic, health, organisational, and sport and exercise. In addition, there are currently

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Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

47 special interest groups (for example, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and psychology, psychologists in oncology, and so on).The New Zealand Psychological Society has eight professional institutes and special interest groups which members may join: clinical, community, counselling, criminal justice and forensic, educational and developmental, organisational, health, and special interest group (coaching).These groups provide members with opportunities to attend professional development activities and meet with other psychologists who work in similar areas of practice. The Australian Psychological Society and the New Zealand Psychological Society have a reciprocal relationship. For more on these societies and the Psychology Board of Australia, see the upcoming ‘Studying and working in psychology in Australia and New Zealand’ section. Let’s take a quick look at the typical interests and activities of psychologists in each subfield. Please be aware that we are using the term ‘psychologist’ loosely to include psychological scientists (who work in different subfields) as well as registered psychologists. We will describe their work in more detail in later chapters.

Biological psychology Biological psychologists, also called physiological psychologists, use high-tech scanning devices and

biological psychologists

other methods to study how biological processes in the brain affect, and are affected by, behaviour and mental processes (see Figure 1.1) . Have you ever had the odd feeling that a new experience, such as entering an unfamiliar house, has actually happened to you before? Biological psychologists studying this illusion of deja vu (French for ‘already seen’) suggest that it may be due to a temporary malfunction in the brain’s ability to combine incoming information from the senses, creating the impression of two ‘copies’ of a single event (Brown, 2004) . In Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’ , we describe biological psychologists’ research on many other topics, such as how your brain controls your movements and speech , and what organs help you cope with stress and fight disease.

psychologists who analyse the biological factors influencing behaviour and mental processes; also called physiological psychologists

FIGURE 1.1 Visualising brain activity Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI ) techniques allow biological psychologists to study the brain activity accompanying various mental processes.

Science Photo Library /Zephyr

Cognitive psychology ITRYTHIS \i Stop reading for a moment and look left and right.Your ability to follow this suggestion, to recognise whatever you saw, and to understand the words you are reading right now are the result

of mental, or cognitive , abilities. Those abilities allow you to receive information from the outside world, understand it and act on it. Cognitive psychologists (some of whom prefer to be called experimental psychologists ) study mental abilities such as sensation and perception, learning and memory, thinking, consciousness, intelligence and creativity. Cognitive psychologists have found, for example, that we don’t just receive incoming information we mentally manipulate it. Notice that

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cognitive psychologists psychologists who study the mental processes underlying judgement, decision making, problem solving, imagining and other aspects of human thought or cognition; also called experimental psychologists

Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

the drawing in Figure 1.2 stays physically the same, but two different versions emerge, depending on which of its features you emphasise.

FIGURE 1.2 Husband and father- in- law This figure is called ‘ Husband and father -in- law’ (Botwinick, 1961) because you can see either an old or a young man, depending on how you mentally organise its features. The elderly father-in- law faces to your right and is turned slightly towards you He has a large nose, and the dark areas represent his coat pulled up to his protruding chin However, the tip of his nose can also be seen as the tip of a younger man’s chin; the younger man is in profile, also looking to your right, but away from you The old man’s mouth is the young man’s neckband. Both men are wearing a broad - brimmed hat

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.

.

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Image from American Journal of Psychology. Copyright 1961 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with permission of the University of Illinois Press.

engineering psychology a field in which psychologists

study human factors in the use of equipment and help designers create better versions of that equipment

Applications of cognitive psychologists’ research are all around you . The work of those whose special interest is engineering psychology also known as human factors has helped designers create computer keyboards, mobile phones, MP3 players, websites, aircraft instrument panels, car navigation systems, nuclear power plant controls, and even TV remotes that are more logical, easier to use and less likely to cause errors. You will read more about human factors research and many other aspects of cognitive psychology in several chapters of this book.

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Developmental psychology developmental psychologists

Developmental psychologists describe the changes in behaviour and mental processes that

occur from birth through old age and try to understand the causes and effects of those changes (see Figure 1.3).Their research on the development of memory and other mental abilities, for example, is used by judges and lawyers in deciding how old a child has to be in order to serve as a reliable witness in court or to responsibly choose which divorcing parent to live with.The chapter on human development describes other research by developmental psychologists and how it is being applied in areas such as parenting, evaluating day care, and preserving mental capacity in elderly people.

psychologists who seek to

understand, describe and explore how behaviour and mental processes change over a lifetime

FIGURE 1.3 Where would you put a third eye?

In a study of how thinking develops, children were asked to show where they would place a third eye if they could have one. Nine - yearold children, who were still in an early stage of mental development, drew the extra eye between their existing eyes, ‘ as a spare’. Having developed more advanced thinking abilities, 11- year - olds drew the third eye in more creative places, such as the palm of their hand ‘so I

’.

can see around corners

Images from Shaffer , D. (1985 ). Developmental Psychology: Theory, Research and Applications. Copyright © Wadsworth, o port ofCengage Learning Inc. Reproduced by permission, www. cengage.com / permissions

personality psychologists psychologists who study the characteristics that make individuals similar to or different from one another

Personality psychology Personality psychologists study individuality - the unique features that characterise each of us. Using personality tests , some of these psychologists seek to describe how your own combination of personality traits, like your fingerprints, differs from everyone else s in terms of traits such as openness

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Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

to experience, emotionality, reliability, agreeableness and sociability. Others study the combinations of

personality traits that are associated with the appearance of ethnic prejudice, depression or vulnerability to stress-related health problems. And personality psychologists interested in positive psychology are trying to identify and understand the human strengths that help people to remain optimistic, even in the face of stress or tragedy, and to find happiness in their lives (Snyder & Lopez, 2009).

Clinical, counselling, community and health psychology Clinical psychologists and counselling psychologists conduct research on the causes and treatment

clinical and counselling

of mental disorders and offer services to help troubled people overcome those disorders.Their research is improving our understanding of the genetic and environmental forces that shape disorders ranging from anxiety and depression to schizophrenia and autism, and it is providing guidance to therapists about which treatment methods are likely to be most effective with each category of disorder. Community psychologists focus on the prevention of psychological disorders by promoting people personal strengths.They also work with communities, non-government 1 r r ’s resilience and other r ° ° organisations and neighbourhood organisations to reduce crime, poverty and other stressful conditions that often lead to psychological disorders. That is, community psychologists try to understand the individual and systems interactions and work from a preventative systemic orientation. Health psychologists study the relationship between risky behaviours such as smoking or lack of exercise and the likelihood of suffering heart disease, stroke, cancer or other health problems such as hearing loss (see the Snapshot ‘Psychology and health education’).They also explore the impact that illnesses such as diabetes, cancer and multiple sclerosis can have on people’s behaviour, thinking, emotions and family relationships. Their research is applied in programs that help people to cope effectively with illness , as well as to reduce the risk of cancer, heart disease and stroke by changing the behaviours that put them at risk .

psychologists psychologists who seek to assess, understand and change abnormal behaviour community

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,

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,

, ..

psychologists who work with

communities and individuals to prevent psychological disorders by striving for change in social systems

health psychologists psychologists who study the effects of behaviour and mental processes on health and illness, and vice versa

Psychology and health education Have you ever thought about what hearing loss sounds like? As we age, many of us will suffer from hearing loss For some, our work contexts affect our range of hearing However, think of the impact of new technologies that enable us to listen to mobile music 24/7 This ‘sonic silence’ exhibit has been developed to educate people about hearing loss; it is a listening booth that simulates different types of noise -induced hearing problems

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In Australia and New Zealand, clinical, counselling, community and health psychologists have a master’s degree or a doctorate in psychology. All of these psychologists differ from psychiatrists, who are medical doctors specialising in abnormal behaviour (psychiatry) . You can read more about the work of clinical, counselling, community and health psychologists in Chapter 12, ‘Health, stress and coping’, and in Chapter 14, ‘Psychological disorders and treatment’ .

Educational and school psychology Educational psychologists conduct research and develop theories about teaching and learning. The results of their work are applied in programs designed to improve teacher training, refine school

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educational psychologists psychologists who study methods by which instructors teach and students learn, and who apply their results to improving those methods

Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

school psychologists psychologists who work with teachers and students, assist in diagnosing students’ academic problems, provide counselling to students, and set up programs to improve students’ achievement

social psychologists psychologists who study how people influence one another’s behaviour and mental processes, individually and in groups

curricula , reduce truancy rates, and help students learn more efficiently and remember what they learn. For example, they have supported the use of the ‘jigsaw’ technique, a type of classroom activity in which children from various ethnic groups must work together to complete a task or solve a problem. These cooperative experiences appear to promote learning, generate mutual respect , and reduce intergroup prejudice (Aronson, 2004). School psychologists provide support to teachers and students, and they help to identify academic problems and to set up programs to improve students’ achievement and satisfaction in school.They are also involved in activities such as the early detection of students’ mental health problems, and crisis intervention.

Social psychology Social psychologists study the ways in which people think about themselves and others, and how people influence one another. Their research on persuasion has been applied to the creation of safe-sex advertising campaigns designed to stop the spread of AIDS (acquired immune deficiency syndrome) or quit smoking campaigns. Social psychologists also explore how peer pressure affects us, what determines who we like (or even love; see the Snapshot ‘Got a match?’), and why and how prejudice forms. They have found, for example, that although we may pride ourselves on not being prejudiced , we may actually hold unconscious negative beliefs about certain groups that affect the way we relate to people in those groups. Chapter 15,‘Social cognition and influence’ , describes these and many other examples of research in social psychology.

e Harmony Get matched with people you’re truly compatible with "

Got a match ? Some commercial matchmaking services. such as eHarmony (eharmony.com.au), apply social psychologists’ research on interpersonal relationships and attraction in an effort to pair up people whose characteristics are most likely to be compatible. According to eHarmony, it uses the data of over 200 000 couples globally to identify personality dimensions which influence how well two people are suited to one another.

organisational psychologists psychologists who study ways to improve efficiency, productivity and satisfaction among workers and the organisations that employ them

sport psychologists psychologists who explore the relationships between athletic performance and such psychological variables as motivation and emotion

forensic psychologists psychologists who assist injury selection, evaluate defendants’ mental competence to stand trial, and deal with other issues involving psychology and the law

Organisational psychology Organisational psychologists conduct research on leadership, stress , competition, pay rates and other factors that affect the efficiency, productivity and satisfaction of people in the workplace.They also explore topics such as worker motivation, work team cooperation, conflict resolution procedures and employee selection methods. Learning more about how businesses and organisations work or fail to work allows organisational psychologists to make evidence-based recommendations for helping them work better. Today, companies all over the world are applying research from organisational psychology to promote the development of positive organisational behaviour.The results include more effective employee training programs, ambitious but realistic goal-setting procedures, fair and reasonable evaluation tools , and incentive systems that motivate and reward outstanding performance.

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Other subfields Our list of psychology’s subfields is still not complete. There are sport psychologists, who use visualisation and relaxation training programs, for example, to help athletes reduce excessive anxiety, focus attention, and make other changes that let them perform at their best. Forensic psychologists custom page

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Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

(see the Snapshot ‘Linking psychology and law’ ) may assist police and other agencies in profiling criminals, evaluating the mental competence of defendants, providing psychological reports for court processes, and performing many other tasks related to psychology and the law. Environmental psychologists study the effects of the environment on people’s behaviour and mental processes. The results of their research are applied by architects and interior designers as they plan or remodel university residences, shopping malls, auditoriums, hospitals, prisons, offices and other spaces to make them more comfortable and functional for the people who will occupy them.

environmental

psychologists psychologists who study the effects of the physical environment on behaviour and mental processes

Linking psychology and law Forensic psychologists research the types of training required to appropriately carry out an investigative interview in the context of courts of law With high representations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in the Australian judicial system, there is a need for forensic psychologists to consider culturally appropriate communication and interactions (Powell & Bartholomew, 2003, 2011)

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More information about the subfields we have mentioned and some that we haven’t are available on the websites of the Australian Psychological Society (www.psychology.org.au) and the New Zealand Psychological Society (www.psychology.org.nz). Where do the psychologists in all these subfields work? Table 1.1 contains a summary of where the approximately 20000 psychologists in Australia and the 1000 psychologists in New Zealand find employment , as well as the kinds of things they typically do in each setting.

TABLE 1.1 Typical activities and work settings for psychologists The fact that psychologists can work in such a wide variety of settings and do so many interesting - and often well- paid - jobs helps account for the popularity of psychology at universities Psychology courses also provide excellent background for students planning to enter medicine, law, business, teaching and many other fields.

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Work setting

Universities and professional schools Mental health facilities (for example, hospitals, clinics, counselling centres) Private practice (alone or in a group of psychologists) Business, government and other organisations

Typical activities Teaching, research and writing, often in collaboration with colleagues from other disciplines Testing and treatment of children and adults Testing and treatment of children and adults; consultation with business and other organisations Testing potential employees; assessing employee satisfaction; identifying and resolving conflicts; improving leadership skills; offering stress management and other employee assistance programs; improving equipment design to maximise productivity and prevent

accidents Schools (including those for Testing mental abilities and other characteristics; identifying children with problems; intellectually disabled and emotionally consulting with parents; designing and implementing programs to improve academic disturbed children) performance Other Teaching prison inmates; research in private institutes; advising legislators on educational, research or public policy; administering research funds; research on effectiveness of military personnel; and so on

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Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

Linkages within psychology and beyond We have listed psychology’s subfields as though they were separate, but they often overlap, and so do the activities of the psychologists working in them. When developmental psychologists study the changes that take place in children’s thinking skills , for example, their research is linked to the research of cognitive psychologists. Similarly, biological psychologists have one foot in clinical psychology when they look at how chemicals in the brain affect the symptoms of depression.When social psychologists apply their research on cooperation to promote group learning activities in the classroom, they are linking up with educational psychology. Even when psychologists work mainly in one subfield, they are still likely to draw on, and contribute to, knowledge in other subfields.

7k

LINKAGES If you follow the many linkages among psychology’s subfields as you read this book, you will come away not only with threads of knowledge about each subfield but also with an appreciation of the fabric of psychology as a whole. Each

CHAPTER 1

r

Can subliminal messages help you lose weight ?

chapter has a special Linkages section that discusses the ties between material covered in the chapter, or the interrelation to another psychological subfield.

Introducing psychology

LINKAGES

'i

What makes some people so aggressive ?

Does psychotherapy work ?

*

4 CHAPTER 4 Sensation and perception

CHAPTER 14 Psychological disorders and treatment

CHAPTER 15 Social cognition and influence

So if you want to understand psychology as a whole, you have to understand the linkages among its subfields.To help you recognise these linkages , we highlight three of them in a ‘Linkages’ diagram at the end of each chapter — similar to the one shown here. Each linkage is represented by a question

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Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

that connects two subfields, and the chapter numbers indicate where you can read more about each question (look for ‘Linkages’ symbols in the margins of that chapter).We pay particular attention to one of the questions in each diagram by discussing it in a special ‘Linkages’ section. If you follow the linkages in these diagrams, the relationships among psychology’s many subfields will become much clearer.We hope that you find this kind of detective work to be interesting and that it will lead you to look for the many other linkages that we did not mention. Tracing linkages might even improve your results in the course, because it is often easier to remember material in one chapter by relating it to linked material in other chapters.

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY What other settings, other than psychological practice, do psychologists work in?

Links to other fields

^

Just as psychology’s subfields are linked to one another, psychology itself is linked

to many

other fields. Some of these linkages are based on interests that psychologists share with researchers from other disciplines. For example, psychologists are working with computer scientists to create artificial intelligence systems that can recognise voices, solve problems and make decisions in ways that will equal or exceed human capabilities (Haynes, Cohen & Ritter, 2009; Wang, 2007). Psychologists are also collaborating with specialists in neuroanatomy, neurophysiology, neurochemistry, genetics and other disciplines in the field known as neuroscience (see the Snapshot ‘Professor Harry Ellis Reef ’) . The goal of this multidisciplinary research enterprise is to examine the structure and function of the nervous system in animals and humans at levels ranging from the individual cell to overt behaviour. Many of the links between psychology and other disciplines appear when research conducted in one field is applied in the other. For example, biological psychologists are learning about the brain with scanning devices developed by computer scientists, physicists and engineers. Physicians and economists are using research by psychologists to better understand the thought processes that influence (good and bad) decisions about caring for patients and choosing investments. In fact, in 2002, the psychologist Daniel Kahneman won a Nobel prize in economics for his work in this area. Other psychologists’ research on investigative interviewing has influenced how professionals in criminal investigations gather evidence in court proceedings (Powell, 2002). Psychological studies of the effects of ageing and brain disorders on people’s vision, hearing and mental abilities is shaping doctors’ recommendations about whether and when elderly patients should stop driving cars.This book is filled with examples of other ways in which psychological theories and research have been applied to health care, law, business, engineering, architecture, aviation and sports, to name just a few.

Research: the foundation of psychology The knowledge that psychologists share across subfields and with other disciplines stems from the research they conduct on many aspects of behaviour and mental processes. For example, rather than just speculating about why some people eat too much or too little, psychologists look for answers by using the methods of science. This means that they perform experiments and other scientific procedures to systematically gather and analyse information about behaviour and mental processes and then base their conclusions — and their next questions on the results of those procedures. To follow up on the topic of eating, consider what would happen if you had just finished a big lunch at your favourite restaurant and a waiter got mixed up and brought you a plate of the same food that was meant for someone else.You would probably send it away, but why? Decisions to start eating or stop eating are affected by many biological factors, including signals from your blood that tell your brain how much ‘fuel’ you have available. The psychologist Paul Rozin was interested in how these decisions are affected by psychological factors, such as being aware that you have already

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neuroscience the scientific study of all levels of the nervous system,

including neuroanatomy, neurochemistry, neurology, neurophysiology and neuropharmacology

Professor Harry Ellie Reef Professor Reef

neurologist who studied the was a

relationship between human behaviour and the brain. He was a leading researcher in brain- related disorders and worked extensively in the field of neuroscience

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Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

eaten (Rozin et al. , 1998) . What if you didn’t remember that you just had lunch? Would you have

started eating that second plate of food? To explore this question, Rozin conducted a series of tests with R. H. and B. R. , two men who had suffered a kind of brain damage that left them unable to remember anything for more than a few minutes. (You can read more about this condition, called anterograde amnesia, in Chapter 6, ‘Memory’.) The men were tested individually, on three different days, in a private room where they sat with a researcher at lunchtime and were served a tray of their favourite food. Before and after eating, they were asked to rate their hunger on a scale from 1 (extremely full) to 9 (extremely hungry). Once lunch was over, the tray was removed and the researcher continued chatting, making sure that each man drank enough water to clear his mouth of food residue. After 10 to 30 minutes, a hospital attendant arrived with an identical meal tray and announced, ‘Here’s lunch’ .These men had no memory of having eaten lunch already, but would signals from their stomachs or their blood be enough to keep them from eating another one? Apparently not. Table 1.2 shows that in every test session, R. H. and B. R. ate all or part of the second meal and in all but one session ate at least part of a third lunch that was offered to them 10 to 30 minutes after the second one. Rozin conducted similar tests with J. C. andT. A., a woman and a man who had also suffered brain damage but whose memories had not been affected. In each of two test sessions, these people finished their lunch but refused the opportunity to eat a second one.These results suggest that the memory of when we last ate can indeed be a factor in guiding decisions about when to eat again. They also support a conclusion described in Chapter 10 , ‘Motivation and emotion’; namely, that eating is controlled by a complex combination of biological, social, cultural and psychological factors. As a result , we may eat when we think it is time to eat, regardless of what our bodies tell us about our physical need to eat.

TABLE 1.2 The role of memory in deciding when to eat

.

Here are the results of a study in which brain -damaged people were offered a meal shortly after having eaten an identical meal Their hunger ratings (1-9, where 9 extremely hungry) before and after eating are shown in parentheses. B. R. and R H had a kind of brain damage that left them unable to remember recent events (anterograde amnesia); J C and T A had normal memory These results suggest that the decision to start eating is determined partly by knowing when we last ate Notice that hunger ratings, too, were more consistently affected by eating for the people who remembered having eaten

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. .

.

Session

B. R. (amnesia)

.

. .

. .

.

R. H. (amnesia)

One

Meal 1 Meal 2 Meal 3

Finished (7/ 8) Finished (2/5) Rejected (3)

Partially eaten (7/ 6) Partially eaten (7/7) Partially eaten (7/ 7)

Finished (5 /2) Rejected (0)

Finished (5/4) Rejected (3)

Meal 1 Meal 2

Finished (6 / 5) Finished (5 / 3)

Finished (7/2)

Finished (7/3) Rejected (3)

Meal 3

Partially eaten (5)a

Partially eaten (7/ 6) Partially eaten (7/ 6) Partially eaten (7/ 6)

Rejected (1)

Three Meal 1 Meal 2 Meal 3

Finished (7/3) Finished (2/3)

Partially eaten (5/ 3)

Partially eaten (7/ 6) Partially eaten (7/ 6.5) Partially eaten (7.5)

.

B. R. began eating his third meal but was stopped by the researcher, presumably to avoid illness From Rozin, P., Dow, S., Moscovitch, Al., & Rajaram, S. (1998 ). The role of memory for recent eating experiences in onset and cessation of meals : Evidence from the amnesic syndrome. Psychological Science, 9, 392 -396. Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications, Inc. custom page

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Rozin’s study illustrates the fact that although psychologists often begin with speculation about behaviour and mental processes, they take additional steps towards understanding those processes. Using scientific methods to test their ideas, they reach informed conclusions and generate new questions. Even psychologists who don’t conduct research still benefit from it.They are constantly applying the results of their colleagues’ studies to improve the quality, accuracy and effectiveness of their teaching, writing or service to clients and organisations. For example, practising clinical psychologists are combining their psychotherapy skills with research from cognitive, organisational and sport psychology to help business executives , performing artists and athletes excel ( Hays, 2009) . The rules and methods of science that guide psychologists in their research are summarised in Chapter 2, ‘Research in psychology’ . We have placed that chapter early in the book to highlight the fact that without scientific research methods and the foundation of evidence they provide, psychologists’ statements and recommendations about behaviour and mental processes would carry no more weight than those of astrologers, psychics or tabloid journalists. Accordingly, we will be relying on the results of psychologists’ scientific research when we tell you what they have discovered so far about behaviour and mental processes and also when we evaluate their efforts to apply that knowledge to improve the quality of human life.

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IN REVIEW The world of psychology: an overview SUBFIELDS

FOCUS

Biological

Biological factors influencing behaviour and mental processes

Cognitive

The mental processes underlyingjudgement, decision making, problem solving, imagining and other aspects of human thought or cognition

Developmental

Seeking to understand, describe and explore how behaviour and mental processes change over a lifetime

Clinical

Seeking to assess, understand and change abnormal behaviour

Educational

The study methods by which instructors teach and students learn, and who apply their results to improving those methods

Social

Organisational

How people influence one another’s behaviour and mental processes, individually and in groups

Ways to improve efficiency, productivity and satisfaction among workers and the organisations that employ them

Other • Forensic - issues involving psychology and the law • Community - working with communities and individuals to prevent psychological disorders by striving for change in social systems • Personality - the characteristics that make individuals similar to or different from one another • Health - effects of behaviour and mental processes on health and illness, and vice versa • Environmental - effects of the physical environment on behaviour and mental processes

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1.2 A BRIEF HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY

consciousness the awareness of external stimuli

and our own mental activity

How did scientific research in psychology get started? Psychology is a relatively new discipline, but its roots can be traced through centuries, especially in the history of philosophy. Since at least the time of Socrates, Plato and Aristotle in ancient Greece, philosophers had been debating psychological topics, such as ‘What is the nature of the mind and the soul?’ , ‘What is the relationship between the mind and the body?’ and ‘Are we born with a certain amount of knowledge, or do we have to learn everything for ourselves?’ They even debated whether it is possible to study such things scientifically. A philosophical view known as empiricism was particularly important to the development of scientific psychology. Beginning in the 1600s , proponents of empiricism especially the British philosophers John Locke, George Berkeley and David Hume challenged the long-accepted claim that some knowledge is innate. Empiricists argued instead that what we know about the world comes to us through experience and observation, not through imagination or intuition. This view suggests that at birth, our minds are like a blank slate (tabula rasa in Latin) on which our experiences write a lifelong story. For well over a century now, empiricism has guided psychologists in seeking knowledge about behaviour and mental processes through observations governed by the rules of science.

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Wundt and the structuralism of Titchener

FIGURE 1.4 A stimulus for

introspection TRY THIS 'Si Look at this object and try to ignore what it is Instead, try to describe only your conscious experience, such as redness, brightness and roundness, and how intense and clear the sensations and images are If you can do this, you would have been an excellent research assistant in Titchener’s

.

.

laboratory.

The ‘official’ birth date of modern psychology is usually given as 1879, the year in which a physiologist named Wilhelm Wundt established the first formal psychology research laboratory at the University of Leipzig in Germany (Benjamin, 2000). At around this time, a number of other German physiologists, including Hermann von Helmholtz and Gustav Fechner, had been studying vision and other sensory and perceptual processes that empiricism identified as the channels through which human knowledge flows. Fechner’s work was especially valuable because he realised that one could study these mental processes by observing people’s reactions to changes in sensory stimuli. By exploring, for example, how much brighter a light must become before we see it as twice as bright, Fechner discovered complex but predictable relationships between changes in the physical characteristics of stimuli and changes in our psychological experience of them. Fechner’s approach, which he called psychophysics, paved the way for much of the research described in Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception’ . Wundt , too, used the methods of laboratory science to study sensory perceptual systems , but the focus of his work was consciousness, the mental experiences created by these systems. Wundt wanted to describe the basic elements of consciousness, how they are organised , and how they relate to one another (Schultz & Schultz, 2004). He developed ingenious laboratory methods to study the speed of decision making and other mental events , and in an attempt to observe conscious experience, Wundt used the technique of introspection , which means ‘looking inward’ (see Figure 1.4). After training research participants in this method, he repeatedly showed a light or made a sound and asked them to describe the sensations and feelings these stimuli created. Wundt concluded that ‘quality’ (for example, cold or blue) and ‘intensity’ (for example, brightness or loudness) are the two essential elements of any sensation , and that feelings can be described in terms of pleasure or displeasure, tension or relaxation , and excitement or depression (Schultz & Schultz, 2004). In conducting this kind of research,Wundt began psychology’s transformation from the philosophy of mental processes to the science of mental processes (see the Snapshot ‘Wilhelm Wundt (1832-1920)’) .

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Wilhelm Wundt (1832 -1920 ) In an early experiment on the speed of mental processes, Wundt (third from left) first measured how quickly people could respond to a light by releasing a button they had been holding down. He then measured how much longer the response took when they held down one button with each hand and had to decide, based on the colour of the light, which one to release. Wundt reasoned that the additional response time reflected how long it took to perceive the colour and decide which hand to move. As noted in Chapter 7, ‘Cognition and language’, the logic behind this experiment remains a part of research on cognitive processes today.

Edward Titchener, an Englishman who had been a student of Wundt’s, used introspection in his own laboratory at Cornell University. He studied Wundt’s basic elements of consciousness , as well as images and other aspects of conscious experience that are harder to quantify. One result was that Titchener added ‘clearness’ as an element of sensation (Schultz & Schultz, 2004).Titchener called his approach structuralism because he was trying to define the structure of consciousness. Wundt was not alone in the scientific study of mental processes, nor was his work universally accepted. Some of his fellow German scientists, including Hermann Ebbinghaus, believed that analysing consciousness through introspection was not as important as exploring the capacities and limitations of mental processes such as learning and memory. Ebbinghaus’ own laboratory experiments, in which he served as the only participant , formed the basis for some of what we know about memory today.

Gestalt psychologists Around 1912, other German colleagues of Wundt , including Max Wertheimer, Kurt Koffka and Wolfgang Kohler, argued against his efforts to break down human experience or consciousness into its component parts. They were called Gestalt psychologists because they pointed out that the whole shape ( Gestalt in German) of conscious experience is not the same as the sum of its parts.Wertheimer pointed out , for example, that if a pair of lights goes on and off in just the right sequence, we don’t experience two separate flashing lights but a single light that appears to ‘jump’ back and forth. You have probably seen this phi phenomenon in action on advertising signs that create the impression of a series of lights racing around a display Movies provide another example. It would be incredibly boring to look one at a time at the thousands of still images printed on a reel of film. Yet when those same images are projected onto a screen at a particular rate, they combine to create a rich and seemingly seamless emotional experience.To understand consciousness, then, said the Gestaltists , we have to study the whole ‘movie’, not just its component parts.

Freud and psychoanalysis While Wundt and his colleagues in Leipzig were conducting scientific research on consciousness, Sigmund Freud was in Vienna, Austria , beginning to explore the unconscious. As a physician, Freud had presumed that all behaviour and mental processes have physical causes somewhere in the nervous system. He began to question that assumption in the late 1800s, however, after encountering several patients who displayed a variety of physical ailments that had no apparent physical cause. After interviewing these patients using hypnosis and other methods, Freud became convinced that the

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Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

causes of these people’s physical problems were not physical. The real causes, he said , were deepseated problems that the patients had pushed out of consciousness (Friedman & Schustack , 2003). He eventually came to believe that all behaviour from everyday slips of the tongue to severe forms of mental disorder is motivated by psychological processes, especially by mental conflicts that occur without our awareness , at an unconscious level. For nearly 50 years, Freud developed his ideas into a body of work known as psychoanalysis , which included a theory of personality and mental disorder, as well as a set of treatment methods. Freuds ideas are by no means universally accepted , partly because they were based on a small number of medical cases, not on extensive laboratory experiments. Still, he was a groundbreaker whose theories have had a significant influence on psychology and many

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other fields.

William James and functionalism Scientific research in psychology began in North America not long after Wundt started his work in Germany. William James founded a psychology laboratory at Harvard University in the late 1870s, though it was used mainly to conduct demonstrations for his students (Schultz & Schultz, 2004). It was not until 1883 that G. Stanley Hall at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore established the first psychology research laboratory in the United States. The first Canadian psychology research laboratory was established in 1889 at the University of Toronto by James Mark Baldwin, Canada’s first modern psychologist and a pioneer in research on child development. Like the Gestalt psychologists, William James rejected both Wundt’s approach and Titchener’s structuralism. He saw no point in breaking down consciousness into component parts that never operate on their own. Instead, in accordance with Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution, James wanted to understand how images, sensations, memories and the other mental events that make up our flowing ‘stream of consciousness’ function to help us adapt to our environment (James, 1890 , 1892). This idea was consistent with an approach to psychology called functionalism , which focused on the role of consciousness in guiding people’s ability to make decisions, solve problems and the like. James’ emphasis on the functions of mental processes encouraged North American psychologists to look not only at how those processes work to our advantage but also at how they differ from one person to the next. Some of these psychologists began to measure individual differences in learning, memory and other mental processes associated with intelligence, made recommendations for improving educational practices in schools , and even worked with teachers on programs tailored to children in need of special help (Kramer, Bernstein & Phares, 2014) .

John B. Watson and behaviourism Besides fuelling James’ interest in the functions of consciousness, Darwin’s theory of evolution led other psychologists especially those in North America after 1900 to study animals as well as humans.These researchers reasoned that if all species evolved in similar ways, perhaps the behaviour and mental processes of all species followed the same or similar laws and they could learn something about people by studying animals.They could not expect cats or rats or pigeons to introspect , so they watched what animals did when confronted with laboratory tasks such as finding the correct path through a maze. From these observations, psychologists made inferences about the animals’ conscious experience and about the general laws of learning, memory, problem solving and other mental processes that might apply to people as well. John B.Watson, a psychology professor at Johns Hopkins University, agreed that the observable behaviour of animals and humans was the most important source of scientific information for

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psychology. However, he thought it was utterly unscientific to use behaviour as the basis for making inferences about consciousness, as structuralists and functionalists did let alone about the unconscious, as Freudians did. In 1913, Watson published an article titled ‘Psychology as the behaviourist views it’ . In it , he argued that psychologists should ignore mental events and base psychology only on what they can actually see in overt behaviour and in responses to various stimuli (Watson, 1913, 1919) . Watson’s view, called behaviourism , recognised the existence of consciousness but did not consider it worth studying because it would always be private and therefore not observable by scientific methods. In fact , said Watson , a preoccupation with consciousness would prevent psychology from ever being a true science. He believed that the most important determinant of behaviour is learning and that it is through learning that animals and humans are able to adapt to their environments. Watson was famous for claiming that , with enough control over the environment , he could create learning experiences that would turn any infant into a doctor, a lawyer or even a criminal. The American psychologist B. F. Skinner was another early champion of behaviourism. From the 1930s until his death in 1990 , Skinner worked on mapping out the details of how rewards and punishments shape, maintain and change behaviour through what he termed ‘operant conditioning’ . By conducting a functional analysis of behaviour, he would explain, for example, how parents and teachers can unknowingly encourage children’s tantrums by rewarding them with attention and how a virtual addiction to gambling can result from the occasional and unpredictable rewards it brings. Many psychologists were drawn to Watson’s and Skinner’s vision of psychology as the learningbased science of observable behaviour. In fact , behaviourism dominated psychological research from the 1920s through the 1960s, while the study of consciousness received less attention, especially in the United States. (The section ‘In review: A brief history of psychology’ summarises behaviourism and the other schools of thought that have influenced psychologists over the past century.)

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Psychology today Psychologists continue to study all kinds of overt behaviour in humans and in animals. By the end of the 1960s , however, many had become dissatisfied with the limitations imposed by behaviourism (some, especially in Europe, had never accepted it in the first place) .They grew uncomfortable about ignoring mental processes that might be important in more fully understanding behaviour (for example, Ericsson & Simon , 1994) . The dawn of the computer age influenced these psychologists to think about mental activity in a new way as information processing. Computers and rapid progress in computer-based biotechnology began to offer psychologists exciting new ways of studying mental processes and the biological activity that underlies them. As shown in Figure 1.1, for example, it is now possible to literally see what is going on in the brain when a person reads or thinks or makes decisions. Armed with ever more sophisticated research tools, psychologists today are striving to do what Watson thought was impossible: to study mental processes with precision and scientific objectivity. In fact, there are probably now as many psychologists who study cognitive and biological processes as there are who study observable behaviours. So mainstream psychology has come full circle, once again accepting consciousness in the form of cognitive processes as a legitimate topic for scientific research and justifying the definition of psychology as the science of behaviour and mental processes.

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IN REVIEW A brief history of psychology SCHOOL OF THOUGHT Structuralism

Gestalt psychology

Psychoanalysis

Functionalism

Behaviourism

EARLY ADVOCATES

GOALS

METHODS

Edward Titchener, trained by Wilhelm Wundt

To study conscious experience and its structure

Max Wertheimer

To describe the organisation The of mental processes: ‘ whole is different from the sum of its parts’

Sigmund Freud

To explain personality and behaviour; to develop techniques for treating mental disorders

Study of individual cases

William James

To study how the mind works in allowing an organism to adapt to the environment

Naturalistic observation of animal and human behaviour

John B. Watson. B. F. Skinner

To study only observable behaviour and explain behaviour through learning

principles Check your understanding .ism and 1 Darwin’s theory of evolution had an especially strong influence on 2 Which school of psychological thought was founded by a European medical doctor? 3 In the history of psychology, was the first school of thought to appear.

Experiments; introspection

Observation of sensory

perceptual phenomena

Observation of the relationship between environmental stimuli and behavioural responses

.ism.

1.3 APPROACHES TO THE SCIENCE OF PSYCHOLOGY We have seen that the history of psychology is, in part, a history of differing ways in which psychologists thought about , or ‘approached’ , behaviour and mental processes.Today, psychologists no longer refer to themselves as structuralists or functionalists, but the psychodynamic and behavioural approaches remain, along with some newer ones known as the biological, evolutionary, cognitive and humanistic approaches. Some psychologists adopt just one of these approaches, but most are eclectic they blend aspects of two or more approaches in an effort to understand more fully the behaviour and mental processes in their subfield (for example, Cacioppo et al. , 2000) . Some approaches to psychology are more influential than others these days, but we will review the main features of all of them so you can more easily understand why different psychologists may explain the same behaviour or mental process in different ways.

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Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

The biological approach

What can brain mapping tell us?

As its name implies, the biological approach to psychology assumes that behaviour and mental processes are largely shaped by biological processes. Psychologists who take this approach study the psychological effects of hormones, genes and the activity of the nervous system, especially the brain (see the Snapshot ‘What can brain mapping tell us?’). So if they are studying memory, they might try to identify the changes taking place in the brain as information is stored there ( Figure 6.15, in Chapter 6, ‘Memory’, shows an example of these changes) . If they are studying thinking, they might look for patterns of brain activity associated with, for example, making quick decisions or reading a foreign language. Research discussed in nearly every chapter of this book reflects the enormous influence of the biological approach on psychology today.To help you better understand the terms and concepts used in that research, see Chapter 19 (online) , ‘Behavioural genetics’ , and Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’.

V

Biological psychologists are able to

provide further understanding to many areas

of psychology, such as reasoning and decision making, because of technology’s increasing

sophistication.

The evolutionary approach Biological processes also figure prominently in an approach to psychology based on Charles Darwin’s 1859 book On the Origin of Species. Darwin argued that the forms of life we see today are the result of evolution of changes in life forms that occur over many generations. He said that evolution occurs through natural selection, which promotes the survival of the fittest individuals. Those whose behaviour and appearance allow them to withstand the elements, avoid predators and mate are able to survive and produce offspring with similar characteristics. Those less able to adjust (or adapt) to changing conditions are less likely to survive and reproduce. Most evolutionists today see natural selection operating at the level of genes, but the process is the same. Genes that result in characteristics and behaviours that are adaptive and useful in a certain environment will enable the creatures that inherit them to survive and reproduce, thereby passing those genes on to the next generation. According to evolutionary theory, many (but not all) of the genes that animals and humans possess today are the result of natural selection. The evolutionary approach to psychology assumes that the behaviour and mental processes of animals and humans today are also the result of evolution through natural selection. Psychologists who take this approach see cooperation as an adaptive survival strategy, aggression as a form of territory protection, and gender differences in mate selection preferences as reflecting different ways through which genes survive in future generations (Griskevicius et al. , 2009). The evolutionary approach has generated a growing body of research (for example, Buss, 2009; Confer et al., 2010); in later chapters, you will see how it is applied in relation to topics such as helping and altruism, mental disorders, temperament and interpersonal attraction.

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biological approach an approach to psychology

in which behaviour and behaviour disorders are seen as the result of physical processes, especially those relating to the brain and to hormones and other chemicals

natural selection the evolutionary mechanism through which Darwin said the fittest individuals survive to

reproduce

evolutionary approach an approach to psychology

The psychodynamic approach The psychodynamic approach to psychology offers a different slant on the role of inherited instincts and other biological forces in human behaviour. Based on Freud’s psychoanalysis, this approach assumes that our behaviour and mental processes reflect constant and mostly unconscious psychological struggles within us (see Figure 1.5) . Usually, these struggles involve conflict between the impulse to satisfy instincts (such as for food, sex or aggression) and the need to follow the rules of civilised society. So psychologists taking the psychodynamic approach might see aggression, for example, as a case of primitive urges overcoming a person’s defences against expressing those urges. They would see anxiety, depression or other disorders as overt signs of inner turmoil.

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that emphasises the inherited, adaptive aspects of behaviour and mental processes

psychodynamic approach a view developed by Freud that emphasises the interplay of unconscious mental processes in determining human thought, feelings and behaviour

Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

FIGURE 1.5 What do you see? Take a moment to write down what you see in these clouds. According to the psychodynamic approach to psychology, what we see in cloud formations and other vague patterns reflects unconscious wishes, impulses, fears and other mental processes. In the personality chapter, we discuss the value of personality tests based on this TRY THIS

\J

assumption .

Photodisc

Freud’s original theories are not as influential today as they once were (Mischel, 2004a), but you will encounter modern versions of the psychodynamic approach in other chapters when we discuss theories of personality (see Chapter 3, ‘Personality’), psychological disorders and psychotherapy (see Chapter 14, ‘Psychological disorders and treatment’).

The behavioural approach behavioural approach an approach to psychology emphasising that human behaviour is determined mainly by what a person has learned , especially from rewards and punishments

The assumptions of the behavioural approach to psychology contrast sharply with those of the psychodynamic, biological and evolutionary approaches. The behavioural approach is rooted in the behaviourism of Watson and Skinner, which, as already mentioned , focused entirely on observable behaviour and on how that behaviour is learned . Accordingly, psychologists who take a strict behavioural approach concentrate on understanding how past experiences with rewards and punishments act on the ‘raw materials’ provided by genes and evolution to shape observable behaviour into what it is today. So whether they are trying to understand a person’s aggressiveness, fear of spiders , parenting methods or drug abuse, behaviourists look mainly at that person ’s learning history. As they believe that behaviour problems develop through learning, behaviourists seek to eliminate those problems by helping people replace maladaptive habits with new and more appropriate ones (see the Snapshot ‘Why is he so aggressive?’) .

Why is he so aggressive? Psychologists who take a cognitive - behavioural approach suggest that behaviour is not shaped by rewards and punishments alone. They say that children’s aggressiveness, for example, is learned partly by being rewarded (or at least not punished ) for aggression but also partly by seeing family and friends acting aggressively. Furthermore, attitudes and beliefs about the value and acceptability of aggressiveness can be learned as children hear others talk about aggression as the only way to deal with threats, disagreements and other conflict situations (for example, Cooper, Gomez & Buck , 2008; Wilkowski & Robinson , 2008).

Recall, though, that the peak of behaviourism’s popularity passed precisely because it ignored everything but observable behaviour. That criticism has had an impact on the many behaviourists who now apply their learning-based approach in an effort to understand thoughts , or cognitions , as well as observable behaviour. Those who take this cognitive-behavioural , or social-cognitive , approach explore how learning affects the development of thoughts, attitudes and beliefs and, in turn, how these learned cognitive patterns affect overt behaviour.

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Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

The cognitive approach The growth of the cognitive-behavioural perspective reflects the influence of a broader cognitive view ofpsychology.This cognitive approach focuses on how we take in, mentally represent and store information; how we perceive and process that information; and how all these cognitive processes affect our behaviour. Psychologists who take the cognitive approach study the rapid series of mental events — including those outside of awareness — that accompany observable behaviour.So in analysing, say, an aggressive incident in a cinema ticket queue, these psychologists would describe the following series of information-processing events: first, the aggressive person (1) perceived that someone has cut into the ticket queue, then (2) recalled information stored in memory about appropriate social behaviour, (3) decided that the other persons action was inappropriate, (4) labelled the person as rude and inconsiderate, (5) considered possible responses and their likely consequences, (6) decided that shoving the person is the best response, and (7) executed that response. Psychologists who take a cognitive approach focus on these and other mental processes to understand many kinds of individual and social behaviours, from decision making and problem solving to interpersonal attraction and intelligence, to name but a few. In the situation just described, for example, the persons aggression would be seen as the result of poor problem solving, because there were probably several better ways to deal with the problem of queue jumping. The cognitive approach is especially important in the field of cognitive science , in which researchers from psychology, computer science, biology, engineering, linguistics and philosophy study intelligent systems in humans and computers. Together, they are trying to discover the building blocks of cognition and to determine how these components produce complex behaviours such as remembering a fact, naming an object , writing a word or making a decision (see the Snapshot ‘Cognitive science at work’ ) .

The humanistic approach Mental events play a different role in the humanistic approach to psychology (also known as the phenomenological approach ). Psychologists who favour the humanistic perspective see behaviour as determined primarily by each person’s capacity to choose how to think and act.They don’t see these choices as driven by instincts, biological processes, or rewards and punishments but rather by each individual’s unique perceptions of the world. So if you see the world as a friendly place, you are likely to be optimistic and secure. If you perceive it as full of hostile, threatening people, you will probably be defensive and fearful. Like their cognitively oriented colleagues, psychologists who choose the humanistic approach would see aggression in a cinema queue as stemming from a perception that aggression is justified. Whereas the cognitive approach leads psychologists to search for laws governing all people’s thoughts and actions, humanistic psychologists try to understand how each individual’s unique experiences guide that person’s thoughts and actions. In fact, many who prefer the humanistic approach claim that because no two people are exactly alike, the only way to understand behaviour and mental processes is to focus on how they operate in each individual. Humanistic psychologists also believe that people are essentially good , that they are in control of themselves, and that they have an innate tendency to grow towards their highest potential. The humanistic approach began to attract attention in North America in the 1940s through the writings of Carl Rogers, a psychologist who had been trained in, but later rejected , the psychodynamic approach. We describe his views on personality in Chapter 13, ‘Personality’, and his psychotherapy methods in Chapter 14 , ‘Psychological disorders and treatment’ . Another influential figure of the same era was Abraham Maslow, a psychologist who shaped and promoted the humanistic approach through his famous hierarchy-of-needs theory of motivation, which we describe in Chapter 10,

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cognitive approach a way of looking at human

behaviour that emphasises research on how the brain takes in information, creates perceptions, forms and retrieves memories, processes information and generates integrated patterns of action

humanistic approach an approach to

psychology

that views behaviour as controlled by the decisions that people make about their lives based on their perceptions of the world

Cognitive science at work Some cognitive

psychologists undertake work in cognitive skill acquisition, where the main interest is in how practice leads to improved

performance and knowledge. This has obvious implications for education in general and specifically the development of educational software for children

.

Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

‘Motivation and emotion’, and Chapter 13, ‘Personality’. Today, the impact of the humanistic approach to psychology is limited, mainly because many psychologists find humanistic concepts and predictions too vague to be expressed and tested scientifically. It has, however, helped inspire the theories and research in positive psychology that are now becoming so popular (Snyder & Lopez, 2009). (For a summary of all the approaches we have discussed , see the section ‘In review: Approaches to the science of psychology’.)

o

IN REVIEW Approaches to the science of psychology CHARACTERISTICS

APPROACH

Biological

Emphasises activity of the nervous system, especially of the brain; the action of hormones and other chemicals; and genetics

Evolutionary

Emphasises the ways in which behaviour and mental processes are adaptive for survival

Psychodynamic

Emphasises internal conflicts, mostly unconscious, which usually pit sexual or aggressive instincts against environmental obstacles to their expression

Behavioural

Emphasises learning, especially each person’s experience with rewards and punishments; the cognitive - behavioural approach adds emphasis on learning by observation and the learning of certain ways of thinking

Cognitive Humanistic

Emphasises mechanisms through which people receive, store, retrieve and otherwise process information

Emphasises individual potential for growth and the role of unique perceptions in guiding behaviour and mental processes

Check your understanding 1 Teaching people to be less afraid of heights reflects the approach. 2 Charles Darwin was not a psychologist, but his work influenced the approach to psychology. 3 Assuming that people inherit mental disorders suggests a approach.

1.4 HUMAN DIVERSITY AND PSYCHOLOGY Today, the diversity seen in psychologists’ approaches to their work is matched by the diversity in their own backgrounds. This was not always the case. As in other academic disciplines in the early 20th century, most psychologists were white, middle-class men (Walker, 1991) . Almost from the beginning, however, women have been part of the field (Schultz & Schultz, 2004); see the Snapshot ‘MaryWhiton Calkins (1863— 1930) ’ .Throughout this book , you will find discussions of the work of their modern counterparts, whose contributions to research, service and teaching have all increased in tandem with their growing representation in psychology (see the Snapshot ‘Professor Carmen Mary Lawrence’) . The Psychology Board of Australia publishes a statistical breakdown of registered psychologists in the country. Currently, women comprise 79 per cent of this group and men 21 per cent (Psychology Board of Australia, 2016). The most represented age group is that between the ages of 30 and 34 years (15 per cent) . In 2010 , the New Zealand psychologist workforce comprised approximately

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Chapter 1: Introducing Psychology

Mary Whiton Calkins (1863 -1930 ) Mary Whiton Calkins studied psychology at Harvard University, where William James brilliant’. Because she was a described her as ‘ woman, though, Harvard refused to grant her a doctoral degree unless she received it through RadclifFe, which was then an affiliated school for women. She refused but went on to do research on memory and in 1905 became the first woman president of the American Psychological Association (APA). Margaret Washburn (1871-

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Alzheimer’s, but as emphasised in Chapter 2, ‘Research in psychology’, we can’t confirm a causal relationship from a correlation alone. To discover if beta - amyloid and tau cause the death of neurons seen in Alzheimer’s disease, researchers knew that controlled experiments would be necessary. This means manipulating an independent variable and measuring its effect on a dependent variable. In the case of Alzheimer’s, the experiment would involve creating amyloid plaques and tangles (the independent variable) and looking for their effects on memory (the dependent variable). Such experiments cannot ethically be conducted on humans, so scientists began looking for Alzheimer’s- like conditions in another species. Progress in finding the causes of Alzheimer’s disease depended on their finding an ‘animal model’ of the disease.

It appears that the development of tangles and the loss of neurons are indirect effects of amyloid accumulation, interacting with other factors (Denk & Wade-Martins, 2009). In other words, scientists are getting closer to a good animal model of Alzheimer’s disease, but they still have a way to go (McGeer & McGeer, 2010). Nevertheless, transgenic mice have paved the way for an exciting new possibility in the treatment of Alzheimer’s disease: a vaccine against beta -amyloid. Mice given this vaccine have shown not only improved memory but also a reversal of beta amyloid deposits in their brains (Morgan et al., 2000; Younkin, 2001). Early clinical trials of beta -amyloid vaccines in humans showed encouraging results, but a small percentage of patients developed fatal reactions, so the trials were stopped for a while (Broytman & Malter, 2004). Scientists believe that they now understand what caused these reactions, and new research in this field is continuing (Wisniewski & Drummond, 2016).

How did the researchers answer the question ? Previous studies of the genes of people with Alzheimer’s disease had revealed that in some cases it is associated with a mutation, or error, in the beta -amyloid precursor protein. However, the

What do the results mean ?

mutations seen in many Alzheimer’s patients appeared not in this protein but in other ones. Researchers called these other proteins presenilins because they are associated with senility. To determine whether these mutated proteins could actually cause the brain damage and memory impairment associated with Alzheimer’s disease, they had to find a way to insert the proteins into the cells of animals. New genetic engineering tools allowed them to do just that. Genes can now be modified, eliminated or added to cells, and if those cells give rise to sperm or eggs, the animals that result will have these altered genes in all their cells. Such animals are called ‘transgenic’. In their first attempts to create an animal model of Alzheimer’s disease, researchers inserted a gene for a mutant form of beta - amyloid precursor protein into a group of mice. If Alzheimer’s disease is indeed caused by faulty beta - amyloid precursor protein, inserting the gene for this faulty protein should cause deposits of beta -amyloid and the loss of neurons in the same brain structures that are affected in human Alzheimer’s patients. No such changes should be observed in a control group of untreated animals.

Scientists will continue to use transgenic mice to evaluate the roles of mutations in beta - amyloid precursor protein, presenilins, tau and other proteins in causing Alzheimer’s disease. This research is important not only because it might eventually solve the mystery of this terrible disorder, but also because it illustrates the power of experimental modification of animal genes for testing all kinds of hypotheses about biological factors influencing behaviour. Besides inserting new or modified genes into brain cells, scientists can also manipulate an independent variable by ‘knocking out’ or disrupting specific genes and then looking at the effect on dependent variables. One research team has shown, for example, that transgenic mice that overexpress a hormone related to stress, called corticotropic releasing factor, appeared to be more sensitive to the rewarding effects of cocaine than their normal littermates. This, in turn, has implications for our understanding of how early adverse events (causing stress) might influence brain mechanisms to develop increased susceptibility to drug addiction (Kasahara et al., 2015).

What did the researchers find ? For more than a decade, scientists have been creating dozens of different transgenic mice with differing abnormalities in the proteins associated with tangles and plaques. As a result of this work, most researchers believe that amyloid and tau are somehow involved in causing Alzheimer’s disease. When multiple abnormalities in amyloid are introduced into mice, the animals show memory impairments and they develop plaques in the brain. However, they do not develop tangles.

What do we still need to know ? The scarcity of animal models of obesity, drug addiction and other problems has slowed progress in finding biological treatments for them. As animal models for these conditions become more available through genetic engineering techniques, they will open the door to new types of animal studies that are directly relevant to human problems. The next challenge will be to use these animal models to develop and test treatments that can effectively be applied to humans.

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The cerebral cortex So far, we have described some key structures within the forebrain. Now we turn to a discussion of the structures on its surface. The outermost part of the brain appears rather round and has a long groove down the middle, creating right and left halves that are similar in appearance.These halves are called the cerebral hemispheres.The outer part of the cerebral hemispheres, the cerebral cortex , has a surface area of around 2500 square centimetres an area that is larger than it looks because of the folds that allow the cortex to fit inside the skull.The cerebral cortex is much larger in humans than in most other animals (dolphins are an exception) . It is associated with the analysis of information from all the senses, control of voluntary movements , higher-order thought , and other complex aspects of our behaviour and mental processes. The left-hand side of Figure 3.12 shows the anatomical or physical features of the cerebral cortex. The folds of the cortex give the surface of the human brain its wrinkled appearance its ridges and

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cerebral hemispheres the left and right halves of the rounded, outermost part of the brain

cerebral cortex the outer surface of the brain

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FIGURE 3.12 The cerebral cortex (viewed from the left side)

The brain’s ridges (gyri) and valleys (sulci) are landmarks that divide the cortex into four lobes: the frontal, parietal, occipital and temporal. These terms describe where the regions are (the lobes are named for the skull bones that cover them), but the cortex is also divided in terms of function. These functional areas include the motor cortex ( which controls movement), sensory cortex (including somatosensory, auditory and visual areas that receive information from the senses) and association cortex ( which integrates information). Also labelled are Wernicke’s area and Broca’s area, two regions that are found only on the left side of the cortex and that are vital to the interpretation and production of speech. CEREBRAL CORTEX

ANATOMICAL AREAS

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Temporal

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valleys. The ridges are called gyri and the valleys are called sulci or fissures. As you can see in the figure, several deep sulci divide the cortex into four areas: the frontal , parietal, occipital and temporal lobes. The right-hand side of Figure 3.12 depicts the areas of the cerebral cortex in which various functions or activities occur. The functional areas do not exactly match the anatomical areas because some functions occur in more than one area . Let’s consider three of these functional areas the sensory cortex, the motor cortex and the association cortex.

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Sensory cortex sensory cortex (sensory area ) the parts of the cerebral cortex that receive stimulus information from the senses

The brain’s sensory cortex, or sensory area , lies in the parietal, occipital and temporal lobes and is the part of the cerebral cortex that receives information from our senses. Different regions of the sensory cortex receive information from different senses. Visual information is received by the visual cortex , made up of cells in the occipital lobe; auditory information is received by the auditory cortex , made up of cells in the temporal lobe; and information from the skin about touch, pain and temperature is received in the somatosensory cortex , made up of cells in the parietal lobe ( soma is Greek for ‘body’) . Information about skin sensations from neighbouring parts of the body comes to neighbouring parts of the somatosensory cortex. As Figure 3.13 illustrates, the places on the cortex where information from each area of skin arrives can be represented by the figure of a tiny person stretched out along the cortex. This figure is called the sensory homunculus, which is Latin for ‘little man’. The links between skin locations and locations in the somatosensory cortex have been demonstrated during brain surgery. If a surgeon stimulates a particular spot on the somatosensory cortex, the patient experiences a touch sensation at the place on the skin that normally sends information to that spot on the cortex. It was long assumed that the organisation of the homunculus remains the same throughout life, but research has shown that the amount of sensory cortex that responds to particular sensory inputs can be changed by experience (Pascual-Leone et al., 2005) . For example, practising the violin can increase the number of neurons in the somatosensory cortex that respond to finger touches (Candia et al. , 2005; Hyde et al., 2009). And if a person loses an arm, the areas of the somatosensory cortex that had been stimulated by that arm will eventually be stimulated by the mouth or some other region of skin. Temporary reassignment of sensory cortex has even been produced in the laboratory. In one study, volunteers had an artificial third arm and hand attached to their bodies. After mirrors were used to create the illusion that the third limb was theirs , some of these people experienced ‘feeling’ it , and their brains appeared to begin the process of assigning neurons in the sensory cortex to represent it (Schaefer, Heinze & Rotte, 2008).These changes appear to be coordinated partly by brain areas outside the cerebral cortex, which reassign more neurons to process particular sensory inputs.

Motor cortex motor cortex the part of the cerebral cortex whose neurons control voluntary movements in specific parts

of the body

Neurons in specific areas of the motor cortex, which is in the frontal lobe, create voluntary movements in specific parts of the body. Some control movement of the hand; others stimulate movement of the foot, the knee, the head and so on. As you can see in Figure 3.13, the motor homunculus mirrors the somatosensory homunculus. That is, the parts of the motor cortex that control the hands, for instance, are near parts of the somatosensory cortex that receive sensory information from the hands. The specific muscles activated by these regions are linked not to specific neurons but, as mentioned earlier, to the patterned activity of many neurons. For example, some of the same neurons are active in moving more than one finger. In other words , different parts of the homunculus in the motor cortex overlap somewhat (Indovina & Sanes, 2001) . Controlling the movement of your body seems simple: you have a map of body parts in the motor cortex, and you activate cells in the hand region if you want to move your hand. But the

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FIGURE 3.13 Motor and somatosensory cortex

The areas of the cortex that move parts of the body (motor cortex) and receive sensory input from body parts (somatosensory cortex) appear in both hemispheres of the brain. Here we show cross - sections only of those on the left side, looking from the back of the brain towards the front. Areas receiving input from neighbouring body parts, such as the lips and tongue, are near one another in the sensory cortex . Areas controlling movement of neighbouring parts of the body, such as the foot and leg, occupy neighbouring parts of the motor cortex. Notice that the size of these areas is uneven; the larger the area devoted to each body part, the larger that body part appears on the ‘homunculus’.

Central sulcus

Somatosensory cortex Parietal lobe

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Motor areas (end view)

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Note: Did you notice the error in this classic drawing? The figure of the homunculus shows the right side of its body but its left hand and the left side of its face. Valua Vitoly /Shutterstock.com

process is actually much more complex. Recall again your sleepy reach for the coffeepot. The motor cortex must first translate the coffeepot’s location in space into a location relative to your body. For example, your hand might have to be moved forward and a certain number of degrees to the right or to the left of your body. Next, the motor cortex must determine which muscles must be contracted to produce those movements (see the Snapshot ‘Movement and the brain’) . Populations of neurons work together to produce just the right combinations of direction and force in the particular muscle groups necessary to create the desired effects. Making these determinations involves many interconnected areas of the cortex, and the specific neurons involved can change over time (Gallivan, Cavina-Pratesi & Culham, 2009; Wang et al. , 2010) . Computer models of neural networks are showing how these complex problem-solving processes might occur (Graziano, Taylor & Moore, 2002; Krauzlis, 2002) .

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Movement and the brain Scientists are trying to understand exactly how smooth movements are coordinated by neural activity in the brain and the spinal cord. The complexity of the processes involved presents a challenge to researchers working on devices to restore movement in paralysed individuals. As shown here, delivering computer - controlled electrical stimulation to leg muscles allows walking movements to occur, though they are jerkier than the movements the brain normally produces. It has also been possible to implant a device that records activity from the motor cortex of a completely paralysed man. When data from the device were fed into a computer that controlled an artificial hand, the man was able to open and close the hand by imagining these movements (Tsu et al., 2006).

Association cortex association cortex the parts of the cerebral cortex that receive information from more than one sense or that combine sensory and motor information to

The parts of the cerebral cortex not directly involved with either receiving specific sensory information or creating movement are sometimes referred to as the association cortex. These are the areas that perform complex cognitive tasks, such as associating words with images. The term association is appropriate because these areas either receive information from more than one sense or combine sensory and motor information . Damage to association areas can create severe losses, or deficits , in all kinds of mental abilities.

perform complex cognitive tasks

The association cortex and language One of the most devastating deficits, called aphasia , causes difficulty in understanding or producing speech and can involve all the functions of the cerebral cortex. Language information comes from the auditory cortex (for spoken language) or from the visual cortex (for written language) , and areas of the motor cortex produce speech (Geschwind, 1979) . But language also involves activity in the association cortex. Different components of language and associated cognitive abilities are discussed in Chapter 7, ‘Cognition and language’. Scientists have long known that two areas of the association cortex are involved in different aspects of language. In 1861, the French surgeon Paul Broca described the difficulties that result from damage to the association cortex in the frontal lobe near motor areas that control facial muscles, an area now called Broca ’s area (see Figure 3.12) . The hand and arm gestures that accompany speech are also controlled by neurons in this area (Gentilucci & DallaVolta , 2008; Xu et ah , 2009) .When Broca’s area is damaged, the mental organisation of speech suffers, a condition called Broca’s aphasia . People with damage in this region have great difficulty speaking, and what they say is often grammatically incorrect. Each word comes slowly. A different set of language problems results from damage to a portion of the association cortex first described in the 1870s by Carl Wernicke and hence called Wernicke’s area . As Figure 3.12 shows, it is located in the temporal lobe, near an area of the cortex that receives information from the ears and eyes.Wernicke’s area is involved in the interpretation of both speech and written words. Damage to this area can leave a person able to speak, but it disrupts the ability to understand the meaning of words or to speak understandably. Case studies illustrate the differing effects of damage to Broca’s area versus Wernicke’s area (Lapointe, 1990). In response to the request ‘Tell me what you do with a cigarette’, a person with

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Brocas aphasia replied,‘Uh ... uh ... cigarette ( pause) smoke it’. Though halting and ungrammatical , this speech was meaningful. In response to the same request, a person with Wernicke’s aphasia replied, ‘This is a segment of a pegment. Soap a cigarette’. Here the speech is fluent but without meaning. A fascinating aspect of Broca’s aphasia is that when a person with the disorder sings, the words come fluently and correctly. Indeed, PET scans show that words set to music are handled by a different part of the brain than spoken words (Jeffries , Fritz & Braun , 2003) . Capitalising on this observation, there is some evidence that ‘melodic intonation therapy’ may help Broca’s aphasia patients gain fluency in speaking by teaching them to speak in a ‘singsong’ manner (Mauszycki , Nessler & Wambaugh, 2015) . ( ) It appears that the particular areas of the association cortex that are activated depend on whether language is spoken or written and whether particular grammatical and conceptual categories are involved (Shapiro, Moo & Caramazza, 2006) . For example, consider the cases of two women H.W. and S.J. D. who had strokes that damaged different language-related parts of their association cortex (Caramazza & Hillis , 1991) . Afterwards , neither woman had difficulty speaking or writing nouns , but both had difficulty with verbs. H. W. can write verbs but cannot speak them: she has difficulty pronouncing watch when it is used as a verb in the sentence ‘I watch TV’, but she speaks the same word easily when it appears as a noun in ‘My watch is slow’. S.J. D. can speak verbs but has difficulty writing them. Another odd language abnormality following brain damage, known as ‘foreign accent syndrome’, was illustrated by a 32-year-old stroke patient whose native language was English . His speech was slurred immediately after the stroke, but as it improved he began to speak with a Scandinavian accent , adding syllables to some words (‘How are you today-ah ?’) and pronouncing hill as ‘heel’ . His normal accent did not fully return for four months (Takayama et al. , 1993) . Case studies of ‘foreign accent syndrome’ suggest that specific regions of the brain are involved in the sound of language, whereas others are involved in various aspects of its meaning.

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Prefrontal cortex Other association areas in the front of the brain , called the prefrontal cortex , are involved in the complex processes necessary for the conscious control of thoughts and actions and for understanding the world ( Fincham & Anderson , 2006; Koechlin & Hyafil, 2007); see the Snapshot ‘Language areas of the brain’. For example, these areas of association cortex allow us to understand sarcasm or irony; that is, when someone says one thing but means the opposite. In one study, people with prefrontal cortex damage listened to sarcastic stories such as this: ‘Joe came to work, and instead of beginning to work , he sat down to rest. His boss noticed his behaviour and said , “ Joe, don’t work too hard’” . Neurologically normal people immediately understood what the boss really meant, but people with prefrontal damage had difficulty understanding that she was being sarcastic (Shamay-Tsoory & Tomer, 2005).

Language areas of the brain TRY THIS \i Have you ever tried to write notes

while you were talking to someone? Like this teacher, you can probably write and talk at the same time because each of these language functions uses different association cortex areas. However, stop reading for a moment and try writing one word with your left hand and a different word with your right hand. If you had trouble, it is partly because you asked the same language area of your brain to do two things at once.

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Where are the brain’s language centres? (a link to Chapter 7, ‘Cognition and

language’)

Chapter 2 : Biological Aspects of Psychology

Exploring the brain A variety of modern brain-scanning techniques, combined with some older ones, have allowed neuroscientists to learn more than ever before about the workings of the human brain (see Table 3.1) .

TABLE 3.1 Techniques for studying human brain function and structure What it shows

EEG (electroencephalography ) multiple electrodes are pasted to the outside of the head

Lines that chart the summed electrical fields resulting from the activity of billions of neurons

Advantages ( + ) and disadvantages ( — ) + Detects very rapid changes in electrical activity, allowing analysis of stages of cognitive processing

— Provides poor spatial resolution of the source of

electrical activity ; EEG is sometimes combined with magnetoencephalography (MEG ), which localises electrical activity by measuring magnetic fields associated with it PET ( positron emission tomography ) and SPECT ( single - photon emission

An image of the amount and localisation of any molecule that can be injected in radioactive form, such as neurotransmitters, drugs or tracers for blood flow or glucose use (which indicates specific changes in neuronal

computed tomography ) positrons and photons are emissions from radioactive substances

+ + — — —

activity)

MRI ( magnetic resonance imaging ) - exposes the brain to a magnetic field and measures radio frequency waves

Traditional MRI provides highresolution image of brain anatomy. Functional MRI (fMRI) provides images of changes in blood flow ( which indicate specific changes in neural activity). A newer variant, diffusion tensor imaging (DTI), shows water

flow in neural fibres, thus revealing the ‘wiring diagram’ of neural connections in the brain TMS (transcranial magnetic stimulation) temporarily disrupts electrical activity of a small region of the brain by exposing it to an intense magnetic field

Normal function of a particular brain region can be studied by observing changes after TMS is applied to a specific location

Allows functional and biochemical studies Provides visual image corresponding to anatomy Requires exposure to low levels of radioactivity Provides spatial resolution better than that of EEG but poorer than that ofMRI Cannot follow rapid changes ( those faster than 30 seconds )

+ Requires no exposure to radioactivity + Provides high spatial resolution of anatomical details ( smaller than 1 millimetre)

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fMRI is currently very expensive and therefore not always practical for extensive research — Traditional MRI provides only spatial information (i.e., anatomy only ), and although fMRI provides some temporal information ( i.e., about neural activity over time), it cannot follow rapid changes + Shows which brain regions are necessary for given tasks

— Long - term safety not well established

Each technique can indirectly measure the activity of neurons firing, and each has advantages and disadvantages.

EEG One of the earliest of these techniques, called the electroencephalograph ( EEG ) , measures general electrical activity of the brain . Electrodes are pasted on the scalp to detect the electrical fields resulting from the activity of billions of neurons. This tool can associate rapidly changing electrical activity with changes in the activity of the brain , but it cannot tell us exactly where the active cells are.

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PET An alternative technique, called the PET scan , can locate cell activity by recording where substances such as glucose or other cellular fuels become concentrated after being made radioactive and injected into the bloodstream. PET stands for positron emission tomography . It records images from the brain that indicate the location of the radioactivity as the brain performs various tasks. For instance, PET studies have revealed that specific brain regions are activated when we look at fearful facial expressions or hear fearful voices (Pourtois et ah , 2005), and which neurotransmitter receptors are stimulated when a smoker inhales on a cigarette (McClernon, 2009) . PET scans can tell us a lot about where certain chemical changes in the brain occur, but they reveal only crude information about the details of the brains physical structure.

MRI A detailed structural picture of the brain can be seen, however, using magnetic resonance imaging , or MRI . MRI exposes the brain to a magnetic field and measures the resulting radio frequency waves to get amazingly clear pictures of the brain’s anatomical details (see Figure 3.14) . Functional MRI , or JMRI , combines the advantages of PET and MRI and is capable of detecting changes in blood flow that reflect ongoing changes in the activity of neurons providing a sort of ‘moving picture’ of the brain . The newest techniques offer even deeper insight into brain activity, structure and functioning. One of these techniques is a variant on fMRI called diffusion tensor imaging ( DTI ) , which traces activity along axon pathways. Another, called transcranial magnetic stimulation ( TMS) , uses strong magnetic fields to temporarily stimulate or disrupt the activity of neurons in a particular region of the brain (Lagopoulos & Malhi , 2008; Lopez-Ibor, Lopez-Ibor & Pastrana, 2008) . These two techniques can be combined, so if one region is stimulated by TMS and fMRI shows changes occurring in another region, this indicates that the functions occurring in the two regions are connected (Bestmann et ah , 2008). Similarly, if the ability to perform a certain behaviour is affected when TMS disrupts activity

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FIGURE 3.14 Anatomical pictures of the brain from MRI

MRI provides an excellent way for researchers to construct a three - dimensional view of the living brain. The scanner constructs images of different ‘slices’ of the brain, so that not only can the outside of the brain be viewed but the inner structures too. Here you can see several MRI images. On the left is an image of a sagittal slice, taken straight down the midline and showing the right hemisphere of the brain. In the middle is an image of an axial scan, looking down from above. On the right is a coronal image, showing a cross- section of the brain (here, the left side of the picture is actually the right hemisphere - so as if this picture is facing you, not looking in the same direction as you).

Images courtesy of Bethanie Gouldthorp, Murdoch University

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in a certain brain region, this suggests that the behaviour is somehow controlled or influenced by that brain region (Muggleton, 2010) .TMS may also have unexpected value in the treatment of depression and migraine headaches (O’Reardon et ah , 2007) .

THINKING CRITICALLY What can fMRI tell us about behaviour and mental processes? A picture may be worth a thousand words, but the pictures of brain activity offered by fMRI are generating millions of them. There are many thousands of scientific articles that have discussed the results of fMRI scans taken while people engaged in various kinds of thinking or experienced various emotions. Neuroscientists who use brain - imaging techniques are now to be found in psychology departments around the world, and as described in other chapters, their work is changing the research landscape in cognitive, social and abnormal psychology. Excitement over fMRI is not confined to scientists. Popular and scientific magazines routinely carry fMRI pictures that appear to ‘show ’ people’s thoughts and feelings as they happen. Readers see these articles as more believable than those offering the same data in less dramatic tables or graphs (McCabe & Castel, 2008), which may be one reason why so many companies these days are making money by offering brain -imaging services that can supposedly improve the quality of employee selection, lie detection, political campaign strategies, product design and diagnosis of mental disorders. The editor of one scientific journal summed up this trend by saying that ‘a picture is worth a thousand dollars’ ( Farah, 2009).

What am I being asked to believe or accept ? In the early 1800s, similar excitement surrounded phrenology, a technique that involved feeling bumps and depressions on the skull. It was claimed that these contours reflect the size of 27 structures on the brain’s surface that determine personality traits, mental abilities, talents and other characteristics. Although wildly popular with the public ( Benjamin & Baker, 2004), phrenology did not survive the critical thinking of 19th - century scientists, and the technique has long been discredited. Today, some scientists wonder whether fMRI is a 21st - century version of phrenology, at least in the sense that their colleagues might be accepting its value too readily. These scientists point out that although fMRI images can indicate where brain activity occurs as people think and experience emotion, there is no

guarantee that this activity is actually causing the associated thoughts and feelings (Aldridge, 2005). Questions are also

being raised about the assumption that particular thought processes or emotions occur in a particular brain structure or set of structures. It is easy to talk about ‘ thinking’ attention’, but these psychological terms might not or ‘ correspond to specific biological processes that can be isolated and located by any technology.

Is there evidence available to support the claim ? When a participant in an fMRI experiment thinks or feels something, you can actually see the colours in the brain scan change, much like the colour changes you see on weather radar as a rainstorm intensifies or weakens. Looking at an fMRI scan, you get a clear impression of the brain areas that ‘light up’ when a person experiences an emotion or performs a mental task (see Figure 1.1 in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’). These scans are not as precise as they seem, though, because fMRI doesn’t directly measure brain cell activity. The colours seen in an fMRI scan reflect instead the flow of blood in the brain and the amount of oxygen the blood is carrying. Changes in blood flow and blood oxygen are related to changes in the firing rates of neurons, but the relationship is complex and not yet fully understood (Maandag et al., 2007; Perthen et al., 2008). Furthermore, when brain cells process information, their firing rate may either increase or decrease (Gonsalves et al., 2005). If the increases and decreases in a particular brain region happen to cancel each other out, an fMRI scan will miss the neuronal activity taking place in that region. In APPLYING fact, compared with the direct PSYCHOLOGY measurement of brain cell Is it possible to activity that can be done in show the neural research with animals, fMRI foundations of specific thought technology is still rather crude. processes and It takes coordinated changes in emotions, such as millions of neurons to produce religious beliefs or a detectable change in the romantic love? fMRI signal. >>> — 1 custom page

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viewing a romantic loved one than when viewing a friend. But does this result tell us anything about how or why these areas became active or what results this activity might have? In other words, do we now know more about love? Critics of fMRI would say no. Notably, these sorts of sensationalised research claims also attract criticism from proponents of fMRI; the problem here is not necessarily with the methodology itself, but rather with the way in which the data have been interpreted by these researchers.

Critics also argue that the results of fMRI research can depend too much on how experimenters choose to interpret them. In a typical fMRI experiment, participants are shown some kind of display, such as pairs of photos, and asked to perform various tasks. One task might be to press a button if the photos are exactly the same. A second task might be to press the button if objects in the photos are arranged in the same way. In this second task, a participant should press the button if one photo shows, say, a short man standing to the left of a tall woman, and the other photo shows a small dog standing to the left of a giraffe. Both versions of the task require the participant to compare two images, but only the second of them requires considering whether things that look different are actually similar in some way. The fMRI scans taken during these tasks might show certain brain areas ‘lighting up’ only during the second task. If so, the researcher would suggest that those areas are involved in recognising analogies , or the similarities between apparently different things (Wharton et al., 2000). The researcher would base this conclusion on a computer program that first compares fMRI scans taken during two tasks, subtracts all the ‘lighted’ areas that are the same in both scans, and keeps only those that are different. But what the computer classifies as ‘different’ depends on a rule that is set by the experimenter. If the experimenter programs the computer to display only big differences between the scans, not many ‘lit up’ areas will remain after the comparison process. But different’, if even tiny differences are allowed to count as ‘ many more ‘lighted’ areas will remain after the subtraction process. In our example, then, there could be large or small areas apparently associated with recognising analogies, all depending on a rule set by the researcher. These problems aside, critics wonder what it really means when fMRI research shows that certain brain areas appear activated during certain kinds of tasks or experiences (see the Snapshot ‘Exploring brain functions with fMRI’). Their concern focuses on studies such as one from the relatively new field of neuroeconomics that suggests that excessive activity in a particular brain area leads to bad investment decisions (Kuhnen & Knutson, 2005). Other fMRI studies have claimed to show the ‘neural foundations of religious neural basis of belief (Kapogiannis et al., 2009) or the ‘ romantic love’. In the latter study, investigators scanned people’s brains as they looked at pictures of their romantic partner and compared these scans to those taken while the same people viewed a non - romantic friend (Bartels & Zeki, 2000). According to the ‘difference’ rule established by the experimenters, four brain areas were more active when

Exploring brain functions with fMRI As a research participant performs a mental task, a functional magnetic resonance imaging scanner records blood flow and blood oxygen levels in her brain. The resulting computer analysis shows as ‘lit up areas of the brain that appear to be activated during the task. However, critics doubt that fMRI scanning is as clear or accurate as its proponents suggest.

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Another difficulty is that the same brain regions may be engaged in different sorts of processes. To go back to the earlier example, some of the same areas of the brain involved in making a decision about the two photos may also be involved in processing analogies. When the two conditions are compared, however, these brain regions would different’ even though they may well not be identified as ‘ be involved in unique aspects of the analogy - processing task. Similarly, when viewing photos of a romantic loved one compared with a friend, the differences in the areas that are activated may not necessarily reflect only the participant’s relative feelings of love. For example, there are likely also to be differences in the memories that are activated by various photos. Some of the activation may therefore be attributable to the processes involved in specific memories - and all of >>> -1

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Some fMRI studies have also found that malfunctioning mirror mechanisms are associated with the impairments in language development, imitative skills and empathy seen in children diagnosed with autistic disorder (Gallese, Rochat & Berchio, 2012; see Chapter 14, ‘ Psychological disorders and

the things associated with those memories - as opposed to, specifically, romantic love. It can therefore be difficult for researchers to reach solid conclusions about what these areas of activation correspond to.

Can that evidence be interpreted another way ?

treatment ).

Supporters of fMRI disagree. They believe that the colourful areas seen on fMRI scans can provide vital new information that will eventually allow scientists to answer important questions about behaviour and mental processes. They would point, for example, to fMRI research on brain mechanisms that help us appreciate what other people are feeling - that is, help us experience empathy - and learn by watching others. These mirror neuron mechanisms were discovered accidentally by scientists who had been using surgical techniques to directly record the activity of neurons in monkeys’ brains (Caggiano et al., 2009; Rizzolatti et al., 1996). They found that neurons in an area called F 5 are activated not only when a monkey plans to reach for an object, such as a peanut, but also if the monkey sees an experimenter reach for a peanut! After fMRI scanning became available, researchers could begin looking for mirror mechanisms in the human brain (for example, Kilner et al., 2009). In fact, some of the mirror systems they found in humans correspond to the F5 region in monkeys (Rizzolatti & Arbib, 1998). One of them is called Broca’s area which, as described earlier, is an important component of our ability to speak. It makes sense that Broca’s area contains a mirror mechanism because language is a skill that we learn partly by imitation. The fMRI findings suggest that Broca’s area may also be important for many other skills that involve imitation. One study found that this area ‘lights up’ when a guitar student learns chords by watching a professional guitarist (Buccino et al., 2004). Other fMRI research has found that mirror systems in other parts of the brain become active when a person sees someone experiencing emotion. For example, the brain area that is activated when you experience disgust (for example, from the smell of rotten eggs) is also activated if you see a video in which someone else reacts to a smell with disgust (Wicker et al., 2003) So fMRI can be uniquely useful, say its defenders. Without it, research on mirror neurons in humans could not have taken place. And because of it, we have evidence that the experience of empathy comes about because seeing the actions and emotions of others activates the same brain regions that would be active if we were doing or feeling the same things ourselves (Lamm & Majdandzic, 2015).

.

’

What evidence would help evaluate the alternatives ? As technology continues to be refined, the quality of fMRI scans will continue to improve, giving us ever better images of where brain activity is taking place. The value of this scanning technology will depend on a better understanding of what it can and cannot tell us about how brain activity is related to behaviour and mental processes. We also need more evidence about correlation and causation in fMRI research. As noted in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’, correlation does not guarantee causation. Is the brain activity reflected in fMRI scans causing the thoughts and feelings taking place during the scanning process? Possibly, but those thoughts and feelings may themselves be caused by activity elsewhere in the brain that affects the areas being scanned. Nonetheless, there has recently been an explosion of high-level modelling techniques that allow the investigation of effective connectivity; that is, model- based approaches that allow inferences about causal mechanisms in neural systems to be drawn (Stephan et al., 2015). Additionally, the transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) procedures mentioned earlier may help identify causal versus correlational relationships in the brain. TMS is capable of temporarily disrupting neural activity in brain regions identified by fMRI as related to a particular kind of thought or feeling, so perhaps scientists can determine if those thoughts or feelings are temporarily disrupted when TMS occurs. Though TMS appears to be safe (Lopez - lbor, Lopez - lbor & Pastrana, 2008), we don’t yet know about its possible long- term negative side effects, so neuroscientists will have to proceed carefully in their use of this technique to explore basic questions about the mind and the brain.

What conclusions are most reasonable ? When the EEG was invented nearly a century ago, scientists had their first glimpse of brain cell activity, as reflected in the ‘brain waves’ traced on a long sheet of paper rolling from the EEG machine (see Figure 8.4 in Chapter 8, ‘Consciousness’). To many of these scientists, EEG must have seemed a golden gateway to an understanding of the brain and its relationship to behaviour and mental processes.

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— >>> desired outcome. A full understanding of fMRI will require continuing debate and dialogue between those who dismiss the technique and those who sing its praises. Although the meaning of fMRI data will remain the subject of debate, there is no doubt that brain- scanning techniques in general have opened new frontiers for biological psychology, neuroscience and medicine. Much of our growing understanding of how and why behaviour and mental processes occur is coming from research with these

EEG has, in fact, helped advance knowledge of the brain, but it certainly didn’t solve all its many mysteries. The same will probably be true of fMRI. It is an exciting new tool, and it offers previously undreamed - of images of the structure and functioning of the brain, but it is unlikely on its own to explain just how the brain creates our behaviour and mental processes. Just as a builder would not use a hammer for everyjob, a researcher should select from their toolbox the most appropriate tool for their goal; and, sometimes it is necessary to utilise a number of tools in order to achieve the

techniques.

The divided brain in a unified self

lateral dominance (lateralisation) the

A striking idea emerged from observations of people with damage to the language areas of the tendency for one cerebral brain . Researchers noticed that when damage was limited to areas of the left hemisphere, there were hemisphere to excel at a impairments in the ability to use or understand language. Damage to corresponding parts of the right particular function or skill compared with the other hemisphere usually did not have these effects. Perhaps, the researchers reasoned , the right and left hemisphere halves of the brain serve different functions. callosum a corpus This concept was not entirely new. It had long been understood, for example, that most sensory massive bundle of fibres that and motor pathways cross over as they enter or leave the brain . As a result, the left hemisphere receives connects the right and left information from and controls movements of the right side of the body, and the right hemisphere cerebral hemispheres and allows them to communicate receives input from and controls the left side of the body (that is , the connections are contralateral , or with each other ‘opposite sided’) . However, both sides of the brain perform these functions. The fact that language centres, such as Broca’s area and Wernicke’s area, are found almost exclusively in the left side of the brain suggested that each hemisphere might show lateral dominance, also known as lateralisation.That is , each might FIGURE 3.15 The brain’s left and right hemispheres be specialised to perform some functions more efficiently The brain’s two hemispheres arejoined by a core bundle of nerve than , and almost independently of, the other hemisphere fibres known as the corpus callosum. In this figure, the hemispheres (Badzakova-Trajkov, Corballis & Hiiberling, 2015) . are separated to reveal the corpus callosum. The two cerebral hemispheres look nearly the same but perform somewhat different tasks. For one thing, the left hemisphere receives sensory input from and controls movement on the right side of the body. The As far back as the late 1800s, scientists had wanted to test and controls the left side of the body. right hemisphe the hypothesis that the cerebral hemispheres might be specialised , but they had no techniques for doing so. Then, during the 1960s, Roger Sperry, Michael Gazzaniga and their Corpus colleagues began to study split-brain patients people who rallosum had undergone a surgical procedure in an attempt to control severe epilepsy. Before the surgery, their seizures began in one hemisphere and then spread to engulf the whole brain . As a last resort, surgeons isolated the two hemispheres from each other by severing the corpus callosum, a massive bundle of more than a million fibres that connects the two hemispheres (see Figure 3.15) . After the surgery researchers used a special apparatus to present visual images to only one side of these patients’ split Hemispheres brains (see Figure 3.16). They found that severing the tie

Split brain studies

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between the hemispheres had dramatically affected the way these people thought about and dealt with the world . For example, when the image of a spoon was presented to the left , language-oriented side of one patient’s split brain, she could say what the spoon was, but when the spoon was presented to the right side of her brain, she could not describe the spoon in words. However, she still knew what it was. Using her left hand (controlled by the right hemisphere) , she could pick out the spoon from a group of other objects by its shape. But when asked what she had just grasped, she replied , ‘A pencil’ .The right hemisphere recognised the object, but the patient could not describe it because the left (language) half of her brain did not see or feel it (Sperry, 1968) .

FIGURE 3.16 Apparatus for studying split - brain patients

When the person stares at a dot in the centre of the screen, images briefly presented on one side of the screen go to only one side of the brain. For example, a picture of an orange presented on the left side of the screen goes to the right side of the brain. The right side of the brain can find the orange and direct the left hand to touch it. However, because the language areas on the left side of the brain did not see the orange, the person is unable to say what it is.

Although the right hemisphere has no control over spoken language in split-brain patients, it does have important capabilities, including some related to non-spoken language. For example, a split-brain patient’s right hemisphere can guide the left hand in spelling out words with Scrabble tiles (Gazzaniga & LeDoux, 1978) .Thanks to this ability, researchers discovered that the right hemisphere of split-brain patients has self-awareness and normal learning abilities. In addition, it is superior to the left hemisphere on tasks dealing with spatial relations (especially drawing three-dimensional shapes) and at recognising human faces.

Lateralisation of normal brains Sperry (1974) concluded from his studies that each hemisphere in the split-brain patient has its own ‘private sensations, perceptions, thoughts, and ideas all of which are cut off from the corresponding experiences in the opposite hemisphere ... In many respects each disconnected hemisphere appears to have a separate “ mind of its own’” (p. 7) . But what about people whose hemispheres are connected normally? Are some of their functions, such as mathematical reasoning or language skills, lateralised? To find out, researchers presented images to just one hemisphere of people with normal brains and then measured how fast they could analyse information . If information is presented to one side of the brain , and if that side is specialised to analyse that type of information , a person’s responses will be faster than if the information must first be transferred to the other hemisphere for analysis. These studies have confirmed that the left hemisphere has better logical and language abilities than the right, whereas the right hemisphere has better spatial, artistic and musical abilities (Springer & Deutsch, 1989) .We know that the language abilities of the left hemisphere are not specifically related to auditory information , though , because people who are deaf also use the left hemisphere (Broca’s area specifically) more than the right for sign language ( Horwitz et ah , 2003) . custom page

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The precise nature and degree of lateralisation vary quite a bit among individuals. Functional MRI studies show, for example, that one person in 10 shows activation of both hemispheres during language tasks , and the brains of another 10 per cent of people appear to coordinate language in the right hemisphere ( Fitzgerald , Brown & Daskalakis , 2002) . Both of these patterns are seen mostly in left-handed people (Knecht et al., 2002) .

Sex differences in lateralisation Evidence of sex differences in lateralisation comes from EEG studies and from research on the cognitive abilities of normal men and women, on the effects of brain damage on cognitive function , and on sex differences in brain anatomy before birth (Kivilevitch , Achiron & Zalel, 2010; Koles, Lind & Flor-Henry, 2009) . Among normal individuals, there are sex differences in the ability to perform tasks that are known to be lateralised in the brain. For example, women tend to do better than men at perceptual fluency tasks, such as rapidly identifying matching items, and at arithmetic calculations. Men tend to be better at imagining the rotation of an object in space and tasks involving target-directed motor skills, such as guiding projectiles or intercepting them , in real or virtual-reality situations ( Halperin , 1992;Waller, 2000) . However, these sex differences tend to be quite small (Boles, 2005; Frost et al., 1999; Haut & Barch, 2006) . Damage to just one side of the brain is more disabling to men than to women . In particular, men show larger deficits in language ability than women when the left side is damaged (McGlone, 1980) . This difference may reflect a wider distribution of language abilities in the brains of women compared with those of men . When participants in one study performed language tasks, such as thinking about whether particular words rhyme, MRI scans showed increased activity on the left side of the brain for men but on both sides for women (Shaywitz et al., 1995; see Figure 1.1 in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’) . Women appear to have proportionately more of their association cortex devoted to language tasks ( Harasty et al. , 1997). Although humans and animals show definite sex differences in brain anatomy (Allen et al., 1989; Gur et al., 1995; Juraska, 1998), no particular anatomical feature has been identified as underlying sex differences in lateralisation. One study reported that the corpus callosum is larger in women than in men (de Lacoste-Utamsing & Holloway, 1982), but more than 50 attempts to replicate this finding have failed (Kivilevitch, Achiron & Zalel, 2010; Morton & Rafto, 2006; Olivares, Michalland & Aboitz, 2000; Wallentin, 2009). Despite the overwhelming evidence against it, the original report of a sex difference in the corpus callosum continues to be cited , suggesting that scientists are sometimes not entirely unbiased.

Importance of lateralisation Having two somewhat specialised hemispheres allows the brain to more efficiently perform some tasks , particularly difficult ones, but the differences between the hemispheres should not be exaggerated. The corpus callosum usually integrates the functions of the ‘two brains’ , a role that is particularly important in tasks that require sustained attention (Rueckert et al., 1999) . As a result , the hemispheres work so closely together, and each makes up so well for whatever lack of ability the other may have, that people are normally unaware that their brains are made up of two partly independent , somewhat specialised halves (Banich , 2009) .

Plasticity in the central nervous system We mentioned earlier that the amount of somatosensory cortex devoted to finger touch changes as people practise a musical instrument. Such changes are possible because of neural plasticity, the remarkable ability of the central nervous system to strengthen neural connections at synapses, as well as to establish new connections ( Herdener et al., 2010) . Plasticity depends partly on neurons custom page

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY How can elite athletes and professional musicians create changes in the part of their brain that controls movement by imagining practising their skilled movements?

and pardy on glial cells (Lee & Silva, 2009), and it provides the basis for the learning and memory processes described in other chapters (Roberts et ah , 2010) . The connections between brain cells are highly dynamic, changing from week to week (Stettler et ah , 2006), and the strength of the synaptic connections between brain cells can change in a fraction of a second (Bikbaev & Manahan-Vaughan , 2008) . Plasticity occurs throughout the central nervous system . Even the simplest reflex in the spinal cord can be modified by experience (Wolpaw & Chen , 2006) . Brain-scanning technology allows researchers to directly observe the effects of neural plasticity. They have seen that as blind people learn to read Braille, the amount of sensory cortex devoted to the ‘reading’ fingertip increases dramatically (Pascual-Leone & Torres, 1993) .They have seen, too, that as blind people read Braille, there is activity in the occipital lobe, a brain area that normally receives visual information (Chen, Cohen & Hallett, 2002) . MRI studies of individuals who were learning to juggle found an increase in the density of cortical regions associated with processing visual information about moving objects (Draganski et ah , 2004) . The motor cortex is ‘plastic’ , too. Musicians have a larger portion of cortex devoted to the movements of their hands than nonmusicians , and non-musicians who practise making rhythmic finger movements increase the amount of cortex devoted to this task as they become better at it (Munte, Altenmuller & Jancke, 2002) . Even more amazing is the finding that merely imagining practising these movements causes changes in the motor cortex (Pascual-Leone, 2001) . Athletes have long engaged in exercises in which they visualise skilled sports movements; brain imaging research reveals that this ‘mental practice’ can change the brain . However, the athlete must already be skilled at a task in order to visualise it properly. When skilled high jumpers visualise high jumping, fMRI reveals that their motor cortex is activated , but when beginners visualise high jumping, their visual cortex is activated as if they are seeing the movements from the outside rather than experiencing it themselves (Olsson et ah , 2008) .

Repairing brain damage Unfortunately, the power of neural plasticity is limited , especially when it comes to repairing damage to the brain and spinal cord. Unlike the skin or the liver, the adult central nervous system does not automatically replace damaged cells. Still , it does display a certain amount of self-healing. Undamaged neurons may take over for damaged ones, partly by changing their own function and partly by sprouting axons whose connections help neighbouring regions take on new functions (Bareyre et ah , 2004) . These changes rarely result in complete restoration of lost functions , though, so most people who have a severe stroke, Alzheimer’s disease, a spinal cord injury or some other central nervous system disorder are permanently disabled in some way.

Transplants Scientists are searching for ways to help a damaged central nervous system heal some of its own wounds. One approach has been to transplant, or graft, tissue from a still-developing foetal animal brain into the brain of an adult animal. If the receiving animal does not reject it , the graft sends axons out into the brain and makes some functional connections. This treatment has reversed animals’ learning difficulties, movement disorders and other results of brain damage ( Noble, 2000) . The technique has also been used to treat a small number of people with Parkinson’s disease a disorder characterised by tremors , rigidity of the arms and legs, difficulty in beginning movements, and poor balance (Lindvall & Hagell, 2001) . The initial results were encouraging (Mendez et ah , 2005 , 2008). Some patients showed improvement for several years , though improvement faded for others, and some patients developed serious side effects ( Freed et ah , 2001). The brain tissue transplant procedure is promising, but because its use with humans requires tissue from aborted foetuses, it has generated considerable controversy. As an alternative, some scientists have

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tried transplanting neural tissue from another species, such as the pig, into humans (Savitz et ah , 2005) . The difficulty with this approach is that the immune system rejects foreign tissue, even in the brain.

Regrowing neurons The most promising source of new neurons now appears to be an individual’s own body, whose cells would not be rejected. This is a revolutionary idea because it was long believed that once humans reached adulthood, the cells of the central nervous system stopped dividing, leaving each of us with a fixed set of neurons (Rakic, 2002) . However, research has shown that cell division does take place in the adult central nervous systems of humans, non-human primates and other animals (Altman & Das , 1965 ; Eriksson et ah , 1998; Gould et ah , 1999; Steindler & Pincus, 2002) . These new cells have been found in areas such as the hippocampus , which is critical to the formation of new memories and is vulnerable to degeneration through Alzheimer’s disease. The factors that influence how much cell division occurs in the brain are being investigated in rats and mice, with surprising findings. For example, exercise increases the rate of neuronal cell division in mice (van Praag et ah , 1999), as does exposure to a complex environment, even in old mice (Kempermann, Gast & Gage, 2002) . Stress hormones and antidepressant drugs also influence the rate of neuronal cell division (Cameron , Tanapat & Gould , 1998; Malberg et ah , 2000) . Finding newly divided neurons in the brain led to the discovery that there are neural stem cells in the adult brain . These are special glial cells that are capable of dividing to form new tissue, including new neurons (Cheng, Tavazoie & Doetsch, 2005; Sanai et ah , 2004).The process of creating new neurons is called neurogenesis. This discovery has generated a great deal of excitement and controversy.There is excitement because stem cells raise the hope that damaged tissue may some day be replaced by cells created from a persons own body. There is controversy, though, because stem cells are linked in many peoples minds with the cloning of whole individuals and because it was at first believed that these cells could come only from human embryos, which must be destroyed in the process of harvesting the cells.The ethical storm raging around embryonic stem cell research is abating, however, since researchers have demonstrated that stem cells can be harvested from other sources, such as bone marrow, the lining of the nose, skin cells or other relatively accessible sites (Vierbuchen et al., 2010), and made to grow into brain cells. The benefits in treating brain disorders would be substantial. Patients with spinal cord injuries, as well as those with Parkinson’s disease or Alzheimer’s disease, might some day be cured by treatments that replace damaged or dying neurons with new ones grown from the patients’ own stem cells, but there is still a long way to go before these strategies can be routinely used in the clinic (Lindvall & Kokaia , 2010) .

He was a super man After suffering a spinal cord injury in 1995, Superman actor Christopher Reeve was told he would never again be able to move or feel his body. He refused to accept this gloomy prediction, and after years of devoted adherence to an exercise - oriented rehabilitation program, he regained some movement - by the time of his death in 2004, he was able to feel sensations from most of his body (Blakeslee, 2002). Physicians and physical therapists hope to make such therapy programs even more effective in the future ( for example, Dunlop, 2008; Raineteau, 20083.

Promoting neural plasticity While scientists continue to try to make such therapies a reality, there are things that patients themselves can do to promote the neural plasticity needed to restore lost central nervous system functions. Special mental and physical exercise programs appear useful in ‘rewiring’ the brains of custom page

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neural stem cells special cells in the nervous system that are capable of dividing to form new tissue, including new neurons

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stroke and spinal cord injury patients, thus reversing some forms of paralysis and improving some sensory and cognitive abilities (Sandrow-Feinber & Houle, 2015) ; see the Snapshot ‘He was a super man’ .

LINKAGES Human development and the changing brain Fortunately, most of the changes that take place in the brain throughout life are not the kind associated with damage and disease. Let’s consider these changes and how they are linked to the growth of sensory and motor capabilities, mental abilities and other characteristics described in Chapter 11, ‘Human development’. By conducting anatomical studies, PET scans and functional MRIs, researchers have found that association areas of the cerebral cortex develop later than sensory and motor cortex (Casey, Galvan & Hare, 2005). And they have uncovered some interesting correlations between changes in neural activity and the behaviour of human newborns and young infants. Among newborns, activity is relatively high in the thalamus but low in the striatum. This pattern may be related to the way newborns move: they make non-purposeful, sweeping movements of the arms and legs, much like adults who have a hyperactive thalamus and a degenerated striatum (Chugani & Phelps, 1986). During the second and third months after birth, activity increases in many regions of the cortex, a change that is correlated with the loss of reflexes such as the grasping reflex. When infants are around eight or nine months old, activity in the frontal cortex increases - a development that correlates well with the apparent beginnings of cognitive activity in infants (Chugani & Phelps, 1986). The brain continues to mature even through adolescence, showing evidence of ever more efficient neural communication in its major fibre tracts (Gogtay et al., 2004; Thompson et al., 2000). Diffusion tensor imaging reveals, though, that the connections from the prefrontal cortex to the striatum that are involved in judgement and decision making are not yet fully developed (Asato et al., 2010). Some researchers suggest that these underdeveloped connections may be related to the difficulty that many teenagers have in resisting dangerous peer influences and foreseeing the negative consequences of certain actions (Grosbras et al., 2007). The changes we have described mainly reflect changes in neural connections, not the appearance of new cells. After birth, the number of dendrites and synapses increases. In one area of the cortex, the number of synapses increases tenfold

from birth to 12 months of age (Huttenlocher, 1990). By the time children are six or How do our brains seven years old, their brains change over a have more dendrites and use lifetime? (a link to twice as much metabolic fuel Human Chapter 11, ‘ as those of adults (Chugani development’) & Phelps, 1986). Then, in early adolescence, the number of dendrites and neural connections begins to drop, so that the adult level is reached by about the age of 14 (see Figure 3.17). MRI scans show an actual loss of grey - matter volume in the cortex throughout the adolescent years as adult cognitive abilities develop (Sowell et ah, 2003). In other words, as we reach adulthood, we develop more brainpower with less brain. Throughout the life span, the brain retains its neural plasticity, rewiring itself to form new connections and to eliminate connections too (Hua & Smith, 2004; Kozorovitskiy et al., 2005). Our genes apparently determine the basic pattern of growth and the major lines of connections - the ‘highways’ of the brain and its general architecture. (For a summary of this architecture, see the section ‘ In review: The central nervous system: making sense of the world’.) But the details of the connections depend on experience, including the amount of complexity and stimulation in the environment. For example, researchers have compared the brains of rats raised alone with only a boring view of the side of their cages with the brains of rats raised with interesting toys and stimulating playmates. The cerebral cortex of those from the enriched environment had more and longer dendrites, as well as more synapses and neurotrophic factors, than the cortex of animals from barren, individual housing (Klintsova & Greenough, 1999). Furthermore, the number of cortical synapses increased when isolated animals were moved to an enriched environment. To the extent that these ideas and research findings apply to humans, they hold obvious implications for how people raise children and treat the elderly. In any event, this line of research highlights the interaction of environmental and genetic factors. >>> — 1

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(

FIGURE 3.17 Developmental changes in the cerebral cortex

During childhood, the brain overproduces neural connections, establishes the

usefulness of certain connections, and then ‘ prunes’ the extra ones. Overproduction of synapses, especially in the frontal cortex, may be essential for children to develop certain intellectual abilities. One research team used repeated MRI scans to track the thickness of the cerebral cortex in children of average and exceptionally high intelligence as they grew from age six to 19. There were no differences between groups at the beginning of the study or at the end, but cortical thickness had reached a higher preadolescent peak in the bright youngsters. So adult cognitive ability was correlated not with the final thickness of cortex but with how thick it had once been (Shaw, Greenstein et al., 2006). As described in Chapter 9, ‘Cognitive abilities’, the relationship between intelligence and brain development is not a simple one.

At birth

mmm

Six years old

Fourteen years old

Reprinted by permission of the publisher from The Postnatal Development of the Human Cerebral Cortex, Volumes l -VIII, by Jesse LeRoy Conel, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, Copyright © 1939, 1941, 1947, 1951, 1955 , 1959 , 1963, 1967, by the President and Fellows of Harvard College. Copyright © renewed 1967, 1969, 1975, 1979, 1983, 1987, 1991.

Some overproduced synapses may reflect genetically directed preparation for certain types of experiences. Generation of these synapses is an ‘ experience expectant ’ process, and it accounts for sensitive periods during development when certain things can be most easily learned ( Hensch, 2005). But

overproduction of synapses also occurs in response to totally new experiences; this process is ‘experience dependent’ (Greenough, Black & Wallace, 1987). Within constraints set by genetics, interactions with the world mould the brain itself (for example, Chang & Merzenich, 2003; Holtmaat

et

al., 2006).

o

IN REVIEW The central nervous system: making sense of the world MAJOR BRAIN DIVISIONS SOME IMPORTANT STRUCTURES

Regulates breathing, heart rate and blood

Medulla oblongata Hindbrain

SOME MAJOR FUNCTIONS pressure

Reticular formation (also extends into midbrain)

Regulates arousal and attention

Cerebellum

Controls fine movements and coordinates certain cognitive processes > >>

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MAJOR BRAIN DIVISIONS SOME IMPORTANT STRUCTURES

Midbrain

Forebrain

RESEARCH AREAS

SOME MAJOR FUNCTIONS

Relays sensory signals to forebrain; creates

Various nuclei

automatic responses to certain stimuli

Substantia nigra

Initiates smooth movements

Hypothalamus

Regulates hunger, thirst and sex drives

Thalamus

Interprets and relays sensory information

Hippocampus

Forms new memories

Amygdala

Connects sensations and emotions

Cerebral cortex

Analyses sensory information; controls voluntary movements, abstract thinking and other complex cognitive activity

Corpus callosum

Transfers information between the two cerebral hemispheres

DEVELOPMENTS

METHODS / RESULTS The electroencephalograph ( EEG ) measures general electrical activity. It can associate rapidly changing electrical activity with changes in the activity of the brain, but it cannot tell us exactly where the active cells are.

A positron emission tomography ( PET scan ) can locate cell activity and records images from the brain that indicate the location of the radioactivity as the brain performs various

Exploring the brain

We have developed over time a number of techniques that can indirectly measure the activity of neurons firing in the brain.

tasks. PET scans can tell us a lot about where certain chemical changes in the brain occur, but they reveal only crude information about the details of the brain’s physical structure.

Magnetic resonance imaging , or MRI , exposes the brain to a magnetic field and measures the resulting radio frequency waves to get clear pictures of the brain’s anatomical details. It is capable of detecting changes in blood flow that reflect ongoing changes in the activity of neurons - providing a sort of ‘ moving picture’ of the brain.

Split -brain studies indicate how the hemispheres work together and separately. There is some evidence that indicates the left hemisphere receives Split - brain studies

Neural plasticity

Evidence of sex differences in lateralisation comes from EEG studies and from research on the cognitive abilities of normal men and women, on the effects of brain damage on cognitive function, and on sex differences in brain anatomy before birth. Having two somewhat specialised hemispheres allows the brain to more

information from and controls movements of the right side of the body, and the right hemisphere receives input from and controls the left side of the body (that efficiently perform some tasks, particularly difficult ones, but the differences between the is, the connections are contralateral, or hemispheres should not be exaggerated. ‘opposite sided’).

Neural plasticity is the ability to create new synapses and to change the strength of synapses.

Brain - scanning technology allows researchers to directly observe the effects of neural plasticity. Plasticity occurs throughout the central nervous system. However, its power is limited.

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Check your understanding 1 The oldest part of the brain is the 2 occurs in all parts of the CNS. 3 Memory problems seen in Alzheimer’s disease are related to shrinkage of the

3.4 THE CHEMISTRY OF PSYCHOLOGY We have described how the cells of the nervous system communicate by releasing neurotransmitters at their synapses, and we have outlined some of the basic structures of the nervous system and their functions. Let’s now pull these topics together by considering which neurotransmitters occur in which structures and how neurotransmitters affect behaviour. As we mentioned earlier, different sets of neurons use different neurotransmitters; a group of neurons that communicates using the same neurotransmitter is called a neurotransmitter system . Certain neurotransmitter systems play a dominant role in particular functions , such as emotion or memory, and in particular problems, such as Alzheimer’s disease. Chemical neurotransmission was first demonstrated, in frogs , by Otto Loewi in 1921. Since then, more than 100 different neurotransmitters have been identified .

Three classes of neurotransmitters The neurotransmitters used in the nervous system fall into three main categories, based on their chemical structure: small molecules, peptides and gases. Let’s consider some examples in each category.

Small molecules The small-molecule neurotransmitters were discovered first, partly because they occur in both the central nervous system and the peripheral nervous system .

Acetylcholine Acetylcholine is used by neurons of the parasympathetic nervous system

slow the heartbeat and activate the digestive system, and by neurons that make muscles contract. In the brain , neurons that use acetylcholine (called cholinergic neurons) are especially plentiful in the midbrain and striatum, where they occur in circuits that are important for movement (see Figure 3.18) . Axons of cholinergic neurons also make up major pathways in the limbic system, including the hippocampus, and in other areas of the forebrain that are involved in memory. Drugs that interfere with acetylcholine prevent the formation of new memories. In Alzheimer’s disease, there is a nearly complete loss of cholinergic neurons in a nucleus in the forebrain that sends fibres to the cerebral cortex and hippocampus a nucleus that normally enhances neural plasticity in these regions (Ramanathan, Tuszynski & Conner, 2009) . Three other small-molecule neurotransmitters are known as catecholamines , namely norepinephrine, serotonin and dopamine. to

acetylcholine a neurotransmitter used

by

neurons in the peripheral

and central nervous systems in the control of functions ranging from muscle contraction and heart rate to digestion and memory

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Norepinephrine Norepinephrine , also called noradrenaline , occurs in both the central and peripheral nervous systems.

norepinephrine

In both places, it contributes to arousal. Norepinephrine (and its close relative epinephrine , or adrenaline ) comprises the neurotransmitters used by the sympathetic nervous system to activate you and prepare you for action . Approximately half of the norepinephrine in the entire brain is contained in cells of the locus coeruleus , which is near the reticular formation in the hindbrain (see Figure 3.18) . Because

a neurotransmitter

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involved in arousal as well as in learning and mood

regulation

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FIGURE 3.18 Some neurotransmitter pathways

Neurons that use a certain neurotransmitter may be concentrated in one particular region (indicated by dots) and send fibres into other regions with which they communicate (arrows). Here are examples for three major neurotransmitters. Psychoactive drugs affect behaviour and mental processes by altering these systems. In Chapter 8, ‘Consciousness’, we discuss how drugs of abuse, such as cocaine, affect neurotransmitters. The neurotransmitter effects of therapeutic drugs are described in Chapter 14, ‘Psychological disorders and treatment’. Hippocampus

Cortex

Hippocampus

Cortex

Cortex

Striatum Basal

Striatum

nucleus

Hypothalamus Locus coeruleus

Cerebellum

Substantia

nigra

Acetylcholine

Norepinephrine

Dopamine

norepinephrine systems cover a lot of territory, it is logical that norepinephrine would affect several broad categories of behaviour. Indeed, norepinephrine is involved in the appearance of wakefulness and sleep, in learning and in the regulation of mood.

Serotonin serotonin a neurotransmitter used by

cells in parts of the brain involved in the regulation of sleep, mood and eating

dopamine

Serotonin is similar

norepinephrine in several ways. First , most of the cells that use it as a neurotransmitter occur in an area along the midline of the hindbrain. Second, axons from neurons that use serotonin send branches throughout the forebrain, including the hypothalamus , the hippocampus and the cerebral cortex. Third, serotonin affects sleep and mood. Serotonin differs from norepinephrine, however, in that the brain can get one of the substances from which it is made, tryptophan, directly from food. This means that what you eat can affect the amount of serotonin in your brain. Carbohydrates increase the amount of tryptophan reaching the brain and , in combination with proteins eaten in the same meal , affect how much serotonin is made (Choi et al., 2009). A meal high in carbohydrates produces increased levels of serotonin, which normally causes a reduction in the desire for carbohydrates. Some researchers suspect that malfunctions in the serotonin feedback system are responsible for the disturbances of mood and appetite seen in certain types of obesity, premenstrual tension and depression (Lira et al., 2003; Wurtman & Wurtman, 1995) . Serotonin has also been implicated in aggression and impulse control. One of the most consistently observed relationships between a particular neurotransmitter system and a particular behaviour is the low level of serotonin metabolites in the brains of people who have committed suicide; these people tend to show a combination of depressed mood , self -directed aggression and impulsivity (Bach-Mizrachi et al. , 2006; McCloskey et al. , 2009; Oquendo & Mann, 2000) . Antidepressant medications such as Prozac, Zoloft and Paxil appear to relieve some of the symptoms of depression by acting on serotonin systems to maintain proper levels of this neurotransmitter. to

a neurotransmitter used

in the parts of the brain involved in regulating movement and experiencing

Dopamine

pleasure

movement. Malfunctioning of the dopamine-using (or dopaminergic) system in these regions contributes

Dopamine is the neurotransmitter used in the substantia nigra and striatum, which are important for

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disorders, including Parkinsons disease (Sasaki et al., 2006) . As dopamine cells in the substantia nigra degenerate, people with Parkinson’s disease experience severe shakiness and difficulty in beginning movements. Parkinsons disease is most common in elderly people, and it may result in part from sensitivity to environmental toxins. For example, certain agricultural pesticides may damage dopaminergic neurons (Jenner, 2001). At least two studies have found dramatically higher rates of Parkinsons disease among people who have been exposed to these pesticides as compared with those who were not exposed (Ascherio et al., 2006; Dhillon et al., 2008). Parkinsons disease has been treated , with partial success , using drugs that enable neurons to make more dopamine (Chase, 1998). Permanently implanting an electrode that stimulates neurons in the brains dopamine-influenced motor system offers an even more effective treatment, but also carries a risk of surgical complications (Weaver et al., 2009). Malfunctioning of a separate group of dopaminergic neurons whose axons go to the cerebral cortex may be partly responsible for schizophrenia, a severe disorder in which perception , emotional expression and thought are severely distorted (Marenco & Weinberger, 2000) . Other dopaminergic systems that send axons from the midbrain to the forebrain are important in the experiencing of reward or pleasure (Wise & Rompre, 1989) . Animals will work hard to receive a direct infusion of dopamine into their forebrains. These dopamine systems play a role in the rewarding properties of many drugs, including cocaine. In fact, current theories of addiction suggest that the normal mechanisms of reward-based learning are exploited by these drugs and that dopaminergic systems play an important role in the process (Hyman , Malenka & Nestler, 2006) . Two other small-molecule neurotransmitters GABA and glutamate are amino acids. to movement

—

—

Gamma - amino butyric acid ( GABA )

-

Neurons in widespread regions of the brain use gamma amino butyric acid (GABA ) . GABA (‘ga-buh’) reduces the likelihood that postsynaptic neurons will fire an action potential. In fact , it is the major inhibitory neurotransmitter in the central nervous system . When you fall asleep, neurons that use GABA deserve part of the credit. Drugs that cause reduced neural activity often do so by amplifying the ‘braking’ action of GABA. In the case of alcohol , for example, the result is an impairment of thinking, judgement and motor skills. Malfunctioning of GABA systems contributes to a variety of disorders, including severe anxiety and Huntington’s disease, an inherited and incurable disorder whose symptoms include uncontrollable jerky movement of the arms and legs, along with dementia . Huntington’s disease results in the loss of many GABA-containing neurons in the striatum . Normally, these GABA systems inhibit dopamine systems , and so when they are lost through Huntington’s disease the dopamine systems may run wild, impairing many motor and cognitive functions. Because drugs that block GABA receptors produce intense repetitive electrical discharges, known as seizures , researchers suspect that malfunctioning GABA systems probably contribute to epilepsy, a brain disorder associated with seizures and convulsive movements. Repeated or sustained seizures can result in permanent brain damage. Drug treatments can reduce the frequency and severity of seizures but do not eliminate them and may cause undesirable side effects. An alternative treatment approach may some day come from optogenetics,a developing field of neuroscience in which the genes of light-sensitive plant proteins are inserted into animal neurons (Airan et al., 2009) . This procedure allows the firing of these neurons to be increased or decreased by shining a particular kind of light on them, and there is already some evidence that this procedure is capable of stopping seizure activity in animal brain cells (Tonneson et al., 2009). If this strategy can be adapted for use in humans, it would provide welcome relief for millions of people with epilepsy.

gamma -amino butyric acid (GABA) a neurotransmitter that

inhibits the firing of neurons

glutamate an excitatory

Glutamate

neurotransmitter that

Glutamate is the major excitatory neurotransmitter in the central nervous system. It is used by more neurons than any other neurotransmitter, and its synapses are especially plentiful in the cerebral cortex custom page

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helps strengthen synaptic connections between neurons

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and the hippocampus. Glutamate is particularly important because it plays a major role in the ability of the brain to strengthen its synaptic connections, allowing messages to cross the synapse more easily This strengthening process is necessary for normal development and may be at the root of learning and memory ( Newpher & Ehlers, 2008) . At the same time, overactivity of glutamate synapses can cause neurons to die. In fact, this overactivity is the main cause of the brain damage that occurs when oxygen is cut off from neurons during a stroke. Glutamate can ‘excite neurons to death’, so blocking glutamate receptors immediately after a brain trauma can prevent permanent brain damage (Colak et al., 2003). Studies have revealed that glutamate helps glial cells provide energy for neurons (Rouach et al., 2008) .

Peptides

endorphins a class of neurotransmitters that bind to opiate receptors and

moderate pain

Hundreds of chemicals called peptides have been found to act as neurotransmitters. The first of these was discovered in the 1970s, when scientists were investigating opiates, such as heroin and morphine. Opiates can relieve pain, produce feelings of elation and , in high doses, bring on sleep. After marking morphine with a radioactive substance, researchers traced where it became concentrated in the brain . They found that opiates bind to receptors that are not associated with any known neurotransmitter. Given it was unlikely that the brain had developed opiate receptors just in case a person might want to use morphine or heroin, researchers reasoned that the body must already contain a substance similar to opiates. This hypothesis led to the search for a naturally occurring, or endogenous, morphine, which was called endorphin (short for endogenous morphine ). As it turned out , there are many natural opiate-like compounds, and so the term endorphins refers to all neurotransmitters that can bind to the same receptors stimulated by opiates. Neurons in several parts of the brain use endorphins, including neuronal pathways that modify pain signals to the brain .

Gases The concept of what neurotransmitters can be was radically altered following the discovery that nitric oxide and carbon monoxide two toxic gases that contribute to air pollution can act as neurotransmitters (Boehning & Snyder, 2003) .When nitric oxide or carbon monoxide is released by a neuron , it spreads to nearby neurons, sending a signal that affects chemical reactions inside those neurons rather than binding to receptors on their surface. Nitric oxide is not stored in vesicles, as most other neurotransmitters are; it can be released from any part of the neuron . Nitric oxide appears to be one of the neurotransmitters responsible for such diverse functions as penile erection and the formation of memories not at the same site, obviously. ( For a summary of the main neurotransmitters and the consequences of malfunctioning neurotransmitter systems , see the section ‘In review: The chemistry of psychology’.)

—

—

—

o

N REVIEW The chemistry of psychology NEUROTRANSMITTER CLASS

NORMAL FUNCTION

DISORDER ASSOCIATED WITH MALFUNCTION

Small molecules

Alzheimer’s disease

Serotonin

Memory, movement Mood, sleep, learning Mood, appetite, impulsivity

Dopamine

Movement, reward

Parkinson’s disease, schizophrenia

Acetylcholine Norepinephrine

Depression Depression >>>

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>>>

NORMAL FUNCTION

NEUROTRANSMITTER CLASS

DISORDER ASSOCIATED WITH MALFUNCTION

Glutamate

Sleep, movement Memory

Anxiety, Huntington’s disease, epilepsy Damage after stroke

Peptides Endorphins

Pain control

No established disorder

Memory

No established disorder

GABA

Gases

Nitric oxide

Check your understanding 1 The main neurotransmitter for slowing, or inhibiting, brain activity is 2 A group of neurons that use the same neurotransmitter is called a 3 Which neurotransmitter ’s activity causes brain damage during a stroke?

3.5 THE ENDOCRINE SYSTEM : COORDINATING THE INTERNAL WORLD As we mentioned earlier, neurons are not the only cells that can use chemicals to communicate with one another in ways that affect behaviour and mental processes. Another class of cells with this ability resides in the endocrine system, which regulates functions ranging from stress responses to physical growth . The cells of endocrine organs , or glands, communicate by secreting chemicals, much as neurons do. In the case of endocrine organs, the chemicals are called hormones. Figure 3.19 shows the location and functions of some of the major endocrine glands.

endocrine system cells that form organs called glands and that communicate with one another

by secreting

chemicals called hormones

glands organs that secrete

Hormones

hormones into the bloodstream

Hormones secreted from the endocrine organs are similar to neurotransmitters. In fact, many of these chemicals , including norepinephrine and the endorphins, act both as hormones and as neurotransmitters. However, whereas neurons release neurotransmitters into synapses, endocrine organs release their chemicals into the bloodstream, which carries them throughout the body. In this way, endocrine glands can stimulate cells with which they have no direct connection . But not all cells receive the hormonal message. Hormones, like neurotransmitters, can influence only cells with receptors capable of receiving them . Organs whose cells have receptors for a hormone are called

target organs. Each hormone acts on many target organs, producing coordinated effects throughout the body. For example, when the sex hormone oestrogen is secreted by a woman’s ovaries, it activates her reproductive system . It causes the uterus to grow in preparation for nurturing an embryo; it enlarges the breasts to prepare them for nursing; it stimulates the brain to enhance interest in sexual activity; and it stimulates the pituitary gland to release another hormone that causes a mature egg to be released by the ovary for fertilisation . Male sex organs, called the testes, secrete androgens, which are sex hormones such as testosterone. Androgens stimulate the maturation of sperm, increase a male’s motivation for sexual activity, and increase his aggressiveness ( Romeo, Richardson & Sisk , 2002) .

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hormones chemicals secreted by a gland into the bloodstream, which carries them throughout the body

Chapter 2 : Biological Aspects of Psychology

FIGURE 3.19 Some major glands of the endocrine system

Each of the glands shown releases its hormones into the bloodstream. Even the hypothalamus, a part of the brain, regulates the nearby pituitary gland by secreting hormones.

Hypothalamus controls the pituitary gland

Pituitary

regulates growth; controls the thyroid,

ovaries or testes, pancreas and adrenal

Thyroid controls the metabolic rate

cortex; regulates water

and salt metaholism

Adrenal cortex

regulates carbohydrate and

Pancreas controls levels of insulin and glucagon; regulates sugar

salt metabolism Adrenal medulla prepares the body for action

metabolism

Ovaries (female) affect physical

Testes (male) -

development, reproductive

affect physical

development, reproductive

organs and sexual behaviour

organs and sexual behaviour

iStockphoto.com/4x6; Paul Radenfeld/Digital Vision/Getty Images

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Can differences between hormones in men and women account for some of the differences between the sexes?

Can differences between hormones in men and women account for some of the differences between the sexes? During development and in adulthood, sex differences in hormones are relative rather than absolute. In other words, both men and women have androgens and oestrogens, but men have relatively higher concentrations of androgens and women have relatively higher concentrations of oestrogens. There is plenty of evidence from animal studies that the presence of higher concentrations of androgens in males during development , at around the time of birth and at puberty, leads to both structural sex differences in the brain and sex differences in adult behaviours (Gooren & Kruijver, 2002) . Other animal studies suggest that oestrogens may contribute to the development of the female brain (Bakker et al. , 2003) . It is likely that humans, too, are affected by hormones early in development. For example, studies of girls who were exposed to high levels of androgens before birth found that they were later more aggressive than their sisters who had not had such exposure (Berenbaum & Resnick, 1997) . As shown in Figure 1.1 in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’ , MRI studies have revealed specific brain regions that function differently in men and women . However, such sex differences may not be simple, inevitable or caused by the actions of hormones alone. Most likely, the sex differences we see in behaviour depend not only on hormones but also on complex interactions of biological and social forces, as described in Chapter 10,

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‘Motivation and emotion’. For example, if young boys are encouraged to play sports while young girls are encouraged to play with dolls , this will help to develop cognitive abilities and thus brain

—

—

regions associated with spatial processing and communication, respectively. Consequently, sex differences in abilities and brain function may be at least partially the result of social influences. However, it is also likely that existing biological differences will make it more likely that a child will choose to engage in certain activities.

The role of the brain The brain has ultimate control over the secretion of hormones.Through the hypothalamus, it controls the pituitary gland, which in turn controls endocrine organs in the body. The brain is also one of the target organs for most endocrine secretions. In fact, the brain creates some of the same hormones that are secreted in the endocrine system and uses them for neural communication (Compagnone & Mellon , 2000) . In summary, the endocrine system typically involves four elements: the brain, the pituitary gland, an endocrine organ and the target organs, which include the brain. Each element in the system uses hormones to signal to the next element, and the secretion of each hormone is stimulated or suppressed by other hormones (Dubrovsky, 2005) . In stress hormone systems , for example, the brain controls the pituitary gland by signalling the hypothalamus to release hormones that stimulate receptors of the pituitary gland, which secretes another hormone, which stimulates another endocrine gland to secrete its hormones. More specifically, when the brain interprets a situation as threatening, the pituitary releases adrenocorticotropic hormone ( ACTH ) , which causes the adrenal glands to release the hormone cortisol into the bloodstream .These hormones, in turn, act on cells throughout the body, including the brain . One effect of cortisol , for example, is to activate the emotion-related limbic system, making it more likely that you will remember stressful or traumatic events (Cahill & McGaugh , 1998). The combined effects of the adrenal hormones and the activation of the sympathetic system result in a set of responses called the fight-or- flight syndrome (also known as the fight- flight reaction) , which, as mentioned earlier, prepares us for action in response to danger or other stress. With these hormones at high levels, the heart beats faster, the liver releases glucose into the bloodstream, fuels are mobilised from fat stores, and we usually enter a state of high arousal.

Feedback systems The hormones provide feedback to the brain, as well as to the pituitary gland . Just as a thermostat and furnace regulate heat, this feedback system regulates hormone secretion so as to keep it within a certain range. If a hormone rises above a certain level, feedback about this situation signals the brain and pituitary to stop stimulating that hormone’s secretion. After the immediate threat is over, feedback about cortisol’s action in the brain and in the pituitary stops the secretion of ACTH and , in turn , cortisol. Because the feedback suppresses further action, this arrangement is called a negative feedback system . Feedback systems are just one illustration of how the nervous system and the endocrine system both systems of communication between and among cells are integrated to form the biological basis for a smoothly functioning self. Together, they allow the interaction of our thoughts and emotions and provide us with the ability to respond to life’s challenges and opportunities with purposeful and adaptive behaviour.

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fight- or- flight syndrome (fight- flight reaction) a physical reaction triggered by the

sympathetic nervous system that prepares the body to fight or to run from a threatening situation

Chapter 2 : Biological Aspects of Psychology

O

N REVIEW The endocrine system: coordinating the internal world ASPECT

System as a whole

ROLE

Regulates functions ranging from stress response to physical growth. Made up of glands that communicate with each other via chemicals called hormones. The brain has ultimate control over the secretion of hormones. For example, in physical development, the brain controls the pituitary gland by signalling the hypothalamus to release hormones that stimulate receptors of the pituitary gland, which secretes another hormone, which stimulates another endocrine gland to secrete its hormones.

The brain

Governs stress reactions like the fight - or - flight syndrome (fight -flight reaction), a physical reaction triggered by the sympathetic nervous system and which prepares the body to fight or to run from a threatening situation. Provide feedback to the brain and to the pituitary gland; this is a negative feedback system.

Hormones

Check your understanding 1 Neurons and are communication chemicals used within the human system and affect behaviour and mental processes. 2

The pituitary gland releases

., which causes

the adrenal glands to release the hormone

into the

bloodstream. 3

systems are just one illustration of how the nervous system and the endocrine system are integrated to form the

biological basis for a smoothly functioning self.

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CHAPTER REVIEW LINKAGES Chapter 11, ‘Human development’. The ‘Linkages’ diagram shows ties to two other subfields as well, and there are many more ties throughout the book. Looking for linkages among subfields will help you see how they all fit together and help you better appreciate the big picture that is psychology.

As noted in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’, all of psychology’s subfields are related to one another. Our discussion of developmental changes illustrates just one way in which the topic of this chapter, the biological aspects of psychology, is linked to the subfield of developmental psychology, which is described in

CHAPTER 3

r

Does the brain shut down when we sleep ?

Biological aspects of psychology

LINKAGES How do our brains change over a lifetime ?

How do drugs help people diagnosed with

schizophrenia ?

CHAPTER 8

Consciousness

CHAPTER 11 Human development

CHAPTER 14 Psychological disorders

and treatment

ONLINE STUDY RESOURCES Visit http:/ /login.cengagebrain.com and use the access code that comes with this book for 12 months access to the resources and study tools for this chapter.

The CourseMateExpress website contains: • • • •

revision quizzes

• • •

concept maps

graduate attribute information videos

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web links flashcards and more.

t CourseMateExpress

Chapter 2 : Biological Aspects of Psychology

SUMMARY Biological psychology focuses on the biological aspects of our being, including the nervous system, which provide the physical basis for behaviour and mental processes.

THE NERVOUS SYSTEM •

•

•

When an action potential reaches the end of an axon, the axon releases a chemical called a neurotransmitter. This chemical crosses the synapse and interacts with the postsynaptic cell at special sites called neural receptors. This interaction creates a postsynaptic potential - either an excitatory postsynaptic potential (EPSP) or an inhibitory postsynaptic potential (IPSP) - that makes the postsynaptic cell more likely or less likely to fire an action potential of its own. So whereas communication within a neuron is electrochemical, communication between neurons is chemical. Because the fibres of neurons have many branches, each neuron can interact with thousands of other neurons. Each neuron constantly integrates signals received at its many synapses; the result of this integration determines how often the neuron fires an action potential. Neurons are organised in neural networks of closely connected cells. Sensory systems receive information from the environment, and motor systems influence the actions of muscles and other organs. The two major divisions of the nervous system are the

The nervous system is a system of cells that allows an organism to gain information about what is going on inside and outside the body and to respond appropriately. The main units of the nervous system are cells called neurons and glial cells. Neurons are especially good at receiving signals from and transmitting signals to other neurons. Neurons have cell bodies and two types of fibres, called axons and dendrites. Axons usually carry signals away from the cell body, and dendrites usually carry signals to the cell body. Neurons can transmit signals because of the structure of these fibres, the excitable surface of some of the fibres, and the synapses, or gaps, between cells. The membranes of neurons normally keep the distribution of electrically charged ions uneven between the inside of cells and the outside, creating an electrochemical force, or potential. The membrane surface of the axon can transmit a disturbance in this potential, called an action potential, from one end of the axon to the other. The speed of the action potential is fastest in neurons sheathed in myelin. Between firings there is a very brief rest, called a

central nervous system (CNS), which includes the brain and spinal cord, and the peripheral nervous system (PNS).

refractory period.

THE PERIPHERAL NERVOUS SYSTEM : KEEPING IN TOUCH WITH THE WORLD • •

The PNS has two components: the somatic nervous system and the autonomic nervous system (ANS). The somatic nervous system transmits information from the senses to the CNS via sensory neurons and carries signals from the CNS via motor neurons to the muscles that move the skeleton.

•

The autonomic nervous system (ANS) has two subsystems, the sympathetic nervous system and the parasympathetic nervous system, which carry messages back and forth between the CNS and the heart, lungs and other organs and glands.

THE CENTRAL NERVOUS SYSTEM : MAKING SENSE OF THE WORLD •

•

•

The CNS is laid out in interconnected groups of neuronal cell bodies, called nuclei, whose collections of axons travel together in fibre tracts, or pathways. The spinal cord receives information from the peripheral senses and sends it to the brain; it also relays messages from the brain to the periphery. In addition, cells of the spinal cord can direct simple behaviours, called reflexes, without instructions from the brain. The brain’s major subdivisions are the hindbrain, midbrain and forebrain. The hindbrain includes the medulla oblongata , the locus coeruleus and the cerebellum. The midbrain includes

the substantia nigra. The reticular formation is found in both the hindbrain and the midbrain. The forebrain is the largest and most highly developed part of the brain; it includes many structures, including the hypothalamus and thalamus. A part of the hypothalamus called the suprachiasmatic nuclei maintains a clock that determines biological rhythms. Other forebrain structures include the striatum, hippocampus and amygdala . Several of these structures form the limbic system, which plays an important role in regulating emotion and memory. The outer surface of the cerebral hemispheres is called the cerebral cortex; it is responsible for many of the higher

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functions of the brain, including speech and reasoning. The functional areas of the cortex include the sensory cortex, motor cortex and association cortex. • The functions of the right and left hemispheres of the cerebral cortex show a certain degree of lateral dominance, or lateralisation, which means they are somewhat specialised. In most people, the left hemisphere is more active in language and logical tasks, and the right hemisphere is more active

•

in spatial, musical and artistic tasks. The hemispheres are connected through the corpus callosum, allowing them to operate in a coordinated fashion. Neural plasticity in the CNS, the ability to strengthen neural connections at its synapses as well as to establish new synapses, forms the basis for learning and memory. Scientists are searching for ways to increase neural plasticity following brain damage, including through the use of neural stem cells.

THE CHEMISTRY OF PSYCHOLOGY • •

are involved in movement, motivation and higher cognitive

Neurons that use the same neurotransmitter form a neurotransmitter system. There are three classes of neurotransmitters: small molecules, peptides and gases. Acetylcholine systems in the brain influence memory processes and movement. Norepinephrine is released by neurons whose axons spread widely throughout the brain; it is involved in arousal, mood and learning. Serotonin, another widespread neurotransmitter, is active in systems regulating mood and appetite. Dopamine systems

activities. Both Parkinson’s disease and schizophrenia involve a disturbance of dopamine systems. Gamma - amino butyric acid (GABA) is an inhibitory neurotransmitter involved in anxiety and epilepsy. Glutamate is the most common excitatory neurotransmitter. It is involved in learning and memory and, in excess, may cause neuronal death. Endorphins are peptide neurotransmitters that affect pain pathways. Nitric oxide and carbon monoxide are gases that function as neurotransmitters.

THE ENDOCRINE SYSTEM : COORDINATING THE INTERNAL WORLD •

times of stress. Hormones also affect brain development, contributing to sex differences in the brain and behaviour. Negative feedback systems are involved in the control of most endocrine functions. The brain is the main controller. Through the hypothalamus, it controls the pituitary gland, which in turn controls endocrine organs in the body. The brain is also a target organ for most endocrine secretions.

Like nervous system cells, those of the endocrine system communicate by releasing a chemical that signals to other cells. However, the chemicals released by endocrine organs, or glands, are called hormones and are carried by the bloodstream to remote target organs. The target organs often produce a coordinated response to hormonal stimulation. One of these responses is the fight- or- flight syndrome, which is triggered by adrenal hormones that prepare for action in

TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE Select the best answer for each of the following questions, then check your responses against the ‘Answer key’ at the end of the book. 1

A nurse has mixed up some test results on neurotransmitter function for several patients at the hospital where you work. To help her out, you tell her that the depressed patient’s chart will probably show malfunctions in systems and the Parkinson’s patient’s chart will probably show malfunctions

locate the causes of particular mental processes

d

locate where certain emotions take place in the brain

a

dopamine; norepinephrine

b

dopamine; acetylcholine

As you switch on your favourite TV medical show, a doctor charges through the emergency room doors and tells a worried spouse that her husband has a neurological problem. ‘The nerves that carry signals to his muscles are not functioning’, the doctor says, ‘which means the nervous system has been damaged’,

c

serotonin; dopamine

a

central

d

acetylcholine; norepinephrine

b

autonomic

Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) provides a way

c

somatic

to

d

sympathetic

in

2

c

3

systems,

a

directly measure brain cell activity

b

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4 Sam finishes a difficult final exam, then hurries home and flops down on her bed to relax. As Sam relaxes, her nervous system becomes less active, whereas her nervous system becomes more active. a

central; somatic

b

somatic; central

a

Sperry’s

c

parasympathetic; sympathetic

b

Broca’s

d

sympathetic; parasympathetic

c

Wernicke’s

d

Sylva’s

5 A neuron’s action potential shoots down its axon with greater speed when the

6

8 Ric, an actor, is recovering following a freak accident on the set of his latest movie. When asked about the accident, Ric, once a confident and fluent speaker, can now only say, ‘Noise ... acting ... hurts’. The part of Ric’s brain most likely involved in this type of speech problem is area.

a

axon is coated in myelin

b

refractory period is longer

c

neuron s

d

neuron is in the brain

’

9 Joe experienced such severe seizures that doctors had to sever his corpus callosum. Following surgery, a psychologist presented the left hemisphere of Joe’s brain with a picture of a car and asked Joe what he saw. Most likely,

diameter is smaller

Joe could

Riley was an excellent pianist until he suffered brain damage. Now problems with fine motor skills make it impossible for him to play the piano. Riley most likely had damage to his a

cerebellum

b

hippocampus

c

hypothalamus

d

a

correctly say ‘car’

b

not identify

c

only draw a car

d

not understand

7 A woman was rushed to emergency with severely burned hands. She had picked up an iron because she couldn’t tell it was hot, and she still doesn’t feel pain from her burns. The neurologist who examined her concluded that the woman’s system is malfunctioning. sensory

b

motor

c

autonomic

d

parasympathetic

the question

10 India is creating a study sheet to help her learn the differences between neurotransmitters and hormones. Which of the following statements on her list is not correct? a

Neurotransmitters travel through the bloodstream and hormones travel across synapses,

b

Both hormones and neurotransmitters stimulate only those cells and organs that have receptors for them,

c

Hormones and neurotransmitters regulate complex behaviours and mental processes,

d

Hormones operate mainly in the endocrine system; neurotransmitters operate mainly in the nervous system.

reticular formation

a

the car in words

TALKING POINTS Here are a few talking points to help you summarise this chapter for family and friends without giving a lecture.

1

Biological processes shape us, but they don’t enslave us; addiction may have a biological basis, but people with

its activity but are not necessarily able to pinpoint the exact location of particular thoughts or feelings.

addictions can overcome their habits. 2

5

If any part of the nervous system is damaged, the ability normally handled by that part will be impaired or destroyed.

3 There are reflexes in the nervous system that allow us to react so quickly to a sudden pain that we can escape the danger even before our brains know about it. 4 Brain-scanning techniques such as functional magnetic resonance imaging provide clear pictures of the brain and

Each side of the brain is somewhat better than the other at some tasks, but both sides can do most things well; people are not ‘ right -brained’ or ‘left - brained’ the way they are right handed or left - handed.

6 The brain can change in response to damage or experience; piano lessons can increase the number of brain cells devoted to touch, for example.

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FURTHER READING Now that you have finished reading this chapter, how about exploring some of the topics and information that you found most interesting. Here are some places to start.

RECOMMENDED BOOKS David Bainbridge, Beyond the Zonules ofZInn: A Fantastic Journey through Your Brain (Harvard University Press, 2008) - the title says it all.

V. S. Ramachandran, Phantoms in the Brain : Probing the Mysteries of the Human Mind (Quill, 1999) - a doctor explores neurological disorders.

Katrina Firlik, Another Day in the Frontal Lobe: A Brain Surgeon Exposes Life on the Inside (Random House, 2007) - a neurosurgeon talks about her work and life.

Oliver Sacks, The Man Who Mistook His Wife for a Hat , and Other Clinical Tales (1985, Summit Books) - a fascinating collection of neuropsychological case studies.

Bonnie Sherr Klein, Slow Dance : A Story of Stroke, Love, and Disability ( PageMill Press, 1998) - a personal account of recovery from a series of strokes.

Steven Pinker, How the Mind Works ( Norton, 1997) - brain and behaviour.

CHAPTER REFERENCES Ackermann, H. & Brendel, B. (2016). Cerebellar contributions to speech and language. In Gregory Hickock and Steven L. Small, Neurobiology of Language (pp. 73-84). San Diego: Academic Press.

Bareyre, F. M., Kerschensteiner, M., Raineteau, O., Mettenleiter, T. C., & Schwab, M. E. (2004). The injured spinal cord spontaneously forms a new intraspinal circuit in adult rats. Nature Neuroscience, 7, 269 - 277.

Airan, R. D., Thompson, K. R., Fenno, L. E., Bernstein, H., & Deisseroth, K. (2009). Temporally precise in vivo control of intracellular signaling. Nature, 458, 1025-1029. Epub 2009 Mar 1018.

Barres, B. A. (2008). The mystery and magic of glia: A perspective on their roles in health and disease. Neuron, 60, 430 - 440.

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ANSWERS TO ' IN REVIEW ' AND 'TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE' QUESTIONS Biological aspects of psychology In review The nervous system 1 neurotransmitter, synapse; 2 receive, process, act on;

3 neurons, glial cells

The peripheral nervous system: keeping in touch with the world 1 peripheral, central; 2 somatic, central, central; 3 autonomic,

central The central nervous system: making sense of the world

1 hindbrain; 2 plasticity; 3 hippocampus The chemistry of psychology

1 GABA; 2 neurotransmitter system; 3 glutamate The endocrine system: coordinating the internal world

1 hormones; 2 ACTH, cortisol; 3 feedback Test your knowledge 1c, 2b, 3 c, 4 d, 5a, 6a, 7a, 8b, 9b, 10 a

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Chapter 3

SENSATION AND PERCEPTION You can understand what you read in this sentence because the lines and squiggles that make up its letters somehow become meaningful words. This ‘somehow’ is what sensation and perception are all about. You translate incoming stimulation, such as the light bouncing off this page, into neural activity called sensations . Then you interpret these sensations as meaningful experiences called perceptions - in this case, as letters and words. These amazing processes are so quick and automatic that you probably take them for granted. In this chapter, we draw your attention to them. You will learn about how our sensory systems receive stimulation and how they encode that stimulation into patterns of nerve activity that the brain can decode. You will also discover how the brain interprets, or perceives, this information from your senses.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES 4.6 outline perception and the computational, constructivist and ecological approaches to

On completion of this chapter, you should be able to: 4.1 outline sensation and the sensory systems

explaining perception

4.2 describe the physical characteristics and psychological dimensions involved in hearing

4.7 describe the basic processes involved in perceptual

organisation

4.3 describe the physical characteristics and psychological dimensions involved in vision

4.8 outline how we recognise and organise perceptual information

4.4 outline the different types of chemical senses 4.5 describe the cutaneous senses and the vestibular system

4.9 explain the key processes involved in attention.

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY 1 If you stare at a bright red pattern and then look at a white screen, why do you see a green afterimage ? 2

Why does food taste bland when you have a cold or flu ?

3

Do pheromones affect human sexual behaviour ?

4

How do airport security screeners use perception to detect a bomb or other weapon ?

I CourseMateExpress

Bring your learning to life with interactive study and exam preparation tools that support your textbook. CourseMate Express includes quizzes, videos, concept maps and more.

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Chapter 3: Sensation and Perception

PSYCHOLOGICAL LITERACY AND GRADUATE ATTRIBUTES (GAs) In this chapter you are introduced to the topics of sensation and perception, specifically: (GA 1) Discipline knowledge and its application: The topic of sensation sits functionally between the topics of biology and perception, and in particular addresses the first step in how we ‘make sense’ of the environment in which we hope to survive. The topic of perception sits functionally between the topics of sensation and ‘the rest of’ cognition, and in particular addresses the second step in processing information from the environment. (GA 2) Research methods: This chapter introduces a variety of research methods utilised in the study of sensation and perception, with a particular focus in the discussion on acupuncture and psychophysics. In the ‘Focus on research methods’ section we discuss a simple but elegant experimental design that allows detection of the efFects of covert attention on information processing. (GA 3) Critical and creative thinking: The ‘ Thinking critically’ section on acupuncture weighs the evidence for and against this technique being anything more than a placebo efFect, and asks whether we need to be thinking about the ‘ bigger picture’ of why this technique may work. In terms of GA 4 (values and ethics ) and GA6 (learning and application), we ask you whether, knowing something about the nature of sensation and perception after reading this chapter,

you would challenge any of the following statements, rather than accepting them at face

value:

•

What

we see or

reality. •

• •

feel directly corresponds to

Colourblind people only see in shades of grey. Synaesthesia (for example, being able to ‘see’ a sound or ‘taste’ a shape ) reflects magical powers. Perfect pitch cannot be learned. The issuing of warnings of adverse weather events such as cyclones or tornadoes is based entirely on the physical data available to meteorologists. Newborn babies do not have innate propensities to process meaningful stimuli such as faces - they have to learn from

experience. Everyone , regardless of cultural background, perceives the

visual world in the same way . The use of hands - free mobile phones while driving does not interfere with the process of driving safely. Will you feel morally obliged to use your communication and interpersonal skills (GA 5) to convince the person who made such statements that they need to rethink them, in light of what is known about sensation and perception? If that person is you, will you have the motivation to update your opinion or misconception in light of your new knowledge? These dispositions are a crucial component of psychological literacy .

INTRODUCTION Years ago, Fred Aryee lost his right arm below the elbow in a boating accident, yet he still ‘feels’ his missing arm and hand (Shreeve, 1993) . Like Fred, many people who have lost an arm or a leg continue to feel itching and other sensations from a ‘phantom limb’ (Glummarra et al. , 2007; Ramachandran, 2008) . When asked to ‘move’ it, they can feel it move, and some people feel intense pain when their missing hand suddenly seems to tighten into a fist , digging non-existent fingernails into a phantom palm . Worse, they may not be able to ‘open’ this hand to relieve the pain. To try to help these people, scientists have seated them in front of a mirror and then angled the mirror to create the illusion that the amputated arm and hand have been restored . When these patients move their real hands while looking in the mirror, they not only ‘feel’ movement in their phantom hands but can also ‘unclench’ their phantom fists and stop their intense pain ( Hsu & Cohen , 2013) . This clever strategy arose from research on how vision interacts with the sense of touch. TRY THIS 'Si To experience this kind of interaction yourself, sit across a table from someone and ask that person to stroke the tabletop while stroking your knee under the table in exactly the same way, in exactly the same direction . If you watch the person’s hand as it strokes the table, you will soon experience the touch sensations coming from the table, not your knee! If the person ’s two hands do not move in sync, however, the illusion will not occur (Tsakiris & Haggard, 2005) .

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CHAPTER OUTLINE Sensory systems Hearing Vision The chemical senses: smell and taste

Cutaneous senses and the vestibular system

Perception Organising the perceptual world Recognising the perceptual world Attention

Chapter 3: Sensation and Perception

Where do ‘phantom limb’ sensations and perceptions come from ? Fred no longer has fingers on his right side to send messages to the brain, yet when he tries to grasp objects with his missing hand, he experiences the ‘feeling’ of objects as real. Others who have lost, say, a left arm feel that they now have two right arms (Cipriani et ah , 2011) . These cases remind us that the ‘objective reality’ we assume to be the same for everyone can actually differ from person to person (Bartoshuk, Fast & Snyder, 2005) . Just as someone can feel a hand that isn ’t actually ‘there’, every individual’s senses actively shape information about the outside world to create a personal reality. Traditionally, psychologists have distinguished between sensation the initial message from the senses and perception , the process through which messages from the senses are given meaning. They point out, for example, that you do not actually sense a cat lying on the sofa; you sense shapes and colours visual sensations.You then use your knowledge of the world to interpret, or perceive, these sensations as a cat. However, it is impossible to draw a clear line between sensation and perception , partly because the process of interpreting sensations begins in the sense organs themselves.

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4.1 SENSORY SYSTEMS sense a system that translates information from outside the nervous system into neural activity

sensations messages from the senses that make up the raw information that affects many kinds of behaviour and mental processes

To understand how your own sensory systems create your own personal reality, you have to understand something about the senses themselves. A sense is a system that translates information from outside the nervous system into neural activity. For example, vision is the system through which the eyes convert light into nerve cell activity. This activity tells the brain something about the source of the light (that it is bright or dim, for example) or about objects from which the light is reflected (say, that the object is round and red) . These messages from the senses, called sensations, provide a map of the world outside the brain . This map is vital because what we see, hear, smell, taste and touch shapes many aspects of our behaviour and mental processes, and helps us adapt and survive in our environment. Each sense gives us information about the world by responding to a specific kind of energy, such as sound , light , heat or physical pressure. The eyes respond to light energy, the ears respond to the energy of sound, and the skin responds to the energy of heat and pressure. Humans are especially dependent on vision, hearing and the skin senses to get information about the world; we depend less than other animals on smell and taste. To your brain, ‘the world’ also includes the rest of your body, and there are sensory systems that provide information about its movement and position .

How we sense

accessory structures structures, such as

the lens

of the eye, that modify a stimulus

transduction the process of converting incoming energy into neural activity

All of these senses respond to incoming stimulus energy, encode it in the form of nerve cell activity, and send this coded information to the brain . Figure 4.1 illustrates the basic steps in sensation . At each step, sensory information is ‘processed’ in some way. So the information that arrives at one point in the system is not quite the same as the information that goes to the next step. In some sensory systems, the first step in sensation involves accessory structures, which reshape the light or sound or other energy that comes to us from the environment (step 1 in Figure 4.1) . For example, the outer part of the ear is an accessory structure that helps to collect and redirect sound . The lens of the eye is an accessory structure, too; it changes incoming light by focusing it. The second step in sensation is transduction , which is the process of converting incoming energy into nerve cell activity (step 2 in Figure 4.1) . Just as your mobile phone receives electromagnetic

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Chapter 3: Sensation and Perception

FIGURE 4.1 Elements of a sensory system In each sensory system, energy from the world is focused by accessory structures and detected by sensory receptors, which convert the energy into nerve cell activity. The pattern of activity in nerve cells acts as a signal that is relayed to and through the brain, which processes it into perceptual experience. Energy contains information about the world.

1

1. Accessory structure modifies energy.

2. Receptor transduces energy into neural activity.

3. Sensory nerves transfer the neural activity to the central nervous system.

5. Cerebral cortex receives input and produces the sensation and perception.

4. Thalamus processes and

relays the neural activity to the cerebral cortex.

energy and transduces it into sounds, your ears receive sound energy and transduce it into the nerve cell activity that you recognise as voices, music, noise and other auditory experiences. Transduction takes place in neural receptors, which are specialised cells that respond to certain forms of energy. Neural receptors are somewhat like the neurons that we describe in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’. Like neurons, they respond to incoming energy by firing an action potential that causes the release of neurotransmitters, which are chemical messengers that carry signals to neighbouring nerve cells. (Some neural receptors differ from neurons, in that they may not have the axons and dendrites seen in neurons.) Neural receptors respond best to changes in energy (Graziano et ah , 2002) . A constant level of stimulation usually produces sensory adaptation, a condition in which responsiveness to an unchanging stimulus decreases over time. So shortly after you have put on your glasses or wristwatch , you no longer notice any touch sensations coming from them . Sensory adaptation also occurs when you have been in a foul-smelling room for a while: for you , the odour will have almost disappeared , but for someone arriving from outside, the change in stimulation will hit like a ton of bricks. Next, sensory nerves carry the output from receptors to the central nervous system the spinal cord and the brain (step 3 in Figure 4.1) . For all the senses except smell, sensory information entering the brain goes to the thalamus (step 4) .The thalamus does some preliminary processing of each kind of information (Sherman, 2007) and then relays it to the appropriate sensory area of the cerebral cortex (step 5) . It is in the sensory cortex that the most complex processing occurs.

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The problem of encoding As neural receptors transduce incoming energy into patterns of nerve cell activity, they create a coded message that describes the properties of whatever stimulus such as a light or a sound produced that energy. The brain decodes this coded neural activity, allowing you to make sense of the stimulus to decide, for example, whether you are looking at a cat , a dog or a person. In other words , each psychological dimension of a sensation , such as the brightness or colour of light, is based on a corresponding physical dimension , as encoded by neural receptors. To better appreciate the problem of encoding physical stimuli into neural activity, imagine that for your birthday you receive a Pet Brain .You are told that your Pet Brain is alive, but it does not respond when you open the box and talk to it.You remove it from the box and show it a chocolate sundae; no response (see the Snapshot ‘What is it?’) .You show it pictures of other attractive brains; still no response. You are about to toss your Pet Brain in the trash when you suddenly realise that the two of you are

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neural receptors specialised cells that detect certain forms of energy and transduce them into nerve cell activity

sensory adaptation the process through which responsiveness to an unchanging stimulus decreases over time

Chapter 3: Sensation and Perception

What is it? In the split second before you recognised this stimulus as a chocolate sundae, sensory neurons in your visual system detected the light reflected off this page and transduced it into a neural code that your brain could interpret. The encoding and decoding process occurs so quickly and efficiently in all our senses that we are seldom aware of it. Later in this chapter, we describe how this remarkable feat is

accomplished.

not speaking the same language. As described in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’ , the brain

usually receives information from sensory neurons and responds by activating motor neurons. So if you want to communicate with your Pet Brain , you will have to send it messages by stimulating its sensory nerves.To read its responses, you will have to record signals from its motor nerves. After having this insight and setting up an electric stimulator and a recording device, you are faced with an awesome problem. How do you describe a chocolate sundae to sensory nerves so that they will pass on the correct information to the brain ? This is the problem of encoding, the translation of the physical properties of a stimulus into a pattern of nerve cell activity that specifically identifies those properties. If you want the brain to see the sundae, you should stimulate its optic nerve (the nerve from the eye to the brain) rather than its auditory nerve ( the nerve from the ear to the brain) .This idea is based on the specific energy doctrine, which says that stimulation of a particular sensory nerve provides codes for that one sense, no matter how the stimulation takes place.To experience this phenomenon , apply some gentle pressure to your closed eye; doing so will produce activity in the optic nerve so you will sense little spots of light. Having chosen the optic nerve to send visual information, you must now develop a code for all the specific features of the sundae: the soft white curves of the vanilla ice-cream, the dark richness of the chocolate, the bright red roundness of the cherry on top. These dimensions must be coded in the language of nerve cell activity; that is , in the firing of action potentials. Some attributes of a stimulus can be encoded relatively simply. For example, certain neurons in the visual system fire faster in response to a bright light than to a dim light .This is called a temporal code because it reflects changes in the timing pattern of nerve firing. Other temporal codes can be more complex. For example, a burst of firing followed by a slower firing rate means something different than a steady rate of firing does. Information about a stimulus can also take the form of a spatial code , which reflects the location of neurons that are firing and those that are not . For example, different sensory neurons will fire depending on whether someone touches your hand or your foot . Sensory information can also be recoded at several relay points as it makes its way to and through the brain . In summary, the problem of encoding is solved by means of sensory systems, which allow the brain to receive detailed, accurate and useful information about stimuli in its environment. If you succeed in creating the right coding system, your Pet Brain will finally know what a chocolate sundae looks like.

Psychophysics encoding the process of acquiring information and entering it into memory

specific energy doctrine the discovery that stimulation of a particular sensory nerve provides codes for that sense, no matter how the stimulation takes place

How can psychologists measure perceptions when there is no way to get inside people s heads to experience what they are experiencing? One solution to this problem is to present people with lights, sounds and other stimuli and ask them to report their perception of the stimuli. This method of studying perception, called psychophysics, describes the relationship between physical energy in the environment and our psychological experience of that energy (for example, Purves et al., 2004) .

Absolute thresholds: Is something out there? How strong must a stimulus be in order to trigger a conscious perceptual experience? Not very strong. Normal human vision can detect the light equivalent to a candle flame burning in the dark nearly 50 kilometres away. The smallest amount of light, sound , pressure or other physical energy

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LINKAGES Sensation and biological aspects of psychology As sensory systems transfer information to the brain, they also organise that information. This organised information is called a representation . If you have read Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’, you are already familiar with some characteristics of sensory representations. In humans, representations of vision, hearing and the skin senses in the cerebral cortex share the following features: 1 The information from each of these senses reaches the cortex through connections in the thalamus. (Figure 3.10 shows where this area of the brain is.) 2 Each side of the cerebral cortex builds a sensory representation of the opposite, or contralateral , side of the world (contra meaning ‘ opposite’, like contra in contradiction, and lateral meaning ‘sided’; conversely, ipsi means ‘same’ and so we use the term ipsilateral to refer to sensory connections with the same side of the brain). So the left side of the visual cortex ‘sees’ the right side of the world, and the right side of that sees’ the left side of the world. Similarly, the cortex ‘ contralateral representation of skin senses occurs because most sensory nerve fibres from each side of the body cross over to the opposite side of the thalamus and go from there to the cerebral cortex. 3 The cortex contains neural maps, or topographical representations , of each sense. These maps are organised so that features that are near each other in the world eventually stimulate neurons that are near each other

in the brain. For example, two notes that are similar in pitch activate neighbouring neurons in the auditory cortex, and the neurons that respond to sensations in the elbow and in the forearm are relatively close to one another in the somatosensory cortex. There are multiple maps representing each sense, but the area that receives information directly from the thalamus is called the primary cortex for that sense.

4 The density of nerve fibres in various parts

of a sensory system How is information determines how from the senses organised in the brain? extensively those parts (a link to Chapter 3, are represented in ‘Biological aspects of the cortex. The skin ) psychology ’ on your fingertip, for example, has more touch receptors per square centimetre than the skin on your back does. So the area of cortex that represents your fingertip is larger than the area that represents your back. 5 Each region of primary sensory cortex is organised as columns of cells, each of which has a somewhat specialised role in sensory processing. For example, some columns of cells in the visual cortex respond most strongly to diagonal lines, whereas other columns respond most strongly to horizontal lines. 6 For each of the senses, regions of cortex other than the primary areas do additional processing of sensory information. As described in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’, these areas of association cortex may contain representations of more than one sense, thus setting the stage for the combining of sensory information that we described at the beginning of this chapter. In summary, sensory systems convert various forms of physical energy into nerve cell activity. (As described in Figure 4.1, the energy may first be modified by accessory structures.) The resulting pattern of nerve cell activity encodes the physical properties of the energy. The codes are modified as the information is transferred to the brain and processed further. Soon we’ll consider how these processes take place in hearing, vision and other sensory systems.

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we can detect is called the absolute threshold (see Table 4.1) . Stimulation that is below this threshold that is too weak or too brief for us to notice is traditionally referred to as subliminal stimulation . Stimulation that is above the absolute threshold and thus consistently perceived is referred to as

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supraliminal stimulation.

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psychophysics an area of research focusing on the relationship between the physical characteristics of environmental stimuli and the psychological experiences those stimuli produce

TABLE 4.1 Some absolute thresholds

Absolute thresholds can be amazingly low . Here are examples of stimulus equivalents at the absolute threshold for the five primary senses in humans, TRY THIS \ Set up the conditions for testing the absolute threshold for sound and see if you can detect this minimal amount of auditory stimulation. If you can’t hear it, the signal detection theory we discuss next may help explain why.

subliminal stimulation

Human sense

stimulation that is too weak or brief to be perceived

Absolute threshold equivalent

Vision

Smell

A candle flame seen at 48 kilometres away on a clear night The tick of a watch from 6 metres away One teaspoon of sugar in 7.5 litres of water One drop of perfume diffused into the entire volume of air in a six - room apartment

Touch

The wing of a fly falling on your cheek from a distance of 1 centimetre

supraliminal stimulation stimulation that is strong enough to be consistently perceived

Hearing Taste

Adapted from Galanter , E . (1962 ). Contemporary psychophysics. In R. Brown , E. Galanter, E. H. Hess & G. Mandler (eds ), New Directions in Psychology (Vo/. 1, pp. 87- 156 ). New York : Holt , Rinehart & Winston.

absolute threshold the minimum amount of stimulus energy that can be detected 50 per cent of the time

If you were participating in a typical experiment to measure the absolute threshold for vision, you would sit in a darkened laboratory. After your eyes adapted to the darkness, you would be presented with a long series of brief flashes of light that varied in brightness. After each one, you would be asked if you saw a stimulus. If your absolute threshold were truly ‘absolute’, your detection accuracy should jump from 0 to 100 per cent at the exact level of brightness where your threshold is. This ideal absolute threshold is illustrated by the point at which the green line in Figure 4.2 suddenly rises. However, research shows that the average of your responses over many trials would actually form a curve much like the curved line in that figure. In other words, the ‘absolute’ threshold is not really an all-or-nothing phenomenon . Notice in Figure 4.2 that a flash whose brightness (intensity) is 3 is detected 20 per cent of the time and missed 80 per cent of the time. Is that stimulus subliminal or supraliminal? Psychologists have dealt with questions of this sort by redefining the absolute threshold as the smallest amount of stimulus energy that can be detected 50 per cent of the time.

FIGURE 4.2 The absolute threshold

The curved line shows the relationship between the intensity of a signal and the chance that it will be detected. If the absolute threshold were truly absolute, signals at or above a particular intensity would always be detected, and signals below that intensity would never be detected (as shown by the green line). However, this response pattern almost never occurs and so the ‘absolute’ threshold is defined as the intensity at which the signal is detected 50 per cent of the time.

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3 4 5 6 7 Stimulus intensity

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Signal detection theory Once researchers understood that the detection of a stimulus depends on the combination of its physical energy, the effects of noise, and a person’s response bias, they realised that measurement of absolute thresholds could never be more precise than the 50 per cent rule mentioned earlier. So they abandoned the effort to pinpoint absolute thresholds and turned instead to signal detection theory. Signal detection theory presents a mathematical model of how your personal sensitivity and response bias combine to determine your decision about whether or not a near-threshold stimulus occurred (Green & Swets, 1966) . Sensitivity refers to your ability to detect a particular stimulus from a background of competing stimuli. It is influenced by internal noise, the intensity of the stimulus , and the capacity of your sensory systems. As already mentioned, response bias is the internal rule that you use in deciding whether to report a signal. How likely is it that an eyewitness can pick a criminal out of a line-up, or that an airport security guard will spot a weapon in a passengers X-rayed luggage? Signal detection theory helps us understand and predict such responses more precisely (MacMillan & Creelman, 2004; Swets, 1996; Wixted & Mickes, 2014) ; see the Snapshot ‘Detecting vital signals’ .

signal detection theory a mathematical model of

what determines a person’s report of a near - threshold

stimulus

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY How do airport security screeners use perception to detect a bomb or other weapon ?

Detecting vital signals According to signal detection theory, the likelihood that airport security will detect the outline of a bomb or other weapon in body scans or on X - rays of a passenger’s luggage depends partly on the sensitivity of their visual systems and partly on their response criterion. That criterion is affected by their expectations that weapons might appear and by how motivated they are to look carefully for them. Airport security officials occasionally attempt to smuggle a simulated weapon through a checkpoint. This procedure serves to evaluate the inspectors’ performance but also to improve it by keeping their response criterion low enough to avoid missing real weapons (Fleck & Mitroff, 2007; McCarley et al., 2004; Wolfe et al., 2007; Wolfe & VanWert, 2010).

Judging differences: Has anything changed? Sometimes our perceptual task is not to detect a faint stimulus but rather to notice small differences as a stimulus changes or to judge whether there are differences between two stimuli. Your ability to judge differences between stimuli depends partly on the strength of the stimuli you are dealing with (see the Snapshot ‘Perfect!’ ). The weaker the stimuli are, the easier it is to detect small differences between them . For example, if you are comparing the weight of two envelopes, you will be able to detect a difference of as little as a few grams. But if you are comparing two boxes weighing around 25 kilograms each , you may not notice a difference unless it is half a kilogram or more. The smallest difference between stimuli that we can detect is called the difference threshold or just- noticeable difference (JND) . How small is that difference? The size of a JND is described by one of the oldest laws in psychology. Named after the 19th-century German physiologist Ernst Weber, Weber’s law states that the smallest detectable difference in stimulus energy is a constant fraction of the intensity of the stimulus. This fraction , often called Weber’s constant or Weber’s fraction , is given the symbol K. As shown in Table 4.2, K is different for each of the senses. The smaller K is , the more sensitive a sense is to stimulus differences.

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just- noticeable difference (JND) the smallest detectable difference in stimulus energy

Weber’s law a law stating that the smallest detectable difference in stimulus energy is a constant fraction of the intensity of the

stimulus

Chapter 3: Sensation and Perception

^^

Perfect! This chef’s ability to taste the

difference

his culinary creation before and after he has adjusted the seasonings depends on the same psychophysical laws that apply to judging differences in sights, sounds and other sensory stimuli.

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TABLE 4.2 Weber’s fraction ( /0 for different stimuli

The value of Weber’s fraction, K , differs from one sense to another. Differences in K demonstrate the adaptive nature of perception. Humans, who depend more heavily on vision than on taste for survival, are more sensitive to vision than to taste.

Stimulus Pitch

0.003

Brightness Weight

0.017

0.02

Odour

0.05

Loudness

0.10

Pressure on skin

0.14

Saltiness of taste

0.20

Specifically, Weber’s law says that JND = KI,where K is the Webers constant for a particular sense and I is the amount, or intensity of the stimulus.To compute the JND for a particular stimulus, we must know its intensity and what sense it is stimulating. For example, as shown in Table 4.2, the value of K for weight is 0.02.This means that in order to detect a difference in weight , one object has to be 2 per cent heavier, or more, than the other. But sweet snatchers beware: it takes a change of only 4 grams (that’s one square of chocolate) to determine that someone has been into a 200-gram block of chocolate! Webers constants vary somewhat among individuals , and as we get older we tend to become less sensitive to stimulus differences. There are exceptions to this rule, however. If you like lollies and chocolate, you will be happy to know that Weber s fraction for sweetness stays fairly constant throughout life (Gilmore & Murphy, 1989) .Weber s law does not hold when stimuli are very intense or very weak , but it does apply to complex, as well as simple, stimuli.

Magnitude estimation: How intense is that? How much would you have to turn up the volume on your stereo to make it sound twice as loud as your neighbour s? How much would you have to turn it down to make it sound only half as loud as it was before your neighbour complained? These are questions about magnitude estimation about how our perception of stimulus intensity is related to the actual strength of the stimulus. In 1860, Gustav Fechner used Weber s law to study the relationship between the physical magnitude of a stimulus and its perceived magnitude. He reasoned that if just-noticeable differences get progressively larger as stimulus magnitude increases, then the amount of change in the stimulus required to double or triple its perceived intensity must get larger too. He was right. For example, it takes only a small increase in volume to make a soft sound seem twice as loud, but imagine how much additional volume it would take to make a rock band seem twice as loud.To put it another way, constant increases in physical energy will produce progressively smaller increases in perceived magnitude.This observation, when expressed as a mathematical equation relating actual stimulus intensity to perceived intensity became known as Fechner’s law. Fechner’s law applies to most, but not all , stimuli. For example, it takes larger and larger increases in light or sound to create the same amount of change in perceived magnitude, but this is not the case for stimuli such as electric shock. It takes a relatively large increase in shock intensity to make a weak shock seem twice as intense, but if the shock is already painful , it takes only a small increase in intensity before you would perceive it as twice as strong. Stanley Smith Stevens offered a formula ( known as Stevens’ power law) for magnitude estimation that works for a wider

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array of stimuli, including electric shock , temperature, and sound and light intensity. Stevens’ law is still used today by psychologists who want to determine how much larger, louder, longer or more intense a stimulus must be for people to perceive a specific difference or amount of change. The perceptual laws that we have discussed , and the exceptions to these laws , all emphasise a fundamental principle: perception is a relative process. Our experience of one stimulus depends on its relationship to others. In a later section on perceptual organisation, we discuss what researchers have learned about the way in which our perceptual system relates one stimulus to another.

o

IN REVIEW Sensory systems ASPECTS

PROCESSES

Sense - a system that translates information from outside the nervous system into neural

activity Sensations - messages from the senses that make up the raw information that affects many kinds of behaviour and mental processes Neural receptors - specialised cells that detect certain forms of energy and transduce them into nerve cell activity

Encoding - translating the physical properties of a stimulus into a pattern of nerve cell activity that specifically identifies those properties

Transduction - the process of converting incoming energy into neural

activity Sensory adaptation - the process through which responsiveness to an unchanging stimulus decreases over time

Signal detection theory - a mathematical model of how your personal and response bias combine to determine your decision about sensitivity Psychophysics - an area of research focusing whether or not a near - threshold stimulus occurred on the relationship between the physical Judging differences - the just - noticeable difference ( Weber’s law) is the characteristics of environmental stimuli and the smallest difference between stimuli that we can detect psychological experiences those stimuli produce Magnitude estimation - the perception of stimulus intensity is related to the actual strength (Fechner’s law) Check your understanding and the senses to get information about the 1 Humans are especially dependent on world; we depend less on and 2 Each sense gives us information about the world by responding to a specific kind of energy; for example, for vision, we

respond to 3

perception is more powerful than

messages.

4.2 HEARING In 1969, when Neil Armstrong became the first human to step onto the moon , millions of people back on earth heard his radio transmission: ‘That’s one small step for a man, one giant leap for mankind’ . But if Armstrong had taken off his space helmet and shouted ‘Whoo-ee! I can moonwalk!’, another astronaut a foot away would not have heard him. Why? Because Armstrong would have been speaking into airless, empty space. Sound is a repeated fluctuation, a rising and falling, in the pressure of air, water or some other substance called a medium. On the moon, which has almost no atmospheric medium , sound cannot exist.

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sound a repetitive fluctuation in the pressure of a medium, such as air

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Sound Vibrating objects create the fluctuations in pressure that we experience as sound . Each time an object moves outward, it increases the pressure in the surrounding air. As the object moves back, the pressure drops. When you speak, for example, your vocal cords vibrate, producing fluctuations in air pressure that spread as waves. A wave is a repeated, rhythmic variation in pressure that spreads out in all directions. The wave can move great distances, but the air itself barely moves.

Physical characteristics of sound Sound can be represented graphically by waveforms like those in Figure 4.3 . A waveform represents a wave in two dimensions, but remember that waves actually move through the air in all directions. This is the reason that when people talk to each other in a cinema or a lecture theatre, others all around them are distracted by the conversation .

FIGURE 4.3 Sound waves and waveforms

Sound is created when objects, such as a tuning fork, vibrate. The vibrations create alternating regions of greater and lesser compression of air molecules, which can be represented as a waveform. The point of greatest compression is the peak of the graph. The lowest point, or trough, is where compression is least. More compression of air molecules

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Wavelength (one cycle)

Long- wavelength

Short- wavelength (high- frequency) sound

(low - frequency) sound

amplitude the difference between the peak and the baseline of a waveform

wavelength the distance from one peak to the next in a waveform

frequency the number of complete waveforms, or cycles, that pass a given point in space every second

To understand the nature of sound , it is important to know about three characteristics of sound waveforms: 1 The difference in air pressure from the baseline to the peak of the wave is the amplitude of the sound, or its intensity. 2 The distance from one wave peak to the next is called the wavelength . 3 A sounds frequency is the number of complete waveforms, or cycles, that pass by a given point in one second. Frequency is described in a unit called hertz , abbreviated to Hz (named for Heinrich Hertz, a 19th-century physicist). One cycle per second is 1 Hz. Because the speed of sound is constant in a given medium , wavelength and frequency are related: the longer the wavelength, the lower the frequency; the shorter the wavelength , the higher the frequency. Most sounds are mixtures of many different frequencies and amplitudes. In contrast, a

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pure tone is made up of only one frequency and can be represented by what is known as a sine wave (Figure 4.3 shows such sine waves).

Psychological dimensions of sound

—

The physical characteristics of sound waves their amplitude and frequency psychological dimensions of sound that we know as loudness, pitch and timbre.

—

determine the

Loudness Loudness is determined by the amplitude of the sound wave; waves with greater amplitude create sensations of louder sounds . Loudness is described in units called decibels, abbreviated to dB. By definition, 0 dB is the minimum detectable sound for normal hearing.

loudness a psychological dimension of sound determined by the amplitude of a sound wave

Pitch Pitch, or how high or low a tone sounds , depends on the frequency of sound waves. High-frequency waves are sensed as sounds of high pitch . The highest note on a piano has a frequency of about 4000 Hz; the lowest note has a frequency of about 50 Hz. Humans can hear sounds ranging from about 20 Hz to about 20000 Hz. Almost everyone hears relative pitch; that is, people can tell whether one note is higher than , lower than or equal to another note. However, some people have absolute pitch, more commonly known as perfect pitch , which means they can identify specific frequencies and the notes they represent. They can say, for example, that a 262- Hz tone is middle C.Though perfect pitch appears to be an inborn trait, it may also be possible to develop it through learning (Bella & Peretz, 2003; Gore & Marks , 2005) . Some children can improve their skill at pitch identification if given special training before about the age of six ( Takeuchi & Hulse, 1993) . About 4 per cent of people appear to be ‘tone deaf ’, which means they are not good at discriminating among musical tones, even though they can discriminate the pitches of non-musical sounds ( Hyde & Peretz, 2004; Hyde et ah , 2006) .

pitch how high or low a tone sounds

absolute pitch the ability to identify the musical notes

associated with specific sound frequencies

Timbre Timbre is the quality of sound. It is determined by complex wave patterns that are added onto the lowest, orfundamental,frequency of a sound.The extra waves allow you to tell, for example, the difference between a note played on a flute and the same note played on a clarinet. Experiencing this dimension of sound appears to depend on specialised neurons in the auditory system; there are cases of brain injury in which timbre is no longer sensed even though all other aspects of hearing remain intact (Kohlmetz et al., 2003) .

timbre the mixture of frequencies and amplitudes that make up the quality of sound

The ear The human ear converts sound energy into nerve cell activity through a series of accessory structures and transduction mechanisms.

Auditory accessory structures Sound waves are collected in the outer ear, beginning with the pinna , the crumpled part of the ear visible on the side of the head.The pinna funnels sound down through the ear canal (see Figure 4.4) . TRY THIS Si People straining to hear a faint sound may cup a hand to their ear and bend the pinna forward, thus enlarging the sound-collection area. Try this yourself, and you will notice that everything sounds a little louder.) At the end of the ear canal, the sound waves reach the middle ear, where they strike a tightly stretched membrane known as the eardrum , or tympanic membrane. The sound waves cause matching vibrations in the tympanic membrane. custom page

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tympanic membrane a membrane in the middle ear that generates vibrations that match the sound waves striking it

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FIGURE 4.4 Structures of the ear

The outer ear (pinna and ear canal) channels sounds into the middle ear, where the vibrations of the tympanic membrane are amplified by three delicate bones, creating vibrations in the fluid inside the cochlea in the inner ear. The coils of the cochlea are unfolded in this illustration to show the path of the fluid waves along the basilar membrane. Movements of the basilar membrane stimulate the hair cells of the organ of Corti, which transduce the vibrations into changes in neural firing patterns, which are sent along the acoustic nerve to the brain. Outer ear

Middle ear

Inner ear

f

Acoustic nerve

Cochlea Sound waves

lympanic

Stapes

membrane

( stirrup)

Pinna

The vibrations of the tympanic membrane then pass through a chain of three tiny bones: the malleus, or hammer; the incus, or anvil; and the stapes , or stirrup. These bones amplify the vibrations coming from the tympanic membrane by focusing them onto a smaller membrane called the oval window (all these structures are shown in Figure 4.4) .

Auditory transduction cochlea a fluid - filled spiral structure in the ear in

which auditory transduction occurs

basilar membrane the floor of the fluid - filled duct that runs through the cochlea

acoustic nerve the bundle of axons that carries stimuli from the hair cells of the cochlea to the brain

When sound vibrations pass through the oval window, they enter the inner ear, reaching the cochlea, the structure in which transduction occurs. The cochlea is wrapped into a coiled spiral. ( Cochlea comes from the Greek word for ‘snail’.) If you unwrapped the spiral, you would see a fluid-filled tube along its length . The basilar membrane forms the floor of this long tube (see Figure 4.4) . Whenever a sound wave passes through the fluid in the tube, it causes the basilar membrane to move up and down, and this movement bends hair cells of the organ of Corti , a group of cells resting on the membrane. These hair cells connect with fibres from the acoustic nerve, also known as the auditory nerve , a bundle of axons that goes into the brain .When the hair cells bend , they stimulate neurons in the acoustic nerve to fire, and the pattern of firing creates a coded message that tells the brain about the amplitude and frequency of the incoming sound waves (Griesinger, Richards & Ashmore, 2005) . You experience this information as loudness and pitch .

Deafness One in six people in Australia suffer hearing loss (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012) . The middle and inner ear are among the most delicate structures in the body. If they deteriorate or are damaged , deafness can result .

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Types of deafness One form of deafness is caused by problems with the bones of the middle ear. Over time they can fuse together, thus preventing accurate conduction of vibrations from one bone to the next. This condition, called conduction deafness, can be treated by surgery to break the bones apart or to replace the natural bones with plastic ones (Ayache et al., 2003). Hearing aids that amplify incoming sounds can also help (Kelly-Campbell & McMillan , 2015) . A more common problem, called nerve deafness , results when the acoustic nerve or, more commonly, the hair cells are damaged (Shepherd & McCreery, 2006). Hair cell damage occurs gradually with age, but it can also be caused more quickly by extended exposure to the noise of jet engines, industrial equipment , gunfire, loud music and other intense sounds (Goldstein , 2002) .

Treating deafness Hair cells can regrow in chickens and other birds (who seldom listen to rock music), and a certain kind of inner-ear hair cell has been regenerated in some mammals ( Malgrange et ah , 1999) , fuelling optimism about the possibility of regenerating human auditory hair cells. This feat might be accomplished by implanting stem cells or by treating damaged areas with growth factors similar to those used to repair damaged brain cells (Beisel et ah , 2008; Shepherd et al., 2005; see Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’) . Inserting genes that might stimulate the regrowth of damaged hair cells (Xia & Yin , 2013) and using stem cells to create new hair cells (Shi , Hu & Edge, 2013) are two other promising approaches. Such efforts could revolutionise the treatment of nerve deafness, since hearing aids do not help. In the meantime, scientists have developed an artificial cochlea that can be implanted in the human ear to stimulate the acoustic nerve (Gaylor et al., 2013) .

Auditory pathways, representations and experiences Before sounds can be heard, the information encoded in the firing of the many axons that make up the acoustic nerve must be sent to the brain for further analysis. This transmission process begins when the acoustic nerve conveys the information to the thalamus. From there, the information is relayed to the primary auditory cortex , an area in the temporal lobe of the brain . It is in the primary auditory cortex that information about sound is subjected to the most intense and complex analysis (Ciocca , 2008) . Certain cells in the auditory cortex are differently specialised , much as different cells in the visual cortex show specialised responses to various aspects of light information (see the Snapshot ‘Shaping the brain’) . In the auditory cortex, different cells seem to fire most vigorously in response to sounds of particular frequencies; these are known as preferred frequencies. Each neuron in the acoustic nerve also has a ‘favourite’, or characteristic, frequency, though each also responds to a

Shaping the brain The auditory cortex is larger in trained musicians than in people whose jobs are less focused on fine gradations of sound. How much larger this area becomes is correlated with how long the musicians have studied their art. This finding reminds us that, as described in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’, the brain can literally be shaped by experience and other environmental factors.

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auditory cortex the area in the brain’s temporal lobe that is the first to receive information about sounds from the thalamus

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Processing language As the two people communicate

using Australian

Sign Language (Auslan), the

visual information they receive from each other’s hand movements

is

processed by the same areas of their

brains that allow

hearing people to understand spoken language (Neville et

al., 1998).

range of frequencies, to some extent (Schnee et al., 2005).The auditory cortex examines the pattern of activity of many neurons to determine the frequency of a sound . This auditory analysis may be especially efficient in people who were deprived of visual experience because of blindness in early life (Stevens & Weaver, 2009) . Certain parts of the auditory cortex process certain types of sounds. One part, for example, specialises in responding to information coming from human voices (Belin, Zatorre & Ahad, 2002) ; others are particularly responsive to sounds made by animals, sounds made by tools , or the sounds of musical instruments (Lewis et al., 2005; Zatorre, 2003) . This specialisation in the auditory cortex can be seen in fMRI brain scans. Observing which brain areas become activated by which kind of sound has allowed researchers to detect whether a person is listening to words spoken by a familiar or unfamiliar voice, and even to identify some details about what is being said ( Formisano et al., 2008) . The auditory cortex receives information from other senses as well (see the Snapshot ‘Processing language’) . It is activated, for example, when you watch someone say words (but not when the person makes other facial movements) . This activity forms part of the biological basis for the lip reading that helps you to hear what people say (Campbell & Capek , 2008).

Sensing pitch The frequency of a sound determines the pitch that you experience, but sensing pitch is not as simple as you might expect. The reason is that most sounds are made up of mixtures of frequencies. The mixtures in musical chords and voices, for example, can produce sounds whose pitch is ambiguous, or open to interpretation . As a result, different people may experience the ‘same’ sound as different pitches ( Patel & Balaban, 2001) . In fact , the same sequence of chords can sound like an upward progression to one person and a downward progression to another. As mentioned earlier, pitchrecognition abilities are influenced by genetics (Drayna et al., 2001) , but cultural factors can have an effect, too ( Morrison & Demorest, 2009) . For instance, people in the United States tend to hear ambiguous musical scales as progressing in a direction that is opposite to the way they are heard by people from England (Yuasa, 2008) .This cross-cultural difference appears to be a reliable one, though no-one yet knows exactly why it occurs.

Locating sounds Your brain analyses the location of sound sources based partly on the very slight difference in the time at which a sound arrives at each of your ears (it reaches the closer ear slightly sooner) . The brain also uses information about the difference in sound intensity at each ear (sounds from sources that are closer to one ear are slightly louder in that ear) . As a result, you can be reasonably sure where a voice or other sound is coming from even when you can’t see its source.To perform this feat , the brain analyses the activities of groups of neurons that , individually, signal only a rough approximation of the location . It is the combined firing frequencies of these many neurons in the auditory cortex that creates a sort of morse code that describes where a sound is coming from (Wright & Fitzgerald , 2001) . Other codes tell the brain about the intensity and frequency of sounds. Let’s consider those coding systems next.

Coding intensity and frequency People can hear an incredibly wide range of sound intensities. The faintest sound that can be heard moves the inner ear’s hair cells less than the diameter of a single hydrogen atom (Hudspeth, 1997). Sounds more than a trillion times more intense can also be heard. Between these extremes, the auditory system codes intensity in a straightforward way:The more intense the sound, the more rapid the firing of a given neuron. Frequency appears to be coded in two ways, which are described by place theory and frequency-matching theory.

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Place theory Georg von Bekesy’s pioneering experiments in the 1930s and 1940s were built on Hermann von Helmholtzs earlier research on how frequency is coded (Evans, 2003; von Bekesy, 1960). Studying human cadavers, von Bekesy made an opening in the cochlea in order to see the basilar membrane within . He then presented sounds of differing frequencies by vibrating a rubber membrane that was installed in place of the oval window. Using special optical instruments, von Bekesy could see ripples of waves moving down the basilar membrane. He saw that these waves grew, reached a peak and then quickly tapered off, much as ocean waves crest and then dissolve. As shown in Figure 4.5, the critical feature of waves in the inner ear is that the place on the basilar membrane where they peak depends on the frequency of the sound that produces them . High-frequency sounds produce a wave that peaks soon after it starts down the basilar membrane. Lower-frequency sounds produce a wave that peaks farther along the basilar membrane, farther from the oval window.

FIGURE 4.5 Movements of the basilar membrane

As waves of fluid in the cochlea spread along the basilar membrane, the membrane is bent and then recovers. As shown in these three examples, the point at which the bending of the basilar membrane reaches its peak is different for each sound frequency. According to place theory, these peaks are the locations at which the hair cells receive the greatest stimulation. 1600 H ?

400 H ?

100 H ?

Distance along basilar membrane from oval window in millimetres

How does the location of the peak affect the coding of frequency? Helmholtz suggested an explanation . According to his place theory, later called the travelling wave theory by von Bekesy, the greatest response by hair cells occurs at the peak of the wave. Because the location of the peak varies with the frequency of the sound, it follows that hair cells at a particular place on the basilar membrane respond most to a particular frequency of sound , called a characteristic frequency. In other words, place theory describes a spatial , or place-related, code for frequency. When hair cells at a particular location respond to a sound, we hear a pitch that is at the characteristic frequency of those cells. One important result of this arrangement is that extended exposure to a very loud sound of a particular frequency can destroy hair cells at one spot on the basilar membrane, making it impossible to

hear sounds of that frequency.

Frequency - matching theory Place theory accounts for much of what we know about hearing, but it cannot explain the coding of very low frequencies, such as that of a deep bass note.That is because humans can hear frequencies as low as 20 Hz even though no auditory nerve fibres respond to very low characteristic frequencies.These low frequencies must be coded in some other way.The answer appears to be frequency matching , a process

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place theory a theory that hair cells at a particular place on the basilar membrane respond most to a particular frequency of sound

Chapter 3: Sensation and Perception

volley theory the view that some sounds are coded by matching the frequency of neural firing

in which certain neurons in the acoustic nerve fire each time a sound wave passes. So a sound wave whose frequency is, say, 25 cycles per second would cause those neurons to fire 25 times per second. Frequency matching by individual neurons could apply up to about 1000 Hz, but no neuron can fire faster than 1000 times per second. A frequency-matching code can be created for frequencies somewhat above 1000 Hz, though, through the combined activity of a group of neurons. For example, some neurons in the group might fire at every other wave peak , others at every fifth peak , and so on , producing a volley of firing at a combined frequency that is higher than any of these neurons could manage alone. Accordingly, frequency matching is sometimes referred to as the volley theory of frequency coding. In summary, the nervous system uses more than one way to code the range of frequencies you can hear. The lowest sound frequencies are coded by frequency matching, whereby the frequency is matched by the firing rate of auditory nerve fibres. Low-to-moderate frequencies are coded by both frequency matching and the place on the basilar membrane at which the wave peaks. High frequencies are coded only by the place at which the wave peaks. (For a review of how changes in air pressure become signals in the brain that are experienced as sounds , see the section ‘In review: Hearing’.)

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IN REVIEW Hearing ASPECT OF SENSORY SYSTEM

KEY CHARACTERISTICS

ELEMENTS

The amplitude, frequency and complexity of sound waves determine the loudness, pitch and timbre of sounds.

Energy

Sound: pressure fluctuations of air produced by vibrations

Accessory structures

Ear: pinna, tympanic membrane, Changes in pressure produced by the original malleus, incus, stapes, oval wave are amplified. window, basilar membrane

Transduction mechanism

Pathways and representations

Hair cells of the organ of Corti

Frequencies are coded by the location of the hair cells receiving the greatest stimulation (place theory) and by the firing rate of neurons (frequency - matching, or volley, theory).

Acoustic nerve to thalamus to auditory cortex

Auditory cortex decodes patterns of information from the acoustic nerve, creating sensations of loudness, pitch and timbre.

Check your understanding 1 Sound energy is converted to nerve cell activity in an inner - ear structure called the 2 Hearing loss due to damage to hair cells or the acoustic nerve is called 3 How high or low a sound sounds is called and is determined by the

of a sound wave.

4.3 VISION Soaring eagles have the incredible ability to see a mouse move in the grass from a kilometre and a half away. Cats have special ‘reflectors’ at the back of their eyes that help them to see even in very dim light . Nature has provided each species with a visual system uniquely adapted to its way of life. The human visual system is also adapted to do many things well: it combines great sensitivity and great sharpness, enabling us to see objects near and far, during the day and at night . Our night vision is not

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as good as that of some animals , but our colour vision is excellent . This is not a bad trade-off; being able to appreciate a sunset’s splendour seems worth an occasional stumble in the dark. Let’s consider the human visual sense and how it responds to light.

Light

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Light is a form of energy known as electromagnetic radiation . Most electromagnetic radiation including X-rays, radio waves, television signals and radar is invisible to the human eye. In fact, as shown in Figure 4.6 , the range, or spectrum, of visible light is just the tiny slice of electromagnetic radiation whose wavelength is from just under 400 nanometres (nm) to about 750 nanometres (a nanometre is one-billionth of a metre ) . Unlike sound, light can travel without a medium such as air or water. So even on the airless moon, astronauts can see one another, even if they can’t hear one another without radios. Light waves are like particles that pass through space, but they vibrate with a certain wavelength . In other words, light has some properties of waves and some properties of particles, and it is correct to refer to light as either light waves or light rays.

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visible light electromagnetic radiation that has a wavelength of approximately 400-750 nanometres

FIGURE 4.6 The spectrum of electromagnetic energy

The range of wavelengths that the human eye can see as visible light is limited to a narrow band within the much wider spectrum of electromagnetic energy. To detect energy outside this range, we must rely on electronic instruments such as radios, TV sets, mobile phones, radar and infrared night - vision scopes that can ‘see’ this energy, just as the eye sees visible light. Wavelength in metres r >2

10 — 11

Gamma rays

10 -

'°

10

X -rays

9

1CT 8

10 - 7

Ultraviolet

1CT6

1CT 5

15

1CT4

Infrared

1CT3

1CT 2

Microwaves

1CT1

Radar

'

10

102

TV FM AM Radio waves

103 Short waves

VISIBLE SPECTRUM

Wavelength in nanometres

Sensations of light depend on two physical dimensions of light waves: intensity and wavelength . Light intensity refers to how much energy the light contains; it determines the brightness of light , much as the amplitude of sound waves determines the loudness of sound . What colour you sense depends mainly on light wavelength . At a given intensity, different wavelengths produce sensations of different colours , much as different sound frequencies produce sensations of different pitch . For instance, 440-nanometre light appears violet blue, and 700-nanometre light appears orange-ish red . However, we simply don’t have a different receptor for every type of wavelength. Rather, different light wavelengths activate certain groups of cells to different extents, and it is this difference in activation that allows us to differentiate between colours. This is explained in more detail in the upcoming section ‘Seeing colour’.

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light intensity a physical dimension of light waves that refers to how much energy the light contains; it determines the brightness of light

light wavelength the distance between peaks in

light waves

Chapter 3: Sensation and Perception

Focusing light Just as sound cornea the curved,

transparent, protective layer through which light rays enter the eye

pupil an opening in the eye, just behind the cornea, through which light passes

iris the colourful part of the eye, which constricts or relaxes to adjust the amount of light entering the eye lens the part of the eye behind the pupil that bends light rays, focusing them on the retina

retina the surface at the

energy is converted to nerve cell activity in the ear, light energy is transduced into nerve cell activity in the eye. Before this transduction process occurs, accessory structures in the human eye modify incoming light rays.The light rays enter the eye by passing through a transparent, protective layer called the cornea (see Figure 4.7) . Then the light passes through the pupil , the opening just behind the cornea. The iris, which gives the eye its colour, adjusts the amount of light allowed into the eye by constricting to reduce the size of the pupil or relaxing to enlarge it. Directly behind the pupil is the lens. The cornea and the lens of the human eye are both curved so that, like the lens of a camera, they bend light rays. The light rays are focused into an image on the surface at the back of the eye; this surface is called the retina . Light rays from the top of an object are focused at the bottom of the image on the retinal surface. Light rays from the right side of the object end up on the left side of the retinal image (see Figure 4.8) . The brain rearranges this upside-down and reversed image so that we can see the object as it is.

FIGURE 4.7 Major structures of the eye

As shown in this top view of the eye, light rays bent by the combined actions of the cornea and the lens are focused on the retina, where the light energy is transduced into nerve cell activity. Nerve fibres known collectively as the optic nerve exit at the back of the eye and continue to the brain.

back of the eye onto which the lens focuses light rays

Muscle to

adjust

the lens

Kefinr

Muscle to move

the eye

Optic nerve (to brain)

ocular accommodation the ability of the lens to change its shape and bend light rays so that objects are in focus

The lens of the human eye bends light rays entering the eye from various angles so that they meet on the retina (see Figure 4.8) . If the rays meet either in front of the retina or behind it, the image will be out of focus. The muscles that hold the lens adjust its shape so that images of either near or far objects can be focused on the retina . To illustrate this for yourself, try reading the next sentence while holding the book as close to your face as possible. To maintain a focused image at close range, your muscles have to tighten your lenses, making them more curved. This ability to change the shape of the lens to bend light rays is called ocular accommodation. Over time, the lens loses some of its flexibility, making accommodation more difficult .This is why older people become far-sighted, seeing distant objects clearly but having trouble with reading or close work . ( For those who want to avoid glasses, a mobile phone app has been developed with vision exercises that help train a stiffened lens to become more flexible again; Kaplan , 2014.)

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FIGURE 4.8 The lens and the retinal image

You see objects as they are because your brain rearranges the upside - down and reversed images that the lens focuses on the retina. If light rays are out of focus when they reach the retina, glasses or contact lenses can usually correct the problem. In some older people, vision is impaired by cataracts, a condition in which a ‘ cloudy’ lens severely reduces incoming light. Cataracts can be cleared up with laser surgery or by replacing the natural lens with an artificial ( Snellingen et aI., 2002).

Retina

A more common problem in younger people is nearsightedness, in which close objects are in focus but distant ones are blurry. This condition is partly genetic but it may also be made more likely by environmental factors, such as when people spend more time looking at close-up images and less time far-gazing ( French et al., 2013) . These vision problems can usually be corrected with glasses or contact lenses that assist in the light-bending process. Another option is laser-assisted in situ keratomileusis (LASIK ) surgery which reshapes and stretches the cornea (Vuori , Tervo & Holopainen, 2009). LASIK increases the degree to which the cornea bends light rays, thus requiring the lens to do less accommodation and eliminating the need for glasses or contacts.

Converting light into images Visual transduction, the conversion of light energy into nerve cell activity, occurs in the retina . The word retina is Latin for ‘net’; the retina is an intricate network of cells.

Photoreceptors Photoreceptors are specialised cells in the retina that convert light energy into nerve cell activity. Photoreceptors contain photopigments, which are chemicals that respond to light .When light strikes a photopigment , the photopigment breaks apart, changing the membrane potential of the photoreceptor cell. This change in membrane potential generates a signal that can be transferred to the brain . After a photopigment has broken down in response to light, new photopigment molecules are created. This process takes a little time, however. So when you first come from bright sunshine into, say, a dark cinema , you cannot see because your photoreceptors do not yet have enough photopigment. In the dark, as your photoreceptors create more photopigments, your ability to see gradually increases. In fact, you become about 10000 times more sensitive to light after about half an hour in a darkened room . This increasing ability to see in the dark as time passes is called dark

photoreceptors specialised cells in the retina that code light energy into nerve cell activity

photopigments chemicals in photoreceptors that respond to light and assist in converting light into nerve cell activity

dark adaptation the increasing ability to see in

adaptation.

the dark as time in the dark increases

Rods and cones

rods highly light -sensitive

The retina has two main types of photoreceptors: rods and cones. As their names suggest, these cells differ in shape, but they also differ in their response to light. The photopigment in rods includes a substance called rhodopsin , whereas the photopigment in cones includes one of three kinds of iodopsin. As we explain later, each kind of iodopsin responds most strongly to a particular range of light wavelengths, thus providing the basis for colour vision . Rods have only one pigment, so they respond about equally to all wavelengths. As a result, rods can’t help us discriminate colours, but

but colour - insensitive photoreceptors in the retina that allow vision even in dim

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light cones photoreceptors

in the retina that help us distinguish colours

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fovea a region in the centre of the retina where cones are highly concentrated

visual acuity visual clarity, which is greatest in the fovea because of its large concentration of cones

they are more sensitive to light than cones are. So when there is very little light, as on a moonlit night , your rods allow you to see, but mainly in black and white. Your colour-sensitive cones become most active only in brighter light. These characteristics of rods and cones explain why you may put on what you thought was a matched pair of socks in a darkened bedroom only to go outside and discover that one is dark blue and the other is dark green . Rods and cones also differ in their location in the eye (see the Snapshot ‘Rods and cones’) . Cones are concentrated in the centre of the retina , a region called the fovea, where the eye focuses the light coming from objects you look at. The high density of cones in the fovea accounts for the fact that our visual acuity, or ability to see details , is greatest in the fovea . The fact that some people’s visual acuity is better than others is probably related to individual differences in cone density (Beirne, Zlatkova & Anderson, 2005) . There are no rods in the human fovea . With increasing distance from the fovea, though, the number of cones gradually decreases and the proportion of rods gradually increases. TRY THIS 'Si So the next time you are trying to detect a weak light , such as that from a faint star, notice that it is better to look slightly away from it; that is , out of the corner of your eye. This focuses the light on the rods outside the fovea, which are the most light-sensitive. Since cones do not work well in low light , looking directly at the star will make it seem to disappear.

Rods and cones This electron microscope view of rods (blue) and cones (aqua) shows what your light receptors look like. Rods are more light - sensitive, but they do not detect colour. Cones can detect colour, but they require more light in order to be activated. alflMlIlEfl To experience the difference in how these cells work, look at an unfamiliar colour photograph in a room where there is barely enough light to see. Even this dim light will activate your rods and allow you to make out images in the picture. But because there is not enough light to activate your cones, you will not be able to see colours in the photo.

From the retina to the brain

optic nerve a bundle of fibres composed of axons of ganglion cells that carries visual information to the brain

If the eye simply transferred to the brain the stimuli that reach the retina , we would experience images that look like a blurry photograph . Instead , the eye first sharpens visual images. How? The answer lies in the interactions among cells of the retina . Light rays pass through several layers of retinal cells before striking the rods and cones. Signals generated by the rods and cones then go back towards the surface of the retina , making connections with bipolar cells and ganglion cells , which allow the eye to begin analysing visual information even before that information leaves the retina ( Freeman , Rizzo & Fried , 2011) . Actually, ganglion cells can act as photoreceptors and detect a bit of light all by themselves, but this information seems to be used mainly for keeping our internal body clocks synchronised with the light and dark cycles of the world around us (Munch & Kawasaki, 2013) , as discussed in Chapter 8, ‘Consciousness’. When it comes to using light for conscious visual sensations, we rely on the photoreceptor work of rods and cones, and the information that they send into bipolar cells and ganglion cells. The axons of the ganglion cells bundle together to form the optic nerve , which then connects to the brain . Because there are no receptors for visual stimuli at the point where the optic nerve exits the eyeball, a blind spot is created, as Figure 4.9 shows. After leaving the retina, about half the axons in the optic nerve cross over to the opposite side of the brain, creating a structure called the optic chiasm . ( Chiasm means ‘cross’ and is pronounced ‘KYE-az-um’.) The axons from the inside half of each eye (nearest to the nose) cross over.The axons

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FIGURE 4.9 Finding your blind spot TRY THIS \ There is a blind spot where axons from the ganglion cells leave

the eye. To ‘see’ your blind spot, cover your left eye and stare at the cross inside the circle. Move the page closer and then farther away, and at some point the dot to the right should disappear. However, the vertical lines around the dot will probably look continuous, because the brain tends to fill in visual information at the blind spot (Spillmann et al., 2006). We are normally unaware of this ‘hole’ in our vision because the blind spot of one eye is in the normal visual field of the other eye.

©

Fovea

Optic disc (blind spot)

from the outside half of each eye do not. So no matter where you look , all the visual information about the right half of the visual world goes to the left hemisphere of your brain and all the visual information from the left half of the visual world goes to the right hemisphere (Roth, Lora & Heilman , 2002) . Beyond the optic chiasm, the ganglion cell axons continue into the brain itself, finally forming synapses in the thalamus. Neurons there send axons to connect to the primary visual cortex in the occipital lobe at the back of the brain . The primary visual cortex does initial processing of visual information , then sends that refined information to many association areas of the brain for more specialised processing (Dhruv et al., 2011) . Certain cells in the brains cerebral cortex are called feature detectors because they respond to specific characteristics of objects in the visual world (Hubei & Wiesel, 1979; Jia et al., 2010) . For example, one type of feature detector responds most to straight lines of light. Others respond to corners, to angles, or to some other feature. The combined responses of several types of featuredetecting cells help us sense the shapes of objects such as rectangles or triangles. Most people can also detect colour. Let’s explore how colour vision works.

Seeing colour Like beauty, colour is in the eye of the beholder. Many animals see only shades of grey, even when they look at a rainbow, but for humans , colour is a major feature of vision .

Wavelengths and colour sensations We mentioned earlier that at a given intensity, each wavelength of light is seen as a certain colour (look again at Figure 4.6) . However, the eye is seldom, if ever, exposed to pure light of a single wavelength . Sunlight, for example, is a mixture of all wavelengths of light. When sunlight passes through a droplet of water, each wavelength of light within it bends to a different extent , separating into a colourful rainbow. The spectrum of colour found in the rainbow illustrates an important concept: the sensation produced by a mixture of different wavelengths of light is not the same as the sensations produced by separate wavelengths. So just as most sounds are a mixture of sound waves of different frequencies, most colours are a mixture of light of different wavelengths.

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feature detectors cells in the cortex that respond to a specific feature of an object

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Hue, saturation and brightness hue the essential ‘colour’, determined by the dominant wavelength of light

colour saturation the purity of a colour

brightness the overall intensity of all of the wavelengths that make up

light

Three characteristics of this wavelength mixture determine our sensation of colour: hue, saturation and brightness. These are psychological dimensions that correspond roughly to the physical properties of light. Hue is the essential ‘colour’ , determined by the dominant wavelength in the mixture of the light that enters the eye. For example, the wavelength of yellow is about 570 nanometres and that of red is about 700 nanometres. Black , white and grey are not considered hues because no wavelength predominates in them . Colour saturation is related to how pure a colour is. A colour is more saturated (more pure) if just one wavelength is relatively more intense (contains more energy) than other wavelengths. If many wavelengths are added to a pure hue, the colour is said to be desaturated. For example, pastels are colours that have been desaturated by adding whiteness. Brightness refers to the overall intensity of all of the wavelengths in the incoming light .

Colour mixing The colour circle shown in Figure 4.10 arranges hues according to their perceived similarities. If lights of two different wavelengths but of equal intensity are mixed, the colour you sense is at the midpoint of a line drawn between the two original colours on the colour circle.This process is called additive colour mixing because the effects of the wavelengths from each light are added together. If you keep adding different coloured lights, you eventually get white when all wavelengths are combined .

FIGURE 4.10 The colour circle

NON -SPECTRAL HUES

Arranging colours according to their psychological similarities creates a colour circle that predicts the result of additive mixing of two coloured lights. The resulting colour will be on a line

No single wavelength produces these colours

.

between the two starting colours, the exact location on the line depending on the relative proportions of the two colours. For example, mixing equal amounts of pure green and pure red light will produce yellow, the colour that lies at the midpoint of the line connecting red and green. ( Note that nm stands for nanometres , the unit in which wavelengths of light are measured.)

600 nm

570 nm Yellow

These colours are produced by either a single wavelength or a mixture

.

SPECTRAL HUES

You are probably more familiar with a different form of colour mixing, called subtractive colour mixing , which occurs when paints are combined. Like other physical objects, paints reflect certain wavelengths and absorb all others. For example, grass is green because it absorbs all wavelengths except the ones that we sense as green. White objects are white because they reflect all wavelengths. Light reflected from paints or other coloured objects is seldom a pure wavelength, so predicting the colour resulting from mixing paint is not as easy as combining pure wavelengths of light. But if you keep combining different coloured paints, all of the wavelengths will eventually be subtracted , resulting in black.

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The trichromatic theory of colour vision In the 1800s,Thomas Young and, later, Hermann von Helmholtz demonstrated that any colour could be matched by mixing pure lights of only three wavelengths. This Young Helmholtz theory is better known as the trichromatic theory of colour vision . Support for the trichromatic theory has come from research on photoreceptor responses to particular wavelengths of light and on the activity of cones in the human eye (Schnapf , Kraft & Baylor, 1987) . There are three types of cones, each most sensitive to particular wavelengths. Short wavelength cones respond most to light in the blue range. Medium- wavelength cones are most sensitive to light in the green range. Long- wavelength cones respond best to light in the reddish-yellow range (these have traditionally been called ‘red cones’) . No single type of cone can signal the colour of a light; it is the ratio of responses by the three types of cones that determines the colour you see. As you can see in Figure 4.11, the exact mixture of these three cones types differs from person to person .The trichromatic theory was applied in the invention of colour television screens, which contain thousands of tiny red , green and blue dots, called pixels. A television broadcast excites these dots to You see colour varying degrees, mixing their colours to produce many other colours, TRY THIS mixtures on the screen not patterns of red, green and blue dots because the dots are too small and close together to be seen individually. However, with a magnifying glass, you may be able to see similar pixels in the colour photos in your local newspaper.

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trichromatic theory theory of colour vision identifying three types of visual elements, each of which is most sensitive to different wavelengths of light a

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FIGURE 4.11 Individual differences in cone types

These photographs show that people can differ widely from one another in the distribution of blue, green and red cones in their retinas (Roorda & Williams, 1999). J. W., whose retina is shown at left, has an especially high population of red cones, whereas green cones predominate in A. N., whose retina is shown on the right . Both have normal colour vision, but J. W. will be somewhat more sensitive to long wavelengths of light, whereas A. N. will be somewhat more sensitive to light of medium

wavelengths. Reprinted by permission from Nature. Roorda, A. & Williams , D. R. ( 1999 ). The arrangement of the three cone classes in the living human eye. Nature, 397, 520-522. Copyright © 1999 Macmillan Magazines Ltd.

The opponent - process theory of colour vision Although essentially correct, the trichromatic theory cannot explain some aspects of colour vision, To see an afterimage, stare at the black dot in the flag in Figure 4.12 for such as afterimages, 30 seconds and then look at the black dot in the white space below it.What was yellow in the original image will be blue in the afterimage, what was green before will appear red, and what was black will now appear white. This type of observation led Ewald Hering to offer another theory of colour vision , called the opponent- process theory. Hering suggested that colour-sensitive visual elements in the eye are arranged into three kinds of pairs , and that the members of each pair oppose, or inhibit, each other. Each element signals one colour or the other (red or green, blue or yellow, black or white) , but never both. This theory explains colour afterimages. When one member of an opponent pair is no longer stimulated , the other is activated . So in Figure 4.12, if the original image you look at is green, the afterimage will be red.

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY If you stare at a bright red pattern and then look at a white screen , why do you see a green afterimage? opponent- process theory a theory of colour vision stating that colour sensitive visual elements are grouped into red - green, blue -yellow and black - white elements.

Chapter 3: Sensation and Perception

FIGURE 4.12 Afterimages produced by the opponent - process nature of colour vision TRY THIS \ Stare at the black dot in the centre

of the flag for at least 30 seconds, then focus on the dot in the white space below it.

The bottom line on colour vision Together, the trichromatic and opponent-process theories encompass most of what we now know about the complex process of colour vision . We see colour because our three types of cones have different sensitivities to different wavelengths. We sense different colours when the three cone types are stimulated in different ratios. Because there are three types of cones, any colour can be produced by mixing three pure wavelengths of light. But there is more to it than that. Cones connect to ganglion cells containing pairs of opposing elements that respond to different colours and inhibit each other. This arrangement provides the basis for afterimages. Therefore, the trichromatic theory explains colour vision as it relates to rods and cones, whereas the opponent-process theory explains colour vision as it relates to the ganglion cells. Both theories are needed to account for the complexity of colour sensations (Jacobs, 2008) . Colour vision also depends on what happens in the brain especially in the cortex where encoded colour information from the retinas is assembled and processed (Conway, 2009; Gegenfurtner & Kiper, 2003; Heywood & Kentridge, 2003). As a result, certain kinds of brain damage can weaken or destroy colour vision, even though all the cones in the retina are working normally (Bouvier & Engel , 2006) .

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colour blindness a condition in which the lack of certain photopigments leaves a person unable to sense certain colours

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Colour blindness People who are born with cones containing only two of the three possible colour-sensitive pigments are described as having colour blindness (Carroll et ah , 2004; see Figure 4.13) , but they are not actually blind to all colour: they simply discriminate fewer colours than other people.

FIGURE 4.13 Are you colourblind? TRY THIS \J At the upper left is a

photo

appears to people who have all three cone photopigments. The other photos simulate how colours appear to people who are missing photopigments for short wavelengths (lower left), long wavelengths (upper right) or medium wavelengths (lower right). If any of these photos look to you just like the one at the upper left, you may have a form of colour blindness.

as it

Dr Frangoise Vienot

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Two centuries ago, a colourblind chemist named John Dalton carefully described the colours he sensed to him, a red ribbon appeared the same colour as mud and concluded that the fluid in his eyeball must be tinted blue. He instructed his doctor to examine the fluid after he died , but it turned out to be clear. His preserved retinas were examined by modern molecular biologists. The scientists were not surprised to find that , just as most colourblind people today lack the genes that code one or more of the pigments, Dalton had no gene for medium-wavelength pigments (Deeb & Kohl, 2003; Hunt et al., 1995) .

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Interaction of the senses: synaesthesia At the beginning of this chapter, we described the interaction of two senses, vision and touch , but there are many other kinds of interactions. For example, vision interacts with hearing. If a brief sound occurs just as lights are flashed, it can create the impression of more lights than there actually are (Shams, Kamitani & Shimojo, 2000), and hearing a sound as objects collide can affect your perception of their motion (Watanabe & Shimojo, 2001) . Sound can also improve your ability to see an object at the sounds source, which can help you avoid or respond to danger (McDonald , Teder-Salejarvi & Hillyard , 2000) . Hearing sounds can alter sensitivity to touch (Hotting & R 5der, 2004), and there is even evidence that smells are more readily detected when accompanied by images related to them (Gottfried & Dolan, 2003). Such interactions occur in everyone, but some people also report synaesthesia (see Figure 4.14) , a more unusual and stronger mixing of senses or of dimensions within senses (Hochel & Milan, 2008) . Some of these people say that they ‘feel’ colours or sounds as touches or that they ‘taste’ shapes or ‘smell’ sounds; others say that they see certain colours, such as red, when they hear certain sounds , such as a trumpet or spoken words (Bargary et al., 2009). Growing scientific interest in synaesthesia is indicated by the fact that there are now standardised procedures for identifying people who experience these fascinating sensory phenomena (Eagleman et al. , 2007), and that research is underway to determine if synaesthesia can be stimulated, through hypnosis and other means, in people who do not normally experience it ( Ito et al. , 2009; Kadosh et al., 2009).

FIGURE 4.14 Synaesthesia In this experiment on synaesthesia, a triangular pattern of Hs was embedded in a background of other letters, as shown at left. Most people find it difficult to detect the triangle, but J. C., a person with synaesthesia, picked it out immediately because, as simulated at right, he saw the Hs as green, the Fs as yellow, and the Ps as red.

P

F

P

F F

P

F P

P

P

F

F

P

H

P

F P

F P

F

F H F H F F F F P P F H H H F P P F P F P F P

P

P

P

P H

P P

F

F

F H F H F F F P P H « H F P P F F P F

P F

P

'

From Ramachandron , V. S ., & Hubbard , E. M. Psychophysical investigations into the neural basis of synesthesia. Proceedings of the Royal Society of London B: Biological Sciences, 268, 979 - 983. Copyright © 2001 The Royal Society. Reprinted by permission .

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synaesthesia a blending of sensory experience that causes some people to ‘ see’ sounds or ‘taste’ colours, for example

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0

N REVIEW Vision ASPECT OF SENSORY SYSTEM

KEY CHARACTERISTICS

ELEMENTS

Light: electromagnetic radiation from Energy

about 400 nanometres to about 750 nanometres

Transduction mechanism

Pathways and

representations

Colour vision

Light rays are bent to focus on the retina.

Eye: cornea, pupil, iris, lens

Accessory structures

Photoreceptors (rods and cones) in the retina

Optic nerve to optic chiasm to lateral geniculate nucleus (LGN) of thalamus to

The intensity and wavelength of light waves determine the brightness and colour of visual sensations.

visual cortex

Short -, medium - and long- wavelength cones in the retina; ganglion cells in the retina and cells in the thalamus and visual cortex with colour - sensitive centre - surround visual receptive fields

Rods are more sensitive to light than cones, but cones discriminate among colours. Sensations of colour depend first on the cones, which respond differently to different light wavelengths. Interactions among cells of the retina exaggerate differences in the light stimuli reaching the photoreceptors, enhancing the sensation of contrast.

Neighbouring points in the visual world are represented at neighbouring points in the LGN and visual cortex. Neurons there respond to particular aspects of the visual stimulus - such as colour, movement, distance or form. The combined activity of three cone types create colour sensations (trichromatic theory); output from ganglion cells signals opponent colours (opponent process theory).

Check your understanding 1 The ability to see in very dim light depends on photoreceptors called 2 Nearsightedness and far - sightedness occur when images are not focused on the eye’s 3 Colour blindness results when in the retina lack one of three kinds of colour - sensitive photopigments.

4.4 THE CHEMICAL SENSES: SMELL AND TASTE olfactory perception the sense of smell taste

perception the

sense of taste

There are animals without vision, and there are animals without hearing, but there are no animals without some form of chemical sense. Chemical senses arise from the interaction of chemicals and receptors. Olfactory perception (our sense of smell) detects chemicals that are airborne, or volatile. Taste perception, also known as gustatory perception or our sense of taste, detects chemicals in solution that come into contact with receptors inside the mouth .

Olfaction As in other senses, accessory structures in the olfactory system shape sensations. In humans, these accessory structures include the nose, the mouth and the upper part of the throat , all of which help funnel odour molecules to receptors. So just as you can bend your ear’s pinna forward

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help collect sound waves, if you tape a nasal dilator strip over the bridge of your nose, you should notice intensified food odours ( Raudenbush & Meyer, 2002) . Even the lungs serve as an accessory structure for olfaction because when you sniff at something, the lungs help move odour molecules into the mouth and nose. Odour molecules can reach olfactory receptors in the nose either through the nostrils or through an opening in the palate at the back of the mouth . This second route allows us to smell odours from food as we eat it (see Figure 4.15).The olfactory receptors themselves are located on the dendrites of specialised neurons that extend into the mucous membrane , the moist inner lining of the nose. Odour molecules bind to these receptors, causing depolarisation of the dendrites’ membranes, which in turn leads to changes in the firing rates of the neurons. A single molecule of an odorous substance can cause a change in the membrane potential of an olfactory neuron , but detection of the odour by a human normally requires about 50 molecules (Reed, 2004). (A hot pizza generates lots more than that.) The number of molecules needed to trigger an olfactory sensation can vary, however. For example, women are more sensitive to odours during certain phases of their menstrual cycles ( NavarretePalacios et ah , 2003). to

FIGURE 4.15 The olfactory syst em

Airborne chemicals reach the olfactory area through the nostrils and through the back of the mouth. Fibres pass directly from the olfactory area to the olfactory bulb in the brain, and from there signals pass to areas such as the hypothalamus and amygdala, which are involved in

emotion.

Olfactory bulb Olfactory area

Olfactory neurons Olfactory neurons are repeatedly replaced with new ones, as each lives for only about two months (Ruitenberg & Vukovic, 2008) . Scientists are especially interested in this process because, as noted in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’, most neurons cannot divide to create new ones. An understanding of how new olfactory neurons are generated and re-create appropriate connections in the brain may some day be helpful in treating brain and spinal cord damage.

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Olfactory receptors In contrast to vision, which uses only four basic receptor types ( rods and three kinds of cones) , the olfactory system employs about 1000 different types of receptors. In fact, up to 2 per cent

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of the human genetic code may be devoted to these olfactory receptors , perhaps because a good sense of smell helped the earliest humans adapt and survive ( Firestein , 2001) . A given odour stimulates various olfactory receptors to varying degrees, and the particular patterns of stimulation create codes for particular odour sensations ( Kajiya et ah , 2001) . So many stimulation patterns are possible that humans can discriminate tens of thousands of different odours (Su , Menuz & Carlson, 2009) . We know that substances with similar chemical structures tend to have similar odours, but exactly how olfactory receptors discriminate various smells and send coded messages about them to the brain is still being determined (Ma, 2007) .

Coding and olfaction The question of how smells are coded has been of growing interest to government and industry. Particularly since the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States, researchers have hastened their work on ‘electronic noses’ capable of detecting odorants associated with firearms and explosives (Thaler, Kennedy & Hanson , 2001) .Versions of these devices are already in use at some airports. An ‘electronic nose’ has also been developed that can detect diseases such as lung cancer that might not be evident to an examining doctor (D’ Amico et al., 2009) , and other artificial olfactory devices are being used to examine the condition and composition of food products and the air we breathe (Marin et al., 2007). There are even efforts underway to use specially trained insects to ‘sniff out’ specific chemicals of interest (Rains et al. , 2008) .

Olfaction and brain structure olfactory bulb a brain structure that

receives messages regarding smell

Olfaction is the only sensory system that does not connect to the brain through the thalamus. Instead, axons from neurons in the nose extend through a bony plate directly into the brain, reaching a structure called the olfactory bulb, where processing of olfactory information continues ( Kay & Sherman, 2007). Pathways from the olfactory bulb send the information on for further processing in several brain regions , including the frontal lobe and the amygdala, which is involved in learning, memory and emotional experience (Su , Menuz & Carlson , 2009). These features of the olfactory system may account for the fact that losing the sense of smell can sometimes be an early sign of brain diseases that disrupt memory and emotion (Doty, 2009;Wattendorf et al. , 2009) . These same features may also help explain the strong relationship between olfaction, memory and emotion (Yeshurun & Sobel , 2010). For example, associations between particular odours and particular experiences, especially emotional ones, may not weaken with time or later experiences (Lawless & Engen, 1977) . So catching a whiff of the scent once worn by a lost loved one can reactivate intense feelings associated with that person. Smells can also bring back accurate memories of significant experiences linked with them, especially positive experiences (Mohr et al., 2001).

Pheromones The mechanisms of olfaction are remarkably similar in species ranging from humans to worms. And all mammals, including humans, have brain systems for detecting the source of odours by comparing the strength of sensory inputs reaching the left and right nostrils (Porter et al., 2005). Different species vary considerably, however, in their sensitivity to smell and in the degree to which they depend on it for survival. For example, humans have about nine million olfactory neurons, whereas there are about 225 million in dogs, a species that is far more dependent on smell to identify food, territory and receptive mates.

pheromones chemicals released by one animal and detected by another that shape the second animal’s

behaviour or physiology

Pheromones in animals In addition, dogs and many other species depend on an accessory olfactory system to detect pheromones. Pheromones are chemicals that are released by an animal that, when detected

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by another animal of the same species, can shape the second animal’s behaviour or physiology (Swaney & Keverne, 2009). For example, when male snakes detect a chemical exuded on the skin of female snakes , they are stimulated to ‘court’ the female. In mammals, pheromones can be nonvolatile chemicals that, when licked, are passed into a portion of the olfactory system called the vomeronasal system , or vomeronasal organ (Witt & Wozniak , 2006) . In female mice, for example, the vomeronasal system detects chemicals in the male’s urine (Kang et ah , 2009) . By this means, a male can cause a female to ovulate and become sexually receptive, and an unfamiliar male can cause a pregnant female to abort her pregnancy (Keller et ah , 2009).

vomeronasal system a portion of the mammalian olfactory system that is sensitive to pheromones

Pheromones in humans

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The role of pheromones in humans is much less clear (Wyatt, 2009) . Perfume advertisers want us to believe that their products contain sexual attractants that act as pheromones capable of subconsciously influencing the behaviour of desirable partners. Sceptics argue against this view and note that in humans, the vomeronasal organ is an utterly non-functional vestige, like the appendix. Current evidence suggests cautious conclusions about the role of pheromones in humans. For individuals who have one, the vomeronasal organ does appear able to respond to certain hormonal substances and can influence certain hormonal secretions (Miller & Maner, 2010; Zhou & Chen , 2009) .Whatever the anatomical basis, humans probably do have some sort of pheromone-like system (Berglund , Lindstrom & Savic, 2006; Bhutta , 2007; Savic, Berglund & Lindstrom, 2005) . Despite the steamy perfume ads , though , there is still no solid evidence that humans, or even non-human primates, give off or can detect pheromones that act as sexual attractants ( Mast & Samuelsen , 2009). In one study, for example, exotic dancers reported that their income from customer tips increased during the ovulation phase of their menstrual cycles (Miller,Tybur & Jordan , 2007) , but the difference was probably not due to pheromones. During ovulation, females tend to speak in a more sexually attractive manner ( Pipitone & Gallup, 2008) , to be more interested in erotic stimuli (Mass et ah , 2008) , and to be more receptive to courtship (Gueguen, 2008; Rosen & Lopez, 2009) . If a certain scent does enhance a person’s readiness for sex, it is probably because the person has learned to associate that scent with previous sexual experiences. There are many other examples of people using olfactory information in social situations. For example, after just a few hours of contact, mothers can usually identify their newborn babies by the infants’ smell (Porter, Cernich & McLaughlin , 1983) . And if infants are breastfed, they can discriminate their own mothers’ odour from that of other breastfeeding women , and they appear to be comforted by it ( Porter, 1991) .

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Do pheromones affect human sexual behaviour ?

Gustation The chemical sense system in the mouth is gustation, or taste. The receptors for taste are in the taste buds, which are grouped together in structures called papillae. Normally, there are about 10000 taste buds in a person’s mouth , mostly on the tongue but also on the roof of the mouth and on the back of the throat (Cheng & Robinson, 1991 ; Miller, 1986) .

Taste In contrast to the olfactory system, which can discriminate thousands of different odours, the human taste system generates only a few elementary sensations (Chandrashekar et al., 2006) . The most familiar of these are sweet, sour, bitter and salty (see the Snapshot ‘Taste receptors’). Each taste bud responds best to one or two of these categories, but it also responds weakly to others ( Zhang

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papillae structures on the tongue containing groups of taste receptors, or taste buds

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Taste receptors Taste buds are

grouped into structures called

papillae. Two kinds of papillae are visible in this greatly enlarged photo of the surface of the human tongue.

al., 2003) . The taste of a particular substance appears to come from the responses of taste buds that are mainly sensitive to a specific category. Behavioural studies and electrical recordings from taste neurons have identified two additional taste sensations. One, called umami (which means ‘delicious’ in Japanese), enhances other tastes. It is produced by certain proteins and also by monosodium glutamate ( MSG; Beauchamp, 2009) . The other, called astringent , is the taste produced by tannins , which are found in tea and some wines, for example. Different tastes are transduced into neural activity by different types of taste receptors and in different ways (Chandrashekar et al., 2006). For example, sweet and bitter are signalled when chemicals fit into specific receptor sites ( Montmayeur et al., 2001) , but sour and salty act by altering ion channels in the membranes of taste cells. Understanding the chemistry of sweetness has helped scientists design new chemicals that fit into sweetness receptors and taste thousands of times sweeter than sugar. As a result, weight-conscious people have more ways to enjoy low-kilojoule lollies, chocolate sundaes and other treats. Knowing how to create pleasant tastes and avoid unpleasant ones has also allowed drug companies to offer medications that patients are more likely to take as directed (Gupta et al. , 2010) . A taste component in its own right, saltiness also enhances the taste of food by suppressing bitterness (Breslin & Beauchamp, 1997) . et

Individual differences in taste Individual differences in how people taste things are partly determined by genetics. Because of genetic variations in sweet receptors, some people detect sweetness more easily than others ( Mainland & Matsunami , 2009). And about 25 per cent of humans are ‘supertasters’ (see the Snapshot ‘Are you a supertaster?’) who have an especially large number of papillae on their tongues (Bartoshuk , 2000) thousands of taste buds whereas ‘non-tasters’ have just a few hundred . Most people fall between these extremes. Supertasters are more sensitive than other people to bitterness, as revealed in their reaction to things such as beer, broccoli , soy products and grapefruit. Having different numbers of taste buds may help account for differences in people’s food intake, as well as weight problems. Some research has suggested that non-tasters are significantly heavier than medium tasters, who in turn are heavier than supertasters (Tepper & Ullrich , 2002) . Additionally, Bartoshuk et al. (2006) found that obese individuals like sweet and fat foods more than non-obese individuals , yet their perception of sweetness is less than for non-obese individuals. This decreased perception of sweetness in obese individuals is likely to contribute to their increased preference for fat foods.

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Are you a supertaster ? TRY THIS \i These photos show the large number of papillae on the tongue of a non - supertaster’. If you don’t mind a supertaster’, compared to the tongue of a ‘ ‘

temporary stain on your mouth and teeth, you can look at your own papillae by painting the front of your tongue with a cotton swab soaked in blue food colouring. Distribute the dye by moving your tongue around and swallowing, then look into a magnifying mirror as you shine a flashlight on your tongue. The pink circles you see

against the blue background are papillae, each of which has about six taste buds buried its surface. Get

several friends to do this test, and you will see that genes create wide individual differences in taste bud density.

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Smell, taste and flavour People with anosmia are unable to distinguish different smells. Some are born this way, but anosmia can also result from damage to the brain or to nerve cells high inside the nose (Doty, 2009; Hawkes, 2003; Leopold , 2002) . Anosmic individuals also have trouble distinguishing different tastes, even though there is nothing wrong with their taste system . Why? For the same reason that when you have a stuffy nose, everything may seem to taste the same usually like cardboard. Smell and taste act as two components of a single system, known as flavour (Rozin, 1982) . Most of the properties that make food taste good are actually odours detected by the olfactory system, not activities of the taste system. The olfactory and gustatory pathways converge in the orbitofrontal cortex (Rolls , 2006), where neurons also respond to the sight and texture of food .The responses of neurons in this ‘flavour cortex’ are also influenced by conditions of hunger and satiety (‘fullness’) .

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Reactions to taste and odour Both tastes and odours prompt strong emotional responses. For tastes, the emotional reaction to bitterness or sweetness appears to be inborn (Mueller et ah , 2005) , but for most mammals , including humans, there are few other innate flavour preferences. Most of what we like to eat, and what we avoid , is based on the experiences we have had with various foods (Myers & Sclafani, 2006) . Our emotional reactions to odours, too, are shaped by learning (Bartoshuk , 1991) . Emotional reactions to smells can also be affected by expectations. Consider a study in which people sniffed an air sample that was described as coming from either cheddar cheese or body odour. Those who thought they were smelling body odour rated the air sample as more unpleasant than those who thought they were smelling cheese (de Araujo et ah , 2005) . Variations in a person’s nutritional state can affect the taste, flavour and pleasure of eating food, as well as the motivation to eat certain foods (Yeomans & Mobini, 2006). For example, hunger or salt deficiency makes sweet or salty things taste better and more likely to be eaten . Influences on protein and fat intake are less direct. Protein and fat molecules have no particular taste or smell. So preferring or avoiding foods that contain these nutrients is based on associations between scent cues from other volatile substances in food and on the nutritional results of eating the foods (Bartoshuk, 1991; Schiffman et al., 1999).

Changing taste and flavour

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Flavour includes other characteristics of food , too including how it feels in your mouth and, especially, its temperature, TRY THIS Temperature does not alter saltiness, but warm foods tend to taste sweeter. In fact, simply warming the taste receptors creates a sensation of sweetness (Cruz & Green, 2000; you can experience this sensation simply by holding some warm water in your mouth for a few seconds) . Aromas released from warm food rise from the mouth into the nose and create more flavour sensations. This is probably why some people find hot pizza delicious and cold pizza disgusting. Spicy foods actually stimulate pain fibres in the mouth because they contain a substance called capsaicin , which opens ion channels in pain neurons that are also opened by heat. As a result , these foods seem ‘hot’ (Caterina et al. , 1997). In short, experiencing the flavour of the foods we eat is not just a process of sensing chemical signals coming from the tongue and the nose. It also involves temperature and texture, and it can be affected too by what we have learned (Verhagen, 2006) . (The section ‘In review:The chemical senses: smell and taste’ summarises our discussion of these senses.)

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Why does food taste bland when you have a cold or flu?

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O

N REVIEW The chemical senses: smell and taste ASPECT OF SENSORY SYSTEM

KEY CHARACTERISTICS

ELEMENTS

Energy

Smell: volatile chemicals Taste: chemicals in solution

The amount, intensity and location of the chemicals determine taste and smell sensations.

Structures of taste and smell

Smell: chemical receptors in the mucous membrane of the nose Taste: taste buds grouped in papillae in the mouth

Odour and taste molecules stimulate chemical receptors.

Pathways to

Smell: olfactory bulb Taste: taste buds

Axons from the nose bypass the thalamus and extend directly to the olfactory bulb.

the brain

Check your understanding and 1 The flavour of food arises from a combination of 2 Emotion and memory are linked especially closely to our sense of 3 Perfume ads suggest that humans are affected by that increase sexual attraction. .

4.5 CUTANEOUS SENSES AND THE VESTIBULAR SYSTEM cutaneous senses senses of touch, temperature, pain and kinaesthesia

Some senses are not located in a specific organ , such as the eye or the ear. These are the cutaneous senses , also known as the somatic senses or somatosensory systems, which are spread throughout the body. The cutaneous senses include the skin senses of touch, temperature and pain , as well as proprioception , the sense that tells the brain about body position and movements. Closely related to proprioception is the vestibular system , or sense of equilibrium , which tells the brain about the position and movements of the head .

Touch and temperature People can function and prosper without vision, hearing or smell. But a person with no sense of touch might not survive. Without this sense, you could not even swallow food , because you could not tell where it was in your mouth and throat. You receive touch sensations through your skin, which is the body’s largest organ . The skin covers about 1 2 square metres of surface area, weighs nearly 10 kilograms , and has hair virtually everywhere on it. The hairs on your skin do not sense anything, but they bend when contacted, creating pressure at their bases which stimulates touch receptors on and in the skin beneath them. Neural receptors in and just below the skin send the information from ‘touch’ to the brain (Delmas, Hao & Rodat-Despoix, 2011).

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Encoding touch information The sense of touch encodes information about two aspects of an object contacting the skin: its weight and its location .The intensity of the stimulus how heavy it is is encoded both by the firing rate of individual neurons and by the number of neurons stimulated. A heavy object triggers a higher

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rate of firing and stimulates more neurons than a light object. The brain ‘knows’ where the touch

occurs based on the location of the nerves that sense the touch information . Touch information is organised so that signals from neighbouring points on the skin stay next to one another as they travel from the skin through the spinal cord to the thalamus and on to the somatosensory cortex. So just as there is a map of the visual field in the brain , the area of cortex that receives touch information resembles a map of the surface of the body. As with the other senses, input from the left side of the body goes to the right side of the brain, and vice versa.

Adapting to touch stimuli Continuous, unchanging input from all your touch neurons would provide a lot of unnecessary information. Once you get dressed, you don’t need to be constantly reminded that you are wearing clothes.Thanks in part to the process of sensory adaptation described earlier, you don’t continue to feel your clothes against your skin . Changes in touch (as when your belt or shoe suddenly feels loose ) provide the most important sensory information. The touch sense emphasises these changes and acts to filter out the excess information . How? Typically, a touch neuron responds with a burst of firing when a stimulus is applied , then quickly returns to its baseline firing rate, even though the stimulus may still be in contact with the skin . If the touch pressure increases , the neuron again responds by increasing its firing rate and then slowing down. A few neurons adapt more slowly, however, continuing to fire as long as pressure is applied . By attending to this input, you can sense a constant stimulus.

Sensing temperature Some of the skin’s sensory neurons respond to a change in temperature but not to simple contact. ‘Warm fibres’ and ‘cold fibres’ respond to specific temperature changes only. However, many of these neural receptors respond not just to temperature but also to touch , so these sensations sometimes interact. For example, if you touch an object made up of alternating warm and cool sections , you’ll have the sensation of intense heat (Thunberg, 1896 , cited in Craig & Bushnell, 1994) .

Pain Touch can feel pleasurable, but if the intensity of touch stimulation increases too much, it can turn into a pain sensation . Pain tells you about the impact of the world on your body. It also has a distinctly negative emotional component that interrupts whatever you are doing (Eccleston & Crombez , 1999) .

Pain as an information sense The receptors for pain are free nerve endings that come from the spinal cord , enter the skin and then simply end . Painful stimuli cause the release of chemicals that fit into these specialised receptors in pain neurons, causing them to fire.The axons of pain-sensing neurons release neuro transmitters not only near the spinal cord (thus sending pain information to the brain) but also near the skin (causing inflammation) . Two types of nerve fibres carry pain signals from the skin to the spinal cord . A delta fibres carry signals that feel like sharp, pricking pain sensations. C -fibres carry signals that create a sensation of dull , continuous aches and burning sensations.When you stub your toe, for example, that immediate wave of sharp, intense pain is signalled by A-delta fibres, whereas that slightly delayed wave of gnawing, dull pain is signalled by C-fibres. When pain impulses reach the spinal cord, they form synapses with neurons that relay the pain signals to the thalamus and other parts of the brain . Different pain neurons are activated by different types and degrees of painful stimulation ( Ploner et al., 2002).

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Emotional aspects of pain Specific pathways carry the emotional component of a painful stimulus to areas of the hindbrain , the reticular formation, and the cortex via the thalamus (Shackman et al., 2011) . However, our overall emotional response depends greatly on our mood and how we think about the pain (for example, Kirschneck et ah , 2013; Miro , Huguet & Jensen, 2014) . In one study, some participants were told about the kind of painful stimulus they were to receive and when to expect it. Others were not informed. Those who knew what to expect objected less to the pain, even though the sensation was reported to be equally noticeable in both groups (Mayer & Price, 1982) . People can lessen their emotional responses to pain by using pain-reducing strategies such as listening to music or focusing on pictures or distracting thoughts (for example, Buhle et al. , 2012; Simavli et al., 2013), especially if they expect these strategies to succeed (Bantick et al., 2002) . Another emerging technology is ‘real-time functional MRI’, a system that allows people to watch their own brain activity, live as it occurs , on a video display (Weiskopf, 2012) .When people in pain view these images, they can learn movements, behaviours or relaxation techniques that lessen activity in brain regions that process pain signals, and as they do so, they experience pain relief (Chapin , Bagarinao & Mackey, 2013).

The gate control theory of pain gate control theory of pain a theory suggesting that a functional ‘ gate’ in the spinal cord can either let pain impulses travel upwards the brain or block their progress

to

Pain is useful because it can protect you from harm. There are times, though, when enough is enough. Fortunately, the nervous system has several ways to control the experience of pain. One theory about how these mechanisms work is called the gate control theory of pain (Melzack & Wall, 1965).The theory suggests that a ‘gate’ in the spinal cord either allows pain signals to reach the brain or stops them. Some details of the original theory were incorrect, but it continues to guide medical efforts at pain management (Mendell, 2014); see the Snapshot ‘Itchy and scratchy’. Thats because there is evidence that natural mechanisms can indeed block pain sensations at the level of the spinal cord (DeLeo, 2006; Dickenson, 2002).

Itchy and scratchy The gate control theory of pain may partly explain why scratching relieves itching, because itch sensations involve activity in fibres located close to pain fibres (Andrew & Craig, 2001). Scratching itchy skin also activates brain regions related to reward (Vierow et al., 2009) and creates the temporary pleasure you get from doing so. Itch was once thought to result from low - level activity in pain neurons, but recent research has identified sensory pathways from the skin to the brain that are specifically dedicated to itch ( Sun et al., 2009). Scientists are working on ways of blocking the spinal cord ’s response to itch signals from the skin. If they succeed, their methods may some day be applied in reducing the suffering of thousands of people afflicted with chronic itchiness (Gawande, 2008).

For example, input from other skin senses can come into the spinal cord at the same time the pain gets there and take over the pathways that the pain impulses would have used . This may be why we can temporarily relieve pain by rubbing the skin around a wound or using electrical stimulation or creams that produce temperature sensations (Henderson , 2008; Slavin , 2008) . It also helps explain why scratching relieves itching; itchy sensations involve activity in fibres located close to pain fibres (Andrew & Craig, 2001; bin Saif et al., 2012) . Unfortunately, pain gates can sometimes be ‘left open’. Chronic pain conditions can be caused by damage or inflammation in the peripheral nervous system that sensitises incoming pain pathways,

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making them more likely to send pain signals to the brain (D’Mello & Dickenson, 2008) . Gate control theory suggests a way to help individuals with these problems. One study focused on people with pain throughout their bodies caused by neuropathy , a condition that damages tiny nerves (Kessler & Hong, 2013). These patients reported reductions in their pain after receiving ‘whole body vibration therapy’ , a technique in which they stand on a rapidly vibrating platform for three-minute sessions three times a week for a month (Galea, 2012). Such findings suggest that the spinal pain gate was overwhelmed by the harmless non-painful vibration sensations, making it impossible for pain signals to enter. The brain itself can close the gate to pain impulses by sending signals down the spinal cord . These messages from the brain block incoming pain signals at spinal cord synapses. The result is analgesia , a reduction in pain sensation in the presence of a normally painful stimulus. Aspirin and other analgesic drugs can dull pain sensations, but it may also be possible to help the brain close the pain gate without them . For example, research participants who received 15 minutes of transcranial magnetic stimulation (see Table 3.1 in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’) found it easier to withstand a painful heat stimulus (Borckardt et al. , 2007) , and patients suffering from pain caused by brain damage are being helped by other brain-stimulation techniques (Arle & Shils, 2008) .

analgesia the absence of pain sensations in the presence of a normally painful stimulus

Natural analgesics As described in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’, natural opiates called endorphins play a role in the brain’s ability to block pain signals. Endorphins are natural painkillers that act as neurotransmitters at many levels of the pain pathway. In the spinal cord , for example, they block the synapses of the fibres that carry pain signals. Endorphins may also relieve pain when the adrenal and pituitary glands secrete them into the bloodstream as hormones. The more endorphin receptors a person has inherited, the more pain tolerance that person has (Benjamin , Wilson & Mogil , 1999) . Several conditions can cause the body to ease its own pain . For example, endorphins are released where inflammation occurs (Cabot , 2001) . A spinal cord endorphin system is activated during the late stages of pregnancy, and the more endorphins a woman spontaneously generates, the less additional analgesia she needs during childbirth (Dabo et al., 2010) . An endorphin system is also activated when people believe they are receiving a painkiller, even when they are not (Wager et al., 2011; Zubieta & Stohler, 2009); this may help explain some of the placebo effects described in Chapter 2, ‘Research in psychology’ (Stewart-Williams, 2004) . The resulting pain inhibition is experienced in the part of the body where the person expected it to occur, but not elsewhere (Benedetti , Arduino & Amanzio, 1999) . Physical or psychological stress can also activate natural analgesic systems. Stress-induced release of natural analgesics may account for the fact that injured soldiers and athletes sometimes continue to perform in the heat of battle or competition with no apparent pain (Colloca & Benedetti , 2005) .

THINKING CRITICALLY Does acupuncture relieve pain? Acupuncture is a widely used, 3000 - year - old Asian

though, acupuncture is said to be capable of relieving pain ( Lin & Chen, 2008). The treatment is based on the idea that body energy, called Cji , flows along channels that link particular internal organs to particular places on the skin. It is said that there are 14 main channels and that a person’s health depends on the balance of energy flowing in them. Inserting fine needles into the skin and twirling them is

medical treatment that is alleged to work many wonders, including curing epilepsy, reducing insomnia, speeding stroke recovery, helping people quit smoking, reducing nausea from chemotherapy and aiding weight - loss efforts (Cho et al,2009; Li, Jack & Yang, 2006; Tu et al,2012; Wang, Tian 8( Han, 2008; Yongxia, 2006). Most notably,

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stimulate these channels and restore a balanced flow of energy. The needles produce an aching and tingling sensation called teh - ch’i at the site of stimulation, but they are said to relieve pain at distant, seemingly unrelated parts of the body (Liu & Akira, 1994; Yan et a I., 1992). meant to

What am I being asked to believe or accept ? Acupuncturists assert that twirling a needle in the skin can relieve pain caused by everything from tooth extraction to cancer.

What evidence is available to support the assertion ? There is no scientific evidence for the existence of the energy channels proposed in the theory behind acupuncture (Wang, Kain & White, 2008). However, as described in Chapter 3, ‘ Biological aspects of psychology’, some acupuncture stimulation sites are near peripheral nerves, and evidence from fMRI scans suggests that stimulating these sites changes activity in brain regions related to the targets of treatment (Qin et al., 2011). What about the more specific assertions that acupuncture relieves pain and that it does so through direct physical mechanisms? Several studies have shown positive results in 50 -80 per cent of patients treated with acupuncture for various kinds of pain (Brinkhaus et al., 2006; Manheimer et al., 2005; Witt et al., 2005). One summary of 11 such studies found greater overall reductions in headache pain among patients who had been randomly assigned to receive acupuncture when compared with those randomly assigned to receive standard drug therapies ( Linde et al., 2009). Adding acupuncture to a program of drugs and exercise was followed by a greater reduction in the pain of fibromyalgia, and the difference remained apparent three months after treatment (Targino et al., 2008). Another study found that acupuncture before surgery reduced postoperative pain and nausea, decreased the need for pain - relieving drugs, and reduced patients’ stress responses (Kotani et al., 2001). Yet another found electrical - stimulation acupuncture to be more effective than either drugs or fake stimulation at reducing nausea following major breast surgery; the acupuncture group also reported the least postoperative pain (Gan et al., 2004). Well - controlled studies are rare, however, and their results can be contradictory. Some studies of patients with back or neck pain, for example, have found acupuncture to

be no better than a placebo or massage therapy ( Assefi et al., 2005; Cherkin et al., 2009; Foster et al., 2007; Linde et al., 2009; White et al., 2012); others have found that acupuncture benefits only certain patients (Witt et al., 2011). There is evidence that acupuncture activates the endorphin system. It is associated with the release of endorphins in the brain, and drugs that slow the breakdown of opiates also prolong the analgesia produced by acupuncture (He, 1987). Furthermore, the pain - reducing effects of acupuncture during electrical stimulation of a tooth can be reversed by naloxone, a substance that blocks the painkilling effects of endorphins and other opiate drugs. This finding suggests that acupuncture somehow activates the body’s natural painkilling system. If acupuncture does activate endorphins, is the activation brought about only through the placebo effect ? Probably not entirely, because acupuncture produces naloxone reversible analgesia in monkeys and rats, who could not have developed positive expectancies by reading about acupuncture (Kishioka et al., 1994).

Are there alternative ways of interpreting the evidence ? Yes. Evidence about acupuncture might be interpreted as simply confirming that the body’s painkilling system can be stimulated by external means. Acupuncture may merely provide one activating method ( Pariente et al., 2005); there may be other, even more efficient ways ( Petrovic et al., 2005; Ulett, 2003). We already know, for example, that successful placebo treatments for human pain appear to operate by activating the How does endorphin system (see the Snapshot ‘ acupuncture work?’).

What additional evidence would help evaluate the alternatives ? More placebo -controlled studies of acupuncture are needed, but it is difficult to control for the placebo effect in acupuncture treatment, especially in double - blind fashion (Derry et al., 2006; Kaptchuk et al., 2006). How could a study be set up so that therapists would not know whether the treatment they are giving is acupuncture or not? What placebo treatment could look and feel like having a needle inserted and twirled in the skin? Some researchers have created single - blind placebo acupuncture using sham techniques in which the needles do not actually break >>> — 1

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methods (for example, Haake et al., 2007; Linde et al., 2009; White et al., 2012). Future controlled experiments should eventually reveal the degree to which placebo effects play a role in the results of acupuncture treatment. Researchers must also go beyond focusing on the effects of acupuncture to consider the general relationship between internal painkilling systems and external methods for stimulating them. Regarding acupuncture itself, scientists do not yet know what factors govern its ability to activate the endorphin system. Other important unknowns include the types of pain for which acupuncture is most effective, the types of patients who respond best, and the precise procedures that are most effective.

How does acupuncture work ? This acupuncturist is inserting fine needles in the patient’s face in the hope of treating poor blood circulation in the patient ’s hands and feet. Acupuncture treatments appear to alleviate a wide range of problems, including many kinds of pain, but the mechanisms through which it works are not yet determined.

What conclusions are most reasonable ? Although acupuncture is not a cure -all, there seems little doubt that in some circumstances, it does relieve pain and reduce nausea (British Medical Association, 2000; National Institutes of Health Consensus Conference, 1998). What

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the skin, or are inserted but not twirled, or are inserted in locations that should not, according to acupuncturists, have any effect on pain. In one study of sham techniques, research participants were indeed unable to tell whether or not they were getting genuine acupuncture (Enblom et al., 2008). So far, only a few studies have used sophisticated sham methods (Madsen, Gotzsche & Hrobjartsson, 2009), and some have found acupuncture to be no more effective than placebo

know is exactly why this may be and through what mechanism any genuine effects might operate. Thus, acupuncture remains a fascinating phenomenon, a treatment used on millions of people all over the world, and a continuing source of controversy. Some critics argue that further expenditures for acupuncture research are not warranted, but it seems likely that studies will continue. The quality of these studies’ methodology and the nature of their results will determine whether acupuncture finds a more prominent place in Western medicine.

Proprioception: sensing body position Most sensory systems receive information from the external world, such as the light reflected from a flower or the feeling of cool water. But as far as the brain is concerned , the rest of the body is ‘out there’ too. You know about the position of your body and what each of its parts is doing only because sensory systems provide this information to the brain . These sensory systems are called proprioceptive senses ( proprioceptive means ‘received from the self ’) .

Sense of equilibrium The sense of equilibrium , also called the vestibular sense , tells the brain about the position of the head (and to some degree, the rest of the body) in space and about its general movements. It is a primary component of what people think of as the sense of balance. People usually become aware of their sense of equilibrium only when it is overstimulated and they become dizzy or motion-sick .

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proprioceptive senses the sensory systems that allow us to know about body position and what each part of our body is doing sense of equilibrium (vestibular sense) the

proprioceptive sense that provides information about the position of the head (and hence the body) in space and about its movements

Chapter 3: Sensation and Perception

vestibular sacs organs in the inner ear that connect the semicircular canals and the cochlea and contribute to the body’s sense of balance

otoliths small crystals in the fluid - filled vestibular sacs of the inner ear that, when shifted by gravity, stimulate nerve cells that inform the brain of the position of the head

semicircular canals tubes in the inner ear whose fluid, when shifted by head movements, stimulates

nerve cells that tell the brain

about those movements

kinaesthetic perception the proprioceptive sense that tells you where the parts of your body are with respect to one another

proprioceptors receptors in muscles and joints that provide information to the brain about movement and

body position

Balancing act The smooth coordination of all

physical movement, from scratching your nose to complex feats of balance, depends on proprioception, the senses that provide information about the position of the head and body, their movements, and where each body part is in relation to all the others.

Organs involved in equilibrium The organs for the sense of equilibrium are two vestibular sacs and three semicircular canals in your inner ears. (You can see the semicircular canals in Figure 4.4; the vestibular sacs connect these canals and the cochlea .) The vestibular sacs are filled with a thick , oily fluid and contain small crystals called otoliths (‘ear stones’) that rest on hair endings. The semicircular canals are fluid-filled , arcshaped tubes, with tiny hairs extending into the fluid. When your head moves, the otoliths shift in the vestibular sacs and the fluid moves in the semicircular canals, stimulating hair endings. These changes activate neurons that travel with the acoustic nerve, informing the brain about the amount and direction of head movement (Angelaki & Cullen , 2008).

Connection to the brain Nerve cells from the vestibular system connect to several brain regions, including the cerebellum , the part of the autonomic nervous system (ANS) that affects the digestive system, and areas that move the eyes. The connections to the cerebellum help coordinate accurate body movements.The connections to the ANS are partly responsible for the nausea that sometimes follows intense stimulation of the vestibular system on amusement park rides, for example. Finally, the connections to the eye muscles create vestibular-ocular reflexes. For instance, when your head moves in one direction, your eyes reflexively move in the opposite direction . This reflex allows your eyes to focus on a fixed point in space even if your head is moving as when you track a ball in flight while You can experience this reflex by having a friend spin you around running to catch it. TRY THIS ^ on a stool for 15 30 seconds. When you stop spinning, try to fix your gaze on one point in the room .You will be temporarily unable to do so, because the excitation of the vestibular system will cause your eyes to move repeatedly in the direction opposite to the spinning. Because vestibular reflexes adapt to the lack of gravity in outer space, astronauts returning to earth have postural and movement difficulties until their vestibular systems readjust to the effects of gravity (Paloski , 1998).

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Kinaesthetic perceptiion ffinnnm Your sense of balance depends partly on kinaesthetic perception, which tells you where the parts of your body are with respect to one another. You probably do not think much about kinaesthetic information, but you definitely use it, and you can demonstrate it for yourself. Close your eyes, hold your arms out in front of you , and try to touch your two index fingertips together. You probably did this easily because your kinaesthetic sense told you where each finger was with respect to your body. You also depend on kinaesthetic information to guide all your movements. Otherwise, it would be impossible to develop or improve any motor skill, from walking to complex athletic movements. These movement patterns become simple and fluid because with practice, the brain uses kinaesthetic information automatically.

Proprioceptors Kinaesthetic information comes from special receptors, called proprioceptors, in joints and muscles. Proprioceptors in muscle fibres send information to the brain about the stretching of muscles (Proske, 2006) . When the position of your bones changes, as when you move your arms and legs, proprioceptors (see the Snapshot ‘Balancing act’) in the joints transduce this mechanical energy into nerve cell activity, providing information about both the rate of change and the angle of the bones. This encoded information goes to the spinal cord and is sent from there to the thalamus, along with sensory information from the skin . Eventually, the information goes to the cerebellum and to the somatosensory cortex (see Figure 3.9 and Figure 3.12 in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’) , where it is used in the smooth coordination of movements.

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Application of proprioception Proprioception is a critical sense for success in physical therapy and rehabilitative medicine, especially for people who have to relearn how to move their muscles after strokes or other problems. Research in a branch of physics called non- linear dynamics has been applied to problems in proprioception. For example, using the discovery that the right amount of random background noise can improve the detection of signals, rehabilitation neurologists have added a small amount of vibration (or ‘noise’) to muscle and joint sensations. This procedure dramatically increases patients’ ability to detect joint movements and position (Glanz, 1997) . (See the upcoming section ‘In review: Cutaneous senses and the vestibular system’ for a summary of our discussion of touch , temperature, pain and kinaesthetic perception .)

FOCUS ON RESEARCH METHODS The case of the mysterious spells Early in this chapter we discussed the specific energy doctrine, which says that each sensory system can send information to the brain only about its own sense, regardless of how the stimulation occurs. So gently pressing on your closed eye will send touch sensations from the skin on your eyelid and visual sensations from your eye. This doctrine applies even when stimulation of sensory systems arises from within the brain itself. For example, tinnitus , a continuous ‘ ringing in the ears’, occurs as a result of spontaneous activation of nerve cells in auditory areas of the brain, not from any external sound source. The following case study illustrates a far less common example in which spontaneous brain activity resulted in erotic sensations.

What was the researcher's question ? A 31- year -old woman we’ll call ‘Linda’ reported that for many years she had been experiencing recurring ‘spells’ that began with what seemed like sexual sensations (Janszky et a I., 2002). These ‘ orgasm - like euphoric erotic sensations’ were followed by a staring, unresponsive state in which she lost consciousness. The spells, which occurred without warning and in response to no obvious trigger, interfered severely with her ability to function normally in everyday life. Linda was examined by Jozsef Janszky, a neurologist, who suspected that she might be suffering from epilepsy, a seizure disorder in which nerve cells in the brain suddenly

firing uncontrollably. The symptoms of an epileptic seizure depend on which brain areas are activated. Seizures that activate the motor area of the cerebral cortex will cause uncontrollable movements, seizures that activate visual cortex will create the sensation of images, and so on. Could start

there be a specific brain region that, when activated by a seizure, causes the sensations of orgasm that are normally brought on by external stimulation?

How did the researcher answer the question ? It is not easy to study the neurological basis of sexual sensations because most people are understandably reluctant to allow researchers to monitor their sexual activity. In the process of diagnosing Linda’s problem, Janszky had a unique opportunity to learn something about the origin of orgasmic sensations without intruding on his patient’s privacy. His approach exemplifies the cose study method of research. As described in Chapter 2, ‘Research in psychology’, case studies focus intensively on a particular individual, group or situation. Sometimes they lead to important insights about clinical problems or other phenomena that occur so rarely that they cannot be studied through surveys or controlled experiments. In this case, Janszky decided to study Linda’s brain activity while she was actually having a spell. He reasoned that if the spells were caused by seizures in a specific brain region, it might be possible to eliminate the problem through surgery.

What did the researcher find ? Linda’s brain activity was recorded during five of her spells, using electroencephalography ( EEG), a method described in more detail in Chapter 3, ‘ Biological aspects of psychology’. During each spell, the EEG showed that she was having seizures in the right temporal lobe of her brain. A subsequent MRI of her brain revealed a small area of abnormal tissue in the same area of the right temporal lobe. >>> —

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The organisation of nerve cells in abnormal brain tissue can make it easier for seizures to occur, so Linda was advised to have some tissue surgically removed from the problem area. After the surgery, her seizures stopped.

What do we still need to know ? Janszky’s suggestion might be correct, meaning that activation of the right temporal cortex may be sufficient for the sensory experience of orgasm. But at least one important question remains: How specific is the linkage between activity in this brain region and the sensory experiences of orgasm? Could seizures in other brain regions cause similar experiences? Is right temporal cortex activity one of many ways to generate orgasm - like experiences, or is it necessary for these experiences? Answering this question would be easier if we knew whether Linda continued to experience orgasms during sexual activity. If she did, the implication would be that the area of right temporal lobe tissue that was removed was not necessary for the experience of orgasm. Unfortunately, Janszky’s report is silent on this point, but future cases and further research will no doubt shed additional light on this fascinating sensory puzzle.

What do the results mean ? Janszky concluded that Linda had been having ‘localisation - related epilepsy’, meaning that her spells were seizures coming from a specific brain location. This conclusion was supported by the fact that she had right temporal lobe seizures on the EEG each time she had a spell. Her MRI showed an abnormality in the same region that commonly gives rise to seizures, and her spells disappeared after the abnormality was removed. Linda’s case also led Janszky to suggest that the right temporal lobe may play a special role in creating the sensory experience of orgasm.

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N REVIEW Cutaneous senses and the vestibular system SENSE

Touch

Temperature

Pain

ENERGY

CONVERSION OF PHYSICAL ENERGY TO NERVE ACTIVITY

PATHWAYS AND CHARACTERISTICS

Mechanical deformation of skin

Skin receptors (may be stimulated by hair on the skin)

Nerve endings respond to changes in weight (intensity) and location of touch.

Sensory neurons in the skin

Changes in temperature are detected by warm - sensing and cool - sensing fibres. Temperature interacts with touch.

Free nerve endings in or near the skin surface

Changes in intensity cause the release of chemicals detected by receptors in pain neurons. Some fibres convey sharp pain; others convey dull aches and burning sensations.

Mechanical energy of head movements

Neural receptors in the inner ear

Information about fluid moving in the semicircular canals is sent to the brain along the acoustic nerve.

Mechanical energy of joint and muscle

Neural receptors (proprioceptors) in

Heat

Increases with intensity of touch or temperature

Sense of

equilibrium Kinaesthetic

perception

movement

joints and muscle fibres

Information from joints and muscle fibres is sent to the spinal cord, thalamus, cerebellum and cortex.

Check your understanding 1 The gate control theory offers an explanation of why we sometimes do not feel 2 Professional dancers look at the same spot for as long as possible during repeated spins. They are trying to avoid the dizziness caused when the sense of is overstimulated. 3 Without your sense of you would not be able to swallow food without choking.

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4.6 PERCEPTION So far, we have explored how sensory information reaches the brain . Let’s now consider the processes of perception that allow the brain to make sense of that information .These perceptual processes can sometimes be the difference between life and death . For example, at a roundabout in Scotland , 14 fatal accidents occurred in a single year, partly because drivers failed to slow down as they approached the circle. When warning signs failed to solve the problem, Gordon Denton, a British psychologist , proposed an ingenious solution.White lines were painted across the road leading to the circle, spaced to form a pattern that looked something like this: /

/

/

/

/

If drivers crossed these progressively more closely spaced lines at a constant speed, they got the impression that they were speeding up, so their automatic response was to slow down ( Denton , 1980) . During the 14 months after Denton’s idea was put to use, there were only two fatalities at the roundabout. The same striping is now used to slow drivers on roads approaching intersections and small towns in many countries, including Australia . Denton’s solution to this problem relied heavily on his knowledge of the principles of human perception. Perception is the process through which sensations are interpreted, using knowledge and understanding of the world , so that they become meaningful experiences. Perception is not a passive process of simply absorbing and decoding incoming sensations. If it were, our experience of the environment would be a constantly changing, utterly confusing mishmash of light and colour. Instead, our brains take sensations and create a coherent world, often by filling in missing information and using past experience to give meaning to what we see, hear or touch . For example, the raw sensations coming to your eyes from Figure 4.16 convey only the information that there is a series of intersecting lines. But your perceptual system automatically interprets this image as a rectangle (or window frame) on its side.

The perception paradox As in the case of drivers who find themselves slowing down in response to lines on the road , perception often takes place automatically, without conscious awareness. This quick and seemingly effortless aspect of perceptual processing suggests that perception is a rather simple affair. But perception contains a basic contradiction , or paradox: what is so easy for the perceiver to do has proved difficult for psychologists to understand and explain . The difficulty lies in the fact that to function so effectively and efficiently, our perceptual systems must be exceedingly complex.

Perceptual failures To illustrate the workings of these complex systems , psychologists draw attention to perceptual failures , cases in which our perceptual experience of a stimulus differs from the actual characteristics of that stimulus. TRY THIS \i You can experience a perceptual failure for yourself by looking at Figure 4.17. Perceptual failures provide clues to the problems that our perception systems must solve and to the solutions they reach . Consider, for example, why the two lines in

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perception the process through which people take raw sensations from the environment and interpret them, using knowledge, experience and understanding of the world, so that the sensations become meaningful

experiences

Chapter 3: Sensation and Perception

Figure 4.17 appear to differ in length . Part of the answer is that your visual system always tries to interpret stimuli as three-dimensional , even when they are not. A three-dimensional interpretation of the drawing would lead you to see the two lines as defining the edges of two parallel paths, one of which ends closer to you than the other. Because your eyes tell you that the two paths start at about the same point ( the castle entrance) , you solved the perceptual problem by assuming that the closer line must be the longer of the two. You can remove the three-dimensional cues by tracing the two intersecting lines onto a sheet of clear plastic and placing it on a white surface. In this more clearly two-dimensional display, the impression of unequal length will disappear.

FIGURE 4.17 Misperceiving reality

Which line is longer: AB or AC? They are exactly the same length, but you probably perceived AC as longer. Understanding why our perceptual systems make this kind of error has helped psychologists understand the basic principles of perception.

Three approaches to perception Psychologists have taken three main approaches in their efforts to understand human perception .

Computation model computational model an approach to perception

that focuses on how computations by the nervous system translate raw sensory stimulation into an experience of reality

The most recent of these is based on a computational model, which tries to determine the calculations that a computer would have to perform to solve perceptual problems. Psychologists taking this computational approach believe that understanding these calculations will help them explain how complex computations within the nervous systems of humans and animals might turn raw sensory stimulation into a representation of the world. Computational theorists also hope that it might eventually be possible to build computerised robots capable of near-human levels of perceptual skill at jobs such as bomb detection and product inspection (Thaler, Kennedy & Hanson, 2001).The computational model owes much to two earlier but still influential views of perception: the constructivist approach and the ecological approach.

Constructivist approach constructivist approach an approach to perception

taken by those who argue

that the perceptual system uses fragments of sensory information to construct an image of reality

Psychologists who take the constructivist approach argue that our perceptual systems construct a representation of reality from fragments of sensory information. These psychologists are particularly interested in situations in which the same stimulus creates different perceptions in different people. As described later, for example, the optical illusion you experienced in Figure 4.17 may not be experienced by people from cultures where there is little or no experience with the objects or linear perspectives shown in the drawing (Leibowitz et al., 1969) . Constructivists emphasise that our perception is strongly influenced by what we have learned from our experiences and by the expectations and inferences that those experiences create (Rock, 1983) . For example, a desk might prevent you from seeing the lower

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half of a person seated behind it , but you still ‘see’ the person as a complete human being. Experience tells you to expect that people remain intact even when parts of them are obscured.

Ecological approach Researchers influenced by the ecological approach to perception claim that most of our perceptual experience comes directly from the wealth of information contained in the stimuli coming to us from the environment rather than from our interpretations, inferences and expectations. J. J. Gibson (1979), founder of the ecological approach, argued that the primary goal of perception is to support actions (such as walking, grasping or driving) by ‘tuning in’ to the part of the environment that is most important for performing those actions. These researchers are less interested in our inferences about the person behind the desk than in how we would use visual information from that person, from the desk and from other objects in the room to guide us as we walk towards a chair and sit down (Nakayama , 1994) .

ecological approach an approach to perception

maintaining that humans and other species are so well adapted to their natural environment that many aspects of the world are perceived without requiring higher - level analysis and inferences

Summarising perception In summary, to explain perception, the computational approach focuses on the nervous system’s manipulations of incoming signals , the constructivist approach emphasises the inferences that people make about the environment , and the ecological approach emphasises the information provided by the environment . Later, we discuss evidence in support of each of these approaches.

o

IN REVIEW Perception APPROACH

DESCRIPTION

Computational model

An approach to perception that focuses on how computations by the nervous system translate raw sensory stimulation into an experience of reality

Constructivist approach

An approach to perception taken by those who argue that the perceptual system uses fragments of sensory information to construct an image of reality

Ecological approach

An approach to perception maintaining that humans and other species are so well adapted to their natural environment that many aspects of the world are perceived without requiring higher -level analysis and inferences

Check your understanding 1 arguments arise for the information contained in the stimuli coming to us from the environment rather than from our interpretations, inferences and expectations. 2 emphasise that our perception is strongly influenced by what we have learned from our experiences. 3 are where our perceptual experience of a stimulus differs from the actual characteristics of that stimulus.

4.7 ORGANISING THE PERCEPTUAL WORLD To further appreciate the wonder of the complicated perceptual work you do every day, imagine yourself driving on a busy road searching for Barney’s Cafe, an unfamiliar cafe where you are supposed to meet a friend . The roadside is crammed with signs of all shapes and colours, some flashing and some rotating. If you are ever to recognise the sign that says ‘Barney’s Cafe’, you must impose some sort of organisation on this overwhelming mixture of visual information . How do you do this? How

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perceptual organisation the task of determining what edges and other stimuli go together to form an

object

do you know where one sign ends and another begins? And how do you know that an apparently tiny sign is not really tiny but just far away? Perceptual organisation is the task performed by the perceptual system to determine what edges and other stimuli go together to form an object ( Peterson & Rhodes , 2003) . In this case, the object would be the sign for Barneys Cafe. It is perceptual organisation , too, that makes it possible for you to separate the sign from its background of lights, colours, letters and other competing stimuli. Figure 4.18 shows some of the ways in which your perceptual system can organise stimuli. The figure appears as a hollow cube, but notice that you can see it from two angles: either looking down at the top of the cube or looking up towards the bottom of the cube. Notice, too, that the ‘cube’ is not really a cube at all but rather a series of unconnected arrows and Vs. Your perceptual system organises these elements into a cube by creating imaginary connecting lines called subjective contours. That system can also change the apparent location of the cube.You probably first saw it as ‘floating’ in front of a background of large black dots , but those dots can also become ‘holes’ through which you see the cube against a solid black background ‘behind’ the page. It may take a little time to see this second perceptual organisation, but when you do, notice that the subjective contours you saw earlier are gone. They disappear because your perceptual system adjusts for the fact that when an object is partially obscured, we should not be able to see all of it.

FIGURE 4.18 Organise this! TRY THIS N Psychologists have employed the principles of figure - ground organisation and grouping to help explain how your visual system allows you to perceive these disconnected

lines as a cube, to see it from above or below, and to see it as being either on the page or ‘behind’ it.

Basic processes in perceptual organisation To explain phenomena such as these and to understand the way our perceptual systems organise more naturalistic scenes, psychologists have focused on two basic processes: figure ground discrimination and grouping.

Figure ground discrimination

figure ground discrimination the ability to organise a visual scene so that it contains meaningful figures set against a less relevant ground

When you look at a complex scene or listen to a noisy environment, your perceptual apparatus automatically emphasises certain features, objects or sounds; all other stimuli in that environment become the background. So as you drive towards an intersection, a stop sign stands out clearly against the background of trees, houses and cars. This is an example of figure ground discrimination. A figure, as the part of the visual field that has meaning, stands in front of the rest and always seems to include the contours or edges that separate it from the less relevant ground , or background. As described earlier in this chapter, edges are one of the most basic features detected by our visual system; they combine to form figures.

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To experience how your perceptual system creates figure and ground , look at the drawings in Figure 4.19 . These drawings are called reversible figures because you can repeatedly reverse your perceptual organisation of what is figure and what is ground. Your ability to do this shows that perception is not only an active process but also a categorical one. People usually organise sensory stimulation into one perceptual category or another, but rarely into both or into something inbetween. In Figure 4.19, for instance, you cannot easily see both faces and a vase or the words figure and ground at the same time.

FIGURE 4.19 Reversible images TRY THIS \ Reversible images can be organised by your perceptual system in two ways. If you perceive part A as the word figure , the space around the

letters becomes meaningless background. Now emphasise the word ground , and what had stood out a moment ago now becomes background. In part B, when you emphasise the white vase, the two black profiles become background; if you organise the faces as the figure, what had been a vase now becomes background.

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(B)

(A)

Grouping To distinguish figure from ground , our perceptual system must first identify stimulus elements in the environment, such as the edges of a stop sign or billboard, that belong together as figures. But why is it that certain parts of the world become figures and others become background, even when nothing in particular stands out in the pattern of light that falls on the retina ? The answer is that certain properties of stimuli lead us to group them together more or less automatically. In the early 1900s, several German psychologists began to study how this happens. They concluded that people perceive sights and sounds as organised wholes. These wholes, they said, are different from the sum of individual sensations, much as a house is something other than just a pile of bricks and wood and glass. Because the German word meaning (roughly) ‘whole figure’ is Gestalt , these researchers became known as Gestalt psychologists.They proposed a number of principles, or ‘Gestalt laws’, that describe how perceptual systems group stimuli into a world of shapes and objects (Kimchi, 2003) . Some of the most enduring of these principles are the following: 1 Proximity .The closer objects or events are to one another, the more likely we are to perceive them as belonging together, as part A of Figure 4.20 illustrates. 2 Similarity.We tend to perceive similar elements as part of a group, as in part B of Figure 4.20 . 3 Continuity . When sensations appear to create a continuous form, we tend to perceive them as belonging together, as in part C of Figure 4.20 . 4 Closure.We tend to fill in missing contours to form a complete object, as in part D of Figure 4.20 . The gaps are easy to see, but as illustrated in Figure 4.18 , the tendency to fill in missing contours can be so strong that you may see faint connections that are not really there (Lleras & Moore, 2006).

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Texture.When basic features of stimuli have the same texture (such as the angle of several elements), we tend to group those stimuli together. For example, we group standing trees together and perceive them as separate from their fallen neighbours. 6 Simplicity . We tend to group features of a stimulus in a way that provides the simplest interpretation of the world. You can see the simplicity principle in action in Figure 4.18, where it is simpler to see a single cube than an assortment of separate and unrelated arrows and Ys. 7 Common fate.When objects are moving in the same direction at the same speed , we tend to perceive them as being together. So even though individual birds in a flock are separated from each other in space, they will be perceived as a group as they fly south. Choreographers use the principle of common fate when they arrange for groups or subgroups of dancers to move in unison , creating the illusion of waves of motion or of a single object moving across the stage.

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FIGURE 4.20 Gestalt principles of

perceptual grouping We tend to perceive part A as two groups of two circles plus two single circles, rather than as, say, six single circles. In part B, we tend to see two columns of Xs and two columns of Os, not four rows of XOXO. We see the X in part C as made out of two continuous lines, not a combination of the odd forms shown. We perceive the disconnected segments of part D as a triangle and a circle. In part E, we tend to pair up dots in the same oval even though they are far apart. Part F shows that connected objects are grouped

together.

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Stephen Palmer (1999) has introduced three additional grouping principles: 1 Synchrony .When different stimuli occur at the same time, we are likely to perceive them as belonging together. For example, if you see a car up ahead stop violently at the same instant you hear a crash, you will probably perceive these visual and auditory stimuli as part of the same event. 2 Common region.When stimulus elements are located within some boundary, we tend to perceive them as being together. The boundary can be created by an enclosing perimeter, as in part E of Figure 4.20 ; a region of colour; or other factors. 3 Connectedness.When stimulus elements are connected by other elements, we tend to group them together. Part F of Figure 4.20 demonstrates how important this law is. The circles connected by dotted lines seem to go together even though they are farther apart than some pairs of unconnected circles . In this situation, the principle of connectedness appears more important than the principle of proximity. Why do we organise the world according to these grouping principles? One answer is that they reflect the way stimuli are likely to be organised in the natural world. Nearby elements are in fact more likely than separated elements to be part of the same object. Stimulus elements moving in the same direction at the same rate are also likely to be part of the same object.Your initial impression of the cube in Figure 4.18 reflects this likelihood principle in action . At first glance, you probably saw the cube as being below you rather than above you . This tendency makes adaptive sense, because boxes and other cube-shaped objects are more likely to be on the ground than hanging in midair.

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FIGURE 4.21 Impossible objects TRY THIS \ These objects can exist as two - dimensional drawings, but could they exist in three dimensional space? When you try to use the likelihood principle to organise them as the three dimensional objects you expect them to be, you’ll discover that they are ‘impossible’.

a a a The likelihood principle is consistent with both the ecological and constructivist approaches to perception . From the ecological perspective, the likelihood principle evolved because it worked, giving our ancestors reliable information about how the world is likely to be organised and thus increasing their chances of survival. Constructivists point out, however, that our personal experiences in the world also help determine the likelihood of interpreting a stimulus in one way over another. The likelihood principle operates automatically and accurately most of the time. As shown in Figure 4.21, however, when we try using it to organise very unlikely stimuli, it can lead to frustrating misperceptions.

Perception of location and distance One of the most important perceptual tasks we face is to determine where objects and sound sources are located . This task involves knowing both their two-dimensional position (left or right, up or down ) and their distance from us.

Two - dimensional location Determining whether an object is to your right or your left appears to be simple. All the perceptual system has to do, it seems, is determine where the object’s image falls on the retina . If the image falls on the centre of the retina , then the object must be straight ahead . But when an object is, say, far to your right , and you focus its image on the centre of your retina by turning your head and eyes towards it, you do not assume it is straight ahead . According to the computational approach, your brain calculates an estimate of the object’s location by combining information about where an image strikes the retina with information about the movement of your eyes and head. Sound waves coming towards the right side of your head will reach the right ear before reaching the left ear. Similarly, a sound coming towards the right side of your head will seem a little bit louder to the right ear than to the left ear, because your head blocks some of the sound to the left ear. The brain uses these slight differences in the timing and intensity of a sound as cues to locate its source. Visual cues are often integrated with auditory cues to determine the exact identity and location of the sound source. Most often, information from the eyes and the ears converges on the same likely sound source. However, there are times when the two senses produce conflicting impressions; in such cases, we tend to believe our eyes rather than our ears. This bias towards using visual information is known as visual dominance. The phenomenon is illustrated by our impression that the sound of a television program is coming from the screen rather than the speaker, TRY THIS Next time you ^ hear someone talking on television , close your eyes. If your TV set has a single speaker below or to

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the side of the screen, you will notice that the sound no longer seems to be coming from the screen but rather from the speaker itself. As soon as you open your eyes, the false impression resumes; words once again seem to come from the obvious visual source of the sound the person on the screen.

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Depth perception depth perception the ability to perceive distance

One of the oldest puzzles in psychology relates to depth perception, our ability to perceive distance. How are we able to experience the world in three-dimensional depth even though the visual information we receive from it is projected onto two-dimensional retinas? The answer lies in the many depth cues provided by the environment and by certain properties of our visual system (Anderson, 2004) .

FIGURE 4.22 Stimulus cues for depth perception TRY THIS 'Si See if you can identify the cues of relative size, interposition, linear perspective, height in the visual

field, gradient of texture, and shadows that combine to create a sense of three - dimensional depth in this photograph. Notice, too, that sidewalk artist Kurt Wenner has used some of these same cues to create a dramatic illusion of depth in his drawing. (You can see more of Wenner’s amazing work at http://kurtwenner.com)

Dies / roe. Copyright © Kurt Wenner , 1988

interposition a depth cue whereby closer objects block one’s view of things farther away

linear perspective a depth cue whereby objects closer to the point at which two lines appear to converge are perceived as being at a greater distance

To some extent, people perceive depth through the same cues that artists use to create the impression of depth and distance on a two-dimensional canvas. Figure 4.22 illustrates several of these cues: • One of the most important depth cues is interposition, or occlusion : closer objects block the view of things farther away. This cue is illustrated in Figure 4.22 by the couple walking away from the camera . Because their bodies block out part of the buildings , we perceive them as being closer to us than the buildings are. • You can see the principle of relative size operating in Figure 4.22 by measuring the image of that same couple and comparing it to the size of the man in the foreground. If two objects are assumed to be about the same size, the object producing a larger image on the retina is perceived as closer than the one producing a smaller image. • Another cue comes from height in the visual field : on the ground, more distant objects are usually higher in the visual field than those nearby. Because the building in the centre of Figure 4.22 is higher than the people in the restaurant, the building appears to be farther away from you . This is one reason why objects higher in the visual field are more likely to be interpreted as the background for objects that are lower in a scene (Vecera,Vogel & Woodman, 2002) . • The tiny figures near the centre of Figure 4.22 are seen as very far away because they are near a point where the buildings on each edge of the plaza, like all parallel lines that recede into the distance, appear to converge towards a single point. This apparent convergence provides a cue called linear perspective. The closer together two converging lines are, the greater the perceived distance. So objects that are nearer the point of convergence are seen as farther away. • Notice that the street in Figure 4.22 fades into a hazy background. Increased distance usually produces less clarity, and this reduced clarity is interpreted as a cue for greater distance. (Hazy,

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•

distant objects also tend to take on a bluish tone, which is why art students are taught to add a little blue when mixing paint for deep background features.) Light and shadow also contribute to the perception of three dimensions (Kingdom, 2003; Ramachandran, 1988) . The buildings in Figure 4.22 are seen as three-dimensional, not flat, because of the shadows on some of their surfaces. Figure 4.23 shows a more dramatic example. An additional depth cue comes from continuous changes across the visual field, called gradients. For example, a gradient of texture is a graduated change in the texture, or ‘grain’, of the visual field, as you can see in the plaza and the street in Figure 4.22. Texture appears finer and less detailed as distance increases. So as the texture of a surface changes across the retinal image, you perceive a change in distance.

gradient of texture a graduated change in the texture, or grain, of the visual field, whereby objects with finer, less detailed textures are perceived as more distant

FIGURE 4.23 Light, shadow and depth perception TRY THIS \ Shadows create three - dimensional impressions of bumps on the

left side of this drawing and of dents on the right side. But if you turn the book upside down, the bumps will look like dents and the dents will look like bumps. This reversal in depth perception occurs partly because people normally assume that illumination comes from above and interpret the pattern of light and shadow acco rdingly (Adams, Graf & Ernst, 2004; Cook et al., 2008). Linda Bartoshuk , Ph. D., Director of Human Research, Center for Smell and Taste, University of Florida

Motion parallax An important visual depth cue that cannot be demonstrated in Figure 4.22, or in any other still image, comes from motion . You may have noticed , for example, that when you look out the side window of a moving car, objects nearer to you seem to speed across your visual field, whereas objects in the distance seem to move slowly, if at all. This difference in the apparent rate of movement is called motion parallax, and it provides cues to differences in the distance of various objects. Several additional depth cues result from the way human eyes are built and positioned. As mentioned earlier in this chapter, for example, the eye’s lens changes shape, or accommodates, bending light rays and focusing images on the retina . To accomplish this task, muscles surrounding the lens either tighten, to make the lens more curved for focusing on close objects, or relax , to flatten the lens for focusing on more distant objects. Information about this muscle activity is relayed to the brain , providing an ocular accommodation cue that helps create the perception of an object’s distance.

motion parallax a depth cue whereby a difference in the apparent rate of movement of different objects provides information about the relative distance of those objects

Eye convergence and retinal disparity The relative location of our two eyes produces two other depth cues. The first is called eye convergence. Because the eyes are located a short distance apart, they must converge, or rotate inward, to project an object’s image on each retina . The brain receives information about this movement from the eye muscles and uses it to help calculate an object’s distance. The closer the object, the more the eyes must converge, which sends more intense stimulation to the brain . Focusing on more distant objects requires less convergence and creates less feedback from the eye muscles. TRY THIS ^ To experience feedback from your eye muscles, hold up a finger at arm’s length and try to keep it in focus as you move it towards your nose. Second , because of their differing locations, each eye receives a slightly different view of the world . The difference between the two retinal images of an object is called retinal disparity, or binocular disparity . For any particular object, this difference gets smaller as distance increases (see the Snapshot ‘A gradient of texture’), TRY THIS \ To see for yourself how retinal disparity changes with distance, hold a pencil vertically about 15 centimetres in front of your nose; then close one eye and

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eye convergence a depth cue involving the rotation of the eyes to project the image of an object on each retina

retinal disparity a depth cue based on the difference

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notice where the pencil is in relation to the background. Now open that eye, close the other one, and notice how much the pencil ‘shifts’. These are the two different views your eyes have of the pencil. Repeat the procedure while holding the pencil at arm’s length . There is now less disparity or ‘shift’ because there is now less difference in the angles from which your two eyes see the pencil.The brain not only combines the two images of an object but also takes into account how much they differ. This information helps generate the impression of a single object that has depth as well as height and width and is located at a particular distance.Three-dimensional movies and some virtualreality systems use these binocular cues to create the appearance of depth in a two-dimensional stimulus. They show each eye an image of a scene as viewed from a slightly different angle. The wealth of depth cues available to us is consistent with the ecological approach to perception . However, researchers taking the constructivist and computational approaches argue that even when temporarily deprived of these depth cues, we can still move about and locate objects in an environment.

A gradient of texture The details of a scene fade gradually as distance increases. This gradient of texture helps us perceive the less detailed birds in this photo as being farther away.

Perception of motion Sometimes the most important thing about an object is not its size or shape or distance but its motion how fast it is going and where it is heading. For example, a car in front of you may change speed or direction , requiring that you change your own speed or direction , often in a split second.

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Optical flow looming a motion cue involving a rapid expansion in the size of an image so that it fills the retina

As with the detection of location and depth, your brain ‘tunes in’ to a host of cues to perceive changes in motion . Many of these cues come from optical flow , or the changes in retinal images across the entire visual field . One particularly meaningful pattern of optical flow is known as looming, the rapid expansion in the size of an image so that it fills the retina . When an image looms, you tend to interpret it as an approaching stimulus.Your perceptual system quickly assesses whether the expansion on the retina is about equal in all directions or greater to one side than to the other. If there is more expansion to the right, for example, it means that the approaching stimulus will pass to your right. If the retinal expansion is approximately equal in all directions, though , it means that the object is coming straight for your eyes. In other words, you had better duck! Two questions have been of particular interest to psychologists who study motion perception . First , how do we know whether the flow of images across the retina is due to the movement of objects in the environment or to our own movements? If changes in retinal images were the only factor contributing to motion perception , then moving your eyes would create the perception that everything in the visual field was moving. This is not the case, though, because, as noted earlier, the brain also receives and processes information about the motion of your eyes and head. TRY THIS \i If you look around right now, tables, chairs and other stationary objects will not appear to move. That’s because your brain determines that all the movement of images on your retinas is due to your eye and head movements (Goltz et al., 2003) . But now close one eye and wiggle your open eyeball by gently pushing your lower eyelid. Because your brain receives no signals that your eye is being moved by its own muscles, everything around you will appear to move. custom page

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A second question about motion perception relates to the fact that there is a delay of about one-twentieth of a second between the moment when an image is registered on your retina and the moment when information about that image reaches your brain . In theory, each moment’s perception of , say, a dog running towards you is actually a perception of where the dog was about one-twentieth of a second earlier. How does the perceptual system deal with this time lag so as to accurately interpret information about an objects motion and location ? Psychologists have found that when a stimulus is moving along a relatively constant path, the brain corrects for the image delay by predicting where the stimulus should be one-twentieth of a second in the future ( Nijhawan , 1997) .

Illusions of motion Sometimes we perceive motion when there is none. Psychologists are interested in these motion illusions because they can tell us something about how the brain processes various kinds of movement-related information.When you accelerate in a car, for example, the experience of motion doesn’t come just from the flow of visual information across your retinas. It also comes from touch information as you are pressed against the seat and from vestibular information as your head tilts backwards. If a visual flow suggests that you are moving but you don ’t receive appropriate sensations from other parts of your body, particularly the vestibular senses, you may experience a nauseating movement illusion . This explains why you might feel queasy while in a motion simulator or playing certain video games, especially those with virtual-reality technology. The images suggest that you are moving through space when there is no real motion. Other illusions of motion are more enjoyable. The most important of these occurs when still images appear, one at a time, in rapid succession, as they do on films, videos and DVDs. Because each image differs slightly from the preceding one, the brain sees the people and objects in each image appearing in one place for only a fraction of a second before they disappear and then immediately reappear in a slightly different location . The entertaining result is the stroboscopic illusion ; when objects appear, disappear and then quickly reappear nearby, you perceive them as moving smoothly from the first location to the next. The same illusion occurs when flashing lights on a cinema or casino sign seem to move around the sign . Stroboscopic motion is based on the organising principles of likelihood and simplicity. Objects in the world do not usually disappear, only to be immediately replaced by a similar object nearby. Accordingly, your brain makes the simpler and more likely assumption that a disappearing and reappearing object has moved .

stroboscopic illusion an illusion of motion that is

created when we see slightly different images or slightly displaced lights flashed in rapid succession

Perceptual constancy Suppose that one sunny day you are watching someone walking towards you along a tree-lined sidewalk. The visual sensations produced by this person are actually rather strange. For one thing, the size of the image on your retinas keeps getting larger as the person gets closer, TRY THIS \ To see this for yourself, hold your hand out at arm’s length and look at someone far away. The retinal image of that person will be so small that your hand can easily cover it. If you do the same when the person is 1 metre away, the retinal image will be much larger than your hand , but you will perceive the person as being closer now, not bigger. Similarly, if you watch people pass from bright sunshine through the shadows of trees, your retinas receive images that are darker, then lighter, then darker again . Still, you perceive individuals whose colouring remains the same. These examples illustrate perceptual constancy, the perception of objects as constant in size, shape, colour and other properties despite changes in their retinal image. Without perceptual constancy, the world would be an Alice in Wonderland kind of place in which objects continuously changed their properties. custom page

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Size constancy Why does an object’s perceived size stay more or less constant, regardless of changes in the size of its retinal image? One reason is that the brain perceives a change in the distance of an object and automatically adjusts the perception of size (Combe & Wexler, 2010) . Specifically, the perceived size of an object is equal to the size of the retinal image multiplied by the perceived distance (Holway & Boring, 1941) . As an object moves closer, or as we move closer to it, the size of its retinal image increases yet the perceived distance decreases at the same rate (see Figure 4.24) . As a result the perceived size of the object remains constant. If a balloon is inflated in front of your eyes, perceived distance remains constant and the perceived size (correctly) increases as the size of the retinal image increases.

FIGURE 4.24 A size illusion

The monster that is higher in the drawing probably appears larger than the other one, but they are actually the same size. Why does this illusion occur? The converging lines of the tunnel provide strong depth cues telling us that the higher monster is farther away, but because that nearer ’ one, monster casts an image on our retinas that is just as big as the ‘ we assume that the more - distant monster must be bigger. (To confirm that they are the same size, measure them with a ruler.)

Shape constancy The principles behind shape constancy are closely related to those of size constancy, TRY THIS \i To see shape constancy at work, close this book (remember what page you’re on) and tilt it toward and away from you several times. The book will continue to look rectangular, even though the shape of its retinal image changes dramatically as you move it.Your brain automatically combines information about retinal images and distance as movement occurs. In this case, the distance information has to do with the difference in distance between the near and far edges of the book.

Brightness constancy Even with dramatic changes in the amount of light striking an object, our perception of the object’s brightness remains relatively constant (MacEvoy & Paradiso, 2001) . TRY THIS \ j To see this for yourself, place a piece of charcoal in sunlight and a piece of white paper in nearby shade. The charcoal will look very dark and the paper very bright , yet a light meter would tell you that much more light energy is reflected from the sun-bathed coal than from the shaded paper. The reason is partly that the charcoal is the darkest object relative to its sunlit background and the paper is the brightest object relative to its background of shade. As shown in Figure 4.25, the brightness of an object is perceived in relation to its background .

FIGURE 4.25 Brightness contrast TRY THIS \ At first glance, the inner

rectangle on the left probably looks brighter than the inner rectangle on the right. But carefully examine the inner rectangles alone by covering their surroundings. You will see that they are equally bright. The brighter border in the right - hand figure leads you to perceive its inner rectangle as relatively darker. custom page

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O

N REVIEW Organising the perceptual world DESCRIPTION

EXAMPLE

Certain objects or sounds are automatically identified as figures, whereas others become meaningless background.

You see a person standing against a building, not a building with a personshaped hole in it.

Grouping

Properties of stimuli lead us to automatically group them together. These include proximity, similarity, continuity, closure, texture, simplicity, common fate, synchrony, common region and connectedness.

People who are sitting together or who are dressed similarly are perceived as a group.

Perception of location and depth

Knowing an object’s two - dimensional position (left and right, up and down) and distance enables us to locate it. The image on the retina and the orientation of the head A person who looks tiny and appears provide information about the two - dimensional position high in the visual field is perceived of visual stimuli; auditory localisation relies on differences as being of normal size but at a great in the information received by the ears. Depth or distance distance. perception uses stimulus cues such as interposition, relative size, height in the visual field, gradient of texture, linear perspective, clarity, colour and shadow.

Perceptual constancy

A train coming towards you is as getting closer, not larger; perceived brightness, colour and other properties, despite changes in a restaurant sign is perceived as their retinal images. rotating, not changing shape.

PRINCIPLE

Figure ground discrimination

Objects are perceived as constant

in size, shape,

Check your understanding 1 The movement we see in movies, videos and DVDs is due to a perceptual illusion called 2 People who have lost an eye also lose the depth cue called 3 The grouping principle of allows you to identify objects seen through a picket fence.

4.8 RECOGNISING THE PERCEPTUAL WORLD In discussing how people organise the perceptual world, we have set the stage for addressing one of the most vital questions that perception researchers must answer: How do people recognise what objects are? To use our earlier example, if you are driving in search of Barney’s Cafe, exactly what happens when your eyes finally locate the pattern of light that spells out its name? To know that you have finally found what you have been looking for, your brain must analyse incoming patterns of information and compare them with information stored in memory. If your brain finds a match , recognition takes place and the stimulus is classified into a perceptual category . Once recognition occurs, your perception of a stimulus may never be the same again . Look at Figure 4.26. Do you see anything familiar? If not, look ahead to Figure 4.28, then look at Figure 4.26 again . You should now see it in an entirely new light . The difference between your ‘before’ and ‘after’ experiences of Figure 4.26 is the difference between the sensory world before and after a perceptual match occurs and recognition takes place.

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FIGURE 4.26 Categorising perceptions TRY THIS \ What do you see here? If you can’t recognise this pattern of information as falling into any perceptual category, turn to Figure

4.28 for some help in doing so.

'* From Coren, S., Ward, L. At, 8 Enns, J. T. Sensation and Perception, 4th edition. Copyright © !994. Reprinted with permission of John Wiley 8 Sons, Inc.

top- down processing aspects of recognition that are guided by higher - level cognitive processes and

psychological factors such as expectations

bottom - up processing aspects of recognition that depend first on the information about the stimulus that comes to the brain from the sensory receptors

Exactly how does such matching occur? Some aspects of recognition begin at the ‘top’ , guided by knowledge, expectations and other psychological factors. This phenomenon is called top- down processing because it involves higher-level , knowledge-based information. Other aspects of recognition begin at the ‘bottom’ , relying on specific, detailed information elements from the sensory receptors that are integrated and assembled into a whole. This phenomenon is called bottom - up processing because it begins with basic information units that serve as a foundation for recognition. Let’s consider the contributions of bottom-up and top-down processing to recognition , as well as the use of neural network models to understand both.

Bottom- up processing Research on the visual system is providing a detailed picture of how bottom-up processing works. As described earlier in this chapter, all along the path from the eye to the brain, certain cells respond to certain features of a stimulus.The stimulus is first analysed into basic features before those features are recombined to create a perceptual experience. What are these features? As also noted earlier when learning about sensation, certain cells specialise in responding to stimuli that have certain orientations in space ( Hubei & Wiesel, 1979) . For example, one cell in the cerebral cortex might fire only in response to a diagonal line, so it acts as a feature detector for diagonal lines. Figure 4.27 illustrates how the analysis by such feature detectors, early in the information-processing sequence, may contribute to recognition of letters or judgements of shape. How do psychologists know that feature analysis is actually involved in pattern recognition ? Recordings of brain activity indicate that the sensory features we have listed here cause particular sets of neurons to fire. In fact, scientists have shown that it may be possible to determine what category of object a person is looking at (for example, a face versus a house ) based on the pattern of activity occurring in visual-processing areas of the person’s brain (Haxby et ah , 2001) . Furthermore, as described earlier in this chapter, people with certain kinds of brain damage show selective impairment in the ability to perceive certain sets of sensory features, such as an object’s colour or movement.

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FIGURE 4.27 Feature analysis

Feature detectors operating at lower levels of the visual system analyse incoming stimuli, such as the letter D or a triangle, into the corners and angles shown in the centre of this figure. Later in the perceptual sequence, bottom - up processing recombines these features to aid in pattern recognition, as shown on the right.

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/ U

D C Presented stimulus

Features detected

Features combined

Patterns

recognised

Top- down processing Bottom-up feature analysis can explain why you recognise the letters in a sign for Barneys Cafe. Why is it that you can recognise the sign more easily if it appears where you were told to expect it rather than a block earlier? And why can you recognise it even if a few letters are missing from the sign ? The answers are provided by top-down processing. Fo- ex-mp-e, y-u c-n r-ad -hi- se-te-ce -itev-ry -hi-d 1-tt-r m-ss-ng. In top-down processing, people use their knowledge in making inferences or ‘educated guesses’ to recognise objects, words or melodies, especially when sensory information is vague or ambiguous. Once you knew that there was a dog in Figure 4.26 , it became much easier for you to perceive it. Similarly, police officers find it easy to identify familiar people on blurry security camera videos, but it is much more difficult for them to identify strangers (Burton et ah , 1999) .

FIGURE 4.28 Another version of Figure 4.26

Now that you can identify a dog in this figure, it should be much easier to recognise when you look back at the

original version.

From Coren, S., Ward, L. tA., 8 Erins, J. T. Sensation and Perception, 4 th edition. Copyright © 1994. Reprinted with permission of John Wiley 8 Sons, Inc.

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In hearing, too, top-down processing can compensate for ambiguous stimuli. In one experiment , participants heard strings of five words in a meaningless order, such as ‘wet brought who socks some’ . There was so much background noise, however, that only about 75 per cent of the words could be recognised (Miller, Heise & Lichten , 1951) .The words were then read to a second group of participants in a meaningful order (for example, ‘who brought some wet socks’) . The second group was able to recognise almost all of the words , even under the same noisy conditions. In fact, it took twice as much noise to reduce their performance to the level of the first group. Why ? When the words were in a meaningless order, only bottom-up processing was available. Recognising one word was no help in identifying the next. Meaningful phrases, however, provided a more familiar context and allowed for some top-down processing. Hearing one word helped the listener make a reasonable guess (based on knowledge and experience) about the others. Top-down processing is also involved in a phenomenon called pareidolia, the perception of a specific image in an ambiguous stimulus array. For example, look at Figure 4.29, which shows the World Trade Center under attack . Some people see an image of the devil in the smoke.This interpretation requires some knowledge of paintings and other representations of the devil. Expectancy plays a role, too. Many people who have not heard about the image do not see a demonic face in this photo. (Also see the Snapshot ‘The eye of the beholder’ .)

FIGURE 4.29 What does it look like to you?

Many people reported seeing a demonic face in the smoke pouring from New York’s World Trade Center after terrorists attacked it on 11 September 2001. This perceptual

categorisation results from a combination of bottom - up and top - down recognition processes. Feature detectors automatically register the edges and colours of images, whereas knowledge and beliefs about the evil of the attack can create expectations that give meaning to these features. A person who does not expect to see a face in the smoke or whose cultural background does not include the concept of ‘the devil’ - might not see one until that interpretation is To check that possibility, show this suggested. photo to people from various religions and cultures who have not seen it before (don’t tell them what to look for), and make a note of which individuals require prompting in order to identify a demonic face. Getty Images / HENNY RAY ABRAMS / AFP

The eye of the beholder Top - down processing can affect our perception of people as well as objects. As noted in Chapter 15, ‘Social cognition and influence’, for example, if you expect everyone in a certain ethnic or social group to behave in a certain way, you may perceive a particular group member ’s behaviour in line with this prejudice. And have you ever noticed that someone’s physical attractiveness seemed to increase or decrease as you got to know the person better ? This change in perception occurs largely because new information alters your interpretation of the raw sensations you get from the individual.

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Top - down processing, schemas and motivation These examples illustrate that top-down processing can have a strong influence on pattern recognition. Our experiences create schemas , which are mental representations of what we know and have come to expect about the world . Schemas can bias our perception towards one recognition or another by creating a perceptual set , a readiness or predisposition to perceive a stimulus in a certain way. Perceptual sets help us deal with the world more efficiently. In one study, for example, people who were reminded that pilots have excellent vision showed better visual acuity while ‘piloting’ a flight simulator (Langer et al. , 2010). However, perceptual sets can sometimes lead to errors. A tragic example occurred on the evening of 13 November 2007, when police officers shot to death a highly agitated man after an emergency operator told them that the man had a gun. The man approached the officers holding a black object, and when he ignored their orders to stop, they fired . The object in his hand turned out to be a hairbrush, but in the dark they interpreted the object in accordance with their expectations about a gun and assumed that the man was about to fire at them . Motivation is another aspect of top-down processing that can affect perception (Balcetis & Dunning, 2006) . For example, people tend to perceive desirable objects as being closer to them than less desirable ones (Balcetis & Dunning, 2010) , and if you are extremely hungry, you might misperceive a sign for ‘Burger’s Body Shop’ as indicating a place to eat. Motivation and other aspects of top-down processing can even affect elements of the brain’s bottom-up processing. For example, cells in the visual cortex that fire in response to specific features of an object show higher levels of activity if that object is of particular importance at the moment (Li, Piech & Gilbert, 2004) . So corner-detecting cells will show more intense firing in response to the corners of the Barney’s Cafe sign you are looking for than to the corners of other signs.

schemas mental representations (generalisations) of categories of objects, events and people

Network processing Researchers taking a computational approach to perception have attempted to explain various aspects of object recognition in terms of both top-down and bottom-up processing. In one study, participants were asked to say whether a particular feature, like a dot or angled line, appeared within a pattern that was briefly flashed on a computer screen . The participants detected this feature faster when it was embedded in a pattern resembling a three-dimensional object than when it appeared within a random pattern of lines ( Purcell & Stewart, 1991). This result is called the object superiority effect. There is also a word superiority effect: when strings of letters are briefly flashed on a screen , people’s ability to detect target letters is better if the string forms a word than if it is a non-word (Prinzmetal, 1992) .

Parallel distributed processing models Neural network models have been used to explain findings such as these. As described in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’, each element in these networks is connected to every other element, and each connection has a specific strength . Applying network processing models to pattern recognition involves focusing on the interactions among the various feature analysers we have discussed . More specifically, some researchers explain recognition using parallel distributed processing ( PDP) models ( Rumelhart & McClelland, 1986) . According to PDP models , the units in a network operate in parallel simultaneously. Connections between units either excite or inhibit other units. If the connection is excitatory, activating one unit spreads the activation to connected units. Using a connection may strengthen it. How does this process apply to recognition? According to PDP models , recognition occurs as a result of the simultaneous operation of connected units. Units are activated when matched by

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parallel distributed processing (PDP) theoretical model of object recognition in which various elements of the object are thought to be simultaneously analysed by several widely distributed but connected neural units a

in

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features in a stimulus. To the extent that features, such as the letters in a word or the angles in a box, have occurred together in the past , the links between them will be stronger, and detection of any of them will be made more likely by the presence of all the others. ( For a summary of our discussion of recognition processes, see the upcoming section ‘In review: Recognising the perceptual world ’ .)

Culture, experience and perception So far we have talked as if all aspects of perception work or fail in the same way for everyone, everywhere. The truth is, though, that perception can vary if people’s experiences have created differing expectations and other knowledge-based, top-down processes (Chua, Boland & Nisbett, 2005; Kitayama et ah , 2003) . For example, researchers have compared responses to depth cues by people from cultures that do and do not use pictures and paintings to represent reality. The results suggest that people in cultures that provide little experience with pictorial representations, such as the Nuba in Africa, have a more difficult time judging distances shown in pictures (see Figure 4.30) . These individuals also tend to have a harder time sorting pictures of three-dimensional objects into categories, even though they can easily sort the objects themselves (Derogowski , 1989).

FIGURE 4.30 Culture and depth cues

People in various cultures were shown drawings like these and asked tojudge which animal is closer to the hunter. Those in cultures that provide lots of experience with pictured depth cues choose the antelope, which is at the same distance from the viewer as the hunter. Those in cultures less familiar with such cues may choose the elephant, which, though closer

the page, is more distant when depth cues are considered (Hudson, 1960). on

Experience even teaches us when to ignore certain stimulus cues. To fully experience the depth portrayed in a painting, for example, you have to ignore ridges, scratches, dust or other texture cues from the canvas that would remind you of its flatness , TRY THIS \ And the next time you are watching TV, notice the reflections of objects in the room that appear on the screen.You have learned to ignore these reflections, so it will take a little effort to perceive them and a lot of effort to focus on them for long. What if you hadn ’t had a chance to learn or practise these perceptual skills? One way of exploring this question is through case studies of people who had been blind for decades and then had surgery that restored their sight. It turns out that these people can immediately recognise simple objects and perceive movement, but they usually have problems with other aspects of perception (Gregory, 2005; Ostrovsky et ah , 2009). For example, M. M. had been blind from early childhood . When his vision was restored in his forties, he adjusted well overall , but he still has difficulty with depth perception and object recognition ( Fine et al., 2003) . As people move towards or away from him, they may appear to shrink or inflate. Identifying common objects can be difficult for him, and faces pose a particular challenge. To recognise individuals, he depends on features such as hair length or eyebrow shape. M. M. has trouble, too, distinguishing male faces from female ones, and great difFiculty recognising the meaning of facial expressions. And like people from cultures that provide little or no experience with straight lines, he is unable to experience many of the perceptual illusions shown in this chapter.

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LINKAGES Perception and human development Knowledge and experience play an important role in recognition, but are they also required for more basic aspects of perception? Which perceptual abilities are babies born with, and which do they develop by seeing, hearing, smelling, touching and tasting things? How do their perceptions

lively debate among specialists in infant perception. Some

compare with those of adults? To learn about infants’ perception, psychologists have studied two inborn patterns called habituation and dishabituation. For example, infants stop looking when they repeatedly see stimuli that are perceived to be the same. This is habituation. If a stimulus appears that is perceived to be different, infants resume looking. This is dishabituation. Researchers have used the habituation and dishabituation phenomena, along with measurements of brain activity, to study colour perception in infants. They have found that newborns can perceive differences among stimuli showing different amounts of black -and- white contrast but that they are unable to distinguish differences between colours (Burr, Morrone & Fiorentini, 1996). By three months of age, though, infants can discriminate among blue, green, yellow and red (Adams, Courage & Mercer, 1991). Other researchers have found that newborns can perceive differences in the angles of lines (Slater et al., 1991). These studies and others suggest that we are born with some of the basic components of feature detection.

Is it nature or nurture ? Are we also born with the ability to combine features into perceptions of whole objects? This question generates

research indicates that at What does the one month of age, infants world look like to concentrate their gaze on one infants? (a link to Chapter 11, ‘Human part of an object, such as the development’) corner of a triangle (Goldstein, 2002). By two months, though the eyes systematically scan all the edges of the object, suggesting that only then has the infant begun to perceive the pattern of the object, or its shape, rather than just its component features. However, other researchers have found that once newborns have become habituated to specific combinations of features, they show dishabituation (that is, they pay attention) when those features are combined in a new way. The implication is that even newborns notice, and keep track of, the way some features are put together ( Slater et al., 1991). There is evidence that infants may be innately tuned to perceive at least one important complex pattern - the human face. In one study of newborns, some less than an hour old, patterns such as those in Figure 4.31 were moved slowly past the infants’ faces (Johnson et al., 1991). The infants moved their heads and eyes to follow these patterns, but they tracked the facelike pattern shown on the left side of Figure 4.31 significantly farther than any of the non faces. The difference in tracking indicates that the infants could discriminate between faces and non - faces and were

FIGURE 4.31 Infants’ perceptions of human faces

Newborns show significantly greater interest in the facelike pattern at the far left than in any of the other patterns. Evidently, some aspects of face perception are innate.

From Johnson, M . A., Dziurawiec, S., Ellis, H ., & Morton, J. (199V . Newborns’ preferential tracking of face- like stimuli and its subsequent decline. Cognition, 4, 1-19. Reprinted by permission of Elsevier.

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>>> more interested in the faces, or at

months old ( Arterberry, Craton & Yonas, 1993; Bhatt & Bertin, 2001). In summary, there is little doubt that many of the basic building blocks of perception are present within the first few days after birth. The basics include organ - based cues to depth, such as accommodation and convergence. Maturation of the visual system adds to these basics as time goes by. For example, over the first few months after birth, the eye’s fovea gradually develops the number of cone cells necessary for high visual acuity and perception of small differences in colour (Goldstein, 2002). However, visual experience may also be necessary if the infant is to recognise some patterns and objects in frequently encountered stimuli, to interpret depth and distance cues, and to use these cues in moving safely through the world (Johnson, 2004; Quinn & Bhatt, 2005). In other words, like so many aspects of human psychology, perception is the result of a blending of heredity and environment. From infancy onwards, the perceptual system creates a personal reality based in part on the experience that shapes each individual ’s feature analysis networks and knowledge - based expectancies.

least in facelike patterns

seven

(Simion et al., 2003).

Infants also notice differences among faces. At first, this ability to discriminate applies to both human and non - human faces. So at the age of six months, infants are actually better than adults at discriminating among the faces of monkeys (Pascalis, de Haan & Nelson, 2002). By about the age of nine months, however, face discrimination ability has become focused on human faces, the kind most babies see most often. Researchers who take an evolutionary approach suggest that interest in faces, especially human faces, is adaptive because it helps newborns focus on their only source of food and care. Other research on perceptual development suggests that our ability to use certain distance cues develops more slowly than our recognition of object shapes (see the Snapshot ‘The visual cliff ’). For example, infants’ ability to use retinal disparity and relative motion cues to judge depth appears to develop some time after about three months of age ( Yonas, Arterberry & Granrud, 1987). Infants do not use texture gradients and linear perspective as cues about depth until they are three to

The visual cliff The visual cliff is a glass - topped table that creates the impression of a sudden drop - off. A 10 - month- old placed at what looks like the edge will calmly crawl across the shallow side to reach a parent but will hesitate and cry rather than crawl over the ‘ clifF’ (Gibson & Walk, 1960). Changes in heart rate show that infants too young to crawl also perceive the depth but are not frightened by it. Here again, nature and nurture interact adaptively: Depth perception appears shortly after birth, but fear and avoidance of dangerous depth do not develop until an infant is old enough to crawl into trouble.

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O

N REVIEW Recognising the perceptual world DESCRIPTION

EXAMPLE

Bottom - up processing

Raw sensations from the eye or the ear are analysed into basic features, such as form, colour or movement; these features are then recombined at higher brain centres, where they are compared with stored information about objects or sounds.

You recognise a dog as a dog because its features - four legs, barking, panting match your perceptual category for ‘ dog’.

Top - down processing

Knowledge of the world and experience in perceiving allow people to make inferences about the identity of stimuli, even when the quality of raw sensory information is low.

On a dark night, what you see as a small, vague blob pulling on the end of a leash is recognised as a dog because the stimulus occurs at a location where you would expect a dog to be.

Recognition depends Network, or PDP, processing feature analysis systems operating simultaneously and enlightened by past experience.

A dog standing behind a picket fence will be recognised as a dog even though slice’ of the stimulus each disjointed ‘ may not look like a dog.

MECHANISM

on communication among

Check your understanding 1 Your ability to read a battered old sign that has some letters missing is a result of processing. 2 When stimulus features match the stimuli we are looking for, _ takes place. 3 and can affect perception as they can create differing expectations and processes.

4.9 ATTENTION Believe it or not, you still haven ’t found Barney’s Cafe! By now, you understand how you will recognise the right sign when you perceive it , but how can you be sure you will perceive it? As you drive, the cafe’s sign will appear as just one small piece in a sensory puzzle that also includes road signs , traffic lights, sirens, talk radio and dozens of other stimuli.You can ’t perceive all of them at once, so to find Barney’s you are going to have to be sure that the information you select for perceptual processing includes the stimuli that will help you reach your goal. In other words, you are going to have to pay attention . Attention is the process of directing and focusing certain psychological resources to enhance perception , performance and mental experience. We use attention to direct our sensory and perceptual systems towards certain stimuli, to select specific information for further processing, to ignore or screen out unwanted stimuli , to allocate the mental energy required to process selected stimuli , and to regulate the flow of resources necessary for performing a task or coordinating several tasks at once (Wickens & Carswell , 2006) . Psychologists have discovered three important characteristics of attention: 1 It improves mental processing.You often have to concentrate attention on a task to do your best at it. If your attentional system temporarily malfunctions, you might drive right past Barney’s Cafe. 2 Attention takes effort. Prolonged concentration of attention can leave you feeling drained (McNay, McCarty & Gold , 2001). And when you are already tired, focusing attention on anything becomes more difficult.

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3 Attentional resources are limited . If your attention is focused on reading this book , for example, you’ll have less attention left over to listen to a conversation in the next room .

Directing attention To experience attention as a process, try ‘moving it around’ a bit. When you finish reading this sentence, look at something behind you , then face forward and notice the next sound you hear, then visualise your best friend , and then focus on how your tongue feels. You just used attention to direct your perceptual systems towards different aspects of your external and internal environments. Sometimes, as when you looked behind you , shifting attention involves overt orienting pointing sensory systems at a particular stimulus. But you were able to shift attention to an image of your friend ’s face without having to move a muscle.This is called covert orienting. (We’ve heard a rumour that students sometimes use covert orienting to shift their attention from their lecturer to thoughts that have nothing to do with the lecture.) How do you control , or allocate, your attention ? Control over attention can be voluntary or involuntary (Yantis , 1993) . Voluntary, or goal-directed, control occurs when you purposely focus your attention in order to perform a task, such as listening for your name to be called in a noisy restaurant or watching for a friend in a crowd . Voluntary control reflects top-down processing because attention is guided by intentions, beliefs, expectations, motivation or other knowledgebased factors. As people learn certain skills , they voluntarily direct their attention to information they once ignored. When , in spite of these top-down factors, some aspect of the environment such as a loud noise diverts your attention, control is said to be involuntary. In such cases, attentional control is a bottom-up, or stimulus-driven, process. Stimulus characteristics that tend to capture attention include sudden changes in lighting or colour (such as flashing signs) , movement, and the appearance of unusual shapes. TRY THIS \

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Ignoring information When the spotlight of your attention is voluntarily or involuntarily focused on one part of the environment, you may ignore, or be ‘blind’ to, stimuli occurring in other parts. This phenomenon , called inattentional blindness (Mack, 2003; Mack & Rock , 1998) , can be helpful when it allows us to ignore construction noise while we are taking an exam. But it can also endanger us if we ignore information such as a stop sign that we should be attending to. Inattentional blindness can cause us to miss some rather dramatic changes in our environment. In one study, a researcher asked university students for directions to a campus building (Simons & Ambinder, 2005) . During each conversation , two other researchers dressed as workmen passed between the first researcher and the student, carrying a large door. As the door hid the researcher from the student’s view, one of the ‘workmen ’ took his place. This new person then resumed the conversation with the student as though nothing had happened. Amazing as it seems, only half of the students noticed that they were suddenly talking to a new person! The rest had apparently been paying so much attention to the researcher’s question or to the map he was showing that they did not notice what he looked like. In other studies, the majority of participants were so focused on their mobile phone conversations or on their assigned task of counting the passes made during a videoed basketball game that they failed to notice a clown riding by on a unicycle or a woman in a gorilla suit walking across the court ( Hyman et ah , 2010; Simons & Chabris, 1999). To experience a type of inattentional blindness known as ‘change blindness’, take a look at the photos in Figure 4.32 .

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FIGURE 4.32 Change blindness TRY THIS \ These two photos are almost, but not exactly, the same. If you can’t see the difference, or if it took you a while to see it,

you may have been focusing your attention on the similarity of main features, resulting in blindness to one small but obvious difference. (See the bottom of this page for the answer.)

Dr Ronald Rensink

Divided attention People can sometimes divide their attention in ways that allow them to do more than one thing at a time, a skill sometimes called multitasking.You can drive a car, listen to the radio, sing along and keep a beat by drumming on the steering wheel, all at the same time. In fact, as Figure 4.33 illustrates, it is sometimes difficult to stop dividing our attention and to stay focused on just one thing. However, your attention can’t be divided beyond a certain point without a loss in performance and mentalprocessing ability. For example, it is virtually impossible to read and talk at the same time.The reason is that attention is a limited resource. If you try to spread it over too many targets or between certain kinds of tasks, you ‘run out’ of attention .

FIGURE 4.33 The Stroop task

BLUE GREEN PURPLE GREEN RED GREY RED BLUE

TRY THIS Si Look at these words and. as rapidly as possible, call out the colour of the ink in which each word is printed. The Stroop Colour Word Test (Stroop, 1935)

is not easy because your brain automatically processes the meaning of each word, which then competes for attention with the response you are supposed to give. To do well, you must focus on the ink colour and not allow your attention to be divided between colour and meaning. Children just learning to read have less trouble with this task because they do not yet process word meanings as automatically as experienced readers do.

Why is it sometimes so easy and at other times so difficult to do two things at once? When one task is so automatic that it requires little or no attention , it is usually easy to do something else at the same time, even if the other task takes some attention (Schneider, 1985) . When arums oqi jo

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two tasks both require attention , it may still be possible to perform them simultaneously, as

long as each taps into different kinds of attentional resources (Wickens, 2002) . For example, some attentional resources are devoted to perceiving incoming stimuli , whereas others handle making responses. This specialisation of attention allows a skilled pianist to read musical notes and press keys simultaneously, even the first time through a piece. This notion of different types of attention also helps explain why a driver can listen to a news story on the radio while steering safely, and why voice control can be an effective way of performing a second task in an aeroplane while the pilot’s hands are busy with the controls. If two tasks require the same kind of attention , however, performance on both tasks will suffer (Just et ah , 2001) .

Attention and automatic processing Your search for Barney’s Cafe will be helped by your ability to voluntarily allocate attention to a certain part of the environment, but it would be even easier if you knew that Barney’s had the only bright red sign on that stretch of road .Your search would not take much effort in this case because you could simply set your attention to filter out all signs except red ones. Our ability to search for targets rapidly and automatically is called parallel processing. It is as if you can examine all nearby locations at once ( in parallel) and rapidly detect the target no matter where it appears. So if the sign you are looking for is bright red and twice as large as any other one on the road, you could conduct a parallel search, and the sign would quickly stand out . The automatic parallel processing that allows detection of colour or size suggests that these features are analysed before the point at which attention is required. However, if the target you seek shares many features with others nearby, you must conduct a slower serial search, examining each item in turn ( Treisman , 1988) .

Attention and the brain If directing attention to a task causes extra mental work to be done, there should be evidence of that work in brain activity. Such evidence has been provided by positron emission tomography ( PET) and magnetic resonance imaging (MRI ) scans, which reveal increased blood flow and greater nerve cell activity in regions of the brain associated with the mental processing necessary for the task. In one study, for example, people were asked either to focus attention on reporting only the colour of a stimulus or to divide attention in order to report its colour, speed of motion, and shape (Corbetta et ah , 1991).When attention was focused on colour alone, increased blood flow appeared only in the part of the brain where that stimulus feature was analysed; when attention was divided, the added supply of blood was shared between two locations. Similarly, increased nerve cell activity occurs in two different areas of the brain when participants perform two different tasks, such as deciding whether sentences are true while also deciding whether a pair of three-dimensional objects are the same or different (Just et ah , 2001) . Because attention appears to be a linked set of resources that improve information processing at several levels and locations in the brain , it is not surprising that no single brain region has been identified as an ‘attention centre’ (Posner & Peterson, 1990; Sasaki et ah , 2001) . However, scientists have found regions in the brain that are involved in momentary lapses in attention and in the switching of visual attention from one stimulus element or location to another (Posner & Raichle, 1994; Weissman et al., 2006) .

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O

N REVIEW Attention ASPECTS

CHARACTERISTICS

Directing attention

You can direct your perceptual systems towards different aspects of your external and internal environments by overt orienting - pointing sensory systems at a particular stimulus - or by shifting attention without having to move a muscle - called covert orienting.

Ignoring information

Inattentional blindness is where your attention is voluntarily or involuntarily focused on one part of the environment; you may ignore, or be ‘blind’ to, stimuli occurring in other parts.

Divided attention

Multitasking is the process whereby we divide our attention, which is thought to be limited.

Attention and automatic processing

Our ability to search for targets rapidly and automatically is called parallel processing. Colour recognition is so automatic, it is thought that colour is analysed before the point at which attention is required.

Attention and the brain

Evidence of the extra mental work attention requires is found using positron emission tomography (PET) and magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) scans.

Check your understanding 1 The process of directing and focusing psychological resources to enhance perception, performance and mental experience is called 2 A task that requires little or no attention is said to be 3 Attention is a linked set of resources that improves _

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CHAPTER REVIEW LINKAGES As noted in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’, all of psychology’s subfields are related to one another. Our discussion of the representation of sensory systems, and how perceptual processes develop in the brain, illustrates just one way in which the topic of this chapter, sensation and perception, are linked to the subfield of biological

CHAPTER 4

r

psychology, which is the focus of Chapter 3, ‘Biological Linkages’ diagram shows ties aspects of psychology’. The ‘ to two other subfields as well, and there are many more ties throughout the book. Looking for linkages among subfields will help you see how they all fit together and help you better appreciate the big picture that is psychology.

Sensation and perception

LINKAGES

Can the senses be fooled ?

What does the world look like to infants ?

Can subliminal stimuli influence our judgements about people ?

CHAPTER 4 Sensation and

CHAPTER 11

CHAPTER 15 Social cognition and influence

Human development

perception

ONLINE STUDY RESOURCES Visit http:// login.cengagebrain.com and use the access code that comes with this book for 12 months access to the resources and study tools for this chapter. The CourseMateExpress website contains: • • • •

revision quizzes concept maps

graduate attribute information

• • •

web links flashcards and more.

videos

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SUMMARY A sense is a system that translates information from outside the nervous system into nerve cell activity. Messages from the senses are called sensations. Perception is the process through which people actively use knowledge and understanding of the world to interpret sensations as meaningful experiences.

SENSORY SYSTEMS •

The first step in sensation involves accessory structures, which collect and modify sensory stimuli. The second step is transduction, the process of converting incoming energy into nerve cell activity; it is accomplished by neural receptors, cells specialised to detect energy of some type. Sensory adaptation takes place when receptors receive unchanging stimulation. Nerve cell activity is transferred through the thalamus (except in the case of olfaction) and on to the cortex. Various dimensions of vision interact, and vision can also interact with hearing and other senses in a process known as synaesthesia.

•

•

Encoding is the translation of physical properties of a stimulus into a pattern of nerve cell activity that specifically identifies those physical properties. It is the language the brain uses to describe sensations. Encoding is characterised by the specific energy doctrine: stimulation of a particular sensory nerve provides codes for that one sense, no matter how the stimulation takes place. Psychophysics is the study of the relationship between stimulus energy and the psychological experience of that energy.

HEARING Sound is a repetitive fluctuation in the pressure of a medium such as air. It travels in waves. • The amplitude and frequency (which is related to wavelength) of sound waves produce the psychological dimensions of loudness and pitch, respectively. (People with absolute pitch can identify specific frequencies as specific musical notes.) Timbre, the quality of sound, depends on complex wave patterns added to the lowest frequency of the sound. •

The energy from sound waves is collected and transmitted to the cochlea through a series of accessory structures, including the tympanic membrane. • Auditory information is relayed through the thalamus to the auditory cortex. • The intensity of a sound stimulus is encoded by the firing rate of auditory neurons. Place theory describes the encoding of higher frequencies: they are encoded by the place on the basilar membrane where the wave envelope peaks. •

VISION •

•

•

Visible light is electromagnetic radiation with wavelengths ranging from about 400 nanometres to about 750 nanometres. Light intensity, or the amount of energy in light, determines its brightness. Differing light wavelengths are sensed as different colours. Accessory structures of the eye include the cornea, pupil, iris and lens. Through ocular accommodation and other means, these structures focus light rays on the retina, the netlike structure of cells at the back of the eye. Photoreceptors in the retina - rods and cones - have photopigments and can transduce light into neural activity. The fovea , the area of highest visual acuity, has only cones, which are colour - sensitive. Rods are more sensitive to light but do not discriminate colours; they are distributed in areas

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around the fovea. Both types of photoreceptors contribute to dark adaptation. The ganglion cells send action potentials out of the eye, at a point where a blind spot is created. Visual form, colour, movement and distance are processed by parallel systems. Complex feature detectors in the visual cortex are built in hierarchical fashion out of simpler units that detect and respond to features such as lines, edges and orientations. The colour of an object depends on which of the wavelengths striking it are absorbed and which are reflected. The sensation of colour has three psychological dimensions: hue, colour saturation and brightness. Colour blindness occurs in people born with cones that are missing a colour- sensitive

photopigment.

Chapter 3: Sensation and Perception

THE CHEMICAL SENSES: SMELL AND TASTE • •

The chemical senses include olfaction (smell) and gustation (taste). Olfactory perception detects volatile chemicals that come into contact with olfactory receptors in the nose.

•

•

Taste perception, or gustatory perception, detects chemicals that come into contact with taste receptors in papillae on the tongue. The senses of smell and taste interact to produce flavour.

CUTANEOUS SENSES AND THE VESTIBULAR SYSTEM The cutaneous senses (also called somatic senses or somatosensory systems) include the skin senses and kinaesthetic perception, which tells the brain about body position. • Nerve endings in the skin generate touch sensations when they are stimulated. • Pain provides information about damaging stimuli. Sharp pain and dull, chronic pain are carried by different fibres - A - delta •

•

and C fibres, respectively. The emotional response to pain depends on how the painful stimulus is interpreted. According to the gate control theory of pain, incoming pain signals can be blocked by a ‘gate’ in the spinal cord. Proprioceptive senses provide information about the body.

PERCEPTION An enormous amount of processing is required to transform energy received by receptors into perceptual experience. The complexity of perception is revealed by various perceptual errors (for example, illusions). • The computational model of perception emphasises the computations performed by the nervous system. The

constructivist approach suggests that the perceptual system constructs the experience of reality, making inferences and applying knowledge in order to interpret sensations. The ecological approach holds that the environment itself provides the cues that people use to form perceptions.

•

ORGANISING THE PERCEPTUAL WORLD •

Perceptual organisation is the process whereby order is imposed on the information received by your senses. The perceptual system automatically engages in figure ground discrimination, and it groups stimuli into patterns.

•

Visual localisation requires information about the position of the body and eyes, as well as information about where a stimulus falls on the retinas. Auditory localisation depends on

detecting differences in the information that reaches the two ears, including differences in timing and intensity. • The perception of motion results in part from the movement of stimuli across the retinas. Expanding or looming stimulation is perceived as an approaching object. • Because of perceptual constancy, the brightness, size and shape of objects are seen to remain the same, even though the sensations received from those objects may change.

RECOGNISING THE PERCEPTUAL WORLD • •

•

Research on pattern recognition has focused attention on network models, or parallel distributed processing (PDP) models, of perception. • To the extent that the visual environments of people in different cultures differ, their perceptual experiences - as evidenced by their responses to perceptual illusions - may differ as well.

Both bottom- up processing and top - down processing contribute to recognition of the world. Bottom - up processing is accomplished by the analysis of stimulus features or combinations of features, such as form, colour and motion. Top - down processing is influenced by expectancy and motivation.

•

ATTENTION •

Attention is the process of focusing psychological resources to enhance perception, performance and mental experience. We can shift attention overtly - by moving the eyes, for example or covertly, without any movement of sensory systems.

•

Attention is selective; it is like a spotlight that illuminates different parts of the external environment or various mental processes. Control over attention can be voluntary and knowledge- based or involuntary and driven by environmental stimuli.

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Sometimes attention can be so focused that it results in inattentional blindness, a failure to detect or identify normally noticeable stimuli. • Although there are limits to how well people can divide attention, they can sometimes attend to two tasks at once. •

•

•

Some information can be processed automatically, in parallel, whereas other situations demand focused attention and a serial search. Although the brain plays a critical role in attention, no single brain region has been identified as the main attention centre.

TESTYOUR KNOWLEDGE Answer key’ at the end of the book. Select the best answer for each of the following questions, then check your responses against the ‘ 1

Matt finishes his can of soft drink as he walks across campus with Brad and Andy, and now he wants to slip the empty can into one of their open backpacks. Brad’s pack has several heavy textbooks in it; Andy’s contains only a notebook. Weber’s law suggests that to avoid detection, Matt should put the can in pack because the change in weight will be than a just -noticeable difference. a

2

6

Andy’s; less

b

Brad’s; less

c

Andy’s; more

d

Brad’s; more

7

A projection - screen TV aims green, red and blue lights at a screen. Because the TV can show a

full range of colours by combining the green, red and blue lights in differing amounts, it best illustrates the theory of colour vision. a

convergence

b

frequency - matching

c

opponent - process

d

trichromat

3 Jeremy developed a disease that destroyed his thalamus. The only sense that was unaffected was a

vision

b

hearing

c

touch

d

smell where the optic nerve leaves the eye

b

where visual fibres cross at the optic chiasm

c

in the centre of the fovea

d

where accommodation takes place

5 Andrea cannot yet read but Lorraine can. They are each shown a list of colour names (for example, blue, red, yellow), but each word is printed in a colour that doesn’t match the word. They are asked to say the colour of the ink each word is printed in, not the word itself. will do better at this Stroop task because a

c

Andrea; she will not be distracted by word meanings

d

Lorraine; word meaning will help focus on the ink colour

Shanelle likes the lights that appear to race around her Christmas tree as they flash on and off in sequence. This illusion is known as a

motion parallax

b

dishabituation

c

the stroboscopic illusion

d

texture gradient

Four swimmers practising their synchronised swimming routine are perceived as a group because they are performing the same movements at the same speed. This is an example of a

synchrony

b

common

c

orientation

d

interposition

fate

a

induced motion

b

stroboscopic motion

c

the movement gradient

d

looming

9 Jeff and Larry were making chilli. Jeff tasted the chilli and thought it was perfectly seasoned. Then, while Jeff 's back was turned, Larry added some more salt. When they sat down to eat, Jeff immediately said the chilli was too salty. Because he didn’t know about the added salt, Jeff 's perception must have been based on

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Lorraine; she is older

8 As Cliff walks out his front door, he sees a snowball coming straight at him. The retinal image of the snowball is increasing and he realises that the snowball is approaching, not getting larger. This example illustrates

4 Your blind spot is located a

b

a

top- down processing

b

bottom - up processing

c

pattern recognition

d

selective attention

Chapter 3: Sensation and Perception

TALKING POINTS Here are a few talking points to help you summarise this chapter for family and friends without giving a lecture.

Our five senses give us a personal version of reality, so everyone experiences the world a little bit differently. 2 How will our senses be impacted on by technology? 3 As in other animals, chemicals called pheromones can affect humans, but they don’t serve as strong sexual attractants, no matter what perfume makers suggest. 4 Unlike a video camera that dispassionately records events, our perceptions of the world are not fixed and objective. They are affected by our past experience, our wants and needs, our expectations, and the situations in which we find ourselves.

1

Because perception depends to some extent on experience,

5

people from different cultures may differ in their sensitivity to certain optical illusions. 6 Can we truly multitask? When we are concentrating on one thing, we may become blind to other important information. Limits on our ability to divide attention between tasks make it dangerous to text or talk on a mobile phone while driving.

FURTHER READING Now that you have finished reading this chapter, how about exploring some of the topics and information that you found most interesting. Here are some places to start.

RECOMMENDED BOOKS J. Richard Block and Harold Yuker, Con You Believe Your Eyes? (Gardner Press, 1989) more illusions and visual oddities.

Richard L. Gregory and J. Harris (Eds.), The Artful Eye (Oxford University Press, 1995) visual perception.

Chandler Burr, The Emperor of Scent ( Random House, 2003) - about the perfume industry and a scientist who is testing a new theory of smell.

Oliver Sacks, The Man Who Mistook His Wife for a Hat (Touchstone Books, 1998) descriptions of patients with sensory and perceptual disorders.

Richard Cytowic, The Mon Who Tasted Shapes (MIT Press, 2003) - about synaesthesia, a condition in which senses are mixed.

Oliver Sacks, Seeing Voices : A Journey into the World of the Deaf (Vintage, 2000) - how deaf people experience the world.

Richard L. Gregory and Andrew M. Colman (Eds.), Sensation and Perception ( Longman, 1995) - the senses and psychophysics.

Roger Shepard, Mind Sights (Freeman,1990) - visual illusions and ambiguous figures.

CHAPTER REFERENCES Adams, R. J., Courage, M. L., & Mercer, M. E. (1991). Deficiencies in human neonates’ color vision: Photoreceptoral and neural explanations. Behavioral Brain Research, 43 , 109 -114.

Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2012c). Survey of Disability, Ageing and Carers (SDAC).

Adams, W. J., Graf, E. W., & Ernst, M. O. (2004). Experience can change the ‘ light from above’ prior. Nature Neuroscience, 7, 1057-1058. Anderson, B. L. (2004). The role of occlusion in the perception of depth, lightness, and opacity. Psychological Review, 110 , 785-801. Andrew, D., & Craig, A. D. (2001). Spinothalamic lamina I neurons selectively sensitive to histamine: A central neural pathway for itch. Nature Neuroscience, 4, 11-11.

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ANSWERS TO ' IN REVIEW ' AND 'TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE' QUESTIONS Sensation and perception In review

Sensory systems 1 vision, hearing, skin, smell, taste; 2 light; 3 Conscious, subliminal Hearing 1 cochlea [or basilar membrane]; 2 nerve deafness; 3 pitch, frequency Vision 1 rods; 2 retina; 3 cones

The chemical senses: smell and taste

1 taste, smell; 2 smell; 3 pheromones Cutaneous senses and the vestibular system

1 pain; 2 equilibrium; 3 touch

Perception 1 Ecological; 2 Constructivists; 3 Perceptual failures Organising the perceptual world 1 the stroboscopic illusion; 2 retinal disparity; 3 closure

Recognising the perceptual world 1 top - down; 2 recognition; 3 Culture, experience Attention 1 attention; 2 automatic; 3 information processing

Test your knowledge

1b, 2d, 3 d, 4a, 5c, 6c, 7b, 8 d, 9b

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LEARNING Live and learn. This simple phrase captures the idea that learning is a lifelong process that affects our behaviour every day. Understanding how learning takes place is an important part of understanding ourselves. In this chapter, we explore the learning process and the factors that affect it.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES On completion of this chapter, you should be able to: 5.1

understand how simple exposure to a stimulus can change the response to it

5.4 appreciate the role of cognition in human behaviour 5.5

5.2

describe how organisms learn to predict important events

5.3

explain the way in which consequences influence behaviour

link an understanding of processes of learning to theories underpinning research on topics such as memory and neural networks.

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY 1 Can psychologists help save the lives of children with dangerous disorders through the use of appropriate punishment techniques? 2 Can people with phobias learn to overcome their fears through the use of systematic desensitisation ?

3 How are classical conditioning principles being used to develop procedures to protect native wildlife?

1CourseMateExpress

Bring your learning to life with interactive study and exam preparation tools that support your textbook. CourseMate Express includes quizzes, videos, concept maps and more.

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PSYCHOLOGICAL LITERACY AND GRADUATE ATTRIBUTES CGAs) In this chapter you are introduced to the topic of learning, specifically: (GA 1) Discipline knowledge and its application: The topic of learning is fundamental: as a species, we must learn to adapt to complex and changing environments in order to survive and thrive. Several examples are given of how classical and operant conditioning apply to complex behaviour in real - world settings. (GA 2) Research methods: This chapter introduces a variety of research methods utilised in the study of learning, including the different ways in which classical and operant conditioning are studied. The ‘Focus on research methods’ section examines ‘learned helplessness’, a learned tendency to stop trying to have any impact on one’s situation through one’s own actions. (GA 3) Critical and creative thinking: The ‘ Thinking critically’ section examines the commonly held notion that watching violence on television causes more aggressive behaviour. In terms of GA4 (values and ethics) and GA6 (learning and application), we ask you whether, knowing about the

nature of learning after reading this chapter,

you would challenge any of the following statements, rather

than accepting them at

face value: How we respond in different situations is under our conscious control. If you want your child to maintain a certain behaviour over a long period of time, it is best to reward her every single time she performs that behaviour. Punishment is not an effective means of controlling behaviour. To learn anything, there needs to be some form of reinforcement / reward. Will you feel morally obliged to use your communication and interpersonal skills (GA5) to convince the person who made such statements that they need to rethink them, in light of what is known about learning? If that person is you , will you have the motivation to update your opinion or misconception in light of your new knowledge? These dispositions are a crucial component of psychological literacy .

INTRODUCTION Can you recall how you felt on your first day of kindergarten ? Like many young children, you may have been bewildered, even frightened , as the comforting familiarity of home or day care was suddenly replaced by an environment filled with new names and faces, rules and events. But like most youngsters, you probably adjusted to this new situation within a few days, much as you did again when you started primary school, high school and university. Your adjustment, or adaptation, to these new environments occurred in many ways. Ringing bells, lunch lines, class tests and other once-strange school events not only became part ofyour expectations about the world but also began to serve as signals. You soon realised that if a note was delivered to your teacher during class , someone would be called to the main office. If your teacher arrived with a box of papers , you knew that the tests had been marked.Adapting to school also meant developing new knowledge about what behaviour was appropriate and inappropriate in the new settings you encountered. Although your parents may have encouraged you to talk whenever you wanted to at home, perhaps you found that at school, you had to raise your hand first. And the messy finger painting that got you into trouble at home may have earned you praise in art class.You found, too, that there were things you could do such as paying attention in class and getting to school on time to reap rewards and avoid punishment. Finally, of course, you adapted to school by absorbing facts about the world and developing skills ranging from ball kicking and reading to writing and

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debating. The entire process of development, from birth to death, involves a biological adaptation to increasingly complex, ever-changing environments using continuously updated knowledge gained through experience. Although perhaps most highly developed in humans , the ability to adapt to custom page

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CHAPTER OUTLINE Learning about stimuli Classical

conditioning: learning signals and associations

Operant conditioning: learning the consequences of behaviour

Cognitive processes in

learning Using research on learning to help people learn

Chapter 4: Learning

learning the modification through experience of pre- existing behaviour and understanding

changing environments appears to varying degrees in all species. According to the evolutionary approach to psychology, it is individual differences in the capacity to adapt that shapes the evolution of appearance and behaviour in animals and humans. Individuals who don’t adapt may not survive to reproduce. Many forms of animal and human adaptation follow the principles of learning. Learning is the adaptive process through which experience modifies pre-existing behaviour and understanding. The pre-existing behaviour and understanding may have been present at birth, acquired automatically as we matured , or learned earlier. Learning plays a central role in the development of most aspects of human behaviour. It allows us to build the motor skills we need to walk or tie shoelaces, the language skills we use to communicate, and the object categories such as ‘food’, ‘vehicle’ or ‘animal’ that help us organise our perceptions and think logically about the world. Sayings such as ‘Once bitten , twice shy’ and ‘Fool me once, shame on you ; fool me twice, shame on me’ reflect this vital learning process . If you want to know who you are and how you became the person you are today, examining what and how you have learned is a good place to start. Humans and other animals learn primarily by experiencing events, observing relationships between those events, and noticing consistencies in the world around them . For example, when two events repeatedly take place together, we can predict the occurrence of one from knowledge of the other. We learn that a clear blue sky means dry weather, that too little sleep makes us irritable, and that we can communicate with someone by clicking on a certain email address. Some learning takes place consciously, as when we study for an exam, but as you will see, we may also learn things without being aware we are doing so (Watanabe, Nanez & Sasaki , 2001). In this chapter, we first consider the simplest forms of learning learning about sights, sounds and other stimuli ( the plural of stimulus ) .Then we examine the two major kinds of learning that involve associations between events classical conditioning and operant conditioning. Next we consider the role of thinking, or cognition, in learning, and we conclude by discussing how research on learning might help people learn better.

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habituation the process of adapting to stimuli that do not

change

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Learning to live with it People who move from a small town to a big city may at first be distracted by the din of traffic, low - flying aircraft and other urban sounds, but after a while, the process of habituation makes all this noise far less noticeable.

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5.1 LEARNING ABOUT STIMULI In a changing world , our senses are constantly bombarded by massive amounts of information . If we tried to pay attention to every sight and sound , our information-processing systems would be overloaded , and we would be unable to concentrate on anything. People appear to be genetically tuned to attend to certain kinds of events, such as loud sounds , special tastes or pain. Novel stimuli things we have not experienced before also tend to attract our attention .

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Habituation and sensitisation By contrast, our response to unchanging stimuli decreases over time. This aspect of adaptation is a simple form of learning called habituation, and it can occur in relation to sights, sounds , smells , tastes or touches (see the Snapshot ‘Learning to live with it’) . As described in Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception’, it is through habituation that you eventually lose awareness of your glasses or your watch, and that after being in a room for a while, you no longer smell its odour or hear its ticking clock . Habituation is especially important for adapting to initially startling but harmless events such as the repeated popping of balloons, but it occurs in some degree to all kinds of stimuli and in all kinds of animals, from simple sea snails to humans (Gottfried, O’Doherty & Dolan , 2003; Pinel, 1993) . After our response to a stimulus has habituated, it may quickly return if the stimulus changes.

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So if that ticking clock suddenly stops, you may become aware of it again because now, something in your environment has changed .The reappearance of your original response when a stimulus changes is called dishabituation.Again in Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception’, we describe how habituation and dishabituation processes have helped psychologists determine what babies notice, and fail to notice, as perceptual skills develop. A second simple form of learning, called sensitisation , appears as an increase in responsiveness to a stimulus. Sensitisation occurs, for example, when people and animals show exaggerated responses to unexpected, potentially threatening sights or sounds, especially during periods of emotional arousal. So while breathlessly exploring a dark, spooky house, you might scream, run or violently throw something in response to the unexpected creaking of a door, as illustrated in the Snapshot ‘Sensitisation’.

Sensitisation The documentary filmmakers portrayed in The Blair Witch Project demonstrated the simple learning process called sensitisation as their behavioural reactions to sudden stimuli became more and more extreme. TRY THIS The next time you are watching a tense or ‘scary’ film, look for similar examples of sensitisation in the reactions of the audience - and perhaps in yourself, too!

Habituation and sensitisation provide organisms with a useful way of adapting to their environments, but notice that these kinds of learning result from exposure to a single stimulus. Neither kind requires the association of one stimulus with another, as when we learn that, say, dark clouds signal rain . For this reason, habituation and sensitisation are referred to as non-associative learning (Chance, 2009) .

Opponent process theory Psychologists have been especially interested in how habituation occurs. According to Richard Solomon’s (1980) opponent process theory , new stimulus events especially those that arouse strong disrupt the individual’s physiological state of equilibrium, or positive or negative emotions homeostasis.This disruption triggers an opposite, or opponent , process that counteracts the disruption and eventually restores equilibrium . If the arousing event occurs repeatedly, this opponent process gets stronger and occurs more rapidly. It eventually becomes so quick and strong that it actually suppresses the initial response to the stimulus, creating habituation . As described in Chapter 10 ,‘Motivation and emotion’, the opponent process theory of habituation may help explain why some people skydive and engage in other highly arousing activities. It may also help explain some of the dangers associated with certain drugs. Consider, for example, what happens as someone continues to use a drug such as heroin . The ‘high’, or pleasurable reaction , that follows a particular dose of the drug, begins to decrease, or habituate, with repeated doses. Habituation occurs, Solomon says, because the initial, pleasurable reaction to the drug is followed by an unpleasant, increasingly rapid opposing reaction that counteracts the drug’s primary effects. As drug users become habituated, they must take progressively larger doses to get the same high . According to Solomon and other researchers, these opponent processes form the basis of the drug tolerance and addiction that are described in Chapter 8, ‘Consciousness’ .

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Could similar opponent processes be partly responsible for some accidental drug overdoses? Some researchers think so. Suppose that the unpleasant reaction that counteracts a drug’s initial effects becomes associated with a particular room, person or other stimulus that is normally present when the drug is taken . This stimulus may eventually come to trigger the counteracting process, allowing the user to tolerate larger drug doses. Now suppose that a person takes this larger drug dose in an environment in which this stimulus is not present.The strength of the drug’s primary effect will remain the same, but without the familiar environmental stimulus , the counteracting process may be weaker. The net result may be a stronger-than-usual drug reaction, possibly leading to an overdose (Melchior, 1990; Siegel , 2005; Siegel et al., 1982) .

Learned association Notice that opponent process explanations of drug abuse and overdose are based not just on simple habituation and sensitisation, but also on a learned association between certain environmental stimuli and certain opponent responses. Indeed , the non-associative processes of habituation and sensitisation cannot, by themselves, explain many of the behaviours and mental processes that are the focus of psychology. To better understand how learning affects our thoughts and behaviours, we have to consider forms of learning that involve the building of associations between various stimuli , as well as between stimuli and responses. One major type of associative learning is called classical conditioning.

o

N REVIEW Learning about stimuli PROCESS Habituation

Sensitisation

Opponent process

theory

EXAMPLE

DESCRIPTION

We will eventually come to ignore the tree branch tapping against the window, which keeps us awake at first.

Response to a stimulus will decline when it is repeated.

Every sound we hear will keep us awake if we have just watched a movie marathon of horror films.

Exposure to a strong stimulus will re -initiate response to a habituated cue.

Conditioned responding to stimuli associated with administration of a drug tends to elicit responses which counteract the effect of the drug.

Stimuli associated with administration of a drug can elicit conditioned withdrawal responses.

Check your understanding 1 If viewing a picture of a spider causes my heart rate to increase, then by habituating me to such pictures you would expect that my heart rate would 2 If I have just watched an exciting movie involving lots of car crashes, you might expect that, if I hear tyres screech on the road outside my house, my response to this sound would be 3 If a drug is known to produce a decrease in heart rate, then stimuli associated with such a drug should heart rate.

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5.2 CLASSICAL CONDITIONING : LEARNING SIGNALS AND ASSOCIATIONS An athlete’s heart may start pounding at the first notes of the national anthem; those sounds signal that the event or game is about to begin . A flashing red light on a dashboard may raise your heart rate too, because it means that something is wrong with your car. We are not born with these reactions. We learn them by observing relationships or associations between events in the world . The experimental study of this kind of learning was begun, almost by accident, by Ivan Petrovich Pavlov.

Pavlov’s discovery Pavlov is one of the best-known figures in psychology, but he was not a psychologist. A Russian physiologist, Pavlov won a Nobel prize in 1904 for his research on the digestive processes of dogs. In the course of this work , Pavlov noticed a strange phenomenon: the first stage of the digestive process salivation , or drooling sometimes occurred when no food was present. His dogs salivated, for example, when they saw the assistant who normally brought their food , even if the assistant was empty-handed . Pavlov devised a simple experiment to determine why salivation occurred without an obvious physical cause. First, he performed a simple operation to divert a dog’s saliva into a container so that the amount of salivation could be measured precisely. He then placed the dog in an apparatus similar to the one shown in Figure 5.1 . The experiment had three phases.

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FIGURE 5.1 Apparatus for measuring conditioned responses

In this more elaborate version of Pavlov’s original apparatus, the amount of saliva flowing from a dog’s cheek is measured and then recorded on a slowly revolving drum of paper. Pen recording

In the first phase of the experiment, Pavlov and his associates confirmed that when meat powder was placed on the dog’s tongue, the dog salivated , but it did not salivate in response to a neutral stimulus a musical tone, for example. Thus , the researchers had established the two basic components for Pavlov’s experiment: 1 a reflex , which is a quick, automatic response to a stimulus 2 a neutral stimulus that does not trigger that reflex. It was the second and third phases of the experiment that showed how one type of associative learning can occur. In the second phase, the tone sounded , and then a few seconds later, meat powder was placed

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classical conditionings procedure in which a neutral stimulus is repeatedly paired with a stimulus that elicits a reflex or other response until the neutral stimulus alone comes to elicit a similar response

unconditioned stimulus (UCS) a stimulus that elicits a response without

conditioning

unconditioned response (UCR ) the automatic or

unlearned reaction to a stimulus

conditioned stimulus (CS) the originally neutral stimulus that, through pairing with the unconditioned stimulus, comes to elicit a conditioned

response

conditioned response (CR ) the response that the

conditioned stimulus elicits

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in the dog’s mouth. The dog salivated. This pairing the tone followed immediately by meat powder was repeated several times. The tone predicted that the meat powder was coming, but the question remained:Would the animal learn that the tone signals the meat powder? The answer was yes. In the third phase of the experiment, the tone was sounded , and even though no meat powder was presented , the dog again salivated. In other words, the tone by itself now elicited salivation.You may have seen a similar process if you regularly open pet food with an electric can opener. The sound of the opener probably brings your pet running (and salivating) because that sound means that food is on its way. Pavlovs experiment was the first laboratory demonstration of a basic form of associative learning. Today, it is called classical conditioning a procedure in which a neutral stimulus is repeatedly paired with a stimulus that already triggers a reflexive response. As a result of this pairing, the previously neutral stimulus itself comes to trigger a response that is similar to that reflex. Figure 5.2 shows the basic elements of classical conditioning. The stimulus that elicits a response without conditioning, such as the meat powder in Pavlovs experiment, is called the unconditioned stimulus (UCS).The automatic reaction to this stimulus is called the unconditioned response (UCR). As the neutral stimulus is repeatedly paired with the unconditioned stimulus, it becomes a conditioned stimulus (CS), and the response it comes to elicit is called the conditioned response (CR ).

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FIGURE 5.2 Classical conditioning Before classical conditioning has occurred, meat powder on a dog’s tongue produces salivation, but the sound of a tone - a neutral stimulus - produces nothing more than orienting responses, such as turning towards the sound. During the process of conditioning, the tone is repeatedly paired with the meat powder. After classical conditioning has taken place, the sound of the tone alone acts as a conditioned stimulus, triggering salivation. PHASE 1: Before conditioning has occurred

UCS

>

*

(meat powder)

Neutral stimulus

*

(tone)

*

>

*

>

^

UCR ( salivation)

Orienting response

PHASE 2: The process of conditioning

Neutral stimulus

followed

UCS

(tone)

by

(meat powder)

UCR ( salivation)

>-

CR ( salivation)

PHASE 3: After conditioning has occurred

CS (tone)

-

>

>

Conditioned responses over time: extinction, reconditioning and spontaneous recovery Continued pairings of a conditioned stimulus with an unconditioned stimulus strengthen conditioned responses. The curve on the left-hand side of Figure 5.3 shows an example: repeated associations of a tone (CS) with meat powder (UCS) caused Pavlovs dogs to increase their salivation (CR ) to the tone alone.

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Extinction What if the meat powder is no longer given ? In general, if the conditioned stimulus continues to occur without being followed at least occasionally by the unconditioned stimulus, the conditioned response will gradually disappear. This fading process is known as extinction (see the centre section of Figure 5.3) . The term extinction is not entirely accurate, though , because it suggests that, like the dinosaurs, the conditioned response has been wiped out, never to return .The fact is, though , that the conditioned response is simply suppressed by a counteracting tendency not to respond.

extinction the gradual disappearance of a conditioned response when a conditioned stimulus is no longer followed by an unconditioned stimulus

FIGURE 5.3 Changes over time in the strength of a conditioned response (CR)

As the conditioned stimulus (CS) and the unconditioned stimulus (UCS) are repeatedly paired during initial conditioning, the strength of the conditioned response (CR ) increases. If the CS is repeatedly presented without the UCS, the CR weakens - and eventually disappears - through a process called extinction . However, if a significant amount of time has passed since the CS was last presented and then it is presented again, the CR will generally reappear. This phenomenon is called spontaneous recovery. Acquisition CCS and UCS paired)

Spontaneous

Extinction (UCS withheld)

recovery CCS again presented)

Extinction if UCS again withheld

Trials Time delay

Reconditioning Two kinds of evidence support the conclusion that extinction suppresses but does not destroy a conditioned response. The first comes from research showing that if a conditioned stimulus (tone) and an unconditioned stimulus (meat powder) are again paired after the conditioned response has been extinguished, that conditioned response will return to its original strength after as few as one or two trials. This reconditioning process occurs much faster than the original conditioning did , suggesting that extinction did not entirely erase the association between the conditioned stimulus and the conditioned response (Bouton , 1993, 2002; Myers & Davis, 2007).

reconditioning the quick relearning of a conditioned response following extinction

Spontaneous recovery The second kind of evidence for this view is illustrated on the right-hand side of Figure 5.3, which shows that even after a conditioned response has been extinguished , it will temporarily reappear if the conditioned stimulus occurs again .This phenomenon is called spontaneous recovery, the temporary reappearance of a conditioned response after extinction (and without further CS UCS pairings). In general, the longer the time between extinction and the reappearance of the CS, the stronger the recovered conditioned response (Devenport , 1998; Rescorla, 2005) . Unless the UCS is again paired with the CS, extinction will reoccur and will further suppress the conditioned response (Leung & Westbrook , 2008) . Still, even after

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spontaneous recovery the reappearance of the conditioned response after extinction and without further pairings of the conditioned and unconditioned stimuli

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many years, spontaneous recovery can create a ripple of emotion a conditioned response when we hear a song or catch a scent associated with a long-lost lover or a departed relative.This renewal of a onceextinguished conditioned response is especially likely when extinction occurred in only one particular situation (Bouton , 2002) . Renewal is seen all too often, for example, following residential treatment for drug or alcohol abuse. Conditioned craving for these substances may eventually disappear while an abuser is in a treatment centre, but once back in an environment full of conditioned stimuli for substance abuse, the old craving may immediately return to threaten long-term recovery (Goldstein et al., 2009).

Stimulus generalisation and discrimination stimulus generalisation a

phenomenon in which

a conditioned response is

elicited by stimuli that are similar but not identical to the conditioned stimulus

After a conditioned response is learned,stimuli that are similar but not identical to the conditioned stimulus also elicit the response but to a lesser degree. This phenomenon is called stimulus generalisation. Usually, the greater the similarity between a new stimulus and the conditioned stimulus, the stronger the conditioned response will be. So a person who was bitten by a small, curly-haired dog is likely to be most afraid of dogs that closely resemble it. Figure 5.4 shows another example involving sounds.

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FIGURE 5.4 Stimulus generalisation

The strength of a conditioned response (CR ) is greatest when the original conditioned stimulus (CS) occurs but the CR also appears following stimuli that closely resemble the CS. Here, the CS is the sound of a buzzer at a frequency of 1000 hertz ( Hz ), and the CR is salivation. Notice that the CR generalises well to stimuli at 990 or 1010 Hz but becomes weaker and weaker in response to stimuli that are less and less similar to the CS.

stimulus discrimination a process through which individuals learn to differentiate among similar stimuli and respond appropriately to each one

1to

.

TO

S E

< 900

950

1000 1050 1100 (CS) Sound of buzzer ( hertz )

Stimulus generalisation has obvious adaptive advantages. For example, it is important for survival that if you get sick after drinking sour-smelling milk , you now avoid dairy products that have a similar odour. Generalisation would be a problem, though, if it had no limits. Like most people, you would probably be frightened if you found a lion in your home, but imagine the disruption if your fear response generalised so widely that you were panicked by a picture of a lion or even by reading the word lion. Stimulus generalisation does not run wild because it is balanced by a complementary process called stimulus discrimination. Through stimulus discrimination, people and animals learn to differentiate among similar stimuli. Many parents find that the sound of their own baby whimpering during the night may become a conditioned stimulus that triggers a conditioned response that wakes them up. That conditioned response might not occur if a visiting friend’s baby whimpers.

The signalling of significant events You have seen that after a tone has been repeatedly associated with the appearance of an unconditioned stimulus (UCS) such as food , the once-neutral tone becomes a conditioned stimulus (CS) that leads a dog to salivate. Pavlov showed that this classical conditioning process takes place gradually as a result of continued experience, but he believed that there is more to the story.Through

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repeated association, he said , the conditioned stimulus (tone) becomes a signal that tells the dog the unconditioned stimulus (food) is coming, and the dog’s conditioned response (salivation) occurs in preparation for the food. In this case, the conditioned response looks just like the unconditioned response (both involve salivation), but this is not always so. For example, a rat’s natural, unconditioned , reflexive responses to a mild shock (UCS) are to flinch and jump. But after classical conditioning in which a tone (CS) always precedes shock , the rat’s conditioned response will be to freeze much as it would if threatened by a predator (Domjan, 2005) . In other words, classical conditioning involves more than the appearance of reflexive, robot-like responses. Like Pavlov, most psychologists today believe that conditioned responses develop when one event reliably predicts, or signals , the appearance of another. They also believe that instead of giving rise to simple reflexes, classical conditioning leads to responses based on the information provided by conditioned stimuli . As a result , animals and people develop mental representations of the relationships between important events in their environment and expectancies about when such events will occur (Rescorla , 1988; Shanks, 1995) . These representations and expectancies aid adaptation and survival. What determines whether and how a conditioned response is learned? Important factors include the timing, predictability and strength of signals; the amount of attention they receive; and how easily the signals can be associated with other stimuli.

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Timing Pavlovian conditioning has evolved because it allows animals to predict when something important is about to happen. For example, elite sports performers look for subtle changes in opponents’ behaviour, such as an eye movement towards where they are about to pass a ball , for example, to anticipate their next move. If this behaviour occurred after the ball was passed , it would be of no value. Classical conditioning thus works best when the conditioned stimulus precedes the unconditioned stimulus. This arrangement is known as forward conditioning, where the conditioned stimulus signals that the unconditioned stimulus is coming. There is also an arrangement, called backward conditioning , in which the conditioned stimulus (for example, a tone) is presented just after the unconditioned stimulus (food) . When this happens , however, a conditioned response develops very slowly, if at all. Part of the explanation is that the CS in backward conditioning comes too late to signal the approach of the UCS. In fact, as described later, the CS signals the absence of the UCS and eventually triggers a response that is opposite to the conditioned response, thus inhibiting its development . This can occur to other stimuli which signal the absence of the UCS, as illustrated in the Snapshot ‘Safety signals’.

Safety signals Pavlov discovered that associating a conditioned stimulus tone with the appearance of food led dogs to salivate in response to the tone alone. Babkin one of Pavlov’s students, later found that if a different conditioned stimulus (a whistle) is associated with the absence of food, the dogs would learn to inhibit (suppress) their salivation. The effect of this inhibitory conditioning can be seen in the adjustments sometimes made by people who suffer from agoraphobia and panic disorder (see Chapter 14, ‘Psychological disorders and treatment’). These people are norma iiy intensely afraid of leaving home, but some of them find that the presence of a trusted friend acts as a safety signal that inhibits their conditioned fear responses enough to let them venture out into the world ( Schmidt et al., 2006). ,

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Research shows that conditioning usually works best when there is an interval between the conditioned stimulus and the unconditioned stimulus. This interval can range from a fraction of a second to a few seconds to more than a minute, depending on the particular CS, UCS and UCR involved ( Longo, Klempay & Bitterman , 1964; Ross & Ross, 1971) . Classical conditioning will always be weaker if the interval between the CS and the UCS is longer than what is ideal for the stimuli and responses in a given situation . This makes adaptive sense. Normally, the appearance of food, predators or other significant events is most reliably predicted by smells, growls or other stimuli that occur at varying intervals before those events. So it is logical that organisms are ‘wired’ to form associations most easily between things that occur in a relatively tight time sequence.

Predictability For classical conditioning to occur, though, it is not enough that the conditioned stimulus precedes the unconditioned stimulus and that the two events occur close together in time. Suppose you have two dogs, Moxie and Fang, each with different personalities. When Moxie growls, she sometimes bites , but sometimes she doesn’t . Other times, she bites without growling first. Fang, however, growls only before biting.Your conditioned fear response to Moxie’s growl will probably occur slowly, if at all , because her growl is a stimulus that does not reliably signal the danger of a bite. But you are likely to quickly develop a classically conditioned fear response to Fang’s growl , because classical conditioning proceeds most rapidly when the conditioned stimulus always signals the unconditioned stimulus and only the unconditioned stimulus. So even if both dogs provide the same number of pairings of the conditioned stimulus (growl) and the unconditioned stimulus (bite) , it is only in Fang’s case that the conditioned stimulus reliably predicts the unconditioned stimulus ( Rescorla, 1968) .

Signal strength A conditioned response will be greater if the unconditioned stimulus is stronger. So a predictive signal associated with a strong UCS, such as an intense shock, will come to evoke more fear than one associated with a weak shock . As with timing and predictability, the effect of signal strength on classical conditioning makes adaptive sense. It is more important to be prepared for major events than for minor ones. How quickly a conditioned response is learned also depends on the strength of the conditioned stimulus. As described in Chapter 4,‘Sensation and perception’, louder tones, brighter lights or other, more intense stimuli tend to get attention , so they are most rapidly associated with an unconditioned stimulus as long as they remain reliable predictive signals.

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Attention In the classical conditioning laboratory, a single neutral stimulus is presented , followed shortly by an unconditioned stimulus. In the natural environment, however, several stimuli may be present just before an unconditioned stimulus occurs. Suppose that you are at the beach , sipping a soft drink , reading a magazine, listening to a CD and inhaling the scent of sunscreen , when you are stung by a wasp. Where your attention was focused at that moment can influence which potential conditioned stimulus - the taste of soft drink, the sight of the magazine, the sound of music or the smell of sunscreen becomes associated with that painful unconditioned stimulus. The stimulus you were attending to most closely and thus most fully perceiving is the one likely to be more strongly associated with pain than any of the others ( Hall, 1991) .

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Biopreparedness After Pavlov’s initial experiments, many psychologists believed that the associations formed through classical conditioning were like Velcro.Just as Velcro pieces of any size or shape can be easily attached, some believed that any conditioned stimulus has an equal potential for becoming associated with any unconditioned stimulus, as long as the two stimuli occur in the right time sequence. This view, called equipotentiality , was later challenged by experiments showing that certain signals or events are especially likely to form associations with other events (Logue, 1985) .This apparent natural tendency for certain events to become linked suggests that humans and animals are ‘biologically prepared’ or ‘genetically tuned’ to develop certain conditioned associations. The most dramatic example of this biopreparedness is seen in conditioned taste aversions. Consider the results of a study in which rats were either shocked or made nauseous in the presence of a bright light , a loud buzzer and water flavoured with an artificial sweetener. Only certain conditioned associations were formed. Specifically, the animals that had been shocked developed a conditioned fear response to the light and the buzzer but not to the flavoured water. Those that had been made nauseous developed a conditioned aversion to the flavoured water but showed no particular response to the light or buzzer (Garcia & Koelling, 1966) . Notice that these associations are useful and adaptive: nausea is more likely to be produced by something we eat or drink than by a noise or some other external stimulus. So nausea is more likely to become a conditioned response to an internal stimulus, such as a flavour, than to an external stimulus , such as a light or buzzer. In contrast, the sudden pain of a shock is likely to have been caused by an external stimulus, so it makes evolutionary sense that organisms should be ‘tuned’ to associate pain with external stimuli such as sights or sounds. Taste aversion learning is not limited to animals but can be shown in humans as well, as described in the Snapshot ‘Taste aversions’ . The upcoming Snapshot ‘Power of higher-order conditioning’, meanwhile, illustrates why this might be particularly problematic for individuals such as those receiving treatment for cancer, who are exposed to potent nausea-eliciting drugs.

Taste aversions Humans can develop classically conditioned taste aversions, even to preferred foods. Ilene Bernstein (1978) gave one group of cancer patients Mapletoff ice - cream an hour before they received nausea provoking chemotherapy. A second group ate the same kind of ice - cream on a day they did not receive chemotherapy. A third group got no ice - cream. Five months later, the patients were asked to taste several ice - cream flavours. Those who had never tasted MapletofFand those who had not eaten it in association with chemotherapy chose it as their favourite. Those who had eaten Mapletoff before receiving chemotherapy found it very distasteful.

Adaptive significance of biopreparedness Conditioned taste aversion shows that for certain kinds of stimuli, classical conditioning can occur even when there is a long delay between the CS (taste) and the UCS (sickness) . For example, the illness caused by poisons or other nauseating substances is usually delayed by minutes or hours, which is far longer than the intervals that normally produce conditioning. But for people who have experienced food poisoning or stomach flu after eating a certain kind of food , just the smell of it can make them queasy, and they may never eat that food again . Taste aversion makes sense in evolutionary terms because organisms that are biologically prepared to link taste signals with illness, even if it occurs after a considerable delay, are more likely to survive than organisms not so prepared.

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Evidence from several sources suggests other ways in which animals and people are innately prepared to learn aversions to certain stimuli. For example, experiments with animals suggest that they are prone to learn the types of associations that are most common in or most relevant to their environments (Wilcoxon, Dragoin & Krai, 1971) . Birds are strongly dependent on their vision in searching for food and may develop taste aversions on the basis of visual stimuli. Coyotes and rats, more dependent on their sense of smell, tend to develop aversions related to odour. In humans, preparedness results in far more cases of conditioned fear of harmless dogs or snakes than of potentially more dangerous objects, such as electrical outlets or knives (Ohman & Mineka , 2001, 2003). We are also particularly likely to learn fear responses to people who are ‘different’ , such as members of other ethnic groups (Olsson et al., 2005).

Higher - order conditioning higher- order conditioning phenomenon in which a conditioned stimulus acts as an unconditioned stimulus, creating conditioned stimuli out of events associated with it a

The power of higher - order conditioning Cancer patients may feel queasy when they enter

chemotherapy room because they a

have associated the room with treatment that causes nausea.

Through higher order conditioning, almost anything associated with that room can also become a conditioned stimulus for nausea. One cancer patient, flying

of town on a business trip, became nauseated just by seeing her hospital from the air. out

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Once we learn that a conditioned stimulus (CS) signals the arrival of an unconditioned stimulus (UCS) , the CS may operate as if it actually were that UCS. For instance, suppose that a child endures a painful medical procedure (UCS) at the doctors office, and the pain becomes associated with the doctors white coat .The white coat might then become a conditioned stimulus (CS) that can trigger a conditioned fear response. Once the white coat is able to set off a conditioned fear response, the coat may take on some properties of an unconditioned stimulus. So if the child later sees a white-coated pharmacist at a chemist, that once-neutral store can become a conditioned stimulus for fear because it signals the appearance of a white coat, which in turn signals pain. When a conditioned stimulus ( the white coat) acts as an unconditioned stimulus, creating conditioned stimuli ( the chemist) out of events associated with it, the process is called higher - order conditioning. Conditioned fear and higher-order conditioning illustrate one of the most important adaptive characteristics of classical conditioning. They allow a person or an animal to prepare for threatening events unconditioned stimuli that are reliably signalled by a conditioned stimulus. Unfortunately, higher-order conditioning can also cause problems. For example, the high blood pressure seen in medical patients known as white-coat hypertensives (Ugajin et al., 2005) is not caused by a physical disorder. It occurs simply because the mere sight of a doctor or nurse has become a conditioned stimulus for fear. Medical staff must be alert to such cases in order not to prescribe blood pressure medication to patients who don ’t need it.

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Some applications of classical conditioning

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Classical conditioning: learning signals and associations’ The upcoming section ‘In review summarises the principles of classical conditioning.These principles have been applied in many areas, including in overcoming fears, controlling predators and detecting explosives.

Phobias Classical conditioning can play a role in the development of mild fears (such as a child’s fear of a doctor’s white coat), and it may also lead to phobias ( Bouton, Mineka & Barlow, 2001; Waters, Henry & Neumann, 2009). Phobias are extreme fears of objects or situations that either are not objectively dangerous public speaking, for example or are less dangerous than the phobic person’s reaction suggests. In some instances, phobias can seriously disrupt a person’s life. A child who is frightened by a large dog may learn a fear of that dog that is so intense and generalised that it creates a phobia of all dogs and avoidance of all situations in which dogs might be encountered . Classically conditioned fears can be very long-lasting, especially when they are based on experiences with strong unconditioned stimuli. Combat veterans and victims of violent crime, terrorism or other traumatic events may show intense fear responses to traumarelated stimuli for many years afterwards. As described in Chapter 12, ‘Health , stress and coping’,

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these symptoms, combined with others such as distressing dreams about the troubling events, characterise post-traumatic stress disorder ( PTSD) . Classical conditioning procedures can be employed to treat phobias and even PTSD. Joseph Wolpe (1958) pioneered the development of this methodology. Using techniques first developed with laboratory animals , Wolpe showed that irrational fears could be relieved through systematic desensitisation , a procedure that associates a new response, such as relaxation, with a feared stimulus.To treat a thunderstorm phobia , for instance, a therapist might first teach the client to relax deeply and then associate that relaxation with increasingly intense sights and sounds of thunderstorms presented on a video (Ost , 1978) . ( ) Because, as Wolpe noted , a person cannot be relaxed and afraid at the same time, the new conditioned response (relaxation) to thunderstorms replaces the old one (fear) . Desensitisation is discussed in more detail in Chapter 14, ‘Psychological disorders and treatment’.

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Can people with phobias learn to overcome their fears through the use of systematic desensitisation?

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Predator control The power of classically conditioned avoidance has been put to work to help preserve the New Zealand kiwi. The areas inhabited by kiwi are also ideal for wild pigs to live. This introduced menace destroys its habitat , and the New Zealand Government encourages recreational shooters to reduce its population. Unfortunately, pig hunting involves the use of dogs, which are often at some distance from the shooters for extended periods of time, and predation from these domestic dogs has impacted on the kiwi population . As a result, laws have been enacted that prohibit dogs from entering areas where kiwi are located unless they have received kiwi aversion training. This training consists of pairing a kiwi bait, usually a dead animal that has been recovered and is presented to the dog so that it can smell and taste it, with a very intense electric shock delivered through a collar attached to the dog’s neck. There is good reason to believe that this procedure is effective (Jones, 2006), although it is , of course, difficult to obtain hard data about the dog’s behaviour in the wild while away from its owner. A similar scheme has been employed in India to reduce the likelihood of tigers attacking people (see the Snapshot ‘Using classical conditioning to save people and tigers’), which has the added benefit of reducing the likelihood that people will want to kill tigers!

Using classical conditioning to save people and tigers A program supported by the government of India has greatly reduced human deaths from tiger attacks, as well as the need to kill marauding tigers. Stuffed dummies, connected by hidden wires to a shock generator, are placed in areas in which tigers have attacked people. When the animals approach, they receive a shock (unconditioned stimulus), which they learn to associate with the human form. Humans thus become a conditioned stimulus for fear, and the tigers learn to be wary of them (conditioned response) (Pfister et al., 2003).

There are no large land-based predators that people in Australia and New Zealand need to be afraid of, but the same cannot be said for many of our smaller native species. Foxes, feral dogs and , of course, humans represent significant threats to small endangered marsupials such as quokkas and quolls. Many endangered species are now being bred in captivity, and attempts are being made using the same principles of conditioning as described in the tiger example above to increase their likelihood of survival once released .The difference, however, is that in this instance it is the behaviour of the victim that is changed, rather than that of the threat. Just as our fear of sharks keeps some of us safely on dry land , McLean et al. (2000) describe how to train quokkas and other small marsupials to be afraid of introduced dogs and foxes, making it more likely that they will avoid these predators custom page

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Can people learn their way out of a disorder? (a link to Chapter 14,

‘Psychological disorders and treatment’)

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY How are classical conditioning principles being used to develop procedures to protect native wildlife?

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when released into the wild . Another big threat to native marsupials is eating a cane toad, but taste aversion learning is now being used to reduce this risk, too. Animals are fed toad sausages laced with a poison that will make them feel sick but will do no long-term harm . As a result , cane toads have become much less palatable to the animals, which are less likely to consume a toad after being released. O’Donnell, Webb and Shine (2010) showed that this learning increased the survival rate for ‘toad-smart’ quolls by something between 10 and 30 per cent. Consideration is now being given to whether toad sausages dropped from the air in areas where cane toads and marsupials are just starting to interact could reduce the toad’s impact on native fauna . Although it does not sound very nice to be making the quolls ill, their increased probability of survival in the wild suggests that, in this instance, being cruel to be kind is a sound principle.

Detecting explosives Researchers are using classical conditioning to teach insects to detect explosive material. In one project with wasps, the taste of sugar water is repeatedly paired with the smell of a chemical used in certain explosives. The wasps quickly develop a conditioned response to the smell alone. When several of these trained insects are placed in a plastic tube and brought near the target chemical, they display an immediate attraction to it (Rains, Utley & Lewis, 2006) . Researchers hope that it may some day be possible to use these so-called ‘wasp hounds’ and similar devices to detect explosives or drugs concealed in airline passengers’ luggage (Tomberlin, Rains & Sanford , 2008).

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IN REVIEW Classical conditioning: learning signals and associations PROCESS

Acquisition

Stimulus

generalisation Stimulus discrimination

Extinction

EXAMPLE

DESCRIPTION A neutral stimulus and an unconditioned stimulus are paired. The neutral stimulus becomes a conditioned stimulus, eliciting a conditioned response.

A child learns to fear (conditioned response) the doctor’s office (conditioned stimulus) by associating it with the reflexive emotional reaction (unconditioned response) to a painful injection (unconditioned stimulus).

A conditioned response is elicited not only by the conditioned stimulus but also by stimuli similar to the conditioned stimulus.

A child fears most doctors’ offices and places that

Generalisation is limited so that some stimuli similar to the conditioned stimulus do not elicit the conditioned response.

A child learns that his mother’s doctor’s office is not

The conditioned stimulus is presented alone, without the unconditioned stimulus. Eventually, the conditioned stimulus no longer elicits the conditioned response.

smell like them.

associated with the unconditioned stimulus.

A child visits the doctor’s office several times for a check - up but does not receive an injection. Fear may eventually cease.

Check your understanding 1 If a man’s conditioned fear of spiders is triggered by the sight of other creatures that look somewhat like spiders, he is demonstrating stimulus ., we are more likely to learn a fear of snakes than a fear of cars. 2 Because of 3 Feeling sad upon hearing a song associated with a long- lost relationship illustrates

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5.3 OPERANT CONDITIONING : LEARNING THE CONSEQUENCES OF BEHAVIOUR Classical conditioning is an important kind of learning, but it can’t explain most of what people learn on a daily basis. In classical conditioning, neutral and unconditioned stimuli are predictably paired, and the result is an association between the two. The association is shown by the conditioned response that occurs when the conditioned stimulus appears. Notice that both stimuli occur before or along with the conditioned response. But people also learn associations between their actions and the stimuli that follow them in other words, between behaviour and its consequences. A child learns to say ‘please’ to get a lolly; a headache sufferer learns to take a pill to escape pain; a dog learns to ‘shake hands’ to get a treat .

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From the puzzle box to the Skinner box Much of the groundwork for research on the consequences of behaviour was done by Edward L. Thorndike, an American psychologist (see the Snapshot ‘Edward L. Thorndike (1874 1949) and B. F. Skinner (1904 90)’) . While Pavlov was exploring classical conditioning in animals, Thorndike was studying animals’ intelligence and ability to solve problems. He would place an animal , usually a hungry cat, in a puzzle box , where it had to learn some response say, stepping on a pedal in order to unlock a door and get to some food (see Figure 5.5) . The animal would solve the puzzle, but very slowly. It did not appear to understand, or suddenly gain insight into, the problem (Thorndike, 1898) .

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Edward L. Thorndike (1874 -1949 ) and B. F. Skinner (1904- 90 ) Edward Thorndike and B. F. Skinner (shown at right with a ‘Skinner box’) studied instrumental and operant conditioning, respectively. Though similar in most respects, instrumental and operant conditioning differ in one way. In instrumental conditioning, the experimenter defines each opportunity for the organism to respond, and conditioning is usually measured by how long it takes for the response to appear. In operant conditioning, the organism can make responses at any time; conditioning is measured by the rate of responding. In this chapter, the term operant conditioning refers to both kinds of conditioning.

So what were Thorndike’s cats learning? Thorndike argued that any response (such as pressing the pedal) that produces a satisfying effect (such as access to food) gradually becomes stronger, whereas any response (such as pacing or meowing) that does not produce a satisfying effect gradually becomes weaker. The cats’ learning, said Thorndike, is governed by the law of effect . According to this law, if a response to a particular stimulus is followed by satisfaction (such as a reward) , that response is more likely to be made the next time the stimulus is encountered. Responses that produce discomfort are less likely to be performed again. Thorndike described this kind of learning as instrumental conditioning because responses are strengthened when they are instrumental in producing rewards (Thorndike, 1905) .

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law of effect a law stating that if a response made in the presence of a particular stimulus is followed by satisfaction, that response is more likely the next time the stimulus is encountered

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FIGURE 5.5 Thorndike’s puzzle box

This drawing illustrates the kind of ‘puzzle box’ used in Thorndike’s research. His cats learned to open the door and reach food by stepping on the pedal, but the learning occurred gradually. Some cats actually took longer to get out of the box on a later trial than on a previous trial.

About 40 years after Thorndike published his work , B. F. Skinner extended and formalised many of Thorndike’s ideas (see the Snapshot ‘Edward L. Thorndike (1874 1949) and B. F. Skinner (1904 90)’) . Skinner (1938) emphasised that during instrumental conditioning, an organism learns a response by operating on the environment , so he called the process of learning these responses operant conditioning. His primary aim was to analyse how behaviour is changed by its consequences. To study operant conditioning, Skinner devised a chamber that , despite his objections, became known as the Skinner &av.This chamber differed from Thorndike’s puzzle box in an important way: the puzzle box measured learning in terms of whether an animal successfully completed a trial ( that is, got out of the box) and how long it took to do so.The Skinner box measures learning in terms of how often an animal responds during a specified period of time.

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operant conditioning a process through which an organism learns to respond the environment in a way that produces positive consequences and avoids to

negative ones

Basic components of operant conditioning The tools Skinner devised allowed him and other researchers to precisely arrange relationships between a response and its consequences, and then to analyse how those consequences affected behaviour over time. They found that the basic phenomena seen in classical conditioning such as stimulus generalisation, stimulus discrimination, extinction and spontaneous recovery also occur in operant conditioning. However, operant conditioning involves additional concepts and processes as well. Let’s consider these now.

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Operants and reinforcers operant a response that has some effect on the world

reinforcer a stimulus event that

increases the probability that the response that immediately preceded it will occur again

positive reinforcers stimuli that strengthen a response if they follow that response

Skinner introduced the term operant or operant response to distinguish the responses in operant conditioning from those in classical conditioning. Recall that in classical conditioning, the conditioned response doesn’t affect whether or when a stimulus occurs. Dogs salivated when a tone sounded , but the salivation had no effect on the tone or on whether food was presented . In contrast, an operant is a response that has some effect on the world; it is a response that operates on the environment . For example, when a child says, ‘Mum , I’ m hungry’, and is then fed, the child has made an operant response that influences when food will appear. A reinforcer increases the probability that an operant behaviour will occur again. There are two main types of reinforcers: positive and negative. Positive reinforcers strengthen a response if they are experienced after that response occurs. They are roughly equivalent to rewards. The food given to a hungry pigeon after it pecks at a switch is a positive reinforcer; it increases the pigeon’s switch pecking. For people, positive reinforcers can include food, smiles, money and other desirable outcomes. The process of presenting a positive reinforcer after some response is called

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positive reinforcement. Negative reinforcers are unpleasant stimuli such as pain, noise, threats or a disapproving frown that strengthen a response if that response removes them . For example, the disappearance of headache pain after you take an aspirin is a negative reinforcer that makes you more likely to take that pain reliever in the future. When a response is strengthened by the removal of an unpleasant stimulus, the process is called negative reinforcement. Notice that reinforcement can be presenting something pleasant or removing something unpleasant, but in either case it always increases the strength of the behaviour that precedes it (see Figure 5.6) .

negative reinforcers unpleasant stimuli, such as pain, that strengthen a response if they are

removed following that response

reinforcement the process through which the probability of a behaviour is increased

FIGURE 5.6 Positive and negative reinforcement

Remember that behaviour is strengthened through positive reinforcement when something good follows the behaviour. Behaviour is strengthened through negative reinforcement when something bad is removed following the behaviour, TRY THIS \ To see how these principles apply in your own life, list two examples of situations in which your behaviour was affected by positive reinforcement and two in which you were affected by negative reinforcement. POSITIVE REINFORCEMENT

Behaviour You put coins into a vending machine.

Presentation of a pleasant or positive stimulus You receive a cold can of soft drink.

Frequency of behaviour increases You put coins in vending machines in the future.

Termination of

Frequency of

an unpleasant

behaviour increases You use the same tactic on future

NEGATIVE REINFORCEMENT

Behaviour In the middle of a boring date, you say you have a headache.

stimulus The date ends early.

boring dates.

Escape and avoidance conditioning The effects of negative reinforcement can be seen in escape conditioning and avoidance conditioning.

Escape conditioning Escape conditioning occurs as a person or animal learns responses that

put an end to an aversive stimulus. The left-hand panel of Figure 5.7 shows a laboratory example in which dogs learn to jump

over the barrier in a shuttle box to get away from a shock . In humans, escape conditioning appears not only when we learn to take pills to stop pain, but also when parents learn to stop a child’s annoying demands for a toy by agreeing to buy it. And television viewers learn to use the mute

button

to

shut off obnoxious commercials.

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escape conditioning a type of learning in which an organism learns to make a particular response in order to

terminate an aversive

stimulus

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FIGURE 5.7 A shuttle box

A shuttle box has two sections, and its floor is an electric grid. The left - hand panel shows escape conditioning, in which an animal learns to get away from a mild shock by jumping over the barrier when the electricity is turned on. The next two panels show avoidance conditioning. Here the animal has learned to avoid shock byjumping over the barrier when it hears a warning buzzer just before shock occurs. Remember that in escape conditioning, the learned response stops an aversive stimulus; in avoidance conditioning, the learned response prevents the aversive stimulus from occurring in the first place.

c*

41 JLr Escape conditioning

Avoidance conditioning

From D. Hintzman . The Psychology of Learning and Memory. Copyright © 1978. Adapted with permission of the author .

Avoidance conditioning avoidance conditioning a type of learning in which an organism responds to a

signal in a way that prevents exposure to an aversive stimulus

When an animal or a person responds to a signal in a way that avoids an aversive stimulus that has not yet arrived , avoidance conditioning has occurred. Look at the right-hand sections of Figure 5.7 and imagine that a buzzer sounds a few seconds before one side of the shuttle box is electrified.The animal will soon learn to jump over the barrier when the warning buzzer sounds, thus avoiding the shock. Along with positive reinforcement, avoidance conditioning is one of the most important influences on everyday behaviour.We go to work or school even when we would rather stay in bed , we stop at red lights even when we are in a hurry, and we apologise for our mistakes even before they are discovered. Each of these behaviours helps us avoid a negative consequence, such as lost pay, bad grades, a traffic fine or a scolding. Notice that avoidance conditioning involves a marriage of classical and operant conditioning. In the shuttle box, for example, the buzzer signals that an unconditioned stimulus (shock) is about to occur. Through classical conditioning, this signal becomes a conditioned stimulus that triggers fear as a conditioned response. Like the shock itself, fear is unpleasant. Once the animal learns to jump over the barrier to avoid shock , this operant response is reinforced by its consequences the reduction of fear. In short , avoidance conditioning takes place in two steps. The first step involves classical conditioning a signal is repeatedly paired with shock. The second step involves operant conditioning learning to make a response that reduces fear. Once learned, avoidance is a difficult habit to break, because avoidance responses continue to be reinforced by fear reduction (Solomon, Kamin & Wynne, 1953) . So even if the shock is turned off in a shuttle box, animals may keep jumping when the buzzer sounds because they never discover that avoidance is no longer necessary. The same is often true of people. Those who fear and avoid, say, escalators never get a chance to find out that they are safe. And those with limited social skills may avoid potentially embarrassing social situations, but doing so also prevents them from learning how to be successful in those situations. The study of avoidance conditioning has not only expanded our understanding of negative reinforcement but has also led psychologists to consider more complex cognitive processes in learning. They suggest, for example, that in order for people to learn to avoid an unpleasant event (such as getting fired or paying a fine), they must have established an expectancy or other mental representation of that event . The role of these mental representations is emphasised later in this chapter in our discussion of the cognitive factors involved in learning.

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Discriminative conditioned stimuli and stimulus discrimination The consequences of behaviour can be different in different situations, so success in life often depends on the ability to identify and quickly adjust to changing environments.

Discriminative conditioned stimuli For example, if pigeons are reinforced with food for pecking at a switch when a red light is on but are not reinforced for pecking when a green light is on , they will soon learn to peck only when they see a red light. Their behaviour demonstrates the effect of discriminative conditioned stimuli, which are stimuli that signal whether a reinforcer is available if a certain response is made. Most people, too, are sensitive to discriminative conditioned stimuli. They know that a flirtatious comment about someone’s appearance may be welcomed on a date but not at the office. And even if you have been repeatedly rewarded for telling jokes, you are not likely to experience this at a funeral.

Stimulus discrimination When an organism learns to make a particular response in the presence of one stimulus but not another, stimulus discrimination has occurred (see Figure 5.8) . Another way to say this is that the response is now under stimulus control. In general, stimulus discrimination allows people and animals to learn what is appropriate (reinforced) and inappropriate ( not reinforced) in particular situations.

FIGURE 5.8 Stimulus discrimination

Pigeons reinforced for responding to the work of a particular painter learned to tell the difference between his paintings and

those of other artists (Watanabe, Saka - moto, & Wakita, 1995).

Photo courtesy of Bruce E. Hesse, Ph.D., Department of Psychology and Child Development, California State University, Stanislaus

Stimulus generalisation and discrimination in operant conditioning Stimulus generalisation also occurs in operant conditioning. For example, a pigeon might peck when it sees an amber light because that light is similar to the red one that had previously signalled the availability of food . And as in classical conditioning, the more similar the new stimulus is to the old one, the more likely it is that the response will be performed. So if you had a wonderful dinner at Captain Jack’s, a restaurant that was decorated to look like the inside of a sailing ship, you might later choose to eat at places with similar names or interiors. As in classical conditioning, stimulus discrimination and stimulus generalisation often complement each other in operant conditioning. In one study, for example, pigeons received food for pecking at a switch , but only when they saw certain works of art (Watanabe, Sakamoto & Wakita , 1995) . As a result, these birds learned to discriminate the works of the impressionist painter Claude Monet from those of the cubist painter Pablo Picasso. Later, when the birds were shown new paintings by other impressionist and cubist artists, they were able to generalise from the original artists to other artists who painted in the same style. It was as if they had learned the conceptual categories of ‘impressionism’ and ‘cubism’ . We humans learn to place people and things into even more finely detailed categories, such as ‘honest’ , ‘dangerous’ or ‘tax-deductible’ .

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discriminative conditioned stimuli stimuli that signal whether reinforcement is available if a certain response is made

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We discriminate one stimulus from another and then , through generalisation , respond similarly to all stimuli we perceive to be in a particular category. This ability to respond in a similar way to all members of a category can save us considerable time and effort , but as described in Chapter 15, ‘Social cognition and influence’ , it can also lead to the development of unwarranted prejudice against certain groups of people.

Forming and strengthening operant behaviour shaping the process of reinforcing responses that come successively closer to the desired response

primary reinforcers reinforcers that meet an organism’s basic needs, such as food and water

secondary reinforcer a reward that

people or animals learn to like

Getting the hang of it Learning to eat with spoon is, as you can see, a hit - and miss process at first . However, this child will learn to hit the target more and more often as the food reward a

gradually shapes a more efficient,

and far less messy, pattern of behaviour.

Daily life is full of examples of operant conditioning. People go to movies, parties, classes and jobs primarily because doing so brings reinforcers. Let’s consider how operant behaviour develops and how the type and timing of reinforcers affect the operant conditioning process.

Shaping Imagine that you want to train your dog, Bluey, to sit and to ‘shake hands’. The basic method using positive reinforcement is obvious: every time Bluey sits and shakes hands, you give him a treat. But the problem is also obvious: smart as Bluey is, he may never make the desired response on his own , so you will never be able to give the reinforcer. Instead of your teaching and Bluey’s learning, the two of you will just stare at each other (and he’ll probably wag his tail) . The way around this problem is to shape Bluey’s behaviour. Shaping is accomplished by reinforcing successive approximations ; that is, responses that come successively closer to the desired response. So you might first give Bluey a treat whenever he sits down . Then you might reinforce him only when he sits and partially lifts a paw. Next, you might reinforce more complete paw lifting. Eventually, you would require that Bluey perform the entire sit-lift-shake sequence before giving the treat. Shaping is an extremely powerful , widely used tool (see the Snapshot ‘Getting the hang of it’) . Animal trainers use it to teach chimpanzees to rollerskate, dolphins to jump through hoops, and pigeons to play table tennis (Coren, 1999) .

Secondary reinforcement

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Operant conditioning often begins with the use of primary reinforcers, events or stimuli such as food or water that are innately rewarding. But Bluey’s training will be slowed if he has to stop and eat every time he makes a correct response. Also, once he is full , food will no longer act as an effective reinforcer. To avoid these problems, animal trainers and others in the teaching business rely on the principle of secondary reinforcement . A secondary reinforcer is a previously neutral stimulus that takes on reinforcing properties when paired with a stimulus that is already reinforcing. In other words, secondary reinforcers are rewards that people or animals learn to like (Seo & Lee, 2009) . For example, if you say ‘Good boy!’ a moment before you give Bluey each food reward, these words will become associated with the food and can then be used alone to reinforce Bluey’s behaviour (as long as the words are again paired with food now and then). Does this remind you of classical conditioning? It should , because the primary reinforcer (food) is an unconditioned stimulus. If the sound of ‘Good boy!’ predictably precedes, and thus signals, food, it becomes a conditioned stimulus. For this reason, secondary reinforcers are sometimes called conditioned reinforcers. The power of operant conditioning can be greatly increased by using secondary reinforcers. Consider the secondary reinforcer we call money. Some people will do almost anything for it despite the fact that it tastes terrible and won’t quench your thirst. Its reinforcing power lies in its association with the many rewards it can buy. Other forms of social approval (such as the words ‘Great work!’) are also important secondary reinforcers for human beings , as shown in the Snapshot ‘Secondary

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reinforcers’. However, secondary reinforcers can vary a great deal from person to person and culture to culture. For example, tickets to a rock concert are an effective secondary reinforcer for some people, but not everyone. And a ceremony honouring outstanding job performance might be highly reinforcing to most employees in individualist cultures but embarrassing for some employees from cultures in which group cooperation is valued more than personal distinction (Miller, 2001). Still , when chosen carefully, secondary reinforcers can build or maintain behaviour even when primary reinforcement is absent for long periods.

Delay and size of reinforcement

Secondary reinforcers Words of praise or thanks, gold stars, ticks and ‘ two thumbs up’ gestures arejust a few of the stimuli that can serve as secondary

Much of our behaviour is learned and maintained because it is regularly reinforced . But many people overeat, smoke, drink too much or procrastinate, even though they know these behaviours are bad for them. They may want to change, but they seem to lack self-control. If behaviour is controlled by its consequences, why do people do things that are ultimately harmful? Part of the answer lies in the timing of reinforcers. In general , the effect of a reinforcer is stronger when it comes soon after a response occurs (Rachlin , 2000) . The good feelings ( positive reinforcers) that follow, say, drinking too much are immediate and strong. The hangovers and other negative consequences are usually delayed , so their effects on future drinking are weakened . Similarly, a dieter’s efforts to eat less will eventually lead to weight loss , but because that reinforcer is delayed, it may have less impact than the immediate pleasure of eating a slice of cake. In fact, under some conditions , delaying a positive reinforcer for even a few seconds can decrease the effectiveness of positive reinforcement. (An advantage of using praise or other secondary reinforcers is that they can easily be delivered immediately after a desired response occurs.) The size of a reinforcer is also important. In general , operant conditioning occurs more quickly when the reinforcer is large than when it is small. For example, a strong electrical shock will cause a faster escape or avoidance response than a weak one.

reinforcers for humans. Parents and teachers have used these reinforcers for generations to shape the behaviour of children in accordance with their cultural values.

Schedules of reinforcement We flip a light switch , and the light comes on. We put money in a vending machine, and the item we want comes out. When a reinforcer is delivered every time a particular response occurs, the arrangement is called continuous reinforcement , or a continuous reinforcement schedule.This schedule can be helpful when teaching someone a new skill , but it can be impractical in the long run . Imagine how inefficient it would be, for example, if an employer had to deliver praise or pay following every little task employees performed all day long. So quite often, reinforcement is administered only some of the time, an arrangement called partial reinforcement, also called a partial , or intermittent, reinforcement schedule. Most partial reinforcement schedules can be described in terms of when and how reinforcers are given. ‘When ’ refers to the number of responses that have to occur, or the amount of time that must pass, before a reinforcer will occur.‘How’ refers to whether the reinforcer will be delivered in a predictable or unpredictable way.Accordingly, there are four basic types of intermittent reinforcement schedules: 1 Fixed- ratio ( FR ) reinforcement provides a reinforcer following a fixed number of responses. So rats might receive food after every 10th time they press the lever in a Skinner box ( FR 10) or after every 20th time ( FR 20) . Computer help-desk technicians might be allowed to take a break after every fifth call they handle or every 10th . 2 Variable- ratio ( VR ) reinforcement also provides a reinforcer after a given number of responses, but that number can vary. On these schedules, it is impossible to predict which particular response will bring reinforcement . A rat on aVR 30 schedule might sometimes be

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continuous reinforcement a pattern in which a reinforcer is delivered every time a particular response occurs

partial reinforcement a pattern in which a reinforcer is administered only some of the time after a particular response occurs

fixed- ratio (FR ) reinforcement a partial reinforcement schedule that provides reinforcement following a fixed number of responses

variable- ratio (VR ) reinforcement a partial reinforcement schedule that provides reinforcement after a varying number of responses

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fixed- interval (FI) reinforcement a partial reinforcement schedule that provides reinforcement for the first response that occurs after some fixed time has passed since the last reward

variable- interval (VI) reinforcement a partial reinforcement schedule that provides reinforcement for the first response after varying periods of time

reinforcement schedules in operant conditioning, rules that determine how and when certain responses will be reinforced

reinforced after 10 lever presses, sometimes after 50, and sometimes after five, but the average number of responses required to get a reinforcer would be 30. Gambling offers humans a similar variable-ratio schedule. A poker machine, for example, pays off only after a frustratingly unpredictable number of trials averaging perhaps one in 20. 3 Fixed- interval ( FI ) reinforcement provides a reinforcer for the first response that occurs after some fixed time has passed since the last reward, no matter how many responses have been made during that interval. For example, on an FI 60 schedule, the first response after 60 seconds have passed will be rewarded. Some radio stations create fixed-interval schedules by telling listeners who just won a prize that they are not eligible to win again for 30 days. Under these circumstances, there is no point in competing until that time has elapsed. 4 Variable- interval (VI ) reinforcement gives a reinforcer for the first response after some period of time, but the amount of time varies. On a VI 60 schedule, for example, the first response to occur after an average of 60 seconds is reinforced, but the actual time between reinforcements might vary from , say, one second to 120 seconds. Kindergarten teachers use VI schedules to help keep order in class by giving rewards to children who are in their seats when a chime sounds at unpredictably varying intervals.

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Comparing schedules Figure 5.9 shows that different reinforcement schedules produce different patterns of behaviour (Skinner, 1961) .The figure illustrates two important points. First , both fixed-ratio and variable-ratio schedules produce high rates of behaviour overall. The reason in both cases is that the frequency of

FIGURE 5.9 Schedules of reinforcement

These curves illustrate the patterns of behaviour typically seen under different reinforcement schedules. The steeper the curve, the faster the response rate. The thin diagonal lines crossing the curves show when reinforcement was given. In general, the rate of responding is higher under ratio schedules than under interval schedules.

1000

Variahle

nterva

Variable interval

Time in minutes Data from Skinner, B. F. ( 1961). Teaching machines . Scientific American, 20501), 90-102.

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the reward depends directly on the rate of responding. Organisational psychologists have applied this principle to help companies increase worker productivity and reduce absenteeism. Workers who are paid on the basis of the number of items they produce or the number of days they show up for work usually produce more items and miss fewer workdays (Muchinsky, 2003) . Similarly, gamblers reinforced on a variable-ratio schedule for pushing a poker machine button, rolling dice or playing other games of chance tend to maintain a high rate of responding some people are virtually unable to stop. The second important aspect of Figure 5.9 relates to the curves, or ‘scallops’, shown in the fixedinterval schedule. Under this schedule, it does not matter how many responses are made during the time between rewards. As a result , the rate of responding typically drops dramatically immediately after a reinforcer occurs and then increases as the time for another reward approaches.When teachers schedule all their quizzes in advance, for example, some students study just before each quiz and then virtually stop studying in that course until just before the next quiz. Behaviour rewarded on variableinterval schedules looks quite different. The unpredictable timing of rewards typically generates slow, steady responding. So students whose teacher might give a pop quiz at any class session are more likely to study for that course almost every day ( Kouyoumdjian, 2004) . It is very useful for you to try to understand the relation between these schedules and your own behaviour, as you are encouraged to do in the Snapshot ‘Reinforcement schedules on the job’ .

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Rein forcement schedules on the job TRY THIS 'Si Make a list of all the jobs

you have ever held, along with the reinforcement schedule on which each employer paid you. Which of the four types of schedules (FR, FI, VR, VI) was most common, and which did you find most satisfying?

Schedules and extinction In the section on classical conditioning, you saw that if a conditioned stimulus no longer predicts the appearance of an unconditioned stimulus , the conditioned response to that conditioned stimulus will weaken through the process called extinction . Similarly, if an operant response is no longer followed by a reinforcer, the response will occur less and less often and eventually may disappear, or extinguish . If lever pressing no longer brings food , a rat stops pressing; if repeated text messages to a friend are not answered, you eventually stop sending them. As in classical conditioning, extinction in operant conditioning does not totally erase previously learned relationships (Delamater, 2004) . If a discriminative conditioned stimulus reappears at some time after an operant response has been extinguished, that response may recur (spontaneously recover) , and if it is again reinforced, it will quickly return to its former level, as though extinction had never happened .

extinction the gradual disappearance of operant behaviour due to elimination of rewards for that behaviour

Partial reinforcement effect In general , behaviours learned under a partial reinforcement schedule are far more difficult to extinguish than those learned on a continuous reinforcement schedule. This phenomenon called the partial reinforcement effect is easy to understand if you imagine yourself in a casino, standing near a broken poker machine and a broken snack machine. You might put money in the broken snack machine once, but this behaviour will probably stop (extinguish) very quickly. The snack machine should deliver its goodies on a continuous reinforcement schedule, so you can easily tell that it is not going to provide a reinforcer. But poker machines offer rewards on an unpredictable intermittent schedule, so you might put in coin after coin, unsure of whether the machine is broken or is simply not paying off at that particular moment. Partial reinforcement also helps explain why superstitious behaviour is so resistant to extinction (Vyse, 2000) . Suppose that you had been out for a run just before hearing that you passed an important exam. The run did nothing to cause this outcome; the reward followed it through sheer coincidence. Still, for some people, this accidental reinforcement can strengthen actions that preceded, and thus appeared to ‘cause’, good news or other rewards or events ( Mellon, 2009; Pronin et ah , 2006), leading to the stereotyped behaviour we sometimes see in elite athletes, such as those

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partial reinforcement effect a phenomenon in which behaviours learned under a partial reinforcement schedule are more difficult to extinguish than behaviours learned on a continuous reinforcement schedule

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illustrated in the Snapshot ‘Superstition and partial reinforcement’ . Those people might then run ‘for luck’ after every exam, or take exams only with their ‘lucky pen’ or while wearing their ‘lucky shirt’ ( Hendrick , 2003) . Of course, the laws of chance dictate that doing such things is bound to be followed by something good every now and then, thus further strengthening the superstitious behaviour on a sparse partial schedule (Vyse, 2000) .

Superstition and partial reinforcement Partial reinforcement helps sustain superstitious athletic rituals, such as a fixed sequence of actions before a swimming race, or prior to serving a ball in tennis. If the ritual has preceded success often enough, failure to execute it may upset the player and disrupt performance. Australian swimmer Stephanie Rice swung her arms eight times, pressed her goggles four times and touched her cap four times before a race. Tennis player Serena Williams bounces the ball five times before her first serve and twice before her second (Goldsmith, 2012; Tennis Australia, 2012).

Why reinforcers work What makes reinforcers reinforcing? For primary reinforcers, at least, the reason could be that they satisfy hunger, thirst and other needs that are basic to survival. This explanation is incomplete. For example, artificial sweeteners, which have no nutritional value, can have as much reinforcing power as sugar, which is nutritious.

Premack’s principle Some psychologists have argued that reinforcement is based not on a stimulus itself but on the opportunity to engage in an activity that involves the stimulus. According to David Premack (1965), at any moment, each person maintains a list of behavioural preferences, ranked from most desirable to least desirable, like a kind of psychological ‘top 10’.The higher on the list an activity is, the greater is its power as a reinforcer. This means that a preferred activity can serve as a reinforcer for any other activity that is less preferred at the moment. So when parents allow their teenage daughter to use the car in return for mowing the lawn , they are using something high on her preference list (driving) to reinforce an activity that is lower on the list (lawn mowing) . This idea is known as Premack’s principle. Taking Premack’s principle a step further, some psychologists have suggested that virtually any activity can become a reinforcer if a person or animal has not been allowed to perform that activity for a while (Timberlake & Farmer-Dougan , 1991) . To understand how this response deprivation hypothesis works, suppose that you would rather study than work out at the gym. Now suppose that the gym has been closed for several weeks. According to the response deprivation hypothesis , because your opportunity to exercise has been held below its normal level, its value as a reinforcer has been raised . In fact, it might have become so preferred that it could be used to reinforce studying! In short, under certain circumstances, even activities that are normally not strongly preferred can become reinforcers for normally more preferred activities.The response deprivation hypothesis helps explain why money is such a powerful secondary reinforcer: it can be exchanged for almost anything a person finds reinforcing at the moment. In fact , some researchers believe that the response deprivation hypothesis may provide a better overall explanation of why reinforcers work than Premack’s principle does ( Hergenhahn & Olson , 1997) .

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Biological bases of reinforcement Research by biological psychologists suggests that the stimuli and activities we know as reinforcers may work by exerting particular effects within the brain.This possibility was raised decades ago when James Olds and Peter Milner (1954) discovered that mild electrical stimulation of certain areas of the hypothalamus can be such a powerful reinforcer that a hungry rat will ignore food in a Skinner box , preferring to spend hours pressing a lever that stimulates these ‘pleasure centres’ in its brain (Olds , 1973) . It is not yet clear whether physiological mechanisms underlie the power of all reinforcers, but the evidence available so far suggests that these mechanisms are important components of the process (Waelti , Dickinson & Schultz, 2001) . For example, as mentioned in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’, activation of dopamine systems is associated with the pleasure of many stimuli , including food, music, sex, the uncertainty involved in gambling, and some addictive drugs, such as cocaine (Blood & Zatorre, 2001; Ciccocioppo, Sanna & Weiss, 2001; Hewig et ah , 2010; Reuter et al., 2005;Tobler, Fiorillo & Schultz, 2005) . Indeed , it appears that complex and widespread patterns of brain activity are involved in our response to reinforcers, allowing us to enjoy them, to learn to want them, and to learn how to get them (Dreher et al., 2010; Montague, Hyman & Cohen , 2004; Pessiglione et al., 2006; Robinson et al., 2005) .

Punishment So far we have discussed positive and negative reinforcement , both of which increase the frequency of a response, either by presenting something pleasurable or by removing something unpleasant. In contrast, punishment reduces the frequency of an operant behaviour by presenting an unpleasant stimulus or removing a pleasant one. Shouting ‘No!’ and swatting your cat when she begins chewing on your plants illustrates the kind of punishment that presents an unpleasant stimulus following a response. Taking away a child’s TV privileges because of rude behaviour is a second kind of punishment sometimes called penalty that removes a positive stimulus (see Figure 5.10) . Punishment is often confused with negative reinforcement , but they are actually quite different. Reinforcement of any sort always strengthens behaviour; punishment weakens it. If shock is turned off when a rat presses a lever, that is negative reinforcement. It increases the chances that the rat will press the lever when shock occurs again . But if shock is turned on when the rat presses the lever, that is punishment. The rat will be less likely to press the lever again.

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Disadvantages of punishment Punishment can certainly alter behaviour, but it has several potential drawbacks (Gershoff & Bitensky, 2007): 1 It does not ‘erase’ an undesirable habit; it merely suppresses it. This suppression usually occurs in the presence of stimuli (such as a parent or teacher) that were around at the time of punishment. In other words, people may repeat previously punished acts when they think they can avoid detection. This tendency is summed up in the adage ‘When the cat’s away, the mice

will play’. 2 Punishment sometimes produces unwanted side effects. For example, if you severely punish a child , the child may associate punishment with the punisher and end up fearing you . 3 Punishment is often ineffective unless it is given immediately after the response and each time the response is made. This is especially true in relation to animals or young children. If a child gets into a biscuit tin and enjoys a few biscuits before being discovered and punished , the effect

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punishment presentation of an aversive stimulus or the removal of a pleasant stimulus

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FIGURE 5.10 Two kinds of punishment

In one form of punishment, a behaviour is followed by an aversive or unpleasant stimulus. In a second form of punishment, sometimes called penalty , a pleasant stimulus is removed following a behaviour. In either case, punishment reduces the chances that the behaviour will occur in the future. When a toddler reaches towards an electric outlet and her father says ‘No ! ’ and gently taps her hand, is that punishment or negative reinforcement? (If you said ‘ punishment’, you are right, because it will reduce the likelihood of the toddler touching outlets in the future.) PUNISHMENT 1

Behaviour You touch a hot iron.

Frequency of behaviour decreases You no longer touch hot irons.

Presentation of an unpleasant

stimulus Your hand is burned.

PUNISHMENT 2 (Penalty)

Behaviour You're careless with

your ice cream cone.

Removal of a

^

pleasant stimulus The ice cream falls on the ground.

^

Frequency of behaviour decreases You're not as careless with the next cone.

of the punishment will be greatly reduced. Similarly, if a child confesses to misbehaviour and is then punished, the punishment may discourage honesty rather than eliminate undesirable behaviour. 4 Physical punishment can become aggression and even abuse if administered in anger or with an object other than a hand (Zolotor et ah , 2008) . 5 Because children tend to imitate what they see, children who are frequently punished may be more likely to behave aggressively themselves (Gilbert, 1997) . 6 Finally, although punishment signals that inappropriate behaviour occurred , it does not specify what should be done instead. An ‘F’ on a term paper says the assignment was poorly done, but that punishing grade alone tells the student nothing about how to improve.

Current views on punishment In the 1970s and 1980s, concerns over these drawbacks led many professionals to discourage parents from using spanking and other forms of punishment with their children (Rosellini , 1998) . More recent studies suggesting that occasional mild spanking can be an effective way to control the behaviour of children who are between three and 13 years of age (for example, Larzelere, 2000) have served to reopen the debate about this issue (Benjet & Kazdin, 2003; Berlin et ah , 2009; Kazdin & Benjet, 2003;

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Slade & Wissow, 2004; Straus, 2005) . These studies found that occasional spanking does not harm children’s development , if used in combination with other disciplinary practices.These other practices include requiring that the children pay some penalty for their misdeeds, having them provide some sort of restitution to the victims of their actions, and making them aware of what they did wrong (Gunnoe & Mariner, 1997; Larzelere, 1996) . When used properly , then , punishment can be a valuable tool (Baumrind , Larzelere & Cowan , 2002). Occasionally, it may be the only alternative. For example, some children with developmental disabilities hit or mutilate themselves or display other potentially life-threatening behaviours. As shown in Figure 5.11 , punishing these behaviours has sometimes proved to be the only effective treatment (for example, Flavell et ah , 1982) .Whatever the case, punishment is most effective when it is administered in accordance with several guidelines.

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Can psychologists help save the lives of children with dangerous disorders through the use of appropriate punishment techniques?

FIGURE 5.11 Lifesaving punishment

This child suffered from chronic ruminative disorder, a condition in which he vomited everything he ate. At left, the boy was approximately one year old and had been vomiting for four months. At right is the same child 13 days after punishment with electric shock had eliminated the vomiting behaviour. His weight had increased by 26 per cent. He was physically and psychologically healthy when tested six months, year and two years later.

From Long, P. J., & Melamed, B. G. (1969 ). Avoidance conditioning therapy of on infant with chronic ruminative vomiting . Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 74, 1-8.

First, the person giving punishment should specify why it is being given and that its purpose is to change the person’s behaviour, not to harm or demean the person. This step helps prevent a general

fear of the punisher. Second, without being abusive, punishment should be immediate and noticeable enough to eliminate the undesirable behaviour.A half-hearted ‘Quit it’ may actually reinforce a child’s misbehaviour, because almost any attention is reinforcing to some children. Moreover, if children become habituated to very mild punishment , the parent may end up using substantially more severe punishment to stop inappropriate behaviour than would have been necessary if a stern but moderate punishment had been used in the first place. (You may have witnessed this escalation effect in supermarkets and restaurants, where parents are often not initially firm enough in dealing with their children’s misbehaviour.) Finally, because punishment alone is usually not enough to change behaviour in the long run , it is important also to identify what the person should do instead of the punished act , and then to reinforce the appropriate behaviour when it occurs. As the frequency of appropriate behaviour increases through reinforcement, the frequency of undesirable responses (and the need for further punishment) should decline. When these guidelines are not followed , the potentially beneficial effects of punishment may disappear or be only temporary. As illustrated in many countries’ justice systems, punishment for criminal acts is typically administered long after the acts have occurred, and initial punishments are often relatively mild as when offenders are repeatedly given probation . Even being sent to prison rarely leads to rehabilitation , because this punishment is usually not supplemented by efforts to teach and reinforce non-criminal lifestyles (Cassel & Bernstein , 2007) . It is no wonder, then, that between 50 and 80 per cent of non-Indigenous offenders in Australia will reoffend, depending on the type of crime committed , and that many of these people will finish up back in prison ( Payne, 2007) .

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Some applications of operant conditioning The principles of operant conditioning were originally developed with animals in the laboratory, but they are valuable for understanding human behaviour in an endless variety of everyday situations. (The section ‘In review Operant conditioning: learning the consequences of behaviour’ summarises some key principles of operant conditioning.) The unscientific but effective use of rewards and punishments by parents, teachers and peers is vital to helping children learn what is and is not appropriate behaviour at the dinner table, in the classroom or at a birthday party. People learn how to be ‘civilised’ in their own cultures partly through positive (‘Good!’) and negative (‘Stop that!’) responses from others. As described in Chapter 11, ‘Human development’, differing patterns of rewards and punishments for boys and girls also underlie the development of behaviours that fit culturally approved gender roles.

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Contingency management The scientific study of operant conditioning has led to numerous treatment programs for modifying problematic behaviour. These programs combine rewards for appropriate behaviours with extinction methods or carefully administered punishment for inappropriate behaviours. They have helped countless mental patients, people with intellectual disability or traumatic brain injuries, children with severe forms of autistic disorder, and preschoolers with emotional and behavioural disorders to develop the behaviours they need to live happier and more productive lives (for example, Alberto, Troutman & Feagin, 2002; Dickerson, Tenhula & Green-Paden , 2005; Pear & Martin, 2002) . These same methods have been used successfully to help people lose weight, give up addictive drugs, and reduce alcohol-related memory problems (Hochhalter et al., 2001; Silverman et al., 2001; Volpp et al., 2008) . Many self-help books also incorporate principles of positive reinforcement, recommending self-reward following each small victory in efforts to lose weight, stop smoking, avoid procrastination or reach other goals (for example, Grant & Kim , 2002; Rachlin , 2000) . Operant principles have also found their way into higher education, as shown in the Snapshot ‘Speak up!’ .

Speak up! Students are often reluctant to make comments or to ask or answer questions, especially in large classrooms. Some instructors have used operant conditioning principles to help overcome this problem. In one introductory psychology course, classroom participation was reinforced with coin - like tokens that students could exchange for extra credit (Boniecki & Moore, 2003). The students responded faster to the instructor’s questions and offered many more comments and questions when this ‘token economy’ was introduced. The frequency of student questions and comments dropped again when tokens were no longer given, but students continued their quick responses to the instructor’s questions. By that time, apparently, the instructor ’s social reinforcement was enough to encourage this aspect of classroom participation.

Controlling your environment When people can’t do anything about the consequences of a behaviour, discriminative conditioned stimuli may hold the key to changing the behaviour. For example, a compulsive gambler might fight the urge to gamble by staying away from casinos (Tremblay, Boutin & Ladouceur, 2008), and people trying to quit smoking often find it easier to do so if they avoid bars and other places where there are discriminative conditioned stimuli for smoking. Stimulus control can also be applied in the

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of insomnia. Many insomniacs use their beds for working, watching television, texting, reading, eating, talking on the phone, and worrying. Soon , the bedroom becomes a discriminative conditioned stimulus for so many activities that relaxation and sleep become less and less likely. Stimulus control therapy encourages insomniacs to use their beds only for sleeping, and perhaps sex, making it more likely that they will sleep better when in bed (Edinger et ah , 2001). treatment

LINKAGES Neural networks and learning Using what they know about the laws of learning and about the way in which neurons

You have seen that associations between conditioned stimuli and reflexes or between responses and their consequences play an important role in learning. How are these associations actually stored in the brain? No -one yet knows for sure, but neural network models provide a good way of thinking about the process. As suggested in Chapter 4, ’Sensation and perception’, and Chapter 6, ‘Memory’, networks of neural connections in the brain are believed to play a critical role not only in recognising objects but also in storing and organising information. These associative networks can be very complex. Consider the word dog . As shown in Figure 5.12, each person’s experience creates many associations with this word, and the strength of each association will reflect the frequency with which dog has been mentally linked to the other objects, events and ideas in that person’s life.

How are learned associations stored in memory? (a link to Chapter 6,

communicate and alter their synaptic connections, psychologists have been developing models of how these associations are ‘Memory’) established (Messinger et al., 2001). We discuss some of their efforts in Chapter 4, ’Sensation and perception’, and Chapter 6, ‘Memory’ in terms of neural networks and parallel distributed processing models. An important feature of these models is the idea of distributed memory or distributed knowledge. They suggest, for example, that the knowledge of dog does not lie in a single location, or node, in your brain. Instead, knowledge is distributed throughout the network of associations that

FIGURE 5.12 An associative network

Here is an example of a network of associations with the word dog. Network theorists suggest that the connections shown here represent patterns of neural connections in the brain Snake

- riend

Dentist arnon

Pain

Danger

Bite

Danger

Fire

Insect Protection

Guard

Lock

Police

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each time the two words are experienced together. The details of various theories about how these connections grow are very complex, but a theme common to many of them is that the weaker the connection between two items, the greater the increase in connection strength when they are experienced together. So in a simple classical conditioning experiment, the connections between the nodes characterising the conditioned stimulus and those characterising the unconditioned stimulus will show the greatest increase in strength during the first few learning trials. Notice that this prediction nicely matches the typical learning curve shown in Figure 5.3 (Rescorla & Wagner, 1972). Neural network models have yet to fully explain the learning of complex tasks, nor can they easily account for how people adapt when the ‘rules of the game’ are suddenly

connect the letters D, O and G, along with other dog- related

experiences. In addition, as shown in Figure 5.12, each of the interconnected nodes that make up your knowledge of dog is connected to many other nodes as well. So the letter D will be connected to daisy , danger and a host of other concepts. Networks of connections also appear to be the key to explaining how people come to understand the words and sentences they read ( Wolman, van den Broek & Lorch, 1997). Neural network models of learning focus on how these connections are developed through experience (Hanson & Burr, 1990). For example, suppose that you are learning a new word in a foreign language. Each time you read the word and associate it with its English equivalent, you strengthen the neural connections between the sight of the letters forming that word and all of the nodes activated when its English equivalent is brought to mind. Neural network, or connectionist , models of learning predict how much the strength of each linkage grows (in terms of the likelihood of neural communication between the two connected nodes)

changed and old habits must be unlearned and replaced. Nevertheless, a better understanding of what we mean by associations may very well lie in future research on neural network models (Boden, 2006; Houghton, 2005).

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IN REVIEW Operant conditioning: learning the consequences of behaviour EXAMPLE OR COMMENT

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Positive reinforcement

Increasing the frequency of a behaviour by following it with the presentation of a positive reinforcer - a pleasant, positive stimulus or experience

You say ‘Good job!’ after someone works hard to perform a task.

Increasing the frequency of a behaviour by following it with the removal of an unpleasant stimulus or experience

You learn to use the ‘ mute’ button on the TV remote control to remove the sound of an obnoxious commercial.

Learning to make a response that removes an unpleasant stimulus

A little boy learns that crying will cut short the time

Negative reinforcement

Escape conditioning Avoidance conditioning

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that he must stay in his room.

Learning to make a response that avoids an unpleasant stimulus

You slow your car to the speed limit when you spot a police car, thus avoiding being stopped and reducing the fear of a fine; very resistant to extinction.

Decreasing the frequency of a behaviour by either presenting an unpleasant stimulus or removing a pleasant one (penalty)

You swat the dog after it steals food from the table, or you take a favourite toy away from a child who misbehaves. A number of cautions should be kept in mind before using punishment.

Check your understanding 1 Taking an aspirin can relieve headache pain, so people learn to do so through the process of 2 The green pictogram that tells people it is safe to cross the street is an example of a 3 Response rates tend to be higher under schedules of reinforcement than under

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5.4 COGNITIVE PROCESSES IN LEARNING During the first half of the 20th century, psychologists in North America tended to look at classical and operant conditioning through the lens of behaviourism , the theoretical approach that was dominant in psychology at the time. As described in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’, behaviourists tried to identify the stimuli, responses and consequences that build and alter overt behaviour. They paid almost no attention to the role of conscious mental activity that might accompany the learning process. This strictly behavioural view of classical and operant conditioning is challenged by the cognitive approach , which has become increasingly influential in recent decades. Cognitive psychologists see a common thread in these apparently different forms of learning (Blaisdell , Sawa & Leising, 2006) . To them, both classical and operant conditioning help animals and people detect causality to understand what causes what . They view conditioning as the product of complex mental and neural processes, including how people represent, store and use information . It is these processes , they say, that underlie our ability to adapt to and understand the world around us (Dickinson , 2001 ). Cognitive psychologists have found, for example, that a classically conditioned response (such as fear) is more likely to develop if an unconditioned stimulus (such as electric shock) comes as a surprise than if it is expected ( Kamin, 1969) . Even the brains reaction to a given stimulus can differ depending on whether that stimulus was expected or unexpected (Waelti , Dickinson & Schultz, 2001) . In other words, according to the cognitive view, learning is affected not only by the nature of the stimuli we experience, but also by our expectations about them . Expectations also allow us to calculate the likely consequences of various courses of action (Lohrenz et al., 2007 ;Tanaka , Balleine & O’ Doherty, 2008) . Furthermore, just as our perceptions depend on the meaning we attach to sensations (see Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception’) , what we learn can depend on the meaning we attach to events. So a good evaluation by a boss we respect may serve as a stronger reinforcer than the same good evaluation from a boss we hate. Evidence for the role of these cognitive processes in learning comes from research on learned helplessness, latent learning, cognitive maps, insight and observational learning.

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Learned helplessness Babies learn that crying attracts attention , children learn which button turns on the TV, and adults learn what behaviours are rewarded or punished in the workplace. On the basis of this learning, we come to expect that certain actions on our part cause certain consequences. But sometimes events are beyond our control. What happens when behaviour has no effect on events, especially when escape or avoidance behaviours fail? If such ineffectiveness is prolonged, one result may be learned helplessness, a tendency to give up any effort to control the environment (Overmier, 2002; Seligman, 1975) . Learned helplessness was first demonstrated in animals. As described earlier, dogs placed in a shuttle box (see Figure 5.7) will normally learn to jump over a barrier to escape a shock. However, if these dogs first receive shocks that they cannot escape, they later do not even try to escape when a shock is turned on in the box (Overmier & Seligman , 1967) . It is as if the animals had learned that ‘shock happens, and there is nothing I can do to control it’.

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learned helplessness learning that responses do not affect consequences, resulting in a failure to try control over the environment to exert

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FOCUS ON RESEARCH METHODS An experiment on human helplessness The results of animal studies on learned helplessness led psychologists to wonder whether learned helplessness might also play a role in human psychological problems. But first they had to deal with a more basic question: Does lack of control over the environment lead to helplessness in humans, as it does in other species?

What was the researcher ' s question ? Donald Hiroto (1974) conducted an experiment to test the hypothesis that people would develop learned helplessness after either experiencing lack of control or simply being told that their control was limited.

How did the researcher answer the question ? Hiroto assigned research participants to one of three groups. One group heard a series of 30 random bursts of loud, obnoxious noise, and like dogs receiving inescapable shock, they had no way of stopping it. A second group could control the noise by pressing a button to turn it off. The third group heard no noise at all. After this preliminary phase, all three groups were exposed to 18 additional bursts of noise, each preceded by a red warning light. During this second phase, all participants could stop the noise by pushing a lever. However, they didn’t know whether to push the lever to the left or the right on any given trial. Still, they could prevent the noise if they acted quickly enough. Before these new trials began, the experimenter led half the participants in each group to expect that avoiding or escaping the noise depended on their skill. The other half were led to expect that their success would be a matter of chance. So in this experiment, the dependent variable - the participants’ efforts to control noise - could be affected by either or both of two independent variables: prior experience with noise (control, lack of control or no noise) and expectation (skill or chance) about the ability to influence the noise.

What did the researcher find ? On average, participants who had previously experienced lack of control now failed to control noise on almost four times as many trials (50 per cent versus 13 per cent) as participants who had earlier been in control. Expectation of control also had an effect on behaviour. Regardless of

whether participants had experienced control before, those who expected noise control to depend on their skill exerted control on significantly more trials than did those who expected chance to govern the outcome.

What do the results mean ? These results supported Hiroto’s hypothesis that people, like other animals, tend to make less effort to control their environment when prior experience leads them to expect that their efforts will be in vain. Unlike other animals, though, people can develop expectations of helplessness either by personally experiencing lack of control or by being told that they are powerless. Hiroto’s (1974) results appear to reflect a general phenomenon: when people’s prior experience leads them to believe that nothing they do can change their lives or control their destiny, they generally stop trying (Faulkner, 2001; LoLordo, 2001; Peterson, Maier & Seligman, 1993). Instead, they tend to passively endure distressing situations.

What do we still need to know ? Further research is needed on when and how learned helplessness affects people’s thoughts, feelings and actions. For example, could learned helplessness explain why some battered women remain with abusive partners? We do know that learned- helplessness experiences are associated with the development of a generally pessimistic way of thinking that can produce depression and other disorders (Peterson & Seligman, 1984). People with this pessimistic explanatory style see the good things that happen to them as temporary and due to chance, and the bad things as permanent and due to internal factors (for example, lack of ability). This explanatory style has in fact been associated with poor grades, inadequate sales performance, health problems and other negative outcomes (Bennett & Elliott, 2002; Seligman & Schulman, 1986; Taylor, 2002). The exact mechanisms responsible for this connection are still unknown, but understanding how pessimistic (or optimistic) explanatory styles can lead to negative (or positive) consequences remains an important focus of research (for example, Brennan & Charnetski, 2000). Does repeated success at controlling events create a learned resourcefulness’ that sense of ‘learned mastery’or ‘ supports efforts to exert control in new situations? Animal experiments suggest that this is the case (Volpicelli et al., >>> — 1

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>>> 1983). Furthermore, people with a history of successful control appear more likely than others to develop the optimistic cognitive style, hopefulness and resilience that lead to even more success and healthier lives (Gillham, 2000; Zimmerman, 1990). (We discuss this cognitive style in Chapter 12, ‘Health, stress and coping’.) Accordingly, research is focusing on how best to minimise learned helplessness

and maximise learned optimism in areas such as education, parenting and psychotherapy (for example, Jackson, Sellers & Peterson, 2002). One option is the use of ‘ resiliency training’ for children and adults at risk of depression or other problems (Bradshaw et al., 2007; Cardemil, Reivich & Seligman, 2002; Waite & Richardson, 2004). Time will tell if such training leads to beneficial outcomes.

Latent learning and cognitive maps The study of cognitive processes in learning goes back at least to the 1920s and Edward Tolman’s research on maze learning in rats. The rats’ task was to find the goal box of the maze, where food awaited them. The animals typically took lots of wrong turns , but over the course of many trials they made fewer and fewer mistakes.The strict behavioural interpretation of these results was that the rats learned a long chain of turning responses that were ultimately reinforced by the food.ToTolman, this behavioural interpretation was incomplete, and he offered evidence that the animals’ behaviour was also influenced by cognitive processes.

Evidence for latent learning In one study, for example, Tolman allowed rats to explore a maze once a day for several consecutive days (Tolman & Honzik , 1930) . For rats in Group A, food was placed in the goal box on each trial. As shown in Figure 5.13, these rats gradually improved their performance so that by the end of the experiment, they made only one or two mistakes as they ran through the maze. For rats in Group B, there was never any food in their goal box.These animals continued to make many errors throughout the experiment. Neither of these results is surprising, and each is consistent with a behavioural view of learning as driven strictly by associating behaviour with reward .

FIGURE 5.13 Latent learning

Notice that when rats in Group C did not receive food reinforcement, they continued to make many errors in locating the goal box of a maze (Tolman & Honzik, 1930). The day after first finding food there, however, they took almost no wrong turns! The reinforcement, argued Tolman, affected only the rats’ performance; they must have learned the maze earlier, without reinforcement.

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latent learning learning that is not demonstrated at the time it occurs

cognitive map a mental representation of the environment

A third group of rats, Group C, was the critical one. For the first 10 days, there was no food in their goal box, and like Group B, they continued to make many mistakes. But on the 11 th day, food was placed in their goal box for the first time. Figure 5.13 shows the surprising result: on day 12, the day after receiving their first positive reinforcement, these rats made almost no mistakes. In fact, their performance was as good as that of the rats that had been reinforced every day. In other words , for Group C, the single reinforcement trial on day 11 produced a dramatic change in behaviour the next day. Tolman argued that these results supported two conclusions. First , the reinforcement on day 11 could not have significantly affected the rats’ learning of the maze; it simply changed their performance. They must have learned the maze earlier as they wandered around making mistakes on their way to the end of the maze. These rats demonstrated latent learning learning that is not evident when it first occurs. (Latent learning occurs in humans , too; after years of experience in your neighbourhood, you could probably tell a visitor that the corner shop is closed on Sunday, even if you had never tried to go there on a Sunday yourself.) Second, the rats’ improved performance immediately after the first reinforcement trial could have occurred only if the rats had already developed a cognitive map; that is , a mental representation of how the maze was arranged . Tolman concluded that cognitive maps develop naturally, and without the need for reinforcement , as people and animals gain experience with the world . Research on learning in the natural environment has supported this view. For example, we develop mental maps of shopping malls and city streets, even when we receive no direct reward for doing so (Tversky & Kahneman, 1991) . Having such a map allows you to tell that visitor to your neighbourhood exactly how to get to the corner shop from where you are standing.

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Insight and learning

insight a sudden understanding about what is required to solve a problem

Wolfgang Kohler was a psychologist whose work on the cognitive aspects of learning came about almost by accident. He was visiting the island of Tenerife when the First World War broke out in 1914. As a German in an area controlled by Germany’s enemy, Britain, he was confined to the island for the duration of the war, and he devoted his time to studying problem solving by chimpanzees housed there (Kohler, 1924, 1976). For example, Kohler would put a chimpanzee in a cage and place a piece of fruit so that it was visible but out of the animal’s reach . He sometimes hung the fruit from a string too high to reach or laid it on the ground too far outside the cage to be retrieved. Many of the chimps overcame these obstacles easily. If the fruit was out of reach on the ground outside the cage, some chimps looked around the cage and , finding a long stick , used it to rake in the fruit. Surprised that the chimpanzees could solve these problems, Kohler tried more-difficult tasks. Again, the chimps proved very skilled. Three aspects of Kohler’s observations convinced him that animals’ problem solving does not have to depend solely on trial and error and the gradual association of responses with consequences. First , once a chimpanzee solved a particular problem, it would immediately do the same thing in a similar situation . In other words, it acted as if it understood the problem . Second , the chimpanzees rarely tried a solution that didn ’t work. Apparently, the solution was not discovered randomly but ‘thought out’ ahead of time and then successfully executed. Third , the animals often reached a solution suddenly. When confronted with a piece of fruit hanging from a string, for example, a chimp might jump for it several times. Then it would stop jumping, look up, and pace back and forth . Finally, it would run over to a wooden crate, place it directly under the fruit , and climb on top of it to reach the fruit. Once, when there were no other objects available, a chimp went over to Kohler, dragged him by the arm until he stood beneath the fruit , and then started climbing up his back! Kohler believed that the only explanation for these results was that the chimpanzees had sudden insight, an understanding of the problem as a whole. However, demonstrating that a particular performance is

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the product of sudden insight requires experiments that are more sophisticated than those conducted by Kohler. Some cases of ‘insight’ in his chimps might actually have been the result of a process known as learning to learn, in which previous experiences in problem solving are applied to new ones in a way that makes their solution seem to be instantaneous (Birch, 1945; Harlow, 1949) . After all, chimpanzees have lots of experience at jumping on things and playing with sticks and other objects that can be used to solve the problems that Kohler posed for them (Epstein et ah , 1984; Kounios et ah , 2006;Wynne, 2004) . True insight seems to result from a ‘mental trial-and-error process’ in which people (and perhaps certain other animals) envision a course of action, mentally simulate its results, compare it with the imagined outcome of other alternatives, and settle on the course of action most likely to aid complex problem solving and decision making (Klein, 1993) . So although Kohler’s work helped establish the importance of cognitive processes in learning, questions remain about whether it demonstrated true insight.

Observational learning: learning by imitation Research on the role of cognitive processes in learning has been further stimulated by the finding that learning can occur not only by doing but also by observing what others do and what happens to them as a result (see the Snapshot ‘Learning by imitation’) . Learning by watching others called observational learning or social learning is efficient and adaptive. For example, young chimpanzees learn how to use a stone to crack open nuts by watching their mothers do so ( Inoue- Nakamura & Matsuzawa, 1997) . And we don ’t have to find out for ourselves that a door is locked or an iron is hot if we have just seen someone else try the door or suffer a burn .

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Learning by imitation Much of our behaviour is learned by imitating others, especially those who serve as role models, TRY THIS \ appreciate the impact of social learning in your life, list five examples of how your own actions, speech, mannerisms or appearance have come to match those of a parent, a sibling, a friend, a teacher or even a celebrity.

The biological basis for observational learning may lie partly in the operation of mirror neurons in the brain ( Fogassi et al., 2005) . As described in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’ , mirror neurons fire not only when we do something or experience something, but also when we see someone do or experience the same thing. This mirrored pattern of activity in our own brains makes it almost as though we are actually performing the observed action or having the observed experience. Mirror neurons are active, for example, when we feel disgust upon seeing someone react to the taste of sour milk. They probably are firing too when we are trying to imitate the correct pronunciation of foreign words or to use an unfamiliar tool.

Bandura’s experiment Children are particularly influenced by the adults and peers who act as models for appropriate behaviour in various situations. In one classic experiment , Albert Bandura showed nursery school children a film featuring an adult and a large, inflatable, bottom-heavy ‘Bobo’ doll (Bandura , 1965) . The adult in the film punched the Bobo doll in the nose, kicked it, threw things at it , and hit its head with a hammer while saying things like ‘Sockeroo!’ There were different endings to the film . Some

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observational learning (social learning) learning how to perform new behaviours by watching others

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conditions that allow us to learn by watching what happens to others

children saw an ending in which the aggressive adult was called a ‘champion’ by a second adult and rewarded with lollies and soft drink. Some saw the aggressor scolded and called a ‘bad person’ . Some saw a neutral ending in which there was neither reward nor punishment. After the film , each child was allowed to play alone with a Bobo doll. How the children played in this and similar studies led to some important conclusions about learning and about the role of cognitive factors in it. Bandura found that children who saw the adult rewarded for aggression showed the most aggressive acts in play (see Figure 5.14) . Their observational learning had come about through a secondhand or vicarious experience in which a person is influenced by seeing or hearing about the consequences of other people’s behaviour, especially people whom they perceive as being similar to themselves in some way (Mobbs et ah , 2009) . The children who had seen the adult punished for aggressive acts showed less aggression , but they still learned something. When later offered rewards for all the aggressive acts they could perform, these children displayed just as many as the children who had watched the rewarded adult. Observational learning can occur even when there are no vicarious consequences; many children in the neutral condition also imitated the model’s aggression .

FIGURE 5.14 Observational learning

Albert Bandura found that after observing an aggressive model, many children imitate the model’s acts precisely, especially if the model’s aggression was rewarded.

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Top left: Albert Bandura ; Bottom left : Bandura, A., Ross , D., & Ross, S. A. (1963 ). Imitation of film -mediated aggressive models . Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 66, 3 -11.

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Observational learning is one of the most powerful sources of the socialisation process through which children learn about which behaviours are and are not appropriate in their cultures (Bandura, 1999; Caldwell & Millen , 2009) . Experiments show that children are more willing to help and share after seeing a demonstration of helping by a friendly, impressive model even after some months have elapsed (Schroeder et ah , 1995) . Indeed, watching or even just hearing about the selfless or heroic acts of others can inspire us to seek higher goals ourselves (Haidt, 2003) . Fears, too, can be learned partly by the sight of fearfulness in others (Askew & Field , 2008), and seeing other people behave dishonestly may lead observers to do the same (Gino, Ayal & Ariely, 2009).

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THINKING CRITICALLY Does watching violence on television make people more violent? If observational learning is important, then surely television and televised violence - must teach children a great deal. It is estimated that the average child in the United States spends about three hours each day watching television, either at home or in day care (Annenberg Public Policy Center, 2000; Christakis & Garrison, 2009). Much of what children see is violent. In addition to the real - life violence portrayed on the news (van der Molen, 2004), prime- time entertainment programs in the United States present an average of five acts of simulated violence per hour. Some Saturday morning cartoons include more than 20 per hour (American Psychological Association, 1993; Gerbner, Morgan & Signorielli, 1994). As a result, the average American child will have witnessed at least 8000 murders and more than 100 000 other acts of televised violence before finishing elementary school, and twice that number by age 18 (Annenberg Public Policy Center,1999; Parents Television Council, 2006). Psychologists have long speculated that watching so much violence might be emotionally arousing, making viewers more likely to react violently to frustration (Huston & Wright, 1989). In fact, there is evidence that exposure to media violence can trigger or amplify viewers’ aggressive thoughts and feelings, thus increasing the likelihood that they will act aggressively (Anderson & Dill, 2000; Bushman, 1998). Televised violence may also provide models that viewers imitate, particularly if the violence is carried out by attractive, impressive models - the ‘ good guys’, for example (Huesmann et al., 2003). Finally, prolonged viewing of violent TV programs may ‘desensitise’ viewers, making them less distressed when they see others suffer and less disturbed about inflicting pain on others (Aronson, 1999; Donnerstein, Slaby & Eron, 1995). Concern over the influence of violence on television led to the development of a violence - blocking ‘ V chip’ for television sets in the United States.

What am I being asked to believe or accept ? Many theorists have argued that through one or more of the mechanisms just listed, watching violence on television causes violent behaviour in viewers (Anderson et al., 2003; Anderson & Bushman, 2002; Bushman & Huesmann, 2000; Eron et al., 1996; Huesmann, 1998). A 1993 report by the National Academy of Sciences concluded that ‘overall, the vast majority of studies, whatever their methodology, showed that exposure to television violence resulted in increased aggressive behaviour, both contemporaneously and over time’(Reiss & Roth, 1993, p. 371). The American Psychological Association Commission on Violence and Youth (1993) reached the same conclusion.

What evidence is available to support the assertion ? Three types of evidence support the claim that watching violent television programs increases violent behaviour. First, there is evidence from anecdotes and case studies. Children have poked one another in the eye after watching The Three Stooges appear to do so on television, and adults have claimed that watching TV shows prompted them to commit murders or other violent acts matching those seen on the shows ( Werner, 2003). Second, many correlational studies have found a relationship between watching violent television programs and later acts of aggression and violence (Johnson et al., 2002). One such study tracked people from the time they were six or seven (in 1977) until they reached their early twenties (in 1992). Those who had watched more violent television as children were significantly more aggressive as adults (Huesmann et al.,1997; Huesmann et al., 2003) and more likely to engage in criminal activity (Huesmann,1995). They were also more likely to use physical punishment on their own children, who themselves tended to >>> — 1

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be much more aggressive than average. These latter results have been found not only in the United States but also in Israel, Australia, Poland, the Netherlands and even Finland, where the number of violent TV shows is very small (Centerwall,1990; Huesmann & Eron,1986). Finally, the results of numerous experiments also support the view that TV violence increases aggression among viewers (American Psychological Association, 1993; Paik & Comstock, 1994; Reiss & Roth,1993). In one study, groups of boys watched violent or non-violent programs in a controlled setting and then played floor hockey (Josephson,1987). Boys who had watched the violent shows were more likely than those who had watched non-violent programs to behave aggressively on the hockey floor. This effect was greatest for those boys who had the most aggressive tendencies to begin with. More- extensive experiments, in which children are exposed for long periods to carefully controlled types of television programs, also suggest that exposure to large amounts of violent activity on television results in aggressive behaviour (Eron et al., 1972).

Are there alternative ways of interpreting the evidence ? To some observers, this evidence leaves no doubt that media violence causes increases in aggressive and violent behaviour, especially in children (Anderson et al., 2003). Others suggest that the evidence is not conclusive and is open to some qualifications and alternative interpretations (for example, Browne & Hamilton- Giachritsis, 2005; Freedman, 2002; Thakkar, Garrison & Christakis, 2006). Anecdotal reports and case studies are particularly suspect. When people face imprisonment or execution for their violent acts, how much confidence can we place in their claims that these acts were triggered by television programs? And how many other people might say that the same programs made them less likely to be violent? Anecdotes alone do not provide a good basis for drawing solid scientific conclusions. What about the correlational evidence from studies that followed children over time? As discussed in Chapter 2, ‘Research in psychology’, a correlation between two variables does not necessarily mean that one is causing an effect on the other. Both might be affected by a third factor. Why, for example, are certain people watching so much violent television in the first place? This question suggests a possible third factor that might account for the observed relationship between watching TV violence and acting aggressively: people who tend to be aggressive may prefer to watch more-violent TV programs

and may behave aggressively towards others. In other words, personality may partly account for the observed correlations (for example, Aluja -Fabregat & Torrubia -Beltri,1998). The results of controlled experiments on the effects of televised violence have been criticised as well (Freedman, 2002; Geen, 1998). The major objection is that both the independent and dependent variables in these experiments are artificial, so they may not apply beyond the laboratory or last very long (Browne & Hamilton - Giachritsis, 2005; Freedman, 2002). For example, the kinds of violent shows viewed by the participants during some of these experiments, as well as the ways in which their aggression has been measured, may not reflect what goes on in the real - world situations we most want to know about.

What additional evidence would help evaluate the alternatives ? By their very nature, correlational studies of the role of TV violence in violent behaviour can never be conclusive. As we’ve pointed out, a third, unidentified causal variable could always be responsible for the results. So it would be useful to have evidence from controlled experiments in which equivalent groups of people were exposed for years doses’ of the violence actually portrayed on TV to differing ‘ and in which the effects on their subsequent behaviour were observed in real - world situations. Such experiments could also explore the circumstances under which different people (for example, children versus adults) were affected by various forms of violence. However, studies like these would create an ethical dilemma. If watching violent television programs really does cause violent behaviour, are psychologistsjustified in creating conditions that might lead some people to be more violent? If such violence occurred, would the researchers be partly responsible to the victims and to society? Difficulty in answering questions such as these is partly responsible for the use of short - term experiments and correlational designs in this research area, as well as for some of the remaining uncertainty about the effects of television violence. One approach to this problem might be to conduct experiments in which children watch television shows that portray cooperative rather than violent behaviour. If exposure to such prosocial programming were followed by significant increases in viewers’ own prosocial behaviour, it would strengthen - though still not prove - the argument that what children see on television can have a causal impact on their actions. A recent series of experiments has already >>> — 1

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shown that children who played prosocial video games were later more helpful than those who had played neutral games (Greitemeyer & Osswald, 2010).

What conclusions are most reasonable ? The evidence collected so far makes it reasonable to conclude that watching TV violence may be one cause of violent behaviour, especially in some children and especially in boys (Anderson & Bushman, 2002; Browne & Hamilton Giachritsis, 2005; Bushman & Anderson, 2001; Huesmann et al., 1997; Robinson et al., 2001; Smith & Donnerstein, 1998). Playing violent video games may be another (Anderson, 2004; Anderson & Bushman, 2001; Anderson et al., 2008, 2010). But a cause - and - effect relationship between watching TV violence (or playing violent video games) and acting violently is not inevitable and may not be strong or long- lasting (Browne & Hamilton- Giachritsis, 2005; Ferguson & Kilburn, 2009, 2010; Ferguson et

al., 2010; Savage & Yancey, 2008). Furthermore, there are many circumstances in which the efFect does not occur (Charleton, Gunter & Coles, 1998; Ferguson, 2009; Freedman, 1992, 2002). Parents, peers and other environmental influences, along with personality factors, may dampen or amplify the effect of watching televised violence. Indeed, not every viewer interprets violence in the same way, and not every viewer is equally vulnerable ( Ferguson, 2002, 2009; Feshbach & Tangney, 2008; Wood, Wong & Chachere, 1991). The most vulnerable may be young boys, and especially those who are most aggressive or violence - prone in the first place, a trait that could well have been acquired by observing the behaviour of parents or peers (Ferguson et al., 2010). Still, the possibility that violence on television can have a causal impact on violent behaviour is reason for serious concern and continues to influence public debate about what should and should not be aired on television.

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IN REVIEW Cognitive processes in learning CONCEPT

EXAMPLE OR COMMENT

DESCRIPTION

Animals exposed to aversive stimuli over which they have no control may cease to respond to avoid negative consequences.

Students given impossible puzzles to solve will perform worse when set intellectual problems at a later stage.

Latent learning and cognitive maps

Animals learn to find their way through a novel environment, despite not being reinforced for doing so.

You are able to find your way around parts of your neighbourhood without getting lost, despite never having been on that particular street before.

Insight and learning

Large primates seem to be capable of solving simple puzzles in order to obtain food (such as making a ladder from boxes) without having been reinforced for any of the specific acts involved.

You solve the mystery of how to succeed in a video game suddenly when you are involved in a completely different task.

Children imitate the behaviour of others without having to be reinforced for it.

The one - year -old child busily ‘swiping’ the screen on your mobile phone when you let her play with it.

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Check your understanding to 1 Tolman’s famous maze experiment showed that simply placing an animal in a maze resulted in them being obtain food when it was subsequently introduced. 2 Exposure to abuse has the potential to induce which will be exhibited as a in resilient behaviour. 3 It might be a good idea to avoid drinking and smoking heavily in front of my children if I do not wish them to copy my behaviour through

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5.5 USING RESEARCH ON LEARNING TO HELP PEOPLE LEARN Teaching and training — explicit efforts to assist learners in mastering a specific skill or body of material —

are major aspects of socialisation in virtually every culture. So the study of how people learn has important implications for improved teaching in our schools (Bjork & Linn, 2006; Halpern & Hakel, 2003; Li, 2005; Newcombe et al., 2009) and for helping people develop skills ranging from typing to tennis.

Skill learning

—

The complex action sequences, or skills , that people learn to perform in everyday life tying shoelaces, opening a door, operating a computer, kicking a football , driving a car develop through direct and vicarious learning processes involving imitation, instruction, reinforcement and, of course, lots of practice. Some skills, such as those of a football player or violinist , demand exceptional perceptualmotor coordination . Others, such as those involved in scientific thinking, have a large cognitive component, requiring rapid understanding. In either case, the learning of skills usually involves practice and feedback (Ackerman, 2007) .

—

The importance of practice

—

the repeated performance of a skill is the most critical component of skill learning ( Howe, Davidson & Sloboda , 1998) . For perceptual-motor skills, both physical and mental practice are beneficial (Druckman & Bjork, 1994) . To be most effective, practice should continue past the point of correct performance until the skill can be performed automatically, with little or no need for attention (see the Snapshot ‘Virtual surgery’). As mentioned earlier, in learning many cognitive skills , what counts most seems to be practice in retrieving relevant information from memory.Trying to recall and write down facts that you have read , for example, is a more effective learning tool than simply reading the facts a second time. Trying to teach the same facts to another person is an even better method , as shown in the Snapshot ‘Reciprocal teaching’ . Practice

Virtual surgery Using a virtual reality system, this medical student can actively learn and practise eye surgery skills before working with real patients. Computer - based human body simulators are also giving new doctors active learning experience in emergency room diagnosis and treatment; in heart, lung and abdominal surgery; and in other medical skills (Aggarwal, Cheshire & Darzi, 2008; Heinrichs et al., 2008; Kanno et al., 2008; Larsen et al., 2009; Prabhudesai et al., 2008; Seymour, 2008; Tsang et al., 2008).

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Reciprocal teaching Ann Brown and her colleagues (1992) demonstrated the success of reciprocal teaching, in which children take turns teaching each other. This technique, which is similar to the cooperative arrangements seen in Japanese education, has become increasingly popular in North American schools (Palincsar, 2003).

The importance of feedback Feedback about the correctness of responses is also necessary. As with any learning process, the feedback should come soon enough to be effective, but not so quickly that it interferes with the learners efforts to learn independently (see the Snapshot ‘Try it this way’) . Large amounts of guidance may produce very good performance during practice, but too much guidance may impair later performance ( Kluger & DeNisi , 1998; Wickens , 1992) . Coaching students about correct responses in maths, for example, may impair their ability to later retrieve the correct response from memory on their own. And in coaching athletes, if feedback is given too soon after an action occurs or while it is still taking place, it may divert the learners attention from understanding how that action was achieved and what it felt like to perform it (Schmidt & Bjork , 1992) . Independent practice at retrieving previously learned responses or information requires more effort , but it is critical for skill development (Ericsson & Charness, 1994).

Try it this way Good coaches provide enough guidance and performance feedback to help budding athletes develop their skills to the fullest, but not so much that the guidance interferes with the learning process. Striking this delicate balance is one of the greatest challenges faced by coaches and by teachers in

general.

How excellence is achieved How do some people reach high levels of achievement in physical or cognitive skills? A number of researchers in the field of positive psychology are studying such people (for example, Murray, 2003; Simonton, 2000) .They have found that stellar accomplishments in the arts and sciences and athletics, for example, are associated with having worked very hard for a very long time, with having a helpful coach or mentor, with being optimistic about success, and also with being in the right place at the right time. This research suggests that to reach your own highest potential, you should first identify your interests and skills , choose a field in which these are likely to fit well, then find a good mentor, put in lots of time and effort , stay optimistic even in the face of setbacks, and take advantage of every opportunity that presents itself (Peterson, 2006) . There appears to be little or no evidence to support ‘sleep learning’ or other schemes designed to make learning effortless (Druckman & Bjork, 1994; Phelps & Exum, 1992) . In short, ‘no pain, no gain’.

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CHAPTER REVIEW LINKAGES which is covered in Chapter 6. The ‘Linkages’ diagram shows ties to two other subfields as well, and there are many more ties throughout the book. Looking for linkages among subfields will help you see how they all fit together and help you better appreciate the big picture that is psychology.

As noted in Chapter 1, ‘ Introducing psychology’, all of psychology’s subfields are related to one another. Our discussion of neural networks as possible models of associative learning illustrates just one way in which the topic of this chapter, learning, is linked to the subfield of memory,

CHAPTER 5

Learning

LINKAGES

How are learned associations stored in memory ?

rm CHAPTER 6

Memory

Who teaches boys to be men and girls to be women ?

1

Are psychological disorders learned behaviours ?

ft CHAPTER 11 Human development

CHAPTER 14 Psychological disorders and treatment

ONLINE STUDY RESOURCES Visit http://login.cengagebrain.com and use the access code that comes with this book for 12 months access to the resources and study tools for this chapter.

The CourseMateExpress website contains: • • • •

revision quizzes concept maps

graduate attribute information

• • •

web links flashcards and more.

videos

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t CourseMateExpress

Chapter 4: Learning

SUMMARY Individuals adapt to changes in the environment through the process of learning, which is the modification through experience of pre existing behaviour and understanding.

LEARNING ABOUT STIMULI •

One kind of learning is habituation, which is reduced responsiveness to a repeated stimulus. According to Richard Solomon, habituation results from the elicitation of an

opponent process which counteracts the effect of the

stimulus and can result in drug tolerance.

CLASSICAL CONDITIONING: LEARNING SIGNALS AND ASSOCIATIONS One form of associative learning is classical conditioning. It occurs when a neutral stimulus (such as a tone) is repeatedly paired with an unconditioned stimulus , or UCS (such as food), which naturally brings about an unconditioned response, or UCR (such as salivation). Through its association with the UCS, the neutral stimulus eventually becomes a conditioned stimulus, or CS, that will elicit a response, known as the conditioned response, or CR , even when the unconditioned stimulus is not presented. • If the CS is repeatedly presented without being paired with the UCS, the conditioned response eventually disappears; this is extinction. Following extinction, the CR often reappears if the CS is presented after some time; this is •

spontaneous recovery.

•

Because of stimulus generalisation, CRs are elicited by stimuli that are similar, but not identical, to the CS. Generalisation is limited by stimulus discrimination,

which reduces conditioned responses to stimuli that are substantially different from the CS. Classical conditioning works best when the CS precedes the unconditioned stimulus by a brief period of time, an arrangement known as forward conditioning. Conditioning is also more likely when the CS reliably signals the UCS. In general, the strength of a CR and the speed of conditioning increase as the salience of the CS and the intensity of the US increases. Some stimuli are easier to associate than others; organisms seem to be biologically prepared to learn certain associations, as exemplified by taste aversions. Higher- order conditioning occurs when a CS becomes powerful enough to function as a UCR for another stimulus associated with it. Classical conditioning principles are being applied in understanding the development and treatment of phobias, in the humane control of predators in the wild, and in the detection of explosives.

OPERANT CONDITIONING : LEARNING THE CONSEQUENCES OF BEHAVIOUR • •

•

Learning also occurs through associating behaviour with its consequences. Thorndike discovered that the latency or rate of a behaviour can be increased by following it with positive consequences. He called this type of learning instrumental conditioning, which B. F. Skinner called operant conditioning. In operant conditioning, the organism is free to respond at any time, and conditioning is measured by the rate of responding. An operant is a response that has some effect on the world. A reinforcer increases the probability that the operant preceding it will occur again. There are two types of reinforcers: positive reinforcers, which are pleasant stimuli that strengthen a response if they are presented after that response occurs, and negative reinforcers, which are unpleasant stimuli that strengthen a response if

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they are removed following that response. Both kinds of reinforcers strengthen the behaviours that precede them. Escape conditioning results when behaviour terminates an aversive event. Avoidance conditioning results when behaviour prevents or avoids an aversive stimulus; it reflects both classical and operant conditioning. Behaviours learned through avoidance conditioning are highly resistant to extinction. Discriminative conditioned stimuli indicate whether reinforcement is available for a particular behaviour. Complex responses can be learned through shaping, which involves reinforcing successive approximations of the desired response. Primary reinforcers are innately rewarding; secondary reinforcers are rewards that people or animals learn to like because of their association with primary reinforcers. In general, operant conditioning proceeds more quickly when the delay in receiving

Chapter 4: Learning

in desirable activities, which may change from one situation to the next. Another possibility is that activity in the brain’s pleasure centres plays a role in reinforcement. The frequency of a behaviour can be decreased through punishment, in which the behaviour is followed either by an unpleasant stimulus or the removal of a pleasant stimulus. Punishment modifies behaviour but has several drawbacks, but in some instances may be the only option and can be effective if carefully used. The principles of operant conditioning have been used in many areas of life, including the teaching of everyday social skills, the treatment of sleep disorders, the development of self- control, and the improvement of classroom education.

reinforcement is short rather than long and when the reinforcer is large rather than small. • Reinforcement may be delivered through continuous reinforcement or one of four types of partial reinforcement (also called partial or intermittent reinforcement schedules): fixed- ratio (FR ) reinforcement, variable- ratio (VR ) reinforcement, fixed- interval ( FI) reinforcement and variable- interval ( VI) reinforcement. • Behaviour reinforced on intermittent schedules is very resistant to extinction; this phenomenon is called the partial •

reinforcement effect. Research suggests that reinforcers are rewarding because they provide an organism with the opportunity to engage

COGNITIVE PROCESSES IN LEARNING •

•

•

•

Cognitive processes - how people represent, store and use information - may play an important role in learning. Learned helplessness appears to result when people believe

The process of learning by watching others is called observational learning or social learning. Some observational learning occurs through vicarious experience, in which an individual is influenced by seeing or hearing about the consequences of others’ behaviour. Observational learning is more likely to occur when the person observed is rewarded for the observed behaviour. Observational learning is a powerful source of socialisation.

•

that their behaviour has no effect on the world. Humans and other animals display latent learning, learning that is not obvious at the time it occurs. They also form cognitive maps of their environments, even in the absence of any reinforcement for doing so. Experiments on insight also support the idea that cognitive processes and learned strategies play an important role in

learning, perhaps even by animals.

USING RESEARCH ON LEARNING TO HELP PEOPLE LEARN •

Research on how people learn has implications for improved teaching and for the development of a wide range of skills.

Observational learning, practice and corrective feedback play important roles in the learning of skills.

•

TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE Select the best answer for each of the following questions, then check your responses against the ‘Answer key’ at the end of the book. 1

2

it with the puff of air. Ralph will soon process of

In a classical conditioning experiment, a puff of air was blown into Ralph’s eye and he automatically blinked. The experimenter then began flashing a green light just before presenting the puff of air. After many pairings of the green light and the puff of air, Ralph began to blink as soon as the green light appeared, whether or not the air puff followed. In this experiment, the green light is the a

unconditioned stimulus

b

conditioned stimulus

c

conditioned response

d

unconditioned response

3

a

blink faster; reconditioning

b

stop blinking; extinction

c

blink slower; stimulus control

d

stop blinking; spontaneous recovery

After being bitten by a dog at a young age, Najla became fearful of all dogs. Now, when Najla sees a dog, her heart races and she feels like running away. Najla has developed

through

Suppose that the experimenter in the previous question continues presenting the green light but never again follows

a

habituation; operant

b

habituation; classical

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through the

conditioning.

Chapter 4: Learning

phobia; operant d a phobia; classical

c

a

4 Laverne lost control and ate an entire coconut cream pie. Later that day she got the flu, complete with nausea and vomiting. After this experience, Laverne associated coconut cream pie with being sick, and now she can’t even stand the smell of it. This is an example of which supports the concept of

7

stimulus discrimination

b

stimulus generalisation

c

negative reinforcement

d

shaping

a

escape conditioning; spontaneous recovery

When Jamie has washed the dinner dishes after five evening meals, his parents take him to the movies. Susan’s dad occasionally gives her a dollar after she washes the dinner dishes. Jamie is on a reinforcement schedule and Susan is on a schedule,

b

discriminative conditioning; biopreparedness

a

fixed interval; variable interval

c

taste

aversion; biopreparedness

b

fixed ratio; variable ratio

d

latent learning; spontaneous recovery

c

variable ratio; fixed interval

d

variable interval; fixed ratio

8

5 When baby Sally cries after being put to bed, her parents check to see that she is all right but otherwise they ignore her. After several evenings of this treatment, Sally’s bedtime crying stopped. This is an example of

6

a

a

extinction

b

habituation

c

higher -order conditioning

d

shaping

Loretta gets a backache every day, but if she sits in a hot bath the pain goes away. So she decides to take a hot bath every day. She has learned to do this through

9

,

Which of the following is a potential problem with using punishment to change behaviour? a

It can produce unwanted side effects,

b

Frequent punishment can teach children to behave aggressively.

c

It signals that inappropriate behaviour occurred but doesn’t indicate what should be done instead,

d

These are all potential problems with using

punishment. 10 When Kenzi got a flat tyre not far from campus, he walked down the street to a service station he drove by every day but had never visited. The fact that he immediately knew where it

a

positive reinforcement

b

negative reinforcement

c

stimulus discrimination

was illustrates

d

shaping

a

insight learning

b

observational learning

c

latent learning

d

vicarious learning

Craig wanted to teach his dog, JoJo, to sit up and beg using operant conditioning principles. He started by giving JoJo a treat when she was sitting. Next, he gave her a treat only if she was sitting and had raised one paw, and so on. This is an example of

TALKING POINTS Here are a few talking points to help you summarise this chapter for family and friends without giving a lecture.

1

If we could not learn from experience, we would have a hard time surviving life’s dangers or taking advantage of its

5 Some things, like food or shock, are innately rewarding or punishing, but the power of others, such as money or

opportunities. 2 Some learning involves associating events, as when a bell signals that class is over.

criticism, must be learned through experience. 6 Positive reinforcement occurs when a behaviour is

Some associations, such as between illness and tastes, form especially easily, and this ‘biopreparedness’is responsible for many food aversions. 4 Some learning is based on the rewards or punishments that follow our actions.

3

strengthened by some positive event, such as a reward. 7 Punishment and negative reinforcement are different. Negative reinforcement strengthens behaviour; punishment weakens it. 8 We can learn from our own experiences and also by watching what happens to other people.

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9

One reason that gambling or superstitious rituals are so difficult to give up is that they are rewarded on a random and unpredictable schedule.

10 Watching violent television or playing violent video games has been associated with aggressive behaviour, but further

research is needed to confirm that this correlation represents a cause - and - effiect relationship.

FURTHER READING Now that you have finished reading this chapter, how about exploring some of the topics and information that you found most interesting. Here are some places to start.

RECOMMENDED BOOKS Kieran Egan, The Educated Mind : How Cognitive Tools Shape Our Understanding (University of Chicago Press, 1997) - how children learn.

Martin Seligman, with Karen Reivich, Lisa Jaycox and Jane Gillham, The Optimistic Child (Harper Perennial, 1996) - the role of cognitive processes in learning and behaviour.

James Garbarino, Lost Boys: Why Our Sons Turn Violent and How We Can Save Them (Free Press, 1999) - the development of violence examined from several perspectives, including learning theories.

Laurence Steinberg, The Ten Basic Principles of Good Parenting (Simon & Schuster, 2004) learning- based parenting skills.

Martin Seligman, What You Can Change and What You Can’t : The Complete Guide to Successful Self-improvement ( Fawcett Books, 1995) - using learning principles for self-improvement.

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ANSWERS TO 'IN REVIEW ' AND 'TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE ' QUESTIONS Learning In review

Learning about stimuli 1 reduce; 2 neutral; 3 decrease Classical conditioning: learning signals and associations 1 generalisation; 2 biopreparedness; 3 spontaneous recovery Operant conditioning: learning the consequences of behaviour 1 negative; 2 discriminative conditioned; 3 ration, interval Cognitive processes in learning 1 reinforced; 2 learned helplessness, decrease; 3 imitation Test your knowledge 1b, 2b, 3 d, 4c, 5a, 6b, 7d, 8b, 9d, 10 c

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Chapter 5

HUMAN DEVELOPMENT Infancy, childhood, adolescence, adulthood and old age. These words can be read in seconds, but the stages they represent take a lifetime to play out. The story of development is different for each of us, but there are some common threads, too, and developmental psychologists are exploring them. In this chapter, we describe what they have discovered so far about how people change and grow over the course of their lives.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES On completion of this chapter, you should be able to:

11.1

describe the major influences in human development

11.2 outline the major theories of the cognitive development of children 11.3 describe the theories related to the social and emotional development of children

11.4 outline the major changes that occur in the developing adolescent 11.5 describe the developmental changes that occur in adulthood.

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY 1 What is the appropriate stimulation necessary for babies' normal cognitive and emotional development ? 2

When people feel like they are being watched, are they more likely to behave morally?

3 Does keeping mentally active and finding new challenges as we age keep us cognitively and psychologically flexible well into older adulthood ?

t CourseMateExpress

Bring your learning to life with interactive study and exam preparation tools that support your textbook. CourseMate Express includes quizzes, videos, concept maps and more.

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Chapter 5: Human Development

PSYCHOLOGICAL LITERACY AND GRADUATE ATTRIBUTES CGAs) In this chapter you are introduced to the topic of human development, specifically: (GA 1) Discipline knowledge and its application: This chapter introduces you to the major theories, methods and findings regarding the course and causes of developmental changes and differences that occur in human behaviour across the life span. (GA 2) Research methods: This chapter introduces a variety of research methods utilised in the study of human development. In particular, the use of more advanced and sensitive methodology has revealed that infants show evidence of ‘thinking’ much earlier than classic theories proposed. Similarly, the ‘ Focus on research methods’ section utilises sensitive methodology to determine whether very young children are capable of realising that other people have beliefs that are different from their own. (GA 3) Critical and creative thinking: The ‘ Thinking critically’ section considers whether the emotional development of young children who spend time in day care (rather than at home) is negatively affected.

In terms of GA4 (values and ethics) and GA6 (learning and application), we ask you whether, knowing something about the nature of human development after reading this chapter, you would challenge any of the following statements, rather than accepting them at face value: Prior to birth, foetuses cannot hear sounds. Access to the Internet retards cognitive development. Early childhood temperament predicts adult personality, indicating that personality is genetically determined and cannot be changed. In Western countries, children of authoritarian parents ( who are relatively strict and punitive) are usually the most successful in later life. Will you feel morally obliged to use your communication and interpersonal skills (GA5) to convince the person who made such statements that they need to rethink them, in light of what is known about human development? If that person is you, will you have the motivation to update your opinion or misconception in light of your new knowledge? These dispositions are a crucial component of psychological

literacy .

INTRODUCTION The Australian Institute of Criminology reports that young people aged between 15 and 19 years are Australia’s most dangerous, with violent crime being prevalent (2016). In March 2009, for example, three teenage boys aged 15 17, waving a machete and a tomahawk , ran riot at a western Sydney school, frightening students and staff. The teenagers smashed windows, noticeboards and a car while screaming the name of another male student, and as a result, the school went into lockdown . The boys were charged with malicious damage, being armed with intent to commit a serious indictable offence, stealing, assault and affray. Apparently, the attack was in retaliation for a failed relationship involving a relative of the boys. This type of violent attack is not unknown in Australia. In 1991 at a high school in Perth, a young female student was fatally stabbed by her boyfriend. In 2008, there was a similar incident to the one described above when a gang of five boys stormed into a high school in Sydney’s west and used a machete, a sword and baseball bats to cause over $26 000 in damage; the perpetrators, who were aged 14 17, were jailed for up to 16 months. In 2010 , a 13-year-old boy was charged with murder over a fatal stabbing at a Brisbane school. Furthermore, we are seeing that adolescent violent crime is not only situated in school contexts. On the night before Australia day in 2011, two teenagers broke into the home of 87-year-old Anne Redman. Ms Redman was savagely attacked with a knife and her neck was broken. Several months later, the teenagers were arrested , pleaded guilty, and were given 20-year non-parole sentences.

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CHAPTER OUTLINE Exploring human development • Infancy and •

childhood: cognitive

development • Infancy and childhood: social and emotional

development • •

Adolescence Adulthood

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Had these young people been rejected by their peers? Had they watched too much violence on television or played too many violent video games? Had they been victims of abuse and neglect? Were their parents too strict or not strict enough ? Did they come from ‘broken homes’ , or had they witnessed violence within their own families? Did they behave violendy because they were going through a difficult ‘stage’ , because they had not been taught right from wrong, because they wanted to impress their peers, because males are more aggressive in general, or because their brains were ‘defective’ ? Were they just ‘bad kids’ ? These are the kinds of questions that developmental psychologists try to answer. They investigate when certain behaviours first appear and how behaviours change with age. They explore how development in one area, such as thinking about moral issues, relates to development in other areas, such as aggressive behaviour. They look at whether most people develop at the same rate and, if not, whether slow starters ever catch up to early developers. They ask why some children become welladjusted and caring individuals whereas others become murderers, and why some adolescents go on to do postgraduate study at university while others never complete secondary school.They seek to explain how development throughout the life span is affected by both genetics and the environment, analysing the extent to which development is a product of what we arrive with at birth (our inherited , biological nature) and the extent to which it is a product of what the world provides (the nurture of the environment). Developmental psychology is concerned with the course and causes of the developmental changes that take place over a person’s entire lifetime (Heckhausen, Wrosch & Schulz, 2010). In this chapter, we examine many such changes. We begin by describing the physical and biological changes that occur from the moment of conception until birth. We discuss cognitive, social and emotional development during infancy and childhood. Next , we examine the changes and challenges that occur during adolescence. We conclude by considering the significant physical, intellectual and social changes that take place as people move through early, middle and late adulthood.

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developmental psychology the psychological specialty that documents the course of social, emotional, moral and intellectual development over the life span

11.1 EXPLORING HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

maturation natural growth or change that unfolds in a fixed sequence relatively independent of the environment

The question of whether development is the result of nature or nurture was the subject of philosophical debate centuries before psychologists began studying it scientifically. In essays published in the 1690s, the British philosopher John Locke argued for nurture. He believed that experiences provided by the environment during childhood have a profound and permanent effect. As mentioned in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’ , Locke thought of the newborn as a blank slate, or tabula rasa. Adults write on that slate, he said , as they teach children about the world and how to behave. Seventy years later, the French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau made the opposite argument. He claimed that children are capable of discovering how the world operates and how they should behave without instruction from adults. According to Rousseau, children should be allowed to grow as their natures dictate, with little guidance or pressure from parents. The first psychologist to systematically investigate the role of nature in behaviour was Arnold Gesell. In the early 1900s, Gesell observed many children of all ages. He found that their motor skills, such as those involved in standing and walking, picking up a cube and throwing a ball, developed in a fixed sequence of stages , as Figure 11.1 illustrates. The order of the stages and the age at which they develop, he suggested, are determined by nature and relatively unaffected by nurture. Only under extreme conditions , such as famine, war or poverty, he claimed , are children thrown off their biologically programmed timetable. Gesell used the term maturation to refer to this type of natural growth or change, which unfolds in a fixed sequence relatively independent of the environment. The broader term development encompasses not only maturation but also changes that are due to learning.

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FIGURE 11.1 Motor development

When did you start walking? The left end of each bar indicates the age at which 25 per cent of the infants tested were able to perform a particular behaviour; 50 per cent of the babies were performing the behaviour at the age indicated by the vertical line in the bars. The right end of each bar indicates the age at which 90 per cent could do so ( Frankenberg & Dodds, 1967). Although different infants, especially in different cultures, achieve milestones of motor development at slightly different ages, all infants - regardless of their ethnicity, social class or temperament - achieve them in the same order.

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Walks

Stands alone well

Walks holding onto furniture

Stands holding onto furniture

Sits without support

Bears some weight on legs

Age in months

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Design Pics /Kelly Redinger /Getty Images ; Elyse Lewin /The Image Bank /Getty Images; Mastering Microstock /Shutterstock; Liz Banfield/ Photolibrary /Getty Images ; Rayes / Digital Vision /Jupiterimages ; Ryan McVay /The Image Bank /Getty Images ; Blend Images - KidStock / Brand X Pictures /Getty Images

John B. Watson, founder of the behaviourist approach to psychology, disagreed with Gesell. He claimed that the environment, not nature, moulds and shapes development. His experiments with children left him convinced that we learn everything , from skills to fears. In his words, ‘there is no such thing as an inheritance of capacity, talent , temperament, mental constitution and characteristics. These things depend on training that goes on mainly in the cradle’ (Watson, 1925 , pp. 74— 5) . It was the Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget who first suggested that nature and nurture work together and that their influences are inseparable and interactive. Piaget had a lifelong interest in human intellectual and cognitive development. His ideas, presented in numerous books and articles published from the

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1920s until his death in 1980, influenced the field of developmental psychology more than those of any other person before or since.

Nature and nurture entwined The combined effects of nature and nurture are illustrated in this photo of male members of the Ablett family.

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Understanding genetic influence Guided by research in behavioural genetics (described in Chapter 2, ‘Research in psychology’ ) , most developmental psychologists now accept the idea that nature and nurture contribute jointly to development in two ways. First , they operate together to make all people similar in some respects. For example, we all achieve milestones of physical development in the same order and at roughly the same rate.This pattern is a result of the nature of biological maturation supported by the nurture of basic care, nutrition and exercise. Second, nature and nurture also both operate to make each person unique. The nature of inherited genes and the nurture of widely different family and cultural environments (as illustrated in the Snapshot ‘Nature and nurture entwined’ ) produce differences among individuals in such dimensions as athletic abilities, intelligence, language skills and personality (Brendgen et al., 2008; Ducci & Goldman, 2008; Gregory et al. , 2009; Haddad et al., 2008; Malouff, Rooke & Schutte, 2008; South & Krueger, 2008). Heredity creates predispositions that interact with environmental influences, including family and teachers, books and computers, and friends and random events (Caspi et al., 2002). It is this interaction that produces the developmental outcomes we see in individuals. So Michael Jordan, Shane Warne, Steve Smith, Ian Thorpe, Kieran Reid , Usain Bolt and Donald Trump differ from one another and from other men because of both their genes and their experiences.

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Genes and the environment how much nature and nurture contribute varies from one characteristic to another. Nature shapes some characteristics, such as physical size and appearance, so strongly that only extreme environmental conditions can affect them. Variation in height, for example, has been estimated to be 80 95 per cent genetic.This means that 80 95 per cent of the differences in height that we see among people are due to their genes. Less than 20 per cent of the differences are due to prenatal or postnatal diet or to early illness or other growth-stunting environmental factors. Nature’s influence on other characteristics, such as intelligence or personality, is not as strong. Complex traits such as these are influenced not only by genes but by many environmental factors as well. It is impossible for researchers to separate the influences that nature and nurture exert on such complex traits, partly because heredity and environment are correlated. For instance, highly intelligent biological parents give their children genes related to high intelligence, and typically provide a stimulating environment too. Heredity and environment also influence each other.The environment promotes or hampers the expression of an individual’s abilities, and those inherited abilities affect the individual’s environment. For example, a stimulating environment full of toys, books and lessons encourages children’s mental development and increases the chances that their full inherited intelligence will emerge. At the same time, more intelligent children seek out environments that are more stimulating, ask more questions, draw more attention from adults, and ultimately learn more from these experiences.

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Prenatal development

zygote a new fertilised

cell, formed from a father’s sperm and a mother’s ovum

Nowhere are the intertwined effects of nature and nurture clearer than in the womb, as a single fertilised egg becomes a functioning infant. The process of development begins when sperm from the father-to-be penetrates, or fertilises, the ovum of the mother-to-be, and a brand-new cell, called a zygote , is formed. This new fertilised cell carries a genetic heritage from both mother and father (see the online Chapter 19, ‘Behavioural genetics’ ) . custom page

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Stages of prenatal development

embryo the developing

In the first stage of prenatal development , called the germinal stage , the zygote divides into many more cells, which by the end of the second week have formed an embryo. What follows is the embryonic stage of development , during which the embryo develops a heart, nervous system, stomach, oesophagus, and ovaries or testes. By two months after conception, when the embryonic stage ends, the 2.5-centimetre-long embryo has developed eyes, ears, a nose, a jaw, a mouth and bps. The tiny arms have elbows, hands and stubby fingers; the legs have knees, ankles and toes. During the remaining seven-month period until birth, called the foetal stage of prenatal development , the organs grow and start to function. By the end of the third month, the foetus can kick, make a fist, turn its head, open its mouth, swallow and frown (see the Snapshot ‘A foetus at 12 weeks’) . In the sixth month, the eyelids, which have been sealed, open.The foetus now has taste buds and a well-developed grasp and , if born prematurely, can breathe regularly for as long as 24 hours at a time. By the end of the seventh month, the organ systems, though immature, are all functional. In the eighth and ninth months, foetuses respond to light and touch, and they can hear sounds. They can remember a particular sound that they had heard a month earlier (Dirix et al., 2009) , and when they hear an unpleasant sound, they may respond with movements that are just like those of a crying newborn (Gingras, Mitchell & Grattan, 2005) . They can also learn. When they hear their mother’s familiar voice, their heart beats a little faster, but it slows if they hear a stranger (Kisilevsky et al., 2003) .

Prenatal risks Nature determines the timing and stages of prenatal development , but that development is also affected by the nurture provided in the womb. During prenatal development, a spongy organ called the placenta forms from the outside layer of the zygote and attaches itself to the mother’s uterus through an umbilical cord. (The cord is detached at birth, but you can see where yours was by looking at your navel.) The placenta sends nutrients from the mother to the foetus and carries away wastes. It also screens out many potentially harmful substances, including most bacteria. This screening is imperfect, however: gases and viruses, as well as nicotine, alcohol and other drugs, can pass through. Severe damage can occur if the baby’s mother takes certain drugs, is exposed to toxic substances, or has certain illnesses while organs are forming in the embryonic stage (Koger, Schetder & Weiss, 2005) . Harmful external substances that invade the womb and result in birth defects are called teratogens. Teratogens are especially damaging during the embryonic stage, because it is a critical period in prenatal development, a time when certain kinds of growth must occur if the infant’s development is to proceed normally. If the heart, eyes, ears, hands and feet do not appear during this period , they cannot form later on . If they form incorrectly, the defects are permanent. So even before a mother knows she is pregnant , she may accidentally damage her infant by exposing it to teratogens. For example, a baby whose mother has rubella (German measles) during the third or fourth week after conception has a 50 per cent chance of being blind , deaf or intellectually disabled , or of having a malformed heart. If the mother has rubella later in the pregnancy, after the infant’s eyes , ears, brain and heart have formed , the likelihood that the baby will have one of these defects is much lower. Later, during the foetal stage, teratogens affect the baby’s size, behaviour, intelligence and health , rather than the formation of organs and limbs.

Effects of drugs Of special concern today are the effects of drugs on infants’ development (for example, Behnke et al. , 2013; Eroglu et al. , 2008; Forcelli & Heinrichs, 2008; Jones, 2006; Paul, Logan & Krishnan, 2014; Viteri et al., 2015; Weiss, Saint Jonn-Seed & Harris-Muchell, 2007) . Pregnant women who

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individual from the 14th day after fertilisation until the end of the second month after conception

foetus the developing individual from the third month after conception until birth

A foetus at 12 weeks At this point in prenatal development, the foetus can kick its legs, curl its toes, make a fist, turn its head, squint, open its mouth, swallow and take a few ‘breaths’ of amniotic fluid.

teratogens harmful substances that can cause birth defects

critical period an interval during which certain kinds of growth must occur if development is to proceed normally

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use substances such as cocaine create a substantial risk for their foetuses, which do not yet have the enzymes necessary to break down the drugs. ‘Cocaine babies’ or ‘crack babies’ may be born premature, underweight , tense, fussy and less likely than other infants to interact smoothly with their mothers (Sutter et al., 2014; Tronick et al., 2005) .They may also suffer delayed physical growth and motor development (Richardson, Goldschmidt & Larkby, 2007) and are more likely to have behavioural and learning problems (Bada et al., 2007; Singer et al., 2001; Singer et al., 2002; TanLaxa et al. , 2004) .They may display slower than normal cognitive processing, too (Mayes et al. , 2005; Nygaard et al., 2015), but other aspects of their cognitive abilities are not necessarily different from those of any baby born into an impoverished environment (Behnke et al., 2013; Frank et al., 2001; Jones, 2006) . How well these children ultimately do in school depends on how supportive that environment turns out to be (Ackerman, Riggins & Black, 2010; Bennett , Bendersky & Lewis, 2008; Messinger et al. , 2004; Singer et al., 2004) .

foetal alcohol syndrome a pattern of physical and

Alcohol is another dangerous teratogen because it interferes with infants’ brain development (Sayal et al., 2009) . Almost half the children born to expectant mothers who abuse alcohol will develop foetal alcohol syndrome, a pattern of defects that includes intellectual disability and malformations of the face (Jenkins & Culbertson, 1996). Pregnant women who drink as little as a glass or two of wine a day can harm their infants’ intellectual functioning (Willford , Leech & Day, 2006). Those who engage in bouts of heavy drinking triple the odds that their child will develop alcohol-related problems by the age of 21 (Baer et al., 2003; Landgren et al., 2010; Rangmar et al. , 2015) .The effects of prenatal exposure to alcohol can be even more severe when combined with the effects of other environmental toxins , such as air pollution (Mancinelli , Binetti & Ceccanti, 2007) .

mental defects found in babies born to women who abused alcohol during pregnancy

A rare multiple birth When Nadya Suleman delivered eight babies on 26 January 2009, it was only the

Effects of alcohol

Effects of nicotine Smoking, too, can affect the developing foetus.Smokers’ babies often suffer from respiratory problems, irritability and social and attention problems, and they are at greater risk of nicotine addiction in adolescence and adulthood (Buka, Shenassa & Niaura, 2003; Linnet et al., 2005; Stroud et al., 2009; Stephan-Blanchard et al., 2010; Wakschlag et al., 2006) . Worse, they may be born prematurely, and they are usually underweight. Babies who are premature or underweight for whatever reason, as seen in the Snapshot ‘A rare multiple birth’ are likely to have cognitive and behavioural problems that continue throughout their lives (Bhutta et al., 2002; Ginzel et al. , 2007; Jefferis, Power & Hertzman, 2002; Knopik, 2016).

second

time that octuplets have been known to survive for more than a few hours The infants remained at severe risk for a considerable time, though, because

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they were premature and underweight (the heaviest weighed less than 1.5 kilograms, and the lightest, only

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700 grams)

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Defects caused by teratogens are most likely when a genetically susceptible infant receives a strong dose of a damaging substance during a critical period of prenatal development. The risk of behavioural and psychological difficulties in later life is also increased for children whose mothers were under significant stress (Huizink , Mulder & Buitelaar, 2004; Khashan et al. , 2008; O’ Connor et al., 2005; Van den Bergh & Marcoen, 2004) , were depressed (Diego, Field & Hernandez-Reif, 2005) or developed the flu during the first six months of pregnancy (Brown et al., 2005) . However, milder degrees of maternal anxiety or depression during pregnancy may actually advance maturation of the foetus (DiPietro et al., 2006). Fortunately, mental or physical problems resulting from all harmful prenatal factors affect fewer than 10 per cent of the babies born in Western nations. Mechanisms built into the human organism maintain normal development under all but the most adverse conditions. The vast majority of foetuses arrive at the end of their nine-month gestation averaging a healthy 3 kilograms and ready to continue a normal course of development in the world.

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The newborn

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Determining what newborns are able to see, hear and do is one of the most fascinating and frustrating research challenges in developmental psychology. Young infants are very difficult to study. About 70 per cent of the time, they are asleep.When they aren’t sleeping, they may be drowsy, crying or restlessly moving about. It is only when they are in a state of quiet alertness, which occurs infrequently and only for a few minutes at a time, that researchers can assess infants’ abilities. During these brief periods, psychologists present sounds or show objects or pictures and watch where infants look and for how long.They film the infants’ eye movements and record changes in their heart rates, sucking rates, brain waves, body movements and skin conductance (a measure of perspiration associated with emotion) to learn what infants can see and hear (Kellman & Arterberry, 2006).

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Vision and other senses For a newborn, the impact of the development of aspects of sense such as vision, hearing and smell is central to the developing psychology of each individual.

Vision Infants can see at birth, but their vision is blurry, as illustrated in the Snapshot ‘A baby’s-eye view of the world’. Researchers estimate that newborns have 20 / 300 eyesight. In other words, an object 20 feet (6 metres) away looks as clear as it would if viewed from 300 feet (91 metres) by an adult with normal vision.The reason infants’ vision is so limited is that their eyes and brains still need time to grow and develop. Newborns’ eyes are smaller than those of adults , and the cells in their foveas the area of each retina on which images are focused are fewer and far less sensitive. Their eye movements are slow and jerky. Pathways connecting the eyes to the brain are still inefficient , as is the processing of visual information within the brain. Although infants cannot see small objects on the other side of the room , they are able to see large objects close up. They stare longest at objects that have large visible elements, movement , clear contours and a lot of contrast between lighter and darker areas all qualities that exist in the human face ( Farroni et al., 2005). In fact , from the time they are born, infants will shift their gaze to track a moving face, and they stare at a human face longer than at other figures (Johnson et al., 1991; Valenza et al., 1996). They are particularly interested in the eyes , as shown by their preference for faces that are looking directly at them (Farroni et al. , 2002) . They also experience a certain degree of size constancy .This means that objects appear to be the same size despite changes in the size of their image on the eye’s retina (see Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception’) . So a baby perceives the mother’s face as remaining about the same size whether she is looking over the edge of the crib or coming close enough to kiss the baby’s cheek. By the time they are four months old, infants can categorise objects according to their shape (Farran & Brown, 2006) , but they do not experience depth perception until sometime later. It takes about seven months before they begin to use the pictorial cues about depth described in Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception’ .

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A baby's eye view of the world The top photograph simulates what the mother in the bottom photograph looks like to her newborn infant. Although their vision is blurry, infants

particularly seem to enjoy looking at faces. As mentioned in Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception’, their eyes will follow a moving face- like image, and they will stare at a human face longer than at other figures.

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Hearing The course of development for hearing is similar to that of vision. Infants at birth are not deaf, but they hear poorly; their hearing is not as sharp as that of adults until well into childhood. However, even at two or three days of age, they can hear soft voices and notice the difference between tones about one note apart on the musical scale; they also turn their heads towards sounds (Clifton, 1992). Their hearing is particularly attuned to the sounds of speech. When they hear voices, babies open their eyes wider and look for the speaker. By four months of age, they can discriminate differences

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From Nelson, C. A. (1987). The recognition of facial expressions in the first two years of life: Mechanisms of development . Child Development, 58, 889 - 909.

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Reflexes in the newborn When a finger is pressed into a newborn’s palm, the grasping reflex causes the infant to hold on tightly enough to suspend its entire weight. And when a newborn is held upright over a flat surface, the stepping

reflex leads to walking

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movements

among almost all of the phonetic contrasts in adult languages (Hespos & Spelke, 2004). Infants also prefer certain kinds of speech. They like rising tones spoken by women or children, and they like speech that is high-pitched , exaggerated and expressive. In other words, they like to hear the ‘baby talk’ used by most adults when they talk to babies. They even seem to learn language faster when they hear ‘baby talk’ (Thiessen, Hill & Saffran, 2005) .

Smell Newborns’ sense of smell is similar to that of adults, but again, less well developed. Certain smells and tastes appeal to them more than others. For instance, they like the smell of flowers and the taste of sweet drinks (Ganchrow, Steiner & Daher, 1983) , but they dislike the smell of ammonia (in wet nappies) . They like the odour of their own mother’s breast and breast milk when they smell these odours, they cry less, open their eyes and try to suck (Doucet et al. , 2007) . They also develop preferences for the food flavours consumed by their mothers (Mennella & Beauchamp, 1996) .

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Impact of senses on development Although limited , these sensory abilities are important for survival and development because they focus the infant’s attention on the caregiver and draw the caregiver into interaction with the infant. Newborns’ attraction to the sweet smell and taste of mother’s milk helps them locate appropriate food and identify their caregiver. Their sensitivity to speech allows them to focus on language and encourages the caregiver to talk to them. Because infants’ vision is limited to the distance at which most interaction with a caregiver takes place, and is attuned to the special qualities of faces, the caregiver’s face is especially noticeable to them. Accordingly, infants are exposed to emotional expressions and come to recognise the caregiver by sight, further encouraging the caregiver to interact.

Reflexes and motor skills reflexes simple, involuntary, unlearned behaviours directed by the spinal cord without instructions from the brain

In the first few weeks and months after birth, babies demonstrate involuntary, unlearned motor behaviours called reflexes.These are swift , automatic movements that occur in response to external stimuli. The Snapshot ‘Reflexes in the newborn’ illustrates the grasping reflex , one of more than 20 reflexes that have been observed in newborn infants. Another is the rooting reflex , which causes the infant to turn its mouth towards a nipple (or anything else) that touches its cheek.The sucking reflex causes the newborn to suck on anything that touches its bps. Many of these reflexes evolved because, like seeing and hearing, they were important for infants’ survival. But infants’ behaviour doesn’t remain under the control of these reflexes for long. Most reflexes disappear after the first three or four months, when infants’ brain development allows them to control their muscles voluntarily. At that point, infants can develop motor skills , so they are soon able to roll over, sit up, crawl, stand , and by about the end of the year, walk (see Figure 11.1) .

Influences on motor skill development Until a few years ago, most developmental psychologists accepted Gesell’s view that , barring extreme environmental conditions, these motor abilities occur spontaneously as the central nervous system and muscles mature. It turns out , though, that maturation does not tell the whole story, even in normal environments (Thelen, 1995). Experience matters too. Consider the fact that many babies today aren’t learning to crawl on time or at all. Why? One reason has to do with the ‘back to sleep’ and ‘SIDS’ campaigns launched all around the world in an effort to prevent sudden infant death syndrome (see Chapter 8, ‘Consciousness’).This public health campaign urged parents to put babies to sleep on their backs rather than face-down. The campaign was successful, but researchers

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discovered that many babies who were never placed on their tummies went directly from sitting to toddling, skipping the crawling stage but reaching all other motor milestones on schedule (Kolata & Markel, 2001) . A related result followed the ‘prone to play’ campaign. Parents were advised to place their babies in a prone (face-down) position when awake to encourage play and learning. Babies of parents who followed this advice showed earlier than expected skill at rolling, crawling on their abdomens, and crawling on all fours (Kuo et al., 2008) . What role does culture play? When we look at the international rates of SIDS, we find very interesting differences. While the incidence of SIDS decreased overall from the 1990s to 2005 in Australia, it decreased by 82 per cent; in New Zealand, by 72 per cent; in Germany, by 70 per cent; in Japan, by 47 per cent there are still differences between countries and within them. In Australia, SIDS deaths in 2013 were 0.2 per 1000 births (SIDS and Kids, 2015). The nations that have the highest incidence of SIDS are the United States and New Zealand: 0.5 in 1000 live births (Hauck & Tanabe, 2008). In New Zealand, the rate of SIDS in Maori children is five times higher than in nonMaori children (Oakley Browne et al., 2006) . Reasons for the differences could have something to do with different cultural traditions , such as bed sharing (Mitchell & Tipene-Leach, 1996) , or they could be related to the structural disadvantages of minority groups. Furthermore, skills such as crawling don’t just suddenly appear. It takes the development of enough muscle strength to support the abdomen and some active experimentation to get the job done. Six infants in one observational study first tried various crawling techniques moving backward , moving one limb at a time, using the arms only, and so on (Freedland & Bertenthal, 1994). It was only after a week or two of trial and error that all six arrived at the same method: moving diagonal limbs (right arm and left leg, left arm and right leg) together.This pattern turned out to be the most efficient way of getting around quickly without tipping over. Such observations suggest that as maturation increases infants’ strength, they try out motor patterns and select the ones that work best ( Nelson, 1999) . Motor development results from a combination of maturation and experience. It is not the result of an entirely automatic sequence genetically etched in the brain.Yet again, we see that nature and nurture influence each other. The brain controls developing behaviour, but its own development is affected by experience, including efforts to build motor skills.

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IN REVIEW Exploring human development ASPECTS

Important concepts

Prenatal development (stages)

Prenatal risks

DESCRIPTION Maturation is the term used for growth and change. Development encompasses maturation and learning. Nature of maturation means we all achieve milestones of physical development in the same order and at the same rate. Nurture refers to basic care, nutrition and exercise. In behavioural genetics , both nature and nurture operate to make each person unique.

Zygote - a fertilised cell (germinal stage) Embryo - end of the second week, starts developing human organs Foetus - months 2-9, human organs develop. End of month 7, organ system functional Drugs, alcohol, smoking, stress Teratogens are harmful external substances that invade the womb and result in birth defects. >>>

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ASPECTS

Newborns

DESCRIPTION Vision - blurry, clear vision at 6 metres; at seven months they have depth perception Hearing - at first soft tones; at four months can discriminate tones Smell - similar to adults, just less developed More than 20 different kinds of reflexes (unlearned motor behaviours), such as grasping and

sucking.

Check your understanding is to nature what is to nurture. 1 The theorist 2 is a pattern of defects that includes intellectual disability and malformation of the face. 3 Most reflexes disappear after the when infants’ brain development allows them to control their muscles voluntarily.

11.2 INFANCY AND CHILDHOOD : COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT In just 10 years or so, the tiny infant becomes a competent child who can read a book, write a poem and argue for a new computer. Researchers who study cognitive development explore the dramatic shifts in thinking, knowing and remembering that occur between early infancy and later childhood.

Changes in the brain One factor that underlies the cognitive leaps of infancy and childhood is the continued growth and development of the brain.When infants are born, they already have a full quota of brain cells, but the neural networks connecting the cells are immature. With time, the connections grow increasingly complex and then, with pruning, more efficient. Studies reveal how, as different regions of the brain develop more complex and efficient neural networks, new cognitive abilities appear ( Nelson, Thomas & de Haan, 2006) . In the first few months of infancy, the cerebellum is the most mature area of the brain. Its early maturation allows infants to display simple associative abilities, such as sucking more when they see their mother’s face or hear her voice. Between six and 12 months of age, neurological development in the medial temporal lobe of the cerebral cortex makes it possible for infants to remember and imitate an action they have seen earlier, or to recognise a picture of an object they have never seen but have held in their hands. Neurological development in the frontal cortex, which occurs later in childhood , allows for the development of higher cognitive functions such as reasoning. In other words, brain structures provide the ‘hardware’ for cognitive development. How does the ‘software’ of thinking develop, and how does it modify the ‘wiring’ of the brain’s ‘hardware’ ? These questions have been pondered by many developmental psychologists, beginning with Piaget.

The development of knowledge: Piaget’s theory Piaget dedicated his life to a search for the origins of intelligence in infancy and the factors that lead to changes in knowledge over the life span. He was the first to chart the fascinating journey from the simple reflexes of the newborn to the complex understandings of the adolescent. Piaget’s theory was not correct in every respect later, we discuss some of its weaknesses but his ideas about cognitive development were extremely influential.

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Piaget proposed that cognitive development proceeds through a series of distinct periods or stages (see Table 11.1). He believed that all children’s thinking goes through the same stages, in the same order, without skipping building on previous stages and then moving to higher ones. According to Piaget , the thinking of infants is different from the thinking of children , and the thinking of children is different from that of adolescents. He concluded that children are not just miniature adults and that they are not less intelligent than adults. They just think differently. Entering each stage involves a qualitative change from the previous stage, much as a caterpillar is transformed into a butterfly. What drives children to higher stages is their constant struggle to make sense of their experiences. They are active thinkers who are always trying to construct more advanced understandings of the world.

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TABLE 11.1 Piaget’s periods of cognitive development

According to Piaget, a predictable set of features characterises each period of a child’s cognitive development. The ages associated with the stages are approximate; Piaget realised that some children move through the stages slightly faster or slower than others. Period Sensorimotor Birth -2 years

Activities and achievements Infants discover aspects of the world through their sensory impressions, motor activities and coordination of the two. They learn to differentiate themselves from the external world. They learn that objects exist even when they are not visible and that objects are independent of the infant’s own actions. They gain some appreciation of cause and effect.

Preoperational 2- 4 years

Children cannot yet manipulate and transform information in logical ways, but they now can think in images and symbols.

They become able to represent something with something else, acquire language, and play games that involve pretending. Intelligence at this stage is said to be intuitive because children cannot make general, logical statements. Concrete operational 7-11 years Children can understand logical principles that apply to concrete external objects. They can appreciate that certain properties of an object remain the same despite changes in appearance, and they can sort objects into categories. They can appreciate the perspective of another viewer. They can think about two concepts, such as ‘longer’and ‘wider’, at the same time. Formal operational Over 11 years Only adolescents and adults can think logically about abstractions, can speculate and can consider what might be or what ought to be. They can work in probabilities and possibilities. They can imagine other worlds, especially ideal ones. They can reason about purely verbal or logical statements. They can relate any element or statement to any other, manipulate variables in a scientific experiment, and deal with proportions and analogies. They reflect on their own activity of thinking. 4-7 years

Building blocks of development To explain how infants and children move to ever-higher stages of understanding and knowledge, Piaget used the concept of schemas. As noted in Chapter 4 (‘Sensation and perception’ ) , Chapter 6 (‘Memory’ ) and Chapter 7 (‘Cognition and language’ ) , schemas are the generalisations that form as people experience the world. Schemas organise past experiences and provide a framework for understanding future experiences. Piaget saw schemas as organised patterns of action or thought that children construct as they adapt to the environment; they are the basic units of knowledge,

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schemas mental representations (generalisations) of categories of objects, events and people

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the building blocks of intellectual development. Schemas, he said, can involve behaviours (such as sucking on a finger or tying shoelaces), mental symbols (including words and images) or mental activities (for example, doing arithmetic ‘in our head’ or imagining actions) . At first , infants form simple schemas. For example, a ‘sucking schema’ consolidates their experiences of sucking into images of what objects can be sucked on (bottles , fingers, pacifiers) and what kinds of sucking can be done (soft and slow, speedy and vigorous) . Later, children form more complex schemas, such as a schema for tying a knot or making a bed. Still later, adolescents form schemas about what it is to be in love.

Assimilation and accommodation assimilation the process of trying out existing schemas on objects that fit those schemas

accommodation the process of modifying schemas when familiar schemas do not work

Two related processes guide the development of schemas: assimilation and accommodation. In the process of assimilation, infants and children take in information about new objects by using existing schemas that will fit the new objects. So when an infant boy is given a new toy, he will suck on it, assimilating it into the sucking schema he has developed with his bottle and pacifier. In the same way, a toddler who sees a butterfly for the first time may assimilate it into her ‘birdie’ schema because, like a bird , it’s colourful and it flies. When an older child encounters a large dog, she will assimilate this new experience in a way that depends on her existing schema of dogs. If she has had positive experiences with a friendly family pet , she will expect the dog to behave the same, and she will greet it happily. If she has been frightened by dogs in the past , she may have a negative schema and react to this new dog with fear. In other words , past experiences affect what and how children think about new ones. Like Cinderella’s stepsisters trying to squeeze their oversized feet into the glass slipper, children sometimes distort information about a new object to make it fit their existing schema. When squeezing won’t work, though, they are forced to change, or accommodate, their schema to the new object. In accommodation , children find that a familiar schema cannot be made to fit a new object , and so they change the schema (see Figure 11.2) . So when that infant boy discovers that his new toy squeaks when it is squeezed, he accommodates his sucking schema and starts biting on the toy. And if the child with the positive ‘doggie’ schema meets a snarling stray, she discovers that her original schema does not extend to all dogs, and she refines it to distinguish between friendly dogs and aggressive ones. Through assimilation and accommodation, said Piaget, we build our knowledge of the world, block by block.

FIGURE 11.2 Accommodation As the bars of the playpen are in the way, this child discovers that her schema for grasping and pulling objects towards her will not work. She then adjusts, or accommodates, her schema in order to achieve her goal.

George S. Zimbel (2010 )

sensorimotor stage the first of Piaget’s stages of

cognitive development, when the infant’s mental activity is confined to sensory perception and motor skills

Sensorimotor development Piaget called the first stage of cognitive development the sensorimotor stage because, he claimed, the infant’s mental activity and schemas are confined to sensory functions, such as seeing and hearing, and motor skills, such as grasping and sucking. According to Piaget , during this stage, infants can form schemas only of objects and actions that are present things they can see, hear or touch . They

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cannot think about absent objects because they cannot act on them . For infants, then , thinking is

doing. They do not lie in the crib thinking about their mother or their teddy bear because they are not yet able to form schemas that are mental representations of objects and actions. The sensorimotor period ends when infants can form mental representations. Now they can think about objects and actions even while the objects are not visible or the actions are not occurring. One sign that children have reached this milestone is their ability to find a hidden object. This behaviour was of particular interest to Piaget because for him it reflected infants’ knowledge that they don’t have to look at , touch or suck an object to know that it exists.They know it exists even when it’s out of sight. Piaget called this knowledge object permanence. Before they acquire knowledge of object permanence, infants do not search for objects that are placed out of their sight. They act as if out of sight is literally out of mind. The first evidence of developing object permanence appears when infants are four to eight months old.At this age, for the first time, they recognise a familiar object even if part of it is hidden. They know it’s their bottle even if they can see only the nipple peeking out from under the blanket. In Piaget’s view, infants now have some primitive mental representation of objects. If an object is completely hidden, however, they will not search for it. Several months later, infants will search briefly for a hidden object , but their search is random and ineffective. Not until they are 18 to 24 months old, Piaget found, did infants look for an object in places other than where they saw it last , sometimes in a completely new place. According to Piaget , infants’ concept of the object as permanent is now fully developed.

object permanence the knowledge that objects exist even when they are not in view

Preoperational development According to Piaget, the sensorimotor stage of development is followed by the preoperational stage. During the first half of this stage, from about ages two to four, children begin to understand , create and use symbols (words, images and objects) to represent things that are not present.This ability opens up a new world for them.As described in Chapter 7,‘Cognition and language’ , these youngsters now begin to use words to stand for objects: Mummy, cup, me.They are able to play ‘pretend’ .They make their fingers ‘walk’ or ‘shoot’ and use a spoon to make a bridge. By the age of three or four, children can symbolise complex roles and events as they play ‘house’ ,‘doctor’ or ‘superhero’.They can also use drawing in a symbolic way: pointing to their scribble, they might say, ‘This is Mummy and Daddy and me going for a walk’. During the second half of the preoperational stage, 4— 7-year-olds begin to make intuitive guesses about the world as they try to figure out how things work. Piaget observed , though, that they cannot at first tell the difference between imagination and reality. For example, they might claim that dreams are real and take place outside of themselves as ‘pictures on the window’ or ‘a circus in my room’.They believe that inanimate objects are alive and have intentions, feelings and consciousness, a belief called animism:‘Clouds go slowly because they have no legs’ and ‘Empty cars feel lonely’.They are also highly egocentric, meaning that they appear to believe that the way things look to them is also how they look to everyone else. (This helps explain why they may stand between you and the TV screen and assume you can still see it , or ask, ‘What’s this?’ as they look at a picture book in the back seat of the car you’re driving.)

preoperational stage according to Piaget, the second stage of cognitive development, during which children begin to use symbols to represent things that are not present

Development of conservation Children’s thinking is so dominated by what they can see and touch for themselves, Piaget said , that they do not realise that something is the same if its appearance changes. These children do not yet have what Piaget called conservation , the ability to recognise that important properties of a substance or object including its volume, weight and species remain constant despite changes in its shape. In a test of conservation, Piaget first showed children equal amounts of water in two identical containers. He then poured water from one of the containers into a tall, thin glass and the other into a short, wide glass and asked whether one glass contained more water than the other. Children at the

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conservation the ability to recognise that

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important properties of a substance remain constant despite changes in shape,

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preoperational stage of development said that one glass (usually the taller one) contained more.Their conclusion was dominated by the evidence of their eyes. If the glass looked bigger, they thought it contained more. In other words, they did not understand the logical concepts of reversibility (you just poured the water from one container to another, so you can pour it back , and it will still be the same amount) or complementarity (one glass is taller but also narrower; the other is shorter but also wider). Piaget named this stage preoperational because children at this stage do not yet understand logical mental operations such as these (see the Snapshot ‘Testing for conservation’ ) .

Testing for conservation TRY THIS \ If you know a child who is between the ages of four and seven years, get parental permission to test the child for what Piaget called conservation Show the child two identical lumps of clay or playdough and ask which lump is bigger The child will probably say they are the same. Now roll one lump into a long ‘ rope’ and again ask which lump is bigger If the child says that they are still the same, this is evidence of conservation If the longer one is seen as bigger, conservation has not yet developed - at least not for this task The older the child, the more likely it is that conservation will appear, but some children display conservation much earlier than Piaget thought was possible

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Concrete and formal operational thought concrete operations according to Piaget, the third stage of cognitive development, during which children’s thinking is no longer dominated by visual appearances

formal operational stage according to Piaget, the fourth stage in cognitive

development, usually beginning around age 11, when abstract thinking first appears

Sometime around the age of six or seven years, Piaget observed , children develop the ability to conserve number and amount. When this happens, they enter what Piaget called the stage of concrete operations. Now, he said , they can count , measure, add and subtract. Their thinking is no longer dominated by the appearance of things. They can use simple logic and perform simple mental manipulations and mental operations on things.They can also sort objects into classes (such as tools, fruit and vehicles) or series (such as largest to smallest). Still, concrete operational children can perform their logical operations only on real, concrete objects sticks and glasses, tools and fruit not on abstract concepts such as justice and freedom.They can reason about what is but not yet about what is possible.The ability to think logically about abstract ideas, according to Piaget , comes in the next stage of cognitive development as children enter adolescence. This new period is called the formal operational stage, and it is marked by the ability to engage in hypothetical thinking, including the imagining of logical consequences, as depicted in the Snapshot ‘Thinking about the future’. For example, adolescents who have reached this level can consider various strategies for finding a part-time job and recognise that some methods are more likely to succeed than others.They can form general concepts and understand the impact of the past on the present and the present on the future. They can question social institutions; think about the world as it might be and ought to be; and consider the consequences and complexities of love, work, politics and religion. They can think logically and systematically about symbols and propositions. Piaget explored adolescents’ formal operational abilities by asking them to perform science experiments that involved forming and investigating hypotheses. Research indicates that only about half the people in Western cultures ever reach the formal operational level necessary to succeed in Piaget’s experiments (Kuhn & Franklin, 2006) . People who have not studied science and maths at a high school level are less likely to do well in those experiments (Keating, 1990) . In adulthood, people are more likely to use formal operations for problems based on their own occupations; this is one reason that people who think logically at work may still become victims of a home repair or investment scam (Cialdini, 2001) .

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Modifying Piaget’s theory Piaget was right in pointing out that there are significant shifts with age in childrens thinking and that thinking becomes more systematic, consistent and integrated as children get older. His idea that children are active explorers and constructors of knowledge has been absorbed into contemporary ways of thinking about childhood , and his work has inspired many other psychologists to test his findings and theory with experiments of their own. The results of these experiments suggest that Piaget’s theory needs some modification.

New views of infants’ cognitive development Psychologists have found new ways of measuring what is going on in infants’ minds. They use infrared photography to record infants’ eye movements, time-lapse photography to detect slight hand movements, special equipment to measure infants’ sucking rates, and computer technology to track and analyse it all.Their research shows that infants know a lot more, and know it sooner, than Piaget thought they did (Onishi & Baillargeon, 2005) .

Thinking about the future Once they have

reached the formal operational stage, many young people become involved in politics because for the first time they can think about the consequences of

differing approaches to government

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which approach

might support their emerging ideals.

Infant cognition Infants are not just sensing and moving during the sensorimotor period; they are already thinking as well (Saxe, Tzelnic & Carey, 2007; Sobel & Kirkham , 2006). They are not merely experiencing isolated sights and sounds but are combining these experiences (Vouloumanos et al., 2009) . Infants can remember, too. Babies as young as two to three months of age can recall a particular mobile that was hung over their cribs a few days before (Rovee-Collier, 1999; see Figure 11.3) . When they are a year old, infants can also solve simple problems, such as how to use a litde ‘bridge’ to leave a raised platform in a laboratory (Berger & Adolph, 2003).The infants thought ahead and worked out a plan of attack . Infants even seem to have a primitive understanding of some principles of physics, including gravity. For example, Renee Baillargeon (1994, 2002) found that 3-month-olds expected a box to fall if it was pushed off a platform, and they acted surprised if it didn’t. Six-month-olds knew that a box could balance on a platform if most of it was on the platform.

FIGURE 11.3 Infant memory This three - monthold infant learned to move a mobile by kicking her left foot, which is tied to the mobile with a ribbon Even a month later, the baby showed recognition of this

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Cognition's role in object permanence Young babies even seem to have a sense of object permanence. Piaget had required infants to demonstrate object permanence by making effortful movements , such as removing a cover that had been placed over a hidden object. Researchers now recognise that finding a hidden object under a cover requires several abilities: mentally representing the hidden object, figuring out where it might be, and pulling off the cover. Piaget’s tests did not allow for the possibility that infants know a hidden object still exists but do not have adequate strategies for finding it or memory skills for remembering it while they search. When researchers create situations in which infants merely have to stare to indicate that they know where an object is hidden, even infants under the age of one year have demonstrated this cognitive ability, especially when the object is a familiar one (Baillargeon, 2008; Bertenthal, Longo & Kenny, 2007; Hespos & Baillargeon, 2001; Keen & Berthier, 2004; Shinskey & Munakata , 2005). So developmental psychologists now generally agree that infants develop some mental representations earlier than Piaget suggested.

particular mobile by kicking more vigorously when she saw it than

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New views of developmental stages Researchers have also shown that changes from one stage to the next are less consistent and global than Piaget thought. For example, 3-year-olds can sometimes make the distinction between physical and mental phenomena; they know the characteristics of real dogs versus pretend dogs (Woolley, Carolyn Rovee -Collier

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1997). Moreover, they are not always egocentric. In one study, children of this age knew that a white card, which looked pink to them when they were wearing rose-coloured glasses, still looked white to someone who was not wearing the glasses (Liben, 1978). Preoperational children can even do conservation tasks if they are allowed to count the number of objects or have been trained to focus on relevant dimensions such as number, height and width (Gelman & Baillargeon , 1983). Children succeed on conservation tasks at younger ages if their culture values a particular conservation ability (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2005) . For example, children in cultures where pottery making is important develop conservation of mass at younger ages than other children. Taken together, these studies suggest that children’s knowledge and mental strategies develop at different ages in different areas and in ‘pockets’ rather than at global levels of understanding (Sternberg, 1989) . In summary, psychologists today tend to think of cognitive development in terms of rising and falling ‘waves’, not fixed stages (Siegler, 2006). Psychologists now suggest that children systematically try out many different solutions to problems and gradually come to select the best of them.

Information processing during childhood information processing the process of taking in ,

remembering or forgetting, and using information

Is memory important for playing chess? Some children excel at chess as they have a better memory for chess positions than adult chess novices (Schneider et al.,

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1993)

An alternative to Piaget’s theory of cognitive development is based on information processing, an approach discussed in Chapter 6, ‘Memory, and Chapter 7, ‘Cognition and language’.This approach describes cognitive activities in terms of how people take in information, use it and remember it. Developmental psychologists taking this approach focus on gradual increases in children’s mental capacities rather than on dramatic changes in their stages of development. Their research demonstrates that as children get older, their information-processing skills gradually get better, and the children can perform more complex tasks faster and more easily (Munakata, 2006). Older children have longer attention spans and are better at filtering out irrelevant information.These skills help them overcome distractions and concentrate intently on a variety of tasks , from hobbies to homework , as shown in the Snapshot ‘Is memory important for playing chess?’. Older children also take in information faster and can shift their attention from one task to another more quickly. (This is how they manage to do their homework while watching TV and reading text messages.) Older children can process the information they take in more rapidly and efficiently. Compared with younger children, they code information into fewer dimensions and divide tasks into steps that can be dealt with one after another.This helps them organise and complete their homework assignments. Older children are also better at choosing problem-solving strategies that fit the tasks they are facing (Schwenck , Bjorklund & Schneider, 2009; Siegler, 2006) . Children’s memory also improves with age (Gathercole et al. , 2004; Riggs et al. , 2006).Whereas preschoolers can keep only two or three pieces of information in their short-term memory at the same time, older children can hold four or five pieces of information. Older children can also put more information into their long-term memory storage, so they remember things longer than younger children. After about age seven, children can remember information that is more complex and abstract, such as the gist of what several people have said during a conversation.Their memories are more accurate, extensive and well organised. Because they have accumulated more knowledge during their years of learning about the world, older children can integrate new information into a more complete network of facts. This makes it easier for them to understand and remember new information. (See the upcoming section ‘In review: Infancy and childhood: cognitive development’.)

Children’s cognitive abilities What accounts for these increases in children’s attention, information processing and memory capacities? It should not be surprising that it’s nature plus nurture. As mentioned earlier, maturation

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of the brain contributes to better and faster information processing as children grow older (Bell & Wolfe, 2007; Luciana et al. , 2005; Richmond & Nelson, 2007). Experience contributes, too. The importance of experience has been demonstrated by researchers who have tested children’s cognitive abilities. Judith Kearins’ work in the 1980s started to challenge the underlying assumptions that Australian Aboriginal children were inferior in cognitive abilities compared with white Australian children.There are differences between the two groups in regard to the visual— spatial memory tasks that require memory for spatial location (Kearins, 1986).Therefore, children from different cultures may learn differendy, by observation, through spatial learning or by verbal instruction. Indeed , the learning environments, such as schools , may assist some children’s cognitive abilities in the process of learning and may inhibit other children’s ability to optimise their cognitive abilities. The natureplus-nurture interaction is important for all children. Knowing how to memorise things also improves children’s memories.To a great extent, children acquire memorisation strategies in school.They learn to repeat information over and over to help fix it in memory, to place information into categories, and to use memory aids such as ‘i before e except after c to help them remember.They also learn what situations call for deliberate memorisation and what factors, such as the length of a list, affect memory.

LINKAGES Development and memory The ability to remember facts, figures, pictures and objects improves as we get older and more expert at processing But take a minute right now and information. TRY THIS try to recall anything that happened to you when you were, say, one year old. Most people can accurately recall a few memories from age five or six but remember virtually nothing from before the age of three or four years ( Bauer, 2006; Bruce, Dolan 8i Phillips -Grant, 2000; Davis, Gross & Hayne, 2008). Psychologists have not yet found a fully satisfactory infantile amnesia’. Some have explanation for this ‘ suggested that young children lack the memory encoding and storage processes described in Chapter 6, ‘ Memory’. Yet children two or three years old can clearly recall experiences that happened weeks or even months earlier (Bauer, 2006; Cleveland 8t Reese, 2008). Others suggest that infantile amnesia occurs because very young children lack a sense of self. They don’t recognise themselves in a mirror, so they may not have a framework for organising memories about what happens to them (Howe, 2003). However, this explanation cannot apply to the entire period up to three years of age, because children do recognise themselves in the mirror by the time they are two years old. In fact, research suggests that infants even younger than two can recognise their own faces, as well as their recorded

voices (Legerstee, Anderson 8i Schaffer, 1998)

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Implicit memories Another possibility is that

What happens to our memories of infancy? (a link to Chapter 6,

early memories, though ‘Memory’) ‘present’, are implicit rather than explicit. As described in Chapter 6, ‘ Memory’, implicit memories form automatically and can affect our emotions and behaviour even when we do not consciously recall them. Young children’s implicit memories were demonstrated in a study in which 214 -year - olds apparently remembered a dark room where they had participated in an experiment two years earlier (Perris, Myers & Clifton, 1990). Unlike children who had never been in the room, these children were unafraid and reached for noise - making objects in the dark, just as they had learned to do at the previous session. However, children’s implicit memories of their early years, like their explicit memories, are quite limited. In one study, researchers showed photographs of young children to a group of 10 - year - olds ( Newcombe 8i Fox, 1994). Some of the photos were of preschool classmates whom the children had not seen since they were five years old. They explicitly recalled 21 per cent of their former classmates, and their skin conductance

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— >>> of emotion) indicated that they had implicit memories of an additional 5 per cent. Yet these children had no memory of 74 per cent of their preschool pals, in contrast to adults in another study, who correctly identified 90 per cent of the photographs of high school classmates they had not seen in 30 years ( Bahrick, Bahrick & Wittlinger, 1975).

(an index

Language and memory Other psychologists have proposed that our early memories are lost because in those years we did not yet have the language skills to talk about and thus solidify our memories (Simcock & Hayne, 2002). Still others say that early memories were stored, but because the schemas we used in early childhood to mentally represent them changed in later years, we no longer have the retrieval cues necessary to recall them. Another possibility is that early

experiences tend to be merged into generalised event playing going to Grandma’s’ or ‘ representations, such as ‘ at the beach’, so it becomes difficult to remember any specific event. It is also possible that adults have difficulty accessing early memories because when they were very young children, they lacked the emotional knowledge necessary for interpreting, representing, organising and retrieving information about the events they experienced ( Wang, 2008). Some researchers have suggested, too, that infantile amnesia is due partly to the ways in which people are asked about their early memories, and that specialised questioning techniques might allow retrieval of early memories that are normally unavailable (Jack & Hayne, 2007). Research on hypotheses such as these may some day unravel the mystery of infantile amnesia ( Nelson & Fivush, 2004; Newcombe et al., 2000; Wang, 2006).

Culture and cognitive development To explain cognitive development, Piaget focused on the physical world of objects. The Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky focused on the social world of people. He viewed cognitive abilities as the product of cultural history. The child’s mind , said Vygotsky, grows through interaction with other minds. Support for this idea comes from dramatic cases such as the ‘Wild Boy of Aveyron’, a French child who, in the late 1700s, was apparendy lost or abandoned by his parents at an early age and grew up with animals. At about 11 years of age, he was captured by hunters and sent to Paris, where scientists observed him. What the scientists saw was a dirty, frightened creature who trotted like a wild animal and spent most of his time silently rocking. Although the scientists worked with the boy for more than 10 years, he was never able to live unguarded among other people, and he never learned to speak.

The social world and cognitive development Consistent with Vygotsky’s ideas, this tragic case suggests that without society, children’s minds would not develop much beyond those of animals that children acquire their ideas through interaction with parents, teachers and other members of their culture. Vygotsky’s followers have studied the effects of the social world on children’s cognitive development, especially how participation in social routines affects children’s developing knowledge of the world (Gauvain , 2001) . In Western societies, those routines include shopping, eating at McDonald’s, going to birthday parties and attending religious services. In other cultures, they might include making pottery, going hunting and weaving baskets. Quite early, children develop mental representations, called scripts , for these activities (see Chapter 7, ‘Cognition and language’) . By the time they are three years old , children can accurately describe the scripts for their routine activities ( Nelson, 1986). Scripts, in turn, affect children’s knowledge and understanding of cognitive tasks. As mentioned earlier, in cultures in which pottery making is important , children display conservation about the mass of objects sooner than children do in other cultures. Similarly, middle-class, suburban children can understand conservation problems

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earlier than poor inner-city children if the problems are presented , as Piaget’s were, like miniature science experiments. However, the performance of inner-city children is improved when the task is presented through a more familiar script , such as one involving what a ‘con artist’ would do to fool someone (White & Glick, 1978) .

Impact of language Children’s cognitive abilities are also influenced by the language of their culture. Consider, for instance, the way people think about relations between objects in space. Children who learn a language that has no words for spatial concepts such as in , on , in front of, behind , to the left and to the right will acquire cognitive categories that are different from those of people in Australia, New Zealand and North America.These individuals do, in fact, have difficulty distinguishing between the left and right sides of objects, and they tend not to use the symbolic associations with left and right hands that North Americans do (Bowerman, 1996; Levinson, 1996). As a cultural tool, language can also affect academic achievement. For example, South Korean and Chinese children show exceptional ability at adding and subtracting large numbers (Miller et al., 1995). As Year 3 students, they can do in their heads three-digit problems (such as 702 125) that would stump most Australian, New Zealand and North American children. The difference seems due in part to the clear way in which Asian languages label the numbers from 11 to 19. In English , the meaning of the words eleven and twelve , for instance, is not as clear as the Asian ten-one and ten-two. In addition, Asians use the metric system of measurement and a manual computing device called the abacus , both of which are structured around the number 10. South Korean maths textbooks emphasise this tens structure by presenting the ones digits in red , the tens in blue and the hundreds in green. Above all, in Asian cultures , educational achievement , especially in mathematics, is encouraged at home and strongly supported in school ( Naito & Miura , 2001) . In short , children’s cognitive development is affected in ways large and small by the culture in which they live (Cole, 2006).

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Improving or endangering cognitive development Even within a single culture, some children are mentally advanced while others lag behind their peers.

Impact of deprivation Cognitive development is seriously delayed if children are raised in environments that deprive them of the everyday sights , sounds and feelings provided by conversation and loving interaction with family members, by pictures and books , and by toys, television and the Internet. Children subjected to this kind of severe deprivation show marked impairment in intellectual development by the time they are two or three years old . They may never fully recover, even if they are given special attention later on (see the Snapshot ‘Babies at risk’). ‘Genie’ was one such child . When rescued at age 14 , she weighed only 26.7 kilograms. The only things she could say were ‘stop it’ and ‘no more’ . Investigators discovered that she had spent her life confined to a small bedroom, harnessed to a potty chair during the day and caged in a crib at night. She had not been permitted to hear or make many sounds. Although scientists and therapists worked intensively with Genie in the years after her rescue, she never learned to speak in complete sentences, and she remains in an adult care facility.

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Babies at risk The cognitive development of infants raised in this understaffed Russian orphanage will be permanently impaired if they are not given far more stimulation in the orphanage or, better yet, adopted into a loving family before they are six months of age (Beckett et al , 2006; Kreppner et al , 2007). It’s likely that they will suffer from reduced brain metabolism and reduced activity in regions associated with higher cognitive functions, memory and emotion (Nelson, 2007) Their IQs at the end of childhood are likely to be lower than other children’s by an average of 15 points

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY What is the appropriate stimulation necessary for babies' normal cognitive and emotional development?

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® Children’s inherited potential for cognitive development can also be impaired by less extreme conditions of deprivation , including the neglect, malnourishment, noise and chaos that

occur in many poor households (Berger, Paxson & Waldfogel, 2009; Turkheimer et al., 2003). The physical conditions in poor homes are more likely to be inadequate, and mothers are more likely to be stressed, depressed, harsh and unresponsive (Berger, Paxson & Waldfogel, 2009) . One study found that by the time they were five years old, children growing up in poverty scored 9 points lower on intelligence tests than children in families whose incomes were twice the poverty level (Duncan, Brooks-Gunn & Klebanov, 1994) .These differences continue as poor children enter school. Children who remain in poverty have lower IQs and poorer school achievement (McLoyd, 1998; Siegler, 2003; Stipek & Ryan, 1997) , they have more learning disabilities (Bigelow, 2006) , they are less engaged in school (Teachman, 2008) and they do worse on neurocognitive tests ( Farah et al., 2006) . They are twice as likely to be held back a grade and three-and-a-half times as likely to drop out of high school (Children’s Defense Fund, 2004). The effects of poverty come from a build-up of problems that often begins with prenatal complications and continues through childhood with lack of cognitive stimulation and, perhaps most important , harsh and inconsistent parenting (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network , 2005) . It is no wonder, then, that lower average IQs are seen in countries where higher numbers of children are living in poverty (Weiss, 2007) .

Influence of parent behaviour and experience In families above the poverty line, too, children ’s cognitive development is related to their surroundings, their experiences and their parents’ behaviour. For example, two-year-old children whose mothers gave them lots of hints, suggestions and other cognitive guidance during a problemsolving task had higher IQ scores when they were five years old than children whose mothers had simply told them what they needed to do to complete the task (Fagot & Gauvain, 1997) . Reading to children at a very early age is also related to enhanced development of language and other cognitive skills (Raikes et al., 2006) . Higher cognitive test scores are seen in preschoolers whose parents have the income to provide a more stimulating learning environment (Yeung, Linver & Brooks-Gunn , 2002) one that is not crowded and chaotic and where, as a result, parents can be more responsive (Evans et al., 2010) , as illustrated in the Snapshot ‘When does stimulation become overstimulation ?’. Some aspects of that environment are more beneficial than others, though. One study found , for example, that early access to a computer at home has a positive influence on young children ’s cognitive development ( Fish et al., 2008) . In another study, Year 3 students whose parents had bought them a TV for their bedrooms but not a computer scored 10 20 points lower on tests of maths, reading and language than children who had a computer but no TV in the bedroom (Borzekowski & Robinson , 2005).

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When does stimulation become overstimulation ? A child’s cognitive development is enhanced by a stimulating environment, but there be too much stimulation? In the face of an avalanche of electronic media aimed specifically at babies and toddlers, some people are beginning to wonder These stimulating media include computer ‘lapware’, such as this baby is enjoying; DVDs for even the tiniest infants; and, of course, long-running shows such as Play School and Bananas in Pyjamas Television and DVDs play an important part in the lives of many children in Australia aged between three and four years For example, 94 per cent of 3-4 - year - old Australian children watch television for about one hour and 11 minutes each day, and 91 per cent watch DVDs for about 44 minutes each day (Australian Communications and Media Authority, 2009)

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Improving cognitive development To improve the cognitive skills of children who do not get the optimum stimulation and guidance at home, developmental psychologists have provided extra lessons , materials and educational contact with sensitive adults. In a variety of such programs, ranging from weekly home visits to daily preschools, childrens cognitive abilities have been enhanced (Love et al., 2005 ; Ramey, Ramey & Lanzi , 2006) and some effects have lasted into adulthood (Campbell et al. , 2001) . Music lessons also promote childrens cognitive development, especially verbal memory (Ho, Cheung & Chan, 2003; Schellenberg, 2004) . Access to the Internet has been related to improved reading scores and school grades among poor children (Jackson et al., 2006), and even electronic games, although no substitute for adult attention, can provide opportunities for school-age children to hone spatial skills that can improve their performance in maths and science (Blumberg, Rosenthal & Randall, 2008; Canada & Goering, 2008; deFreitas & Griffiths, 2007; Green & Bavelier, 2003; Subrahmanyam et al., 2001) .

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IN REVIEW Infancy and childhood: cognitive development AGE* 3-4 months

12-18 months 18 -24 months

ACHIEVEMENT Maturation of senses

Voluntary movement Mental representation

Object permanence

Symbolic thought

4 years

Intuitive thought

6-7 years

Concrete operations; conservation

DESCRIPTION Immaturities that limit the newborn’s vision and hearing are overcome Reflexes disappear and infants begin to gain voluntary control over their movements

Infants can form images of objects and actions in their minds Infants understand that objects exist even when out of sight

Young children use symbols to represent things that are not present in their pretend play, drawing and talk Children reason about events, real and imagined, by guessing rather than by

engaging in logical analysis Children can apply simple logical operations to real objects. For example, they recognise that important properties of a substance, such as number or amount, remain constant despite changes in shape or position

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AGE* 7-8 years

ACHIEVEMENT Information processing

DESCRIPTION Children can remember more information; they begin to learn strategies for memorisation.

Check your understanding 1 While Piaget focused on the physical world of objects, Vygotsky focused on the 2 Vygotsky viewed cognitive abilities as the product of 3 The cognitive development of children can be impacted by environments that _ * These ages are approximate; the sequence, however, indicates the order in which children reach each of these milestones of cognitive

development.

11.3 INFANCY AND CHILDHOOD : SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT Life for a child is more than learning about objects, doing maths problems and getting good grades. It is also about social relationships and emotional reactions. From the first months onwards, infants are sensitive to the people around them (Mumme & Fernald, 2003), and they are both attracted by and attractive to other people especially parents and other caregivers. During the first hour or so after birth, mothers gaze into their infants’ eyes and give them gentle touches (Klaus & Kennell , 1976) . This is the first opportunity for the mother to display her bond to her infant an emotional tie that begins even before the baby is born (Feldman et al., 2007) . Psychologists once believed that this immediate contact was critical that the motherinfant bond would never be strong if the opportunity for early interaction was missed. Research has revealed, however, that such interaction in the first few hours is not a requirement for a close relationship (Myers, 1987) . With or without early contact, mothers and fathers , whether biological or adoptive, come to form close attachments to their infants by interacting with them day after day. As the mother gazes at her baby, the baby gazes back. By the time infants are two days old , they recognise and like their mother’s face. When some were allowed to control a videotape player by sucking, they sucked more vigorously to see a video of their mother’s face than to see that of a stranger (Walton, Bower & Bower, 1992). Soon, they begin to respond to the mother’s facial expressions as well. By the time they are a year old , children use their mother’s emotional expressions to guide their own behaviour in uncertain situations (Saarni et al., 2006) . Research on infants’ brain activity suggests that they pay particular attention to fear and other negative emotions (Carver & Vaccaro, 2007) . So if the mother looks frightened when a stranger approaches, for example, the child is more likely to avoid the stranger. As mentioned in Chapter 10, ‘Motivation and emotion’, this phenomenon is called social referencing. Children can pick up emotion cues from many sources, including television. As described in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’, observation of other people’s reactions can sometimes lead to the development of fears and even phobias. Infants communicate feelings as well as recognise them.They do so by crying and screaming but also by more subtle behaviour. When they want to interact, they look and smile; when they do not want to interact , they turn away and suck their thumbs (Tronick, 1989). Even before they can speak a word , infants use gestures to show their caregivers that they are feeling happy, mad, sad, scared, sleepy or cold (Vallotton, 2008) .

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Individual temperament From the moment they are born, infants differ from one another in the emotions they express most often . Some infants are happy, active and vigorous; they splash , thrash and wriggle. Others are usually quiet. Some infants approach new objects with enthusiasm ; others turn away or fuss. Some infants whimper ; others kick , scream and wail. Characteristics such as these make up the the infant ’s individual style and frequency of expressing needs and infant’s temperament emotions. Although temperament mainly reflects nature’s contribution to the beginning of an individual’s personality, it can also be affected by the prenatal environment , including as noted earlier the mother’s stress level, smoking and drug use during pregnancy. The stress experienced by the mother after her baby’s birth also affects the baby’s temperament. Research indicates that breast-fed infants who ingest more of the stress-related hormone cortisol tend to have more fearful temperaments (Glynn et al., 2007). If mothers of babies with negative temperaments continue to experience stress , the babies tend to express even more negative emotion during the next five years (Pesonen et al., 2008).

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Temperament patterns In some of the earliest research on infant temperament, Alexander Thomas and Stella Chess (1977) found that most babies fall into one of three general temperament patterns. Easy babies are the most common kind. They get hungry and sleepy at predictable times, react to new situations cheerfully, and seldom fuss. In contrast , difficult babies are irregular and irritable. Slow-to- warm-up babies react warily to new situations but eventually come to enjoy them. Later research has shown that traces of these early temperament patterns weave their way throughout childhood (Komsi et al., 2008; Rothbart & Bates, 2006). Easy infants usually stay easy (Zhou et al., 2004) and tend not to develop conduct problems (Lahey et al., 2008). Difficult infants often remain difficult , sometimes developing attention and aggression problems in childhood (Else-Quest et al., 2006; Miner & Clarke-Stewart, 2008).Timid or slow-to-warm-up toddlers tend to be shy as preschoolers, restrained and inhibited as 8-year-olds, and somewhat anxious as teenagers (Roberts, Caspi & Moffltt , 2001) .The differences even seem to extend into adulthood.

Nature versus nurture and temperament These tendencies are not set in stone, however. In temperament , as in cognitive development , nature interacts with nurture (Jaffari-Bimmel et al., 2006). Many events take place between infancy and adulthood that can shift an individual’s development in one direction or another. One source of influence suggested by Thomas and Chess (1977) is the degree to which an infant’s temperament matches the parents’ personal styles and what they want and expect from their baby.When the match is a good one, parents tend to support and encourage the infant’s behaviour, thus increasing the chances that temperamental qualities will be stable.

Culture and temperament Temperamental differences between children in different ethnic groups illustrate the combined contributions of nature and nurture. Since 1983, using a range of measures, the Australian Institute of Family Studies has been collecting data from over 800 individuals for the Australian Temperament Study (ATP). The longitudinal study has provided an understanding of learning difficulties; antisocial behaviour ; substance abuse; anxiety and depression; positive development, including social competence; supportive family and peer relationships; and civic participation across the Australian population. It has enabled researchers to substantiate the considerable cross-cultural variation in

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temperament an individual’s basic disposition, which is evident from infancy

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temperament and therefore argue that temperament should not be considered in isolation from the cultural context of the infant. In particular, the ATP results indicate that the temperament of Australian and American infants are most alike in comparison to other countries such as China and Greece (Australian Institute of Family Studies, 2000). Furthermore, when temperament comparisons were carried out between toddlers who were from Italian-born families, Italian Australian families (one or more parent born in Italy but living in Australia) and wholly Australian families, the Italian-born toddlers were found to be more sociable, intense, reactive and ‘emotional’ than the Italian Australian toddlers, and the Australian-born toddlers displayed even milder levels of these temperament characteristics than the other two groups (Australian Institute of Family Studies, 2000).This adaptive interplay of innate and cultural factors in the development of temperament operates in all cultures.

Nature and nurture combine to influence individual differences within cultures, too. A variety of studies show that children are more likely to display aggressiveness, anxiety, depression or academic and social problems if they have suffered the ‘double whammy’ of starting life with a difficult temperament and then being raised in a harsh, insensitive, unsupportive or anxiety-provoking family environment (Miner & Clarke-Stewart , 2008; Paulussen-Hoogeboom et al., 2008; Stright , Gallagher & Kelley, 2008) . However, if a difficult or shy baby is lucky enough to have patient parents who allow their baby to respond to new situations and changes in daily routines at a more relaxed pace, the baby is likely to become less difficult or shy over time.

Attachment attachment a deep and enduring relationship with a caregiver or other person with whom a baby has shared many early experiences

attachment theory the idea that children form a close attachment to their earliest caregivers and that this attachment pattern can affect aspects of the children’s later life

During the first year of life, as infants and caregivers watch and respond to one another, the infants begin to form an attachment to their caregivers a deep, affectionate, close and enduring relationship. Attachment theory was first developed by John Bowlby, a British psychoanalyst who drew attention to the importance of attachment after he observed children who had been orphaned in the Second World War. These children’s depression and other emotional scars led Bowlby to develop a theory about the importance of developing and maintaining a strong attachment to a primary caregiver, a tie that normally keeps infants close to their caregivers and therefore safe (Bowlby, 1951, 1973). Soon after Bowlby presented his theory, researchers in the United States began to investigate how such attachments are formed and what happens when they are not formed or when they are broken by loss or separation. Some of the most dramatic of these studies were conducted by Harry Harlow.

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Motherless monkeys - and children Harlow (1959) explored two hypotheses about what leads infants to develop attachments to their mothers. The first hypothesis was that attachment occurs because mothers feed their babies. Perhaps food , along with the experience of being fed , creates an emotional bond with the mother. Harlow’s second hypothesis was that attachment is based on the warm, comforting contact the baby gets from the mother. To evaluate these hypotheses, Harlow separated newborn monkeys from their mothers and raised them in cages containing two artificial mothers. One ‘mother’ was made of wire, but it had a rubber nipple from which the infant could get milk (see Figure 11.4). In other words, it provided food but no physical comfort. The other artificial mother had no nipple but was made of soft , comfortable terrycloth. Harlow found that the infants preferred the terrycloth mother, spending most of their time with it, especially when frightened. The terrycloth mother provided feelings of softness and cuddling, which were things the infants needed when they sensed danger.

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Attachment and environment Harlow also investigated what happens when attachments do not form. He isolated some newborn monkeys from all social contact. After a year of this isolation, the monkeys showed dramatic disturbances.When visited by normally active, playful monkeys, they withdrew to a corner, huddling or rocking for hours. As adults, they were unable to have normal sexual relations. When some of the females did have babies through artificial insemination, they tended to ignore them . When their infants became distressed, the mothers physically abused and sometimes even killed them. Humans who spend their first few years without a consistent caregiver react in a tragically similar manner. At Romanian and Russian orphanages where children were neglected by institutional caregivers, visitors discovered that the children, like Harlows deprived monkeys, had not developed attachments to their caregivers; they were withdrawn and engaged in constant rocking (Holden, 1996; Zeanah et al., 2005, 2009) . Emotional problems continued even after the children were adopted; lateadopted children were found to have more serious problems. Neuroscientists suggest that the dramatic problems observed in isolated monkeys and humans are the result of developmental brain dysfunction or damage brought on by a lack of touch and body movement in infancy, and by the absence of early play, conversation and other normal childhood experiences (Prescott , 1996; Rutter, O’ Connor & ERA Study Team, 2004; Wismer Fries , Shirtcliff & Poliak , 2008).

FIGURE 11.4 Wire and terrycloth ‘mothers’ These are the two types of artificial mothers used in Harlow’s research.

Although baby monkeys received milk from the wire mother, they spent most of their time with the terrycloth version, and they clung to it when

frightened.

Forming an attachment Fortunately, most infants do have a consistent caregiver, usually the mother, to whom they can form an attachment. They learn to recognise her and are able to distinguish her from a stranger at an early age. Some infants vocalise more to their mothers than to a stranger when they are only three months old . These babies are the smart ones; years later, they do better on tests, get higher grades, complete more education, and in their twenties are more likely to be in stable romantic relationships (Roe, 2001) . By the age of six or seven months , almost all infants show signs of preferring their mothers to anyone else watching her closely, crawling after her, clambering up into her lap, protesting when she leaves, and brightening when she returns (Ainsworth , 1973). After an attachment has been formed, separation from the mother for even 30 minutes can be a stressful experience (Larson , Gunnar & Hertsgaard, 1991) . Soon after, infants develop attachments to their fathers as well (Lamb, 1997) . However, interactions with fathers are typically less frequent and of a somewhat different nature than with mothers (Parke, 2002). Mothers tend to feed, bathe, dress, cuddle and talk to their infants, whereas fathers are more likely to play with , jiggle and toss them, especially sons.

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Variations in attachment The amount of closeness and contact infants seek with either the mother or the father depends to some extent on the infant.Those who are ill, tired or slow to warm up may require more closeness. Closeness also depends to some extent on the parents. An infant whose parent has been absent, aloof or unresponsive is likely to need more closeness than one whose parent is consistently accessible and responsive. Researchers have studied the differences in infants’ attachment behaviour in a special situation that simulates the natural comings and goings of parents and children the so-called Strange Situation (Ainsworth et al., 1978) . This assessment occurs in an unfamiliar playroom where the infant interacts with the mother and an unfamiliar woman in brief episodes: the infant plays with the mother and the stranger, the mother leaves the baby with the stranger for a few minutes , the mother and the stranger leave the baby alone in the room briefly, and the mother returns to the room .

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attachment behaviour actions such as crying,

smiling, vocalising and gesturing that help bring an infant into closer proximity to its caregiver

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Cultural differences in parent child relations Variations in the intimacy of family interactions,

including whether infants sleep in their parents’ bed, may contribute to cross cultural differences in attachment patterns.

Secure versus insecure attachment Videos of these sessions show that most infants display a secure attachment to the mother in the Strange Situation (Thompson , 2006) . In the unfamiliar room, they use the mother as a home base, leaving her side to explore and play but returning to her periodically for comfort or contact. When the mother returns after the brief separation , the infant is happy to see her and receptive when she initiates contact. Some infants, however, display an insecure attachment. Their relationship with their mother may be: (1) avoidant they avoid or ignore their mother when she returns after the brief separation ; (2) ambivalent they are upset when the mother leaves, but when she returns, they vacillate between clinging to her and angrily rejecting her efforts at contact;or (3) disorganised their behaviour is inconsistent, disturbed and disturbing; they may begin to cry after their mother has returned and comforted them, or they may reach out for their mother while looking away from her (Moss et al. , 2004) .

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Cultural differences and attachment Patterns of attachment vary widely in different parts of the world and are related to how parents treat their children (see the Snapshot ‘Cultural differences in parent child relations’) . In northern Germany, for example, where parents promote childrens independence with strict discipline, the number of infants who display avoidant attachments is quite high (Spangler, Fremmer-Bombik & Grossman , 1996) . In Japan, where mothers are completely devoted to their young children and are seldom apart from them , including at night , children develop an attachment relationship that emphasises harmony and union; these children cannot bear it when their mothers try to leave the room in the Strange Situation (Rothbaum et al., 2000) . Both of these attachment patterns differ from the secure one that is most common in Australia and New Zealand, where, with their parents’ encouragement , children balance closeness and proximity with exploration and autonomy. In all countries, the likelihood that children will develop a secure attachment depends on the mother’s attentiveness if the mother is generally sensitive and responsive to the baby’s needs and signals , a secure attachment is likely; if she is rejecting or neglectful, the child’s attachment is more likely to be insecure (Bakermans-Kranenburg, van IJzendoorn & Juffer, 2008; Nievar & Becker, 2008).

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Consequences of attachment patterns A secure attachment to the mother is reflected in the child’s relationships with other people, too. For example, compared with other children , those with secure attachments tend to have better relations with their peers in childhood and adolescence (Thompson , 2006) , and they are especially likely to have good relationships with close friends (Lucas-Thompson & Clarke-Stewart, 2007; McElwain et al. , 2008) . Securely attached children also require less contact, guidance and discipline from their teachers and are less likely to seek excessive attention, to act impulsively or aggressively, to express frustration , or to display helplessness (see Chapter 5, ‘Learning’; Carlson , Sroufe & Egeland , 2004; NICHD Early Child Care Research Network , 2006; Sroufe et al., 2005) . Their teachers like them better, expect more of them, and rate them as more competent (Diener et al., 2008) . Why should this be? According to Bowlby, securely attached children develop positive relationships with other people because they develop mental representations, or internal working models, of the social world that lead them to expect that , like their mothers, everyone else will respond to them in a positive way. However, secure attachment at the age of one doesn ’t guarantee a life of social competence and emotional wellbeing. If the mother or other primary caregiver later becomes neglectful or rejecting as the result of marital strife, divorce or depression , for example, the secure attachment is likely to disintegrate, and the child may begin to have problems (Thompson, 2006). Nonetheless, although a secure attachment alone does not predict long-term sociability and wellbeing, in concert with continuing supportive care, it sets the stage for positive psychological growth .

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THINKING CRITICALLY Does day care harm the emotional development of infants? With about 53 -78 per cent of Australian mothers working outside the home, concern has been expressed about how daily separations from their children might affect the children, especially infants (Baxter et al., 2007). Some have argued that leaving infants with a babysitter or putting them in a day care centre (see the Snapshot ‘The effects of day care’) damages the quality of the mother - infant relationship and increases the risk of psychological problems later

The effects of day care Parents are understandably concerned that leaving their infants in a day care centre all day might interfere with the mother -infant attachment or with other aspects of the children’s development. Research shows that most infants in day care do form attachments to their parents, but that if children spend many hours in day care between infancy and kindergarten, they are more likely to have behaviour problems in school, such as talking back to the teacher or getting into fights with other children (Belsky et al., 2007). Some employers try to help parents build attachments with their infants

What evidence is available to support the assertion ? There is clear evidence that separation from the mother is painful for young children. Furthermore, if separation lasts a week or more, young children may become apathetic and mournful and eventually lose interest in the missing mother (Robertson & Robertson, 1971). However, day care does not involve such lasting separations, and research has shown that infants in day care do form and maintain attachments to their mothers (Lamb & Ahnert, 2006). Are these attachments as secure as the attachments formed by infants whose mothers do not work outside the home? Researchers first examined this question by comparing infants’ behaviour in the Strange Situation. A review of their data showed that, on average, infants in fulltime day care were somewhat more likely to be classified as insecurely attached. Specifically, 36 per cent of the infants in full - time care received this classification, compared with 29 per cent of the infants not in full- time care (Clarke Stewart, 1989). These results appear to support the suggestion that day care hinders the development of infants’ attachments to their mothers.

Are there alternative ways of interpreting the evidence ?

by providing on- site day care or allowing employees to keep their babies in their offices while working (Armour, 2008). But while this may help parents and their children stay in contact throughout the day, what problems might it cause in the workplace?

Perhaps factors other than day care could explain this difference between infants in day care and those at home with their mothers. One such factor could be the method used to assess attachment - the Strange Situation. Infants in these studies were judged insecure if they did not run to their mothers after a brief separation. Perhaps infants who experience daily separations from their mothers are less disturbed by the separations in the Strange Situation and therefore seek out less closeness with their mothers. A second factor could be differences between the infants’ mothers: perhaps mothers who value independence in themselves and in their children are more likely to be working and to place their children in care, whereas mothers who emphasise closeness with their children are more likely to stay home.

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What am I being asked to believe or accept ?

What additional evidence would help evaluate the alternatives ?

The claim to be evaluated is that daily separations brought about by a mother’s wish or need to work undermine the infant’s ability to form a secure attachment and harm the infant’s emotional development.

Finding insecure attachment to be more common among the infants of working mothers does not, by itself, prove that day care is harmful. To judge the effects of care, we must use other measures of emotional adjustment. If >>> — 1

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— >>> infants in care show consistent signs of troubled emotional relations in other situations (at home, say) and with other caregivers (such as the father), this evidence would support the argument that day care harms children’s emotional development. Another useful method would be to statistically control for differences in the attitudes and behaviours of parents who do and do not use day care and then examine the differences in their children. In fact, this research design has already been employed. In 2009, the Australian Government published the results of a longitudinal study of Australian children in relation to child care and early education (Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, 2009). Over 10 000 children aged between three and 12 months and between four and five years of age participated, their psychological health and physical development determined through interviews. In the main, 96.7 per cent of parents were satisfied with their day care arrangements. No other comparative information was

presented.

In the United States, a government - funded study tracked more than 1300 randomly selected infants from birth until they were three years old. The results showed that when factors such as parents’ education, income and attitudes were statistically controlled, infants in day care were no more likely to have emotional problems or to be insecurely attached to their mothers than infants not in day care. However, when infants were placed in poor quality day care - where the caregivers were insensitive and unresponsive and the infants’ mothers were insensitive to their needs at home, the children were less likely to develop a secure attachment to their mothers.

What conclusions are most reasonable ? Based on the available evidence, the most reasonable conclusion appears to be that day care by itself does not lead to insecure attachment or cause emotional harm to infants. But if the care is of poor quality, it can worsen a risky situation at home and increase the likelihood that infants will have problems forming a secure attachment to their mothers.

Relationships with parents Like Bowlby, Erik Erikson (1968) saw the first year of life as the time when infants develop a feeling of basic trust (or mistrust) about the world. According to his theory, an infant’s first year represents the first of eight stages of lifelong psychosocial development (see Table 11.2) . Each stage focuses on an issue or ‘crisis’ that is especially important at that time of life. If the crisis is not resolved positively the person will be psychologically troubled and cope less effectively with later crises. After children have

TABLE 11.2 Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development

In each of Erikson’s stages of development, a different psychological issue presents a new crisis for the person to resolve. The person focuses attention on that issue and by the end of the period has worked through the crisis and resolved it either positively, in the direction of healthy development, or negatively, hindering further psychological development.

Age

Central psychological issue or crisis

First year

Trust versus mistrust Infants learn to trust that their needs will be met by the world, especially by the mother - or they learn to mistrust the world.

Second year

Autonomy versus shame and doubt Children learn to exercise their will, to make choices and to control themselves - or they become uncertain and doubt that they can do things by themselves. Initiative versus guilt Children learn to initiate activities and enjoy their accomplishments, acquiring direction and purpose. But if they are not allowed initiative, they feel guilty about their attempts at independence. Industry versus inferiority Children develop a sense of industry and curiosity and are eager to learn - or they feel inferior and lose interest in the tasks before them.

Third to fifth year

Sixth year through

puberty

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Age

Central psychological issue or crisis

Adolescence

Identity versus role confusion Adolescents come to see themselves as unique and integrated persons with an ideology - or they become confused about what they want out of life. Intimacy versus isolation Young people become able to commit themselves to another person - or they develop a sense of isolation and feel they have no - one in the world but themselves. Generativity versus stagnation Adults are willing to have and care for children and to devote themselves to their work and the common good - or they become self - centred and inactive. Integrity versus despair Older people enter a period of reflection, becoming assured that their lives have been meaningful and ready to face death with acceptance and dignity - or they are in despair over their unaccomplished goals, failures and ill- spent lives.

Early adulthood

Middle age

Old age

formed emotional attachments to their parents, their next psychological task is to begin to develop a more independent, or autonomous, relationship with them .This task is part of Erikson’s second stage, when children begin to exercise their will , develop some independence from their parents, and begin activities on their own . According to Erikson, children who are not allowed to exercise their will or begin their own activities will feel uncertain about doing things for themselves and guilty about seeking independence. The extent to which parents allow or encourage their childrens autonomy depends largely on their parenting style.

Parenting styles Most parents try to channel their children’s impulses into socially accepted outlets and to teach them the skills and rules needed to function in their society. As they engage in this socialisation process, Australian and European American parents tend to employ one of four distinct parenting styles (Baumrind, 1971; Maccoby & Martin, 1983; Nicholson & Maguire, 2010) . 1 Authoritarian parents are relatively strict , punitive and unsympathetic. They value obedience and try to shape their childrens behaviour to meet a set standard and to curb the children’s will. They do not encourage independence. They are detached and seldom praise their youngsters. 2 Permissive parents are more affectionate with their children and give them lax discipline and a great deal of freedom .

Authoritative parents fall between these two extremes. They reason with their children , encouraging give-and-take and setting limits, but also encouraging independence. They are firm but understanding; their demands are reasonable and consistent. As their children get older and better at making decisions , authoritative parents give their children more responsibility. 4 Uninvolved parents (also known as rejecting- neglecting parents) are indifferent to their children.They do whatever is necessary to minimise the costs of having children by investing as little time, money and effort as possible. They focus on their own needs before their childrens. These parents often fail to monitor their children’s activities, particularly when the children are old enough to be out of the house alone.

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socialisation the process by which parents, teachers and others teach children the skills and social norms necessary to be well functioning members of

society

parenting styles the varying patterns of behaviour that parents display as they interact with and discipline their children

authoritarian parents firm, punitive and unsympathetic parents who value obedience from the child and authority for themselves permissive parents

parents who give their child great freedom and lax

discipline

authoritative parents parents who reason with the child, encourage giveand - take, and are firm but

understanding

Parenting style and development Research shows some clear relationships between parenting styles and children’s social and emotional development , as illustrated in the Snapshot ‘Parent-training programs’ (Eisenberg, Fabes & Spinrad , 2006; Parke & Buriel, 2006; Paulussen-Hoogeboom et al., 2008; Thompson, 2006) . The children custom page

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uninvolved (rejecting-

neglecting) parents parents who are indifferent to their children

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Pa re n t - train programs Research on how parenting styles

affect children’s behaviour has helped shape parent training programs based on the learning principles described in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’, and on the social - cognitive and humanistic approaches described in Chapter 13, ‘Personality’. These programs are designed to teach parents authoritative methods that can avoid scenes like this.

of authoritarian parents tend to be unfriendly, distrustful and withdrawn. They are less likely than other children to be empathic and more likely to be aggressive. They are also more likely to cheat, and after doing something wrong, they are less likely to feel guilty or accept blame. Children of permissive parents are relatively immature, dependent and unhappy; they often have tantrums or ask for help when they encounter even slight difficulties. Children raised by authoritative parents tend to be friendly, cooperative, self-reliant and socially responsible (Ginsburg et al. , 2009) . They do better in school and are more popular than children with other kinds of parents. Children of uninvolved parents are less likely than other children to form secure attachments and more likely to have problems with impulsivity, aggression, non-compliance, moodiness and low self-esteem.

Limitations of the research The results of research on parenting styles are interesting and important, but they are limited in several ways. First, they are based on correlations, which, as discussed in Chapter 2 , ‘Research in psychology’ , do not prove causation. Finding consistent correlations between parenting styles and childrens behaviour does not establish that the parents’ behaviour is causing the differences seen in their children . Socialisation is a two-way street: parents’ behaviour is shaped by their children as well as the reverse. Children’s temperament, size, appearance and behaviour all influence the way parents treat them (Bugental & Grusec, 2006) . A second limitation of these studies is that the correlations between parenting styles and children’s behaviour, though statistically significant, are not terribly large and therefore do not apply to every child in every family. In fact, the effects of parents’ socialisation may depend partly on a child’s temperament . Yet another limitation of parenting studies is that most of them were conducted with European American families. Is the impact of various parenting styles different in other ethnic groups and other cultures? Possibly. Parents in Latino cultures in Mexico, Puerto Rico and Central America, and in Asian cultures in China and India , for example, tend to be influenced by a collectivist tradition in which family and community interests are emphasised over individual goals. Children in these cultures are expected to respect and obey their elders and to do less of the questioning, negotiating and arguing that is encouraged or at least allowed in many middle-class European and European American families (Greenfield, Suzuki & Rothstein-Fisch, 2006; Parke & Buriel, 2006) . These parenting styles tends to be relatively authoritarian. Chinese American parents, for example, use authoritarian discipline to ‘govern’ (guan) and provide ‘training’ ( chiao shun ) for their children so that they will know what is expected of them (Chao, 2001) . By contrast, European American parents are more likely to use authoritarian discipline to keep children in line and break their will. In countries such as India and Kenya, where physical punishment tends to be an accepted form of discipline, punishment is associated with less aggression and anxiety than in Thailand and China, where it is rarely used (Lansford et al., 2005) . These findings remind us that it is important to evaluate parenting styles in their cultural context. There is no single, universally ‘best’ style of parenting (Parke & Buriel, 2006) .

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Peer friendships and popularity Social development over the years of childhood occurs in a world that broadens to include brothers, sisters , playmates and classmates. Relationships with other children start early (Rubin , Bukowski & Parker, 2006) . By two months of age, infants engage in mutual gazing. By six months , they vocalise and smile at each other. By eight months, they prefer to look at another child rather than at an adult (Bigelow et al., 1990). In other words , even infants are interested in other people, but it’s a long journey from interest to intimacy. Observations of 2-year-olds show that the most they can do with their peers is to look at them, imitate them and exchange or grab toys. By age four, they begin to play ‘pretend’ together,

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agreeing about roles and themes.This kind of play is important because it provides a new context for communicating desires and feelings, and offers an opportunity to form first ‘friendships’ (Dunn & Hughes, 2001; Rubin, Bukowski & Parker, 2006) . In the school years , peer interaction becomes more frequent , complex and structured . Children play games with rules , join teams, tutor each other, and cooperate or compete in achieving goals. Friends become more important and friendships longer-lasting as school-age children find that friends are a source of companionship, stimulation , support and affection ( Hartup & Stevens, 1997) . Friends help children establish their sense of self-worth (Harter, 2006) . Through friendships , children can compare their own strengths and weaknesses with those of others in a supportive and accepting atmosphere. Some children have more friends than others. When children are asked to nominate the classmates they like the best and the least, those who get the most votes the popular children tend to be the ones who are friendly, assertive and good at communication; they help set the rules for their group, and they engage in positive social behaviour, such as helping others. Especially in early adolescence, children who are athletic, arrogant or aggressive may also be popular, as long as their aggressiveness is not too extreme ( Rubin , Bukowski & Parker, 2006) . Unfortunately, about 10 per cent of schoolchildren do not have friends. Some, known as rejected children , are actively disliked, either because they are too aggressive and lacking in self-control , or because they are anxious and socially unskilled. Others, called neglected children , are seldom even mentioned in peer nominations; they are isolated , quiet and withdrawn but not necessarily disliked. Friendless children tend to do poorly in school and usually experience psychological and behaviour problems in later life (Asher & Hopmeyer, 2001; Ladd & Troop-Gordon , 2003). It appears that having even one close, stable friend can protect schoolchildren from loneliness and other problems (Laursen et al. , 2007; Parker et al., 2001); see the Snapshot ‘Children’s friendships’ . It also appears that the single most important factor in determining children’s popularity is the social skills that they learn over the years of childhood and adolescence (Rubin , Bukowski & Parker, 2006) .

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Children's friendships Though relationships with peers may not always be this

friendly, they are often among the closest and most positive in a child’s life. Friends are more interactive than non friends; they smile and laugh together more, pay closer attention to

equality

their conversation, and talk about mutual goals, not just personal ones. Having at least one close friend in childhood predicts in

good psychological functioning later al., 2007; Reis & Gable, 2003). on (Laursen et

Social skills and understanding

^

( ) One of

the most basic of these social skills is the ability to engage in sustained, responsive interactions with peers. These interactions require cooperation, sharing and taking turns behaviours that first appear in the preschool years. A second social skill that children learn is the ability to detect and correctly interpret other people’s emotional signals. Much as children’s school performance depends on processing academic information , their social performance depends on processing information about other people (Slomkowski & Dunn, 1996) . A related set of social skills involves the ability to feel what another person is feeling, or something close to it ( empathy ) , and to respond with comfort or help if the person is in distress. Children who understand another person’s perspective, who appreciate how that person might be feeling, and who behave accordingly tend to be the most popular members of their peer group ( Izard et al., 2001; Rubin, Bukowski & Parker, 2006). Children who do not have these skills are rejected or neglected; they may become bullies or the victims of bullies. Parents can help their children develop social skills by engaging them in lots of ‘pretend’ play and other prosocial activities, and by encouraging them to express their emotions constructively (Eisenberg et al., 2006; Ladd , 2005) . In contrast, children who have been abused by their parents tend to lack important interaction skills and are thus more likely to be victimised by their peers (Bolger & Patterson, 2001) . Older siblings can help children develop social skills by acting out social roles during play and by talking about their feelings (Ruffman et al., 1998) . Teachers’ ratings suggest that children with siblings tend to have better social skills than those without siblings (Downey & Condron , 2004) . Those who have closer relationships with siblings also tend to develop better relationships with peers (Kim et al., 2007) .

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Do children perceive others as adults do? (a link to Social Chapter 15, ‘ cognition and influence’)

Chapter 5: Human Development

Self- regulation self- regulation the ability

’

to control one s emotions

and behaviour

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The ability to control one’s emotions and behaviour an ability known as self- regulation is another social skill that develops in childhood (Rothbart & Bates, 2006; Thompson, Lewis & Calkins, 2008). In the first few years of life, children learn to calm or console themselves by sucking their thumbs or cuddling their favourite blanket (Posner & Rothbart, 2000) . Later, they learn more sophisticated strategies of self-regulation . These include waiting for something they want rather than crying or grabbing for it (Eisenberg et ah , 2004), counting to 10 in order to control anger, planning ahead to avoid a problem (for example, getting on the first bus if the school bully usually takes the second one) , and recruiting social support (for example, casually joining a group of big kids to walk past the bully on the playground) . Children who cannot regulate their emotions tend to experience anxiety and distress and have trouble recovering from stressful events.They become emotionally overaroused when they see someone in distress and are often unsympathetic and unhelpful (Eisenberg et al. , 2006). Furthermore, boys whose emotions are easily aroused and have difficulty regulating this arousal become less and less popular with their peers and may develop problems with aggressiveness (Eisenberg et al. , 2004, 2009; Fabes et al . , 1997; Spinrad et ah , 2007).

FOCUS ON RESEARCH METHODS Exploring developing minds Children’s ability to develop social skills depends partly on their ability to understand other people’s behaviour and the thinking that might be behind it. Critical to this understanding is the recognition that other people’s thinking might differ from our own and that the other person’s actions might be based on incorrect information. For more than two decades, researchers have argued that children under four years of age cannot understand other people’s mental states because they do not yet have a ‘theory of mind’. This argument was based on studies that asked children questions about other people’s beliefs (for example, BaronCohen, Leslie & Frith, 1985). In one study, children were brought to a laboratory one at a time and shown a simple little drama starring two dolls, ‘ Sally’ and ‘Anne’. First, Sally puts a marble in her basket and then leaves the stage. While Sally is away, Anne takes the marble out of Sally’s basket and puts it into her own box. Then Sally returns to get her marble, and each child is asked where Sally will look for her marble. To correctly predict that Sally will look in the basket where she last saw the marble, the children would have to recognise that Sally has a false belief about its location. Even though they know where the marble really is, they will have to be able to ‘ read Sally’s mind’, realise what she must be thinking, and say, ‘ Sally will look in her basket’. However, most children under the age of four ignore the fact that Sally thinks the marble is still in her basket and say that she will look in Anne’s box.

What was the researcher ' s question ? Renee Baillargeon wondered, though, whether the inability of these young children to recognise what others are thinking reflected a true lack of a ‘theory of mind’ or was the result of using research methods that were not sensitive enough to detect its existence. So her research question was whether more specialised research methods might reveal that even children under four can understand that the behaviour they see in others is affected by the other people’s mental states, including false beliefs and false perceptions.

How did the researcher answer the question ? Instead of requiring children to answer questions about other people’s behaviour, Baillargeon used a potentially more sensitive method to probe young children’s knowledge. Specifically, she showed infants various events and then carefully measured the amount of time they spent looking at them. She reasoned that infants’ tendency to look longer at certain events indicates that those events violate their expectations about the world. Baillargeon used this method to measure the ability of 15 -month- old infants to predict where a woman would look for a toy, depending on whether she had a true or a false belief about the toy’s location (Onishi & Baillargeon, 2005). Each infant first watched the woman play with a toy watermelon slice for a few seconds and then hide it inside a green box. Next, the woman watched the toy being

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moved from the green box to a yellow box. Then she left the scene, and while she was gone, the toy was put back into the green box. When she came back, she looked for the toy by reaching into either the green box or the yellow box. Baillargeon reasoned that if the infants expected the woman to search for the toy on the basis of her false belief that it was still in the yellow box, they would look longer at her if she violated their expectation by searching in the green box instead. This longer looking would convey the message, ‘ Hey, how could she know the toy had been moved? I expected her to look where she last saw it!’ However, if, as earlier studies had found, the infants really had no ‘ theory of mind’, they would ignore the woman’s false belief and expect her to look in the green box, where they knew the toy now lay. If she met this expectation, they would not pay any special attention to her action.

What did the researcher find ? The results of this study showed that, contrary to what would be expected from previous research, the infants looked reliably longer when the woman searched for the toy in the green box. What do the results mean ? These results support the view that despite lots of earlier research evidence to the contrary, infants under the age of four years do have a ‘theory of mind’. When evaluated using the right kinds of research methods, these children demonstrate an ability to recognise that other people have beliefs and perceptions that can be false, that those beliefs and perceptions can differ from the child’s own, and that these mental states affect the other person’s behaviour.

What do we still need to know ? Among other things, it would be good to know more about the extent of infants’ understanding of mental states. Does it appear in other situations? Baillargeon has conducted a series of studies to begin to explore this question ( Song & Baillargeon, 2008). In one of these, infants viewed a scene in which a woman looked for a doll with blue pigtails. She could look either in a plain box or in a box that had a blue tuft of hair sticking out from under its lid. The infants knew that the doll was in the plain box, but they stared longer when the woman looked in that box first; this meant that they expected her to be misled by the blue tuft of hair and to falsely perceive it as belonging to the doll. In another study, Baillargeon investigated whether infants know that new information can correct an adult’s false belief ( Song et al., 2008). In this case, infants saw an adult hide a ball in a box while another adult watched. After the first adult left the scene, the second adult moved the ball from the box to a cup. When the first adult returned, the second adult told her, ‘The ball is in the cup!’ Infants stared longer if, despite this corrective information, the adult searched for the ball in the box. Those who saw her reach for the cup did not pay special attention, suggesting that the infants expected her to do so once her false belief had been corrected. What mental states besides beliefs and perceptions can infants understand? Do they also realise that other people’s behaviour can be influenced by goals, intentions, emotions and even the fairness or unfairness of a situation? How soon after birth does a ‘ theory of mind’ develop? These are among the dozens of additional questions that remain for future research in this fascinating area of developmental psychology ( Woodward, 2009).

Gender roles

gender roles (sex roles) patterns of work,

^

( ) Another important aspect of understanding other people and

being socially skilled is knowing about social roles, including gender roles, also known as sex roles, which are the general patterns of appearance and behaviour associated with being a male or a female. Gender roles appear in every culture, but they are more pronounced in some cultures than in others. In Western cultures, some aspects of traditional gender roles are weakening. For example, men today are less likely than they were in the 1970s to describe themselves as ‘tough’ and ‘aggressive’ (Spence & Buckner, 2000) .When it comes to occupations, though, most traditional gender stereotypes remain (Liben & Bigler, 2002) . Both children and adults still think of doctors, dentists, mechanics, pilots, plumbers, truck drivers, firefighters, electricians, architects, police officers and engineers as male, and think of librarians, nurses, teachers, secretaries, dancers, hairdressers and interior decorators as female (Kee et al. , 2005; Oakhill, Garnham & Reynolds, 2005) .

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appearance and behaviour that a society associates with being male or female

Who teaches boys to be men and

girls to be women? (a link to Chapter 5, ‘ Learning’)

Chapter 5: Human Development

Gender roles exist because they are deeply rooted in both nature and nurture. Small physical and behavioural differences between the sexes are evident early on (Eagly, 1996). Girls tend to speak and write earlier and to be better at grammar and spelling than boys (Halpern , 1997). Girls are more attracted than boys are to baby faces (Maestripieri , 2004) , and by four months of age, the average duration of mutual gazing between girls and women is four times longer than that between boys and women (Leeb & Rejskind, 2004) . Girls are able to read emotional signals at younger ages than boys can, and by school age, they are likely to be more sensitive, kind , considerate and empathic (Rose & Rudolph, 2006).They are more emotionally responsive to others and more likely to ask for help as well as to offer it (Benenson & Koulnazarian , 2008; Bornstein et al. , 2008). They can also control their emotions better than boys can (Else-Quest et al., 2006). Girls engage in more social conversation and self-disclosure with their friends, and they care more about their friendships than boys do (Rose & Rudolph, 2006). Boys, in contrast, tend to be more skilled than girls at manipulating objects, constructing threedimensional forms, and mentally manipulating complex figures and pictures (Choi & Silverman, 2003; Newhouse, Newhouse & Astur, 2007) . They are also more physically active. They play in larger groups and spaces and enjoy noisier, more strenuous physical games ( Fabes, Martin & Hanish , 2003; Rose & Rudolph, 2006) . From the age of two years, boys engage in riskier behaviours and are injured at a rate that is two to four times that of girls (Morrongiello & Hogg, 2004) . On the playground , boys are the overtly aggressive ones; they push and punch each other more than girls (Baillargeon et al., 2007; Card et al., 2008; Ostrov, 2006). They are more competitive and more concerned with dominance than with friendship (Rose & Rudolph, 2006) . Girls are more likely to use ‘relational’ or ‘social’ aggression than physical aggression; they hurt with gossip and threats to withdraw friendship rather than with sticks and stones (Crick et al. , 2004) .

Biological factors in gender roles

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Learning gender roles In every culture, socialisation by adults and peers typically encourages interests, activities and other characteristics

traditionally associated with a child’s own gender.

A biological contribution to these male female differences is suggested by several lines of evidence. First, studies show sex differences in anatomy, hormones, and brain organisation and functioning that are related to sex-typed patterns of behaviour (Auyeung et al., 2009; Geary, 1999; Ruble, Martin & Berenbaum , 2006). Second , cross-cultural research reveals consistent gender patterns at an early age, even in the face of differing socialisation practices (Baillargeon et al., 2007; Simpson & Kenrick, 1997) . Third , research with non-human primates finds sex differences that parallel those seen in human children. Young female animals prefer playing with dolls, and young males prefer playing with a toy car, for example (Alexander & Hines, 2002; Williams & Pleil, 2008) . Fourth, research in behavioural genetics shows that genes exert a moderate influence on the appearance of gendertyped behaviours ( Iervolino et al., 2005) .

Socialisation of gender roles There is no doubt, though, that gender roles are also influenced by socialisation, partly by exaggerating whatever biological gender differences may already exist, as seen in the Snapshot ‘Learning gender roles’ (Hyde, 2005, 2007). From the moment they are born, boys and girls are treated differently. Adults usually play more gently and talk more to infants they believe to be girls than to infants they believe to be boys. They shower girls with dolls and doll clothes , boys with trucks and tools. They encourage boys to achieve, compete, explore, control their feelings, be independent and assume personal responsibility. They encourage girls to be reflective, dependent, domestic, obedient and unselfish (Ruble, Martin & Berenbaum, 2006) . They speak with more feeling to girls and in more supportive ways (Kitamura & Burnham , 2003; Leaper, Anderson & Sanders, 1998) and are harsher with boys (McKee et al., 2007) . They are also more likely to stop a fight between their children when a daughter is involved (Martin & Ross, 2005). In these and many other ways, adults,

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including television role models , pass on their ideas about ‘appropriate’ behaviours for boys and girls (Else-Quest et al., 2010; Parke & Buriel, 2006; Ruble, Martin & Berenbaum, 2006) . They also convey information about gender-appropriate interests. For example, Year 6 girls and boys express equal interest in science and earn the same grades. However, parents tend to underestimate their daughters’ interest , believe that science is difficult for them, and are less likely to give them scientific explanations when working on a physics task (Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2003) . Children also pick up notions of what is gender-appropriate behaviour from their peers. By the time they are in preschool, boys and girls are more likely to play with children of the same sex (Martin & Ruble, 2009).These same-sex peers model and enforce gender role standards and provide the strongest influence on children’s gender-typed behaviour (Leaper & Friedman, 2007; Rose & Rudolph, 2006) .

Cognitive factors in gender roles As most children want to be accepted , especially by their peers, they become ‘gender detectives’, searching for clues about who should do what, who can play with whom, and in what ways girls and boys are different (Martin & Ruble, 2004) . In the process, they develop gender schemas, which are generalisations about the toys and activities that are ‘appropriate’ for boys and for girls and the jobs that are ‘meant’ for men or for women ( Fagot, 1995). Once they have developed these gender schemas and know that they themselves are male or female, children tend to choose the activities, toys and behaviours deemed appropriate for their own gender (Ruble, Martin & Berenbaum, 2006; Zosuls et al. , 2009) . In summary, social training by both adults and peers, along with the child’s own cognitions about the world, tends to bolster and amplify any biological predispositions that distinguish boys and girls. This process in turn creates gender roles that are the joint and inextricably linked products of nature and nurture. This and other elements of early development are summarised in the upcoming section ‘In review: Infancy and childhood: social and emotional development’. The efforts of some parents to de-emphasise gender roles in their children’s upbringing may help reduce the magnitude of gender differences in areas such as verbal and quantitative skills , occupational ambitions, and preferences for particular toys. However, the evolutionary approach to psychology suggests that other gender differences such as males’ greater ability to visualise the rotation of objects in space and females’ greater ability to read facial expressions are unlikely to change much (Quinn & Liben, 2008) . Evolutionary psychologists see these differences as deeply rooted in the distant past, when males’ major activity was hunting and females’ was child rearing (Buss, 2004a) . Other psychologists have suggested that prenatal exposure to male or female hormones influences the organisation of male and female brains in different ways (Halpern, 1997;Vuoksimaa et al. , 2010). Still others see such differences as reflecting social inequality, not just biological destiny (Wood & Eagly, 2002) .Whatever the source of gender differences, it is important to remember that most of them are quite small (Hyde, 2005) . So even though a popular book suggests that ‘men are from Mars and women are from Venus’, a more accurate metaphor might be to say that men are from one State and women are from another (Hyde, 2005) .

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Risk and resilience Family instability, child abuse, homelessness, parental unemployment, poverty, substance abuse and domestic violence put many children at risk of various difficulties in social and emotional development (Ackerman, Brown & Izard, 2004; Karevold et al., 2009) . When parents divorce, for example, their children may develop serious problems (Clarke-Stewart & Brentano, 2006; Lansford , 2009) . By two or three years after the divorce, the intense psychological stress is over and most children are functioning competently, but there can be long-lasting effects. Adults whose parents had divorced when they were children may not live as long as those from intact families, and a high

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gender schemas the generalisations children develop about what toys, activities and occupations are ‘ appropriate’ for males and for females

Chapter 5: Human Development

proportion of people who were young adolescents when their parents divorced are unable to form committed relationships even years later. Children are also at risk if their parents have violent fights. Nearly half the children exposed to marital violence exhibit various forms of psychological disorder a rate six times higher than that in the general population (Garber, 1992) . Children vary in how well they ultimately adjust to all these stressors. Even when the odds are against them, some children are left virtually unscathed by even the most dangerous risk factors. These children are said to be resilient. According to Pooley and Cohen (2010), resilience may be defined as the potential to exhibit resourcefulness by using available internal and external recourses in response to different contextual and developmental challenges. Resilience is a characteristic that permits successful development in the face of significant challenge. It has been studied throughout the world in a variety of adverse situations, including war, natural disaster, family violence, child maltreatment and poverty. This research has consistently identified certain qualities in children and their environments that are associated with resilience. Specifically, resilient children tend to be intelligent and to have easy temperaments , high self-esteem, talent and faith (Masten & Coatsworth, 1998).They are cheerful, focused and persistent in completing a task (Wills et ah , 2001). They also typically have significant relationships with a warm and authoritative parent, with someone in their extended family, or with other caring adults outside the family, at school , or in clubs or religious organisations (Rutter, 2006) . In addition, they have genes that direct optimal regulation of serotonin , a neurotransmitter that, as described in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’ , plays a role in mood and stress-related responses (Kim-Cohen & Gold , 2009) .

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resilience a quality allowing children to develop normally in spite of severe environmental risk factors

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IN REVIEW Infancy and childhood: social and emotional development AGE

Birth -2 years

RELATIONSHIPS WITH PARENTS

Infants form an attachment to the primary

caregiver.

2 - 4 years

4-10 years

Children become more autonomous and no longer need their parents’ constant attention. Parents actively socialise their children.

RELATIONSHIPS WITH OTHER CHILDREN

SOCIAL UNDERSTANDING

Play focuses on toys, not on other children.

Infants respond to the emotional expressions of others.

Toys are a way of eliciting responses from other children.

Young children can recognise the

Children begin to cooperate, compete, play games and form friendships with peers.

emotions of others.

Children learn social rules, such as politeness, and roles, such as being male or female; they learn to control their emotions.

Check your understanding has a strong influence on the type of temperament displayed by infants at birth and 1 Research suggests that later in life. and 2 The different kinds of insecure attachment patterns are 3 Studies of children in the context of divorce and separation indicate that the concept of is important as it offers an explanation as to why some children fare better than others.

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11.4 ADOLESCENCE The years of middle childhood usually pass smoothly, but adolescence changes things drastically. All adolescents undergo significant changes in size, shape and physical capacities. Many also experience big changes in their social lives, reasoning abilities and views of themselves.

Changes in body, brain and thinking A sudden spurt in physical growth is the most visible sign that adolescence has begun . This growth spurt peaks at about age 12 for girls and age 14 for boys (Tanner, 1978; see Figure 11.5) . Suddenly, adolescents find themselves in new bodies. At the end of the growth spurt, females begin to menstruate and males produce live sperm .This state of being able, for the first time, to reproduce is called puberty.

puberty the condition of being able, for the first time, to reproduce

FIGURE 11.5 Physical changes in adolescence

At about 10 4 years of age, girls begin their growth spurt, and by age 12 they are taller than their male peers. Boys begin their growth spurt at about 1214 years of age and usually grow faster and for a longer period of time than girls. Adolescents may grow in height as much as 13 centimetres a year. Increases in sex hormones (for example, oestrogen and testosterone) lead to the development of sexual characteristics such as pubic hair. The ages at which these changes occur vary considerably across individuals, but their sequence is the same. /

GIRLS

BOYS

Peak of growth spurt

Age (in years)

Age (in years)

These dramatic changes in teenagers’ bodies are accompanied by significant changes in their brains, especially in parts of the frontal lobes known as the prefrontal cortex (Kuhn, 2006; Spear, 2000; see Figure 3.12 in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’) .These areas are vital to the ability to think flexibly, to act appropriately in challenging situations, and to juggle multiple pieces of information. They are also involved in skills such as planning and organisation , controlling impulses and allocating attention. As described in the ‘Linkages: Human development and the changing brain’ section of Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’, the brain overproduces neuronal connections during childhood , but during puberty, the connections that are not being used much are eliminated, or ‘pruned’ . At the same time, many neurons acquire a sheath of myelin , which speeds their communication with one another. So by the end of adolescence, teenagers’ brains have fewer neural connections , but those that remain are more selective, stronger and more efficient . At the same time, dopamine, a neurotransmitter associated with the experience of pleasure, becomes more prominent. Changes in the brain are reflected in changes in the ways that adolescents think . As mentioned earlier, Piaget described this new stage of thinking as the formal operational stage. He said it is marked by the ability to engage in abstract , hypothetical thinking, but researchers now suggest that cognitive custom page

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changes in adolescence also include a whole range of executive functions controlled by the prefrontal cortex (Keil, 2006; Kuhn, 2006) . By late adolescence, young people are able to reason better, plan for the future, and foresee consequences.

Adolescent feelings and behaviour

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In Western cultures, the changes occurring during early adolescence , from age 11 14 years, can be disorienting. Adolescents especially early-maturing girls may experience bouts of depression , insomnia and other psychological problems (Johnson et ah , 2006; Mendle, Turkheimer & Emery, 2007; Ohring, Graber & Brooks-Gunn, 2002) . This is also the time when eating disorders are likely to first appear (Wilson et ah , 1996) and when the incidence of attempted and completed suicides begins to rise (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2007). As sex hormones and pleasure-related brain systems become more active, sexual interest stirs , and the prospect of smoking, drinking alcohol and taking other drugs becomes more appealing (Patton et ah , 2004; Reyna & Farley, 2006) . Opportunities to do these things increase, too, because adolescents spend more time with their peers and take more risks than younger children do (Gardner & Steinberg, 2005; Steinberg, 2007, 2008) . Much of this risk-taking seems to be due to the different rates at which parts of the adolescent brain develop. The impulse-control areas in the prefrontal cortex complete their development long after the emotional and reward-related areas of the limbic system do (Casey, Getz & Galvan, 2008; Steinberg, 2007, 2008) . Of course, a certain amount of adolescent risk-taking and sensation-seeking is normal, as suggested by the Snapshot ‘Contacting friends instantly’. In fact, adolescents who engage in moderate risk-taking tend to be more socially competent than those who either take no risks or take extreme risks (Spear, 2000) . Extreme risk-taking is often maladaptive, leading to excessive use of drugs and alcohol or to reckless and even lifethreatening activities. So for some people, early adolescence marks the beginning of a downward spiral that ends up in academic failure, delinquency and substance abuse.

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Contacting friends - instantly Adolescents spend more time online and more often use instant messaging (texting) and other electronic communication technologies than either adults or children. Most often, they use the Internet to communicate with their existing network of friends and find that this enhances both their friendships and their sense of wellbeing (Reich, Subrahmanyam & Espinoza; Valkenburg & Peter, 2007a, 2007b). About a third believe that online communication is more effective than in - person chats for disclosing intimate personal information. Some early studies created concern that intense Internet use might have negative long- term effects on adolescent texters’ ability to plan, think flexibly and abstractly, learn rules, inhibit inappropriate actions, and focus on relevant information. More recent research suggests that these concerns may be exaggerated ( Valkenburg & Peter, 2009). There is no doubt, though, that the Internet carries risks, including exposure to degrading or obscene material and attempted contact by sexual predators.

Many of the problems of adolescence are associated with challenges to young people’s selfesteem , their sense of being worthy, capable and deserving of respect ( Harter, 2006) . Adolescents are especially vulnerable if many stressors occur at the same time (Kling et ah , 1999) . The transition from primary school to high school is particularly challenging (Eccles, Lord & Buchanan, 1996) . The new teachers may have less time to nurture students and may exert more control , impose custom page

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higher standards and evaluate students’ work in a more public way. Under these circumstances, grades may drop, especially for students who were already having trouble in school or who don’t have confidence in their own abilities (Rudolph et ah , 2001) . But grades don’t affect self-esteem in all teenagers. Some base their self-esteem more on athletic success and on their peers’ opinions of them than on their academic achievement (Crocker & Wolfe, 2001) . In fact, adolescents’ academic performance is strongly affected by the peers with whom they spend their time. For example, adolescents whose grades and motivation decline from the end of primary school to the end of their first year in high school tend to be those who affiliated themselves with other academic underachievers (Ryan, 2001) . The changes and pressures of adolescence are often played out at home as adolescents try to have a greater say in a parent child relationship once ruled by the parents. Serious conflicts may lead adolescents especially those who do not feel close to their parents to serious problems, including running away, getting pregnant, stealing, taking drugs or even attempting suicide (Blum, Beuhring & Rinehart , 2000; Goldstein , Davis-Kean & Eccles, 2005) . Fortunately, although the bond with parents deteriorates during the transition from early to mid adolescence, most adolescents maintain a reasonably good relationship with their parents ( McGue et ah , 2005; Moore, 2005; van Wei , ter Bogt & Raaijmakers, 2002) . Children who report positive relationships with their parents tend not to associate with risk-taking peers in early high school or develop problem behaviours later in high school (Eisenberg et ah , 2005; Goldstein , Davis-Kean & Eccles, 2005; Soenens et ah , 2006) . Teenagers are most likely to share confidences with parents who keep tabs on their youngsters’ activities and expect them to discuss those activities (Smetana et ah , 2006; Soenens et al., 2006), but how much involvement and control is enough and how much is too much ? It is not easy for parents to know. In one study,Year 7 students who felt they had a lot of autonomy at home such as deciding how late to stay out at night did more unsupervised socialising with peers in Year 8 and were at greater risk of problem behaviour in Years 11 and 12 (Goldstein, Davis-Kean & Eccles, 2005) . At the same time,Year 7 students who thought their parents were too intrusive also ran into problems. They hung out more with deviant peers in Year 8 and by Year 11 showed elevated rates of behaviour problems.

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Love and sex in adolescence On top of everything else, adolescence is usually the time when romance first takes centrestage (Collins & Steinberg, 2006) . According to the Centre for Adolescent Health at Melbourne’s Royal Children’s Hospital, adolescents aged between 10 and 14 may enter a romantic relationship. However, between the ages of 15 and 19, romantic relationships can become central to social life. Being in a romantic relationship is linked with feelings of self-worth, competence and belonging to a peer group (Collins & Roisman, 2006; Harter, 2006). Dating a popular, socially skilled partner is even better because this can increase a previously isolated or poorly adjusted teenager’s popularity while reducing victimisation and feelings of sadness (Simon, Aikins & Prinstein, 2008).

Teen sexual practices According to Australian research on teenagers (Waldron et al. 2007) , the younger the adolescent when the first sexual encounter occurs, the more likely this will continue and result in unwanted pregnancy.The fifth National School Sexual Health Survey (LaTrobe University, 2013) reported that the majority of students surveyed (69 per cent) had experienced some form of sexual activity. Almost 25 per cent ofYear 10 students, 34 per cent ofYear 11 students and 50 per cent ofYear 12 students had experienced sexual intercourse. Around 40 per cent of students experienced oral sex. Teenagers

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who have sex differ from those who do not in a number of ways. They hold less conventional attitudes and values, and they are more likely to smoke, drink alcohol and use other drugs ( National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse, 2004), to be aggressive, and to have attention problems in school (Schofield et ah , 2008) . They are also likely to have more unsupervised time after school (Cohen et al., 2002) , to be in peer groups whose norms support risk-taking (di Noia & Schinke, 2008) , and to have a sexually active best friend (Jaccard, Blanton & Dodge, 2005) . Their parents tend to be less educated, to have less control over them , and not to talk openly with them .They are more likely to have spent their childhood without their father (Ellis et al. , 2003; Mendle et al., 2009) . The typical pairing of heterosexually active teenagers is a ‘macho’ male and a ‘girly’ female (Udry & Chantala, 2003) . Adolescents who displayed poorer self-regulatory skills as children are the ones most likely to take greater sexual risks , such as having multiple partners or not using condoms (Atkins, 2008; Raffaelli & Crockett, 2003) . In a survey of Australian secondary school students (Mitchell et al. , 2014), the majority of participants (59 per cent) reported using condoms and 23 per cent of them reported having sexual activity with three or more sexual partners in the past year. In addition, 3 per cent of students had been affected by sexually transmitted diseases and 1 per cent had developed hepatitis. Interestingly, 88 per cent of respondents sought information about sexual health . All too often, sexual activity leads to declining school achievement, sexually transmitted diseases, and unplanned and unwanted pregnancies. The teenagers most likely to become pregnant are those with low confidence in themselves and their educational futures, along with those whose parents are unmarried and have a low level of education (Chandra et al., 2008;Young et al., 2004) .

Impact of teen pregnancy Giving birth in adolescence can create problems for the mother, the baby and others in the family, as described in the Snapshot ‘Mothers too soon?’. For one thing, the younger sisters of teenage mothers may have to take time away from schoolwork to help care for the child, and they are at increased risk of drug and alcohol use and becoming pregnant themselves (East & Jacobson , 2001) .Worse still is the fact that the babies of teenage mothers are less likely than babies of older mothers to survive their first year (Phipps, Blume & DeMonner, 2002) . This situation occurs partly because, compared with older parents, teenage parents are less positive and stimulating with their children and more likely to abuse them (Brooks-Gunn & Chase-Lansdale, 2002) . The children of teenage parents are more likely to develop behaviour problems and to do poorly in school than children with more mature parents ( Furstenberg, Brooks-Gunn & Chase-Lansdale, 1989; Moffitt, 2002) . They do better if they have a strong attachment to their father and if their mother was prepared for maternal responsibilities and was knowledgeable about children and parenting before the baby was born (Miller et al. , 1996; Whitman et al., 2001).

Mothers too soon ? Young women who give birth as teenagers and their children are likely to face special academic, social and other problems. In Australia, 5 per cent of sexually active students reported having sex that resulted in pregnancy. This is more prevalent for Year 10 than for Year 12 students (Mitchell et al., 2014). Accordingly, support programs for teenage mothers have been developed, and some of them have reported success in alleviating symptoms of depression, increasing the young mothers’ parenting capabilities, and helping them achieve their educational goals (Cox et al., 2008; Sadler et al., 2007).

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Violent adolescents As described at the beginning of this chapter, some individuals respond to the challenges of adolescence with violence. The roots of teenage violence run deep and lie partly in genetic factors (Brendgen et al., 2005) . From childhood to adolescence, aggression is just as stable as intelligence (Dodge, Coie & Lynam, 2006) . Among the childhood characteristics that increase the risk of violent behaviour in adolescence are fearlessness, low intelligence, lack of empathy, lack of emotional self-regulation, aggressiveness and moral disengagement (Eisenberg et al. , 2004; Hay et al., 2003; Pepler et al., 2008; Rutter, 2003) . Gender is another important factor (Ostrov & Godleski, 2010): it is no coincidence that teenage killers are almost always boys. In cultures around the world, homicides committed by males outnumber those committed by females by more than 30 to one (Cassel & Bernstein, 2007) .

Environmental factors and youth violence Several environmental factors are also associated with an increased risk of youth violence (Duke et al. , 2010) . These factors include maternal depression and rejection , and involvement with delinquent gangs or antisocial peers (Burt, McGue & Iacono, 2009; Rutter, 2003) , as well as poverty (Strohschein, 2005), malnutrition (Liu et al. , 2004) and exposure to violent television shows and video games (Comstock & Scharrer, 2006; Nicoll & Kieffer, 2005) . Peers are especially influential. Another contributor to violence is the growing use and abuse of anabolic steroids (Grimes, Ricci & Melloni , 2006) . Adolescent violence is also more likely among youngsters who grow up witnessing family violence, clashing with siblings, or experiencing physical abuse (Ehrensaft et al., 2003; Noland et al., 2004) .The risk is raised, too, among children who live in neighbourhoods plagued by violence and crime ( Herrenkohl et al., 2004; Pearce et al., 2003) . Young people who are exposed to even a single incident of firearm violence are twice as likely as other children to later engage in violent behaviour (Bingenheimer, Brennan & Earls , 2005) .

Incidence of violence Despite all the potential dangers and problems of adolescence, most teenagers in Western cultures are not violent and do not experience major personal turmoil or family conflicts. So although most parents and teachers seem to believe that adolescence is a time of 'storm and stress’ ( Hines & Paulson , 2007), research suggests that more than half of today’s teenagers find adolescence relatively troublefree (Arnett, 1999, 2007 b; Chung, Flook & Fuligni , 2009) . Only about 15 per cent of the adolescents studied experience serious distress (Steinberg, 1990) .The vast majority of adolescents cope well with the changes puberty brings and soon find themselves in the midst of perhaps the biggest challenge of their young lives: preparing themselves for the transition to young adulthood.

Identity and development of the self In many less developed countries today, the end of early adolescence, around the age of 15, marks the beginning of adulthood: of work , parenting and grown-up responsibilities. In Western countries, though, the transition from childhood to adulthood often lasts well into the twenties.This lengthened adolescence has created special problems , including the matter of finding or forming an identity. Most adolescents have not previously thought deeply about who they are. At the age of three or four, if asked to describe themselves, they would probably have mentioned their physical features (‘I have blue eyes’) , preferences (‘I like pizza’) and possessions (‘I have a kitty’) . At ages five to seven , they would have described their competencies (‘I’ m a good runner, and I get good grades at school’ ) . Around the age of eight , they would have used labels that focus on more complex and general abilities (‘I’ m smart’) and interpersonal attributes (‘I’ m popular’) and would have used this knowledge about

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themselves to actively evaluate and reflect on their thoughts and behaviour (Davis-Kean, Jager & Collins, 2009). It is in early adolescence, around age 11 years, that they would have begun to describe themselves in terms of social relationships , personality traits and other general , stable psychological characteristics; by the end of adolescence, their self-descriptions emphasise their personal beliefs, values and moral standards (Harter, 1999, 2006) . Adolescents come to recognise that they are somewhat different people in different social contexts (such as with friends versus at a family party) , and they can think about the possible selves they might be in the future. They can also integrate their seemingly opposite traits, such as ‘cheerful’ and ‘depressed’, into a broader characteristic, such as ‘moody’.

Development of ethnic identity ethnic identity the part of a person’s identity associated with the racial, religious or cultural group to which the person belongs

These changes in the way adolescents describe themselves suggest changes in the way they think about themselves, too. As they become more self-conscious, they gradually develop a personal identity as unique individuals. That personal identity may be affected by their ethnic identity (see the Snapshot ‘Ethnic identity’) the part of a person’s identity that reflects the racial , religious or cultural group to which the person belongs (Quintana , 2010) . Adolescents who achieve a clear, positive ethnic identity exhibit higher self-esteem, greater optimism and more social competence, as well as more positive feelings towards their own ethnic group (Chavous et al., 2003; Spencer, 2006; Wong, Eccles & Sameroff, 2003;Yip & Fuligni, 2002) . As described in Chapter 15, ‘Social cognition and influence’, the same processes that create a strong ethnic identity can also sow the seeds of ethnic prejudice. For example, thinking favourably about your own ethnic group can lead to thinking of other groups as inferior. Fortunately, prejudice is not inevitable. Adolescents who regularly interact with members of other ethnic groups usually develop more mature ethnic identities and express more favourable attitudes towards people of other ethnicities ( Phinney, Ferguson & Tate, 1997; Phinney, Jacoby & Silva, 2007) .

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Ethnic identity Ethnic identity is that part of our personal identity that reflects the racial, religious or cultural group to which we belong. Ethnic identity often leads people to interact mainly with others who share that identity. TRY THIS \ j To what extent is this true of you? You can get a rough idea byjotting down the ethnicity of all the people you chose to spend time with over the past week or so.

Moral development Adolescents are able to develop a personal and ethnic identity partly because, according to Piaget’s theory, they have entered the formal operational stage, which allows them to think logically and reason about abstract concepts. Adolescents often find themselves applying these advanced cognitive skills to questions of morality.

Kohlberg’s stages of moral reasoning To examine how people think about morality, Lawrence Kohlberg asked them to resolve moral dilemmas. Perhaps the most famous of his dilemmas was the ‘Heinz dilemma’ , which requires people to decide whether a man named Heinz should steal a rare and unaffordable drug in order to save his wife’s life. Kohlberg found that the reasons people give for their moral choices change systematically custom page

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with age (Kohlberg & Gilligan, 1971) . He proposed that moral reasoning develops in six stages, which are summarised in Table 11.3. These stages are not tightly linked to a persons age. There is a range of ages for reaching each stage, and not everyone reaches the highest level.

TABLE 11.3 Kohlberg’s stages of moral development

Kohlberg’s stages of moral reasoning describe differences in how people think about moral issues. Here are examples of the answers that people at different stages of development might give to the ‘Heinz dilemma’ described in the text . This dilemma is more realistic than you might think. In 1994, a US man was arrested for robbing a bank after being turned down for a loan to pay for his wife’s cancer treatments; a

similar case occurred in 2004. What is right?

Should Heinz steal the drug?

Obeying, and avoiding punishment from, a superior authority Making a fair exchange, a good deal

‘Heinz should not steal the drug because he will be jailed.’

Pleasing others and getting their approval Doing your duty, following rules and

‘Heinz should steal the drug because he loves his wife and because she and the rest of the family will approve.’ ‘Heinz should steal the drug for his wife because he has a duty to care for her’ or ‘He should not steal the drug because stealing is illegal’.

Preconventional

1 2

‘Heinz should steal the drug because his wife will repay him later.’

Conventional

3 4

social order Postconventional

5 6

Respecting rules and laws but recognising that they may have limits Following universal ethical principles, such asjustice, reciprocity, equality and respect for human life and rights

‘Heinz should steal the drug because life is more important than property.’ ‘Heinz should steal the drug because of the principle of preserving and respecting life.’

Stage 1 and stage 2 moral judgements are most typical of children under the age of nine and tend to be selfish . Kohlberg called this level preconventional reasoning because it is not yet based on the conventions or rules that guide social interactions in society. At this level of moral development , people are concerned with avoiding punishment or following rules when it is to their own advantage. At the conventional reasoning level , stages 3 and 4 , people are concerned about other people ; they believe that morality consists of following rules and conventions such as duty to the family, to marriage vows and to country. Conventional thinkers would never think it was proper to burn their country’s flag in protest , for example.The moral reasoning of children and adolescents from ages nine to 19 is most often at this level . Stages 5 and 6 represent what Kohlberg called postconventional reasoning because it occurs after conventional reasoning. Moral judgements at this level are based on personal standards or universal principles of justice, equality and respect for human life rather than on the demands of authority figures or society. People whose moral reasoning is at this level view rules and laws as arbitrary but respect them because they protect human welfare. They believe that individual rights can sometimes justify violating these laws if the laws become destructive. People do not usually reach this level until sometime in young adulthood if at all. Stage 6 is seen only rarely in extraordinary individuals.

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Limitations of Kohlberg’s stages Studies of Kohlberg s stages have generally supported the sequence he proposed (for example, Turiel, 2006) . Evidence for Kohlberg s first four stages has been found in 27 cultures , from Alaska to Zambia . custom page

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preconventional reasoning moral reasoning that is not yet based on the conventions or rules that guide social interactions in

society

moral development the growth of an individual’s understanding of the concepts of right and wrong

conventional reasoning moral reasoning that reflects the belief that morality consists of following rules and conventions

postconventional reasoning moral reasoning in which judgements are based on personal standards or universal principles of justice, equality and respect for human life

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Stages 5 and 6, however, have not always appeared (Gibbs et ah , 2007; Snarey & Hooker, 2006; Turiel , 2006; Wainryb, 2006) . Furthermore, moral judgements made in some cultures do not always fit neatly into Kohlberg’s stages. Some people in collectivist cultures Papua New Guinea, Taiwan and Israeli kibbutzim, for example explained their answers to moral dilemmas by pointing to the importance of the community rather than to personal standards. People in India included in their moral reasoning the importance of acting in accordance with one’s gender and caste, and with maintaining personal purity. As in other areas of cognitive development, culture plays a significant role in shaping moral judgements. Gender may also play a role. Carol Gilligan (1982, 1993) suggested that for females, the moral ideal is not the abstract, impersonal concept of justice that Kohlberg found in males, but rather the need to protect enduring relationships and fulfil human needs. When Gilligan asked her research participants about moral conflicts, the majority of men focused on justice, but only half of the women did .The other half focused on caring. Although this difference between men and women has not always been found , there does seem to be a tendency for females to focus on caring more than males do, and for males to focus on justice more than females do when they are talking about reallife moral issues they have personally experienced (Jaffee & Hyde, 2000) . However, when they are asked about hypothetical moral dilemmas , there is no substantial difference in how males and females reason (Jaffee & Hyde, 2000; Raaijmakers , Engels & Van Hoof, 2005; Walker, 2006) . Taken together, the results of research in many countries and with both genders suggest that moral ideals are not absolute and universal. Moral development is an adaptation to the world in which one lives, a world that differs from place to place and time to time (Turiel, 2006;Wainryb & Psaupathi, 2008).

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Moral reasoning and moral action APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY When people feel like they are being watched , are they more likely to behave morally?

Moral reasoning is related to moral behaviour. In one study, adolescents who committed crimes ranging from burglary to murder tended to see obedience to laws mainly as a way of avoiding prison a stage 1 belief. Their non-delinquent peers, who showed stage 4 reasoning, believed that one should obey laws because they prevent chaos in society (Gregg, Gibbs & Basinger, 1994) . However, having advanced moral reasoning ability is no guarantee that a person will always act morally; other factors, such as the likelihood of being caught in an immoral act, also affect behaviour. For example, people have been shown to behave in less moral ways when dim lighting or the use of email creates a sense of anonymity or distance ( Naquin , Kurtzberg & Belkin , 2010; Zhong, Bohns & Gino, 2010) , and to behave more honestly when they feel they are being watched . In one study, even people alone in a cafe were nearly three times as likely to pay for their coffee when a poster on the wall portrayed human eyes looking at them rather than an image of flowers (Bateson , Nettle & Roberts , 2006) . In summary, learning to behave in moral ways requires three things: 1 consistent modelling of moral reasoning and behaviour by parents and peers 2 real-life experience with moral issues 3 situational factors that support moral actions (Aquino et al. , 2009) .

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Emerging adulthood In Western cultures, adolescence is typically followed by a period of ‘emerging adulthood’ that lasts from about 18 to about 25 years of age. During this period, young people explore life’s possibilities through education, dating and travel before settling into stable adult roles and responsibilities (Arnett, 2000, 2007a ; Roisman et al. , 2004) . One of the tasks of particular importance for emerging adults is resolving their ‘identity crisis’.

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Facing the identity crisis According to Erikson (1968), events of late adolescence, such as graduating from high school, going to university and building new relationships, challenge one’s self-concept and precipitate an identity crisis (see Table 11.2) . In this crisis, the person must develop an integrated self-image as a unique individual by pulling together self-knowledge acquired during childhood. If infancy and childhood brought trust, autonomy and initiative, according to Erikson, individuals will resolve the identity crisis positively, feeling self-confident and competent. If infancy and childhood resulted in feelings of mistrust, shame, guilt and inferiority, individuals will be confused about their identity and goals. In Western cultures , there is some limited empirical support for Erikson’s ideas about the identity crisis. In the period of emerging adulthood, young people do become more open to new experiences and consider alternative identities (Roberts, Walton & Viechtbauer, 2006) .They ‘try out’ being rebellious, studious or detached as they attempt to resolve questions about sexuality, self-worth , industriousness and independence. Some university students, for example, make a commitment to an identity and then re-evaluate that commitment; these students are more likely to repeat their first year of university study or change their major (Luyckx, Goossens & Soenens , 2006) . Recreational identities may be especially important; not all university students are successful academically, so they may try out alternative identities associated with extracurricular activities (Eccles & Gootman, 2002) . People of university age may also try out identities through online message boards and multiplayer Internet games (Whitlock, Powers & Eckenrode, 2006) . As young people learn to cope with challenges, handle their emotions and settle on their identity during emerging adulthood , their psychological wellbeing tends to improve. The prevalence of serious depression, which tends to be quite high at the end of adolescence, especially for girls, declines (Galambos, Barker & Krahn , 2006) . By the time they are 21 years of age, about half of the people studied have resolved the identity crisis in a way that is consistent with their self-image and the historical era in which they are living. They are ready to enter adulthood with greater selfconfidence, more mature attitudes and behaviour, more consistent goals and values, and a clearer idea of who they are (Savin-Williams & Demo, 1984). Many have become more aware of their obligations to their families ( Fuligni & Pedersen, 2002) . For those who fail to resolve identity issues either because they avoided an identity crisis by accepting whatever identity their parents set for them, or because they postponed dealing with the crisis and remain uncommitted and lacking in direction problems often lie ahead (Lange & Byrd , 2002) .

identity crisis a phase during which an adolescent attempts to develop an integrated self - image

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IN REVIEW Adolescence TYPE OF CHANGE

Physical

KEY CONCEPTS

DESCRIPTION

Puberty - state of being able, for the first time, to reproduce

Physical growth, from ages 12 -19, is different for males and females Brain changes as neural connections are pruned and become stronger

Behavioural

Formal operational stage develop the ability to plan, reason and foresee consequences

Interest in sex increases; risk - taking behaviour and violence can

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TYPE OF CHANGE

KEY CONCEPTS

DESCRIPTION

Identity

Understanding of self and forming an identity separate from family

Self- esteem - a sense of worth, capability and respect Ethnic identity - relates to the religious, cultural or racial group /s to which an adolescent belongs Relationships and networks - the growth of importance of others

Moral

Kohlberg’s six stages of moral development

Able to think about moral dilemmas Some cross - cultural research support for first four stages

Check your understanding 1 Adolescents who engage in moderate risk - taking tend to be socially competent than those who either take no risks or take extreme risks. 2 At about age there is a change in the way in people describe themselves in terms of social relationships, personality traits and other general, stable psychological characteristics. 3 Kohlberg found that the reasons people give for their moral choices change systematically with

11.5 ADULTHOOD As emerging adults enter adulthood itself, the process of development continues. The changes and transitions in adulthood can be divided roughly into three periods: early adulthood (from 20 to about 39) , middle adulthood (from 40 to 65) and late adulthood (beyond 65).

Physical changes

menopause the process whereby a woman’s reproductive capacity ceases

In early adulthood , physical growth continues. Shoulder width, height and chest size increase. People continue to develop their athletic abilities. For most people, the years of early adulthood are the prime of life. In middle adulthood , one of the most common physical changes is the loss of sensory sharpness. By this time, nearly everyone shows some hearing impairment. People in their early forties become less sensitive to light, and their vision deteriorates somewhat. Increased farsightedness is an inevitable change that usually results in a need for reading glasses. Inside the body, bone mass is dwindling, the risk of heart disease is increasing, and fertility declines. In their late forties or early fifties, women generally experience the shutdown of reproductive capability, a process known as menopause . Oestrogen and progesterone levels drop, and the menstrual cycle eventually ceases. In late adulthood , men shrink about 2.5 centimetres and women about 5 centimetres as their posture changes and cartilage discs between the spinal vertebrae become thinner. Hardening of the arteries and a build-up of fat deposits on the artery walls may lead to heart disease. The digestive system slows down and becomes less efficient . In addition , the brain shrinks and the flow of blood to the brain slows.The few reflexes that remained after infancy (such as the knee-jerk reflex) weaken or disappear. Bedtime comes earlier and naps are more frequent (Park et ah , 2002) . As in earlier years, declines in physical functioning can be delayed or diminished by a healthy diet and exercise (Brach et ah , 2003; Larson et al., 2006; Sun et al., 2010 ) .

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Cognitive changes Adulthood is marked by both increases and decreases in cognitive abilities. Reaction times become slower and more variable (Deary & Der, 2005a), and abilities that involve intensive information processing begin to decline, even in early adulthood . However, abilities that depend on accumulated knowledge and experience increase and don’t begin to decline until old age, if at all. In fact, older adults may function as well as or even better than younger adults in situations that tap their longterm memories and well-learned skills (Campbell, Hasher & Thomas, 2010) .

Cognitive advances in early, middle and late adulthood In early and middle adulthood , until age 60 years at least, important cognitive abilities improve. During this period, adults do better on tests of vocabulary, comprehension and general knowledge, especially if they use these abilities in their daily lives ( Park, 2001) .Young and middle-aged adults learn new information and new skills; they remember old information and hone old skills. It is in their forties through their early sixties that people tend to put in the best performance of their lives on complex mental tasks such as reasoning, verbal memory and vocabulary ( Willis & Schaie, 1999) . The nature of thought may also change during adulthood. Middle-aged adults are more adept than adolescents or young adults at making rational decisions and at relating logic and abstractions to actions, emotions, social issues and personal relationships (Tversky & Kahneman, 1981) . Their thought becomes more global , more concerned with broad moral and practical concerns (Labouvie-Vief, 1982). It has been suggested that this new kind of thinking reflects a stage of cognitive development that goes beyond Piaget’s formal operational period . In this advanced stage, people’s thinking becomes dialectical, which means they understand that knowledge is relative, not absolute such that what is seen as wise today may have been thought foolish in times past (Lutz & Sternberg, 1999) . They see life’s contradictions as an inevitable part of reality, and they tend to weigh various solutions to problems rather than just accepting the first one that springs to mind (Grossmann et al., 2010) .

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Declining cognitive abilities in late adulthood

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It is not until late adulthood after age 65 years or so that some intellectual abilities decline noticeably (Craik & Salthouse, 2008). Generally, the abilities most severely affected are those that require rapid and flexible manipulation of ideas and symbols, active thinking and reasoning, and sheer mental effort (Bakes , 1994; Finkel et al. , 2003; Gilmore, Spinks & Thomas, 2006; see Figure 11.6) . Older adults do just as well as younger ones at tasks they know well , such as naming familiar objects (Radvansky, 1999). It is when they are asked to perform an unfamiliar task or to solve a complex problem they have not seen before that older adults are generally slower and less effective than younger ones (Craik & Rabinowitz, 1984) .When facing complex problems , older people apparently suffer from having too much information to sift through (Gazzaley et al., 2005) . They have trouble considering, choosing and executing solutions (Peters et al., 2007) . As people age, they grow less efficient at organising the elements of a problem and at holding and manipulating more than one idea at a time. They have difficulty doing tasks that require them to divide their attention between two activities (Smith et al. , 2001) and are slower at shifting their attention back and forth between those activities (Wecker et al. , 2005) . If older adults have enough time, though , and can separate the two activities , they can perform just as well as younger adults (Hawkins, Kramer & Capaldi , 1993) . Usually, the loss of intellectual abilities in older adults is slow and need not cause major problems (Bashore & Ridderinkhoff , 2002) . Everyday competencies that involve verbal processes are likely to remain intact into advanced old age (Freedman, Aykan & Martin, 2001; Willis & Schaie, 1999).

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FIGURE 11.6 Mental abilities over the life span

Mental abilities collectively known as ‘fluid’ intelligence - speed and accuracy of information processing, for example - begin to decline quite early in adult life. Changes in these biologically based aspects of thinking are usually not marked until late adulthood, however. ‘Crystallised’ abilities learned over a lifetime - such as reading, writing, comprehension of language, and professional skills - decline too, but later and at a slower pace (Finkel et al., 2007; Li et al., 2004).

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Crystallised intelligence Fluid intelligence Adapted from Baltes , P. B . (1994, August ). Life - span developmental psychology: On the overall landscape of human development. Address presented at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, Los Angeles.

Impact of genetics

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Does keeping mentally active and finding new challenges as we age keep us cognitively and psychologically flexible well into older adulthood ?

The decline in cognitive abilities in old age, as well as the rate of that decline, is partly a matter of genetics ( Finkel et al. , 2009; Reynolds et al., 2005), but other factors are important too. For example, long-term use of tobacco or alcohol is associated with reductions in the speed and accuracy of thinking among the elderly and with reductions in IQ (Glass et al. , 2006) .The risk of cognitive decline is much lower for people who are healthy and psychologically flexible; who eat a healthy diet; who have a high level of education and income and have a satisfying occupation; who live in an intellectually stimulating environment with mentally able spouses or companions; and who had high IQs and were physically active in adolescence (Fritsch et al., 2005; Morris et al., 2006;Yaffe et al. , 2009). Scientists speculate that devoting years to obtaining an education and working at a complex job multiplies connections among brain regions and creates ‘cognitive reserves’ that can be drawn on in old age (Hall et al., 2009; Milgram et al., 2006; Springer et al. , 2005;Tucker-Drob, Johnson & Jones , 2009) .

Impact of lifestyle

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Mental exercise such as doing puzzles, painting and talking to intelligent friends also helps older adults continue to think and remember effectively and creatively (Hall et al. , 2009; Schooler, 2007) ; see the Snapshot ‘Use it or lose it’. Practice at memory and other information-processing tasks may even lead to some improvement in skills impaired by old age and disuse (Erickson et al. , 2007; Kramer & Willis , 2002; Rapp, Brenes & Marsh, 2002; Tranter & Koutstaal, 2008) . Continued physical exercise helps too.

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In short, an ‘engaged lifestyle’ filled with volunteer work, travel and other organised activities that provide opportunities to interact with a variety of individuals not just family members seems to provide the best environment for preventing decline in cognitive abilities ( Hertzog et ah , 2009; Keller-Cohen et ah , 2004) . Having an optimistic, emotionally stable, extroverted, open and conscientious personality can help too (Martin et ah , 2009) . People who believe that they can keep their memories sharp are more likely to use the memory strategies (described in Chapter 6, ‘Memory’) that help them do just that (Lachman & Andreoletti , 2006) . A major threat to cognitive abilities in late adulthood is dementia , and the most common cause is Alzheimer’s disease (Oboudiyat et ah , 2013) . As the disease progresses, parts of the brain deteriorate, leaving even the brightest minds dysfunctional (Defina et al., 2013) . People with Alzheimer’s may become emotionally flat , less oriented and mentally vacant (Dillon et al., 2013) . They usually die about three to seven years after being diagnosed (Todd et al., 2013). The age of onset and rate of decline may depend on several factors (Tejada-Vera, 2013), such as intelligence (Fritsch et al., 2005), gender, education (Wilson et al., 2007) , vulnerability to stress (Wilson et al., 2011) , physical activity (Buchman et al. , 2012) and vascular health (Reitz et al. , 2010) . For reasons still not clear, women tend to deteriorate more slowly than men (Mielke, Vemuri & Rocca, 2014) .

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Social changes In adulthood , people develop new relationships and take on new roles. These changes do not come in neat, predictable stages but instead follow various paths, depending on each individual’s experiences. Transitions such as divorcing, getting fired from a job, going back to school, remarrying, losing a spouse to death , being hospitalised , getting arrested, or retiring are turning points that can redirect a person’s life path and lead to changes in personality (Caspi & Shiner, 2006; Roberts, Helson & Klohnen, 2002) .

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Early adulthood: work, marriage, parenthood Men and women in industrialised cultures typically enter the adult world in their mid to late twenties. At the beginning of this period, about 20 per cent of young people are still really emerging adults who live with their parents, and just under half are still financially dependent (Cohen et al., 2003) . Gradually, they become more organised, disciplined and able to plan as they decide on an occupation or at least take a job and become preoccupied with their careers (Srivastava et al., 2003) . They also become more agreeable warmer, more generous and helpful, more controlled and confident; more socially dominant, conscientious and emotionally stable; and less angry and alienated (Roberts, Caspi & Moffitt , 2001; Roberts & Mroczek , 2008; Roberts, Walton & Viechtbauer, 2006; Srivastava et al., 2003) .

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Romantic love Young adults become concerned with matters of romantic love. Having reached the sixth of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development noted in Table 11.2 (intimacy versus isolation), they begin to focus on forming mature, committed relationships based on sexual intimacy, friendship or mutual intellectual stimulation. Those who remain without partners report the lowest levels of happiness, self esteem and life satisfaction (Kamp Dush & Amato, 2005) .Young adults whose view of relationships reflects a secure attachment tend to feel valued and worthy of support and affection. They develop closeness easily and have relationships characterised by joy, trust and commitment. If their view reflects an insecure attachment , however, they tend to be preoccupied with relationships and may feel misunderstood , underappreciated and worried about being abandoned. Their relationships are often negative, obsessive, jealous or promiscuous. Those who develop warm and supportive romantic relationships in early adulthood are likely to have had parents who were accepting and supportive (Conger et al. , 2000; Overbeek et al., 2007) .

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Use it or lose it Many older adults do Sudoku puzzles as a way of continually challenging cognitive abilities. More recently, older adults have been using electronic game consoles to exercise their neural pathways. Does the research evidence support ‘brain training’?

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The transition to parenthood Becoming a parent be a joy, but it may be accompanied by dissatisfaction if it fails to can

couple’s expectations, severely restricts meet a

their lives, or uncovers weaknesses in their relationship.

Parenthood and family responsibilities For many young adults, the experience of becoming a parent represents entry into a major new developmental phase that is accompanied by personal, social and occupational changes (Palkovitz, Copes & Woolfolk, 2001), as presented in the Snapshot ‘The transition to parenthood’ .This milestone is usually reached earlier for young adults from lower-income backgrounds, who are more likely to be in full-time employment and less likely to be living at home (Cohen et ah , 2003). Satisfaction with the marriage or partnership often declines once a baby is born ( Doss et al. , 2009; Twenge, Campbell & Foster, 2003) . Young mothers may experience particular dissatisfaction, especially if they see their career as important, if parenthood fails to meet their expectations , if they resent the constraints the infant brings, if the infant is temperamentally difficult, if the partnership is not strong, and if their partner is not supportive (Cowan & Cowan, 2000, 2009; Harwood , McLean & Durkin, 2007; Hogan & Msall , 2002; Jokela , 2010; Shapiro, Gottman & Carrere, 2000) . When the father does not do his share of child care, both mothers and fathers are dissatisfied (Levy-Shiff, 1994) . The challenges of young adulthood are complicated by the nature of family life today. Fifty years ago, a traditional view consisted of married couples in their twenties and thirties a breadwinner husband and a homemaker wife raising at least two children together. This picture now describes only about 35 per cent of households (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2011a) . In Australia, there are approximately 5.9 million families. The median age of first marriage is 31.5 years for men and 29.6 years for women . Currently in Australia , there are similar numbers of couples without children (37.2 per cent) as there are with children . One-parent families with dependent children represent 10.7 per cent of the total number of families, and those with non-dependent children represent 5.1 per cent (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 201 la) . Today, parents are older; the median age for first mothers is 28 because they marry later and wait longer to have children. Many gay men and lesbians are becoming parents too.There are 27 000 same-sex-couple families within Australia; however, it is difficult to define the number of households in which there are samesex parents. The 2011 Census indicated that 6120 children under 25 years were living with samesex parents, and that 5036 of these children were living in a lesbian-headed household (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 201 lb) . They face special challenges in making the transition to parenthood . Many of them confront discrimination by healthcare organisations and employer policies that do not recognise their parental role. They may also experience pervasive hostility, even from members of their own extended families.

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Divorce and separation In Australia , the number of divorces granted in 2014 was 46498, which is a decrease of 2.4 per cent since 2006.There has been a gradual increase in the median age at separation and divorce by 0.4 years for males and 0.3 years for females from 2013.This may be due to changes in family law in 1975, new legislation simplified the basis for divorce (dissolution of marriage) to irretrievable breakdown, as long as the couple in question were separated and had lived apart for one year. Although it frees people from bad relationships, divorce can leave them feeling anxious, guilty, incompetent, depressed and lonely. Divorce is correlated with health problems and ultimately with earlier mortality. Often , divorce creates new stressors, including money problems, changes in living circumstances and working hours, and for custodial parents, a dramatic increase in housework and childcare tasks. One study found that, two years after divorcing, most women were happier than they were during the final year of their marriage, but more stressed than mothers in two-parent families (Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 2002) . How effectively divorced people deal with these stressors depends on many factors, including the support they receive from friends and family, their general psychological stability and coping skills, their ability to form new relationships , and the degree to which they remain in conflict with their ex-spouses.

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In short, the changes seen in families and family life over the past several decades have made it more challenging than ever to successfully navigate the years of early adulthood .

Middle adulthood: reappraising priorities At around age 40 years, people go through a midlife transition during which they may reappraise and modify their lives and relationships. Many feel invigorated and liberated; some feel upset and have a ‘midlife crisis’ . Women who chose a career over a family now hear the biological clock ticking out their last childbearing years. Those who have had children become more independent and oriented towards achievement and events outside the family ( Helson & Moane, 1987). For both men and women, the emerging sexuality of their teenage children , the emptiness of the nest as their children leave home, or the declining health of a parent may precipitate a crisis, as illustrated in the Snapshot ‘The “ sandwich ” generation’. Following the midlife transition, the middle years of adulthood are often a time of satisfaction , happiness and other positive emotions as people enjoy a wide variety of leisure activities, including just spending time with the family (Mroczek & Spiro, 2005; Taylor, 2001) . Many people become concerned with producing something that will outlast them usually through parenthood or job achievements. Erikson called this concern the crisis of generativity because people begin to focus on activities that will produce or generate something that might benefit future generations. If they do not resolve this crisis by striking a good balance between generativity and self-centredness, he suggested, people stagnate. Research shows that after the age of 40 years, people are indeed more likely to strive for generativity goals (Sheldon & Kasser, 2001; Zucker, Ostrove & Stewart , 2002) . These might include writing a book , helping people in need, developing closer relationships with children, being a good role model for them, acting as a coach or mentor, and trying in other ways to make a lasting contribution to society. In their fifties, most people become grandparents (Smith & Drew, 2002) . This new status often amazes them . For example, a survey of professionals in their fifties found that they could not quite believe they were no longer young (Karp, 1991) . Most described themselves as healthy but acknowledged that their bodies were slowing down . At this age, spending time caring for young grandchildren can be stressful. One study found that grandmothers who spent more time providing care for their grandchildren were at increased risk of coronary heart disease (Lee et al., 2003). Overall , the degree of happiness and healthiness people experience during middle adulthood depends on how much control they feel they have over their work , finances, marriage, children and sex life (see the Snapshot “ ‘When I was your age, I was an adult.’ ” ), as well as on the nature of their personality, how many years of education they completed, and what kind of job they have (Azar, 1996; Griffin , Mroczek & Spiro, 2006) .

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Late adulthood: retirement and restriction

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Even when they are 65 75 years old, most people think of themselves as about 13 years younger than they are and consider themselves middle-aged, not old (Kleinspehn-Ammerlahn, Kotter-Griihn & Smith , 2008) . They are active and influential politically and socially; they are often physically vigorous. Ratings of life satisfaction , wellbeing and self-esteem are, on average, as high as they were during earlier adulthood (Ben-Zur, 2002; Hamarat et al., 2002; Sheldon & Kasser, 2001; Stone et al. , 2010) . Those most likely to enjoy good physical and mental health in late adulthood are the ones who had lots of parental support during childhood (Shaw et al., 2004); who can accept their feelings, memories and ways of thinking (Butler & Ciarrochi, 2007) ; and who can adjust to age-related declines as they come (Cheng, Fung & Chan, 2009) .

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The 'sandwich' generation During their midlife transition, many people feel ‘sandwiched’ between generations -

pressured by the social, emotional and financial needs of their children on one side and of their ageing parents on the other (Keene

& Prokos, 2007; Wujcik, 2008).

U U I

N

generativity adult concerns about producing

something that may be of benefit to others in the future

'When I

was your age, I was an adult.' Most people in their sixties want their children to be independent, so they may have mixed feelings about children who continue to need financial support during an extended period of emerging adulthood (Pillemer & Suitor, 2002).

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Elderly statesman Gough Whitlam who died in 2014 at 98 years of age, was still very involved in Australian politics well into his eighties and was an example of the many people whose late adulthood is healthy and vigorous.

Retirement Late adulthood is the time when men and women usually retire from their jobs , but many people underestimate older people’s ability and willingness to work .This misperception was once translated into laws that forced workers to retire at age 65 years regardless of their abilities. Being forced to retire can result in psychological and physical problems. This has changed across Western countries, where people are no longer forced to retire. In one study of cardiovascular disease, men who retired involuntarily were found to be more depressed , less healthy and less well adjusted than those who retired voluntarily (Clay, 1996) . Such problems may also occur when husbands retire before their wives do (Rubin, 1998) . Men tend to view retirement as a time to wind down, whereas women see it as a time to try new things and to reinvent themselves ( Helgesen, 1998) . In general , it seems, voluntary retirees are more likely to be satisfied with their lives than people who continue, by choice or financial necessity, to work through their sixties and seventies (Moen et al., 2000) . Satisfaction is especially likely among those who had made careful financial plans long before retirement ( Noone, Stephens & Alpass, 2009); see the Snapshot ‘Elderly statesman’ .

Coping strategies More people than ever are reaching old age. In fact, people over 75 years make up the fastest-growing segment of the population; this group is 25 times larger today than it was 100 years ago. The 2011 Australian Census reported that there were 4400 centenarians: 1000 men and 3400 women; this number is expected to increase to 12000 by 2020 (Richmand , 2008) . Old age is not necessarily a time of loneliness and desolation, but it is a time when people generally become more inward-looking, cautious and conforming (Reedy, 1983). It is a time when people develop coping strategies that increasingly take into account the limits of their control accepting chronic health problems and other things they cannot change (Brandtstadter & Renner, 1990) . One such coping strategy is to direct attention to positive thoughts, activities and memories (Charles, Mather & Carstensen , 2003; Mather et al. , 2004). In fact, when older adults are asked to look at pictures of faces portraying various emotions, they spend more time looking at happy faces; people of university-age look longer at fearful faces ( Isaacowitz et al., 2006) . According to socioemotional selectivity theory (Charles & Carstensen, 2007) , this difference occurs because in old age, people become more aware than ever that their time on earth is limited. Accordingly, they regulate their emotions so as to focus more on positive than on negative information . So when experimenters deliberately induce negative emotions in a laboratory situation, older adults are better than younger ones at quickly recovering their previous mood (Kliegel, Jager & Phillips, 2007) .

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Socialising in late adulthood In old age, people interact with others less frequently, but they enjoy their interactions more (Carstensen, 1997). They find relationships more satisfying, supportive and fulfilling than they did earlier in life. During the last 20 years of their lives, people gradually restrict their social network to loved ones. As long as there are at least three close friends or relatives in their network, they tend to be content, especially if these relationships are good ones (Litwin & Shiovitz-Ezra, 2006) . The many changes associated with adolescence and adulthood are summarised in the upcoming section ‘In review: Adulthood’ .

Death and dying terminal drop a sharp decline in mental functioning that tends to occur in late adulthood, a few years or months before death

In old age, people become increasingly aware that death is approaching. They watch as their friends disappear.They feel their health deteriorating, their strength waning and their intellectual capabilities declining. A few years or a few months before death, some people experience a sharp decline in mental functioning known as terminal drop (Wilson , Beck et al. , 2007). custom page

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The awareness of impending death brings about the last psychological crisis, according to Erikson’s theory, in which people evaluate their lives and accomplishments and affirm them as meaningful (leading to a feeling of integrity) or meaningless (leading to a feeling of despair) . People at this stage tend to become more philosophical and reflective. They attempt to put their lives into perspective. They reminisce, resolve past conflicts and integrate past events. They may also become more interested in the religious and spiritual side of life. This ‘life review’ may trigger anxiety, regret, guilt and despair, or it may allow people to face their own deaths and the deaths of friends and relatives with a feeling of peace and acceptance (Steinhauser et al., 2008; Torges, Stewart & Nolen- Hoeksema, 2008) . Even the actual confrontation with death does not have to bring despair and depression . People generally want to be told if they are dying (Hinton, 1967) . When death finally is imminent , old people strive for a death with dignity, love, affection , physical contact and no pain . As they think about death, they are likely to be comforted by their religious faith, their achievements and the love of their friends and family.

Developmental trajectories The life-span development we have described is a bit like the flight of an aeroplane, beginning with a take-off, cruising along for a while, and eventually entering a final descent . Like aircraft bound for differing destinations, the flight path, or trajectory, of our lives can be long or short, reach high or low altitudes, and be bumpy or smooth .There may be midcourse corrections during flight, of course, but researchers who have tracked developmental trajectories find a remarkable degree of stability from childhood through adulthood on many dimensions. For example, people who are intelligent and have good memories, who are good with numbers or poor at languages, tend to retain these advantages or disadvantages throughout their lifetimes (for example, Anstey, Hofer & Luszcz, 2003; Chodosh et al., 2002) . Personality and social development also remain consistent ( Roberts , Caspi & MofFitt, 2001; Roberts, Helson & Klohnen, 2002; Shiner, Masten & Roberts , 2003) . Children who are creative, persistent and enthusiastic about their activities, and who are motivated to achieve, are likely to become adults who take pleasure in their pursuits, enjoy challenges, work hard to succeed , and become effective leaders who handle stress well. Children who take their schoolwork seriously and finish their homework promptly are likely to become adults who are traditional in their views, who plan well and who are not apt to take risks. Children and adolescents who do well in school and have friends and social skills tend to have good romantic relationships, strong friendships and occupational success as adults (Roisman et al. , 2004; Shiner, Masten & Roberts, 2003). And those who are psychologically healthy in early adolescence tend to remain so into late adulthood (Jones & Peskin , 2010). In contrast , highly aggressive children are likely to develop academic problems in adolescence and to become anxious and depressed young adults and ultimately antisocial adults as each kind of problem cascades into the next ( Masten et al ., 2005; Schaeffer et al., 2003) . In other words , people tend to stay on relatively consistent developmental paths throughout their lives.

Longevity: the length of life The length of life’s trajectory depends on a number of factors. Researchers have discovered, for example, that longevity is greater in women and in people without histories of heavy drinking, smoking or heart problems ( Poon, 2008) . It is also related to personality characteristics such as conscientiousness as a child (Friedman et al., 1995) and curiosity and purpose in life as an adult (Boyle et al. , 2009; Swan & Carmelli , 1996). Men tend to live longer if their mother was in the ‘right’

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age range (between 20 and 34) when they were born and if they had a higher IQ and higher levels of income and education. Women tend to live longer if they had fewer children and had them at a later point in the ‘right’ age range. Men and women alike tend to live longer if they are religious and, perhaps most important from a genetic standpoint, if members of their extended family were longlived (Deary & Der, 2005b; Smith et al. , 2009) . In fact, the secret of extreme longevity 100 years or more may lie in a group of genes seen in some people that can slow the ageing process ( Puca et al. , 2001; Willcox et al., 2006, 2009) . Longer life is also more often seen in people who experienced more happiness, enthusiasm, contentment and other forms of positive affect during adulthood (Cohen & Pressman , 2006; Pressman & Cohen, 2007) . Adults who had more positive self-perceptions when they were in their fifties and sixties lived an average of seven-and-a-half years longer than those with less positive self-perceptions. This factor was more predictive of longevity than health problems such as high blood pressure, high cholesterol, smoking, lack of exercise or being overweight (Levy et al., 2002) . A network of good friends, even more than close family ties, is also related to longer life (Giles et al. , 2005; Poon, 2008) . Older adults can be made to feel better physically and psychologically if they continue to be socially active and useful. For example, old people who are given parties, plants or pets are happier and more alert than those who receive less attention, and they do not die as soon (Clark et al. , 2001). People who restrict their kilojoule intake, engage in regular physical and mental exercise, and have a sense of control over important aspects of their lives are also likely to live longer (Manini et al. , 2006; Sun et al., 2010;Yaffe et al., 2001) . So eat your veggies, stay physically fit and continue to think actively not just to live longer later, but to live better now.

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o

IN REVIEW Adulthood AGE

PHYSICAL CHANGES

Increases continue in

Early adulthood Cages 20-39)

Physical growth continues

Middle adulthood (ages 40 - 65)

Size and muscle mass decrease; fat increases; eyesight declines; reproductive capacity in women ends

Late adulthood (beyond age 65)

COGNITIVE CHANGES

knowledge, problem - solving ability and moral reasoning

Size decreases; organs become less efficient

Thought becomes more complex, adaptive and global Reasoning, mathematical ability, comprehension, novel problem solving and memory may decline

Check your understanding 1 The greatest threat to cognitive abilities in late adulthood is

SOCIAL EVENTS AND PSYCHOLOGICAL CHANGES

People choose a job and often a mate; they may become parents Midlife transition may lead to change; for most, the middle years are satisfying

Retirement requires

adjustments; people look inwards; awareness of death precipitates life review

disease.

Developmental paths are generally 3 While not smoking, minimal drinking and reducing potential heart problems is linked to a longer life, been shown to increase life’s trajectory.

2

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has also

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CHAPTER REVIEW LINKAGES ‘Memory’). The ‘Linkages’diagram shows ties to two other subfields as well, and there are many more ties throughout the book. Looking for linkages among subfields will help you see how they all fit together and help you better appreciate the big picture that is psychology.

As noted in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’, all of psychology’s subfields are related to one another. Our discussion of infantile amnesia illustrates just one way in which the topic of this chapter, human development, is linked to the subfield of memory (which is the focus of Chapter 6,

CHAPTER 11 Human development

r

LINKAGES

What happens to our memories of infancy ?

How do we learn to speak ?

Are childhood traits related to how long we live ?

CHAPTER 6

CHAPTER 7 Cognition and language

CHAPTER 12 Health, stress and coping

Memory

ONLINE STUDY RESOURCES Visit http://login.cengagebrain.com and use the access code that comes with this book for 12 months access to the resources and study tools for this chapter. The CourseMateExpress website contains: • • • •

revision quizzes concept maps graduate attribute information videos

• • •

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web links flashcards and more.

f CourseMateExpress

Chapter 5: Human Development

SUMMARY Developmental psychology is the study of the course and causes of age - related changes in mental abilities, social relationships, emotions and moral understanding over the life span.

EXPLORING HUMAN DEVELOPMENT A central question in developmental psychology concerns the relative influences of nature and nurture, a theme that has its origins in the philosophies of John Locke and JeanJacques Rousseau. • Development begins with the union of an ovum and a sperm to form a zygote, which becomes an embryo. The embryonic stage is a critical period for development, a time when certain organs must develop properly or they never will. Development of organs at this stage is irrevocably affected by harmful teratogens, such as drugs and alcohol. After the •

embryo develops into a foetus, adverse conditions during the foetal stage may harm the infant’s size, behaviour, intelligence or health. • Newborns have limited but effective senses of vision, hearing, taste and smell. They exhibit many reflexes, which are swift, automatic responses to external stimuli. Motor development proceeds as the nervous system matures, muscles grow, and the infant experiments with and selects the most efficient movement patterns.

INFANCY AND CHILDHOOD : COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT Cognitive development includes the development of thinking, knowing and remembering. • The development of increasingly complex and efficient neural networks in various regions of the brain provides the ‘hardware’ for the increasingly complex cognitive abilities that arise during infancy and childhood. • According to Piaget, cognitive development occurs in a fixed sequence of stages, as schemas are modified through the complementary processes of assimilation (fitting new objects or events into existing schemas) and accommodation (changing schemas when new objects will not fit existing ones). • These are the sensorimotor (infancy), preoperational (toddler), concrete operational (child) and then formal operational stages (adolescence).

Developmental psychologists now also believe that new levels of cognition are reached not in sharply marked stages of global understanding, but more gradually and in specific

•

areas.

Psychologists who explain cognitive development in terms of information processing have documented age -related improvements in children’s attention, their abilities to explore and focus on features of the environment, and their memories. The specific content of cognitive development, including the development of scripts, depends on the cultural context in which children live. How fast children develop cognitive abilities depends to a certain extent on how stimulating and supportive their environments are.

INFANCY AND CHILDHOOD: SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT Infants and their caregivers, from the early months, respond to each other’s emotional expressions. When an infant’s behaviour in an ambiguous situation is affected by the caregiver’s emotional expression, social referencing is said to have occurred. • Most infants can be classified as having an easy, difficult or slow - to - warm -up temperament. • According to attachment theory, over the first year of life, infants form a deep and abiding emotional attachment to their mothers or other primary caregivers.

The process of socialisation begins as parents teach their children the skills and rules needed in their culture using various parenting styles. They can be described as authoritarian, permissive, authoritative or uninvolved

•

( rejecting- neglecting) parents.

Over the childhood years, interactions with peers evolve into cooperative and competitive encounters, and friendships become more important. Children become increasingly able to interpret and understand social situations and emotional signals. They

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by gender schemas, which affect their choices of activities

begin to express empathy and sympathy and to engage in the self-regulation of their emotions and behaviours. • Children develop gender roles, also known as sex roles, that are based both on biological differences between the sexes and on implicit and explicit socialisation by parents, teachers, peers and the media. Children are also influenced

•

and toys. Children who lead successful lives despite such adversities as family instability, child abuse, homelessness, poverty or war are described as having resilience.

ADOLESCENCE Adolescents undergo significant changes not only in size, shape and physical capacity, but also in their social lives, reasoning abilities and views of themselves. • Puberty brings about physical changes that lead to psychological changes. Changes in the brain alter the ways in which adolescents think. Specifically, they develop the capacity for formal operational thought and the ability to control their own thinking. • Early adolescence is a period of shaky self - esteem. A particularly difficult challenge for adolescents is the transition from primary school to high school. •

•

•

•

Late adolescence focuses on finding an answer to the question ‘Who am I?’. Adolescents begin to develop an integrated self -image as a unique person, an image that often includes ethnic identity. Principled moral judgement - shaped by gender and culture - becomes possible for the first time in adolescence. The development of moral reasoning may progress through preconventional, conventional and postconventional reasoning stages. A person’s moral development may be reflected in moral action. Going to university challenges the emerging adult’s self concept, precipitating an identity crisis.

ADULTHOOD Physical, cognitive and social changes occur throughout adulthood. • Middle adulthood sees changes that include decreased acuity of the senses, increased risk of heart disease, and the end of fertility (menopause). Nevertheless, major health problems may not appear until late adulthood. • The cognitive changes that occur in early and middle adulthood are generally positive, including improvements in reasoning and problem- solving ability. In late adulthood, some intellectual abilities decline, especially those involved in tasks that are unfamiliar, complex or difficult. Other abilities, such as recalling facts or making wise decisions, tend not to decline. Individuals with Alzheimer’s disease become disoriented and mentally vacant, and they die prematurely. •

•

In their twenties, young adults make occupational choices and form intimate commitments. In middle adulthood, they become concerned with generativity - with producing something that will outlast them. Sometime around age 40, adults experience a midlife transition, which may or may not be a crisis. The forties and fifties are often a time of

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satisfaction. In their sixties, people contend with retirement. They generally become more inward -looking, cautious and conforming. Adults’ progress through these ages is influenced by the unique personal events that befall them. In their seventies and eighties, people confront their own mortality. They may become more philosophical and reflective as they review their lives. A few years or months before death, some individuals experience a sharp decline in mental functioning known as terminal drop. They strive for a death with dignity, love and no pain. Researchers who have tracked developmental trajectories have found stability from childhood through adulthood in terms of cognitive abilities, personality characteristics and social skills. Death is inevitable, but certain factors - including healthy diet, exercise, personality traits such as conscientiousness and curiosity, a sense of control over one’s life, and genetics - are associated with living longer and happier lives. Older adults feel better and live longer if they receive attention from other people, maintain an open attitude towards new experiences, and keep their minds active.

Chapter 5: Human Development

TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE Select the best answer for each of the following questions, then check your responses against the ‘Answer key’ at the end of the book. c recall information about your first birthday if you are 1 Ralph read an article that described intelligence as shown pictures of yourself taken that day 50 per cent heritable. Ralph can reasonably conclude that . d recall information about the birthday if you hear a tape a

half of his intelligence came from his genes and half from his environment

b

about half of the variation in intelligence among groups of people can be accounted for by genetic influences

c

d 2

demonstrated that a

about half of a person’s intelligence can be changed by environmental influences

the monkeys became attached to the ‘mothers’ that fed them

b

about half the population got their intelligence from their genes alone

the monkeys became attached to the ‘mothers’ that provided contact comfort

c

attachment is innate and not learned

d

‘mothering’ is innate and not learned

When she became pregnant, Alyse was advised to quit smoking, but she didn’t. As a result, her baby is more likely to be born

3

recording of your party 6 Harlow’s research with infant monkeys and artificial mothers

a

mentally retarded

b

with facial deformities

c

underweight

d

with an irritable temperament

7

When Tom was a newborn, his parents brought him home from the hospital and always laid him on his back, especially at night. As Tom grew, he began to roll over, sit up, pull himself up on furniture, and walk. He skipped the crawling stage. Tom’s physical development is the result of a

behavioural genetics alone

b

maturation alone

c

environmental influences alone

d

maturation and environmental influences

parents are displaying a(n)

8

4 When two - year - old Jesse sees a scuba diver emerge on the beach, he says ‘Big fish!’ According to Piaget, Jesse used to try to understand the new stimulus of a scuba diver. a

b

assimilation accommodation

c

object permanence

d

conservation

authoritative; authoritarian

b

authoritarian; authoritative

c

authoritative; permissive

d

authoritarian; permissive

style.

Lucy recently graduated from high school but can’t decide whether to attend university or work full - time. She doesn’t know what career she would like to pursue, and she is also uncertain whether she should stay with her current boyfriend. According to Erikson, Lucy is most likely experiencing the psychosocial crisis characterised by mistrust

a

trust versus

b

initiative versus guilt

c

identity versus role confusion

integrity versus despair 9 In the past 10 years Vic has gained weight, especially around the middle. He also now needs glasses. If he is typical of most people his age, Vic has most likely reached

likely to

b

a

d

5 According to research on information processing and memory, when you try to recall your first birthday, you are a

Sam and Alex are both aged 17 and want to drive to a festival a few hours away. Sam’s parents explain that it is too dangerous for him to drive that distance and to be at an adult event. They offer to drive him and Alex to the festival. Alex’s parents tell him to drive their car and stay at the event overnight if he wishes. According to Baumrind’s research, Sam’s parents are displaying a(n) style of parenting, whereas Alex’s

recall a general schema of ‘birthday’ as well as details about your first one be unable to recall anything about your first birthday due to infantile amnesia

a

adolescence

b

early adulthood

c

middle adulthood

d

late adulthood

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10 Patricia is 80 years old and has recently been unable to understand what she reads. She can’t make sense of her bank account, even though she was once an expert accountant. Her health is deteriorating, and her strength is waning. Patricia is most

likely experiencing

a

cognitive dissonance

b

terminal drop

c

the crisis of initiative versus guilt

d

androgyny

TALKING POINTS Here are a few talking points to help you summarise this chapter for family and friends without giving a lecture.

The way we come to think and behave, from childhood to old age, is shaped by a combination of what we inherit at birth and what we experience afterwards. 2 We have almost no memories of the time before we were three years old, and no - one is yet sure why this ‘infantile

1

4 Our temperament at birth can vary from easy to difficult and

3

forms the basis for the development of our personality. 5 Fair but firm parenting tends to be associated with the best best’ outcomes for child development, but there is no single ‘ way of raising children. 6 Many people think of adolescence as a time of storm and stress, but most teenagers navigate this period without

amnesia’ occurs. Normal social and emotional development requires lots

of human contact in the earliest years, which is why the development of orphans who have been neglected is so often

impaired.

suffering major problems. 7 The ability to process information rapidly often begins to decline in late middle age, but most adults retain most of their mental capacities well into old age.

FURTHER READING Now that you have finished reading this chapter, how about exploring some of the topics and information that you found most interesting. Here are some places to start.

RECOMMENDED BOOKS Deborah Blum, Love at Coon Park : Harry Harlow and the Science of Affection (Perseus, 2002) - about Harlow’s famous research.

Thomas Hine, The Rise and Fall of the American Teenager (Avon, 1999) - social and cultural history of adolescence.

Alison Gopnik, Andrew N. MeltzofFand Patricia K. Kuhl, The Scientist in the Crib : Minds, Brains and How Children Learn (Morrow, 1999) - readable summary of research into cognitive development.

Robin Karr -Morse and Meredith S. Wiley, Ghosts from the Nursery: Tracing the Roots of Violence (Grove/Atlantic, 1999) - how biological predispositions may lead to violence. Rachel Simmons, Odd Girl Out : The Hidden Culture of Aggression in Girls (Harcourt, 2002) - study of girls’ relational aggression.

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Zhong, C.- B., Bohns, V. K., & Gino, F. (2010). Good lamps are the best police: Darkness increases dishonesty and self-interested behavior. Psychological Science, 21, 311 -314. Zhou, Q., Eisenberg, N., Wang, Y., & Reiser, M. (2004). Chinese children’s effortful control and dispositional anger / frustration relations to parenting styles and children’s social functioning. Developmental Psychology, 40 , 352 -366. Zosuls, K. M., Ruble, D. N., Tamis -LeMonda, C. S., Shrout, P. E., et al. ( 2009). The acquisition of gender labels in infancy: Implications for gender - typed play. Developmental Psychology, 45 , 688 -701. Zucker, A. N., Ostrove, J. M., & Stewart, A. J. (2002). College- educated women’s personality development in adulthood: Perceptions and age differences. Psychology and Aging , 17, 236 - 244.

Wilson, G. T., Nathan, P. E., O’Leary, K. D., & Clark, L. A. (1996). Abnormal psychology. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

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Chapter 5: Human Development

ANSWERS TO ' IN REVIEW ' AND 'TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE' QUESTIONS Human development In review

Exploring human development 1 John Locke, John Watson; 2 Foetal alcohol syndrome; 3 first three or four months Infancy and childhood: cognitive development 1 social world of people; 2 cultural history; 3 deprive Infancy and childhood: social and emotional development 1 nature; 2 avoidant, ambivalent, disorganised; 3 resilience Adolescence 1 more; 2 11; 3 age

Adulthood 1 Alzheimer’s; 2 consistent; 3 positive affect

Test your knowledge

1b, 2c, 3 d, 4a, 5a, 6b, 7c, 8c, 9c, 10 b

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PERSONALITY If you’ve ever been stuck in a traffic jam you’ve probably noticed that some people are tolerant and calm, while others become so fearful and cautious that they worsen the congestion, and still others get so impatient and angry that they may trigger a shouting match or cause an accident. How people handle frustration isjust one aspect of their personalities. In this chapter, we examine the concept of personality, review some of the tests that psychologists have developed to measure it, and look at how personality theories and research are being applied in everyday life.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES On completion of this chapter, you should be able to: 13.1 describe the psychodynamic approaches to personality

13.4 describe the various humanistic approaches to

personality

13.2 outline the various trait approaches to personality 13.3 identify the social cognitive approaches to

personality

13.5 identify a few different ways in which personality can be assessed.

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY 1 Can personality tests be used to predict different types of behaviour ? 2

Has positive psychology helped to focus attention on human character strengths?

3

Does our ethnic identity impact our personality ?

f CourseMateExpress

Bring your learning to life with interactive study and exam preparation tools that support your textbook. CourseMate Express includes quizzes, videos, concept maps and more.

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PSYCHOLOGICAL LITERACY AND GRADUATE ATTRIBUTES CGAs) In this chapter you are introduced to the topic of personality, specifically: (GA 1) Discipline knowledge and its application: This chapter introduces you to the major theories, methods and findings regarding personality - something we all like to think we have! Some argue that personality is no longer relevant because it has been subsumed by social psychology; others argue that personality is the ‘capstone’ of all other core psychology topics. (GA 2) Research methods: This chapter introduces a variety of research methods utilised in the study of Focus on research methods’ section personality. The ‘ asks whether the temperament children display at birth and in their early years predicts their personality and behaviour as adults, a question that obviously requires a longitudinal research approach. (GA 3) Critical and creative thinking: The ‘ Thinking critically’ section discusses the findings of both twin and adoption studies in considering whether personality traits are inherited. One implication is whether an ‘undesirable’ personality trait, such as a debilitating level of introversion, can ever be ameliorated.

In terms of GA4 (values and ethics) and GA6 (learning and application), we ask you whether, knowing something about the nature of personality after reading this chapter, you would challenge any of the following statements, rather than accepting them at face value. It is not possible to change your personality. Freud’s theory of personality is still well accepted. The basic dimensions of personality are very different across different cultures and nations. Personality test profles are excellent predictors of employees’ on - the-job behaviour. Will you feel morally obliged to use your communication and interpersonal skills (GA5) to convince the person who made such statements that they need to rethink them, in light of what is known about personality? If that person is you, will you have the motivation to update your opinion or misconception in light of your new knowledge? These dispositions are a crucial component of

psychological literacy .

INTRODUCTION Businesses all over the world collectively lose more than US$15 billion each year as a result of employee theft (Bamfield, 2008) . Millions more are spent on security and surveillance designed to curb these losses, but it would be far better if companies could simply avoid hiring dishonest employees in the first place. Some firms have tried to screen out potential thieves by requiring prospective employees to take polygraph ( Tie detector’ ) tests. As described in Chapter 10,‘Motivation and emotion’, however, these tests may not be reliable or valid. Thousands of companies have turned instead to paper-and-pencil ‘integrity’ tests designed to identify job applicants who are likely to steal or behave in other dishonest or irresponsible ways (Iddekinge et al., 2012) . Some of these tests simply ask applicants if they have stolen from previous employers and if they might steal in the future. Such questions can screen out people who are honest about their stealing, but most people who steal would probably also He to conceal previous crimes or criminal intentions.Accordingly, some companies now use tests to assess apphcants’ general psychological characteristics and compare their scores with those of current or past employees. Apphcants whose characteristics are most like the company’s honest employees are hired; those who appear similar to dishonest employees are not. Can undesirable employee behaviours be predicted on the basis of such tests? To some extent, they can. For example, scores on the Reliabihty Scale which includes questions about impulsivity and disruptive behaviour during school years are significantly correlated with a broad range of undesirable activities in the workplace (Hogan, 2006). But psychological tests are far from perfect

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CHAPTER OUTLINE The

psychodynamic approach • The trait approach • •

The social cognitive approach The humanistic

psychology approach • Assessing personality

Chapter 6: Personality

predictors of those activities (Berry, Sackett & Wiemann , 2007) . Although considerably better than polygraph tests , psychological tests still fail to detect dishonesty in some people, and worse, they may falsely identify some honest people as potential thieves. The best that companies can hope for is to find tests that will help reduce the overall likelihood of hiring dishonest people. The use of psychological tests to help select honest employees is a more formal version of the process that most of us use when we meet someone new. We observe the persons behaviour, form impressions and draw conclusions often within just a few seconds (Borkenau & Mauer, 2006) about how that person will act at other times or under other circumstances. Like the employer, we are looking for clues to personality. Although there is no universally accepted definition , psychologists generally view personality as the unique pattern of enduring thoughts, feelings and actions that characterise a person . Personality research, in turn, focuses on understanding the origins or causes of the similarities and differences among people in their patterns of thinking, emotion and behaviour (Brengelmann & David , 2013) . With such a large agenda , personality researchers must incorporate information from many other areas of psychology. Personality psychology lies at the crossroads of all psychological research ( Funder, 2007) . It is the merging, in a particular individual , of all the psychological , behavioural and biological processes discussed in this book .To gain a full understanding of anyone’s personality, for example, you must know something about that persons cultural influences, developmental experiences, genetic and other biological characteristics, perceptual and other information-processing habits and biases, typical patterns of emotional expression , and social abilities. Psychologists also want to know about personality in general, including how it develops and changes across the life span, why some people are usually optimistic whereas others are usually pessimistic, and how consistent or inconsistent people’s behaviour tends to be from one situation to the next. In this chapter, we describe four approaches to the study of personality and some of the ways in which personality theory and research are being applied. We begin by presenting the psychodynamic approach , which was developed by Sigmund Freud and later modified by a number of people he influenced . Next, we describe the trait approach , which focuses on the consistent patterns of thoughts, feelings and actions that form individual personalities. Then we present the socialcognitive approach , which explores the ways in which learning and learned ways of thinking shape human behaviour. Finally, we consider the humanistic approach , with its emphasis on personality as a reflection of personal growth and the search for meaning in life. After reviewing these approaches, we describe how psychologists measure and compare people’s personalities. We also give some examples of how psychological tests are being used in personality research and in other ways.

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personality the pattern of psychological and behavioural characteristics by which each person can be compared and contrasted with others

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13.1 THE PSYCHODYNAMIC APPROACH Some people think they can understand personality by simply watching people. Someone with an ‘outgoing personality’, for example, shows it by acting friendly and sociable. But is that all there is to personality? Not according to Sigmund Freud. Trained as a medical doctor in the late 1800s, Freud, as illustrated in the Snapshot ‘Founder of the psychodynamic approach’, spent most of his life in Vienna, Austria , where he treated patients who displayed ‘neurotic’ disorders, such as blindness or paralysis, for which there was no physical cause. Freud’s experience with these patients, as well as his reading of the works of Charles Darwin and other scientists of his day, led him to believe that our personalities and behaviour, including disordered behaviour, are determined mainly by basic drives and past psychological events (Allen , 2006) . He agreed, too, with Sir Francis Galton and other 19th-century writers when he proposed that people may not know why they feel, think or act the way they do because these activities are partly controlled by the unconscious part of the personality the part of which we are not

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normally aware (Friedman & Schustack , 2009) . From these ideas , Freud created the psychodynamic approach to personality, which assumes that our thoughts, feelings and behaviour are determined by the interaction of various unconscious psychological processes (Schultz & Schultz, 2009) .

The structure and development of personality Freud believed that people have certain basic impulses or urges , related not only to food and water but also to sex and aggression . Freud described these impulses and urges with a German word that translates as ‘instinct’ , but he did not believe that they are all inborn and unchangeable, as the word instinct might imply (Schultz & Schultz, 2009). He did believe, though, that our desires for love, knowledge, security and the like arise from these more basic impulses. He said that each of us faces the task of figuring out how to satisfy basic urges. Our personality develops, he claimed, as we struggle with that task , and it is reflected in the ways we go about satisfying a range of urges.

Id, ego and superego

psychodynamic approach a view developed by Freud that emphasises the interplay of unconscious mental processes in determining human thought, feelings and behaviour

Founder of the psycho dynamic approach Here is Sigmund Freud with his daughter, Anna, who became a psychoanalyst

As shown in Figure 13.1, Freud described the structure of personality as having three major components: the id , the ego and the superego (Carver & Scheier, 2008).

herself and eventually developed a revised version of her father’s theories.

FIGURE 13.1 Freud’s model of personality

According to Freud

some parts of the personality

are conscious, while others are unconscious. Between

these levels is the preconscious , which Freud regarded as the location of memories and other material that is not usually in awareness but that can be brought into consciousness with minimal effort.

Conscious

EGO

Preconscious

O

Unconscious

a

2_

=

Q

ID

> CO

id the unconscious portion of personality that contains basic impulses and urges

libido the psychic energy contained in the id

Id Freud regarded the id as the unconscious portion of personality, in which two kinds of ‘instincts’ reside. There are life instincts, which he called Eros.They promote positive, constructive behaviour and reflect a source of energy (sometimes called psychic energy ) known as libido. The id operates on the pleasure principle, seeking immediate satisfaction of both kinds of instincts, regardless of society’s rules or the rights or feelings of others.The hungry person who pushes to the front of the line at McDonald’s would be satisfying an id-driven impulse.

pleasure principle the id’s operating principle, which guides people towards whatever feels good

ego the part of the personality that mediates conflicts between and among the demands of the id, the superego and the real

Ego

world

Children’s expression of their id impulses are soon increasingly restricted by parents, teachers and others. In the face of these restrictions, a second part of the personality the ego develops from the id . The ego tries to find ways to get what a person wants in the real world, as opposed to the fantasy world of the id . Operating on the reality principle, the ego makes compromises between the id’s unreasoning demands for immediate satisfaction and the practical limits imposed by the social

reality principle the

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operating principle of the ego that creates compromises between the id’s demands and those of the real world

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world. The ego would lead that hungry person at McDonald’s to wait in line and think about what to order rather than risk punishment by pushing ahead .

Superego

superego the component of personality that tells people what they should and should not do

As children learn about the rules and values of society, they tend to adopt them . This process of internalising parental and cultural values produces the third component of personality. It is called the superego, and it tells us what we should and should not do. The superego becomes our moral guide, and it is just as relentless and unreasonable as the id in its demand to be obeyed . It would make the hungry person at McDonalds feel guilty for even thinking about violating society’s rules.

Conflicts and defences

defence mechanisms psychological responses that help protect a person from anxiety and guilt

Freud described the inner clashes among the three personality components as intrapsychic or psychodynamic conflicts. He believed that each person’s personality is shaped by the number, nature and outcome of these conflicts. Freud said that the ego’s primary function is to prevent the anxiety or guilt we would feel if we became aware of our socially unacceptable id impulses or if we thought about violating the superego’s rules (Westen et ah , 2008) . Sometimes the ego motivates sensible actions, as when a parent asks for help in dealing with the impulse to yell at a child. However, the ego may also use defence mechanisms, which are unconscious tactics that protect against anxiety and guilt by either preventing threatening material from surfacing or disguising it when it does appear (Cramer, 2009) (see Table 13.1).

TABLE 13.1 Ego defence mechanisms

According to Freud, defence mechanisms prevent or deflect anxiety or guilt in the short run, but they sap energy. Furthermore, using them to avoid dealing with the source of problems can make those problems worse in the long run. Try listing some incidents in which you or someone you know may have used each of the defences described here. What questions would a critical thinker ask to determine whether these behaviours were unconscious defence mechanisms or actions motivated by conscious intentions? Defence mechanism | Description

Repression Rationalisation

Projection Reaction formation

Sublimation

Displacement Denial

Exampli A person may experience loss of memory for Unconsciously pushing threatening memories, unpleasant events. urges or ideas from conscious awareness The reasons or excuses given for behaviour (for example, Attempting to make actions or mistakes seem reasonable ‘I spank my children because it is good for them’) sound rational, but they may not be the real reasons. Unconsciously attributing one’s own unacceptable Instead of recognising that ‘I hate him’, a person may feel that ‘he hates me’. thoughts or impulses to another person Sexual interest in a married coworker might appear as Defending against unacceptable impulses by acting opposite to them strong dislike instead. Sexual or aggressive desires may appear as artistic Converting unacceptable impulses into socially creativity or devotion to athletic excellence. acceptable actions and perhaps expressing them symbolically Deflecting an impulse from its original target to a Anger at one’s boss may be expressed through hostility less threatening one towards a clerk, a family member or even a pet. A person may vehemently deny ever having had even Simply discounting the existence of threatening the slightest degree of physical attraction to a person impulses of the same sex.

Compensation

Striving to make up for unconscious impulses or fears

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A business executive’s extreme competitiveness might be aimed at compensating for unconscious feelings of inferiority.

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Stages in personality development Freud proposed that personality evolves during childhood in several stages of psychosexual development. Failure to resolve the problems and conflicts that appear at a given stage can leave a person fixated ; that is , unconsciously preoccupied with the area of pleasure associated with that stage. Freud believed that the stage at which a person became fixated in childhood can be seen in adult

psychosexual development periods of personality development in which, according to Freud, conflicts focus on particular issues

personality characteristics.

oral stage the first of

The oral stage

Freud’s psychosexual stages of personality development, in which the mouth is the centre of pleasure and conflict

In Freud ’s theory, a child’s first year or so is called the oral stage because the mouth which infants use to eat and to explore everything from toys to their own hands and feet is the centre of pleasure during this period (see the Snapshot ‘The oral stage’ ). Freud said fixation at the oral stage can stem from weaning that is too early or too late and may result in adult characteristics ranging from overeating or childlike dependence (late weaning) to the use of ‘biting’ sarcasm (early weaning) .

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The anal stage

The oral stage According to Freud, personality evolves in

The anal stage occurs during the second year, when the child ’s ego develops to cope with parental demands for socially appropriate behaviour. For example, in most Western cultures, toilet training clashes with the child’s freedom to have bowel movements at will. Freud said that if toilet training is too harsh or begins too early, it can produce an anal fixation that leads, in adulthood , to stinginess or excessive neatness (symbolically withholding faeces) . If toilet training is too late or too lax, however, the result could be a kind of anal fixation that is reflected in adults who are disorganised or impulsive (symbolically expelling faeces) .

several stages

of psychosexual development. At each stage, a different part of the body becomes the primary focus of pleasure. This baby would appear to be in the oral stage.

The phallic stage According to Freud, between the ages of three and five, the child’s focus of pleasure shifts to the genital area . Freud emphasised male psychosexual development and called this period the phallic stage { phallus is another word for penis ) . He believed that during this stage, a boy experiences sexual desire for his mother and a desire to eliminate, or even kill, his father, with whom the boy competes for the mother’s affection . Freud named this pattern of impulses the Oedipal complex because it reminded him of the plot of Oedipus Rex , the classical Greek play in which Oedipus, upon returning to his homeland , unknowingly slays his father and marries his mother. The boy’s fantasies make him fear that his powerful ‘rival’ (his father) will castrate him. To reduce this fear, the boy’s ego represses his incestuous desires and leads him to ‘identify’ with his father and try to be like him . It is during this stage that the male’s superego begins to develop. According to Freud, a girl begins the phallic stage with a strong attachment to her mother.When she realises that boys have penises and girls don’t , though, she supposedly develops penis envy and transfers her love to her father. This pattern has become known as the Electra complex because it parallels the plot of another classical Greek play, but Freud himself never used this term. To avoid her mother’s disapproval , the girl identifies with and imitates her, thus forming the basis for her own superego. Freud believed that unresolved conflicts from the phallic stage can lead to many problems in adulthood, including difficulties in dealing with authority figures and an inability to maintain a stable love relationship.

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anal stage the second of Freud’s psychosexual stages of personality development, in which the focus of pleasure and conflict shifts from the mouth to the anus

phallic stage the third of Freud’s psychosexual stages of personality development, in which the focus of pleasure and conflict shifts to the genital area

Oedipal complex a pattern described by Freud in which a boy has sexual desire for his mother and wants to eliminate his father s

’

competition for her attention

Chapter 6: Personality

Electra complex a pattern described by Freud in which a young girl develops an attachment to her father and competes with her mother for his attention

latency period the fourth of Freud’s psychosexual stages of personality development, in which sexual impulses lie dormant

The genital stage As the phallic stage draws to a close and its conflicts are dealt with by the ego, an interval of psychological peace occurs. During this latency period, which lasts through childhood , sexual impulses stay in the background as the youngster focuses on education, same-sex peer play, and the development of social skills. In adolescence, when sexual impulses reappear at a conscious level, the genitals again become the focus of pleasure. Thus begins what Freud called the genital stage, which he saw as lasting for the rest of a person’s life.The quality of relationships and the degree of fulfilment experienced during this final stage, he claimed, are influenced by how intrapsychic conflicts were resolved during the earlier stages.

genital stage the last of Freud’s psychosexual stages of personality development, which begins during adolescence, when sexual impulses appear at the conscious level

Variations on Freud’s personality theory

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Freud’s ideas especially those involving the Oedipus and Electra complexes and the role of infantile sexuality were, and still are, controversial. Even many of Freud’s followers did not entirely agree with him . Some of them have been called neo- Freudians because they maintained many of the basic ideas in Freud’s theory but developed their own approaches. Others are known as ego psychologists because their ideas focused more on the ego than on the id (Schamess & Shilkret, 2016) .

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Jung’s analytic psychology Carl Jung was the most prominent of Freud’s early followers to chart his own theoretical course. Jung (1916) emphasised that libido is not just sexual instinct but rather a more general life force that includes an innate drive for creativity, for growth-oriented resolution of conflicts, and for the productive adjustment of basic impulses in light of real-world demands. Jung did not identify specific stages in personality development. He suggested instead that people gradually develop differing degrees of introversion (a tendency to reflect on one’s own experiences) or extraversion (a tendency to focus on the social world) , along with differing tendencies to rely on specific psychological functions, such as thinking versus feeling. Combinations of these differing tendencies, said Jung (1933) , create personalities that display distinctive and predictable patterns of behaviour. Jung also claimed there is a collective unconscious which contains the memories we have inherited from our human and non-human ancestors (Jung, 2014) . According to Jung, we are not consciously aware of these memories, but they are responsible for our innate tendencies to react in particular ways to certain things. For example,Jung believed that our collective memory of mothers influences how each of us perceives our own mother. Although the notion of a collective unconscious is widely accepted by Jung’s followers, there is no empirical evidence that it exists.Jung himself acknowledged that to objectively demonstrate the existence of a collective unconscious would be impossible ( Feist & Feist, 2009) .

Other neo - Freudian theorists Jung was not the first theorist to challenge Freud. Alfred Adler, once a loyal follower of psychoanalysis, came to believe that the power behind the development of personality comes not from id impulses but from an innate desire to overcome infantile feelings of helplessness and to gain some control over the environment. Adler (1927/ 1963) referred to this process as striving for superiority , by which he meant a drive for fulfilment as a person , not just a desire to do better than others. Other prominent neo-Freudians, including Erik Erikson , Erich Fromm and Harry Stack Sullivan, focused on how people’s personalities are shaped by those around them. They argued that once our biological needs

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are met, the attempt to meet social needs (to feel protected , secure and accepted, for example ) is the primary influence on personality. According to these theorists, the strategies people use to meet these social needs, such as dominating others or being dependent on them, become central features

of their personalities. The first feminist personality theorist, Karen Horney, as depicted in the Snapshot ‘An early feminist’, disputed Freuds view that womens lack of a penis causes them to envy men and feel inferior to them . Horney (1937) argued that , in fact, it is men who envy women: realising that they cannot bear children and that they often play only a small role in raising them, males see their lives as having less meaning or substance than women’s. Horney believed that it is this womb envy that leads men to belittle and disrespect women . She argued further that when women feel inferior, it is because of the personal and political restrictions that men have placed on them, not because of penis envy. Horney s position on this issue reflected her strong belief that cultural factors, rather than instincts , play a major role in personality development (Tummala-Narra, 2015) . This greater emphasis on cultural influences is one of the major theoretical differences between Freud and the neo-Freudians.

Contemporary psychodynamic theories Some of the most influential psychodynamic approaches to personality now focus on object relations; that is , on how people’s perceptions of themselves and others influence their view of, and reactions to, the world (Westen et ah , 2008) . Early object relations theorists including Melanie Klein (1991), Otto Kernberg (1984), Heinz Kohut (1984) and Margaret Mahler (1968) regarded the first relationships between infants and their love objects usually the mother and other primary caregivers as vitally important in the development of personality (Klein, 1975; Kohut, 1984; Sohlberg & Jansson , 2002) . In their view, these relationships shape a person’s thoughts and feelings about social relationships later in life (Westen et ah , 2008). A close cousin of object relations theory is called attachment theory because it focuses specifically on the early attachment process. As described in Chapter 11,‘Human development’, the ideal attachment pattern occurs when infants form a secure early bond to their mothers or other caregivers, tolerate gradual separation from this ‘attachment object’, and eventually develop the ability to relate to others as independent, secure individuals (Ainsworth & Bowlby, 1991) . Some infants do not develop this secure attachment , though . Instead , they may display various kinds of insecure attachments. Attachment theorists have found evidence that the nature of people’s early attachments is associated with differences in their self-image, identity, security and social relationships in adolescence, adulthood and even old age (Mattanah , Hancock & Brand, 2004; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2011; Simpson et ah , 2007; Simpson, Rholes & Winterheld, 2010) . In one study, women who had been securely attached in childhood were more likely to have happy marriages than women whose childhood attachments had been insecure (Klohnen & Bera , 1998) . In another study, people with insecure attachments were less likely than those with secure attachments to be helpful when they encountered a person in distress (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2005) . Further evidence along these lines comes from a longterm study of children diagnosed with severe heart disease. The children whose mothers had not been securely attached to their own mothers tended to show greater evidence of anxiety and other emotional difficulties in the years following the diagnosis than those whose mothers had been more securely attached (Berant , Mikulincer & Shaver, 2008) . In short , attachment theorists suggest that people who miss the opportunity to become securely attached to their mothers or other adults may suffer significant disturbances in their later relationships (Belsky & Nezworski , 2015) , including those with their own children .

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An early feminist After completing medical school at the University of Berlin in 1913. Karen Horney (1885 -1952) trained as a Freudian psychoanalyst . She

accepted some aspects of Freud’s

, including the

views

idea of unconscious motivation, but she eventually developed her own neo - Freudian theory. She saw the need for security as more important than

biological instincts in

motivating

infants’ behaviour. She also rejected Freud’s notion that the psychological development of females is influenced by penis envy.

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Evaluating the psychodynamic approach Freud’s personality theory is probably the most comprehensive and influential psychological theory ever proposed, and it has influenced modern Western thinking about medicine, literature, religion, sociology and anthropology. It has also shaped a wide range of psychotherapy techniques and stimulated the development of several personality assessments, including the projective tests described later in this chapter. Some of Freuds ideas have received support from research on cognitive processes. For example, psychologists have found that people do employ several of the defence mechanisms Freud described (Cramer, 2007) , although it is unclear whether these always operate at an unconscious level. As mentioned in Chapter 8, ‘Consciousness’, there is also evidence that people’s thoughts and actions can be influenced by unrecalled events and experiences (Bargh & Morsella, 2008; Dijksterhuis et al. , 2008; Kihlstrom, 2008) and perhaps by emotions that are not consciously felt (Williams et al., 2009) . Some researchers believe that unconscious processes may affect people’s health (Goldenberg et al., 2008).

Criticisms Freud’s psychodynamic theories have several weaknesses, however. For one thing, they are based almost entirely on case studies of a few individuals. As discussed in Chapter 2, ‘Research in psychology’, conclusions drawn from case studies may not apply to people in general. Nor was Freud’s sample representative of people in general. Most of his patients were upper-class Viennese women who not only had psychological problems but also were raised in a culture in which discussion of sex was considered to be uncivilised . Moreover, Freud’s thinking about personality reflected western European and North American values, which may or may not be helpful in understanding people in other cultures (Schultz & Schultz, 2009) . For example, the concepts of ego and self that are so central to Freud’s personality theory (and those of his followers) are based on the self-oriented values of individualist cultures. These values may be less central to personality development in the more collectivist cultures of, say, Asia and South America (Morling & Kitayama, 2008) . Freud’s conclusions may have been distorted by other biases as well. Freudian scholars suggest, for example, that Freud may have modified reports of what happened during therapy so as to better fit his theory (Esterson, 2001; Schultz & Schultz, 2009) . He may also have asked leading questions that influenced patients to ‘recall’ events from childhood that never really happened (Esterson , 2001) . Today, as noted in Chapter 6, ‘Memory’, there are similar concerns that some patients who recover allegedly repressed memories about childhood sexual abuse by parents may actually be reporting false memories implanted by their therapists (Loftus, Garry & Hayne, 2008) . Freud’s focus on male psychosexual development and his notion that females envy male anatomy have also caused feminists of both sexes to reject some or all of his ideas. In the tradition of Horney, some contemporary female neo-Freudians have proposed theories that focus specifically on the psychosexual development of women (Sayers, 1991) . Finally, judged by today’s standards, Freud’s theory is not very scientific. His definitions of id, ego, unconscious conflict and other concepts lack the precision required for scientific measurement and testing (Carver & Scheier, 2008) . His belief that human beings are driven mainly by unconscious desires ignores evidence that much human behaviour goes beyond impulse gratification. The conscious drive to reach personal, social and spiritual goals is also an important determinant of behaviour, as is learning from others.

Evolution of the theory Some of the weaknesses in Freudian theory have been addressed by theorists who have altered some of Freud’s concepts and devoted more attention to social influences on personality. Attempts

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have also been made to increase precision and objectivity in the measurement of psychodynamic concepts. Research on concepts from psychodynamic theory is , in fact, becoming more sophisticated and increasingly reflects interest in subjecting psychodynamic principles to empirical tests (Gerber & Knopf, 2015) . Still, the psychodynamic approach is better known for generating hypotheses about personality than for scientifically testing them .Accordingly, this approach to personality is now much less influential in mainstream psychology than it was in the past ( Feist & Feist, 2009; Friedman & Schustack , 2009) .

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IN REVIEW The psychodynamic approach KEY CONCEPTS

THEORIST

Sigmund Freud

Three major components of personality: the id (impulses and urges), the ego (mediator between the demanding id and the real world), and the superego (tells us what we should and should not do)

Nine different mechanisms that help protect a person from anxiety and guilt Five stages of psychosexual personality development - oral , anal , phallic , latency and genital

Carl Jung

Argued for libido (psychic energy) as a life force Collective unconscious (memories) is responsible for our innate tendencies We develop degrees of introversion (own experiences) and extraversion (social experiences)

Alfred Adler

As individuals, we strive for superiority and fulfilment Meeting needs socially is important

Karen Horney

Disputed Freud, arguing that need for security was important Recognised the influence of culture rather than instincts on personality

Check your understanding 1 Freud named two patterns of impulses: the and complexes. 2 described men’s belittling of women as indicative of 3 Contemporary psychodynamic approaches focus on relations.

13.2 THE TRAIT APPROACH You could probably describe the personality of someone you know well with just a few statements. For example, you might say, ‘He is a caring person and a true extravert. He is generous with his time and conscientious about everything he does.Yet sometimes he is not very assertive or confident. He always gives in to other peoples demands because he wants to be accepted by them’ . In other words, most people describe others by referring to the kinds of people they are (‘extravert’ , ‘conscientious’); to the thoughts, feelings and actions that are most typical of them (‘caring’,‘not very assertive’, ‘generous’) ; or to their needs (‘wants to be accepted’) . Together, these statements describe personality traits the inclinations or tendencies that direct how a person usually thinks and behaves (Kreitler & Kreitler, 2013) .

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trait approach the view that personality is a combination of

characteristics that people

display over time and across situations

The trait approach to personality makes three basic assumptions: 1 Personality traits are relatively stable and therefore predictable over time. So a gentle person tends to stay that way day after day, year after year (Cervone & Pervin, 2008). 2 Personality traits are relatively stable across situations, and they can explain why people act in predictable ways in many different situations. A person who is competitive at work will probably also be competitive in sports or at a party ( Roberts , Woods & Caspi , 2008) . 3 People differ in how much of a particular personality trait they possess; no two people are exactly alike on all traits. The result is an endless variety of unique human personalities. As is illustrated in the Snapshot ‘Selecting personnel’, trait theories have assisted companies in

staff selection .

Traits versus types Selecting personnel Some organisations engage psychologists to screen applicants

who are seeking

employment in a particular profession. For example, psychologists in the defence, police and emergency services

a ppiy type

and trait theories of personality in employee selection processes.

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Theories about enduring differences in peoples personality characteristics go back at least as far as Hippocrates, a physician of ancient Greece. He suggested that a certain temperament , or basic behavioural tendency, is associated with each of four bodily fluids , or humours: blood, phlegm, black bile and yellow bile. Personality, said Hippocrates, depends on how much of each humour a person has. His terms for the four humour-based personalities sanguine (optimistic), phlegmatic (slow, lethargic) , melancholic (sad, depressive) and choleric (angry, irritable) still survive today. Notice that Hippocrates was describing personality types, not traits. Traits involve quantitative differences among people, such as how much of a certain characteristic they have. Types involve qualitative differences, such as whether someone possesses a certain characteristic at all. When people are ‘typed’, they are said to belong to one class or another, such as male or female. Modern type theories of personality try to do the same by placing people in one category or another ( Funder, 2007). For example, some researchers claim to have identified three qualitatively different basic personality types: resilients (flexible, resourceful and successful with other people) , overcontrollers ( too self-controlled to enjoy life and difficult for others to deal with) and undercontrollers (excessive impulsiveness can be dangerous both for the person and for others) (Specht , Luhmann & Geiser, 2014) . ( This chapter’s ‘Focus on research methods’ section contains more information on these and other types.) Type theories have recently gained acceptance among some personality researchers, but the majority of researchers doubt that it’s possible to compress the dazzling range of human characteristics into just a few discrete types ( McCrae & Costa , 2006) . Accordingly, the trait approach to personality remains much more influential. Trait theorists are interested in measuring the relative strength of the many personality characteristics that they believe are present in everyone (see Figure 13.2) . Most of today’s trait theories of personality have their origins in the work of Gordon Allport, Raymond Cattell and Hans Eysenck.

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Allport’s trait theory Gordon Allport spent 30 years searching for the traits that combine to form personality. He found nearly 18000 dictionary terms that can be used to describe human behaviour (Allport & Odbert , 1936;John , Naumann & Soto, 2008), but he noticed that many of these terms referred to the same thing (for example, hostile , nasty and mean all convey a similar meaning) . So if you were to write down the personality traits that describe a close friend or relative, you would probably be able to capture that individual’s personality using only about seven trait labels. Allport believed that the set of labels chosen to describe a particular person reflects that person ’s central traits characteristics that

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FIGURE 13.2 Two personality

profiles

theory describes personality in terms of the strength of particular TRY THIS \J Trait

dimensions, or traits. Here are trait profiles for Rodney, a social worker, and James, a salesperson. Compared with James, Rodney is about equally industrious, more generous, and less nervous, extraverted and aggressive. Just for fun, mark this figure to indicate how strong you think you are on each of the listed traits. Trait theorists suggest that this should be easy for you to do because, they say, virtually everyone displays a certain amount of almost any personality characteristic.

Industry

Generosity

Nervousness

Extraversion

Aggression

Low

James

High

Moderate Strength of trait

Rodney

are usually obvious to others and that organise and control behaviour in many different situations. Central traits are roughly equivalent to the descriptive terms used in letters of recommendation ( reliable or distractible , for example) that are meant to convey what can be expected from a person most of the time (Schultz & Schultz, 2009) . Allport also believed that people possess secondary traits characteristics that are more specific to certain situations and control far less behaviour. ‘Dislikes crowds’ is an example of a secondary trait. Allports research helped lay the foundation for modern research on personality traits. Though his emphasis on the uniqueness of each individual personality made it difficult to draw conclusions about the structure of human personality in general (Barenbaum & Winter, 2008), some researchers today continue to employ a modern version of Allport’s approach (for example, Caldwell, Cervone & Rubin , 2008) .

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The five- factor personality model In recent years, trait approaches have continued to focus on identifying and describing a core structure of personality that appears in everyone. This work owes much to Allport and also to a British psychologist named Raymond Cattell. Cattell asked people to rate themselves and others on many of the trait-descriptive terms that Allport had identified . He then used a mathematical technique called factor analysis to study which of these terms were related to one another. Factor analysis can reveal, for example, whether someone who is moody is also likely to be anxious, rigid and unsociable. Cattell believed that the sets of traits clustering together in this analysis would reflect a set of basic personality factors or dimensions. His analyses eventually identified 16 such factors,

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Does our ethnic identity impact our personality?

five- factor personality model (Big Five model) based on factor analytic studies suggesting the existence of five basic components of human personality: openness, a view

conscientiousness,

, agreeableness

extraversion

and neuroticism

including shy versus bold, trusting versus suspicious, and relaxed versus tense. Cattell believed that these factors can be found in everyone, and he measured their strength using a test called the Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire, or 16PF (Cattell, Eber & Tatsuoka, 1970) . More recent factor analyses by researchers such as Paul Costa and Robert McCrae ( 2008) have led many trait theorists to believe that personality is organised around only five basic factors. The components of this five- factor personality model (also known as the Big Five model) are openness to experience , conscientiousness, extroversion , agreeableness and neuroticism (see Table 13.2 ) . The importance of the five-factor model is suggested by the fact that different investigators find these factors (or a set very similar to them) when they factor-analyse data from personality inventories, peer ratings of personality characteristics, checklists of descriptive adjectives, and many other sources (John , Naumann & Soto, 2008; McCrae & Costa, 2008) . The fact that some version of the Big Five factors reliably appears in many countries and cultures provides further evidence that these few dimensions may represent the most important components of human personality ( De Bolle et ah , 2015 ; McCrae, Terracciano & Personality Profiles of Cultures Project , 2005) .

TABLE 13.2 Dimensions of the five- factor personality model Here is a list of the adjectives that define the Big Five personality factors. It will be easier to remember these factors if you notice that the first letters of their names spell the word ocean . Dimension

Openness to experience Conscientiousness Extraversion

Agreeableness Neuroticism

Defining descriptors Artistic, curious, imaginative, insightful, original; having wide interests, unusual thought processes, intellectual interests Efficient, organised, planful, reliable, thorough, dependable, ethical, productive Active, assertive, energetic, outgoing, talkative, gesturally expressive, gregarious

Appreciative, forgiving, generous, kind, trusting, non - critical, warm, compassionate, considerate, straightforward Anxious, self - pitying, tense, emotionally unstable, impulsive, vulnerable, touchy, worrying

Adapted from McCrae , R. R., & John, O. P. ( 1992 ). An introduction to the five - factor model and its applications. Journal of Personality, 60, /75 -2 /5.

Many trait theorists believe that the five-factor model represents a major breakthrough in examining the personalities of people who come from different backgrounds, differ in age, and live in different parts of the world (De Bolle et al., 2015). It has certainly enabled psychologists to provide a comprehensive description of the basic similarities and differences in people’s personalities, and to explore how these factors are related to everything from attachment styles, social skills and personality disorders to happiness, academic performance, physical wellbeing and even future weight gain (for example, Brummett et al. , 2006; Cuperman & Ickes, 2009; Diener, 2000; Lynam & Widiger, 2001; Noftle & Shaver, 2006; Poropat , 2009; Roberts et al., 2009) .

Biological trait theories Some personality theorists are interested not only in what traits form the core of human personality but also in why people differ on these traits. Their research suggests that trait differences reflect the operation of some important biological factors (DeYoung et al., 2010; Terracciano et al. , 2010).

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Eysenck’s biological trait theory Like Cattell , the British psychologist Hans Eysenck used factor analysis to study the structure of personality and thus helped lay the groundwork for the five-factor personality model. Eysenck suggested that most people’s traits could be described using two main dimensions introversion extraversion and emotionality stability (Eysenck 1990a , 1990 b; see Figure 13.3): 1 Introversion extraversion. Extraverts are sociable and outgoing, enjoy parties and other group activities, take risks , and love excitement and change. Introverts tend to be quiet, thoughtful and reserved, enjoying solitary pursuits and avoiding excitement and social involvement. 2 Emotionality stability . At one extreme of the emotionality stability dimension are people who display such characteristics as moodiness, restlessness, worry, anxiety and other negative emotions. Those at the opposite extreme are calm, even-tempered, relaxed and emotionally stable. (This dimension is also often called neuroticism.)

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FIGURE 13.3 Eysenck’s main personality dimensions

According to Eysenck, varying degrees of emotionality - stability and introversion - extraversion combine to produce predictable trait patterns. Notice that an introverted but stable person is likely to be

Emotional

TRY THIS \

controlled and reliable, whereas an introverted emotional person is likely to be rigid and anxious. (The traits appearing in the quadrants created by crossing these two personality dimensions correspond roughly to Hippocrates’ four temperaments.) Which section of the figure do you think best describes your personality traits? How about those of a friend or a relative? Did you find it any easier to place other people’s personalities in a particular section than it was to place your own personality ? If so, why do you think that might be?

Moody Anxious

Touchy Restless

Rigid

Aggressive Excitable

Sober Pessimistic Reserved Unsociable

Quiet

Changeable Impulsive Optimistic Melancholic

Active

Choleric

Introverted

Extraverted

Phlegmatic

Passive Careful

Sanguine

Sociable

Outgoing Talkative

Thoughtful

Responsive Easygoing

Peaceful Controlled

Reliable Even- tempered Calm

Lively Carefree

Leadership Stable

From Eysenck, H. J ., & Rachman, S. (1965 ). The Causes and Cures of Neurosis: An Introduction to Modern Behaviour Therapy Based on Learning Theory and the Principle of Conditioning. London : Routledge & Kegan Paul. Copyright © / 965. Edits. Reprinted with permission.

Eysenck argued that the variations in personality characteristics that we see among individuals can be traced to inherited differences in their nervous systems, especially in their brains.These biological differences, he said, create variations in people’s typical levels of physiological arousal and in their sensitivity to stress and other environmental stimulation . For example, as mentioned in Chapter 10, ‘Motivation and emotion’, people who inherit a nervous system that normally operates below their optimum arousal level will always be on the lookout for excitement, change and social contact in order to increase their arousal. As a result, these people will be extraverted . In contrast, people whose nervous system is normally ‘overaroused’ will tend to avoid excitement , change and social contact

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in order to reduce arousal to their optimum level. In short , they will be introverted . What about the emotionality stability dimension ? Eysenck said that people who score towards the stability side have nervous systems that are relatively insensitive to stress; those who are more emotional have nervous systems that react more strongly to stress.

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Gray’s reinforcement sensitivity theory Jeffrey Gray, another British psychologist , agrees with Eysenck about the two basic dimensions of personality, but he offers a different explanation of the biological factors underlying them (Corr, 2002; DeYoung et al., 2010). According to Gray’s reinforcement sensitivity theory , differences among people in introversion extraversion and emotionality stability originate in brain regions containing systems that influence how sensitive people are to different kinds of events: the behavioural approach system and the flight or freeze system (Pickering & Gray, 1999) .The behavioural approach system , or BAS , affects people’s sensitivity to rewards and their motivation to seek those rewards.The BAS has been called a ‘go’ system because it is responsible for how impulsive or uninhibited a person is. The flight orfreeze system , or FSS , affects how sensitive people are to potential punishment and the motivation to avoid being punished (Smillie, Pickering & Jackson, 2006) . The FSS is a ‘stop’ system that is responsible for how fearful or inhibited a person is (Bijttebier et al. , 2009). In explaining Eysenck’s personality dimensions, Gray sees extraverts as having a sensitive reward system (BAS) and an insensitive punishment system ( FSS). Introverts are just the opposite they are relatively insensitive to rewards but highly sensitive to punishment. Similarly, emotionally unstable people are much more sensitive to both rewards and punishments than those who are emotionally stable. Gray’s theory has its critics (for example, Jackson, 2003; Matthews, 2008), but it is now more widely accepted than Eysenck’s theory primarily because it is being supported by other research (Corr & Cooper, 2016) and because it is more consistent with what neuroscientists know about brain structures, neurotransmitters and how they operate (Reuter et al. , 2015) .

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Evaluating the trait approach The trait approach, especially the five-factor personality model , has gained such wide acceptance that it tends to dominate contemporary research into personality.Yet there are several problems and weaknesses associated with this approach . For one thing, trait theories seem better at describing people than at understanding them . It is easy to say, for example, that Marilyn is nasty to others because she has a strong hostility trait; but other factors, such as the way people treat her, could also be responsible. Indeed, trait theories have typically focused more on how people behave than on why they act as they do (Mischel, 2004a, 2004b) . Trait theories do not say much about how traits are related to the thoughts and feelings that precede, accompany and follow behaviour. Do introverts and extraverts decide to act as they do, can they behave otherwise, and how do they feel about their actions and experiences? Some personality psychologists are now linking their research to that of cognitive psychologists in an effort to better understand how thoughts and emotions influence, and are influenced by, personality traits (for example, Shoda & LeeTiernan , 2002) . As suggested in the upcoming ‘Thinking critically’ discussion, other psychologists have become interested in the role of genes, brain structures and neurotransmitters as causes of the individual differences we see among people’s personality traits (Reatuer et al. , 2015).

Criticisms Still, the trait approach has been faulted for offering a short list of traits that provides, at best, a fixed and superficial description of personality that fails to capture how traits combine to form a complex and dynamic individual (Block , 2001; Funder, 2007) . Even if the five-factor model is correct and custom page

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universal, its factors are not all-powerful because situations also affect behaviour. For example, people high in extraversion are not always sociable.Whether they behave sociably depends in part on where they are and who else is present. In fairness, early trait theorists such as Allport did implicitly acknowledge the importance of situations in influencing behaviour, but it is only recently that consideration of person situation interactions has become an explicit part of trait-based approaches to personality. This change is largely the result of research conducted by psychologists who have taken a social-cognitive approach to personality, which we describe next.

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THINKING CRITICALLY Are personality traits inherited? Gray’s reinforcement sensitivity theory is one of several relatively recent biologically oriented explanations of the origins of personality traits (for example, Depue, 2007). A related approach involves investigating the genetics of these traits (for example, Joyce et al., 2009; Terracciano et al., 2010). Consider the case of American identical twins who were separated at five weeks of age and did not meet again for 39 years. Both men drove Chevrolets, chain- smoked the same brand of cigarettes, had been divorced from women named Linda, had remarried women named Betty, had sons named James and Allan, had dogs named Toy, enjoyed similar hobbies, and had served as sheriff’s deputies (Tellegen et al., 1988).

What am I being asked to believe or accept ? Case studies like these have helped focus the attention of behavioural geneticists on the possibility that some core aspects of personality may be partly, or even largely, inherited (Johnson et al., 2009; Krueger & Johnson, 2008; Yamagata et al., 2006).

What evidence is available to support the assertion ? The evidence and the arguments regarding this assertion are much like those presented in Chapter 9, ‘ Cognitive abilities’, in which we discuss the origins of differences in intelligence. Stories about children who seem to have their parents’ or grandparents’ bad temper, generosity or shyness are often presented in support of the heritability of personality. Family resemblances in personality do provide an important source of evidence. Several studies have found moderate but significant correlations between children’s personality test scores and those of their parents and siblings (Davis, Luce & Kraus, 1994; DeYoung, Quilty & Peterson, 2007; Loehlin et al., 1998).

Even stronger evidence comes from studies conducted around the world comparing identical twins raised together, identical twins raised apart, non-identical twins raised together, and non-identical twins raised apart (Larsen & Buss, 2010). Whether they are raised apart or together, identical twins (who have exactly the same genes) tend to be more alike in personality than non - identical twins (whose genes are no more similar than those of other siblings). This research also shows that identical twins are more alike than non-identical twins in general temperament, such as how active, sociable, anxious and emotional they are; their positive attributes; and where they fall on the Big Five personality dimensions (for example, Borkenau et al., 2006; Johnson et al., 2009). On the basis of such twin studies, behavioural geneticists have concluded that about 50 per cent of the differences among people in terms of personality traits are due to genetic factors (Krueger et al., 2008).

Are there alternative ways of interpreting the evidence ? Family resemblances in personality could reflect genetic or social influence. An obvious alternative interpretation of this evidence might be that family similarities come not from common genes but from a common environment, especially from the examples set by parents and siblings. Children learn many rules, skills and actions by watching the people around them; perhaps children learn their personalities as well (Funder, 2007). The fact that siblings who aren’t twins are less alike than twins may well result from what are called non - shared environments (Plomin, 2004). A child’s place in the family birth order, differences in the way parents treat each of their children, and accidents and illnesses that alter a particular child’s life or health are examples of non - shared factors that can have a differential impact on each individual (Loehlin, Neiderhiser & Reiss, 2003). Siblings (those who >>> — 1

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identical or non- identical twins) are more likely to be affected by non- shared environmental factors. are not

What additional evidence would help evaluate the alternatives ? One way of evaluating the idea that personality is inherited would be to locate genes that are associated with certain personality characteristics (Ebstein, 2006). Genetic differences have already been tentatively associated with certain behaviour disorders, but most behavioural genetics researchers doubt that there are direct links between specific genes and particular personality traits (Krueger & Johnson, 2008; Caspi, Roberts & Shiner, 2005). Another way of evaluating the role of genes in personality is to study people in infancy, before the environment has had a chance to exert its influence. If the environment were entirely responsible for personality, all newborns should be essentially alike. However, as discussed in Chapter 11, ‘Human development’, they show immediate differences in temperament - varying markedly in activity, sensitivity to the environment, tendency to cry and interest in new stimuli (Rothbart & Derryberry, 2002). These differences suggest biological and perhaps genetic influences. To evaluate the relative contributions of nature and nurture beyond infancy, psychologists have examined the characteristics of adopted children. If adopted children are more like their biological parents than their adoptive parents, this suggests the influence of heredity in personality. If they are more like their adoptive families, a strong role for environmental factors in personality would be suggested. In actuality, adopted children’s personalities tend to resemble the personalities of their biological parents and siblings more than those of the families in which they are raised ( Krueger & Johnson, 2008). Further research is needed to determine more clearly what aspects of the environment are most important in shaping personality. So far, the evidence suggests that elements in the shared environment that affect all children in the family to varying degrees (socioeconomic status, for example) are probably not the main reason that identical twins show similar personalities. As mentioned earlier, however, non- shared environmental influences may be very important in personality development ( Kendler & Neale, 2009). In fact, some researchers believe that non -shared influences must be considered even when trying to explain the greater similarities between identical twins reared apart than among non - twin siblings reared together. Additional research on the role of non -shared factors in personality development and the ways in which these factors might

differentially affect twin and non-twin siblings’ development is obviously vital. It will also be important to investigate the ways in which the personalities of individual children may affect the nature of the environment in which they are raised (Krueger, Markon & Bouchard, 2003); see also the online Chapter 19, ‘Behavioural genetics’.

What conclusions are most reasonable ? Even researchers who support genetic theories of personality caution that we should not replace ‘simple - minded environmentalism’ with the equally incorrect view that personality is almost completely biologically determined (Plomin & Crabbe, 2000), as we can see in the Snapshot ‘Family resemblance’. As with cognitive abilities, it is pointless to talk about heredity versus environment as causes of personality because nature and nurture always intertwine to exert joint and simultaneous influences. For example, we know that genetic factors affect the environment in which people live (such as their families) and how they react to their environment, but research in epigenetics has shown that environmental factors can influence which of a person’s genes are activated (or ‘ expressed’) and how much those genes affect the person’s behaviour (see Chapter 2, ‘Research in psychology’; Champagne & Mashoodh, 2009; Krueger & Johnson, 2008). With these findings in mind, it is best to draw rather tentative conclusions about the sources of differences

Family resemblance Do children inherit personality traits in the same direct way as they inherit facial features, colouration and other physical characteristics? Research in behavioural genetics suggests that personality is the joint product of genetically influenced behavioural tendencies and the environmental conditions each child encounters.

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in people’s personalities. The evidence available so far suggests that genetic influences do appear to contribute significantly to personality differences. However, it is important to understand the implications of this statement. There is still no evidence that there is any single gene for any specific personality trait (Krueger & Johnson, 2008). The genetic contribution to personality most likely comes through the influence of sets of genes that shape people’s nervous systems and thus influence their general predispositions towards certain temperaments (Arbelle et aI., 2003; Ebstein, 2006; Grigorenko, 2002). Temperamental factors - such as how active, emotional and sociable a person is - then combine with environmental factors, such as a person’s interactions with other people, to produce specific features of personality (Caspi, Roberts & Shiner, 2005). For example, children who inherit a tendency towards emotionality might play less with other children, withdraw from social interactions, and thereby fail to

learn important social skills (Spinrad et aI., 2006). These experiences and tendencies, in turn, might lead to the self - consciousness and shyness seen in introverted personalities. Genes also appear to influence people’s emotional responses to specific events, such as having a child or being socially rejected (Dornbos et aI., 2009; Way, Taylor & Eisenberger, 2009). Notice, though, that genetic predispositions towards particular personality characteristics may or may not appear in behaviour, depending on whether the environment supports or suppresses them. Changes in genetically influenced traits are not only possible but may actually be quite common as children grow (Cacioppo et al., 2000). So even though there is a strong genetic basis for shyness, many children learn to overcome this tendency and become rather outgoing (Leary, 2001). In summary, it appears that rather than inheriting specific traits, people inherit the raw materials out of which personality is shaped by the world.

o

N REVIEW The trait approach CHARACTERISTICS

THEORIST

Gordon Allport

Identified two sets of traits: central traits , which are the descriptions used in reference letters, such as honest and loyal; and secondary traits , which are characteristics that are more specific to certain situations

Raymond Cattell

Used factor analysis to establish important traits, from which he identified 16 personality factors ( basis of 16 PF questionnaire)

Paul Costa and Robert McCrae

Understood personality as a five - factor ( OCEAN ) model: Openness to experience; Conscientiousness; Extraversion; Agreeableness; and Neuroticism

Hans Eysenck

Believed in a biologically based trait model Used factor analysis and described two main trait dimensions: introversion - extraversion and

emotionality - stability Agreed with Eysenck regarding a biological trait model, but his approach identifies a behavioural application system ( BAS ) which describes people’s sensitivity to rewards and motivation to seek Jeffrey Gray

rewards

Flight - or - freeze in the BAS system affects how sensitive people are to potential punishment or motivation to avoid punishment Check your understanding 1 Hippocrates described four humour - based personalities: 2 Trait theorists are interested in measuring the of the many personality characteristics. 3 Trait theories focus on how people behave and not really . they behave as they do question.

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13.3 THE SOCIAL - COGNITIVE APPROACH social- cognitive

approach the view that personality reflects learned patterns of thinking and behaviour

The social- cognitive approach to personality differs from the psychodynamic and trait approaches in two important ways. First, social-cognitive theorists look to conscious thoughts and emotions for clues to how people differ from one another and what guides their behaviour (Mischel & Shoda , 2008) . Second , the social-cognitive approach did not grow out of clinical cases or other descriptions of people’s personalities. It was based instead on the principles of animal and human learning described in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’ . In fact, the founders of the social-cognitive approach were originally known as social-learning theorists because of their view that what we call ‘personality’ consists mainly of the thoughts and actions we learn through observing and interacting with family and others in social situations (Bandura & Walters, 1963; Cervone & Pervin, 2008) .

Historical basis of the social- cognitive approach

functional analysis analysing behaviour by studying what responses occur under what conditions

of operant reward and punishment

Elements of the social-cognitive approach can be traced back to the behaviourism of John B.Watson . As described in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’, Watson (1925) used research on classical conditioning to support his claim that all human behaviour is determined by learning. B. F. Skinner broadened the behavioural approach by emphasising the importance of operant conditioning in learning. Through what he called functional analysis, Skinner tried to understand behaviour in terms of the function it serves in obtaining rewards or avoiding punishment. For example, if observations show that a schoolboy’s aggressive behaviour occurs mainly when a certain teacher is present , it may be that aggression is tolerated by that teacher and may even be rewarded with special attention . Rather than describing personality traits, then , functional analysis summarises what people find rewarding, what they are capable of doing, and what skills they lack . The principles of classical and operant conditioning launched social-learning explanations of personality, but because they were focused on observable behaviour, they were of limited usefulness to researchers who wanted to explore the role of thoughts in guiding behaviour. As the sociallearning approach evolved into the social-cognitive approach, it incorporated learning principles but also went beyond them. Today, proponents of this very popular approach to personality seek to assess and understand how learned patterns of thoughts and feelings contribute to behaviour, and how behaviour and its consequences alter cognitive activity, as well as future actions. In dealing with that aggressive schoolboy, for example, social-cognitive theorists would want to know not only what he has learned to do in certain situations (and how he learned it), but also what he thinks about himself, his teachers and his behaviour and his expectations about each (Shoda & Mischel , 2006) .

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Prominent social- cognitive theories Julian Rotter, Albert Bandura and Walter Mischel have presented the most influential social-cognitive personality theories.

Rotter’s expectancy theory Rotter (1982) argued that learning creates cognitions, known as expectancies, that guide behaviour. Specifically, he said that a person’s decision to engage in a behaviour is determined by what the person expects to happen following the behaviour and the value the person places on the outcome. For example, people spend lots of money on new clothes to be worn at job interviews, first because they have learned to expect that doing so will help get them the job and also because

Julian

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they place a high value on having the job. According to Rotter, behaviour is determined not only by the kinds of consequences that Skinner called positive reinforcers but also by the expectation that a particular behaviour will result in those consequences (Mischel, 2004 b).

Internals and externals Rotter himself focused mainly on how expectations shape particular behaviours in particular situations, but several of the researchers he influenced also examined peoples more general expectations about what controls life’s rewards and punishments. Those researchers noticed that some people (whom they called internals ) are inclined to expect events to be controlled by their own efforts. These individuals assume that what they achieve and the reinforcements they receive are due to efforts they make themselves. Others (externals) are more inclined to expect events to be determined by external forces over which they have no control. When externals succeed , they are likely to believe that their success was due to chance or luck . Research on differences in generalised expectancies does show that they are correlated with differences in behaviour. For example, when threatened by a cyclone or other natural disaster, internals in accordance with their belief that they can control what happens to them are more likely than externals to buy bottled water and make other preparations (Sattler, Kaiser & Hittner, 2000) . When confronted with a personal problem, internals are more likely than externals to work to solve this problem. Externals are more likely to regard it as unsolvable (Gianakos, 2002) . Internals also tend to work harder than externals at staying physically healthy and as a result may be healthier than externals (Sturmer, Hasselbach & Amelang, 2006) . We know, for example, that children with an internal control orientation are less likely than externals to become obese in later life (Gale, Batty & Deary, 2008) . Internals also tend to be more careful with money (Lim ,Teo & Loo, 2003) .As university students, internals tend to be better informed about the courses they take, including what they need to do to get a high grade. Perhaps as a result, internals tend to get better grades and to graduate sooner than externals (Dollinger, 2000; Hall, Smith & Chia, 2008).

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Bandura and reciprocal determinism In his social-cognitive theory, Albert Bandura (1999, 2006) regards personality as shaped by the ways in which thoughts, behaviour and the environment influence one another. He points out that regardless of whether people learn through direct experience with rewards and punishments or through the observational learning processes described in Chapter 5,‘Learning’ , their behaviour causes changes in their environment. Observing these changes in turn affects how they think , which then affects their behaviour, and so on in a constant web of mutual influence that Bandura calls reciprocal determinism (see Figure 13.4).

FIGURE 13.4 Reciprocal determinism

Albert Bandura’s notion of reciprocal determinism suggests that personal factors (such as cognitions, or thoughts), behaviour and the environment are constantly affecting one another. For example, a person’s hostile thoughts may lead to hostile behaviour, which gives rise to even more hostile thoughts. At the same time, the hostile behaviour offends other people, which creates a threatening environment that causes the person to think and act in even more negative ways. As increasingly negative thoughts alter the person’s perceptions of the environment, that environment seems to be more threatening than ever (Bushman et al, 2005).

P

B = Behaviour E = The external environment P = Personal factors, such as thoughts, feelings and biological events

From Bandura, A. The assessment and predictive generality of self- precepts of efficacy. Journal of Behavior Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry, 13, 195-9. Copyright © 1982. Reprinted with permission from Elsevier.

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Self - efficacy self- efficacy according Bandura, learned expectations about the probability of success in given situations to Albert

According to Bandura , an especially important cognitive element in this web of influence is perceived self -efficacy the learned expectation of success. Bandura says that what we do, and what we try to do, is largely controlled by our perceptions or beliefs about our chances of success at a particular task or problem . The higher our perceived self-efficacy in relation to a particular situation or task, the greater our actual accomplishments in that situation or task (Greven et al., 2009). So going into a job interview with the belief that you have the skills necessary to be selected may lead to behaviours that help you get the job. Expectancies about succeeding at a specific task can interact with expectancies about the consequences of behaviour in general , thus helping shape the person’s psychological wellbeing ( Maddux & Gosselin, 2003) . For example, if a person has low perceived self-efficacy about getting a better job and also expects that nothing anyone does has much effect on the world , the result may be apathy. However, if a person with low perceived self-efficacy regarding a new job also believes that other people are enjoying the benefits of their efforts , the result may be self-criticism and depression .

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Mischel’s cognitive - affective theory Social-cognitive theorists argue that learned beliefs, feelings and expectancies characterise each individual and make that individual different from other people. Walter Mischel calls these characteristics cognitive person variables, and he believes that they outline the dimensions along which individuals differ ( Mischel, 2009) . According to Mischel , the most important cognitive person variables are encodings (beliefs about the world and other people) , expectancies (including self-efficacy and what can be expected following various actions), affects (feelings and emotions), goals and values (what a person believes in and wants to achieve) , and competencies and self- regulatory plans (the things a person can do and the ability to thoughtfully plan and control goal-directed behaviour) (Shoda & Mischel , 2006). To predict a persons behaviour in a particular situation, says Mischel, we need to know about these cognitive person variables, as well as about the features of the situation the person will face. In short , the person and the situation interact to produce behaviour. Mischel’s view has been called an ‘if - then’ theory because he proposes that if people encounter a particular situation, then they will engage in the characteristic behaviours (called behavioural signatures ) they have learned to display in that situation (Kammrath, Mendoza-Denton & Mischel , 2005) . Mischel was once highly critical of trait theories of personality but now regards his own theory as generally consistent with that approach . In fact, the concept of behavioural signatures is quite similar to the concept of traits. However, Mischel still argues that trait theorists underestimate the power of situations to alter behaviour and do not pay enough attention to the cognitive and emotional processes that underlie people’s overt actions. Despite their remaining differences, most advocates of the trait and social-cognitive approaches are now focusing on the similarities between their whole trait theory views ( Fleeson & Jayawickreme, 2015) . This trend towards reconciliation has clarified somewhat the relationship between personal and situational variables and how they affect behaviour under various conditions. Many of the conclusions that have emerged are consistent with Bandura’s concept of reciprocal determinism: 1 Personal dispositions (which include traits and cognitive person variables) influence behaviour only in relevant situations. The trait of anxiousness, for example, may predict anxiety, but only in situations in which an anxious person feels threatened .

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2 Personal dispositions can lead to behaviours that alter situations, and those altered situations in turn promote other behaviours. For example, a hostile child can trigger aggression in others and thus start a fight. 3 People choose to be in situations that are in tune with their personal dispositions. Introverts, for instance, are likely to choose quiet environments, whereas extraverts tend to seek out livelier, more social ones (Beck & Clark , 2009). 4 Personal dispositions are more important in some situations than in others. Under circumstances in which many different behaviours would all be appropriate a company picnic, for example what people do may be predicted from their dispositions (extraverts will probably play games and socialise while introverts watch) . However, in situations such as a funeral, in which fewer options are socially acceptable, personal dispositions will not differentiate one person from another; everyone is likely to be quiet and sombre.

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Today, social-cognitive theorists devote much of their research to examining how cognitive person variables develop, how they are related to stress and health, and how they interact with situational variables to affect behaviour.

Evaluating the social- cognitive approach The original behavioural view of personality appealed to many people. It offered an objective, experimentally oriented approach that operationally defined its concepts, relied on empirical data for its basic principles, and based its applications on the results of empirical research ( Pervin , Cervone & John, 2005) . However, its successor, the social-cognitive approach , has gained even wider acceptance because it blends theories from behavioural and cognitive psychology and applies them to such socially important areas as aggression , the effects of mass media on children , and the development of self-regulatory processes that enhance personal control over behaviour. The popularity of this approach also stems from the ease with which its principles can be translated into treatment procedures for many types of psychological disorders (O’ Donohue, Fisher & Hayes, 2003) .

Criticisms Still, the social-cognitive approach has not escaped criticism. Psychodynamic theorists point out that social-cognitive theories leave no role for unconscious thoughts and feelings in determining behaviours (for example, Westen et al., 2008) . Some advocates of trait theory complain that socialcognitive theorists have focused more on explaining why traits are unimportant than on why situations are important, and that they have failed to identify what it is about specific situations that bring out certain behaviours ( Funder, 2008) . The social-cognitive approach has also been faulted for failing to present a general theory of personality, offering instead a set of more limited theories that share certain common assumptions about the nature of personality (Feist & Feist , 2009) . Most generally, the social-cognitive approach is considered incapable of capturing the complexity, richness and uniqueness that some critics see as inherent in human personality (Carver & Scheier, 2008) . According to these critics, a far more attractive alternative is provided by the humanistic psychology approach to personality.

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O

N REVIEW The social - cognitive approach CHARACTERISTICS

THEORIST

Skinner

Functional analysis - understanding behaviour in terms of the function it serves in obtaining rewards or

avoiding punishment

Rotter

Expectancies - cognitions that guide behaviour Internals expect events to be controlled by their own behaviour. Externals expect events to be determined by external forces

Bandura

Reciprocal determinism - personal factors (such as cognitions, or thoughts), behaviour and the environment are constantly affecting one another Self - efficacy is the learned expectation of success

Mischel

Cognitive affective theory - learned beliefs, feelings and expectancies characterise each individual Cognitive person variables make an individual different from other people

Check your understanding 1 The social - cognitive approach views ‘ and we learn through personality’ as consisting mainly of the and with family and others in social situations. and 2 A very popular approach to personality seeks to assess and understand how learned patterns of contribute to behaviour. 3 Mischel’s view has been called an .people encounter a particular theory because he proposes that situation. they will engage in the characteristic behaviours they have learned to display in that situation.

13.4 THE HUMANISTIC PSYCHOLOGY APPROACH humanistic psychology

approach the view that personality develops through an actualising tendency that unfolds in accordance with each person’s unique perceptions of the world

Unlike theories that emphasise the instincts and learning processes that humans seem to share with other animals , the humanistic psychology approach to personality focuses on mental capabilities that set humans apart: self-awareness, creativity, planning, decision making and responsibility.Theorists who adopt the humanistic approach see human behaviour as motivated mainly by an innate drive towards growth that prompts people to fulfil their unique potential. Similar to the planted seed whose natural potential is to become a flower, people are seen as naturally inclined towards goodness, creativity, love and joy. Humanistic psychologists also believe that to explain peoples actions in any particular situation, it is more important to understand their view of the world than their instincts, traits or learning experiences. To humanists, that world view is a bit different for each of us, and it is this unique phenomenology, or way of perceiving and interpreting the world, that shapes personality and guides behaviour (Kelly 1980) . From this perspective, then, no-one can understand another person without somehow perceiving the world through that persons eyes. All behaviour, even seemingly weird behaviour, is presumed to be meaningful to the person displaying it. This approach emphasises the importance of looking at people’s perceptions and is sometimes called the phenomenological approach (see the Snapshot ‘What is reality ?’) .

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What is reality ? Each of these people has a different perception of what happened during the play that started this argument - and each is sure they are right! Disagreement about the ‘same’ event illustrates phenomenology , each person’s unique perceptions of the world. The humanistic psychology approach holds that these perceptions shape personality and guide behaviour. In this case, expectations and motivation stemming from differing perspectives are likely to influence reality - and reactions - for each player, umpire and spectator.

There are many historical influences which have contributed to the development of humanistic psychology. The idea that each person perceives a different reality reflects the views of existential philosophers such as Soren Kierkegaard and Jean-Paul Sartre. The idea that people actively shape their own reality stems in part from the Gestalt psychologists , whose work is described in Chapter 4,‘Sensation and perception’ , and from George Kelly, a psychologist who also influenced social-cognitive theorists.We can also hear echoes of Alfred Adler, Erich Fromm and other psychodynamic theorists who emphasised the positive aspects of human nature and the importance of the ego in personality development. Humanistic theories of personality have themselves helped fuel research in positive psychology, which focuses on character strengths such as wisdom, courage and humanity, as well as on happiness, thriving and other aspects of human experience associated with maximum personal development and functioning (Fredrickson & Cohn , 2008; Hounkpatin et al. , 2014; Peterson , 2006a; Seligman , 2002) .

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Has positive psychology helped to focus attention on human character strengths?

Prominent humanistic theories By far the most prominent humanistic theories of personality are those of Carl Rogers and Abraham Maslow.

Rogers’ self theory In his extensive writings , Carl Rogers (for example, 1961, 1970 , 1980) emphasised the actualising tendency, which he described as an innate inclination towards growth and fulfilment that motivates all human behaviour and is expressed in a unique way by each individual (Raskin & Rogers , 2001).

actualising tendency according to Carl Rogers, an innate inclination towards growth that motivates all

people

Self - actualisation Rogers considered personality the expression of that actualising tendency as it unfolds in each individuals uniquely perceived reality (Feist & Feist , 2009) .The centrepiece of Rogers’ theory is the self, the part of experience that a person identifies as ‘I’ or ‘me’. According to Rogers, those who accurately experience the self with all its preferences, abilities, fantasies, shortcomings and desires are on the road to what Kurt Goldstein (1939) had called self-actualisation. For people whose experiences of the self become distorted, however, progress towards self-actualisation is likely to be slowed or stopped.

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Congruent and incongruent reactions Rogers saw personality development beginning early, as children learn to need other people’s approval, or as he called it, positive regard . Evaluations by parents, teachers and others soon begin to affect children’s self-evaluations. When these evaluations are in agreement with a child’s own

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self- concept the way one thinks of oneself

conditions of worth according to Carl Rogers, the feelings an individual

experiences when an evaluation is applied to the person rather than to the person’s behaviour

'Just remember,

son, it doesn't matter whether you win or lose unless you want Daddy's love.' Parents are not usually this obvious about creating conditions of worth, but according to Carl Rogers, the message gets through in many more - subtle ways. E

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self-evaluations, the child reacts in a way that matches, or is congruent with , self-experience. The child not only experiences positive regard but also evaluates the self as ‘good’ for having earned approval. This positive self-experience becomes part of the self- concept , which is the way one thinks of oneself. But what if a positive self-experience is evaluated negatively by others, as when a little boy is teased by his father for having fun playing with dolls? In this case, the child must either do without a parents positive regard or, more likely, re-evaluate the self-experience deciding perhaps that ‘I don’t like dolls’ or ‘Feeling good is bad’ . Rogers considered that personality is shaped partly by the actualising tendency and partly by evaluations made by others (see the Snapshot “ ‘Just remember, son, it doesn’t matter whether you win or lose unless you want Daddy’s love’” ) . In this way, people come to like what they are ‘supposed’ to like and to behave as they are ‘supposed’ to behave. This socialisation process is adaptive because it helps people function in society, but it often requires that they suppress their self-actualising tendency and distort their experience. Rogers argued that psychological discomfort, anxiety or even mental disorder can result when the feelings people experience or express are incongruent, or at odds, with their true feelings. Incongruence is likely, said Rogers, when parents and teachers act in ways that lead children to believe that their worth as people depends on displaying the ‘right’ attitudes, behaviours and values. These conditions of worth are created whenever people are evaluated instead of their behaviour. For example, parents who find their toddler smearing fingerpaint on the dog are unlikely to say, ‘I love you , but I don’t approve of this particular behaviour’ . They are more likely to shout, ‘Bad boy!’ or ‘Bad girl!’ This reaction sends a message that the child is lovable and worthwhile only when well behaved . As a result , the child’s self-experience is not ‘I like painting Fang, but Mum and Dad don’t approve’, but instead, ‘Playing with paint is bad , and I am bad if I like it, so I don’t like it’, or ‘I like it , so I must be bad’ . The child may eventually display overly neat and tidy behaviours that do not reflect the real self but rather are part of the ideal self that is dictated by the parents. As with Freud’s concept of superego, conditions of worth are first set up by external pressure but eventually become part of the person’s belief system . So Rogers considered rewards and punishments important in personality development not just because they shape overt behaviour but also because they can so easily lead to distorted self-perceptions and incongruence (Roth et ah , 2009) .

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Maslow’s growth theory Like Rogers, Abraham Maslow (1954, 1971) regarded personality as the expression of a basic human tendency towards growth and self-actualisation . In fact , Maslow believed that self-actualisation is not just a human capacity but a human need. Yet , said Maslow, people are often distracted from seeking self-actualisation because they focus on needs that are lower on the hierarchy.

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Deficiency motivation deficiency motivation according to Abraham Maslow, a preoccupation with perceived needs for things a person does not have

Maslow believed that most people are controlled by deficiency motivation, the preoccupation with perceived needs for material things, especially things they do not have. Ultimately, he said, deficiency-motivated people come to see life as a meaningless exercise in disappointment and boredom , and they may begin to behave in problematic ways. For example, in an attempt to satisfy the need for love and belongingness, people may focus on what love can give them (security) and not on what they can give to another person . This deficiency orientation may lead a person to be jealous and to focus on what is missing in relationships. As a result , the person will never truly experience either love or security.

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Growth motivation In contrast, people with growth motivation do not focus on what is missing but draw satisfaction from what they have, what they are and what they can do, as illustrated in the Snapshot ‘The joys of growth motivation’ . This orientation opens the door to what Maslow called peak experiences, in which people feel joy, even ecstasy, in the mere fact of being alive, being human, and knowing that they are realising their fullest potential.

growth motivation according to Abraham Maslow, a tendency to draw satisfaction from what is available in life, rather than to focus on what is missing

Evaluating the humanistic psychology approach The humanistic psychology approach to personality is consistent with the way many people view themselves. It gives a central role to each person’s immediate experiences and emphasises the uniqueness of each individual. The humanistic approach and its phenomenological perspective inspired the person-centred therapy of Rogers and other forms of psychotherapy (see Chapter 14, ‘Psychological disorders and treatment’ ) . This approach also underlies various short-term personal growth experiences, such as sensitivity training and encounter groups designed to help people become more aware of themselves and the way they relate to others (for example, Cain & Seeman , 2002) . It has led to programs designed to teach parents how to avoid creating conditions of worth while maximising their children’s potential. And , as already mentioned , the humanistic approach has helped promote research in positive psychology, which studies what and how things go right in human development ( Diener, Oishi & Lucas, 2009; Peterson, 2006 a, 2006 b; Snyder & Lopez , 2006) .

Criticisms Yet, to some observers, the humanistic view is naive, romantic and unrealistic. Are people all as inherently good and growth-oriented as this approach suggests? Critics wonder about that, and they also fault humanistic personality theories for paying too little attention to the importance of inherited characteristics, learning, situational influences and unconscious motivation in shaping personality. The idea that everyone is directed only by an innate growth potential is viewed by these critics as an oversimplification . So, too, is the assumption that all human problems stem from blocked actualisation . Like the trait approach , humanistic theories seem to do a better job of describing personality than explaining it . And like many of the concepts in psychodynamic theories, humanistic concepts seem too vague to be tested empirically. Accordingly, the humanistic approach has not been very popular among psychologists who rely on empirical research to learn about personality ( Feist & Feist, 2009) . This may be changing, though, as the explosion of research in positive psychology leads to new humanistically oriented theories that lend themselves to empirical evaluation (for example, Burton et ah , 2006; Cohn et ah , 2009; Waugh, Fredrickson & Taylor, 2008) . Even so, humanists’ tendency to define ideal personality development in terms of personal growth , independence and self-actualisation has been criticised for emphasising culture-specific ideas about mental health that may not apply to all cultures (Heine & Buchtel, 2009) . As described in the next section , the individualist foundations of humanistic personality theories may be in direct conflict with the values of non-Western, collectivist cultures. The upcoming section ‘In review:The humanistic psychology approach ’ summarises key features of the approach, along with those of the other approaches we have described.

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The joys of growth motivation According Abraham Maslow’s theory of personality, the key to

to personal growth

and fulfilment lies in focusing on what we have, not on what we don’t have or on what we have lost. Bethany Hamilton lost her arm to a shark attack at the age of 13. She could have let the accident destroy her love of surfing - but she didn’t. You can find out more about her life in the film Soul

Surfer .

Chapter 6: Personality

LINKAGES Personality, culture and human development In many Western cultures, it is common to hear people encourage others to ‘stand up for yourself’ or to ‘blow your own horn’ in order to ‘get what you have coming to you’. In middle -class North America, for example, the values of achievement and personal distinction are taught to children, particularly male children, very early in life ( Kitayama, Duffy & Uchida, 2007). North American children are encouraged to feel special, to want self - esteem, and to feel good about themselves, partly because these characteristics are associated with happiness, popularity and superior performance in school. Whether self - esteem is the cause or the result of these good outcomes (Baumeister et al., 2003), children who learn and display these values nevertheless tend to receive praise and encouragement for doing so. As a result of this cultural training, many people in North America and Europe develop personalities that are largely based on a sense of high self - worth. In a study by Hazel Markus and Shinobu Kitayama (1997), for example, 70 per cent of a sample of US students believed they were superior to their peers, and 60 per cent believed they were in the top 10 per cent on a wide variety of personal attributes! This tendency towards self- enhancement is evident as early as age four. Many Western personality theorists regard a sense of independence, uniqueness and self - esteem as fundamental to mental health, as indicated in the Human Snapshot “‘We lost!”’. As noted in Chapter 11, ‘ development’, for example, Erik Erikson included the appearance of personal identity and self - esteem as part of normal psychosocial development. In the Western world, individuals who fail to value and strive for independence, self - promotion and unique personal achievement may be thought to have a personality disorder, some form of depression or other psychological problems. Are these ideas based on universal truths about personality development, or do they reflect the values of the cultures that generated them? It is certainly clear that people in many non - Western cultures develop personal orientations that are different from those in Western countries (Heine & Buchtel, 2009; Lehman, Chiu & Schaller, 2004). In China and Japan, for example, an independent, unique self is not emphasised ( Ho & Chiu, 1998). Children there are encouraged to develop

and maintain harmonious relations with others and not to stand out from the crowd Does culture because doing so might determine make others seem inferior personality ? by comparison. So whereas (a link to Chapter 11, children in the United States ‘Human hear that ‘the squeaky wheel development’) gets the grease’ (meaning that you don’t get what you want unless you ask for it), Japanese children are warned that ‘the nail that stands out gets pounded down’ (meaning that it is not a good idea to draw attention to yourself). From a very young age, Japanese children are taught to be modest, to play down the value of personal contributions, and to appreciate the joy and value of group work (Kitayama & Uchida, 2003). In contrast to the independent self- system prevalent in individualist cultures such as the United States, the United Kingdom and Switzerland (see the Snapshot ‘Culture and personality’), countries characterised by a more collectivist orientation (for example, Japan, China, Brazil and Nigeria) promote an interdependent self- system in which people

'We lost !' The goal of esteem building is clear these days in many children’s activities at school and in some team sports, too, which are designed either to eliminate competition or, as in this case, ensure that everyone feels like a winner.

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attributes , such as intelligence, creativity, competitiveness and persistence. In Japan and other Asian countries, it is more likely to be associated with the feeling of having no negative attributes (Eliot et al., 2001). Similarly, the results of studies conducted with thousands of people around the world indicate that in collectivist cultures, life satisfaction is associated with social approval and harmonious relations with others, whereas in individualist cultures, life satisfaction is associated with high self - esteem and feeling good about one’s own life (Uchida et al., 2001). Cultural factors shape notions about ideal personality development. It is therefore important to evaluate various approaches to personality in terms of how well they apply to cultures other than the one in which they were developed (Church, 2001; Cross & Markus, 1999). Their applicability to males and females must also be considered. Even within Western cultures, for example, there are gender differences in the development of self - esteem. Females tend to display an interdependent self - system, achieving their sense of self and self - esteem from attachments to others. By contrast, males’ self - esteem tends to develop in relation to personal achievement, in a manner more in keeping with an independent self - system (Cross & Madson, 1997). Cross - gender and cross- cultural differences in the nature and determinants of a sense of self underscore the pervasive effects of gender and culture on the development of many aspects of personality (Acerbi, Engcjuist & Ghirlanda, 2009; Matsumoto, Yoo & Nakagawa, 2008; Zakriski, Wright & Underwood, 2005).

Culture and personality TRY THIS Yi In

individualist cultures, most children learn early that

personal distinction is valued by parents, teachers and peers. In cultures that emphasise collectivist values, a strong sense of personal self - worth tends to be regarded as less important. In other words, the features of ‘normal’ personality development vary from culture to culture. Make a list of the core values you have learned. Which of them are typical of individualist cultures, which are typical of collectivist cultures, and which reflect a combination of both?

perceive themselves as a small fraction of a social whole. Each person has little or no meaningful definition without reference to the group. These differences in self- systems may produce differences in what gives people a sense of wellbeing and satisfaction (Tsai, Knutson & Fung, 2006). In the United States, a sense of personal wellbeing is typically associated with the feeling of having positive

FOCUS ON RESEARCH METHODS Longitudinal studies of temperament and personality Studying the development of personality over the life span requires longitudinal research, in which the same people are followed from infancy to adulthood so that their characteristics can be assessed at different points in their lives. A number of studies have used longitudinal methods to explore a variety of questions about changes in personality over time.

display at birth and in their early years predicts their personality and behaviour as adults (Caspi, 2000; Caspi et al., 2003; Caspi & Silva , 1995; Caspi et al., 1995, 1997). As discussed in Chapter 11, ‘ Human development’, it is generally agreed that differences in temperament are influenced more by heredity than by the environment (Clark & Watson, 2008).

What was the researchers' question ? The specific question addressed by Avshalom Caspi and

How did the researchers answer the question ? Caspi’s research team studied all the children born in Dunedin, New Zealand between April 1972 and

his colleagues was whether the temperament children

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— >>> March 1973 - a total of about 1000 individuals. When the children were three years old, an examiner gave each of them a test of their cognitive abilities and motor skills and, using a 3 - point scale, rated their reactions to the testing situation. Some of the children displayed uncontrolled behaviours; some interacted easily; some were withdrawn and unresponsive. (To avoid bias while making their ratings, the examiners were told nothing about the children’s typical behaviour outside of the testing room.) These observations were used to place each child into one of five temperament

likely to assume leadership roles. These findings held true

categories: undercontrolled (irritable, impatient, emotional), inhibited (shy, fearful, easily distracted), confident (eager to perform, responsive to questions), reserved (withdrawn, uncomfortable) and well adjusted (friendly, well controlled). The children were observed and categorised again when they were five, seven and nine years old. On each occasion, a different person did the ratings, thus ensuring that the observers’ ratings would not be biased by earlier impressions. Almost all correlations among the independent ratings made at various ages were positive and statistically significant, indicating that the temperament classifications were stable across time. When the participants were 18 years old, they completed a standard personality test, and at 21, they were interviewed about the degree to which they engaged in risky and unhealthy behaviours such as excessive drinking, violent crime, unprotected sexual activity and unsafe driving habits. To avoid bias, the interviewers were given no information about the participants’ temperament when they were children or about their scores on the personality test. Finally, at the age of 26, the participants again took a standard personality test and were also rated by their friends on the Big Five personality dimensions.

What did the researchers find ? Several significant differences were found among the average personality scores for the five original temperament categories. For example, the average test scores of undercontrolled’ 26 - year - olds who had been classified as ‘ in childhood showed that they were more alienated, uninhibited and stressed than any other temperament group. Furthermore, people who had been classified as ‘confident’ or ‘well adjusted’ as children tended to be better adjusted and more extraverted at 26 than people who had been classified as ‘inhibited’ or ‘reserved’ when they were children. Young adults who as children had been classified as ‘well adjusted’ tended to be effective individuals who were

for males and females alike. There were also small but significant correlations between early temperament and health- risk and criminal behaviours (Caspi et al., 2003). For example, people classified as ‘ overcontrolled’ were more likely to avoid dangerous and exciting activities at the age of 21 than those who had been classified as ‘undercontrolled’. Participants classified as ‘undercontrolled’ were significantly more likely than any of the other groups to engage in risky behaviours and to have criminal records. The relationship between temperament in childhood and health - risk behaviours in young adulthood was not a direct one, though. Statistical analyses revealed that temperament at age three affected personality at age 18, which in turn affected later behaviour patterns.

What do the results mean ? The results of Caspi’s studies provide persuasive empirical support for a hypothesis long endorsed by personality psychologists; namely, that we can make relatively accurate

predictions about adult personality and behaviour if we know about childhood temperament (for example, Glenn et al., 2007). As critical thinkers, we must be careful not to overstate the strength of these results. Although the correlations between temperament and personality and between temperament and various problematic behaviours were statistically significant, they were also relatively small. For example, not all the participants classified as ‘undercontrolled’ at age three turned out to be aggressive or violent at age 21. The implication is that personality is influenced and shaped by temperament but not completely determined by it (Clark & Watson, 2008; Roberts, Walton & Viechtbauer, 2006). The results of these studies also confirm a point made in Chapter 12, ‘Health, stress and coping’ - that personality plays a significant role in health. Specifically, personality characteristics predispose people to engage in behaviours that can affect their mental and physical health.

What do we still need to know ? Caspi’s research has revealed some consistency between temperament in childhood and personality in adulthood, but it also leaves some unanswered questions (Roberts & Delvecchio, 2000). For example, what factors underlie this consistency? The fact that there are individual differences in adult behaviour within temperament groups shows that a child is not simply biologically > > > -1

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>>> temperament. So ‘undercontrolled’ people might choose to spend time with people who accept and even encourage

programmed to display certain personality traits later (Hampson, 2008). One explanation offered by Caspi and his colleagues draws heavily on social- cognitive theories, particularly on Bandura’s notion of reciprocal determinism. These researchers believe that long- term consistencies in behaviour result from the mutual influence that temperament and environmental events have on one another. They propose, for example, that people tend to put themselves in situations that reinforce their

rude or impolite behaviour. And when such behaviour brings negative reactions, the world seems that much more hostile, and they become even more aggressive and negative. Caspi and his colleagues (2003) regard the results of their studies as evidence that this process of mutual influence between personality and situations can continue over a lifetime.

o

IN REVIEW The humanistic psychology approach KEY IDEAS

THEORIST

Actualising tendency - an innate inclination towards growth and fulfilment Rogers

Self- concept - the way one thinks of oneself Conditions of worth are created whenever people are evaluated instead of their behaviour

Deficiency motivation - the preoccupation with perceived needs for material things, especially things Maslow

someone does not

have Growth motivation - when we do not focus on what is missing but draw satisfaction from what we have

Check your understanding 1 The humanistic psychology approach to personality focuses on mental capabilities that set humans apart. These are characterised by 2 ., Rogers argues, is where children learn to need other people’s approval. 3 Those who accurately experience the self are referred to as by humanistic theorists.

13.5 ASSESSING PERSONALITY We all want to know something about our own personality and other people’s, too, so it is no wonder that various kinds of personality assessments are widely available in newspapers and magazines and on the Internet. For example, there is a website called TweetPsych that offers personality profiles of frequent Twitter users based on the content of their tweets. Information available on Facebook has also been used to assess various personality dimensions (Back et al., 2010) . But psychologists usually describe people’s personalities using information from four main sources: life outcomes (such as level of education, income or marital status) , situational tests (laboratory measurements of behavioural , emotional and physiological reactions to conflict, frustration and the like ) , observer ratings ( judgements about a person made by family or friends) and self- reports (responses to interviews and personality tests) . The data gathered through these methods are used for many purposes, including diagnosing psychological disorders, predicting dangerousness, selecting new employees, and even choosing astronaut candidates best suited to space travel (Kramer, Bernstein & Phares, 2009; Meyer et al., 2001) .

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Life outcomes, observer ratings and situational tests allow direct assessment of many aspects of behaviour, including how often , how effectively and how consistently various actions occur. Interviews provide a way of gathering information about personality from the persons own point of view. Some interviews are open-ended , meaning that questions are tailored to the intellectual level , emotional state and special needs of the person being interviewed. Others are structured , meaning that the interviewer asks a fixed set of questions about specific topics in a particular order. Structured interviews are routinely used in personality research because they are sure to cover matters of special interest to the researcher. Personality tests offer a way of gathering self-report information that is more standardised and economical than interviews. To be useful , however, a personality test must be reliable and valid . As described in Chapter 9, ‘Cognitive abilities’, reliability refers to how stable or consistent the results of a test are; validity reflects the degree to which test scores are interpreted appropriately and used properly in making inferences about people. The many personality tests available today are traditionally classified as either projective or non- projective measures of personality.

Projective personality measures projective personality

Projective personality measures contain items or tasks that are ambiguous, meaning that they can

measures personality

be perceived in many different ways. People taking projective tests might be asked to draw a house, a person, a family or a tree; to fill in the missing parts of incomplete pictures or sentences; to say what they associate with particular words; or to report what they see in a drawing or picture. Projective techniques are sometimes used in personality research, but they are far more popular among psychodynamically oriented clinical psychologists, who use them to assess psychological disorders (Garb et ah , 2005). These psychologists believe that people’s responses to projective tests are guided by unconscious needs, motives, fantasies, conflicts, thoughts and other hidden aspects of personality. One prominent projective test, developed by Henry Murray and Christina Morgan, is called the Thematic Apperception Test, or TAT. As described in Chapter 10, ‘Motivation and emotion ’ , the TAT is used to measure need for achievement. It is also used to assess other needs (for example, for power or affiliation) that Murray and Morgan considered the basis for personality. Another widely used projective test, the Rorschach Inkblot Test, asks people to say what they see in a series of inkblots, similar to the one in Figure 13.5.

made up of ambiguous stimuli that can be perceived and responded to in many different ways assessments

FIGURE 13.5 The Rorschach Inkblot Test

The Rorschach test consists of 10 patterns similar to this one - some in colour, some in black and white. People taking the test are asked to say what each pattern might be and to explain why. irtfillilBMfl Write down what you see in this inkblot and why, and then compare your responses to those of some friends. Most scoring methods focus on (1) what part of the blot the person responds to; (2) what details, colours or other features appear to determine each response; (3) the content of responses (such as seeing animals, maps or body parts); and (4) the popularity or commonness of the responses.

Charlotte Miller

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Reliability and viability Psychologists who support the use of projective tests claim that ambiguous test items make it difficult for respondents to detect what is being measured and what the ‘best’ answers would be.They argue, therefore, that these tests can measure aggressive and sexual impulses and other personality features that people might otherwise be able to hide. However, in comparison with the results of nonprojective tests, responses to projective tests are much more difficult to translate into numerical scores for scientific analysis. In an effort to reduce the subjectivity involved in projective-test interpretation , some psychologists have developed more structured and thus potentially more reliable scoring systems for instruments such as the Rorschach (Erdberg, 1990; Exner, 2003) . And there are in fact specific instances as in studies assessing implicit social motives with the TAT in which projective tests show acceptable reliability and validity (Meyer, Mihura & Smith , 2005; Piotrowski , 2015; Schultheiss, 2008; Schultheiss & Rohde, 2002). Overall , though, projective personality tests are substantially less reliable and valid than non-projective tests (Garb et ah , 2005; Hunsley, Lee & Wood , Projective tests are generally poor in their ability to 2003; Lilienfeld, Wood & Garb, 2000) . predict behaviour, and may add little information about people that goes beyond what might be inferred from interviews and non-projective personality measures ( Hunsley, Lee & Wood, 2003) .

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Can personality tests be used to predict different types of behaviour ?

Non- projective personality measures Non - projective personality measures , also known as objective personality measures, contain clearly stated items that relate to a persons thoughts , feelings or behaviour (such as ‘Do you like parties?’) . Responses to these items are used to guide conclusions about the individuals personality. The most common kind of objective personality test is similar in format to the multiple-choice or true false examinations used in many classrooms. Similar to those exams, self-report personality tests can be administered to many people at the same time.They can also be machine-scored. However, whereas there is only one correct answer for each item on a classroom exam, the ‘correct’ answers to an objective personality test depend on who is taking it. Each person is asked to respond in a way that best describes him or her. The person’s responses to an objective test’s items are combined into a score. That score can be used to draw conclusions about the individual’s personality, but only after it has been compared with the responses of thousands of other people who have taken the same test. For example, before interpreting your score on a self-report test of extraversion, a psychologist would compare that score with norms, or average scores from other individuals of your age and gender. Only if you were well above these averages would you be considered unusually extraverted .

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Neuroticism - Extraversion - Openness Personality Inventory Some non-projective personality measures focus on one particular trait, such as optimism (Carver & Scheier, 2002) . Others measure a set of related traits, such as empathy and social responsibility (Penner & Orom, 2009) . Still others measure the strength of a wider variety of traits to reveal general psychological functioning. For example, the Neuroticism-Extraversion-Openness Personality Inventory, Revised ( NEO-PI -R ) , the latest edition of which is the NEO PI-3 (Costa & McCrae, 1992; McCrae & Costa, 2010), is designed to measure the Big Five personality factors and can be administered by hand or electronically. This assessment gives a broad-based evaluation of someone’s personality, including strengths and weaknesses, with which a clinician can work. The most recent editions of the assessment tool provide feedback to the respondent in simple language that assists the respondent in an ongoing directed way.

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non - projective personality measures paper -and - pencil tests containing direct, unambiguous items relating to the personality of the individual being assessed

Chapter 6: Personality

The NEO-PI-R is quite reliable (Costa & McCrae, 2008), and peoples scores on its various dimensions have been successfully used to predict social status (Anderson et al., 2001), as well as a number of behaviours, including job performance (Judge et al., 2013) and learning (deep or surface) approaches (Xie & Zhang, 2015) .

Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory

^

( ) when the goal of personality testing is to diagnose psychological disorders, the most commonly Can personality tests be used to diagnose mental disorders? (a link

Chapter 14, ‘Psychological to

disorders and treatment’)

used objective test is the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory, or MMPI (Butcher, 2006) . The original 566-item true false test was developed during the 1930s at the University of Minnesota by Starke Hathaway and J. C. McKinley. It has now been revised and updated to become the MMPI2 RF ( restructured form; Ben-Porath & Tellegen, 2008) . The MMPI’s items are organised into 10 clinical scales. These are groups of items that in earlier research had drawn a characteristic pattern of responses only from people who displayed particular psychological disorders or personality characteristics. The MMPI -2 RF also contains several validity scales. Responses to these scales detect whether respondents are distorting their answers, misunderstanding the items or being uncooperative. For example, someone who responds ‘true’ to items such as ‘I never get angry’ may not be giving honest answers to the test as a whole. Interpreting the MMPI is largely a matter of using computer programs to compare test profiles such as those shown in Figure 13.6 with the profiles of people already known to display certain personality characteristics. It is presumed that people share characteristics with the group whose

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FIGURE 13.6 MMPI -2 RF clinical scales and sample profiles A score of 50 on the clinical scales of the MMPI -2 RF is average. Scores at or above 65 mean that the person’s responses on that scale are more extreme than at least 95 per cent of the normal population. The red line on this chart represents the MMPI -2 - RF profile of a 26 - year - old married man. It is characteristic of a person who is about average in most ways, but who believes that other people are against him, are ‘out to get him’, or are a threat to him. The clinical scales abbreviated in the figure are as follows: RCd: Demoralisation - General unhappiness and dissatisfaction RC1: Somatic Complaints - Diffuse physical health

Restructured Clinical

complaints RC2: Low Positive Emotions - Lack of positive emotional responsiveness

RC3: Cynicism - Beliefs that express distrust and a generally low opinion of others RC4: Antisocial Behaviour - Rule breaking and irresponsible behaviour RC6: Ideas of Persecution - Beliefs that others pose a threat to oneself RC7: Dysfunctional Negative Emotions - Maladaptive anxiety, anger, irritability RC8: Aberrant Experiences - Unusual perceptions or

thoughts RC9: Hypomanic Activation - Overactivation, aggression, impulsivity and grandiosity

Raw Score: T Score:

Response % :

100

100

100

100

100

The highest and lowest T scores possible on each scale are indicated by a 1 MMPI- 2 - RF T scores are non - gendered.

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profile most closely resembles their own . But although a very high score on one scale, such as depression , might indicate a problem in the dimension measured by that scale, MMPI interpretation usually focuses on the overall pattern in the clinical scales particularly on the combination of two or three scales on which a person has unusually high scores. There is considerable evidence for the reliability and validity of MMPI clinical scales ( Forbey & Ben-Porath , 2008), but even the latest editions of the test are far from perfect measurement tools (Carr, Moretti & Cue, 2005; Munley, 2002; Rouse, 2007) .The validity of MMPI interpretations may be particularly suspect when, because of cultural factors , the perceptions, values and experiences of a respondent are notably different from those of the test developers and the people with whom the respondent’s results are compared. A profile that looks typical of people with a certain disorder might actually reflect the culture-specific way in which the respondent interpreted the test items rather than a mental problem (Gurung & Radosevich, 2016) . (The upcoming section ‘In review: Assessing personality’ summarises the characteristics of projective and non-projective measures, along with some of their advantages and disadvantages.)

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Personality tests and employee selection How good are personality tests at selecting people for jobs? Most organisational psychologists believe that these tests are valuable tools in the selection of good employees.The MMPI (and even some projective tests) are occasionally employed for such purposes (for example, Matyas, 2004) , but the majority of personality tests used by large organisations are those that measure the Big Five personality dimensions or related characteristics (Borman, Hanson & Hedge, 1997; Costa, 2001) . Several researchers have found significant relationships between scores on these characteristics and measures of overall job performance and effective leadership (Hirschfeld et ah , 2008; Kieffer, Schinka & Curtiss, 2004; Lim & Ployhart , 2004; Motowidlo, Brownlee & Schmit, 2008; Silverthorne, 2001) . A more general review of studies involving thousands of people has shown that non-projective personality tests are of value in helping businesses reduce thefts and other disruptive employee behaviours (Berry, Sackett & Wiemann , 2007; Hogan, 2006; Ones & Viswesvaran , 2001; Ones, Viswesvaran & Schmidt, 2003) . Still , personality tests are not perfect, and as noted earlier, they sometimes lead to incorrect predictions about behaviour. Many tests measure traits that may be too general to predict specific aspects of job performance (Berry, Sackett & Wiemann, 2007; Furnham, 2001). In fact, features of the work situation are often better predictors of employee behaviour than personality tests are (Mumford et ah , 2001) . Furthermore, some employees consider personality tests an invasion of their privacy. They worry also that test results in their personnel files might later be misinterpreted and hurt their chances of promotion or of employment by other companies. Lawsuits have resulted in a ban on the use of personality tests in the selection of US federal employees. Concerns about privacy and other issues surrounding personality testing have also led the Australian Psychological Society, the American Psychological Association and other organisations to publish joint ethical standards relating to procedures for the development, dissemination and use of all psychological tests (American Educational Research Association , American Psychological Association , and National Council on Measurement in Education, 1999; American Psychological Association , 2002b; Australian Psychological Society, 2007) . The goal is not only to improve the reliability and validity of tests, but also to ensure that their results are properly used and do not infringe on individuals’ rights (Turner et ah , 2001).

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0

N REVIEW Assessing personality TYPE OF TEST

CHARACTERISTICS

Ambiguous stimuli allow Projective

maximum freedom of response; scoring is

subjective, though some objective methods exist

Non- projective

Direct questions presented in paper - and - pencil format; quantitatively scored

ADVANTAGES

DISADVANTAGES

‘Correct’ answers not

obvious; designed to tap unconscious impulses; flexible use

Reliability and validity lower than those of non- projective tests

Efficiency, standardisation

Subject to deliberate distortion

Check your understanding 1 Projective personality measures are based on the approach to personality. 2 The NEO - PI - R and the MMPI -2 RF are examples of tests. 3 Most personality researchers use tests in their work.

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CHAPTER REVIEW LINKAGES As noted in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’, all of psychology’s subfields are related to one another. Our discussion of cultural factors and personality illustrates just one way in which the topic of this chapter, personality, is linked to the subfield of developmental psychology (which is the focus of Chapter 11, ‘ Human development’). The

‘Linkages’ diagram shows ties to two other subfields as well, and there are many more ties throughout the book. Looking for linkages among subfields will help you see how they all fit together and help you better appreciate the big picture that is psychology.

CHAPTER 13

Personality

LINKAGES How do you know if a personality test, or any other kind of test, is any good ?

1

Can therapy change personality ?

Does culture determine personality ?

a iiufl i

•

CHAPTER 9

Cognitive abilities

CHAPTER 11 Human development

"2

CHAPTER 14 Psychological disorders and treatment

ONLINE STUDY RESOURCES Visit http:/ /login.cengagebrain.com and use the access code that comes with this book for 12 months access to the resources and study tools for this chapter. The CourseMateExpress website contains: • • • •

revision quizzes concept maps graduate attribute information videos

• • •

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web links flashcards and more.

I CourseMateExpress

Chapter 6: Personality

SUMMARY Personality refers to the unique pattern of psychological and behavioural characteristics by which each person can be compared and contrasted with other people. The four main theoretical approaches to personality are psychodynamic, trait, social -cognitive and humanistic.

THE PSYCHODYNAMIC APPROACH •

•

•

Oedipal complex or the Electra complex arises), the latency period and the genital stage. • Many of Freud’s early followers developed new theories that differed from his. Among these theorists were Carl Jung, Alfred Adler and Karen Homey. • Current psychodynamic theories are derived from the neo Freudians’ emphasis on family and social relationships. • Despite evidence in support of some psychodynamic concepts, and recent attempts to test psychodynamic theories more precisely and objectively, critics still fault the approach

The psychodynamic approach, first proposed by Sigmund Freud, assumes that personality arises out of the interplay of various unconscious psychological processes. Freud believed that personality has three components - the id, which has a reservoir of libido and operates according to the pleasure principle; the ego, which operates according to the reality principle; and the superego, which internalises society’s rules and values. Freud proposed that the focus of conflict changes as a child passes through five stages of psychosexual development: the oral stage, the anal stage, the phallic stage (during which the

for its lack of a scientific base and for its view of human behaviour as driven by unmeasurable forces.

THE TRAIT APPROACH •

•

•

•

The social- cognitive approach to personality focuses on the thoughts and feelings that influence people’s behaviour and assumes that personality is a label that summarises the unique patterns of thinking and behaviour that a person learns in the social world. Julian Rotter’s theory focuses on cognitive expectancies that guide behaviour, and it generated interest in assessing general beliefs about whether rewards occur because of personal efforts (internal control) or chance (external control). Albert Bandura believes that personality develops largely through cognitively mediated learning, including observational learning. Walter Mischel emphasises the importance of cognitive person variables and their interactions with the characteristics of particular situations in determining behaviour. The social - cognitive approach has gained wide acceptance because it has merged theories from behavioural and cognitive psychology and used them to explain a wide range of important social behaviours.

The trait approach to personality assumes that personality is made up of stable internal characteristics that appear at varying strengths in different people and guide their thoughts, feelings and behaviour. Gordon Allport believed that personality is created by a small set of central traits and a larger number of secondary traits in each individual. Building on the work of Allport and Raymond Cattell, contemporary researchers have used factor analysis to identify five basic dimensions of personality, collectively referred to as the five- factor (or Big Five) personality model. Hans Eysenck believed that differences in nervous system arousal are responsible for differences in core dimensions of personality, especially introversion - extraversion and

emotionality- stability. • The trait approach has been criticised for being better at describing personality than at explaining it, for failing to consider mechanisms that motivate behaviour, and for underemphasising the role of situational factors.

THE HUMANISTIC PSYCHOLOGY APPROACH •

The humanistic psychology approach to personality is based on the assumption that people are primarily motivated by a desire to fulfil their natural potential in a uniquely perceived version of reality.

•

Carl Rogers believed that personality development is driven by an innate actualising tendency but also that one’s selfconcept is shaped by social evaluations. Abraham Maslow

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considered self - actualisation as the highest in a hierarchy of needs. Personality development is healthiest, he said, when people have growth motivation rather than deficiency motivation.

•

The humanistic psychology approach has been faulted for being too idealistic, for failing to explain personality development, for being vague and unscientific, and for ideal’ personalities. underplaying cultural differences in ‘

•

Non-projective personality measures contain clearly worded items relating to the individual being assessed; their scores can be compared with group norms. Non- projective personality measures are often used to identify the people best suited for certain occupations.

ASSESSING PERSONALITY •

•

The information used in personality assessment comes from four main sources: life outcomes, situational tests, observer ratings and self -reports. To be useful, personality assessments must be both reliable and valid. Based on psychodynamic theories, projective personality measures present ambiguous stimuli in an attempt to tap unconscious personality characteristics.

•

TESTYOUR KNOWLEDGE Answer key’ at the end of the book. Select the best answer for each of the following questions, then check your responses against the ‘ 1

When psychologists talk about the unique pattern of enduring psychological and behavioural characteristics by which each person can be compared and contrasted with other people, they are referring to

reciprocal

d

growth - oriented

5 A politician is described by her critics as dishonest, intelligent, industrious, extraverted, aggressive, generous and charming. This method of describing personality most model of personality. closely matches

a

motivation

b

personality

c

reciprocal determinism

a

Eysenck’s biological trait

d

conditions of worth

b

Rotter’s expectancy

c

Allport’s trait

d

the five- factor

2 As Jared is jostled by a passerby, he thinks, ‘I’d like to hit that guy!’ Freud would say that this impulse comes from Jared’s ., which operates on the principle. a

6

id; pleasure

b id; reality c

d

3

c

ego; pleasure

Lachlan is very sociable and tends to seek out situations in which other people are appreciative of his work and his jokes. He is usually happy and loves to try new activities, such as bungee jumping. According to Gray, Lachlan has an active system.

ego; reality

Elizabeth’s therapist suggests that Elizabeth’s inability to trust her boyfriend could stem from her parents’ neglecting her when she was a child. This therapist most likely follows the theory of personality, a

reciprocal deterministic

b

social- cognitive

c

humanistic

d

object relations

4 Oscar strives to be the best at everything he does. He believes that he is successful because he is intelligent, works hard and self never gives up. Oscar most likely has a(n)

a

external control

b

internal control

c

behavioural approach

d

flight or freeze

7 Diane was standing in line at a cinema, thinking about how her boyfriend had dumped her, when she was accidentally shoved from behind. She shouted ‘Hey! Back off, you jerks!’This prompted angry comments from the people behind her, which made Diane even angrier, so she refused to move forward in line. This case is an example of a

conditions of worth

b

growth orientation

independent

c

reciprocal determinism

b interdependent

d

internal locus of control

system. a

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8 At a Rugby match, Melinda jumps up and down and yells and screams continuously. Otherwise, however, she is a quiet person who chooses peaceful environments without much social stimulation. She finds that when she is around other people, they often become quiet, too. Melinda’s personality can best be explained by theory.

9

a

psychodynamic

b

Allport’s trait

c

Rotter’s expectancy

d

Mischel’s person- situation

a

psychodynamic; trait

b

social- cognitive; trait

c

social- cognitive; humanistic

d

psychodynamic; humanistic

10 Rob is preoccupied with what is missing from his life. He has a good job and just got a raise, but he still feels underpaid. He has a great wife, but he wishes she were more attractive. He bought a new car, but he just saw a better one that has become his latest obsession. Maslow would say that Rob is controlled by

Conrad believes that his children’s personalities are shaped by the way he rewards and punishes them. His wife, Jenna, believes that the children were born with an innate drive towards growth and that their personalities are shaped by their unique perceptions of the world. Conrad’s beliefs most closely match the approach to personality, and Jenna’s most closely match the approach.

a

growth orientation

b

deficiency orientation

c

conditions of worth

d

self- actualisation

TALKING POINTS Here are a few talking points to help you summarise this chapter for family and friends without giving a lecture.

1

We all know someone who seems to have ‘no personality’, but the truth is that everybody has a personality; it is a matter of what personality characteristics they have.

4 We don’t inherit particular personality traits, but we do inherit general temperament, and temperament in childhood provides a reasonably good predictor of adult personality.

2

According to modern versions of Freud’s psychodynamic personality theory, our personality characteristics are influenced by the quality of our attachment to caregivers

5 Humanistic psychology theories of personality suggest that everyone is basically good.

when we were infants. 3

Research in trait theory suggests that everyone’s personality can be described in terms of just five main dimensions: openness, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness and neuroticism.

6 According to social - cognitive theories, it is through experiences with other people that we learn the thoughts and actions that become our personality. 7

Personality tests can be useful, but even the best ones cannot provide completely accurate descriptions of individuals or their future behaviour.

FURTHER READING Now that you have finished reading this chapter, how about exploring some of the topics and information that you found most interesting. Here are some places to start.

RECOMMENDED BOOKS Edward Chang and Lawrence Sanna, Virtue, Vice, and Personality : The Complexity of Behavior (American Psychological Association, 2003) - readable chapters on how cultural factors alter evaluation of personality traits. Stella Chess and M. D. Alexander, Temperament: Theory and Practice (Brunner /Mazel, 1996) - differences in temperament.

Duane P. Schultz and Sydney E. Schultz, Theories of Personality (Brooks - Cole, 2009) summary of personality theories.

Harry Stack Sullivan, The Interpersonal Theory of Psychiatry (Norton, 1968) - Sullivan’s neo -Freudian theory.

David C. Funder, Ross D. Parke, Carol Tomlinson - Keasey and Keith Widaman (eds), Studying Lives through Time (American Psychological Association, 1996) - famous studies in personality and development.

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ANSWERS TO ' IN REVIEW ' AND 'TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE' QUESTIONS Personality In review

The psychodynamic approach 1 Oedipal, Electra; 2 Karen Horney; 3 object

The trait approach 1 sanguine, phlegmatic, melancholic, choleric; 2 relative strength;

3 why

The social - cognitive approach 1 thoughts, actions, observing, interacting; 2 thoughts, feelings; 3 if - then, if, then

The humanistic psychology approach

1 self - awareness, creativity, planning, decision making and responsibility; 2 Positive regard; 3 self- actualised

Assessing personality 1 psychodynamic; 2 non - projective; 3 non - projective Test your knowledge 1b, 2 a, 3 d, 4a, 5c, 6c, 7c, 8 d, 9c, 10b

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Chapter 7

CULTURE AND PSYCHOLOGY Think about where you were born. As you grew, you would have learned how things were done, the social ‘rules’ that let you know how to behave and what you should do (and should not do). You will have been introduced to the songs, dances, art, religions and the many other ways that you and others in your community and society express themselves. As you travelled within your own country, you will have met many other groups of people, many with quite different understandings of the world to yours - different ‘world views’. In the other countries you have visited, you will have encountered other people with other practices, rituals and behaviours, and wondered why they seemed so different to your own - experiences that are often startling but always interesting. In this chapter, we will introduce you to the many ways in which culture impacts on our everyday lives and makes a significant contribution to the way we form our identities and how we understand our

psychology.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES On completion of this chapter, you should be able to: 16.1 describe culture and its dimensions

16.3 identify the consequences of cultural contact

16.2 describe the importance to health of culture

16.4 describe how we can research culture in an inclusive way.

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY 1 Can you see how dimensions of collectivism and individualism are used in websites in different countries? 2

How will culture- bound syndromes change given the influences of the 21st century and a new globalised world ?

3 In online gaming scenarios, how are ethnic identities utilised / portrayed ?

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Bring your learning to life with interactive study and exam preparation tools that support your textbook. CourseMate Express includes quizzes, videos, concept maps and more.

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Chapter 7: Culture and Psychology

PSYCHOLOGICAL LITERACY AND GRADUATE ATTRIBUTES (GAs) In this chapter you are introduced to the topic of culture and psychology, specifically: (GA 1) Discipline knowledge and its application: This chapter introduces you to the major theories, methods and findings regarding culture as it intersects with psychology. How are our current thoughts and behaviours shaped by our culture and by how we are viewed by members of other cultural groups? Of course, this chapter is particularly pertinent to the learning intercultural diversity and cultural awareness’. outcome ‘ • (GA 2) Research methods: This chapter introduces a variety of research approaches and methods utilised in the psychological study of culture, including the difference between cultural or emic approaches (studying how people understand and make sense of their own culture from within) and cross -cultural or etic approaches (comparing and contrasting variables across cultural dimensions). There are many pitfalls in undertaking culture research and these are highlighted throughout the chapter. • (GA 3) Critical and creative thinking: The ‘Thinking critically’ section considers whether negative attitudes towards ethnic out -groups are so deeply ingrained in all of us that ethnic prejudice can never be eliminated (there goes the dream of world peace...)

In terms of GA4 ( values and ethics) and GA6 ( learning and application), we ask you whether, knowing something about culture and psychology after reading this chapter, you would challenge any of the following statements, rather than accepting them at face value. • People have a common understanding of what is meant by the word ‘culture’. • We are not racist in this country . • Across different cultural groups, people place equivalent value on autonomy ; that is, being able to make your own , individual choices in life. • One’s physical health has nothing to do with cultural

factors.

• Psychological disorders are the same across the world. • Culture shock occurs only in people who travel to a new culture (for example, tourists, international students and employees, refugees ). Will you feel morally obliged to use your communication and interpersonal skills (GA5) to convince the person who made such statements that they need to rethink them, in light of what is known about culture and psychology? If that person is you, will you have the motivation to update your opinions or misconceptions in light of your new knowledge? These dispositions are a crucial component of psychological literacy .

INTRODUCTION The term culture has many everyday and taken-for-granted meanings, yet it permeates every aspect of our being. For example, many people talk about culture as what they practise when they attend the opera or the ballet. Others talk about workplace culture. Yet others talk about subcultures such as that of the graffiti artist (or taggers) or in terms of gang membership. All of these are lay interpretations of culture that in most instances contain kernels of more formal definitions that we will introduce shortly. The study of culture has been around in one form or another for all of recorded history. We are fascinated by the ‘other’ . As we shall see, this has both positive and negative implications.The study of culture has a problematic history and has been implicated in colonial practices globally in ways that serve to subjugate the original inhabitants of land. Early anthropological studies of culture tended to define and interpret cultural practices from the perspective of the person studying culture and not the people being studied. This , of course, can reinforce the dominance of one culture over another and has assisted in defining the experiences of, and futures of, many cultures throughout the world . In this chapter we will explore what culture is , how culture is related to identity, where psychology fits into culture, how we deal with cultural contact, and finally, how we research in a culturally responsible and competent way.

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CHAPTER OUTLINE • • • •

What is culture?

Psychology, culture and health Cultural contact Focus on cultural and cross - cultural research methods

Chapter 7: Culture and Psychology

16.1 WHAT IS CULTURE ? In this section, we will explore psychological understandings and definitions of culture. A number of key dimensions for exploring culture will be considered. As noted above, ‘culture’ has been a term in everyday use for centuries, though meanings have varied . Originally, culture was used to mean to grow something and was derived from the agricultural meaning of cultivation Qahoda , 2012) . Later, in 18th-century France, culture came into the vernacular as a way of distinguishing those who had acquired ‘taste’ and ‘sensibility’ through education . Over the last century or so, culture came to be studied in the social sciences, including psychology, and a plethora of definitions emerged, often contradictory and oppositional. This led Gustav Jahoda to conclude that ‘students should not be presented with a rigid formula or a smorgasboard of definitions, but given some insight into the ways that the concept (of culture) is useful in spite of the impossibility of pinning it down’ (2012, p. 300) . Despite what Jahoda indicates, it is useful to draw out some general observations about what is and is not culture. Culture is not a thing it is not a place or territory. Rather, culture is dynamic and fluid; it is essential as a framework for understanding ourselves and our social world . Neither is culture a set of rules that must be slavishly followed . Culture is both internal and external to the person (Christopher, Maracek & Wendt , 2015; Jahoda , 2012) . It is also generally agreed that culture and our sense of identity are mutually constructed . That is, we both construct and are constructed by our cultural context. Rather than citing a particular definition, we have taken key elements from many of the more contemporary ideas of what is culture (for example, Christopher, Maracek & Wendt , 2015;Jahoda, 2012): • Culture is a set of shared meanings and ideas that are transmitted across generations. • Culture includes artefacts such as symbols, art, dance and language, and values. • Culture guides the ways in which we think and feel about ourselves and those we interact with . • Culture helps us to orientate ourselves towards an increasingly complex world. (Adapted from Christopher, Maracek & Wendt, 2015; Jahoda , 2012)

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Dimensions of culture individualism emphasises the autonomy of the

individual

collectivism emphasises the interrelatedness of all members of society and their collective endeavours

Different cultures have different characteristics, values, beliefs and behaviours. A number of useful basic organising orientations or dimensions have been identified and extensively studied. Psychologists have tended to focus on the differences between cultures that can best be described as individualist or collectivist (Hofstede, 1980; Triandis & Trafimow, 2001). Individualism is most often seen as a dominant cultural attribute of so-called western countries like Australia , New Zealand and the United States, where the emphasis is on the autonomy of the individual , whereas many Asian countries, for example, are characterised by collectivism, where there is an emphasise on the interrelatedness of all members of society and their collective endeavours (Lam et al., 2016) . As shown in Table 16.1, many people in individualist cultures tend to value personal rather than group goals and achievement. Competitiveness to distinguish oneself from others is common in these cultures, as is a sense of isolation. By contrast, many people in collectivist cultures, such as Japan, tend to think of themselves mainly as part of their families or work groups. Cooperative effort aimed at advancing the welfare of these social units is highly valued, and although loneliness is seldom a problem , fear of rejection by the family or other group is common . As you can see from Table 16.2 the United States tops the individualism scale, with Australia second and New Zealand sixth . Of the countries that are more collectivist, you can see that the South American nations of Colombia ,Venezuela , Panama , Ecuador and Guatemala rank highly.

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Chapter 7: Culture and Psychology

TABLE 16.1 Characteristics of behaviour and mental processes typical of individualist versus collectivist cultures

Psychologists and anthropologists have noticed that cultures can create certain general tendencies in behaviour and mental processes among the people living in them (Bhagat et al., 2002). As shown here, individualist cultures tend to support the idea of placing one’s personal goals before the goals of the extended family or work group, whereas collectivist cultures tend to encourage putting the goals of those groups ahead of personal goals. Variable

Individualist

Collectivist

Personal identity

Connected to others

Major goals

Separate from others Self - defined: be unique; realise your personal potential; compete with others

Criteria for self - esteem

Ability to express unique aspects of the self;

Sources of success and failure

Major frame of reference

Defined by others: belong; occupy your proper place; meet your obligations to others; be like others

Ability to restrain the self and be part of a social self - assurance unit; modesty Success comes from personal effort; failure is Success is due to help from others; failure is due caused by external factors to personal faults Personal attitudes, traits and goals Family, work group

TABLE 16.2 Top 10 and bottom 10 ranked individualist countries This study looked at a large number of countries and ranks the countries in relation to each other on the individualist /collectivist dimensions. Here, we present those that appear as more collectivist (top 10) and the least individualist (bottom 10). Remember, however, that these labels represent very rough categories. Cultures cannot be pigeonholed as being either entirely individualist or entirely collectivist, and not everyone raised in a particular culture always thinks or acts in exactly the same wa y (Na et al., 2010). Rank

Score

Rank

91

43

Country South Korea

Score

1

Country United States

2

Australia

90

44

Taiwan

17

3

Great Britain

89

45

Peru

16

4 /5

Canada

80

46

Costa Rica

15

4 /5

Netherlands

80

47/48

Pakistan

14

6

New Zealand

79

47/48

Indonesia

14

7

76

49

Colombia

13

8

Italy Belgium

75

50

Venezuela

12

9

Denmark

74

51

Panama

11

10 /11

Sweden

71

52

Ecuador

8

10 /11

France

71

53

Guatemala

6

18

Adopted from Hofstede, G. (2001). Culture’s consequences: Comparing values, behaviors, institutions, and organizations across nations (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, p. 215.

Hofstede’s dimension Geert Hofstede identified three other dimensions that have not been as widely researched . They are power / distance , uncertainty / avoidance and masculinity /femininity ( Hofstede, 2016) . The criteria for each of these dimensions are outlined in Table 16.3 . Hofstede later added a dimension based on a study in China by Michael Bond (see Latifi, 2006) which describes the difference between cultures that take a long-term ( Confucian work dynamism ) versus a short-term orientation. Despite their popularity, Hofstede’s ideas were subject to criticism from quite early on . Many felt that the dimensions he identified were simply reflective of the period in which he developed the

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Chapter 7: Culture and Psychology

TABLE 16.3 Hofstede’s criteria of dimensionalising culture Hofstede uses a number of dimensions to understand the differences between cultures. Other researchers, like Latifi (2006) and Matsumoto and Yoo (2006) have added to the original dimensions developed.

Dimension

Definition

Individualism/collectivism

The extent to which people are motivated to act as individuals or members of a community or group How much people are prepared to bear differences in wealth and power The ways in which people and groups cope with or tolerate uncertainty The extent to which common characteristics of the stereotype of males as providers, competitors and strong dominates the more ‘feminine’ characteristics such as nurturing, caring and providing The extent to which a culture values a long-term versus a short -term view of the future

Power / Distance

Uncertainty/Avoidance Masculinity/ Femininity

Long- term/ Short -term Orientation

Adapted from Hofstede, G. (2016 ). Masculinity at the national cultural level. In Y. J. Wong & S. R. Wester ( Eds.), APA handbook of men and masculinities (pp. 173 -186 ). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association; Latifi, F. (2006 ). A dynamic model interpreting work -related values of multi -faceted cultures: The case of Iran. The International Journal of Human Resource Management, 17(12 ), 2055 -2073 ; Matsumoto, D., & Yoo, S. H . (2006 ). Toward a new generation of cross - cultural research. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 1 ( 3 ), 234 -250.

concepts (the 1960s to 1970s) and that the research participants ( IBM employees) were not representative

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY

G

Can you see how dimensions of collectivism and individualism are used in websites in different countries?

of the national population (Sondergaard, 1994) . We will talk more about this in the later section on cross-cultural research methods, along with a number of other issues and concerns about research in this important area . For now, though, it is fair to say that Hofstedes dimensions continue to intrigue researchers. For example, Sachau and Hutchison (2012) analysed the content of a number of American and Mexican websites. The researchers looked specifically at culturally relevant features and language and found that Hofstedes dimensions of collectivism, power distance and uncertainty avoidance featured more prominendy in the design of the Mexican websites.The websites of the more individualistic American culture lacked these features. Therefore, understanding the kinds of features and language that are relevant to different cultures could assist in building websites globally. Another study examined customer loyalty in retail stores (Grosso & Casteldo, 2015) .They carried out their studies across a range of countries that lay along the continuum from maximally individual to maximally collective. A panel of experts utilising standardised criteria assessed shoppers’ store loyalty, which resulted in the main drivers of loyalty for Australia, Canada , France, Italy, the United Kingdom and the United States being attributed to the individualistic values portrayed in their culture. Alternatively shopper loyalties in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Japan and Mexico were characterised in the research as being consistent with the values of collectivist cultures. While the results are quite complex, the researchers found that the importance of customer satisfaction for loyalty is greater in collectivist cultures, and that value for money was a greater driver in individualistic cultures. In Yamagishi, Hashimoto and Schug’s (2008) pen studies, it was reported that there was a difference in pen choice (a unique pen or a majority pen) between American and Japanese participants in a number of different scenarios. Americans chose unique pens more often than their Japanese counterparts, as shown in Figure 16.1. The Japanese participants were more likely to choose a majority pen, which is thought to reflect a default cultural strategy of collectivism . There are a number of experimental studies in this area that have tried to explain preferences versus strategies within the collectivist / individualist divide. Nevertheless, it is important that we don’t make the mistake of thinking that individualism or collectivism at a societal level can be used to explain individual differences that we may observe in a society (Guillaume & Funder, 2016) . What we infer as individual choice often is the result of the societal patterning of choice (Oyserman & Uskel, 2008) .

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Chapter 7: Culture and Psychology

FIGURE 16.1 Percentage of Japanese and American participants who chose a unique or majority pen

The choice of pen that is unique (different) or majority (same as most) seems to be consistent with the societal values of the person who is choosing the pen.

100 80

So

I

3

60 40

| Majority pen

20

| Unique pen American

Adapted from Yamagishi, I , Hashirroto, H ., & Schug , J. ( 2008 ). Preferences versus strategies as explanations for culture - specific behavior. Psychological Science, 19 (6 ), 579 -584.

Alternatives to Hofstede’s dimensions While there continues to be a great deal of research exploring Hofstede’s dimensions, as noted earlier, researchers have tended to focus on individualism versus collectivism to the exclusion of other typologies for understanding cultural variation (Matsumoto & Y00, 2006) . For example, the idea of loose versus tight cultures has received research attention ( Pelto, 1968) . Loose cultures are described as having weak social norms and a high tolerance of deviant behaviour, while tight cultures are the opposite; that is, they have strong social norms and a low tolerance of deviant behaviour (Atkas, Gelfand & Hanges, 2015) . Originally studied in anthropology, sociology and psychology research in the 1960s, the tightness /looseness dimension has more recently re-emerged. A study of 33 nations (including Australia and New Zealand) by Gelfand and colleagues (2011) argues for understanding culture as systems that have foundations in our history and ecology, which is central to understanding how we can work in a global community with global issues (see Figure 16.2) . However, interestingly, the tightness / looseness dimension may be useful in understanding the effectiveness of leaders and leadership at the intranational and international levels (Atkas , Gelfand & Hanges , 2015) .

loose culture has weak social norms and a high tolerance of deviant behaviour

tight culture has strong social norms and a low tolerance of deviant behaviour

Culture and identity Culture is central to a persons identity. While identity is formed and reformed as an ongoing process, culture provides a crucial context within which such things as gender and gender roles may be understood. Personal , social and cultural identity (see Chapter 15, ‘Social cognition and influence’) are central to understanding ourselves and others. In this section, we will examine a range of issues relating to culture and identity. It is impossible to imagine a sense of self without the cultural milieu in which it is formed. TRY THIS N Try to imagine how you would describe yourself and your sense of identity if you had no history, if you knew nothing of the past of your people, your family. Imagine you knew no songs, no dances, no belief systems, no religious or other ideologies. Without culture, there can be no self. Without a collection of selves, there can be no culture. ( ) As we grow, we are socialised and learn what is expected of us.You may recall while growing up that your parents introduced you to music and dance. They will have told you stories about your

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How is socialisation affected by the culture you grow up in? (a link to Chapter 11, ‘Human

development’)

Chapter 7: Culture and Psychology

FIGURE 16.2 Score of countries on Tight - Loose Scale (scores of 12 and 0, respectively)

Take a look at these countries. Do they illustrate to you what the definitions of tight and loose cultures indicate? Do you agree with how they have been scored or have they surprised you? In what ways can you see these loose and tight dimensions in the history of these nations? TRY THIS

Ukraine

Estonia

Hungary Israel

Netherlands Brazil Venezuela New Zealand Greece Australia United States Spain

Belgium Poland

Hong Kong France Iceland Germany (West) Italy Austria United Kingdom Mexico Germany (East)

Portugal China

Japan Turkey Norway South Korea

Singapore India

Malaysia Pakistan

Tightness score Adapted from Gelfard, A4. J., Rover , J. L, Nishii, L, Leslie, L. M ., Lun, J., Lim, B. C., ... & Aycon, Z. (2011 ). Differences between tight and loose cultures : A 33 - nation study. Science, 332(6033 ), 1100 -1104.

enculturation the process of learning and understanding the values and norms of the culture you live in

grandparents, what they did and felt. We learn from our parents and others how to think, feel and behave. This is known as enculturation . The processes of enculturation is both conscious and unconscious. The transmission of our culture, learning about your heritage and who you belong to, constitutes this process of ‘cultural socialisation’ . TRY THIS \i Think about your culture and heritage and how you have learned it through your parents, or your school , or through friends. How important is your culture and heritage to who you are? Recently, Ferguson et al. (2016) coined the term remote enculturation , which is learning about your heritage culture from afar. For children growing up in a location that is away from a dominant heritage and culture outside the country of origin, for example there is evidence that through use of the Internet, media and focused communications (for example, Skype ) , there is still the opportunity to develop a cultural identity ( Ferguson et ah , 2016) . Of course, not all cultures relate to ethnic and racial aspects. ‘Culture’ is particularly pertinent to sexual preference and the experiences of members of the diverse lesbian, gay, bisexual , transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) community. Magda Szubanski is one of Australia’s most popular

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Chapter 7: Culture and Psychology

comedians, and only recently, in her 50s,‘came out’ as a lesbian .Throughout her life, she had suffered from bouts of depression and anxiety as she struggled with her identity, with self-acceptance, with acceptance by others. In her 2016 award-winning book Reckoning, she states that ‘the crucial difference between [LGBTIQ] people and other minorities is this: in every other minority group the family shares the minority status . . . but gay people are a minority within the family . . . we live with the gnawing fear that our parents’ love could turn to hatred in an instant’ (p. 276) . Given what you learned from Chapter 11, ‘Human development’, and Chapter 15, ‘Social cognition and influence’, you can now reflect upon the psychological processes at play here. And of course, we should remember that there are many examples of diversity within cultures throughout the world. For example, India is considered to be one of the most racially diverse cultures, with 1652 languages and/ or dialects spoken and variations in racial appearance that include skin colour, hair and shape of nose (Mondal , n.d .). Indigenous Australian culture is very diverse, with approximately 360 different languages / dialects spoken at the time of European settlement in 1788 (Hampton & Toombs , 2013). The American Psychological Association (www.apa.org/ pi /lgbt), the Australian Psychological Society (www. psychology.org.au / publications/ inpsych / lgtiq) and the New Zealand Psychological Society (www.psychology.org.nz/ wp-content / uploads /2014 / 04 /Submission-on-the-Defmition-ofMarriage-Amendment-Bill-18-October-2012 .pdf ) have all advocated for the LGBTIQ community and have produced resources to help inform the general public and reduce prejudice and discrimination .

ethnic identity the part of a person’s identity associated with the racial, religious or cultural group to which the person belongs

racial identity a set of features or characteristics that are shared by a specific group

Ethnic and racial identity Within the last few decades there has been a focus on ethnic identity and racial identity. Many theories and models have been proposed in an attempt to define and understand these constructs. The growth of interest in this area may be due to recognition that who we ‘identify’ as/ with is an important concept in understanding culture. It is important to recognise that the bulk of research and narrative in this area relates to Canada , Australia , New Zealand and the USA, termed the ‘CANZUS nations’ (Cornell, 2015) . From early studies involving minority children (Clark, 1939) , minority adolescents (Quintana , 2007) and adolescent transracial adoptees (Ferrari et al., 2015), the indication is that confusion , confrontation , and recognition of difference are common daily processes for individuals (see the Snapshot ‘Looking for Alibrandi’) . There is also evidence that experiences of racial discrimination or prejudice are often the catalyst for exploring one’s ethnic, racial or cultural identity (Quintana, 2007) .

Looking for Alibrandi In the film and novel Looking for Alibrandi , one of the main themes is the exploration of what it is like to be a second generation migrant. For adolescents who are dealing with their own identity development as part of the process of growing up, how does recognising that they are also part of an ethnic group impact their further development?

Models of ethnic identity One of the best-known models of ethnic identity was developed by Phinney (1989, 1992), who argues that the development of ethnic identity begins in early adolescence (where identity issues are salient) and progresses through various stages until early adulthood .

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Ethnic and racial identity Who do we identify with? What features do we have that identify us with our racial group. Do these characteristics or features

distinguish us beyond those that make us human?

Phinney’s (1989) ethnic identity development stage model suggests these three stages are involved: 1 unexamined in which the individual has not given much thought to their ethnic identity; they may identify with the dominant culture 2 exploration in which the individual actively engages in learning about their ethnicity, resulting in deeper understanding 3 achievement in which the individual has made a commitment to (and resolved) their ethnic identity; stability. It is important to note that positive feelings about the group you identify with generally relate to positive outcomes and are associated with positive wellbeing ( Ferrari et ah , 2015) ; see the Snapshot ‘Ethnic and racial identity’ . Early racial identity work, such as William Cross’ (1971) model of nigrescence and Janet Helm’s (1994) model of white racial identity development , are reportedly more ideological in nature. However, in Helm ’s (1994) model , she describes six stages of development: 1 contact naivete concerning the importance of race; being ‘colourblind ’ or unaware of racial group membership 2 disintegration ‘whiteness’ is acknowledged; awareness of racial moral dilemmas 3 reintegration displaced anger and hostility towards people of colour 4 pseudo-independence white guilt; a belief that racism is only perpetrated by ‘bad whites’ 5 immersion and emersion a search to define and abandon personal racism and define a non-racist white identity 6 autonomy racial humanism; internally defined non-racist identity and valuing of racial diversity. There are a few other issues with these models. There appears to be little or no evidence to support a transition through stages as shown in Helm’s model (Quintana, 2007) . Models such as this were developed at a certain time and place. They also are embedded within theories of development (Erikson, 1968; Piaget, 1966; see Chapter 11, ‘Human development’) and social identity ( Tajfel & Turner, 1986) .What we now see is that more contemporary understandings of ethnic racial identity (ERI ) (Umana-Taylor et al., 2014) also draw on social ecological theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1989), recognising that ERI must be understood within the context of the many experiences, relationships and systems that are encountered across the life span .

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Impact on cultural identity One of the most exciting and invigorating elements of culture is that we evolve and grow together as the world and our part in it evolves and grows. However, for many people, their cultural identity has been impacted upon by the very communities we live in (see the snapshot ‘Is Waleed Aly an unlikely Gold Logie winner?’) . These impacts may have serious effects for individuals, communities and societies, and ultimately they can completely alter, destabilise or eradicate entire populations. Possibly the most poignant example of impact on cultural identity is what has occurred to ‘first peoples’ or ‘first nations people’ or ‘indigenous peoples’ all around the world . For indigenous peoples, the impact is complex, systematic and embedded in the psyche of individuals and communities. As a result of colonisation or invasion, their sense of identity has been eroded or lost. We will explore this further in Chapter 17, ‘Indigenous psychology’.

Is Waleed Aly an unlikely Gold Logie winner ? In his 2016 Gold Logie acceptance speech, Waleed Aly made reference to the difficulty people with names like his, such as Mustafa or Dmitri, have in gettingjobs. However, perhaps Aly getting this award from the Australian public means things can change.

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O

N REVIEW What is culture? ASPECTS

DESCRIPTIONS

The meaning of culture

A set of shared meanings and ideas that are transmitted across generations - including artefacts such as symbols, art, dance and language - and values that guide the ways in which we think and feel about ourselves and those we interact with Helps us to orientate ourselves towards an increasingly complex world

Dimensions of culture

Individualism - emphasises the autonomy of the individual Collectivism - emphasises the interrelatedness of all members of society and their collective endeavours Power / distance - how much people are prepared to bear differences in wealth and power Uncertainty /avoidance - ways in which people and groups cope with or tolerate uncertainty Masculinity / femininity - extent to which common characteristics of the stereotype of males as providers, competitors and strong dominate the more ‘feminine’ characteristics such as nurturing, caring and providing Long - / short term orientation - extent to which a culture values a long- versus short - term view of the future Loose - cultures having weak social norms and a high tolerance of deviant behaviour Tight - cultures having strong social norms and a low tolerance of deviant behaviour

Culture and identity

Enculturation is the process of learning and understanding the values and norms of the culture you live in The transmission of culture, learning about your heritage and who you belong to, is the process of ‘cultural socialisation’.

Ethnic identity - how a person views themselves and is viewed by others as belonging to an ethnic group Ethnic and racial identity Racial identity - a set of features or characteristics that are shared by a specific group

Check your understanding cultures. 1 Australia and New Zealand are 2 The majority of research related to culture looks at 3 Contemporary ethnic racial identity theories draw from

nations.

theory.

16.2 PSYCHOLOGY, CULTURE AND HEALTH Scholarly interest in culture has been evident for thousands of years. Psychology came into the conversations much later though, partly because the discipline is much younger than counterparts such as anthropology and sociology (although psychology clearly has antecedents in both) . So how has psychology made sense of culture? Do we study how people understand and make sense of their own culture from within (cultural psychology) or do we make sense of culture by comparing and contrasting cultural dimensions (cross- cultural psychology) . To understand how psychology, the study of the human mind and behaviour, has understood culture, we need to think about the three general orientations in how human behaviour can be viewed. If we are to assume that all psychological phenomena are the same in all cultures for example, that sadness is sadness in any culture then we are taking the position of absolutism . That is , in displaying the human characteristic of sadness, culture has little role or meaning. The second

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cultural psychology people understand and make sense of their own culture from within cross- cultural

psychology comparing and contrasting cultural dimensions

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orientation is called universalism , which is where culture can affect how we display constructs, but inherently our basic psychological processes are the same across all of us. So universalism tries to understand the role of culture through comparisons. The final orientation , which is the opposite of absolutism, is relativism . A relativist would argue that you can only understand human behaviour within a cultural context and therefore you cannot compare cultural groups (Berry et ah , 2002; Morgan, Cross & Rendell, 2015) . Do you share one of these orientations? Psychology as a discipline has advanced knowledge about human beings. However, you can see that the roots of psychology are within a Western individualist framework . You could also argue, then, that much of what we know about psychology has been developed within a cultural framework that reflects a predominantly Western ( North American) and possibly English-speaking, male-dominated world view (see the Snapshot ‘Dominance of the English language’) . This is not to blame the important proponents of the discipline thus far for neglecting other cultures but rather reflects the fact that the dominant researchers and writers of the last 100 years were based mainly in North America, and were primarily male. You may have noticed that many of the studies and references in this book are from that part of the globe.

Dominance of the English language This map indicates the dominance of the English language globally. How does this dominance relate to cultural frameworks? Which countries are the dominant research producers? How does this affect the generation of knowledge?

Did you know that culture, as a term, did not appear in introductory psychology texts until recently? The international Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology , established by Walter Lonner and associates, was the first refereed psychology journal in the world to use the word ‘cultural’ in the title (Lonner, 2015, p. 806). Lonner also noted that a number of reviews of introductory psychology texts throughout the 1980s and 1990s provided little if any content regarding culture and psychology. Even more-recent analyses show that few texts have separate chapters on culture and psychology ( Lonner, 2015) . Historically, for the most part, cross-cultural psychology has been concerned with comparing cultures in terms of socio-demographic variables and psychological constructs. As a consequence of the way in which the world has changed , in that our societies are far more heterogeneous than they were, say, a century ago, more recently there has been a move towards looking at intercultural relations; that is, the relationships among culturally distinct groups living in the community (Berry et ah , 2002) . One of the issues that has emerged along with more cultural heterogeneity is how we cope with all the different beliefs, values, attitudes and behaviours of our citizens. You only have to view the daily news to see evidence of the struggles we face with psychology and culture.

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Importance of culture to health The importance of looking at the role of culture is evident when we think about culture and health . A Lancet Commission report in 2014 looking at culture and health indicated that ‘the single biggest barrier to advancement of the highest attainable standard of health worldwide’ is the ‘systematic neglect of culture in health ’ ( Napier et al. , 2014, p. 1608) . In Chapter 12, ‘Health, stress and coping’, we briefly discussed the biomedical health model, and in Chapter 14 , ‘Psychological disorders and treatment’, we talked about the biopsychosocial model of health . In these models , the ‘disease’ results from an organic cause (usually as a virus or bacteria) which is located inside the body (Matsumoto & Juang, 2008) . However, other cultures , particularly those in Asia , see health as related to the notion of balance between the mind , body and nature. In Chinese culture, the balance of the energy concepts of Yin (negative) and Yang (positive ) are most important. Disease can be thought of as a lack of balance between Yin and Yang, or with the natural environment . Other cultures, such as Native Americans, also see health as a result of a balance or harmony between the self and the natural environment. For Maori people, balance between a number of factors is important; Durie (1985) identifies these factors as central to understanding and interacting with Maori health (see Figure 16.3)

FIGURE 16.3 Symbols of Maori health

The balance of these factors for Maori people indicates the holistic nature of health and wellness and the connection to family and community. Physical, emotional, psychological and spiritual health are all represented in these images. Te Taha Wairua represents spiritual health, including the practice of tikanga Maori in general. Te Taha Hinengaro represents the emotional and psychological wellbeing of the whanau (family and community) and of each individual within it. Te Taha Tinana represents the physical aspects of health. Te Taha Whanau represents the social environment in which individuals live; the whanau of family, the communities in which whanau live and act.

Taha Tinana

Taha Wairua

Taha Whanau

Taha Hinengaro

From Ministry of Health, New Zealand. Released under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Licence.

For Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, the most important factors in health relate to connection to land , their spirituality and ancestry, kinship networks, and the ability to maintain cultural continuity (Zubrick et al., 2013) . These conceptualisations have clear parallels with a collectivist orientation and are some of the most common themes in cultural differences in concepts of health and illness. Over the past few decades, we have seen a move towards a preventative health system that recognises the role of social and behavioural disciplines, like psychology. As we discussed in Chapter 12, ‘Health , stress and coping’, psychosocial factors are a key contributor to health and wellbeing. An understanding of culture is important to understanding what are the shared customary beliefs and activities of any cultural group, which will impact physical and psychological health . The link between cultural and individual health depicted in Berry’s (1998) framework , as shown in Table 16.4, is useful in understanding and recognising the levels of analysis involved . The information in this table indicates that in terms of the cognitive ( thinking), affective (emotion) , behavioural and social categories, there is a role at the individual and community levels. For example,

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TABLE 16.4 An examination of the relationships between cultural and individual levels of health phenomena The information in this table illustrates the connection between the individual and their community in relation to health. Further to this, Berry indicates the importance of cognition, emotions, behaviours and social context and the specific roles they play in the health of individuals and communities.

Categories of health phenomena

Levels of analysis

Community (cultural) Individual (psychological)

Cognitive Health conceptions and definitions

AfFective

Behavioural

Social

Health norms and values

Health practices

Health roles

Health knowledge and beliefs

Health attitudes

Health behaviours

and institutions

Interpersonal relationships

From Berry, J. W . (1998 ). Acculturation and health theory and research. In Shahe Kazarian and David R. Evans ( eds ). Cultural clinical psychology theory, research, and practice (pp. 39 - 57 ). New York: Oxford University Press.

an individual’s beliefs about health are nested in the community (cultural) understandings of health . So any attempt to work within health could look at the level and category targeted.

Global health On a global scale, health and health systems have recently come under immense scrutiny, and culture is recognised as being at the centre of the identified challenges. The Lancet Commission report (2014) provides a comprehensive set of 12 findings that need immediate attention if we are to respond to the greatest challenges to our broad health system: 1 Medicine should accommodate the cultural construction of wellbeing. 2 Culture should be better defined . 3 Culture should not be neglected in health and healthcare provision. 4 Culture should become central to care practices. 5 Clinical cultures should be reshaped. 6 People who are not healthy should be recapacitated within the culture of biomedicine. 7 Agency should be better understood with respect to culture. 8 Training cultures should be better understood . 9 Competence should be reconsidered across all cultures and systems of care. 10 Exported and imported practices and services should be aligned with local cultural meaning. 11 The building of trust in health care should be prioritised as a cultural value. 12 New models of wellbeing and care should be identified and nourished across cultures. (Ottersen et ah , 2014)

Does ‘normal’ cross cultures? Other important considerations for those interested in psychology are the concepts of normal and abnormal behaviour. Is psychopathology cross-culturally absolute? Evidence from studies of substance disorders, schizophrenia and depression seem to indicate some basis for this across people generally, but very much subject to different cultural expressions (Berry et ah , 2002) . For some 60 years, researchers have reported what has been termed culture-bound syndromes; for example, brain fag syndrome (BFS) , which involves the inability to concentrate, headaches, academic learning problems and eye fatigue. It was reportedly found in Nigerian students, prior to examinations, and is possibly the result of both European teaching techniques and the Nigerian

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personality, though BFS is rarely cited in publications and reports today (Bhugra & Malhi , 2015) . Another example is the hikikomori syndrome, which was defined in Japan and is understood to be a complete withdrawal from society for six months or longer. Originally thought to be a specific result of the sociocultural environment of Japan , this syndrome has recently been shown to exist in other communities and cultures, possibly reflecting the increasingly globalised nature of our world (Kato et al. , 2012) or previously unappreciated common elements across some cultures. Interestingly, anorexia nervosa was originally identified in Western industrial societies and has been argued to be a culture-bound syndrome for affluent societies (Berry et al. , 2002) . Culture-bound syndromes do appear in the DSM- 5 . However, the list has been reduced in the latest version to nine, which suggests the possible influence of relevance to the new globalised world (Ventriglio, Ayonrinde & Bhugra, 2016). More examples of documented cultural-bound syndromes are shown in Table 16.5.

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY How will culturebound syndromes change given the influences of the 21st century and a new globalised world?

TABLE 16.5 Culture- bound syndromes There are many examples of culture - bound syndromes, for which researchers have tried to establish the symptoms that appear. It is also interesting to note the regions that these appear in. Culture- bound syndrome

Amok (Hagan, Podlogar &

Region Malaysia,

Joiner, 2015)

Indonesia

Dhat, Shen Kui ( Pundhir et al., 2015)

India, China

Symptoms and display Withdrawal, rage, dissociative episodes, paranoia Sufferers can attack and kill others Fatigue, weakness, anxiety, loss of appetite, guilt, sexual dysfunction Related to semen loss in nocturnal emissions, through urine and masturbation

Koro (Silva et al., 2016)

South- East Asia Genital retraction syndrome - in men, penis retracts to abdomen; in women breasts, labia or vulva retract. May be related to illness, cold exposure or coitus. Onset is rapid, intense and unexpected Indonesia, Highly exaggerated startle response (usually in women) to fright or trauma Other symptoms are vocalisations and utterances (obscene), trances Malaysia .

Latah (Bakker et al., 2013)

Low - grade stress in students; head / eye symptoms, can’t understand words, poor memory, depressive features Cannibalistic obsession, depression, homicidal /suicidal, delusional may want to eat human flesh

Brain fag syndrome (BFS) (Igbokwe, Ola & Ndom, 2016)

West Africa

Windigo (Thomason, 2014)

Native Americans

Susto (Nogueira, Mari & Razzouk, 2015)

Mexico, Central Complaints relate to ‘loss of soul’ from fright (supernatural); agitation, America, South anorexia insomnia, fever, diarrhoea, confusion, depression, introversion

,

.

America Piblokto (Arctic hysteria) (Friedmann & Faguet, 2012)

Taijin kyofusho (Zhou et al., 2014)

Arctic Circle

Japan

Dissociative episode followed by extreme excitement, then a seizure, coma and amnesia. Lasts from a few minutes to hours. May be related to vitamin A

toxicity Anxiety or phobia of interpersonal relations, common with men and young adults. Intense fear of one’s body as it may be offensive in appearance, odour, expression or movement

Finally, some behaviours that may be regarded as abnormal in one culture may not be thought of in this way in another culture. For example, communicating with spirits and hearing voices are part of traditional shamanistic rituals among some Eskimo groups in Alaska (Matsumoto & Juang, 2013) and spiritual voice hearers ( McCarthy-Jones, Waegeli & Watkins, 2013) .

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O

N REVIEW Psychology, culture and health ASPECT

DESCRIPTION

Psychology

How people understand and make sense of their own culture from within is called cultural psychology; forging understanding by comparing and contrasting cultural dimensions is called cross cultural psychology. In understanding the study of the human mind and behaviour and culture, we think of three general orientations: Absolution assumption that all psychological phenomena are the same in all cultures Universalism - culture can affect how we may display constructs, but inherently our basic psychological processes are the same across everyone; universalism tries to understand the role of culture through comparisons Relativism - you can only understand human behaviour within a cultural context and therefore you cannot compare cultural groups

Culture and health

The different models of health include the biomedical model in Western cultures. In Asian cultures, the link between the physical and the spiritual is emphasised. Aboriginal Australian and Maori populations use more holistic frameworks for considering health. Recognition that culture is so central to health that in order to tackle health at a global level, we must consider the role and impact of culture.

Does ‘normal’ cross culture?

Some evidence supports the idea that psychopathology is cross- culturally absolute, but the cultural expression may be different. However, we do see culture - bound syndromes across the world.

Check your understanding has assisted the dominance of the Western framework in health, 1 The dominance of the 2 Psychology came to look at culture quite late; in fact, up until recently, did not even appear in psychology texts. is identified as a culture - bound syndrome. 3 In Japan, the

16.3 CULTURAL CONTACT In ancient times, most people tended to live out their entire lives within a very small geographical space their village or its immediate surrounds.Travel over long distances was difficult and required a great deal of effort. For most people, the effort to travel was not possible or even warranted . However, this was not universally true. Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples were nomadic, travelling long distances.They evolved very sophisticated protocols and methods for managing their contacts with other clans and groups. Nowadays, of course, we live in a world where almost anything is mere milliseconds away thanks to our smartphones and computers. The distinctions between countries and economies in particular have blurred . Globalisation has fundamentally changed the way we do business in the world and how we understand our place in it.We now have local, national and global identities that sometimes conflict with each other (Melluish, 2014) . When we experience something for the first time, we may feel a range of emotions, such as excitement, wonderment and curiosity. We may also experience anxiety, fear, uncertainty and trepidation . Imagine you have travelled from your country of origin to a new country.You may feel all these emotions and more as you explore your new surroundings.The quality of these feelings may vary depending on whether you made a voluntary choice to travel ; for example, to take up a new job or simply to explore as a tourist. The intensity of your feelings may be exacerbated if you have

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arrived in the new country as a migrant, refugee or asylum seeker. In any case, you will probably immediately notice differences in the way things are done, the most striking of which is likely to be language. This clash between what you are familiar with from your country of origin and the new country is known as culture shock. Remember, though, from our earlier definitions of culture that it is not a thing as such, nor is it defined geographically. Indeed, it is entirely likely that you will come across a range of different cultures within your own country. In Australia and New Zealand, for example, there are many different ethnic and cultural groups in the resident population (see Table 16.6) . Around 28 per cent (6.7 million people) of Australia’s estimated resident population and 25 per cent ( just over 1 million people) of New Zealand’s resident population were born overseas.

TABLE 16.6 Populations of Australia and New Zealand It is interesting to note that similar patterns and numbers of ethnic groups and migrants appear in the Australian and New Zealand populations generally. These possibly reflect the migration patterns across the histories of both countries.

Country of birth UK and Europe NZ /Australia

China India

Philippines Vietnam/ Pacific islands

South Africa

% of Australian population

% of NZ population

6.4

6.4

2.6 2.0 1.8

1.6 2.4 1.7

1.0 1.0 0.8

0.9

2.6 1.4

Malaysia

0.7

Sources: Australian Bureau of Statistics . (2015 ). Australian demographic statistics (Cat. no. 3101.0 ). Retrieved from www.abs.gov.au / AUSSTATS / abs(a).nsf / Lookup/ 3 l 0 l .0Main+ Features2Jun%2020 l 5 ?OpenDocument ; Statistics New Zealand . (2013 ). 2013 Census. Retrieved from http: // www .stats. govt .nz /Census/2013 - census.aspx

Early definitions of culture shock focused on the disconnection from familiar ways of doing and understanding things, as well as loss of communication abilities, while later definitions focused more on emotional reactions and potential impact on our sense of identity. The impact of culture shock varies according to the kind of contact (Ward , Bochner & Furnham, 2005) . Tourists, sojourners, migrants and refugees are all likely to experience culture shock. For tourists, the contact is usually brief and pleasurable, while for migrants and refugees it can be profound and destabilising in many ways. However, it is not all bad news. Intercultural contact is often an opportunity for learning, increased understanding and personal reflection and growth (Ward , Bochner & Furnham, 2005; Zhou et al., 2008); see the Snapshot ‘Student mobility and culture shock’. The processes of getting to know and understand other cultures is known as acculturation . Broadly speaking, acculturation refers to the changes that take place in behaviour, attitudes, beliefs and perception as a result of contact with other cultural groups. Early models of acculturation were presented on a continuum, with the retention of one’s own culture at one end and the wholesale acceptance of another culture at the other end. The most widely known and cited framework for understanding acculturation is Berry’s (1980) typology. Berry proposed a typology based on the extent to which people retained their own culture and embraced another culture.The four categories he used were assimilation, segregation, integration and marginalisation, as shown in Table 16.7.

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culture shock a clash between what you are familiar with from your country of origin and a new country

Student mobility and culture shock Many universities take students overseas to

experience another culture. Embedded within a learning experience, these students experience a different culture in an education setting, attending classes and being assisted by student buddies. TRY THIS \ Have you had the opportunity to study

What was the impact of this on your learning?

overseas?

acculturation getting to know and understand

other cultures to the point that the cultures in contact

change

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TABLE 16.7 Berry’s typology

Berry’s work on adaptation and acculturation has been the dominant theory in understanding psychology and culture. This typology has undergone many iterations and as a theory is used in explaining even contemporary adaptations, such as adapting to work in a global context on intercultural assignments (see Potosky, 2016). Positive relationship to dominant society Retention of cultural

identity

YES NO

YES

NO

Integration Assimilation

Segregation Marginalisation

Adapted from Berry, J. W. (1990 ). Psychology of acculturation. In John J. Berman ( Ed.). Nebraska Symposium on Motivation,1989: Cross - cultural perspectives: Current theory and research in motivation. VoI. 37. ( pp. 201-234 ). Lincoln , NE : University of Nebraska Press.

Assimilation occurs when a person embraces a novel culture and rejects his or her original culture. Segregation is when a person maintains their original cultural practices to the exclusion of a new culture. Integration (also referred to as biculturalism) occurs when a person adopts a new culture while retaining a connection and sense of continuity with their original culture.The rejection by a person or group in both the new and old cultures is marginalisation. This typology has been the subject of a great deal of research (Dandy & Pe-Pua , 2013) , much of it in relation to migrants and refugees. There is research evidence that biculturalism leads to better psychological and social outcomes, particularly among younger migrants or refugees (Dandy & Pe-Pua , 2013) . Language capability or the capacity to acquire language has been found to be important in this respect. Clearly, the degree of separation or difference between the new and old cultures is also very important to the processes of acculturation . Berry’s typology has been criticised, however, as too categorical, and statistical treatments tend to use the median as a somewhat arbitrary cut-off point to distinguish ‘hi’ and ‘lo’ for retention/ rejection of the original culture and acceptance/ rejection of the new culture.This methodological treatment may lead to the assumption that all categories are equally important or valid, or indeed likely to occur in any group of people being researched (Schwartz et al., 2010). Still, despite criticism (Kennedy & Macneela , 2014), there is a plethora of research using Berry’s model in different contexts (Ramzy et al., 2012) . Culture shock is also not always about people who travel. As we will see in Chapter 17,‘Indigenous psychology’ , peoples who are invaded , colonised or settled experience a particular kind of culture shock often characterised by violence and oppression , where the cultural mores of the settler society are imposed on the indigenous inhabitants.The continued practice of cultural ways is often punished in an oppressive attempt at assimilation.

Issues with cultural contact between people belonging to different ethnic, cultural or social groups can result in very positive or very negative consequences, and impacts at all points in-between these two extremes. In any contact between groups there will inevitably be comparisons. These comparisons may be advantageous or disadvantageous.

Any racism ideas that suggest particular groups of people possess inherent characteristics, behaviours, beliefs or attitudes that make them either superior or inferior to other groups

contact or interaction

Racism Ideas that suggest particular groups of people possess inherent characteristics , behaviours, beliefs or attitudes that make them either superior or inferior to other groups are known as racism . Individual,

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groups or indeed whole societies may express racism. History is replete with examples of racist ideologies and practices, such as those witnessed in Nazi Germany and South Africa’s apartheid era. Australia, however, practised apartheid well before South Africa, when it introduced the 1905 Act which marginalised and segregated Aboriginal people from the wider population (see Chapter 17) . Ethnocentrism is the idea that we interpret the world and all that occurs around us through the lens of our own ethnic or cultural origins. It has also been suggested that ethnocentric attitudes provide a strong in-group out-group situation , and therefore an individual can regard their own cultural origins as superior (Angraini et ah , 2014) . Walton , Priest and Paradies (2013) defined racism as ‘any belief, attitude, emotion or action that maintains or exacerbates inequalities between racial, ethnic or religious groups in society’ (p. 6) . Whatever the definition, racism has undeniable impacts on the individuals, groups and societies, and is associated with poorer social, emotional and physical health. It is inherently divisive, fragmenting societies and groups, often violently. A recent study (McWhae, Paradies & Pederson, 2015) reported high levels of racism and discrimination against Muslim Australians, and found that respondents high in ethnocentrism and conformity ( to majority opinion) and low in formal education were less likely to take action against racism when witnesses to a hypothetically racist event (for example, a Muslim candidate not being hired for a job on the basis of their religious beliefs); see the Snapshot ‘“ True blue” protester’. There are many types of racism, some obvious and others less so. Individual racism refers to the beliefs, attitudes and behaviours of individuals. Systemic racism refers to the beliefs, practices and behaviours embodied in institutions and organisations , while structural racism refers to racist practices within social, economic and political systems. Racism may also be subtle or covert, such as when a person is not served in a bar or ignored (or viewed suspiciously) in a shop. This is also known as new racism. People subjected to ongoing racism may internalise it to the extent that they begin to dislike their own physical attributes, such as skin and eye colour ( the singer Michael Jackson is often cited as an extreme example of internalised racism) . This view is somewhat controversial , as some interpret this as victim blaming or pathologising (Pyke, 2010) . A study by Moewaka Barnes and colleagues (2013) used focus groups with Maori participants to explore the media framing of the discourse surrounding Maori. They found that internalised racism was a core theme identified by participants, along with interpersonal ( individual ) , institutional (systemic ) and societal (structural) racism, as part of the everyday experience for Maori in the New Zealand media . They also noted the negative effects on health and wellbeing.

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'True blue'

protestors Anti- immigration protestors at a

Melbourne rally in August 2016 used the national flag and slogans to present their view about immigration in Australia. Appeals to a specific national

identity were prominent, like the

slogan ‘True blue’ and the chant ‘Aussie Aussie Aussie, oi oi of .

ethnocentrism we interpret the world and all that occurs around us through the lens of our own ethnic or cultural origins

discrimination differential of various groups; the behavioural component of prejudice treatment

prejudice a positive or

Discrimination If we choose not to employ someone in our workplace based on the fact that the person has some attribute that we are not favourably disposed to, such as their age or their race or gender (or indeed , some combination of these factors) , then we are discriminating against them . Discrimination is the act (or even consideration ) of differential treatment, mostly negatively based on such attributes as age, gender, ethnicity, religion , sexual preferences or disability, rather than on the perceived merit or otherwise of the person . Discrimination on these terms is illegal in Australia and New Zealand you may be prosecuted if you engage in these behaviours either overtly or covertly. ( ) Discrimination is based on prejudicial views held about a person or group. Prejudice is an ill-informed or uninformed understanding or belief about other people or groups. Prejudice is unfair and unwarranted , as it is not based on fact but rather on opinion. These opinions are often based on stereotypes, which are simplified and generalised beliefs about the attributes of other people and groups. They are often unyielding, even in the face of evidence that the person or group does not conform to those stereotypes. In fact , the stereotypes people hold can be so ingrained that their effects on behaviour can be automatic and unconscious ( Dovidio et ah , 2009) .

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negative attitude towards an entire group of people

stereotype a false assumption that all members of some group share the same characteristics

What role does prejudice play in understanding culture? (a link to Social Chapter 15, ‘ cognition and influence’)

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY In online gaming scenarios, how are ethnic identities utilised / portrayed?

For an example involving an online gaming scenario, see Figure 15.4 in Chapter 15 , ‘Social cognition and influence’ . Stereotypes are particularly prone to the social psychological phenomena of theory perseverance and confirmation bias. We can only maintain stereotypes if we are determined to persevere with our views ( theory perseverance) by only paying attention to the evidence that supports our stereotype and ignoring all other evidence (confirmation bias) . At the individual level, Paul Rozin (2003) challenges us to think about cultural differences as ‘a less preferred alternative’ and argues that there are five principles regarding the ways in which we can understand cultural differences: • The differences between cultures are not as big as the differences between individuals in any one culture. • The differences we see between individuals in different cultures are greater when we see displayed behaviour rather than if we were to ‘see’ thoughts and feelings. • Our cultural differences are often expressed in default responses/ interpretations or preferences. So the dominant expressions of a culture are different in different cultures. • Environment and context have a great impact on our impressions of a culture and cultural differences. • Cultural differences between individuals will be bigger in the older generations of each culture.

THINKING CRITICALLY Is ethnic prejudice too ingrained ever to be eliminated? Using similar questions, several authors (Walker, 1994; Western, 1969) have conducted surveys that have enabled us to ascertain changes in the levels of prejudice directed towards Indigenous Australians. From 1969 to 1994, for example, the agreement response to the If an Aborigine sat on a bus next to me, I would question ‘ feel uncomfortable’ decreased from 94 per cent to 20.1 per cent. (Note: the term ‘Aborigine’ appeared in the original research article but is considered offensive today. We discuss this issue in detail in Chapter 17.) However, despite these changes, research in social psychology suggests that more subtle aspects of prejudice and discrimination may remain entrenched in society (Dovidio, Gaertner & Kawakami, 2010).

What am I being asked to believe or accept ? Even people who see themselves as unprejudiced and who disavow ethnic stereotypes and discrimination still hold negative stereotypes about some ethnic groups, and in certain situations will display prejudice and discrimination towards them (Dovidio et ah, 2009). Some people claim, therefore, that negative attitudes towards some ethnic groups are so deeply ingrained in all of us that ethnic prejudice can never be eliminated.

What evidence is available to support the assertion ? Evidence for this assertion comes, first, from studies testing the theory of aversive racism (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2008). This theory holds that even though many individuals consider ethnic prejudice unacceptable or aversive, they still sometimes display it - especially when they can do so without admitting, even to themselves, that they are prejudiced. Consider an experiment carried out by Booth, Leigh and Varganora (2010). The authors submitted job applications for entry - level positions from (bogus) individuals with different names denoting different ethnic identities (Anglo Saxon, Indigenous Australian, Italian, Chinese and Middle Eastern). The resume that accompanied each individual’s application indicated that the person had attended high school in Australia. The results revealed there were statistically significant differences in call-back rates from potential employers across the ethnic candidates. The applicants with Chinese and Middle Eastern names received the least call - backs, and the applicants with Italian names received the most call - backs. This indicated that applicants >>> — 1

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with names suggesting they were from a particular ethnic background would essentially have to apply for more jobs just to obtain an equivalent number of interviews. It is also interesting to note that negative stereotypes can be activated without conscious awareness, even among people who believe they are free of prejudice (Fiske & Taylor, 2008). Indeed, it may be that stereotypes are so well learned and so ingrained in people that they may be activated automatically and without conscious awareness (Amodio & Devine, 2009).

the jury also favoured giving the death penalty (Dovidio et al., 1997). Priming studies, too, show that although negative stereotypes can be primed in both prejudiced and unprejudiced people, it is easier to do in people who openly display their ethnic bias (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2010). Furthermore, activation of these stereotypes may be less likely to affect the conscious attitudes and behaviour of unprejudiced people. So when unconscious stereotypes are activated in unprejudiced people, the effects tend to appear in subtle ways, such as in facial expressions or other nonverbal behaviours ( Kawakami, Dion & Dovidio, 1998; Lepore & Brown, 1997; Vanman et al., 2004).

Are there alternative ways of interpreting the evidence ?

What conclusions are most reasonable ? Taken together, research evidence presents a mixed picture regarding the possibility of eliminating ethnic prejudice. Research suggests that it may still be possible to eliminate even subconscious stereotypes (Kawakami, Dovidio & van Kamp, 2005; Kawakami et al., 2007). It also appears that

The evidence presented so far suggests that it may be impossible to eliminate ethnic prejudice because everyone harbours unconscious negative stereotypes about various groups. However, this evidence does not necessarily mean that unconscious stereotypes affect everyone in the same way. Perhaps they have a greater impact on people who are more overtly prejudiced.

when unprejudiced people are made aware of their negative beliefs about some target group, they will actively work to prevent those beliefs from influencing their behaviour towards members of that group (Monteith, Arthur & Flynn, 2010; Payne, 2008). In short, prejudice is ingrained, but it can also be reduced, and it makes sense to do everything possible to reduce it. There are some particularly effective mechanisms that can be used to teach about antiprejudice ( Pedersen et al., 2011). It is also important to recognise that for children in particular, contact opportunities are very important in determining prejudicial attitudes to lower status groups in society (Raabe & Beelman, 2011).

What additional evidence would help evaluate the alternatives ? One way of evaluating this possibility is to compare the responses of prejudiced and unprejudiced people in various experimental situations. In one mock -trial study in the United States, for example, overtly prejudiced white jurors recommended the death penalty more often for black defendants than for white defendants found guilty of the same crime. Low - prejudice white jurors showed this bias only when they believed that a black member of

Consequences of cultural contact As noted above, many aspects of cultural contact can be pleasurable and rewarding. On the other hand , there may be negative consequences for those experiencing cultural contact. Indeed, historically, for many peoples and groups, the consequences of cultural contact have been catastrophic. The historical antipathy between Nazi Germany and the Jewish people is perhaps the most striking.The genocides that occurred in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia also attest to the depth of ill feeling and actions of one group towards others. There is also evidence of genocidal policies and practices in Australia during the early period of colonisation (see Chapter 17) . Genocide is the intentional and purposeful attempt to eliminate people belonging to other cultural or ethnic groups. It is facilitated by another psychological construct: moral exclusion (Opotow, 1995) . If we position people or groups outside our scope of justice, we can treat them unfairly and with impunity, without the likelihood of being held to account. The idea of moral exclusion also underpins the treatment of refugees and asylum seekers. Such people may be morally excluded in a range of ways , all of which can delegitimise claims for fair treatment (Bandura , 1990) despite

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What's in a headline ? Are these newspaper headlines presenting the news? Do they represent the modern values of society or do they seek to persuade society of certain views? Or are they just trying to sell papers? How has language been used?

the fact that a flight from conflict or prosecution is overwhelmingly found to be in accordance with international law. Language and media is often the site for delegitimising discourses ( Nairn et ah , 2011 ; Yaylaci & Karakus, 2015). Refugees in Australia, for example, have been referred to as ‘criminals’ , ‘detainees’ , ‘dishonest’ or ‘illegals’ (Parker, 2015) . Language of this kind represents a tacit coalition between the media and government that enables policy positions to be enacted that would otherwise not get sufficient traction to be implemented (Stoneham , Goodman & Dabue, 2014); see the Snapshot ‘What’s in a headline?’). There is ample evidence emerging in Australia that the detention of refugees is having a profound effect on their social and emotional wellbeing ( Newman , 2012), especially for children ( Fazel et al. , 2014) . Suicide and self harm are commonplace among refugees who have been held in detention, often offshore, for long periods of time. A systematic review of asylum seekers suggested that they are also at greater risk of many forms of violence in their host country (Kalt & Zimmerman, 2012) . Some studies even argue that everyday racism and discrimination felt by refugees is a health risk that should be considered within healthcare systems (Molsa et al., 2016) . This idea is clearly supported in the Lancet Commission (2014) report discussed earlier in this chapter.

Asylum seekers and refugees If a person has entered a country seeking protection but their case has not yet been determined, they are known as an asylum seeker. If their claim for asylum has been accepted, they are known as a refugee. Currently, it is estimated that there are 232 million international migrants worldwide (UN DESA , 2013) . Of these, around 50 per cent live in the main cities of France, Germany, Spain , United Kingdom , Russian Federation , Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, United States, Canada and Australia (UN International Migration Report, 2015) . Those people accepted as refugees are given certain rights, such as access to services, while asylum seekers generally experience one of two outcomes: acceptance of their claim or not. In 2016, the United Kingdom voted to exit the European Union after more than 45 years of membership. While the issues resulting in the decision to exit (which became known as ‘Brexit’) were multifaceted and complex , proponents of the exit campaigned strongly on the issue of border control.This was seen by many as a xenophobic, scare-mongering and isolationist approach, triggered by the Syrian refugee crisis in Europe.The Syrian situation has been labelled the worst humanitarian crisis of the 21st century, with estimates of four million people displaced. The stressors that these displaced refugees face are largely unknown. However, based on all the available knowledge, the impact on the mental health of these individuals , and on the health systems of the countries that receive them, is indisputable (Wells et al., 2016).

Environmental refugees We most often think of asylum seekers and refugees as fleeing persecution or conflict. But accompanying the increasing issues of globalisation is the emergence of environmental refugees ( ERs ). ERs seek refuge on the grounds that they have been forced to leave their traditional lands temporarily or permanently because of environmental disruption ( natural and / or triggered by people ) that jeopardises their existence or quality of life (El-Hinnawi, 1985) . In the 1990s, in Africa alone, there were seven million ERs, and this is projected to rise to 200000000 by 2050 (Epule, Peng & Lepage, 2015). The International Organization for Migration (2014) report IOM Outlook on Migration , Environment and Climate Change indicates that environmental refugees (also known as climate refugees) will produce large-scale population movements.

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Multiculturalism in Australia and New Zealand Since the early 1900s, Australia has welcomed 750000 people from nations all over the world, many of whom have arrived due to changing humanitarian needs and global conditions. Both Australia and New Zealand are often celebrated as multicultural or multiethnic success stories. But while it is true that the benefits of multiculturalism are many and varied , in recent years a ‘dark side’ of multiculturalism has become evident. There is some evidence to suggest that where people have a strong national identity, they may be more likely to have negative attitudes toward groups they perceive as different to themselves.This can have a particularly strong impact on immigrant populations ( Falomir-Pichastor & Frederic, 2013). In particular, for Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, the more recent focus on refugees and recently arrived groups drives a fear that multiculturalism will exacerbate disadvantages already present in Australian society (Dandy & Pe-Pua, 2013) .

Positive consequences of cultural contact A number of insights have been gained into how cultural contact can be positive. The effects of positive contact experiences on attitudes is reported for both majority and minority group members, for promoting positive out-group attitudes (Mahonen & Jasinskaja-Lahti , 2016) . Specifically in regards to international students, a study by Tawagi and Mak ( 2015) indicates the importance of a culturally inclusive educational environment that provides an opportunity for quality contact as a predictor of positive intercultural attitudes. In their review of 32 studies relating to interventions to reduce prejudice and enhance inclusion and respect for ethnic differences in early childhood , Aboud and colleagues ( 2012) found that interventions that used media, contact and anti-bias (culturally responsive) instructions were the most effective and promising in changing attitudes for majority ethnic children .

Cultural competence One of the most reported avenues for promoting positive contact is via exposing people to cultural awareness, sensitivity and safety training. These training programs often tap into the idea of cultural competence, which is understanding how we interact with and behave towards people with different cultural backgrounds. Professionals , like psychologists, need to be aware of how they position themselves in their interactions and work with people from different cultural backgrounds. So cultural competence can be applied to you as an individual , to an organisation, to a system and to society. There are some important issues to consider regarding cultural competence and the ability of culturally competent health workers and systems to appropriately respond to culturally diverse needs. A review by Beach and colleagues (2005) indicates that cultural competence training (CCT ) in Health Care Provider Educational Interventions can provide a strategy for improving the knowledge, attitudes and skills of health professionals. However, there is little evidence that CCT assists in improving patient adherence to therapy, patient health outcomes, and equity of services across racial and ethnic groups. In fact, many reviews of the literature related to cultural competence indicate significant difficulties with the research , including the quality of studies (Lie et ah , 2011) , a lack of outcome measures and thus study effect (Anderson et ah , 2003), and the lack of an evaluation framework to assess the intervention/ model (Bhui et ah , 2007) . (We talk more about cultural competence in Chapter 17, ‘Indigenous psychology’ .)

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O

N REVIEW Cultural contact ASPECT

CHARACTERISTICS

Culture shock - a clash between what you are familiar with from your country of origin and a new country you are experiencing for the first time Responses to cultural Acculturation - getting to know and understand another culture to the point that the old and new contact cultures in contact change. Berry’s typology model of acculturation has four components: assimilation, segregation, integration and marginalisation

Key issues in cultural contact

Consequences of cultural contact

Racism - ideas that suggest particular groups of people possess inherent characteristics, behaviours, beliefs or attitudes that make them either superior or inferior to other groups Ethnocentrism - we interpret the world and all that occurs around us through the lens of our own ethnic or cultural origins Discrimination - differential treatment of various groups; the behavioural component of prejudice Stereotype - a false assumption that all members of a group share the same characteristics Prejudice - a positive or negative attitude towards an entire group of people

Negative examples include genocide , the intentional and purposeful attempt to eliminate people belonging to other cultural or ethnic groups (for example, Nazi Germany, Rwanda), and moral exclusion , positioning people or groups outside our scope of justice so we can treat them unfairly and with impunity (confronted by asylum seekers, refugees). Positive examples include cultural competence - exposing people to cultural awareness, sensitivity and safety training.

Check your understanding and 1 Many groups, such as tourists, migrants, ., can experience culture shock. in a range of ways, all of which delegitimise claims for fair treatment, 2 People may be 3 can be applied to individuals, organisations, systems and society.

16.4 FOCUS ON CULTURAL AND CROSS CULTURAL RESEARCH METHODS Some scholars have identified a number of eras of cross-cultural research which trace our constantly evolving understandings of the perils and pitfalls of research in this crucially important area (Matsumoto & Yoo, 2006; Matsumoto & van de Vijver, 2010) . It is inconceivable that psychological scientists would not be involved in cross-cultural research , and over time we have become much more sophisticated in our methods. As we have seen throughout this chapter, and indeed throughout this book , understanding culture from a psychological perspective is essential to understanding ourselves as human beings. Cross-cultural research has a long history. But while a great deal has been achieved, this has not occurred without some controversy. Much of the criticism relates to the dominance of North American psychologies around the world , which has been called the cultural imperialism of research (Tomlinson, 2001) . For one thing, though it is something of a generalisation, many early psychological researchers were white, middle-class and male. Also, as the Second World War loomed, many social scientists, including psychologists, fled Germany for the United States. This provided a ‘kickstarf to many psychological subdisciplines in the USA, and after the war, North American psychology went on to fill many of the gaps in European psychology, thereby contributing to the worldwide dominance

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of North American psychological traditions. In this way, suggested Cartwright (1979), Hitler was one of the most important figures in the development of psychology, particularly social psychology

Cultural and cross- cultural researchers As research in this area developed, a critical divide appeared between those who saw themselves as cross-cultural researchers and those who identified as cultural researchers. Cross-cultural researchers sought to explore and understand the similarities and differences between cultures by undertaking primarily comparative research, while cultural researchers believed that cultures could only be understood within their own frame of reference or context (Matsumoto & van deVijver, 2012) .This reflects the anthropological terms etic and emic, which refer to two ways in which we may seek to understand cultures. If we seek understanding by examining culture as an outsider looking in, then we have adopted an etic (or outsider) approach. This is what cross-cultural researchers are doing when they examine the applicability of theories of human behaviour established in one cultural setting to other cultural groups. Cultural researchers, on the other hand, adopt an emic ( insider) approach when they seek to understand the subjective experiences of people in particular cultural contexts (Dasen, 2012) . These days, leading figures in the field such as David Matsumoto argue that even those who call themselves cultural researchers utilise cross-cultural research methods in their work ( Matsumoto & van deVijver, 2012) . So the divide between them is unsustainable and the focus needs to be on better understanding the contribution that research methods can make to both traditions. In other words , we should undertake research from both the etic and emic perspectives, with a deep understanding of the implications , strengths and shortcoming of each approach . The goals of cross-cultural psychology are to assess whether existing theories make sense and can be applied in other cultural contexts, to account for similarities and differences and to understand or reveal the universal and culture-specific dimensions of psychology (Berry et ah , 2002; Dasen, 2012) . Further to this , it is argued that the testing of existing understandings ( hypotheses) cross-culturally is essential to establish if they ( the hypotheses) exist generally (Segall et al. , 1999) . Therefore, cross-cultural research allows us to: • test the generalisability (and limits) of psychological constructs in areas such as cognition, emotion and personality • assess the relative similarities and differences between different cultural groups • foster collaboration and the search for shared understanding between psychologists of different cultural backgrounds • promote the internationalisation of cultural research and cultural exchange • challenge the monoculturalism of psychology derived from the dominance of North American psychology (Berry et al., 2002) ( ) One of the issues, however, is that culture is treated as an independent variable. It is the case with some psychological research that researchers need to determine which is the independent variable ( IV) of interest and then control as many potential extraneous variables as possible. If culture is your IV, you need to ensure that the group of interest and the comparison group (s) do not differ on other important aspects. This can be quite difficult in reality, as variables can be confounded; for example, socioeconomic status (SES) is often confounded with ethnicity (Berry et al., 2002) . Another issue we have already highlighted is that much of psychological research utilises university students who are not representative of the diversity of the general population . Other potential problems are the non-cultural variables that may be related to a specific context; for example, the age of students. As researchers, we also have our own cultural blindness in that our own

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Which research methods would be most appropriate for looking at culture? (a link to Chapter 2, ‘Research in

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cultural appropriation the taking of cultural artefacts or intellectual property

cultural background influences the way in which we approach the research the kinds of questions we ask (for example, when deciding on our operational definitions), the kinds of methods we use (for example, how do we undertake measurement) and the kind of analyses we undertake. Finally, research of any kind must be undertaken ethically, and in cross-cultural research there are some important ethical questions that must be addressed. The issue of cultural appropriation (the taking of cultural artefacts or intellectual property) is an ethical dilemma (Young & Brunk, 2012) . If a particular product has been developed in a certain culture, is it appropriate to take that product into another culture? If it does harm or damage, there may be a case for appropriation. So where we have seen how research on intelligence, and the development of testing, was used to ‘justify’ the inferiority of certain people or groups, is this cultural appropriation ? Psychological assessment, too, has been used in ways that are unprincipled and unethical (Adams, Drew & Walker, 2014) . In crosscultural research, we must be on constant guard to minimise the possibility that the results of our work will be used to further alienate, discriminate, stereotype or marginalise the people, groups and communities in which we undertake research .

o

N REVIEW Focus on cultural and cross - cultural research methods ASPECT

CHARACTERISTICS

Researchers

Cross - cultural researchers - explore and understand the similarities and differences between cultures by undertaking primarily comparative research Cultural researchers - believe that cultures can only be understood within their own frame of reference or context

Frames of reference

Etic - seek to understand by examining the culture as an outsider looking in (cross - cultural researcher) Emlc - seek to understand the subjective experience of people in particular cultural contexts (cultural researcher)

Goals

Test the generalisability (and limits) of psychological constructs such as cognition, emotion and personality Assess the relative similarities and differences between different cultural groups Foster collaboration and a search for shared understanding between psychologists with different cultural backgrounds Promote the internationalisation of cultural research and cultural exchange Challenge the monoculturalism of psychology derived from the dominance of North

American psychology Criticisms

Treats culture as an independent variable Involves university students who are not representative of the population Ethical questions, such as cultural appropriation , must be addressed

Check your understanding 1 The divide between cross - cultural and cultural research has been 2 Insider is to as outsider is to 3 Cross- cultural psychological research must ensure it does not contribute to the communities.

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CHAPTER REVIEW LINKAGES As noted in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology’, all of psychology’s subfields are related to one another. Our discussion of ethnic prejudice illustrates just one way in which the topic of this chapter, culture and psychology, is linked to the subfield of social psychology ( which is the focus of Chapter 15, ‘Social cognition and influence’). The

‘Linkages’ diagram shows ties to two other subfields as well, and there are many more ties throughout the book. Looking for linkages among subfields will help you see how they all fit together and help you better appreciate the big picture that is psychology.

CHAPTER 16 Cultural and psychology

LINKAGES

I Which research methods would be most appropriate for looking at culture ?

How is socialisation affected by the culture you grow up in ?

What role does prejudice play in understanding culture ?

CHAPTER 2 Research in psychology

CHAPTER 11 Human development

CHAPTER 15 Social cognition and influence

mm tui SET.

ONLINE STUDY RESOURCES Visit http://login.cengagebrain.com and use the access code that comes with this book for 12 months access to the resources and study tools for this chapter.

The CourseMateExpress website contains: • • • •

revision quizzes

• • •

concept maps

graduate attribute information videos

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web links flashcards and more.

7 CourseMateExpress

Chapter 7: Culture and Psychology

SUMMARY WHAT IS CULTURE ? •

•

There is no universally accepted definition of culture but rather a set of contemporary elements that help provide insights into what culture is. These shared meanings are transmitted across generations. Culture has sets of artefacts, values and symbols that guide and orient us. Different cultures have different characteristics - values, belief and behaviours. A number of useful, basic organising dimensions have been identified and extensively studied.

Culture is central to a person’s identity. While identity is formed and reformed as an ongoing process, culture provides a crucial context within which such things as gender and gender roles may be understood. Personal, social and cultural identity are central to understanding ourselves and others. • The development of ethnic and racial identity indicate how culture and identity are related to each other. •

PSYCHOLOGY, CULTURE AND HEALTH Psychology came late to the culture conversation. Do people understand and make sense of their own culture from within (cultural psychology) or do we make sense of culture by comparing and contrasting cultural dimensions (cross- cultural psychology)? • The orientations of absolution, universalism and relativism •

•

have driven how we view human behaviour. The fact that psychology is a late - comer to understanding the role of culture accounts for psychology having a Western/ American- dominated knowledge and research framework.

This has started to evolve more recently, especially with indigenous psychology. • The Western framework domination has also impacted health systems, as there are cultural differences and expectations regarding how health is situated. Recent evaluations of health and health systems see the understanding and inclusion of culture as an imperative for all future health endeavours. • There is some evidence to suggest that some psychopathologies cross cultures, and there is also evidence of culture- bound syndromes.

CULTURAL CONTACT • •

•

•

In our world today, we are continually dealing with the issue of culture. Culture shock is a term used to explain what many experience when they come into a different culture from their own. Work by John Berry on acculturation (the changes that take place in behaviour, attitudes, beliefs and perception as a result of contact with other cultural groups) has seen the development of a typology model that describes the process for individuals who move from one culture to another. Difficulties associated with cultural contact include racism, ethnocentrism, discrimination, stereotypes and prejudice. These can negatively affect individuals, groups, communities

•

•

and also entire populations. The more extreme negative effects are issues of moral exclusion and genocide. One of the more positive ways of developing positive contact between cultures is to use programs of cultural competence which are aimed at exposing people to cultures via cultural awareness, cultural sensitivity and cultural safety training. While currently the evidence is scant about the efficacy of these programs, they are able to be implemented at all levels (from individuals to societies). Further research regarding the evaluation of cultural competence programs needs to be

developed.

FOCUS ON CULTURAL AND CROSS - CULTURAL RESEARCH METHODS As our understanding of culture and psychology has progressed, researchers have often developed an outsider frame of reference, or an etic approach. There has lately been a movement to an insider or emic approach. • The goals of cross- cultural psychology include testing the generalisability of psychological constructs, examining •

•

differences and similarities, promoting culture in research, and challenging the past monocultural views of psychology. While there are criticisms of the cross- cultural approach, some argue that cultural researchers are using similar methodologies and that the divide between them is increasingly diminishing as knowledge advances.

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TESTYOUR KNOWLEDGE Select the best answer for each of the following questions, then check your responses against the ‘ Answer key’ at the end of the book. 1

2

Dr Rose, a cross- cultural psychologist, is most likely to find which behaviour to be similar in all of the groups she studies?

by doing more cultural research

through cultural competence training 6 Cross -cultural psychology seeks to find principles and truths d

a

Striving for achievement

b

Rules governing social behaviour

that are

c

Styles of communication

a

d

Recognition of a smile

universal to all people of all cultures, or culture - specific to some people in some cultures

People’s gender, ethnicity, social class, religious beliefs and the like are examples of the variables that can affect

b

universal to some people in some cultures, and culture specific to all people of all cultures

behaviour and mental processes,

c

universal to all culturally specific people

d

culturally specific to all universal people

a

self- defined

c

biological

The most common type of hypothesis- testing in cross -cultural psychology is one that

d

sociocultural

a

examines why cultural differences occur

b

compares two or more cultures with respect to a particular variable

c

studies context variables to examine the degree to which they can statistically account for cultural differences

d

compares cultures or countries as the unit of analyses, not individuals

b innate

3

c

7

In understanding the dimensions of culture, the concepts of loose and tight have ben researched. The concept of loose while tight means means a

b

c

d

cultures are described as having strong social norms and a low tolerance of deviant behaviour; cultures have weak social norms and a high tolerance of deviant behaviour cultures are described as having weak social norms and a high tolerance of deviant behaviour; cultures have strong social norms and a low tolerance of deviant behaviour

8

cultures are described as having strong social norms and a high tolerance of deviant behaviour; cultures have weak social norms and a low tolerance of deviant behaviour cultures are described as having few social norms and a high tolerance of deviant behaviour; cultures have strong social norms and a medium tolerance of deviant behaviour

9

a

5 One of the main ways in which we try to promote positive _. cultural contact is

by

b

through positive cultural news stories

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prejudice

b

discrimination

c

stereotype

d

dehumanisation

Individualism - collectivism is a dimension that describes the which he or she belongs

a

an individual and the group to

b

genders in a marital relationship

c

the dominant culture and minorities

d

all of the above

10 Cross -cultural research strongly suggests that culture may affect

sending people overseas

a

a

relationship between

4 Berry’s acculturation model comprises

marginalisation, discrimination, assimilation and adaptation b assimilation, marginalisation, integration and segregation c discrimination, assimilation, adaptation and segregation d integration, separation, marginalisation and discrimination

A negative, unfavourable attitude towards a social group and its members is called

a

attitudes about and compliance with treatment

b

when someone seeks diagnosis and treatment

c

beliefs about disease causation

d

all of the above

Chapter 7: Culture and Psychology

TALKING POINTS Here are a few talking points to help you summarise this chapter for family and friends without giving a lecture:

1

It is sometimes said that it takes six months to acculturate to a

4 We often use cultural variables to describe the average person

new environment.

2

in any ethnic group, not to be racist but to help categorise and provide a schema.

We often do not realise how we have developed our own racial

identity. 3 With so many of us having different countries of origin, it is interesting to think about who and where the next set of refugees and migrants will come from.

5 We often design studies to compare different ethnic groups variables of interest, without considering if this knowledge assists these groups at all.

on

FURTHER READING Now that you have finished reading this chapter, how about exploring some of the topics and information that you found most interesting. Here are some places to start.

RECOMMENDED BOOKS J. W. Berry, Y. H. Poortinga, M. H. Segall and P. R. Dasen, Cross -Cultural Psychology : Research and Applications (Cambridge University Press, 2002) - comprehensive overview of the state of the knowledge and research related to cross -cultural psychology.

D. Matsumoto and L. Juang, Culture and Psychology (Cengage Learning, 2016) - looks at current research on how culture influences human beings. J. N. Pieterse, Globalization and Culture: Global melange (Rowman & Littlefield, 2015) - looks at how has globalisation developed, changed and integrated with culture, presenting different models of thinking about culture.

Edward Said, Orientalism (Pantheon Books, 1978) - critique of the East - West notion, particularly the way in which the West views the East.

M. Tomlinson, K. Tengan & P. Ty, New Mona: Transformations of a Classic Concept in Pacific Languages and Cultures (ANU Press, 2016) - contemporary, multidisciplinary look at a central concept in Pacific island culture. J. O. Young and C. G. Brunk, The Ethics of Cultural Appropriation (John Wiley & Sons, 2012) - in - depth look at cultural appropriation using research and philosophical essays.

CHAPTER REFERENCES Aboud, F. E., Tredoux, C., Tropp, L. R., Brown, C. S., Niens, U., & Noor, N. M. (2012). Interventions to reduce prejudice and enhance inclusion and respect for ethnic differences in early childhood: A systematic review. Developmental Review , 32(4), 307. doi:10.1016/j.dr.2012.05.001 Adams, Y., Drew, N., & Walker, R. (2014). Principles of practice in mental health assessment with Aboriginal Australians. Working Together, 271.

Bhugra, D., & Malhi, G. S. (2015). Culture- bound syndromes . Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons. doi:10.1002 /9781118799574.ch17

Bhui, K., Warfa, N., Edonya, P., McKenzie, K., & Bhugra, D. ( 2007). Cultural competence in mental health care: A review of model evaluations. BMC Health Services Research , 7(1), 1.

Amodio, D. M., & Devine, P. G. (2009). On the functions of implicit prejudice and stereotyping: Insights from social neuroscience. In R. E. Petty, R. H. Fazio, & P. Brinol (Eds.), Attitudes : Insights from the new wave of implicit measures (pp. 192- 229). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Booth, A. L., Leigh, A., & Varganova, E. (2010). Does racial and ethnic discrimination vary across minority groups? Evidence from a field experiment (July 2010 ). CEPR Discussion Paper no. DP7913. Retrieved from http://ssrn.com /abstract =1640989

Anderson, Laurie M., et al. (2003). Culturally competent healthcare systems: A systematic review. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 24(3), 68 -79.

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ANSWERS TO ' IN REVIEW ' AND 'TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE' QUESTIONS Culture and psychology In review What is culture?

1 individualist; 2 CANZUS; 3 social - ecological

Psychology, culture and health 1 English language; 2 culture; 3 hikikomori syndrome Cultural contact

1 sojourners, refugees; 2 morally excluded; 3 Cultural competence Focus on cultural and cross- cultural research methods

1 reduced; 2 emic, etic; 3 marginalisation Test your knowledge

1d, 2 d, 3b, 4b, 5d, 6a, 7b, 8a, 9 a, 10 d

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mm INDIGENOUS PSYCHOLOGY How much do you know about the experiences of the indigenous peoples of your country? How did you come by this knowledge? Was it through firsthand experience or what other people told you or what you read in the media? Recall from Chapter 16, ‘Culture and psychology’, some of the issues in cultural contact, such as racism and discrimination. In this chapter we will give particular attention to the Indigenous peoples of Australia and Aotearoa (New Zealand), exploring the history of their experiences prior to settlement and in the post - contact period. We will examine in some detail the consequence of colonisation on health and wellbeing outcomes. The emergence of indigenous psychologies is a direct consequence of these experiences and represents a challenge to the dominance of non - indigenous world views and psychologies.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES On completion of this chapter, you should be able to:

17.1 describe the principles that define indigenous peoples and demonstrate an understanding of the diversity of

indigenous peoples

17.4 outline the major ways to work with Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and Aotearoa (New Zealand) Maori peoples

17.5 describe the principles of culturally competent research. 17.2 demonstrate an understanding of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and Aotearoa (New Zealand) Maori cultures 17.3 describe why indigenous psychologies have emerged globally and how they are different from mainstream

psychological understandings

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY 1 What do cultural continuity factors mean for the whole of society in relation to suicide? 2 What would a strengths-based approach to assessing health inequalities add to debates around national health care?

3 Can an understanding of indigenous psychologies lead to a 'more realistic self -image' for Western psychology?

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PSYCHOLOGICAL LITERACY AND GRADUATE ATTRIBUTES CGAs) In this chapter you are introduced to indigenous psychology, specifically: (GA 1) Discipline knowledge and its application: In this chapter we introduce you to indigenous peoples from around the world. We also describe the emergence of indigenous psychologies and how they arose with features distinct from mainstream, so -called Western psychologies. Of course, this chapter is particularly pertinent to the intercultural diversity and cultural learning outcomes ‘ Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait awareness’, and ‘ Islander and Maori perspectives in psychology’. (GA 2) Research methods: This chapter introduces the idea of decolonising methodologies in research. These methodologies challenge the dominant individualistic, positivist approaches to psychological research that have been deemed by many indigenous scholars to be insensitive to cultural variability and the unique experiences of indigenous peoples and culture. (GA 3) Critical and creative thinking: Thinking critically about indigenous psychologies requires you to (re)position yourself in relation to your deeper understanding of the experiences of indigenous peoples. This form of perspective -taking is crucial to critically understanding why many indigenous people have criticised mainstream approaches to psychology and psychological research. It does not ask you to reject the mainstream views but rather to reflect on them by considering indigenous voices and perspectives. In terms of GA4 ( values and ethics) and GA 6 (learning and application'), we ask you whether, having gained a deeper understanding of the experiences of indigenous peoples around the world after reading this chapter, you will broaden your capacity to reflect on and discuss openly the following statements:

Indigenous knowledge systems and beliefs are as important , perhaps more important, than mainstream psychological understandings. The health and wellbeing of indigenous peoples has been significantly and negatively affected by the processes of colonisation. All psychologists and people working with indigenous people have a professional and moral obligation to ensure that their practice is culturally competent - aware, sensitive, respectful, humble, safe and responsive. It is a professional obligation to ensure that you develop the communication and interpersonal skills (GA5) to work effectively, respectfully and collaboratively with indigenous peoples. This requires an understanding of the history of colonisation and its enduring impact on the health, wellbeing and identity of indigenous peoples. This requires that you take responsibility for enhancing your critical health literacy to include an appreciation of the motivations and intentions of those enacting health policy and practice, and for understanding the intersection of traditional Western psychological knowledge with indigenous knowledges. Will you feel competent and capable of using your communication and interpersonal skills to debate and challenge those who hold erroneous, contradictory or even oppositional views on the impact of colonisation on the health, wellbeing and identity of indigenous peoples, including racist perspectives? If that person is you, will you have the motivation, knowledge and skills to revise your opinions by positioning yourself in the ways outlined in this chapter to better understand the experiences and viewpoints of indigenous peoples? These dispositions are a crucial component of psychological literacy.

Non- indigenous researchers have perpetuated myths and stereotypical beliefs about indigenous peoples of the world.

INTRODUCTION If you were born or live in Australia or New Zealand, you will be aware of the original inhabitants of these countries Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in Australia and the Maori in Aotearoa (New Zealand) .* Indeed, you may be a descendant of the original people of Australia or

—

* We have used the term ‘Aotearoa (New Zealand)’ in the introduction of this chapter to highlight and acknowledge the traditional name

given to the country by the first nations people. For the remainder of the chapter, and throughout the book, we refer to ‘New Zealand’.

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CHAPTER OUTLINE •

What do we mean

by indigenous peoples? • Indigenous peoples of Australia and New Zealand • What is

indigenous psychology? • Working with indigenous peoples •

A focus on

New Zealand. However, the likelihood of you being a first nation person in Australia and reading this book is disproportionately low. Participation rates in higher education for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in Australia are significantly below what we would expect as a proportion of the university population (known as a parity rate). In Australia in 2013, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students made up 1.4 per cent of enrolments at university when the parity rate would be 3.1 per cent (Wilks & Wilson, 2015) ; a recent project in Australia , the Australian Indigenous Psychology Education Project (www.indigenouspsyched.org.au) , attempts to address these inequities within psychology education. In New Zealand, the situation is much more positive, with a participation rate of almost 15 per cent for Maori students (Profile and Trends, 2015) .The disparity for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples reflects a wide range of inequalities that exist between the original inhabitants (the indigenous people) of the country and the settler society (those who colonised, invaded or setded in the country), including in health, education and employment , to name a few. Things like education, housing and employment are known to be some of the social determinants of health. Before moving on to discuss the health and wellbeing of indigenous people in more detail, it will be useful to get a snapshot of indigenous peoples around the world and a sense of their shared experiences of colonisation which have had a profound effect on their health and wellbeing.

indigenous research methods

17.1 WHAT DO WE MEAN BY INDIGENOUS PEOPLES ? There are an estimated 370 million indigenous peoples across some 70 countries, each with unique traditions, identities, cultures and practices.The largest indigenous populations are in China (106.4 million) and India (104 million) (Anderson et al. , 2016) .We will explore the demographics of indigenous peoples to explore, in turn, their diversity and similarities. The United Nations notes that defining indigenous peoples is complex and characterised by a set of principles and understandings, rather than being prescriptive.These principles and understandings include such things as identity, self-identification, history, shared languages, practices and beliefs; specifically:

• self-identification as indigenous peoples at the individual level and accepted by the • • • • • •

community as their member historical continuity with pre-colonial and / or pre-settler society strong link to territories and surrounding natural resources distinct social, economic and political systems distinct language, culture and beliefs form non-dominant groups of society resolve to maintain and reproduce their ancestral environments and systems as distinctive peoples and communities. (UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, 2016)

Article 33 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples asserts that indigenous peoples have the right to determine their own identity or membership in accordance with their customs and traditions (p. 12) . Nevertheless, the issue of who can lay claim to being indigenous is also a political question serving to reinforce colonial power — which is a social and cultural question among indigenous communities (Paradies, 2016) .

Health and wellbeing of indigenous peoples It is important for psychology students to understand the key issues impacting on the health and wellbeing of indigenous peoples around the world. Poor health outcomes for indigenous peoples

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can be traced back to the impact of colonisation. A deeper understanding of indigenous health and wellbeing starkly reminds us of the impact of a wide range of factors broadly associated with the

social and cultural determinants of health . In our dominant Western culture, there is a tendency to be individualistic (as opposed to collectivist , as we have seen in other chapters of this book) in our thinking about health issues.This kind of thinking also characterises our approach to understanding health. In relation to indigenous health, it is important to have a broader understanding of health (Dudgeon & Walker, 2015; Prilleltensky, 2008, 2011). Individual understandings of health permeate our experiences, as evidenced by the plethora of popular self-help books and the general orientation of the health system. At the relational level, we understand health in relation to families and groups. At the collective level, health must be understood from the perspective of groups such as Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and Maori peoples. Also at the collective level, social justice, or more precisely social injustice, is at the heart of understanding the health and wellbeing of people, communities and groups (Prilleltensky et al., 2008). Until very recently, our focus as a society has been on the individual and relational levels to the detriment of our understanding of collective health.This failure to recognise and act on collective health concerns has contributed to the health inequalities experienced by most indigenous people. (gP) Many indigenous peoples, including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, view health as a holistic concept. In fact, there is no separate term in Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages for health (National Aboriginal Health Strategy Working Party, 1989). Instead, the idea embraces many of the things that people hold to be important to them and their communities, such as land, the environment , the physical body, community, relationships and law/ lore. Health is the social , emotional and cultural wellbeing of the whole community, and the concept is therefore linked to a sense of identity and being. This idea, of course, links to that of collective wellbeing, as we noted above. The United Nations’ (2015) State of the World’s Indigenous Peoples report indicates that indigenous peoples experience poorer health outcomes on many important indicators. Their health is affected by a range of factors, including the conditions in which many indigenous people live and social determinants of health such as education, housing and employment. Importantly, many indigenous peoples around the world have suffered the loss of language, land and access to natural resources.They also face racism, discrimination and marginalisation within settler society. Paradies (2016, pp. 1 2) provided a scathing summary of colonial practices that have impacted on indigenous peoples, including ‘war, displacement , forced labour, removal of children, forced relocation, ecological destruction, massacres, genocide, slavery, (un)intentional spread of deadly diseases, banning of indigenous languages, regulation of marriage, assimilation and eradication of social, cultural and spiritual practices’ . The consequences of colonisation on indigenous health have been collectively called historical trauma and are manifested in what has been referred to as the 4Cs: • colonial injury caused by the behaviour of colonial powers • collective experience of the impacts of colonialism across entire indigenous communities • cumulative effects that endure and are perpetuated over time • cross generational impacts to indicate that the effects have ‘passed down’ from one generation to the next in the absence of healing interventions (Kirmeyer, Gone & Moses, 2014; Paradies, 2016) . In a landmark study, Anderson et al. (2016) undertook the first systematic, worldwide review of indigenous health. They sampled 23 countries with indigenous populations that represented 154 million people, or around 50 per cent of indigenous people worldwide.Their findings reinforced the idea that indigenous peoples around the world faced significant health inequalities, but that the distribution and character of the inequalities differed from country to country. One surprising exception was the Mon people of Myanmar (see the Snapshot ‘Mon peoples’ ) , who appear, on the measures studied, to do better than the rest of the population. Based on the subtle differences

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Do indigenous cultures use the biomedical model of health? (a link to Health, Chapter 12, ‘ stress and coping’)

Mon peoples The Mon are believed to be one of the earliest peoples of Indochina and share ancestry with Mon

peoples in Thailand. Mon communities live in nations all over the world. In Myanmar, following the granting of independence to what was previously called Burma in 1948, the Mon became anti-colonialists and sought selfdetermination

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY What do cultural continuity factors mean for the whole of society in relation to suicide?

in health outcomes for different indigenous populations, the authors recommended that the local social and historical factors should always be taken into account. Another important observation was that indigenous peoples in wealthy countries do not necessarily do better than those indigenous peoples living in undeveloped countries. The authors directed their focus to Australia , where Indigenous people fare worse on almost every indicator of health outcomes (Australian Indigenous HealthInfoNet, 2016) . A key issue in many indigenous communities is suicide and self-harm. Later in the chapter, we provide some stark and troubling statistics relating to Aboriginal and Torres Islander peoples’ suicide and self-harm rates. In a very influential series of studies, Michael Chandler and his colleagues identified a number of cultural continuity factors that buffered against the likelihood of suicide and self harm in indigenous communities (Chandler & Laomonde, 1998, 2008) . The initial six factors were: (1) self-government; (2) taking steps to secure native title to traditional lands: evidence of having (re) acquired control over services such as (3) health, (4) education (5) and police and fire services; and (6) having developed cultural facilities in their communities. They later added two more factors: (7) the number of women in local government service; and (8) the extent of child and family Whether these factors were present or absent was a significant predictor of suicide in services. the community. The more factors present, the lower the incidence of suicide (see Figure 17.1) . Of all the factors, self-government seemed particularly important when it was present, it was more likely that other factors would also be evident.

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Why it is important to differentiate indigenous peoples in the study of psychology One of the most persistent concerns raised by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples is the problem of homogenising. In essence, homogenising means that we assume that all Aboriginal people and indeed Torres Strait Islander peoples are effectively the same. This is extremely disrespectful to the wide diversity of peoples, cultures and practices throughout Australia . While it is true that these groups have had shared experiences of colonisation and settlement, and that the outcomes have been similar across the country, they are distinctively different and unique in their own right .

FIGURE 17.1 Suicide by cultural continuity factor (1993 -2000)

When examining cultural continuity factors, we can see that suicide rates are higher whenever a factor is absent. By far the most important factor is self government. When it is absent, the suicide rates are significantly higher, and when it is present , the rates are significantly lower than for any of the other factors.

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| Absent From Chandler , M. J., & Lalonde, C. E . (2008 ). Cultural continuity os a moderator of suicide risk among Canada’s First Nations. In L. Kirmayer and G. Valaskakis ( Eds. ). The Mental Health of Canadian Aboriginal Peoples: Transformations, Identity, and Community. University of British Columbia Press, p. 20

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O

N REVIEW What do we mean by indigenous peoples? ASPECT

CHARACTERISTICS

Self-identification as indigenous peoples at the individual level and accepted by the community as their member Historical continuity with pre - colonial and / or pre - settler society Strong link to territories and surrounding natural resources Indigenous Distinct social, economic and political systems identification Distinct language, culture and beliefs Form non - dominant groups of society Resolve to maintain and reproduce their ancestral environments and systems as distinctive peoples and communities

Experience poorer health outcomes

Indigenous health

Historical trauma Colonial injury Collective experience Cross /intergenerational impacts

Check your understanding _ indigenous peoples across some countries. 1 It is estimated there are _ 2 Local. and issues should always be taken into account when looking at indigenous health. 3 Important factors that buffer suicide in indigenous populations are called

17.2 INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND The following section introduces you to the history of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in Australia , and that of the Maori people of Aotearoa / New Zealand . It is important for you to understand both the distinctiveness and the similarities of these cultural groups. The better we understand both their unique identities and culture, and their shared experiences of colonisation , the better we can understand how these may impact on health outcomes.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are the original first peoples of Australia . Aboriginal people are distinctively different ethnically and culturally from Torres Strait Islander people ( NSW Department of Health, 2004) . Aboriginal people in Australia are recognised among the oldest living cultures in the world , with estimates ranging from 50000 to 120000 years. They occupied the mainland and some surrounding islands of what is now Australia. They enjoyed a semi-nomadic lifestyle in family or community groups. Around 260 language groups coexisted, each with their own customs and cultural practices ( Dudgeon et al., 2014) . Torres Strait Islander people had occupied the 270 islands in the straits between Australia and Papua New Guinea for approximately 2500 years (Dudgeon et al., 2014) . Today, in addition to living in other parts of Australia , they continue to live on 17 of the islands, with two communities on the far northern tip of the Queensland coast. Community life is based on hunting, fishing, gardening and

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trading.The Torres Strait Islander people have traditional ties with Papua New Guinean communities and Australian mainland Aboriginal communities. Despite their differences, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have had many shared experiences since colonisation, including dispossession, marginalisation and racism , and the Stolen Generations, which have had a significant impact on health outcomes to the present day (Australian Indigenous Health /w /oNet, 2016) . Sigmund Freud, who you will have learned about in Chapter 1/ Introducing psychology’ , made perhaps one of the earliest psychological comparisons between Aboriginal people and his neurotic patients. His comments exemplify the attitudes of the colonists. In his book Totem and Taboo (1913) , he observed that there was merit in drawing comparisons between the psychology oPprimitive people’ and the psychology of neurotics. He wrote:‘I shall select as the basis of this comparison the tribes that have been described by anthropologists as the most backward and miserable of savages, the aborigines of Australia , the youngest continent’ (p. 2) . His final comment dismisses the 50000 120000 years of Aboriginal existence in Australia , and certainly pays scant regard to what we now know to be a sophisticated , resilient and enduring culture: ‘they do not build houses or permanent shelters; they do not cultivate the soil; they keep no domesticated animals except the dog; they are not even acquainted with the art of making pottery ... chiefs and kings are unknown among them; communal affairs are decided by a council of elders. It is highly doubtful whether any religion, in the shape of a worship of higher beings, can be attributed to them’ (p. 2), Unfortunately, as we will see in the upcoming section on research with indigenous peoples, these kinds of attitudes were evident in research ‘on’ Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples by psychological scientists up until very recently, and they belie the lack of knowledge of these peoples.

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Population statistics According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples make up approximately 3.1 per cent of the Australian population. Within this population, around 90 per cent identify as Aboriginal , 6 per cent Torres Strait Islander, and 4 per cent identify as being of both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander descent (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012a). Table 17.1 shows TABLE 17.1 Estimated Indigenous population, by jurisdiction, Australia, 30 June 2016 The largest proportion of Indigenous people in Australia live in New South Wales, followed by Queensland. Interestingly, the Northern Territory has the highest proportion of Indigenous people in the overall population (30 per cent), far greater than any of the other States and Territories. Jurisdiction

Indigenous population (no. of people)

Proportion of Australian Indigenous population (%)

Proportion of jurisdiction population (%)

NSW

229951

31

3.0

Vic.

53663

7.2

0.9

Qld

213160

29

4.3

WA

97681

13

3.5

SA

41515

5.6

2.4

Tas.

27052

3.6

5.2

7103

1.0 10 100.0

1.8

ACT NT Australia

74 543

744956

30 3.1

From Australian Indigenous Health InfoNet. (2016 ). The context of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health . Retrieved from www .healthinfonet. ecu.edu.au / health -facts /overviens / the - context - of -aboriginal - and - torres - strait - islander - health

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the breakdown across all Australian States and Territories. The selected statistics are reported from Australian Indigenous Health /n/bNefs 2016 ‘Overview ofAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health status’, which is compiled each year (see www.healthinfonet.ecu .edu .au /overview). There was a 21 per cent increase in the number ofAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people counted in the 2011 Census compared with the 2006 Census (Biddle, 2012) . The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population overall is much younger than the non-Indigenous population (see Figure 17.2), with about 34 per cent of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples aged less than 15 years, compared with 19 per cent of non-Indigenous people (Australian Bureau of Statistics , 2012) . In 2015 , around 35 per cent ofAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples lived in major cities, 45 per cent lived in inner and outer regional areas, and 20 per cent lived in remote and very remote areas (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2013a) . The largest projected populations were in three regions in eastern Australia: Brisbane, NSW Central Coast and North Coast, and Sydney Wollongong. Since settlement, there have been a number of key policies, practices and events that have characterised the experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, and which have led directly and indirectly to the current state of inequality on most social and cultural determinants of health and on health outcomes. As noted above, many of these actions by the colonial powers led to a loss of languages and culture that has had a profound effect on all generations since.

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FIGURE 17.2 Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and non- Indigenous Australians - population pyramid

The most striking observation when comparing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to other Australians is that the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population is disproportionately younger, TRY THIS \ Why do you think this is so?

| Indigenous | Non - Indigenous Males (% )

Females {% )

From Australian Bureau of Statistics . (2012 ). Estimates ofAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, June 2011. CCat. no. 3238.0.55.001). Retrieved from www.abs .gov.au /ausstats /abs( a).nsf /mf / 3238.0.55.001

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History of colonisation The history of colonisation reflects the way in which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples were treated; for example, removal of children , being placed into government and mission-supervised communities, blackbirding (kidnapping or forcing people into labour) and massacres by new settlers. Government policy and practices (assimilation, separation, and restriction of movement) had and continue to have devastating effects on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Many of these periods were driven by misplaced, misunderstood or even overtly racist ideologies that guided the perceptions of mainstream settler society about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. These periods are generally referred to as: 1 Invasion and colonisation (1788 1890) 2 Protection and segregation (1890s 1950s) 3 Assimilation (1940s-1960s) 4 Integration, self-determination and self-management (1967 1990s) 5 Reconciliation (1991 present) . (Working with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders and their Communities, 2016) For example, under the laws of the Australian Government, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples were not included as citizens. Instead , in many cases they were treated as foreigners in their own land . Before the 1967 referendum altered the Australian Constitution , Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples did not have the same rights as other Australians. Many aspects of their lives were controlled by the state governments.The 1967 referendum also allowed the Australian Government to make laws for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Reconciliation Australia , 2016) . Each of these government policy eras have had a significant impact on the lives of Aboriginal people, particularly the ‘Protection and segregation’ era and the 1905 Aborigines Act which was introduced for the purposes of ‘protecting’ Aboriginal people from being exploited by other members of society. The Act had the opposite effect, as it suppressed any right to the privileges and opportunities that were available to the wider community. In effect, it introduced apartheid conditions into Australia, with close monitoring and controlling procedures put in place which resulted in Aboriginal people being marginalised and alienated from wider society (Kaatdijin Noongar Noongar Knowledge, 2016) . Under this Act , a ‘chief protector’ was appointed and given absolute authority to determine the living and working conditions of Aboriginal people. For many families, this meant living in impoverished conditions on the outskirts of towns . The Act also specifically granted authority to the chief protector to become the legal guardian of all Aboriginal children under the age of 16. This authority legalised the practice of removing children from their parents as a means of hastening the process of assimilation by having them placed in institutions and / or in foster care with Western families. This action has had long-term detrimental effects on Aboriginal families, as discussed in ‘The Stolen Generations’ section below. The chief protector also had the authority to approve marriages between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal persons ( Find & Connect , 2016). Later, the Act provided Aboriginal people with the opportunity to apply for ‘exemption permits’, to enable holders to free themselves from the conditions that had discriminated against them and which had denied them access to the same privileges that were afforded to other members of society (see the Snapshot ‘Certificate of exemption’) .The introduction of the permit system was also considered a means of encouraging Aboriginal people to assimilate into Western culture. However, certain conditions applied. For example, curfews were enforced for the period that permit-holders

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Certificate of exemption Aboriginal people were required to carry a permit like this to prove that they were exempted from the provisions of the Aborigines Act and associated regulations.

Reproduced with permission of Doris Moore. Retrieved from http://www.abc.net.au/rightwrongs / story/ dog -licence/

could remain in town . In addition, the permit could be revoked at any time by the chief protector, or by police officers who acted on behalf of the chief protector in many localities; for example, a permit could be revoked for inappropriate behaviours such as ‘loitering’ in town or being intoxicated . The 1905 Act, which continued under the 1936 Aborigines Act Amendment Act , was finally repealed in 1963 ( Find & Connect, 2016). Unfortunately, many Australians are unaware of Australia’s dark history and the impact of colonisation on Aboriginal people, the suffering endured , and therefore they lack insight into contemporary Aboriginal issues. Many deaths occurred as a result of introduced diseases such as smallpox , measles, pneumonia, tuberculosis, venereal disease and influenza, which Aboriginal people had no resistance to. Furthermore, many deaths also occurred as a result of acts of genocide in Tasmania and the numerous massacres that took place throughout the country (Broom , 2010; Tatz , 1999) . For Aboriginal people, the period of colonisation has resulted in a significant loss of culture and traditional ways of life for the many language groups across Australia . However, despite the atrocities and hardships that were experienced throughout the nation, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have remained resilient, demanding justice and their rightful place in Australian society. There have been repeated calls for politicians to address the impact of past policies. Paul Keating was the first Australian prime minister to address the wrongdoings of previous governments by publicly acknowledging the atrocities inflicted upon Aboriginal Australians in his famous Redfern speech of 10 December 1992 (Clark, 2013) . His speech includes the following phrases: ‘We took the traditional lands and smashed the traditional way of life. We brought the diseases, the alcohol. We committed the murders. We took the children from their mothers. We practised discrimination and exclusion . It was our ignorance and our prejudice’ ( Keating, 1992) . While prime minister Keating acknowledged Australia’s dark history and the consequences of European settlement , he stopped short of apologising to Aboriginal people for the emotional and mental suffering associated with the removal of children from their parents. Furthermore, the prime minister who succeeded Keating, John Howard , who held office from 1996 to 2007, refused to apologise to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples on the grounds that the current generation of Australians were not responsible for the actions of a past generation ( Davies, 2008) . The long-awaited apology for what has become known as the Stolen Generations did not happen until prime minister Keven Rudd made his ‘Sorry’ speech on 13 February 2008.

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The Stolen Generations As we have seen, Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander peoples have been subjected to many injustices since colonisation, including genocide and systematic dispossession of land , language and culture, but the deepest wound was the removal of children from their families which became known as the Stolen Generations.The Bringing them home report published in 1997 was the account of the National Enquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander Children from Their Families. It documented the history of the Stolen Generations, and its consequences for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. The Stolen Generations refers to the systematic and policy-driven agenda to remove Aboriginal children of mixed descent from their families in the mistaken belief that, with their lighter skin, they would ‘merge’ with white Australian society. Most of the children removed from their families between 1910 and 1970 , particularly females, were inducted into servile roles such as domestic servants. A national survey in 1989 found that 47 per cent of Aboriginal people had been separated from their parents ( Bringing them home , 1997) , although many now agree that these numbers underestimate the true number removed . And this practice was not a distant historical aberration . Children were being forcibly removed from their homes up until the 1970s ( Bringing them home , 1997). It is also now generally accepted that every Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander person has been affected by the forcible removal of children . It has had what can only be described as catastrophic consequences for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. In 1967, a landmark referendum was held in Australia to determine if Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander peoples should be officially counted in the national census. The referendum also proposed to allow the Commonwealth to make laws for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Contrary to many popular reports , the referendum did not grant citizenship rights, as they had already been granted in all States and Territories by that time, including the right to vote. Another popular myth that still gets repeated from time to time is that, prior to the referendum, Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander peoples were counted along with the country’s flora and fauna . This is now generally understood to be untrue, but it served as a reminder that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples were not counted in the official census and were subjected to ongoing racism and discrimination. There have been a number of other important milestones and events for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (see Table 17.2) .

TABLE 17.2 Significant events and milestones for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples

There are many significant dates that represent milestones in the development of rights for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Here are just a few of them. Date

Event

12 July 1971

3 June 1992

Aboriginal flag first flown The Tent Embassy was established outside the national parliament in Canberra Torres Strait Islander flag launched Mabo High Court decision handed down

5 April 1997

Bringing them home report delivered

26 May 1998

National Sorry Day commences

19 March 2006

National Close the Gap Day

26 January 1972 29 May 1992

Adapted from Jens Korff . (2016 ). Aboriginal calendar of significant events. Creative Spirits. Retrieved from wnw.creativespirits.info /aboriginolculture / history/ aboriginal - calendar

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An apology to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples By 2001, all States and Territories had offered apologies to the Stolen Generations, but the Commonwealth Government refused to do this until 13 February 2008, when prime minister Kevin Rudd made a national apology on behalf of the Australian Parliament . This is a speech of such profound significance that it is worth quoting the actual apology in its entirety. I move that today we honour the Indigenous peoples of this land , the oldest continuing cultures in human history. We reflect on their past mistreatment. We reflect in particular on the mistreatment of those who were Stolen Generations this blemished chapter in our nation’s history. The time has now come for the nation to turn a new page in Australia’s history by righting the wrongs of the past and so moving forward with confidence to the future. We apologise for the laws and policies of successive parliaments and governments that have inflicted profound grief, suffering and loss on these our fellow Australians. We apologise especially for the removal of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families, their communities and their country. For the pain , suffering and hurt of these Stolen Generations, their descendants and for their families left behind, we say sorry. To the mothers and the fathers, the brothers and the sisters, for the breaking up of families and communities, we say sorry. And for the indignity and degradation thus inflicted on a proud people and a proud culture, we say sorry. We, the parliament of Australia, respectfully request that this apology be received in the spirit in which it is offered as part of the healing of the nation . For the future we take heart, resolving that this new page in the history of our great continent can now be written. We today take this first step by acknowledging the past and laying claim to a future that embraces all Australians. A future where this parliament resolves that the injustices of the past must never, never happen again . A future where we harness the determination of all Australians, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, to close the gap that lies between us in life expectancy, educational achievement and economic opportunity. A future where we embrace the possibility of new solutions to enduring problems where old approaches have failed . A future based on mutual respect, mutual resolve and mutual responsibility. A future where all Australians, whatever their origins, are truly equal partners , with equal opportunities and with an equal stake in shaping the next chapter in the history of this great country, Australia. From prime minister Kevin Rudd . (2008 ). Apology to Australia’s Indigenous peoples. 13 February. Reproduced from the Parliament of Australia website with the kind permission of the Commonwealth of Australia ( Department of Parliamentary Services ).

How should we refer to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples? You may have noticed that we have used the term Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander rather than Indigenous whenever possible in these sections of the chapter. It is important that we refer to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in ways that they are comfortable with . Most, if

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all , Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples find the terms native or Aborigine offensive, preferring Aboriginal and / or Torres Strait Islander (Australian Indigenous Health /n/oNef , 2016). Use of the abbreviation ATSI to refer to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples should also be avoided (Behrendt, 2012) . You will see the term Indigenous used widely in Australia . Indigenous refers to both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples , but where possible this term should be avoided when the identity of people or groups is known. We have used the term Indigenous in the title of this chapter because the chapter introduces indigenous peoples around the world . In this section, we prefer the terms Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander where possible as a sign of respect for the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ preferences. They are, of course, the Indigenous people of Australia as defined earlier in the chapter. If we do use the term Indigenous or Aboriginal to refer to the first nations people of Australia, they are always capitalised. These simple protocols are signs of cultural respect. Many organisations now have guidelines for the appropriate use of language when referring to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, and you should make yourself familiar with them. Some people prefer to be known by their language group and it is important that , where possible, you determine the preferred form of address. Another sign of respect is the acknowledgement of country.This is different to a welcome to coun try , which can only be offered by Elders, or other people authorised by the Traditional Owners of the land you are being welcomed to. An acknowledgement of country may take many forms, but it should follow this general format: 7 would like to acknowledge and pay my deepest respect to the Traditional Owners and Elders past, present and future of the lands upon which we meet today. An acknowledgement of country is offered at the beginning of important meetings and other significant events. not

Health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples The health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples reflects that reported for indigenous peoples around the world . As noted earlier in the chapter, it is important for students of psychology to understand the very wide range of factors that impact on health outcomes. The health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples can be directly traced to factors associated with colonisation and white settlement. If we truly understand the historical context of health inequalities, we are more likely to seek solutions that address not just the immediate causes, but also the other social and cultural determinants identified in this chapter. There are striking disparities and inequalities between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and other Australians. Many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are concerned about the slow pace of change.The Australian Government flagship ‘Closing the Gap’ campaign has led to small, positive changes , but overwhelmingly the change required is still too large and is taking too long (Commonwealth of Australia , 2017). As senior Aboriginal academic Shane Houston said, ‘We need to eschew the soft bigotry of low expectations, of slow incremental change, and embrace a more transformative change agenda’ (2016 , p. 17) . The following selected statistics are reported with permission from the Australian Indigenous Health InfoNets 2016 ‘Overview of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health status’. In Australia , for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people born between 2010 and 2012, life expectancy was estimated to be 69.1 years for males and 73.7 years for females, around 10 11 years less than the estimates for non- Indigenous males and females (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2013a). Interestingly, between 1998 and 2013, there was a 16 per cent reduction in the death rates for Indigenous people in Western Australia , South Australia and the Northern Territory. However, when

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you look at the age-standardised death rate for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, it is 1.7 times the rate for non-Indigenous people. Regarding almost all major health indicators, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are more likely to be represented negatively in the statistics. Hospitalisation rates are 2.3 times higher (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2015), and cardiovascular disease is 1.2 times higher (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2014) . In regard to death rates, the cancer death rate is 1.3 times higher, the respiratory disease death rate is twice as high (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2015), and the kidney health death rate is 2.5 times as high (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2016) . Most alarmingly, the diabetes death rates for males are six times that of non-Indigenous people, with the rates for females four times greater. (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2016) . For eyes and ears, based on the National Eye Health Survey (HEHS) conducted in 2015 16, vision impairment and blindness is three times higher for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people (Foreman et al., 2016) , and hearing problems are 1.3 times higher than the rate for non-Indigenous children (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2013b) . Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are 1.7 times more likely than non-Indigenous people to have a disability related to a profound / core activity restriction (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2013a) . In regard to communicable diseases, notification rates for tuberculosis are 11.3 times higher, hepatitis B notification rates are three times higher (The Kirby Institute, 2016) , hepatitis C notification rates are almost five times higher and an HIV diagnosis is 1.3 times higher (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2009, 2011; Bareja , Waring & Stapledon, 2014; Bareja et al., 2014; Barry et al., 2012;Toms et al., 2015) . For students of psychology, it is important to have an understanding of the social and emotional wellbeing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.This has received considerable attention in recent years. Professor Dudgeon and her colleagues have defined it as ‘a multidimensional concept of health that includes mental health, but which also encompasses domains of health and wellbeing such as connection to land or “ country” , culture, spirituality, ancestry, family and community’ (Gee et al., 2014) . This also relates to the cultural determinants of health we have mentioned elsewhere in the chapter. In 2013, the death rate for ICD ( intentional self-harm suicide) for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples was two times the rate reported for non-Indigenous people. Between 2001 and 2010, the age-adjusted suicide rate was 21.4 per 100000 for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and 10.3 per 100000 for non-Indigenous people. In the far north ofWestern Australia , the rate is estimated to far exceed the national figures (McHugh et al., 2016) . A study by the Kimberley Mental Health and Drug Service audited suicides in the Kimberley region from 2005 to 2014 and found that the Indigenous suicide rate was 74 per 100000, which they believe is almost certainly an underestimation (McHugh et al., 2016) . In addition , Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are 2.7 times as likely as non-Indigenous people to feel high or very high levels of psychological distress. As many as 69 per cent of Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander adults experienced at least one significant stressor in the previous 12 months. By contrast, 91 per cent of Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander people reported feelings of calmness and peacefulness, happiness, fullness of life and energy either some, most or all of the time (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2013a) . These health statistics do not paint a ‘healthy’ picture of Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander peoples. Yet despite the overwhelmingly negative statistics regarding their health and wellbeing, they remain the oldest living culture in the world. The statistics tend to mask the fundamental resilience of Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander peoples and culture.They also enable us, if we are not careful, to adopt what is known as deficit thinking ; that is, judging and evaluating Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander peoples in a negative light.When we think in deficit terms, we sometimes begin to blame the victim and lose sight of the many complex factors that we have seen contribute to negative health outcomes.

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Maori peoples Polynesians first arrived in New Zealand over 1000 years ago and evolved into the Maori culture of today (Sinclair, 1980) . They called the country Aotearoa , or land of the long white cloud . While the archaeological records are sparse, there is evidence of a sophisticated culture and settlements throughout Aotearoa . Intriguingly, Michael King (2003), in his highly regarded Penguin History of New Zealand , noted that bones of the Polynesian rat (known as the kiore) date back over 2000 years and that the only way they could have got there was aboard Polynesian boats, yet there is no archaeological evidence in the form of tools, human remains or even the remains of animals eaten by humans prior to 1300 CE.

Population statistics The estimated Maori population in New Zealand in June 2015 was 712000, as can be seen in Figure 17.3, which represents the number of people who identify as Maori. FIGURE 17.3 Mioriand non -Maori population pyramid , as at 30 June 2015

Female

Maori | Non - Maori ( 000 )

From Statistics New Zealand and licensed by Statistics NZ for release under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International licence.

History of colonisation One of the first Europeans to visit New Zealand was Abel Tasman, in 1642 . Captain James Cook also made a number of visits from 1769. The first settlers arrived around the 1800s, and the Maori were less than impressed with their customs and behaviours. They themselves had very sophisticated kinship and leadership systems that were in fact admired by the settlers. There was another crucial element of the Maori settlement experience that differs from that of many colonised countries around the world Maori leaders achieved an agreement known as the Treaty of Waitangi. The Maori were warriors who had sailed over vast oceans to Aotearoa and were seen by the settlers as ‘superior savages’, unlike their perceptions of the Australian Aboriginal people who were seen as inferior and subhuman (Sinclair, 1980, p. 40) . The period from 1800 to 1820 was known as the period of Maori Domination , when the settlers were very much tolerated . Following this until the time of British annexation in 1840 was a period of culture change and conversion to Christianity by the time of annexation , most Maori were Christian.

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King (2003) identifies four periods in the history of settlement in New Zealand: • Prehistory to 1000 CE New Zealand is characterised as ‘a land without people’ (King, 2003, p. 15) . • Settlement to 1850 sees the arrival of the first Polynesian and later the first European settlers. The Treaty ofWaitangi was signed in 1840. • Consolidation to 1950 sees the colonists consolidate their grip on Aotearoa / New Zealand. They did not ‘defeat’ the Maori however. Rather, the Maori consented to their presence and there was generally less overt conflict. • Unsettlement from 1950 the postwar years saw the gradual breakdown of the national cohesion fostered by common enemies during the Second World War. Maori activists fought to maintain and develop Maori culture and identity rather than becoming subsumed in the increasingly multicultural New Zealand . A significant event was the establishment of the Waitangi Tribunal in 1975 the tribunal hears claims by Maori concerning the breaking of promises made in the 1840 treaty. The Treaty ofWaitangi (see Figure 17.4) was signed by 540 Maori leaders and allowed for British Law to be implemented, but it did not, as was mistakenly understood at the time, cede sovereignty to the Queen of England. Importantly, the Maori retained the land title and were afforded the citizenship rights of British people ( NZ Ministry for Culture and Heritage, 2016) . This was in stark contrast to the notion of terra nullius that disenfranchised Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples from their lands. The treaty also enshrined Maori rights in matters of social and economic development.

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FIGURE 17.4 Extract from the original Treaty

ofWaitangi The Treaty ofWaitangi was written in English and Maori, outlining the basis for relations between Maori and settler society, TRY THIS N Thinking about the experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in Australia, do you think things would have been different if a treaty had been signed ? Conversely, how different would New Zealand have been if there’d been no treaty?

From The Treaty ofWaitangi. Archives New Zealand released under CC BY 2.0. Retreived from https: / / www.flickr.com /photos / archivesnz / l5858996 l50 /in /album -72157640803885745 /

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The Treaty was written in English and Maori , and while the signatories believed the two versions were the same, there were important differences. These differences have led to some confusion, particularly among Pakeha (non-Maori), and much debate over the years. For Maori , the treaty was very clear with respect to the word ‘sovereignty’. In the Maori version, it was translated as kawanatanga (governance) . This led some Maori leaders to believe that they had not given up the right to govern their own affairs.These days, the treaty is invoked most often as a set of principles and guiding values, and matters of interpretation are dealt with by the Waitangi Tribunal. The three articles of the treaty that outline the agreements regarding the relationships and rights between the Maori people and the Queen of England are shown in Figure 17.5 .

FIGURE 17.5 Treaty agreements regarding the relationships and rights between the Maori people and the Queen of England

KO WIKITORIA,

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ctawai ki nga Rangalira me nga Hapu o Nn Tirnni, i tana liialiia hoki kin tohungia ki a ratou o ratou rangatiratanga, me to ratou wenua , a kia mau tonu hoki tc Rongo ki a ratou me tc ata noho hoki, kua wakaaro ia lie mca tika kiu tukua mai tetahi Rangntira hoi kai wakaritc ki nga tangntn maori o Xu Tirani. Kin wnkanctia c nga Rangalira maori tc Kaw anatanga o te Kuini , ki nga wahi katoa o tc wenua nci me nga niotu. Na tc mca hoki he tokomaha ko nga langata o tona iwi kua noho ki tenei wenua , a c hncre mai nci.

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Ko tc tuntnhi Ko nga Rangatim o tc Wakamincngn, nga Ruugatir i katoa hoki kiliai i uni ki tana Wnkamincngii. ka tuku rawa atu ki tc Kuini i Ingarani like tonu atu te Kaw anatanga katoa o o ratou wenua.

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The First The Chiefs of the Confederation and all the chiefs who have not joined that Confederation give absolutely to the Queen of England for ever the complete government over their land. The Second The Queen of England agrees to protect the chiefs, the subtribes and all the people of New Zealand in the unqualified exercise of their chieftainship over their lands, villages and all their treasures. But on the other hand the chiefs of the Confederation and all the chiefs will sell land to the Queen at a price agreed to by the person owning it and by the person buying it [the latter having been] appointed by the Queen as her purchase agent . The Third For this agreed arrangement therefore concerning the government of the Queen, the Queen of England will protect all the ordinary people of New Zealand and will give them the same rights and duties of citizenship as the people of England. Below are the official English versions of the articles: Article the first The Chiefs of the Confederation of the United Tribes of New Zealand and the separate and independent Chiefs who have not become members of the Confederation cede to Her Majesty the Queen of England absolutely and without reservation all the rights and powers of Sovereignty which the said Confederation or Individual Chiefs respectively exercise or possess, or may be supposed to exercise or to possess over their respective Territories as the sole sovereigns thereof. Article the second Her Majesty the Queen of England confirms and guarantees to the Chiefs and Tribes of New Zealand and to the respective families and individuals thereof the full exclusive and undisturbed possession of their Lands and Estates , Forests, Fisheries and other properties which they may collectively or individually possess so long as it is their wish and desire to retain the same in their possession; but the Chiefs of the United Tribes and the individual Chiefs yield to Her Majesty the exclusive right of Preemption over such lands as the proprietors thereof may be disposed to alienate at such prices as may be agreed upon between the respective Proprietors and persons appointed by Her Majesty to treat with them in that behalf. Article the third In consideration thereof Her Majesty the Queen of England extends to the Natives of New Zealand Her royal protection and imparts to them all the Rights and Privileges of British Subjects. From John Wilson . ( 2016 ). Nation and government: The origins of nationhood. Archives New Zealand released under CC BY 2.0. https:/ / www.fickr.com / photos / orchivesnz / 12l 95494 l03/ in /olbum -72 l57649292890288/

It is quite clear that there are important differences between the English and Maori versions of the agreements. Maori people consider the Maori version to be the valid treaty under international law.

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Health of Maori peoples Maori people experience disproportionately more negative health outcomes than non-Maori people in New Zealand, though, according to Durie (2012), there have been some improvements in life expectancy, the suicide rate and, interestingly, smoking cessation . Durie also noted that there have been important increases in Maori people in the health workforce. In 2013, life expectancy at birth was 73 years for Maori males and 77.1 years for Maori females; it was 80.3 years for non-Maori males and 83.9 years for non-Maori females. The top five leading causes of death are: 1 ischaemic heart disease for Maori males and both non-Maori males and females; it is the second-biggest cause of death for Maori females 2 lung cancer for Maori females; it is the second-biggest cause of death for Maori males, and is also in the top five causes of death for non-Maori people 3 suicide the third leading cause of death for Maori males and the second leading cause of death for non-Maori males 4 diabetes featured in the top five causes of death for Maori people but did not feature in the top five for non-Maori people 5 motor vehicle accidents for both Maori and non-Maori males, but not for either Maori or non-Maori females. So apart from suicide and motor vehicle accidents for males, the major causes of death for New Zealanders are all chronic diseases, regardless of gender or ethnicity. In addition, Maori adults are about 1.5 times as likely as non-Maori adults to report a high or very high probability of having an anxiety or depressive disorder and to be hospitalised for cardiovascular disease. The heart failure mortality rate among Maori is more than twice as high as that of non-Maori , and for rheumatic heart disease the mortality rate among Maori is over five times as high as that of non-Maori ( NZ Ministry of Health, 2015) . The health of Maori people, like that of most indigenous peoples around the world, has also been significantly impacted by social determinants of health such as housing, education and employment.

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IN REVIEW Indigenous peoples of Australia and New Zealand ABORIGINAL AND TORRES STRAIT ISLANDER PEOPLES

Population

Comprise 3% of total Australia population - of this percentage, 90% identify as Aboriginal, 6% identify as Torres Strait Islander, and 4% identify as Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander

History

First and original inhabitants of Australia. Aboriginal people estimated to be between 50 000 and 120 000 years old, with 260 language groups Torres Strait Islanders estimated to have occupied 270 islands in straits between Australia and Papua New Guinea for approximately 2500 years

Invasion and colonisation Protection and segregation - Stolen Generations Colonisation (periods)

Assimilation

Integration, self - determination and self -management Reconciliation - National Sorry Day, Apology to Australia’s Indigenous peoples >>>

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ABORIGINAL AND TORRES STRAIT ISLANDER PEOPLES

Health

There are striking disparities and inequalities between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and other Australians Regarding all major health indicators, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are more likely to be represented in the statistics MAORI

Population

Maori population estimated at 712 000

History

Polynesians first arrived in New Zealand over 1000 years ago; called the land Aotearoa

Colonisation

As first Europeans arrived, Maori tolerated them. Maori seen by settlers as ‘superior savages’ Treaty of Waitangi - historical agreement that set out principles and guiding values that are dealt with in New Zealand society today

Health

Most major health indicators are elevated for Maori population, thus having a greater impact on New Zealand society generally

Check your understanding 1 Aboriginal Australians historically have a lifestyle in family or community groups. 2 In the English version of the Treaty of Waitangi, the word in the Maori version was translated as 3 Australia officially apologised to Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Islander peoples in the year

17.3 WHAT IS INDIGENOUS PSYCHOLOGY ? By now, reading this book , you will have learned a great deal about how people think , feel and behave. As a student of psychology, you are fascinated by how attitudes develop and are maintained , for example, or how we are socialised during our childhood . Chapter 11,‘Human development’, may have been particularly interesting as you learned about Piaget’s stages of development or Kohlberg’s theory of moral development. But what if, as you read these detailed summaries of research in these areas, you thought, ‘That doesn’t seem to be the way I remember it’, or ‘That’s not what or how I learned from my mum and dad’. That has been precisely the response of many indigenous people around the world . Mainstream or so-called ‘Western’ views of psychology do not resonate for many people with different cultural backgrounds from different parts of the world. For many of these people, their ways of knowing and understanding themselves and their social and cultural world seems to have been as thoroughly colonised as the land they live in . Alwood and Berry (2006) noted that so-called Western psychology (primarily North American) was just one indigenous psychology, one that , in the opinion of many indigenous scholars , came to dominate the world. Many places around the world have witnessed the emergence of indigenous psychology as a reaction against or reclamation of cultural knowledges. Indigenous psychologies seem to share some distinctive characteristics: • They represent attempts to understand human behaviour and experience within the context of the culture they emerge from . • They are usually a reaction against or a rejection of the dominance of Western psychological understandings. • They often draw on the traditions of philosophical thought within the indigenous culture (such as Confucianism, for example) .

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• They generally challenge the universal reliability and validity ofWestern psychological research methods, such as the dominance of positivism and the search for objective universal truths. • They have often been criticised by non-indigenous psychologists from within the culture primarily because of the threat posed to professional identity if Western-trained indigenous psychologists are forced to contemplate the inherent weaknesses of their discipline. • They vary considerably. (Allwood & Berry, 2006) Some proponents have suggested that comparative studies of a range of indigenous psychologies may reveal some universal ‘truths’ of human behaviour. This is somewhat ironic given that most indigenous psychologies emerged in part from the rejection of the Western psychological search for universal truth and understanding. You may recall that we discussed this search for universal truths while considering cross-cultural research in Chapter 16, ‘Culture and psychology’. Also from that chapter, you will recall the contrast between absolutist , universalist and relativist understandings of culture. Indigenous psychologies tend to be more relativist. Indigenous psychologies provide an opportunity to view and explore human behaviour and experience from different cultural perspectives, thereby enhancing our capacity for reflection on this fascinating subject. It is also important to note that indigenous psychologies do not always advocate the As Allwood and Berry rejection ofWestern psychology, only a rejection of its dominance globally. (2006, p. 245) observed, indigenous psychologies may lead to a ‘more realistic self-image’ for Western psychology. For many proponents of indigenous psychologies, it is more important to find the shared understanding in the intercultural space rather than reject Western psychological approaches entirely ( Nakata , 2013). One of the authors of this chapter undertook a teaching fellowship in Sri Lanka in the mid-1990s. His task was to teach introductory psychology in a graduate masters program in psychology. At the

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Can an understanding of indigenous psychologies lead to a 'more realistic self image' for Western psychology ?

first class, as he and the class members introduced themselves, one student revealed that he had written a bestselling book on Buddhist conceptualisations of memory and psychology. Suddenly, Ebbinghaus and his forgetting curve did not seem as relevant for this group of students. This simple observation opened up a semester of thoughtful and thought-provoking discussions about the nature of psychology in Sri Lanka and how it intersected with Western psychological thought (see Chapter 6, ‘Memory’) . In the following sections, we provide a brief introduction to Indigenous psychologies in Australia and New Zealand. This will be further elaborated in the upcoming section on research methods. Indigenous perspectives and voices have had a profound impact on the way we work and conduct research with indigenous peoples.

Indigenous psychology in Australia In Australia, psychology has been implicated in the perpetuation of colonialist practices, including cultural racism, the privileging of colonial knowledge systems and the concomitant adoption of an individualist rather than a collectivist view of people and practices (Dudgeon & Walker, 2015) , so much so that in September 2016, the Australian Psychological Society made a formal apology to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples later in the chapter we will look at this apology in more detail. Indigenous psychologies in Australia strive to avoid homogenising Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples by recognising the wide variety of cultural groups throughout the country.They also assert the importance of Indigenous knowledges and human rights. When considering health and wellbeing, it is crucial that psychologists gain a deeper understanding of Indigenous views on health and wellbeing. The Australian Indigenous Psychologists Association (AIPA) was established in 2008 with a commitment to improving the social and emotional wellbeing and mental health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians. It was co-founded by Professor Pat Dudgeon (see the Snapshot ‘Professor Pat Dudgeon’) . As noted in the introduction to this chapter, participation of Aboriginal

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and Torres Strait Islander peoples in higher education is far below parity. A stated goal of the AIPA is to improve the parity rate in the study of psychology, which currently sits at 0.4 per cent of the psychology workforce in Australia . To achieve parity, that rate would have to increase to 2.5 per cent. This clearly represents a challenge, but the work of the AIPA has made significant inroads in promoting and developing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander psychologists in Australia (Australian Indigenous Psychologists Association, 2016) .

Professor Pat Dudgeon Professor Pat Dudgeon is from the Bardi and Gija people of the Kimberley. She was the first Aboriginal psychologist to be awarded the grade of Fellow in the Australian Psychological Society. She is well known for her significant leadership in Indigenous psychology, in Aboriginal social and emotional wellbeing and suicide prevention, and in higher education. Professor Dudgeon is a co - founder and the inaugural Chair of the Australian Indigenous Psychologists Association. She is a co - chair with Professor Tom Calma of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Mental Health Suicide Prevention Advisory Group, and a Commissioner on the National Mental Health Commission. She co - chaired the Reconciliation Action Plan Working Party and is now co - chair of the Indigenous Psychology Advisory Group in the Australian Psychological Society (APS) with the President of the APS (adapted from Dudgeon, Milroy & Walker, 2014).

Indigenous psychology in Aotearoa / New Zealand Maori indigenous psychology, like the indigenous psychologies of many countries, also challenges the dominance ofWestern psychology. According to Linda Waimarie Nikora ( 2007) (see the Snapshot ‘Professor Linda Waimarie Nikora’) , Maori ways of thinking, feeling and behaviour have been largely ignored. She laments the culture blindness of the assertion that we are all Kiwis’ (p. 81) , arguing that such a position obscures the uniqueness of Maori conceptions of physical and mental health . Like the Australia experience, she found that much early psychological research was ‘on’ rather than ‘with’ Maori people. For her, there are two challenges. The first is to have indigenous perspectives recognised in the discipline of psychology. The second is to foster a climate of culturally responsive and relevant research to inform practice.

Professor Linda Waimarie Nikora Researcher and academic Professor Linda Waimarie Nikora is the Director of the Maori and Psychology Research Unit in the School of Psychology at the University of Waikato in New Zealand. Her specialty interest is the development of indigenous psychologies to serve the interests and aspirations of indigenous peoples. She is also a research leader for the Maori flourishing theme for Nga Pae o te Maramatanga, the National Maori Centre of Research Excellence. She has been involved in research about Tangi: Maori ways of mourning, traditional body modification, ethnic status as a stressor, Maori identity development, cultural safety and competence, Maori mental health and recovery, social and economic determinants of health, homelessness, relational health, social connectedness and human flourishing.

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A key centre for advancing Maori psychology is the Maori and Psychology Research Unit ( MPRU) , which was established at the University ofWaikato in 1997. Its stated mission is to provide a ‘catalyst and support network for enhancing research which has at its centre the psychological needs, aspirations and priorities of Maori people’ . It enjoys an international reputation for excellence in research , scholarship and publication. The MPRU is firmly grounded by a focus on delivering social good in partnership with Maori communities. It also provides mentorship for students Maori and non-Maori as they develop their skills for working with community (University of Waikato, 2016) .

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N REVIEW What is indigenous psychology? ASPECT

DESCRIPTION

Represent attempts to understand human behaviour and experience within the context of the cultures they emerge from Usually a reaction against or a rejection of the dominance of so - called Western psychological understandings Often draw on the traditions of philosophical thought within indigenous cultures Generally challenge the universal reliability and validity of Western psychological research Have often been criticised by non- indigenous psychologists from within the cultures Vary considerably

Indigenous psychologies

Australian psychology has been implicated in the perpetuation of colonialist practices, including cultural racism

Indigenous psychology

Australian Indigenous Psychologists Association (AIPA) was established in 2008 to improve the social and emotional wellbeing and mental health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians

in Australia

Indigenous psychology in Aotearoa / New Zealand

Maori indigenous psychology also challenges the dominance of Western psychology Key centre for advancing Maori psychology is the Maori and Psychology Research Unit at the University of Waikato

Check your understanding 1 The emergence of indigenous psychology is a reaction against or reclamation of often only a rejection of its dominance 2 Indigenous psychologies do not always advocate the rejection of

globally. 3 Currently in Australia, the percentage of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples involved in the psychology workforce is

per cent.

17.4 WORKING WITH INDIGENOUS PEOPLES For non-indigenous psychologists or other professionals working with indigenous peoples, it is important that they ‘position themselves’ in their work; that is, that they reflect on themselves and their position in society compared with indigenous peoples. One way of doing this is to consider the dual lens of whiteness and Indigenous Terms of Reference (Drew et ah , 2010) .Whiteness refers to the unearned privilege and power that stems from membership of the dominant culture (Ali & Sonn , 2009; Green, Sonn & Matsebula, 2007; Sonn & Green, 2006), while Indigenous Terms of Reference

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means that we must understand and embrace Indigenous sovereignty and knowledges and display cultural respect in all that we do (Oxenham, 2000) . As a psychologist (or human services provider) meeting an indigenous person for the first time, you may be surprised and perhaps hurt to sense mistrust and even suspicion of your motives and intentions. After all, you are a decent person . You have undertaken cultural awareness training and behaved respectfully and courteously throughout the session . But it is very important to understand that for many indigenous people, you and the organisation you work for are symbols of the enduring effects of colonisation (Sherwood , 2015) . Your essential ‘whiteness’, if you are a member of the dominant cultural group, is a form of baggage you carry that reflects all the negative experiences of being an indigenous person . Levels of trust between many indigenous people and the services that are designed to meet their needs is uniformly low that trust must be earned over time. As we noted earlier, another characteristic of indigenous peoples experience of services, including health, has been the tendency to adopt a deficit approach to understanding the role of people in relation to their own health and health-related behaviours. Public discourses, including those in the media , often pathologise and demonise indigenous peoples as being responsible for their own state of ill health without a proper appreciation of the complex array of social and cultural determinants underpinning the (ill ) health of indigenous peoples. This is a form of victim blaming that perpetuates racism, prejudice and stereotyping. A recent study found that over 75 per cent of stories in the media about the health of Aboriginal people in Australia were negative only 15 per cent of stories were presented with a distinctly This underscores the importance of shifting from deficit thinking positive slant (Stoneham , 2014) . towards a strengths based approach. Strengths-based approaches and narratives in the public domain do not ignore the inescapable reality of health inequalities but balance them with an acknowledgement of the resilience of indigenous cultures and their inherent capacities to contribute towards the positive resolution of issues and concerns. Many national health plans and reports on the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians now make specific reference to the importance of strength-based approaches (Australian Department of Health and Ageing, 2013; Haswell et al., 2013; Steering Committee for the Review of Government Service Provision , 2014) . In 2016, a group of key Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander organisations released the Redfern Statement. This significant document outlines a strengths-based agenda for moving forward with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander leadership and partnership ( National Congress of Australia's First Peoples, 2016) . Most contemporary approaches to working with Indigenous peoples emphasise decolonising practice (Dudgeon & Walker, 2015) . Decolonising practice is about confronting and dismantling the impacts of colonisation in a purposeful way at the individual , group and societal levels. It requires a great deal of critical reflection and insight. Decolonising practice is also about social justice. For most indigenous peoples subjected to processes of invasion, settlement or colonisation, there is a shared experience of injustice. Decolonising practice aims to redress the impact of injustice on many levels. Indigenous peoples have experienced injustice in the way that resources have been shared ( distributive injustice) , the ways the policies and procedures have been developed and applied in their everyday lives { procedural injustice) , and the way they have felt systematically excluded from or denied justice and positioned outside the boundaries for just treatment (the scope ofjustice) (Drew, 2014).We will talk more about decolonising practice in the upcoming section on research methods.

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Developing indigenous cultural competence For many of you , the idea that we need to understand the cultures of the people we work with will seem self-evident , but it has not always been so and is not universally accepted , even today. The process of better understanding yourself and the way you work with people from diverse

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cultures is known as cultural competence.This, concept was introduced in Chapter 16, ‘Culture and psychology’. The concept of cultural competence was first developed in the United States in the late 1980s in response to an increasingly diverse population and the growing need to increase access and provide appropriate health care and services to patients with different cultural backgrounds. Similarly, cultural safety , an associated concept, was introduced in New Zealand in 1992 to improve health services for the Maori population. Cultural competence is a relatively new concept in Australia it was first introduced in the health sector in 2002 and more recently, in 2006, in educational contexts (Grote, 2008;Thomson, 2005). Indigenous cultural competence can play an important role in building relationships, trust and cooperation between indigenous communities and the researcher. Cultural competency is about building relationships between persons from one or more different cultural backgrounds so that individuals and groups can work positively and effectively with one another, while acknowledging and respecting cultural differences. It is important to note here that ‘difference’ does not equal ‘deficit’ when we work and / or socialise with persons from other cultural backgrounds. It is about working together in such a way that persons or groups will feel culturally safe and secure when communicating with one another. In other words, cultural beliefs, values and traditions can be part of, or incorporated into, the interaction process, with all parties knowing that cultural differences will be accepted and / or respected and not be ridiculed in any way. An important understanding of cultural competency is that it is a ‘two-way’ cultural exchange, and hence each cultural group is working in unison in developing and sustaining effective communication and interaction (Gower & Byrne, 2012) . Cultural competency is a set of behaviours that requires self-motivation , reflecting on interactions and demonstrating a willingness to challenge one’s own cultural values and beliefs in developing empathy towards accepting cultural differences and a connected knowledge with those from other cultural backgrounds (Walker & Sonn, 2010) . There is no single definition of cultural competence it will mean different things in interactions with different cultural groups. This means that cultural competence is a dynamic process of learning about and reflection on the ways that we work with people from diverse cultural backgrounds (Walker, Schultz & Sonn, 2014) . Table 18.3 outlines the key elements that will assist practitioners to develop cultural competence.

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TABLE 17.3 Key elements for developing cultural competence

The capacity to critically reflect on our own knowledge, values, skills and attributes is crucial in developing cultural competence. TRY THIS \ How would you rate yourself on these attributes?

Element

Details

Knowledge

This includes an understanding of culture and its importance to people’s behaviour and identity (see Human Development’), and the specific cultural information required to understand the Chapter 11, ‘ people, groups and communities we may be working with

Values

It is important to understand our own values and beliefs, to be willing to challenge the use of our own cultural values and the lens through which we attempt to understand others, and to understand how our profession and training may position us to think about others

Skills

This refers to the skills for working with others and includes such things as collaboration, teamwork, consultation and self -reflection when working in the intercultural space This involves a critical understanding of our personal attributes for working in the intercultural space, informed by key issues discussed earlier such as whiteness, racism, power, the history of colonisation, colonialist practices of our profession, and cultural blindness

Attributes

Adopted with permission from Walker , R., Schultz, C., & Sonn, C. (2014 ). Cultural competence - transforming policy, services, programs and practice. In P. Dudgeon, H. Milroy and R. Walker. Working together: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander mental health and wellbeing principles and practice (p. 202 ). Commonwealth of Australia: Canberra

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As noted above, cultural competence is a dynamic and continuous process. Individuals,organisations and systems should actively reflect on where they are situated on a continuum described by Cross et al. (1989) . This continuum offers these positions: • Cultural aversion (destructiveness): A person is aversive if they hold beliefs or values or behave in ways that vilify or denigrate others based on their cultural difference. The indicators of cultural aversion include many of the concepts discussed in Chapter 16, ‘Culture and psychology’, such as racism, stereotyping, discrimination and prejudice. • Cultural incompetence (incapacity ): A culturally incompetent person does not deliberately hold aversive beliefs or values, or behave in ways that may cause harm to others, yet their lack of knowledge, skills and attributes may lead to harm . • Cultural blindness: A person may be culturally blind if they ignore or do not see cultural differences. A culturally blind person, however well intentioned, does not understand the importance of culture to the everyday lived experiences of people, groups and community and may on that account contribute to circumstances that are harmful. • Culturalpre competence:This is a very common position for many professions. A person aspires to behave in a culturally competent manner but they simply do not have the knowledge or skills to support them in their efforts. This may be exacerbated if the organisation they work for does not have well-articulated processes, procedures and training to enhance cultural competence. • Cultural competence: A culturally competent person has taken responsibility for undertaking a level of training and personal reflection and accepts the importance of understanding cultural issues in their personal and professional lives. • Cultural proficiency : Cultural proficiency is developed and maintained by understanding the importance of continual training, reflection and skills development as a lifelong project. Attending a cultural competence training course once to ‘tick the box’ is completely insufficient, and it probably means that the person has not authentically embraced the idea and importance of cultural competence. (Adapted from Cross et al. , 1989, pp. 14-18; Garvey, 2008, p. 24) For some authors, the idea of cultural competence raises concerns about what they call the problem of essentialising people from other cultures; they even say that it is a new form of racism (Walker, Schultz & Sonn, 2014) . When this happens, we run the risk of homogenising people from different cultural backgrounds in ways that enhance the risk of racist , prejudicial or discriminatory actions (see Chapter 15, ‘Social cognition and influence’). For other authors, it is a problem of measurement . Because many programs are internally inconsistent and inconsistently delivered, there are no valid and reliable measures of cultural competence (see Chapter 2 , ‘Research in psychology’) . There is little research available that systematically evaluates cultural competence programs in Australia, New Zealand and Canada (Gower, 2014). Many different terms have been used under the broad banner of cultural competence, including cultural awareness, cultural sensitivity, cultural respect, cultural humility, cultural responsiveness and cultural safety. All these terms have different meanings. However, they all aspire to the same overarching goal of increasing understanding of ourselves and others in cultural interactions, and of our and others’ values, beliefs and behaviour. We use cultural competence as an umbrella term that encompasses a range of other terms if we are culturally competent, then we will be more aware, sensitive, respectful, humble, safe and responsive. These other terms include the following: • Cultural awareness involves becoming aware of our own cultural values, beliefs, attitudes and behaviours and recognising that they differ from those of other cultural groups. • Cultural sensitivity is the ability, skills and knowledge to recognise differences (and the importance of those differences) among cultures. • Cultural respect is the acknowledgement of, acceptance of and respect for cultural knowledge and practices, and , in the case of indigenous peoples, sovereignty.

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• Cultural humility means an open-mindedness in seeing things from the perspective of people from different cultural backgrounds, and recognising that your own culture is not inherently superior to others. • Cultural safety refers to the way in which we create environments that provide for the security and empowerment of people from different cultural backgrounds , and their identity, language, knowledge and practices. • Cultural responsiveness refers to ‘being’ or operating effectively in a cultural domain that is different from your own . This relates to understanding one’s own culture and those of another and applying these understandings in practice where ‘differences’ become ‘commonalities’ ( Ritter, n .d .) . Some of the relevant guidelines for understanding cultural competence in Australia and New Zealand are as follows: • Universities Australia Best practice framework for Indigenous cultural competency in Australia universities • Australian Psychological Society Ethical guidelines for the provision of psychological services for, and the conduct of research with , Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples • Australian and New Zealand College of Psychiatrists Australian Indigenous mental health ethics, protocols and guidelines • Australian Health Ministers Advisory Council Cultural respect framework for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health 2004 2009 • National Health and Medical Research Council Cultural competency in health: A guide for policy, partnerships and participation in cross culture contexts.

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( ) As you will have gathered by now, the application of non-indigenous principles and practices in

Are there difficulties with psychological testing for indigenous cultures? (a link to Chapter 9, ‘Cognitive abilities’)

psychology has been problematic, so you shouldn’t be surprised to hear that the issues of assessment and psychological testing have been subject to many of the same criticisms and concerns ( Dudgeon et ah , 2014) . At the end of this chapter, you will read about the Australian Psychological Society’s apology to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.After reading this section on assessment, you will have a greater insight into why the apology was necessary. As a psychologist you will almost certainly be required to undertake psychological assessments of one kind or another at some time during your training or your working life. A clear and detailed understanding is essential to your decolonising and culturally competent practice.You will have learned about the importance of reliability and validity, not only in relation to research but also in relation to psychological assessment and measurement. The key issue for many critics regarding testing and assessment in different cultural settings is the extent to which it may be biased (Adams, Drew & Walker, 2014; Dudgeon et al. , 2014); that is , the extent to which testing and assessment overestimates or underestimates the characteristics and attributes of those being assessed . Groth-Marnat (1997) summarised the thoughts of many experts when he observed that many tests, particularly those concerning cognitive ability (see Chapter 9, ‘Cognitive abilities’) , were biased in favour of Western middle-class people who have a degree of formal schooling. It is easy to see how the (mis) use of assessment and testing may lead to the perpetuation of stereotyping, racism and discrimination .This may, in turn, lead to problems for indigenous people accessing services and receiving the appropriate treatment. It is now generally understood and accepted that many psychological tests are simply not appropriate in their original form for use with indigenous peoples, or indeed people from other cultures. Many of the reasons are similar to the issues and concerns around cross-cultural research discussed in Chapter 16, ‘Culture and psychology’. custom page

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Thankfully, over the last few years there has been a significant improvement not only in our understanding of the issues but also in the development of assessment procedures that attempt to resolve them (Adams , Drew & Walker, 2014) . It is also important to remember that testing is only one part of assessment and equally needs to take account of a range of indicators and observations about the health and wellbeing of the person being tested . Assessment with indigenous people should be: • qualitative and functional.This means that assessment should examine a wide range of factors relevant to the physical and mental health of those being assessed and should focus on understanding and enhancing their everyday lives. Assessment should not attempt to categorise or diagnose people and compare them with a so-called ‘normal’ population. • undertaken from an indigenous perspective, not ‘indigenised’ .This means that we must make the commitment we discussed earlier to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Terms of Reference. It is important not to simply take assessment tools designed for non-Indigenous people and ‘indigenise’ them without careful thought to whether resources designed in this way are culturally appropriate. • based on culturally appropriate practice, as discussed in the previous section. Our assessment practices should reflect the principles of decolonising practice and be based on a belief of the importance of social justice for providers. (Adapted with permission from Drew, Adams & Walker, 2010, p. 194) If we approach our assessments in this way, we are more likely to build trusting relationships with our clients and their communities. The ‘bible’ for psychiatric diagnosis is the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSA4) . The most recent version, DSM - 5, identifies a number of cultural dimensions that should be part of any assessment: • cultural identity • cultural explanations of illness • cultural factors associated with psychosocial and environmental functioning • cultural issues in the relationship between the client and the practitioner • overall cultural assessment . (Adams , Drew & Walker, 2014; DSM- 5, 2013) DSM -5 is not without its critics, however, and care must be taken with any process that potentially labels people in ways that may persist throughout their lives (see Chapter 14,‘Psychological disorders and treatment’) . It is also important to understand that some manifestations of thoughts, feelings and behaviour may have a cultural basis. If behaviour appears to a non-Indigenous person to be a mental health issue, it is important to consider whether it may in fact be a culture-bound syndrome , as discussed in Chapter 16,‘Culture and psychology’ . A culture-bound syndrome is one which is a manifestation that can be understood in relation to a person’s cultural, social, historical and/ or spiritual beliefs. Culture-bound syndromes are still not well understood (Westerman, 2003) . Adams, Drew and Walker (2014, p. 285) provide a list of assessment tools that have been culturally validated for use with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (see Table 17.4) .They also provide four steps for culturally appropriate assessment: Stage 1 Proactive steps before the assessment it is important that the assessment practitioner undertake some formal training in culturally appropriate and safe assessment. Stage 2 The outset of the assessment during this stage, the assessment practitioner should undertake a comprehensive interview with the client before deciding on the assessment process, including deciding whether any psychological testing is required . Stage 3 The assessment process in this stage, particular attention must be paid to the impact of language differences and to the non-verbal responses of the client to determine the potential impact of cultural factors. Stage 4 The interpretation and reporting of results it is very important to include an assessment of cultural explanations and how they may affect the interpretation of any results. It is also important to avoid any interpretations that may lead to labelling of the client. (Adapted from Adams, Drew & Walker, 2014, p. 279)

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TABLE 17.4 A list of culturally validated assessment tools As you can see from this table, there is a very small number of culturally validated tools. This should reinforce the importance of being cautious when using assessment tools. Assessment tool

Description

Further sources of information

WASC-Y, WASC- A

Youths 13 -17 years Adults aged 18 years and over Identifies risk of anxiety, depression and suicidal behaviour while factoring in cultural resilience

www.indigenouspsychservices.com.au/

Kimberley Indigenous Cognitive Assessment tool (KICA)

Cognitive screening tool that assesses dementia in older Aboriginal Australians living in rural and remote areas Assesses social and emotional wellbeing (SEWB) of Aboriginal youth; measure for depression, anxiety, suicide risk, and

Strong Souls

staticpage.php?static _id =13

www.wacha.org.au/kica.html

www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov /

pubmed /20073566

resilience

Negative Life Event Scale

Kearins’ Visual Spatial Memory test

Assessment of psychological wellbeing in Aboriginal Australians; measures exposure to stress Assessment based on research with Aboriginal children aged 6 -17 years that focused on task behaviour

Australian Aboriginal Version of the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire

Culturally competent measure of specific traumatic stressors and trauma

(AAVHTQ)

symptoms criteria for post - traumatic stress disorder (PTSD); questionnaire

www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov /pmc / articles /

PMC2203968 /

http://online.santarosa.edu /homepage/ jkremer /kearinsvisualspatialmemory.pdf www.wealli.com.au

includes specific cultural idioms of distress reactions that are relevant to The K-5 measure of psychological distress

The K -10

Kimberley Mum’s Mood Scale

Q Test

Aboriginal people Subset of five questions adapted from the Kessler Psychological Distress Scale -10 (K -10) developed in 1992 by Kessler and Mroczek A non - specific psychological distress scale of 10 questions that measure levels of negative emotional states experienced in the four weeks prior to interview

www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs (a).nsf /

Lookup / 84330C2 EDC3 DB940 CA2579 D50015 D74 E ? opendocument www.abs.gov.au/ausstats /abs (a).nsf /

LookuP /84330C2EDC3 DB940CA

2579 D50015 D74E ?opendocument

Currently in development as an adapted version of the Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale (EPDS) and being validated across the Kimberley in Western Australia; this tool screens for depression and anxiety Culturally fair, language - free assessment measure of cognitive functioning screening and trainability

www.VEQ.com.au

From Adams, Y., Drew, N., & Walker , R. (2014 ). Principles of practice in mental health assessment with Aboriginal Australians. In P. Dudgeon, H. Milroy and R. Walker . Working together: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander mental health and wellbeing principles and practice (2 nd edn ) (pp. 243 -260 ). Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia.

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FOCUS ON RESEARCH METHODS Strategies for remembering in the Australian landscape Does the place we grow up in make a difference to the skills we develop? Is context important? Does the way we are raised make a difference, or is it all about nature and what Human we are endowed with? As described in Chapter 11, ‘ development’, significant changes in cognitive abilities occur from infancy through adolescence, but development does not stop there. One major study has focused specifically on the changes in cognitive abilities that occur during adulthood. Judith Kearins was a pioneer in psychological research with Aboriginal Australians in the 1970 s and 1980 s. She was interested in cultural bias in testing and how parenting differences in populations gave rise to differences in

cognitive development.

What was the researchers' question ? Having noted that Aboriginal children’s test results on ‘standard cognitive tests’ were inferior to ‘white Australian children’, psychologist Judith Kearins wanted to design a study that better matched Aboriginal children’s strengths; that is, the ability for long - term survival in Australian desert regions (Kearins, 1981). How did the researchers answer the question ? To answer this question, a series of studies was carried out. What will follow here is a description of the first study, which was specifically designed at the time to make sure that Aboriginal children were comfortable with participating. The study consisted of 44 Aboriginal children between the ages of 12 and 16 (17 girls and 27 boys), all from the Western Desert region of Australia, and 44 white Australian adolescents (16 girls and 28 boys) in the same age range. The study consisted of a number of memory tasks regarding objects that were covered and then uncovered. Four sets of objects were used in 12 - and 20 -item arrays: Artifactual different (AD) - a collection of 20 small manmade objects that white children would be familiar with (a knife, eraser, thimble, die, scissors, matchbox etc.). Natural different (ND) - a collection of 20 naturally occurring objects that the Aboriginal children would be familiar with (a rock, feather, leaf, bark, wildflower etc.).

Artifactual same (AS) - a collection of 12 small bottles (different in size, colour and shape) arranged in a matrix (4 X 3). Natural same ( NS) - a collection of 12 small rocks (different in size, colour and shape) arranged in a matrix (4 X 3). Judith worked very hard at ensuring that the participation of all children in the study took place in a way that was comfortable for the children; that is, they were asked if they would like to take part. The memory tasks were conducted outside in the open environment where the children were; no formal experimental equipment, such as tables and chairs, was used. Each child was tested individually after a rapport with the researchers was built, so contact was kept as warm and

friendly as possible. Each child was asked to look hard at all the objects and try to remember where they all were, once the cover was taken off them. Each child had 30 seconds’ viewing time, then they were asked to close their eyes while the researcher jumbled all the objects in a pile. Then each child was asked to reconstruct where the objects had been. Importantly, the presentation of the objects was randomly determined in two presentations; that is, AD, AS, ND, NS.

What did the researchers find ? The results of the study showed that on all four tasks, the Aboriginal children were able to relocate more objects correctly than the white children. The Aboriginal children were significantly superior on all sets of objects. These children reportedly found the task very easy, especially for the 12 -item tasks. More than 50 per cent of the children had no errors. This was not the case for the white children.

What do the results mean ? Dr Kearins argued that the results of the study show support for the environment pressures hypothesis. This hypothesis suggests that pressures of particular environments give rise to the development of cognitive >>> —

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strengths /skills or biases required for survival in that environment. In this case, the spatial memory task is thought to play to the natural strengths of Aboriginal children in their desert environment. TRY THIS \ From a research perspective, what conclusions can we draw about this kind of comparative study, given the information in this textbook? How do you now judge this research process given what you have read in this chapter? What do you consider are the potential ethical issues, if any?

What do we still need to know ? As indicated, this is the first of five studies Kearins reported were looking at visual spatial memory in Aboriginal children. These are very interesting, and it would be good to look at all five studies to get a sense of the direction of this research. Current research in this area has been able to utilise modern technologies like functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). See the work by Goh and colleagues (2013) who have looked at ‘culture - related differences in default network activity during visuo -spatial judgments’.

O

IN REVIEW Working with indigenous peoples ASPECTS

Key issues in working with indigenous peoples

DESCRIPTION Non - indigenous psychologists or other professionals working with indigenous peoples must ‘ position themselves’in their work (reflect on themselves and their position in society compared with indigenous peoples). Whiteness refers to the unearned privilege and power that stems from membership of the dominant culture. Indigenous Terms of Reference means understanding and embracing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander sovereignty and knowledges, and displaying cultural respect. Decolonising practice is about confronting and dismantling the impacts of colonisation in a purposeful way at the individual, group and societal levels.

The process of better understanding yourself and the way you work with people from diverse cultures is known as cultural competence. Developing cultural competence The key elements are knowledge, values, skills and attributes. Cultural competence is a dynamic process that should be actively reflected upon. A number of guidelines have been developed for understanding cultural competence.

A clear and detailed understanding is essential to your decolonising and culturally competent practice. Psychological and mental health Assessment with indigenous people should be: qualitative and functional; undertaken assessment from an indigenous perspective and not ‘indigenised’; based on culturally appropriate relationships and trust building; part of socially just decolonising practice; an opportunity to rebuild trust between indigenous peoples and service providers. Check your understanding 1 Many different terms have been used to describe including cultural awareness, cultural sensitivity, cultural respect, cultural humility and cultural safety. 2 Evaluation research relating to the efficacy of cultural competence programs is 3 is a manifestation that can be understood in relation to a person’s cultural, social, historical and /or spiritual beliefs.

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17.5 A FOCUS ON INDIGENOUS RESEARCH METHODS Research with indigenous people around the world is replete with examples of questionable practice (Smith, 1999) . It is evident that the dividends from research have more often profited the individual researchers (and their institutions) , and not the researched or their communities. As we noted earlier, this issue was part of the catalyst for the emergence of indigenous psychologies. In this section , we will discuss some of the key issues and trace the shift towards a clearer understanding of the imperative for culturally appropriate and safe research practice.We will also review the guidelines and ethical standards for research in this domain . Many researchers, both indigenous and non-indigenous , have argued that research with indigenous peoples is implicated in the processes of colonisation and the ongoing legacy of harms perpetrated by sins of commission and omission ( Furness et al. , 2016) . In fact, it is more accurate to say that much of the early research was ‘on’ rather than ‘with’ indigenous people. Just as the ways of working appropriately require a commitment to decolonising practice, researchers must adopt decolonizing methods to redress the damages done by past practices. In this sense, indigenous research methodologies are about the pursuit of social justice for indigenous peoples. While the issue of decolonising methodologies has been discussed for many decades, the subject achieved prominence in Australia and New Zealand with the release in 1998 of a seminal text by Maori scholar Linda Tuhiwai Smith titled Decolonising methodologies: Research and indigenous peoples. Her work has had a massive impact worldwide in terms of understanding the importance of research in indigenous settings. Almost all papers written on the subject since the publication of Decolonising methodologies reference the work of Linda Tuhiwai Smith (see the Snapshot ‘Linda Tuhiwai Smith’) .

Linda Tuhiwai Smith Professor Linda Tuhiwai Smith is Pro -Vice Chancellor Maori, Professor of Education and Maori Development, and Professor of Maori and Indigenous Studies at the University of Waikato. She has worked in the field of Maori education for many years as an educator and researcher and is well known for her work in Kaupapa Maori research. Professor Smith has published widely in journals and books. Her book Decolonising methodologies : research and indigenous peoples has been an international bestseller in the indigenous world since its publication in 1998. More recently, Professor Smith was a Joint Director of Nga Pae o Te Maramatanga, New Zealand’s Maori Centre of Research Excellence, and a Professor of Education at the University of Auckland. She was made a Fellow of the Royal Society of New Zealand Te Aparangi in 2016. Professor Smith is from two IWI in New Zealand, Ngati Awa and Ngati Porou (Royal Society of New Zealand, 2016).

Decolonising methodologies directly challenge the dominance ofWestern traditional approaches to research that have had the effect of coopting indigenous knowledges and world views. Dudgeon and Walker provide an excellent example of an approach to decolonising Australian psychology that illustrates what we mean by decolonising methodologies (Dudgeon & Walker, 2015) . Of course, the emergence of decolonising research methodologies raises the question of whether non-indigenous people should undertake research with indigenous people and groups at all. TRY THIS \ What do you think? Most indigenous scholars think this would be to throw the baby out with the bath water. They do not advocate an exclusionary solution but rather one that recognises the issues and challenges both indigenous and particularly non-indigenous researchers to develop ways of working together for the benefit of indigenous peoples (Dudgeon & Walker, 2014) .

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As discussed above, a commitment to culturally competent research practice is essential.Therefore, decolonising research practice must include a commitment to: • self -determination • mutual respect • power sharing. (Smith , 1998) All research must include authentic indigenous stewardship provisions with the use of indigenous steering groups, community involvement in setting the research agenda (including research questions), and a well developed plan for knowledge exchange that embodies the principles of co-design and ownership for the research data and outcomes. In this sense, the research data is ‘gifted’ to the researchers, not ‘given’ to them .

Decolonising Australian psychological research As mentioned earlier, it is fair to say that, historically, research has been ‘done on’ , not ‘with’, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. The research agenda was for decades controlled and managed by non-Indigenous researchers ( Fredericks, 2007, 2008; Greenhill & Dix, 2008; Humphrey, 2001 ; Liamputtong, 2008; Rigney, 1999, 2006; Smith, 1998) . In much of this early research, the methods used were inappropriate and invasive, and ignored the rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to choose whether they wanted to participate ( Fredericks, 2008; Greenhill & Dix, 2008) .Their experience was most often exploitative, with little or no participation and no benefit to them or their communities.The greatest beneficiaries primarily have been nonIndigenous researchers who have gained up to PhD-level qualifications and published academic papers that furthered their careers, while little or no dividend was returned to the community ( Fredericks , 2008; Greenhill & Dix, 2008; Rigney 2006;Thomas, Bainbridge & Tsey, 2014) . Another key issue is data security, as ownership, use and storage of the data has been left in the hands of the researcher and their university ( Fredericks, 2008; Liamputtong, 2008; Rigney, 2006) . As a result , many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people became mistrustful and sceptical about the motivations and practices of researchers.

Ethical guidelines

Are there specific ethical requirements for conducting research with indigenous cultures? (a link to Chapter 2, ‘Research in psychology’)

In 1991, the National Health and Medical Research Council ( NHMRC) in Australia developed a set of national guidelines for the conduct of all research involving humans, animals and the environment (1991a) , and these were revised in 1999 and 2007. In addition, the NHMRC published a set of interim Guidelines on ethical matters in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Research (1991b), which reinforced the importance of consultation, community involvement, ownership and publication of data . These guidelines were endorsed by the National Aboriginal and Islander Health Organisation, but they were not formally ratified by the NHMRC (Dudgeon, Kelly & Walker, 2010 , p. 82) . These guidelines were to be read in conjunction with the national statement ( National Health and Medical Research Council, 1999) . The NHMRC guidelines were revised in 2003 (and again in 2007) and retitled Values and ethics: Guidelines for ethical conduct in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health research ( National Health and Medical Research Council, 2003) . ( ) The Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS) also developed a set of comprehensive guidelines for the conduct of ethical research in Australian indigenous studies, published in 2000. A revised edition of these guidelines, published in 2012, focused on Indigenous authority and ownership of traditional knowledge, and the establishment of reciprocal partnerships through agreements between Indigenous people and researchers (Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, 2012).

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A number of government agencies and universities have also developed guidelines and protocols for use by researchers involved in Indigenous research ; for example, Edith Cowan University (2010), WA Health (2012) and the Western Australian Aboriginal Health Ethics Committee (n .d.) (adapted with permission from Gower, 2012, p. 2) . While research agencies like the NHMRC and AIATSIS have established ethical guidelines for the conduct of research involving Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, there is still the potential for cultural insensitivities to occur during the research process, despite careful planning and close checking of research applications by ethics research committees ( National Health and Medical Research Council, 2007).The application of cultural competence principles and understandings of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander culture and effective communication practices will greatly assist researchers in becoming more culturally sensitive and responsive throughout the research process, and , as a result, demonstrate best practice (Dudgeon, Kelly & Walker, 2010) . In 2015, the Australian Psychological Society released its revised ethical guidelines for the provision of psychological services for, and the conduct of research with, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Section 3 (on research) states the following: • Psychologists should ensure that there is thorough consultation between researchers and Indigenous communities, families and individual participants. • When psychologists are conducting research and disseminating information related to Indigenous people, the process is completed in collaboration, or after due consultation with Indigenous people, including Indigenous psychologists. • When publishing material about Indigenous people, psychologists should state the extent to which they consulted, collaborated or co-authored the publication with Indigenous people. (Australian Psychological Society, 2015)

Some ways forward These days, the emphasis is on authentic ownership, partnership and control over the research that may impact on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people’s lives. This is being driven by the increasing number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander scholars who have demonstrated leadership to drive reform (Martin, 2008; Moreton-Robinson , 2000; Nakata , 2007a, 2007b; Ober & Fasoli , 2008; Rigney, 2006; Walter, 2010) . Two respected Indigenous scholars have different views on how research should be conducted with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. These contrasting views highlight the robustness of the debate and the importance of considering different perspectives. They also underscore the importance of respecting the diversity of views within the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander scholarly community. Rigney (2006) , an Indigenous academic, adopted a ‘resistance’ approach in challenging neocolonial dominance in research practices in Australia . He termed his approach ‘Indigenist’ research as a methodological reform that incorporates an Indigenous world view, autonomy and selfdetermination in research (Rigney, 2006) . A key understanding of Indigenist research is Indigenous control and ownership over research . Rigney (2006) asserted that this doesn’t mean that ‘Indigenist research’ becomes a separate research methodology, nor does it exclude non-Indigenous researchers from taking part in Indigenous research activities. Rather, he wrote, ‘What is central to Indigenist research is that Indigenous Australian ideals , values and philosophies are the core research agenda even if there is a difference about what constitutes such values and ideals’ (Rigney, 2006 , p. 41) . Nakata (2007 a) , on the other hand , explored the differences between Western and Indigenous knowledge systems and used the term cultural interface to describe the space where Western and Indigenous knowledges intersect: ‘It is a space of many shifting and complex intersections

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between different people with different histories, experiences , languages, agendas, aspirations and responses’ ( Nakata , 2007 b, p. 199) . Nakata ( 2013, p. 290) also pointed out that there will be ‘tension’ on how these issues are thought through and how they are analysed by Indigenous communities and individuals. While a common theme in the debate among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander scholars about Indigenous research reform emphasises the importance of challenging and resisting colonial practice, and ways of promoting the concepts of self-determination, Nakata (2007, 2013) argued that it is crucial to continue to engage with Western practices at the ‘cultural interface’, saying that ‘the intention may be to overcome the Western mindset , but it is a dangerous delusion to pretend that Western epistemology disappears just as soon as the Indigenous reasserts its own epistemic conditions’ (2013, p. 297) . Bishop et al. (2006) highlighted the importance of extensive consultation with Aboriginal people prior to research commencing ( formative preparation ) , the establishment of a steering committee with significant Indigenous participation, the development of a culturally sensitive data collection methodology based on the advice provided during the formative evaluation and from the steering committee, the use of cultural validation focus groups to review the reliability and validity of the research results, engagement with cultural consultants to guide and mentor the research team , and development of a program of cultural training for non- Indigenous researchers.

Decolonising New Zealand psychological research As noted above, a major impetus for decolonising practice in research was provided with the publication of Linda Tuhiwai Smith’s work. The experience of Maori people with psychological research reflects the experiences of indigenous peoples around the world. Interestingly, and importantly, the obligations for researchers in New Zealand are framed within the Code of Ethics for Psychologists working in Aotearoa / New Zealand (2012) and are based on the principles and values of the Treaty ofWaitangi , including: • Maori values, beliefs and world views (Tikanga) and how these things are promoted , protected and developed (Kawa) • the interconnectedness of all things through genealogy (Whakapapa) • the embeddedness of world views, social practices and histories in Te reo Maori • governance and control in matters which affect them (Rangatiratanga) • Whanau (who provide the support structure for the research). Furness et al. (2016) rather engagingly cite the visits of Abel Tasman in 1642 and the trips by Captain Cook in 1769 and 1777 as emblematic of the way research would be conducted ‘on ’ Maori people in the centuries that followed . While it may be argued that the research yielded important scientific data , it nevertheless set the agenda for colonial practices that characterise research in many indigenous communities. In fact , the authors note that Captain Cook killed six Maori during the ‘data collection’ phase of his ‘research’ ( Furness, 2016, p. 76) . Another seminal document guiding research in New Zealand is the Te Ara Tika framework ( Hudson et al., 2010) . This document also emphasises the importance of tikanga (see Figure 17.6) . The four principles are: 1 Whakapapa (focused on relationships) 2 Tika (research design) 3 Manaakitanga (cultural and social responsibilities) 4 Mana ( justice ) .

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FIGURE 17.6 Maori ethical framework - Te Ara Tika

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ISSN: 1039 - 8236. Oxenham, D. (2000). An introduction to ‘Aboriginal terms of reference’in Working with Indigenous Australians: A handbook for psychologists, (Eds) Dudgeon, P., Garvey, D. & Pickett, H. (In press) Gunada Press: Perth, WA.

Prilleltensky, I. (2008). The role of power in wellness, oppression and liberation: The promise of psychopolitical validity. Journal of Community Psychology, 36(2), 116-136.

Rigney, L- l. (2006). Indigenous research and Aboriginal Australia. In J. E. Kunnie 8c N. I. Goduka (Eds.), Indigenous peoples’ wisdom and power : Affirming our knowledge through narratives (pp. 32-48). Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing Ltd.

Sherwood, J. (2014). Colonisation - It’s bad for your health: The context of Aboriginal health. Contemporary Nurse, 46(1), 28 - 40.

Moreton- Robinson, A. (2000). Talking’ up the white woman. St Lucia: University of Queensland Press.

Paradies, Y. (2016). Colonisation, racism and indigenous health. Journal of Population Research, doi 10.1007/s12546 - 016- 9159 - y

Reynolds, H. (2006). The other side of the frontier: Aboriginal Resistance to the European invasion of Australia . Sydney: UNSW Press. Rigney, L- l. (1999). Internationalization of an Indigenous anti - colonial cultural critique of research methodologies: A guide to Indigenist research methodology and its principles. Emergent Ideas in Native American Studies, 14(2), 109-121.

together : Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander mental health and wellbeing principles and practice (pp. 195-220). Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia. Walker, R. & Sonn, C.( 2010). Working as a culturally competent mental health worker. In Nola Purdie, Pat Dudgeon & Roz Walker (Eds.), Working together: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders mental health and wellbeing principles and practice (pp. 157-180). Melbourne: ACER Press. Walter, M. (2010). The politics of the data: How the Australian statistical Indigene is constructed. International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies, 3(2), 45-56. Westerman, T. (2003). Bridging cultures: Psychologists working with Aboriginal clients. InPsych. Publication of the Australian Psychological Society. Wilks, J., & Wilson, K. (2104).‘ Can’t be what you can’t see’: The transition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students into higher education. Literature Review 2014.

Working with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders and their Communities. (2016). Growing in understanding: History. Retrieved from www.workingwithatsi.info/content / GU_history.htm custompaae

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ANSWERS TO ' IN REVIEW ' AND 'TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE' QUESTIONS Indigenous psychology In review

What do we mean by indigenous peoples?

1 1370, 70; 2 social, historical; 3 cultural continuity factors

Indigenous peoples of Australia and New Zealand 1 semi - nomadic; 2 sovereignty, governance; 3 2008 What is indigenous psychology? 1 cultural knowledges; 2 Western psychologies; 3 .04 Working with indigenous peoples 1 cultural competence; 2 limited; 3 Culture - bound syndrome A focus on indigenous research methods 1 decolonising methods; 2 Indigenist; 3 Treaty of Waitangi Test your knowledge 1c, 2a, 3d, 4d, 5b, 6a, 7c, 8c, 9c, 10 c

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Chapter 9

MEMORY Have you ever forgotten someone’s name five seconds after you were introduced? What happened to that memory and why you lost it arejust two of the many questions that memory researchers study. In this chapter, we’ll review what they have discovered about memory so far, and we’ll suggest some ideas for improving your own memory.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES On completion of this chapter, you should be able to: 6.1 describe the different processes and types and models of memory

6.4 understanding what is involved in constructing memories

6.2 understand what is involved in the storage of memories

6.6 describe the biological bases of memory

6.5 understand the different processes involved in forgetting 6.7 understand how to improve your memory.

6.3 understand what is involved in the retrieval of memories

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY 1 Can students learn strategies to maximise their ability to recall information for an examination ? 2

Are there ways of retrieving information that has been 'forgotten'?

3

Does sleep influence memory performance ?

f CourseMateExpress

Bring your learning to life with interactive study and exam preparation tools that support your textbook. CourseMate Express includes quizzes, videos, concept maps and more.

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PSYCHOLOGICAL LITERACY AND GRADUATE ATTRIBUTES (GAS) In this chapter you are introduced to the topic of memory,

section on the application of memory principles to, for example, new device design that facilitates effective and safe

specifically: (GA 1) Discipline knowledge and its application: You will learn how memory works (for example, why we sometimes automatically ‘construct’ false memories) as well as a very useful application for all students: better study techniques to remember the material for those exams!

utilisation. In terms of GA4 (values and ethics) and GA 6 (learning and application), we ask you whether, knowing something about the nature of memory after reading this chapter, you would challenge any of the following statements, rather than accepting them at face value. • I’m sure it was Kim I saw going into that hotel with a

• (GA 2) Research methods: Different research approaches - mostly laboratory - based experimentation (after all, Ebbinghaus is considered one of the creators of the discipline of psychology) - are mentioned throughout the chapter. • (GA 3) Critical and creative thinking: You are challenged throughout the chapter to question commonly held notions about memory (for example, ‘Memory is like a DVD - you just need to fast -reverse it to produce an accurate recollection’). In particular, the ‘Thinking critically’ section asks the question: Are formerly ‘ repressed’ memories accurate? The answer could mean the difference between someone serving a

stranger.

• My memory is much better than yours, so you need to believe that what I say is true. • Nanna is always forgetting where her keys are, so I doubt if she could learn the basics of using a computer. • The eyewitness was very confident in his testimony. I ’m

convinced the defendant is guilty. Will you feel morally obliged to use your communication and interpersonal skills (GA 5) to convince the person who made such statements that they need to rethink them, in light of what is known about memory ? If that person is you, will you have the motivation to update your opinion or misconception in light of your new knowledge? These dispositions are a crucial component of psychological literacy .

prison sentence, or not. (GA 6) Learning and application: In this chapter there are many application examples, including an explicit

INTRODUCTION Memory is full of contradictions. You can probably remember the name of your favourite primary school teacher but not the phone number you called five minutes ago. Like perception , memory is selective. So although we retain a great deal of information, we also lose a great deal (Wixted , 2004) . Consider Tansel Ali , an Australian memory champion , who has memorised all 2306 pages of the Sydney Yellow Pages and is able to recite 16000 numbers and advertisements on request.When asked if he had ever forgotten his wedding anniversary, he replied, ‘I am human’ . In other words, memory is made up of many abilities, some of which may be better than others from person to person and from time to time. Memory plays a critical role in your life. Without it, you would not know how to shut off your alarm clock , take a shower, get dressed or recognise objects.You would be unable to communicate with other people because you would not remember what words mean or even what you had just said. You would be unaware of your own likes and dislikes. You would have no idea of who you are. In this chapter, we describe what is known about both memory and forgetting. First, we discuss what memory is the different kinds of memory and the different ways in which we remember things. We then examine how new memories are formed and later recalled , and why they are sometimes forgotten. We continue with a discussion of the biological bases of memory, and we conclude with some practical advice for improving your memory and study skills.

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CHAPTER OUTLINE •

The nature of memory

•

Storing new memories

•

Retrieving memories

•

Constructing memories

• •

Forgetting Biological bases of memory

•

Applications of memory research

Chapter 9: Memory

6.1 THE NATURE OF MEMORY The mathematician John Griffith estimated that in an average lifetime, each of us will have stored roughly 500 times as much information as can be found in all the volumes of the Encyclopaedia Britannica ( Hunt , 1982) . The impressive capacity of human memory depends on the operation of a complex mental system (Schacter, 2002) .

Basic memory processes Imagine you are rushing around one morning, getting ready to go to university.You are looking for your car keys.You search everywhere you can think of but can’t remember where you last put them . An hour later, you find them in the pocket of the pants you were wearing yesterday.Why weren’t you able to remember that this is where the keys were? There are several possibilities. Memory depends on three basic processes: encoding, storage and retrieval (see Figure 6.1 ) .

FIGURE 6.1 Basic memory processes

into memory

Remembering something requires, first, that

Encoding Code and put

the item be encoded - put in a form that can be placed in memory. It must then be stored and, finally, retrieved, or brought into awareness. If any of these processes fails, forgetting will occur.

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• Episodic

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• Visual • Semantic

• Procedural • Semantic

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Encoding encoding the process of acquiring information and entering it into memory

auditory (acoustic ) memory mental representations of information as a sequence of sounds

visual memory the mental representation of information as images

First , information must be put into memory, a step that requires encoding . Just as incoming sensory information must be coded so that it can be communicated to the brain, information to be remembered must be put in a form that the memory system can accept and use. We use various memory codes to translate information from the senses into mental representations of that information . Codes for auditory memory (also known as acoustic memory) represent information as sequences of sounds , such as a tune or a rhyme. Codes for visual memory represent information as pictures, such as the image of your best friend’s face. Codes for semantic memory represent the general meaning of an experience. For example, if you see a billboard that reads ‘Kev’s Going-Out-of-Business Sale’, you might encode the sound of the words as if they had been spoken (acoustic encoding ) , the image of the letters as they were arranged on the sign ( visual encoding ) , or the fact that you recently saw an ad for Kev’s while you were watching the cricket (semantic encoding ).The type of encoding we use can influence what we remember. For example, semantic encoding might allow you to remember that a car was parked in your neighbours’ driveway just before their house was robbed. If there was little or no other encoding, however, you might not be able to remember the make, model or colour of the car. Interestingly, there appear to be cultural differences in encoding, with some evidence suggesting that Indigenous Australian children are more likely to employ a visual coding system in a memory

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task than European children, who adopt a less efficient verbal naming strategy (Kearins, 1976, 1977; see Chapter 17, Indigenous psychology’) .

storage the process of maintaining information in memory over time

retrieval the process of

Storage

recalling information stored

The second basic memory process is storage , which refers to keeping information in memory over time often over a very long time. When you find that you can still ride a skateboard that you haven’t used since you were a child, or that you can recall a family holiday from many years ago, you are depending on the storage capacity of your memory.

in memory

episodic memory memory of an event that happened while one was present

Retrieval

semantic memory a

The third memory process, retrieval , occurs when you locate information stored in memory and bring it into consciousness. Retrieving stored information such as your address or telephone number is usually so fast and effortless that it seems automatic ( Titov & Knight, 1997) . The search-andretrieval process becomes more noticeable, however, when you read a quiz question but cannot quite recall the answer. Retrieval involves both recall and recognition. To recall information, you have to retrieve it from memory without much help. This is what is required when you answer an essay test question or do a crossword puzzle. In recognition , retrieval is aided by clues, such as the response alternatives given on multiple-choice tests and the questions that were asked on the Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? TV show. Accordingly, recognition tends to be easier than recall.

Types of memory

type of memory containing

generalised knowledge of the world

procedural knowledge ( procedural memory) a type of memory containing

information about how to do things

How does she do that ? As she practises, this

When was the last time you saw a movie? Who was the first prime minister of Australia? How do you keep your balance on a bike? Answering each of these questions involves different aspects of memory.To answer the first question , you must remember a particular event in your life.To answer the second one, you must recall general knowledge that is unlikely to be tied to a specific event . And the answer to the third is easier to demonstrate than to describe. So how many types of memory are there? No-one is sure, but most research suggests that there are at least three. Each type of memory is named for the kind of information it handles: episodic, semantic and procedural (Rajaram & Barber, 2008) . Any memory of a specific event that happened while you were present that is, during an ‘episode’ in your life is called episodic memory (Tulving, 2005) . Remembering what you had for dinner yesterday, what you did last summer, or where you were last Friday night all require episodic memory. Semantic memory contains generalised knowledge of the world that does not involve memory of a specific event. If you were asked , ‘Are wrenches pets or tools?’, you could answer correctly using your semantic memory; you don’t have to remember a specific episode in which you learned that wrenches are tools. As a general rule, people report episodic memories by saying, ‘I remember when ...’, whereas they convey semantic memories by saying, ‘I know that ...’ (Tulving, 2000) . Memory of how to do things , such as riding a bike or tying shoelaces , is called procedural memory, or procedural knowledge (Cohen & Squire, 1980) . Procedural knowledge often consists of a sequence of movements that are difficult or impossible to put into words. For example, a gymnast might not be able to describe the exact motions in a particular routine. Accordingly, teachers of sports , music, dance and other skills usually prefer to first show their students what to do rather than describe how to do it (see the Snapshot ‘How does she do that?’) .

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youngster is

developing procedural memories of how to ride a bike that may be difficult to put into words. TRY THIS \i To appreciate the special nature of procedural memory, try writing a step - by - step

description of exactly how you tie shoelaces.

Chapter 9: Memory

Many activities require all three types of memory. Consider the game of tennis. Knowing the official rules or how to score a match involves semantic memory Remembering which side served last requires episodic memory. Knowing how to hit the ball involves procedural memory. There are interesting developmental and cultural differences in some forms of memory, particularly episodic memory. As adults, we usually cannot recall memories from the first two or three years of our lives, and this has been linked to the delayed development of hippocampal neocortical connectivity (see the section ‘Biological bases of memory’ later in this chapter) . However, this seems to be culturally dependent; for example, New Zealand Ma-ori adults, whose traditional culture places a strong emphasis on the past, report on average much earlier memories than New Zealand European or New Zealand Asian adults (MacDonald, Uesiliana & Hayne, 2000) . It has been suggested that people who forage have better spatial memory than those who do not forage.This superior spatial memory appears to be the result of a reliance on visual discrimination skills to support a foraging lifestyle (Drinkwater, 1976; Klich & Davidson, 1983) . However, the replicability of these findings, and the nature of the underlying mechanisms (for example, environmental or genetic?) are still a matter of controversy further research is clearly required .

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explicit memory the process of intentionally trying to remember

something

implicit memory the

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unintentional influence of

prior experiences

Making implicit memories By the time they reach adulthood, these children may have no explicit memories of the interactions they had in early childhood with friends from differing ethnic groups. Research suggests, however, that their implicit memories of such experiences could have an unconscious effect on their attitudes towards and judgements about members of those groups.

Explicit and implicit memory Recalling the three kinds of memories can be either intentional or unintentional ; that is, explicit or implicit. You are using explicit memory when you consciously and intentionally try to remember something, such as where you went on your last holiday or the correct answer to an exam question ( Masson & MacLeod , 1992) . In contrast, implicit memory involves the unintentional recollection and influence of prior experiences (McDermott , 2002) . For example, if you were to read this chapter a second time, implicit memories from your first reading would help you read it more quickly the second time. For the same reason , you can solve a puzzle faster if you have solved it in the past. This improvement in performance often called priming is automatic, and it occurs without conscious effort . Have you ever found yourself disliking someone you just met but you didn ’t know why? One explanation is that implicit memory may have been at work. Specifically, you may have reacted as you did because the person bore a resemblance to someone from your past who treated you badly (see the Snapshot ‘Making implicit memories’) . In such cases, we are usually unaware of any connection between the two individuals (Lewicki , 1992) . Episodic, semantic and procedural memories can be explicit or implicit, but procedural memory usually operates implicitly once you have learned to do something well, you can just do it.This is the reason that, for example, you can skilfully ride a bike even though you cannot explicitly remember all the procedures necessary to do so. In fact, trying to perform a skill slowly enough to demonstrate each step can disrupt your performance! It is not surprising that experience affects how people behave.The surprising thing is that they are often unaware that their actions have been influenced by previous events (see Chapter 8,‘Consciousness’). Since some influential events cannot be recalled even when people try to do so, implicit memory has been said to involve ‘retention without remembering’ (Roediger, Guynn & Jones, 1995) .

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Models of memory We remember some information far better than other information . For example, suppose that your friends throw a surprise party for you . When you enter the room, you might barely notice the flash of a camera, and later you might not recall it. And you might forget in a few seconds the name of a person you met at the party. But if you live to be 100, you will never forget where the party took place or how surprised and pleased you were. Why do some stimuli leave no more than a fleeting

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impression and others remain in memory forever? Each of five models of memory provides a somewhat different explanation. Let’s see how the levels-of-processing, transfer-appropriate processing, parallel distributed processing, multiple memory systems and information-processing models describe and explain memory

Levels of processing The levels-of- processing model of memory suggests that what you remember depends on the extent to which you encode and process information when you first encounter it (Craik & Lockhart, 1972) . Consider, for example, the task of remembering a phone number you just heard on the radio. If you were unable to write it down , you would probably repeat the number over and over to yourself until you could find a pen or get to your phone.This repetition process is called maintenance rehearsal . It can be an effective way of remembering information temporarily, but what if you need to remember something for hours, months or years? In that case, you are better off using elaborative rehearsal , a process in which you relate new material to information you have already stored in memory. For example, instead of trying to remember a new persons name by simply repeating it to yourself, you could try thinking about how the name is related to something you know well. So if you are introduced to a man named John Black, for example, you might think, ‘He has the same nose as my uncle John, who barracks for the New Zealand All Blacks Rugby team’. Study after study has shown that memory is improved when people use elaborative rehearsal rather than maintenance rehearsal Qahnke & Nowaczyk , 1998) . According to the levels-of-processing model , elaborative rehearsal improves memory because information is mentally processed to a greater degree or ‘depth ’ ( Roediger, Gallo & Geraci , 2002) . The more you think about new information , organise it and relate it to existing knowledge, the ‘deeper’ the processing and the better your memory of it becomes. Teachers use this idea when they ask their students not only to define a new word but also to use it in a sentence. Figuring out how to use the new word takes deeper processing than merely defining it does. TRY THIS \ You can try this yourself: The next time you come across an unfamiliar word in this book, don ’t just read its definition . Try using the word in a sentence by coming up with an example of the concept that relates to your knowledge and experience.

levels- of- processing model of memory the view that how well

something is remembered depends on the degree to which incoming information is mentally processed

maintenance rehearsal repeating information over and over to keep it active in short - term memory

elaborative rehearsal a memorisation method that involves thinking about how new information relates to information already stored in long- term memory

Transfer - appropriate processing Level of processing is not the only factor affecting what we remember (Baddeley, 1992). The transfer- appropriate processing model of memory suggests another critical factor; namely, the match between how we try to retrieve information and how we originally encoded it. In one study, for example, half the students in a class were told that their next exam would contain multiplechoice questions. The rest of the students were told to expect essay questions. Only half the students actually got the type of exam they expected .These students did much better on the exam than those who took an unexpected type of exam . Apparently, in studying for the exam, the two groups used encoding strategies that were more appropriate to the type of exam they expected. Those who tried to retrieve the information in a way that did not match their encoding method had a harder time (d’ Ydewalle & Rosselle, 1978). Results such as these illustrate that the harmony between encoding and retrieval processes can be as important as depth of processing in memory.

Parallel distributed processing A third way of thinking about memory is based on parallel distributed processing (PDP) models of memory ( Rumelhart & McClelland , 1986) . These models suggest that new experiences do more than provide specific facts that are stored and later retrieved one at a time. Those facts are

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transfer- appropriate processing model of memory a model that suggests that a critical determinant of memory is how well the retrieval process matches the original encoding process

parallel distributed processing (PDP) a theoretical model of object recognition in which various elements of the object are thought to be simultaneously analysed by several widely distributed but connected neural units in the brain

Chapter 9: Memory

also combined with what you already know so that each new experience changes your overall understanding of the world and how it operates. For example, when you first arrived on campus, you learned many specific facts, such as where classes are held , what time the library closes, and where to get the best coffee. Over time, these and many other facts about student life form a network of information that creates a more general understanding of how the whole university system works. The development of this network makes experienced students not only more knowledgeable than new students , but also more sophisticated. It allows them to, say, allocate their study time so as to do well in their most important courses, and to plan a schedule that does not cause conflict with work commitments and maybe even avoids early morning classes and certain lecturers. PDP models of memory reflect this notion of knowledge networks. PDP memory theorists begin by considering how neural networks might provide the framework for a functional memory system (Anderson , 2000) . As described in Chapter 3 (‘Biological aspects of psychology’), Chapter 4 (‘Sensation and perception’) and Chapter 5 (‘Learning’) , the structure of neural networks allows each part to be linked to every other part.When this network model is applied to memory, each unit of knowledge is seen as connected to every other unit , and the connections between units are seen as getting stronger the more often the units are experienced together. From this perspective, then,‘knowledge’ is distributed across a dense network of associations.When this network is activated , parallel processing occurs. That is, different portions of the network operate simultaneously, allowing people to quickly and efficiently draw inferences and make generalisations.Just seeing the word couch ,for example, allows us immediately to gain access to knowledge about what a couch looks like, what it is used for, where it tends to be located, who might buy one, and so on . PDP models of memory explain this process very effectively.

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Multiple memory systems

different function

The multiple memory systems model suggests that the brain contains several relatively separate memory systems, each of which resides in a different area and each of which serves somewhat different purposes (Schacter & Tulving, 1994; Schacter, Wagner & Buckner, 2000) . For example, the fact that explicit and implicit memory appear to operate on different principles suggests that they are separate systems, each of which is supported by activity in different regions of the brain . Additional evidence for the multiple memory systems approach comes from case studies in which damage to the brain’s hippocampus impairs performance on tests of explicit memory but not on implicit memory tests (for example, Warrington & Weiskrantz, 1970) . Other research shows that inactivating the hippocampus with drugs causes massive disruption of explicit but not implicit memory processes (Frank , O’Reilly & Curran, 2006).

information-processing model of memory a

Information processing

memory model in which information is seen as passing through sensory memory, short - term memory and long- term memory

The information-processing model of memory is the earliest and probably the most influential and comprehensive model of memory (Roediger, 1990) . It suggests that for information to become firmly implanted in memory, it must pass through three stages of mental processing: sensory memory, short-term memory and long-term memory (Atkinson & Shiffrin, 1968; see Figure 6.2).

multiple memory systems model the notion that there are separate but interacting memory systems, each with a

FIGURE 6.2 Three stages of memory

The traditional information - processing model describes three stages in the memory system. EXTERNAL STIMULI

-

Sensory memory Briefly retains the information picked up by the sensory organs

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Short - term memory Temporarily holds information in

consciousness

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Long- term memory

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Can retain information for long periods of time, often for life

Chapter 9: Memory

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In sensory memory , information from the senses sights or sounds , for example is held very briefly, often for less than a second, before being lost. But if information in sensory memory is attended to, analysed and encoded as a meaningful pattern, we say that it has been perceived (see Chapter 4,‘Sensation and perception’) . Information in sensory memory that has been perceived can now enter short - term memory . If nothing further is done with it , the information will disappear in less than 20 seconds. However, if information in short-term memory is processed further, it may be encoded into long-term memory , where it may remain indefinitely. The act of reading illustrates all three stages of memory processing. As you read any sentence in this book , light energy reflected from the page reaches your eyes, where it is converted to neural activity and registered in your sensory memory (see the Snapshot ‘Sensory memory at work’) . If you pay attention to these visual stimuli , your perception of the patterns of light can be held in short-term memory. This stage of memory holds the early parts of the sentence so that they can be integrated and understood as you read the rest of the sentence. As you read, you are constantly recognising words by matching your perceptions of them with the patterns and meanings you have stored in long-term memory. In other words, all three stages of memory are necessary for you to understand a sentence.

Sensory memory at work TRY THIS Yi In a darkened room, ask a friend to switch on a small

torch and move it slowly in a circle. You will see a moving point of tail’, like a comet, that is your sensory light. If it appears to have a ‘ memory of the light before it fades away. Now ask your friend to speed up the movement. You should now see a complete circle of light, because as the light moves, its impression on your sensory memory does not have time to fade before the circle is completed. A similar process allows us to see ‘sparkler circles’.

The information-processing model emphasises these constant interactions among sensory, short-term and long-term memory. For example, sensory memory can be thought of as the part of your knowledge base (or long-term memory) that is momentarily activated by information sent to the brain via the sensory nerves. Short-term memory can be thought of as the part of your knowledge base that is the focus of attention at any given moment (Cowan, 2008; Wagner, 1999) . Like perception, memory is an active process, and what is already in long-term memory influences how new information is encoded (Cowan, 1988) . To understand this interaction better, try the exercise in Figure 6.3. The section ‘In review: The nature of memory’ summarises the five memory models we have discussed. Each of these models provides an explanation of why we remember some things and forget others. Which one offers the best explanation ? The answer is that more than one model may be required to understand memory. Just as it is helpful for physicists to characterise light in terms of both waves and particles, psychologists find it useful to think of memory as both a sequence of cognitive processes, as suggested by the information-processing, levels-of-processing and transferappropriate processing approaches, and in terms of underlying brain activity, as suggested by the parallel distributed processing and multiple memory systems approaches.

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Chapter 9: Memory

FIGURE 6.3 The role of memory in comprehension TRY THIS N Read the paragraph shown here, then turn away and try to recall as much of it as possible.

Next, read the footnote at the bottom of this page and reread the paragraph. The second reading probably made a lot more sense and was much easier to remember because knowing the title of the paragraph allowed you to retrieve from long- term memory your knowledge about the topic (Bransford & Johnson, 1972). The procedure is actually quite simple. First, you arrange items into different groups. Of course, one pile may be sufficient, depending on how much there is to do. If you have to go somewhere else due to lack of facilities that is the next step; otherwise, you are pretty well set. It is important not to overdo things. That is, it is better to do too few things at once than too many. In the short run, this may not seem important, but complications can easily arise. A mistake can be expensive as well. At first, the whole procedure will seem complicated. Soon, however, it will becomejust another facet of life. It is difficult to foresee any end to the necessity for this task in the immediate future, but then, one never can tell. After the procedure is completed, one arranges the materials into different groups again. Then they can be put into their appropriate places. Eventually they will be used once more, and the whole cycle will then have to be repeated. However, that is part of life.

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IN REVIEW The nature of memory MODEL

ASSUMPTIONS

Levels of processing

The more deeply material is processed, the better the memory of it.

Transfer -appropriate

Retrieval is improved when we try to recall material in a way that matches how the material was encoded.

processing Parallel distributed processing ( PDP)

New experiences add to and alter our overall knowledge base; they are not separate, unconnected facts. PDP networks allow us to draw inferences and make generalisations about the world.

Multiple memory systems

There are several separate memory systems, each in a different brain area and each serving different purposes.

Information processing

Information is processed in three stages: sensory, short -term and long- term memory.

Check your understanding 1 The value of elaborative rehearsal over maintenance rehearsal has been cited as evidence for the 2 Deliberately trying to remember something means using your memory. 3 Playing the piano uses memory.

model of memory.

6.2 STORING NEW MEMORIES We can’t retrieve information if we haven’t stored it. According to the information-processing model, sensory, short-term and long-term memory each provide a different type of storage system . Let’s take a closer look at these three memory systems in order to better understand how they work and sometimes fail.

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Chapter 9: Memory

Sensory memory As described in Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception’, our ability to recognise that we are looking at a car, for example, depends on the brain’s ability to analyse, compare and match the features of that car with information about cars that is already stored in long-term memory. This process is very quick , but it still takes time. The major function of sensory memory is to hold information long enough for it to be processed further ( Nairne, 2003) . This maintenance is the job of the sensory registers, which act as temporary storage bins.There is a separate register for each of the five senses , and each register can store a nearly complete representation of sensory stimuli. Although sensory memories are stored only briefly, often for less than one second, this is long enough for stimulus identification to begin (Eysenck & Keane, 2005). Sensory memory helps us experience a constant flow of information, even if that flow is interrupted. TRY THIS \J To see this for yourself, turn your head and eyes slowly from left to right. It may seem as though your eyes are moving smoothly, like a movie camera scanning a scene, but that’s not what is happening. Instead , your eyes fixate at one point for about one-fourth of a second and then rapidly jump to a new position. You perceive smooth motion through the visual field because you hold each scene in your visual sensory register (also known as your iconic memory) until your eyes fixate again. Similarly, when you listen to someone speak, your auditory sensory register allows you to experience a smooth flow of information, even though there are actually short silences between or within words. Information remains in each of the five sensory registers for varying amounts of time. For example, information in the auditory sensory register lasts longer than information in the visual sensory register. The fact that sensory memories quickly fade if they are not processed further is actually an adaptive characteristic of the memory system .You simply could not deal with all of the sights, sounds, odours, tastes and touch sensations that reach your sense organs at any given moment. As mentioned in Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception’, selective attention focuses your mental resources on only some of the stimuli around you , thus controlling what information is processed further.Your perceptual systems capture the fleeting impressions of sensory memory and transfer them to short-term memory.

sensory memory a type of memory that holds large amounts of incoming information very briefly, but

long enough to connect one impression to the next

sensory registers memory systems that hold incoming information long enough for it to be

processed further

iconic memory the sensory register for visual

information

selective attention the focusing of mental resources on only part of the stimulus field

Short- term memory and working memory The sensory registers allow your memory system to develop a representation of a stimulus. However, they can ’t perform the more thorough analysis needed if the information is going to be used in some way. That function is accomplished by short-term memory and working memory. Short -term memory (STM ) is the part of your memory system that stores limited amounts of information for up to about 18 seconds. When you check the building directory to see which floor your new dentist’s office is on and then keep that number in mind as you press the correct lift button , you are using short-term memory. Working memory is the part of the memory system that allows us to mentally work with, or manipulate, the information being held in short-term memory. When you mentally calculate what time you have to leave home in order to have lunch on campus, return a library book and still get to class on time, you are using working memory. Short-term memory is actually a component of working memory, and together these memory systems allow us to do many kinds of mental work (Baddeley, 2003) . Suppose that you are buying something for 85 cents.You go through your change and pick out a 50-cent piece, then a 20-, a 10and a 5-cent piece.To do this, you use both short-term and working memory to remember the price, retrieve the rules of addition from long-term memory, and keep a running count of how much change you have so far. TRY THIS \i Now try to recall how many windows there are on the front of the house or apartment where you grew up. In answering this question, you probably formed a mental image of the building. You used one kind of working-memory process to form that image,

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short -term memory (STM ) the maintenance component of working memory, which holds unrehearsed information for a

limited time

working memory the part of the memory system

that allows us to mentally work with, or manipulate, information being held in short - term memory

Chapter 9: Memory

and then you maintained the image in short-term memory while you ‘worked’ on it by counting the windows. This suggests that working memory has at least two components: maintenance (holding information in short-term memory) and manipulation (working on that information) .

Encoding in short - term memory Encoding information in short-term memory is much more elaborative and varied than it is in the sensory registers (Brandimonte, Hitch & Bishop, 1992).

Acoustic encoding Acoustic encoding (by sound) seems to dominate.This conclusion comes from research on the mistakes people make when encoding information in short-term memory. These mistakes tend to involve the substitution of similar sounds. For example, Robert Conrad (1964) showed people strings of letters and asked them to repeat the letters immediately. Among their most common mistakes was the replacement of the correct letter with one whose name sounded like it. So if the correct letter was C, it was often replaced with a D, P or T .The research participants made these mistakes even though the letters were presented visually, without any sound . Evidence for acoustic encoding in short-term memory also comes from studies showing that items are more difficult to remember if their spoken sounds are similar. For example, native English speakers do less well when asked to remember a string of letters such as ECVTGB (in which all the letter names rhyme) than when asked to remember one like KRLDQS (in which all the letter names sound different) .

Visual encoding Encoding in short-term memory is not always acoustic, however. Visual codes are also used, but information encoded visually tends to fade much more quickly from short-term memory than information that is encoded acoustically (Cornoldi , DeBeni & Baldi, 1989) . Cultural differences are also relevant here, with there being some evidence, for example, that Aboriginal Australian children tend to use visual rather than verbal coding in counting tasks (for example, Butterworth , Reeve & Reynolds, 2011) .There is also evidence ofkinaesthetic encoding, which involves physical movements (Best, 1999) . In one study, deaf people were shown a list of words and then asked to immediately write down as many as they could remember (Shand, 1982) . When these people made errors, they wrote words that are expressed through similar hand movements in American Sign Language, rather than words that sounded similar to the correct words. Apparently, these individuals had encoded the words on the basis of the movements they would use when making the signs for them .

Storage capacity of short - term memory immediate memory span the maximum number of items a person can recall perfectly after one presentation of the items

chunking organising individual stimuli so that they will be perceived as larger units of meaningful information

How much information can you hold in short-term memory? The simple experiment presented in Figure 6.4 will help you determine your immediate memory span , which is the largest number of items you can recall perfectly after one presentation. If your memory span is like most people’s, you can repeat six or seven items from the test in this figure. And you will probably come up with about the same result whether you test your immediate memory span with digits, letters, words or anything else. George Miller (1956) noticed that many studies using a variety of tasks showed the same limit on the ability to process information . This ‘magic number’, which is seven (plus or minus two), appears to be the typical immediate memory span or capacity of short-term memory, at least in laboratory settings. In addition, the ‘magic number’ refers not only to discrete elements, such as words or digits, but also to chunks , which are meaningful groupings of information that are produced by a cognitive process called chunking.

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Chapter 9: Memory

FIGURE 6.4 Capacity of short - term memory

9 2 5 8 6 4 2 3 7 6 5 4

TRY THIS N The tools in this figure can be used as a test of your immediate memory span . Ask someone to read to you the numbers in the top row of the adjacent artwork at the rate of about one per second. Then try to repeat them in the same order. Perform the

6 2 7 0 4 0 1 9 2 4 8 6

and then the one after that and so on until you make a mistake. Your immediate memory span is indicated by the maximum number of items you can repeat perfectly, without getting stuck for any length of time. Similar tests can be performed using the rows of letters and words, such as those shown below. same test on the next row

G M N S V X E Z

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the difference between discrete elements and chunks, read the following letters to a friend, pausing at each dash: AS XAB CM TVI BMB MW .The chances are very good that your friend will not be able to repeat this string of letters perfectly. Why? There are 15 letters, which exceeds most peoples immediate memory span. Now give your friend the test again , but group the letters like this: ASX-ABC-MTV-IBM-BMW. Your friend will probably repeat that string easily. Although the same 15 letters are involved, they will be processed as only five meaningful chunks of information.

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The power of chunking Chunks of information can be quite complex. If you heard someone say,‘The boy in the red shirt kicked his mother in the shin’, you could probably repeat the sentence perfectly.Yet it contains 12 words and 43 letters. How can you repeat the sentence so effortlessly? The answer is that you can build bigger and bigger chunks of information (Ericsson & Staszewski , 1989). In this case, you might represent ‘the boy in the red shirt’ as one chunk of information rather than as six words or 19 letters. Similarly, you might represent all the letters in ‘kicked his mother’ and ‘in the shin’ as just two chunks of information. Learning to use bigger and bigger chunks of information can enhance short-term memory. In fact, children’s memories improve partly because they gradually become able to hold as many as seven chunks in memory and also because they get better at grouping information into chunks (ServanSchreiber & Anderson , 1990); see the Snapshot ‘Chunking in action ’ . Adults, too, can greatly increase the capacity of their short-term memory by more appropriate chunking. For example, after extensive training, one university student increased his immediate memory span from seven digits to 80 digits (Ericsson, Chase & Faloon , 1980) , and experienced waiters often use chunking techniques to help them remember the details of numerous dinner orders without taking notes (Bekinschtein, Cardozo & Manes, 2008) . In short, although the capacity of short-term memory is more or less constant five to nine chunks of meaningful information the size of those chunks can vary tremendously.

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Chunking in action The people who

provide instantaneous translation of

speeches must store long, often complicated segments of speech short - term memory while

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by chunking the speaker’s words into phrases and easier

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Chapter 9: Memory

Duration of short - term memory Imagine how hard it would be to mentally calculate your portion of a dinner bill that you shared with a group of five other friends if your short-term memory was cluttered with every other bill you had ever paid, every phone number you had ever called, and every conversation you had ever heard . There are rare cases of people whose inability to forget interferes with their ability to concentrate (Parker, Cahill & McGaugh, 2006) , but normally unless you continue repeating information to yourself (maintenance rehearsal) or use elaborative rehearsal to transfer it to long-term memory information in short-term memory is usually forgotten quickly. This feature of short-term memory is adaptive because it gets rid of a lot of useless information , but it can also be inconvenient.You may have discovered this if you have ever looked up a phone number, got distracted before you could call it, and then forgot the number. How long does information remain in short-term memory if you don’t keep rehearsing it? John Brown (1958) and Lloyd and Margaret Peterson (1959) devised the Brown- Peterson distractor technique to measure the duration of short-term memory when no rehearsal is allowed. In this procedure, participants are presented with a group of three letters, such as GRB. They then count backward by threes from some number until they get a signal. Counting serves as a distraction that prevents the participants from rehearsing the letters. At the signal, they stop counting and try to recall the letters. By varying the number of seconds spent counting backwards, the experimenter can determine how much forgetting takes place over time. As you can see in Figure 6.5 , information in short-term memory is forgotten rapidly: after 18 seconds, participants can remember almost nothing. Evidence from other such experiments also suggests that unrehearsed information can be held in short-term memory for no more than about 18 seconds. However, if the information is rehearsed or processed further, it may be encoded into long-term memory.

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Brown- Peterson distractor technique a method for determining how long unrehearsed information remains in short - term memory

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FIGURE 6.5 Forgetting in short - term memory

This graph shows the percentage of items recalled after various intervals during which rehearsal was prevented. Notice that virtually complete forgetting occurred after a delay of 18 seconds.

Recall interval ( in seconds)

long- term memory ( LTM) a relatively long-

lasting stage of memory whose capacity to store new information is believed to be unlimited

Data from Peterson, L R., & Peterson, M . J . ( 1959). Short - term retention of individual verbal items. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 58, 193-198.

Long- term memory When people talk about memory, they are usually talking about long- term memory ( LTM), the part of the memory system that encodes and stores memories that can last a lifetime.

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Chapter 9: Memory

Encoding in long- term memory Some information is encoded into long-term memory even if we make no conscious effort to memorise it (Ellis , 1991) . However, putting information into long-term memory is often the result of more conscious processing that usually involves semantic encoding. As we mentioned earlier, semantic encoding often leaves out details in favour of the more general meaning of the information .

Dominance of semantic encoding In a classic study, Jacqueline Sachs (1967) demonstrated the dominance of semantic encoding in long-term memory. Her participants first listened to tape recordings of people speaking. She then showed them sets of similar sentences and asked them to choose which one contained the exact wording heard on the tape. The participants did well at this task when tested immediately, using mainly short-term memory. However, after 27 seconds , they could not be sure which of two similar sentences they had heard. For example, they could not determine whether they had heard ‘He sent a letter about it to Galileo, the great Italian scientist’ or ‘A letter about it was sent to Galileo, the great Italian scientist’ . They didn’t do as well after the delay because by then they had to recall the information from long-term memory, where they had encoded the general meaning of what they had heard but not the exact wording. Perhaps you are thinking, ‘So what?’ After all, the two sentences mean the same thing. Unfortunately, when people encode the general meaning of information they hear or read , they can make mistakes about the details (Brewer, 1977) . For example, after listening to a list of words such as hot, snow, warm, winter, ice , wet , frigid , chilly, heat , weather,freeze, air, shiver, Arctic and frost ,people often remember having heard the related word cold even though it was not presented (Gallo, 2006; Roediger & McDermott, 1995) . TRY THIS \ j You can replicate this research by reading this list to five friends and then asking them to recall as many of its words as they can. Chances are that , like participants in laboratory experiments, several of them will be so certain that cold was on the list that they may not believe you when you tell them it wasn’t! This kind of false memory can be a problem when recalling exact words is important as in the courtroom , during business negotiations, and in discussions between students and teachers about previous agreements. Later in this chapter, we show that such mistakes occur partly because people encode into long-term memory not only the general meaning of information but also what they think and assume about that information (McDermott & Chan, 2006) .Those expectations and assumptions like the one that a list containing so many ‘winter-related’ words must have included cold may alter what is recalled. Counterfeiters depend on the fact that people encode the general meaning of visual stimuli rather than specific details. For example, look at Figure 6.6 and identify the correct drawing of the Australian $1 coin . Research ( Nickerson & Adams , 1979) shows that most people from the United States are unsuccessful at a task similar to this that is, distinguishing the correct US penny in a similar image as are people from other countries, who do just as poorly at recognising their nation’s coins (Jones, 1990) . The same problem occurs in relation to paper money, which prompted the U.S. Treasury to begin using more distinctive drawings on its currency. Although long-term memory normally involves semantic encoding, people can also use visual encoding to process images into long-term memory. In one study, people viewed 2500 pictures. It took 16 hours just to present the stimuli, but the participants later recognised more than 90 per cent of the pictures on which they were tested (Standing, Conezio & Haber, 1970) . Dual coding theory suggests that pictures tend to be remembered better than words because pictures are represented in two codes visual and verbal rather than in only one (Paivio, 1986) . This suggestion is supported

FIGURE 6.6 Encoding into longterm memory

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the correct image of the standard Australian $1 coin? (See the footnote at the bottom of this page for the answer.) It is often difficult for is

people to explicitly remember the specific details of information stored in long- term memory, but priming studies suggest that they do retain some implicit memory of them (for example, Srimvas,1993).

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Chapter 9: Memory

by brain-imaging studies showing that when people are asked to memorise pictures, they tend to create a verbal label for the picture (for example, ‘frog’), as well as to look at the drawings visual features (Kelley et ah , 1998) .

Storage capacity of long- term memory The capacity of long-term memory is extremely large. In fact, many psychologists believe that it is unlimited (Madin, 1998) .There is no way to prove this, but we do know that people store vast quantities of information in long-term memory that can be remembered remarkably well after long periods of time (see the Snapshot ‘Remarkable memory’) . For example, people are amazingly accurate at recognising the faces of high-school classmates they have not seen for over 25 years (Bruck , Cavanagh & Ceci, 1991). They also do surprisingly well on tests of a foreign language or high-school maths 50 years after having formally studied these subjects (Bahrick & Hall, 1991; Bahrick et ah , 1994; Bowers, Mattys & Gage, 2009) .

Remarkable memory Using only his long - term memory, Franco Magnani created amazingly accurate paintings of his home town in Italy even though he had not seen it for more than 30 years (Sacks, 1992). People like Magnani display eidetic imagery , commonly called photographic memory . It is not actually photographic, but it does create automatic, detailed and vivid images of virtually everything they have ever seen. About 5 per cent of school- age children have eidetic imagery, but it is extremely rare in adults (Haber, 1979). Culture again seems to play a role here, with

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Chapter 9: Memory

Distortion of long - term memories However, long-term memories are also subject to distortion . In one study that illustrates this point , university students were asked to recall their high-school grades. Even though the students were motivated to be accurate, they correctly remembered 89 per cent of their A grades but only 29 per cent of their D grades. And you might not be surprised to learn that when they recalled grades incorrectly, they usually erred by remembering grades as being higher than they actually were (Bahrick , Hall & Berger, 1996) . What about flashbulb memories those vivid recollections of personally significant events that, like a snapshot, seem to preserve all the details of the moment (Brown & Kulik , 1997) ? They, too, can be distorted (Sharot et al., 2006). For example, one group of students was asked to describe where they were and what they were doing when they heard about the not-guilty verdict in the 1995 O. J. Simpson murder trial (Schmolck, Buffalo & Squire, 2000) . The students first reported their recollections three days after the verdict and then again after either 15 months or 32 months. Only half the recollections reported at 15 months were accurate, and 11 per cent contained major errors or distortions. Among those reporting after 32 months, 71 per cent of their recollections were inaccurate, and just over 40 per cent contained major errors or distortions. For example, three days after the verdict , one student said he heard about it while in a campus lounge with other students. Thirty-two months later, this same person recalled hearing the news in the living room of his home with his father and sister. Do you remember where you were and what you were doing when you heard about the terrorist attacks in Paris in November 2015? You may be quite sure that you do, but if you are like the students tested in one study, your flashbulb memories may not be entirely correct (Talarico & Rubin, 2003) . Most of the students whose flashbulb memories had been substantially distorted over time were unaware that this distortion had occurred. In fact, they were very confident that their reports were accurate. Later, we will see that such overconfidence can also appear in courtroom testimony by eyewitnesses to crime.

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Distinguishing between short- term and long- term memory Some psychologists say that short-term memory and long-term memory have different features and obey different laws (Cowan, 1988; Talmi et al., 2005). (The upcoming section ‘In review: Storing new memories’ summarises the characteristics of these two memory systems.) Let’s consider some evidence from experiments on recall that suggest that information is transferred from short-term memory to a distinct storage system .

Experiments on recall TRY THIS

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You can conduct your own recall experiment by reading aloud a list of words at a slow pace (about one word every two seconds) . After reading the list just once, look away and write down as many of the words as you can , in any order. Here is a list you can use: desk , frame , engine , flag , barbecue , book , plate , candle , briefcase , screen , tree , soup , ocean , castle , monster, bridge. Did you notice anything about which words you remembered and which ones you forgot? If you are like most people, your recall depended partly on where each word appeared on the list; that is, on its serial position . As shown in the serial-position curve in Figure 6.7, memory researchers have found that recall tends to be very good for the first two or three words in a list. This result is called the primacy effect .The probability of recall decreases for words in the middle of the list and then rises dramatically for the last few words. The ease of recalling words near the end of a list is called the

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primacy effect a characteristic of memory in which recall of the first two or three items in a list is

particularly good

Chapter 9: Memory

FIGURE 6.7 A serial - position curve

This curve shows the probability of recalling items that appear at various serial positions in a list. Generally, the first several items and the last several items are the most likely to be recalled.

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recency effect . The primacy effect may reflect the rehearsal that puts early words into long-term memory. The recency effect may occur because the last few words are still in short-term memory when you try to recall the list (Glanzer & Cunitz, 1966; Koppenaal & Glanzer, 1990) .

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IN REVIEW Storing new memories STORAGE SYSTEM

CAPACITY

FUNCTION

Briefly holds representations of stimuli from each sense for further processing

Sensory memory Short -term and working memory

Long- term memory

Hold information in awareness and manipulate it to accomplish mental work

Stores new information

indefinitely

Large: absorbs all sensory input from a particular

DURATION Less than 1 second

stimulus Five to nine distinct items or chunks of information

About 18 seconds

Unlimited

Unlimited

Check your understanding 1 If you looked up a phone number but forgot it before you could call it, the information was probably lost from memory. 2 The capacity of short - term memory is about

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in long- term memory.

6.3 RETRIEVING MEMORIES Have you ever been unable to recall the name of an old television show or movie star, only to think of it the next day? Remembering something requires not only the encoding and storing of information but also the ability to bring it into consciousness. In other words, you have to be able to retrieve it.

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Chapter 9: Memory

Retrieval cues and encoding specificity

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Retrieval cues are stimuli that help you retrieve information from long-term memory. They allow you to recall things that were once forgotten and help you recognise information stored in memory. As mentioned earlier, retrieval cues are what make recognition tasks (such as multiplechoice tests) easier than recall tasks (such as essay exams) . The effectiveness of retrieval cues depends on the extent to which they tap into information that was encoded at the time of learning (Tulving, 1983) . This rule is known as the encoding specificity principle, and it is consistent with the transfer-appropriate processing model of memory. Because long-term memories are often encoded semantically, in terms of their general meaning, cues that trigger the meaning of the stored information tend to work best. Imagine that you have learned a long list of sentences. One of them was either (1) ‘The man lifted the piano’ or (2) ‘The man tuned the piano’ . Now suppose that on a later recall test, you were given the retrieval cue ‘something heavy’ . This cue would probably help you remember the first sentence (because you probably encoded something about the weight of a piano) , but the cue would probably not help you recall the second sentence (because that sentence has nothing to do with weight). Similarly, the cue ‘makes nice sounds’ would probably help you recall the second sentence but not the first (Barclay et al., 1974) .

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Are there ways of retrieving information that has been 'forgotten'?

retrieval cue a stimulus that aids the recall or recognition of information stored in memory

encoding specificity principle a principle stating that the ability of a cue to aid retrieval depends on the degree to which it taps into information that was encoded at the time of the original learning

Context and state dependence Have you ever revisited a place that you hadn’t been to in a long time and suddenly found yourself remembering events that happened there? In general, people remember more of what they learned when they are in the place where they learned it (Smith & Vela , 2001) . Why ? Because if they have encoded features of the environment in which the learning occurred, those features may later act as retrieval cues (Richardson-Klavehn & Bjork, 1988) . In one experiment , people studied a series of photos while in the presence of a particular odour. Later, they reviewed a larger set of photos and tried to recognise the ones they had seen earlier. Half of the people were tested in the presence of the original odour while taking the recognition test. The rest were tested in the presence of a different odour. Those who smelled the same odour during learning and testing did significantly better on the recognition task than those who were tested in the presence of a different odour. The matching odour served as a powerful retrieval cue (Cann & Ross, 1989) . Context specific memory, also known as context specific learning, refers to memories that are helped or hindered by similarities or differences in environmental context (see the Snapshot ‘Context-dependent memories’) .

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context -specific memory (context

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specific learning) memory that can be helped or hindered by similarities or differences between the context in which it is learned and the context in which it is recalled

Context - dependent memories Many people attending a reunion at their old school find that being in the building again provides context cues that help bring back memories of their school days. TRY THIS N Visit your primary school or high school and see if it helps you remember things you’d forgotten. Be sure to look into specific rooms where you had classes or assemblies.

state-dependent memory (state

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Sometimes, we encode information about how we were feeling during a learning experience, and this information can also act as a retrieval cue. When our internal state influences retrieval, we have a state dependent memory, also known as state dependent learning. For example, if people

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dependent learning) memory that is aided or impeded by a person’s internal state

Chapter 9: Memory

learn new material while under the influence of marijuana, they tend to recall it better if they are tested under the influence of marijuana (Eich et ah , 1975) . Similar effects have been found with alcohol (Overton, 1984) and other psychoactive drugs (Eich, 1989) . But don’t get the wrong idea: memory works best overall when people are not using any drugs during encoding and retrieval. Mood states, too, can affect memory (Eich & Macaulay, 2000) . People tend to remember morepleasant events when they are feeling good at the time of recall and more-negative events when they are in a sad or angry mood (Eich & Macaulay, 2007; Lewinsohn & Rosenbaum, 1987) . These mood congruency effects are strongest when people try to recall personally meaningful episodes (Eich & Metcalfe, 1989) because those episodes were most likely to be coloured by their moods.

FOCUS ON RESEARCH METHODS Measuring the effect of context cues on recall What was the researcher's question ? Godden and Baddeley (1975) wanted to see whether the environment that learning occurs in (that is, encoding) affects later recall. Specifically, they were interested in whether words learned in the same environment that they are recalled in would be recalled better than in a different environment.

How did the researcher answer the question ? Participants in this experiment had to learn a list of 38 unrelated words, which they heard only twice during the learning stage. They also completed a distraction task, where they had to listen to and write down 15 numbers. The most interesting aspect of this experiment, however, was the environment in which the learning and recall occurred: it was carried out either underwater or on land. This created four different conditions that each of the participants took part in: 1 both learning and recall on land 2 both learning and recall underwater 3 learning underwater and recall on land 4 recall underwater and recall on land.

What did the researcher find ? The results showed that there was around 50 per cent better recall when the environment in which the recall was tested matched the environment that learning occurred in (that is, conditions 1 and 2). For example, when learning and recall occurred on land, an average of 13.5 words were recalled, compared with only 8.6 words when the learning occurred on land but recall occurred underwater.

What do the results mean ? The results provide support for context - dependent memory. This suggests that the environment, or context, in which we

learn information provides additional retrieval cues to help us recall the information at a later date. For example, you may find it easier to recall information about a psychology topic when you’re sitting in the same lecture theatre where you first heard it, compared with when you are in a different environment, such as the beach. It also explains why, when you visit somewhere that you have not been to for many years (for example, your old school), you are likely to recall many more pieces of information that are currently not accessible to you.

What do we still need to know ? Interestingly, although recall was superior when the learning and recall environments matched compared with when they were mismatched, the participants still did not achieve a 100 per cent recall rate. This indicates that although contextual retrieval cues are important for remembering, there are other factors that also contribute to the learning and recall processes. Additionally, although contextual retrieval cues can aid recall, this context -specificity effect is not always strong (Smith, Vela & Williamson,1988), and research suggests that the influence of context on retrieval depends on how salient the environmental information is at the time of learning (Smith & Vela, 2001). For example, when the learning task requires introspective processes (for example, conceptualising), then fewer cognitive resources are paying attention to the external environment; thus, the environmental context does not cue retrieval to the same extent. Research has also been devoted to understanding the complex neural networks that underlie these recall processes, with evidence implicating a part of the brain called the hippocampus in context - dependent memory, along with the prefrontal cortex (Maren, Phan & Liberzon, 2013) (see the Biological bases of memory’). upcoming section ‘

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— >>> crime they saw, either in person or by mentally reconstructing it during an interview. The goal is to reinstate retrieval cues that can improve the accuracy of eyewitness testimony (for example, Campos & Alonso - Quecuty, 2006). But as we will see later, these techniques may not result in perfect retrieval.

Other research has examined in what circumstances contextual cues can help us to access memories that might otherwise be inaccessible. For example, police and prosecuting lawyers sometimes take advantage of context - specific memory by asking eyewitnesses to revisit the scene of the

Retrieval from semantic memory The retrieval situations we have discussed so far are all relevant to episodic memory our memory for events. (The upcoming section ‘In review: Retrieving memories’ summarises this material.) But how do we retrieve information from semantic memory, where we store our general knowledge about the world ? Researchers studying this process typically ask participants general-knowledge questions, such as (1) ‘Are fish minerals?’ ( 2) ‘Is a beagle a dog?’ (3) ‘Do birds fly?’ and (4) ‘Does a car have legs?’ As you might imagine, most people answer such questions correctly. But by measuring how long it takes to answer them, psychologists have found important clues about how semantic memory is organised and how we retrieve information from it.

Semantic networks One view of semantic memory suggests that virtually everything we know about , including concepts such as ‘bird’ or ‘animal’, is represented in a dense network of associations (Churchland , 1989). Figure 6.8 presents just a tiny part of what such a semantic memory network might look like. In general , semantic network theories suggest that information is retrieved from memory through

FIGURE 6.8 Semantic networks

This drawing represents just a small part of a network of semantic associations. Semantic network theories of memory suggest that networks like these allow us to retrieve specific pieces of previously learned information, draw conclusions about how concepts are related, and make new inferences about the world. Living thing Plant

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spreading activation a

spreading activation (Collins

principle that explains how information is retrieved in semantic network theories of memory

when you think about some concept , it becomes activated in the network, and this activation in the form of neural energy begins to spread along all the paths that are related to it. So if you are asked if a magpie is a bird , the concepts of both ‘magpie’ and ‘bird’ will become activated , and the spreading activation from each will meet somewhere along the path between them . When they do, you know what answer to give. Some associations within the network are stronger than others, as illustrated by the thicker lines between some concepts in Figure 6.8 . For example, you probably have a stronger association between ‘bat’ and ‘wings’ than between ‘bat’ and ‘mammal’. Spreading activation travels faster along stronger paths than along weaker ones. As a result, you ’d probably respond more quickly to ‘Can a bat fly ?’ than to ‘Is a bat a mammal?’ Due to the tight organisation of semantic networks and the speed at which activation spreads through them, we can gain access to an enormous body of knowledge about the world quickly and effortlessly. We can retrieve not only facts we have learned from others , but also the knowledge that allows us to draw our own conclusions and inferences (Matlin, 1998) . For example, imagine answering these two questions:‘Is a magpie a bird?’ and ‘Is a magpie a living thing?’You can probably answer the first question ‘directly’ because at some point in your life, you probably learned that magpies are birds. However, you may never have consciously thought about the second question , so answering it requires you to make an inference. Figure 6.8 illustrates the path to that inference. Since you know that a magpie is a bird, a bird is an animal , and animals are living things , you can infer that a magpie must be a living thing. As you might expect, however, it takes slightly longer to answer the second question than the first.

& Loftus, 1975; Medin, Ross & Markman, 2001) . In other words,

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Retrieving incomplete knowledge Figure 6.8 also shows that concepts such as ‘bird’ or ‘living thing’ are represented in semantic memory as unique sets of features or attributes. As a result , there may be times when you can retrieve some features of a concept from your semantic network but not enough of them to identify the concept. For example, you might know that there is an animal that has wings and can fly and yet be unable to retrieve its name.When this happens, you are retrieving incomplete knowledge. (The animal in question is a bat.)

Tip - of - the - tongue phenomenon You have probably experienced a particular example of incomplete knowledge called the tip-ofthe- tongue phenomenon . In a typical experiment on this phenomenon , people listen to dictionary definitions and are asked to name the word being defined (Brown & McNeill, 1966) . If they can’t recall the correct word, they are asked if they can recall any feature of it , such as its first letter or how many syllables it has. People are surprisingly good at this task , indicating that they are able to retrieve at least some knowledge of the word (Brennen et ah , 1990; Anton-Mendez et al., 2012) . The evidence suggests that the retrieval of a word is a two-stage process, whereby a semantic representation accesses an intermediate lexical representation, which then accesses the corresponding phonological word form .The intermediate representation is what accounts for a feeling of knowing the word. However, there is insufficient activation to retrieve the corresponding phonological word form ( Harley & Bown, 1998) . Being almost but not quite able to recall the precise word or name we are looking for is a common experience. Most people experience the tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon about once a week , and older people experience it more often than younger people (Brown & Nix, 1996) .

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Feeling - of - knowing experience Another example of retrieving incomplete knowledge is the feeling -of- knowing experience , which some researchers study by asking trivia questions (Reder & Ritter, 1992) .When research participants cannot answer a question , they are asked to say how likely it is that they could recognise the correct answer among several options. Again , people are remarkably good at this task . Even though they cannot recall the answer, they can retrieve enough knowledge to determine whether the answer is actually stored in their memory (Costermans , Lories & Ansay, 1992).

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IN REVIEW Retrieving memories EFFECT ON MEMORY

PROCESS

Encoding specificity

Retrieval cues are effective only to the extent that they tap into information that was originally encoded.

Context -specific memory

Retrieval is most successful when it occurs in the same environment in which the information was originally learned.

State - dependent memory

Retrieval is most successful when people are in the same physiological or psychological state as when they originally learned the information.

Check your understanding 1 Stimuli called help you recall information stored in long- term memory. 2 If it is easier to remember something in the place where you learned it, you have learning. 3 The tendency to remember the first few items in a list is called the effect.

6.4 CONSTRUCTING MEMORIES Our memories are affected by what we experience but also by what we already know about the world (Schacter, Norman & Koutstaal, 1998) . We use that knowledge to organise new information as we encounter it, and we fill in gaps in the information as we encode and retrieve it (Sherman & Bessenoff, 1999) . These processes are called constructive memory . In one study of constructive memory, undergraduates were asked to wait for several minutes in the office of a postgraduate student (Brewer & Treyens, 1981; see the Snapshot ‘Constructive memory’) . Later, they were asked to recall everything that was in the office. Most of the students mistakenly ‘remembered’ seeing books, even though there were none. Apparently, the general knowledge that postgraduate students read many books influenced the participants’ memory of what was in the room ( Roediger, Meade & Bergman , 2001) . In another study, participants read one of two versions of a story about a man and a woman at a ski lodge. One version ended with the man proposing marriage to the woman . The second version was identical until the end, when instead of proposing, the man sexually assaulted the woman. A few days after reading the story, all the participants were asked what they remembered from it . Those who had read the ‘proposal’ version recalled nice things about the man , such as that he wanted the woman to meet his parents. Those who read the ‘assault’ version recalled negative things, such as that the man liked to drink a lot . However, neither kind of information had actually been part of the original story. The participants had ‘recalled’ memories of the man that they had constructed in accordance with their overall impression of him (Carli , 1999) . custom page

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Constructive memory Here is a photo of the office used in the Brewer and Treyens (1981) study. Ask a friend to examine this photo for a minute or so (cover this caption). Then close the book and ask whether each of the following items appeared in the photo: chair, rubbish bin, bottle, typewriter, coffeepot, book. If your friend reports having seen a rubbish bin or book, you will have demonstrated constructive memory. TRY THIS \i

From Brewer, W. F., & Treyens , J . C. ( 1981). Role of schemata in memory for places. Cognitive Psychology, 13, 207 -230.

Relating semantic and episodic memory: PDP models How is semantic and episodic information integrated in constructive memories? Parallel distributed processing models offer one explanation . As mentioned earlier, PDP models suggest that newly learned facts alter our general knowledge of the world . In these network models, learned associations between specific facts come together. Let’s say, for example, that your own network ‘knows’ that your friend Mark is a white male doing a commerce degree. It also ‘knows’ that Claudia is an Asian female student , but it has never learned what degree she is undertaking. Now suppose that every other student you know is doing a commerce degree. In this case, the connection between ‘students you know’ and ‘commerce degrees’ would be so strong that you would conclude that Claudia is doing a commerce degree, too. You would be so confident in this belief that it would take overwhelming evidence for you to change your mind ( Rumelhart & McClelland , 1986) . In other words, you would have constructed a

memory about Claudia .

Spontaneous generalisations PDP networks also produce spontaneous generalisations. If your friend tells you that she just bought a new car, you would know without asking that like other cars you have seen , it has four wheels. This is a spontaneous generalisation from your knowledge base. Spontaneous generalisations are obviously helpful , but they can also create significant errors if the network is based on limited or biased experience with a class of objects ( there are, in fact, three-wheeled cars). If it occurs to you that ethnic prejudice can result from spontaneous generalisation errors, you are right (Greenwald & Banaji , 1995) . Researchers are actually encouraged by this aspect of PDP networks, though , because it accurately reflects human thought and memory. Virtually all of us make spontaneous generalisations about males, females, white people, indigenous people, the young, the old and many other categories ( Rudman et ah , 1999) . Is prejudice, then, a process that we have no choice in or control over? Not necessarily. Relatively unprejudiced people tend to recognise that they are making generalisations and consciously try to ignore or suppress them (Amodio et ah , 2004) .

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PDP models and constructive memory If you hear that ‘our Rugby team won last night’, your schema about Rugby ( Rugby Union) might cause you to encode, and later retrieve, the fact that the players were men. Such spontaneous, though sometimes incorrect, generalisations associated with PDP models of memory help account for constructive memory.

Schemas PDP models also help us understand constructive memory by explaining the operation of the schemas that guide it (see the Snapshot ‘PDP models and constructive memory’) .As described in Chapter 7,‘Cognition and language’, and Chapter 15, ‘Social cognition and influence’, schemas are mental representations of categories of objects, events and people. For example, most Australians and New Zealanders have a schema for cricket match , so simply hearing these words is likely to activate whole clusters of information in long-term memory, including the rules of the game, images of players, bats, balls, a green field, and long, hot summer days. The generalised knowledge contained in schemas provides a basis for making inferences about incoming information during the encoding stage. So if you hear that a cricket player was injured , your schema about cricket might lead you to encode the incident as game-related, even though the cause was not mentioned. Later, you are likely to recall the injury as having occurred during a game. Similarly, if your experience has created a schema that most world news comes through television, your flashbulb memory of how you heard about 9 /11 might be that you were watching TV, even if you weren’t ( Neisser & Harsch, 1992;Wright, 1993; see Figure 6.9 for another example) .

FIGURE 6.9 The effect of schemas on recall In a classic experiment, participants were shown figures like those in the left - hand column along with labels designed to activate certain schemas (Carmichael, Hogan & Walter, 1932). For example, when showing the This resembles glasses’ or ‘This resembles a dumbbell’. When the top figure, the experimenter said either ‘ participants were later asked to draw these figures from memory, their drawings tended to resemble the items mentioned by the experimenter. In other words, the labels activated their schemas, and the schemas altered their memories. Group 1

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Figure drawn by participants

schemas mental representations (generalisations) of categories of objects, events and people

Chapter 9: Memory

LINKAGES Memory, perception and eyewitness testimony still others, an eyewitness report might be influenced by the person’s assumption that if a lawyer or police officer says that an object was there or that something happened, it must be true (Chan, Thomas & Bulevich,

There are few situations in which accurate retrieval of memories is more important - and constructive memory is more dangerous - than when an eyewitness testifies in court about a crime. Eyewitnesses provide the most compelling evidence in many trials, but they can sometimes be mistaken (Wells, Memon & Penrod, 2006; Wells, Olson & Charman, 2002; Wright et al., 2009). Let’s consider the accuracy of eyewitness memory and how it can be distorted (see Figure 6.10). For one thing, hearing new information about a crime can alter a witness’ memory. In some cases, it can make it harder to retrieve the original memory (Tversky & Tuchin, 1989). In others, the new information may be integrated into the old memory, making it impossible to distinguish the new information from what was originally seen (Loftus, 1992). In

How accurate is eyewitness

testimony? (a link to Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception’)

2009).

The jurors' role Jurors’ belief in a witness’ testimony often depends as much (or even more) on how the witness presents evidence as on the content or relevance of that evidence ( Leippe, Manion & Romanczyk, 1992).

FIGURE 6.10 The impact of questioning on eyewitness memory

After seeing a filmed traffic accident, people were asked, ‘About how fast were the cars going when they [smashed into , hit or contacted ] each other ?’ As shown here, the witnesses’ responses were influenced by the verb used in the question; smashed was associated with the highest average speed estimates. A week later, people who heard the ‘smashed’ question remembered the accident as being more violent than people in the other two groups did (Loftus & Palmer, 1974). Question

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For example, manyjurors are impressed by witnesses who give lots of details about what they saw or heard. Extremely detailed testimony from prosecution witnesses is especially likely to lead to guilty verdicts, even when the details reported are irrelevant (Bell & Loftus, 1989). Apparently, when a witness reports details, such as the exact time of the crime or the colour of the criminal’s shoes,jurors assume that the witness had paid especially close attention or has a particularly good memory. This assumption seems reasonable, but as discussed in Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception’, there are limits on how much information people can pay attention to at the same time. A witness whose attention was drawn to details such as shoe colour might not have had time to focus attention on the criminal’s facial features - particularly if the witness was emotionally aroused and the crime happened quickly (Backman & Nilsson, 1991). So the fact that an eyewitness reports many details doesn’t guarantee that all of them

remembered correctly. Juries also tend to believe witnesses who are confident about their testimony (Leippe, Manion & Romanczyk, were

1992). Unfortunately, research shows that witnesses’ confidence in their testimony is frequently much higher than the accuracy of their reports (Devilly et al., 2007; Wells, Olson & Charman, 2002). In some cases, repeated exposure to misinformation and the repeated recall of that misinformation can lead witnesses to feel certain about their testimony, even when it may not be correct (Lamb, 1998; Mitchell & Zaragoza, 1996; Roediger, Jacoby & McDermott, 1996).

identified the criminal, they became even more confident in the accuracy of their false identification (Semmler, Brewer & Wells, 2004; Wells, Olson & Charman, 2003). These incorrect but confident witnesses became more likely than other participants to claim that it had been easy for them to identify the criminal from the photos because they had had a good view of him and had paid careful attention to him. The U.S. Department of Justice has acknowledged the potential for errors in eyewitness evidence, as well as the dangers of asking witnesses to identify suspects from line - ups and photo arrays. One result is Eyewitness Evidence: A Guide for Law Enforcement (U.S. Department of Justice, 1999), the first - ever guide for American police and prosecutors involved in obtaining eyewitness evidence (see the Snapshot ‘ “ Thank you, gentlemen - you may all leave except for No. 3.”’). The guide warns that asking leading questions about what witnesses saw can distort their memories. It also suggests that witnesses should examine photos of possible suspects one at a time and points out that false identifications are less likely if witnesses viewing suspects in a line- up are told that the real criminal may or may not be included (Beresford & Blades, 2006; Wells & Olson, 2003; Wells et al., 2000).

Culture An interesting cross - cultural finding has been reported regarding the effect of alcohol intoxication on recognition of faces. Usually, recognition for same -race faces is better than recognition for different - race faces (the ‘own - race bias’). One can imagine, for example, how this may lead to misidentification of members of a different race or cultural group. Moreover, alcohol intoxication leads to decreased face recognition overall. Hilliar, Kemp and Denson (2010) specifically investigated the influence of alcohol on the own- race bias. They found that when compared with sober Asian and European participants, mildly intoxicated Asian and European participants showed a decrement in recognition of similar - race faces, but there was no effect on the recognition of different race faces. Thus, as the title of their paper suggests,

Research studies The weaknesses inherent in eyewitness memory can be amplified by the use of police line -ups and certain other criminal identification procedures (Haw & Fisher, 2004; Wells, Memon & Penrod, 2006; Wells & Olson, 2003). In one study, for example, participants watched a videoed crime and then tried to identify the criminal from a set of photographs (Wells & Bradfield, 1999). None of the photos showed the person who had committed the crime, but some participants nevertheless identified one of them as the criminal they saw on tape. When these mistaken participants were led to believe that they had correctly

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'Thank you, gentlemen - you may all leave except for No. 3.' This is exactly the sort of biased police line - up that Eyewitness Evidence: A Guide for Law Enforcement ( U.S. Department of Justice, 1999) is designed to avoid. Based on research in memory and perception, the guide recommends that no - one in a line - up should stand out from the others, that police should not suggest that the real criminal is in the line - up, and that witnesses should not be encouraged to guess when making an identification CZarkadi, Wade & Stewart, 2009).

Thank you, gentle

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IN REVIEW Constructing memories ASPECT

Parallel distributed processing ( PDP) models

Schemas

DESCRIPTION

EXAMPLE

PDP models suggest that newly learned facts alter our general knowledge of the world. PDP is a network model where learned associations between specific facts come together.

If someone was told a Rugby team had won, they would likely assume it was a men’s Rugby team because of the association between men and Rugby.

Schemas are mental representations of categories of objects, events and people.

Most Australians and New Zealanders have a schema for ‘ cricket match’, so simply hearing those words activates clusters of information in long- term memory (rules of the game and images of players, bats, balls, a green field, perhaps long, hot summer days).

Check your understanding 1 Our memories are affected by what we experience but also by what we already know about the world. This is called memory. 2 information are integrated in constructive memories. and 3 PDP networks also produce , like the Rugby example above.

6.5 FORGETTING

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The frustrations of forgetting where you left your keys, the information needed to answer a test question , an anniversary are apparent to most people nearly every day ( Neisser, 2000 b) . Let’s look more closely at the nature of forgetting and what causes it.

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How do we forget? Hermann Ebbinghaus, a German psychologist, began the systematic study of memory and forgetting in the late 1800s, using only his own memory as his laboratory. His aim was to study memory in its ‘pure’ form, uncontaminated by emotional reactions and other pre-existing associations between new material and what was already in memory. To eliminate any such associations, Ebbinghaus created the nonsense syllable, a meaningless set of two consonants and a vowel, such as pof, xem and qal. He read a list of nonsense syllables aloud at a constant rate and then tried to recall the syllables. Ebbinghaus devised a special relearning method to measure how much he forgot over time (see the Snapshot ‘It’s all coming back to me’) . This method involved comparing the number of trials (repetitions) it took him to learn a list of items and the number of trials he needed to relearn that same list later. Any reduction in the number of trials required for relearning represented the savings from one learning to the next. If it took Ebbinghaus 10 trials to learn a list and another 10 trials to relearn it, there would be no savings. Forgetting would have been complete. If it took him 10 trials to learn the list and only five trials to relearn it , there would be a saving of 50 per cent. Ebbinghaus’ research produced two lasting discoveries. One is the shape of the forgetting curve, shown in Figure 6.11. Even when psychologists substitute words , sentences and even stories for nonsense syllables, the forgetting curve shows the same strong initial drop in memory, followed by a more moderate decrease over time (Wixted, 2004). Of course, we remember sensible stories better than nonsense syllables, but the shape of the curve is the same no matter what type of material is involved (Davis & Moore, 1935) . Even the forgetting of events from daily life tends to follow Ebbinghaus’ forgetting curve (Thomson , 1982). Ebbinghaus also discovered just how long-lasting ‘savings’ in long-term memory can be. Psychologists now know from Ebbinghaus’ relearning method that information about everything FIGURE 6.11 Ebbinghaus’ curve of forgetting TRY THIS \ Make a list of 30 words, chosen at random from a dictionary, and spend a few minutes memorising them. After an hour has passed, write down as many of these words as you can remember, but don’t look at the original list again. Test yourself again eight hours later, a day later, and two days

later. Then look at the original list and see how well you did on each recall test. Ebbinghaus found that most forgetting occurs during the first nine hours after learning, especially during the first hour. If this was not the case for you, why do you think your results were different ? 100 'S

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It's all coming back to me This grandfather hasn’t fed an infant for decades, but his memory of how to do it is not entirely gone. He showed some ‘savings’; it

took him less time to relearn the skill than it took him to learn it

initially.

relearning method a way of measuring forgetting by comparing the number of repetitions needed to learn and, after a delay, relearn the same material

Chapter 9: Memory

from arithmetic to bike riding is often retained for decades (Matlin , 1998) .You may forget something you have learned if you do not use the information, but it is easy to relearn the material if the need arises, indicating that the forgetting was not complete (Hall & Bahrick, 1998) .

Why do we forget? The roles of decay and interference decay theory a description of forgetting as the gradual disappearance of information from memory

interference the process through which either the storage or the retrieval of information is impaired by the presence of other information

We have seen how forgetting occurs, but why does it happen ? In principle, either of two processes can be responsible. One process is described by decay theory, which suggests that information gradually disappears from memory, much as the inscription engraved on a ring or bracelet wears away and fades over time. Forgetting may also occur because of interference , a process through which the storage or retrieval of information is impaired by the presence of other information . Interference may occur because one piece of information actually displaces other information, pushing it out of memory. It may also occur because one piece of information makes storing or recalling other information more difficult .

Forgetting and short - term memory In short-term memory, if an item is not rehearsed or elaborated, memory of it decreases consistently over the course of about 18 seconds. Decay appears to play the main role in forgetting information in short-term memory. But interference through displacement can also be operating. Like the top of a desk , short-term memory can hold only so much. Once it is full , adding more items tends to make others ‘fall off ’ and become unavailable (Haberlandt, 1999) . Displacement is one reason why the phone number you just looked up is likely to drop out of short-term memory if you read another number immediately afterwards. Rehearsal prevents displacement by continually re-entering the same information into short-term memory.

Forgetting and long- term memory retroactive inhibition a cause of forgetting in which new information placed in

memory interferes with the ability to recall information already in memory

proactive inhibition a cause of forgetting in which

information already in long term memory interferes with the ability to remember new information

In long-term memory, forgetting seems to be more directly tied to interference. Sometimes, the interference is due to retroactive inhibition , in which learning of new information interferes with our ability to recall older information (Wixted , 2005) . Interference can also occur because of proactive inhibition , a process by which old information interferes with our ability to learn or remember new information. Retroactive inhibition would help explain why studying French vocabulary this semester might make it more difficult to remember the Italian words you learned last semester. And because of proactive inhibition, the French words you are learning now might make it harder to learn German next semester. Figure 6.12 outlines the types of experiments that are used to study the influence of each form of interference in long-term memory.

Dellenbach studies We know that if you learn something and are then tested on it after various intervals, you will remember less and less as time passes. But is your forgetting due to decay or to interference? It is not easy to tell, because the passage of time produces both more decay and more retroactive inhibition from the new information you encounter after the original learning.To separate the effects of decay from those of interference, Karl Dallenbach created situations in which time passed but there was little or no accompanying interference. Evidence of forgetting in such situations would suggest that decay, not interference, was operating.

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FIGURE 6.12 Procedures for studying interference

To remember the two types of interference processes, keep in mind that the prefixes pro - and retro - indicate directions in time. Pro forward’ and retro - means ‘backward’. In proactive inhibition, previously learned material ‘comes forward’ to interfere with new means ‘ learning. Retroactive inhibition occurs when new information ‘goes back’ to interfere with the recall of past learning. PROACTIVE INTERFERENCE EXPERIMENT

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RETROACTIVE INTERFERENCE EXPERIMENT

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The experimental group will suffer from retroactive interference, and the control group will be able to recall more material from list A.

Recall list A

In one of Dallenbach’s studies , university students learned a list of nonsense syllables and then either continued with their usual routine or were sheltered from interference by going to sleep (Jenkins & Dallenbach , 1924) . Although the delay (and thus the potential for decay) was held constant for both groups, the greater interference associated with being awake produced much more forgetting (see Figure 6.13) . Results such as these suggest that although decay sometimes occurs, interference is the major cause of forgetting from long-term memory. But does interference actually push the forgotten information out of memory, or does it just make it harder to retrieve the information ? To find out, Endel Tulving and Joseph Psotka (1971) presented people with lists of words that represented particular categories. For example, there was a ‘buildings’ list (containing words such as hut , cottage ,

FIGURE 6.13 Interference and forgetting

In this study, university students forgot more of what they had learned, and forgot it faster, if they engaged in normal activity after learning than if they spent the time asleep. These results suggest that interference is more important than decay in forgetting information in long- term memory.

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Does sleep influence memory performance?

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tent and hotel) and a ‘geographical features’ list (containing words such as cliff, river, hill and volcano ) . Some people learned a list and then recalled as many of the words as possible. Other groups learned one list and then learned up to five additional lists before trying to recall the first one. The results were dramatic. As the number of additional lists increased, the number of words that people could recall from the original list decreased . This finding reflected strong retroactive inhibition; the new lists were interfering with recall of the first one. Then the researchers gave a second test, but this time they provided a retrieval cue by telling the category of the words (such as ‘buildings’) to be recalled . Now the number of additional lists had almost no effect on the number of words recalled from the original list , as Figure 6.14 shows.These results indicate that the words from the first list were still in long-term memory. They had not been pushed out , but the participants could not remember them without appropriate retrieval cues. In other words , faulty retrieval , not decay, had caused the original forgetting. Putting more and more information in long-term memory may be like putting more and more books into a bookcase: none of the books disappear, but it becomes increasingly difficult to find the one you are looking for. Does this mean that everything in long-term memory remains there for life, even if you cannot always or ever recall it? No-one knows for sure yet , but as described in the next section , this question lies at the heart of some controversial court cases.

FIGURE 6.14 Retrieval failures and forgetting

Tulving and Psotka found that people’s ability to recall a list of items was strongly affected by the number of other lists they learned before being tested on the first one. When retrieval cues were provided on a second test, however, interference from the additional lists almost

disappeared.

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THINKING CRITICALLY Can traumatic memories be repressed and then recovered ? In 1989, Eileen Franklin Lipsker told California police that when she looked into her young daughter ’s eyes one day, she suddenly remembered seeing her father kill her childhood friend more than 20 years earlier. On the basis of her testimony about this memory, her father, George Franklin Sr, was sent to prison for murder (Loftus & Ketcham, 1994).

What am I being asked to believe or accept ? The prosecution in the Franklin case successfully argued that Eileen had recovered a long - buried memory of a murder. Similar arguments in a number of other court cases in the early 1990 s resulted in the imprisonment of other parents whose now - adult children claimed to have recovered >>> -1

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childhood memories of being physically or sexually abused by them. In an Australian case in 1995, a 50 - year -old man was found guilty on three counts of sexually assaulting his two young daughters between 1981 and 1983 (Guilliatt, 1995). The trial took place before any widespread publicity about recovered memory in Australia; in fact, recovered memory was never raised as an issue at the trial. But in a submission filed as part of his appeal, the father claimed that he was a victim of a miscarriage of justice because his daughters’ allegations sprang from memories they recovered a decade after the alleged events occurred. The submission stated that both daughters had acknowledged they had ‘forgotten’ the alleged assaults and that the youngest daughter’s specific memories did not surface until 1993, after she had consulted a‘ kinesiologist’ whose treatment let the memory ‘come through’. Eventually, this case was dismissed, partly because the younger daughter had claimed that animals had been ritually sacrificed and buried on the home property, and no evidence was found to justify this claim. The juries in these trials initially accepted the assertion that all memory of shocking events can be repressed , or pushed into an inaccessible corner of the mind where subconscious processes keep it out of awareness yet potentially subject to accurate recall decades later (Hyman, 2000). Jurors are

suppress information so that it is no longer accessible during a later memory test (Anderson & Green, 2001; Anderson & Levy, 2009). Even suppressing emotional reactions to events can interfere with a person’s memories of those events (Richards & Gross, 2000). And people appear more likely to forget unpleasant events than pleasant ones (Erdelyi, 1985). In one study, a psychologist kept a detailed record of his daily life over a six - year period. When he later tried to recall those experiences, he remembered more than half of the positive ones but only a third of the negative ones ( Waagenaar, 1986). In another study, 38 per cent of women who had been brought to a hospital when they were children because of sexual abuse did not report the incident when they were interviewed as adults ( Williams, 1994). Fourth, retrieval cues can help people recall memories that had previously been inaccessible to conscious awareness (Andrews et a I., 2000; Landsdale & Laming, 1995). Such cues have helped soldiers remember for the first time the circumstances under which they had been wounded many years before (Karon & Widener, 1997). Finally, there is the confidence with which people report recovered memories; they say they are just too vivid to be anything but real.

repressed memory

Psychologists who are sceptical about repressed memories

painful memory that is said to be kept out of consciousness by psychological processes a

the only ones who believe in this repressed memory phenomenon. Some years ago, a

not

large American news organisation reported that the United States had illegally used nerve gas during the war in Vietnam. The story was based in part on a Vietnam veteran’s account of recovered memories of having been subjected to a nerve gas attack.

What evidence is available to support the assertion ? Proponents of the recovered- memory argument point to several lines of evidence to support their claims. First, as discussed in Chapter 8, ‘Consciousness’, a substantial amount of mental activity occurs outside of conscious awareness. Second, research on implicit memory shows that our behaviour can be influenced by information that we are not aware of (Betch et al., 2003; Kouider & Dupoux, 2005; Schacter, Chiu & Ochsner, 1993). Third, research on motivated forgetting suggests that people are able to wilfully

Are there alternative ways of interpreting the evidence ? know that subconscious memory and retrieval processes exist (Kihlstrom, 1999). They also recognise that, sadly, child abuse and other traumas are all too common. But to these psychologists, the available evidence is not strong enough to support the conclusion that traumatic memories can be repressed and then accurately recalled. Any given ‘recovered’ memory, they say, might actually be a distorted or constructed memory (Clancy et al., 2000; Hyman, 2000; Loftus, 1998). As already mentioned, our recall of past events is affected by what happened at the time, what we knew beforehand, and everything we have experienced since. The people in the study mentioned earlier who ‘remembered’ non- existent books in an office inadvertently used their prior knowledge of what is usually in graduate students’ offices to construct a memory of seeing books. Similarly, that Vietnam veteran’s ‘recovered memory’ of a nerve gas attack appears to have had no basis in fact; the news organisation that published the story later retracted it. Research shows that false memories - distortions of actual events and the recall of events that didn’t actually

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Exploring memory processes Elizabeth Loftus and other cognitive psychologists have demonstrated mechanisms through which false memories can be created. They have found, for example, that false memories appear even in research participants who are told about them and are asked to avoid them (McDermott & Roediger, 1998). Their work has helped focus scientific scrutiny on reports of recovered memories, especially those arising from contact with some psychotherapists who assume that most people have repressed memories of abuse.

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happen - can be at least as vivid as real, accurate memories, and that people can feel just as confident about them ( Brainerd & Reyna, 2005; Brainerd et al., 2003; Loftus, 2004; Nourkova, Bernstein & Loftus, 2004; Roediger & McDermott, 2000). Most of us have experienced everyday versions of false memories (see the Snapshot ‘ Exploring remember’ memory processes’). It is not unusual to ‘ turning off the iron or paying rent, only to discover later that we didn’t. Researchers have demonstrated that false memories can occur in relation to more emotional events, too. In one case study, a teenager named Chris was given descriptions of four incidents from his childhood and asked to write about each of them every day for five days (Loftus, 1997a). One of those incidents - being lost in a shopping mall at age five - never happened. Yet Chris eventually ‘remembered’ this event and even added many details about the mall and the stranger whose hand he was supposedly found holding. He also rated this (false) memory as being more vivid than two of the other three ( real) incidents he wrote about. Similar results occurred in relation to about half of 77 child participants in other case studies (Porter, Yuille & Lehman, 1999).

The same pattern of results has appeared in formal experiments about planting emotion -laden false memories (Hyman & Pentland, 1996; Loftus & Pickrell, 1995). Researchers have been able to create vivid and striking (but completely false) memories of events that people thought they experienced the day after they were born (DuBreuil, Garry & Loftus, 1998). In other experiments, children who were repeatedly asked about a non -existent trauma (getting a hand caught in a mousetrap) eventually developed a clear and unshakable false memory of experiencing it (Ceci et al., 1994). Some people will even begin to avoid a certain food after researchers create in them a false memory of having been ill after eating that food as a child (Bernstein & Loftus, 2009 a; Geraerts, Bernstein et al., 2008). In other words, people sometimes have a difficult time distinguishing between what has happened to them and what they have only imagined or have come to believe has happened (Garry & Polaschek, 2000; Henkel, 2004; Johnson & Raye, 1998; Mazzoni & Memon, 2003; Zaragoza et al., 2001). Some studies have found that people with certain brain characteristics and those who are prone to fantasy, who easily confuse real and imagined stimuli, and who tend to have lapses in attention and memory, are more likely than others to develop false memories and possibly more likely to report the recovery of repressed memories (Fuentemilla et al., 2009; McNally, 2003; McNally et al., 2000 a, 2000 b, 2005; Porter et al., 2000; Wilson & French, 2006). Two other studies have found that women who have suffered physical or sexual abuse are more likely to falsely remember words on a laboratory recall test (Bremner, Shobe & Kihlstrom, 2000; Zoellner et al., 2000). This tendency appears strongest among abused women who show signs of post - traumatic stress disorder (Bremner, Shobe & Kihlstrom, 2000). Another study found that the tendency to have false memories during a word recall task was greater in women who reported recovered memories of sexual abuse than in non- abused women or in those who had always remembered the abuse they suffered (Clancy et al., 2000). Why would anyone ‘remember’ a traumatic event that did not actually occur? Cognitive psychologist Elizabeth Loftus (1997b) suggests that, for one thing, popular books such as The Courage to Heal (Bass & Davis, 1994), Secret Survivors (Blume, 1998) and Surviving Babylon (Garson, 2006) may lead people to believe that anyone who experiences guilt, >>> — 1

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depression, low self- esteem, overemotionality or any of a long list of other problems is harbouring repressed memories of abuse. This message, says Loftus, is reinforced and elaborated by some psychotherapists, particularly those who specialise in using guided imagination, hypnosis and other methods to ‘ help’ clients recover repressed memories (Lindsay et al., 2004; McHugh, 2009; Pendergrast, 1996; see also Devilly et al., in press). In doing so, these psychotherapists may influence people to construct false memories by encouraging them to imagine experiencing events that may never have actually occurred or that occurred only in a dream (Mazzoni & Loftus, 1996; Olio, 1994). As one client described her psychotherapy, ‘I was rapidly losing the ability to differentiate between my imagination and my real memory’ (Loftus & Ketcham, 1994, p. 25). To such clinicians, a client’s failure to recover memories of abuse or refusal to accept their existence is evidence of denial of the truth (Loftus, 1997a; Tavris, 2003). The possibility that recovered memories may actually be false memories has led to dismissed charges or not - guilty verdicts for defendants in some repressed - memory cases. In other cases, previously convicted defendants have been released. (George Franklin’s conviction was overturned, but only after he’d spent five years in prison.) Concern over the potential damage resulting from false memories prompted the establishment in 1992 of the False Memory Syndrome Foundation, an organisation of families affected by abuse accusations stemming from allegedly repressed memories. More than 100 of these families (including Franklin’s family) have filed lawsuits against hospitals and psychotherapists. In 1994, California winery executive Gary Ramona received US$500 000 in damages from two psychotherapists who had ‘helped’ his daughter recall his alleged sexual abuse of her. A more recent suit led to a US$2 million judgment against a Minnesota psychotherapist whose client discovered that her ‘recovered’ memories of childhood abuse were false. A similar case in Wisconsin brought a US$ 5 million judgment against two psychotherapists. And an Illinois case resulted in a US$10.6 million settlement and the suspension of the licence of the psychiatrist who had ‘ found’ his patient’s ‘lost’memories (Loftus, 1998).

What additional evidence would help evaluate the alternatives ? Evaluating reports of recovered memories would be easier if we had more information about whether it is possible for

people to repress traumatic events. If it is possible, we also need to know how common it is and how accurate recovered memories might be. So far, we know that some people apparently do forget intense emotional experiences but that most people’s memories of them are vivid and long- lasting, like the flashbulb memories discussed earlier (Alexander et al., 2005; Goodman et al., 2003; Henckens et al., 2009; McGaugh, 2003; Porter & Peace, 2007). In fact, many people who live through trauma are unable to forget it, though they wish they could (Henig, 2004). In the sexual abuse study mentioned earlier, for example ( Williams, 1994), 62 per cent of the abuse victims recalled as adults the trauma that had been documented in their childhoods. A similar study of a different group of adults found that about 92 per cent of them recalled their documented childhood abuse (Alexander et al., 2005; Goodman et al., 2003). The true recall figures may actually be even higher in such studies because some people who remember abuse may not wish to talk about it. In any case, additional studies like these - studies that track the fate of memories in known abuse cases - would not only help us estimate the prevalence of this kind of forgetting but might also offer clues as to the kinds of people and events most likely to be associated with it. It would also be valuable to know more about the processes through which repression might occur and how they are related to empirically established theories of human memory. Is there a mechanism that specifically pushes traumatic memories out of awareness and then keeps them at a subconscious level for long periods? Despite some suggestive results (Anderson & Levy, 2009; Anderson et al., 2004; DePrince & Freyd, 2004), cognitive psychologists so far have not found reliable evidence for such a mechanism (Bulevich et al., 2006; Geraerts et al., 2006; Loftus, 1997a; McNally, 2003; McNally, Clancy & Schacter, 2001; McNally et al., 2000 a ; Pope et al., 1998).

What conclusions are most reasonable ? An objective reading of the available research evidence suggests that recovery of traumatic memories is at least possible, but that the implantation of false memories is also possible - and has been demonstrated repeatedly in controlled experiments. With this in mind, it is not easy to decide whether any particular case is an instance of recovered memory or false memory, especially when there is no objective corroborating evidence to guide the decision. >>> — 1

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the truth. At the same time, we should not automatically reject the claims of people who appear to have recovered memories (Geraerts et al., 2007; McNally & Geraerts, 2009). Perhaps the wisest course is to use all the scientific and circumstantial evidence available to carefully and critically examine claims of recovered memories while keeping in mind that constructive memory processes may have influenced those memories (Alison, Kebbell & Lewis, 2006; Geraerts et al., 2007). This careful, scientific approach is vital if we are to protect the rights and welfare of those who report recovered memories, as well as of those who face accusations arising from them (Geraerts, Lindsay et al., 2008). ( ) Finally, there appear to be cultural differences in the ways in which people react to and remember traumatic events (Jobson & O’Kearney, 2006), and so the Do forgotten appropriateness of Western memories remain in clinical approaches to the the subconscious? treatment of trauma needs to (a link to Chapter 8. be carefully considered ‘Consciousness’) (Sutherland & Bryant, 2008).

The intense conflict between those who uncritically accept claims of recovered memories and those who are more wary about the accuracy of such claims reflects a fundamental disagreement about evidence (Tavris, 2003). To many psychotherapists who deal daily with victims of sexual abuse and other traumas, clients’ reports constitute stronger proof of recovered memories than the results of laboratory experiments do. Client reports are viewed with considerably more scepticism by psychologists who engage in or rely on empirical research on the processes of memory and forgetting. They would like to have additional sources of evidence, including from research on brain activity ‘signatures’ that might some day distinguish true memories from false ones (for example, Bernstein & Loftus, 2009 b; Cabeza et al., 2001; Rissman, Greely & Wagner, 2010; Sederberg et al., 2007; Slotnick & Schacter, 2004). So people’s responses to claims of recovered memory may be determined by the relative weight they assign to reports of personal experiences versus evidence from controlled experiments. Still, the apparent ease with which false memories can be created should lead judges, juries and the general public to exercise great caution before accepting unverified memories of traumatic events as

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Prospective memory How often have you driven home without remembering to pick up the specific food item you needed to make dinner? This indicates a failure of prospective memory, the ability to carry out future intentions at a specific time (for example, remembering to leave the house at 11 a . m . to attend an appointment an hour later) or in response to a specific event (for example, remembering to lock the front door of your house when leaving) . Although we all experience such failures from time to time, ongoing deficits in prospective remembering have been correlated with ageing (Einstein et al. , 1995; Henry et al., 2004), anxiety ( Harris & Menzies, 1999) , depression (Jeong & Cranney, 2009) and obsessive thinking (Harris et al. , 2010). Successful prospective remembering requires that the intention to remember is encoded and recalled some time later in response to a cue, so that accurate prospective memory task performance has both a prospective component (remembering to remember) and a retrospective component (remembering the content of what is to be remembered) . One debated issue is whether deficits on a prospective memory task are due to deficits in the retrospective component or in the unique prospective component , and specific experimental paradigms have been developed to answer that question (for example, Harris & Cumming, 2003).

Event - based and time - based prospective memory The two types of ‘cueing’ for when you need to remember to do something have led to the differentiation between ‘event-based’ prospective memory and ‘time-based’ prospective memory; for example, you may need to take medication either after dinner (event) or at 8 p. m. (time) . Prospective

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remembering has often been demonstrated to be resource-demanding (McDaniel & Scullin, 2010), although there is also evidence to support the multiprocess framework that proposes that prospective event-based memory tasks may also be supported by spontaneous, automatic retrieval processes (Meiser & Schult, 2008) . Given the dependence on executive processes such as planning, working memory and the capacity to inhibit ongoing activity to undertake the target action (for example, taking medication) , it has long been suspected that the unique ‘when ’ aspect of prospective memory is mediated by the frontal lobe. Research involving patients with frontal lobe damage suggests this to be the case (Knight, Harnett & Titov, 2005) and has been supported by more recent brain imaging studies suggesting, in particular, that the left frontal pole, anterior and posterior cingulate, and the right dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, are involved (for example, Burgess, Quayle & Frith , 2001; Burgess et ah , 2000; Okuda et ah , 1998) .

Ageing It appears to be the case that in ‘natural’ ageing, some aspects of memory are increasingly compromised (Einstein et ah , 1995) . This may well be related to biological processes such as gradual neural deterioration or other factors affecting general brain functioning, such as decreased blood flow (Burgess, Quayle & Frith , 2001) .With the proportion of older people increasing in many countries, discovering ways to retard or compensate for this loss is becoming increasingly important . One important question is whether all areas of memory are equally affected. This would seem not to be the case. As mentioned earlier, ageing does appear to be associated with greater deficits in prospective memory, although this has been found to be less so in realistic settings than in laboratory settings (Devolder, Brigham & Pressley, 1990; Rendell & Craik , 2000). For example, although older people have been found to be worse at event-based and time-based prospective memory in laboratory settings, they are better at time-based prospective memory in naturalistic settings (Martin, 1986; Rendell & Craik , 2000) , suggesting that older people may be putting some effort into compensating for a real loss in everyday settings (particularly important for health, such as remembering to take medication), and in addition, that the deficit can be ameliorated with increased cue salience (Altgassen et ah , 2010) . Is there anything that can be done? Some possible solutions may lie in longitudinal research which has focused on the predictors of ‘healthy’ cognitive functioning in the elderly. Apart from having a history of being better educated and having higher-status employment and a higher socioeconomic status , it has been found that higher levels of physical exercise and engaging in stimulating social and intellectual activities are associated with maintained cognitive health, including memory (Valenzuela & Sachdev, 2009) . We are talking here about ‘healthy’ ageing, independent of the severe memory deficits associated with the ‘ageing’ illnesses such as Alzheimer’s disease (Akande, Brodaty & Burns , 2004) .

Other interesting phenomena Recently,Julie Henry and Peter Rendell (2007) reviewed the research on whether pregnant women and women who had recently given birth really did suffer from ‘baby brain’; that is, the assumed decrease in general cognitive capacity that is said to occur late in pregnancy and in the first few weeks after a baby’s birth. They found that , indeed, these women did show decreased memory functioning when there was a relatively high demand on executive cognitive control, although their memory difficulty was not found in all measures of memory performance. Can you think of some potential explanations for these effects on memory?

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N REVIEW Forgetting KEY

ANSWERS

QUESTIONS

What were the lasting discoveries from Ebbinghaus’ research?

The shape of the forgetting curve, and the relearning method to measure how much is forgotten over time.

One process is described by decay theory, which suggests that information gradually disappears from memory.

Why do we forget?

Forgetting may also occur because of interference, a process through which the storage or retrieval of information is impaired by the presence of other information: 1 In retroactive inhibition, new information placed in memory interferes with the ability to recall information already in memory. 2 In proactive inhibition, information already in long- term memory interferes with the ability to remember new information.

What is prospective memory ?

Prospective memory is the ability to carry out future intentions at a specific time or in response to a specific event. It involves two types of ‘ cueing’ for when you need to remember to do something, which have led to the differentiation between ‘event - based’ prospective memory and ‘time - based’ prospective memory.

How does ageing affect memory ?

natural’ageing, some aspects of memory are increasingly compromised, but not all memory is In ‘ equally affected. Recent work has looked at predictors of ‘healthy’ cognitive functioning in the elderly.

Check your understanding over time. , then a 1 Ebbinghaus’ forgetting curve shows a 2 In cases of interference, it is not decay, that can cause forgetting. 3 The impact on memory for pregnant women has been termed ‘baby brain’. However, evidence suggests that this impact is related to the high demand on

6.6 BIOLOGICAL BASES OF MEMORY Many psychologists who study memory focus on explicit and implicit mental processes (for example, Kinoshita , 2003; Schott et al., 2005) . Others explore the physical, electrical and chemical changes that occur in the brain when people encode, store and retrieve information (Abraham, 2006; Fields, 2005; Touzani , Puthanveettil & Kandel, 2007) . The story of the scientific search for the biological bases of memory begins with the work of Karl Lashley and Donald Hebb, who spent many years studying how memory is related to brain structures and processes. Lashley (1950) taught rats new behaviours and then observed how damage to various parts of the rats’ brains changed their ability to perform the tasks they had learned . Lashley hoped that his work would identify the brain area that contained the ‘engrain’ the physical manifestation of memory in the brain . However, after many experiments, he concluded that memories are not localised in one specific region but instead are distributed throughout large areas of brain tissue. Hebb, who was a student of Lashley s, proposed another biological theory of memory. Hebb believed that each memory is represented by a group of interconnected neurons in the brain . These neurons, which he called a cell assembly , form a network in the cortex.The connections among these neurons are strengthened, he said, when the neurons are simultaneously stimulated through sensory

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experiences (Hebb, 1949) . Though not correct in all its details, Hebb’s theory stimulated research and contributed to an understanding of the physical basis of memory. His theory is also consistent , in many respects, with contemporary parallel distributed processing models of memory and with the results of neuroimaging research on networks of brain activity ( Fair et ah , 2008). Let’s consider more recent research on the biochemical mechanisms and brain structures that are most directly involved in memory processes.

The biochemistry of memory As described in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’ , communication among brain cells takes place at the synapses between axons and dendrites using chemicals called neurotransmitters that are released at the synapses.The formation and storage of new memories are associated with at least two kinds of changes in synapses.

New synapses The first kind of change occurs when stimulation from the environment promotes the formation of new synapses, thus increasing the complexity of the communication networks through which neurons receive information .Scientists can now actually see this process occur.As shown in Figure 6.15 , repeatedly sending signals across a particular synapse increases the number of special little branches, called spines, that appear on the receiving cell’s dendrites (Hofer et ah , 2009; Lang et al., 2004; Nagerl et ah , 2008) .

Changes to existing synapses The second kind of change occurs as new experiences change the operation of existing synapses. For example, when two neurons fire at the same time and together stimulate a third neuron , that third neuron will later be more responsive than before to stimulation by either neuron alone (Sejnowski , Chattarji & Stanton, 1990) . This process of ‘sensitising’ synapses is called long-term potentiation (Li et ah , 2003; Mozzachiodi et ah , 2008; Rioult-Pedotti, Friedman & Donoghue, 2000) . Other patterns of electrical stimulation can weaken synaptic connections, a process called long-term depression (Malenka, 1995). Changes in sensitivity could account for the development of conditioned responses and other types of learning, and for the operation of working memory (Mongillo, Barak & Tsodyks, 2008; Olson et ah , 2006; Whitlock et ah , 2006) .

FIGURE 6.15 Building memories

These models of synapses are based on electron microscope images of synapses in the brain. The model on the left shows that before signals were repeatedly sent across the synapse, just one spine (shown in white) appears on this part of the dendrite. Afterwards, as shown in the other model, there are two spines, which helps improve communication across the synapse. The creation and changing of many individual synapses in the brain appears to underlie the formation and storage of new memories. From Toni, N., Buchs, P. A., Nikonenko, /., Bron, C. R., & Muller, D. ( 1999). LTP promotes formation of multiple spine synopses between a single axon terminal and a dendrite. Nature, 402, 421 - 425.

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The role of neurotransmitters In the hippocampus (see Figure 6.16), these changes appear to occur at synapses that use the neurotransmitter glutamate (Malenka & Nicoll, 1999; Taylor et ah , 2008) . Other neurotransmitters, such as acetylcholine , also play important roles in memory formation (for example, Furey, Pietrini & Haxby, 2000; Li et ah , 2003) . The memory problems seen in people with Alzheimer’s disease are related to a lack of neurons that use acetylcholine and send fibres to the hippocampus and the cortex ( Muir, 1997) . Drugs that interfere with the action of acetylcholine impair memory, and drugs that increase the amount of acetylcholine in synapses can improve memory somewhat in ageing animals and humans ( Pettit , Shao & Yakel, 2001; Sirvio, 1999) . In summary, research has shown that the formation of memories is associated with changes in many individual synapses that together strengthen and improve the communication in networks of neurons . These findings provide some support for the ideas formulated by Hebb many years ago.

FIGURE 6.16 Some brain structures involved in memory Combined nerve cell activity in many parts of the brain allows us to encode, store and retrieve memories. The complexity of the biological bases of these processes is underscored by research showing that different aspects of a memory - such as the sights and sounds associated with some event - are stored in different parts of the cerebral cortex.

Cerebral cortex

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There is also evidence that ethnic minority groups are underrepresented in research on mental disorders ( Paradies & Cunningham, 2010). One review found that minority participants were included in less than 30 per cent of the research published in five leading clinical psychologyjournals over a 17 - year period (Iwamasa. Sorocco & Koonce, 2002). If such underrepresentation leaves clinicians less sensitive to the operation of sociocultural factors in certain groups, the quality of their diagnoses could be affected.

Are there alternative ways of interpreting the evidence ? Differences among ethnic groups in diagnosis or treatment do not automatically indicate bias based on ethnicity. Perhaps there are real differences in psychological functioning across different ethnic groups. If, relative to other groups, Indigenous Australians are exposed to more risk factors for disorder, such as racism, poverty, violence or other major stressors, they could be more vulnerable to more serious forms of mental disorder (Paradies & Cunningham, 2012). Indeed, Indigenous Australians are more likely to bring mental health problems to hospital emergency rooms rather than to general practitioners or other mental - health service providers. Due to the experience of social exclusion, colonisation and isolation, an alternative mental health strategy is required to address the mental health of Indigenous Australians (Griffin, Hinton & Nagel, 2012).

would be suggested if, for example, patients identified as African American were labelled as more seriously disordered than others. In fact, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander mental health initiative has already altered its approach from a deficit model (only dealing with overt symptoms) to a focus on social support and working within communities. Integral to the new focus is the examination of the patient - doctor relationship in a timely manner to assist Indigenous mental health clients. A positive result of this new initiative is the development of culturally appropriate assessment tools and programs for early intervention in regard to patients with mental health disorders. The significance of this approach is that it is culturally focused and involves working with the broader Indigenous community.

What conclusions are most reasonable ? Most diagnostic tools, including the previous DSM - IV -TR and the current DSM-5, are imperfect, and so are the people who use them. As described in Chapter 7, ‘Cognition and language’, and in Chapter 15, ‘Social cognition and influence’, biases and stereotypes affect human thinking to some extent in virtually every social situation. It should not be surprising, then, that they operate in diagnosis as well. But diagnostic bias does not necessarily reflect deliberate discrimination. Like the processes of prejudice discussed in Chapter 15, ‘Social cognition and influence’, diagnostic bias based on ethnicity can operate unconsciously, without the diagnostician’s awareness (Abreu, 1999; Boysen, 2009). So no matter how precisely researchers specify the criteria for assigning diagnostic labels, conscious or unconscious cognitive biases and stereotypes are likely to threaten the objectivity of the diagnostic process (Poland & Caplan, 2004; Trierweiler et al., 2000). To minimise the bias that does operate, it has been suggested that diagnosticians should focus more intently than ever on the fact that their concepts of ‘normality’ and ‘abnormality’ are affected by sociocultural values that they may not share with a given client (Kales et al., 2006; Landrine, 1991; Whaley & Hall, 2009). They must also become more aware of the fact that the cognitive shortcuts and biases that affect everyone else’s thinking and decision making can impair their own clinical judgements (Lopez, 1989).

What additional evidence would help evaluate the alternatives ? So do African Americans actually display more signs of schizophrenia, or do diagnosticians just perceive them as more disordered? One way of approaching this question is to conduct experiments in which diagnosticians assign labels to clients on the basis of case histories, test scores and the like. In some studies, the cases are selected so that pairs of clients show about the same degree of disorder, but one member of the pair is identified as European American and the other as African American. In other studies, the same case materials, identified as representing either African American or European American patients, are presented to different diagnosticians. Bias in diagnosis

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anxiety disorder a condition in which intense feelings of apprehension are

longstanding and disruptive

phobia an anxiety disorder involving strong, irrational fear of an object or situation that does not objectively justify such a reaction

specific phobia an anxiety disorder involving fear and avoidance of heights, animals or other specific stimuli and situations

It's a long way down Almost everyone is afraid of something, but about 6 per cent of Australian adults have a specific phobia in which fear interferes significantly with daily life (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2007). For example, people with acrophobia ( fear of heights) would not do well in a job that requires being in this

high position.

Anxiety disorders If you have ever been tense before an exam, a date or a job interview, you have some idea of what anxiety feels like. Increased heart rate, sweating, rapid breathing, a dry mouth and a sense of dread are common features of anxiety. Brief episodes of moderate anxiety are a normal part of life for most people. However, when anxiety is so intense and long-lasting that it impairs a person’s daily functioning, it is called an anxiety disorder (Kessler & Wang, 2008) .

Types of anxiety disorders Here we discuss four types of anxiety disorders: phobia , generalised anxiety disorder, panic disorder and obsessive-compulsive disorder. Post-traumatic stress disorder, described in DSM -5 as a trauma- and stressor-related disorder, is described in Chapter 12, ‘Health, stress and coping’. In Australia, 10 per cent of the population suffer from an anxiety disorder at any one time; about 11.2 per cent will experience an anxiety disorder at some point in their lives, with a greater occurrence in females (13 per cent) as opposed to males (9.4 per cent) (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2015) . In New Zealand , the rate is lower, with 6.1 per cent of the population suffering from anxiety disorders. However, more women are diagnosed with anxiety disorder (7.7 per cent) compared with men (4.4 per cent) ( NZ Ministry of Health , 2013) .

Phobia An intense, irrational fear of an object or situation that is not likely to be dangerous is called a phobia . People who experience phobias usually realise that their fears are groundless, but that’s not enough to make the anxiety go away. The continuing discomfort and avoidance of the object or event may greatly interfere with daily life. Thousands of phobias have been described; Table 14.2 lists just a few.

TABLE 14.2 Some phobias

Phobia, the Greek word for ‘morbid fear’, refers to Phobos, the Greek god of terror. The names of most phobias begin with the Greek word for the feared object or situation. Name

Feared stimulus

Name

Feared stimulus

Acrophobia Claustrophobia Haematophobia Gephyrophobia Kenophobia Cynophobia

Heights

Aerophobia Entomophobia Gamophobia Ophidiphobia Xenophobia Melissophobia

F|ying

Enclosed places Blood

Crossing a bridge Empty rooms D gs

°

Insects

Marriage Snakes Strangers Bees

DSM - 5 includes different subtypes such as specific phobia, social anxiety disorder or social phobia , and agoraphobia (American Psychiatric Association, 2013) . Specific phobias include fear and avoidance of heights , blood, animals, car or air travel, or other specific stimuli and situations (see the Snapshot ‘It’s a long way down’ ). In many developed nations, they are the most prevalent of the anxiety disorders, affecting 9 10 per cent of adults and children ( Hollander & Simeon , 2008; Kessler & Wang, 2008; NIMH , 2006) .

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Social anxiety disorders (previously referred to as social phobias) involve anxiety about being criticised by others or acting in a way that is embarrassing or humiliating (American Psychiatric Association , 2013) . The anxiety is so intense and persistent that it impairs the persons normal functioning. Common social phobias are fear of public speaking or performance (‘stage fright’), fear of eating in front of others, and fear of using public toilets (Gren-Landell et al., 2009; Kleinknecht , 2000) . Sociocultural factors can alter the nature of social phobias. For example, in Japan, where cultural training emphasises group-oriented values and goals, a common social phobia is taijin kyofusho , the fear that your appearance, odour or actions are causing offence or embarrassment to those around you (Kleinknecht, 1994) . Agoraphobia is a strong fear of being away from a safe place, such as home; of being away from a familiar person, such as a spouse or close friend; or of being in a place (such as a crowded cinema or mall) that might be difficult to leave or where help may be unavailable. These fears can cause serious problems. People who suffer from agoraphobia typically avoid social situations and refuse to shop, drive or use public transportation. They may be unable to work and can easily become isolated. In severe cases, agoraphobia can make leaving home such a frightening prospect that people become housebound , unwilling to even try going out alone. Many individuals who display agoraphobia have a history of panic attacks , which we describe later ( Fava et al., 2008).Their intense fear of public places occurs partly because they don’t want to risk triggering an attack by going to places in which they had a previous attack or where they feel an attack would be dangerous or embarrassing (Kessler et al., 2006) . Like other phobias in Western cultures, agoraphobia is more often reported by women (McLean & Anderson, 2009). However, in other cultures, such as India, where being a housebound woman is considered less unusual, individuals diagnosed as agoraphobic tend to be male ( Raguram & Bhide, 1985) . Agoraphobia affects 6 per cent of the Australian population over an entire lifetime (Sunderland , Newby & Andrews, 2012) .

social anxiety disorders (previously social phobias) an anxiety disorder involving

strong, irrational fears relating to social situations

agoraphobia an anxiety disorder involving strong fear of being alone or away from the security of home

Generalised anxiety disorder Excessive and long-lasting anxiety that is not focused on any particular object or situation marks generalised anxiety disorder (GAD). Because the problem occurs in almost all situations and because the person cannot pinpoint its source, this type of anxiety is sometimes called free-Jloating anxiety and is essentially a disorder of worry ( Fisher & Wells , 2009) . For weeks at a time, the person feels anxious and worried , sure that some disaster is about to happen. The person becomes jumpy and irritable; sound sleep is impossible. Fatigue, inability to concentrate and physiological signs of anxiety are also common. Generalised anxiety disorder affects about 9.6 per cent of the Australian population in any given year, and it tends to appear somewhat later in life than most of the other anxiety disorders the median age of onset is 31 for GAD, whereas the onset of phobias generally occurs in teenagers or those in their early twenties. This disorder is more common in women (7.3 per cent) than men , often accompanying other problems such as depression or substance abuse (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2015) .

generalised anxiety disorder (GAD) a condition that involves relatively mild but longlasting anxiety that is not focused on any particular

object or situation

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Panic disorder For some individuals, anxiety takes the form of panic disorder. Like Michael, who was profiled in Table 14.1, people suffering from panic disorder experience recurrent, terrifying panic attacks that come without warning or obvious cause. These attacks are marked by intense heart palpitations , pressure or pain in the chest, dizziness or unsteadiness, sweating, and feeling faint. Often, victims believe they are having a heart attack . Their overall quality of life suffers because they worry constantly about suffering future panic episodes and consequently restrict their activities to avoid possible embarrassment (Kinley et al., 2009) . Panic disorder can continue for years, with periods of

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panic disorder an anxiety disorder involving sudden panic attacks

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improvement followed by recurrences (Ehlers, 1995) . Many people have experienced at least one panic attack in their lives.

Obsessive - compulsive disorder obsessive- compulsive disorder (OCD) an anxiety disorder involving repetitive thoughts and urges to perform certain rituals

obsessions persistent, upsetting and unwanted thoughts that interfere with daily life and may lead to compulsions

compulsions repetitive behaviours that interfere with daily functioning but are performed in an effort to prevent dangers or events associated with obsession

Obsessive-compulsive disorder and related disorders is a new chapter in the DSM- 5. Anxiety is also at the root of obsessive- compulsive disorder (OCD), which is a lifelong affliction in about 1.2 per cent of the Australian population (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2015) . This disorder is equally common in males and females ( Zhang et ah , 2009). People displaying OCD are plagued by persistent , upsetting and unwanted thoughts called obsessions that often centre on the possibility of infection , contamination or doing harm to themselves or others. They do not actually carry out harmful acts , but the obsessive thoughts motivate ritualistic, repetitive behaviours called compulsions that are performed in an effort to avoid some dreaded outcome or to reduce feelings of anxiety associated with the obsessions ( Noyes & Hoehn-Saric, 2006); see the Snapshot ‘A cleaning compulsion’. Other common compulsions include rituals such as checking locks; repeating words , images or numbers; counting things; or arranging objects ‘just so’. Obsessions and compulsions are much more intense than the familiar experience of having a repetitive thought or tune ‘in the back of your mind’ or rechecking that a door is locked. In OCD, the obsessions and compulsions are intense, disturbing intrusions that can severely impair daily activities (Morillo, Belloch & GarciaSoriano, 2007) . Although many people who display this disorder recognise that their thoughts and actions are irrational , they still experience severe agitation and anxiety if they try to interrupt their obsessions or give up their compulsive behaviours.

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A cleaning compulsion Mild obsessions are relatively common (Fullana et al., 2009), but obsessive compulsive disorder is diagnosed when a culturally expected degree of cleanliness becomes an obsessive preoccupation with germs and a disruptive compulsion to clean things. Though learning experiences and stress appear to play the major role in shaping and triggering this and other anxiety disorders, biological factors, including genetically inherited characteristics and problems in certain neurotransmitter systems in the brain, may result in an oversensitive nervous system and a predisposition towards anxiety.

Causes of anxiety disorders As with all the forms of psychopathology we will consider, the exact causes of anxiety disorders are a matter of some debate. However, there is good evidence that biological, psychological and social factors all contribute. Biological predispositions, distortions in thinking, and certain learning experiences appear to be particularly important (Coelho & Purkis , 2009; Williams et al., 2005) . The exact nature and combination of causal factors varies from one anxiety disorder to the next. For example, the brain regions involved in panic disorder are not identical to those involved in obsessivecompulsive disorder, and the learning experiences contributing to specific phobia may differ from those contributing to agoraphobia .

Biological factors Most anxiety and obsessive-compulsive disorders appear to run in families, suggesting that these disorders are influenced by genes (Taylor, 2014) .This influence is seen in the fact that if one identical twin has an anxiety disorder, the other twin (who shares the same genes) is also more likely to

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have an anxiety disorder than is the case in non-identical twin pairs (Taylor, 2014) . Some inherited predispositions may be rather specific. One study found that identical twins are more likely than other siblings to share phobias about small animals and social situations but not about heights or enclosed spaces (Skre et ah , 2000) . The degree of genetic influence on anxiety disorders is moderate, however ( Hollander & Simeon, 2008), and varies among disorders. For instance, genes may play a stronger role in early-onset panic disorder and generalised anxiety disorder than in specific phobias (Bolton et ah , 2006; Distel et ah , 2008) . Many researchers are trying to identify the specific genes or gene combinations involved in anxiety and obsessive-compulsive disorders. For example, a number of genes have been suggested as contributing to OCD, including two variations of the SL1C6A4 gene (Saiz et ah , 2008) . This work is difficult, though , because the mere presence of a gene doesn’t necessarily predict the appearance of a disorder. Rather, genes are often ‘switched on ’ or ‘switched off ’ by environmental triggers (Uddin et ah , 2010) . The genes or gene combinations that may be involved in anxiety disorders may exert their influence through their effects on the brain’s neurotransmitter systems. For instance, excessive activity of norepinephrine circuits in certain parts of the brain has been linked with panic disorder, and dysregulation of serotonin has been associated with obsessive-compulsive disorder and social anxiety disorder (Lanzenberger et ah , 2007) . The role of these neurotransmitters is also suggested by the fact that medications that affect them are often effective in the treatment of OCD and various anxiety disorders (Bartz & Hollander, 2006) .

Psychological and environmental factors Although biological predispositions may set the stage for anxiety disorders, most researchers agree that environmental stressors and psychological factors, including cognitive processes and learning, are crucial to the development of most anxiety disorders ( Hudson & Rapee, 2009; Mineka & Zinbarg, 2006; Moses & Barlow, 2006; Wilcox et al., 2008) . To see the effects of environmental stressors, one need only look at the dramatic rise in cases of post-traumatic stress disorder following military combat, natural disasters or terrorist attacks (Galea et al., 2002; Hoven et al., 2005). The impact of learning can be seen in families in which parents don ’t socialise much, tend to be suspicious of others, and constantly exaggerate life’s everyday dangers. These parents may unwittingly promote social anxiety in their children especially children born with a tendency towards shyness by influencing them to interpret social situations as threatening (Essex et al., 2010) . Abuse or other traumatic childhood experiences also increase the risk of developing an anxiety disorder, particularly panic disorder (Brook & Schmidt, 2008; Safren et al., 2002) . People with an anxiety disorder often exaggerate the dangers in their environment , thereby creating an unrealistic expectation that bad events are going to happen (Brook & Schmidt, 2008; Cisler & Koster, 2010; Ouimet , Gawronski & Dozois, 2009) .This expectation leads them to dwell on and be constantly on the lookout for negative events (Vroling & de Jong, 2010; Wells & Matthews, 2006; Wong & Moulds , 2009) . Furthermore, because they tend to underestimate their capacity to control threatening events, they are likely to experience anxiety and desperation if and when feared events do occur. Their lack of perceived control can in turn lead these people to overreact to threatening situations or avoid them entirely (Wells & Matthews, 2006; White et al. , 2006) . Consider the development of a panic attack . Unexplained symptoms of physical arousal may set the stage for a panic attack, but it is the person’s sensitivity to and cognitive interpretation of those symptoms that can determine whether or not the attack actually develops ( Domschke et al., 2010; Hollander & Simeon , 2008; Lim & Kim, 2005). In fact, panic attacks are less likely in panic disorder patients who believe they can control the source of their discomfort (Rapee et al., 1992; White et al. , 2006) . In short , a number of dysfunctional beliefs and cognitive distortions are associated with the development of anxiety disorders (Kolassa et al. , 2009; Purdon, 2009) .

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LINKAGES Anxiety disorders and learning The principles discussed in Chapter 5, ‘ Learning’, also play an important role in anxiety disorders. For example, distressing thoughts - about money or illness, for example often give rise to anxiety and worry, especially when people are already under stress or feel incapable of dealing with their problems. As the thoughts become more persistent, anxiety increases. If doing something such as, say, cleaning the kitchen temporarily relieves the anxiety, that behaviour may be strengthened through the process of negative reinforcement discussed in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’. However, cleaning can’t eliminate the obsessive thoughts, so they return, and the actions become compulsive, endlessly repeated rituals that keep the person trapped in a vicious circle of anxiety. To social - cognitive theorists, then, obsessive -compulsive disorder is a pattern that is sparked by distressing thoughts and maintained by operant conditioning (Abramowitz et al., 2006).

Phobias Phobias, too, may be partly based on learning, especially on the principles of classical conditioning and

observational learning described in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’. The feared object becomes an aversive conditioned stimulus after being associated with a traumatic event that acts as an unconditioned stimulus (Olatunji, 2006; Stein, 2006). Fear of dogs, for example, may result from a dog attack. Fear can also be learned merely by seeing or hearing about other

people’s bad experiences. These fears can even be learned by watching TV or Can we learn to movies (Askew, Kessockbecome ‘abnormal’? Philip & Field, 2008; Cook & (a link to Chapter 5, Mineka, 1990). Perhaps you Learning’) ‘ know someone who became reluctant to take a shower after seeing the horrific murder scene in Alfred Hitchcock’s film Psycho. Once phobias are learned, avoiding the feared object or situation prevents the person from finding out that there is nothing to fear. This cycle of avoidance helps explain why many phobias do not simply extinguish, or disappear, on their own (Lovibond et al., 2009). Why are phobias about snakes and spiders so common, even though people are seldom harmed by them? Why are there so few phobias about electrical shock, even though lots of people receive accidental shocks? As discussed in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’, the answer may be that we are biologically prepared to learn associations between certain stimuli and certain responses. These stimuli and responses, then, would be especially easy to link through conditioning (see the Snapshot ‘Biological preparedness’). Specifically, we may be biologically prepared to learn to fear and avoid stimuli that harmed our evolutionary ancestors (Canu, 2008; Ohman & Mineka, 2001, 2003; Skre et al., 2000).

Biological preparedness Being predisposed to learn to fear snakes and other potentially dangerous stimuli makes evolutionary sense. Humans and other animals who rapidly learn a fear response to objects or situations that they see frightening their parents or peers are more likely to survive to pass on their genes to the next generation. llttfilllBBSl Are there things that you are especially afraid of ? If so, list them, and make a note of how you think these fears developed . How many of them appear to have ‘survival value’?

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The notion that people are biologically prepared to learn certain phobias is supported by laboratory evidence. For example, a group of Swedish psychologists attempted to condition people to fear certain stimuli by associating those stimuli with electrical shocks (Ohman, Dimberg & Ost, 1985). The research participants developed approximately equal conditioned anxiety reactions to photos of houses, human faces and snakes. Later, however, when they were tested without shock, their fear reaction to snakes remained long after their reaction to houses and faces had faded. A series of investigations with animals has also supported preparedness theory (Cook & Mineka, 1990; Shibasaki & Kawai, 2009). If a monkey sees another monkey behaving fearfully in the presence of a snake, it quickly develops a strong and persistent fear of snakes. However, if the snake is entwined in flowers, the observer monkeys come to fear only the snake, not the flowers. So the fear conditioning appears to be selective, focusing only on potentially dangerous creatures such as snakes or crocodiles (Miihlberger et al., 2006; Zinbarg & Mineka, 1991) and not on harmless objects.

Learning Learning is obviously important in the development of fear, but learning principles alone cannot explain why exposure to certain stimuli causes anxiety disorders in some people and not in others (Field, 2006; Leyro, Zvolensky & Bernstein, 2010). Why is it, for example, that some survivors of the 2002 Bali terrorist bombings, in which many Australians were killed or injured, developed phobias or post - traumatic stress disorder, but others did not? As suggested by the diathesisHealth, stress stress approach and as discussed in Chapter 12, ‘ and coping’, the impact of people’s experiences is heightened or dampened by other factors, such as their genetic and biological vulnerability or resilience to stress, their previous experiences with frightening events, their expectations and other cognitive habits, and the social support and other conditions that follow the trauma (Armfield, 2006; Leyro, Zvolensky & Bernstein, 2010; Mineka & Zinbarg, 2006; Xie et al., 2009). In short, learning - including the learning that supports the development of anxiety disorders - occurs more quickly among those who are biologically and psychologically prepared for it (see the Snapshot ‘Learning by watching’).

Learning by watching Many phobias, including those involving needles, blood and medical - related situations, are acquired vicariously by what we see and hear. In fact, fear developed through observational learning can be as strong as fear developed through direct experience. Fearlessness can also be learned vicariously. By simply watching a child in the dental chair as he learns to relax with his dentist, the other youngster is less likely to be distressed when it is his turn.

Somatic symptom and related disorders A 10-year-old boy was hospitalised with what appeared to be a case of juvenile myasthenia gravis (a weakening of the voluntary muscles) . For five weeks, he had been unable to open his eyes, which had prevented him from going to school. Physical examination revealed no other abnormalities, but he was the star of his school’s football team, and his symptoms first appeared on the day that he had been blamed for the team’s defeat (Leary, 2003). Sometimes people show symptoms of a somatic, or bodily, disorder, even though it has no physical cause. As these conditions reflect psychological problems that take somatic form , they are called somatic symptom and related disorders.

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somatic symptom and related disorders (previously somatoform disorders) psychological problems in which symptoms of a physical disorder are present without a

physical cause

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Types of somatic disorder conversion disorder a somatic symptom and

related disorder in which a person displays blindness, deafness or other symptoms of sensory or motor failure without a physical cause

The classic example of a somatic symptom and related disorder is conversion disorder, a condition in which a person appears to be, but is not , blind, deaf, paralysed or insensitive to pain in various parts of the body. (An earlier term for this disorder was hysteria.) Conversion disorders are rare, accounting for only about 2 per cent of diagnoses (APA , 2000; Eifert , Zvolensky & Louis , 2008) . Although they can occur at any point in life, they usually appear in adolescence or early adulthood . Conversion disorders differ from true physical disabilities in several ways. First, they tend to appear when a person is under severe stress. Second , they often help reduce that stress by allowing the person to avoid unpleasant or threatening situations. Third , the person may show remarkably little concern about what is apparently a rather serious problem . Finally, the symptoms may be neurologically impossible or improbable, as Figure 14.2 illustrates.

FIGURE 14.2 Glove anaesthesia In ‘glove anaesthesia ,’ a form of conversion disorder, lack of feeling stops abruptly at the wrist, as in part B. But as shown in part A, the nerves of the hand and arm blend, so if they were actually impaired, part of the arm would also lose sensitivity. Another neurologically impossible symptom of conversion disorder is sleepwalking at night on legs that are ‘paralysed’ during the day.

body dysmorphic disorder a somatic symptom and related

disorder characterised by intense distress over

imagined abnormalities of the skin, hair, face or other areas of the body

Can people who display a conversion disorder actually see, hear or move, even though they act as if they cannot? Observations and experiments suggest that they can . Supposedly paralysed people have been seen to sleepwalk, and supposedly blind or deaf people make use of sights and sounds to guide their behaviour (for example, Blake, 1998; Grosz & Zimmerman, 1970).This does not mean that they are malingering , or faking. In fact, conversion disorder is diagnosed only when the symptoms are not being faked. Rather than destroying sensory or motor ability, the conversion process may prevent the person from being aware of information that the brain is processing (Ballmaier & Schmidt , 2005; Harvey, Stanton & David , 2006) . In body dysmorphic disorder, the person is intensely distressed about an imagined abnormality of the skin, hair, face or other bodily area. The person may become preoccupied with the imagined deformity or imperfection, avoid social contacts, become dysfunctional, and even seek unnecessary corrective surgery (Veale, 2009) .

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Causes of somatic disorders Some cases of somatic symptom and related disorders may be related to childhood experiences in which a person learns that symptoms of physical illness bring special attention, care and privileges (Abramowitz & Braddock , 2006; Barsky et al., 1994). Others, including conversion disorder, may be triggered by severe stressors (Ballmaier & Schmidt, 2005; Ovsiew, 2006; Spiegel, 1994) . Cognitive factors also come into play. When given information about their health, people with hypochondriasis are strongly biased to focus on threat-confirming information but to ignore reassuring information (Eifert , Zvolensky & Louis, 2008) . Abnormal serotonin functioning has also been associated with hypochondriasis, and various combinations of neurochemical and social skill deficits appear to accompany conversion disorder and body dysmorphic disorder (Brodino et al. , 2008; Eifert, Zvolensky & Louis, 2008) . Based on such findings, many researchers have adopted a diathesis-stress approach to explaining somatic symptom and related disorders. The results of their work suggest that certain people may have biological and psychological traits that make them especially vulnerable to somatic symptom and related disorders, particularly when combined with a history of physical illness. Among these traits are self-consciousness and oversensitivity to physical sensations. If such people experience a number of long-lasting stressors, intense emotional conflicts or severe traumas , they are more likely than others to display physical symptoms in association with emotional arousal (Abramowitz & Braddock , 2006; Siti, 2004) . Sociocultural factors may shape the nature of some somatic symptom and related disorders. In many Asian , Latin American and African cultures, it is not unusual for people to experience severe physical symptoms in association with psychological or interpersonal conflicts (Weiss et al. , 2009) . However, the overall rate of somatic symptom and related disorders appears to be about the same across cultures (Becker, 2004; Kohrt et al. , 2005) .

hypochondriasis a somatoform disorder

involving strong, unjustified fear of having physical illness

Dissociative disorders Have you ever driven for hours on a boring country road and suddenly realised that you couldn’t remember anything about the previous half-hour? This is a common experience, but when disruptions in a person’s memory, consciousness or identity are more intense and long-lasting, they are known as dissociative disorders.These disruptions can come on gradually, but they usually occur suddenly and last from a few hours to many years. Consider the case of 18-year-old ‘Jane Doe’, who was found lying in the foetal position outside a New York City youth shelter in October 2009. She claimed to have no memory of her name, where she came from , or how she got to where she was (Moore, 2009). After her picture was shown on national television, a viewer identified her as Kacie Peterson . Kacie displayed a dissociative disorder known as fugue reaction or dissociative fugue, which is characterised by sudden wandering and loss of memory for (or confusion about) personal identity. In some cases, the person adopts an entirely new identity. A related disorder called dissociative amnesia also involves sudden loss of memory about personal information, but the person does not leave home or create a new identity. These rare conditions attract intense publicity because they are so dramatic.

Dissociative identity disorder The most famous dissociative disorder is dissociative identity disorder (DID), formerly known as and still commonly called multiple personality disorder ( MPD) . A person diagnosed with DID appears to have more than one identity, each of which speaks, acts and writes in a different way. Each personality seems to have its own memories, wishes and (often conflicting) impulses.

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dissociative disorders rare conditions that

involve sudden and usually temporary disruptions in a person’s memory,

consciousness or identity

fugue reaction (dissociative fugue) dissociative disorder involving sudden loss of memory and possible assumption of a new identity in a new location a

dissociative amnesia a dissociative disorder marked by a sudden loss of memory

dissociative identity disorder (DID) a dissociative disorder in which a person reports having more than one

identity

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'Would it be possible to speak with the personality that pays the bills?' The debate and scepticism about dissociative identity disorder - including whether it may be caused by therapists’ expectations - is not

confined to

professional journals. This drawing appeared in The New

i

Yorker magazine.

During the 1970s, there was a minor ‘epidemic’ of DID, as well as an increase in the number of alternative personalities per case; some patients reported over 40 of them (Castelli , 2009) . This upsurge in DID may have occurred because clinicians were looking for it more carefully or because the conditions leading to it became more prevalent (see the Snapshot ‘“ Would it be possible to speak with the personality that pays the bills?’” ) . But it may have also been influenced by movies such as Sybil and by tell all books written by people who had been diagnosed with DID (Kihlstrom , 2005) . These media influences may have increased the status of DID as a socioculturally approved method of expressing distress ( Hacking, 1995; Spanos, 1994) .

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How dissociative disorders develop Psychodynamic theorists see massive repression of unwanted impulses or memories as the basis for creating a ‘new person ’ who acts out otherwise unacceptable impulses or recalls otherwise unbearable memories (Maldonado & Spiegel , 2008; Ross, 1997). Social-cognitive theorists focus on the fact that everyone is capable of behaving in different ways, depending on the circumstances (for example, rowdy in a bar, quiet in a museum), but in rare cases, they say, this variation can become so extreme that an individual feels and is perceived by others as being a ‘different person ’ . Furthermore, dissociative symptoms may be strengthened by reward as people find that a sudden memory loss or shift in behaviour allows them to escape stressful situations, responsibilities or punishment for misbehaviour ( Lilienfeld & Lynn, 2003; Lilienfeld et ah , 2009) . Research on dissociative disorders so far supports four conclusions. First , memory loss and other forms of dissociation are genuine phenomena, and as seen in dissociative fugue, they can sometimes become extreme. Second , many people displaying DID have experienced events they would like to forget or avoid .The majority (some clinicians believe all) have suffered severe, unavoidable, persistent abuse in childhood ( Foote et ah , 2006; Kihlstrom, 2005) . Third , most of these people appear to be skilled at self-hypnosis , through which they can induce a trancelike state. Fourth , most found that they could escape the trauma of abuse, at least temporarily, by creating ‘new personalities’ to deal with stress (Spiegel, 1994; van der Hart, Bolt & van der Kolk , 2005) . However, not all abused children display DID, and there is evidence that DID can indeed be triggered by media stories, or by therapists who expect to see alternative personalities and use hypnosis and other methods that encourage clients to display them (Lindsay et ah , 2004; McHugh, 2009; Rieber, 2006) . This evidence has led some sceptics to question the very existence of multiple personalities (Acocella , 1998; Merckelbach , Devilly & Rassin , 2002) .

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Affective disorders

affective disorder (mood disorder) a

Everyone’s mood, or affect, tends to rise and fall over time. However, when people experience extremes of mood wild elation or deep depression for long periods , when they shift rapidly from one extreme to another, and especially when their moods are not consistent with the events around them, they are said to show an affective disorder (also known as a mood disorder) . We will describe two main types: depressive disorders and bipolar disorders.

condition in which a person experiences extreme moods, such as depression or mania

Depressive disorders

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major depression (major depressive disorder) an affective disorder in which a person feels sad and hopeless for weeks or months

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Depression can range from occasional, normal ‘down’ periods to episodes severe enough to require hospitalisation . A person suffering major depression (also called major depressive disorder) feels sad and overwhelmed, typically losing interest in activities and relationships and taking pleasure in nothing (Belmaker & Agam , 2008; Getzfeld, 2006; Sloan , Strauss & Wisner, 2001) . Despite the person’s best efforts, everything from conversation to bathing is an unbearable, exhausting effort. Changes in eating habits

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resulting in weight loss or weight gain often accompany major depression, as does sleep disturbance or, less often, excessive sleeping. Problems in working, concentrating, making decisions and thinking clearly are also common. More often than not , there are also symptoms of an accompanying anxiety disorder (Andreescu et al., 2007; Zimmerman, McDermut & Mattia, 2000). In extreme cases, depressed people may express false beliefs, or delusions worrying, for example, that the government is planning to punish them. Major depression may come on suddenly or gradually. It may consist of a single episode or, more commonly, repeated depressive periods. These episodes can last weeks or months; the average length of the first one is four to nine months (Durand & Barlow, 2006). Exaggerated feelings of inadequacy, worthlessness, hopelessness or guilt are common in major depression (Klein, 2010). Depression is not always so extreme (de Graff et al., 2010) . In what can sometimes be a less severe pattern of depression , called persistent depressive disorder, the person experiences the sad mood, lack of interest and loss of pleasure associated with major depression , but less intensely and for a longer period. Mental and behavioural disruptions are often less severe, and people exhibiting persistent depressive disorder rarely require hospitalisation .

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Incidence of depression In any given year, about 6 per cent of the Australian population and 14 per cent of the New Zealand population experience major depression (SANE Australia, 2015; NZ Ministry of Health, 2013) . Internationally, the prevalence and severity of major depression is becoming more common in many countries, and is similar across many ethnic groups (Gonzalez et al., 2010). The World Health Organization estimates that if current trends continue, depression will become the second leading cause of disability and premature death in developed countries (Moussavi et al., 2007; World Health Organization Mental Health Survey Consortium, 2004) . However, the incidence of the disorder varies considerably across cultures and subcultures. For example, the Aboriginal Australian, Torres Strait Islander and Maori populations in general have higher rates of depression and mental illness than the rest of the population (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2010; NZ Ministry of Health, 2016) . Depression often occurs in combination with other psychological disorders and medical conditions; it is especially likely to be diagnosed along with post-traumatic stress disorder, obsessivecompulsive disorder and other anxiety disorders, as well as with substance use disorders, physical disabilities and recovery from heart attack (Mitra et al., 2005; O’Brien, 2006) . DSM - 5 includes more depressive disorders, such as disruptive mood dysregulation disorder and premenstrual dysphoric disorder (American Psychiatric Association, 2013) .

Suicide and depression Suicide is associated with a variety of psychological disorders, but it is most closely tied to depression and other affective disorders (Balazs et al., 2006; Holma et al. , 2010). Some form of depression has been implicated in 40 70 per cent of suicides (Angst, Angst & Stassen, 1999) . In fact, thinking about suicide is a symptom of depressive disorders. Hopelessness about the future another depressive symptom and a desire to seek instant escape from problems are also related to suicide attempts (Brown et al., 2000; Morris , Ciesla & Garber, 2008; Pompili et al., 2008;Van Orden et al., 2010) . About 2000 Australians commit suicide each year, a rate of 9.6 per 100000 people (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2015). Elsewhere, the suicide rate is as high as 25 per 100000 people in some northern and eastern European countries and Japan (Lamar, 2000; World Health Organization , 2003) and as low as 6 per 100000 people in countries with stronger religious prohibitions against suicide, including Greece, Italy, Ireland and the nations of the Middle East (Lamar, 2000; Ono et al., 2008; World Health Organization , 2012) . Suicide rates in Australia also differ considerably depending on sociocultural factors such as age, gender and ethnicity (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2010; Baca-Garcia et al., 2010;

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delusions false beliefs, such as those experienced by people suffering from

schizophrenia or extreme depression

persistent depressive disorder (previously dysthymic disorder) an affective disorder involving a pattern of comparatively mild depression that lasts for at least two years

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Oquendo et al., 2001) .Traditionally, more males complete suicide than females. In addition in Australia , around 25 per cent of completed suicides occur in the migrant population; 60 per cent of this number involves people from a non-English-speaking background . Rural and remote areas of Australia have significantly greater rates of suicide than urban areas, especially for young men. For any individual in custody, the suicide rate increases threefold, and is even greater for Aboriginal Australians. Predicting who will attempt suicide is difficult. For one thing,suicidal thoughts are quite common about 3 per cent of all adults and as many as 10 per cent of university students report having had such thoughts in the previous year (Brener, Hassan & Barrios, 1999; Kessler et al., 2005) . Still , the results of hundreds of research studies provide some predictive guidelines (Smyth & MacLachlan, 2005) . The risk of suicide is heightened among people diagnosed with an affective disorder, anxiety disorder or schizophrenia , and people who have suffered extended unemployment (Boardman & Healy, 2001; Joska & Stein , 2008; Khan et al., 2002; Rihmer, 2001) . Among older adults, suicide is most common in males who suffer depression over health problems (for example, Brown, Bongar & Cleary, 2004) . The risk is higher, too, in depressed people who have certain genetic characteristics, have made a specific plan, have given away possessions, and are impulsive (CDC, 2004; Kohli et al., 2010) . A previous suicide attempt may not always be a good predictor of eventual suicide because such attempts may have been help-seeking gestures rather than failed efforts to die ( Nock & Kessler, 2006) . In fact , although about 10 per cent of unsuccessful attempters try again and succeed, most people who commit suicide had made no prior attempts (Clark & Fawcett, 1992) . It is often said that people who talk about suicide will never try it. This is a myth. On the contrary, those who say they are thinking of suicide are much more likely than other people to attempt suicide. In fact, most suicides are preceded by some kind of warning, whether direct (‘I think I’ m going to kill myself’) or vague (‘Sometimes I wonder if life is worth living’) . Failure to recognise or respond to warning signs is a common phenomenon (Valuck et al. , 2007) . So although not everyone who threatens suicide follows through, if you suspect that someone you know is thinking about suicide, encourage the person to contact a mental health professional or a crisis hotline. If the danger is immediate, make the contact yourself and ask for advice about what to do. Many suicide attempts including those triggered by other suicides in the same town / city or school can be prevented by social support and other forms of help for people at high risk (CDC, 2004; Mann et al., 2005) . For more information, visit suicide-related websites such as those for Suicide Prevention Australia (http://suicidepreventionaust.org) , beyondblue (www.beyondblue.org.au) and Lifeline Aotearoa (www.lifeline.org. nz) .

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Bipolar disorders bipolar disorders affective disorders in which a person alternates between the emotional extremes of depression and mania

mania an elated, very active emotional state

The alternating appearance of two emotional extremes, or poles, characterises bipolar disorders. We have already described one emotional pole: depression. The other is mania , which is an extremely agitated and usually elated emotional state. While in this state, people are utterly optimistic, boundlessly energetic, certain of having extraordinary powers and abilities, and bursting with all sorts of ideas. They become irritated with anyone who tries to reason with them or ‘slow them down’ and may become aggressive or careless enough to pose a danger to themselves or others. During manic episodes, individuals may make impulsive and unwise decisions, such as spending their life savings on foolish schemes (Goldberg & Burdick , 2008; Kessler et al., 2005; NIMH , 2006) . There are two versions of bipolar disorder, known as bipolar I and bipolar II . In bipolar I disorder, manic episodes may alternate with periods of deep depression (Ghaemi, 2008) . One bipolar patient described the disorder, which has also been called manic depression , this way:‘You’re really up or you’re drop-dead bottom’ ( Fairbanks, 2009) . In many cases, though , these extremes are separated by periods of relatively normal mood (Tohen et al., 2003) . Compared with major depression , bipolar I disorder is rare. It occurs in only about 1 per cent of adults, and it affects men and women about equally.

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Another 1 per cent of adults display bipolar II disorder, in which episodes of major depression alternate with episodes known as hypomania , which are less severe than the manic phases seen in bipolar I disorder (Merikangas et ah , 2007). Both versions can severely disrupt a persons ability to work or maintain social relationships (Kessler et ah , 2005; NIMH , 2006) . In DSM - 5, the term ‘mixed features’ applies to episodes of mania and depression (American Psychiatric Association, 2013) . Slightly more common is a pattern of milder mood swings known as cyclothymic personality (also called cyclothymic disorder) , the bipolar equivalent of persistent depressive disorder. Cyclothymic disorder involves episodes of depression and mania , but the intensity of both moods is less severe than in bipolar I disorder. As with depression , bipolar disorders are often accompanied by anxiety disorders or substance abuse (Andreescu et al., 2007; Freeman, Freeman & McElroy, 2002; Ghaemi , 2008) .

cyclothymic personality (cyclothymic disorder) an affective disorder

characterised by an alternating pattern of mood swings that is less extreme than that of bipolar disorders

Causes of affective disorders

^

( ) Research

on the causes of affective disorders has focused on biological, psychological and sociocultural risk factors. The more of these risk factors people have, the more likely they are to experience an affective disorder.

Are some

psychological

Biological factors The role of genetics in affective disorders, especially in bipolar disorders, is suggested by twin studies and family studies ( Fullerton et al., 2010; Hayden & Nurnberger, 2006; Kendler et al., 2006). Twin and family studies show that close relatives of people with a bipolar disorder are more likely than others to develop that disorder themselves (Althoff et al., 2005; Serretti et al. , 2009; Smoller, 2008) . Major depression is also more likely to be shared among family members, especially by identical twins (Kendler et al. , 2009; Levinson, 2006) . Researchers have already identified certain genetic variations that affect vulnerability to affective disorders (for example, Joska & Stein , 2008; McMahon et al., 2010; Smoller, 2008;Young et al., 2008) . Researchers in the field of epigenetics are investigating how the genes associated with affective disorders can be ‘turned on’ or ‘turned off ‘ by other biological, psychological and environmental factors (Butcher, Mineka & Hooley, 2010; Levinson et al., 2007) . Other biological factors that may contribute to affective disorders include the following: • Malfunctions in regions of the brain devoted to mood , imbalances in the brain’s neurotransmitter systems, malfunctioning of the endocrine system, disruption of biological rhythms , and underdevelopment in the frontal lobes, hippocampus or other brain areas (Butcher, Mineka & Hooley, 2010; Jans et al., 2007; Langan & McDonald , 2009; Shankman et al., 2007; Staley et al. , 2006; Strakowski , DelBello & Adler, 2005) - all of these conditions may themselves be influenced by genetics. • The role of neurotransmitters , noradrenaline, serotonin and dopamine were implicated in affective disorders decades ago when scientists discovered that drugs capable of altering these brain chemicals also relieved affective disorders. However, the neurochemical causes now appear far more complex, and the precise nature of these neurotransmitter-receptor mechanisms and just how they affect mood are not yet fully understood. • Malfunctions in the endocrine system, especially the hypothalamic-pituitaryadrenocortical ( HPA) system As described in Chapter 12, ‘Health, stress and coping’, this system is involved in the body’s responses to stress. Research shows, for example , that as many as 70 per cent of depressed people secrete abnormally high levels of the stress hormone cortisol ( Dinan , 2001; Posener et al., 2000) . Studies of identical twins also suggest that higher levels of cortisol are associated with depression ( Dinan, 2001; Wichers et al ., 2008) .

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disorders inherited? (a link to Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of

psychology’)

Treating SAD Seasonal affective disorder (SAD) can often be relieved by exposure to full spectrum light for as little as a couple of hours a day German & Terman, 2005).

Chapter 10: Psychological Disorders and Treatment

Severe, long-lasting depression is especially common among people who see their lack of control or other problems as caused by a permanent, generalised lack of personal competence rather than by a temporary condition or an external cause (Seligman et al., 1988) . This negative attributional style is regarded by some researchers as a partly inherited trait that leaves people prone to depression because they attribute negative events to their own characteristics and believe that they will never be capable of doing better (Alloy et al. , 2006; Ball, McGufFin & Farmer, 2008; Hankin, Fraley & Abela , 2005; Hunt & Forand, 2005). Are depressed peoples unusually negative beliefs about themselves responsible for their depression, or are they merely symptoms of it? A number of studies have assessed the attributional styles of large samples of non-depressed people and then kept in touch with them to see if, in the face of equivalent stressors, individuals with negative self-beliefs are more likely to become depressed.These longitudinal studies suggest that a negative attributional style is in fact a risk factor for depression, not just a result of being depressed (Alloy et al., 2006; Evans et al., 2005; Keenan et al., 2008) . In one study, for example, adolescents who held strong negative self-beliefs were more likely than other youngsters to develop depression when faced with stress later in life (Lewinsohn , Joiner & Rohde, 2001). Social-cognitive theorists also suggest that whether depression continues or worsens depends in part on how people respond once they start to feel depressed . Those who continuously dwell on negative events, on why they occur, and even on their feelings of depression are likely to feel more and more depressed (Just & Alloy, 1997; McMurrich & Johnson , 2008; Rimes & Watkins, 2005) . According to Susan Nolen-Hoeksema (1990, 2001) , this ruminative style is especially common in women and may help explain gender differences in the frequency of depression . When men start to feel sad, she says , they tend to use a distracting style.That is, they engage in activity that distracts them from their concerns and helps bring them out of their depressed mood (Hankin & Abramson , 2001; Just & Alloy, 1997; Nolen-Hoeksema , Morrow & Fredrickson, 1993) . Notice that social-cognitive explanations of depression are consistent with the diathesis-stress approach to disorder. They suggest that certain cognitive styles constitute a predisposition (or diathesis) that makes a person vulnerable to depression. The actual occurrence of depression is then made more likely by stressors. In fact, most episodes of major depressive disorder are preceded by the onset of major stressors , such as the loss of a loved one. As suggested in Chapter 12 , ‘Health , stress and coping’, the depressing effects of these stressors are likely to be magnified by lack of social support , inadequate coping skills and the presence of other stressful conditions such as poverty (for example, Belik et al. , 2007; Stice, Ragan & Randall , 2004) . Given the number and complexity of biological, psychological , social and situational factors potentially involved in causing affective disorders, the biopsychosocial approach and the diathesisstress model appear to be especially appropriate guides to future research (Kendler, Gardner & Prescott, 2006) . In the final analysis , it may turn out that each subtype in the spectrum of affective disorders is caused by a unique combination of factors. The challenge for researchers is to identify these subtypes and map out their causal ingredients (Eshel & Roiser, 2010) .

Schizophrenia Schizophrenia is a

pattern of extremely disturbed thinking, emotion , perception and behaviour that seriously impairs the ability to communicate and relate to others and disrupts most other

aspects of daily functioning (Wood et al. , 2016) . It is one of the most severe and disabling of all mental disorders. The core symptoms of schizophrenia are seen virtually everywhere in the world , occurring in 1 2 per cent of the population ( NIMH , 2006) . Schizophrenia occurs about equally in men and women , although in women it generally appears later in life, tends to be less severe, and responds better to treatment (Aleman, Kahn & Selten, 2003; Australian Psychological Society, 2012; Hafner, 2003). In DSM - 5, changes to the requirements for Criterion A for schizophrenia

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schizophrenia a severe and disabling pattern of disturbed thinking, emotion, perception and behaviour

Chapter 10: Psychological Disorders and Treatment

were made.Two symptoms are required for any diagnosis of schizophrenia (American Psychiatric Association , 2013) . Schizophrenia tends to develop in adolescence or early adulthood. About 75 per cent of the time, its onset is gradual, with the earliest signs appearing as much as five years before the first major schizophrenic episode. In other cases, the onset is more rapid . About 40 per cent of people with schizophrenia improve with treatment and are able to function reasonably well. The rest show continuous or intermittent symptoms that permanently disrupt their functioning (Harrow & Jobe, 2005) and, especially for those with a drug abuse problem, may lead to homelessness ( Timms, 2005) . One of the best predictors of the course of schizophrenia is premorbid adjustment , which is the level of functioning a person had achieved before schizophrenic symptoms first appeared . Improvement is more likely in those who had reached higher levels of education and occupation and who had established supportive relationships with family and friends ( Keshavan et ah , 2005; Rabinowitz et ah , 2002) .

Symptoms of schizophrenia People with schizophrenia have problems with both how they think and what they think . The 19th-century psychiatrist Eugen Bleuler coined the word schizophrenia, or ‘split mind’, to refer to the oddities of schizophrenic thinking. However, schizophrenia does not mean ‘split personality’, as in dissociative identity disorder (multiple personality disorder) . It refers instead to a splitting of normally integrated mental processes, such as thoughts and feelings. For instance, some schizophrenics may giggle while claiming to feel sad .

Use of language ( ) People with schizophrenia often use new words, known as neologisms , that are usually nonsensical How do individuals with schizophrenia think ? (a link to Chapter 7, ‘Cognition and

language’)

^

and have meaning only to them. There are loose associations , the tendency for one thought to be logically unconnected or only slightly related to the next. Sometimes, the associations are based on double meanings or on the way words sound (clang associations ) . For example, ‘My true family name is Abel or A Bell. We descended from the clan of Abel , who originated the bell of rights, which we now call the bill of rights’ . In the most severe cases, a jumble of words known as word salad reflects utterly chaotic thoughts: ‘Upon the advisability of held keeping, environment of the seabeach gathering, to the forest stream, reinstatement to be placed , poling the paddleboat, of the swamp morass, to the forest compensation of the dunce’ (Lehman , 1967, p. 627) .

Content of thinking The content of schizophrenic thinking is also disturbed. Often , it includes delusions, or false beliefs, as in this case (Stefanidis, 2006): Erin Stefanidis was a graduate student in the neuroscience program at the University of British Columbia. He prided himself on his ability to think rationally, yet he was convinced that rats were living in his head and eating his brain. He knew that this should cause dramatic cognitive and behavioural impairments and ultimately death, but he believed his brain was unique and was able to regenerate brain

cells quickly enough to keep him alive and well . When this illogical belief was challenged by his doctor, he said he believed in ‘deep meaning’ , which is ‘truth that exists at a higher level than logic’.

Delusions tend to fall into three general categories ( Kimhy et ah , 2005) . Delusions of influence focus on the belief that one’s body, thinking or behaviour are being affected or controlled by external forces. Patients with these delusions might claim that ASIO has implanted a control device in their brains.They might believe that other people’s thoughts are appearing in their mind ( thought

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insertion) or that they can broadcast their thoughts to others ( thought broadcasting) . Self-significant delusions involve exaggerated beliefs about oneself. People with these delusions may believe, for example, that certain TV commercials contain coded messages about their innermost secrets; that they are truly an emperor, the pope or even God (delusions of grandeur) ; or that they are guilty of some terrible sin. People displaying delusions of persecution believe that others are out to harass or harm them .They may claim, for example, that they are always being followed, that space aliens are trying to steal their internal organs, or that they are the targets of an assassin .These delusions tend to be deeply entrenched and resistant to change, no matter how strong the evidence against them (Minzenberg et ah , 2008;Woodward et al., 2006) .

Hallucinations and false perceptions Hallucinations , or false perceptions, are common, often taking the form of voices. The voices may sound like an overheard conversation, or they may tell the person to do or not to do certain things. They may also comment on, narrate or (most often) harshly criticise the person’s actions or characteristics. Hallucinations can also create sights, smells, tastes and touch sensations even when no external stimuli are present. The brain areas activated during hallucinations are related to those that respond to real sights and sounds (Alerman & Laroi , 2008; Shergill et ah , 2000; Simons et al., 2010) .

hallucinations a symptom of disorder in which people perceive voices or other stimuli when there are no stimuli present

Lack of focus and agitation People with schizophrenia often report that they cannot focus their attention . They may feel overwhelmed as they try to attend to everything at once. Perceptual disorders may also appear. The person may feel detached from the world and see other people as flat cut-outs. The body may feel like a machine, or parts of it may seem to be dead or rotting. The emotional expressiveness of people with schizophrenia is often muted, but when they do show emotion, it is frequently exaggerated or inappropriate.They may cry for no apparent reason or fly into a rage in response to a simple question . Some schizophrenia patients are extremely agitated, constantly moving their limbs, making facial grimaces, or pacing the floor in highly ritualistic sequences. Others become so withdrawn that they move very little. Lack of motivation and poor social skills , deteriorating personal hygiene and an inability to function in everyday situations are other common characteristics of schizophrenia .

The schizophrenia spectrum Many researchers now categorise schizophrenia in ways that focus more precisely on the kinds of symptoms that patients display. One method of categorising schizophrenia highlights the positive or negative aspects of symptoms. Disorganised thoughts, delusions and hallucinations are sometimes called positive symptoms of schizophrenia because they appear as undesirable additions to a person’s mental life ( Iancu et al., 2005; Smith et al., 2006) . In contrast , the absence of pleasure and motivation, lack of emotional reactivity, social withdrawal , reduced speech and other deficits seen in schizophrenia are sometimes called negative symptoms because they appear to subtract elements from normal mental life (Batki et al., 2008) . Describing patients in terms of positive and negative symptoms does not require that they be placed in one category or the other. In fact, many patients exhibit both positive and negative symptoms. However, it is important to know whether negative or positive symptoms predominate, because when symptoms are mainly negative, as they are in about 25 per cent of schizophrenia patients, the disorder is usually more severe and less responsive to treatment (Kirkpatrick et al., 2006; Milev et al., 2005; Prikryl et al. , 2006) . In these cases, patients typically experience long-term disability. Another way of categorising schizophrenia symptoms focuses on whether they are psychotic (hallucinations, delusions) , disorganised (incoherent speech, chaotic behaviour, inappropriate affect) or

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positive symptoms schizophrenic symptoms such as disorganised thoughts, hallucinations and delusions

negative symptoms schizophrenic symptoms such as absence of pleasure, lack of speech and flat affect

Chapter 10: Psychological Disorders and Treatment

negative (for example, lack of speech or motivation) . Other researchers have suggested categorising schizophrenia symptoms as positive, negative or depressive (Hafner & Maurer, 2000) .The fact that, like positive and negative symptoms, these dimensions of schizophrenia are to some extent independent from one another suggests to some researchers that each symptom cluster or dimension may ultimately be traceable to different causes. For this reason , schizophrenia is often referred to as the schizophrenia spectrum , implying that each cluster may develop differently and require different treatments (Tsuang, Stone & Faraone, 2000) .The schizophrenia spectrum also includes other diagnoses that share features with schizophrenia . For example, people diagnosed with schizoaffective disorder show symptoms of both schizophrenia and depression . Schizophreniform disorder is characterised by schizophrenia-like symptoms that do not last as long as those typically seen in schizophrenia .

Causes of schizophrenia The search for the causes of schizophrenia has been more intense than for any other psychological disorder. The findings so far confirm one thing: as with other disorders, there are biological, psychological and social factors at work in causing or worsening all forms of schizophrenia (Sullivan, Kendler & Neale, 2003; Tandon , Nasrallah & Keshaven, 2009) .

Biological factors Research in behavioural genetics shows that schizophrenia runs in families (Dubertret et ah , 2004; Gottesman et ah , 2010; Kasper & Papadimitriou , 2009) . One family study found, for instance, that 16 per cent of the children of schizophrenic mothers developed schizophrenia themselves over a 25-year period, versus only 2 per cent of the children of non-schizophrenic mothers ( Parnas et al., 1993) . Even if they are adopted by families in which there is no schizophrenia, the children of schizophrenic parents are 10 times more likely to develop schizophrenia than adopted children whose biological parents are not schizophrenic (Kety et al., 1994; Tienari et al., 2003) . Still, it is unlikely that a single gene transmits schizophrenia (Chumakov et al. , 2002; Plomin & McGuffin, 2003) . For example, among identical-twin pairs in which one member displays schizophrenia, 40 per cent of the other members will too, but 60 per cent will not (McGue, 1992) . It is more likely that some people inherit a predisposition , or diathesis , for schizophrenia that involves several genes, and that these genetic factors combine with other genetic and non-genetic factors to cause the disorder (DeRosse et al., 2006; Fan et al . , 2006; Law, Cotton & Berger, 2006; Levitt et al., 2006; Vazza et al. , 2007) . The search for biological causes of schizophrenia also focuses on a number of abnormalities in the structure, functioning and chemistry of the brain that tend to appear in people with schizophrenia (for example, Andrews et al., 2006; Lynall et al. , 2010; Neves-Pereira et al. , 2005; Rasmussen et al., 2010; Tamminga & Holcomb, 2005) . Numerous brain-imaging studies have shown that, compared with other mental patients, many schizophrenia patients have less tissue in thalamic regions, prefrontal cortex and some subcortical areas (Behrendt, 2006; Conklin & Iacono, 2002; Csernansky et al., 2004; Ettinger et al. , 2007; Goto, Yang & Otani , 2010; Javitt , Kantrowitz & Lajtha , 2009) . As shown in Figure 14.3 , shrinkage of tissue in these regions leads to corresponding enlargement of the brain’s fluid-filled spaces, called ventricles. The brain areas in which anatomical abnormalities have been found are active in emotional expression, thinking and information processing functions that are disordered in schizophrenia (Conklin & Iacono, 2002; Csernansky et al., 2004; Highley et al., 2003; Pol et al., 2002; Selemon et al., 2003;Velakoulis et al., 2006) . Enlarged ventricles and reduced prefrontal cortex are more often found in patients whose schizophrenic symptoms are predominantly negative (Sigmundsson et al. , 2001) . Continued tissue loss has been associated with worsening of negative symptoms ( Ho et al., 2003) .

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FIGURE 14.3 Brain abnormalities in schizophrenia

Here is a magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) comparison of the brains of identical twins. The

schizophrenic twin (photo on the right) has greatly enlarged ventricles (see arrows) and correspondingly less brain tissue, including in the hippocampal area, a region involved in memory and emotion. The same results appeared in 14 other identical- twin pairs. By contrast, no significant

differences appeared between members of a seven - pair control group of normal identical twins (Suddath et al., 1990). These results support the idea that brain abnormalities are associated with schizophrenia and, because identical twins have the same genes, that such abnormalities may stem from non - genetic factors ( Baare et al., 2001). Notional Institute of Mental Health

Hundreds of studies of brain functioning in people diagnosed with schizophrenia provide general support for the idea that their impairments in information processing and other cognitive abilities are related to structural abnormalities (Gur et al., 2000;Jeon & Polich, 2003; Lee et al., 2003; Zanelli et al., 2010). For example, patients with predominantly negative symptoms are especially likely to display cognitive deficits associated with prefrontal cortex problems (Wible et al. , 2001) . This research is providing important clues (Barch , 2006), but it will take even more research to determine the extent to which, or exactly how, specific structural abnormalities are related to the cognitive problems seen in various forms of schizophrenia . Researchers are also investigating the possibility that abnormalities in brain chemistry especially in neurotransmitter systems that use dopamine play a role in causing or intensifying schizophrenic symptoms (Javitt, Kantrowitz & Lajtha , 2009;Tan et al., 2007) . As drugs that block the brains dopamine receptors often reduce hallucinations, delusions, disordered thinking and other positive symptoms of schizophrenia, some investigators speculate that schizophrenia results from excess dopamine. However, the relationship between dopamine and schizophrenia is quite complex (Carlsson & Lecrubier, 2004) . Some researchers are seeking to integrate genetic, neurological and environmental explanations of schizophrenia by looking for neurodevelopmental abnormalities ( Meyer et al. , 2005; Rapoport , Addington & Frangou , 2005) . Perhaps, they say, some forms of schizophrenia arise from disruptions in brain development during the period from before birth through childhood, when the brain is growing and its various functions are maturing. Studies have shown , for instance, that prenatal exposure to physical traumas, influenza or other viral infections is associated with increased risk of developing schizophrenia (AbdelMalik et al. , 2003; Brown & Derkits , 2010; Subotnik et al. , 2006) . Similarly, low-birth-weight children are more likely to have the brain abnormalities described earlier. These abnormalities are especially likely in children of schizophrenic parents (Cannon et al., 1993; Lawrie et al. , 2001) . Even parental age may make a difference. Children whose fathers were older than 45 at the time the children were conceived appear to be at elevated risk of developing schizophrenia , possibly because of a sperm cell mutation (Dalman & Allebeck, 2002). The expression of a genetically transmitted predisposition for brain abnormality may be enhanced by environmental factors such as maternal drug use during pregnancy, oxygen deprivation or other complications during birth, or childhood malnutrition (Sorensen et al., 2003; NIMH , 2008) .

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For example, as mentioned earlier, smaller than-normal prefrontal lobes and other brain structures appear to constitute an inherited predisposition for schizophrenia . However, reduced brain growth alone is not sufficient to cause the disorder. When only one member of an identical-twin pair has schizophrenia , both tend to have unusually small brains , but the schizophrenic twin’s brain in each pair is the smaller of the two (Baare et al., 2001). This finding suggests that some environmental influence caused degeneration in an already underdeveloped brain , making it even more prone to

functioning abnormally.

Psychological and sociocultural factors Psychological processes and sociocultural influences can contribute to the appearance of schizophrenia and influence its course (Kealy, 2005; Vahia & Cohen , 2009) . These include factors such as dysfunctional cognitive habits, the stress of urban living, being an immigrant and exposure to stressful family communication patterns (Mueser & Jeste, 2009 ; van Os, Rutten & Poulton , 2008) . For example, criticism by family members sometimes called expressed is associated with more severe symptoms ( Nomura et ah , 2005). Schizophrenia emotion patients living with relatives who are critical , unsupportive or emotionally overinvolved are especially likely to relapse following improvement ( Hooley, 2004) . Family members’ negative attitudes may be a source of stress that increases the chances that disruptive or odd behaviours will persist or worsen ( Rosenfarb et al . , 1995) . Keep in mind , though , that the strange and often disturbing behaviour of a family member with schizophrenia can place tremendous strain on the rest of the family, making it harder for them to remain helpful and supportive ( Kymalainen et al ., 2006; Rosenfarb, Bellack & Aziz, 2006) . In any case, patients who receive help in coping with potentially damaging family influences tend to have better long-term outcomes (Bustillo et al., 2001; Velligan et al. , 2000) .

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Vulnerability theory All the causal theories of schizophrenia discussed so far are consistent with the diathesis-stress approach, which assumes that various forms of stress can activate a person’s predisposition for disorder (Stahl , 2007). The diathesis-stress approach is embodied in the vulnerability theory of schizophrenia (Cornblatt & Erlenmeyer-Kimling, 1985 ; Zubin & Spring, 1977) . This theory suggests that: 1 vulnerability to schizophrenia is mainly biological 2 different people have differing degrees of vulnerability 3 vulnerability is influenced partly by genetic influences on development and partly by neurodevelopmental abnormalities associated with environmental risk 4 psychological components such as exposure to poor parenting or high-stress families, or having inadequate coping skills may help determine whether schizophrenia actually appears and may also influence the course of the disorder (Walker & Diforio, 1998; Wearden et al., 2000). Many different blends of vulnerability and stress can lead to schizophrenia , as Figure 14.4 illustrates. People whose genetic characteristics or developmental influences leave them vulnerable to developing schizophrenia may be especially likely to do so if they are later exposed to learning experiences , family conflicts and other stressors that trigger and maintain schizophrenic patterns of thought and action. Those same experiences and stressors would not be expected to lead to schizophrenia in people who are less vulnerable to developing the disorder. In other words , schizophrenia is a highly complex disorder probably a spectrum of related disorders (Kirkpatrick whose origins lie in many biological , et al., 2001; Lenzenweger, McLachlan & Rubin, 2007) psychological and social domains , some of which are yet to be discovered (Gilmore, 2010) .

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FIGURE 14.4 The vulnerability theory of schizophrenia

According to this theory, a person can cross the threshold into schizophrenia as a result of many combinations of predisposition and stress. A strong predisposition for schizophrenia and little environmental stress (point D), a weak predisposition and a lot of stress (point C), or any other sufficiently potent combination can lead to the disorder. Points A and B represent combinations of vulnerability and stress that would not lead to schizophrenia.

•C

Max

A O

Schizophrenic behaviour

*

Threshold

go Normal

-U

•D

behaviour

C

B

Min

• High

Low

Vulnerability From Zubin, J., 8 Spring , B. ( 1977 ). A new view of schizophrenia. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 86 , 110. Copyright © American Psychological Association . Adapted with permission.

Personality disorders Personality disorders are longstanding, inflexible ways of behaving that are

much severe mental disorders as dysfunctional styles of living (Clarkin, 2006) . These disorders affect all areas of functioning and, beginning in childhood or adolescence, create problems for those who display them and for others (Cohen, 2008; Millon & Davis, 1996) . Some psychologists view personality disorders as interpersonal strategies (Kiesler, 1996) or as the extreme, rigid and maladaptive expressions of personality traits (Widiger, 2008) . In Section III in DSM-5, a revised version of classification has been presented which requires further research and discussion (American Psychiatric Association, 2013) . not so

Types of personality disorders

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The odd eccentric cluster referred to as cluster A includes paranoid, schizoid and schizotypal personality disorders. People diagnosed as having schizotypal personality disorder, for example, display some of the peculiarities seen in schizophrenia but are not disturbed enough to be labelled as schizophrenic. Rather than hallucinating, these people may report ‘illusions’ of sights or sounds.They may also exhibit ‘magical thinking’, including odd superstitions or beliefs (such as that they have extrasensory perception or that salt under the mattress will prevent insomnia) . The dramatic erratic cluster called cluster B includes the histrionic, narcissistic, borderline and antisocial personality disorders. The main characteristics of narcissistic personality disorder, for example, are an exaggerated sense of self-importance, extreme sensitivity to criticism , a constant need for attention , and a tendency to arrogantly overestimate personal abilities and achievements. People displaying this disorder feel entitled to special treatment by others but are markedly lacking in empathy for others. The anxious fearful cluster cluster C includes dependent, obsessive-compulsive and avoidant personality disorders. Avoidant personality disorder, for example, is similar to social phobia in the sense that people labelled with this disorder tend to be Toners’ with a longstanding pattern of avoiding social situations and of being particularly sensitive to criticism or rejection . They want to be with others but are too inhibited.

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Diagnosing personality disorders Personality disorder diagnoses are among the most controversial.The controversy arises partly because people with these diagnoses sometimes produce more distress in others than in themselves, so the role of social and moral judgement in deciding who is disordered comes into play (Clark , 2006) . In addition, the overlap among symptoms of some of the personality disorders makes diagnosis

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difficult (Widiger, Livesley & Clark, 2009). Some critics have suggested that there is gender bias in the application of diagnoses, pointing to the fact that women are labelled as borderline much more often than men, while men are labelled as antisocial more often than women (Bjorklund , 2006; Boggs et al. , 2009) . Even the stability of personality disorders over the lifetime has been questioned (Durbin & Klein , 2006) .

Antisocial personality disorder antisocial personality disorder (APD) a personality disorder involving impulsive, selfish, unscrupulous and even criminal behaviour

From the perspective of public welfare and safety, the most serious, costly and intensively studied personality disorder is antisocial personality disorder (APD) . It is marked by a long-term pattern of irresponsible, impulsive, dishonest , unscrupulous and even criminal behaviour beginning in childhood or early adolescence (Washburn et al. , 2007) . In the 1800s, this pattern was called moral insanity because the people displaying it appear to have no morals or common decency. Later, the term sociopath or psychopath was applied to individuals who display shallow emotions, lack of empathy and superficial charm, and who callously violate social norms (Coid & Ullrich , 2010; Hare & Newmann, 2009). The current ‘antisocial personality’ label more accurately portrays people displaying the disorder as troublesome and sometimes dangerous but not ‘insane’ by the legal standards we will discuss shortly (see the Snapshot ‘A classic case of antisocial personality disorder’) . About 3 per cent of men and about 1 per cent of women fall into the APD category (APA, 2000; Hodgins, 2007) .

A classic case of antisocial personality disorder Alfred Jack Oakley meets women through personal ads, claiming to be a millionaire movie producer, pilot and novelist. In reality, he is a penniless con artist who uses smooth talk and charm to gain the women’s trust so he can steal from them. In January 2000, after being convicted of stealing a woman’s Mercedes, Oakley complimented the prosecutor’s skills and thejury’s wisdom and claimed to feel remorseful. The judge appeared to see through this ploy (‘I don’t believe there is a sincere word that ever comes out of your mouth’), but it was still effective enough to get him probation instead of jail time.

At their least troublesome, people exhibiting antisocial personality disorders are a nuisance. They can be charming, intelligent ‘fast talkers’ who borrow money and fail to return it.They can be arrogant and self-centred manipulators who con people into doing things for them, usually by lying and taking advantage of the decency and trust of others. At their most troublesome, people with this disorder are criminals, sometimes violent ones. Persistent violent offenders, most of whom have APD, make up less than 5 per cent of the male population, but they commit over 50 per cent of violent crimes (Hodgins, 2007) . A hallmark of people with APD is a lack of anxiety, remorse or guilt, whether they have wrecked a borrowed car or killed an innocent person (Gray et al., 2003; Hare & Newmann , 2009) . No method has yet been found for permanently altering antisocial personality disorder (Rice, 1997) . Research suggests that the best hope for dealing with antisocial personalities is to identify them early, before the most treatment-resistant traits are fully developed (Compton et al. , 2005; Crawford, Cohen & Brooks , 2001; Diamantopoulou,Verhulst & van der Ende, 2010) . Fortunately, these individuals tend to become less active and dangerous after the age of 40 or so (Stoff, Breiling & Maser, 1997) . Perhaps you are wondering whether terrorists and suicide bombers should be classified as antisocial personalities after all, they exhibit violent and disruptive behaviour in the extreme. Some terrorists do exhibit the characteristics of antisocial personality disorder, but most do not

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(Martens, 2004). Acts of terrorism might better be explained from the perspective of social and political psychology terrorists are spurred to take extreme destructive measures by political and religious ideologies during intense group conflict (Saucier et ah , 2009) . In short , the psychology of group conflict and war might better explain the terrorism of today, just as it might have explained the terrifying behaviour of Japanese kamikaze pilots during the Second World War. There are numerous theories about the causes of antisocial personality disorder. Some studies suggest a genetic predisposition (Arseneault et al., 2003; Larsson , Andershed & Lichtenstein , 2006), possibly in the form of abnormal brain development, impaired neurological functioning, deficits in the ability to encode or recall emotional information, or chronic underarousal of both the autonomic and central nervous systems (for example, Craig et al. , 2009; Crozier et al., 2008; Raine et al. , 2005; Visser et al., 2010) .This underarousal may render people less sensitive to punishment and more likely to seek exciting stimulation than is normally the case ( Fowles & Dindo, 2009; Gao et al. , 2010).

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The biopsychosocial model suggests that antisocial personality disorder results when these psychosocial and environmental conditions interact with genetic predispositions to low arousal and the sensation seeking and impulsivity associated with it (Beach et al., 2010; Diamantopoulou , Verhulst & van der Ende, 2010) .

FOCUS ON RESEARCH METHODS Exploring links between child abuse and antisocial personality disorder One of the most prominent environmental factors associated with the more violent forms of antisocial personality disorder is the experience of abuse in childhood (MacMillan et al., 2001). However, most of the studies that have found a relationship between childhood abuse and APD were based on potentially biased reports (Monane, Leichter & Lewis, 1984; Rosenbaum & Bennett, 1986). People with antisocial personalities - especially those with criminal records - are likely to make up stories of abuse in order to shift blame for their behaviour onto others. Even if these people’s reports were accurate, however, most of the studies lacked a control group of people from similar backgrounds who were not antisocial. Because of this research design flaw, it is virtually impossible to separate the effects of reported child abuse from the effects of poverty or other factors that may also have contributed to the development of APD.

What was the researcher's question ? Can childhood abuse cause antisocial personality disorder? To help answer this question and to correct some of the flaws in earlier studies, Cathy Widom (1989) used a prospective research design, first finding cases of childhood abuse and then looking for the effects of that abuse on adult behaviour.

abused before the age of 11. She then explored the stories of these people’s lives, as told in police and school records, as well as in two - hour diagnostic interviews. To reduce experimenter bias and distorted reporting, Widom ensured that the interviewers were unaware of the purpose of the study and that the respondents were told only that the researchers wanted to learn about people who had grown up in a Midwestern US metropolitan area in the late 1960 s and early 1970 s. Widom also selected a comparison group of 283 people who had no history of abuse but who were similar to the abused sample in terms of age, gender, ethnicity, hospital of birth, schools attended and area of residence. Her goal was to obtain a non-abused control group that had been exposed to approximately the same environmental risk factors and socioeconomic conditions as the abused children.

What did the researcher find ? First, Widom (1989) tested the hypothesis that exposure to abuse in childhood is associated with criminality or violence in later life. She found that 26 per cent of the abused youngsters went on to commit juvenile crimes, 29 per cent were arrested as adults and 11 per cent committed violent crimes. These percentages were significantly higher than the figures for the non -abused group. The association between criminality and abuse was stronger for males than for females, and stronger for African Americans than for European Americans. And overall, victims of physical abuse

How did the researcher answer the question ? Widom began by identifying 416 adults whose backgrounds included official records of having been physically or sexually

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than victims of sexual abuse to commit violent crimes as adults. Next, Widom tested the hypothesis that childhood abuse is associated with the development of antisocial personality disorder (Luntz & Widom, 1994). She found that the abused group exhibited a significantly higher rate of antisocial personality disorder (13.5 per cent) than the comparison group (7.1 per cent). The apparent role of abuse in antisocial personality disorder was particularly pronounced in men, and it remained strong even when other factors - such as age, ethnicity and socioeconomic status - were accounted for in the statistical analyses. It is interesting to note that one other factor - failure to graduate from high school - was also strongly associated with the appearance of antisocial personality disorder, whether or not childhood abuse had occurred.

What do the results mean ? Widom’s research supported earlier studies in finding an association between childhood abuse and

criminality,

violence and antisocial personality disorder. Furthermore, although her study did not permit a firm conclusion that abuse alone causes APD, the data from its prospective design added strength to the argument that abuse may be an important causal factor (Widom, 2000). This interpretation is supported by the results of research by other investigators (Dudeck et al., 2007; Jaffee et al., 2004). Finally, Widom’s work offers yet another reason as if more reasons were needed - why it is so important to prevent the physical and sexual abuse of children. The long-term consequences of such abuse can be tragic not only for its immediate victims but also for those victimised by the violence, criminal actions and antisocial behaviour perpetrated by some abused children as they grow up ( Weiler & Widom, 1996; Widom, Czaja & Dutton, 2008).

What do we still need to know ? Widom’s results suggest that one or more of the factors leading teenagers to drop out (or to be thrown out) of high

school might encourage the development of antisocial personality disorder, even in children who were not abused. Some of her more recent work suggests, too, that exposure to poverty and other stressors can be as important as abuse in promoting APD (Horwitz et al., 2001). Further research is needed to discover whether APD stems from abuse itself, from one of the factors accompanying it, or from some other specific combination of known and still -unknown environmental and genetic risk factors (Beach et al., 2010). The importance of combined and interacting risk factors is suggested by the fact that abuse is often part of a larger pool of experiences, such as exposure to deviant models, social rejection and poor supervision. In fact, another of Widom’s more recent studies (Horwitz et al., 2001) supported the conclusion that childhood abuse increases the likelihood of encountering later stressful life events, and that it is some of these events that lead to an increased risk of antisocial personality disorder. In other words, childhood abuse might create general vulnerability for a variety of psychological disorders and life stressors (Scott, Smith & Ellis, 2010), but the chain of events that promotes the development of any particular disorder, such as antisocial personality disorder, is not yet fully understood. We need to know more, too, about why such a small percentage of the abused children in Widom’s sample displayed violence, criminal behaviour and antisocial personality disorder. These results raise the question of what genetic characteristics or environmental experiences serve to protect children from at least some of the devastating effects of abuse (Flores, Cicchetti & Rogosch, 2005; Rind & Tromovitch, 1997; Rind, Tromovitch & Bauserman, 1998; Widom et al., 2007). As described in Chapter 11, ‘ Human development’. some clues have already been found (Caspi et al., 2002; Kim - Cohen & Gold, 2009; Wills et al., 2001), but a better understanding of these protective elements is needed if there are to be effective programs for the prevention of antisocial personality disorder.

A sampling of other psychological disorders The disorders described so far represent some of the most prevalent and socially disruptive psychological problems encountered in cultures around the world . Several others are mentioned in other chapters. Here we consider two other significant psychological problems: disorders of childhood and substance-related disorders.

Psychological disorders of childhood

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childhood disorders are not just miniature versions of adult psychopathology. As childrens development is still incomplete, and because their capacity to cope with stress is limited, children are often vulnerable to special types of disorders. In DSM -5 , there is a chapter on disruptive, impulse-control, and conduct disorders, which are now referred to as other specified and unspecified disruptive, impulse-control, and conduct disorders. In addition, the chapter includes impulse-control disorders not otherwise specified (for example, intermittent explosive disorder, pyromania and kleptomania) . The majority of childhood behaviour problems can be placed into a few broad categories (Phares, 2014) .

Externalising disorders The externalising , or undercontrolled , category includes behaviours that are particularly disturbing to

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people in the child’s environment. Lack of control shows up as conduct disorders in about 2 9 per cent of children and adolescents, mostly boys, and appears most frequently at around 11 or 12 years of age (Merikangas et al., 2010; Nock et al., 2006) . Conduct disorders are characterised by a relatively stable pattern of aggression, disobedience, destructiveness, inappropriate sexual activity, academic failure and other problematic behaviours (Kalb & Loeber, 2003; Petitclerc & Tremblay, 2009) . Often, these behaviours involve criminal activity, and they may signal the development of antisocial personality disorder (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1998; Lyman & Gudonis, 2005) . There may be a genetic predisposition towards externalising disorders, including conduct disorders that begin in childhood and progress into adulthood (Larsson, Andershed & Lichtenstein , 2006;Van Hulle et al., 2009) . For example, many children who display conduct disorder have parents with antisocial personality disorder (Gelhorn et al., 2005) . Furthermore, externalising disorders are especially likely to appear in children with temperamentally high activity levels and lack of concern for the feelings of other people (Anastassiou-Hadjicharalambous & Warden, 2008; Mesman & Koot, 2000) . There is no doubt, however, that environmental and parenting factors also shape these childrens behaviour and that these factors interact with genetic factors ( Hanish et al. , 2005; Laird et al., 2001; Leve, Kim & Pears, 2005; Scourfield et al. , 2004) . Another kind of externalising problem, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder ( ADHD ) , is seen in up to 8 per cent of children, mainly boys (and in about 4 per cent of adults, mainly men; Bloom & Cohen, 2007; Merkangas et al. , 2010) . A diagnosis of ADHD is given to children who are more impulsive or more inattentive than other children their age ( Nigg, 2001; Wolraich et al. , 2005) . As the name implies, many of these children are hyperactive (see the Snapshot ‘Active or hyperactive?’) . That is , they have great difficulty sitting still or otherwise controlling their physical activity. Their impulsiveness and lack of self-control contribute to significant impairments in learning and to an astonishing ability to annoy and exhaust the people around them. Children diagnosed with ADHD also tend to perform poorly on tests of attention , memory, decision making and other informationprocessing tasks. As a result , ADHD increasingly is being viewed as a neurological condition rather than just ‘bad behaviour’ (Halperin & Schulz, 2006; Konrad et al., 2006; Krain & Castellanos , 2006) .

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Active or hyperactive ? I Normal behaviour for children in one culture can be considered hyperactive in other cultures. Do people in the same culture disagree on what is hyperactive? • TRY THIS \ To find out, ask two or three friends to join you in observing a group of children at a playground, a schoolyard, a park or some other public place. Ask your friends to privately identify which children they would label as ‘hyperactive’, and then count how many of their choices agree with yours and with each other’s. With many children in many cultures showing high activity levels, some observers wonder about the validity of the ADHD diagnosis and especially about | the wisdom of medicating the children who receive it (Merikangas et al., 2010). |

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ADHD may result from a genetic predisposition. Some studies suggest that the genes involved may be those that regulate dopamine, a neurotransmitter important in the functioning of the attention system (Bush, 2010; Gilden & Marusich, 2009;Waldman & Gizer, 2006) . Other factors, including brain damage, poisoning from lead or other household substances, and low birth weight , may also play causal roles (Hudziak et al., 2005; Linnet et al., 2003; Mick et ah , 2002; Nikolas & Burt, 2010) . In some cases, problems in parenting may increase the risk of this disorder (Clarke et ah , 2002) . Exactly how all these factors combine is still not clear ( Nigg, 2010) . Also uncertain is exactly what constitutes hyperactivity. Cultural standards about acceptable activity levels in children vary, so a ‘hyperactive’ child in one culture might be considered merely ‘active’ in another. In fact, when mental health professionals from four cultures used the same rating scales to judge the presence and severity of hyperactivity in a recorded sample of children’s behaviour, the Chinese and Indonesians rated the children as significantly more hyperactive than their American and Japanese colleagues did (Mann et ah , 1992; see also Jacobson, 2002) . Such findings remind us again that sociocultural factors can be important determinants of what is acceptable and hence what is abnormal in various parts of the world.

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Internalising disorders A second broad category of child behaviour problems involves internalising , or overcontrol. Children in this category experience significant distress, especially depression and anxiety, and may be socially withdrawn (Luby, 2010). Those displaying separation anxiety disorder, for example, constantly worry that they will be lost, kidnapped or injured, or that some harm may come to a parent ( usually the mother) . The child clings desperately to the parent and becomes upset or sick at the prospect of any separation. Refusal to go to school (sometimes called ‘school phobia’) is often the result. Children who are shy or withdrawn are at a higher risk than others of internalising disorders , but these problems are also associated with environmental factors, including being rejected by peers and (especially for girls) being raised by a single parent (Phares , 2008; Prinstein & La Greca , 2002).

Autistic spectrum disorders A few childhood disorders, such as pervasive developmental disorders, do not fall into either the externalising or internalising category. Children diagnosed with these disorders show severe problems in communication and impaired social relationships. They also often display repetitive, stereotyped behaviours and unusual preoccupations and interests (APA, 2000) . The disorders in this group, also known as autistic spectrum disorders ( ASD), share many of these core symptoms, although the severity of those symptoms may vary (( eponien et al., 2003; Constantino & Todd, 2003) . The estimated incidence of autism in Australia is 2.2 cases per 1000 children up to five years old, and about one in every 160 children aged between six and 12 years old; a male:female gender ratio of about 4:1 was reported for the children aged six to 12 (Tan , Cohen & Pooley, 2013) . The earliest signs of autistic disorder usually appear within the first 30 months after birth, as these babies show little or no evidence of forming an attachment to their caregivers. Language development is seriously disrupted in most of these children; half of them never learn to speak at all. They have great difficulty engaging in tasks that require shared attention , and they often focus on non-social aspects of human interaction , such as clothing, rather than on social aspects, such as eye contact , facial expression and tone of voice (Klin et al., 2002) . Those who display high-functioning autism or a less severe autistic spectrum disorder called Asperger’s syndrome (also known as Asperger’s disorder ) have impaired relationships , engage in repetitive behaviours and may memorise arcane facts or activities (such as sports scores or postcodes) , but they show few severe cognitive deficits and are able to function adaptively and, in some cases, independently as adults (for example, Grandin , 1996; Shore, 2003) .

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Possible biological roots of autistic disorder include genetic factors ( Freitag, 2007; Gupta & State, 2007; St Pourcain et al., 2010;Vorstman et al., 2006; Weiss & Arking, 2009) and neurodevelopmental abnormalities affecting language and communication (Akshoomoff, 2005; Belmonte et al., 2004; Grossberg & Seidman, 2006; Minshew & Williams, 2007) . Researchers studying these biological factors have recently become interested in the activity of mirror neurons in the brain. As described in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’, these neurons are activated when we see other peoples actions, such as smiling, frowning or showing disgust. Because they are in the areas of our own brain that control these same actions, activity in mirror neurons helps us understand how the other person might be feeling and to empathise with those feelings. The functioning of such neurons appears disturbed in people with autism, partly explaining why these individuals seem to operate with little appreciation for what others might be thinking or feeling (Welsh et al. , 2009; Williams et al., 2006) . Other problems have been found in the brains of children with autism, mainly in the prefrontal cortex and in the corpus callosum (which connects the two cerebral hemispheres) . These problems may impair the communication among brain areas that is necessary for normal social interaction and language (Mitchell et al., 2009) . Hypotheses that autistic disorder is caused by having cold and unresponsive parents or by injections of measles, mumps and rubella (MMR ) vaccine have been rejected by the results of scientific research (for example, Doja & Roberts, 2006) .

Impact of age on disorders Disorders of childhood differ from adult disorders not only because the patterns of behaviour are distinct, but also because their early onset disrupts development. To take one example, children whose separation anxiety causes spotty school attendance may not only fall behind academically but also fail to form the relationships with other children that promote normal social development (Wood , 2006) . Some children never make up for this deficit. They may drop out of school and risk a life of poverty, crime and violence. Moreover, children are dependent on others to obtain help for their psychological problems, but all too often those problems may go unrecognised or untreated. For some, the long-term result may be adult forms of mental disorder.

Substance - related disorders Childhood disorders, especially externalising disorders, often lead to substance -related disorders in adolescence and adulthood. DSM - 5 has further developed the chapter on substance-related disorders to include gambling disorder (American Psychiatric Association , 2013) . Substance-related disorders are defined as the use of psychoactive drugs for months or years in ways that harm the user or others. These disorders create major political, economic, social and health problems worldwide. The substances involved most often are alcohol and other CNS depressant drugs (such as barbiturates) , opiates (such as heroin) , CNS stimulating drugs (such as cocaine or amphetamines) and hallucinogenic drugs (such as LSD) . Even when the use of a drug does not lead to psychological or physiological dependence, some people may use it in a way that is harmful to themselves or others. For example, they may rely on the drug to bolster self-confidence or to avoid depression, anger, fear or other unpleasant feelings. However, the drug effects these people seek may also impair their ability to hold a job, care for their children or drive safely. This pattern of substance abuse causes significant social, legal and interpersonal problems. In short, substance-related disorders can be extremely serious , even when they do not involve addiction. In Chapter 8, ‘Consciousness’, we describe how consciousness can be affected by a wide range of psychoactive drugs. Here, we focus more specifically on the problems associated with the use and abuse of alcohol, heroin and cocaine.

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substance-related disorders problems involving the use of psychoactive drugs for months or years in ways that harm the user or others

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Alcohol use disorders

alcoholism a pattern of drinking that may lead to addiction and almost always causes severe social, physical and other problems

The reported lifetime use of alcohol in Australia is 89.9 per cent for people aged 14 years and over, with around 20.1 per cent of this group consuming alcohol in amounts that place them at risk of alcohol-related disease or injury (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2015) . In New Zealand, 79 per cent of people over 15 years old reported drinking alcohol in the past year. Approximately 8 per cent of this group drink more than the recommended levels every week , placing them at increased risk of alcohol-related diseases ( NZ Ministry of Health, 2015) . According to a large US survey, the 12-month national prevalence of alcohol abuse was 3.1 per cent of adults (Kessler & Wang, 2008) . Alcohol abuse is characterised by a pattern of continuous or intermittent drinking that may lead to alcohol dependence ,an addiction that almost always causes severe social, physical and other problems. Males outnumber females in this category by about three to one, although the problem is on the rise among women and among teenagers of both sexes (Grucza et al., 2008). Prolonged overuse of alcohol can have serious consequences, including reduced cognitive abilities, impaired academic performance, life-threatening liver damage, vitamin deficiencies that can lead to an irreversible brain disorder called Korsakoff’s psychosis (severe memory loss), and many other physical ailments. Many of these adverse effects appear to be due to the fact that excessive alcohol consumption causes deterioration in several brain areas (Hommer et al., 2001; Pfefferbaum et al. , 2001) . Alcohol dependence or abuse, commonly referred to as alcoholism, has been implicated in 40 50 per cent of all car accidents, murders and rapes (Butcher, Mineka & Hooley, 2010) . Alcohol abuse also figures prominently in domestic violence, including child abuse, and in elevated rates of hospitalisation and absenteeism from work . In Australia’s case, this has resulted in total costs to the national health and hospital system of over $15.3 billion annually (Collins & Lapsley, 2008; Alcohol and Drug Foundation, 2016) . Alcohol accounts for 430 hospitalisations daily, and increased rates of alcohol abuse are prevalent in marginalised, socially disadvantaged groups; for example, Aboriginal Australian and Torres Strait Islander peoples, homeless people and prison populations (Alcohol and Drug Foundation, 2016) . Also, as described in Chapter 11, ‘Human development’, the children of mothers who abused alcohol during pregnancy may be born with foetal alcohol syndrome. The biopsychosocial model suggests that alcohol use disorders stem from a combination of genetic characteristics (including inherited aspects of temperament such as impulsivity and emotionality) and what people learn in their social and cultural environments (Elkins et al., 2006; Lovallo et al., 2006; Ray et al., 2010). For example, the children of people with alcoholism are more likely than others to become alcoholics themselves; and if the children are identical twins, both are at increased risk of alcoholism, even when raised apart (Volk et al. , 2007) . It is still unclear just what might be inherited or which genes are involved . One possibility involves inherited abnormalities in the brain’s neurotransmitter systems or in the body’s metabolism of alcohol (Martinez et al., 2005 ; Nurnberger et al., 2001; Petrakis et al., 2004) . Males with alcoholism do tend to be less sensitive than other people to the effects of alcohol, a factor that may contribute to greater consumption (Pollack, 1992; Schuckit, 1998) . Now that the human genome has been decoded , researchers are focusing on specific chromosomes as the possible locations of genes that predispose people to or protect them from the development of alcoholism (Cheng et al. , 2004; NIAAA, 2000, 2001;Wall et al., 2005) . However, the genetics of addiction is complex, and there are likely multiple pathways to alcoholism (Crabbe, 2002; Higuchi, Matsushita & Kashima, 2006) . As with other disorders, alcoholism probably arises as many genes interact with one another and with environmental events, including parental influences (Duncan et al., 2006; Kaufman et al., 2007) . For example, one study found that the sons of identical twins were at elevated risk of alcoholism if their own father was an alcoholic but not if the father’s identical twin was (Jacob et al., 2003). Something in these boys’ non-alcoholic family environment had apparently moderated whatever

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genetic tendency towards alcoholism they might have inherited . Youngsters typically learn to drink by watching their parents and their peers. These observations help shape their expectations, such as that alcohol will make them feel good and help them cope with stressors (Schell et ah , 2005) . But if drinking becomes a person’s main coping strategy, alcohol use can become abuse and ultimately addiction ( NIAAA, 2001) . The importance of social and cultural learning is supported by evidence that alcoholism is more common among ethnic and cultural groups (such as the Irish and English) in which frequent drinking tends to be socially reinforced than among groups (such as Jews , Italians and Chinese) in which anything beyond moderate drinking tends to be discouraged (Gray & Nye, 2001; Wilson et ah , 1996) . Moreover, variations in social support for drinking can result in differing consumption patterns within a cultural group.

Other substance dependence: illicit drugs Like people with alcoholism, people who develop a substance-related disorder involving drugs like heroin, cocaine, methamphetamine and cannabis suffer various serious physical problems, both as a result of the drugs themselves and because of the poor eating and other unhealthy habits associated with drug use. The risk of death from an overdose, contaminated drugs , bloodborne viruses or HIV, as well as from suicide, is also always present. In Australia and New Zealand , there are differences in the prevalence of illicit drugs. However, in both countries there are increasing social and community costs associated with methamphetamine use (Alcohol and Drug Foundation, 2016; NZ Ministry of Health , 2016) . In Australia and New Zealand, cannabis and methamphetamines are the more commonly used illicit drugs 15 per cent of the Australian population used illicit drugs in the last year; in New Zealand , the rate is closer to 20 per cent ( NZ Drug Foundation, 2016) . Addiction occurs largely through a biological process brought on by the physiological effects of the drugs (Kalivas & Volkow, 2005; Phillips et ah , 2003) . Explaining why people start using them is more difficult . Beyond the obvious and immediate pleasure that these drugs provide, the causes of initial drug abuse are less well established than the reasons for alcohol abuse. One line of theorising suggests that there might be a complex genetic predisposition towards behavioural compulsions that predispose some people to abuse many kinds of drugs (Crabbe, 2002; Koob & Volkow, 2010; Kreek et ah , 2005) . A number of psychological and environmental factors have also been proposed as promoting initial drug use (Vedel & Emmelkam, 2012) . These include seeing parents using drugs, being abused in childhood , using drugs to cope with stressors or to ease anxiety or depression , associating drug use with pleasant experiences, seeking popularity, caving in to peer pressure, and thrill seeking ( Ferguson & Meehan , 2011; Garcia-Montes et ah , 2009; Rudolph et ah , 2011; Tucker et ah , 2011) . Research has not yet established why continued drug use occurs in some people and not in others, but again , it is likely that a biological predisposition sets the stage on which specific psychological processes and stressors play out their roles in specific social and cultural contexts.

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Mental Illness and the law Cheryl was barely 20 when she married Glen , a postgraduate student in biology. They moved into a large apartment complex near the university and within three years had two sons. Cheryl’s friends had always been impressed by the attention and affection she showered on her boys; she seemed to be the ideal mother. She and Glen had serious marital problems , however, and she felt trapped and unhappy. One day, Glen came home to find that Cheryl had stabbed both children to death . At her murder trial , she was found not guilty by reason of insanity and was placed in a mental institution . This verdict reflects many laws and rules of countries that protect people with severe psychological disorders when they are accused of crimes (Cassel & Bernstein, 2007) .The protection takes two forms.

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First, under certain conditions, people designated as mentally ill may be protected from prosecution . If, at the time of their trial, individuals accused of a crime are unable to understand the proceedings and charges against them, or to assist in their own defence, they are declared to be mentally incompetent to stand trial . In such cases, defendants are sent to a mental institution until they are judged to have become mentally competent. If they are still not deemed competent after a courtspecified period two years, in most cases a defendant may be ruled permanently ineligible for trial and either committed in civil court to a mental institution or released. Second , mentally ill defendants may be protected from punishment . They may be judged not guilty by reason of mental impairment if, at the time of the crime, mental illness prevented them from understanding what they were doing, knowing that what they were doing was wrong, or resisting the impulse to do wrong. The first two of these criteria understanding the nature or wrongfulness of an act are ‘cognitive’ criteria known as the M’ Naghten rule. This rule stems from an 1843 case in England in which a man named Daniel M’ Naghten, upon hearing ‘instructions from God ’, tried to kill British prime minister Robert Peel. He was found not guilty by reason of insanity and put into a mental institution for life. The basis of criminal law in Australia and New Zealand is derived from English criminal law. Today, in different States and Territories, you will see legislation that reflects the essence of the M’ Naghten rule; however, it should be noted that across States and Territories there are differences in what the legislation looks like. These laws highlight the fact that mental impairment is a legal term, not a psychiatric diagnosis (Cassel & Bernstein , 2007) .When defendants plead mental impairment, judges and juries must decide whether or not these people understood what they were doing or had control over their actions, and hence whether or not they should be held responsible for their criminal acts. Defendants who are judged not guilty by reason of mental impairment and who still display a psychological disorder are usually required to receive treatment, typically through commitment to a hospital , until judged to be cured or no longer dangerous (see the Snapshot ‘Assessment of mental competence’) .

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Are people who have severe psychological disorders protected from prosecution under certain circumstances?

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Assessment of mental competence In Perth, Western Australia in 2009, a mother suffering from depression tried to drown her seven - month - old twins before attempting suicide. Her partner arrived home to discover the woman and the babies in an unconscious condition and called an ambulance, but the twins were declared dead on arrival at the hospital. It was reported that the mother’s history of mental illness was taken into consideration by thejudge as it contributed to the mother’s lack of moral culpability. The three - year prison sentence received by the mother reflected this point of view. Read more here: www.watoday.com.au/ wa - news/killer - mum - to - be - free - in - four months -20100902 -14ogt .html#ixzz 2 EjOz 4DrS

Mental impairment rules have been faulted on several grounds. Some critics argue that everyone, even people who meet legal criteria for mental impairment, should be held responsible for their actions and punished for their crimes. Others point out significant problems in the implementation of mental impairment rules. For one thing, different experts often give conflicting, highly technical testimony about a defendant’s mental impairment at the time of a crime. (In the case mentioned at the beginning of this section , one expert said Cheryl was sane, while another concluded she was insane.) Jurors are then left in the difficult position of deciding which expert to believe and what to make of the experts’ diagnostic judgements. Their task is complicated by the fact that people with mental disorders even those as severe as schizophrenia are still capable

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of some rational decision making and of controlling some aspects of their behaviour (Grisso & Appelbaum , 1995; Matthews, 2004) . In summary, society is constantly seeking the proper balance between protecting the rights of defendants and protecting itself from dangerous criminals. In doing so, the sociocultural values that shape views about what is abnormal also influence judgements about the extent to which abnormality should relieve people of responsibility for criminal behaviour.

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IN REVIEW Classifying psychological disorders TYPES / SYMPTOMS

DISORDERS

Anxiety disorders

Phobias - intense, unreasonable, disruptive fear of objects or situations Generalised anxiety disorder - excessive anxiety not focused on a specific object or situation; free - floating anxiety Panic disorder - repeated attacks of intense fear involving physical symptoms such as faintness, dizziness and nausea Obsessive - compulsive disorder - persistent ideas or worries accompanied by ritualistic behaviours performed to neutralise anxiety - driven thoughts

Somatic symptom and related disorders

Conversion disorder - a loss of physical ability (for example, sight, hearing) that is related to psychological factors

Dissociative and related disorders

Dissociative amnesia - sudden loss of memory Fugue reaction (dissociative fugue) - sudden loss of memory, which may result in relocation and the assumption of a new identity Dissociative identity disorder (multiple personality disorder) - appearance within the same person of two or more distinct identities, each with a unique way of thinking and behaving

Major depression (major depressive disorder)

Deep sadness, feelings of worthlessness, changes in eating and sleeping habits, loss of interest and pleasure

Bipolar disorder

Alternating extremes of mood, from deep depression to mania, and back

Cyclothymic personality (cyclothymic disorder)

Similar to bipolar disorder, but less severe

Schizophrenia

Disorders of thought - disturbed content, including delusions; disorganisation, including loose associations, neologisms and word salad Disorders of perception - hallucinations; poorly focused attention Disorders of emotion - flat affect; inappropriate tears, laughter or anger

Check your understanding 1 Women are likely than men to try suicide, but men are likely to succeed. the most controversial of 2 Concern that it may be triggered by media stories or therapists’ suggestions has made the dissociative disorders. 3 Patients with schizophrenia who were able to finish school are likely to show improvement.

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14.3 APPROACHES TO TREATMENT OF PSYCHOLOGICAL DISORDERS

Medieval treatment methods Methods used to

In this section, we describe a variety of treatment methods, many of which are based on the theories of stress and coping (see Chapter 12, ‘Health, stress and coping’) , personality (see Chapter 13, ‘Personality’) and psychological disorders (reviewed earlier in this chapter); see the Snapshot ‘Medieval treatment methods’) . First , we examine the basic features common to all forms of treatment . Then we discuss approaches that rely on psychotherapy, the treatment of psychological disorders through psychological methods , such as talking about problems and exploring new ways of thinking and acting. These methods are based on psychodynamic, humanistic or social-cognitive (behavioural) theories of disorder and treatment. We then consider biological approaches to treatment , which consist of prescription drugs and other physical therapies. ( Many clients receive medication in addition to psychotherapy during the course of psychological treatment.)

treat psychological

disorders have always been related to the presumed causes of those disorders. In medieval times, when demonic possession was widely blamed for abnormal behaviour,

physician - priests tried to make the victim’s body an uncomfortable place for evil spirits. Here we see a depiction of

Basic features of treatment

demons fleeing as an afflicted person’s head is placed in an oven.

MIT tel

s &

psychiatrists medical doctors who have

completed special training in the treatment of psychological disorders

psychologists among therapists, those who have completed a master’s or (usually) doctoral

degree in clinical or counselling psychology and who may

have received additional specialty training

.

All treatments for psychological disorders share certain basic features. These common features include a client or patient, a therapist who is accepted as being capable of helping the client , and the establishment of a special relationship between the client and the therapist . In addition , all forms of treatment are based on some theory about the causes of the client’s problems (Dumont & Corsini , 2000) . The theory may presume causes ranging from magic spells to infections and everything in-between (Corey, 2008) . The theory, in turn , leads to procedures for dealing with the client’s problems. So traditional healers combat supernatural forces with ceremonies and prayers , medical doctors treat chemical imbalances with prescription drugs , and psychologists focus on altering psychological processes through psychotherapy. People receiving treatment for psychological disorders can be inpatients or outpatients. Inpatients are treated in a hospital or other residential institution . They are voluntarily or involuntarily committed to these institutions because their problems are severe enough to pose a threat to their own wellbeing or the safety of others. Depending on their level of functioning, inpatients may stay in the hospital for a few days or weeks or, in rare cases, several years. Their treatment almost always includes psychoactive medication. Outpatients receive psychotherapy or prescription drugs (or both) while living in the community. Compared with inpatients, outpatients tend to have fewer and less severe symptoms of disorder and to function better in social and occupational situations ( Hybels et al., 2008; Pottick et ah , 2008) . Psychological treatment is provided by a diverse group of individuals (Robiner, 2006) . Psychiatrists are medical doctors who have completed specialty training in the treatment of psychological disorders. Like other physicians, they are authorised to prescribe drugs for the relief of psychological problems. Psychologists who offer psychotherapy have usually completed a doctoral degree in clinical or counselling psychology, often followed by additional specialised training. In Australia and New Zealand , psychologists are not authorised to prescribe drugs. Other treatment providers include clinical social workers , marriage and family therapists , and professional counsellors, all of whom typically hold a master’s degree in their respective professions and provide therapy in a variety of settings , including hospitals, clinics and private practice. Psychiatric nurses, substance abuse counsellors, members of the clergy working as pastoral counsellors, and a host of paraprofessionals also provide therapy services, often as part of a hospital or outpatient treatment team (Kramer, Bernstein & Phares , 2009) .

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Goal of treatment The general goal of treatment is to help troubled people change their thinking, feelings and behaviour in ways that relieve discomfort , promote happiness and improve their overall functioning as parents, students and workers. To reach this goal, some therapists try to help clients gain insight into the hidden causes of problems. Others seek to promote growth through more genuine self-expression , and still others help clients learn and practise new ways of thinking and acting.The particular methods used in each case some form of psychotherapy, prescription medications or both depend on the problems, preferences and financial circumstances of the client; the time available for treatment; and the therapist’s theoretical leanings, methodological preferences and professional qualifications. Later, we will discuss prescription drugs and other biological treatments; here, we consider several forms of psychotherapy, each of which is based on a different theoretical perspective on mental disorder. Although we discuss different psychotherapy methods in separate sections, keep in mind that the majority of mental health professionals see themselves as eclectic or integrative therapists: they may lean towards one set of methods, but in working with particular clients or particular problems, they incorporate other methods as well (Cook et al., 2010; Magnavita, 2006; Norcross & Goldfried, 2005); see the Snapshot ‘Group therapy for the family’.

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Psychodynamic psychotherapy The field of formal psychotherapy began in the late 1800s when , as described in Chapter 13, ‘Personality’, Sigmund Freud established the psychodynamic approach to understanding psychological disorders. Central to his approach, and to modern revisions of it, is the assumption that personality and behaviour reflect the efforts of the ego to deal with (mostly unconscious) conflicts among various components of the personality. Freud ’s method of treatment, psychoanalysis , was aimed at understanding these unconscious conflicts and how they affect clients. Almost all forms of psychotherapy incorporate some of his ideas, including a one-to-one treatment approach; a search for relationships between current problems and events in a client’s past; an emphasis on the role of thoughts, emotions and motivations; and a focus on the client therapist relationship.We will describe Freud’s original methods first and then consider treatments that are rooted in his psychodynamic approach .

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Classical psychoanalysis Classical psychoanalysis developed mainly out of Freud’s medical practice. He was puzzled by patients who suffered from ‘hysterical’ ailments blindness, paralysis or other symptoms that had no apparent physical cause (see our discussion of conversion disorders in the section ‘Somatic symptom and related disorders’ earlier this chapter) . Inspired by his colleague Josef Breuer’s dramatic success in using hypnosis to treat hysterical symptoms in a patient known as ‘Anna O’ ( Freud & Breuer, 1895 / 2004), Freud tried similar methods with other hysteria patients but found them to be only partially and temporarily successful. Eventually, Freud merely asked patients to lie on a couch and report whatever thoughts, memories or images came to mind , a process Freud called free association. The results of this ‘talking cure’ were surprising. Freud was struck by how many of his patients reported childhood memories of sexual abuse, usually by a parent or other close relative (Esterson, 2001). Freud wondered whether child abuse was rampant in Vienna, whether he was seeing a biased sample of patients, or whether his patients’ memories were being distorted in some way. He eventually concluded that his patients’ memories of abuse probably reflected unconscious childhood wishes and fantasies, not real events. He also believed that hysterical symptoms stem from unconscious conflicts over those wishes and fantasies.

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Group therapy for the family Some psychotherapy occurs in one - toone office sessions,

but some treatment is conducted with couples, families and groups in hospitals, community health centres and facilities for former mental hospital residents. Therapy is also offered prisons, at

military bases, in drug and

in

alcoholism treatment centres, and in many other places.

psychoanalysis a method of psychotherapy that seeks to help clients gain insight by recognising and understanding unconscious thoughts and emotions

Chapter 10: Psychological Disorders and Treatment

The unconscious As a result, Freud’s psychoanalysis came to focus on an exploration of the unconscious and the conflicts raging within it. Classical psychoanalytic treatment aims first to help troubled people gain insight into their problems by recognising unconscious thoughts and emotions. Then they are encouraged to discover, or work through , the many ways in which those unconscious elements continue to motivate maladaptive thinking and behaviour in everyday life. The treatment may require as many as three to five sessions per week, usually over several years. Generally, the psychoanalyst is compassionate but emotionally neutral as the patient slowly develops an understanding of how past conflicts influence current problems (Gabbard, 2004) . To gain glimpses of the unconscious and of the sexual and aggressive impulses he believed reside there Freud looked for meaning in his patients’ free associations, their dreams , their everyday behaviours and their relationship with him . He believed that hidden beneath the obvious or manifest content of dreams is latent content that reflects the wishes, impulses and fantasies that the dreamer’s defence mechanisms keep out of consciousness during waking hours. He focused also on what have become known as ‘Freudian slips’ of the tongue and other seemingly insignificant but potentially meaningful behaviours. So if a patient mistakenly used the name of a former girlfriend while talking about his wife, Freud might wonder if the patient unconsciously regretted his marriage. Similarly, when patients expressed dependency, hostility or even love towards him , Freud saw it as an unconscious process in which childhood feelings and conflicts about parents and other significant people were being transferred to the therapist . Analysis of this transference , this ‘new edition’ of the patient’s childhood conflicts and current problems, became another important psychoanalytic method ( Gabbard , 2004) . Freud believed that focusing on the transference allows patients to see how old conflicts haunt their lives and helps them resolve these conflicts .

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Play therapy Modern versions of psychoanalytic treatment include fantasy play and other techniques that make the

approach more useful with children. A child’s behaviour and comments while playing with puppets representing family members, for

example, are seen as a form of free

that the therapist hopes will reveal important association

unconscious

material, such as fear of abandonment (Carlson, Watts & Maniacci, 2006).

Contemporary variations on psychoanalysis Classical psychoanalysis is still practised , but not as much as it was several decades ago (Gabbard , 2004; Kaner & Prelinger, 2007) .The decline is due to many factors , including disenchantment with Freud’s personality theory, the expense of classical psychoanalysis, its limited usefulness with children, and the availability of many alternative forms of treatment , including variations on classical psychoanalysis (Roseborough, 2006; Russ, 2006; Strieker, 2006) ; see the Snapshot ‘Play therapy’. Some of these variations were developed by the neo-Freudian theorists discussed in Chapter 13, ‘Personality’. As noted there, those theorists tended to place less emphasis than Freud did on the past and on unconscious impulses stemming from the id .They also tended to stress the role of social relationships in clients’ problems and how the power of the ego can be harnessed to solve those problems (Gray, 2005) . Ego analysis ( Hartmann , 1958; Klein , 1960) and individual analysis (Adler, 1927 / 1999) were among the first treatments to be based on neo-Freudian theories. Some were designed for treating children ( Freud, 1946; Klein, 1960). More recent variations on psychoanalysis alter the format of treatment so that it is less intense, less expensive and more appropriate for a broader range of clients (Messer 8c Kaplan, 2004) . Some of these variants have come to be known as short -term psychodynamic therapy because they aim to provide benefits in far less time than is required in classical psychoanalysis (Levenson, 2003; Rawson, 2006) . However, virtually all modern psychodynamic therapies still focus attention on unconscious as well as conscious aspects of mental life, on the impact of internal conflicts, and on transference analysis as key elements in treatment ( Levy et ah , 2006; Luborsky & Luborsky, 2006;Vanheule et al., 2006) . In one short-term psychodynamic approach known as object relations therapy , the powerful need for human contact and support takes centrestage (Greenberg & Mitchell , 2006) . Object

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relations therapists believe that most of the problems for which clients seek treatment ultimately stem from their relationships with others, especially their mothers or other early caregivers. (The term object usually refers to a person who has emotional significance for the client.) Psychotherapists who adopt an object relations perspective take a much more active role in therapy sessions than classical analysts do particularly by directing the client’s attention to evidence of certain conflicts, rather than waiting for free association or other more subtle methods to reveal these conflicts. Interpersonal therapy , too, is rooted partly in neo-Freudian theory (Sullivan , 1954) , but it focuses on helping clients explore and overcome the problematic effects of interpersonal events that occur after early childhood events such as the loss of a loved one, conflicts with a parent or a spouse , job loss or social isolation (Weissman , Markowitz & Kierman, 2007) . With their focus on interpersonal relationships rather than instincts, their emphasis on clients’ potential for self-directed problem solving, and the reassurance and emotional support they provide, contemporary variants on classical psychoanalysis have helped the psychodynamic approach retain its influence among mental health professionals (Barber et ah , 2013; Safran , 2012) .

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Humanistic psychotherapy Whereas some therapists revised Freud’s ideas, others developed radical new therapies based on the humanistic approach to personality described in Chapter 13, ‘Personality’ . Humanistic psychologists, sometimes called phenomenologists, see people as capable of consciously controlling their own actions and taking responsibility for their own decisions. Most humanistic therapists believe that human behaviour is motivated not by sexual or aggressive impulses but rather by an innate drive towards personal growth and improvement that is guided from moment to moment by the way in which people perceive their world. Disordered behaviour, they say, reflects a blockage of natural growth brought on by distorted perceptions or lack of awareness of feelings. Accordingly, humanistic therapy operates on the following assumptions: • Treatment is an encounter between equals , not a ‘cure’ given by an expert. • Clients will improve on their own, given the right conditions. These ideal conditions promote clients’ awareness, acceptance and emotional expression. • Ideal conditions in therapy can best be established through a relationship in which clients feel fully accepted and supported as human beings, no matter how problematic or undesirable their behaviour may be. It is the clients’ experience of this relationship that brings beneficial changes. • Clients must remain responsible for choosing how they will think and behave. Of the many humanistically oriented treatments in use today, the most influential are clientcentred therapy, developed by Carl Rogers (1951) , and Gestalt therapy, developed by Frederick and Laura Peris.

A client centred therapy group Carl Rogers (shown here) believed that as successful treatment progresses, clients become more self - confident, more aware of their feelings, more accepting

of themselves, more comfortable and genuine with other people, more reliant on selfevaluation than on the judgements of others, and more effective and relaxed.

Client - centred therapy Carl Rogers was trained in psychodynamic therapy methods during the 1930s, but he soon began to question their value. He especially disliked being a detached expert observer whose task was to ‘figure out’ the client . Rogers allowed his clients to decide what to talk about and when, without direction , judgement or interpretation by the therapist ( Raskin & Rogers, 2005) .This approach, now called client- centred therapy or person- centred therapy, relies on the creation of a relationship that reflects three intertwined attitudes of the therapist: unconditional positive regard , empathy and congruence (see the Snapshot ‘A client-centred therapy group’) .

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client- centred therapy ( person- centred therapy) a therapy that allows the client to decide what to talk about, without direction,judgement or interpretation from the

therapist

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Unconditional positive regard unconditional positive

regard (acceptance) a

therapist attitude that

conveys caring for and recognition of the client as a valued person

The attitude Rogers called unconditional positive regard , also known as acceptance, is expressed by treating the client as a valued person, no matter what. Rogers believed that experiencing the therapists unconditional acceptance helps clients overcome the sense that their value as a person depends on being successful , intelligent , attractive or meeting the other conditions of worth described in Chapter 13,‘Personality’ . Acceptance is communicated through the therapists willingness to listen to the client without interrupting and without making judgements or expressing opinions. Clientcentred therapists also avoid giving advice because acceptance includes trusting clients to solve their own problems ( Merry & Brodley, 2002) .

Empathy

empathy the therapist’s attempt to appreciate and understand how the world looks from the client’s point of view

active listening (reflection) conveying empathy on the part of the therapist by paraphrasing

’

a client s statements and

noting accompanying feelings

Client-centred therapists also try to appreciate the client’s point of view.This goes far beyond saying, ‘I know what you mean’ . It involves an effort to see the world as each client sees it and not to look at clients from the outside. In other words, client-centred therapists work at developing empathy, an emotional understanding of what the client might be thinking and feeling.They convey empathy by showing that they are actively listening to the client. Like other skilful interviewers, they make eye contact with the client, nod in recognition as the client speaks, and give other signs of careful attention .They use active listening, also known as reflection , a paraphrased summary of the client’s words that emphasises the feelings and meanings that seem to accompany them . Here is an example: Client: This has been such a bad day. I’ve felt ready to cry any minute, and I’ m not even sure what’s wrong! Therapist: You really do feel so bad . The tears just seem to well up inside, and I wonder if it’s a little scary to not even know why you feel this way. Notice that in rephrasing the client’s statements, the therapist reflected not only the obvious feelings of sadness but also the fear in the client’s voice. Most clients respond to empathic reflection by elaborating on their feelings. In this example, the client went on to say, ‘It is scary, because I don ’t like to feel in the dark about myself. I have always prided myself on being in control’ . Empathic listening tends to be so effective in promoting self-understanding and awareness that it is used across a wide range of therapies (Corsini & Wedding, 2010; Miller & Rollnick , 2002) . Even outside the realm of therapy, people who are thought of as easy to talk to are usually ‘good listeners’ who reflect the important messages they hear from others.

Congruence congruence consistency between a therapist’s

feelings and the therapist’s behaviour towards clients

Rogerian therapists also try to convey congruence (sometimes called genuineness) by acting in ways that are consistent with their feelings during therapy. For example, if they are confused by what a client has said, they would say so rather than trying to pretend that they always understand everything.

Gestalt therapy Another form of humanistic treatment was developed by Frederick S. ( Fritz) Peris and his wife, Laura . A European psychoanalyst, Peris was greatly influenced by research in Gestalt psychology. (As described in Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception ’ , Gestalt psychologists emphasised the idea that people actively organise their perceptions of the world .) As a result , he believed that people create their own versions of reality and that their natural psychological growth continues only as long as they accurately perceive, remain aware of and act on their true feelings. Growth stops and symptoms appear, said Peris, when people are not aware of all aspects of themselves (Peris , 1969; Peris , Hefferline & Goodman , 1951) ; see the Snapshot ‘Existential therapy’.

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Existential therapy Additional forms of humanistic therapy were developed by Rollo May (1969); Rollo May, Ernest Angel and Henri Ellenberger (1958); Viktor Frankl (1963); and Irwin Yalom (1980). Their methods were based on existential philosophy, which highlights such uniquely human concerns as our freedom to choose our actions, being responsible for those actions, feeling alone in the world, trying to find meaning and purpose in our lives, and confronting the prospect of death (Yalom, 2002). Existential therapy is designed to help people accept and deal with these concerns head - on rather than to continue ignoring or avoiding them. Because people can feel lost, alone and unsure of life’s meaning without displaying serious behaviour problems, existential therapists consider their approach as applicable to anyone, whether officially diagnosed with some form of mental disorder or not.

Like client-centred therapy, Gestalt therapy seeks to create conditions in which clients can become more unified , self-aware and self-accepting and thus ready to grow again . However, Gestalt therapists use more direct and dramatic methods than do Rogerians. Often working in group settings, Gestalt therapists encourage clients to become aware of feelings and impulses that they have disowned, and to discard feelings, ideas and values that are not really their own . For example, the therapist or other group members might point out inconsistencies between what clients say and how they behave. Gestalt therapists pay particular attention to clients’ gestures and other kinds of ‘body language’ that appear to conflict with what the clients are saying (Kepner, 2001). They may also ask clients to engage in imaginary dialogues, or ‘conversations’, with other people, with parts of their own personalities, and even with objects ( Elliott, Watson & Goldman , 2004) . Over the years, client-centred and other forms of humanistic therapy have declined in popularity ( Norcross, Hedges & Castle, 2002) , but Carl Rogers’ contributions to psychotherapy remain significant. In particular, his emphasis on the importance of the therapeutic relationship in bringing about change has been adopted by many other treatment approaches (Barnard & Curry, 2011).

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Behaviour therapy Psychodynamic and humanistic approaches to therapy assume that if clients gain insight, or awareness, about underlying problems, the symptoms triggered by those problems will disappear. Behaviour therapists try to help clients develop a different kind of knowledge: namely, that most psychological problems are learned behaviours and that they can be changed by taking action to learn new ones without first searching for hidden meanings or unconscious causes (Miltenberger, 2011; Spiegler & Guevremont, 2009) . These goals are based on both the behavioural approach to psychology in general and on the socialcognitive approach to personality and disorder in particular. These approaches emphasise the role of learning in the development of personality, as well as in most psychological disorders. Accordingly, behaviourists tend to see those disorders as examples of the maladaptive thoughts and actions that a client has learned . For instance, behaviour therapists believe that fear of leaving home (agoraphobia) develops through classically conditioned associations between being away from home and having panic attacks. The problem is maintained in part through operant conditioning: staying home and making excuses for doing so are rewarded by reduced anxiety. Therapists adopting a behavioural

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Gestalt therapy an active designed to help clients get in touch with genuine feelings and disown

treatment

foreign ones

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behaviour therapy treatments that use classical

conditioning principles to change behaviour

behaviour modification treatments that use operant

conditioning methods to change behaviour

cognitive behaviour therapy learning - based methods that help clients change the way they think, as well as the way they behave treatment

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systematic desensitisation therapy a behavioural treatment

for anxiety in which clients visualise a graduated series of anxiety - provoking stimuli while remaining relaxed

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Virtual desensitisation

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This client fears spiders. She is wearing a virtual reality display that, under the therapist’s careful control, creates the visual experience of seeing spiders of various sizes

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Techniques for modifying behaviour Among the most important behaviour therapy methods are systematic desensitisation therapy, modelling, positive reinforcement , extinction, aversion therapy and punishment .

at varying

distances. After learning to tolerate these realistic images without anxiety, clients are better able to fearlessly face the situations they once avoided.

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approach argue that if past learning experiences can create problems, then new learning experiences can help eliminate those problems. So even if the experiences that led to today’s problems began in the client’s childhood , behaviour therapy seeks to solve those problems by creating beneficial new experiences using the principles discussed in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’. The notion of applying learning principles in order to change troublesome behaviour has its roots in the work of John B. Watson , Ivan Pavlov and others who studied the learned nature of fear in the 1920s and 1930s. It stems, too, from B. F. Skinner’s research on the impact of reward and punishment on behaviour. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, researchers began to use classical conditioning, operant conditioning and observational learning techniques in a systematic way to treat fears, improve the behaviour of disruptive schoolchildren and mental patients, and deal with many other problems ( Plaud, 2003; Ullmann & Krasner, 1965) . By 1970, behavioural treatment had become a popular alternative to psychodynamic and humanistic methods (Miltenberger, 2011) . The most notable features of behavioural treatment include: • development of a productive therapist client relationship (Emmelkamp, 2013) • a careful listing of the behaviours and thoughts to be changed (Umbreit et ah , 2006); this assessment and the establishment of specific treatment goals often replaces the formal diagnosis used in some other therapy approaches • a therapist who acts as a teacher or mentor by providing learning-based treatments, giving ‘homework’ assignments, and helping the client make specific plans for dealing with problems rather than just talking about them ( Kazantzis et ah , 2010) . • continuous monitoring and evaluation of treatment, along with constant adjustments to any procedures that are not working as expected (Farmer & Nelson-Gray, 2005) . Behavioural treatment can take many forms. By tradition, those that rely mainly on classical conditioning principles are usually referred to as behaviour therapy. Those that focus on operant conditioning methods are usually called behaviour modification . And behavioural treatment that focuses on changing thoughts as well as overt behaviours is called cognitive behaviour therapy . These methods , especially cognitive behaviour therapy, are among the most important and influential approaches to psychological treatment in recent years (Hollon & Beck , 2013).

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Joseph Wolpe (1958) developed one of the first behavioural methods for helping clients overcome phobias and other forms of anxiety. Called systematic desensitisation therapy, it is a method in which the client visualises a series of anxiety-provoking stimuli while remaining calm . Wolpe believed that this process gradually weakens the learned association between anxiety and the feared object until the fear disappears (see the Snapshot ‘Virtual desensitisation’). Wolpe first helped his clients learn to relax, often using the progressive muscle relaxation training procedures described in Chapter 12, ‘Health , stress and coping’. Then, while relaxed , the clients would be asked to imagine an item from a desensitisation hierarchy , a sequence of increasingly fearprovoking situations (see Table 14.3) . The clients would imagine one hierarchy item at a time, moving to a more difficult scene only after tolerating the previous one without distress. Wolpe found that once clients could stay calm in imagined fear situations, they were better able to deal with real fear situations later on .

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TABLE 14.3 A desensitisation hierarchy Desensitisation hierarchies are lists of increasingly fear - provoking situations that clients visualise while using relaxation methods to remain calm. Here are a few items from the beginning and the end of a hierarchy that was used to help a client overcome fear of flying. You are reading a newspaper and notice an ad for an airline. 2 You are watching a television program that shows a group of people boarding a plane.

1

3

Your boss tells you that you need to take a business trip by air.

4 You are in your bedroom packing your suitcase for your trip.

12 Your plane begins to move as you hear the flight attendant say, ‘Be sure your seat belt is securely fastened’. 13 You look at the runway as the plane is readied for take - off.

14 You look out the window as the plane rolls down the runway. 15 You look out the window as the plane leaves the ground.

It turns out, though, that desensitisation can be especially effective when it slowly and carefully presents clients with real , rather than imagined , hierarchy items (for example, Choy, Fyer & Lipsitz , 2007; Tryon , 2005) . This in vivo, or ‘real life’, desensitisation was once difficult to arrange or control , especially in treating fear of heights, highway driving, or flying, for example. Today, however, virtual reality graded exposure makes it possible for clients to ‘experience’ vivid, precisely graduated versions of feared situations without actually being exposed to the real thing. In one early study of this approach , clients who feared heights wore a virtual reality helmet that gave the impression of standing on bridges of gradually increasing heights , on outdoor balconies on higher and higher floors, and in a glass elevator as it slowly rose 49 storeys ( Rothbaum et ah , 1995). The same virtual reality technology has been used successfully in the treatment of fears caused by spiders, dentistry, air travel, social interactions, public speaking and post-traumatic stress disorder (for example, North , North & Burwick , 2008; Powers et ah , 2010; Rothbaum, 2006 ; Safir & Wallach , 2012; Winerman, 2005) .

Modelling

^

Behaviour therapists sometimes help clients develop more desirable behaviours by demonstrating those behaviours. In modelling treatments, the client watches the therapist or other people perform desired behaviours, thus learning skills vicariously, or secondhand (Bidwell & Rehfeldt , 2004) . In fear treatment , for example, modelling can teach the client how to respond fearlessly while vicariously extinguishing conditioned fear responses. One therapist showed a 24-year-old student with a severe spider phobia how to kill spiders with a flyswatter and had her practise this skill at home with rubber spiders (MacDonald & Bernstein, 1974).The combination of live modelling with gradual practice is called participant modelling, and it is one of the most powerful treatments for fear (Bandura, Blanchard & Ritter, 1969; Zinbarg & Griffith , 2008; see Figure 14.5) . Modelling is also a major part of social skills training and assertiveness training , which teach clients how to interact with people more comfortably and effectively. Social skills training has been used to help children get along better with peers, to help social-phobic singles make conversation on dates, and to help rebuild mental patients’ ability to interact normally in social situations (Al-Kubaisy & Jassim, 2003;

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modelling demonstrating desirable behaviours as a way of teaching them to clients

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Is participant modelling a successful method of treating phobias?

social skills trainings method for teaching clients the behaviours they need in order to interact with others more comfortably and

effectively

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FIGURE 14.5 Participant modelling

In this study, participant modelling was compared with systematic desensitisation, symbolic modelling (watching filmed models) and no treatment (control). Notice that compared with no treatment, all three methods helped snake - phobic clients approach live snakes, but participant modelling was clearly the best. Ninety - two per cent of the participants in that group were virtually free of any fear following treatment ( Bandura, Blanchard & Ritter, 1969). The value of participant modelling has been repeatedly confirmed ( for example, Ost, Salkovskis & Hellstrom, 1991; Zinbarg & Griffith, 2008).

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assertiveness training form of social skills training that focuses on teaching clients to express themselves in ways that are clear and direct a

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Live modelling with participation

Systematic desensitisation

Symbolic modelling

Control

Dowd, 2005; Lin et al., 2008) . In assertiveness training, the therapist helps clients learn to be more direct and expressive in social situations. So instead of sheepishly agreeing to be seated at an undesirable restaurant table, clients learn to be comfortable making ‘I-statements’, such as ‘I would rather sit over there, by the window’. Notice that assertiveness does not mean aggressiveness; instead , it involves clearly and directly expressing both positive and negative feelings and standing up for one’s own rights while respecting the rights of others (Alberti & Emmons, 2008; Paterson, 2000).

Positive reinforcement positive reinforcement therapy method that uses rewards to strengthen

a

desirable behaviours

token economy programs systems for improving the behaviour of institutionalised clients in which desirable behaviours are rewarded with tokens

that can be exchanged for desired items or activities

Behaviour therapists also use systematic positive reinforcement to change problematic behaviours and to teach new skills in cases ranging from childhood tantrums and juvenile delinquency to schizophrenia and substance abuse (for example, Lussier et al. , 2006; Virues-Ortega , 2010) . Using operant conditioning principles, they set up contingencies, or rules, that specify the behaviours to be strengthened through reinforcement . In a classic study, language-impaired children with autistic disorder were given grapes, popcorn or other items they liked in return for saying ‘please’, ‘thank you ’ and ‘you’re welcome’ during a play session . The therapist first modelled the behaviour by saying the appropriate words . The children almost immediately began to utter the phrases themselves and were reinforced for doing so. The effects of positive reinforcement generalised to other situations, and as indicated in Figure 14.6, the new skills were still evident at a follow-up session six months later ( Matson et al., 1990) . When working in institutions with clients suffering severe intellectual disability or other serious disorders, behaviour therapists sometimes establish token economy programs, systems in which desirable behaviours are positively reinforced with coinlike tokens or points that can be exchanged later for snacks, access to television or other rewards (Kazdin, 2008; LePage et al., 2003; Matson & Boisjoli , 2009; Seegert, 2003) . The goal is to shape behaviour patterns that will persist outside the institution ( Moore et al., 2001 ; Paul , 2000) .

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FIGURE 14.6 Positive reinforcement for a child with autistic disorder

During each pre - treatment baseline period, a child with autistic disorder rarely said ‘please’, ‘thank you’ or ‘ you’re welcome’, but these statements began to occur once they were modelled and then reinforced. Did modelling and reinforcement actually cause the change? Probably, because each type of response did not start to increase until the therapist began demonstrating it. Baseline

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Extinction Just as reinforcing desirable

behaviours can make them more likely to occur, failing to reinforce undesirable behaviours can make them less likely to occur, a process known as extinction.Treatment methods that use extinction change behaviour slowly but offer a valuable way of reducing inappropriate behaviour in children and adolescents, and in intellectually disabled or seriously disturbed adults. For example, a client who gets attention by disrupting a classroom, damaging property or violating hospital rules might be placed in a quiet, boring, ‘time-out’ room for a few minutes to eliminate reinforcement of misbehaviour (Kaminski et al. , 2008; Kazdin , 2008) . Extinction is also the basis of flooding, an anxiety reduction treatment in which clients are kept in a feared but harmless situation and are not permitted to use their normally rewarding escape strategies (O’Donohue, Fisher & Hayes, 2003) . The clients are flooded with fear at first, but after an extended period of exposure to the feared stimulus (a frog, say) without experiencing pain, injury or any other dreaded result , the association between the feared stimulus and the fear response gradually weakens, and the conditioned fear response is extinguished (Powers et al., 2010); see the Snapshot ‘Treating fear through flooding’.

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extinction the gradual disappearance of a conditioned response or operant behaviour through non - reinforcement

flooding an exposure technique for reducing anxiety that involves keeping a person in a feared but harmless situation

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Treating fear through flooding Flooding is designed to extinguish anxiety by allowing it to occur without the harmful consequences the person dreads. These clients’ fear of flying is obvious here, on take - off, but it is likely to diminish during and after an uneventful flight. Like other behavioural treatments, flooding is based on the idea that phobias and other psychological disorders are learned and can thus be ‘unlearned ’. Some therapists prefer more gradual exposure therapies similar to those of in vivo desensitisation, which start with situations that are lower on the client ’s fear hierarchy ( Back et aI., 2001; Fava et a I., 2001).

exposure therapy behaviour therapy methods in which clients remain in the presence of strong anxiety provoking stimuli until the intensity of their emotional reactions decrease

Because they continuously expose clients to feared stimuli, flooding and other similar methods are also known as exposure therapy . Although often highly effective, these methods do cause considerable distress, much like immediately exposing a fearful client to the most difficult item on a desensitisation hierarchy. Therefore, some therapists prefer more gradual exposure therapy methods , especially when treating fear that is not focused on a specific stimulus (Berry, Rosenfield & Smits, 2009).

Aversion therapy

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aversion conditioning a method that uses classical

conditioning to create a negative response to a particular stimulus

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Some unwanted behaviours such as excessive gambling, addictive drug use or sexual exhibitionism become so habitual and immediately rewarding that they must be made less attractive if a client is to have any hope of giving them up. Methods for reducing the appeal of certain stimuli are known as aversion therapy.The name reflects the fact that these methods rely on a classical conditioning principle called aversion conditioning to associate nausea, painful electrical shock or some other unpleasant stimulus with undesirable actions, thoughts or situations (for example, Bordnick et ah , 2004) . Because aversion therapy is unpleasant and uncomfortable, because it may not work with all clients ( Flor et ah , 2002) , and because its effects are often temporary, behaviour therapists use this method relatively rarely, only when it is the best treatment choice, and only long enough to allow the client to learn more appropriate alternative behaviours.

Punishment

punishment presentation of an aversive stimulus or the removal of a pleasant stimulus

Sometimes the only way to eliminate a dangerous or disruptive behaviour is to punish it with an unpleasant but harmless stimulus, such as a shouted ‘No!’ or a mild electrical shock. Unlike aversion conditioning, in which the unpleasant stimulus occurs along with the behaviour that is to be eliminated (a classical conditioning approach) , punishment is an operant conditioning technique; it presents the unpleasant stimulus after the undesirable response occurs. The use of punishment can be appropriate and beneficial in working with certain institutionalised clients, impaired outpatients and some children , but before using it, behaviour therapists must consider several ethical and legal questions: Would the client’s life be in danger without treatment ? Have all other methods failed? Has an ethics committee reviewed and approved the procedures? And has the client or a close relative formally agreed to the treatment? (Kazdin, 2008) When the answer to these questions is yes, punishment can be an effective and sometimes lifesaving treatment, as in the case illustrated in Figure 5.11 in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’.

Cognitive behaviour therapy Like psychodynamic and humanistic therapists , behaviour therapists recognise that depression, anxiety and many other behaviour disorders can stem from how clients think about themselves and the world. Similar to other therapists , behaviour therapists also try to change their clients’ troublesome ways of thinking, not just their overt behaviour. Unlike other therapists, however, behaviour therapists rely on custom page

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learning principles to help clients change the way they think . These therapists are known as cognitive behaviour therapists, and their methods are known collectively as cognitive behaviour therapy (Barlow, 2007; Beck , 2005; Beck , Freeman & Davis, 2007) . Suppose that a client suffers intense anxiety in social situations despite having excellent social skills . In a case such as this, social skills training would be unnecessary. Instead, the behaviour therapist would use cognitive-behavioural methods designed to help the client identify the recurring thoughts (such as ‘I shouldn’t draw attention to myself’) that create awkwardness and discomfort in social situations. Once these cognitive obstacles are brought to light , the therapist describes new and more adaptive ways of thinking and encourages the client to learn and practise them . As these new cognitive skills develop (for example, ‘I have as much right to give my opinion as anyone else’) , it becomes easier and more rewarding for clients to let these new thoughts guide their behaviour (Beck , 2005) .

Rational-emotive behaviour therapy One prominent form of cognitive behaviour therapy is rational- emotive behaviour therapy (REBT). Developed by Albert Ellis (1962 , 2014; see the Snapshot ‘Albert Ellis’) , REBT is based on the notion that anxiety, guilt , depression and other psychological problems are caused by how people think about events, not by the events themselves. Ellis’ therapy aims first at identifying self-defeating beliefs, usually in the form of shoulds or musts , such as ‘I should be loved or approved by everyone’ or ‘I must be perfect in order to be worthwhile’ . After the client learns to recognise thoughts like these and to see how they can cause problems, the therapist uses modelling, encouragement and logic to help the client replace maladaptive thoughts with more realistic ones. The client is then given ‘homework ’ assignments to try out these new ways of thinking in everyday situations.

rational- emotive behaviour therapy (REBT) a treatment designed to identify and change self - defeating thoughts that lead to anxiety and other symptoms of disorder

Albert Ellis Rational - emotive behaviour therapy ( REBT) focuses on altering the self defeating thoughts that Ellis believed underlie people’s behaviour disorders. Ellis argued, for example, that students do not get upset because they fail a test but because they have learned to believe that failure is a disaster that indicates they are worthless. Many of Ellis’ ideas have been incorporated into various forms of cognitive behaviour therapy, and they helped Ellis himself deal rationally with the health problems he encountered prior to his death in 2007 ( Ellis, 1997).

Cognitive behaviour therapists use many techniques related to REBT to help clients learn to think and act in more adaptive ways. Behavioural techniques aimed at replacing upsetting thoughts with alternative thinking patterns are called cognitive restructuring (Lazarus , 1971; Moore, Zoellner & Bittinger, 2004) . Using these techniques, clients develop calming thoughts that they can use as part of self instruction during job interviews, tense discussions and other anxiety-provoking situations.The calming thoughts might be something like ‘OK , you can handle this if you just focus on the task and don’t worry about being perfect’.

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cognitive therapy a treatment in which the

Beck 's cognitive therapy Behaviour therapists seek a different kind of cognitive restructuring by using Aaron Beck ’s cognitive therapy (Beck, 1976, 1995 , 2005; Beck, Freeman & Davis, 2007) . Beck’s treatment approach is based

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therapist helps clients notice and change negative thoughts associated with anxiety and depression

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on the idea that certain psychological problems especially those involving depression and anxiety, as well as some personality disorders can be traced to errors in logic, or what he calls cognitive distortions (Beck , Freeman & Davis, 2007; Beck et ah , 2008) . Common cognitive distortions include catastrophising (for example, ‘If I fail my drivers test the first time, I’ll never pass it , and that’ll be the end of my social life’) , all or none thinking (for example, ‘Everyone ignores me’) and personalisation (for example,‘I know those people are laughing at me’) . Beck points out that these learned cognitive distortions occur so quickly and automatically that the client never stops to consider that they might not be true (see Table 14.4) .

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TABLE 14.4 Some examples of negative thinking TRY THIS 'Si Here are a few examples of the kinds of thoughts that cognitive behaviour therapists believe underlie anxiety, depression and other behaviour problems. After reading this list, try writing an alternative thought that clients could use to replace each of these ingrained cognitive habits. Then jot down a ‘homework assignment’ that you would recommend to help clients challenge each maladaptive statement

and thus develop new ways of thinking about themselves.

T shouldn’t draw attention to myself.’

‘I will never be any good at this.’ ‘It will be so awful if I don’t know the answer.’ ‘Everyone is smarter than I am.’ ‘Nobody likes me. ‘I should be able to do this job perfectly.’ ‘What if I panic?’ never be happy.’ ‘I should have accomplished more by this point in my life.’

Cognitive therapy is an active, structured , problem-solving approach in which the therapist first helps clients identify the errors in logic, false beliefs and other cognitive distortions that precede anxiety, depression, conduct problems, eating disorders and other psychological difficulties (Beck & Rector, 2005; Drinkwater & Stewart, 2002; Fairburn , 2008; Hendricks & Thompson, 2005; Pardini & Lochman, 2003) . Then, much as in the five-step critical thinking system illustrated throughout this book , those thoughts and beliefs are treated as hypotheses to be scientifically tested rather than as assertions to be accepted uncritically ( Hatcher, Brown & Gariglietti , 2001) . As described earlier in this chapter, however, the cognitive roots of depression , anxiety and some other disorders may involve more than specific thoughts and beliefs about certain situations. So cognitive behaviour therapists work with clients to develop more optimistic ways of thinking and to reduce their tendency to blame themselves for negative outcomes (Persons , Davidson & Tompkins, 2001) . Some cognitive therapists have also encouraged clients to use traditional Eastern practices such as meditation (see Chapter 8, ‘Consciousness’) to help monitor problematic thoughts. This combined approach is called mindfulness-based cognitive therapy ( Hofmann et ah , 2010; Ma & Teasdale, 2004) . Research in the field of positive psychology suggests , too, that the effects of cognitive behaviour therapy may be enhanced through exercises designed to promote positive emotions, such as identifying and using personal strengths and making a list of things that have gone well each day (Seligman et ah , 2005 ; Seligman, Rashid & Parks, 2006) .

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Group, family and couples therapy The psychodynamic, humanistic and behavioural treatments we have described are often conducted with individuals , but these treatments can also be adapted for use with groups of clients or with family units ( Petrocelli, 2002; Thorngren & Kleist, 2002) .

Group therapy Group therapy refers to the treatment of several unrelated clients under the guidance of a therapist who encourages helpful interactions among group members. Many groups are organised around a particular problem (such as alcoholism) or a particular type of client (such as adolescents) . In most cases, six to 12 clients meet with their therapist at least once a week for about two hours. All group members agree to hold confidential everything that occurs during these sessions. Group therapy offers several features not found in individual treatment (Marmarosh , Holtz & Schottenbauer, 2005;Yalom, 2005): • It allows the therapist to see clients interacting with one another, which can be helpful in identifying problems in clients’ interpersonal styles. • Clients discover that they are not alone as they listen to others and realise that many people struggle with difficulties similar to theirs. This realisation tends to raise each clients expectations for improvement, a factor important in all forms of treatment. • Group members can boost one another’s self-confidence and self-acceptance as they come to trust and value one another. • Clients learn from one another by sharing ideas for solving problems and giving one another honest feedback about how each member ‘comes across’ to others. • Perhaps through mutual modelling, the group experience makes clients more willing to share their feelings and more sensitive to other people’s needs and messages. • Group therapy allows clients to try out new skills such as assertiveness in a safe and supportive environment (see the Snapshot ‘With friends’) .

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Family and couples therapy As its name implies, family therapy involves treatment of two or more individuals from the same family system, one of whom often a troubled child or adolescent is the initially identified client.The term family system highlights the idea that the problems displayed by one family member usually reflect problems in the functioning of the entire family (Cox & Paley, 2003; Nichols, 2007; Williams, 2005) . Whether family therapy is based on psychodynamic, humanistic or cognitive-behavioural approaches, the family is usually considered a functioning unit called a family system. As with group psychotherapy, the family therapy format gives the therapist a chance to see how the initially identified client interacts with others, thus providing a basis for discussing topics that are important in the operation of the family system. Family therapists who emphasise psychodynamic theory point out that if the parents in a family have not worked out conflicts with their own parents, these conflicts will surface in relation to their spouse and children (Scharff & Scharff , 2003) . Accordingly, these family therapy sessions might focus on the parents’ problems with their own parents and, when possible, include members of the older generation . A related approach , called structural family therapy , concentrates on family communication patterns. It focuses on changing the rigid patterns and rituals that create alliances (such as mother and child against father) because these alliances maintain conflicts and prevent healthy communication within the family. Structural family therapists argue that when dysfunctional communication patterns are eliminated, problematic interactions will decrease because family members no longer need them in order to survive in the family system (McLendon, McLendon & Petr, 2005) .

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group therapy psychotherapy involving several unrelated clients

family therapy treatment of two or more individuals from the same family

With friends This meeting of Weight Watchers is but one example of the self - help movement in

Australia, a growing network of inexpensive mental health and antiaddiction services offered by volunteer

helpers, including friends and relatives of troubled people. Millions of other people worldwide also seek help with their

problems through self- help groups that meet face - to-face

or on the Internet (Harwood & L’Abate,

2010). Newspapers typically list dozens of local self- help groups offering help with problems ranging from alcohol abuse to weight control.

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couples therapy a form of therapy focusing on improving communication between partners

In couples therapy, sessions are usually aimed at identifying the miscommunication or lack of communication that interferes with a couple’s happiness and intimacy. In behavioural marital therapy, for example, couples learn to abide by certain ‘rules for talking’, such as those listed in Table 14.5.

TABLE 14.5 Some ‘rules for talking’ in couples therapy

Many forms of couples therapy help partners improve communication by establishing rules such as these. Think about your own experience in relationships or your observations of couples as they interact, and then write down some rules you would add to this list. Why do you think it would be important for couples to follow the rules on your list? TRY THIS

Always begin with something positive when stating a problem. 2 Use specific behaviours rather than derogatory labels or overgeneralisations to describe what is bothersome about the other person. 3 Make connections between those specific behaviours and feelings that arise in response to them (for example, ‘ It makes me

1

sad when you .. 4 Admit your own role in the development of the problem.

5 Be brief; don’t lecture or criticise. 6 Maintain a focus on the present or the future; don’t review all previous examples of the problem or ask ‘ why’ questions, such as

‘Why do you always ...?’

7 Talk about observable events; don’t make inferences about them (for example, say, ‘I get angry when you interrupt me’ rather than ‘Stop trying to make me feel stupid’). 8 Paraphrase what your partner has said and check out your own perceptions of what was said before responding. ( Note that this suggestion is based on the same principle as Rogers’ empathic listening.)

Another version of couples therapy focuses on strengthening the bond between partners by teaching them how to deal with their unsolvable problems and recover from their fights by expressing at least five times as many positive statements as negative ones (Gottman, Driver & Tabares , 2002) . Some therapists help couples become closer by encouraging them to express their emotions more honestly and be more accepting of one another (Shadish & Baldwin, 2005; Wood et al. , 2005) .

Evaluating psychotherapy A survey conducted some years ago suggested that most psychotherapists and their clients believe that psychotherapy is effective (‘Mental Health ’ , 1995; Seligman, 1996), but confirming this belief with experimental research has proved to be challenging and controversial.

Measuring the effectiveness of therapy

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( ) The value of psychotherapy was first widely questioned in 1952 when the British psychologist Does psychotherapy work? (a link to Chapter 1, ‘Intro -

ducing psychology’)

Hans Eysenck reviewed studies in which thousands of clients had received traditional psychodynamic therapy, various other therapies or no treatment. To the surprise and dismay of many therapists, Eysenck (1952) concluded that the percentage of clients who improved following any kind of psychotherapy was actually lower than that of people who received no treatment. Critics argued that Eysenck was wrong.They claimed that he had ignored studies that supported the value of psychotherapy and had misinterpreted the data (Bergin, 1971; de Charms, Levy & Wertheimer, 1954; Luborsky, 1972). In fact, when some of these critics conducted their own counts of successes and failures, they concluded that psychotherapy tends to be more helpful than no treatment (Bergin, 1971). Debate over Eysenck’s findings and the contradictory reports that followed them highlighted several

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factors that make it so hard to answer the apparendy simple question: Does psychotherapy work? For one thing, there is the problem of how to measure improvement in psychotherapy. Should it be measured with psychological tests, behavioural observations, interviews or a combination of all three? And what kinds of tests should be used? Where should clients be observed , and by whom? Should equal weight be given to interviews with clients, friends, relatives, therapists and teachers? The fact that these various measures don’t always tell the same story about improvement makes it that much more difficult for researchers to compare or combine the results of different studies and draw conclusions about the overall effectiveness of treatment (Achenbach, 2011; De Los Reyes, 2011; Wampold et al. 2011) . The question of effectiveness is further complicated by the broad range of clients, therapists and treatments involved in psychotherapy. Therapists differ, not only in skill , experience and personality, but also in which of the hundreds of available treatment procedures they might select ( Norcross, Beutler & Levant , 2005; Wampold , 2005) and how long treatment lasts (Barkham et ah , 2006) . In addition , differences in the nature and quality of the client therapist relationship from one case to another can significantly alter the course of treatment, the clients’ faith in the procedures, and their willingness to cooperate ( Bohart & Wade, 2013) . Because clients’ responses to psychotherapy can be influenced by all these factors, results from any particular treatment evaluation study may not tell us much about how well different therapists, using different methods, would do with other kinds of clients and problems (Kazdin, 2002; Roth & Fonagy, 2005 ) (see Figure 14.7).

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FIGURE 14.7 An analysis of psychotherapy effects

These curves show the results of one large - scale analysis of the effects of psychotherapy. Notice that, on average, people who received therapy for their problems were better off than 80 per cent of troubled people who did not. The overall effectiveness of psychotherapy was also confirmed in an analysis of 90 treatment outcome studies ( Shadish et al., 2000).

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THINKING CRITICALLY Are all forms of therapy equally effective? Not surprisingly, most therapists agree that all forms of therapy are effective, but most believe that the particular theoretical approach and treatment methods they use are superior to those of other therapists (Mandelid, 2003).

researchers argue that the success of psychotherapy doesn’t have much to do with theories about the causes of psychopathology or even with the specific methods that are used in treatment. All approaches, they say, are equally effective. This has

What am I being asked to believe or accept ?

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( ) These therapists can’t all be right, of course, and some researchers claim that all of them are wrong. Those

Can therapy change personality? (a link to Chapter 13,

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been called the ‘ Dodo Bird verdict’, after the Alice in Wonderland character who, when called on to judge a race, answered, ‘ Everybody has won, and all must have prizes!’ (Duncan, 2002; Luborsky, Singer & Luborsky, 1975).

common

factors shared by almost all forms of therapy - such

therapist, the hope and expectancy for improvement that therapy creates, and the trust that develops between client and therapist (Greenberg, Constantino & Bruce, 2006; Kazantzis, Lampropoulos & Deane, 2005; Vocisano et al., 2004). Therapists whose personal characteristics can motivate clients to change may promote that change no matter what specific therapeutic methods they use (Norcross, 2002). as the support of the

What evidence is available to support the assertion ? Some evidence does indeed suggest that there are no significant differences in the overall effectiveness of psychodynamic, humanistic and behavioural therapies. Meta - analysis , a statistical method that combines the results of a large number of therapy studies, has regularly shown that the three treatment approaches are associated with about the same degree of success overall ( Luborsky et al., 2002; Luborsky, Rosenthal & Diguer, 2003; Shadish et al., 2000; Shedler, 2010; Weisz, McCarty & Valeri, 2006).

What additional evidence would help evaluate the alternatives ?

Are there alternative ways of interpreting the evidence ? It is possible, however, that evidence for the Dodo Bird verdict is based on statistical methods that tend to make all treatments look equally effective, even if they are not (for example, Ehlers et al., 2010). For example, a meta analysis that averages the results of many studies might miss important differences in the impact of particular treatments for particular problems. To understand how this might happen, suppose that Therapy A works better than Therapy B in treating anxiety but that Therapy B works better than Therapy A in cases of depression. If you combined the results of treatment studies with both kinds of clients, the average effects of each therapy would be about the same, making it appear that the two treatments are about equally effective. Differences in the effects of specific treatment procedures might also be overshadowed by the beneficial

Debate is likely to continue over the question of whether, on average, all forms of psychotherapy are equally effective. But many researchers believe that this is the wrong question to ask. In their view, it is pointless to compare the effects of psychodynamic, humanistic and behavioural methods in general. It is more important, they say, to address what Gordon Paul called the ‘ultimate question’ about psychotherapy: ‘What treatment, by whom, is most effective for this individual with that specific problem, under what set of circumstances?’ (Paul, 1969, p. 44)

What conclusions are most reasonable ? Statistical analyses show that various treatment approaches appear to be about equally effective overall. But this does not mean that every specific psychotherapy method works in the same way or that every psychotherapy experience will be equally beneficial. Clients entering therapy must realise that the success of their treatment can still be affected by the severity of their problems, the quality of the relationship they form with the therapist, and the appropriateness of the therapy methods chosen for their problems (Goldfried & Davila, 2005).

Importance of evidenced - based practice

evidence-based practice the selection of treatment

methods based mainly on empirical evidence of their effectiveness

Like the individuals they treat , many clinical psychologists are eager for more specific scientific evidence about the effectiveness of particular therapies for particular kinds of clients and disorders. These empirically oriented clinicians are concerned that , all too often , a therapist’s choice of therapy methods depends more heavily on personal preferences or current trends than on scientific evidence of effectiveness (Lynn, Lilienfeld & Lohr, 2003; Nathan, Stuart & Dolan, 2000; Norcross, Beutler & Levant, 2005; Tavris, 2003) . They believe that advocates of any treatment whether it is object relations therapy or systematic desensitisation must demonstrate that its benefits are the result of the treatment itself and not just of the passage of time, the effects of repeatedly measuring progress, the client’s motivation and personal characteristics, or other confounding factors. In other words, these clinicians advocate evidence-based practice, in which practitioners base decisions about which methods to use mainly on the results of empirical evidence about the effectiveness of those

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methods. A movement towards evidence-based practice has also appeared in the medical and dental professions (Borry, Schotsmans & Dierickx, 2006; Niederman & Richards, 2005) . Empirically oriented psychologists also want to see evidence that the benefits of treatment are clinically significant . To be clinically significant , the improvement in a client’s disorder following treatment must be not only measurable but also substantial enough to make treated clients’ feelings and actions similar to those of people who have not experienced that disorder (Crits-Christoph et ah , 2008; Kazdin , 2003; Kendall & Choudhury, 2003) . For example, a reduction in treated clients’ scores on an anxiety test might be statistically significant, but the change would not be clinically significant unless those clients now feel and act more like people without an anxiety disorder (see Figure 14.8). FIGURE 14.8 Clinical significance

Evaluations of psychological treatments must consider the clinical, as well as statistical, significance of observed changes. The shaded area of this graph shows the range of deviant behaviours per minute displayed at home by normal boys. The solid line shows the average rate of deviant behaviours for boys in an operant conditioning treatment for severe behaviour problems. The improvement following reinforcement of appropriate behaviour was not only statistically significant (compared with the pre - treatment baseline) but also clinically significant, inasmuch as the once - deviant behaviour came to resemble that of normal boys. Baseline

Follow - up

Treatment

Normal range

From Patterson, C. R. (1974 ). Intervention for boys with conduct problems: Multiple settings, treatments , and criteria. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 42, 476. Copyright © American Psychological Association. Reprinted by permission.

We have seen that the Dodo Bird verdict is probably incorrect, and it is certainly incomplete. Although different treatments can be equally effective in addressing some disorders, empirical research shows that for other disorders, certain therapies tend to be more effective than others. This research provides valuable guidelines for matching treatments to disorders, but it doesn’t guarantee success. The outcome of any given case will also be affected by client characteristics, therapist characteristics, and the quality of the relationship that develops between them (for example, Hill, 2005; Sherer & Schreibrnan , 2005) . Indeed , the client therapist relationship plays a consistent role in the success of all forms of treatment (Brown & O’Leary, 2000; Constantino et al., 2005; Horvath, 2005; Karver et al., 2006; Uwe, 2005; Zuroff & Blatt , 2006) . Before choosing a therapist and treatment approach , then, clients should keep Paul’s ‘ultimate question ’ in mind. They should carefully consider: 1 empirical research about the best treatment for their particular problem 2 what treatment approach, methods and goals they find most comfortable and appealing 3 information about the therapist’s ‘track record’ of clinically significant success with a particular method for treating problems similar to those they face 4 the likelihood of forming a productive relationship with the therapist.

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This last consideration assumes special importance when client and therapist do not share similar social or cultural backgrounds.

Sociocultural factors in psychotherapy Imagine that after moving to an unfamiliar country to pursue your education or career, you become severely depressed. A friend there refers you to a therapist who specialises in depression . At your first session, the therapist stares at you intently, touches your head for a moment , and says ,‘You have taken in a spirit from the river, and it is trying to get out. I will help’ . The therapist then begins chanting softly and appears to go into a trance. What would you think? Would you return for a second visit? If you are like most people raised in a Western culture, you probably wouldn’t continue treatment because this therapist may not share your beliefs and expectations about what is wrong with you and what should be done about it .

Differences in world view Such sociocultural clashes occur whenever clients come to therapy with a cultural or subcultural world view that is not shared by their therapist (Seeley, 2006). Suppose, for example, that a therapist suggests that a client’s panic attacks are a reaction to stress, but the client is sure that the attacks are punishment for having offended a dead ancestor. That client may not easily accept a treatment based on the principles of stress management. In such cases, the result may be much like two people singing a duet using the same music but different lyrics (Martinez et ah , 2005). In other words, sociocultural differences between clients and therapists in religious faith, gender, age, ethnicity, sexual orientation, socioeconomic background and the like can sometimes be a source of miscommunication or mistrust (Seeley, 2006), potentially impairing both their working relationship and the client’s motivation to change (Jones, Botsko & Gorman, 2003;Vasquez, 2007; Wintersteen, Mensinger & Diamond, 2005).

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Mitigating issues of cultural difference Major efforts are underway to ensure that cultural differences between clients and therapists do not interfere with the delivery of treatment to anyone who wants or needs it. Many clients from minority groups are likely to encounter a therapist from a differing background, so researchers have also examined the value of matching therapeutic techniques with clients’ culturally based expectations and preferences (see Chapter 16,‘Culture and psychology’ , and Chapter 17,‘Indigenous psychology’) . Today, psychotherapists are more sensitive than ever to the cultural values of particular groups and to the difficulties that can impair intercultural communication (Meyer, Zane & Cho, 2014).

Rules and rights in the therapeutic relationship

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Treatment can be an intensely emotional experience.The client therapist relationship can profoundly affect a client’s life, so professional ethics require the therapist to ensure that this relationship does not harm the client.The Australian Psychological Society (APS) Code of Ethics is based on the principles of: 1 respect for the rights and dignity of people and peoples 2 propriety 3 integrity (Australian Psychological Society, 2007) . In New Zealand , the Code of Ethics for Psychologists working in Aotearoa / New Zealand (2012) identifies four principles: 1 respect for the dignity of persons and peoples 2 responsible caring 3 integrity in relationships 4 social justice and responsibility to society.

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Confidentiality is an important feature of a successful therapeutic relationship because it allows the client to discuss unpleasant or embarrassing feelings, behaviours or events without fear that the therapist might disclose this information to others. The APS Code of Ethics (and the New Zealand code) refers to the confidentiality of information acquired by the psychologist during the therapeutic relationship, as well as the provision of the professional relationship and the limits to that confidentiality. Professionals sometimes consult with one another about their clients, but they do not identify clients by name, and they do not reveal information to outsiders (even to members of the clients family) without the client’s consent the Code of Ethics is explicit about when psychologists may disclose information and the purpose of the information collected. The code also includes standards relating to the growing number of clients who are seeking psychological services virtually, including via telephone, videoconferencing, email and Internet links (Australian Psychological Society, 2007) . In terms of legality, mental health practices in Australia are covered by various individual State / Territory laws. For example, the principal legislation in Western Australia is the Guardianship and Administration Act 1990 and the Mental Health Act 1996. New Zealand has the Mental Health Act 1992. Generally speaking, at all times, the priority of the law is to protect and safeguard the best interests of the person who has a mental illness. It is important to start from the premise that every person is of sound mind and is capable of managing his or her own affairs, including safety, health and finances. Under the law, it is possible for an appointed body to assign an alternative decision maker to make choices that are in the best interests of an adult with a mental illness such a person could make personal, lifestyle, treatment , financial or legal decisions.To do this , the appointed body would have to be satisfied that the adult in question is aged 18 or over and is incapable of looking after his or her safety and health. It is worth noting that an appointed guardian does not have authority to request the admission of the represented person to an approved hospital under mental health laws. Generally, a person with a mental illness can only become an ‘involuntary’ patient if treatment must be provided through detention in order to protect the health or safety of that person and / or others, or to prevent serious damage to property.

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IN REVIEW Approaches to treatment of psychological disorders DIMENSION

Nature of the human being

Therapist’s role

CLASSICAL PSYCHOANALYTIC

Driven by sexual and aggressive urges Neutral; helps client explore meaning of free associations and other material from the unconscious

Emphasises unresolved Focus

unconscious conflicts from the distant past

CONTEMPORARY PSYCHODYNAMIC

Driven by the need for human relationships

Active; develops relationship with client as a model for other relationships

HUMANISTIC

Has free will, choice and capacity for self actualisation

BEHAVIOURAL/ COGNITIVEBEHAVIOURAL

Is a product of social learning and conditioning; behaves on the basis of past experience

Facilitates client’s

Teacher or mentor who growth; some helps client replace therapists are active, undesirable thoughts and behaviours; active, action some are non directive oriented

Understanding the past, Here and now; but focusing on current focus on immediate relationships experience

Current behaviour and thoughts; may not need to know original causes to create change

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DIMENSION

Goals

CLASSICAL PSYCHOANALYTIC

Psychosexual maturity through insight; strengthening of ego functions

CONTEMPORARY PSYCHODYNAMIC

Correction of effects of failures of early attachment; development of satisfying intimate

relationships

Typical methods

Expanded awareness;

fulfilment of potential; selfacceptance

BEHAVIOURAL / COGNITIVE BEHAVIOURAL

Changes in thinking and behaving in particular classes of situations; better self -management

Reflectionoriented interviews

Analysis of Free association; dream analysis; analysis of transference

HUMANISTIC

interpersonal relationships, including the client - therapist relationship

Systematic desensitisation, social skills training, designed to convey unconditional positive positive reinforcement, extinction, aversion regard, empathy and congruence; therapy, punishment and exercises to promote cognitive restructuring self- awareness

Check your understanding 1 It was who first questioned the value of psychotherapies. 2 In evaluating therapy, it is important that there is evidence that the benefits of treatment are 3 Psychologists adhere to a code of

significant.

14.4 BIOLOGICAL TREATMENTS Prescription drugs that can ease the symptoms of psychological disorders are the latest and most effective in a long line of biological treatments based on the idea that psychological problems have physical causes. Hippocrates, a physician of ancient Greece, was among the first to propose this idea, and the treatments he prescribed included rest, special diets, laxatives and abstinence from alcohol and sex. In the mental hospitals of Europe and North America from the 16th century through the 18th century, the treatment of psychological disorders was based in part on Hippocrates’ methods and consisted mainly of physical restraints, laxative purges, draining of ‘excess’ blood and induced vomiting. Cold baths , hunger and other physical discomforts were also used in efforts to shock patients back to normality (Jones, 1923) . Even as recently as the mid-1900s, physicians treated most forms of psychological disorder by means of brain surgery or electric shock .

Psychosurgery psychosurgery surgical

Psychosurgery involves the destruction of brain tissue for the purpose of treating mental disorder.

procedures that destroy tissue in small regions of the brain in an effort to treat psychological disorders

Among the first to try these procedures was a Portuguese neurosurgeon named Antonio Egas Moniz. In 1935, he developed a technique, called prefrontal lobotomy, in which small holes are drilled in the forward portion of the skull and a sharp instrument is inserted and moved from side to side to cut connections between the prefrontal cortex and the rest of the brain (Freeman & Watts, 1942; Moniz, 1948) .The theory was that emotional reactions in disturbed people become exaggerated due to neural processes in the frontal lobes, and that the lobotomy disrupts these processes. During the 1940s and 1950s, psychosurgery became almost routine in the treatment of schizophrenia , depression, anxiety, aggressiveness and obsessive-compulsive disorder (Valenstein , 1980). Unfortunately brain surgery is risky and sometimes fatal, its benefits are uncertain, and its side effects and complications, including epilepsy are irreversible (Balon, 2004; Martin et ah , 2001; Rueck , Andreewitch & Flyckt , 2003) . custom page

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Today, psychosurgery is performed only in rare cases in which all else has failed; guided by brainimaging techniques, it focuses on much smaller areas of the brain than those involved in lobotomies ( Anderson & Booker, 2006; Dougherty et ah , 2002; Helmes & Velamoor, 2009) .

Electroconvulsive therapy In the 1930s, a Hungarian physician named Ladislaus von Meduna used a drug to induce convulsions in schizophrenics. He believed incorrectly that because schizophrenia and epilepsy rarely occur in the same person, epileptic-like seizures might combat schizophrenia . In 1938, two Italian physicians , Ugo Cerletti and Lucio Bini , created seizures by passing an electric current through schizophrenics’ brains. During the next 20 years or so, this procedure, called electroconvulsive therapy ( ECT ) (in the United States, it is referred to as electroconvulsive shock therapy or EST ) , became a routine treatment for schizophrenia , depression and sometimes mania (see the Snapshot ‘Electroconvulsive therapy’) . Although many patients improved , they often relapsed. The benefits of ECT also had to be weighed against side effects such as memory loss, confusion, speech disorders and, occasionally, death due to cardiac arrest (Lickey & Gordon, 1991; Shiwach , Reid & Carmody, 2001) . In an effort to make ECT safer, doctors now administer an anaesthetic to render patients unconscious before the shock is delivered, along with a muscle relaxant to prevent bone fractures during convulsions. Also, the shock now lasts only about half a second and is usually delivered to only one side of the brain (Sackeim et al., 2000) . Finally, in contrast to the dozens of treatments administered decades ago, patients now receive a total of only six to 12 shocks, usually administered two days apart (Shorter & Healy, 2007) . Is ECT in widespread use? Examining Western Australian psychiatric hospital records compiled between 1997 and 2001, Teh and colleagues (2005) found that adult women with affective disorders made up the largest group that received ECT. Another Australian survey carried out between 2002 and 2004 found that approximately 37 persons per 100 000 people per annum were treated using ECT, the majority of them again being women (63.4 per cent) . Most of the ECT recipients suffered from major depression (82 per cent), and most were over the age of 65 years (38.4 per cent) (Worrawat , 2007) . The survey also discovered that ECT was consistently rated as the most negative form of therapy ( Teh , Helmes & Drake, 2007) . In New Zealand , the Office of the Director of Mental Health Annual Report ( NZ Ministry of Health , 2015) indicated that ECT was used for 5.5 in 100 000 people, specifically for older women, for whom it was seen as a viable and necessary treatment option . While controversial, it is monitored and reported annually. The Australian findings agreed with other research that found that ECT is administered mainly to patients suffering severe depression (and occasionally to manic patients) who do not respond to prescription drugs (de Macedo-Soares et al., 2005; Payne & Prudic, 2009; Rasmussen, 2003) . ECT can be effective in some of these cases especially when followed up with medication (Sackeim et al., 2009) and it does not appear to cause brain damage, even after repeated administrations (for example,Anghelescu et al., 2001; Dwork et al. , 2004; Kellner et al., 2005, 2006; Payne & Prudic, 2009) . No-one knows for sure how and why ECT works (Greenberg & Kellner, 2005; Shorter & Healy, 2007), but the fact that it helps some patients has led ECT researchers to seek even safer methods of inducing seizures. Among the techniques being investigated are magnetic seizure therapy ( MST ) , which induces seizures with timed pulses of magnetic energy (Lisanby, 2004), and a related but less intense procedure called repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation ( rTMS ) (Couturier, 2005; Schutter, 2005) . Deep brain stimulation ( DBS ) does not cause seizures but requires the placement of electrodes in the brain to provide continuous pulses of electricity to a particular target area . Some researchers suggest that these treatments may be of value in severe cases of depression and obsessive-compulsive disorder that are unresponsive to other treatments (George et al., 2010; Goodman et al., 2010; Hardesty & Sackeim, 2007; Martiny, Lunde & Bech , 2010) .

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electroconvulsive

therapy ( ECT) brief electrical shock administered to the brain, usually to reduce depression that does not respond to drug treatments

Electro convulsive therapy Approximately 8000 individuals receive

electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) each year in Australia ( Worrawat, 2007). As the use of ECT is seemingly dramatic and potentially

dangerous, its use controversial (Breggin, 2007). Critics want it outlawed, but is

proponents insist that the benefits of ECT for certain patients outweigh its

potential costs.

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APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Does the use of psychoactive drugs alleviate many psychological conditions?

Psychoactive drugs

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The decline in use of psychosurgery and ECT after the 1950s came not only because of their complications and general distastefulness but also because psychoactive drugs had begun to emerge as more convenient and effective treatment alternatives (see Table 14.6) . These drugs are now the most common biological treatment for all forms of psychological disorder. In Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’, and Chapter 8, ‘Consciousness’, we discuss how psychoactive drugs affect

TABLE 14.6 A sampling of psychoactive drugs used for treating psychological disorders

Psychoactive drugs have been successful in dramatically reducing the symptoms of many psychological disorders. Critics point out that drugs can have troublesome side effects, however, and they may create dependence, especially after years of use (for example, Breggin, 2008). They note, too, that drugs do not ‘cure’ mental disorders, that their effects are not always strong, and that temporary symptom relief may make some patients less likely to seek a permanent solution to their psychological problems. Chemical name

Trade name

Effects and side effects

For schizophrenia : neuroleptic drugs (antipsychotics)

Chlorpromazine Haloperidol Clozapine

Thorazine

Haldol Clozaril

Reduce hallucinations, delusions, incoherence and jumbled thought processes, but may cause movement disorder side effects, including tardive dyskinesia Reduces psychotic symptoms; causes no movement disorders but carries some risk of serious blood disease

Risperidone Ziprasidone Aripiprazole

Risperdal

Reduces positive and negative psychotic symptoms without risk of blood disease

Geodon

Reduces positive and negative psychotic symptoms without causing weight gain

Abilify

Reduces positive and negative psychotic symptoms without weight gain and with few side effects

For affective disorders: antidepressant drugs and mood elevators

Tricyclics

Imipramine Amitriptyline

Tofranil Elavil, Amitid

Act as antidepressants but also have antipanic action; cause sleepiness and other moderate side effects; potentially dangerous if taken with alcohol

Other antidepressant drugs

Fluoxetine

Prozac

Clomipramine

Anafranil

Fluvoxamine

Luvox

Sertraline

Zoloft

Escitalopram Other drugs

Lexapro

Lithium carbonate

Carbolith, Lithizine

Have antidepressant, antipanic and antiobsessive action

Calms mania; reduces mood swings of bipolar disorder; overdose harmful, potentially deadly

Is effective against mania, with fewer side effects Divalproex Depakote Lamictal Is effective in delaying relapse in bipolar disorder; most benefits associated with depression Lamotrigine For anxiety disorders: tranquillising drugs (anxiolytics) Benzodiazepines Librium Act as potent anxiolytics for generalised anxiety, panic and stress; extended use may Chlordiazepoxide Valium cause physical dependence and withdrawal syndrome if abruptly discontinued Diazepam Xanax Also has antidepressant effects; often used in agoraphobia; has high dependence potential Alprazolam Often used in combination with other anxiolytics for panic disorder Clonazepam Klonopin Other antianxiety agents Has slow - acting antianxiety action; no known dependence problems BuSpar Buspirone custom page

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neurotransmitter systems and consciousness. Here, we describe how some of these drugs are prescribed to combat schizophrenia, depression, mania and anxiety.

Neuroleptic drugs Neuroleptic drugs, or antipsychotics, dramatically reduce the intensity of psychotic symptoms such as

neuroleptic drugs

hallucinations, delusions, paranoid suspiciousness, disordered thinking and confused speech in many mental patients, especially those with schizophrenia. The most widely used antipsychotic drugs are the phenothiazines, of which the first, chlorpromazine , has been especially popular. Another neuroleptic drug, haloperidol (sold as Haldol) , is about as effective as the phenothiazines, but it causes less sedation (Julien, 2008) . Patients who do not respond to one type of neuroleptic drug may respond to the other (Schatzberg, Cole & DeBattista , 2007) . Between 60 and 70 per cent of the people who receive these medications show improvement, though fewer than 30 per cent respond well enough to live independently (Freedman, 2003) . Neuroleptic drugs also have side effects ranging from dry mouth and dizziness to symptoms similar to those of Parkinson’s disease, including muscle rigidity, restlessness, tremors and slowed movement. Some of these side effects can be treated with medication , but at least 25 per cent of patients who take chlorpromazine or haloperidol for several years develop an irreversible movement disorder called tardive dyskinesia ( TD) , which causes uncontrollable, repetitive actions, often including twitching of the face, flailing of the arms and legs, and thrusting of the tongue ( Miller, McEvoy et ah , 2005) . Among a newer generation of antipsychotic drugs (also called atypical neuroleptic drugs ) is clozapine (Clozaril ) , which has effects like those of the phenothiazines but is less likely to cause movement disorders (Louza & Bassit , 2005; Rochon et ah , 2005) . Although no more effective overall than the phenothiazines, clozapine has helped many patients who did not respond to the phenothiazines or haloperidol (Green & Patel, 1996; Rabinowitz et ah , 2001) . Unfortunately, taking clozapine carries a slight risk of developing a fatal blood disease called agranulocytosis (Ginsberg, 2006) . Weekly blood tests to detect early signs of this disease greatly increase the cost and inconvenience of using clozapine, so it is usually prescribed only for patients who have not responded well to other medications and are willing to have their blood drawn frequently. Several other atypical neuroleptic drugs have now been introduced, including risperidone ( Risperdal), olanzapine ( Zyprexa) , quetiapine (Seroquel) , ziprasidone (Geodon) and aripiprazole (Ability) . These medications are expensive but they have fewer side effects than clozapine, and they do not cause agranulocytosis (Schatzberg, Cole & DeBattista, 2007) . Like clozapine, they also appear to reduce the negative symptoms of schizophrenia, such as lack of emotion, social withdrawal and reduced speech (for example, Fleischhacker & Widschwendter, 2006; Kane et al., 2003; Kapur, Sridhar & Remington , 2004; Potkin et al. , 2003; Wang et ah , 2010).There is some doubt , though, as to whether these newest atypical neuroleptic drugs are significantly more effective than older drugs (Matza , Baker & Revicki , 2005), partly because 60 80 per cent of patients may stop taking them due to weight gain , nervous tics and other bothersome side effects (Lieberman et al., 2005; Swartz et al., 2007) .

medications that alleviate the symptoms of severe disorders such as

schizophrenia

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Antidepressant drugs Soon after antipsychotic drugs appeared , they were joined by antidepressant drugs, a class of medications that now constitute the most widely prescribed treatment for depression (Schatzberg, Cole & DeBattista, 2007; Thomson Healthcare, 2007) . There are several classes of antidepressant drugs.The monoamine oxidase inhibitors ( MAOIs) are used to treat many cases of depression, especially clients who also experience anxiety and panic (Julien, 2008) . The tricyclic antidepressants (TCAs ) are another popular class of antidepressant drugs. However, overdoses of TCAs can be fatal , as can

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antidepressant drugs medications that relieve depression

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A natural cure ? A herbal remedy from a plant called St John’s wort has become a popular non - prescription

for depression. One of treatment

its active ingredients,

hypericin, is thought to affect neurotransmitters

the brain much as Prozac or Zoloft does. A systematic review has indicated that St John’s wort may be more a placebo for treating

in

major depression but no different

to antidepressants (Apaydin et al..

( 2016).

takingTCAs and drinking alcohol at the same time ( Nutt , 2005a) . Still, if side effects are controlled , tricyclics can be effective in treating depression and can also reduce the severity of panic attacks in some cases of panic disorder. Today, the most popular medications for depression are those that affect the neurotransmitter serotonin . The most prominent drug in this group is fluoxetine (Prozac ) , which after its introduction in Australia in 1990 quickly became widely used (Hollingworth , Burgess & Whiteford, 2010) . An improved version of Prozac, containing a purer active ingredient called R -fluoxetine, is also available ( Norman & Olver, 2004) . Other, even newer antidepressant drugs, including venlafaxine (Effexor), nefazodone (Serzone) , bupropion (Wellbutrin), escitalopram (Lexapro), sertraline (Zoloft) and duloxetine (Cymbalta) , are also now on the market (Brambilla et al., 2005; Hirschfeld & Vornik, 2004; Schatzberg, Cole & DeBattista , 2007; Zimmerman , Posternak et al., 2005).

Evidence for effectiveness of antidepressants

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About 50 60 per cent of patients who take antidepressant medication experience improved mood , greater physical activity, increased appetite and better sleep (Hollon , Thase & Markowitz, 2002) . These benefits are seen in only 10 20 per cent of the most severe cases of depression, however ( Fournier et al., 2010), and for most patients, improvement does not appear for at least a week or two after treatment begins (Quitkin et al., 2003; Taylor et al., 2006); see the Snapshot ‘A natural cure?’. This delayed response seems odd because antidepressants have almost immediate effects on neurotransmitters, usually increasing the availability of serotonin or norepinephrine in the brain. As discussed earlier in this chapter, these neurotransmitters are thought to be involved in the biology of depression, so perhaps the time lag reflects the operation of a long-term compensatory process in the nervous system. Doubt has arisen about the extent to which the results of antidepressant medications are due to the chemical action of their active ingredients. An analysis of clinical trial data submitted to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration by the makers of six widely prescribed antidepressant drugs showed that in 57 per cent of the trials , antidepressant drugs did only a little better at relieving depression than placebos (‘sugar pills’) (Kirsch et al., 2002) . Defenders of antidepressant medications argue that even relatively small effects are better than none (for example,Thase, 2002) , while critics contend that those effects are too small to matter, especially when viewed in light of these drugs’ high cost and potential adverse side effects (for example, Breggin, 2008; Moncrieff & Kirsch , 2005; Wampold et al., 2005) .

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Lithium and anticonvulsants In 1949, J. F. Cade discovered that a mineral salt of the element lithium , when taken regularly, could prevent the mania associated with bipolar disorder in some patients (Schou , 2001). In fact, for 30 50 per cent of patients with bipolar disorder, lithium is effective in preventing both manic and depressive episodes, thereby earning its label as a mood stabiliser (Geddes et al., 2004; Schatzberg, Cole & DeBattista , 2007) . Without lithium, the typical bipolar patient has a manic episode about every 14 months and a depressive episode about every 17 months (American Psychiatric Association , 2000) . With lithium , attacks of mania occur as rarely as every nine years (Bowden, 2000; Geddes et al ., 2004) . In recent years, anticonvulsant drugs such as divalproex (Epival and Depakote) and lamotrigine (Lamictal) have been used as an alternative to lithium in treating mania (for example, Daban et al. , 2006; DelBello et al., 2006) . These drugs cause fewer side effects than lithium, are less dangerous at higher doses, and are easier to regulate (Bowden, 2000, 2003; Schatzberg, Cole & DeBattista, 2007) . However, their long-term benefits in reducing mania and the risk of suicide are not as well established , so lithium is still considered the treatment of choice against which other medications are measured (Calabrese et al., 2005; Capriani et al., 2005; McAllister-Williams, 2006) .

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Tranquillising drugs (anxiolytics) During the 1950s, a new class of drugs called tranquillisers was shown to reduce mental and physical tension and other symptoms of anxiety. The first of these drugs, called meprobamate (Miltown , Equanil) , acts somewhat like barbiturates, meaning that overdoses can be fatal (Allen, Greenblatt & Noel, 1977) . Newer tranquillisers, known as benzodiazepines such as chlordiazepoxide (Librium) and diazepam (Valium) do not pose this danger and have become the worldwide drugs of choice for the treatment of anxiety (Stevens & Pollack , 2005) . Today, these and other antianxiety drugs, now called tranquillising drugs, or anxiolytics, continue to be the most widely prescribed of all legal drugs (Stevens & Pollack , 2005) . Anxiolytics have an immediate calming effect and are quite useful in reducing anxiety, including in cases of generalised anxiety disorder and post-traumatic stress disorder. One of the benzodiazepines, alprazolam (Xanax) , has become especially popular for the treatment of panic disorder and agoraphobia (Verster & Volkerts, 2004) . Another benzodiazepine, clonazepam (Klonopin), is also being used, alone or in combination with other anxiolytics, in the treatment of anxiety ranging from phobias to panic disorder. But benzodiazepines can have bothersome side effects such as sleepiness, lightheadedness and impaired psychomotor and mental functioning. Combining these drugs with alcohol can be fatal , and continued use can lead to tolerance and physical dependence (Chouinard , 2004) . Furthermore, suddenly discontinuing benzodiazepines after heavy or long-term use can cause severe withdrawal symptoms, including seizures and anxiety attacks ( Lemoine et al., 2006; Rickels et al., 1993) . The tranquillising drug buspirone (BuSpar) provides an alternative anxiety treatment that eliminates some of these problems. As with antidepressant drugs, buspirone s effects do not occur for days or weeks after treatment begins. As a result, many patients stop taking it because they think it has no effect other than dizziness, headache and nervousness (Stahl, 2002; Wagner et al. , 2003). Because depression often accompanies anxiety, antidepressant drugs such as fluoxetine (Prozac), paroxetine (Paxil), clomipramine (Anafranil) , fluvoxamine (Luvox) and sertraline (Zoloft) are also used in treating anxiety-related problems such as panic disorder, social phobia , obsessive-compulsive disorder and post-traumatic stress disorder (for example, Gorman, 2003; Julien , 2008; Nutt, 2005b; Rickels et al. , 2003) . Table 14.6 lists the effects and side effects of the psychoactive medications we have described.

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Human diversity and drug treatment Medications are designed to benefit everyone in the same way (the upcoming section ‘In review: Biological treatments’ summarises our discussion of drugs and other biological treatments) , but it turns out that the same amount of medication can have significantly different effects in people from various ethnic groups and in men versus women . For example, compared with Asians, Caucasians must take significantly higher doses of the benzodiazepines, haloperidol , clozapine, lithium and possibly the tricyclic antidepressants in order to obtain equally beneficial effects ( Hull et al., 2001; Ng et al. , 2005) . Some of these ethnic differences are thought to be related to genetically regulated differences in drug metabolism (Kato & Serretti , 2010; Zhang, Lencz & Malhotra, 2010) ; others may be due to dietary practices and other sociocultural factors (Bakare, 2008). Males and females may respond in about the same way to tricyclic antidepressants (Wohlfarth et al. , 2004) , but women may maintain higher blood levels of these and other therapeutic psychoactive drugs and may show better response to neuroleptic drugs (Hildebrandt et al., 2003; Salokangas, 2004) . They also may be more vulnerable to adverse effects such as tardive dyskinesia (Yarlagadda et al., 2008).These gender differences in response to medication appear less related to oestrogen than to other hormonal or body composition differences between men and women, such as the ratio of body fat to muscle (Salokangas, 2004) . Continued research on these and other dimensions of human diversity will undoubtedly lead to more effective and safer drug treatments for everyone (Thompson & Pollack , 2001;Vemuri, 2011) . custom page

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Evaluating psychoactive drug treatments Despite the widespread success of psychoactive prescription drugs in the treatment of psychological disorders, critics point out several shortcomings. First, drugs may suppress a client’s disorder without eliminating it. As a result, the client may be less likely to try non-drug approaches that might lead to permanent benefits. Antianxiety drugs, for example, can help clients to feel calmer, but these medications alone cannot teach people to cope with the sources of their anxiety. There is concern that psychiatrists, and especially general practitioners, rely too heavily on anxiolytics and other medications to solve their patients’ psychological problems (Breggin , 2008; Mojtabai & Olfson , 2010); see the Snapshot ‘“ I medicate first and ask questions later’” . The antidepressant drug Prozac, for instance, is being widely prescribed overprescribed, critics say for problems ranging from hypersensitivity to criticism and fear of rejection , to low selfesteem and premenstrual problems (Breggin, 2008).

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'I medicate first and ask questions later.' There is widespread concern that we rely too heavily on drugs to deal with psychological problems, including those of adolescents and children (Albee, 2002; Breggin, 2008; Olfson et al., 2006; Zuvekas, Vitiello & Nordquist, 2006). This trend appears due in part to drug ads that fuel consumer demand, but drugs are not always the answer. In one case, for example, increasing doses of medication failed to stop a paranoid schizophrenia patient’s repeated escapes from a mental hospital. The problem was solved without drugs, though, after a psychologist discovered that the man’s escapes were motivated by his fear of calling his mother on ‘ bugged’ hospital phones; once he was allowed to use a telephone at a nearby shopping mall, his escape attempts stopped (Rabasca, 1999).

Second , abuse of some drugs (such as the antianxiety benzodiazepines) can result in physical or psychological dependence. Third, drug side effects can range from minor problems, such as the thirst and dry mouth caused by some antidepressant drugs, to movement disorders such as tardive dyskinesia caused by certain neuroleptic drugs. The most serious of these side effects are relatively rare, but some are irreversible, and it is impossible to predict in advance who will develop them. Although a clear causal link has not been confirmed (Gibbons et al., 2005; Simon et ah , 2006; Wheeler et al. , 2008), recent research has led the National Institute of Mental Health ( NIMH) in the United States and regulatory agencies in Canada and Britain to issue warnings about the danger of suicidal behaviour in children and adolescents who are given Prozac and similar antidepressant drugs (Breggin , 2008; Bridge et al. , 2007; Gualtieri & Johnson, 2006; Hammad, Laughren & Racoosin, 2006; NIMH , 2004; Olfson, Marcus & Shaffer, 2006; Stone et al., 2009).Warnings have also been issued about the elevated risk of death in elderly patients who are taking antipsychotic medications (U.S. Food and Drug Administration, 2005; Wang et al. , 2005) . There is concern, too, about whether psychoactive medications are as effective as they appear to be, especially in research sponsored by the drug companies that make them ( Heres et al., 2006; Moncrieff & Kirsch, 2005; Turner et al. , 2008) . These concerns may be dampening the enthusiasm that once led many psychologists to seek drug prescription privileges (Greenberg, 2010) .

Drugs and psychotherapy Which is better, drugs or psychotherapy? Are the two more effective when combined? A considerable amount of research is being conducted to address these questions.

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Although occasionally a study does show that one approach or the other is more effective, no clear consensus has emerged. Overall, neither form of therapy is clearly superior for treating problems such as anxiety disorders and major depressive disorder (Smits, O’Cleirigh & Otto, 2006; Thase et ah , 2007) . For example, large-scale studies of treatment for severe depression found that behaviour therapy, cognitive behaviour therapy and interpersonal psychotherapy can be as effective as an antidepressant medication (Butler et al. , 2006; DeRubeis et al., 2005; Dimidjian et al. , 2006; Hollon , Thase & Markowitz, 2002; March et al. , 2004; Nemeroff et al. , 2003) . Cognitive behaviour therapy has also equalled the effects of medication in the treatment of phobias (Clark et al., 2003; Davidson et al. , 2004; Otto et al., 2000; Thom, Sartory & Johren , 2000) , panic disorder (Barlow, 2007; Mitte, 2005a) , generalised anxiety disorder (Mitte, 2005b) and obsessive-compulsive disorder (Kozak , Liebowitz & Foa, 2000) . Furthermore, the dropout rate from psychotherapy may be lower than from drug therapies (Casacalenda , Perry & Looper, 2002; Hollon et al. , 2005; Mitte, 2005b) , and the benefits of many kinds of psychotherapy may last longer than those of drug treatments (for example, Bockting et al. , 2005; Hollon, Stewart & Strunk , 2006; Hollon, Thase & Markowitz 2002; Segal, Gemar & Williams , 2000; Thom , Sartory & Johren , 2000), thus making psychotherapy more cost-effective than medication in the long run (Barrett, Byford & Knapp, 2005) . What about combining prescription drugs and psychotherapy? Research suggests that doing so can sometimes be helpful (Hofmann et al., 2006; Miklowitz et al. , 2007; Winston , Been & Serby, 2005). Combined treatment is recommended in cases of bipolar disorder (Miklowitz, 2008; Otto, Smits & Reese, 2005) and produces slightly better results than either psychotherapy or drugs alone in people suffering from severe, long-term depression ( Friedman et al., 2004; Hegerl, Plattner & Moller, 2004) .The combination of medication and psychotherapy has also been shown to be more effective than either method alone in treating attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, obsessive-compulsive disorder, alcoholism, stammering, compulsive sexual behaviour and panic disorder (Barlow, 2007; Keller et al . , 2000; March et al., 2004; Roy-Byrne et al., 2005; Walkup et al. , 2008) . The combined approach may be especially useful for clients who are initially too distressed to benefit much from psychotherapy. A related approach, already shown to be successful with clients who had been taking prescription drugs for panic disorder and depression , is to use psychotherapy to prevent relapse and make further progress as medication is discontinued (for example, Dobson et al., 2008; Klein et al. , 2004; Lam et al. , 2003) . Preliminary evidence also suggests that a drug called D-cycloserine may be helpful in preventing the reappearance of fears that are being extinguished through exposure techniques or other forms of behaviour therapy (Choy, Fyer & Lipsitz , 2007; Davis et al., 2005; Davis et al. , 2006; Hofmann et al., 2006; Norberg, Krystal & Tolin , 2008) . However, many other studies have found little advantage in combining medication and psychotherapy (for example, Davidson et al., 2004; Elkin, 1994 ; Nemeroff et al . , 2003; Spiegel & Bruce, 1997) . One early study compared the effects of a form of in vivo desensitisation called gradual exposure with that of antianxiety medication (Xanax) in the treatment of agoraphobia . Clients receiving gradual exposure alone showed better short- and long-term benefits than those getting either the drug alone or a combination of the drug and gradual exposure (Echeburua et al ., 1993). Perhaps the most conservative strategy for treating most cases of anxiety and depression is to begin with cognitive or interpersonal psychotherapy (which have no major negative side effects) and then to add or switch to medication if psychotherapy alone is ineffective (Jacobs et al., 2004; Schatzberg et al. , 2005) . Often clients who do not respond to one method will be helped by the other (for example, Heldt et al., 2006) . Some day, research may offer better guidelines as to which clients should be treated with psychotherapy alone, medication alone, or a combination of the two (Hollon et al., 2005).

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LINKAGES Biological aspects of psychology and the treatment of psychological disorders As described in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’, human feelings, thoughts and actions whether normal or abnormal - are ultimately the result of biological processes, especially those involving neurotransmitters and their receptors in the brain. Because different neurotransmitters are especially prominent in particular brain regions or circuits, altering the functioning of particular neurotransmitter systems has relatively specific psychological and behavioural effects. Let’s consider some of the ways in which therapeutic psychoactive drugs affect neurotransmitters and their receptors. Some therapeutic drugs cause neurons to fire, while others reduce or inhibit such firing. For example, benzodiazepines (for example, Valium and Xanax) exert their antianxiety effects by helping the inhibitory neurotransmitter GABA bind to receptors and thus suppress neuron firing. This increased inhibitory effect acts as a sort of braking system that slows the activity of GABA - sensitive neurons involved in the experience of anxiety. However, benzodiazepines also slow the action of all neural systems that use GABA, including those associated with motor activity and mental processing, which are spread throughout the brain. The result is the decreased motor coordination and clouded thinking that appear as the side effects of the benzodiazepines. Research suggests that it may be possible to develop drugs that will bind only to certain kinds of GABA receptors and thus greatly reduce these side effects (Gorman, 2005). Other therapeutic drugs are receptor antagonists (see Figure 8.7 in Chapter 8, ‘Consciousness’), acting to block

the receptor site normally used by a particular neurotransmitter. The phenothiazines, for example, exert their antipsychotic effects by blocking receptors for dopamine, a neurotransmitter that is important for movement, as described in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of

How do psychoactive drugs work? (a link to Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of

psychology’) How do drugs help

people diagnosed psychology’. Blocking dopamine with schizophrenia ? seems to normalise the jumbled (a link to Chapter 8 thinking of many schizophrenia Consciousness’) ‘ patients, but it can also cause severe disorders - including tardive dyskinesia - in the movement systems that are also controlled by dopamine. Some psychoactive drugs exert their therapeutic influence by increasing the amount of a neurotransmitter available to act on receptors. This effect usually occurs because the drug slows a process called reuptake, by which the neurotransmitter would normally return to the brain cell from which it was released. The tricyclic antidepressants, for example, operate by slowing the reuptake of norepinephrine. Prozac, Anafranil and some other antidepressant drugs are called selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors ( SSRIs) because they slow the reuptake of serotonin. Others, such as Effexor, slow the reuptake of both serotonin and norepinephrine. These effects are consistent with biological theories suggesting that some cases of depression are traceable to faulty norepinephrine or serotonin systems. .

o

N REVIEW Biological treatments METHOD

TYPICAL DISORDERS TREATED

POSSIBLE SIDE EFFECTS

Temporary confusion,

Electroconvulsive therapy (ECT)

Severe depression

Psychosurgery

Schizophrenia, severe depression obsessive - compulsive disorder

memory loss ,

Listlessness,

overemotionality, epilepsy

MECHANISM OF ACTION Uncertain Uncertain >>>

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>>>

METHOD

TYPICAL DISORDERS TREATED

Anxiety disorders, depression, obsessive Psychoactive drugs compulsive disorder, mania, schizophrenia

POSSIBLE SIDE EFFECTS Variable, depending on drug used: movement disorders, physical

MECHANISM OF ACTION Alteration of neurotransmitter systems in the brain

dependence Check your understanding often now than it 1 Electroconvulsive therapy is used 2 Tranquillising drugs are used mainly in the treatment of 3 Tardive dyskinesia is a movement disorder sometimes caused by

was in the 1950 s.

drugs.

14.5 COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGY: FROM TREATMENT TO PREVENTION It has long been argued that even if psychologists knew exactly how to treat every psychological problem, there would never be enough mental health professionals to help everyone who is in need (Albee, 1968, 2006) . A study by the World Health Organization found, for example, that even individuals with severe mental health problems often do not receive the psychological services they need (Wang et ah , 2007) . The study also revealed that the treatment situation is especially dire in poorer countries, where only about 11 per cent of psychologically troubled individuals receive treatment for their disorders. In Australia and New Zealand, it is recognised that socioeconomic status is a risk factor for mental illness (Commonwealth of Australia , 2009; NZ Ministry of Health , 2012) . Recognition of the treatment-access problem helped fuel the rise of community psychology , which seeks to treat people in their local communities and to work for social changes that can help prevent psychological disorders ( Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2004).

community psychology an approach to minimising

preventing psychological disorders through changes or

in social systems and

through community mental

Community mental health

health programs

One aspect of community psychology, the community mental health movement , appeared during the 1960s amid growing concern that patients were not improving (and might be getting worse) after years of confinement in mental hospitals. The idea behind this movement was that these hospitalised patients would be better off if they were allowed to live freely in their communities, where they would receive newly available antipsychotic drugs and other mental health services at a network of community mental health centres.This deinstitutionalisation process did spare thousands of patients the boredom and isolation of the hospital environment, but the mental health services available in their communities never expanded enough to meet the needs of so many new clients (Leff, 2006). Some former hospital patients and many people whose disorders might once have sent them to mental hospitals are now living in halfway houses and other community-based facilities where they receive psychosocial rehabilitation (see the Snapshot ‘Community mental health efforts’) .These community support services are not designed to ‘cure’ disorders but rather to help people cope with their problems and develop the social and occupational skills necessary for semi-independent living (Coldwell & Bender, 2007; Cook et al., 2005; Talbott, 2004) . Many patients with severe psychological disorders who have not received or benefited from rehabilitation services are enduring the dangers of homelessness on city streets or of confinement in prisons (Luhrmann , 2008; Smith & Sederer, 2009;Teplin et al. , 2005) .

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Community mental health efforts Professional and non - professional

staff members of community mental health centres provide traditional therapy and mental health education, along with walk -in facilities and hotlines for people who are suicidal or in crisis because of rape or domestic violence. They also offer day treatment to former mental patients, many of whom are homeless.

Other factors Community psychology also attempts to prevent psychological disorders by addressing poverty, substandard housing and other stressful social problems that may put vulnerable people at greater risk of some disorders ( Fagan et ah , 2009; Xue et al., 2005) . Researchers in the field of positive psychology applaud this approach, suggesting that the development of many disorders could be further minimised by teaching skills that promote mental wellbeing, and by offering programs designed to help young people build the character strengths they need to be resilient in the face of stress ( Keyes, 2007; Seligman et al., 2005; Wallace & Shapiro, 2006) . Another dimension of community psychology involves efforts to detect psychological problems in their earliest stages and keep those problems from becoming worse (Bond & Hauff , 2004) . Examples include programs for the prevention of depression and suicide (Cuijpers et al., 2008; Gillham et al ., 2007; Horowitz & Garber, 2006; Lynch et al., 2005; Spence, Sheffield & Donovan, 2005), US programs such as Head Start that help preschoolers whose backgrounds put them at risk of school failure and delinquency ( Foster et al. , 2006; Reid , Webster-Stratton & Baydar, 2004; Shaw et al., 2006) , and programs to identify children who are at risk of disorders due to aggressiveness, parental divorce, or being rejected or victimised at school (for example, Frey et al., 2005 ; Lochman & Wells , 2004; Martinez & Forgatch , 2001) . Other interventions are designed to head off anxiety disorders or schizophrenia in children and adults (McGorry et al., 2002; Neil & Christensen, 2009; Rapee et al., 2005 ) , to prevent child abuse and other domestic violence (Duggan et al., 2004; Whitaker et al., 2006) , and to promote health consciousness in ethnic minority communities (Borg, 2002). In addition, community psychology recognises that many cultural groups have expertise in developing treatments for themselves. For example, in conjunction with Lorraine Peeters (2010), Australian Aboriginal people developed their own healing program called Marumali in an attempt to begin to deal with mental health issues related to the colonisation of traditional lands. Local knowledge systems are being used to work on self-identity, which is central to Aboriginal social and emotional wellbeing (Peeters, 2010) .

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CHAPTER REVIEW LINKAGES As noted in Chapter 1, ‘ Introducing psychology’, all of psychology’s subfields are related to one another. Our discussion of the role of learning principles in the development of phobias illustrates just one way in which the topic of this chapter, psychological disorders, is linked to the subfield of learning (which is the focus of Chapter 5, ‘Learning’). And our discussion of treating psychological disorders through the use of psychoactive drugs illustrates one way in which the part of

CHAPTER 14

this chapter relating to the treatment of psychological disorders is linked to the subfield of biological psychology (which is the focus of Chapter 3,‘ Biological aspects of psychology’). The ‘Linkages’ diagram shows a tie to one other subfield as well, and there are many more ties throughout the book. Looking for linkages among subfields will help you see how they all fit together and help you better appreciate the big picture that is

psychology.

Psychological disorders and treatment

LINKAGES

Are some psychological disorders inherited ?

Can we learn to become 'abnormal'?

* CHAPTER 3 Biological aspects of

psychology

U S” CHAPTER 5 Learning

Can personality tests be used to diagnose mental disorders ?

CHAPTER 13 Personality

ONLINE STUDY RESOURCES Visit http:/ /login.cengagebrain.com and use the access code that comes with this book for 12 months access to the resources and study tools for this chapter. The CourseMateExpress website contains: • • • •

revision quizzes

• • •

concept maps

graduate attribute information videos

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web links flashcards and more.

t CourseMateExpress

Chapter 10: Psychological Disorders and Treatment

SUMMARY •

Psychopathology involves patterns of thinking, feeling and behaving that cause personal distress or that significantly impair a person’s social or occupational functioning.

•

Psychotherapy for psychological disorders is usually based on psychodynamic, humanistic or social - cognitive (behavioural) theories of personality and behaviour disorder. Most therapists combine features of these theories in an eclectic approach.

DEFINING AND EXPLAINING PSYCHOLOGICAL DISORDERS •

•

•

•

•

Some disorders show similarity across cultures, but the definition of abnormality is largely determined by social and cultural factors. The criteria forjudging abnormality include statistical infrequency (a comparison with what most people do), norm violation and personal suffering. The practical approach to defining abnormality, which considers the content, context and consequences of behaviour, emphasises the question of whether individuals show impaired functioning in fulfilling the roles appropriate for particular people in particular settings, cultures and historical eras. Abnormal behaviour has been attributed, at one time or another, to many different factors, including the action of supernatural forces. In today’s biopsychosocial approach, mental disorders are attributed to the combination and interaction of biological, psychological and sociocultural factors. Biological factors

emphasised by the medical model (also called the neurobiological model), which sees psychological disorders as reflecting disturbances in the anatomy and chemistry of the brain and in other biological processes. The causal factors emphasised by the psychological model of mental disorders include unconscious conflicts, disruptions in attachment, learning, or maladaptive cognitive schemas. The sociocultural perspective focuses on sociocultural factors that help define abnormality and influence the form that disorders take in different parts of the world. No single aspect of the biopsychosocial approach can adequately explain all psychological disorders. The diathesisstress model takes into account all the causal factors in that approach by suggesting that biological, psychological and sociocultural characteristics create predispositions for disorder and that the symptoms of a disorder appear only in are

the face of sufficient amounts of stress.

CLASSIFYING PSYCHOLOGICAL DISORDERS •

•

•

• •

There seems to be a set of behaviour patterns that roughly defines abnormality in most cultures. Classifying these patterns helps identify the features, causes and most effective methods of treating various psychological

obsessive- compulsive disorder (OCD), characterised by uncontrollable repetitive thoughts (obsessions) and ritualistic actions (compulsions). Somatic symptom and related disorders, including conversion disorder, involve physical problems that have no apparent physical cause. Other examples are hypochondriasis, an unjustified concern about being ill; somatisation disorder, in which the person complains of numerous. unconfirmed physical complaints; somatoform pain disorder, in which pain is felt in the absence of a known physical cause; and body dysmorphic disorder, characterised by intense distress over imagined abnormalities of the skin, hair, face or other bodily areas. Dissociative disorders involve rare conditions such as dissociative fugue, dissociative amnesia and dissociative identity disorder, or DID (multiple personality disorder), in which a person suffers memory loss or develops two or more identities. Affective disorders, also known as mood disorders, involve extreme moods of long duration that may be inconsistent with

disorders. The dominant system for classifying abnormal behaviour is the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders ( DSM )-, its most recent text revision is DSM -5, released in May 2013. Research on the reliability and validity of DSM - IV -TR shows that it is a useful but imperfect classification system. A similar comment could be made about the new DSA4 -5, which has yet to undergo testing of the changes made to the existing classification system. Longstanding and disruptive patterns of anxiety characterise anxiety disorders. The most prevalent type of anxiety disorder is phobia, which includes specific phobias, social anxiety disorders and agoraphobia. Other anxiety disorders are generalised anxiety disorder, which involves non - specific anxiety; panic disorder , which brings unpredictable attacks of intense anxiety; and

events.

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Major depression (major depressive disorder) is marked by feelings of inadequacy, worthlessness and guilt; in extreme cases, delusions may also occur. Persistent depressive disorder includes similar but less severe symptoms persisting for a long period. Suicide is often related to these disorders. • Alternating periods of depression and mania characterise bipolar disorders. Cyclothymic personality (cyclothymic disorder), an alternating pattern of less extreme mood swings, •

•

•

is more common. Schizophrenia is perhaps the most severe and puzzling disorder of all. Among the symptoms of schizophrenia are problems in thinking, perception (often including hallucinations), attention, emotion, movement, motivation and daily functioning. Many researchers today favour viewing schizophrenia as a spectrum disorder involving displays of positive symptoms (such as hallucinations and disorganised thoughts) and negative symptoms (such as lack of speech and restricted emotional expression). Genetic factors, neurotransmitter problems, abnormalities in brain structure and functioning, and neurodevelopmental abnormalities are biological factors implicated in schizophrenia. Psychological explanations have focused on maladaptive learning experiences and disturbed family interactions.

Personality disorders are long- term patterns of maladaptive behaviour that may be disturbing to the person displaying them or to others. Examples include schizotypal, avoidant, narcissistic and antisocial personality disorders. Childhood disorders can be categorised as externalising disorders (such as conduct disorders or attention deficit hyperactivity disorder) and internalising disorders (in which children show overcontrol and experience distress, as in separation anxiety disorder). Pervasive developmental disorders do not fall into either category and include the autistic spectrum disorders. In autistic disorder, which can be the most severe of these, children show no interest in or attachment to others. Substance- related disorders involving alcohol and other drugs affect millions of people. Addiction to, psychological dependence on, or abuse of these substances contributes to disastrous personal and social problems, including physical illnesses, accidents and crime. The exact causes of initial use of these drugs, however, are not fully understood. Current rules protect people accused of crimes from prosecution or punishment if they are mentally impaired at the time of their trials or if they were legally mentally impaired at the time of their crimes. Difficulty in establishing the mental state of defendants and other knotty problems remain.

APPROACHES TO TREATMENT OF PSYCHOLOGICAL DISORDERS All forms of treatment for psychological disorders include a client, a therapist, an underlying theory of behaviour disorder, a set of treatment procedures suggested by the underlying theory, and the development of a special relationship between the client and therapist, which may make it easier for improvement to occur. The goal of treatment is to help people change their thinking, feelings and behaviour so that they will be happier and function better. • Psychodynamic psychotherapy, which began with Sigmund Freud’s methods of psychoanalysis, seeks to help clients gain insight into unconscious conflicts and impulses and then to explore how those factors have created disorders. • Some variations on psychoanalysis focus less on the id, the unconscious and the past, and more on helping clients harness the ego to solve problems in the present. Other forms of psychodynamic treatment retain most of Freud’s principles but use a more flexible format. • Humanistic (phenomenological) psychotherapy helps clients become more aware of discrepancies between their feelings •

•

and their behaviour. Therapists using Carl Rogers’client- centred therapy, also known as person- centred therapy, help mainly by adopting attitudes towards the client that express unconditional positive regard

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(acceptance), empathy and congruence. One way of creating this atmosphere is through active listening (reflection).

Therapists employing the Gestalt therapy of Fritz and Laura Peris use more active techniques than Rogerian therapists, often confronting and challenging clients. Behaviour therapy, behaviour modification and cognitive behaviour therapy use learning principles to reduce clients’ undesirable patterns of thought and behaviour and to strengthen more desirable alternatives. Behaviour therapists also use positive reinforcement (sometimes in token economy programs), extinction, punishment and aversion conditioning to make desirable behaviours more likely or problematic behaviours less likely. Therapists of all theoretical persuasions may offer therapy to several clients at once. Clients’ interactions with one another can enhance the effects of treatment. Group therapy may involve a variety of people and problems, or it may focus on particular types of clients and problems. Family therapy involves the treatment of two or more individuals from the same family system. In couples therapy, the clients are spouses or other intimate partners. In both formats, treatment usually focuses on

Chapter 10: Psychological Disorders and Treatment

improving communication and other interactions among the people involved. • Research is still needed to discover which combinations of therapists, clients and treatments are ideally suited to alleviating particular psychological problems. Several factors, including personal preferences, must be considered when choosing a treatment approach and a therapist.

•

•

The effects of cultural differences in values and goals between therapist and client have attracted increasing attention. Efforts are underway to minimise the problems that these differences can create. Whatever the specific form of treatment, the client’s rights include the right to confidentiality and the right to receive or refuse treatment.

BIOLOGICAL TREATMENTS Biological treatment methods seek to relieve psychological disorders by physical rather than psychological means. • Psychosurgery procedures once involved mainly prefrontal lobotomy; when used today, usually as a last resort, they focus on more limited areas of the brain. • In electroconvulsive therapy (ECT), an electric current is passed through the patient’s brain, usually in an effort to relieve severe depression. • Today, the most prominent form of biological treatment is the prescription of psychoactive drugs. There appear to be significant differences among members of various ethnic groups and between men and women in the dosages •

•

•

of psychoactive drugs necessary to produce beneficial effects. Psychoactive drugs have proved impressively effective in many cases, but critics point out a number of undesirable side effects associated with these drugs, the risks of abuse, and the dangers of overreliance on chemical approaches to human problems that might have other solutions. So far, neither psychotherapy nor drug treatment has been found clearly superior overall for treating problems such as anxiety or depression. Combining drugs and psychotherapy may help in some cases, but their joint effect may not be any greater than the effect of either one alone.

COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGY: FROM TREATMENT TO PREVENTION •

The realisation that there will never be enough therapists to treat everyone who needs help prompted the development of community psychology. Community mental health programs

and efforts to prevent mental disorders are the two main elements of community psychology.

TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE Select the best answer for each of the following questions, then check your responses against the ‘Answer key’ at the end of the book. a specific phobia 1 Roberta and Rhonda are identical twins who inherited identical predispositions for depression. Roberta has lived b panic attacks an easy life and has not developed any depressive symptoms. c obsessive - compulsive disorder Rhonda, who has been divorced and lost several jobs over d generalised anxiety disorder the years, has been diagnosed with major depression. The 3 Over the past three months, Shiloh has been feeling very difference between these twins is most consistent with sad; she has been sleeping as much as 15 hours a day and has the approach to abnormality. gained 13 kilograms. Debbie, too, feels very low, but she can a neurobiological barely sleep and has lost both her appetite and 7 kilograms. b psychological Both Shiloh and Debbie have symptoms of c sociocultural a obsessive - compulsive disorder d diathesis- stress 2 Tina had a difficult time driving to work. Every time she went over a bump she had to drive back around to make sure that she had not run over anything. This occurred 10 or 12 times each day, so Tina was always late for everything. Tina appears to be suffering from

b

depression

c

bipolar disorder

d

illness anxiety disorder

4 Forty - year - old Richard believes that he was ordered by God to save the world. He is suspicious of other people because he

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thinks they want to prevent him from fulfilling his mission. He is unable to keep a job because he is angry and argumentative most of the time. Richard would most likely be diagnosed as displaying a

persistent depressive disorder

b

dissociative identity disorder

c

schizophrenia

says to be sure she understands it. Dr Martin is using methods most closely associated with therapy.

8

body dysmorphic disorder 5 Aaron is an infant who shows no signs of attachment to his parents. He dislikes being held and doesn’t smile or laugh. Aaron’s symptoms are most consistent with d

psychodynamic

b

behavioural

c

client - centred

d

cognitive - behavioural

Brad complains that he has an intense need to touch all four walls of any room he enters for the first time. His therapist suggests that Brad might have learned this compulsive behaviour because it helped him avoid anxiety. The therapist approach to treatment. appears to favour the a

psychodynamic

a

infantile schizophrenia

b

humanistic

b

autism spectrum disorder

c

behavioural

c

antisocial personality disorder

d

neurobiological

d

an externalising disorder

of childhood

9 An important common element in the success of many forms of psychotherapy is

6 Clare’s therapist asks her to talk about whatever thoughts, memories or ideas come into her mind. He asks her not to ‘edit’ any of her thoughts. This technique is called and is part of therapy. a

7

a

reflection; psychodynamic

b

reflection; humanistic

c

free association; psychodynamic

d

free association; humanistic

a

the client- therapist relationship

b c

randomly assigning therapists to clients having a therapist trained in a variety of therapeutic methods

d

having appropriate assessment methods to measure outcomes

10 Which of the following is not an advantage of group

psychotherapy?

Dr Martin listens as her client, Eric, talks at length about his problems at work, including the fact that he hates his job, often sneaks out early, sometimes ignores his manager’s instructions, and generally avoids working hard. Dr Martin doesn’t interrupt or criticise him but often rephrases what he

a

It allows the therapist to observe clients interacting with one another.

b

Clients learn from one another,

c

Clients improve more quickly,

d

Clients feel less alone.

TALKING POINTS Here are a few talking points to help you summarise this chapter for family and friends without giving a lecture.

1

2

Though there are many more - specific criteria, people are most likely to be diagnosed with a mental disorder when psychological or behavioural problems significantly impair their ability to function in society. Behaviour that is considered normal in one culture may be considered abnormal in another.

3 Many kinds of psychotherapy can be beneficial, but experimental research has shown behaviour therapy, cognitive behaviour therapy and interpersonal therapy to be among the most effective forms of treatment for many psychological disorders.

who seems easy to relate to and who has experience with a treatment approach that is known to be effective for their type of problem.

5 With only a few special exceptions, therapists are ethically bound to keep confidential everything that clients tell them. 6

4 When looking for a therapist, people should select one

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Prescription drugs and psychotherapy are often equally effective in the treatment of many psychological disorders.

Chapter 10: Psychological Disorders and Treatment

FURTHER READING Now that you have finished reading this chapter, how about exploring some of the topics and information that you found most interesting. Here are some places to start.

RECOMMENDED BOOKS Raymond J. Corsini and Danny Wedding, Current Psychotherapies , 9 th edn ( Brooks Cole, 2010) - a comparison of numerous approaches to psychotherapy. Patty Duke, A Brilliant Madness (Bantam, 1993) - bipolar disorder. Frank Dumont and Raymond J. Corsini (Eds.), Six Therapists and One Client (Springer, 2000) - therapists who represent different treatment approaches describe how they would help the same client. Karen Eriksen and Victoria Kress, Beyond the DSM Story : Ethical Quandaries, Challenges, and Best Practices (Sage, 2005) - a summary of the DSM and its problems and alternative approaches. Christina Hoff Summers and Sally Satel, One Nation under Therapy : How the Helping Culture Is Eroding Self- Reliance (St Martin’s Press, 2005) - argues that people have become overly dependent on psychotherapy.

Peter Kramer, Listening to Prozac (Penguin, 1997) - psychotropic antidepressant medications. Jerald J. Kriesman and Hal Straus, / Hate You - Don’t Leave Me: Understanding the Borderline Personality (Avon, 1991) - descriptions and explanations of borderline behaviours, focusing on conflicted relationships. Vaslav Nijinsky, The Diary of Vaslav Nijinsky (Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1999) - insight into schizophrenia from one of Eugen Bleuler’s most famous patients, the Russian ballet dancer Nijinsky. Judith Rapoport, The Boy Who Couldn’t Stop Washing ( New American Library, 1997) obsessive - compulsive disorder. Peter Wyden, Conquering Schizophrenia : A Father , His Son, and a Medical Breakthrough (Knopf, 1998) - a father searches for a cure for his son, who was diagnosed with

schizophrenia.

CHAPTER REFERENCES AbdelMalik, P., Husted, J., Chow, E. W., 8c Bassett, A. S. (2003). Childhood head injury and expression of schizophrenia in multiply affected families. Archives of General Psychiatry, 60 , 231-236.

Alhasnawi, S., Sadik, S., ad Rasheed, M., Baban, A., et al. (2009). The prevalence and correlates of DSM- IV disorders in the Iraq Mental Health Survey (IMHS). World Psychiatry, 8 , 97-109.

Abramowitz, J. S., & Braddock, A. E. (2006). Hypochondriasis: Conceptualization, treatment, and relationship to obsessive - compulsive disorder. Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 29, 503 -519.

Al - Kubaisy, T. F., & Jassim, A. L. (2003). The efficacy of assertive training in the acquisition of social skills in Iraqi social phobics. Arab Journal of Psychiatry, 14, 68 -72.

Abramowitz, J. S., Khandker, M., Nelson, C. A., Deacon, B. J., & Rygwall, R. (2006). The role of cognitive factors in the pathogenesis of obsessive - compulsive symptoms: A prospective study. Behaviour Research and Therapy , 44 , 1361-1374. Abreu, J. M. (1999). Conscious and unconscious African American stereotypes: Impact on first impression and diagnostic ratings by therapists. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 67, 387-393.

Al - Shammary, N., Awan, S., Butt, K., & Yoo, J. (2007). Internet use before consultation with a health professional. Primary Health Care, 17(10), 18 -21.

Acocella, J. (1998 , April 6). The politics of hysteria. New Yorker , pp. 64-79. Adler, A. (1927/1999). The practice and theory of individual psychology. London: Taylor & Francis.

Althoff, R. R., Faraone, S. V., Rettew, D. C., Morley, C. P., & Hudziak, J. J. ( 2005). Family, twin, adoption, and molecular genetic studies of juvenile bipolar disorder. Bipolar Disorders, 7, 598 - 609.

Akshoomoff, N. (2005). The neuropsychology of autistic spectrum disorders. Developmental Neuropsychology, 27, 307-310.

American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed., rev.). Washington DC: Author.

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ANSWERS TO ' IN REVIEW ' AND 'TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE' QUESTIONS Psychological disorders and treatment In review

Defining and explaining psychological disorders 1 content, context, consequences; 2 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders ; 3 culture - general disorder Classifying psychological disorders 1 more, more; 2 dissociative identity disorder; 3 more Approaches to treatment of psychological disorders 1 Hans Eysenck; 2 clinically; 3 ethics Biological treatments 1 less; 2 anxiety; 3 neuroleptic Test your knowledge 1d, 2c, 3 b, 4c, 5b, 6c, 7c, 8 c, 9a, 10 c

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Chapter 11

SOCIAL COGNITION AND INFLUENCE Your view of yourself, what you think about others, and what you think others think about you, play major roles in shaping your behaviour every day. In this chapter, we explore the ways in which perception, learning, emotion and other factors affect how people think about themselves and others. We’ll consider topics such as how we form first impressions, how we develop attitudes - including prejudiced attitudes - and why we may like (or love) one person and dislike another. In addition, we describe many other ways in which the presence and behaviour of other people affect our own behaviour and how we in turn affect the behaviour of others.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES On completion of this chapter, you should be able to:

15.1 understand various social influences on the self

15.5 define conformity, obedience and compliance

15.2 describe attitudes and behaviour

15.6 outline what influences aggressive behaviour

15.3 describe the theories related to prejudice and stereotyping

15.7 describe altruistic and helping behaviour 15.8 define cooperation, competition and conflict.

15.4 outline theories of interpersonal attraction

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY 1 Does the use of photographs of people in need by many charities and educational groups evoke the emotions of potential donors? 2 Are salespeople who use the low- ball technique able to get people to buy things at a higher price than they intended?

3 Is communication the key to reducing conflict and increasing cooperation?

I CourseMateExpress

Bring your learning to life with interactive study and exam preparation tools that support your textbook. CourseMate Express includes quizzes, videos, concept maps and more.

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Chapter 11: Social Cognition and Influence

PSYCHOLOGICAL LITERACY AND GRADUATE ATTRIBUTES (GAs) In this chapter you are introduced to the topic of social cognition and influence, specifically: (GA 1) Discipline knowledge and its application: This chapter introduces you to the major theories, methods and findings regarding social cognition and influence. How are our current thoughts and behaviours shaped by past and present social contexts? (GA 2) Research methods: This chapter introduces a variety of research methods utilised in the study of social cognition and influence, including the use of brain imaging to understand the mechanisms underlying attitude change. The ‘Focus on research methods’ section asks whether the genetic degree of relatedness to another person (kinship) influences the likelihood of whether you would help other people. (GA 3) Critical and creative thinking: The ‘ Thinking critically’ section considers whether playing violent video games makes people more aggressive. Given the prevalence of such game playing in many countries today, particularly among young people, the answer to this question could have implications for government

policy.

In terms of GA4 (values and ethics) and GA 6 (.learning and application), we ask you whether, knowing something about social cognition and influence after reading this chapter, you would challenge any of the following statements, rather than accepting them at face value. When other students fail tests, it is because they are dumb. If you convince someone to do something that goes against their attitudes and beliefs , it won’t change those attitudes and beliefs. • / would not follow orders that meant I would harm someone.

Working with others always produces the best results. People who are aggressive were born that way. Will you feel morally obliged to use your communication and interpersonal skills (GA 5) to convince the person who made such statements that they need to rethink them, in light of what is known about social cognition and influence? If that person is you, will you have the motivation to update your opinion or misconception in light of your new knowledge? These dispositions are a crucial component of psychological literacy .

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INTRODUCTION Each year, in many countries around the world, ordinary people receive commendations celebrating their extraordinary efforts of bravery. For example, in Christchurch , New Zealand there was an earthquake in February 2011 of 6.3 magnitude which caused widespread devastation and many lives were lost. Firefighter, Scott Shadbolt was awarded the Valour Medal which recognised his exceptional courage and risking of his own life when he assisted others to free a man trapped in a building. In October 2013, shark attack victim Sean Pollard was rescued by a group of four members of the local community at a beach in Esperance, Western Australia. The rescuers all received a community hero award for their efforts to assist Sean in and out of the ocean . Almost all of the questions that can be asked of these brave individuals in these situations relate to human behaviour. For example, what were they thinking when they decided to respond? Did they have a plan about what to do? These types of questions are also relevant in regard to many situations in which we may see bravery and heroism as just part of someone’s role. We may never have final answers to such questions, but some partial answers may come from social psychology, the scientific study of how people’s thoughts and feelings influence their behaviour towards others, and of how the behaviour of others influences people’s own thoughts, feelings and behaviour. In this chapter, we focus on social cognition and influence, the mental processes associated with the ways in which people perceive and react to other individuals and groups ( Fiske & Taylor, 2008) . We describe more positive aspects, beginning with a discussion of social influence itself. We then consider several related aspects of how we are influenced by others, including the processes of conformity, compliance and obedience. Then we explore the causes and consequences of aggression ,

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CHAPTER OUTLINE Social influences on the self Attitudes Prejudice and stereotypes

Interpersonal attraction Social influence

Aggression Altruism and helping behaviour

Cooperation, competition and conflict

social psychology the study of how people’s thoughts, feelings and behaviour influence and are influenced by the behaviour of others

Chapter 11: Social Cognition and Influence

social cognition mental processes associated with people’s perceptions of and reactions to other people

social influence the process whereby one person’s behaviour is affected by the words or actions of others

self -concept the way one thinks of oneself

self -esteem the evaluations one makes about how worthy one is as

helping and altruism . Finally, we examine circumstances in which people jointly influence one another’s behaviour.

15.1 SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON THE SELF In Chapter 11,‘Human development’, and Chapter 13,‘Personality’, we describe how each individual develops within a cultural context, and the ways in which collectivist and individualist cultures emphasise different core values and encourage contrasting definitions of the self. In this section, we highlight the processes through which people in each culture help shape two important components of the self. The first is our self concept: the thoughts, feelings and beliefs we hold about who we are and what characteristics we have. The second is our self esteem : the evaluations we make about how worthy we are as human beings (Crocker et al., 2006) .

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a human being

Social comparison

social comparison using other people as a basis of comparison for evaluating oneself

reference groups categories of people to which people compare themselves

relative deprivation the belief that, in comparison to a reference group, one is getting less than is deserved

People spend a lot of time thinking about themselves, trying to evaluate their own perceptions , opinions, values and abilities (Epstude & Mussweiler, 2009) . Decades ago, Leon Festinger (1954) pointed out that self-evaluation involves two types of questions: those that can be answered by taking objective measurements and those that cannot. So you can determine your height or weight by measuring it , but how do you answer questions about your cognitive ability, social skills, athletic talent or the quality of your relationships? Here, there are no yardsticks to act as objective measurement criteria . In these cases, we make one of two types of comparisons. If we use a temporal comparison , we consider the way we are now in relation to how we were in the past ( Zell & Alicke, 2009) . If we use a social comparison , we evaluate ourselves in relation to others. So if you use others as a basis for evaluating how intelligent , athletic, interesting or attractive you are, you are using social comparison (Buunk et al. , 2005) . Who serves as your basis of comparison? Festinger said that people usually look to others who are similar to themselves. If you are curious about how good a swimmer you are, you are likely to compare yourself with the people you normally compete against , not with Olympic champions. In other words, you tend to choose swimmers at your own level of experience and ability. The categories of people to which you see yourself belonging and to which you usually compare yourself are called reference groups. The performance of people in a reference group can influence your self-esteem (Chambers & Windschitl , 2009) . For example, if being a good swimmer is very important to you , knowing that someone in your reference group swims much faster than you do can lower your self-esteem . People use a wide variety of strategies to protect or maintain their self-esteem (Greenberg, 2008; Leary, 2010). Sometimes people may feel better after comparing themselves with those who are doing much better than they are (Wheeler & Suls, 2007) . This result occurs partly because seeing people who are better off than we are can inspire the belief, ‘If they can do it, so can I!’ (Buunk , Peiro & Griffioen , 2007) . Some people use a related tactic to maintain their self-esteem; specifically, they tell themselves that a superior performer is not similar enough to be in their reference group. They may even exaggerate the ability of the other person so that their own performance doesn’t look so bad when viewed in light of such an able competitor (Mussweiler, 2003) . If you can convince yourself that you lost every set in a tennis game because your opponent is almost as good as Novak Djokovic,Victoria Azerenka or some other world-class tennis player, then it is easier to believe that your performance wasn ’t so terrible and that you would do just fine against someone with normal athletic skills. An unfavourable comparison of your own status with that of others can produce a sense of relative deprivation the belief that no matter how much you are getting in terms of recognition,

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status, money and other rewards , it is less than you deserve ( Kassin , Fein & Markus, 2010). The

concept of relative deprivation explains why an actor who receives $5 million to star in a film feels slighted if a co-star is receiving $10 million.

Social norms The most widespread yet subtle form of social influence is communicated through social norms. Social norms are learned, socially based rules that prescribe what people should or should not do in various situations ( Hogg, 2010), as illustrated in the Snapshot ‘Clothing and culture’.These norms are transmitted by parents, teachers, clergy, peers and other agents of culture. Although they often cannot be verbalised, norms are so powerful that people usually follow them automatically. At cinemas, social norms tell us that we should get in line to buy a ticket rather than crowd around the ticket window; they also lead us to expect that others will do the same. By informing people of what is expected of them and others, social norms make social situations less uncertain and more comfortable (Schultz et al., 2007). One very powerful norm is reciprocity , the tendency to respond to others as they have acted towards you (Kenrick , Neuberg & Cialdini , 2010) . The reciprocity norm probably exists in every culture, but other social norms are not universal (Miller, 2001) . For instance, people around the world differ greatly in terms of the physical distance they maintain between themselves and others during conversation . People from South America usually stand much closer to one another than some others do. As suggested in Chapter 14 , ‘Psychological disorders and treatment’ , behaviour considered normal and friendly in one culture may be seen as abnormal or even offensive in another. The social influence exerted by norms creates orderly social behaviour. But social norms can also lead to a breakdown in order. For example, deindividuation is a phenomenon in which a person becomes ‘submerged in a group ’ and loses the sense of individuality (Kenrick, Neuberg & Cialdini , 2010) .When people experience deindividuation, they become emotionally aroused and feel intense closeness with the group, as shown in the Snapshot ‘Deindividuation’ . This increased awareness of group membership may create greater adherence to the group’s norms, even if those norms promote antisocial behaviour. In other words , through deindividuation, people appear to become ‘part of the herd’, and they may perform acts that they would not do otherwise. Fans at rock concerts and athletic events have trampled one another to death in their frenzy to get the best seats. Normally mild-mannered people may find themselves throwing rocks or fire bombs at police during political protests.

Clothing and culture The social norms that guide how people dress and behave in various situations are

part

of the culturally determined socialisation process described in Chapter 11, ‘Human development’. The process is the same worldwide. Parents, teachers, peers, religious leaders and others communicate their culture’s social norms to children, but differences in those norms result in quite different behaviours from culture to culture.

Deindividuation Robes, hoods and group rituals help create deindividuation in these Ku Klux Klansmen by focusing their attention on membership in their organisation and on its values. The hoods also hide their identities, which reduces their sense of personal responsibility and accountability, and makes it easier for them to engage in hate crimes and other cowardly acts of bigotry. Deindividuation operates in other groups too, ranging from lynch mobs and terrorist cells to political protesters and urban rioters. In short, people who feel that they are anonymous

social norms socially based rules that prescribe what people should or should not do in various situations

deindividuation a

members of a group may engage in antisocial acts that they might not perform on their own.

psychological state occurring in group members that results in loss of individuality and a tendency to do things not normally done when alone

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LINKAGES Motivation and the presence of others In Chapter 10, ‘Motivation and emotion’, we noted that social factors such as parental attitudes towards achievement often affect motivation. However, a person’s current motivational state is also affected by the mere presence of other people. Consider what was probably the first experiment in social psychology, conducted by Norman Triplett in 1897. Triplett noticed that bicycle racers tended to go faster when other racers were nearby than when they were alone. Did seeing one another remind the racers of the need to go faster to win? To test this possibility, Triplett arranged for cyclists to complete a 40 -kilometre course under three conditions: riding alone in a race against the clock, riding with another cyclist but not in competition, or competing directly with another rider. The cyclists went much faster when another rider was present than when they were simply racing against time. This was true even when they were not competing against the other person. Something about the presence of the other person, notjust competition, produced increased speed. The term social facilitation describes circumstances in which, as in the bicycle racing example, the mere presence of other people can improve performance. This improvement does not always occur, however. The presence of other people sometimes hurts performance, a process known as social interference. For decades, these results seemed contradictory. Then Robert Zajonc suggested that

both effects could be explained

by one process: arousal. The presence of other Do people perform people, said Zajonc (1965), better or worse increases a person’s general when others are level of arousal or motivation, as watching? (a link demonstrated in the Snapshot to Chapter 10, ‘Motivation and ‘Social facilitation’. Why? One emotion’) reason is that being watched by others increases our sense of being evaluated, producing worry that in turn increases emotional arousal (Uziel, 2007). Arousal increases the tendency to display our most dominant behaviours - the ones we know best. Engaging in those dominant behaviours can sometimes help our performance and sometimes hinder it. If you are performing an easy, familiar task, such as riding a bike, the increased arousal caused by the presence of others should allow you to ride even faster than normal. However, if the task is hard or unfamiliar such as trying new dance steps or playing a piano piece you just learned - the most dominant responses may be incorrect and cause your performance to suffer. In other words, the impact of other people on performance depends on whether the task is easy or difficult. The presence of others may affect performance in other ways as well. For example, having an audience may distract us from the task at hand or cause us to focus on

Social facilitation Top athletes such as Sally Pearson, shown here winning a gold medal at the London Olympics in 2012, are able to perform at their best even though large crowds are present . In fact, the crowds probably help them do well because the presence of others tends to increase arousal, which enhances the performance of familiar and well - learned skills. However, arousal created by an audience tends to interfere with the performance of unfamiliar and poorly developed skills. This is one reason that professional athletes who show flawless grace in front of thousands of fans are likely to freeze up or blow their lines in front of a small production crew when trying for the first time to film a TV ad or a public service announcement.

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parties. Social loafing can reduce productivity in business situations, so it is important for managers to counteract it by finding ways of evaluating the efforts of every individual in a work group, not just the overall output of the team. Social loafing

only one part of it, thus impairing performance (Aiello & Douthitt, 2001). What if a person is not merely in the presence of others but is actually working on a task with them? In these situations, people typically exert less effort than they do when performing alone, a phenomenon called social loafing (Liden et al., 2004). Whether the task is pulling on a rope, clapping as loudly as possible, trying to solve puzzles or working together on a class project, people tend to work harder when performing alone than with others (Price, Harrison & Gavin, 2006; van Dick et al., 2009). There are at least three reasons behind this social loafing phenomenon. First, it is usually much harder to evaluate the performance of individuals when they are working as part of a group. As a result, it is simply easier to succeed at loafing when in a group. Second, rewards may come to a group whether or not every member exerts maximum effort. Third, a group’s rewards are usually divided equally among its members rather than according to individual effort ( Hoigaard & Ingvaldesen, 2006; Pearsall, Christian & Ellis, 2010). In many Western countries, social loafing can be seen in all kinds of groups, from volunteer committees to search

social facilitation a phenomenon in which the presence of others improves a person’s

performance

social interference a reduction in performance due to the presence of other people

also tends to be reduced when social loafing exerting members like and identify with less effort when the group (Hoigaard, Safvenbom performing a group task & Tonnessen, 2006) and when than when performing harder- working members express the same task alone their disapproval of social loafers (Barclay, 2006). Social loafing is much less common in Eastern cultures, such as those of China and Japan. In fact, in collectivist cultures, working in a group usually produces social striving, defined as greater individual effort when working in a group (Matsumoto, 2000). This difference in the effects of group membership on individual efforts probably reflects the value that collectivist cultures place on coordinated and cooperative group activities.

Social identity theory TRY THIS

Stop reading for a moment and fill in the blank in the following

sentence: ‘I am

a (n) Some people complete the sentence by using characteristics such as ‘hard worker’, ‘good sport’ or some other aspect of their personal identity. However, many others identify themselves by using a word or phrase that reflects their nationality, gender or religion (for example, Lee & Yoo, 2004) . These responses reflect social identity, our beliefs about the groups to which we belong. Our social identity is thus part of our self-concept (Abrams & Hogg, 2010) . Our social , or group, identity permits us to feel part of a larger whole (Bryant & Cummins, 2010) . Its importance is seen in the pride that people feel when a member of their family graduates from university or when a local team wins a big game. A group identity is also one reason people donate money to the needy, support friends in a crisis , and offer other forms of assistance to those with whom they can identify.We will see later, though, that defining ourselves in terms of a group identity can create an ‘us versus them’ mentality that sets the stage for prejudice, discrimination , intergroup conflict and even terrorism (Abrams & Hogg, 2010) .

Social perception There is a story about a company director who was having lunch with a man being considered for an executive position . When the man salted his food without first tasting it, the director decided not to hire him. The reason, she explained, was that the company had no room for a person who

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social identity the beliefs we hold

about the groups to which we belong

Chapter 11: Social Cognition and Influence

social perception the processes through which people interpret information about others, draw inferences about them, and develop mental representations of them

acted before collecting all relevant information . The candidate lost his chance because of social perception , the process through which people interpret information about others , form impressions of them, and draw conclusions about the reasons for their behaviour. In this section, we examine how and why social perception influences our thoughts, feelings and actions.

The role of schemas In Chapter 4, ‘Sensation and perception’, we FIGURE 15.1 A schema - plus-correction describe a number of Gestalt principles that THIS \ j Describe this diagram in a single TRY govern how we organise visual information. This is ...’, then read our sentence beginning with ‘ For example, what do you see in Figure 15.1? discussion of the figure in the text. The figure matches what you already know about squares (that they have four equal sides), so your schema , or mental representation of this knowledge, probably guided you towards the simplest perception, that it is a square with a notch in it. You could also have described the diagram as a shape formed of eight straight lines, but that would have been far more complicated. Our perceptions of people follow many of the same laws that govern the perception of objects (Macrae & Quadflieg, 2010) . As a result, our prior knowledge, our schemas, about people can have a significant influence on our perceptions of them . First of all , schemas influence what we pay attention to and what we ignore. Characteristics or events that are consistent with our schema about another person usually get more attention than those that are inconsistent with that schema . As a result, we tend to process information about the other person more quickly if it confirms our beliefs about , say, that persons gender or ethnic group than if it violates those beliefs (Smith & Quellar, 2001) . Second, schemas influence what we remember about others (Macrae et al., 2002) . Finally, schemas affect our judgement about other people’s behaviour. For example, Thomas Hill and his colleagues (1989) found that participants’ ratings of male and female friends’ sadness were influenced not only by the friends’ actual behaviour but also by the participants’ general schemas about whether men or women experience more sadness.

First impressions The schemas we have about people in general act as lenses that shape our first impressions of others. Those impressions in turn influence both our perceptions of their behaviours and our reactions to those behaviours, as seen in the Snapshot ‘May I help you ?’ . First impressions are formed quickly, usually change slowly, and typically have a long-lasting influence.

Forming impressions Think about your first impression of a close friend. It probably formed rapidly because, as mentioned earlier, existing schemas lead us to infer a great deal about a person on the basis of limited information . One study found that people could make judgements about how trustworthy and competent a person was after seeing that person’s face for only a tenth of a second (Willis & Todorov, 2006) . Other attributes, such as an ethnic name, may have caused you to draw inferences about your TRY THIS \

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Chapter 11: Social Cognition and Influence

May I help you ? TRY THIS \ Schemas help us categorise people quickly and respond to them appropriately, but schemas can also lead to narrow - mindedness and

prejudice. If this woman does not fulfil your schema - your mental representation - of how carpenters are supposed to look, you might be less likely to ask her for advice on your home - improvement project. One expert carpenter who manages the hardware department of a large home improvement store told us that most customers walk right past her in order to ask the advice of one of her less experienced male clerks. Are there people you know whose appearance, behaviour or other characteristics don’t fit the schemas that most people hold for persons of their age or in their occupation? even

friend’s religion, food preferences or temperament. Clothing or hairstyle may have led you to make assumptions about your friends political views or taste in music. How many of those assumptions turned out to be true in your friend’s case? Perhaps not all of them, but probably quite a few. One schema has a particularly strong influence on our first impressions: we tend to assume that people we meet will have attitudes and values similar to our own (Hoyle, 1993; Srivastava, Guglielmo & Beer, 2010) . So, all else being equal , we are inclined to like other people. However, it doesn ’t take much negative information to change our minds. The main reason for this is that most of us don’t expect other people to act negatively towards us. When unexpectedly negative behaviours do occur, they capture our attention and lead us to believe that these behaviours reflect something negative about the other person ( Taylor, Peplau & Sears, 2006) .

Self - fulfilling prophecies Another reason first impressions tend to be stable is that we often do things that cause others to confirm our impressions (Madon et al. , 2004) . If mothers expect their young children to eventually abuse alcohol, those children are more likely to do so than the children of mothers who didn’t convey that expectation (Madon et al., 2006) . When, without our awareness, schemas cause us to subtly lead people to behave in line with our expectations, a self- fulfilling prophecy is at work (see the Snapshot ‘Self-fulfilling prophecies in the classroom’) . In one experiment on self-fulfilling prophecies, some people were led to believe that a person they were about to meet would be friendly and accepting; others were led to believe that the person would reject them. Those who expected acceptance behaved in a much warmer, friendlier way, which made it much more likely that their new acquaintance actually did accept them (Stinson et al., 2009) .

Explaining behaviour: attribution So far, we have considered how people form impressions about the characteristics of other people. But our perceptions of others include another key element: explanations of their behaviour. People tend to form implicit theories about why people (including themselves) behave as they do and about what behaviour to expect in the future. Psychologists use the term attribution to describe the process we go through to explain the causes of behaviour ( including our own). Suppose that a classmate fails to return some borrowed notes on time. You could attribute this behaviour to many causes, from an unavoidable emergency to simple selfishness. Which of these alternatives you choose is important because it will help you understand your classmate’s behaviour, predict what will happen if this person asks to borrow something in the future, and decide how to

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self- fulfilling prophecy a process through which our expectations about another person cause us to act in ways that lead the person to behave as we expected

attribution the process of explaining the causes of people’s behaviour, including our own

Self fulfilling prophecies in the classroom If teachers

inadvertently spend less time helping children who impress them as ‘dull’, those children may not learn as much, thus fulfilling the teachers’ expectations. If the student not raising her hand has not impressed her teacher as being bright, how likely do you think it is that she will be called on?

Chapter 11: Social Cognition and Influence

Attributional bias Men whose thinking is coloured by the ultimate attribution error might assume

that women who succeed at tasks associated with traditional male roles arejust lucky, but that men succeed at those tasks because of their skill (Deaux & LaFrance, 1998). When this attributional bias is in

operation, people

who are perceived as belonging to an out - group, whether on

the basis of their sex, age, sexual orientation,

religion, ethnicity or other characteristics, may be denied fair evaluations and equal opportunities.

control the situation should it arise again. Similarly, your decision to stick with a troubled relationship or end it may be influenced by whether you attribute your partners recent indifference to stressful circumstances or a loss of love. People tend to attribute behaviour in a particular situation to either internal causes (characteristics of the person) or external causes (characteristics of the situation). If you thought your classmates failure to return your notes was due to lack of consideration or laziness, you would be making an internal attribution. If you thought that the oversight was caused by time pressure or a family crisis, you would be making an external attribution . And if you failed an exam, you could explain it by concluding either that you’re not very smart (internal attribution) or that your job or family responsibilities didn’t leave you enough time to study (external attribution) . The attribution that you make may in turn determine how much you study for the next exam or even whether you decide to stay at university.

Sources of attributions Harold Kelley (1973) proposed an influential theory of how people (whom Kelley called observers ) make attributions about the actions of other people (whom Kelley called defers) . According to Kelley, understanding the reasons for behaviour requires information about three key variables: consensus, consistency and distinctiveness: 1 Consensus is the degree to which other people’s behaviour is similar to that of the actor. 2 Consistency is the degree to which the behaviour is the same across time or situations. This question is difficult to answer without information about distinctiveness. 3 Distinctiveness concerns the extent to which the actor’s response to one situation stands out from responses to similar situations. In summary, Kelley’s theory suggests that people are most likely to make internal attributions about an actor’s behaviour when there is low consensus, high consistency and low distinctiveness.

Errors in attribution Whatever their background, most people are usually logical in their attempts to explain behaviour (Kenrick, Neuberg & Cialdini, 2010) . However, they are also sometimes prone to attributional errors that can distort their views of behaviour (Baumeister & Bushman, 2008) ; see the Snapshot ‘Attributional bias’.

The fundamental attribution error fundamental attribution error a bias towards overattributing the behaviour of others to internal causes

out- group those whom we

perceive as being different from ourselves

in- group those whom we perceive as being similar to ourselves

Psychologists have paid special attention to the fundamental attribution error, a tendency to overattribute the behaviour of others to internal factors, such as personality traits ( Fiske & Taylor, 2008) . Imagine that you hear a student give an incorrect answer in class.You will probably attribute this behaviour to an internal cause and assume that the person is not very smart. In doing so, however, you might be failing to consider the possible influence of various external causes, such as lack of study time. A related form of cognitive bias is called the ultimate attribution error.When members of a social or ethnic out- group (people we see as ‘different’ ) do something positive, we attribute their behaviour to luck or some other external cause. However, we attribute their negative behaviour to an internal cause, such as dishonesty (Pettigrew, 1979) . At the same time, when members of an in- group (people we see as being like ourselves) do good deeds, we attribute the behaviour to integrity or other internal factors. If they do something bad, we attribute it to some external cause. Because of the ultimate attribution error, members of the out-group receive little credit for their positive actions, and members of the in-group get little blame for their negative actions (Khan & Liu , 2008) . Biases such as the ultimate attribution error help maintain people’s negative views of out-groups and positive views of their own in-group ( Fiske, 1998) .

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Other attributional errors The inclination towards internal attributions is much less pronounced when people explain their own behaviour. Indeed , people tend to show the actor- observer effect . Whereas people often attribute other people’s behaviour to internal causes, they tend to attribute their own behaviour to external factors, especially when the behaviour is inappropriate or inadequate. For example, when Australian students were asked why they sometimes drive too fast, they focused on circumstances such as being late, but saw other people’s dangerous driving as a sign of aggressiveness or immaturity (Harre, Brandt & Houkamau , 2004) . The actor observer effect occurs mainly because people have different kinds of information about their own behaviour and about the behaviour of others. When you are acting in a situation giving a speech, perhaps the information that is most available to you is likely to be external and situational, such as the temperature of the room and the size of the audience. You also have a lot of information about other external factors, such as the amount of time you had to prepare your talk , or the upsetting argument that occurred this morning. If your speech is disorganised and boring, you can easily attribute it to one or all of these external causes. However, when you observe someone else, the most noticeable stimulus in the situation is that person.You do not know what happened to the person last night or this morning, so you are likely to attribute whatever he or she does to enduring internal characteristics (Moskowitz, 2005) .

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actor- observer effect the tendency to attribute other people’s behaviour to internal causes while

attributing our own behaviour (especially errors and failures) to external causes

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Self - serving bias Of course, people do not always attribute their own behaviour to external forces. In fact, the degree to which they do so depends on whether the outcome of their behaviour is positive or negative. People can show a self- serving bias, which is the tendency to take personal credit for success but to blame external causes for failure. This tendency has been found in almost all cultures, but as with the fundamental attribution error, it is usually more pronounced among people from individualist Western cultures than among those from collectivist Eastern cultures (Mezulis et al., 2004) . The self-serving bias occurs partly because, as we mentioned earlier, people are motivated and ignoring negative information is one way of doing so. If to maintain their self-esteem you just failed an exam, it is painful to admit that your grade was fair, so you might blame your performance on an unreasonably demanding instructor. Other forms of social cognition also help people think about their failures and shortcomings in ways that protect their self-esteem (Shepperd , Malone & Sweeny, 2008) .

self- serving bias the tendency to attribute our successes to internal

characteristics while blaming our failures on external causes

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IN REVIEW Social influences on the self INFLUENCES

DESCRIPTION

Social comparisons

Evaluating ourselves in relation to others. Categories of people to which people see themselves belonging and to which they usually compare themselves are called reference groups

Social norms

Learned, socially based rules that prescribe what people should or should not do in various situations

Social identity

Beliefs about the groups to which we belong; part of our self - concept >>>

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BIASES IN SOCIAL PERCEPTION

DESCRIPTION

Schemas

Our prior knowledge (schemas) has an influence on our perception of individuals

First impressions

Ambiguous information is interpreted in line with a first impression, and the initial schema is recalled better and more vividly than any later correction to it. Actions based on this impression may elicit behaviour that confirms it

Fundamental attribution error The tendency to attribute the behaviour of others to internal factors Actor - observer effect

The tendency to attribute our own behaviour to external causes while attributing the behaviour of others to internal factors

Self - serving bias

The tendency to attribute one’s successes to internal factors and one’s failures to external factors

Check your understanding 1 A is a category of people to which you see yourself belonging and to which you usually compare yourself. 2 The tendency to respond to others as they have acted towards you is called 3 If you believed that immigrants’ successes are due to government help but that their failures are due to laziness, you would be committing the error.

15.2 ATTITUDES attitude a predisposition towards a particular cognitive, emotional or behavioural reaction to

objects

People’s views about health or safety reflect their attitudes, an aspect of social cognition that social psychologists have studied longer and more intensely than any other. An attitude is the tendency to think , feel or act positively or negatively towards objects in our environment (Banaji & Heiphetz, 2010) . Attitudes play an important role in guiding how we act towards other people, what political causes we support, which products we buy, and countless other daily decisions.

The structure of attitudes Social psychologists have long viewed attitudes as having three components (Banaji & Heiphetz, 2010). 1 The cognitive component is a set of beliefs about the attitude object. 2 The emotional , or affective , component includes feelings about the object. 3 The behavioural component is the way people act towards the object . If these components were always in harmony we would be able to predict people’s behaviour towards the homeless, for example, on the basis of the thoughts or feelings they express (see the Snapshot ‘A reminder about poverty’) . This is often not the case, however (Bohner & Schwarz, 2001) . Many people’s positive thoughts and supportive emotions regarding homeless people are never translated into actions aimed at helping them.

Forming attitudes People are not born with specific attitudes towards specific objects, but their attitudes about new objects begin to appear in early childhood and continue to emerge throughout life. How do attitudes form ? Some of the variation we see in people’s attitudes may reflect genetic influences inherited from their parents (Albarricin & Vargas , 2010) , but what they learn from their parents and others appears to play the major role in attitude formation. In childhood, modelling and other forms of social learning are especially important. Children learn not only the names of

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A reminder about poverty Photographs such as this one are used by fundraising organisations to remind us of the kind thoughts and charitable feelings we have towards needy people and other social causes. As a result, we may be more likely to behave in accordance with the

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objects but also what to believe and feel about them and how to act towards them . For example, a parent may teach a child not only that snakes are reptiles but also that they should be feared and avoided . So as children learn concepts such as ‘reptile’ or ‘work ’ , they learn attitudes about those concepts, too.

Changing attitudes The nearly $170 billion a year spent on advertising in the United States alone provides just one example of how people constantly try to change our attitudes. There are many others, including the persuasive messages of groups concerned with abortion or gun control or recycling and don’t forget about friends and family members who want you to think the way they do.

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Two routes to attitude change Whether a persuasive message succeeds in changing attitudes depends primarily on three factors: 1 the person communicating the message 2 the content of the message 3 the audience who receives it. (Albarracin & Vargas, 2010) The elaboration likelihood model of attitude change provides a framework for understanding when and how these factors affect attitudes ( Petty & Bririol , 2008) . As shown in Figure 15.2 , the model is based on the notion that persuasive messages can change people’s attitudes through one of two main routes.

elaboration likelihood model a model suggesting that attitude change can be driven by evaluation of the content of a persuasive message (central route) or by irrelevant persuasion cues (peripheral route)

FIGURE 15.2 The elaboration likelihood model of attitude change

The central route to attitude change involves carefully processing and evaluating the content of a message (high elaboration). The peripheral route involves low elaboration, or processing, of the message and relying on persuasion cues such as the attractiveness of the person making the argument (Cacioppo, Petty & Crites, 1993). Central route -

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The peripheral route The first is called the peripheral route because when it is activated , we devote little attention to the central content of the persuasive message. Instead, we tend to be affected by the persuasion cues that surround it, such as the confidence, attractiveness or other characteristics of the person delivering the message. Persuasion cues influence attitude change even though they say nothing about the logic or validity of the message content . Commercials in which movie stars or other attractive non-experts praise pain relievers or hearing aids or political candidates are designed to operate via the peripheral route to attitude change.

The central route By contrast, when the central route to attitude change is activated , the content of the message becomes more important than the characteristics of the communicator in determining attitude change. A person following the central route uses logical steps such as those outlined in the ‘Thinking critically’ sections of this book to rationally analyse the content of the persuasive message. This analysis considers the validity of the messages claims, determines whether the message leaves out important information, and assesses alternative interpretations of evidence, and so on . Persuasive messages are not the only means of changing attitudes. Another approach is to get people to act in ways that are inconsistent with their current attitudes in the hope that they will adjust those attitudes to match their behaviour. Often, such adjustments do occur. Cognitive dissonance theory and self-perception theory each attempt to explain why.

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Cognitive dissonance theory cognitive dissonance theory a theory asserting that attitude change is driven by efforts to reduce tension caused by inconsistencies between attitudes and behaviours

Leon Festinger’s classic cognitive dissonance theory holds that people want their thoughts, beliefs and attitudes to be consistent with one another and with their behaviour ( Festinger, 1957) . When people experience inconsistency, or dissonance, among these elements , they become anxious and are motivated to make them more consistent (Elliot & Devine, 1994; Festinger, 1957; Olson & Stone, 2005) . For example, someone who believes that ‘smoking is unhealthy’ but must also acknowledge that ‘I smoke’ would be motivated to reduce the resulting dissonance. As it is often difficult to change behaviour, people usually reduce cognitive dissonance by changing inconsistent attitudes. So rather than quit smoking, the smoker might decide that smoking is not so dangerous. In one of the first studies of cognitive dissonance, Festinger and his colleague Merrill Carlsmith (1959) asked people to turn pegs in a board, a very dull task. Later, some of these people were asked to persuade a person waiting to participate in the study that the task was ‘exciting and fun’. Some were told that they would be paid $1 to tell this lie; others were promised $20. After they had talked to the waiting person, their attitudes towards the dull task were measured. Figure 15.3 shows the surprising results. The people who were paid just $1 to lie liked the dull task more than those who were paid $20. Why ? Festinger and Carlsmith argued that telling another person that a boring task is enjoyable will produce dissonance (between the thoughts ‘I think the task is boring’ and ‘I am saying it is fun’) . To reduce this dissonance, the people who were paid just $1 adopted a favourable attitude towards the task , making their cognitions consistent: ‘I think the task is fun’ and ‘I am saying it is fun’. But if a person has adequate justification for telling a lie, any dissonance that exists will be reduced simply by thinking about the justification . The participants who were paid $20 thought they had adequate justification for lying and so did not need to change their attitudes towards the task .

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FIGURE 15.3 Cognitive dissonance and attitude

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According to cognitive dissonance theory, the $20 people were paid to say that a boring task was enjoyable provided them with a clear justification for lying. Having been paid to lie, they should experience little dissonance between what they said and what they thought about the task . And fact their attitude towards the task was not positive. However, people who received only $1 had little justification to lie and reduced their dissonance mainly by displaying a more positive attitude towards the task.

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strongly to even mild stressors. These animals’ oversensitivity appeared to be based on a specific gene, but researchers found it possible to modify the effects of this gene by changing the monkeys’ social situation. When the animals were paired with a warm, nurturant foster mother, their oversensitivity diminished significantly, and it remained low even when they were later separated from her ( Suomi, 1999). Researchers are also beginning to identify biological processes associated with many social processes. We have already mentioned studies that measured activity in the brain and the autonomic nervous system during cognitive dissonance. Other examples can be seen in research on the emotion- related brain activity that accompanies the ethnic prejudice and stereotyping that we discuss in the next section (Amodio & Lieberman, 2009). Using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) technology, some researchers have found that European Americans who were prejudiced against African Americans showed significantly more amygdala activity when looking at pictures of black people than when looking at pictures of white people (Hart et al., 2000; Phelps et al., 2000). Researchers have to react

also used fMRI to study people’s emotional reactions to other people’s distress (Lamm, Batson & Decety, 2007). They found patterns of brain activity that were quite different depending on whether the individual experienced empathy for a distressed person or simply observed the person’s distress. Studies such as this one are shedding some light on the biological aspects of empathy, and they may eventually lead to a broader understanding of the factors influencing people’s motivation to help each other (Decety, 2011). Social neuroscientists have also used electroencephalography (EEG) and other techniques to record the brain activity associated with positive and negative attitudes about people and objects (for example, Amodio et al., 2004). Their research has shown that these evaluative reactions are associated with activity in specific brain regions (Cacioppo, Crites & Gardner, 1996). Social neuroscience is still in its infancy, but this new field of research already shows great promise for improving our understanding of the linkages among social, cognitive and biological phenomena, as well as of complex social and physiological processes (Lieberman, 2010).

15.3 PREJUDICE AND STEREOTYPES All of the principles that underlie impression formation , attribution and attitudes come together to create prejudice and stereotypes. Stereotypes are the perceptions, beliefs and expectations a person has about members of some group. They are schemas about entire groups of people (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2010) . Usually, stereotypes involve the false assumption that all members of a group share the same characteristics. The characteristics that make up the stereotype may be positive, but they are usually negative.The most common and most powerful stereotypes focus on observable personal attributes, particularly ethnicity gender and age (Operario & Fiske, 2001) . ( ) The stereotypes people hold can be so ingrained that their effects on behaviour can be automatic and unconscious (Dovidio et al. , 2009) . In one study, for example, European American and African American participants played a video game in which white or black men suddenly appeared on a screen holding objects that might be weapons (Correll et al. , 2002; see Figure 15.4) .The participants were instructed to immediately ‘shoot’ an armed man but not an unarmed one. Under this time pressure, the participants’ errors were not random. If they ‘shot’ an unarmed man, he was significantly more likely to be black than white. If they failed to ‘shoot’ an armed man, he was more likely to be white than black. These differences occurred among both European American and African American participants but were most pronounced among those who held the strongest cultural stereotypes about blacks. In another study, police officers showed a similar pattern of results, except that the officers were not as quick as civilians were to shoot an unarmed black man (Correll et al. , 2007) .

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stereotype a false assumption that all members of some group share the same characteristics

Can subconscious processes alter our reactions to people? (a link to Chapter 8, ‘Consciousness’)

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FIGURE 15.4 The impact of stereotypes on behaviour

When these men suddenly appeared on a video game screen, participants were supposed to ‘shoot’ them, but only if they appeared to be armed (Correll et al., 2002). Stereotypes about whether white men or black men are more likely to be armed significantly affected the errors made by participants in firing their video game ‘weapons’. 1 33 Cover these photos and then ask a few friends to watch as you show each photo, one at a time, for just an instant, before covering it again. Then ask your friends to say whether either man appeared to be armed. Was one individual more often identified as armed? If so, which one? Joshua Correll

prejudice a positive or negative attitude towards an entire group of people

social discrimination differential treatment of various groups; the behavioural component of prejudice

Stereotyping often leads to prejudice, a positive or negative attitude towards an individual based simply on membership in some group (Maio et al., 2010) .The literal meaning of the word prejudice is ‘prejudgment’ . Many theorists believe that prejudice, like other attitudes, has cognitive, affective and behavioural components. Stereotyped thinking is the cognitive component of prejudicial attitudes. The hatred , admiration, anger and other feelings people have about stereotyped groups make up the affective component. The behavioural component of prejudice involves social discrimination , which is differing treatment of individuals who belong to different groups.

Theories of prejudice and stereotyping Prejudice and stereotyping may occur for several reasons . Let’s consider three explanatory theories, each of which has empirical support and accounts for some, but not all, instances of stereotyping and prejudice.

Motivational theories For some people, prejudice against certain groups may enhance their sense of security and help them meet certain personal needs.This idea was first proposed by Theodor Adorno and his associates more than 60 years ago (Adorno et al. , 1950). It has since been revised and expanded by Bob Altemeyer (2004; Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 2005) . Specifically, these researchers suggest that prejudice may be especially likely among people who display a personality trait called authoritarianism. According to Altemeyer, authoritarianism is composed of three elements: 1 an acceptance of conventional or traditional values 2 a willingness to unquestioningly follow the orders of authority figures 3 an inclination to act aggressively towards individuals or groups identified by these authority figures as threatening the values held by one’s in-group. People with an authoritarian orientation tend to view the world as a dangerous place (Cohrs & Ibler, 2009) , and one way of protecting themselves is to identify strongly with their in-group and to dislike, reject and perhaps even punish anyone who belongs to an out-group (Thomsen, Green & Sidanius, 2008) . Looking down on and discriminating against out-groups gay men and lesbians or refugees, for example may help people with authoritarian tendencies to feel safer and feel better about themselves (Maclnnis et al., 2013) .

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Schemas and stereotypes The use of schemas to assign certain people to certain categories can be helpful when deciding who is a customer and who is a shop employee, but it can also lead to inaccurate stereotypes. Terrorist attacks and attempted attacks by Islamic extremists have led many people to think of all Muslims as terrorists and to discriminate against them. The problems that this false assumption has created for Muslims is yet another of the many damaging effects of Islamic terrorism.

Cognitive theories Stereotyping and prejudice may also result from the social-cognitive processes people use in dealing with the world. There are so many other people, so many situations in which one meets them, and so many possible behaviours they might perform that we cannot possibly attend to and remember them all. Therefore, we use schemas and other cognitive shortcuts to organise and make sense out of our social world ( Penner & Dovidio, 2014) . These cognitive processes allow us to draw accurate and useful conclusions about other people, but sometimes they lead to inaccurate stereotypes (Lewis et al., 2012).

Fighting ethnic prejudice Negative attitudes about members of ethnic groups are often based on

negative personal experiences or the

Learning theories

negative experiences

Like other attitudes, prejudice can be learned . Some prejudice is learned on the basis of conflicts between members of different groups, but people also develop negative attitudes towards groups with whom they have had little or no contact (see the Snapshot ‘Schemas and stereotypes’) . Learning theories suggest that children can pick up prejudices just by watching and listening to parents , peers and others (Castelli , Zogmaister & Tomelleri, 2009; Rutland , Killen & Abrams, 2010; Taylor, Peplau & Sears, 2006) . There may even be a form of biopreparedness ( described in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’) that makes us especially likely to learn to fear people who are strangers or who look different from us ( Kelly et al., 2007; Park , 2010) . Indeed , research by Targowska and Aveling (2001, 2005) has demonstrated that Australian children as young as three years old use ‘racial’ cues, like skin colour, when categorising people.

and attitudes people hear from others.

Cooperative contact between equals can help promote mutual respect and reduce

ethnic prejudice. Even imagining this kind of contact may help (Crisp & Turner,

2009).

Reducing prejudice One clear implication of the cognitive and learning theories of prejudice and stereotyping is that members of one group are often ignorant or misinformed about the characteristics of people in other groups (Dovidio, Gaertner & Kawakami , 2010); see the Snapshot ‘Fighting ethnic prejudice’ . Before 1954, for example, most black and white children in the United States knew very little about one another because they went to separate schools. Then the US Supreme Court declared that segregated public schools should be prohibited . By ruling segregation to be unconstitutional, the court created a real-life test of the contact hypothesis , which states that stereotypes and prejudice towards a group will diminish as contact with that group increases (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006) . Did the desegregation of US schools confirm the contact hypothesis? In a few schools , integration was followed by a decrease in prejudice, but in most places, either no change occurred or prejudice actually increased (Oskamp & Schultz, 1998) . However, these results did not necessarily disprove the contact hypothesis. In-depth studies of schools in which desegregation was successful suggested that contact alone was not enough . Integration reduced prejudice only when certain social conditions

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were created ( Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). First , members of the two groups had to be of roughly equal social and economic status. Second, school authorities had to promote cooperation and interdependence between the members of different ethnic groups by having them work together on projects that required relying on one another for success.Third , the contact between group members had to occur on a one-on-one basis. It was only when people got to know one another as individuals that the errors contained in stereotypes became apparent . When these conditions were met , the children’s attitudes towards one another became more positive. More recently, work in Australia and New Zealand has recognised the difficulties involved in education desegregation when issues of equality are still very much a reality. Research carried out by the Telethon Institute for Child Health Research (2012) in Perth reports on the continued disadvantage of Indigenous children and adults in all aspects of health and education (see Chapter 17,‘Indigenous psychology’) .

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IN REVIEW Prejudice and stereotypes ASPECTS

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Stereotypes

The perceptions, beliefs and expectations a person has about members of some group, usually involving false assumptions about widely shared characteristics

Prejudice

A positive or negative attitude towards an entire group of people

Key theories

Motivational theories - prejudice enhances a person’s sense of security and helps them meet needs Cognitive theories - stereotyping and prejudice stem from social- cognitive processes people use to make sense of the world Learning theories - prejudice learned through conflict or from others

Check your understanding 1 is the differential treatment of various groups. 2 Social discrimination is the component of prejudice. 3 The indicates that stereotypes and prejudice towards a group will diminish as contact with that group

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15.4 INTERPERSONAL ATTRACTION Research on prejudice suggests some of the reasons why people, from childhood on , may come to dislike or even hate other people. An equally fascinating aspect of social cognition is why people like or love other people. Folklore tells us that ‘opposites attract’ but also that ‘birds of a feather flock together’ . Although valid to some degree, neither of these statements is entirely accurate in all cases. We begin our coverage of interpersonal attraction by discussing the factors that lead to initial attraction . We then examine how liking sometimes develops into more intimate relationships.

Keys to attraction Whether you like someone or not depends partly on situational factors and partly on personal characteristics.

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The environment One of the most important determinants of attraction is simple physical proximity (Clark & Lemay, 2010) . As long as you do not initially dislike a person, your liking for that person will increase with additional contact, as illustrated in the Snapshot ‘Proximity and liking’ . This effect was apparent in a study in which unacquainted students were randomly assigned to classroom seats. A year later, these students were shown photos of everyone in that class and were asked to rate their liking of each one. The ratings showed that students who sat next to each other or in the same row liked one another more than students who were seated farther away (Back, Schmukle & Egloff, 2008) . Another study found that we even tend to like people who resemble those who have often been near us (Rhodes, Halberstadt & Brajkovich, 2001) .This proximity phenomenon another example of the mere-exposure effect: all else being equal, people develop greater liking for a new object the more often they are exposed to it helps account for the fact that next-door neighbours are usually more likely to become friends than people who live farther from one another. Chances are, most of your friends are people whom you met as neighbours, coworkers or classmates (Liben- Nowell et al., 2005) .

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Similarity People also tend to like those they perceive as similar to themselves on variables such as age, religion , smoking or drinking habits, or being a ‘morning’ or ‘evening’ person (Clark & Lemay, 2010) . Similarity in attitudes is an especially important influence on attraction . This relationship has been found among children , university students , adult workers and senior citizens (Taylor, Peplau & Sears, 2006) . Similarity in attitudes towards mutual acquaintances is a particularly good predictor of liking because people generally prefer relationships that are balanced . As illustrated in Figure 15.5, if Zoe likes Abigail , the relationship is balanced as long as they agree on their evaluation of a third person , Samantha , regardless of whether they like or dislike that third person. However, the relationship will be imbalanced if Zoe and Abigail disagree on their evaluation of the third person.

FIGURE 15.5 Balanced and imbalanced relationships TRY THIS \i Here are some common examples of balanced and imbalanced patterns of relationships among

three people. The plus and minus signs refer to liking and disliking, respectively. Balanced relationships are comfortable and harmonious. Imbalanced ones often bring conflict. Take a moment to think about the balanced and imbalanced relationships that exist in your life or in the lives of people you know. Abigail

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Proximity and liking Research on environmental factors in attraction suggests that, barring bad first impressions, the more often we make contact with someone - as

neighbours, classmates or coworkers, for example - the more we tend to like that person. TRY THIS \i Does this principle apply in your life? To find out, think about how and where you met each of your closest friends. If you can think of cases in which proximity did not lead to liking, what do you think interfered with the formation of friendship?

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Physical attractiveness

matching hypothesis the notion that people are most likely to form relationships with those who are similar to themselves in physical attractiveness

Physical characteristics are another important factor in attraction , particularly during the initial stages of a relationship (Leary, 2010) . From preschool through adulthood, physical attractiveness is a key to popularity with members of both sexes (for example, Langlois et ah , 2000) . Consistent with the matching hypothesis of interpersonal attraction, however, people tend to date, marry or form other committed relationships with those who are similar to themselves in physical attractiveness (Yela & Sangrador, 2001) . One possible reason for this outcome is that people tend to be most attracted to those with the greatest physical appeal , but they also want to avoid being rejected by such individuals. So it may be compromise, not preference, that leads people to pair off with those who are roughly equivalent to themselves in physical attractiveness (Carli, Ganley & Pierce-Otay, 1991; Kavanagh, Robins & Ellis , 2010; Lee et ah , 2008) .

Intimate relationships and love

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There is much about intimate relationships that psychologists do not and may never understand , but they are learning all the time. As mentioned in Chapter 10, ‘Motivation and emotion’, evolutionary psychologists suggest that men and women employ different mating strategies and that each sex looks for different attributes in a potential mate (Buss, 2008; Neuberg, Kenrick & Schaller, 2010) . For example, in short-term relationships at least, women may be much more selective than men about the intelligence of their partners (Buss, 2008; see Figure 15.6) .

FIGURE 15.6 Sex differences in date and mate preferences

According to evolutionary psychologists, men and women have developed different strategies for selecting sexual partners. These psychologists say that women became more selective than men because they can have relatively few children and want a partner who is able to help care for those children. Here are some data supporting this idea. When asked about the intelligence of people they would choose for one - night stands, dating and sexual relationships, women preferred much smarter partners than men did. Only when the choices concerned steady dating and marriage did the men’s preference for bright partners equal that of the women. Critics of the evolutionary approach explain such sex differences as reflecting learned social norms and expectations of how men and women s hould behave (Eagly & Wood, 1999; Miller, Putcha - Bhagavatula & Pedersen, 2002).

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Intimate relationships Eventually, people who are attracted to each other usually become interdependent, which means that the thoughts, emotions and behaviours of one person affect the thoughts, emotions and behaviours of the other (Clark & Lemay, 2010). Interdependence is one of the defining characteristics of intimate relationships.

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Another key component of successful intimate relationships is commitment , which is the extent to which each party is psychologically attached to the relationship and wants to remain in it (Amodio & Showers, 2005) . People feel committed to a relationship when they are satisfied with the rewards they receive from it, when they have invested significant tangible and intangible resources in it, and when there are few attractive alternative relationships available to them (Bui , Peplau & Hill , 1996; Lydon , Fitzsimmons & Naidoo, 2003) ; see the Snapshot ‘Happy and healthy’ .

Analysing love Although some people think love is simply a strong form of liking, research suggests that romantic love and liking are quite separate emotions , at least in the sense that they are associated with differing patterns of brain chemistry and brain activity (Aron et ah , 2005; Emanuele et al. , 2006) . And although romantic love and sexual desire are often experienced together, they, too, seem to be separate emotions associated with different patterns of physiological arousal (Diamond, 2004) . Furthermore, most theorists agree that there are several different types of love (Berscheid , 2010) . One widely accepted view distinguishes between romantic or passionate love and companionate love (Berscheid , 2011) . Passionate love is intense, arousing and marked by both strong physical attraction and deep emotional attachment . Sexual feelings are strong, and thoughts of the loved one intrude frequently on a person’s awareness. Companionate love is less arousing but psychologically more intimate. It is marked by mutual concern for the welfare of the other (Berscheid, 2010) .

Triangular theory Robert Sternberg (1997) has offered an even broader analysis of love. According to his triangular theory , the three basic components of love are passion , intimacy and commitment .Various combinations of these components result in different types of love, as illustrated in Figure 15.7. For example, Sternberg suggests that romantic love involves a high degree of passion and intimacy but lacks substantial commitment to the other person. Companionate love is marked by a great deal of intimacy and commitment but little passion . Consummate love is the most complete and satisfying. It is the most complete because it includes a high level of all three components, and it is the most satisfying because the relationship is likely to fulfil many of the needs of each partner. Sternberg has more recently advanced a ‘duplex theory’ of love by pairing his triangular theory with a second one that focuses on love as a story.This second theory focuses on the idea that in Western cultures at least, the success of a relationship appears to depend not just on its perceived characteristics but also on the degree to which those characteristics fit each partner’s ideal story of love, whether it be that of a prince and princess or a pair of business partners, for example (Sternberg, 2009).

Impact of culture Cultural factors have a strong influence on the value that people place on love. In Australia and New Zealand, for example, the vast majority of people believe that they should love the person they marry. By contrast, in India and Pakistan , about half the people interviewed in a survey said they would marry someone they did not love if that person had other qualities that they desired (Levine et al., 1995) . Many such cultural differences in the role of love in marriage are likely to continue, but some of them, such as the differences that had once existed between the United States and China, seem to be disappearing ( Hatfield & Rapson , 2006) .

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Happy and healthy People in marriages and other long - term relationships that are satisfying tend to enjoy better physical and psychological health than those in

unsatisfying relationships. In light of research described TRY THIS

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FIGURE 15.7 A triangular theory of love

According to Robert Sternberg, different types of love result when the three basic components in his triangular theory occur in different combinations. The size of the triangle of love increases as love increases, and its shape is determined by the relative strength of each basic component. The perfectly balanced triangle shown in the centre of this figure depicts a relationship in which all three components are of about equal strength. Liking = Intimacy Alone (true friendship without passion or

Romantic Love = Intimacy + Passion (lovers physically and emotionally attracted to each other but without commitment, as in

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>>> Check your understanding 1 People tend to date, marry or form committed relationships with those who are similar to themselves in physical attractiveness. This is known as the hypothesis. 2 A defining characteristic of intimate relationships is 3 love is less arousing but psychologically more intimate.

15.5 SOCIAL INFLUENCE What social rules shape our behaviour? So far, we have considered social cognition the mental processes associated with people’s perceptions of, and reactions to, other people. Let’s now explore social influence, the process through which individuals and groups directly and indirectly influence a person’s thoughts, feelings and behaviour. Research has shown, for example, that suicide rates increase following well-publicised suicides (Chen et al. , 2010; Collings & Kemp, 2010) and that murder rates increase after well-publicised homicides (Jamieson, Jamieson & Romer, 2003) . Do these correlations mean that media coverage of violence triggers similar violence? As described in Chapter 5 , ‘Learning’, televised violence can play a causal role in aggressive behaviour, but there are other reasons to believe that murders or suicides stimulate imitators when they become media events. For one thing, many of the people who kill themselves after a widely reported suicide are similar to the original victim in some respect (Cialdini, 2008) . The changing of behaviour or beliefs to match those of other members of a group is referred to as conformity. Conformity occurs as a result of group pressure, real or imagined ( Hogg, 2010) . You have probably experienced such group pressure when everyone around you stood to applaud a performance you thought was not that great .You may have conformed by standing as well, though no-one told you to do so. The group’s behaviour created a silent but influential pressure to follow suit (see the Snapshot ‘Mass conformity’ ) . Compliance, in contrast, occurs when people adjust their behaviour because of a request. The request can be clear and explicit, as when someone says, ‘Could you do me a favour?’, or subtle and implicit , as when someone simply looks at you in a way that lets you know the person needs a favour.

Role of social norms Conformity and compliance are usually generated by spoken or unspoken social norms. In a classic experiment , Muzafer Sherif (1937) charted the formation of a group norm by taking advantage of a perceptual illusion , called the autokinetic effect. In this illusion, a stationary point of light in a pitchdark room appears to move. Estimates of the amount of movement tend to stay the same over time if an observer is alone. However, when Sherif tested people in groups, asking each person to say aloud how far the light moved on repeated trials, their estimates tended to converge. They had established a group norm. Even more important, when the individuals from the group were later tested alone, they continued to be influenced by this social norm . In another classic experiment, Solomon Asch (1956) examined how people would respond when they faced a social norm that already existed but was obviously wrong. The participants in this experiment saw a standard line like the one in part A of Figure 15.8, then they saw a display like that in part B. Their task was to pick out the line in the display that was the same length as the one they had first been shown . Each participant performed this task in a small group of people who posed as fellow participants but who were actually the experimenter’s assistants. There were two conditions. In the control

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conformity changing one s behaviour or

’

beliefs to match those of others, generally as a result of real or imagined, though unspoken, group pressure

compliance adjusting one’s behaviour because of an explicit or implicit request

Mass conformity The faithful who gather at Mecca, at the Vatican and at other holy places around the world exemplify the power of religion and other social forces to

produce conformity to group norms.

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FIGURE 15.8 Stimulus lines for conformity studies

Participants in Asch’s experiments saw a new set of lines like these

each trial. The middle line in part B matches the one in part A, but when several of Asch’s assistants chose an incorrect line, so did many of the participants, TRY THIS Try re - creating this experiment with four friends. Secretly ask three of them to choose the line on the left when you show this drawing, then see if the fourth person conforms to the group norm. If not, do you think it was something about the person, the length of the incorrect line chosen, or both that led to non- conformity? Would conformity be more likely if the first three people were to choose the line on the right ? (The text provides more information about this possibility.) on

Standard line (A)

Test lines ( B)

From Asch, S. E. (1955 ). Opinions and social pressure. Scientific American, 193, 31-5.

condition, the real participant responded first. In the experimental condition, the participant did not respond until after the assistants did . The assistants chose the correct response on six trials , but on the other 12 trials, they all gave the same obviously incorrect response. So on 12 trials, each participant was confronted with a ‘social reality’ created by a group norm that conflicted with the physical reality created by what the person could clearly see. Only 5 per cent of the participants in the control condition ever made a mistake on this easy task . However, among participants who heard the assistants’ responses before giving their own , about 70 per cent made at least one error by conforming to the group norm. An analysis of 133 studies conducted in 17 countries reveals that conformity in Asch-type situations has declined somewhat since the 1950s, but it still occurs. It is especially likely in collectivist cultures, in which conformity to group norms is emphasised (Cialdini et al., 2001) .

Why do people conform? Why did so many people in Asch’s experiment and others like it give incorrect responses when they were capable of near-perfect performance? One possibility is that they displayed public conformity, giving an answer they did not believe simply because it was the socially desirable thing to do. Another possibility is that they experienced private acceptance : perhaps the participants used other people’s responses as legitimate evidence about reality, were convinced that their own perceptions were wrong, and actually changed their minds. Morton Deutsch and Harold Gerard (1955) reasoned that if conformity disappeared when people gave their responses without identifying themselves, Asch’s findings must reflect public conformity, not private acceptance. Actually, conformity does decrease when people respond anonymously instead of publicly, but it doesn ’t disappear (Deutsch & Gerard, 1955). So people sometimes say things in public that they don ’t believe, but hearing other people’s responses also influences their private beliefs (Moscovici, 1985) . Why are group norms so powerful? Research suggests three influential factors (Kenrick , Neuberg & Cialdini , 2010) . First , people want to be correct, and social norms provide information about what is right and wrong. Second , people want others to like and accept them , so they may seek favour by conforming to the social norms that those others have established ( Hewlin & Faison , 2009) . Third , conforming to group norms may increase a person’s sense of self -worth , especially if the group is valued or prestigious (Cialdini & Goldstein , 2004) .The process may occur without our awareness (Lakin & Chartrand, 2003). Finally, social norms influence the distribution of social rewards and punishments (Cialdini , 1995) . From childhood on, people in many cultures learn that going along with group norms is

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good and earns rewards. (These positive outcomes presumably help compensate for not always being able to say or do exactly what we please.) People also learn that breaking a social norm may bring punishments ranging from scoldings for small transgressions to imprisonment for the violation of norms that have been translated into laws.

When do people conform? People do not always conform to social influence. In the original Asch studies, for example, nearly 30 per cent of the participants did not go along with the research assistants’ obviously incorrect judgements. Countless experiments have probed the question of what combinations of people and circumstances do and do not lead to conformity.

Ambiguity of the situation Ambiguity , or uncertainty, is very important in determining how much conformity will occur. As the physical reality of a situation becomes less certain, people rely more and more on others’ opinions, and conformity to a group norm becomes increasingly likely (Cialdini & Goldstein , 2004). TRY THIS \i You can demonstrate this aspect of conformity on any street corner. First , create an ambiguous situation by having several people look at the sky or the top of a building.When passersby ask what is going on , be sure everyone excitedly reports seeing something interesting but fleeting perhaps a faint light or a tiny, shiny object . If you are especially successful , conforming newcomers will begin persuading other passersby that there is something fascinating to be seen .

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Unanimity and size of the majority If ambiguity contributes so much to conformity, why did so many of Asch’s participants conform to a judgement that was so clearly wrong? The answer has to do with the unanimous nature of the group’s judgement and the number of people expressing it . Specifically, people experience great pressure to conform as long as the majority is unanimous. If even one other person in the group disagrees with the majority view, conformity drops greatly. When Asch (1951) arranged for just one assistant to disagree with the others, fewer than 10 per cent of the real participants conformed . Once unanimity is broken , it becomes much easier to disagree with the majority, even if the other non-conformist does not agree with the person’s own view (Baumeister & Bushman , 2014) . Conformity also depends on the size of the majority. Asch (1955) demonstrated this phenomenon by varying the number of assistants in the group from one to 15. Conformity to incorrect social norms grew as the number of people in the group increased . But most of the growth in conformity occurred as the size of the majority rose from one to about three or four members. Further additions had little effect. Several years after Asch’s research , Bibb Latane sought to explain this phenomenon with his social impact theory . This theory holds that a group’s impact on an individual depends not only on group size but also on how important and close the group is to the person . According to Latane (1981), the impact of increasing the size of a majority depends on how big the majority was originally. Increasing a majority from , say, two to three will have much more impact than increasing it from, say, 60 to 61. The reason is that the increase from 60 to 61 is psychologically much smaller than the change from two to three; it attracts far less notice in relative terms.

Minority influence Conformity can also result from minority influence, by which a minority in a group influences the behaviour or beliefs of a majority ( Hogg, 2010) . This phenomenon is less common than majority

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influence, but minorities can be influential in producing private acceptance of new ideas, especially when members of the minority agree with one another and persist in their views (Hogg, 2010; Mucchi-Faina & Pagliaro, 2008) .

Gender Early research on conformity suggested that women conform more than men . However, the tasks used in those experiments were often more familiar to men than to women . This fact is important because people are especially likely to conform when they are faced with an unfamiliar situation (Cialdini & Goldstein , 2004) . Those studies also usually required people to make their responses aloud so that everyone knew if they had conformed or not . When the experimental tasks are equally familiar to both genders and when people can make their responses privately, no male female differences in conformity are found. Accordingly, it has been suggested that gender differences in public conformity are based not on a genuine difference in reactions to social pressure but rather on men’s desire to be seen as strong and independent and women’s desire to be seen as cooperative (Hogg, 2010; Kenrick, Neuberg & Cialdini , 2010) .

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Creating compliance In the conformity experiments we have described, the participants experienced psychological pressure to conform to the views or actions of others, even though no-one specifically asked them to do so. In contrast, compliance involves changing what you say or do as the result of a request, as suggested by the Snapshot ‘Sign here, please’.

Sign here, please Have you ever been asked to sign a petition in favour of a political, social or economic cause? Supporters of these causes know that people who comply with this small request are the best ones to contact later with requests to do more. Complying with larger requests is made more likely because it is consistent with the signer’s initial commitment to the cause. If you have ever been contacted after signing a petition, did you agree to donate money or perhaps become a volunteer ?

How is compliance brought about? Many people believe that the direct approach is always best: if you want something, ask for it . But salespeople, political strategists, social psychologists and other experts have learned that often the best way to get something is to ask for something else. Three examples of this strategy are the foot-in-the-door technique, the door-in-the-face technique and

the low-ball technique.

Foot - in - the - door technique

- - -

The foot in the door technique works by getting a person to agree to a small request and then gradually presenting larger ones. (The name refers to a fact that all door-to-door salespeople know: if you can get a potential customer to let you in the door, you have a much better chance of making a sale.) By granting one small favour, a person becomes much more likely to do a somewhat larger favour next time (Dolinski, 2012) .

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Why should the granting of a small favour lead to the granting of a larger one? First , people are usually far more likely to comply with a request that costs little in time, money, effort or inconvenience. Second, complying with a small request makes people think of themselves as being committed to the cause or issue involved . This change occurs through the processes of self-perception and cognitive dissonance discussed earlier (Kassin, Fein & Markus, 2010).

'OK, OK, I'll be home by one !' The door -in- theface technique is

Door - in - the - face technique

sometimes

used successfully

The door-in-the-face technique offers a second way of obtaining compliance (Cialdini , 2008) . This strategy begins with a request for a favour that is likely to be denied (as when a door is slammed in a salespersons face) . The person making the request then concedes that asking for the initial favour was excessive and substitutes a lesser alternative, which was what the person really wanted in the first place. As the person appears willing to compromise and because the new request seems modest in comparison with the first one, it is more likely to be granted than if it had been made at the outset, as illustrated by the Snapshot ‘“ OK , OK , I ’ll be home by one!’” . Here again, compliance appears to be due partly to activation of the reciprocity norm: this person is making a concession to me, so I should really make a concession in return (Ginges et al., 2007) .

Low - ball technique

^

A third way of gaining compliance, called the low-ball technique , is commonly used by car dealers and other businesses ( Forsyth, 2013).The first step in this strategy is to obtain a person’s oral commitment to do something, such as to purchase a car at a certain price. Once this commitment is made, the cost of fulfilling it is increased , often because of an ‘error’ in calculating the car’s price. Why do buyers end up paying much more than originally planned for low-balled items? Apparently, once people say they will do something, they feel obligated to follow through, especially when the commitment was made in public and when the person who obtained the initial commitment is also the one who tells the buyer about the price increase (Burger & Cornelius, 2003). In other words, as described in relation to cognitive dissonance theory earlier in the chapter, people like to be consistent in their words and deeds.

by teenagers to influence parents to comply with many kinds of requests. After asking to stay out

overnight, a

youngster whose

curfew is normally 11 p.m. might be allowed to stay out until 1 a.m. - a ‘compromise’ that was actually the

original goal.

Obedience Compliance involves a change in behaviour in response to a request. In the case of obedience , the behaviour change comes in response to a demand from an authority figure (Kenrick , Neuberg & Cialdini , 2010) . In the 1960s, Stanley Milgram developed a laboratory procedure at Yale University to study obedience. In his first experiment, he used newspaper ads to recruit 40 male volunteers between the ages of 20 and 50 . Among the participants were professionals , white-collar businessmen and unskilled workers (Milgram, 1963) . Imagine that you are one of the people who answered the ad. When you arrive for the experiment, you join a 50-year-old gentleman who has also volunteered and has been scheduled for the same session . The experimenter explains that the purpose of the experiment is to examine the effects of punishment on learning. One of you the ‘teacher’ will help the ‘learner’ remember a list of words by administering an electrical shock whenever he makes a mistake. Then the experimenter turns to you and asks you to draw one of two cards out of a hat. Your card says ‘Teacher’ . You think to yourself that this must be your lucky day. Now the learner is taken into another room and strapped into a chair. Electrodes are attached to his arms. Meanwhile, you are shown a shock generator featuring 30 switches. The experimenter explains that the switch on the far left administers a mild, 15-volt shock and that each succeeding switch increases the shock by 15 volts. The switch on the far right delivers 450 volts.The far-left section of the

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obedience changing behaviour in response to a demand from an authority

figure

APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Are salespeople who use the low - ball technique able to get people to buy things at a higher price than they intended?

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shock generator is labelled ‘slight shock’ . Looking across the panel, you see ‘moderate shock’,‘very strong shock’, and at the far right / danger severe shock’ .The last two switches are ominously labelled ‘ XXX’. The experimenter explains that you , the teacher, will begin by reading a list of word pairs to the learner. Then you will go through the list again, presenting just one word of each pair. It is the learner’s task to say which word went with it. After the first mistake, you are to throw the switch to deliver 15 volts of shock. Each time the learner makes another mistake, you are to increase the shock by 15 volts. You begin, following the experimenter’s instructions. After the learner makes his fifth mistake and you throw the switch to give him 75 volts, you hear a loud moan. At 90 volts, the learner cries out in pain . At 150 volts, he screams and asks to be let out of the experiment. You look to the experimenter, who says, ‘Proceed with the next word ’ . No shock was actually delivered in Milgram’s experiments. The learner was always an employee of the experimenter, and the moans and other sounds of pain came from a prerecorded tape. But you don ’t know that. What would you do in this situation ? Suppose that you continue and eventually deliver 180 volts. At that point, the learner screams that he cannot stand the pain any longer and starts banging on the wall. The experimenter says, ‘You have no other choice; you must go on’ .Would you continue? Would you keep going even when the learner begged to be let out of the experiment and then fell silent? Would you administer 450 volts of potentially deadly shock to a perfect stranger just because an experimenter demanded that you do so? Figure 15.9 shows that only five of the 40 participants in Milgram’s experiment stopped before 300 volts, and 26 participants (65 per cent) went all the way to the 450-volt level. The decision to continue was difficult and stressful for the participants. Many protested repeatedly, but each time the experimenter told them to continue, they did so.

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FIGURE 15.9 Results of Milgram’s obedience

J2 40

experiment

§

When Stanley Milgram asked a group of undergraduates and a group of psychiatrists to predict how participants in his experiment would respond, they estimated that no more than 2 per cent would go all the way to 450 volts. In fact, 65 per cent of the participants did so. What do you think you would have done in this situation?

-

1 35

if

ji 25 20

i Is_ I5 7

‘

t n a-

15 10

-

r

5

15

‘Slight shock’

300 I 330 1360 | 315 345 375

210

90

‘Moderate shock’

‘Very stron § '

shock

Extreme intensity shock’

420 450

Danger -

‘XXX’

severe

shock’

Shock level ( in volts) From Milgram, S. (1963 ). Behavioural study of obedience. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 67, 371- 8. Reprinted by permission.

Factors affecting obedience Milgram had not expected so many people to deliver such apparently intense shocks. Was there something about his procedure that produced this high level of obedience? To find out , Milgram and other researchers varied the original procedure in a number of ways.The overall level of obedience to an authority figure was usually quite high , but the degree of obedience was affected by several factors.

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Experimenter status and prestige In Milgram’s original study, the experimenter’s status and prestige as a Yale University professor created two kinds of social power that affected the participants. The first was expert power, which is the ability to influence people because they assume that the person in power is a knowledgeable and responsible expert. The second was legitimate power, which is the ability to influence people because they assume that the person in power has the right or legitimate authority to tell them what to do (Blass, 2009). In a test of the hypothesis, Milgram rented an office in a run-down building and placed a newspaper ad for people to participate in research sponsored by a private firm .There was no mention of Yale. In all other ways, the experimental procedure was identical to the original. Under these less impressive circumstances, the level of obedience dropped from 65 to 48 per cent . Evidently, people’s willingness to follow orders from an authority operates somewhat independently of the setting in which the orders are given.

The behaviour of other people To study how the behaviour of fellow participants might affect obedience, Milgram (1965) created a situation in which there were apparently three teachers.Teacher 1 (in reality, a research assistant) read the words to the learner. Teacher 2 (another research assistant) stated whether or not the learner’s response was correct . Teacher 3 (the actual participant) was to deliver a shock when mistakes were made. At 150 volts, when the learner began to complain that the shock was too painful , Teacher 1 said he would not participate any longer and left the room . The experimenter asked him to come back , but he refused . The experimenter then instructed Teachers 2 and 3 to continue by themselves. The experiment went on for several more trials. However, at 210 volts,Teacher 2 said that the learner was suffering too much and refused to participate further. The experimenter then told Teacher 3 (the actual participant) to continue the procedure. In this case, only 10 per cent of the participants (compared with 65 per cent in the original study) continued to deliver shocks all the way up to 450 volts. In other words , as research on conformity would suggest, the presence of others who disobey appears to be the most powerful factor in reducing obedience.

The behaviour of the learner A reanalysis of data from Milgram’s obedience studies (Packer, 2008) found that although the learner’s increasingly intense expressions of pain did not affect whether the participants disobeyed the experimenter, the learner’s request to be released from the experiment did affect disobedience. In fact, among those participants who refused to continue to shock the learner, almost 37 per cent of them disobeyed at the 150-volt level , which was when the learner first said he wanted to be released from the experiment . So it appears that perceiving a victim’s pain does not reduce obedience to authority, but being reminded of a victim’s right to be released from the experiment does.

Personality characteristics Were the participants in Milgram’s original experiment heartless creatures who would have given strong shocks even if there had been no pressure on them to do so? Quite the opposite; most of them were nice people who were influenced by experimental situations to behave in apparently antisocial ways. A more recent illustration of this phenomenon occurred among certain groups of soldiers who were assigned to guard or interrogate prisoners in Afghanistan and Iraq. Still, not everyone is obedient to authority. For example, people high in authoritarianism are more likely than others to comply with an experimenter’s request to shock the learner (Blass, 1991) . Support for this idea comes from data suggesting that German soldiers who obeyed orders to kill Jews during the Second World War were higher in authoritarianism than other German men of the same

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age and background (Steiner & Fahrenberg, 2000) . In contrast , a recent study that repeated Milgram’s experimental procedures (Burger, 2009) found that the participants who were less likely to obey orders to harm the learner were also the ones who were concerned about others and predisposed to have empathy; that is, to understand or experience another persons emotional state (Davis, 1994) .

Evaluating Milgram’s studies How relevant are Milgram’s 1960s studies in todays world? Consider this fact: the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration attributes some commercial airline accidents to a phenomenon it calls ‘captainitis’ . This phenomenon occurs when the captain of an aircraft makes an obvious error but the copilot is unwilling to challenge the captain’s authority by pointing out the mistake. As a result, planes have crashed and people have died (Kanki & Foushee, 1990). Obedience to authority may also have operated during the World Trade Center attack on 9 /11, when some people who had started for the exits returned to their offices after hearing an ill-advised public address announcement telling them to do so. Most of these people died as a result . In short, people appear to be as likely to obey orders today as they were when Milgram conducted his research (Blass, 2009) . Nevertheless, many aspects of Milgram’s work still provoke debate.

Questions about ethics ( ) Although the ‘learners’ in Milgram’s experiment suffered

Is it ethical to deceive people in order to learn about their social behaviour? (a link to Chapter 2,‘Research in psychology’)

^

no discomfort, the participants did . Milgram (1963) saw participants ‘sweat, stutter, tremble, groan, bite their lips and dig their fingernails into their flesh’ (p. 375) . Against the potential harm inflicted by Milgram’s experiments stand the potential gains. For example, students and others who learn about Milgram’s work often take his findings into account when deciding whether to be obedient in social situations (Sherman , 1980) . Yet even if social value has come from Milgram’s studies, the question remains: Was it ethical for Milgram to treat his participants as he did? In the years before his death in 1984 , Milgram defended his experiments (for example, Milgram , 1977). He argued that his debriefing of the participants after the experiment prevented any lasting harm. For example, to demonstrate that their behaviour was not unusual, Milgram told participants that most people went all the way to the 450-volt level. He also explained that the learner did not experience any shock; to confirm this fact, the learner then came in and had a friendly chat with each participant. On a later questionnaire, 84 per cent of the participants said that they had learned something important about themselves and that the experience had been worthwhile. Milgram argued, therefore, that the experience was actually a positive one. Still, the committees charged with protecting human participants in research today would be unlikely to approve Milgram’s experiments as they were originally done. Fortunately, less controversial ways to study obedience have been developed (Elms, 2009) .

Questions about the meaning of Milgram's research Do Milgram ’s dramatic results mean that most people are putty in the hands of authority figures, and that most of us would blindly follow inhumane orders from our leaders, as demonstrated in the Snapshot ‘A shocking game show’ ? Some critics have argued that Milgram’s results cannot be interpreted in this way because his participants knew they were in an experiment and may simply have been playing a cooperative role. If so, the social influence processes identified in his studies may not explain obedience in the real world today. Most psychologists believe, however, that Milgram not only demonstrated the power of obedience to authority but also revealed or perhaps confirmed a basic truth about human behaviour: that under certain circumstances, human beings are capable of unspeakable acts of brutality towards other humans (Benjamin & Simpson, 2009) . Sadly, examples abound . One of the most horrifying aspects of human inhumanity whether the Nazis’ campaign of genocide against Jews in the 1930s and 1940s

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A shocking game show On 17 March 2010, a French television station aired The Extreme Zone, a quiz show that allowed contestants - with the enthusiastic support of a live studio audience - to punish another contestant’s incorrect answers by giving him increasingly severe electric shocks. Neither the contestants nor the audience knew that the show was actually a documentary designed to test people’s willingness to harm others. The actor who played the punished contestant was never really shocked, but as shown in this photo, his fake suffering was quite convincing. Though he begged them to stop, 80 per cent of the contestants - more than in Milgram’s original obedience experiment - delivered the maximum shock. These results provided dramatic evidence that potentially deadly aggression can be triggered by many social influences, including competition and peer encouragement.

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or the campaigns of terror underway today is that the perpetrators are not necessarily demented , sadistic fiends. Most of them are, in many respects, ‘normal’ people who have been influenced by economic and political situations and the persuasive power of their leaders to behave in a demented and fiendish manner (Moghaddam, 2005 ; Zimbardo, 2008) . In short , inhumanity can occur even without pressure for obedience. For example, a good deal of people’s aggressiveness towards other people appears to come from within . Let’s now consider human aggressiveness and some of the circumstances that influence its expression .

o

IN REVIEW Social influence TYPE

A change in

Conformity

behaviour or beliefs to match those of others

A change in behaviour in response to an explicit demand typically from

,

authority figure an

In cases of ambiguity, people develop a group norm and then adhere to it. Conformity occurs because people want to be right, because they want to be liked by others, and because conformity to group norms is usually rewarded. Conformity usually increases with the ambiguity of the situation, as well as with the unanimity and psychological size of the majority.

Compliance increases with the foot -in -the - door technique, which begins with a small request and works up to a larger one. The door -in -the - face technique can be used too. After making a large request that is denied, the person substitutes the less extreme alternative that was desired all along. The low -ball technique also elicits compliance. A person first obtains an oral commitment for something and then claims that only a higher - cost version of the original request will suffice.

A change in what is said Compliance or done as the result of a request

Obedience

KEY FINDINGS

DEFINITION

People may inflict great harm on others when an authority demands that they do so. Even though people obey orders to harm another person, they often agonise over the decision.

People are most likely to disobey orders to harm someone when they see another person disobey such orders. >>>

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>>> Check your understanding , whereas forming two lines when a cinema employee requests it 1 Joining the end of a ticket line is an example of is an example of 2 Seeing someone disobey a questionable order makes people likely to obey the order themselves. 3 Pricing your used car for more than you expect to get and then agreeing to reduce it to make a sale is an example of the approach to gaining compliance.

15.6 AGGRESSION n an act that is

Aggression is an action intended to harm another person (Bushman & Huesmann, 2010) . It is all too

intended to cause harm to

common. Nearly 205 000 violent crimes are committed each year in Australia , including nearly 17 800 sexual assaults and about 260 homicides. One of the most disturbing aspects of these figures is that about 54 per cent of all murder victims knew their assailants, and approximately 73 per cent of those committing sexual assaults were known to the victim (Australian Institute of Criminology, 2011) . Furthermore, about one-third of married people, and a significant proportion of dating couples, display aggression towards each other that ranges from pushing, shoving and slapping to beatings and the threatened or actual use of weapons (Cornelius & Resseguie, 2007; Durose et al., 2005).

aggressi

°

another person

Why are

aggressive?

Sigmund Freud proposed that aggression is an instinctive biological urge that builds up in everyone and must be released . Sometimes, he said , the release takes the form of physical or verbal abuse against others. At other times, the aggressive impulse is turned inwards and leads to suicide or other self-damaging acts. A somewhat more complicated view is offered by evolutionary psychologists. As discussed in Chapter 1 ‘Introducing psychology’, these psychologists believe that human social behaviour is related to our evolutionary heritage. From this perspective, aggression is thought to have helped prehistoric people compete for mates, resulting in the survival of their genes in the next generation . Through the principles of natural selection, then, aggressive tendencies were passed on through successive generations ( Ferguson & Beaver, 2009) . Evolutionary theories of the origins of aggression are popular, but even evolutionary theorists realise that nature alone cannot fully account for aggression . Nurture, in the form of environmental factors, also plays a large role in determining when and why people are aggressive. We know this partly because there are large differences in aggression from culture to culture. The murder rate in the United States is almost 65 times higher than in Australia , and the murder rates in Canada and the United Kingdom are 30 times higher than in Australia. These data suggest that even if aggressive impulses are universal, the emergence of aggressive behaviour reflects an interplay of nature and nurture (Bushman & Huesmann , 2010) . No equation can predict when people will be aggressive, but years of research have revealed a number of important biological, learning and environmental factors that combine in various ways to produce aggression in various situations.

Genetic mechanisms There is strong evidence for hereditary influences on aggression , especially in animals (Bushman & Huesmann, 2010). In one study, the most aggressive members of a large group of mice were interbred . Then the most aggressive of their offspring were also interbred . After this procedure was followed

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for 25 generations , the resulting animals would immediately attack any mouse put in their cage. Continuous inbreeding of the least aggressive members of the original group produced animals that were so docile that they would refuse to fight even when attacked (Lagerspetz & Lagerspetz, 1983) . Research on human twins reared together or apart suggests that there is a genetic component to aggression in people as well (Vierikko et al. , 2006) . However, other research suggests that people do not necessarily inherit the tendency to be aggressive; instead, they may inherit certain temperaments, such as impulsiveness or emotional oversensitivity in social situations , that in turn make aggression more likely (Alia-Klein et al., 2009; Eisenberger et al. , 2007; Hennig et al . , 2005) . Several parts of the brain influence aggression (Anderson & Bushman , 2002) . One is the limbic system, which includes the amygdala , the hypothalamus and related areas (see Figure 3.10 in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’) . Damage to these structures may produce defensive aggression , which includes heightened aggressiveness to stimuli that are not usually threatening or a decrease in the responses that normally inhibit aggression (Coccaro, 1989; Siever, 2008) . The cerebral cortex may also be involved in aggression (for example, Seguin & Zelazo, 2005; see Figure 3.12 in Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’ ). For example, one study found that the prefrontal area of the cortex metabolised glucose significantly more slowly in murderers than in other people (Raine, Brennan & Mednick , 1994) .

Biological mechanisms Testosterone may have its most significant and durable influence not so much through its day-today variations as through its impact on early brain development. One natural test of this hypothesis occurred when pregnant women were given testosterone in an attempt to prevent miscarriages. Accordingly, their children were exposed to high doses of testosterone during prenatal development. Figure 15.10 shows that these children grew up to be more aggressive than their same-sex siblings who were not exposed to testosterone during prenatal development (Reinisch, Ziemba-Davis & Sanders, 1991) . Another study found that girls who had been prenatally exposed to elevated levels of testosterone by virtue of having shared the womb with a male twin were more aggressive than girls who had a female twin (Cohen-Bendahan et al., 2005).

FIGURE 15.10 Testosterone and aggression In the study illustrated here, the children of women who had taken testosterone during pregnancy to prevent miscarriage became more aggressive than the mothers’ other children of the same sex who had not been exposed to testosterone during prenatal development. This outcome held for both males and females. | Participants exposed to high doses of testosterone during prenatal development | Unexposed participants Males

Females

From Reinisch, J. M., Ziemba - Dovis, M ., & Sanders , S. A. (1991). Hormonal contributions to sexually dimorphic behavioral development in humans. Psychoneuroendocrinology, 16, 213 -278.

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Effects of drugs Drugs that alter central nervous system functioning can also affect the likelihood that a person will act aggressively. Alcohol, for example, can substantially increase some people’s aggressiveness (Giancola et al., 2010) . Canadian researchers have found that in almost 70 per cent of the acts of aggression they studied, the aggressors had been drinking alcohol. The more alcohol the aggressors consumed, the more aggressive they were (Wells, Graham & West, 2000) . No-one knows exactly why alcohol increases aggression, but there is no doubt that many people associate drinking with both aggressive thoughts and aggressive actions (Bartholow & Heinz , 2006).

Learning and cultural mechanisms

Following adult examples Learning to express aggression is

especially easy for children who live in countries plagued

by war or sectarian violence because

they see aggressive acts modelled

for them all too often.

Although biological factors may increase or decrease the likelihood of aggression , cross-cultural research makes it clear that learning also plays a role. Aggressive behaviour is much more common in individualist than in collectivist cultures, for example (Oatley, 1993). Cultural differences in the expression of aggression appear to stem in part from differing cultural values. For example, the Utku , an Inuit culture, view aggression in any form as a sign of social incompetence. In fact, the Utku word for aggressive also means ‘childish’ (Oatley, 1993) .The effects of culture on aggression can also be seen in the fact that the incidence of aggression in a given culture changes over time as cultural values change (Matsumoto, 2000) . People become more aggressive when rewarded for aggressiveness and less aggressive when punished for aggression (Geen, 1998) . People also learn many aggressive responses by watching others (Bingenheimer, Brennan & Earls, 2005; Bushman & Huesmann, 2010); see the Snapshot ‘Following adult examples’. Children, in particular, learn and perform many of the aggressive acts that they see modelled by others (Bandura, 1983) . Albert Bandura’s ‘Bobo’ doll experiments, which are described in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’, provide impressive demonstrations of the power of observational learning on aggression . The significance of observational learning is highlighted by studies of the effects of televised violence, also discussed in that chapter. For example, the amount of violent TV that children watch between six and 10 years of age predicts aggressiveness in these children even 15 years later (Bushman & Huesmann, 2010) . Fortunately, not everyone who sees aggression becomes aggressive; individual differences in temperament , the modelling of non-aggressive behaviours by parents, and other factors can temper the effects of violent television . Nevertheless, observational learning, including the learning that comes through exposure to violent television , does play a significant role in the development and display of aggressive behaviour (Anderson & Murphy, 2003; Bushman & Anderson, 2001; Konijin, Bijvank & Bushman, 2007) . Even listening to music whose lyrics describe or endorse violence can increase aggressive thoughts and hostile feelings (Anderson , Carnagey & Eubanks, 2003) . In short, a person’s accumulated experiences including culturally transmitted teachings combine with daily rewards and punishments to influence whether, when and how aggressive acts occur (Baron & Richardson, 1994; Bettencourt et al., 2006) .

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When are people aggressive? What role does arousal play in aggression? (a link to

Chapter 10,

‘Motivation and emotion’, p. 516)

^

( ) In general , people are more likely to be aggressive when they are both physiologically aroused and experiencing angry or hostile thoughts and feelings (Anderson & Bushman, 2002) . They tend either to lash out at those who make them angry or to displace their anger onto defenceless targets such as children or pets. However, aggression can also be made more likely by other forms of emotional arousal. One emotion that has long been considered a major cause of aggression is frustration , which occurs when we are prevented from reaching some goal.

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THINKING CRITICALLY Do violent video games make people more aggressive? A lot of research has been conducted on the impact of violent television on aggressiveness, but what about other forms of violent entertainment, such as video games? When these games first appeared in the late 1970 s, they contained little or no violence, but by the 1990 s, violent games such as Mortal Kombat and Street Fighter became extremely popular. The current flood of graphically violent games remain the favourites of young game - players. One survey of fourth graders found that 59 per cent of girls and 73 per cent of boys preferred violent video games over non - violent ones. In response to complaints from parents groups, the video game industry devised a rating system to try to keep the most violent games out of the hands of preteens and young teenagers, but many of the games that the system deems appropriate for these groups still contain considerable violent content (Funk et al., 1999). Furthermore, according to another survey, 75 per cent of young boys and 51 per cent of young girls are playing video games that carry adults - only ratings (Anderson & Gentile, 2008). In other words, children have essentially unrestricted access to violent video games. If they can’t buy a violent game in a store, they can download it from the Internet.

What am I being asked to believe or accept ? The groups that have objected to this situation are basing their concerns on the claim that playing violent video games can alter behaviour in undesirable ways. Specifically, they say that exposure to violent video games increases the frequency of aggressive thoughts, feelings and actions in people who play them (Anderson & Gentile, 2008).

What evidence is available to support the assertion ? The strongest evidence for this claim comes from an analysis by Craig Anderson and his colleagues of 135 correlational studies and laboratory experiments on violent video games (Anderson et al., 2010). The correlational studies have examined the relationship between the amount of time people spend playing these games and how aggressive they are. When the results of these studies were combined, a statistically significant positive relationship emerged. That is, the more time people spent playing violent video games, the more aggressive they tended to be. A significant correlation also appeared when the results of longitudinal studies were analysed: children who played

more video games at one

point in their lives were more

aggressive at a later point. Anderson also analysed the results of laboratory experiments on violent video games. In these studies, researchers had randomly assigned participants to groups and then exposed them for varying lengths of time to games that contain varying amounts of violence and allow varying degrees of player involvement. After manipulating these independent variables, the researchers measured some aspect of aggression, which was the dependent variable in these experiments. Finally, they compared the amount of aggressiveness displayed by participants in the various groups. In one such experiment, participants played a violent video game in which the researchers manipulated two variables: whether the player could actively participate as one of the characters in the game or could only watch the actions of the game’s characters, and whether or not the characters bled when they were wounded (Farrar, Krcmar & Nowak, 2006). They found that participants expressed first -person more hostility and aggressive intentions during ‘ player’ games that allowed them to be characters in the game, and also when their victims bled when wounded. The combined results of many experiments like this one show that playing violent video games increases players’ aggressive thoughts, feelings and actions. There is also some evidence that playing violent video games may make people less likely to help others and less sensitive to other people’s pain and suffering (Anderson et al., 2010).

Are there alternative ways of interpreting the evidence? Like research on the effects of television violence, the results of correlational and experimental studies of violent video games have been questioned on several counts. The correlational studies have been challenged mainly because correlations do not allow us to draw conclusions about cause and effect. True, greater aggressiveness is associated with longer exposure to violent video games, but is this because the games are causing aggressiveness or because aggressive people are more inclined to play violent video games (Mitrofan, Paul & Spencer, 2009)? The laboratory experiments have been criticised mainly because their methods may not reflect - and their results >>> — 1

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may therefore not apply to - what goes on in the world outside the laboratory (Goldstein, 2001). Do violent video games played in a lab have the same effects as they do when played at home, perhaps with friends? Do artificial laboratory measures of aggressiveness really tell us anything about how a person is likely to behave towards other people in daily life? Although experiments give researchers the control necessary to support cause - and- effect conclusions, critics argue that those conclusions may be of limited value in understanding the true impact of violent video games on aggressiveness (Ferguson, 2010). Sceptics also point to experiments that have found no effect of violent video games on aggression (for example, Ferguson & Rueda, 2010). They argue further that even if a statistically significant cause - and - effect relationship between violent video games and aggression does exist, it is not a very strong one (Ferguson & Kilburn, 2010; Sherry, 2001), especially when compared with other influences. They suggest, for example, that people’s aggressiveness is affected far less by violent video games (and violent television) than by other factors, such as what children learn by seeing their families and friends behaving aggressively.

What additional evidence would help evaluate the alternatives? Obviously, we need to know a lot more about the impact of violent video games. For example, how do they affect children of different ages? It would also be valuable to know what happens in the brains of people who play violent video games, and scientists are currently studying this question using a variety of neuroscience techniques. In one recent study, changes in event -related brain activity (see Figure 7.4 in Chapter 7, ‘Cognition and

language’) indicated that playing violent video games made participants less sensitive to seeing violence and less upset by it ( Bartholow, Bushman & Sestir, 2006). Another study, using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fAA RI), found that exposure to violent aspects of video games activates brain areas that are commonly associated with aggression ( Weber, Ritterfeld & Mathiak, 2006). Such studies cannot confirm that violent video games cause aggression, but their results support the possibility of a causal link and begin to provide some explanations about why that link might exist.

What conclusions are most reasonable? Given the evidence available so far, it appears reasonable say that violent video games probably have at least some effects on the people who play them. Questions about how strong the causal relationship is and how long it might last have not yet been answered. On the basis of the principles described in Chapter 5, ‘Learning’, some researchers believe that violent video games may actually have a stronger impact on aggression than violent television, both because game players can literally practise aggression as they engage in violent electronic acts and because they are rewarded for those violent acts by reaching the game’s next level (for example, Bushman & Anderson, 2007). Are these researchers correct ? Are the effects of violent video games that strong, and are they likely to be long- lasting influences on aggressiveness? It will take much more research to definitively answer these questions, but it seems reasonable to suspect that the effects of prolonged exposure to violent video games will be quite similar to that of long- term exposure to violent television ( Huesmann, 2010). to

Frustration and aggression

frustration- aggression

hypothesis a proposition that frustration always leads to some form of aggressive

behaviour

Suppose that a friend interrupts your studying for an exam by dropping by to borrow a book. If things have been going well and you are feeling confident about the exam, you are likely to be friendly and helpful. However, what if you are feeling frustrated because your friend’s visit is the fifth interruption in the past hour? Under these emotional circumstances, you may react aggressively, perhaps snapping at your startled visitor for bothering you . Your aggressiveness in this situation conforms to the predictions of the frustration- aggression hypothesis originally developed by John Dollard and his colleagues (1939) . They proposed that frustration always results in aggression and that aggression will not occur unless a person is frustrated . Research on this hypothesis, however, has shown that it is too simple and too general. For one thing, frustration sometimes produces depression and withdrawal, not aggression (Berkowitz, 1998). In addition , not all aggression is preceded by frustration (Berkowitz, 1994).

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After many years of research , Leonard Berkowitz (1998) suggested some substantial modifications to the frustration aggression hypothesis. In his aversively stimulated aggression theory , he proposed that it may be stress in general rather than frustration in particular that can produce a readiness to act aggressively. Once this readiness exists, cues in the environment that are associated with aggression will often lead a person to behave aggressively.The cues might be guns or knives, people arguing on TV, violent song lyrics or game images, or other triggers. Neither stress alone nor the cues alone are sufficient to set off aggression . When combined, however, they often do set it off. Support for this aspect of Berkowitz’s theory has been quite strong (Bushman & Huesmann, 2010).

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Generalised arousal Imagine that you have just jogged for 5 kilometres. You are hot, sweaty and out of breath, but you are not angry. Still , the physiological arousal caused by jogging may increase the probability that you will become aggressive if, say, a passerby shouts an insult ( Zillmann, 1988) .Why? The answer lies in a phenomenon described in Chapter 10, ‘Motivation and emotion’: arousal from one experience may carry over to an independent situation, producing what is called excitation transfer.So the physiological arousal caused by jogging may intensify your reaction to an insult ( Harrison , 2003). By itself, however, generalised arousal does not lead to aggression. It is most likely to produce aggression when the situation contains some reason, opportunity or target for aggression ( Zillmann , 2003) . In one study, for example, people engaged in two minutes of vigorous exercise.Then they had the opportunity to deliver an electrical shock to another person . The participants chose high levels of shock only if they were first insulted (Zillmann, Katcher & Milavsky, 1972) . Apparently, the arousal resulting from the exercise made aggression more likely; the insult ‘released’ it. Other research suggests that men who are aroused by watching violent pornography may be more likely to commit rape or other forms of aggression against women . In one experiment, for example, male participants were told that a person in another room (actually the experimenter’s assistant) would be performing a learning task and that they were to administer an electric shock every time the person made a mistake. The intensity of shock could be varied (as in the Milgram studies, no shock actually reached the assistant), but participants were told that changing the intensity would not affect the speed of learning. So the shock intensity (and presumed pain) that they chose to administer was considered to be a measure of aggression . Before the learning trials began, some participants watched a film in which several men had sex with the same woman, against her will. These participants’ aggressiveness towards women during the learning experiment was greater than that of men who did not watch the film (Donnerstein, 1984). There was no parallel increase in aggression against other men, indicating that the violent pornography didn’t create a generalised increase in aggression but did create an increase in aggressiveness directed towards women . Such effects do not appear in all men, however ( Ferguson & Hartley, 2009; Seto, Marie & Barbaree, 2001) . One study of about 2700 men in the United States found that men who are not hostile towards women and who rarely have casual sex showed little, if any, change in sexual aggressiveness after viewing aggressive pornography. In contrast, among men who are high in promiscuity and hostility, watching aggressive pornography was followed by a dramatic increase in the chances that these men would engage in sexual aggression (Malamuth, Addison & Koss, 2000) . In fact, 72 per cent of the men who frequently used pornography and were high in promiscuity and hostility had actually engaged in sexually aggressive acts (see Figure 15.11) . Viewing pornography appears to have similar effects on convicted sex offenders who have been placed on probation or released on parole, and the effects are especially pronounced among those who have committed the most serious sex crimes (Kingston et al., 2008) .

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FIGURE 15.11 Pornography and sexual aggression

Extensive exposure to pornography does not by itself make most men more likely to engage in sexual aggression. However, among men who are hostile towards women and have a history of sexual promiscuity, those who view a lot of pornography much more likely to engage in sexual aggression.

| Small amount of pornography watched | Large amount of pornography watched Hostile, promiscuous

environmental

men

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non - promiscuous men

psychology the study of the relationship between behaviour and the physical environment

Crowding and aggression Studies of prisons suggest that as

crowding increases, so does aggression (Lahm, 2008;

Lawrence & Andrews, 2004). Environmental

psychologists are working with architects on the design of prisons that minimise the sense of crowding and that may help prevent some of the violence that endangers staff and prisoners.

Adapted from Malamuth, N. M. (1998 ). The confluence model os on organizing framework for research on sexually aggressive men : Risk moderators, imagined aggression, and pornography consumption. In R. G. Ceen & E. Donnerstein (eds ), Human Aggression ( pp. 230 -247). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.

These findings support the notion that aggression is not caused solely by a persons characteristics or by the particular situation a person is in . Instead , the occurrence and intensity of aggression are determined by the joint influence of individual characteristics and environmental circumstances (Klinesmith, Kasser & MeAndrew, 2006) .

Environmental influences on aggression The links between stress, arousal and aggressive behaviour point to the possibility that stressful environmental conditions can make aggressive behaviour more likely (Anderson, 2001) . This possibility is one of the research topics in environmental psychology, the study of the relationship between peoples physical environment and their behaviour (Bell et ah , 2000) ; see the Snapshot ‘Crowding and aggression’.

Weather One aspect of the environment that clearly affects social behaviour is the weather, especially temperature. High temperature is a source of stress and arousal, so it might be expected to correlate with aggressiveness.The results of many studies conducted in several countries show that many kinds of aggressive behaviours are indeed more likely to occur during hot summer months than at any other time of the year (Anderson et al. , 2000; Bushman, Wang & Anderson , 2005; see Figure 15.12).

Noise Noise also tends to make people more likely to display aggression , especially if the noise is unpredictable and irregular (Geen & McCown, 1984) . Living arrangements, too, can influence aggressiveness. Compared with the tenants of crowded apartment buildings, those in buildings with relatively few residents are less likely to behave aggressively (Bell et al., 2000) .

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FIGURE 15.12 Effects of temperature on aggression 35

Studies from around the world indicate that aggresswe behaviours are most

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hot summer months. These studies support the idea that environmental factors can affect aggression.

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Season From Anderson, C. A., & Anderson, K. P. (1998 ). Temperature and aggression: Paradox , controversy, and a ( fairly ) clear picture. In R. G. Geen & E. Donnerstein (eds), Human Aggression, p. 279, Figure 10.9. Copyright © 1998. Reprinted with permission of Elsevier.

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IN REVIEW Aggressi°n KEY

ANSWERS

QUESTIONS

What is aggression?

An act that is intended to cause harm to another person

Why are people aggressive?

Freud proposed that aggression is an instinctive urge that builds up in everyone. The evolutionary view is that aggression helped prehistoric people compete for mates, ensuring survival of their genes. Genetic influences include heredity and brain damage that causes defensive aggression. A biological mechanism for aggression is testosterone. Drugs that alter central nervous system functioning are also influential. Effect of drugs - alters central nervous system functioning. Accumulated experiences (including cultural teachings) also affect aggressive behaviour.

When they are physiologically aroused When they experience hostile/angry thoughts or feelings When are people aggressive? When they are already frustrated or stressed When they are generally aroused, such as after jogging Check your understanding leads to aggression. 1 The frustration - aggression hypothesis indicates that frustration and 2 Two aspects of the environment have been shown to affect aggression: 3 Aggression is not caused solely by either personal characteristics or a particular situation but by the

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Altruistic behaviour in response to need Ordinary people in extraordinary often assist others in acts of prosocial behaviour. We see this routinely in disaster situations throughout the world. situations

helping behaviour (prosocial behaviour) any act that is intended to benefit another person

altruism an unselfish

15.7 ALTRUISM AND HELPING BEHAVIOUR Acts of terrorism provide horrifying examples of human behaviour at its worst . But like all tragedies, they draw responses that provide inspiring examples of human behaviour at its best, as shown in the Snapshot ‘Altruistic behaviour in response to need’ . For example, in the moments just after the 2013 Boston Marathon bombing, Carlos Arrendondo, a spectator at the race, ran to the side of a severely injured young man and saved the man’s life by using his own clothes to make a tourniquet to stop the bleeding, then stayed with the man until medical help arrived (CNN Radio, 2013) . Arrendondo ignored the possibility that he himself could have been killed had another bomb exploded nearby. In the following days, police officers, medical personnel and others came to Boston from all over the United States to help survivors. We see examples of widespread helping behaviour in response to need globally. During the Queensland floods of 2011, so-called ‘mud-armies’ sprang up to assist in cleaning up the effects of floodwaters all across the State. And almost five years after a deadly 6.3 magnitude earthquake struck Christchurch in New Zealand, the city experienced another earthquake of magnitude 5.7 . As aftershocks continued to rock the city, several local surf life-saving clubs gathered their members together to form a sea patrol , to ensure no walkers or boat owners had been injured through debris falling from the cliffs at Whitewash Heads. All of these actions are examples of helping behaviour (also known as prosocial behaviour) , which is defined as any act that is intended to benefit another person . Helping can range from picking up dropped packages to donating a kidney. Closely related to helping is altruism, an unselfish concern for another person’s welfare (Penner et ah , 2005). Let’s consider some of the reasons behind helping and altruism, along with some of the conditions under which people are most likely to help others.

concern for another

person’s welfare

A young helper Even before their second birthday, some children offer help to people who are hurt or crying by

snuggling, patting or offering food or even their own teddy bears.

Why do people help? The tendency to help others begins early, although at first it is not spontaneous. In most cultures, very young children generally help others only when they are asked to do so or are offered a reward (Grusec, Davidov & Lundell , 2002) . Still, researchers have found that children as young as 18 months attempt to help others (Dunfield & Kuhlmeier, 2010; Knafo et al., 2008; Over & Carpenter, 2009); see the Snapshot ‘A young helper’. As they grow, so does the role of social influence. Children use helping behaviour to gain social approval, and their efforts at helping become more elaborate.Their helping behaviours are shaped by the social norms established through the examples set by their families and the broader culture (Grusec & Goodnow, 1994) . In addition, children are praised and given other rewards for helpfulness but are scolded for selfishness. Eventually, children come to believe that helping is good and that they are good when they help. By the late teens, people often help others even when no-one is watching and no-one will know that they did so (Grusec, Davidov & Lundell, 2002) . There are three major theories about why people help even when they cannot expect any external rewards for doing so.

Arousal: cost - reward theory arousal: cost- reward theory a theory attributing people’s helping behaviour their efforts to reduce the unpleasant arousal they feel in the face of someone’s need or suffering

to

One approach to explaining why people help is called the arousal: cost- reward theory ( Piliavin et al., 1981) . This theory proposes that the sight of a person who is suffering causes distress and anxiety and that these feelings motivate the observer to do something to reduce the unpleasant arousal. Several studies have shown that all else being equal , the more physiologically aroused bystanders are, the more likely they are to help someone in an emergency (Dovidio et al. , 2006). Before rushing to a victim’s aid , however, the bystander will first evaluate two aspects of the situation: the costs associated

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with helping and the costs (to the bystander and the other person) of not helping. Whether or not the bystander actually helps depends on the outcome of this evaluation (Dovidio et ah , 1991). If the costs of helping are low (as when helping someone pick up a dropped shopping bag) and the costs of not helping are high (as when the other person is physically unable to do this alone ) , the bystander will almost certainly help. However, if the costs of helping are high (as when the task is to load a heavy box into a car) and the costs of not helping are low (as when the person is strong enough to manage the task alone), the bystander is unlikely to offer help. This theory is attractive partly because it is comprehensive enough to provide a framework for explaining research findings on the factors that affect helping.

Helping and the presence of others The presence of others also has a strong influence on the tendency to help. Somewhat surprisingly, though, their presence tends to make helping behaviour less likely (Garcia et ah , 2002) . For example, in October 2011 in southern China, a two-year-old girl called YueYue lay dying in a street, ignored by passersby, after being hit by two cars she was eventually taken to hospital but died a week later. In London, a 10-year-old boy who had been stabbed by members of a street gang lay ignored by passersby as he died .Whenever such cases come to light, journalists and social commentators express dismay about the cold, uncaring attitudes that seem to exist among people who live in big cities. But psychologists believe that something about the situation surrounding such events deters people from helping. The numerous studies of helping behaviour have revealed a phenomenon, known as the bystander effect , that may explain the inaction of potential helpers in LondomThe likelihood that someone will help in an emergency tends to decrease as the number of people present increases (Garcia et al., 2002) . One explanation for why the presence of others often reduces helping is that each person thinks someone else will help the victim. That is , seeing other bystanders allows each individual to experience a diffusion of responsibility for taking action , which lowers the costs of not helping (Dovidio et al., 2006); see the Snapshot ‘Diffusion of responsibility’ .

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Diffusion of responsibility Does the person need help? The people nearby probably not sure, and they might assume that if he does, someone else will help him. Research on factors affecting helping (for exam pie, Flynn & Lake, 2008) suggests that if you ever need help, especially in a crowd, it is important not only to ask for help but also to tell a specific onlooker to take specific action (for example, ‘You, in the blue shirt, please call an ambulance!’).

The degree to which the presence of other people inhibits helping may depend on who those other people are. When they are strangers , poor communication may inhibit helping. People often have difficulty speaking to strangers, particularly in an emergency, and without speaking, they have difficulty knowing what the others intend to do. According to this logic, if people are with friends rather than strangers, they should be less uncomfortable, more willing to discuss the problem , and thus more likely to help.

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bystander effect a phenomenon in which the chances that someone will help in an emergency decrease as the number of people present increases

Chapter 11: Social Cognition and Influence

In one experiment designed to test this idea , an experimenter left a research participant in a waiting room under one of four conditions: alone, with a friend, with a stranger, or with a stranger who was an assistant to the experimenter (Latane & Rodin, 1969) . The experimenter then stepped behind a curtain into an office. For a few minutes, she could be heard opening and closing the drawers of her desk, shuffling papers and so on. Then there was a loud crash and she screamed, ‘Oh, my God ... My foot, I ... I can’t move it. Oh, my ankle ... I can’t get this ... thing off me’ .Then the participant heard her groan and cry. Would the participant go behind the curtain to help? Once again, people were most likely to help if they were alone. When one other person was present, participants were more likely to communicate with each other and to offer help if they were friends than if they were strangers. When the stranger was the experimenter’s assistant (who had been instructed not to help), very few participants offered to help. Other studies have confirmed that bystanders’ tendency to help increases when they know one another (Rutkowski , Cruder & Romer, 1983) .

Personality of the helper Research suggests that the personality of the helper also plays a role in helping. Some people are simply more likely to help than others. Consider the Christians who risked their lives to save Jews from the Nazi Holocaust. Researchers interviewed hundreds of these rescuers many years later and compared their personalities with those of people who had a chance to save Jews but did not do so ( FaginJones & Midlarsky, 2007; Oliner & Oliner, 1988) . The rescuers were found to have more empathy ( the ability to understand or experience another’s emotional state) , more concern about others, a greater sense of responsibility for their own actions, and a greater sense of self-efficacy (confidence that their efforts will succeed) .

Empathy - altruism theory empathy-altruism theory (empathyaltruism helping theory) a theory suggesting that people help others because of empathy with their needs

The second approach to explaining helping is embodied in empathy-altruism theory (also known as empathy-altruism helping theory) , which maintains that people are more likely to engage in altruistic, or unselfish, helping even when the cost of helping is high if they feel empathy towards the person in need (Batson, 2010) . In one experiment illustrating this phenomenon, participants listened to a tape-recorded interview with a female student. The student told the interviewer that her parents had been killed in a car accident, that they had had no life insurance, and that she was now faced with the task of finishing university while taking care of a younger brother and sister. She said that these financial burdens might force her to quit school or give up her siblings for adoption. None of this was true, but the participants were told that it was. Furthermore, before listening to the woman’s story, half the participants were given additional information about her that was designed to promote strong empathy. Later, all the participants were asked to help the woman raise money for herself and her siblings (Batson et ah , 1997) . The critical question was whether the participants who heard the additional empathy-promoting information would help more than those who did not have that information . Consistent with the empathy altruism theory, more participants in the empathy condition than in the non-empathy condition offered to help (see Figure 15.13) . Were the people who offered help in this experiment being utterly altruistic, or could there be a different reason for their actions? This is a hotly debated question . Some researchers dispute the claim that this study illustrated true altruistic helping. They suggest that people help in such situations for more selfish reasons, such as relieving the distress they experienced after hearing of the woman’s problems (Maner et ah , 2002) . The final verdict on this question is not yet in.

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FIGURE 15.13 The effect of empathy on helping After hearing a staged interview with a woman who supposedly needed to raise money for her family, participants in this experiment were asked to help her. Those who were led to empathise with the woman were much more likely to offer their help than those who did not empathise. These results are consistent with empathy - altruism theory.

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Adapted from Batson, C. D., Sager , K., Garst, E ., & Kang , A l. (1997). Is empathy - induced helping due to self - other merging? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 73, 495 -509.

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Evolutionary theory The evolutionary approach to social psychology offers a third way of explaining helping. This approach views much human social behaviour as echoes of actions that contributed to the survival of our prehistoric ancestors (Buss, 2009) . At first glance, it may not seem reasonable to apply evolutionary theory to helping and altruism because helping others at the risk of one’s own wellbeing doesn ’ t seem to be adaptive. If we die while trying to save others, it is their genes, not ours, that will survive. In fact, according to Charles Darwin’s concept of the survival of the fittest, helpers and their genes should have disappeared long ago. Contemporary evolutionary theorists suggest, however, that Darwin’s thinking about natural selection focused too much on the survival of the fittest individuals and not enough on the survival of their genes in others. Accordingly, the concept of survival of the fittest has been replaced by the concept of inclusive fitness , the survival of one’s genes in future generations (Hamilton , 1964; Kruger, 2003; West & Gardner, 2010) . Because we share genes with our relatives , helping or even dying for a cousin , a sibling or, above all , our own child potentially increases the likelihood that at least some of our genetic characteristics will be passed on to the next generation through the beneficiary’s future reproduction ( Rachlin & Jones, 2008) ; see the Snapshot ‘Family ties’ . So kin selection helping a relative survive may produce genetic benefits even if it provides no personal benefits for the helper (Brown & Brown , 2006) .

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Family ties Research indicates that people are more likely to donate organs to family members than to strangers. This pattern may reflect greater attachment or a stronger sense of social obligation to relatives than to others. Psychologists who take an evolutionary approach suggest that such helpful attitudes and actions have evolved because they are adaptive. When, as in the case of these sisters, one family member donates a kidney to save the life of another, the genes they share are more likely to survive.

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FOCUS ON RESEARCH METHODS Does family matter? In and of themselves, data on kin selection do not confirm evolutionary explanations of helping and altruism. The greater tendency to donate organs to relatives could also be due to the effects of empathy towards more familiar people, pressure from family members, or other social influence processes. To control for the effects of these confounding variables, some researchers have turned to the laboratory to study the role of evolutionary forces in helping behaviour.

What was the researchers' question ? Eugene Burnstein, Christian Crandell and Shinobu Kitayama (1994) wanted to know whether people faced with a choice of whose life to save would behave in line with the concept of kin selection. These investigators reasoned that if kin selection does affect helping, the more genetically related two people are - the more genes they share in common - the more inclined they should be to save each other ’s life. Furthermore, if this kind of prosocial behaviour evolved because it preserves one’s own genes in others, the tendency to save a close relative should be lessened if that relative is unlikely to produce offspring and therefore less likely to help preserve the helper’s genes.

How did the researchers answer this question ? The most direct way of testing these predictions would be to put people’s lives in danger and then observe which (if any) of their relatives try to save them. Such an experiment would be unthinkable, of course, so Burnstein and his colleagues used a simulation, or analogue, methodology. Specifically, they asked people to imagine a series of situations and then to say how they would respond if the situation were real. The participants in the analogue experiment were 110 men and 48 women enrolled at universities in Japan and the United States. The first independent variable was the kind of help that was needed. On the basis of random assignment, some participants were asked to imagine lifeor - death situations in which there was time to save only one of three people who were asleep in separate rooms of a burning house. The remaining participants were asked to imagine everyday situations in which they had time to help only one of three people who each needed a small favour. The other independent variables were the characteristics of

the people needing help in each situation - their age, sex, physical health and genetic relatedness to the potential helper. The dependent variable was the participants’ choice of which person they would help.

What did the researchers find ? In accordance with evolutionary theory, the participants were more than twice as likely to say they would save the life of a close relative than that of an unrelated friend. Also, the more closely related the endangered people were to the potential helpers, the more likely they were to be saved. Did these results occur simply because people tend to help closer relatives in any situation? Probably not. When the participants imagined situations in which only small favours were involved, they were

only slightly more likely to help a

close relative than a distant one. Another major prediction of evolutionary theory was supported as well. Several findings indicated that even close relatives might not be saved if they were unlikely to produce offspring. For example, the participants were more willing to do a small favour for a 75 - year - old relative than for a 10 - or 18 - year - old relative, but they were much more likely to save the lives of the younger relatives. Similarly, they were more likely to do a favour for a sick relative than for a healthy one, but in a life - or - death situation, they chose to save the healthy relative more often than the sick one (see Figure 15.14). Finally, the participants were more likely to save the life of a female relative than that of a male relative, unless the female was past child - bearing age. There were no substantial differences between the responses of students in the United States and those in Japan.

What do the results mean ? The results of this experiment generally support the concept of kin selection, which says that the tendency to help close relatives evolved because, genetically speaking, it helps the helper. Specifically, if we save the life of a relative and that relative is able to produce offspring, more of our genes will be represented in the next generation. Evolutionary psychologists see these results as providing confirmation that kin selection affects the decisions people make about saving the life of another person and hence that there is an evolutionary basis for helping. >>> — 1

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FIGURE 15.14 Kin selection and helping

In this analogue experiment, students said they would be more likely to save the life of a healthy relative than a sick one, but would be more likely to do a favour for the sick relative. Results like these have been cited in support of evolutionary theories of helping behaviour. Ask a few friends to say which member of their families they would save first in the event of a fire. To what extent were their responses consistent with the results of the kin selection analogue research described in this section?

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What do we still need to know ? The findings reported by Burnstein and his colleagues are consistent with the predictions of evolutionary theory, but they must be interpreted with caution and in light of the methods that were used to obtain them. Analogue studies give clues to behaviour - and allow experimental control - in situations that approximate, but may not precisely duplicate, situations outside the laboratory. These studies tend to be conducted when it would be unethical or the real thing’. The more impractical to expose people to ‘ closely the analogue approximates the natural situation, the more confident we can be that conclusions drawn about behaviour observed in the laboratory will apply, or generalise, to the world beyond the laboratory.

In an analogue experiment such as this one, we might question how closely the natural situation was approximated. For one thing, the participants predicted what their responses would be in hypothetical situations. Those responses might be different if the students were actually in the situations described. So although the analogue methodology in this study allowed the researchers to show that kin selection could play a role in human helping behaviour, they did not demonstrate that it does play a role. The study also failed to identify the mechanisms whereby biological tendencies are translated into thoughts that lead to helpful actions (Kruger, 2003). It is highly unlikely that the participants were thinking, ‘I’ll help a close relative because it will preserve my genes’. So what conscious thoughts or feelings led to their choices? Another analogue study by Josephine Korchmaros and David Kenny (2001) may provide a partial answer to this question. The people who needed help in this simulation were described using the names of the participants’ actual family members. The researchers also measured the strength of the emotional ties between the participants and these particular people. The results suggested that genetic closeness was related to emotional closeness. Perhaps, then, emotional closeness provides the mechanism that drives the choice of whom to help. It may be that we are biologically predisposed to feel emotionally closer to closer relatives and thus more likely to help them if their lives are in danger. These feelings in turn serve to increase the chances that some of our genes will survive in those close relatives. This is a reasonable possibility, and it has been supported by other research evidence ( Rachlin & Jones, 2008), but remember that even though evolutionary theory may explain some general human tendencies to help, it cannot predict the behaviour of specific individuals in specific situations ( Penner et a I., 2005). Like all other behaviour, helping and altruism depend on the interplay of many genetic and environmental factors - including interactions between particular people and particular situations. (See the section ‘In review: Altruism and helping behaviour’ for a summary of the major reasons why people help and the conditions under which they are most likely to do so.)

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O

N REVIEW Altruism and helping behaviour THEORY

IMPORTANT VARIABLES

BASIC PREMISE

People help in order to reduce the unpleasant arousal caused by another person’s distress. They attempt to minimise the costs of doing this.

Factors that affect the costs of helping and of not helping

Empathy - altruism

People sometimes help for utterly altruistic reasons. They are motivated by a desire to increase another person’s wellbeing.

The amount of empathy that one person feels for another

Evolutionary

The biological relationship between the People help relatives because it increases the chances that the helper’s genes will survive in future generations. helper and the recipient of help

Arousal: cost reward

Check your understanding 1 If you could save only one person from a burning house, the theory of helping would predict that it would be your own child rather than, say, a grandparent. 2 In an emergency, are you more likely to receive help in a nearly empty bus or in a crowded train station? 3 People who have empathy for others are likely to be helpful.

cooperation any type of behaviour in which people work together to attain a goal

competition behaviour in which individuals try to attain a goal for themselves while denying that goal to others

conflict the result of a person’s or group’s belief that another person or group stands in the way of their achieving a valued goal

15.8 COOPERATION, COMPETITION AND CONFLICT Helping is one of several ways in which people cooperate with one another. Cooperation is any type of behaviour in which people work together to attain a common goal ( Dovidio et ah , 2006). For example, several law students might form a study group to help one another pass a difficult exam. But people can also engage in competition , trying to attain a goal for themselves while denying that goal to others. So those same students might later compete with one another for a single job opening at a prestigious law firm. Finally, conflict results when one person or group believes that another stands in the way of their achieving a goal, as can be seen in the Snapshot ‘Cooperation , competition, conflict and cash’ .When the students become lawyers and represent opposing parties in a legal dispute, they will be in conflict. One way in which psychologists have learned about all three of these behaviours is by studying social dilemmas (Weber, Kopelman & Messick , 2004) .

Cooperation, competition, conflict and cash Cooperation, competition and conflict can all be seen on Survivor , a television in which people try to win money by staying the longest in some remote location. Early on, contestants cooperate with members of their own teams, but as more and more people are eliminated, even team members compete with one another. When only two people remain, each stands in the way of the other’s goal of winning, so they are in direct conflict. series

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Social dilemmas Social dilemmas are situations in which an action that brings rewards for the individual will , if widely adopted , produce negative consequences for the group (Aronson , Wilson & Akert, 2010) . For instance, during a drought , individual home owners are better off in the short run if they water their lawns as often as necessary to keep the grass from dying, but if everyone ignores local water restrictions, there will be no drinking water for anyone in the long run . Social psychologists have studied situations like this by conducting experiments using the two-person ‘prisoner’s dilemma’ game.

social dilemma a situation in which actions that produce rewards for one individual will produce negative consequences if adopted by everyone

The prisoner’s dilemma game The prisoner’s dilemma game is based on a scenario in which two people are separated for questioning immediately after being arrested on suspicion of having committed a serious crime (Komorita & Parks, 1996) . The prosecutor believes they are guilty but doesn’t have enough evidence to convict them. Each prisoner can either confess or not, but they are told that if they both refuse to confess, each will be convicted of a minor offence and will be jailed for one year. If they both confess, the prosecutor will recommend a five-year sentence for each . However, if one prisoner remains silent and the other confesses to what they did, the prosecutor will allow the confessing prisoner to go free, whereas the other will serve the maximum 10-year sentence. Each prisoner faces a dilemma . Part A of Figure 15.15 outlines the possible outcomes. Obviously, the strategy that will guarantee the best mutual outcome short sentences for both prisoners is cooperation . In other words, neither should confess. But the prisoner who remains silent runs the risk of receiving a long sentence if the other prisoner confesses. Furthermore, the prisoner who confesses will benefit if the other prisoner doesn’t talk . In other words, each prisoner has an incentive to compete for freedom by confessing. But if they both compete and confess, each will end up going to jail for longer than if they had kept quiet.

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FIGURE 15.15 The prisoner’s dilemma game In the prisoner ’s dilemma game, mutual cooperation benefits each person and mutual competition is harmful to both. However, one party can take advantage of the other ’s cooperativeness. These diagrams show the potential pay offs for prisoners - and research participants - in prisoner’s dilemma game situations.

prisoner ’s dilemma game a social dilemma scenario in which mutual cooperation guarantees the best mutual outcome

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In the typical prisoner’s dilemma experiment, two people sit at separate control panels. Each of them has a red button and a black button , one of which is to be pushed on each of many trials. Pressing the black button is a cooperative response. Pressing the red button is a competitive response. For example, on a given trial , if both participants press their black buttons, each wins $5. If both press their red buttons, they earn only $1. However, if one player presses the red button and the other presses the black button , the one who pressed the red button will win $10 and the other will win

nothing.

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Part B of Figure 15.15 shows the possible outcomes for each trial. Over the course of the experiment , the combined winnings of the players are greatest if each presses the black button; that is, if they cooperate. By pressing the black button, however, a player becomes open to exploitation because on any trial, the other might press the red button and take all the winnings. So each player stands to benefit the most individually by pressing the red button occasionally.The prisoner’s dilemma game is what psychologists call a mixed -motive conflict there are good reasons to cooperate and also good reasons to compete. What happens when people play this game? Overall, there is a strong tendency to respond competitively. People find it difficult to resist the competitive choice on any given trial (Lodewijkx, Rabbie & Visser, 2006).This choice wins them more money on that trial , but in the long run , they gain less than they would have gained through cooperation . If acting competitively leads to smaller rewards in the long run, why do people persist in competing? There seem to be two reasons (Komorita, 1984). First, winning more than an opponent seems to be rewarding in itself. In the prisoners dilemma game, many people want to outscore an opponent even if the result is that they win less money overall. Second, and more important, once several competitive responses are made, the competition seems to feed on itself (Insko et al., 1990) . Each person becomes distrustful of the other, and cooperation becomes increasingly difficult. The more competitive one person acts, the more competitive the other becomes (McClintock & Liebrand, 1988) .

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Promoting cooperation APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY Is communication the key to reducing conflict and increasing cooperation ?

Communication can reduce people’s tendency to act competitively (Pavitt et al., 2007). Unfortunately, not all communication increases cooperation , just as not all contact between ethnic groups reduces prejudice. If the communication takes the form of a threat, people may interpret the threat itself as a competitive response and become more likely to respond competitively (Gifford & Hine, 1997) . Furthermore, the communication must be relevant.

Interpersonal conflict —

zero- sum game a

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subtracted from another person’s resources so that the sum of the gains and losses is zero

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In social dilemmas and other situations in which people are interdependent that is, when what one person does always affects the other cooperation usually leads to the best outcomes for everyone. This is why social psychologists are applying research on cooperation to help people work more closely together in school , on the job, in the community, and even in efforts to protect the environment (vanVugt, 2009). Still, humans do not always cooperate. People from collectivist cultures, in which cooperation is emphasised , are generally less likely to act selfishly in a social dilemma, but conflict in such situations does occur in all cultures (Smith & Bond, 1999) . Conflict is especially likely when people are involved in a zero - sum game. This is a situation in which one person’s gains are subtracted from the other person’s resources. It is called zero-sum because when you add up the gains and losses, the result is zero. Election campaigns , lawsuits over a deceased relative’s estate, and competition between children for a toy are all examples of zero-sum games.

Why it can be hard to resolve interpersonal conflicts There are four major reasons that interpersonal conflicts can be difficult to resolve and why they may escalate (De Dreu , 2010) . First, people in conflict invest so much time, effort and commitment in establishing their own point of view that being asked to adjust it in order to compromise seems to be asking too much (Ku , Malhotra & Murninghan , 2005). Second , people in interpersonal conflicts

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often see the problem as due to the other person’s hostility or selfishness rather than to an honest difference of opinion (Samuelson & Messick , 1995). In other words, conflicts can become entrenched because of the actor observer effect and other attributional errors discussed in this chapter Faulty communication is a third reason for the persistence of interpersonal conflicts. Such miscommunication can start a cycle of increasingly provocative actions in which each person believes the other is being aggressive and unfair ( Pruitt & Carnevale, 1993) . A fourth factor that can escalate interpersonal conflict is a tendency to believe that the other person is not really interested in reaching a settlement. This view may become a self-fulfilling prophecy (see earlier in this chapter); each side may begin to behave in ways that actually bring about the uncooperative behaviour expected from the other side, and the end result may be increasing conflict and, eventually, a stalemate (Kennedy & Pronin, 2008).

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Group processes Although Western industrialised cultures tend to emphasise individuals over groups, the fact remains that most important governmental and business decisions in those cultures and elsewhere are made by groups, not individuals (Hackman & Katz, 2010) . Sometimes, group processes are effective, as seen in the extraordinary teamwork between emergency workers and volunteers that led to dramatic rescues of people trapped in collapsed buildings after an earthquake struck Christchurch in February 2011. At other times, group processes can have disastrous results, as we will see later. In Chapter 7, ‘Cognition and language’, we describe some of the factors that influence the nature and quality of group decisions. Here, we consider some of the social psychological processes that often occur in groups to alter the behaviour of their members and the quality of their collective efforts.

Group leadership A good leader can help a group pursue its goals; a poor one can get in the way of a group’s functioning (Kaiser, Hogan & Craig, 2008) . What makes a good leader? Certain personality traits often distinguish effective leaders from ineffective ones. For example, using tests similar to those that measure the Big Five traits described in Chapter 13, ‘Personality’, Colin Silverthorne (2001) examined the characteristics of leaders in the United States, Thailand and China . He found that effective leaders in all three countries tended to score high on agreeableness, emotional stability, extraversion and conscientiousness. Other researchers have found that in general, effective leaders are intelligent, success-oriented, flexible and confident in their ability to lead (Chemers, Watson & May, 2000; Foti & Hauenstein , 2007) . Having particular personality traits does not guarantee good leadership ability, however. People can be effective leaders in one situation but ineffective in another ( Ng, Ang & Chan , 2008) . The reason is that effective leadership also depends on the characteristics of the group members, the task at hand, and the interaction between these factors and the leader’s style (Yun, Faraj & Sims , 2005) . For many years, leadership research focused on two main types of leaders , known as task - motivated and relationship-motivated leaders. Task - motivated leaders provide close supervision, lead by giving directives and generally discourage group discussion (Yukl & Van Fleet, 1992) . Their style may not endear them to group members. Relationship- motivated leaders provide loose supervision , ask for group members’ ideas and are generally concerned with subordinates’ feelings. They are usually well liked by the group, even when they must discipline a group member (Kassin, Fein & Markus, 2010) . More recently, some researchers have proposed that there are additional leadership styles. One of these is seen in transactional leaders , whose leadership behaviour depends on the actions of the people they lead . For example, transactional leaders reward people who behave as the leader wishes, and

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task -motivated leader a leader who provides

close supervision, leads by directives and genera Hy discourages group discussion

relationship- motivated leader a leader who provides loose supervision, asks for group members’ ideas and is concerned with subordinates’ feelings

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they correct or punish those who behave otherwise. In contrast, there are also transformational, or charismatic, leaders (Hogg, 2010). Rather than focusing on rewarding or punishing specific behaviours, these leaders concentrate on creating a vision of the groups goals, inspiring people to pursue that vision and giving their followers reason to respect and admire them, as depicted in the Snapshot ‘A different kind of football leader’ .

A different kind of football leader James ‘Jim’ Stynes (1966 -2012) represented leadership qualities which were evident not only on the field but ofFthe field after he had retired. Not only did he demonstrate leadership in football matches throughout his 264- game career, becoming a Brownlow medallist in 1991, he also used his football profile in 1994 to establish the Reach Foundation, which assists youth in the community to reach their full potential. His charisma saw him elected as Melbourne Football Club president in 2008, when he oversaw the survival of the club during a time of severe financial hardship. He inspired club members to focus on his vision of success and to do their best to achieve it. His death in March 2012 saw an outpouring of community grief and admiration for his on- and ofF- field achievements and leadership.

Gender and leadership Do men or women make better leaders? Alice Eagly and her colleagues have studied differences between men and women in leadership styles (for example, Eagly, Karau & Makhijani, 1995) . Their initial research found that overall, men and women are equally capable leaders. It also seemed that men tended to be more effective when success required a task-motivated leader and that women tended to be more effective when success required a more relationship-motivated leader. In other words, it appeared that people of each sex tended to be most effective when acting in a manner consistent with gender-role traditions (Eagly & Karau , 1991; Eagly, Karau & Makhijani, 1995) . Perhaps this was because some people did not like female leaders who act in a ‘masculine’ manner or occupy leadership positions traditionally held by men (Eagly, Makhijani & Klonsky, 1992) . Consider Dame Jenny Shipley and Julia Gillard , who were the first female prime ministers of New Zealand and Australia , respectively. What type of leadership style characterises each of these women ? A somewhat different picture of gender differences in leadership has emerged from Eagly s more recent research. For one thing, she found that females are generally more likely than males to display a transformational leadership style. Furthermore, when women display a transactional style, they tend to be more encouraging than transactional male leaders. That is, the transactional female leaders tend to focus more on using rewards rather than punishments to modify group members’ behaviours. Finally, and in contrast to earlier findings, Eagly s results suggest that women may be slightly more effective leaders overall than men, even though they may still face challenges in convincing some male followers to accept them as legitimate authorities (Ayman, Korabik & Morris, 2009; Eagly & Sczesny, 2009).

Groupthink The emphasis on group decisions in most large organisations is based on the belief that a group of people working together will make better decisions than individuals working alone. As noted in Chapter 7, ‘Cognition and language’ , this belief is generally correct; yet, under certain circumstances, groups have been known to make amazingly bad decisions (Kassin, Fine & Markus, 2010) . Consider an example from 2003, when officials at the National Aeronautics and Space Administration ( NASA) ignored engineers’ warnings about the damage done to the heat shield of the space shuttle Columbia

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during its launch into orbit. Despite the engineers’ repeated requests to use satellite photos to assess the extent of the damage, NASA officials approved the shuttles return to earth without any inspections. Due to heat shield damage, the spacecraft disintegrated upon re-entry, killing all seven crew members. Irving Janis (1989) proposed that disastrous decisions like this one can be attributed to a phenomenon called groupthink. Groupthink occurs, he said , when group members are unable to realistically evaluate the options available to them or to fully consider the potential negative consequences of the option they are considering. It is particularly likely when members of a group place a higher value on reaching a decision than on being sure they have reached the best decision . Trying to reach a consensus before a group acts is not necessarily a bad strategy. In fact , it usually produces a good decision and positive feelings about the group (Smith & Mackie, 2007) . However, according to Janis , the drive towards consensus is likely to produce groupthink and bad decisions when four conditions are present: 1 the consensus is not based on all the facts at hand 2 group members all share certain biases 3 members who disagree with the majority view are punished or even ejected from the group 4 the group leader puts pressure on the members to reach consensus.

groupthink a pattern of thinking in which group members fail to evaluate realistically the wisdom of various options and decisions

o

IN REVIEW Cooperation, competition and conflict ASPECT

CHARACTERISTICS

Cooperation

Cooperation is any kind of behaviour in which people work together to attain a common goal. Social dilemmas are situations in which an action that brings rewards for the individual will, if widely adopted, produce negative consequences for the group; therefore, cooperation is the best strategy.

Competition

Competition occurs when someone is trying to attain a goal for themselves while denying that goal to others. Communication can reduce people’s tendency to act competitively.

Conflict

Conflict occurs when one person or group believes that another stands in the way of their achieving a goal. There are four major reasons why interpersonal conflicts can be difficult to resolve and may escalate: • People invest so much time, effort and commitment in establishing their own point of view that being asked to adjust it in order to compromise is asking too much • People often see the problem as due to the other person’s hostility or selfishness rather than to an honest difference of opinion • Faulty communication • A tendency to believe that the other person is not really interested in reaching a settlement.

Group processes

Group leadership is important as a good leader can help a group pursue its goals; a poor one can get in the way of a group’s functioning. There may be differences in how people lead depending on their gender; for example female leaders are thought to be more transformational. Groupthink occurs when members are unable to realistically evaluate the options available to them, or to fully consider the potential negative consequences of the option they are considering.

Check your understanding 1 The prisoner’s dilemma game is referred to as a

as there are good reasons to cooperate and

also good reasons

to compete.

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3

when people are involved in a zero - sum game. Leadership research has traditionally focused on two main types of leaders: is

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CHAPTER REVIEW LINKAGES As noted in Chapter 1, ‘Introducing psychology ’, all of psychology’s subfields are related to one another. Our discussion of aggression in the workplace illustrates just one way in which a key topic of this chapter, social influence, is linked to the subfield of motivation and Motivation and emotion’). emotion (see Chapter 10, ‘ Similarly, our discussion of brain activity and attitudes illustrates one way in which another key topic of this

CHAPTER 15

chapter, social cognition, is linked to the subfield of biological psychology (see Chapter 3, ‘Biological aspects of psychology’). The ‘Linkages’ diagram shows ties to one other subfield as well, and there are many more ties throughout the book. Looking for linkages among subfields will help you see how they all fit together and help you better appreciate the big picture that is psychology.

Social cognition and influence

LINKAGES

Do groups solve problems more effectively than individuals ?

Do people perform better or worse when others are watching ?

CHAPTER 7 Cognition and language

* ** CHAPTER 10 Motivation and

Do children perceive others as adults do ?

CHAPTER 11 Human development

emotion

ONLINE STUDY RESOURCES Visit http://login.cengagebrain.com and use the access code that comes with this book for 12 months access to the resources and study tools for this chapter. The CourseMateExpress website contains: • • • •

revision quizzes concept maps

graduate attribute information

• • •

web links flashcards and more.

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SUMMARY Social cognition, the mental processes through which people perceive and react to others, is one aspect of social psychology - the study of how people influence and are influenced by other people.

SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON THE SELF •

• •

People’s social and cultural environments affect their thoughts and feelings about themselves, including their self- esteem and their self- concept . Social norms establish the rules for what should and should not be done in a particular situation. Deindividuation is a psychological state in which people in a group temporarily lose their individuality, focus on the group’s norms, and may engage in antisocial acts that they would not

normally perform. •

•

Social facilitation, social interference and social loafing provide three other examples of how the presence of other people can affect an individual’s behaviour. When people have no objective criteria by which to judge themselves, they engage in social comparison (to others) or temporal comparison (to themselves at an earlier time) as their standard. Such comparison can affect self - evaluation or

self- esteem. • A person’s social identity is formed from beliefs about the groups to which the person belongs. Social identity affects the beliefs we hold about ourselves. • Social perception concerns the processes by which people interpret information about others, form impressions of

them, and draw conclusions about the reasons for their behaviour. Schemas, the mental representations about people and social situations that we carry into social interactions, affect what we pay attention to, what we remember, and how we judge people and events. First impressions are formed easily and quickly, in part because people apply existing schemas to their perceptions of others. First impressions change slowly because once we form an impression about another person, we try to maintain it. Schemas, however, can create self- fulfilling prophecies, leading people to act in ways that bring out in others behaviour that is consistent with expectations. Attribution is the process of explaining the causes of people’s behaviour, including our own. Attributions are affected by errors that systematically distort one’s view of behaviour. The most common attributional errors are the fundamental attribution error (and its cousin, the ultimate attribution error), the actor- observer effect and the self- serving bias. People often avoid admitting something threatening about themselves through unrealistic optimism and a feeling of unique invulnerability.

ATTITUDES An attitude is the tendency to respond positively or negatively to a particular object. Attitudes affect a wide range of behaviours. • Many theorists believe that attitudes are made up of cognitive components (beliefs), affective components (feelings) and •

•

behavioural components (actions). Attitudes can be learned through modelling, as well as through classical or operant conditioning. They are also subject to the mere- exposure effect: all else being equal, people develop greater liking for a new object the more often they are exposed to it.

The effectiveness of a persuasive message in changing attitudes is influenced by the characteristics of the person who communicates it, its content and the audience receiving it. The elaboration likelihood model suggests that attitude change can occur through either a peripheral or a central route. Cognitive dissonance theory holds that if inconsistency between attitudes and behaviour creates discomfort related to a person’s self- concept or self - image, the person will be motivated to reduce that discomfort.

PREJUDICE AND STEREOTYPES • •

Stereotypes often lead to prejudice and social discrimination. Motivational theories of prejudice suggest that some people have a need to disrespect and dislike others. Cognitive theories suggest that people categorise others into groups

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in order to reduce social complexity. Learning theories maintain that stereotypes, prejudice and discriminatory behaviours can be learned from parents, peers and the media.

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•

under specific conditions, as when there is equal status between group members.

The contact hypothesis proposes that intergroup contact can reduce prejudice and lead to more favourable attitudes towards a stereotyped group - but only if the contact occurs

INTERPERSONAL ATTRACTION •

Interpersonal attraction is a function of many variables. Physical proximity is important because it allows people to meet. Characteristics of the other person are also important. Attraction tends to be greater when two people share similar attitudes and characteristics. Physical appearance plays a role

•

A defining characteristic of intimate relationships is interdependence, and a key component of successful relationships is commitment. Robert Sternberg’s triangular theory suggests that love is a function of three components: passion, intimacy and commitment.

in attraction.

SOCIAL INFLUENCE •

• •

When behaviour or beliefs change as the result of unspoken or implicit group pressure, conformity has occurred; when the change is the result of a request, compliance has occurred. People tend to follow the normative responses of others, and groups create social norms when none already exist. People sometimes exhibit public conformity without private acceptance.

•

People are most likely to conform when the situation is ambiguous or when others in the group are in unanimous agreement.

Effective strategies for inducing compliance include the foot in - the - door technique, the door-in- the - face technique and the low - ball technique. • Obedience involves complying with an explicit demand, typically from an authority figure. • People obey someone who has certain kinds of social power. Obedience declines when the status of the authority figure declines, when others are observed to disobey, and if a victim asks to be released. • Because participants in Milgram’s studies experienced considerable stress, the experiments have been questioned on ethical grounds. •

AGGRESSION Aggression is an act intended to harm another person. • More recent theories attribute aggressive tendencies to genetic factors, brain dysfunctions and hormonal influences. Learning is also important - people learn to display aggression by watching others and by being rewarded for aggressive behaviour. There are wide cultural differences in the incidence of aggression. •

•

A variety of emotional factors play a role in aggression. The frustration- aggression hypothesis suggests that frustration can lead to aggression, particularly if cues that invite or promote aggression are present. Research in environmental psychology suggests that factors such as high temperature, noise and crowding increase the likelihood of aggressive behaviour.

•

Environmental factors also affect willingness to help. The empathy- altruism theory suggests that helping can be truly unselfish if the helper feels empathy for the person in need. Evolutionary theory suggests that humans have an innate tendency to help others, especially relatives, because doing so increases the likelihood that family genes will survive.

ALTRUISM AND HELPING BEHAVIOUR • •

Human behaviour is also characterised by helping behaviour (prosocial behaviour) and altruism. There are three major theories as to why people help others. According to the arousal: cost-reward theory, people help in order to reduce the unpleasant arousal they experience when others are in distress. Perceptions of cost are affected by the clarity of the need for help, the bystander effect (which creates diffusion of responsibility) and personality traits.

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COOPERATION, COMPETITION AND CONFLICT Cooperation is behaviour in which people work together to attain a goal. Competition exists when individuals try to attain a goal while denying that goal to others. Conflict occurs when a person or group believes that someone stands in the way of something of value. • In social dilemmas, selfish behaviour that benefits individuals in the short run may spell disaster in the long run if adopted by •

an entire group.

Communication between competing parties can increase cooperation, especially if the communication is not threatening and is relevant to the situation. • In zero- sum games, competition is almost inevitable because there can be only one winner. •

Many of the most important decisions are made by groups. No single personality type or behavioural style always results in good leadership. Task- motivated leaders provide close supervision, lead by giving directives and generally discourage group discussion. Relationship- motivated leaders provide loose supervision, ask for group members’ ideas and are generally concerned with subordinates’ feelings. Transformational leaders try to inspire and motivate the group, while transactional leaders tend to reward appropriate behaviours and punish inappropriate ones. • The pattern of thinking called groupthink can occur when the desire to reach a group decision becomes more important than • •

the need to reach the best decision.

TESTYOUR KNOWLEDGE Answer key’ at the end of the book. Select the best answer for each of the following questions, then check your responses against the ‘ 1

When Jordan first met Jacob, Jacob wasn’t feeling well and threw up on Jordan’s shoes. According to research on first impressions, we would expect Jordan to a

feel sorry for Jacob and thus have a positive first impression of him

b

develop a negative impression of Jacob because of the negative first experience with him have an initial negative impression that will become positive later, no matter what Jacob does

c

d

2 Jess is in a bad mood because she is convinced that she won’t like her blind date, Declan. When Declan arrives, he is outgoing and considerate, but Jess is short - tempered and rude to him. Soon, Declan becomes irritable and ends the date early. Jess’ prediction that she wouldn’t have a good time came true mainly because of

3

cognitive dissonance

b

prejudice

c

a

d

the fundamental attribution error

6

‘I earned an A on my history test because I studied hard and I’m smart, but I failed my maths test because its questions were poorly worded and the teacher doesn’t like me.’ This of

a

the actor - observer effect

b

the fundamental attribution error

self - fulfilling prophecy

d

a

self - serving bias

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a

Rachel, but not Mark

b

Mark, but not Rachel

c

both Rachel and Mark

d

neither Rachel nor Mark

5 When her best friend stopped by with a Christmas gift, Jen was upset because she had nothing to give in return. Jen was uncomfortable because she

self - fulfilling prophecy

statement is an example

a

4 Rachel and Mark listen to a boring lecture. Afterwards, Rachel is offered $100 and Mark is offered $1 to tell the lecturer’s next class that the lecture was interesting and fun. Both agree to do so. According to cognitive dissonance theory, we would expect real attitude change about the lecture to occur in

have a positive first impression of Jacob because he is a male

a

c

a

experienced deindividuation

b

engaged in social loafing

c

made the ultimate attribution error

d

could not follow the reciprocity norm

Shawn’s teacher doesn’t keep track of her students’ performance when they work in groups, so Shawn does not put as much effort into his group project as he does into his individual project. Shawn is exhibiting self - serving bias

a

a

b

social facilitation

c

social loafing

d

diffusion of responsibility

Chapter 11: Social Cognition and Influence

7 Colleen knows she should take a day off from work to study for a big exam, but she also knows her boss won’t like it. So she first asks for the entire week off. When the boss refuses, she asks for the one day off instead and he agrees. Colleen used the approach to gain her boss’s compliance. a

foot -in - the - door

b

door -in- the - face

c

low - ball

d

peripheral

frustration - aggression

b

generalised arousal

c

authoritarian

d

biological

While shopping, Tamsin falls and breaks her ankle. She is most likely to receive help from a stranger if she

a

is in a quiet area where only a few people saw her fall

b

is in the midst of a large crowd

c

is in a large city

d

doesn’t ask for help

10 Which of the following summarises the evolutionary view of prosocial behaviour?

8 Zac is upset because he just can’t get his new iPhone to work. When his flatmate comes home and accidentally knocks over Zac’s glass of lemonade, Zac becomes abusive, screaming at his roommate and throwing books and pillows at him. This is an theory of aggression. example of the a

9

a

People feel good when they help others,

b

People help others in order to improve the chance that some of their genes will survive in future generations,

c

People are motivated to protect others if the costs of helping are outweighed by the benefits,

d

People are helpful because it improves everyone’s chances of survival.

TALKING POINTS Here are a few talking points to help you summarise this chapter for family and friends without giving a lecture:

Our expectations about how someone will behave can not only shape our first impression of that person but also lead the person to behave in line with our expectations. 2 We often take personal credit when we succeed at something but blame circumstances when we fail. 3 Many people ignore the dangers of risky behaviour because unrealistic optimism leads them to believe that bad things only happen to other people. 4 When our actions are in conflict with our attitudes or beliefs, we tend to reduce the conflict by adjusting our attitudes, not our behaviour.

1

5 A feeling of belonging to a particular social or ethnic group is

comforting, but it can also lead to prejudice against people in other groups. Some people find that being prejudiced helps them feel better

6

about themselves while making the world seem simpler and easier to deal with.

7 Although we might prefer to have the most physically attractive partners available, most people compromise by forming intimate relationships with someone whose attractiveness is similar to their own.

FURTHER READING Now that you have finished reading this chapter, how about exploring some of the topics and information that you found most interesting. Here are some places to start.

RECOMMENDED BOOKS Henry Louis Gates Jr, Coloured People: A Memoir (Vintage, 1994) - growing up black in segregated West Virginia.

by social psychologists, this book explores experiments about all kinds of social psychological principles and variables.

Alex Kotlowitz, The Other Side of the River : A Story of Two Towns, a Death, and America's Dilemma (Doubleday, 1998) - a story of social discrimination in law enforcement and prejudice in a town that is racially and geographically divided.

P. G. Zimbardo, Lucifer Effect (Blackwell Publishing, 2007) - Zimbardo is synonymous with social psychology, and this book draws on his lifetime of work to show how good and evil develop and survive in today’s world.

Charles Stangor (ed.), Stereotypes and Prejudice: Essential Readings (Psychology Press, 2000) - a collection of research articles on prejudice. C. Tavris and E. Aronson, Mistakes Were Made ( But Not By Me): Why We Justify Foolish Beliefs, Bod Decisions, and Hurtful Acts (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2008) - written custompaqe

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Chapter 11: Social Cognition and Influence

ANSWERS TO 'IN REVIEW ' AND 'TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE ' QUESTIONS Social cognition and influence In review

Social influences on the self 1 reference group; 2 reciprocity; 3 ultimate attribution

Attitudes 1 central; 2 learning; 3 attitudes

Prejudice and stereotypes 1 Social discrimination; 2 behavioural; 3 contact hypothesis

Interpersonal attraction 1 matching; 2 interdependence; 3 Companionate Social influence

1 conformity, compliance; 2 less; 3 door -in- the - face

Aggression 1 always; 2 weather, noise; 3 interaction of both aspects Altruism and helping behaviour 1 evolutionary; 2 a nearly empty bus; 3 more Cooperation, competition and conflict 1 mixed - motive conflict; 2 Conflict, likely; 3 task - motivated, relationship - motivated Test your knowledge 1b, 2c, 3 d, 4b, 5d, 6c, 7b, 8a, 9a, 10 b

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Index A Aboriginal people trading, 390

abstraction, 241, 277 Academies, 36 , 91-95, 169, 171, 175 , 215 , 224- 227, 293-294, 298-300, 343, 346-347, 378, 486-491, 576-578 , 582, 585, 587, 590,

653- 654 Accents 65

accuracy, 15 , 104, 170-171, 278, 343, 453, 458-459, 468, 481, 486, 488-489, 505, 654 Acoustics , 110-111, 114, 136, 138, 436, 444, 482, 484, 487, 492 active listening, 542, 571 advertising, 10, 17, 605 advertising campaigns, 10 African Americans, 94, 224, 495 , 506-507, 529, 574, 585, 588, 590-591, 609 racism, 506- 507 Afterimage, 98, 121-122 AIDS, 10, 111, 153, 171-172, 187, 213, 227, 247, 451-452, 482, 495 , 504, 592, 606, 634 Akbar, 94 Ambiguity, 224, 619, 625 anatomy, 55 , 66, 73, 78 , 91, 169, 264, 312, 488, 500, 570 Ancestors, 145, 310, 512, 556, 637 animals, 13, 18 -21, 41, 58 -61, 68, 73-76 , 81, 84, 100, 112, 115 , 119, 124, 126-127, 140, 156, 168, 171, 175, 180-181, 184, 186-187, 189-198, 202-203 , 206, 209- 213, 217, 221-222, 224-227, 248 , 264, 322, 326, 334, 390, 398, 416, 453-454, 465 , 472, 474-475, 477, 508, 511-513, 520, 577, 586, 592, 609, 626- 627

Animism, 243 Apartheid, 367 , 392 Architecture pattern, 76 arena, 479 arrangement, 85, 113, 121-122, 187, 199, 219, 221, 258, 300, 401, 632 Art media, 225-226 Artists training, 36 attribution, 296, 344, 361, 398, 590, 601- 604, 609, 647 , 649 , 653-655, 657

B Ba, 36, 318, 321 Babylon, 466, 487 backgrounds , 6 , 11, 24-25 , 29, 34-35 , 37, 99, 105 , 123, 128 , 137, 142-143, 146-148, 150-151, 154, 280, 291, 310, 316, 369, 371, 373- 374, 403, 408-410, 501, 506, 518, 529, 556, 568, 602, 624 bai, 173 balance, 46, 56 , 74, 133, 135 -136, 219, 226, 245, 256, 281, 361, 407, 437, 537, 591

formal, 245 Base, 13, 19 , 28, 41, 69, 130, 203 , 256, 269, 297, 340, 346, 426, 434-435 , 438, 441-442, 445, 452, 456, 470, 472, 476, 483, 490, 492, 506, 539, 554 Baskets, 248 , 262 baths, 223, 415 , 500, 558 bays , 591 Beauty, 119, 654 Bethlehem, 500 Bible , 411 Binders, 92 books, 4-6, 8 , 12-13 , 15 , 21, 24, 27, 32-36 , 87, 89, 91, 94, 116, 147 , 150, 160, 164, 167-168, 173, 206, 220, 222, 224, 233- 234, 240, 243, 249, 265, 281, 285 , 288-290, 294, 298, 300, 306, 339, 341-342, 344- 345, 357, 360, 372, 375, 377-378 , 385 -387, 390,

403-404, 415 , 423, 425-426, 428 , 439 , 441, 443, 445 , 449, 455 -456, 464 66, 477-478, 481, 484-485 , 489, 516, 550, 569, 572, 574, 576, 584, 587, 592, 606, 630, 646, 649-650 bosses, 65 , 170, 209, 308, 545, 650, 653 brick, 101, 143 Britain, 171, 212, 296, 353, 564 Buddhism, 591 bulls, 37

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c

cames, 18, 59 , 65, 212, 263, 288, 310, 352, 357, 359, 364, 376, 403, 424, 515, 535, 539-540, 555 , 560, 585, 607, 622, 624, 634, 649 Cartoons, 215 , 460 New Yorker, 460 casting, 485 Ceremonies, 199 , 484, 499 , 538 Chance, 104, 145, 156, 181, 196, 201-204, 210, 225 , 234-235, 253, 320, 323-324, 337, 340, 445 , 447, 479, 503, 526, 551, 600, 613, 620, 631, 635 -636, 639- 640, 650-651 charts , 66, 89 , 240, 310, 336 Christ, 172, 475, 489 Christianity, 398 chunking, 444-445, 479, 482, 484, 490 cinema, 23, 108 , 117, 149, 341, 509, 597, 626 circles, 19, 119-120, 128 , 139 , 144, 363, 441, 512 Clan, 364, 522 Class , 24-25, 79 , 82-83, 89 , 121, 179, 198, 200-201, 223, 233, 244, 248, 260, 312, 314, 330, 344, 365 , 372, 377, 404, 410, 439-440, 443, 451, 456, 484, 491, 497, 501, 506, 558 , 561, 563, 596, 599, 602, 613, 649 poor, 497 Clay, 244, 282, 291 Code , 29, 32- 33, 46, 87, 102-103, 112-114, 117, 123 , 126 , 164-165, 173, 220, 246 , 285 , 339, 343, 375 , 418, 420, 422-423, 428 , 436, 444, 447 , 481-482, 484, 486, 556-558 , 569 , 575, 585 , 646 Coins , 195 , 201, 206, 447 collaboration, 11, 373-374, 408, 417, 420, 426 colonialism, 387 color, 93 , 168 -171, 489, 655 columns, 53, 103, 144, 457 combines, 7, 17, 42, 64, 67 , 105 , 107, 114, 142, 146, 148, 150, 157, 206, 254, 314, 317-318, 321, 498, 502- 503, 520, 524, 532, 553-554, 570, 575, 626, 628 commercials, 10, 195, 208, 523, 606, 624 communication

firms, 305 compose, 42 composition, 126, 226, 563, 655 computers, 4, 8, 13, 19, 23, 27, 30, 33, 36, 52-53 , 63-64, 69 , 140, 155, 199, 218, 224, 234, 240, 245 , 250-251, 290, 293, 336, 364, 435, 479 , 484, 502, 588 Concrete, 241, 244, 251, 286, 487 Confucianism, 403 Constructivism, 576 Content selecting, 333 Context, 6, 9, 11, 32, 36-37, 42, 154, 172, 224, 231, 254, 260-261, 266, 272, 286, 290-293 , 296, 298- 299, 301, 343-346, 352, 355, 358 , 360, 362, 364, 366, 368, 373-374, 376-377, 379-380, 390, 396, 403, 406, 408 , 410, 413 , 425 -428, 451-453 , 455 , 476-478, 482-483 , 486-488, 490-492, 498 -499, 501, 506, 535 , 570, 593 , 595- 596, 655-656 Continuation, 54 Continuity, 92, 143-144, 151, 174, 293, 295 , 343, 361, 366, 384, 386, 388- 389, 427, 429, 591, 656

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contours drawing, 143 contrast, 22, 37, 108, 124-125, 127, 150, 157 , 180, 189, 194, 203, 237-238 , 248, 253, 260-261, 264, 283, 293, 317, 329-331, 352, 397, 399, 404, 438, 478, 523, 525 , 559, 590, 606, 615, 617, 620, 624, 631, 644 value, 22, 329- 331, 352, 559 , 615 , 624 Cook, James, 398 covers , 57, 61, 80, 119 , 130, 149, 245, 334, 413, 456, 506, 610 Crafts, 581 Creative process, 497 creative thinking, 6, 29, 41, 99, 179, 231, 305 , 351, 385, 435, 495, 595 Criticism, 22, 69, 93, 223, 312, 318, 324-325, 329, 345 , 353, 366, 372, 374, 376, 410, 425, 526- 527, 564 Critique, 345 -346, 378, 428 crossing, 44, 200, 291, 317, 508 cubes, 142, 144, 232 Cubism, 197 Picasso , 197 Culture defined, 25, 353, 358 , 362-363, 365, 367, 377, 397, 497, 599, 634 popular culture, 291 your heritage, 356, 359, 379 Curved lines, 104

D Dance , 25 , 91, 350, 352, 355 , 359 , 437, 475 ,

598

Dark, 8 , 102, 115 , 117-118, 150, 155 , 159 , 165 , 181, 247, 371, 379, 393 , 542 Darwin, Charles, 18, 21, 24, 306, 637 Death, 19, 41, 59-60, 75, 82, 89, 93, 95 , 139 , 155, 170, 179, 191, 228 , 234, 238 -239, 259 , 279, 282- 284, 287, 290, 292-294, 296, 298 , 369, 379, 393, 396-397 , 402, 426, 428, 473, 502, 504, 517, 522, 535 , 543, 549, 559, 564, 575, 586, 589-591, 597 , 624, 638- 639, 644, 650, 652 debriefing, 487 , 624 demographics, 347, 360, 365, 386, 426, 588 demos, 94, 275, 299 Diagonal lines, 103, 152, 200 Diagrams, 12-13, 57 , 66, 87, 164, 220, 285, 339 , 375, 423, 481, 569, 600, 641, 646 differentiation, 225, 296, 468 , 470 diffusion, 66-67, 76, 635, 648-649 disagreement, 22, 327, 468, 654 distortion, 227, 338, 449, 465, 486, 488 , 490-491, 501, 510-511, 550, 651 Doing, 5, 70-71, 102, 131-132, 135, 152, 180, 196, 198, 202, 212-213 , 217, 222, 242-243, 252, 259 -260, 273, 277- 278, 292, 322, 330, 365, 373, 377, 406, 421, 427-428, 449, 456, 467, 483 84, 510, 512, 521, 528, 536-537, 543, 546, 565 , 596, 602-603, 634, 640, 648 Dolls, 85, 213- 214, 262-264, 328, 628 drama, 262, 494, 500 drawing, 8, 44, 63 , 72, 140, 143 , 145 -147, 150, 156, 173, 194, 216, 243 , 251, 334, 380, 390, 447-448, 453 , 457, 516, 618 contour, 143 perspective, 140, 145-146, 173 , 380

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dummies, 191, 427 DVDs, 149, 151, 251, 435 , 479

E economy, 206, 224-225 , 364, 546, 571, 583-585, 588 edges, 111, 140, 142-143 , 146 , 150, 154, 157-158, 165, 173 , 237 , 301 edition, 152-153, 293, 335 , 337, 416, 427,

503-504, 540 elaboration, 476, 485, 605 , 608 , 647

elements, 16-17, 21, 54, 85, 101, 114, 121-122, 124, 130, 142-144, 152, 155, 162, 184, 237, 241, 265, 277 , 320, 322, 324, 352, 358, 363, 376, 398, 408 , 414, 427 , 439 , 444-445, 491, 523, 530, 540, 562, 572- 573, 601, 606, 610 elevators, 545, 560 Emotional state , 334, 412, 518, 624, 636 Emotions , 9-10, 14, 24, 27-28, 40, 52, 56, 58, 68, 70, 78-79, 85 , 88-89, 94-95, 125-126, 130, 171, 173-174, 181, 186, 224, 227, 237, 247-248 , 250, 252-253, 261-264, 266, 275, 277, 281-282, 286-287, 291-292, 294- 295, 300-301, 305 -306, 312, 317-318, 322, 324, 334, 336, 344-347, 361- 362, 364, 367, 373- 374, 466 , 475 , 487 , 489- 490, 496-498, 500, 504-505 , 521, 523, 525-526, 528, 537, 539-540, 550, 552, 561, 571, 578, 581- 583, 585-586, 588 , 591, 594, 598, 604- 605, 609, 614-616, 628, 631, 646, 651, 653- 654, 656 emphasis , 18, 24, 30, 306 , 311, 315, 340, 347, 352, 417, 438, 539-541, 543, 644 empiricism, 16 Ende, 528-529, 578 England landscapes, 490

Entertainment cartoons, 215 television, 215, 629 video games, 629 equilibrium, 130, 135 -136, 138, 176, 181 Events , 5 , 7, 14, 16, 18-19, 23, 34, 37, 41, 54, 58, 60, 76, 85 , 91, 93, 99 , 143-144, 155, 168, 174, 178-181, 183 , 186-191, 194, 196, 198, 201, 207, 209-210, 221, 223, 234, 241, 243, 248, 251, 253, 262, 275 , 281, 283-284, 286- 288, 290, 294-297, 306, 308, 312, 318, 321, 323, 326-327, 333, 344, 347, 367, 391, 394, 396, 399, 412, 437-438 , 449, 451-453, 457, 460- 461, 465 -470, 472-476, 482-487, 489- 491, 495, 500-502, 508, 510- 513, 516, 520- 521, 527, 530, 534, 539, 541, 549, 552, 557, 570, 575, 582, 589 , 592, 597, 600, 617, 630, 635, 639, 647, 651-652, 654- 655 experimental design, 99 Extended family, 266, 280, 284, 353 Eye movement, 169, 173, 187, 226, 237, 245

F Fabrics , 12, 590 facades, 653 face , 8-9, 41, 51, 58 , 63, 72, 93-95 , 99, 116, 135, 143, 145, 152, 154, 156-158, 160, 168-172, 174, 179 , 216, 219 , 231, 236- 240, 247, 251- 252, 259, 264, 266, 270, 280, 282- 283, 290, 293-294, 296, 298, 300-301, 305, 307, 324, 351, 360, 367 , 370, 387, 435-436, 448, 459 , 468 , 479, 486, 488, 495, 513- 514, 520-521, 544, 551, 555, 561, 568, 570, 580, 582, 595, 600, 620-621, 625, 634, 641, 644, 648, 650, 653 , 655 -657 Facebook, 333, 343 Families, 5, 9, 22, 35 , 90, 93-94, 168, 172, 174, 223, 225-226 , 232, 234, 242, 249- 250, 253- 254, 256, 258, 260, 265 -266, 270-273, 275- 276, 279-281, 283-284, 287, 289 -301, 308, 319- 320, 322, 326, 333-334, 340, 342, 345, 352- 353, 355 , 357, 361, 378, 380, 387- 389, 392, 394-395 , 397, 401, 403, 417, 425-427, 437, 467, 473, 484-485, 488, 496, 498, 505, 510-511, 519-520, 522, 524, 526, 534, 538- 540, 551, 557, 571, 573- 575, 577- 578, 581, 583-585 , 587- 590, 592, 599 , 602, 605, 630, 634, 637-639, 648, 650, 652- 653 fans, 524, 578, 585, 597-598, 651-652 Fantasy, 94, 292, 301, 307, 309 , 327, 334, 466, 539- 540 Fashion, 45, 89 , 134, 165 Feelings, 7, 16, 21, 41, 54, 62, 68 -70, 82, 90, 100, 126 , 135 , 159, 192, 199, 210, 215 , 224, 243, 249, 252, 254, 258, 261, 264,

268-269 , 272, 275, 280- 281, 283 , 299 , 306-308 , 310-311, 313, 318 , 322-326, 328, 331, 335 , 340, 346, 348, 358, 364, 368-369, 397, 405 , 411, 451-452, 454455 , 483 , 487, 490, 495 -496, 501- 503, 508 -510, 514, 517, 520-522, 531, 533, 537, 539-543, 546, 551-552, 555 , 557, 563, 566, 570-572, 595-596, 600, 604- 605, 608 , 610, 615 , 617, 628-630, 633-634, 639, 643, 645 , 647,

649-651, 653 Fertility, 276, 287 Film, 17, 149, 181-182, 213-214, 237, 329, 357, 445 , 512, 597-598, 631 flashing, 17, 141, 149 , 160, 183, 222 Flowers, 135, 238, 274, 326, 513 foregrounds, 146 form, 10, 18-19, 21, 23, 25, 34, 36, 40, 42, 47, 53 , 57, 60, 66, 75 -76, 78, 83 , 85 -86, 88 -89 , 91, 100-104, 107, 110-112, 115 , 118 , 120, 122, 124, 131, 139, 142-144, 155 , 159 , 165-166 , 174, 179-182, 184, 188-189, 191, 198, 204, 206, 209 , 216, 221- 223, 235 , 241-244, 247 , 251-252, 254-255 , 257, 260-261, 264, 266, 269, 280, 284, 286-287, 289, 300, 306, 311, 314, 316, 318, 329-330, 336, 343 , 347, 350-351, 370, 380, 385 -386, 389, 396, 398 , 407 , 409- 410, 436, 438 , 440, 443, 454, 461-462, 470, 473-474, 478-479, 486, 489 , 495 , 501-502, 505-507 , 509-510, 513-514, 516-518, 520, 523-526, 529, 533, 535, 538-540, 542- 544, 546 , 549 , 551-555, 558-560, 565 , 570- 573, 585 , 594, 597, 599-604, 611, 614- 615, 617, 626, 628-631, 634, 640, 642, 647 , 653 defined, 25 , 104, 266, 396, 454, 533, 599 , 634 pure, 120, 122, 461 selecting, 314, 614 formats, 29, 238, 335 , 338, 396, 540, 551, 571 forum, 386, 428, 505, 590 frames, 139, 171, 353, 373-374, 376, 445, 449 Franks, 5, 236 , 293 , 440, 486-487, 564, 574, 585-586 Freud, Sigmund, 17, 20, 34-35 , 306-307, 313, 340, 500, 539, 571, 626

G Gardens , 576 Gaze , 136, 157, 237, 252, 296 Ge , 379 Government buildings, 36, 595 graffiti, 351 graphs, 68 , 108, 446, 555 grays , 58, 94, 227, 290, 318-319, 321, 341, 343-347, 528, 535, 540, 544, 578-580, 587 visual, 94, 544 grids, 196 griffins, 281, 294, 487, 507 , 580 Ground, 142-144, 146, 151, 166, 174, 204, 212, 370, 393, 497, 536, 545, 648 groups, 7, 10-12, 15, 24- 26 , 32, 42, 49 , 60, 63, 72, 77, 79, 81, 83, 88 , 91, 93-94, 110, 112, 114-115 , 127, 132, 134, 137, 143-144, 151, 154, 166-167, 170, 172-174, 189 -190, 198-199 , 210-212, 214, 216 , 227 , 239, 247, 253-254, 260-262, 264, 269-270, 272, 276, 282, 284, 288, 293, 298- 300, 317, 329-332, 336, 341, 343, 346, 350- 354, 357-361, 363-369, 371-374, 376-378, 380, 386- 389, 391, 393, 396, 402-405, 407 09 , 414-416, 418-420, 424, 438-439, 442, 445 -446, 449, 457-459 , 463-464, 467, 470, 473 , 495 -496, 498-499 , 501, 505- 507, 509 , 513 , 517 , 525 , 529-532, 534-535, 538-539, 541, 543, 545-546, 551, 556, 559, 562-563, 568, 571-573, 576, 579, 584, 586-587, 589-590, 592, 594-597 , 599- 600, 602-603 , 605, 609-612, 617-619, 622-623 , 625 -627, 629, 640-651, 653-657

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H Happenings , 443

Harmony, 26, 256, 298-299, 361, 439, 604 Hippocrates , 314, 317, 321, 500, 558 , 581 Hogarth, William, 500 Holocaust, 636, 653 homosexuality, 171, 498 Horizontal lines, 103 Houses, 7, 91, 142-143, 152, 168 , 181-182, 243, 259, 334, 379, 390, 436, 443, 468, 473, 513, 567, 579, 587, 638, 640, 655 -656 hue , 120, 165

Human body, 218, 495 human face, 72, 157-158, 237, 513 Human nature, 327, 345, 651 humanism, 358 IBM , 354, 445

Iceland, 356 illustration, 85- 86, 110, 346, 623 images creating, 64, 118, 477, 544, 644

manipulating, 264 imagines, 51, 101, 106 , 141, 186, 196, 198 -199, 201, 241, 355 , 364, 436 , 446, 451, 453-454, 459, 467, 477, 488, 544, 556, 602, 621, 631, 638 Imbalance, 500, 502, 519, 538 imitation, 70, 91, 213-214, 218, 225, 229,

592 imperialism, 372, 380 Impressionism, 197 Monet, 197 index, 63 , 136, 172, 248, 293, 343-344, 379, 428, 487, 576, 584 India , 90, 191, 260, 274, 356-357, 363, 365, 380, 386, 497-498 , 501, 509 , 615 industries , 126, 168, 258, 315, 629 Innovation, 427 Intellectual property, 374 intensity, 16, 46, 104-108 , 112, 115, 119 -120, 124, 130-131, 138, 145, 165-166 , 172, 221, 293, 364, 502, 519 , 548 , 561, 588, 631-632 Internet, 93, 227, 231, 249, 251, 268 , 275 , 294, 300- 301, 333, 356, 495 , 505 -506, 551, 557, 574, 577, 583-584, 590, 629 , 654 Iran, 354, 379 iron, 46, 90, 204, 213, 466 Isaac, 427 Isolation, 254-255 , 259 , 279 , 295, 352, 507, 541, 567 Israel, 94, 216, 356, 520, 576, 581

J Japan class, 330, 501, 599 Jung, Carl, 310, 313, 340 Jupiter, 198

K keeps, 14, 44, 58 , 69, 85, 88 , 120, 147, 149, 157 , 161, 173, 182, 191, 196 , 200, 230, 246, 254, 257, 260, 269, 278-279, 287, 299, 390, 437, 439, 443, 446, 463, 465 , 467, 473, 477, 479, 484-485, 512, 522, 526, 539-540, 555, 568 , 573, 622, 629, 641, 649 Kierkegaard, Soren, 327 Knowledge, 4-6, 12-13 , 15 -16, 23, 26 , 28-30, 32-34, 38, 41, 71, 89, 96 , 99-100, 139 , 152-154, 156-159 , 165-167, 174, 176, 179-180, 207-208 , 222, 229, 231, 240-243 , 245 -246, 248, 262, 271, 275 , 277, 284, 288, 290, 294, 297, 299, 301-302, 305 , 307, 341, 345 -346, 348, 351, 360, 362, 370-371, 376-378, 382, 384-385 , 390, 392, 403-404, 407-410, 414-417, 420-421, 424-425 , 427-429, 435, 437, 439-442, 453-457, 460, 465 , 475, 477, 482-484, 486 , 488 -489, 492, 495 , 543, 568, 572, 590, 593, 595 , 600, 604, 649 , 657

modeling, 575, 583 overview, 583

L

Land, 191, 351, 361, 370, 387- 388 , 392-399 , 401, 403, 452, 487, 568 , 576 Latin America, 380 leading, 13, 59, 139, 182, 201, 268, 283 , 293, 298, 312, 373, 402, 459, 472-473, 507, 516- 517, 530, 575 , 647

Leisure activities, 281 Light, 16-17, 41, 46, 54, 68, 70, 81, 98-102, 104, 106-107, 111, 114-124, 131, 135, 138-139, 142-143, 147, 149-151, 159 , 165 , 167-168, 176, 179 , 183, 188 -189, 196-197, 199, 210, 222, 231, 235 , 276, 293 , 305 , 310, 345, 351, 380, 397, 435 , 441, 445 , 495 , 519, 549, 562, 590, 595-596, 608-609, 615, 617, 619, 635, 639 line, 25 , 49, 56 , 66, 76, 98 , 100, 103-105, 119-120, 122, 139-140, 142, 144, 146, 150, 152, 154-157, 165 , 179, 200, 233, 250, 260, 264, 307- 308, 311, 336, 341, 380, 454, 459- 460, 465, 475 , 497, 535 , 555, 558, 597- 598, 600-601, 604, 617- 618, 626 , 638 , 650, 652 actual, 76 , 104, 139, 200, 465, 600, 626 contour , 142 defined, 25, 104, 454, 497 diagonal, 103, 152, 200 explicit, 380, 617, 652 horizontal, 103 inherent, 459 interpreting, 100, 336 , 465 outlines , 98, 105, 179 psychic, 307 vertical, 119, 233 line breaks, 260 linear perspective , 140, 146, 151, 158 Location, 5, 48 , 62-63, 66-67 , 78, 83 , 90, 102, 112-114, 118, 120, 130-131, 135, 138, 142, 145, 147-149, 151, 159, 162, 173, 207, 247, 262, 307, 356, 477, 487, 515 , 534, 640 Locke, John, 16, 232, 286, 302 Looking, 8 , 16, 23, 26, 30, 49 , 59- 60, 63 , 67-68, 70, 87, 99, 101, 117-118 , 139 , 142, 151-152, 155, 157, 159 , 162, 164, 171, 220, 235, 237, 256, 262-263, 274, 282, 285, 287, 296, 306, 326, 339, 357 , 360-361, 373- 375, 389, 414, 420, 423, 436 , 443 , 454, 464, 481, 486, 500- 501, 516, 525 , 529 , 557, 569, 573, 609- 610, 622, 646 Luna, 91

M mana, 378, 418-419 , 422, 428 Mannerism, 213 manors, 172 maps Italy, 448 margins, 13

Mars , 91, 265 masks, 397 mass, 77, 127, 172, 224-225 , 246, 248, 276, 284, 325, 343, 379-380, 617 Materials, 12-13, 22, 93, 172, 192, 218, 251, 268, 307- 308, 321, 328 , 333 , 417, 435, 439, 442, 452-453, 461-463, 473, 477- 480, 483, 607 640 667 681

Mathematics , 226, 249, 291-292, 486 Meaning, 42, 44, 49, 57 , 64- 65, 71, 100, 103, 138-139, 142-143 , 154, 156, 161, 167, 209, 243, 249, 292, 306, 311, 314, 330, 334, 351- 352, 359, 362, 376, 409, 436, 441, 447, 451, 482, 489, 522, 540, 542-543, 557, 563, 577, 579, 584, 610, 624, 655 context, 42, 154, 292, 352, 362, 376, 451, 482, 655 overview, 584 media, 91, 215 -216, 224-228 , 251, 287, 290- 291, 300, 325 , 345 , 356, 367, 370- 371, 379- 380, 384, 407, 421, 428, 499, 516, 537, 575, 583, 617, 647, 651-652, 656 defined, 325 , 367 drawing, 216 , 251, 380, 516

painting, 228

Memorials, 174 Mental state, 262-263 , 571 Metaphor, 265, 584 methods , 4, 7, 9-10, 13, 15 -20, 22-23, 28 , 33-34, 41, 59 , 78, 94, 99 , 102, 132, 134-135, 137, 170, 174, 179, 198, 206, 210, 218, 231, 239, 244, 257-258, 260, 262-263, 305 , 314, 331, 333-334, 338, 341, 346, 351, 354, 364, 372-376, 379, 382, 385- 386, 404, 407, 413, 415-416, 422-423, 425, 429 , 435 , 439 , 446 , 452, 461, 467, 470, 472, 476-478, 480, 483-485 , 487 , 494-495, 503 , 516, 523, 528-529, 538-541, 543-546, 548-549, 553-555 , 558-559, 565-567 , 570-573, 580, 585, 595 , 629 , 638-639, 653 Middle Ages, 259, 289 , 301, 499 -500 miniatures, 241, 249, 531 mobile phones, 8 , 92, 94, 99-100, 115 -116, 160, 168 , 217, 479 Mobiles, 8- 9, 92, 94, 99-100, 115 -116, 160, 168, 217, 245 , 479 Modeling, 299 , 378 , 575 -576, 583 modification, 60, 180, 221, 226, 245 , 405 , 544, 571, 582, 585 -586, 588, 590, 631, 651 modules, 226, 491, 586 Monet, Claude, 197 Monkeys, 70, 91-92, 134, 158 , 199 , 254-255 , 288, 294, 301, 487, 513, 577, 589, 608-609 , 615 , 656 Montage , 538 Moods, 79- 80, 82, 89 , 132, 266, 282, 295-296, 412, 452, 482, 487 88 , 504, 516-521, 537 , 560, 562, 570-571, 576, 578-579 , 581, 584- 586, 588 -589 , 591, 649,

^

656 mortality, 92, 174, 280, 287 , 290, 294, 296, 300, 402, 576 Moses, 387 , 428 , 511, 585 Mothers , 94, 127, 172-173, 192, 213, 234-238, 240, 243, 250, 252-258, 270, 280, 283, 286, 288-301, 309- 311, 343, 346, 393, 395, 445 , 477 , 484, 520, 524, 532, 534-536, 541, 551, 564, 575 -576, 584, 586, 601, 609, 627, 654 Motion, 51, 54, 93, 110, 123, 135 , 144, 147-149 , 158 , 162, 166-168 , 170, 172-173,

228, 437, 443 Movement, 7, 40-41, 51, 53, 56- 57, 61-64, 71, 74-83, 89, 92, 99-100, 110, 112-113, 124, 130, 132, 135 -138, 145, 147-152, 156, 159-160, 165 -173, 187, 226, 235 , 237-238, 245, 251, 255 , 286, 309, 363, 370, 376, 378 , 392, 437, 441, 444, 474-475, 504, 551, 555 , 560-561, 564, 566- 567, 571, 580, 586, 617 Movies, 17, 90, 148 , 151, 182, 198 , 223, 426, 437, 443, 450, 494, 512, 516, 528, 606 Muhammad, 380 Museums, 516 Music, 9 , 25, 65, 94, 101, 111, 132, 169, 173, 188, 203, 224, 251, 294, 299, 355, 437, 479, 484, 487 , 556, 601, 628 musical instruments, 56, 73, 112 Muslims, 367, 379, 611

N Nationalism, 378

Native American cultures racism, 380 Nature, 16, 26 , 36, 73 , 91-93, 95 , 99, 106, 108, 114, 121-122, 135, 157-158 , 168 -175, 179, 209 , 216, 225 , 228, 231-235, 239 -240, 246, 253-255 , 264- 265, 277, 280-281, 286, 291, 293-294, 302, 305, 308, 311, 320, 325 , 327, 331, 343, 345 , 358, 361, 363, 404, 413, 435-438, 441-442, 460, 471, 482, 485 -492, 495, 502-503 , 509- 510, 515 , 519-520, 536, 544, 553, 557, 578-579, 583-584, 587, 591, 619, 626, 643 , 651-653, 655-656 animals, 73 , 168 , 171, 175, 209, 225, 264, 520, 626 as source, 490

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land, 361, 487 Nazi Germany, 367, 369, 372 New Wave, 378, 380 New Zealand, 5-7, 9 , 11, 24, 26-27, 30- 32, 34, 59, 91, 95, 172, 191, 226, 239, 249, 256, 296-297, 331, 352-353, 355- 357, 359, 361, 365 , 367, 371, 380, 384-386, 389 , 398- 399, 401-406, 408-410, 415 , 418- 420, 422, 424-429, 438-439, 496, 501, 508, 517, 534-536, 538, 556-557, 559, 567, 580, 584-586, 595, 612, 615 , 634, 644, 652

newsletters, 37 Normans, 92, 455 , 479 , 489 -490, 562, 586 , 598 Numbers, 5, 13 , 16, 18 , 52, 62- 63 , 71, 74, 76, 78, 90, 108 , 118 , 125, 128, 130, 143, 158 , 188, 199- 201, 208 , 211, 215 -216, 219, 244, 246, 249- 251, 256, 270, 280, 282- 283, 296-297, 306, 308 , 331, 336, 340, 352- 354, 360-361, 365, 369 , 371-372, 376, 388, 391, 394, 398, 411-414, 417, 425 , 435 , 437, 439,

443-446, 450, 452, 461-462, 464, 471, 478-479, 482, 484, 489, 497, 510-511, 515 -516, 518, 520-521, 524, 535, 553-554, 557, 572, 585, 600, 619, 622, 626, 635

o

Offerings , 11, 68, 318, 325, 421, 551, 568 , 634 orphans, 289 outlines, 5 -6, 4041, 98 -99, 105 , 179 , 230-231, 304-305 , 324, 351, 384, 386, 400, 407-408, 419, 435 , 462, 477 , 479 -480, 494-495, 594-595 , 641 Overlapping, 170

P painting, 128, 154, 156 , 179 , 197, 228, 278, 328, 448

action, 179 components, 128, 179 Cubist, 197 Impressionist, 197 Japanese , 128 landscapes, 278 Picasso, 197, 228 Pantheon, 378 Papua New Guinea, 274, 389, 402, 424 Parks, 136, 227, 276-277 , 289, 294, 297, 427-428, 531, 550, 588, 611, 641, 651- 652, 654-655 pastel, 120 Pattern, 21-23, 26 , 46, 49 , 73, 76, 98 , 101-104, 107, 109 -110, 112, 114, 121, 123, 126, 136, 139, 143, 147-148, 151-153, 155, 157-158, 165-167, 169 , 198- 200, 203,

206-207, 213, 234, 236, 239-241, 253-254, 256, 259, 263- 264, 266, 286, 289 -293, 296, 298-299, 306, 309-311, 313, 317, 322, 326, 332, 334, 336- 337, 340-341, 345- 347, 365 , 441, 466, 471, 475, 486, 489, 496, 499, 502-504, 512, 517, 519-521, 526- 528, 531, 533-535, 546, 549 , 551, 570-571, 582-583 , 585 , 587- 588, 591, 607 , 609 , 613 , 615, 637, 645 , 649, 653 defined, 104, 266, 365, 496, 533 Perception shaping, 34, 501, 594 Perseus, 289

personal style, 253 Perspective, 5, 23, 28, 30, 36, 59, 91-95, 140, 145-146, 151, 158, 168-169, 171-173, 224-225, 227, 241, 261, 283, 289-292, 294-301, 326-327, 329, 343- 346, 351, 354, 366, 372- 373, 378 -380, 385, 387, 404-405 , 410-411, 414, 417, 420, 424, 426-428, 440, 477 , 486, 488- 491, 501, 528-529, 539, 541, 570, 577, 579, 581, 583, 585 -586, 588- 589, 592, 614, 626, 651-656 linear, 140, 146, 151, 158 , 343, 420, 652 multiple , 95, 169, 225, 292, 294-295, 440, 570, 579, 583, 588-589, 652, 655

Phenomenology, 172, 326-327

photography, 245 contemporary, 245 Picasso, Pablo, 197 pictograms, 208 pigments, 117, 122-123 pilgrimage, 497 pixels, 121 Planes , 545, 624 plastics, 74, 94, 111, 140, 173, 192 Plato, 16 Popular culture , 291 Portugal, 356, 585 Position, 29, 31, 100, 130, 135-137, 145, 151, 166, 239, 243, 246, 251, 299 , 311, 345, 359, 368- 371, 385 , 405 -406, 408-409 , 414, 424, 443, 449 450, 485 , 491, 508, 515, 536, 599, 644 positivism, 404 posters, 274 pottery, 246, 248, 390 Poverty, 9 , 174, 232, 250, 265- 266, 271, 287, 290, 293, 297, 301, 507, 520-521, 529- 530, 533, 568, 604-605 Prayer , 538 Pregnancy, 92, 127, 133, 169, 235 -236, 253, 269- 270, 291-296, 299 -301, 469, 483 , 488 , 525, 534, 583, 589, 591, 627 print media, 380 Problem solving, 7, 15, 18 , 23, 29 , 33 , 171, 212-213, 224, 284, 293, 491, 541 production, 61, 93 , 226 , 357 , 488, 544, 568,

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598 proportion, 57, 118, 120, 241, 266 , 386 , 390, 469, 626

Protest, 273 , 597 Proximity, 143-144, 151, 255 -256, 613, 616, 648 publishers , 36, 77 , 588

pyramids, 391, 398

R ratios, 93, 121-122, 170, 199-201, 222- 223, 532, 563 realistic images, 544 registers, 30, 154, 443-444, 482

ren, 327 Repetition, 92, 439, 461, 477 Response , 17, 19 -20, 23, 34, 36, 42, 51, 53, 58, 64- 65 , 72, 77-78 , 83, 85- 86 , 89-90, 94, 101-102, 104-105 , 107 , 111, 113, 117, 119, 121, 128-129, 132, 134, 137, 139, 152, 155-156, 161-162, 166-169, 171-175 , 178 , 180- 203, 205-209 , 211-212, 219, 221-222, 224- 225, 238, 266, 286, 288-290, 292-293, 296, 298, 300, 308, 321-322, 333- 336, 338, 341, 347, 363, 368-369, 372, 377, 380, 403, 408, 411, 418, 425, 437 , 458 , 468 , 470-471, 484, 499, 501-502, 512, 519-520, 523, 545- 548, 552-553 , 562-563, 572, 574, 576, 580- 581, 583-589 , 591-592, 598-599 , 602, 618, 620- 621, 623 , 625 , 627-629, 634, 638- 639, 641-642, 648 -649, 651, 653

restoration, 74 Revolutions, 291 rhythm, 58, 88, 94, 226, 297 , 519 alternating, 519 visual, 94, 297 Robes, 597 roughs, 112, 272, 353 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 232 rubbings, 132

s

saints, 235, 297, 500 Salt, 84, 129, 167, 169 , 527, 562

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Sartre, Jean Paul, 327 saturation, 120, 165 scale, 14, 92, 112, 168 , 173, 226, 237, 300, 305, 332, 336-337 , 344, 346-347, 352, 356, 362, 370, 412, 532, 553, 565 , 579, 581, 656 seals, 207 sectors , 32, 408, 428 , 591

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Self expression, 539 Sexuality, 171, 275 , 281, 310 Shade, 99, 119, 150 Shading, 173 Shadows, 146-147, 149, 151 shapes, 9, 17, 19, 22, 26 -27, 34, 43 , 58, 72, 90, 99 -100, 116-117, 119, 123-124, 126-127, 141, 143, 147-152, 156-158, 160, 162, 166, 168-170, 173, 180, 189, 198 -199 , 224, 233-234, 237, 243, 251, 259-260, 267, 287, 306, 311, 321, 323- 324, 326-328 , 331, 357, 390, 413, 461, 470, 483, 501, 515, 531, 535, 537 , 546, 577 , 596, 600, 616-617 , 650 defined, 27 fast, 72, 100, 148, 168 type as, 170 sharpness, 114, 276 Shelter, 390, 515 Sickness, 189 Silver , 227, 290 sir© ns 159 Size, 43, 56, 58, 63, 68, 105, 116, 146, 148-151, 162, 166, 169-170, 189 , 199,

234-235 , 237, 260, 267, 276, 284, 286-287, 413, 445 , 544, 603, 616, 619, 625 Skulls , 54, 61, 68, 558 slavery, 387 slip, 18, 167, 540 slogans, 367 social class , 25, 233, 344, 377 , 501, 506 social issues, 277, 298 gender, 298 race, 298 Socrates, 16 solid line , 555 Source defined, 353, 365, 496 Space, 11, 44, 63, 73 , 91, 107-108 , 115, 121-122, 135 -136, 143-145 , 149, 152, 169, 171, 175 , 227, 249 , 264- 265, 296, 333 , 364, 404, 408, 417, 483, 486, 497, 506, 511, 523-524, 644 spectrum, 5 , 92, 115, 119, 295 , 504, 521, 523-524, 526, 532, 571, 573-574, 579, 584, 586, 588-592 squares , 61, 103, 106, 130, 579, 600 State, 18-19, 25 -26, 31, 34, 44, 46, 53, 59, 85 , 94, 105 , 112, 126 , 129, 137, 170-171, 175, 181, 197, 215 -216, 224, 226, 237, 239, 254, 258, 262-263, 265, 267, 275, 291, 298, 300, 330-331, 334, 347, 352-354, 356-357, 369-370, 372, 378, 387, 390-392, 394-395, 407-408, 412, 417, 428, 447, 451-452, 455 , 465, 474, 482-491, 499, 516, 518, 533 , 536, 557, 559 , 564, 571, 575- 577, 579-580, 582, 584-586, 588 , 590- 591, 597 -598 , 605, 611, 615, 624, 626, 631, 634, 636, 638, 643, 647, 652 statues, 161 Stone , 136, 174, 213, 253, 264, 281, 297, 300, 445 , 524, 564, 574, 589- 590, 606, 617, 655

Structuralism, 16-18, 20, 34, 38 style, 25 -26 , 94, 175, 197, 210-211, 224, 253, 259-260, 286, 288, 291, 293-294, 297, 301, 316, 343, 377, 379, 420, 521, 527, 551, 575, 580-581, 586, 588, 643-644, 649 Subject matter, 33 Supports, 4-5 , 10, 14, 40, 68, 98 , 121, 134, 141, 178 , 185 , 210, 215- 216, 219, 222-223 , 230, 233, 239, 245 , 248, 253, 257-258, 261-263, 270, 274-276, 279-281, 292, 299, 304, 312, 319-322, 332, 335, 340, 350, 353, 358, 364, 368 , 384, 406, 409, 413, 418, 434, 438, 452, 465 , 469 , 472, 479, 490, 494-495 , 505-507 , 513 , 516, 518, 520-521, 525 , 535 , 540-541, 554, 567, 577, 589-590, 594, 599, 604, 610, 623 , 625 , 629- 633, 638-639 symbols , 13, 105 , 241-244, 251, 277, 352, 359, 361, 376, 407 cultural, 352, 359 , 361, 376, 407 symposium, 168, 366, 379, 488

T

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tatau, 428 technique , 7, 10, 16 , 20, 29, 40, 56, 60, 66-68, 70-71, 74, 78 , 90, 99, 132-135, 178 , 191, 205, 219, 239, 248, 312, 315 , 334, 345 -346, 362, 421, 435 , 445 -446, 453, 480, 482, 484, 540, 544, 547-549, 556, 558- 559, 565 , 571, 573, 578-580, 586, 594, 609, 620-621, 625, 630, 648, 652 Technology

media, 380 Television, 115, 121, 145, 172, 179, 195, 207, 215- 217, 224-227, 232, 249, 251-252, 265 , 271, 291, 297, 450, 457, 494, 515 , 545 -546, 625, 628 -630, 640, 655 text, 6, 168, 170, 201, 246, 273, 360, 364, 380, 415, 477-478 , 487 , 570, 579 , 600, 618 texture , 129 , 144, 146-148 , 151, 156, 158, 167

visual, 144, 146-148 , 151, 158, 167 Thinking, 6-9 , 12, 21, 24, 26-27 , 29, 35 -37, 41, 68, 73, 78, 81, 99, 133, 171-172, 179-180, 207, 210, 215 , 218 , 231-232, 240-241, 243-245 , 257, 262, 267, 272, 277-278, 281, 286-287 , 295, 299- 301, 305 -306, 308, 310, 312, 318-319, 322, 340-341, 351, 354, 361, 368, 378, 385, 387, 397, 399, 405, 407, 435, 439, 447, 464, 468, 475 , 479, 486, 495-497, 502-504, 506-507, 510, 517- 518, 520-522, 524- 525, 527, 533, 537-540, 542, 548-550, 553, 558, 561, 566, 570-571, 577, 579 -580, 588, 595- 596, 602, 606, 610, 629, 637, 639, 645 , 649 about problem, 538

Tiles , 72 Time , 5 , 14, 16-17, 26- 27, 41, 43, 46, 51-53, 56, 58, 63 , 65- 66, 75 -76, 78, 82, 84, 89 , 91, 93-95, 101, 104, 107-108 , 111-112, 114, 116-118, 126, 128 , 132-133, 138, 142-145 , 149-150, 156, 158 , 161-162, 169-172, 174-175, 179-181, 184-185, 188-189, 191-194, 198-203 , 206, 208- 212, 215-216, 218-219, 221-225 , 231, 234- 250, 252-255 , 257-259, 262, 264-272, 274- 277, 280-282, 286-289, 291-292, 294-295, 306, 313-315 , 323, 331- 333, 335 , 342, 345 -346, 357-358, 364, 370, 372, 378, 387, 393-395 , 397- 399, 402, 407, 410, 413, 420, 435 -441, 443, 445 -446, 448 449, 451-452, 454, 459, 461-466, 468-471, 473-474, 476^180 , 482-483, 485, 488, 490-491, 495-499, 502, 504-506, 508-509 , 516, 522, 524- 525, 528 , 536, 538- 540, 544, 547 , 550, 552, 554, 557, 562, 570- 573, 578 -579 , 583- 584, 590, 596, 598 , 601- 603, 608 -610, 614, 616- 617, 620-622, 626, 628-629, 631- 632, 638, 642-645, 647, 649 , 653-654 togas, 175 Tone, 109 , 147, 183-188, 194, 221, 237-238, 240, 295 , 532 Trade, 115, 154, 174, 298 , 560, 624 treasuries , 447 Triangles , 119, 123, 144, 153, 157 , 616 tribunes, 298 Trinity, 589 typology, 355, 365-366, 372, 376, 380

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u

United Nations, 379- 380, 386-387 Unity, 95 visual, 95

V

value, 4, 6, 22, 25 -27, 29, 41, 68, 70, 92, 99, 106 , 174, 179, 187, 199, 202, 225 , 227-228, 231, 246, 257, 259, 270, 272, 275 , 300, 305, 308 , 312, 322- 324, 328-331, 337, 340, 346, 351-356, 359-360, 362, 370, 376, 379, 385, 400, 403, 408-409, 414, 416-418, 420, 422, 428, 435, 442, 480, 491, 495 , 497-498, 501, 507, 509, 512, 537, 541-543, 546, 551- 552, 556, 558- 559, 572, 585 , 591, 595 -597, 599, 601, 610, 615- 616 , 624, 628 , 630, 645, 649, 653 , 655

defined, 25 , 27, 353, 362, 497, 599 Variety, 11, 17, 28 30, 41, 57, 66, 81, 99, 179, 206, 231, 246, 251, 254, 266, 279, 281 305, 314, 330-331, 335, 351, 404, 424 444 487, 495, 498, 517, 527, 530, 538 , 571, 573, 595 -596, 630, 648 Vatican, 617 vernacular, 352 Vertical lines, 119, 233 video, 4, 33, 40, 70, 87, 98, 132, 149, 151, 153 , 164, 168 -169, 178, 191, 217, 220 224-227, 230, 232, 252, 256, 271, 285, 290, 293, 297, 304, 339, 350, 375, 384, 423, 434, 481, 491, 494, 569, 575, 594- 595, 609-610, 629- 630, 646, 651, 653-656 Video games, 149, 217, 224-227, 232, 271 290, 293, 297, 595, 609- 610, 629- 630, 65l,’ 653- 656 Videotape, 252 Vietnam War, 465 Virgil, 380 Visual form, 165 Visual perception, 168 , 170, 295 visualization, 170 volume , 58, 76-77, 92- 93, 104, 106, 169 172, 243 , 436, 575 -577, 580-581, 587,

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591-592

w

War, 170, 212, 232, 254, 266, 287, 372, 387 , 399 , 465 , 488, 501, 529, 623, 628 Warrior, 398, 654 Weaving, 248, 476 webs, 33, 42, 87, 164, 175, 220, 285, 323- 324, 339, 375, 380, 423, 481, 569, 646 websites , 8, 11, 27, 30, 33, 87, 164, 220 285, 333, 339, 350, 354, 375, 395 , 423, 479, 481, 505 , 518 , 569 , 605, 646 development, 8, 27, 33, 87, 164, 220, 285, 339, 375, 423, 481, 505, 569 , 646 weight, 12, 15, 43, 93, 105 -106, 128, 130, 133, 138 , 167, 170-171, 199, 205-206, 227, 233, 238, 243, 288, 294-295, 316, 451, 468, 487, 517, 525, 532, 551, 553, 560-561, 585

596

windows, 110, 113-114, 139 , 147, 182, 231 243, 443-444, 545-546, 597 World War II, 488 writing, 11, 15, 23, 29, 65, 179, 278, 281, 327, 345 , 419, 437, 550 Chinese, 345

Y

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yang, 133, 171, 174 175, 500, 524, 579, 581, 583 yin, 111, 175, 361, 500

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