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Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development [1st ed.]
 978-981-13-3340-8;978-981-13-3341-5

Table of contents :
Front Matter ....Pages i-xxiii
Introduction: Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development (Komilla Thapa)....Pages 1-19
Front Matter ....Pages 21-21
Diversity and Equity in Plural Societies: Psychological Perspectives (John W. Berry)....Pages 23-35
Addressing Feelings of Relative Deprivation of Muslim Minority for Inclusive Development (Rashmi Kumar)....Pages 37-55
The Dilemma of Harmony: From Distrust to Trust (Roomana N. Siddiqui)....Pages 57-70
“Jumping the Queue”: Implications of Norm Violations Research in India and the Netherlands (Ype H. Poortinga, Richard DeRidder)....Pages 71-82
Caste, Outcaste and Recasting Social Justice: Trajectories of Social Development (G. C. Pal)....Pages 83-105
Cultural and Psychological Dimensions of Development of the Adivasi Communities (Ramesh Chandra Mishra)....Pages 107-122
Dynamics of Marginalisation and Assertive Maintenance in Multilingual Contact (Ajit Kumar Mohanty)....Pages 123-146
Social Attitudes and Rehabilitation of People with Disability (Ajit K. Dalal)....Pages 147-159
Front Matter ....Pages 161-161
Psychology and Societal Development: Indian Context (Janak Pandey)....Pages 163-179
Dynamics of Social Development and Engagement of Authentic Responsible Self (Shivantika Sharad, Girishwar Misra)....Pages 181-200
Leadership Ideology and Socioeconomic Inequality: The Case of Israeli Kibbutzim (Uriel Leviatan)....Pages 201-216
Prosociality for Societal Development (Lilavati Krishnan)....Pages 217-247
Educated Youth, Employment and Globalized India (Mala Sinha)....Pages 249-268
Back Matter ....Pages 269-271

Citation preview

Janak Pandey · Rashmi Kumar  Komilla Thapa Editors

Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development

Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development

Janak Pandey • Rashmi Kumar • Komilla Thapa Editors

Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development

Editors Janak Pandey Center of Behavioural and Cognitive Sciences University of Allahabad Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India

Rashmi Kumar Department of Psychology University of Allahabad Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India

Komilla Thapa Department of Psychology University of Allahabad Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India

ISBN 978-981-13-3340-8    ISBN 978-981-13-3341-5 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3341-5 Library of Congress Control Number: 2019930072 © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Dedicated to Professor Rama Charan Tripathi for his distinguished contributions to understanding Social diversity and development for building an inclusive and just society.

Foreword

Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development is appearing at a time when diversity is being perceived as a threat to development, particularly to social development. Diversity in fact is a valuable resource for development. It is a natural part of human beings. No two individuals are alike, except identical twins. Individuals and the groups and communities that they form possess unique information, ideas, insights, skills, experiences, and so on. They pool them together to structure systems, norms, and values and perform functions for their mutual benefits, living harmoniously and enhancing well-being. That’s how they have developed civilizations and cultures and have been ascending on a growth trajectory. What has been happening simultaneously since the beginning, but is happening more conspicuously now, is that individuals and their groups also compete for valuable material resources and dominance that can enable them to claim disproportionately greater access to valuable resources. In the process, they see some others as adversaries and rivals evoking real or imagined threat perception to their own interests. They look for bases on which they can identify those posing a threat and tend to take them out of their way. It is here that social diversity comes in handy. It is easy to differentiate and target others by distancing, denigrating, discriminating, and depressing them. They cover up their motif by an ideology or some high-sounding words that they think can justify their behaviour. Only a few from them carry on their tirade to extreme actions and violence. But they do so generally because of tacit support that they get from the rest of them. It has so happened that the balance between the two—sharing and cooperating versus competing and conflicting—approaches to different-than-self and own group people has been tilted in favour of the latter because of the nature of the worldview that is being globalized now. In this worldview, material affluence is the most valued goal. Individuals and groups compete with, outwit, and surpass others. They are the successful people deserving power and position in the society. They are the role models that the rest of the people emulate. However, fewer and fewer entrepreneurial individuals and groups in this race are able to acquire, hoard, monopolize, and misuse resources to make a fortune and show it as the nation’s affluence and political clout. They are too involved in their achievement to be sensitive to others or to vii

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have any empathetic appreciation of those with whom they are competing. Rather, they are more inclined to identify different and gullible ones who can be used and misused. It is a social arrangement that is exclusive by its nature and designed to create wealth, but not to bother for human well-being. So, the threat to inclusive development is real and has to be addressed at two levels. First, a strong advocacy for the superiority and ethical merit of inclusive development for human well-being over the exclusive one primarily for wealth creation has to be initiated. There is nothing wrong in creating wealth, but it has to be done with the participation of all by ensuring equitable allocation of resources and allowing equal opportunity to access them. The new design for development will provide an ideational ground for making deliberate efforts to tilt the balance in people’s approach from competing and conflicting to sharing and cooperating with diverse individuals and groups. Psychologists have an expertise in both domains. They have been working on individual differences and group dynamics and have shown how individuals and groups can be enabled to build bridges across contriently dependent individuals and groups in realizing superordinate goals. I am pleased to see that the present volume deals with or refers to most of the concepts, processes, methods, theories, strategies, and techniques, which are available in psychological literature. They are a rich source for working with other policy scientists to come up with viable alternatives to the existing framework of making policy decisions and taking actions accordingly. Professor R.  C. Tripathi, along with his associates, has been preparing the ground for this kind of endeavour for the last several decades. In the late 1980s, he proposed to align social development to the values of embeddedness and openness. Individuals, he argued, need to be embedded in their natural collectives in order to realize their unique potentials. The collectives, as a result, become diverse. However, if individuals are simultaneously open to other individuals’ and groups’ needs, expectations, hopes, and fears, the diverse collectives would form overlapping networks for generating social energy for mutual benefits and well-being. His recent work on how “othering” people of a different community objectifies them, rendering them vulnerable to be mistrusted and mistreated. His contributions to this area are the source of inspiration to psychologists. It is appropriate that the volume is dedicated to Professor R.  C. Tripathi. I wish that he keeps leading psychologists through research and actions and plays an effective role in facilitating social development by showing that diversity is a valuable resource for social development and human well-being. Assert Institute of Management Studies Patna, Bihar, India

Jai B. P. Sinha

Preface

In the world today, diversity is a ubiquitous reality and social development is a common goal. It is widely accepted that diversity and development though they appear incompatible still coexist. International development agencies like the UNDP unambiguously assert that sociocultural diversity does not slow development and dismiss the idea that there has to be a trade-off between respecting diversity and sustaining peace and development. It is well known that some of the world’s richest and most peaceful countries are historically multi-ethnic, such as Switzerland, Canada, and Belgium. But there is some evidence that diversity has costs and managing ethnic diversity is expensive while meeting competing demands of scarce resources by different groups. In our recent history, there are examples of breaking apart of multi-ethnic nations like the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia proving that diversity and unity may not go together. There are also examples of merger of countries due to ethnic similarity like East and West Germany and North and South Yemen. In the globalized economy of the world today, the destination of immigrants is determined by the availability of opportunities in economically prosperous and wealthy nations or regions which continue to welcome diverse people who meet the needs of their growing economies. The process of globalization has further added to social diversity particularly in rich countries due to migration. Immigration within a nation like India also shows a similar pattern. People migrate from regions of deprivation and lesser opportunities to prosperous areas. Thus, diversity is a reality of the contemporary societies around the world, and therefore, the task ahead is to learn, collectively, the challenges of governance and peaceful progressive existence. The sources of diversity are biological such as race, social history, social structure, culture, and economy related to possession of resources. For example, racial origin, caste system, economic disparities, and linguistic and religious variations constitute diversities and divide the population in India in categories posing challenges for cooperation, a necessity for development. Most of the nations of the contemporary world like India are diverse, facing complex problems related to social harmony. In the contemporary world, all societies and nations are grappling with issues related to socioeconomic plurality, diversity, and inequalities. ix

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The social science disciplines like psychology, sociology, and economics have made rich contributions in enhancing knowledge related to aspects of socio-­ economic-­cultural diversities and social development. An individual may be unique, but individuals and their societies are interrelated and interdependent. It is increasingly and convincingly accepted that harmony in diverse sociocultural groups with equality of opportunities and participation in socio-political processes determines the quality of social and economic development. This book is a collection of essays representing diverse perspectives with the objective to enhance our knowledge and insights on sociocultural diversity and social development. Psychologists and other social scientists have long shown interest in issues related to social development and intergroup relations. Among the social scientists, particularly for psychologists, the study of diversity has been a favoured area of research. They have consistently pursued studies and enhanced the understanding of diversities leading to policies for promoting inclusive social development. Research on diversities in varied contexts has led to the formulation of theoretical approaches and evolution of models for understanding sociocultural-economic conflicts, intergroup relations, inequalities of different kinds enabling policy recommendations to achieve equality of opportunities, inclusive social development, and harmony. This book primarily presents socio-psychological perspectives on diversities and its linkages with social development. Traditionally, economic growth used to be considered the main indicator of development. Today, however, an overwhelming number of scholars with varied disciplinary backgrounds hold critical views regarding the overemphasis on economic parameters of development and consider a harmonious social order with equality of opportunities and participation in governance as the modern definition of social development. A highly developed society where diverse social groups live in an ever-increasing disharmony needs to be re-evaluated. The scholars strongly link social development to harmonious intergroup relations in society. The issues of inequality among groups in terms of access to economic, social, and political resources and opportunities available in society, prevailing prejudices, intergroup conflicts, feelings of injustice, and relative deprivation and contestations of group identity all become matters of concern when we try to define social development in terms of a society free from tensions and intergroup conflicts. Defining social development necessitates examining the very process of social development including the concepts we need to focus on to understand the bases of social development and change. With the increasing trend of globalization, developing societies are changing fast in terms of diversity and posing new challenges to deal with issues related to diversity, inequality, and marginalization of disadvantaged groups. Unfortunately, policy-makers in developing or even developed societies, have not given much attention to these social issues which are so integrally related to the processes of development. Social issues related to development have been neglected at the cost of focusing mainly on economic development. It is worth noting that disadvantaged groups in this race of development face social exclusion directly or indirectly which keeps them away from the fruits of development. It is important to address the issues related to such diversity along

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with development, as a failure to do so may rupture the social fabric of society and give rise to intergroup conflict and violence. The book appropriately entitled as Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development aims to bring forward various viewpoints on this worldwide reality. The book has chapters on multiculturalism, social inclusion/exclusion of minorities, and other marginalized groups such as low castes, linguistic minorities, Adivasis (tribals), persons with disability, and the unemployed youth. The book aims to focus on some of the concepts considered necessary to understand the very process and historical advancement of the term social development such as prosociality, authentic responsible self, and leadership ideology. The book also deals with the challenges for achieving social harmony and social development. The authors are mostly social and cultural psychologists who have been working in their respective interest areas for many years. Some authors have revisited their earlier work and presented refreshing new formulations covering different aspects of social diversity and development. The book begins with a foreword by a highly respected scholar Prof. J B P Sinha, internationally well known for his contribution to social and organizational psychology enhancing our understanding of the Indian society and its institutions. The first introductory chapter by Prof. Komilla Thapa introduces the concepts and issues of diversity and social development. The chapters of the book are organized in two parts: Part I Social Diversity and Harmony and Part II Development and Change. Part I is devoted to social diversity, a major feature of contemporary social reality with linkages in human history, irrespective of where one is located in the world. Some major sources of social diversity may be economic, political, social, racial, and religious or cultural distinctions. One of the preconditions for a nation to develop is living together in harmony, respecting social and cultural diversity. There is much evidence to suggest that today’s challenge is to achieve harmony in the midst of diversity. The question then arises whether a new policy paradigm is needed. Perhaps one that would uphold a core of fundamental, universal values to which everyone could adhere to, human rights and equality, democracy, the rule of law, and respect for all, might be examples of universal aspirations that could lay the foundation for harmonious societies. These and related issues are discussed in Part I of this volume. The first chapter in this part by John W.  Berry “Diversity and Equity in Plural Societies: Psychological Perspectives” emphasizes that diversity without the opportunity for equitable participation can lead to a form of separation; equity without diversity can lead to a form of assimilation; the absence of both can lead to marginalization; and the presence of both need to be achieved in order for there to be societal development that is inclusive of all cultural communities. This chapter also proposes policy and programmes to achieve both diversity and equity. In her chapter “Addressing Feelings of Relative Deprivation of Muslim Minority for Inclusive Development”, Rashmi Kumar emphasizes that the benefits of development should be available to socially excluded and marginalized groups such as the Muslim minority to enable them to become a part of the development process. Citing her studies with colleagues on relative deprivation, she demonstrates that Muslims consistently experience greater relative deprivation in comparison to

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Hindus. These findings constitute the basis for formulating policy initiatives for improving intergroup relations and thus promoting inclusive development. Chapter 4, “The Dilemma of Harmony: From Distrust to Trust”, by Roomana N. Siddiqui asserts that the acceptance of plurality and multiple identities has always thrown up challenges for the syncretic culture prevailing in Northern India. Though diversity is celebrated occasionally, communal tensions and riots create a sense of mistrust among communities. The challenge faced by the country is how to transform a culture of violence into a culture of peace. Ype H. Poortinga and Richard DeRidder in their chapter “‘Jumping the Queue’: Implications of Norm Violations Research in India and the Netherlands” discuss how participants in a research project on norm violations and intergroup relations responded to this iconic question and how humans are different and how they are the same across cultural boundaries. Reflecting on the project 25 years later, they address the implications of the findings about hierarchical relations among societal groups. Contentious and controversial issues pertaining to caste are discussed by G. C. Pal in his chapter “Caste, Outcaste and Recasting Social Justice: Trajectories of Social Development”. This chapter presents the expression of caste identity in everyday social life with implications on unequal social development in Indian society and intergroup relationships. The implications for social development of the caste groups who are at the lower end of the caste hierarchy are also discussed. The Adivasi communities have always been counted as among the most excluded and marginalized groups in India. Ramesh Chandra Mishra in his chapter, “Cultural and Psychological Dimensions of Development of the Adivasi Communities”, examines the ecological and cultural features of Adivasi groups. The chapter elaborates developmental and acculturative changes in the life of Adivasi groups. Ajit Kumar Mohanty in his chapter, “Dynamics of Marginalisation and Assertive Maintenance in Multilingual Contact”, examines multilingualism in India and outcomes of contact between different linguistic groups. In multilingual societies, power asymmetry between the contact languages leads to marginalization and domain shrinkage of the non-dominant languages which get confined to limited domains of in-group communication. The last chapter in this part is “Social Attitudes and Rehabilitation of People with Disability” by Ajit K. Dalal. He considers disability as more of a social than medical problem, and the stigma of disability leads to prejudice and discrimination. The worst affected are the disabled poor. Various welfare measures instituted by the Government of India are discussed, and their shortcomings have been highlighted. It is clear that over the last decades the cultural, social, and political landscapes of diversity are changing radically. These eight chapters thus add to the knowledge base on diversity. They address foundational and conceptual issues and refer to a myriad of realities. They also focus on some of the most pressing contemporary concerns of our globalized world. Part II of the book deals with social development which puts people at the centre of development. The development processes need to benefit all sections of people. Social development thus implies changes in the society, such as social structures and institutions, norms, values, trust, and reciprocity. It also includes participation

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in democratic processes, civic organizations, and socially cohesive activities to achieve peaceful and safe environment within neighbourhoods and larger society. The first chapter in this part by Janak  Pandey “Psychology and Societal Development: Indian Context” reviews the work of Indian psychologists in understanding development-­related issues and contributions of psychological research in the solution of development-­related problems both at individual and societal levels. The new challenges related to societal development and the way these problems are addressed by psychologists worldwide are also discussed. Shivantika Sharad and Girishwar Misra in their chapter “Dynamics of Social Development and Engagement of Authentic Responsible Self” argue that social development rests on balance, harmony, interdependence, and complementarity of various forces emanating from the individual and collective levels of existence. Uriel  Leviatan in his chapter “Leadership Ideology and Socioeconomic Inequality: The Case of Israeli Kibbutzim” states that in affluent societies and communities, socioeconomic inequality brings adverse outcomes for their members in terms of lower levels of social capital, lowered levels of health and well-being, and higher levels of morbidity and mortality. He attributes this adoption of inequality to leadership ideology. Lilavati Krishnan’s chapter, “Prosociality for Societal Development”, focuses that Indian society today is witnessing a decline in prosocial values, on one hand, but there are also many examples of prosocial behaviour at the individual and group levels. Conceptual links are also proposed between prosociality and societal development, through cultural characteristics, socialization, economic values, prosocial values, and wellbeing. Mala  Sinha views unemployment through the lens of liberalization and globalization in her chapter, “Educated Youth, Employment and Globalized India”. She examines the motivational states, perceptions of stress, and psychosocial variables that have shaped the life experiences of educated unemployed Indian youth. She attempts to explicate the nature of impact that structural, demographic, and cultural changes have on educated youth in the country. The chapters in Part II deal with the cultural, social, and political landscapes of diversity which are changing radically. These chapters focus on certain aspects of development and include a vast range of conceptual and theoretical issues. They add to our understanding of the experiential and psychological aspects of development. The book is dedicated to Prof. R.C. Tripathi who in his long academic career of over five decades has systematically studied intergroup relations, conflicts, and violence and made significant theoretical contributions with applied value for social policy and resolution. In addition to his research, he has influenced improvement of academic quality in multiple ways such as mentoring of generations of doctoral and masters students; building institutions like Centre of Advanced Study of Psychology, Allahabad; directing research and teaching programs for rural development at GB Pant Social Science Institute, Allahabad; and after his superannuation heading the Swaraj Vidyapeeth which has been engaged in a number of social intervention and action programs for societal development. We strongly believe that by dedicating this book to Prof R.C. Tripathi, we are recognizing fearless thinkers, researchers, and social activists who can save society from social evils like conflicts, violence, inequalities, and all kinds of discrimination.

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The readership is intended to be researchers, teachers, and professionals interested in issues related to social development, social diversity, intergroup relations, and their policy implications. The book is expected to draw attention of both interdisciplinary scholars and faculty from psychology, sociology, anthropology, economics, political science and development studies, who may adopt it for master- and doctoral-level courses. In addition, development professionals and administrators interested in the issues related to social development, social diversity, and intergroup relations would find it useful for policy formulation and action. Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India  

Janak Pandey Rashmi Kumar Komilla Thapa

Acknowledgements

The driving force behind this book was none other than Prof. R.C.  Tripathi. His exemplary dedication and contributions for the development of the discipline of psychology and particularly the Department of Psychology, University of Allahabad, inspired us to seek means of acknowledging and commemorating his diverse work and dedicating this volume to him. We are indebted to the authors of this volume, many of them contemporaries, eminent colleagues, and friends of Prof. Tripathi, who patiently bore the travails of revision and the inevitable delays that marked the progression of this volume. Their fortitude and endurance are truly commendable. We are grateful to Prof J.B.P. Sinha for kindly writing the Foreword. We also express our deep and sincere gratitude to our colleagues in the Department of Psychology who encouraged and supported us in various ways throughout the preparation of this volume. Our editorial team included Ms Ragini Bahadur who provided much needed ­editorial assistance and technical competence and skills. Springer India readily came forward to accept our book proposal and provided valuable insights and practical advice. We are grateful to Ms Shinjini Chatterjee and Ms Priya Vyas for their support and help. Janak Pandey Rashmi Kumar Komilla Thapa

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Contents

1 Introduction: Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development.......................................................................... 1 Komilla Thapa Part I Social Diversity and Harmony 2 Diversity and Equity in Plural Societies: Psychological Perspectives............................................................................................... 23 John W. Berry 3 Addressing Feelings of Relative Deprivation of Muslim Minority for Inclusive Development....................................................... 37 Rashmi Kumar 4 The Dilemma of Harmony: From Distrust to Trust............................. 57 Roomana N. Siddiqui 5 “Jumping the Queue”: Implications of Norm Violations Research in India and the Netherlands.................................................. 71 Ype H. Poortinga and Richard DeRidder 6 Caste, Outcaste and Recasting Social Justice: Trajectories of Social Development........................................................ 83 G. C. Pal 7 Cultural and Psychological Dimensions of Development of the Adivasi Communities.................................................................... 107 Ramesh Chandra Mishra 8 Dynamics of Marginalisation and Assertive Maintenance in Multilingual Contact........................................................................... 123 Ajit Kumar Mohanty 9 Social Attitudes and Rehabilitation of People with Disability............. 147 Ajit K. Dalal xvii

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Part II Development and Change 10 Psychology and Societal Development: Indian Context....................... 163 Janak Pandey 11 Dynamics of Social Development and Engagement of Authentic Responsible Self.................................................................. 181 Shivantika Sharad and Girishwar Misra 12 Leadership Ideology and Socioeconomic Inequality: The Case of Israeli Kibbutzim................................................................ 201 Uriel Leviatan 13 Prosociality for Societal Development.................................................... 217 Lilavati Krishnan 14 Educated Youth, Employment and Globalized India........................... 249 Mala Sinha Epilogue............................................................................................................ 269

Editors and Contributors

About the Editors Janak Pandey  a Ph.D. graduate of Kansas State University (1974), served at the Psychology Department, University of Allahabad (1978–2010) and the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur (1974– 1978). He was a Visiting Professor at the University of Manitoba (1994) and Wake Forest University (1986–1987). He was the Founder Vice-Chancellor (2009–2014) of the Central University of Bihar; Head, Centre for Behavioural and Cognitive Sciences, Allahabad University (2002–2009); and Director (1996–2002), GB Pant Institute of Social Sciences, Allahabad. He has been also a National Fellow, Indian Council of Social Sciences Research; Fellow of the International Association of Applied Psychology; Honorary Fellow of the International Association for CrossCultural Psychology; and Fellow of the National Academy of Psychology. His publications include scientific papers/chapters on social influence, environmental stressors, and contemporary social issues, two rounds of six volumes of review of psychological research in India. Rashmi Kumar  is currently a Professor at the Department of Psychology, University of Allahabad. She has research interest in the area of organizational behavior as well as social psychology with special interest in understanding intergroup relations among different co-existing groups in India. She is also interested in the issues related to social policy making. She has published papers as well as chapters in international journals and books. She is on the Editorial Board of Psychology and Developing Societies, a journal published by Sage, and has recently coedited a special volume (vol 27 no. 2 2015) of the journal on the theme “Social Exclusion and Mental Health.” She has worked in an international collaborative project on Norm Violation Theory of intergroup relation in India and the Netherlands.

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Editors and Contributors

Komilla Thapa  is a Professor at the Department of Psychology, University of Allahabad. She has trained as a clinical psychologist at the National Institute of Mental Health and Neurosciences, Bangalore. She has also completed her postqualification training at the Institute of Psychiatry, University of London, and has worked as a Post-doctoral Fellow at the J.P. Das Developmental Disabilities Centre, University of Alberta. She is a practising clinical psychologist and provides professional services to schools, students, and different client groups. Her research interests include altered states of consciousness, stress in police personnel, underachievement in schools, cultural explanations of mental illness, caregiver stress, childhood disorders and learning disabilities, and psychological interventions. She has published research papers and books on various psychological topics. She has worked on the Editorial Board of Psychology and Developing Societies, a journal published by Sage and has recently coedited a special volume (vol 27 no. 2 2015) of the journal on the theme “Social Exclusion and Mental Health.” Her administrative responsibilities include working as Member-Secretary of the Institutional Ethics Review Board of the University of Allahabad.

About the Authors John W. Berry  (PhD. University of Edinburgh) is Professor Emeritus of Psychology at Queen’s University, Canada, and Research Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia. He received Honorary Doctorates from the University of Athens and Université de Geneve (in 2001). He has published over 30 books in the areas of cross-cultural, intercultural, social and cognitive psychology with various colleagues. He is a Fellow of the Canadian Psychological Association, the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study, the International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology and the International Academy for Intercultural Research. His main research interests are in the role of ecology and culture in human development and in acculturation and intercultural relations, with an emphasis on applications to immigration, multiculturalism, educational and health policy. Ajit K. Dalal  (deceased) had a long association with the Department of Psychology, University of Allahabad, and had made significant and outstanding contributions in diverse areas of psychology. He received the Fulbright Senior Fellow and worked at the University of California, Los Angeles, and at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. He was also a recipient of the UGC Career Award, Rockefeller Foundation Award and ICSSR Senior Fellowship. He was a visiting faculty at several institutes. He had published about 80 research articles and book chapters. His recent books were Health Beliefs and Coping with Chronic Diseases (2015), Cultural Psychology of Health in India (2016), Disability, Rehabilitation and Social Work (2018) and Wither Indian Psychology (in press).

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Richard DeRidder  was associate professor (until 2001) in social psychology at Tilburg University in the Netherlands. Norm violation, intergroup relations, and negotiation were his main interests. These interests allowed him to apply his academic understandings to the field when he became involved with the training of military officers regarding communication in conflict areas. When these training activities expanded to other organizations, he established his own institute (ICCN) for training in intercultural communication, cooperation, and conflict management. Lilavati Krishnan  is a former Professor of Psychology in the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur. She is a PhD of McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. Her research interests include prosocial behaviour, distributive justice, and traditional Indian concepts related to social behaviour. Uriel Leviatan  holds a PhD in Organizational Psychology from the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. He is a past Director (several times) of the Institute for Social Research of the Kibbutz and Professor and past (until 10/2007) Chair at the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, at the University of Haifa. He served also as Chair (2009–2017) of the Department of Sociology at Western Galilee College. Leviatan has been a member of Kibbutz Ein Hamifratz for many years where he held various central leadership positions, including the offices of General Secretary and Finance Manager. His current research interests are in organizational behaviour and functioning, in kibbutz research, and in social gerontology. He has published extensively on all these topics. Girishwar Misra  is currently Vice Chancellor of Mahatma Gandhi International Hindi University, Wardha, having served as Professor of Psychology at Delhi University for two decades. His publications include Psychological Consequences of Prolonged Deprivation (with L.B. Tripathi), Applied Social Psychology in India, Psychology and Societal Development, Psychology in India: Advances in Research, Handbook of Psychology in India, Psychology and Psychoanalysis, Foundations of Indian Psychology (with M. Cornelissen and S.Varma), and Psychosocial Interventions for Health and Wellbeing. He was Chief Editor of Psychological Studies (Springer) and 5th and 6th ICSSR Surveys in Psychology. He was awarded National Fellowship of the ICSSR, India. Ramesh Chandra Mishra  is Professor Emeritus of Psychology at Banaras Hindu University. He has been a Post-doctoral Fellow and Shastri Research Fellow at Queen’s University, Canada, Fellow-in-Residence of the Netherlands Institute of Advanced Study, Fulbright Scholar-in-Residence at Wittenberg University (USA), and a Visiting Professor at the Universities of Konstanz (Germany) and Geneva (Switzerland). He is the Fellow and a past President of the National Academy of Psychology (India). His principal interest is in cultural influence on human development. He has contributed numerous research papers, book chapters, and books in the fields of cognition, acculturation, schooling, health, and intergroup relationship.

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Editors and Contributors

Ajit Kumar Mohanty  a retired Professor and ICSSR National Fellow, Jawaharlal Nehru University is an educational psycholinguist with research focus on multilingualism, multilingual education (MLE), language and poverty, and language policy. He has published 173 papers and 8 books. A Fellow of the Association of Psychological Science, USA, and National Academy of Psychology (India), Mohanty was a Fulbright Professor (Columbia University), Visiting Faculty (University of Western Ontario), Fulbright Senior Scholar (University of Wisconsin), and Killam Scholar (University of Alberta). Mohanty developed MLE Policy for Nepal (along with Skutnabb-Kangas) and for Odisha. The Multilingual Reality: Living with Languages is his latest book. G. C. Pal  is currently Director of the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, New Delhi. He has M.Phil and Ph.D in Social Psychology of Education. He was a Post-doctoral Visiting Fellow at the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research and Senior Fellow, Indian Council of Social Science Research. His academic interest is to understand development issues from socio-psychological perspectives, with a focus on marginalized groups, and explore research methodology. He has engaged in interdisciplinary research over the last 20 years. To his credit, he has a book and over 40 research papers published in national and international journals and edited books. Ype H. Poortinga  is emeritus professor of cross-cultural psychology at Tilburg University in the Netherlands and at the Catholic University of Leuven in Belgium. His most consistent research interest has been in the methodology of cross-cultural comparison of psychological data. His experience in applied fields includes intercultural training, test development and adaptation, and program evaluation. In 2016 he was awarded Honorary Membership of the National Academy of Psychology (NAoP) in India. Shivantika Sharad  is an Assistant Professor of Applied Psychology at Vivekananda College, University of Delhi. Her doctoral research has been on developing the construct of authenticity. Anchored in the Indian psychological thought, her publications relate to the meaning and experience of authenticity and the positive outcomes of authentic functioning. Her areas of interest include self and identity, educational pedagogy, social and cultural psychology, positive psychology, and psychology of marginalized and East-West studies. Roomana N. Siddiqui  is a Professor of Social Psychology at Aligarh Muslim University. She is interested in the perception of people on issues of social relevance ranging from environmental stressors to intergroup relations. Apart from investigating the behaviour environment link, she addresses the issue of identity and how it is being negotiated by young people. Currently she is focusing on the nature of intergroup threat experienced by members of majority and minority groups and its implication for assertion of social identity. She is also interested in identifying the barriers and shared spaces between different groups and investigating those psychological and social factors that have implications for intergroup harmony.

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Mala Sinha  is Professor of Organizational Behavior at the Faculty of Management Studies (FMS), University of Delhi. She obtained her doctorate in Psychology from the University of Allahabad. She has drawn indigenous values and management principles from Indian scriptures and philosophies. She is a corporate trainer and consultant for multinational corporations including, WHO and World Bank. Presently she is mentoring the women empowerment program at Akhand Jyoti Eye Hospital and researching on its social impact. She is also interested in painting, writing poetry and short stories.

Chapter 1

Introduction: Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development Komilla Thapa

Abstract  The Introduction focuses on the central notions of diversity and social development which cover vast domains of conceptual and theoretical knowledge. As diversity has become the defining characteristic of our social and cultural worlds, it raises new questions and demands for both social scientists and policymakers. The core issues, consequences and challenges of diversity are explicated. The aspects of diversity as discussed in this volume including multiculturalism, caste, religions and linguistic diversities and disability are the focus of this chapter. As development is an essentially contested concept and is progressively evolving, the different connotations and meaning of development are discussed. Keywords  Diversity · Core dimensions of diversity · Challenges of diversity · Social development · Sustainable development · Strategies for managing diversity Racial, religious, caste, economic, linguistic and other diversities are a key characteristic of most contemporary societies. Numerous efforts, theoretical and empirical, have been made to achieve an understanding of diversities, their consequences and their role in promoting inclusive social development. Research on diversities in varied contexts have led to a number of approaches and to the evolution of models for understanding sociocultural-economic conflicts, intergroup relations and inequalities of varied kinds and have enabled policy recommendations to achieve equality of opportunities, inclusive social development and harmony. While reduction of poverty and inequality remains a core aspect of development, in recent years, economists have sought to project a human face of development. Development is viewed as related to human freedom, dignity, choice and participation and, more importantly, to reduction of inequality and discrimination (Mohanty 2017). Even though the term social development has been in regular use for more than half a century, it is still poorly defined. Today, it is used to mean different things and also refers to government policies and programmes concerned with the ‘social aspect’ of development, such as reducing poverty, increasing literacy, combating K. Thapa (*) Department of Psychology, University of Allahabad, Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 J. Pandey et al. (eds.), Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3341-5_1

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malnutrition and improving access to health and education (Midgley 2014). This usage reflects international efforts to promote the Millennium Development Goals, which were adopted at the United Nations Millennium Summit in New  York in 2000. In contrast to this practical approach, the term is also used to connote the achievement of lofty ideals, such as progress, social integration, peace and social justice. Both the terms diversity and social development encompass vast domains of conceptual and theoretical knowledge and discourse. The Introduction will dwell on the central concepts of diversity and social development, and efforts will be made to achieve an integrative understanding of these notions. Wherever possible, attempts will also be made to discuss some of the interventions used to manage diversity. The four sections in this Introduction will focus on diversity, dimensions of diversity, social development and management of diversity.

Understanding Diversity Diversity has become the defining characteristic of our social and cultural worlds. In an incisive analysis, Crisp (2010) has pointed out that ‘We no longer live in the provincial, homogenized worlds that characterized much of human history; we live in worlds defined by diversity’ (p.1). These are worlds in which traditional social, cultural and geographic boundaries have given way to increasingly complex representations of identity which raise new questions and new demands for social scientists and policymakers alike. Plaut (2010) has proposed a diversity science, which is the study of the interpretation and construction of human difference—of why and how difference makes a difference—within the context of existing, historically shaped cultural and structural realities. It requires both core cultural ideas about difference (e.g. race and diversity) and how certain groups and structural realities are shaped by history and by hierarchy and get inscribed into practices and institutions (e.g. laws, education), which inform daily experiences (e.g. school and work), psychological functioning (e.g. emotion and cognition) and behaviour (e.g. discrimination).

Core Issues While addressing core issues pertaining to diversity, Jones et al. (2014) have asserted that diversity is about differences between and within individuals, institutions and societies. They have argued that diversity is inevitable and also has fundamental benefits. Thus they hold that diversity facilitates adaptability, flexibility and creativity and fosters human capital and is morally correct. They also point out that diversity is often seen as being undesirable as it leads to exclusionary practices, violates

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the principle of reward based on merit and highlights differences fostering stereotypes and driving people farther apart. There is no consensual definition of diversity. In the public sphere, diversity is strongly associated with racial heterogeneity (Bell and Hartmann 2007) and with cultural differences arising from migration (Titley and Lentin 2008). In the social sciences though, diversity is often defined as social diversification in terms of a larger variety of social categories. It consists of the social heterogeneity found along numerous dimensions (e.g. ethnicity, religion, culture and age) within a specific area. Diversity tends to refer to group-based attributes that are inborn or largely immutable such as ethnicity or gender but can also encompass fluid and changeable attributes such as education, work experience or religious beliefs (Vertovec 2012). In addition, it can refer to readily visible (or surface) characteristics (such as race, ethnicity and gender), or it can refer to characteristics that are not as easy to identify (deep-level diversity, such as differences in attitudes, values and beliefs) (Jehn et al. 1997). In Indian society, group inequalities on the lines of caste, ethnicity and religion are predominant. Social identity also assumes salience in this discourse as it focuses on the power of social category distinctions to produce us-them thinking, with associated in-­ group biases, intergroup discrimination and hostility (Tajfel 1981). Such research has led many psychologists to assume that strong in-group identification and out-­ group prejudice and hostility are one and the same. However, as Amin Maalouf points out in his book In the Name of Identity (1996/2003), it is not group identity per se that has such negative consequences for intergroup behaviour, but rather the focus on a singular identity that reduces the complexity of individual attachments and affiliations to a single, central us-them distinction. Siddiqui in her chapter (this volume) recommends the acceptance and tolerance of multiple identities arising from membership in different social categories pertaining to caste, class, religion, region and language.

Consequences and Challenges of Diversity Demographic trends reveal that modern societies have become increasingly diverse (Ramos et al. 2016). This has led to concerns about the implications of social diversity. Although early research noted that diversity may have negative consequences for societies and individuals, more recent scholarship has indicated that diversity is not always translated into negative outcomes. These inconsistent findings initiated a scholarly debate concerning the impact of many different forms of diversity for a host of social outcomes. It is now clear that the boundary conditions of these effects are yet to be fully understood. Recent research have focused on identifying mediating and moderating variables and thus addressing issues as to when and why diversity impacts intergroup relational outcomes and social development. Initial interest in the effects of diversity emerged from economics, with research investigating the relationship between income, ethnic and racial diversity and social

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cohesion. However, Putnam (2000, 2007) in a series of studies made the contentious claim (later modified) that ethnically heterogeneous communities were harmful, at least in the short term, as they showed a lowering of interpersonal trust and social cohesion. This claim came to be known as the constrict proposition or constrict claim. His more recent contention was that people living in diverse communities are more likely to experience isolation and decline in social capital, an argument that has become known as the ‘hunkering down’ hypothesis (Putnam 2007). It led to a debate concerning many forms of diversity—not just ethnicity but also gender, age, occupational and disability—and their consequences for a host of social outcomes. In a review, Portes and Vickstrom (2011) have pointed out that subsequent studies have added nuance to the assertion of a linearly negative relationship between diversity and various aspects of social capital. For example, Fieldhouse and Cutts (2010) reported a negative relationship between diversity and both attitudinal and behavioural social capital in the UK but found that this effect depended on other contextual variables (especially poverty) and on the racial/ethnic background of the respondent. While interpreting these findings, it is useful to take recourse to Durkheim (1984/ [1893]) who distinguished between the ‘mechanical’ solidarity of traditional societies—based on cultural homogeneity and mutual acquaintance—and the ‘organic’ solidarity of modern societies, based on heterogeneity, role differentiation and a complex division of labour. Thus van der Meer and Tolsma (2014) set out to identify the trees within the forest of empirical results using a theoretical model and clear definitions of the core concepts. Their meta-analysis showed that ethnic heterogeneity was not consistently negatively related to interethnic cohesion. This is in line with empirical findings derived from both contact theory (cf. Pettigrew and Tropp 2006) and conflict theory. Increased interethnic contact opportunities stimulate interethnic contact (Martinovic 2013), which stimulates out-group trust directly and in-group trust and trust in neighbours indirectly via perceived threat (Schmid et al. 2013). Several theoretical models have been proposed concerning how diversity may affect intergroup attitudes (van Assche et al. 2017). A first important framework can be referred to as conflict theories, which encompasses ethnic competition theory (Bobo and Hutchings 1996) and group threat theory (Quillian 1995). These theories propose that higher proportions of ethnic minorities in a community are associated with heightened feelings of out-group threat and more negative feelings towards minorities. In this respect, scholars have suggested that diversity ‘erodes’ social capital and out-group trust. However, a second perspective, grounded in intergroup contact theory (Allport 1954; Pettigrew and Tropp 2006), offers a more optimistic outlook, arguing that diverse neighbourhoods may provide more opportunities for positive contact with individuals from other social groups. Diversity therefore has the potential to reduce out-group anxiety and threat and to boost empathy and positive out-group attitudes. Obviously, conflict and contact theories differ in their predictions concerning diversity, with the former framework stressing the negative consequences, whereas the latter theory emphasizes the positive outcomes.

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Recently, various scholars integrated both theoretical frameworks. For example, Schmid et  al. (2014) tested the diversity-trust association in the UK and demonstrated that diversity as such had no substantial overall effects on out-group trust and out-group attitudes, because the positive effect of higher intergroup contact and the negative effect of higher threat cancelled each other out. These opposing processes may thus explain why many studies reported non-significant overall effects of diversity on societal outcomes, such as social cohesion, ethnic polarization, out-­ group trust, anti-immigrant attitudes and even specific expressions of prejudice. In India, diversity has created challenges for the harmony and social well-being of society (Tripathi and Singh 2016). While the varieties of social groups and categories enrich the cultural context, the negative side of this diversity is that it often results in othering. Othering then leads to an ‘objectification of another person or group’ or ‘creating the other’ which ignores the complexity and subjectivity of the individual (Abdallah-Pretceille 2006). Group inequalities on the lines of caste, ethnicity and religion are a unique feature of Indian society (Thorat 2015). He further highlights how in the ten areas of human development, inequality, poverty, educational attainments, child malnutrition, health, employment, wages, gender and access to public goods these disparities remain. In each of these areas, high-caste Hindu households performed the best, and the households from the SC and ST as well as the Muslim households performed the worst. Thus India’s ranking in the UNDP Human Development Report (2016) is a dismal 131 with an HDI of 0.624 placing it in the medium human development category.

Dimensions of Diversity Core Dimensions It is evident that the core dimensions of diversity derive from the impact that assumptions about collective belongingness have had on certain categories or groups of persons, such as their acceptance and presumed abilities or rights to full participation in society. These core categories of social belongingness are gender, age, ethnicity/cultural origins, physical traits such as skin colour (racism), religion/ world views, sexual orientation and physical abilities (Gardenswartz and Rowe 1998). Persons identified as belonging to one of these categories may suffer devaluation, restrictions of opportunities and exclusion. History illustrates how these categorizations impact on self-perceptions and perceptions others have of members of these groups. These factors often result in systematic processes of discrimination. Social class membership, regional origins and mother tongues are other examples of group belongingness that may cause prejudice and exclusion in certain social contexts. Membership in more than one of the above social categories may result in multiple forms of devaluation, discrimination and exclusion. These overlapping or

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intersecting social identities are then related to systems of oppression, domination or discrimination. These identities that can intersect include among others gender, race, social class, ethnicity, nationality, religion and age (Collins 2015). In this context it would be useful to visit the taxonomy provided by Page (2007) wherein he has identified cognitive, identity, demographic and preference categories. Briefly, cognitive diversity refers to differences in perspectives, heuristics, interpretations and predictions. Both identity and demographic diversity are based on broad social categories and include among others differences based on sex, religion, race and ethnicity. Preference diversity reflects differences in taste and values including fundamental and instrumental preferences. Another taxonomy was provided by Milem (2003) who conceptualized diversity in terms of structural diversity (numerical and proportional representation), diversity-related initiatives and diversity interactions. As several chapters in this book are dealing with issues pertaining to different aspects of diversity, this section will focus briefly on multiculturalism, caste, religious and linguistic diversities and disability.

Multiculturalism Globalization has resulted in increased contact among members of diverse races, ethnicities and cultures. Effectively managing this increasing diversity is one of the greatest challenges of our time (Moghaddam 2008, 2012). Multiculturalism has also been conceptualized as acknowledgement and appreciation of diversity (Rios and Wynn 2016). Multicultural experiences are ‘all direct and indirect experiences of encountering or interacting with the elements and/or members of foreign cultures’ (Leung et al. 2008, p. 169). Thus it has been posited that multicultural experiences reveal the commonalities among human beings and would be related to self-­ categorizing at the ‘human’ level of inclusiveness (Turner et al. 1994). Based on this assumption, Sparkman, Eidelman and Blanchar (Sparkman et al. 2016) found that compared to those in a control condition, participants exposed to cultural members and elements of foreign cultures reported being higher in Openness to Experience and expressed less prejudice towards these cultural groups. There was also some evidence that multicultural exposure, through openness, caused secondary transfer effects in prejudice reduction. While discussing the Canadian multiculturalism policy, Berry (this volume) has pointed out that multiculturalism is a demographic fact, an ideology and a public policy. The presence of ethnocultural diversity in society also necessitates ensuring equitable participation in society and its component institutions.

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Caste The caste system, its salient characteristics and transformations, together with its persistence and pervasiveness, have been central to studies of Indian society (Vaid 2014). Jodhka (2010) has presented a systematic theorization of caste and mapped the paradigm shifts in this process. The first paradigm shift, which is referred to as ‘the moment of culture’ or the ‘book-view’ of caste, is exemplified in the writings of Bougle (1971) for whom caste referred to hereditary and hierarchical specialization of occupations resulting in differential rights. Inequality was thus an essential feature of the caste system. This view of caste also constructed India as the ‘other’ of the West. Even though they were divided on class lines, the modern Western societies were culturally or ideologically governed by the idea of equal citizenship. The post-independence period produced very different accounts of caste. Caste entered ‘modern’ institutions, such as democracy, and survived. This was the ‘moment of politics’, where caste successfully negotiated with democratic politics but did not confront political questions internal to caste hierarchies, questions of power, discrimination and social exclusion (Mamgain 2010). The rise of autonomous Dalit politics in the 1980s and 1990s saw the emergence of a new language of caste articulating experiences and caste-ness of Dalits. This was the third ‘moment of caste’. This resurgence of caste in its new avatar was the beginning of a different mode of articulating democratic politics in terms of community rights and identity politics by Dalit groups in different parts of the country. It is clear that the institution of caste is now articulated very differently. Earlier it was believed that caste was a traditional system of social hierarchy and culture, which would weaken and eventually disappear with the process of development or modernization. However, over the years scholars have come to recognize the crucial importance of the ‘noneconomic’ factors such as caste, race, ethnicity or gender in structuring market and determining economic outcomes. India also witnessed a social and political churning, thanks to the forces unleashed by the democratic political process. The rise of autonomous Dalit movements during the late 1980s did not simply ask for recognition and state power. They also raised questions about the meanings of caste and how they continue to experience it even in secular/modern spaces in contemporary India. As Jodhka (2010) has asserted, the popular discourse on caste is beginning to recognize that talking about caste is also talking about power and powerlessness. It is also talking about disparities, discrimination and denial of access to resources and entitlements to some. Pal (this volume) discusses the expression of caste identity in everyday life and the persistence of social distance and discrimination.

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Religious Diversity India is one of the most—if not the most—religiously diverse societies in the world. It is the home of four world religions—Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism—and, after Indonesia, has the second largest Muslim population as well as ancient settlements of Zoroastrians, Christians and Jews. This rich religious diversity is also overlaid with complex divisions of caste, language, region and tribe (G. Singh 2004). The Indian Constitution gives each citizen the fundamental right to follow any religion/faith. This has led to shared living and coexistence of people of different faiths leading to all shades of social interaction including collaboration, cooperation, competition and conflict in different domains of life (Kapur and Misra 2017). P. Singh and Siddiqui (2017) while emphasizing pluralism as the defining characteristic of Indian society have demonstrated that though historically various religious groups have evolved differently with differential placement in the social structure and asymmetrical power relations, a coexistence and at times an uneasy balance have been maintained. The outcomes of these interactions have included both social mobility or stagnation and even friction and conflict. Using the concepts of relative deprivation and inclusive development, Kumar (this volume) has focused on the inherent inequality and consequent unequal distribution of the benefits of development among the majority and minority groups in India resulting in feelings of resentment and injustice.

Linguistic Diversity In terms of linguistic diversity, India has been recognized as the fourth most diverse country in the world and has 33–400 major languages and a large number of mother tongues (Panda and Mohanty 2014). India has four language families—Indo Aryan (76.87% speakers) and Dravidian (20.82% speakers) being the major ones. These families have contributed 22 constitutionally recognized (‘scheduled’ or ‘national’) languages, out of which Hindi has the ‘official’ status in addition to having the ‘national’ status (Jha 2010). Mohanty (2017) has articulated the complex linkages between language and development. Language, he asserts, is a cultural capital and is a critical link to education and access to social resources. Addressing these broader issues, he believes that in multilingual societies, languages are associated with power and hierarchy; some languages enable greater access to privileges and social opportunities, and others lead to deprivation and discrimination. Under such conditions, the use of languages becomes the basis for freedom, opportunities and capability development or for discrimination, denial of opportunities and constraints in realization of capability. Mohanty (this volume) has argued that the cost of language maintenance in a hierarchical multilingual society is marginalization. Thus indigenous tribal and

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minority languages survive only in limited domains. Assertive maintenance of language requires the use of different strategies of negotiation and assertion.

Disability Several studies have explored the interaction between disability and other personal characteristics, such as ethnicity, gender, age and sexuality. These studies have highlighted how individuals’ perceptions of their own and others’ disability was influenced by socio-demographic factors such as age, gender and ethnicity (Molloy et  al. 2003). Thus, these studies suggested that the interaction between different socio-demographic factors, and being disabled, might lead some disabled people to experience ‘multiple’ or ‘compounded’ disadvantage. This disadvantage may occur in three key areas: education, employment and service provision. Dalal (this volume) highlights the pervasiveness of different types of disabilities and how the stigma of disability leads to prejudices and discrimination. The problems are compounded with the additional affliction of poverty. Welfare measures initiated by the government and advocacy of disability rights have offered some measure of hope and relief.

Understanding Social Development The meaning and goals of development have been progressively evolving, and therefore, it is appropriate to discuss changing meaning of development and particularly social development. Everybody interested in ‘development’ knows that it is an essentially contested concept, implying that there is no consensus about its meaning and how it should be defined (Coetzee and Soderbaum 2016). As Sumner and Tribe (2008: 10) point out, ‘it would be an understatement to say that the definition of development has been controversial and unstable over time’. There is, as with most ‘fields of study’, no consensus on an absolute and final definition, only suggestions as to what development may mean in different contexts (Hettne 2009). There is considerable debate on the definition, explanation and practice of development (Landiyanto 2018). From the Second World War to the end of the 1960s, development had been seen as a process of industrialization and modernization oriented solely towards economic growth from rational management perspectives. By the late 1960s, the meaning of development had been reformulated because of the failure of these earlier strategies to include a greater variety of variables that encompass people’s capabilities and choices (human development) as well as the structures, administration, regulations, policies and social-economic systems to accelerate economic growth (Pieterse 2010). The term ‘social development’ is comprised of two words—social and development—both of which inform the way it has been defined. The term social refers to

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human interactions and the complex phenomena that arise from these interactions, including social networks, values, cultures and institutions. It also has a welfare connotation which alludes to people’s well-being and collective efforts to improve social conditions. The second word, development, has a dynamic connotation and refers to a process of change, growth, progress or evolution. Although originally used to connote a process of societal change, the term ‘development’ has been primarily linked to economic modernization in the developing countries (Foa 2011). This definition has now been broadened to connote a multifaceted process that comprises social, cultural, gender, political, environmental as well as economic dimensions. Few ideas in our times have been invested with as much respectability or historic significance as the concept of development (Gangrade 2014). Over the last 50 years, the concept of social development has emerged as a distinctive field of practice and academic enquiry, but it still lacks precise definition (Nahar 2014). The role of psychologists in understanding development-related issues in the Indian context will be discussed by Pandey (this volume). Thus development is neither a static nor a uniform concept. Development has been variously conceptualized as a process of societal transformation as well as a process of improving the capability of a nation’s institutions and value system to meet social, political and economic demands. Development has also been defined as economic growth plus social change, as a technical solution to underdevelopment, human development, a more equitable spread of distribution and development resources. The basic values of development are human dignity and social justice. According to this perspective, development is viewed as a goal and process that aims to achieve an integrated, balanced and unified (social and economic) development of society. The Copenhagen Declaration on Social Development (1995) recognized the primacy of social development and the need to address profound social problems such as poverty, unemployment and social exclusion. It also emphasized that social development and social justice were indispensable for the achievement and maintenance of peace and security. Midgley (2014) has pointed out that the concept of social development is closely associated with developmental studies. The concept of development has been traditionally associated with economic development, but more recently it has evolved to encompass both social and economic development. In this integrated perspective, economic development is initially viewed as an engine for social development with several positive effects on economic progress at later stages. Although the concept of social development is inclusive of economic development, it differs from it in the sense that it emphasizes societal development at all levels of economic, political, social and cultural aspects.

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Social and Cultural Concerns in Development In recent years, there has been a proliferation of attempts to account for the role of social factors within broader processes of economic and human development. Whether couched in the language of social capital, institutions or culture, economists and social scientists in related disciplines have made attempts to quantify the presence of certain informal norms and practices, or institutions, and demonstrate their impact upon the development process (Putnam et al. 1993; Helliwell 2004). During the 1990s, the concept of human development was promoted as a complement to existing income-based approaches to international development. Rooted in the capabilities’ literature of Amartya Sen and adopted by the Human Development Reports of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the primary aim of the human development paradigm was to focus development thinking more upon the enhancement of people’s freedoms, capabilities and well-being. Specifically, the human development approach sought to achieve three goals: (1) to make people the ends and not the means of development, (2) to refocus attention on what people can be or do rather than what they can produce and (3) to ensure that development policies are aimed at improving people’s quality of life, including their health, security and overall flourishing (Sen 2003). Recent discourses on development indicate that there is no prescribed pathway for the development of a society, no single model on which development strategies should be based. The Western model of development, conceived as a linear process involving largely economic factors, is often incompatible with the complex social, cultural and political dimensions of societies pursuing different goals, reflecting their own values. The ideology of development has all too often tended to damage the social fabric and foundations—often rooted in traditions of communal solidarity—of the communities that have received ‘development aid’. Thus Chakravarty (1984) had suggested that cultural resources should be utilized in designing the pattern of development. Tripathi (2002) while discussing the alignment of development and values astutely recommended that ‘the concept of endogenous development as proposed by UNESCO needs to be suitably modified so that a society may develop not only along its specific features, cultural and structural, but also develop into an effective system which can cope with global changes’ (p. 318). Just as no development strategy can be said to be culturally neutral, a culturally sensitive approach to development is the key to addressing the interlinked social, economic and environmental problems confronting the planet as a whole. Cultural diversity—which emphasizes the dynamic interactions between cultures and sensitivity to cultural contexts—thus becomes a key lever for ensuring sustainable, holistic development strategies. Thus respect for cultural diversity contributes to the dignity of each individual, group and community. Rights and freedoms are not exercised in a vacuum but are embedded within a social context. All rights and freedoms

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have a cultural dimension that contributes to their effective exercise. It is precisely this dimension that forms the link between the individual, the community and the group, which grounds universal values within a particular society. What is striking in most theories of development is the assumption that development refers to a process that is linear and evolutionary. Thus, the term brings with it assumptions about the status of the persons targeted in development policies and the purpose of development. Yet culture is often left out of the equation, whereas it can become the very facilitator of development. Experience has repeatedly demonstrated that when ‘development’ is imposed upon a society from the outside, this invariably leads to ecological and societal dislocation. Furthermore, when inadequate consideration is given to social factors and cultural contexts, the receiving community’s rejection of the development project is almost inevitable, with culture acting, so to speak, as a society’s ‘immune system’ (Odora-Hoppers 2007).

Sustainable Development Singhal and Tiwari (2009) have pointed out that development was initially confined to economic growth. Different models of development have been suggested including the Sarvodaya concept of development, endogenous development, human development, social capital and sustainable development. For the present purpose, sustainable development is the most promising model which includes both concerns of diversity and development. The essence of sustainable development is to provide for the fundamental needs of humankind in an equitable way without doing violence to the natural systems of life on earth. It is also a stated aspiration of governments and societies. Sustainable development is a kind of motherhood concept ‘encompassing three of the goals of humanity, namely entitlement to health, wealth and justice in a single concept’ (O’Riordan 1996). The requirements of sustainable development are multiple and interconnected. The main dimensions can be said to consist of maintaining the integrity of biophysical systems, offering better services for more people and providing freedom from hunger, nuisance and deprivation. To these one may add choice, opportunity and access to decision-making—aspects of equity within and across generations (Kemp et al. 2005). The World Bank, while revisiting the Copenhagen declaration after 10  years (World Bank 2004), had stated that economic development, social development and environmental protection are interdependent and mutually reinforcing components of sustainable development. Kemp and Martens (2007) have argued that sustainability sciences require reflexive modes of governance and heterogeneous local understandings and appreciations are drawn into the transition process. From an anthropocentric point of view, sustainable development is about human betterment or progress. It is about continued advancement and creation: a better and more just world. Inequality lies at the centre of current debates about sustainable development from which a number of policy

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issues including sustainable development goals emanate. Intersecting diverse dimensions of inequality include gender, race, ethnicity, social class and nation. Intersectional perspectives from the context of time and place explain changing constructions, perceptions and interpretations of inequality. It would be useful to focus on recent studies which have documented the extraordinary period of development and record growth rates that developing countries such as India and China have achieved. Diao et al. (2017)) have used a structural change perspective wherein they observed that in East Asian countries, there was a movement of labour from low-productivity agriculture and informality to modern manufacturing industries and associated activities played a critical role. More significantly they have analysed that recent growth accelerations were based on rapid within-sector labour productivity growth or growth increasing structural changes. The Asian pattern of strong ‘within’ and ‘between’ components is consistent with growth being driven mainly by positive productivity shocks to the modern sectors. This carries the implication that the ability to manage internal conflicts is an important determinant of economic growth and prosperity. The views of Mahatma Gandhi on what is now referred to as sustainable development merit attention. Briefly, his philosophy of development focused on the three complementary aspects of human development: physical, mental and spiritual. His development philosophy revolved around man, his society and environment and their respective and simultaneous development (Gangrade 2014).

Strategies for Managing Diversity As societies are growing ever more ethnically, racially and religiously diverse, recurrent questions are being asked as to whether such increased diversity fosters or hinders positive intergroup relations. One long-established social scientific perspective on ethnic, racial or religious diversity argues that it poses a threat, particularly (but not exclusively) to the majority group, and thus inevitably leads to heightened intergroup tensions and prejudice (Putnam 2007). The World Bank (2004) reiterated the need to build enabling environments for social development. They recommended that social development should be based on a deep knowledge of local context which informs the understanding, perspectives and constraints of local people. It requires an understanding of power dynamics, culture and value systems as well as informal and formal structures of societies. There are social psychological approaches (Schmid and Hewstone 2010) to improving intergroup relations and reducing prejudice: intergroup contact and self-­ categorization, in particular multiple categorization. Both these approaches, in isolation or in combination, are centrally important to understanding how exposure to diversity at the macro-level, such as in residential or educational settings, may positively affect intergroup attitudes. With the increasing globalization of the early twenty-first century, more and more individuals are exposed to cultures strikingly different from their own. Early

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studies of the experience of living at the junction of two or more cultures stressed the negative psychological consequences of conflict, ambivalence and a disjointed sense of self (Park 1928; Stonequist 1935). However, researchers now agree that immersion in different cultures can also have positive effects on psychological functioning (e.g. LaFromboise et al. 1993). Cameron and Turner (2010) evaluated the effectiveness of diversity-based interventions in generating positive intergroup attitudes and increasing appreciation for diversity. They reviewed diversity-based interventions developed by educators and practitioners and psychologists. They found that both types of interventions were successful in generating more positive intergroup attitudes and behaviours. An innovative intervention outlined by Haslam et al. (2016) focused on the management of social disconnection. Social disconnection refers to the lack or loss of social bonds and social separation that arises in response to long-standing social disadvantage, mental health problems, negative experiences of social exclusion and rejection. Threats to social connectedness have been shown to be detrimental to survival and, as highlighted in the social capital literature, have a major impact on mental health and well-being irrespective of age (Marmot 2005). A new intervention Groups 4 Health (G4H), a manualized 5-module psychological intervention that targeted the development and maintenance of social group relationships to treat psychological distress arising from social isolation, was evaluated. G4H was found to significantly improve mental health, well-being and social connectedness on all measures. This is in consonance with social identity theorizing, so that clinical improvement on various indices was attributed to increased identification both with their G4H group and with multiple groups. Other perspectives include those of Bhargava (2016) who asserted that basic procedural justice procedures are required so that former victims of violence and social injustice can be inducted into a system equipped with a mechanism of arbitration. Sen et al. (2016) have demonstrated that in contexts of cultural and religious diversity, a social and political commitment to secularism can lead to enhanced religious tolerance, increased social capital and political change. While discussing the ‘prejudice problematic’, Dixon and Levine (2012) elaborated on the prejudice reduction model of social change, aimed at transforming cognitive and emotional reactions in order to improve intergroup relations. Prejudice reduction interventions have been implemented in many societies, focusing on many kinds of intergroup relations including relations of race, ethnicity, culture, nationality and sexual orientation. Previous research on prejudice reduction had identified positive group contact as a potent intervention for reducing prejudice and investigated the parameters that moderated the effectiveness of contact (Pettigrew and Tropp 2006). Dovido et al. (2012) have focused on the common in-group identity model which considers the psychological processes—specifically cognitive representations of social groups that mediate the impact of various conditions of contact on reduction in prejudice. They also considered a potential ‘darker side of we’. This carries the implication that thinking of members of disadvantaged groups only in terms of common identity can distract attention from group-based inequities,

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u­ ndermining motivations of members of the advantaged group to benefit the disadvantaged group collectively. Finally, the UN Commission for Social Development (2018) in its deliberations has recommended the use of technology for social development. It was suggested that technological innovations would enable the expansion of interconnectivity between regions, cities, villages and people. For example, with transportation, energy and ICT systems installed, rural communities could benefit from digital connectivity, such as e-commerce, which would boost local economies, create new jobs and reduce poverty and urban-rural inequalities. An attempt has been made in this preamble to deliberate on some of the seminal psychological issues pertaining to diversity and social development. The contributors to this volume will further elaborate and focus on these and other related issues and concerns. In conclusion, the words of Yogesh Atal, the eminent social anthropologist, resonate with the tone and tenor of this volume: ‘Managing diversity, thus, does not mean erasing diversity. The challenge is to locate bonds of unity in an ocean of diversity’ (Atal 2016, p. 67).

References Abdallah-Pretceille, M. (2006). Interculturalism as a paradigm for thinking about diversity. Intercultural Education, 17(5), 475–483. Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Cambridge, MA: Addison-Wesley. Atal, Y. (2016). The climate of violence and the concern for communal harmony. In R. C. Tripathi & P.  Singh (Eds.), Perspectives on violence and othering in India (pp.  55–68). New Delhi: Springer. Bell, J. M., & Hartmann, D. (2007). Diversity in everyday discourse: The cultural ambiguities and consequences of “happy talk”. American Sociological Review, 72, 895–914. Bhargava, R. (2016). Between revenge and reconciliation: The significance of truth commissions. In R. C. Tripathi & P. Singh (Eds.), Perspectives on violence and othering in India (pp. 197– 214). New Delhi: Springer. Bobo, L., & Hutchings, V. L. (1996). Perceptions of racial group competition: Extending Blumer’s theory of group position to a multiracial social context. American Sociological Review, 61, 951–972. Bougle, C. (1971). Essays on the caste system. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cameron, L., & Turner, R. N. (2010). The application of diversity-based interventions to policy and practice. In R. Crisp (Ed.), The psychology of social and cultural diversity (pp. 322–351). Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. Chakravarty, S. (1984). Aspects of India’s development strategy for 1980s. Economic and Political Weekly, 19(20/21), 845–852. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/4373279. Coetzee, W., & Soderbaum, F. (2016). Nordic development studies: Lessons, pitfalls and future directions. Strategic Review for Southern Africa, 38(1), 126–137. Collins, P. H. (2015). Intersectionality’s definitional dilemmas. Annual Review of Sociology, 41, 1–20. Doi: 10.1146/annurev-soc-073014-112142 –via Pro Quest. Copenhagen Declaration on Social Development. (1995). A/CONF. 166/9, Chapter 1, Annex 1, UN Documents.

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Mamgain, R. P. (2010). Foreword. In S. S. Jodhka,. Engaging with caste: Academic discourses, identity politics and state policy (Working Paper Series, volume 02, number 02). New Delhi: Indian Institute of Dalit Studies and UNICEF. Marmot, M. (2005). Social determinants of health inequalities. Lancet, 365, 1099–1104. Martinovic, B. (2013). The inter-ethnic contacts of immigrants and natives in the Netherlands: A two-sided perspective. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 39, 69–85. Midgley, J. (2014). Social development: Theory and practice. Los Angeles: Sage. Milem, J. F. (2003). The educational benefits of diversity: Evidence from multiple sectors. In M. J. Chang, D. Witt, J. Jones, & K. Hakuta (Eds.), Compelling interest: Examining the evidence on racial dynamics in colleges and universities (pp. 126–169). Stanford: Stanford University Press. Moghaddam, F. M. (2008). Multiculturalism and intergroup relations: Psychological implications for democracy in global context. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Moghaddam, F. M. (2012). The omnicultural imperative. Culture & Psychology, 18, 304–330. Mohanty, A. K. (2017). Multilingualism, education, English and development: Whose development? In H. Coleman (Ed.), Multilingualisms and development (pp. 261–280). London: British Council. Molloy, D., Knight, T., & Woodfield, K. (2003). Diversity in disability: Exploring the interactions between disability, ethnicity, age, gender and sexuality. Research report of the National Centre for Social Research on behalf of the Department for Work and Pensions. Crown Copyright 2003. Nahar, S. (2014). Text analysis of social development as a concept. Master’s dissertation, University of Texas at Arlington. Odora-Hoppers, C. (2007). Cultural diversity, traditions and modernities: Complexities and opportunities in the 21st century. Background paper. Cited from Investing in cultural diversity and intercultural dialogue, UNESCO World Report. O’Riordan, T. (1996). Democracy and the sustainability transition. In W. Lafferty & J. Meadowcroft (Eds.), Democracy and the environment. Problems and prospects (pp. 140–156). Northampton: Edward Elgar. Page, S. E. (2007). The difference: How the power of diversity creates better groups, firms, schools and societies. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Panda, M., & Mohanty, A. K. (2014). Language policy and education: Towards multilingual education. In R. C. Tripathi & Y. Sinha (Eds.), Psychology, development and social policy in India (pp. 103–130). New Delhi: Springer. Park, R. E. (1928). Human migration and the marginal man. American Journal of Sociology, 33(6), 881–893. Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2006). A meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90, 751–783. Pieterse, J.  N. (2010). Development theory deconstructions/reconstructions (Second ed.). Thousand Oaks: Sage. Plaut, V. C. (2010). Diversity science: Who needs it? Psychological Inquiry, 21, 168–174. Portes, A., & Vickstrom, E. (2011). Diversity, social capital, and cohesion. Annual Review of Sociology, 37, 461–479. Putnam, R., Leonardi, R., & Nanetti, R. (1993). Making democracy work: Civic traditions in modern Italy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. New York: Simon & Schuster. Putnam, R. D. (2007). E pluribus Unum: Diversity and community in the twenty-first century: The 2006 Johan Skytte prize lecture. Scandinavian Political Studies, 30, 137–174. Quillian, L. (1995). Prejudice as a response to perceived group threat: Population composition and antiimmigrant and racial prejudice in Europe. American Sociological Review., 60, 586–611.

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Towards sustainable and resilient societies: Innovation and inter-connectivity for social development, 30 January 2018, 3:00pm – 6:00 pm. United Nations Headquarters, New York. UNDP Human Development Report 2016. Hdr.undp.org/en/humandev Vaid, D. (2014). Caste in contemporary India: Flexibility and persistence. Annual Review of Sociology, 40, 391–410. van Assche, J., Roets, A., Dhont, K., & van Hiel, A. (2017). The association between actual and perceived ethnic diversity: The moderating role of authoritarianism and implications for outgroup threat, anxiety, and mistrust. European Journal of Social Psychology, 46, 807–817. van der Meer, T., & Tolsma, J. (2014). Ethnic diversity and its effects on social cohesion. Annual Review of Sociology, 40, 459–478. Vertovec, S. (2012). “Diversity” and the social imaginary. European Journal of Sociology, 53, 287–312. World Bank. (2004). The World Bank and the Copenhagen declaration: Ten years after. September 20, 2004. Social Development Department, Environmentally and Socially Sustainable Network. Document of the World Bank.

Part I

Social Diversity and Harmony

Chapter 2

Diversity and Equity in Plural Societies: Psychological Perspectives John W. Berry

Abstract  This chapter presents a framework for understanding the concept of diversity as being inclusive of variations in culture, ethnicity, religion, age, gender and sexual orientation. It further underscores the relationship between diversity and opportunity for equitable participation, which is considered essential for societal development. Keywords  Diversity · Equity · Marginalization · Migration · Multiculturalism In this chapter, I consider the various meanings of multiculturalism and propose an analysis of the concept using a set of psychological principles. Then I note that there are various ways in which intercultural relations may take place in plural societies and suggest that more positive outcomes may follow if these principles are understood and acted upon.

Multiculturalism: Diversity and Equity Diversity and equity are the fundamental constituents of the concept of multiculturalism. Although this concept has acquired many meanings in different societies in the past 40 years, these two elements remain at the core. In the 1970s Berry et al. (1977) defined multiculturalism as having two equally important emphases: (1) the presence of ethnocultural diversity in a society and (2) the presence of equitable participation by all cultural groups in that society. With respect to the first aspect, This chapter was prepared within the framework of the Basic Research Program at the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE) and supported within the framework of a subsidy granted to the HSE by the Government of the Russian Federation for the implementation of the Global Competitiveness Program. J. W. Berry (*) Queen’s University, Kingston, Canada Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russian Federation © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 J. Pandey et al. (eds.), Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3341-5_2

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they made the distinction among three different meanings of the ethnocultural diversity component of multiculturalism. First, multiculturalism is a demographic fact: most societies around the world are now culturally diverse. Second, multiculturalism is an ideology: individuals and groups hold views about their acceptance or rejection of this diversity. And third, some governments articulate public policies and develop programmes with respect to the acceptability and promotion of diversity. These three features are closely related. Without the presence of diversity, there is no need to be concerned with what people think about it, and there would be no need for governmental action. Although multiculturalism is sometimes thought of as only referring to the presence of cultural diversity in a society, the second core element of multiculturalism (equitable participation) is equally important. A view of multiculturalism that only considers the existence of cultural diversity may lead to the emergence of separate cultural groups within a diverse society. Diversity without equal participation will lead to separation or segregation; equal participation without diversity will result in assimilation or the pursuit of the melting pot; in the absence of diversity and equity, marginalization and exclusion will likely occur; but when both diversity and equity are present, integration and multiculturalism are found. Ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic diversity are commonplace in most countries. Societies vary on these forms of diversity but to different degrees. These variations allow the examination of contexts for intercultural relations. To illustrate the extent of this diversity, Alesina et  al. (2003) used data from a number of Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries. They created an ethnic fractionalization index that is based on the probability that two randomly selected people in a society will belong to the same ethnic group. Research shows that on this index the highest scores among industrialized countries are for Canada, Belgium and Switzerland; in the middle are France, Sweden and the UK; lowest scores are found for Japan and Denmark. More recently, Alesina et al. (2015) constructed an index of population diversity for 195 countries. This index has two components: proportion of foreign born and diversity of origin of immigrants. This new index largely confirms the variation in diversity found in these earlier studies. In a similar approach, Fearon (2003) examined 822 ethnic groups in 160 countries and allocated them to a place on an index of ethnic fractionalization. In addition to these studies that portray the actual degree of ethnic and cultural diversity across societies, there are two other approaches to describe diversity. One examines the degree of migrant integration across 37 societies; this is the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX 2010, http://www.mipex.eu/countries). It includes estimates of integration of migrants in a number of domains: labour mobility, family reunion, education, political participation, long-term residence, access to nationality and anti-discrimination laws. Highest integration scores are for Sweden, Portugal and Canada; in the middle are Germany, the UK and France; and the lowest scores are for Cyprus, Latvia and Turkey. A third approach is to describe and quantify the policy response to such diversity. This is done in the Multicultural Policy Index (MPI; Banting and Kymlicka 2006– 2012; http://www.queensu.ca/mcp/). The Multicultural Policy Index monitors the

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evolution of multiculturalism policies in a number of Western democracies. Since this index provides information about multiculturalism policies in a standardized format, it serves well the goal of comparison across societies in this project. The index includes a set of nine criteria to assess the degree of promotion of multiculturalism (by policy and practice) in plural societies. These include a government policy promoting multiculturalism, a multicultural ministry or secretariat, adoption of multiculturalism in the school curricula, ethnic representation in the media, exemptions of cultural groups from codes that are rooted in the dominant society (e.g., Sunday closing), allowing dual citizenship, funding of cultural organizations, and funding of bilingual or heritage language instruction). Highest scores for multicultural policy development in 2010 are for Australia, Canada, Belgium and Sweden; in the middle are the UK, the USA and the Netherlands; lowest are Switzerland, Japan and Denmark. Related to this policy index are the reports of Bloemraad (2011) and Wright and Bloemraad (2012). Bloemraad (2011) examined the policies and practices of multiculturalism in various countries and tracked changes over the years from 1980 to 2010 using the MPI. The rankings on this index put Canada and Australia in first place, followed by Sweden, New Zealand, Belgium and the UK. Towards the middle are Spain, Portugal and the USA. In the lowest place are France, Germany, Italy, Switzerland and Denmark. Of particular interest is the Netherlands, which was rather high in 2000 but dropped to a low score in 2010. This earlier high position in the Netherlands was the result of longstanding “pilarization” policies (Fleras 2009), while the drop may reflect the assertions in the Netherlands that multiculturalism has failed there (Vertovec and Wessendorf 2010). As noted above, evaluations that are made about diversity and equity have been referred to as multicultural ideologies. Multicultural ideology was defined by Berry et al. (1977) as an appreciation for cultural diversity and a need for mutual accommodation that promotes equitable participation. In some societies, however, there is a common misconception that multiculturalism refers only to cultural diversity (i.e., the presence of many independent cultural communities). As noted above, cultural diversity without the presence of intercultural interaction and equitable participation in the larger society are really forms of separation and segregation. Furthermore, also as noted above, in the absence of equity, diversity is typically seen as leading to social divisiveness. Multicultural ideologies vary markedly across countries. For example, Ward and Masgoret (2008) assembled scores on multicultural ideology for a number of countries. In this data set, New Zealand, Australia and Sweden were most accepting of this ideology, while Greece, Austria and Germany were least accepting. Although not shown in this figure, 85% of Canadians support this statement. In a second study from the European Commission (2007) public opinion poll across 27 European countries results indicated that agreement with the general premise that ethnic diversity enriches national culture (the diversity element) varies from 32% in Malta to 86% in Sweden. At the same time, the specific proposition that there should be more ethnic minority Members of Parliament (the intercultural element) receives a lower level of endorsement ranging from 17% in Bulgaria and Cyprus to 66% in

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Sweden and France. This attitudinal pattern is in keeping with the “principle-­ implementation gap”, where individuals are more likely to support abstract ­principles than concrete policies designed to achieve goals. Similarly, there is strong evidence that multiculturalism receives greater support as an abstract principle, while more concrete construals of multiculturalism are viewed as threatening to members of the dominant group (Yogeeswaran and Dasgupta 2014).

Multiculturalism in Culturally Diverse Societies As we have noted, multicultural policies and practices vary across plural societies. The following are two examples: Canada and the European Union.

Canada The first multiculturalism policy was advanced in Canada in (1971). The basic goal of the policy was articulated as follows: A policy of multiculturalism within a bilingual framework… (is) the most suitable means of assuring the cultural freedom of all Canadians. Such a policy should help to break down discriminatory attitudes and cultural jealousies. National unity, if it is to mean anything in the deeply personal sense, must be founded on confidence on one’s own individual identity; out of this can grow respect for that of others, and a willingness to share ideas, attitudes and assumptions…. The Government will support and encourage the various cultural and ethnic groups that give structure and vitality to our society. They will be encouraged to share their cultural expression and values with other Canadians and so contribute to a richer life for all. Government of Canada, (1971)

An examination of this text reveals three main components to this policy. The first component is the goal, which is “to break down discriminatory attitudes and cultural jealousies”. This goal seeks to enhance mutual acceptance among all cultural groups and is to be approached through two main programme components. One is the cultural component, which is to be achieved by providing support and encouragement for cultural maintenance and development among all cultural groups. The other is the social or intercultural component, which promotes the sharing of cultural expressions by providing opportunities for intergroup contact and the removal of barriers to full and equitable participation in the daily life of the larger society. A third component acknowledged the importance of learning a common language(s) in order to permit intercultural participation among all groups. Over the years, I have been involved in conceptual and empirical examinations of the Canadian multiculturalism policy from a psychological perspective (Berry 2013, 2014). I first evaluated the Canadian policy and its implementation after 10 years (Berry 1984) and again after 20 years (Berry and Laponce 1994). In this work, I examined these core elements of the policy (and linkages among elements).

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Fig. 2.1  Goal, components and linkages in Canadian multiculturalism policy. (Revised from Berry 1984)

I proposed that these elements formed a coherent set of psychological concepts and principles and could serve as the basis for developing some testable hypotheses. Figure 2.1 portrays some of these core elements and linkages (from Berry 1984). The clear and fundamental goal of the policy is to enhance mutual acceptance among all ethnocultural groups (upper right). This goal is to be approached through three programme components. On the upper left is the cultural component of the policy, which is to be achieved by providing support and encouragement for cultural maintenance and development among all ethnocultural groups. The second component is the social (or intercultural) component (lower left), which seeks the sharing of cultural expressions, by providing opportunities for intergroup contact, and the removal barriers to full and equitable participation in the daily life of the larger society. The last feature is the intercultural communication component, in the lower right corner of Fig. 2.1. This represents the bilingual reality of the larger society of Canada and promotes the learning of one or both official languages (English and French) as a means for all ethnocultural groups to interact with each other and to participate in national life. It is essential to note that both the Canadian concept of multiculturalism and of the Multiculturalism policy have the two main and equally important emphases that were noted in the introduction to this chapter: the maintenance of heritage cultures and identities (the cultural component) and the full and equitable participation of all

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ethnocultural groups in the life of the larger society (the social or intercultural component). In addition to these four components, there are linkages among them. The first (top of Fig. 2.1), termed the multiculturalism hypothesis, is expressed in the policy statement as the belief that confidence in one’s identity will lead to sharing, respect for others and reduction of discriminatory attitudes. Berry et al. (1977) identified this belief as an assumption with psychological roots and as being amenable to empirical evaluation. A second link in Fig. 2.1 (left side) is the hypothesis that when individuals and groups are “doubly engaged” (i.e., valuing and participating in both their heritage cultures and in the larger society), they will be more successful in their lives. This success will be evidenced by a higher level of wellbeing, in both psychological and social domains. This is the integration hypothesis, in which involvement with, competence in and confidence in both cultural communities provide the social capital to succeed in intercultural living. There are also variations in how well individuals live together in plural societies that are related to these strategies. As noted in the discussion, numerous empirical studies have shown that the integration/multiculturalism strategy is associated with more positive psychological, social and intercultural outcomes (Berry 1997). A recent meta-analysis (Nguyen and Benet-Martínez 2013) has shown that this relationship is robust across many studies. A third link portrayed in Fig. 2.1 (diagonal) is the contact hypothesis, by which contact and sharing are considered to promote mutual acceptance under certain conditions, especially that of status equality and voluntariness of intercultural contact. Together, and by balancing these components, it should be possible to achieve the core goal of the policy: the improvement of intercultural relations in Canada, where all groups and individuals have a place, both within their own heritage cultural environment and within the larger society. In this sense, multiculturalism is for everyone, not only for non-dominant groups. This aspect emphasizes that all groups and individuals are engaged in a process of cultural and psychological change. For the past few years, research in many societies has been underway to evaluate these three hypotheses (Berry 2017). India is one of the societies in this project (Mishra et al. 2017), along with Australia, Canada, Hong Kong and 13 societies in Europe. The repeated evaluation of these three hypotheses may generate a basis for implementing multicultural policies and practices in other plural societies.

European Union In 2005, the European Union adopted a directive that has promoted the core elements of a multiculturalism policy in a set of “Common Basic Principles for Immigrant Integration Policy in the EU” (2005). The basic concept of multiculturalism (integration) was articulated as follows:

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Integration is a dynamic, two-way process of mutual accommodation by all immigrants and residents of Member States. Integration is a dynamic, long-term, and continuous two-way process of mutual accommodation, not a static outcome. It demands the participation not only of immigrants and their descendants but of every resident. The integration process involves adaptation by immigrants, both men and women, who all have rights and responsibilities in relation to their new country of residence. It also involves the receiving society, which should create the opportunities for the immigrants’ full economic, social, cultural, and political participation. Accordingly, Member States are encouraged to consider and involve both immigrants and national citizens in integration policy, and to communicate clearly their mutual rights and responsibilities.

Among the 11 basic principles, one article accepts the right to cultural maintenance: “The practice of diverse cultures and religions is guaranteed under the Charter of Fundamental Rights and must be safeguarded, unless practices conflict with other inviolable European rights or with national law”. Another promotes participation: “Frequent interaction between immigrants and Member States citizens is a fundamental mechanism for integration. Shared forums, intercultural dialogue, education about immigrants and immigrant cultures, and stimulating living conditions in urban environments enhance the interactions between immigrants and Member State citizens”. Further: “Access for immigrants to institutions, as well as to private goods and services, on a basis equal to national citizens and in a nondiscriminatory way is a critical foundation for better integration”. And a third notes the importance of learning the national language: “Basic knowledge of the host society’s language, history, and institutions is indispensable to integration; enabling immigrants to acquire this basic knowledge is essential to successful integration”. With respect to the process, the directive identifies the integration of migrants and their cultural communities as “… a dynamic, two-way process of mutual accommodation by all immigrants and residents of Member States. Integration is a dynamic, long-term, and continuous two-way process of mutual accommodation… It demands the participation not only of immigrants and their descendants but of every resident” (p. 1). In contrast to this EU policy that accepts that multiculturalism is both diversity and equitable participation, the view of multiculturalism as just cultural diversity seems to have been the basis of assertions in some European societies (e.g. in Germany, the Netherlands and the UK) that “multiculturalism has failed”. For example, the British Prime Minister (November 10 2011) argued that state multiculturalism in “Britain had encouraged different cultures to live separate lives”, etc. and that “the UK needed a stronger national identity to prevent people turning to all kinds of extremism”. From the perspective outlined here, we argue that multiculturalism has not failed because it was not really attempted in these societies. If multiculturalism is viewed and accepted only as the tolerated presence of different cultures in a society, without the simultaneous promotion of inclusion through programmes to reduce barriers to equitable participation, then a form of segregation is the correct name for such policies, practices and ideologies. This view seems to have been recognized by Cameron. However, the proposed solution to the problem of segregation is more homogeneity rather than the pursuit of the double engagement option articulated in our vision of multiculturalism.

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Another difficulty with multiculturalism in the European Union is that there is some indication (e.g. Van de Vijver et al. 2008) that Europeans make a clear distinction between the right of immigrants to maintain their cultures in private (i.e. in their families and communities) and the right to expect changes to the public culture of the society of settlement. In much of this research, it was found that it is acceptable to express one’s heritage culture in the family and in the community but that it should not be expressed in the public domains, such as in educational or work institutions. This view is opposed to the basic principles outlined by the European Union, where the process is identified as one of mutual accommodation.

I ntercultural Strategies and Adaptation in Culturally Diverse Societies The question of how groups and individuals engage in their intercultural relations in culturally diverse societies has come to be examined using the concept of intercultural strategies. Four ways of engaging in intercultural relations have been derived from two basic issues facing all people in culturally plural societies. These issues are based on the distinction between orientations towards one’s own group and those towards other groups (Berry 1970, 1974, 1980). This distinction is rendered as a relative preference for (1) maintaining one’s heritage culture and identity and (2) a relative preference for having contact with and participating in the larger society along with other ethnocultural groups. These are the same two issues that underlie the multiculturalism policies outlined above: diversity (i.e. the “cultural” component) and equity (the “social/intercultural” component). The similarity between the two dimensions in this intercultural strategies’ framework and the two core elements in the Canadian multiculturalism policy is coincidental and represents some degree of convergence in the zeitgeist in thinking about how to manage intercultural relations in culturally plural societies 40 years ago. These two issues can be responded to attitudinal dimensions, ranging from generally positive or negative orientations to these issues; their intersection defines four strategies, portrayed in Fig. 2.2. On the left are the orientations from the point of view of ethnocultural peoples (of both groups and individuals); on the right are the views held by the larger society (such as public policies and public attitudes). Among ethnocultural groups, when they do not wish to maintain their cultural identity and seek daily interaction with other cultures, the Assimilation strategy is defined. In contrast, when individuals place a value on holding on to their original culture, and at the same time wish to avoid interaction with others, then the Separation alternative is defined. When there is an interest in both maintaining one’s original culture, while in daily interactions with other groups, Integration is the option. In this case, there is some degree of cultural integrity maintained while at the same time seeking, as a member of an ethnocultural group, to participate as an integral part of the larger social network. Finally, when there is little possibility or inter-

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Fig. 2.2  Intercultural strategies in ethnocultural groups and the larger society (Berry 2003)

est in cultural maintenance (often for reasons of forced cultural loss), and little engagement with the larger society (often for reasons of exclusion or discrimination), then Marginalization is defined. These two basic issues are often approached only from the point of view of the non-dominant ethnocultural groups. However, there is a powerful role played by the dominant group in influencing the way in which ethnocultural individuals and groups would relate (Berry 1974). The views of the larger society are shown on the right side of Fig.  2.2. From the point of view of the larger society, Assimilation when sought by the dominant group is termed the Melting Pot. When Separation is forced by the dominant group it is called Segregation. Marginalization, when imposed by the dominant group, is termed Exclusion (Bourhis et al. 1997). Finally, when both diversity maintenance and equitable participation are widely accepted features of the society as a whole, Integration is called Multiculturalism. It is important to emphasize that within this framework, the concept of integration involves engagement with both cultures. It is not a euphemism for assimilation, which involves engagement with only the larger society; that is, cultural maintenance is a core part of the concept of integration. Nor does multiculturalism refer to only engagement with members of their own ethnocultural groups (segregation). For there to be integration, members of these communities must also engage with, and become constituents of, the larger society. This strategies framework was largely developed on the basis of ideas, experience and research in Canada and Australia. As a result, it is possible that the framework could have limited usefulness in understanding intercultural relations and acculturation in other plural societies. However, much research in other part of the world (Sam and Berry 2016) has generally supported its validity. This research has also made important extensions to the framework. In particular, research in India

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has posited and found evidence for a fifth strategy, called coexistence (Mishra et al. 1996, 2017; Tripathi and Mishra 2016). This strategy was found to be used in many part of India when they engage with other cultures (Sinha 1988). The concept of coexistence is rooted in Indian tradition of secularism (sarva dharm sambhaav; equal respect for all religions). In contrast to the integration strategy, which is based on a positive orientation to both cultures, the coexistence strategy avoids evaluation of involvement with the two cultures. Instead, in coexistence, “the elements of two cultures not only exist side by side, but members of those cultures keep the doors and windows of their cultures open to allow for the winds of other cultures to flow in” (Tripathi and Mishra 2016). These intercultural strategies are related to a number of psychological and social factors. The most important is the discrimination experienced by an individual; less discrimination is usually reported by those opting for integration and assimilation, while more is experienced by those opting for separation or marginalization (see Berry et al. 2006). In this international study of immigrant youth settled in 13 countries, discrimination was found to contribute to both the experience of marginalization and to the lack of psychological and social wellbeing. This is an example of the reciprocity of intercultural attitudes found in the literature (Berry 2006); if persons (such as immigrants or members of ethnocultural groups) feel rejected by others in the larger society, they reciprocate this rejection by choosing a strategy that avoids contact with others outside their own group. There are also variations in how well individuals manage to live in plural societies that are related to these strategies. With respect to the integration hypothesis, numerous empirical studies have shown that the integration/multiculturalism strategy is associated with more positive psychological, social and intercultural outcomes (Berry 1997). A recent meta-analysis (Nguyen and Benet-Martínez 2013) has shown that this relationship is robust across many studies.

I mproving Intercultural Relations in Culturally Diverse Societies As noted throughout this paper, the multicultural vision is defined as meeting two requirements: the maintenance of diverse heritage cultures and equitable participation for all ethnocultural groups. Some multiculturalism policies advance these features and legislate for these outcomes; however, others only promote diversity without equitable inclusion. The multicultural vision for a society reflects the notion that diversity should be valued as a public good, that it should be accommodated and that it should have positive consequences for individuals and groups. But how can we ensure positive outcomes from sustained intercultural contact? First is the requirement that multicultural policy and practice focus not only on diversity but equally on inclusive participation. It is the absence of this equity component that has led people in some countries and their political leaders to assert that

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“multiculturalism has failed”. However, as argued above, it has not failed because it has not been tried. The most important element in this lack of equitable inclusion is the practice and experience of discrimination at three levels: systemic (in the society), group (excluding groups of people because of their membership) and personal (diminishing an individual’s opportunity to participate as a member of a cultural community). In much of the research reviewed in this paper, discrimination was found to be the single most important contributor to mutual hostility (i.e. reciprocating negative affect) as well as to poor psychological and sociocultural adaptation. Public legislation promoting inclusion and limiting expressions of exclusion (both in words and in action) are required to minimize such negative outcomes. Second, public education about the double nature of multiculturalism (cultural diversity and equitable inclusion) needs to be articulated so that all members of the society can come to understand and appreciate this complex vision. The advantages of diversity and equity (as outlined in this chapter; see also Berry 1998) need to be exemplified for all domains of life: education, health, justice, media and political life. The costs can also be identified but then be challenged by studies that show, for example, that the immigration and diversity may have initial economic costs but make significant economic and cultural contributions in the longer term. For example, public advertising in Canada, based on the slogan “Multiculturalism Works”, promotes the idea that a society in which members know many languages, sets of customs and values can engage the world in trade and diplomacy to their advantage. And for cultural activities, having cinema, theatres, music and literatures from diverse parts of the world is widely acknowledged as a way to enrich people’s lives. Third, the contact hypothesis has been repeatedly assessed and has been found to be largely valid (Tropp and Pettigrew 2011). Under most conditions (especially that of equal status contact), more contact is associated with more positive intercultural encounters and outcomes. Intercultural contact, of course, is a prerequisite for the inclusion component of multiculturalism, and positive intercultural attitudes and practices are usually prerequisites for equitable inclusion. Policies and programmes that encourage intercultural encounters and dialogue, such as shared endeavours in arts, sport and politics, may meet the requirements for contact to yield positive relations.

Conclusion In this chapter, I have noted that multiculturalism is a widespread and increasing characteristic of all contemporary societies. These culturally diverse settings provide a social context for intercultural contact, in which acculturation becomes a daily experience for almost everyone. We have emphasized that in these settings, multiculturalism requires the presence of both cultural diversity and equity in social participation. This “multicultural vision” recommends itself as the way forward for managing intercultural relations in plural societies.

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References Alesina, A., Devleeschauwer, A., Eastery, W., Kurlat, S., & Wacziarg, R. (2003). Fractionalization. Journal of Economic Growth, 8, 155–194. Alesina, A., Harnoss, J., & Rappoport, H. (2015). Birthplace diversity and economic prosperity (NBER Working Paper No. 18699). Banting, K., & Kymlicka, W. (2006–2012). The multicultural policy index. http://www.queensu. ca/mcp/ Berry, J. W. (1970). Marginality, stress and ethnic identification in an acculturated Aboriginal community. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 1, 239–252. Berry, J. W. (1974). Psychological aspects of cultural pluralism: Unity and identity reconsidered. Topics in Culture Learning, 2, 17–22. Berry, J. W. (1980). Acculturation as varieties of adaptation. In A. Padilla (Ed.), Acculturation: Theory, models and some new findings (pp. 9–25). Boulder: Westview. Berry, J. W. (1984). Multicultural policy in Canada: A social psychological analysis. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 16, 353–370. Berry, J.  W. (1997). Immigration, acculturation and adaptation. Applied Psychology: An International Review, 46, 5–68. Berry, J. W. (1998). Social psychological costs and benefits of multiculturalism. Trames: Estonian Journal of Social Sciences, 2, 209–233. Berry, J. W. (2003). Conceptual approaches to acculturation. In K. Chun, P. Balls-Organista, & G.  Marin (Eds.), Acculturation: Theory, method and applications (pp.  17–37). Washington, DC: APA Press. Berry, J. W. (2006). Attitudes towards immigrants and ethnocultural groups in Canada. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 30, 719–734. Berry, J. W. (2013). Research on multiculturalism in Canada. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 37, 663–675. Berry, J. W. (2014). Multiculturalism: Psychological perspectives. In J. Jedwab (Ed.), The multiculturalism question: Debating identity in 21st-century Canada (pp.  225–240). Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press. Berry, J. W. (Ed.). (2017). Mutual intercultural relations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Berry, J. W., & Laponce, J. A. (Eds.). (1994). Ethnicity and culture in Canada: The research landscape. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Berry, J.  W., Kalin, R., & Taylor, D. (1977). Multiculturalism and ethnic attitudes in Canada. Ottawa: Ministry of Supply and Services. Berry, J.  W., Phinney, J.  S., Sam, D.  L., & Vedder, P. (Eds.). (2006). Immigrant youth in cultural transition: Acculturation, identity and adaptation across national contexts. Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum. Bloemraad, I. (2011). The debate over multiculturalism: Philosophy, politics, and policy. Migration Information Source. http://www.migrationinformation.org/Feature/display.cfm?ID=854 Bourhis, R. Y., Moïse, C., Perreault, S., & Senécal, S. (1997). Towards an interactive acculturation model: A social psychological approach. International Journal of Psychology, 32, 369–386. Canada. (1971). Policy on multiculturalism. Statement by Prime Minister Trudeau, House of Commons Debate, page 8456. European Commission. (2007). Eurobarometer: Discrimination in the European Union. http:// ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/ebs/ebs_263_en.pdf European Union. (2005). Common basic principles for immigrant integration policy in the EU. Brussels: Author. www.iccsi.ie/resources/EU%20Basic%20Principles

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Fearon, J.  (2003). Ethnic and cultural diversity by country. Journal of Economic Growth, 8(2), 195–222. Fleras, A. (2009). The politics of multiculturalism: Multicultural governance in comparative perspective. London: Palgrave. MIPEX. (2010). Key findings. Immigrant integration policy. http://www.mipex.eu/countries Mishra, R. C., Sinha, D., & Berry, J. W. (1996). Ecology, acculturation and psychological adaptation: A study of Adivasi in Bihar. New Delhi: Sage. Mishra, R. C., Bano, S., & Tripathi, R. C. (2017). Hindu-Muslim relations in India. In J. W. Berry (Ed.), Mutual intercultural relations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nguyen, A.-M.  T. D., & Benet-Martínez, V. (2013). Biculturalism and adjustment: A meta-­ analysis. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 44, 122–159. Number 10. (2011). PM’s speech at Munich Security Conference. Retrieved January 28, 2012, http://www.number10.gov.uk/news/pms/speech Sam, D.L. & Berry, J.W. (eds). (2016). Cambridge handbook of acculturation psychology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Sinha, D. (1988). Basic Indian values and behavior dispositions in the context of national development: An appraisal. In D. Sinha & H. S. R. Kao (Eds.), Social values and development: Asian perspectives (pp. 31–55). New Delhi: SAGE. Tripathi, R.  C., & Mishra, R.  C. (2016). Acculturation in South Asia. In D.  L. Sam & J.  W. Berry (Eds.), Cambridge handbook of acculturation psychology (pp.  337–354). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tropp, L., & Pettigrew, T. (2011). When groups meet. London: Psychology Press. Van de Vijver, F., Breugelmans, S., & Schalk-Soekar, S. (2008). Multiculturalism: Construct validity and stability. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 32, 93–104. Vertovec, S., & Wessendorf, S. (Eds.). (2010). The multiculturalism backlash: European discourses, policies and practices. London: Routledge. Ward, C., & Masgoret, A.-M. (2008). Attitudes toward immigrants, immigration and multiculturalism in New Zealand. International Migration Review, 42, 222–243. Wright, M., & Bloemraad, I. (2012). Is there a trade-off between multiculturalism and socio-­ political integration? Policy regimes and immigrant incorporation in comparative perspective. Perspectives on Politics, 10, 77–95. Yogeeswaran, K., & Dasgupta, N. (2014). The devil is in the details: Abstract versus concrete construals of multiculturalism differentially impact intergroup relations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 106, 772–789.

Chapter 3

Addressing Feelings of Relative Deprivation of Muslim Minority for Inclusive Development Rashmi Kumar

Abstract  This chapter draws from the findings of studies done in the Indian context on Hindu and Muslim intergroup relations. It specifically considers the theory of ‘relative deprivation’ in understanding various aspects of intergroup relations from feelings of injustice to intergroup attitudes to conflict resolution strategies to engaging in action for the betterment of one’s owngroup situation. Social development becomes meaningless if there is no peace, harmony and co-existence in society due to perceived injustice and a sense of exclusion. Policy implications for inclusive development have also been discussed. Keywords  Relative deprivation · Intergroup relations · Social exclusion · Inclusive development · Muslim minority in India · Social policy · Sachar report

Introduction The development agenda in most societies primarily focus on economic and materialistic growth by having modern amenities, creation of opportunities and technological advancements. It has often been observed that rapid economic growth fosters increased dissatisfaction, frustration and disharmony in a society. Graham (2009) calls this ‘unhappy growth paradox’, and Brockmann et al. (2009) call it ‘The China Puzzle’. Happiness and resentment are human emotional responses which have long been ignored in any discourse on development. There is need to think beyond economic prosperity as the sole criterion for development. The World Summit for Social Development held in March 1995 in Copenhagen recognized the need to put people at the centre of development. The Summit pledged to make the conquest of poverty, full employment and fostering of social integration as the overriding objectives of development. The Summit declared a global drive for social progress and development embodied in a number of commitments. One of the commitments (no. 4) in this document declares: R. Kumar (*) Department of Psychology, University of Allahabad, Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 J. Pandey et al. (eds.), Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3341-5_3

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‘We commit ourselves to promoting social integration by fostering societies that are stable, safe and just and that are based on the promotion and protection of all human rights as well as on non-discrimination, tolerance, respect for diversity, equality of opportunity, solidarity, security, and participation of all people, including disadvantaged and vulnerable groups and persons’. (UN Declaration 1995) The above declaration sets the theme for this chapter. We need sincere efforts in policymaking for not just the material and economic development of the Indian state but also in making policies for inclusive development. Inclusive development means that all groups participate in the creation of opportunities, share the benefits of development and participate in decision-making. Societies all over the world are non-egalitarian and, with increasing acceptance of globalization and open market, are becoming more and more diverse with groups from multiple cultures living together. In such a society, some group/s come to enjoy the status of the advantaged or majority group/s, while others are relegated to the status of the disadvantaged or minority groups. In societies where there is inherent inequality amongst various groups, the fruits of development also get unequally distributed, especially amongst the majority and minority groups. When minorities feel resentful and unjustly deprived, the probability of intergroup tensions and conflicts in society increase. Therefore, any model of inclusive development should ensure that the fruits of development are not concentrated in the hands of few but are shared by the community as a whole. Without this consideration more prosperity or more development in society will only bring unintended friction, competition and conflict amongst groups. The agenda for inclusive development should have social justice and harmony in society as major concerns. A society perceived as unjust by a large section of its citizens can never achieve development goals. This chapter will draw from the findings of studies done in the Indian context on Hindu and Muslim intergroup relations. It will specifically consider the theory of ‘relative deprivation’ in understanding various aspects of intergroup relations from feelings of injustice to intergroup attitudes to conflict resolution strategies to engaging in action for the betterment of one’s owngroup situation. Social development becomes meaningless if there is no peace, harmony and co-existence in society due to perceived injustice and a sense of exclusion. Policy implications for inclusive development will also be discussed.

 tatus of Muslim Minority in India and the Development S Goals The priority of any state claiming to be a democracy with overarching secular values as the governing principal of government policies has to be welfare of minorities. This concern became more prominent since India became a signatory to the UN Millennium Development Declaration in 2000. Thus, in a show of commitment for the development of minorities, the Government of India appointed a high-power

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committee under Justice Sachar in 2005 to study the contemporary status of Muslims in India, as Muslims formed the largest minority group in India. The committee submitted its report entitled ‘Social, economic and educational status of the Muslim community of India’ in 2006 (Sachar 2006). This report presented a thorough and detailed investigation and concluded that although there was large variations statewise, the Muslim community, in general, exhibited deficits and deprivation in practically all dimensions of development. In fact, by and large, Muslims ranked somewhat above SCs/STs but below Hindu-OBCs, other minorities and Hindu general (mostly upper castes) on almost all indicators considered important for human development. Muslims were worst off in comparison to the all other minorities in India. The committee also suggested some recommendations for improving the conditions of and ensuring the participation of Muslims in national development (Sachar 2006). These recommendations have largely remained unfulfilled including providing reservation to Muslims in jobs and educational institutions, an issue over which the debate continues. Later, Shariff (2012) studied the inclusive development paradigm in India. According to him the Indian Constitution provides an excellent opportunity for inclusive growth as in its very preamble this resolve is expressed in terms of securing ‘equality of status and opportunity’ for all its citizens. He further writes, ‘it is disturbing to note that the conditions of Muslims relative to even SCs /STs have worsened over the years. The rate of growth is least in case of Muslims; on selected indicators even negative growth is found leading to a decline in the absolute levels. Such evidence is strong to suggest that public policies and programmes of national and state governments are less accessible to Muslims to the extent that they can be labelled as discriminatory’ (Shariff 2012, p. 17). Recently, Shaikh (2016) has also observed that even after more than 10 years of Sachar Committee Report ‘the conditions have not improved ‘in some cases things seem to have, in fact, deteriorated- in 2005 for example, share of Muslims among India’s police was 7.63%: in 2013, it fell to 6.27 %. The government stopped releasing data on police personnel broken down by religion’ (Shaikh 2016). An unverified report on Delhi police mentions population and representation of police as given below (Table 3.1) (reported by Alam for Caravan magazine special report in Nov 18, 2017, issue). This shows that in 2017, Muslims were only 1.87% in Delhi police, while their population was 12.85% in Delhi which points towards the pathetic state of affairs. Unequal development in a society where some groups get the advantage and other groups or individuals feel denied of such privilege is known to increase Table 3.1  Community-wise break-up of Delhi population and Delhi Police Population (census 2011) Police (on 30-09-2017)

Total Hindu 16,787,941 13,712,100 (81.67%) 76,508 73,611 (96.21%)

Muslim 2,158,684 (12.85%) 1434 (1.87%)

Source: Alam, Special Report. Caravan, November 18, 2017

Christian 146,093 (0.87%) 598 (0.78%)

Sikh 570,581 (3.39%) 836 (1.09%)

Buddhist 18,449 (0.10%) 23 (0.03%)

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r­esentment and frustration amongst the deprived individuals/groups. They do not feel included and part of the society; rather they feel being socially excluded. The feeling of being excluded or denied access to valuable resources becomes more pronounced when one compares owngroup with more privileged out-group and suffers from the feeling of being discriminated against and unjustly denied of those privileges. This kind of social comparison is an essential step leading to a sense of relative deprivation. Let us delineate the significance of relative deprivation in this whole process.

Relative Deprivation: Conceptual Issues Smith and Pettigrew (2015) define relative deprivation as ‘a judgment that one or one’s ingroup is disadvantaged compared to a relevant referent group, and that this judgment invokes feelings of anger, resentment, and entitlement’ (p.  2). Relative deprivation refers to the idea that feelings of deprivation and discontent arise due to comparison of own life situation with some comparative standard. This comparative standard may be someone from one’s owngroup, someone from outgroup, one’s own past or something one considers one deserves. People may have expectations of some desired life situation for one’s own group also when they compare their group’s situation with some similar standard. These standards, based on one’s desires, become legitimate expectations, and inability to fulfil these expectations due to perceived hindrance created by the society/other group may motivate people to engage in social and political violence. Gurr (1970) suggested that the state of relative deprivation occurs when one perceives a discrepancy between what goods and conditions of life one is rightfully entitled to (i.e. expectations) and what goods and conditions one is capable of getting (i.e. likely to get as outcome). Gurr used relative deprivation in his classic book Why Men Rebel to explain why people engage in collective violence – riots, rebellion, coup, etc. He writes ‘The potential for collective violence varies strongly with the intensity and scope of relative deprivation among members of a collectivity’ (Gurr 1970, p. 24). Gurr, further, described three types of relative deprivation – (i) aspirational relative deprivation, (ii) decremental relative deprivation and (iii) progressive relative deprivation. Aspirational relative deprivation suggests that more relative deprivation may be felt during more progress and prosperity in a society because it is not one’s absolute but the relative status which matters, relative to better off others. Pettigrew (2002) has called relative deprivation as a ‘key social psychological concept’. The main idea behind the concept of relative deprivation is that it is the perceived relative status difference that is more crucial than absolute difference that leads to various outcomes including social unrest. Vanneman and Pettigrew (1972) found that voting behaviour of the majority group got predicted by their feelings of relative deprivation. Abeles (1976) found that militancy amongst Blacks was predicted by their feelings of relative deprivation. Tripathi and Srivastava (1981) related perceived relative deprivation amongst Muslims to negative attitudes towards Hindu

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out-group. Walker and Mann (1987) related relative deprivation to stress symptoms and protest orientation. The concept of relative deprivation was first coined by Stouffer et al. (1949) to explain a paradoxical finding of a survey on different wings of the American Army. They found that the Military Police was more satisfied with their lot than Air Corps though chances of promotion in Air Corps were higher than in Military Police. They reasoned that it was so because Air Corps men compared their lot with other soldiers in Air Corps who got promoted and they felt frustration at them not being promoted. Though objectively better off, they, in fact, felt ‘relatively deprived’. Our sense of satisfaction or deprivation depends upon what comparison we choose as a referent. Social comparison is a basic tendency of human beings (Festinger 1954). Comparison can be by the individuals at individual level or at group level. Runciman (1966) was the first to acknowledge this difference by proposing two forms of relative deprivation, i.e. egoistical relative deprivation and fraternalistic relative deprivation. When one compares one’s goods and opportunities in life with goods and opportunities of other more privileged members of owngroup, the resulting feeling is known as egoistical relative deprivation (also known as individual relative deprivation or IRD), and when one compares the life conditions of one’s owngroup with life conditions of more privileged out-group, the resulting feelings is known as fraternalistic relative deprivation (also known as group relative deprivation or GRD). The concept of relative deprivation has been used to explain a wide variety of phenomenon having consequences for the individual as well as for society. Studies have found that IRD predicts individual-oriented responses including interest in professional development (Zoogah 2010), turnover, absenteeism (Aquino et  al. 1997; Osborne et al. 2012) and even gambling (Callan et al. 2008), whereas GRD predicts group-oriented responses including riot participation, militancy, political protest (Walker and Mann 1987) and increased prejudice towards out-group members (Pettigrew and Meertens 1995; Tripathi and Srivastava 1981). A meta-analytic review of the studies using the concept of relative deprivation was conducted by Smith et al. (2012). The review also concluded that GRD best predicted collective action measures, whereas IRD best predicted individual behaviour measures. Another important distinction made by researchers in this area is between cognitive and emotional aspects of relative deprivation. It was Crosby (1976) who first highlighted this distinction, emphasizing that it is the emotional aspect of relative deprivation that predicts societal level outcomes more than cognitive or perceptual aspect. Here it may also be relevant to point out that people may feel relatively deprived in three major dimensions of relative deprivation – economic, social and political. While economic dimension takes into account comparisons with respect to income, employment, education, etc., social dimension deals with comparisons related to social status, respect, close social relations, etc., and political dimension deals with comparisons with respect to power, authority and politics. When would one feel relative deprivation? According to Crosby, five preconditions are necessary for feelings of relative deprivation to occur. If somebody lacks some goods or opportunity, say x, in life, in order to feel the emotion of relative deprivation, i.e. resentment, one should (i) want x, (ii) see that other has x, (iii) feel

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that one deserves x, (iv) not blame self for not having x and (v) consider it feasible to have x. Relative deprivation is felt when all these preconditions are fulfilled. Crosby proposed these preconditions in her model of egoistic relative deprivation. For feeling of fraternalistic relative deprivation to occur, in addition to all these preconditions at group level, a sixth precondition can be added as (vi) identify strongly with owngroup (Walker and Pettigrew 1984; Kumar 2005). A question that gets raised here is what facilitating factors influence occurrence of feelings of relative deprivation in addition to preconditions? Objective deprivation, exposure to more prosperous neighbourhood, social position of owngroup, gender, age, income, justice beliefs, humiliation (or disrespect) and having ‘voice’ in decision-making are some of the few known to influence feelings of relative deprivation (Crosby 1976; Folger 1977; Kumar 2005). Smith and Huo (2014) consider ‘voice’ not as an antecedent but as a characteristic of system openness which may affect response to feelings of relative deprivation. According to them if people believe they have ‘voice’ in the system and there is opportunity for improvement, then people will experience less injustice and are likely to engage more in normative responses such as protest, attending rallies in comparison to nonnormative responses such as violence and property damage.

Research on Relative Deprivation in India This section will review some studies conducted by Prof R. C. Tripathi and his associates at the University of Allahabad and elsewhere. These studies were conducted mostly on the Hindu-Muslim intergroup context in India and focus on different aspects of feelings of relative deprivation. They ranged from studying the effect of relative deprivation on various aspects of intergroup conflicts to understanding antecedents and consequences of relative deprivation to studying the role of emotion and attribution in relative deprivation. Since the interest in this area started with an attempt to apply the concept of relative deprivation in understanding Hindu-Muslim intergroup relations in India, the initial studies focused on relating relative deprivation with consequences in terms of tension and conflict between the two communities. Later studies looked into some other issues related to the concept also. Naqvi (1980) was the first researcher to venture into this hitherto unexplored area of establishing the role of relative deprivation in influencing Hindu-Muslim intergroup relations in India. She studied the effects of fraternalistic relative deprivation on attribution of responsibility for starting the riots to Hindus or Muslims. The participants were Muslims coming from riot-prone or riot-free areas. Their feeling of fraternalistic relative deprivation was measured by asking them to compare the life situations of Muslims with life situations of Hindu majority group on the three dimensions – economic, social and political – of relative deprivation. They were then provided some situations when riots actually took place in Indian context and asked to indicate the extent to which the following were responsible for initiating riots – (i) Hindus, (ii) Muslims and (iii)

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conditions. Other variables of the study were social distance and internal/external locus of control. It was found that highly relatively deprived Muslims especially from riot-prone areas attributed more blame to out-group Hindus than low relatively deprived Muslims. They preferred keeping more social distance if felt more relatively deprived. Tripathi and Srivastava (1981), which is often quoted as the first published Indian work on relative deprivation, studied the relationship between feelings of relative deprivation and intergroup attitudes. It was found that Muslims, as a whole, demonstrated positive in-group and negative out-group attitude. While in-group attitude did not get influenced by the feelings of relative deprivation, out-group attitude bore a negative relationship with the feeling of relative deprivation. The greater the degree of relative derivation experienced by Muslim participants, the stronger was the intensity of negative out-group attitude they expressed towards Hindus. They were also asked to indicate how they thought the majority Hindus perceived Muslims. The difference was found in the stereotypes high- and low-FRD Muslims believed Hindus assigned to them. High-FRD Muslims believed that Hindus saw them as dirty, self-centred, traitors, cheaters, selfish, cruel, dishonest, hospitable, liars and mean (i.e. nine out of ten stereotypes were negative), while low-FRD Muslims believed that Hindus saw them more positively such as hospitable, traitors, loyal, gentleman, truthful, clean, wise, hardworking, cultured and selfish (i.e. only two out of ten stereotypes were negative). This showed that high FRD encouraged negative anticipated evaluation by the out-group. Relative deprivation has also been found associated with the perception of terror. Alvi (2010) related attribution of responsibility for terror attacks by Hindu and Muslim respondents to feelings of relative deprivation. Respondents were given four vignettes describing terrorist attack on (i) a political figure, (ii) Hindus near a temple, (iii) Muslims during Friday Namaaz and (iv) near a busy market. The respondents were required to attribute responsibility for the attack on (a) Hindus, (b) Muslims, (c) a person from other religion and (d) a person with no religion. In addition, they were given measures for FRD and owngroup identification (OGI). As expected, Hindus blamed Muslims more for terror attacks on Hindus, and Muslims blamed Hindus more for terror attacks on Muslims. Moreover, it was found that those Hindus who were high on FRD attributed more blame to Muslims for terror attack than low-FRD Hindus. The same was not true for Muslims. High- or low-­ FRD Muslims did not differ in their blame to Hindus for terror attacks. Alvi’s study showed how feelings of relative deprivation influence perception of other group members for their involvement in violent acts, but do they also affect how people respond to intergroup conflict situations? Ansari (1981) has studied whether fraternalistic relative deprivation influenced the choice of conflict resolution style in the event of any intergroup conflict situation. He collected data on both Hindus and Muslims and administered the FRD scale as well as measures of ethnic identity and two different measures of conflict resolution styles – one situational and one using proverbs. Amongst conflict resolution styles, he examined 11 different styles of interpersonal/intergroup conflict resolution, on the basis of factor analysis, and named them as ‘forcing’, ‘arbitration’, ‘problem-solving’, ‘smoothing’,

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‘avoidance’, ‘appeasement and compromise’, ‘withdrawal’, ‘manipulation’, ‘polite refrain’, ‘self-mending’ and ‘blame acceptance’. Respondents were then asked to indicate which style of conflict resolution they preferred to resolve conflict in the event of intergroup conflicts situation. He found that (i) Muslim participants reported more relative deprivation than Hindus and chose ‘smoothing’ as a conflict resolution style significantly more than Hindus. However, high-FRD respondents chose ‘forcing’ involving direct confrontation as a conflict resolution style much more than low-FRD respondents. Relative deprivation has also been studied as an important socio-contextual factor which influences escalation of intergroup conflict in the event of violation of intergroup norms by out-group member/s. Ghosh et al. (1992) undertook to study Norm Violation Theory (NVT) of intergroup relations proposed by DeRidder et al. (1992) in the Hindu-Muslim intergroup context in India. According to NVT, when one group with malevolent intent violates the norms of the other coexisting group, it becomes a precipitating factor for intergroup conflicts in a society. The theory also proposes that the escalation or de-escalation of the conflict depends upon socio-­ contextual factors such as FRD, owngroup identification (OGI), prevailing intergroup attitudes and relative power. In this study both Hindu and Muslim respondents were given the norm violation inventory consisting of 21 norm-violating situations and their reaction alternatives along with measures of FRD, intergroup attitudes, owngroup identification and relative power. Reactions to norm violation by the out-­ group ranged from less to more aggressive reactions. Respondents had to indicate which of these reactions will be engaged in by their group in the given situations. The strongest predictor of the reaction (less or more aggressive) to norm violation was found to be relative power followed by FRD.  This study demonstrated that although FRD was a significant predictor of aggressive relations, power in an intergroup situation has stronger predictive power, especially for Muslims. Kumar (2005) has carried out a series of studies on antecedents and consequences of FRD. Certain factors such as demographic (e.g. age, education, gender, income), experiential (e.g. injustice, discrimination, disrespectful treatment), dispositional (e.g. justice beliefs) and socio-contextual factors (e.g. majority/minority group membership, relative power, ‘voice’ in government) were considered as antecedent variables which influenced the feelings of FRD.  Consequences of FRD included attitudinal responses such as greater out-group differentiation, negative intergroup attitudes, etc. and behavioural responses such as increased social distance, participation in collective action and support for positive discrimination in favour of Muslims. Some of the findings of this work were the following: (i) Muslim respondents always reported feeling more FRD than Hindus on all the three dimensions, i.e. economic, social and political, of relative deprivation; (ii) Muslims felt more deprivation during the middle age compared to young and old age; (iii) Hindu men felt more relative deprivation in comparison to Hindu women, but Muslim women felt more relative deprivation in comparison to Muslim men when they compared the lot of their in-group (Hindus/Muslims) with the out-group (Muslims/ Hindus); (iv) identification with owngroup correlated positively with FRD; (v) belief in a just world (BJW) related negatively to the feelings of relative deprivation

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(more BJW less FRD); (vi) perceiving owngroup as having more relative power than the out-group related negatively to FRD; (vii) perception of having a ‘voice’ in the government related negatively to relative deprivation; (viii) support for reservation policy for owngroup was significantly related to FRD in such a way that the more FRD led to more support for reservation. (ix) After FRD, relative power and ‘voice’, it was the ‘disrespectful treatment’ by the out-group which was an important predictor of attitudinal responses to FRD such as out-group attitude and out-­ group differentiation amongst Muslims. These findings have relevance for understanding Hindu-Muslim intergroup relations in India. The more Muslims feel powerless as compared to the Hindu majority, the more FRD they are likely to feel leading to negative consequences. Experiencing disrespect by the majority and believing that authorities will not listen to them is likely to make the situation worse. Religious identity when invoked plays a major role in FRD and intergroup differentiation. An experimental study (Kumar 2005) provides the support for this. This study sought to investigate the effect of salience of owngroup religious identity on FRD and out-group differentiation (Tajfel 1978). It tested the hypothesis whether, in an intergroup context, members of a religious group will relate with members of another religious group on the basis of their religious identity or not. In this study ‘priming’ was used as a manipulation technique for increasing the salience of religious group identity. Salience of identity ‘primed’ experimentally in two ways under two conditions – ‘in-group prime’ and ‘out-group prime’ conditions. All participants of this study belonged to the majority Hindu group. The condition of ‘in-­ group prime’ was created in the laboratory with the use of religious cues of Hindu religion. For the condition of ‘out-group prime’, religious cues of Muslim religion were used. It was expected that Hindu identity of the participants would become salient under both conditions. A third condition of ‘no prime’ was also introduced where neutral cues were used. A pre-post design was used. Participants’ feelings of FRD, owngroup identification and ‘out-group differentiation’ were measured before and after priming in the three conditions. The results showed that the feelings of FRD increased in both conditions of priming of in-group religious identity as compared to ‘no prime’ condition. Further results of the study indicated that owngroup identity increased only in ‘in-group prime’ condition, whereas out-group differentiation increased only in the ‘out-group prime’ condition. This implied that FRD in ‘out-group prime’ condition increased because, after their religious group identity got salient, participants differentiated more between in-group and out-group and felt relatively deprived. On the other hand, FRD in ‘in-group prime’ condition increased because ‘owngroup identification’ increased. The study has special significance for the current Hindu-Muslim intergroup relations in India where the political discourse relating to Hindutva has taken centre stage. It can be argued that when Hindus are in an atmosphere dominated by Hindu religious cues, they may become more conscious of their religious identity which may increase their in-group identification, thus increasing their feelings of FRD. Amongst the members of Muslim minority, the increased use of Hindu religious cues in the environment may increase out-­ group differentiation and thus increase feelings of FRD amongst Muslim minority (Kumar 2005). This increased feeling of FRD in both the groups will have negative

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influence on their relations, which in turn will have negative consequences for the society. The effect of increased salience of group identity was also considered important by Smith and Huo (2014). They noted that when people view themselves as group members, they are (a) more likely to notice intergroup differences, (b) less likely to attribute personal losses or gains to their unique personal qualities, (c) more likely to interpret the behaviour of out-group members as hostile or greedy and (d) more likely to engage in collective action to remedy the in-group’s unfair disadvantage. People are more likely to see themselves as a group representative and experience GRD/FRD when ‘(a) a group membership is especially important to them or (b) the local context makes a particular group membership salient’ (Smith and Huo 2014, p. 233). Types of Relative Deprivation and their Consequences  Amongst other issues related to relative deprivation, one involves distinguishing between egoistical relative deprivation (ERD) and fraternalistic relative deprivation (FRD) and their differential effects. Chandra (2005) studied the effects of fraternal and egoistic relative deprivation on collective and individual behavioural and affective responses. She conducted this study on male-female group context. She collected data on working women and measured their feeling of ERD in comparison to other women working in the same organization. Their feeling of FRD was measured by asking them to compare the situation of women vis-a-vis men in the same organization. In addition, ‘individual behavioural responses’ such as individual protest and ‘collective behavioural responses’ such as collective protest, attitude towards women reservation and mental state (positive or negative) were also measured. It was found that collective behavioural and attitudinal responses correlated more strongly with FRD and individual protest and mental state correlated more strongly with ERD. In one recent study, Pandey (2015) while studying the role of emotion and attribution on responses to relative deprivation measured ERD and FRD of both Hindus and Muslims. In this study both Hindus and Muslims were administered four sets of measures – (i) (a) ERD scale and (b) FRD scale; (ii) a measure of causal attribution where the respondents were required to attribute cause for their ERD as well as FRD, consisting of various causes which could be classified as either internal or external. External cause was further divided into two – external out-group and external system – (iii) emotional reactions to the perceived ERD and FRD in terms of anger, dissatisfaction, sadness, jealousy, pity, shame, happiness, etc. and (iv) behavioural reactions to the felt relative deprivation consisting of self-directed positive and negative responses, other directed positive and negative responses, and system directed normative and nonnormative responses. Results suggested that (i) Muslims felt more FRD and ERD in comparison to Hindus in all the three dimensions of relative deprivation; (ii) Muslims attributed the cause of their deprivation to external-out-group, while Hindus attributed it to external system; (iii) Muslims felt more anger, sadness, dissatisfaction, and shame than Hindus and Hindus felt jealousy more than Muslims as emotional reaction to FRD; (iv) Muslims chose self-directed but Hindus opted for system-directed responses; (v) external attribution system was, largely, ­predictive

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of system-directed normative responses; and (vii) external attribution out-group was a predictor of out-group-directed negative responses. He proposed the sequence of relationship amongst these major variable as:

Relative Deprivation → Attribution → Emotion → Behavioural responses

People who feel relative deprivation attribute the condition of their disadvantage to either internal cause (some shortcoming in them is responsible) or external cause which could be the out-group (Muslims/Hindus) or system (policies or political situation, etc.). The emotion they feel for their disadvantaged state is dependent on the attribution they make. Different emotional reactions are expected to lead to different behaviour responses to felt relative deprivation. This sequence is somewhat similar to what Smith and Pettigrew (2015) mentioned in their paper referred to in the beginning of this section. They mention that ‘individuals who experience RD; (1) first make cognitive comparisons, (2) then make cognitive appraisals that they or their ingroup are disadvantaged, (3) perceive these disadvantages as unfair, and finally (4) resent these unfair and undeserved disadvantages. If any one of these four requirements is not met, RD is not operating’ (Smith and Pettigrew 2015, p. 2).

Relative Deprivation and Social Exclusion of Muslim Minority The term relative deprivation bears semblance to another term, social exclusion. In this section we will discuss how the two are associated in the case of the Muslim minority group. But before we do that, let us first understand what is meant by social exclusion. The social reality of most developing societies is marred by social exclusion and marginalization of some groups at the cost of increasing affluence of some others. In a blind pursuit for development goals, certain disadvantaged groups become more and more disadvantaged and are relegated to the margins of society. One needs to understand the phenomenon of social exclusion a little more closely. The phenomenon of social exclusion is witnessed at individual as well as group level. Broadly speaking a person is said to be socially excluded if he is not able to participate in the basic economic, social and political activities of the society he is a member of. Similarly a group is said to be socially excluded and marginalized if it is not able to participate at equal level with other groups in society. Social exclusion is a relative term. No person or group can be socially excluded in ‘absolute’ terms. A person or a group can be said to be socially excluded relative to other individuals or groups. Social exclusion manifests itself in the lack of an individual’s/group’s access to various resources in society enjoyed by other members of the same society.

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According to Levitas (1998), there are at least three discourses about social exclusion. These include the redistributive discourse where emphasis is placed upon the way in which poverty limits social participation rights; the moral underclass discourse where emphasis is on the moral and cultural causes of poverty; and the social integrationist discourse where the emphasis is on the social integration of people through paid employment. It is the third discourse which brings in the common concerns of social rupture and social disturbance due to either feelings of relative deprivation or feelings of social exclusion. However, the major difference between the two concepts is that while social exclusion refers to the failure of the society to provide equal opportunity to all its members/groups in the sharing of resources and participation in day-to-day life of a society, relative deprivation refers to more to the emotional response to the perceived unfair difference in opportunities available to members of the other groups in comparison to self/owngroup members causing feelings of injustice. It, however, is true that in Indian society, individuals/ groups are excluded from full and meaningful participation on the basis of their membership of a category such as gender, caste, religion, region, language, etc. The Center for Equity Studies, New Delhi, has been publishing the India Exclusion Report on the basis of detailed analyses. In the latest version of India Exclusion Report 2016 published in 2017, it has presented analyses of who is excluded from public goods. The report says that ‘the evidence is consistent that for virtually every public good that we examine, it is always the same set of people who are excluded. These are the historically oppressed groups of women, Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims, persons with disabilities and casual informal workers and the poor. This report only further confirms these findings, and illuminates the multiple ways in which even the democratic state in the Indian republic has failed these oppressed peoples and not assured them equitable access to the public goods essential for them to lead lives of dignity’ (Mander 2017, p. 17). With respect to Muslims, the report found that in addition to other disadvantages, ‘Personnel in every district consistently displayed discriminatory attitudes towards Muslims, attributing their participation in crime to inherent “criminal traits” such as “aggression”’ (Mander 2017 p. 19). Social exclusion may or may not be felt by individual members belonging to the socially excluded groups. But the feeling of being excluded or denied access to valuable resources becomes pronounced when a minority group member compares his/her owngroup with the more privileged out-group and suffers from the feeling of being discriminated against and unjustly denied of privileges. The key process that is involved in the feelings of relative deprivation, as we have noted above, is social comparison. Such feelings of relative deprivation and feelings of injustice that ensue from it influence social cohesion which may negatively influence development.

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Intergroup Conflicts and Inclusive Development What relevance do intergroup conflicts have for development? As has been noted above, development has been equated with reduction in poverty, increase in overall prosperity, employment, better health services, better education, better infrastructure, better safety measures, etc. Not many scholars have given thought to the intergroup perspective in their discussion of development. In fact, the road to development is rocky and there is no straight path. In a society characterized by inequality amongst groups on various grounds, viz. caste, religion, region, ethnicity, gender, age and race, the lopsided development agenda is likely to result in increasing the gap between haves and have-nots. Groups which are excluded and marginalized become more disadvantaged because they are not socially and politically visible enough to take advantage of the fruits of development and are often prevented by the advantaged groups to do so. This increasing gap then becomes a source of discontent and dissatisfaction amongst the marginalized groups resulting in the feelings of relative deprivation and injustice when they feel they are deprived of the goods and opportunities which others enjoy. Feeling relatively deprived has been associated with protest behaviour, rebellion, participation in riots and other types of intergroup conflicts (Pettigrew 2016). Thus, if fruits of development are not justly distributed, if minorities do not feel free and capable (Sen 1999), the resultant feelings of injustice and feelings of relative deprivation will come in the way of achieving the goals of inclusive development. Some studies from disciplines other than psychology have come up with a complex link between economic growth and social cohesion. A study by Bohlken and Sergenti (2010) examined the link between economic growth and Hindu-Muslim riots in India. They analysed this link by focusing on the time period between 1982 and 1995 a period in which there was a surge in both the national level growth rate and the incidence of Hindu-Muslim violence. Although the long-term trend appears to support the theory that higher growth rates lead to more riots, careful analysis of the short-term, year-to-year changes in growth rate demonstrates that indeed ‘riots are less frequent during periods of relatively higher economic growth’ (Bohlken and Sergenti 2010, p. 591). It should be pointed out that in this study macro level analysis was used where no measure of people’s grievances and satisfaction was used. And for ethnic violence, actual number of riots has been noted and not people’s willingness to take part in riots and other forms of protest. With micro level measurements results would have been different.

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 ddressing Feelings of Deprivation and Policy Initiatives A for Inclusive Development Gupta and Vegelin (2016) suggest that social inclusiveness implies applying five principles  – (a) adopting equity principles to share in development opportunities and benefits, (b) including knowledge of the marginalized in defining development processes and goals; (c) ensuring a social minimum through higher level of protection; (d) targeted capacity building to help the poor from the marginalized groups benefit by making opportunities accessible to them and (e) engaging the marginalized in the politics of development governance. These principles need to be kept in mind while suggesting policy initiatives for inclusive development based on findings from relative deprivation research on Hindu-Muslim relations in India. The existing inequalities in the treatment of minorities suggest that the intergroup situation in the country is far from being an ideal democratic secular state. Not only do minorities feel marginalized in terms of distribution of resources and opportunities in their country, they feel being treated in a discriminatory way. This may have far-reaching consequences for society including tense intergroup relations and increased conflict and violence in society. The question arises: How can we address the grievances of minorities especially Muslims through policymaking and aim at harmonious Hindu-Muslim intergroup relations? Tripathi et al. (2014) have emphasized the role of psychology in the development of social policy for promoting harmonious relations between majority and minority groups in society. They emphasize that: ‘…unless the root causes of the problem are addressed and policies are made which secure economic, political and social justice for all groups, majority as well as minority, there cannot be any solution to problems of violence. We believe that it is not possible to achieve a higher degree of national integration through the means of legislation. Solution of such problems lie in making interventions at several levels and developing social policies that will bring about structural reforms to remove conditions leading to discrimination and deprivation’. (Tripathi et al. (2014, p. 276)

They have advanced suggestions for social policymaking which primarily focus on improving intergroup relations in the country. Policy considerations for inclusive development need to focus on two concerns  – first, on improving the intergroup relations in society since harmonious intergroup relations are a prerequisite for development and progress, and, secondly, focusing exclusively on taking special care of the marginalized and disadvantaged groups. With respect to the first, Tripathi et  al. (2014) make several suggestions for social policy for improving Hindu-­ Muslim intergroup relations. This section will focus more on the second concern in policymaking. The following policy initiatives for inclusive development which will address the feelings of relative deprivation of the Muslim minority are suggested: (a) Economic domain of inclusion: As the Muslim minority feels relatively deprived in the ‘economic domain’, their feelings of deprivation in this domain can be addressed by making provisions for financial help for minorities by considering

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their special needs. Sensitivity at policy level is also required when announcing new policies or putting curbs on certain trades which, incidentally, are the bread and butter of Muslims, e.g. putting ban on beef trade as this trade has long been providing employment to a large section of Muslims. Further, while providing government aid for various trades, consideration may be given to promote the trades which form the identity of the minority community, e.g. carpet trade for Muslims. While these policies may support the occupations which are preferred by Muslims traditionally, there is an urgent need to develop capabilities of Muslims to take up new trades and prepare them for skills needed within a digital economy. Economic inclusiveness of the Muslims, we consider, will be the first step in promoting inclusive development. (b) Education: The Sachar Committee Report (Sachar 2006) has drawn our attention towards poor education level amongst Muslims. Inclusive development requires that minorities and marginalized groups get good education which is necessary for the development of capabilities needed for leading a better life. For this, the Indian government may consider adopting the inclusive education policy suggested by the UNESCO (2009). This can serve a dual purpose. Strengthening the education system will not only build the capability of the underclass, i.e. Muslim minority, to be able to earn decent living, it will also help in building positive intergroup attitudes, developing communal harmony as well as reducing communal hatred and intergroup conflicts (Tripathi et al. 2014). The government may reconsider providing reservation to Muslims in educational institutions and jobs as advocated strongly by the Sachar Committee Report (Sachar 2006) and demanded by Muslims every now and then. This may help reduce feelings of relative deprivation amongst Muslims in education and employment. (c) Social domain of inclusion: As has been found in many studies, Muslims feel relatively deprived in the social domain also. To address the feelings of relative deprivation in this domain, the policies of building mixed neighbourhood may be promoted. Residential buildings may be constructed where Hindus and Muslims live in mixed neighbourhoods, and this would encourage intergroup contact, and this would help members of minority and majority groups to disconfirm negative stereotypes about the ‘other’ group (Tripathi et al. 2014). They are less likely to consider the other group as the more privileged ‘other’ because they share the same residential resources and social lives. (d) Further, educational settings from school level onwards may be used to build cultural competence and cultural sensitivity by educating children about other religions and their sensitive norms and to respect these norms. This can be built into the education system and school life. Children should be encouraged to have faith in the composite culture of Indian society where they have empathy with those out-groups whose cultural norms are violated, intentionally or unintentionally, by the out-group members. This will also help them to respect other groups in society (Tripathi et  al. 2014). This may result in a sense of being treated with respect and reduce feelings of relative deprivation.

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(e) Further, community groups can be formed for developing multiple social identities by encouraging membership in different social groups. (Tripathi et  al. 2014). Such memberships permit individuals to have multiple identities which may reduce the salience of religious identity and consequently reduce feelings of relative deprivation. (f) Healthcare: The policy on inclusive development should take the capability of building approach along with providing support to the traditional healing system of Muslims, such as Unani medicine, and encourage opening of modern hospitals in Muslim-dominated areas so that their access to healthcare can be ensured. (g) Political domain of inclusion: To address feelings of relative deprivation in the political domain, more access to Muslims in places of decision-making needs to be provided, such as in parliament, administration, police and judiciary. This may ensure political inclusion of Muslims, thus reducing relative deprivation in the political area. Here, special reference may be made to inclusion in the police force which is perceived by them and others as communal and biased against minorities, especially, against Muslims. Having a more inclusive police can help restore the faith of Muslims in the government and make them feel empowered. It is said that it is the police who play a vital role in protecting the citizens in times of riots and civil disturbances. If it is composed of only the majority group members; it can show bias in thinking and action which more often than not result in mass arrest of people from minority communities. Other advantages can also be anticipated. Having a more representative police force will not only boost the morale of the Muslim community and reduce their sense of deprivation, it may also help police to take them in confidence, and in the event of any untoward event, such as disruptive terrorist activities, it may become easier for police to procure information in time to enable them to deal with such incidents more effectively. They will then be dealing with a common enemy and not with the ‘other’, i.e. the minority Muslim community (Alam 2017). Having an effective ‘voice’ in decisions that are likely to affect the lives of Muslims at the personal and/or community level will go a long way in addressing the feelings of relative deprivation and in contributing towards ‘social cohesion’. (h) Legal domain: Prasad and Satish (2017) in a detailed report, which is a part of the India Exclusion Report 2016, have analysed who, in India, is excluded from access to various aspects of legal justice. They mentioned that mainly poor, religious minorities and people belonging to the disadvantaged castes are overrepresented amongst the under trial prisoners lodged in Indian jails. These groups are also victims of various types of biases at all levels. The studies that have been reviewed relating to relative deprivation here also found that Muslims, in general, feel unjustly treated. Thus, there appears to be an urgent need to develop policy for making access to legal justice easier for the marginalized Muslim minorities. This will secure their trust in the system and reduce the feelings of relative deprivation.

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Conclusion The purpose of this chapter was threefold. It was, first, to establish the importance of harmonious and congenial relations amongst various coexisting groups in a society for overall development. A society can truly be developed only when the benefits of development are made available to the socially excluded and marginalized groups in society and their meaningful participation in the process is ensured. Thus, it becomes important to focus on inclusive development in preference to materialistic or economic prosperity or growth. We have discussed that not paying attention to this aspect may prove costly for the society as unequal development, where only the privileged class gets the benefits, may lead to intergroup tensions and conflicts. Therefore, attention should be paid to helping the excluded and the marginalized such as Muslim minority, to become a part of the development process and enable them to participate in this process to the best of their capacity. Since unequal development encourages intergroup comparisons, deprived groups may engage in social comparison with the privileged groups which may result in feelings of relative deprivation leading to negative intergroup consequences. The second purpose of the chapter, thus, was to introduce studies on relative deprivation undertaken at the University of Allahabad in the context of Hindu-Muslim intergroup relations in India. These studies have dealt with various aspects of relative deprivation theory and have come up with significant findings. The most consistent finding has been that Muslims feel more relatively deprived in comparison to Hindus when both compare their life situations with the life situations of the out-group. The discourse on inclusive development emphasizes that meaningful participation of the deprived and excluded groups should be ensured to achieve the goals of inclusive development. Therefore, the third purpose of the chapter was to explore if the findings from the studies on relative deprivation can be utilized for suggesting policy initiatives affecting lives of the minority and the majority groups and their relations for inclusive development by addressing to the feelings of FRD of Muslims. Policy initiatives have been suggested both for improving intergroup relations between Hindu majority and Muslim minority and for ensuring the participation of Muslim minority to fulfil the goals of inclusive development proposed by the UN and committed to by India.

References Abeles, R.  P. (1976). Relative deprivation, rising expectations and Black militancy. Journal of Social Issues, 32, 119–137. Alam, M. (2017). Police force of India’s capital city is the least democratic in composition. Special report in Caravan, November 18. Alvi, S. (2010). Attribution of responsibility for terror attacks: Role of group membership, situational and individual level factors. A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of Masters degree in Psychology, University of Allahabad.

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Ansari, M. (1981). Fraternalistic relative deprivation and styles of conflict resolution. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Allahabad. Aquino, K., Griffeth, R. W., Allen, D. G., & Hom, P. W. (1997). Integrating justice constructs into the turnover process: A test of a referent cognitions model. Academy of Management Journal, 40, 1208–1227. Bohlken, A.  J., & Sergenti, E.  F. (2010). Economic growth and ethnic violence: An empirical investigation on Hindu-Muslim riots in India. Journal of Peace Research, 47(5), 589–600. Brockmann, H., Delhey, J., Welzel, C., & Yuan, H. (2009). The China puzzle: Falling happiness in a rising economy. Journal of Happiness Studies, 10, 387–405. Callan, M. J., Ellard, J. H., Shead, N., & Hodgins, D. C. (2008). Gambling as a search for justice: Examining the role of personal relative deprivation in gambling urges and gambling behavior. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34, 1514–1529. Chandra, S. (2005). Effects of fraternal and egoistic relative deprivation on collective and individual behavioural and affective responses. A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of Masters degree in Psychology, University of Allahabad. Crosby, F. J. (1976). A model of egoistical relative deprivation. Psychological Review, 83, 85–113. DeRidder, R, Schruijer, S. G. L. & Tripathi, R. C. (Eds.). (1992). Norm violation as a precipitating factorof negative intergroup relations. In R. DeRidder & R. C. Tripathi (Eds.), Norm violation and intergroup relations. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Festinger, L. (1954). A theory of social comparison processes. Human Relations, 7, 117–140. Folger, R. (1977). Distributive and procedural justice: Combined impact of “voice” and improvement on experienced inequity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 35, 108–119. Ghosh, E. S. K., Kumar, R., & Tripathi, R. C. (1992). The communal cauldron: Relations between Hindus and Muslims in India and their reactions to norm violations. In R. DeRidder & R. C. Tripathi (Eds.), Norm violation and intergroup relations. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Graham, C. (2009). Happiness around the world: The paradox of happy peasants and miserable millionaires. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gupta, J., & Vegelin, C. (2016). Sustainable development goals and inclusive development. International Environmental Agreements., 16(3), 433–448. (published online). Gurr, T. R. (1970). Why men rebel. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Kumar, R. (2005). Some studies on relative deprivation. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Allahabad. Levitas, R. (1998). The inclusive society? Social exclusion and new labour. London: Macmillan. Mander, H. (2017). Public goods, exclusion and 25 years of economic reforms: A blotted balance sheet. In India exclusion report 2016 (pp. 1–30). New Delhi: Yoda Press. Naqvi, N. (1980). Relative deprivation and attribution of blame in communal riots. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Allahabad. Osborne, D., Smith, H. J., & Huo, Y. J. (2012). More than a feeling: Discreet emotions mediate the relationship between relative deprivation and reaction to workplace furloughs. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 38, 628–641. Pandey, P. (2015). Role of attribution and emotion in predicting responses to relative deprivation. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Allahabad. Pettigrew, T.  F. (2002). Summing up: Relative deprivation as a key psychological concept. In I. Walker & H. J. Smith (Eds.), Relative deprivation: Specification, development and integration (pp. 351–373). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pettigrew, T. F. (2016). In pursuit of three theories: Authoritarianism, relative deprivation and intergroup contact. Annual Review of Psychology, 67, 1–21. Pettigrew, T.  F., & Meertens, R.  W. (1995). Subtle and blatant prejudice in western Europe. European Journal of Social Psychology, 57, 57–75. Prasad, G., & Satish, M. (2017). Exclusion from access to legal justice. In India exclusion report 2016 (pp. 127–158). New Delhi: Yoda Press. Runciman, W. G. (1966). Relative deprivation and social justice. Berkley: University of California Press.

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Sachar, R. (2006). Social, economic and educational status of muslim community of India: A report. Ministry of Minority Affairs. Government of India. Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom (1st ed.). New York: Oxford University. Shaikh, Z. (2016, December 26). Ten years after Sachar report. The Indian Express. Shariff, A. (2012). Inclusive development paradigm in India: A post Sachar perspective (USIPI occasional paper no 1). New Delhi: US-India Policy Institute. Smith, H. J., & Huo, Y. J. (2014). Relative deprivation: How subjective experiences of inequality influence social behaviour and health. Policy Insights from Behavioural and Brain Sciences., 1(1), 231–238. Smith, H. J., & Pettigrew, T. F. (2015). Advances in relative deprivation theory and research. Social Justice Research, 28, 1–6. Smith, H. J., Pettigrew, T. F., Pippin, G. M., & Bialoseiwicz, S. (2012). Relative deprivation: A theoretical and meta-analytic review. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 16(3), 203–232. Stouffer, S. A., Suchman, E. A., DeVinney, L. C., Star, S. A., & Williams, R. M., Jr. (1949). Studies in social psychology in World War II: The American soldier. Vol I, Adjustment during army life. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Tajfel, H. (1978). Differentiation between social groups: Studies in social psychology of intergroup relations. Salt Lake City: Academic. Tripathi, R. C., Ghosh, E. S. K., & Kumar, R. (2014). The Hindu-Muslim divide: Building sustainable bridges. In R. C. Tripathi & Y. Sinha (Eds.), Psychology, development and social policy (pp. 257–284). New Delhi: Springer. Tripathi, R. C., & Srivastava, R. (1981). Relative deprivation and intergroup attitudes. European Journal of Social Psychology, 11, 313–318. UN Declaration. (1995). Copenhagen declaration on social development in world summit on social development, 14th March, Copenhagen. UNESCO. (2009). Policy guidelines on inclusive education. Paris. Vanneman, R. D., & Pettigrew, T. F. (1972). Race and relative deprivation. Race, 13, 461–448. Walker, I., & Mann, L. (1987). Unemployment, relative deprivation and social protest. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 13, 275–283. Walker, I., & Pettigrew, T.  F. (1984). Relative deprivation theory: An overview and conceptual critique. British Journal of Social Psychology, 23, 301–310. Zoogah, D. B. (2010). Why should I be left behind? Employees’ perceived relative deprivation and participation in development activities. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 95, 159–179.

Chapter 4

The Dilemma of Harmony: From Distrust to Trust Roomana N. Siddiqui

Abstract  In this chapter, the author discusses diversity in India. In Northern India every culture over a period of time has become an integral part of its hybrid nature. Any denial of this plurality or the rejection of choice in matter of identity has thrown up challenges for its syncretic culture. The country faces a challenge of transforming a culture of violence into a culture of peace. The author puts forth the idea that in order to do so, the attitude of distrust and the negation of the other has to be replaced with trust by forming a relationship based on partnership with the ability to listen to and try to appreciate each other’s narrative. Keywords  Intergroup distrust · Trust · Othering · Conflict · Harmony India is a racially, socially, linguistically and religiously diverse country known for its tolerant and accommodating civilization. People with diverse backgrounds have lived here in an amicable manner sharing each other’s way of living. This peaceful coexistence however got adversely affected by historical developments. Since independence, the country has suffered spasms of violence and conflict on account of religion, caste, language and even region. The very freedom for which the whole nation, irrespective of which group they belonged, stood united that very freedom became a harbinger of conflict in a big way. As people became disillusioned with the turn of events, especially partition of the country on religious lines, they sought refuge in their constructed identities of caste, religion, language, region and ethnicity. These identities not only constitute a significant aspect of the members’ self-­ concept and esteem but also become the vantage point of relating with other groups. Looking at the history of group relations in India, the major sources of social tension were located in the relationship between two dominant groups, the Hindu majority and the Muslim minority. Before the advent of the British company, it was the Muslims who were in the position of power, but after independence and specifically after partition, due to large-scale migration of Muslims to Pakistan and Bangladesh, they were left with relatively lesser share in the political, economic, or R. N. Siddiqui (*) Department of Psychology, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 J. Pandey et al. (eds.), Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3341-5_4

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administrative spheres. It was this refiguration along with the large-scale violence perpetuated on each other at the time of partition that disturbed the otherwise syncretic relationship between these two dominant groups of the country. Post partition the relations between them have not been cordial, and one has witnessed violence on a regular basis. Each group blamed the other for their misfortunes and doubted each other’s intention. Often trivial incidents escalated into large-scale communal clashes which resulted in an atmosphere of fear and distrust. This fear and diminishing trust of each other act as a powerful barrier for cordial intergroup relations. The more this barrier becomes strong, the difficult it gets to establish harmonious relations between them. In order to break loose from this vortex of distrust, it is essential to manage the social cleavages between groups in a manner that could open avenues of interaction between them so that an atmosphere of congeniality is created. Though there has been a rising trend of conflict between the two dominant groups, one does come across instances of peaceful coexistence. In a communal sensitive state like Uttar Pradesh, there are many instances of communal unity. In Mathura a Muslim village head constructed a temple as a mark of communal harmony (Muslim head, March 13, 2015). An 18-year-old devout Hindu girl teaches Quran recital to Muslim students, while a 23-year-old Muslim girl teaches Bhagavad Gita to Hindu students in the premises of a Hanuman temple (Hindu girl, Sept, 6, 2016). Nearly eight villages in Hathras area, in the district of Aligarh, have most of the families, half members Muslims and other half Hindus. In such families people offer namaz as well as recite bhajans; they share their happy and sad experiences, perform each other’s rituals, celebrate all festivals and live in an amicable manner. For these people religion does not divide, it only binds them together. This cross religious accommodation is perhaps an essential quality for the achievement of social harmony. Harmony not only presupposes greater cohesion amongst diverse groups in society, but it also acknowledges that each group has a different identity and these differences are bridgeable. This is possible only when the strife and distrust between groups is minimized. Thus intergroup harmony as a process entails coexistence with the ‘Other’. It not necessarily implies forgetting the past, but it simply means developing conditions where members of diverse background can develop a certain level of cooperation necessary to live together and share their life experiences in a conflict-free environment. It requires a movement from distrust to trust where trust acts like a social lubricant, which if accompanied by respect will ensure harmony and social cohesion. Collapse of trust can be costly not only for relations between members of different groups but also for society in general. As the stakes are high, one needs to understand the role of distrust and trust in the process of intergroup harmony. The following section discusses the determinant of intergroup distrust and intergroup trust and how they interplay and impact the process of intergroup harmony.

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Intergroup Distrust Distrust is a feeling that accounts for lack of faith in ‘the other’. Cognitively distrust is associated with fear, anxiety and negative belief about the other party’s intention (Tschannen-Moran and Hoy 2000). Due to past experiences, people become doubtful about the intention of the other and are not able to rely on them easily. Distrust as a cognitive process can develop at the interpersonal level where due to negative past experiences, it is difficult for a person to trust the other. At the intergroup level, the feeling of distrust is on account of prolonged history of conflicts and competition for resource sharing (territory, economic, political, etc.), or according to Nadler (2002) it is the perception of threat to one’s group identity. The conflict and competition between groups generates fear and hostility which inhibits cooperation. As distrust activates a negative bias, people generally are apprehensive of interacting with the distrusted group. This inhibits contact between groups which only accentuates the stereotypes and prejudices between conflicting groups. Taylor and Jaggi (1974) reported that intergroup relations between high-caste Hindus and Muslims are characterized by mutual suspicion and distrust and get expressed in frequent communal riots and violence. It is in this environment of fear, anxiety and negative bias that conflicts get prolonged and it acts as a barrier for social harmony.

Determinants of Intergroup Distrust Categorization  Social categorization as a process has widespread behavioural and social implications for people categorized on national, religion, ethnicity, or linguistic basis. The categories provide members with a social identity which not only is a fundamental aspect of their self-concept but has behavioural implications. One important aspect of social categorization involves a distinction between the group containing the self (the in-group) and other groups (the out-groups)—between the ‘we’s’ and the ‘they’s’ (Tajfel and Turner 1979; Turner et al. 1987). Perceptually, when people categorize other people (or objects) into groups, they tend to minimize the differences between members of the same category (Tajfel, 1969), see greater connection between members of the in-group and the self (Aron et al. 2005) and expect in-group members to share one’s attitudes and values more so than do out-­ group members (Robbins and Krueger 2005). This distinction between in-groups and out-groups affects our perception where we perceive out-group more negatively than in-group. Several researches in India investigating relations between two dominant religious groups have reported that both Hindus and Muslims have ethnocentric attitude (Ghosh et al. 1992; Ruback and Singh 2007; Siddiqui 2011). Further those members who were high on religious prejudice showed more negative appraisal and less positive appraisal of out-group.

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When in-group–out-group social categorization becomes salient, people tend to behave in a more greedy and less trustworthy way towards members of other groups (Insko et al. 2001) and are more helpful towards in-group than towards out-group members (Dovidio et al. 1997). According to Tajfel and Turner (1986), people display in-group bias and out-­ group discrimination because it enhances social identity that further elevates the self-esteem of the members. Collective self-esteem emerged as an important predictor for negative appraisal of out-groups (Siddiqui 2011). Social categorization thus builds symbolic boundaries between groups and if these boundaries become strong and are perceived as impermeable then they act as barriers in the development of intergroup trust (Rubini and Palmonari 2012). Othering  Othering is the simultaneous construction of the in-group and the out-­ group in mutual and unequal opposition through identification of some desirable characteristic that the in-group has and the out-group lacks or some undesirable characteristic that the out-group has and the in-group lacks. Othering thus sets up a superior in-group in contrast to an inferior out-group, but this superiority/inferiority is nearly always left implicit. Social categorization appears to be the basis of the process of Othering. When we designate a group, an individual or an object into the role of the ‘other’, we try to establish one’s own identity through opposition to and, frequently, vilification of this ‘Other’. Cultural geographer Crang (1998) describes Othering as ‘a process through which identities are set up in an unequal relationship’. The main aim of Othering is to create one’s own cultural and social space and not share this space with members of the other group. Similarity between groups is threatening because they vie for the same space. Thus Othering is a process that goes beyond ‘mere’ stereotyping; it denies the ‘Other’ those defining qualities which are characteristic of one’s own group. According to the norm violation theory (De Ridder and Tripathi 1992), the process of ‘Othering’ is a resultant of the attribution of intent for an action of the other group, generally when the action of one group violates the norm of the other group, and it is ascribed to malevolent intent. Pettigrew (1967) observed that competition between groups for scarce resources is both a cause and consequence of ‘Othering’. The competing groups engage in social comparison, and if they feel they have been unjustly deprived, it starts a blame game process where the ‘Other’ is portrayed as the quintessential enemy. Hence ‘Othering’ not only has an implied notion of psychological distance but it also implicates exclusion, i.e. denial of rights and entitlements, based on the belief in ‘essentialism’ which permits the powerful and privileged to maintain their dominance over those who they ‘Other’ or marginalize (Mahalingam 2003). This essentialized understanding of in-group and out-group facilitates divisive and hate talk which gives rise to feelings of humiliation and anger that only increases a sense of distrust. Intergroup Threat  Perception of threat has played a major contribution to the development of lack of trust and a sense of suspiciousness between groups. According to Davis (2000) threat is a situation in which one agent or group has

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either the capability or intention to inflict negative consequences on another agent or group. The minimal group experiments established the fact that in a resource-­ scarce situation when two groups compete, then the potential success of one group threatens the well-being of the other (Sherif and Sherif 1969). Stephan and Stephan (2000) identified different types of intergroup threats: realistic threat, symbolic threat, intergroup anxiety and negative stereotypes. Realistic threat relates to the fear on account of threat to economic or political power and includes perceptions of competition, conflicting goals and physical well-being. Symbolic threats are threats due to conflicting belief system, value system or worldview. Intergroup anxiety involves feelings of awkwardness in the presence of out-group members because of uncertainty about how to behave towards them or due to the anticipation of negative outcomes during intergroup interaction. Finally negative stereotypes generate threat by creating negative expectations concerning the behaviour of out-group members. In an intergroup situation, if groups feel threatened, they try to use it for in-group mobilization which often results in segregation. Parveen and Siddiqui (2016) investigating threat perception amongst Hindus and Muslims found that both Hindus and Muslims reported greater threat perception, with Muslims reporting greater realistic and symbolic threat, while both Hindus and Muslims experiencing higher level of intergroup anxiety. This lack of comfort in the presence of each other is an indicator of distrust between the two groups. Tausch (2005) also reported that symbolic threat emerged as an important determinant of out-group attitude and trust. Thus intergroup threat not only enhances hostility but it feeds in to the escalation of distrust. Conflict  The present millennium has witnessed the rise in conflict and violence between groups. The desire to maintain a distinct identity on account of ideologies, culture, values and customs often becomes the root cause of contestation. These contestations between groups results in polarization of opinion, distrust, hostility, increasingly rigid positions and conflict. The loss and pain due to persistent conflicts results in cultural devaluation and an ideology of antagonism, where each group is seen as a dangerous enemy who cannot be trusted. Intergroup conflicts are generally preceded by distrust which further increases in times of conflict. Conflict between groups on communal lines has a long history in India. According to historians the communal identity did not exist in the ancient and medieval periods of Indian history (Thapar et al. 1969), but it was the ‘Divide and Rule’ policy of the British that to a large extent was responsible for the Hindu and Muslim conflict and breakdown of harmony in India. It reached its frenzy during the partition times, and from then on, it has played a key role in the narrative of riots in the country. Communal clashes between Hindus and other religious communities are attributed to the perception of some Hindus that Hindu culture is under threat from other religion (Tripathi 2016). Though a large number of communal riots have economic and political bases, conflict between Hindus and Muslims can largely be explained as intolerance to each other’s cultural norms and religious beliefs (De Ridder and Tripathi 1992). A single riot, where one community feels targeted, not only eliminates the progress made in intergroup relations but transforms trust into distrust. Negative associations due to prolonged intergroup conflict serve to perpetuate distrust (Tam et al. 2009) which

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appears to be a core quality of intergroup conflict that gets articulated in stereotypes, prejudice and rumours and gets expressed in hostility (Sztompka 2016). Thus a vicious cycle is formed between distrust, hostility and conflict. Dehumanization  Dehumanization describes the tendency to consider out-group members as less human than in-group members (Haslam 2006). Over a course of time, the relationship between groups reaches a state where members of a particular group are placed in society where they are assigned characteristics that makes them lesser humans or humans not capable of higher moral values. Despite the fact that members in these groups are not homogenous, they are cognitively clubbed as one unit and seen as ‘not one of us’. They are seen as a threat and dehumanized to such an extent that they are placed outside the realm of humanity. As they are seen as less human, it becomes easier for members of dominant groups to dismiss them as being in some way less worthy of respect and dignity, than we are. It is discrimination of the worst type where relationships cannot be solely explained on the basis of in-­ group/out-group categorization only. According to Pérez et al. (2007), such extreme forms of discrimination seem to rest on preexistent cultural belief that some social groups are less human than others. Speaking of the unique power of dehumanization, Kelman (1976) noted that intense fear or dislike does not preclude seeing an enemy as a human and may even afford that enemy a certain level of respect; in contrast, when another is viewed as less than human, moral restraints are removed and violence is condoned. Dehumanization places the target outside the scope of moral considerations (Opotow 1990) and is associated with greater aggression and violence (Bastian et al. 2013; Viki et al. 2013). When people expect to be seen as less human or negatively by another group, this may lead to avoidance or discomfort in intergroup interaction (Paolini et al. 2006). The disengagement only deepens the fissures in their relationship resulting in lack of trust.

Intergroup Trust Intergroup trust is a relational process and is closely linked to cognition. Seligman’s (1997) analysis of trust shows that premodern trust was established through attachment to kin, clan and family, in other words, as the category ‘we’. On the other hand, the category ‘they’ referred to strangers and outsiders of the family and were not to be trusted. Yamagishi and Yamagishi (1994) theorize that trust is a device which allows people to deal with the social uncertainty of others’ intentions. Trust activates a positive cognitive bias, which facilitates a positive evaluation of potential interactions. Intergroup trust emphasizes group-level processes and is qualitatively different from the individual level process that subscribes to the cognitive–rationalist perspective. Intergroup trust implies the expectation that others will not exploit one’s vulnerability and the belief that others will attempt to cooperate (Kramer and Carnevalee 2001). It presupposes openness, flexibility, communitarian sharing and

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accepting others historical trajectory as being different from one’s own. According to Gillespie (2007) trust involves the readiness to think about both the self and other on the basis of mutual respect without a priori exclusion of the possibility of their coordination. This readiness has to be enacted during social interactions and should be seen as positive, cooperative and pleasant, based on mutual respect in the absence of threat. It is only then that it is going to augur for positive intergroup relations.

Determinants of Intergroup Trust Contact  Contact between groups can be seen as an initiating point for intergroup trust. Due to conflicts between groups, where one group is at the receiving end and feels deprived and discriminated, members tend to avoid interacting with members of the other group. This segregation only reinforces biases and mistrust between them. Contact per se between members of both the groups is not sufficient for overcoming intergroup bias. Sheriff (1961) in his famous robber cave experiment demonstrated that neutral contact between competing groups only increases the negative perception often translating into conflict. According to Amir (1976) and Brewer and Miller (1984), in order for contact to have a positive impact, there must be opportunity for personal acquaintance between members. It is during these contacts that people realize that the stereotypic expectations of out-group members get falsified. Apart from disconfirming negative stereotypes of disliked groups, they help break the monolithic perception of the out-group. Miller (2002) summarizes that trust implicit in personalized communication reduces anxiety and discomfort. As anxiety typically characterizes interactions between groups (Stephan and Stephan 1985), this anxiety may prime negative emotions for members of out-group and hence strengthen stereotypes (Wilder 1993) leading to intergroup distrust (Dovidio et al. 2002). When relations are not cordial between groups and there is an air of suspicion, then negative emotions play an inhibitory role. At the time of contact, if positive emotions are activated, then the biases are reduced as positive emotions enhance empathy for members of out-group. People’s tendency to seek out intergroup contact should prevail over their tendency to avoid contact because contact allows for self-expansion, whereas contact avoidance prevents it (Wright et  al.’s 2002). A number of positive encounters are often required for development of trusting relationship (Worchel et al. 1991). Intergroup Dialogue  Relationship between groups can never be cordial if there is lack of communication between its members. Often small misunderstandings are blown out of proportion due to lack of intergroup dialogue which provides an opportunity to clarify each other stance. For a conflict-free society, it is essential that communication between groups should continuously transform the relationship into a harmonious one through the process of mutual dependency (Chen 2001). As intergroup communication can never be a historical nor decontextualized, it has to take into consideration the impact of unbalanced power relations at both the individual

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and institutional levels. Chang and Holt (1994) rightly pointed out that it may appear that power, attributions and in-group/out-group distinctions are less a matter of cultural differences; they are rather the outgrowth of historical conflicts and struggles that are worked in contexts in which interactions take place. As human beings communicate through images and words, the distrust and prejudices is often expressed visually and discursively in what is being said and how it is being said. Distrust and ambiguous communications are dangerous companions as they get interpreted as antagonistic. In a context of ambiguous communication, fear and suspicion gain ground. When means of communication is reduced, and the content becomes vague and ambiguous, then people rely only on their own expectations (Krauss et al. 1995) or make sense of ambiguous communication by relying on their own shared knowledge and assumptions about the other group (Collins and Markova 1999). Any attempt to deal with intergroup conflict should try to establish conditions that create open dialogue in an attempt to foster relational trust (Markova et al. 2008). As people start dialoguing, they gain knowledge about each other’s way of living, culture and value system. Over a period of time, the information gained through dialogue forms the basis for reflections and future actions. Everyday interaction is important as it promotes communication and trust (Varshney 2002). Norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that is essential for intergroup harmony can be achieved only in an atmosphere that encourages open dialogue. Intergroup Cooperation  When groups come into contact and establish a comfortable level of communication, then chances are high that members from both the groups will cooperate with each other at various levels, ranging from personal to professional. Striving for a common goal or helping each other in their respective domains helps in restoring positive relations between groups. Intergroup cooperation leads to interdependence which helps in maintaining intergroup harmony, while negative interdependence leads to conflict and intergroup discrimination (Sherif 1961). Cooperation between groups is not possible without trust. Deutsch (1973) observed that a competing relationship can be turned into a cooperative relationship by increasing power and resources of the other group and by communicating with their group members in an honest and open manner. Going by the Confucian philosophy, which holds that all things in the universe are inseparably interrelated and mutually interacting, one can establish a harmonious society by appropriate arrangement of social relationships (Abbott 1970). The day-to-day interactions of people in neighbourhoods, marketplace, work setting or recreational arenas establish a give-­ and-­take relationship. As relational categories get established, they account for reciprocity and civility between members of different groups. It is these relational categories that will form the basis of relatively stable coexistence intergroup relations. Multiple Group Membership and Perceived Similarity  Individuals typically belong to many social groups and have a tendency to self-categorize themselves in terms of multiple collective categories (Deaux 1996). If multiple categories become salient at the same time, where out-group members can be seen at different levels of

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inclusiveness, it may positively affect out-group perception. According to Deschamps and Doise (1978), when people belong to different categories at the same time, in such a situation the differentiation on one dimension would be counteracted by assimilation on the other. The common in-group identity model also asserts that in comparative settings, individuals may be seen as members of a common superordinate in-group rather than in terms of the subgroup identity, and this can lead to more positive evaluation of out-group (Gaertner and Dovidio 2000). However Crisp et al. (2006) observed that impact of cross categorization in reducing prejudice might be affected by perceived importance of the categorization dimension. The increasing social complexities does not augur for rigid group boundaries. One can be an Indian, a doctor, a female, member of different social club and also part of a common virtual community. In such a situation, multiple groups not only give individuals an opportunity to interact with diversity, but they also provide a chance to share many things in common. This can be a ground for developing trust in interpersonal relationship that gets extended to the group level. When one belongs to more than one group, there are chances that one can perceive some degree of similarity between those with whom they share these multiple categories. Rubini and Palmonari (2012) proposed that perceived similarity with the out-group can be conceived as a preliminary condition for intergroup trust. Cultural Heritage  Culture is an attribute of a land and its people and is not confined to a specific group. The influx of multiethnic migrants at different points in history along with their dialect and belief patterns, social system and value structures contributed to the expanding cultural diversity of India. The process of cultural synthesis took place at all levels and more amongst the common people due to their day-to-day social relations. So as a nation, we may come from different regions, speak different languages and have different religion and choices, but we share a common civilizational heritage. The oneness of an entire nation and the oneness of humanity are important. It is the string that binds the diversity of our nation. This alone can bring peace and harmony. Historical narrative plays a major role in influencing the nature of relationship between groups. If a large number of people feel that they have a common history, and moreover one which is especially significant in some way, then they are more likely to feel a shared sense of pride which impels them towards mutual trust. On the other hand, when collective memory is incompatible with a corresponding memory, they create boundaries which generate distrust of outsiders. A billion people living in different parts of the country claim to have a heritage of their own, which binds them, but at the same time, they also have a sub-­ culture which makes them different. If we propose to become one and forget our separate identities, we will lose both uniformity and unity. Looking at the rich heritage of India, be it art and architecture or the religious movements, one can see shades of mutual sharing. The art and architecture of medieval India, its paintings and music are exquisite blends of Islamic element with native Hindu styles and traditions. They do not know religion or communal boundaries. People from both the communities equally participate in building a mosque, a temple, a gurudwara and an imambara. A land where Kabir is equally revered by all irrespective of which

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group they belong. There is much in common between Sufism and the Bhakti ­mysticism that developed in medieval India. Both preached unity of mankind and condemned communal discrimination. Sufi saints had an important role to play in creating an atmosphere of mutual trust and understanding between the two communities. It is this shared heritage that should provide interpretive context for trust.

Quest for Harmony Dreaming of harmony in a politically aware diversity like ours is a journey from distrust to trust. Without establishing a certain basic level of trust, forging intergroup harmony is a distant reality. A sense of trust enables members of different groups to engage in social relations and share spaces of civility between them. Distrust on the other hand can act as a barrier which can serve as a powerful mechanism for neutralizing efforts of the ‘Other’ for reconciliation (Gillespie 2007). Thus trust and distrust as a process are being constructed and reconstructed; it is the interplay between trust and distrust that enables the continuation of communication and the resolution of conflict. In this interplay of trust and distrust contact acts as an enabling or disenabling factor, as contact can lead to the growth of either trust or distrust. This depends on the context in which the interactional process takes place. When members of both the groups have feelings of distrust for each other, their relations are characterized by misperceptions, suspicion and misinterpretation. Since the feeling of distrust between communities is an accumulation over a long period of time, the emotional feelings associated with mistrust act as a barrier in reconciliation (Nadler 2002; Nadler and Leviathan 2004). Scheff (1994) rightly points out that when parties’ attention is focused on past pains inflicted on them by their adversaries, then they are not able to focus on actions that have the ability to advance the prospects of future coexistence. For trust to develop, one has to be ‘Other-oriented’ which will preserve harmonious relationships. No attempt for harmony will succeed unless relations between groups are characterized by warm human feelings resulting from empathy, friendship, support, reciprocity, gratitude and indebtedness. Bramfield (1946) observed that when people of different cultures and races freely and genuinely associate, then the tensions, difficulties, prejudices and confusion will dissolve. Improved relations and peaceful coexistence will become a distinct reality only when individuals belonging to different groups interact at all levels and remove misunderstandings between themselves. Attempts towards coexistence will be construed with suspiciousness unless cordial relations between groups are established after a proper understanding of each other’s values, lifestyle, rituals, customs or ideological viewpoint. We hear a lot about coexistence but very little on understanding of one’s own ‘faith’ and the ‘faith of the other’. The latter is important since it leads different groups with diversity of opinion into solidarity. A solidarity that does not signify organic unity or merger bit interdependence. Gandhi (1969) was of the view that diversity was an asset rather than a liability. To forge harmony amongst diverse groups, he propagated the idea of

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civic nationalism. This was based on the belief that it was possible to remain faithful to one’s group and at the same time be respectful of the others. A civic nation is a nation where people in addition to sharing a common history, culture, sense of justice, rights and duties attach the greatest importance to the dignity and sanctity of its individual members. This according to him is the only type of nation that can promote harmony between every member and every group within it. Cultural diversity must be regarded as a resource rather than as a dangerous threat. Platforms must be created to foster friendship, to share experiences and for cultural exchange. Personal experiences and social interaction lead members to attach meaning to defined spaces. Negative experiences and incidents can erode positive sense of place and provoke fear. If people are encouraged to develop more complex representations of social identities, it can help in improving their potential to perceive and behave in a more embracing way towards people of different social groups. Hence ‘unothering’ will open up the possibilities of collaboration and trust between groups.

Conclusion People from different groups will have to live together, build up their future and destiny and share the fruits of their achievements. They should complement each other and realize that any attempt by one group to ignore or underestimate the worth of the other, or to suppress its self-assertion, will damage the solidarity of the entire nation. To restore trust amongst the groups, conciliatory process based on compromise and mutual understanding should be initiated with a focus on shared experiences and consensus for common future. Trust can be considered as a facilitative condition for change and help in the resolution of socio-cognitive conflict that emerges in social interaction with the other and otherness. As every group has their unique set of values and norms, we have to respect differences and accept ‘others’ as they are and not as they ought to be in another’s view. Any attempt towards uniformity only has severe repercussions for unity. In order to pave way for communal harmony and national integration, these differences must be respected. The hope of harmony lies in the plurality of our identities which cut across each other (Sen 2006). Thus the challenge of humanity today is to open the gates of hope. We have to construct new spaces of freedom, of values and of identities. Each individual has to develop a culture of peace, created out of awareness of the practical experiences of day-to-day living. Harmony as a sociocultural reality can proceed only through change in collective beliefs, attitudes and emotions, by replacing the ethos of conflict and distrust with the ethos of peace and trust. Once trust is established it will lead to cooperation and cooperation will further lead to trust (Kramer and Carnevalee 2001). Hence, if the cycle of mutual cooperation is initiated and sustained, trust will develop between communities which will lead to intergroup harmony. To sustain this harmony, society has to ensure that the foundation of trust has to be based on mutual respect and shared understanding of each other’s way of living and value system.

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Chapter 5

“Jumping the Queue”: Implications of Norm Violations Research in India and the Netherlands Ype H. Poortinga and Richard DeRidder

Abstract  In this chapter the authors reflect on the findings of a study conducted by R.C. Tripathi and R. DeRidder on norm violations and intergroup relations. They primarily focus on answering the question whether “jumping the queue” is a norm violation in India as it is in the Netherlands. They also address the implications of the project, especially findings about hierarchical relations among societal groups. Respect for the norms of other groups, including those of groups that are low in the societal hierarchy, is portrayed as a key principle in improving intergroup relations and as a point of access in intercultural communication training programs aiming at bridging group contrasts. Keywords  Norm violation · Relative deprivation · Perceived power · Intergroup conflict In this chapter, we reflect on a set of studies conducted in the late 1980s and reported in an edited volume (DeRidder and Tripathi 1992). The studies were about reactions to norm violations in India and the Netherlands and compared self-report data of members of distinct social groups found within a society. Looking back at the project about three decades after it was conceptualized, we will discuss key choices that we made at the time and present the rationale. Probably most notable is that we did not pursue any direct comparison of scores between India and the Netherlands. In other words, we never tried to find out whether Indians in general or certain groups within India attach more importance to norms and/or would react more strongly to norm violations than Dutch people or certain groups within the Netherlands. In this

We like to thank Sandra Schruijer for her comments on an earlier draft of this chapter. Y. H. Poortinga (*) Tilburg University, Tilburg, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] R. DeRidder ICCN, Breda, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected]; http://www.iccn.nl © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 J. Pandey et al. (eds.), Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3341-5_5

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respect the project differed from most cross-cultural research where the pursuit of differences was and still is the main goal and continues to contribute to stereotyped views of “others”, whether within our own society (other casts, migrants, poor people) or across countries. We will also dwell on the joint construction of questionnaires by Indian and Dutch researchers within the common frame. In the intensive discussions on various norm violations in India and the Netherlands and whether or not they could be said to correspond (i.e. be equivalent as operationalizations of the target concepts), the question of jumping a queue of people waiting for their turn became a reference point. For this reason it has been chosen for the title of this chapter. We will briefly review the main findings, showing how patterns of self-­ reports on reactions to norm violations by members of two groups tend to make sense in the proposed framework. At the end of the chapter, we will briefly describe how the project has influenced an approach to teaching intercultural communication and skills and how it fits the overall theme of this volume.

Rationale and Conceptualization Underlying the project was the everyday observation that distinguishable groups within a community or society often have less than friendly relations. Competing interests may lead to conflict that can escalate and become violent and destructive. At the same time, in many instances compromise is being sought to avert violence. Group contrasts as meant pertain to all kinds of distinctions, such as religious adherence (Muslims and Hindus, Muslims and Christians), migration (migrants and indigenous inhabitants), ethnicity (minorities and a dominant group), and hierarchical status (workers and supervisors/managers). The emergence of open conflict from latent negative intergroup relations is likely to be triggered when members of one of the groups violate existing rules or norms affecting members of the other group, especially when this is seen to be done intentionally. A sequential model was postulated concentrating on a perceived norm violation by (members of) one of two groups and attributions in the other group, especially attributions of negative intent, as the trigger for a reaction that in turn will be evaluated by and reacted to by the first group, etc. (DeRidder et al. 1992). The sequence reads as follows: Norm violation by group A + Attributions in group B → → Reaction by group B + Attributions in group A → → Reaction by group A + Attributions in group B → ETC

In a social vacuum, two groups that tend to hold negative views of each other would end up with a continuing escalation of norm violations once this sequence has been started. In an actual context, the sequence is influenced by a variety of factors that can enhance and suppress reactions to perceived norm violations. Factors that we included were own-group identity, attitudes of a group towards the other group,

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relative deprivation, and perceived power difference. Thus, a norm violation potentially triggers a cycle of events where attributions about intent are important and where escalation will be more likely when own-group identity is strong, when attitudes towards the other group are negative, when there is a sense deprivation of own group, and when own group is perceived as more powerful. A general definition of norms was used in which the obligatory character of rules about manifest behaviour (i.e. what is to be done and what is prohibited in certain situations) is the most central feature (DeRidder et al. 1992). Theoretical arguments at the time centred around two theories on intergroup behaviour: Realistic Conflict Theory (Jackson 1993; Sherif 1967) and Social Identity Theory (Tajfel and Turner 1979). The former theory proposes that negative stereotypes follow almost automatically when the groups have competing interests; i.e. conflict of interests will lead to intergroup conflict. The latter theory presumes that the mere categorization of people into two groups is sufficient to create favouritism towards own-group members (i.e. the well-known minimal group paradigm). The two theories are not all that different (Tajfel and Turner 2001); both have a focus on intergroup conflict and give the impression that conflicts between groups are rather unavoidable. The assumption of our research team was that a norm violation can act as a catalyst for negative action, but that there are also factors that subdue reactions and prevent continuing escalation. In a sense, this position has been supported by later research in which there has been a shift in emphasis from intergroup conflict to intergroup contact (e.g. Brewer 2007). Especially Allport’s contact hypothesis, which suggests that under certain conditions intergroup contact will help to reduce prejudice and discrimination, has received extensive empirical support (Pettigrew 2015; Pettigrew and Tropp 2006). Whether or not an event is qualified as a norm violation and how serious it is will be intimately linked to the meaning and intent attributed to it. Pettigrew (1979) proposed the “ultimate attribution error”, i.e. the tendency to consider a negative act from one’s own group as due to circumstances and a positive act as a reflection of favourable disposition, while the opposite holds for a negative act from the other side. Some caution is needed; in various studies empirical support has been partial and limited to specific dimensions in a given study (Hewstone 1990). Specifically, in India, studies have found that attribution bias was stronger for positive behaviour (how good “we” are) than for negative behaviour (how bad “they” are) (Khan and Liu 2008; Khandelwal et al. 2014). In any case, we saw attributions as an important parameter in intergroup processes, but they are difficult to separate from the meaning attached to an action. In our studies items were formulated in such a way that the actor evidently was aware of the act. The above-mentioned additional factors that supposedly affect the reactions to a perceived norm violation in an intergroup context already were well studied at the time. Relative deprivation can be defined at the individual level or at the group level (at this latter level, it is sometimes called fraternal deprivation; Runciman 1966). A group experiences relative deprivation when there is a sense of being disadvantaged when compared to some other relevant group. An essential aspect is that the disad-

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vantage is judged to be unjustified. When there is a strong sense of relative deprivation, a group will be more inclined to ascribe negative intent to a dominant group. This group, in turn, will be inclined to ascribe a negative event to external circumstances for which nobody can be held responsible (Naqvi and Tripathi 1980). Empirical research on relative deprivation has shown mixed outcomes, but in a large meta-analysis in which the methodological quality of studies was taken into consideration, Smith et al. (2012) have found consistent effects in the subset of studies that were considered to be methodologically sound. Attitudes towards others, at both the individual and the group level, are one of the most studied concepts in social psychology and other social sciences. Since the classical research by LaPiere (1934), attitudes have been related to intergroup discrimination. Although results have not always been positive, intergroup attitudes have been part of much research on both Realistic Conflict Theory and Social Identity Theory, mainly as dependent variables. Thus, there was a good reason for including attitudes in our set of studies. Subsequently, attitudes have received considerable attention in the Theory of Reasoned Action (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975) and its later extension (Ajzen and Madden 1986), also in India (e.g. Kulkarni 2007). Own-group identity as a core concept in Social Identity Theory was another factor that is rather likely to affect reactions to norm violations. If anything the importance of identity as a central concept has even further expanded, both in the value attached to belonging to a group and in emphasizing psychological distance from other groups (e.g. Verkuyten 2005). Perceived power refers to the difference in power perceived to exist between one’s own group and another group. Usually, people have a good sense of the power hierarchy of social groups in the society at large and in other settings, such as their work organization (Lee et al. 2011). They also tend to have a reasonably good idea whether they can allow themselves a violation of some norm and what the chances are that they can get away with it. An important distinction is between resource power, i.e. the social and economic means through which influence can be exerted, and retaliatory power, i.e. the means that are available to frustrate the interests of the other group, even if this is costly to own-group interests. While reviewing the theoretical rationale in the light of more recent literature, we found research confirming norm violations as a foundational aspect of human functioning. For example, Hardecker et al. (2016) could demonstrate that children as young as 3 years of age already recognized both conventional and moral transgressions and would protest against them. Mua et al. (2015) showed a negative ERP (event-related potential component in the EEG) over the central and parietal regions that served as a marker of the detection of norm violations. However, we did not find any reason why the norm violation model used to structure the studies would have become obsolete or why, with the wisdom of hindsight, any of the explanatory factors should be considered irrelevant. If this reading of the literature is correct, psychological notions about intergroup relations have a rather long lifespan in psychological research, and, presumably, this also should hold for the findings of our studies.

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Methodology The main objective of the project was to test whether patterns of scores obtained by social groups with competing interests in both India and the Netherlands could be understood in terms of the norm violation model outlined above. We conducted four studies, two in each of the two countries. In India, the two pairs of groups were community groups of Muslims and Hindus, and supervisors and subordinates in work organizations. In the Netherlands, the two community groups were Turkish migrants and Dutch people without a migration background, while the distinction between the organizational groups was the same as in India. Sizable samples of adult respondents were selected from various settings, and considerable care was taken in the administration of questionnaires, with individual administration in the mother tongue of each respondent. For the additional factors in the design, we adapted assessment instruments and procedures found in the literature. For details we refer to DeRidder and Tripathi (1992). Here we like to focus on the construction of the norm violation inventory. The research team agreed that direct comparison of self-report scores across countries requires strict conditions about psychometric equivalence (e.g. Poortinga 1989) and that no such comparison was needed for our research objectives. This allowed us to include items that made sense in the group contrast where they were to be used, even if they could not be adapted meaningfully for use across countries and contexts. At the same time, construct validity could not be compromised. We developed a norm violation inventory and had to decide for each item whether it constituted a recognizable transgression for the intended samples of respondents. This led to extensive discussions. We like to mention here an item that asked for reactions when someone is not waiting for his or her turn in a line of people. In India trying to be served before others who have been waiting longer is common, for example, at railway ticket windows. “Jumping the queue” is not considered much of a violation when everyone, or at least most people, are making use of the opportunities they can get. At the same time, there is a difference between public and private spaces; Indian people will wait in line patiently at private events, such as wedding receptions. In other words, the principle of not waiting for your turn is recognized as a norm violation, but the category of situations to which it applies may differ. An example from work organizations pertains to the responsibility of a manager or director for subordinates. Traditionally, a worker in India facing adversity at home (e.g. medical costs for a close family member) may feel entitled to financial assistance from the boss. In the Netherlands where private affairs and work tend to be seen as separate spheres of life, such a request for financial help of one’s employer is less likely to be made and not responding to it would not violate a clear norm. In summary, principles of norm violation should be understandable across the two societies, but separate items might well differ in meaning and even look odd in a specific situation.

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A response format was developed with five categories: a positive or constructive reaction (R+), no reaction (R0), a reaction milder than the original norm violation (R). Each reaction had the form of a verbal description of a reaction and the order of presentation of the response alternatives varied. Items were selected from three domains (social contacts, institutional contacts, and societal responsibility) and pretested. The items and reactions were adapted to each pair of groups. In the data collection, the inventory was administered twice, once asking for the expected reaction of own group and once for the expected reaction of the other group. Examples of norm violation items in the Muslim-Hindu study are: –– An X refuses to give his seat to a crippled Y in a bus. –– The only doctor in a village who is an X refuses to attend to Y villagers who have been critically wounded in Y-X riots. where X and Y should be read as Hindu and Muslim or as Muslim and Hindu.

Findings Moral and social values underlying the items were readily communicable and meaningful across the two countries. The expression in concrete action in a specific situation could be different. This general observation pertained to the item stems, but as it turned out, also to the response alternatives. For example, we gained the impression that verbal insults are more serious norm violations in India than in the Netherlands, but that the distance between verbal insult and physical violence may be smaller. A generally consistent pattern of results was obtained for the relationships between norm violation variables and ratings on the four additional variables. This pattern was most clear for power and relative deprivation scores; the correlation between these two variables was the highest of all intercorrelations in each of the four studies, showing a close connection between these two concepts. The correlations of the ratings of reactions to norm violations by own group with power and relative deprivation were positive in all four studies, and the ratings of expected reactions by others to norm violations were all negative. The pattern of mean scores also corresponded to these results: The ratings for reactions to norm violations by own group were higher for the more powerful group in all the four studies; for the anticipated reactions by others, there was one exception: the means were reversed for the Muslim-Hindu contrast. Also in other respects, this group contrast did not fit the pattern of predicted findings as well as the other three pairs of samples. Hindu respondents saw the Muslims hardly in a more deprived or less powerful position as their own group, while the Muslim respondents saw their group as substantially more deprived and less powerful. To further analyze the variance explained by the additional variables, hierarchical regression analysis was applied, separately for the ratings of reactions to norm

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violations by own and by other groups. Despite the general fit to expectations of means and product-moment correlations, the predictive value of the four additional variables turned out to be low. The Turkish-Dutch migrants and native Dutch differed substantially in reactions to norm violations by own group (12.8% of the variance). Perceived differences in power could account for most of this variance (10.6%). For the other three group contrasts, differences between the pairs of distributions were statistically non-significant; in other words, there was no variance to be explained. For the expected reactions to norm violations by the other group, statistically significant variance was found in three of the four studies, for subordinates and supervisors (14.1% in both cases and a negligible .05% for Turkish migrants and natives in the Netherlands; no significant variance was found for the Muslim-Hindu contrast). The observed variance was partly accounted for by attitudes towards the other group and either relative deprivation or perceived power, but not by own-group identity. In summary, power and relative deprivation were the best predictors of differences in ratings of reactions to norm violations of own group and other group. However, the variance to be explained was rather small as – with the exception of Hindus and Muslims  – pairs of groups tended to agree on their position in society. We like to draw attention to what we see as the most important finding of the four studies, namely, a clear tendency to report, also for the “other group”, a tendency to retaliate with a weaker rather than a stronger reaction to a norm violation. In Fig. 5.1 we capture this finding. There were five responses to each item that were presented to the respondents as nominal categories (verbal descriptions of possible reactions). The five answers can be seen as 5 points on an ordinal scale with a clear anchor, namely, a reaction equally strong as the original norm violation. Taking this “tit for tat” reaction as a point of balance between escalation and de-escalation, the figure clearly shows for all group contrasts a tendency towards toning down conflicts. We concluded that among coexisting groups, norms of redress fostering de-escalation will become operative as soon as negative intergroup behaviour arises. However, we have to add that we presented a single act of norm violation in each item and not an accumulation of such acts.

Extrapolations and Implications The results of three of the four studies were largely in line with expectations. For the study on Hindu and Muslims, this was not the case. Strictly speaking, one negative finding in four studies falsifies a model. However, we are inclined to ascribe this deviant finding to a perception among the Hindu respondents that the Muslims are not in a position of less power or more deprivation than they are themselves. This would mean that the contrast differs from that in the other three studies where the pairs of groups agreed on power relationships. While we are aware of the risk of post hoc interpretation, this to us clearly seems the most plausible. It is important that we found more similarities than differences between India and the Netherlands.

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Fig. 5.1  Average ratings of reactions to norm violations by own group and expected reactions of the other group in four group contrasts, presented as deviations from “tit for tat” reactions. (Adapted from Figure 9.1 in DeRidder and Tripathi 1992) [R+, Positive or constructive reaction; R0, No reaction; R, reaction stronger than the original action]

The patterns of findings on the power and relative deprivation variables were similar, and the results reflect a realistic estimate of each group’s position in the broader social framework. Managers or supervisors do exercise more power than the workers they supervise, while the Turkish-Dutch migrants have a lower standing in the social hierarchy than those who are of Dutch parentage, a state of affairs recognized by the members of both groups. Of course, this does not mean that there are no differences in behaviour between India and the Netherlands – Indians may not form a queue in some instances where Dutch tourists would expect this  – but the same psychological concepts applied similarly in both societies.

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In a broader context, the findings fit in a tradition of cross-cultural psychology emphasizing two points. First, external influences (affluence, climate, mode of subsistence) are considered next to, or perhaps even before, psychocultural and sociocultural factors (values, norms, religion). Second, differences are explained better in terms of situation-bound conventions than in terms of general behavioural tendencies, such as value dimensions (see Berry et al. 2011; Poortinga 2003). For example, Sinha and Tripathi (1994) administered a questionnaire with three response alternatives for each item, meant to reflect an individualistic, a collectivistic, and a situationally oriented response. This third alternative indicating that it depends on the circumstances whether a more self-oriented or a more other-oriented action will be taken accounted for well over half of all responses. One implication is that the large differences that we tend to observe spontaneously in the behaviour and psychological functioning of other peoples are at least partly in the eye of the observer rather than in the reality out there. Bias in social perception has a long history in research. Ethnocentrism was described by Sumner in 1906 and demonstrated in a landmark study by Brewer and Campbell (1976) who found that in 29 out of 30 African groups, average ratings were most favourable for own group. Katz and Braly (1933) studied stereotyping in the 1930s, and expanding on the notion of attribution, Pettigrew (1979) coined the term fundamental attribution error to which referred earlier. When the norm violation project had just been completed, we became involved in the organization of a training program for officers of the Dutch armed forces preparing for international peacekeeping and peace-building missions, notably in former Yugoslavia but also in other parts of the world. The part of the program we were responsible for dealt with intercultural communication and other social skills, such as negotiation (via an interpreter) and mediation (Kop et al. 2001). Contrary to most approaches, this training did not primarily seek to map out how others are different from us but rather how we can try to understand others in their own terms and how our social perceptions can be distorted. Officers on temporary missions (and other sojourners to which administration of the program was later extended) cannot be expected to learn even approximately the entire array of practices and conventions of the local people in their mission area. However, they can acquire an idea how their own stereotypes and attributions may influence their perceptions and actions, and they can learn to have an open eye for the possibility that there may be some other interpretation of an action as the one that would make sense at home. Through lectures, simulations, and especially through role playing with actors from the mission area, this theme was transmitted to the participants. Obviously, this shows how we applied the lessons that we learned to interactions between individuals of different societies. However, the comparisons that we made were primarily between pairs of groups within a single society; as such these studies pertain to diversity within societies, the theme of the present volume. National findings were published locally (e.g. Poortinga et al. 1990, in the Netherlands) in addition to the edited volume discussed in this chapter. Across the four studies, we imposed a common frame for explanation and understanding at the level of constructs and psychological mechanisms through the way we designed our studies.

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Our results generally were in line with, or at least compatible with, the stipulated model, suggesting that distinctions between “us” and “them” operate in a similar fashion, independent of whether groups are in regular contact or whether the “others” are hardly known directly. Group distinctions generally are based on “objective” markers (i.e. outsiders and insiders will agree on the distinctions). Examples are skin colour, dress, religious adherence, and social status indices. Thus, by and large, social categories are not inventions of researchers but part of shared definitions of individuals within a group of themselves (their identity) and their relationship to others (belonging to the in-­ group or to an out-group). Within the common explanatory frame, differences between groups within a society become understandable, such as the unequal power of workers and managers in India and the Netherlands, of Hindus and Muslims, and of Turkish migrants and Dutch native people in the Netherlands. The associated social markers often acquire meanings that refer to some psychological quality. The meanings are constructed locally, but the principle of in-group favouritism embedded in these meanings is common. A case in point is poverty. The notion of a “culture of poverty” to reflect the high impact of poverty on many aspects of life (Lewis 1959) has raised considerable objection (e.g. Small et al. 2010). The main reason is that this makes poverty a characteristic of the poor rather than emphasizing the impositions and limitations in social and perhaps even in cognitive functioning (Mani et al. 2013) that come with poverty. In cross-cultural psychology differences in behaviour and psychological functioning tend to be studied as psychological qualities of groups (e.g. a collectivistic or an individualistic orientation; see Berry et  al. 2011). When studying diversity within a society, such qualities (i.e. psychocultural variables) take second place. As we have argued here, the actual circumstances of groups in an absolute sense (e.g. poverty) or in a relative sense (e.g. relative deprivation) within the larger societal fabric are the focus of research. In India, this has become evident in extensive research on poverty and caste where poverty has many common features across societies and caste as an important social category has few parallels in many countries. However, despite its rather local unique features, caste as well as poverty could be used by Tripathi (2015), one of the Indian researchers on the project discussed in this chapter, to illustrate for a Dutch audience how both caste and poverty have negative consequences for social inclusion and own-group identity. Such work shows that local categorization and its implications call for local research and measurement but that common psychological markers of diversity, such as relative deprivation, identity, and power, apply everywhere.

Conclusion In this chapter we have reflected on a set of studies on reactions to norm violations in India and the Netherlands reported in DeRidder and Tripathi (1992). Patterns of findings could be interpreted in meaningful ways because the studies started from a

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model that was defined with sufficient strictness to make testable outcomes possible, even though strict equivalence of data across the two countries could not be realized. Already during the development of the norm violation questionnaires, it became clear that the social meaning of specific norm violations differed. Still, the important role of social power and relative deprivation could be demonstrated rather unequivocally. At the end of the chapter, we relate how the findings of the studies have influenced the development of an intercultural communication training program and how they can provide a perspective on diversity and social development.

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Lee, I.-C., Pratto, F., & Johnson, B.  T. (2011). Intergroup consensus/disagreement in support of group-based hierarchy: An examination of socio-structural and psycho-cultural factors. Psychological Bulletin, 137(6), 1029–1064. Lewis, O. (1959). Five families: Mexican case studies in the culture of poverty. New York: Basic Books. Mani, A., Mullainathan, S., Shafir, E., & Zhao, J.  (2013). Poverty impedes cognitive function. Science, 341, 976–980. Mua, Y., Kitayama, S., Han, S., & Gelfand, M. J. (2015). How culture gets embrained: Cultural differences in event-related potentials of social norm violations. PNAS, 112(50), 15348–15353. Naqvi, N. & Tripathi, R. C. (1980). Predicting attributions of blame in communal riots. Paper presented at the seminar on caste and communal intergroup relations. Department of Psychology, Allahabad University. Pettigrew, T. F. (1979). The ultimate attribution error: Extending Allport’s cognitive analysis of prejudice. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 5(4), 461–476. Pettigrew, T.  F. (2015). In pursuit of three theories: Authoritarianism, relative deprivation, and intergroup contact. Annual Review of Psychology, 67, 1–21. https://doi.org/10.1146/ annurev-psych-122414-033327. Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2006). A meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90, 1–33. Poortinga, Y.  H. (1989). Equivalence of cross-cultural data: An overview of basic issues. International Journal of Psychology, 24, 737–756. Poortinga, Y.  H. (2003). Coherence of culture and generalizability of data: Two questionable assumptions in cross-cultural psychology. In J.  Berman & J.  Berman (Eds.), Cross-cultural differences in perspectives on the self (Vol 49 of the Nebraska Symposium on Motivation, pp. 257–305). Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Poortinga, Y. H., Schruijer, S. G. L. DeRidder, R., & Jansen, X. H. M. (1990). Reacties op normschendingen van Turkse migranten en autochtone Nederlanders [Reactions to norm violations by Turkish migrants and Dutch autochthones]. De Psycholoog, 25, 451–459. Runciman, W.  G. (1966). Relative deprivation and social justice. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Sherif, M. (1967). Group conflict and cooperation. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Sinha, D., & Tripathi, R.  C. (1994). Individualism in a collectivist culture: A case of coexistence of opposites. In U. Kim, H. C. Triandis, C. Kâğitçibaşi, S.-C. Choi, & G. Yoon (Eds.), Individualism and collectivism: Theory, method, and applications (pp.  123–136). Thousand Oaks: Sage. Small, M. L., Harding, D. J., & Lamont, M. (2010). Reconsidering culture and poverty. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 629(1), 6–27. Smith, H., Pettigrew, T. F., Pippin, G., & Bialosiewicz, S. (2012). Relative deprivation: A theoretical and meta-analytic critique. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 16, 203–232. Sumner, W. G. (1906). Folkways. New York: Ginn and Co. Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S.  Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp.  33–47). Monterey: Brooks/Cole. Tajfel, H., & Turner, J.  C. (2001). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In M.  A. Hogg & D.  Abrams (Eds.), Intergroup relations: Essential readings (pp.  94–109). New  York: Psychology Press. Tripathi, R. C. (2015). Identiteit en armoede [Identity and poverty]. In H. Beijers, P. Hagenaars, & E.  Minkenberg (Eds.), Identiteit: uitsluiten of verbinden; Professionals bekennen kleur [Identity: excluding or connecting; Professionals show their colours] (pp. 65–78). Utrecht: De Graaff. Verkuyten, M. (2005). The social psychology of ethnic identity. Hove: Psychology Press.

Chapter 6

Caste, Outcaste and Recasting Social Justice: Trajectories of  Social Development G. C. Pal

Abstract  The chapter highlights the historical evolution of caste, its distinct features and the way caste governs intergroup relationships to affect socio-economic well-being. It examines the preventive and protective measures by the state to address the social disabilities around caste and their implications for intergroup behaviours and  socio-economic development. It highlights social inequalities among caste groups on various developmental indicators to understand interlinkages between caste and unequal development. It examines the persistence of social distance and discrimination based on caste identity, the spectrum of caste experiences and emerging conflicts around caste question. It uses socio-psychological frameworks to explicate how caste-related oppressive behaviours like discrimination, exclusion, violence and atrocities around caste remain unabated despite preventive, protective and punitive measures. Lastly, it discusses implications of these behaviours for social development of the low caste groups. Keywords  Caste and social discrimination · Social disabilities · Caste violence · Exclusion and Unequal development

Introduction In the socio-culturally diverse Indian context, ‘caste’ identities always subsume hierarchies and structural social relationships. Among the complex webs of social identities, the one on ‘caste’ is based on culturally accepted and highly valued notions. Although there are several elements which characterize the caste system in India, two distinct features play a pivotal role in regulating the social interaction process and shaping the intergroup behaviours. First, the caste system as the social organization provides a basis for hierarchical social structure, and this decides the nature of caste identity (Dirks 2001). It divides the people into social groups and G. C. Pal (*) Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, New Delhi, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 J. Pandey et al. (eds.), Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3341-5_6

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assigns the entitlement of rights to each group, in an unequal and graded manner. The group at the top of the hierarchy is entitled to most rights, while the one at the lowest end of it has the fewest rights. Second, the caste system is based on certain customary rules and norms. It provides for a community-level mechanism in the form of social ostracism and also entails numerous social punishments to enforce these caste norms. The intercaste relationships are therefore monitored through the norms of caste. According to Dumont (1980), ‘these norms constrain interpersonal relations between caste groups by employing moral principles’. Psychologically, the caste norms restrain an individual’s sense of agency to act as it limits the metacognitive process. These play a role in constructing the social actions and identity of privileged caste groups, thereby serving to reinforce and legitimize the caste social order (Das 1982). However, one of the issues that have drawn wider attention in contemporary society is that the ‘caste’ often widens cleavages among a cross section of people, translating into violations of rights and unfair treatments against certain caste groups placed at the lower end of the caste hierarchy. This pushes them into the morass of a socially and physically excluded life having greater implications on the overall well-being of these groups and social development of the society at large. Caste as a socio-cultural system, determining intergroup relations, has been extensively studied over time. However, there are issues and questions related to the socio-psychological processes underlying oppression, exclusion and deprivation as harsh realities in the Indian society. The Indian socio-psychological literature has provided considerable insights into the psychological attributes of the disadvantaged caste groups, primarily using the paradigm of ‘deficits vs. differences’ (Pal 2015a). There are few studies on ‘psychology of caste’ which adopt a psychoanalytical (Kakar 1992) and cognitive-essentialist (Mahalingam 2007) framework. When there is a lot of debate on the persistence of group inequalities in the context of inclusion of marginalized sections, socio-psychological dimensions of this issue remain stubbornly in place. It is significant to widen the horizon through an understanding of socio-psychological processes underlying caste as a social institution; caste as a source of development, caste-based human rights violations; and its implications for social, economic and psychological advantages as well as disadvantages. This paper, while discussing the expression of caste identity in everyday social life with implications on unequal social development in Indian society, constructs a trajectory of ‘caste diversity and social development’ through a set of objectives. First, the paper highlights the historical evolution of caste, its distinct features and the way caste governs intergroup relationships to affect socio-economic well-being. Second, it examines the preventive and protective measures by the state to address the social disabilities around caste and their implications for socio-economic development and also constraints in the implementation on the ground with changing social context. Third, it highlights social inequalities among caste groups on various developmental indicators to understand interlinkages between caste and unequal development. Fourth, the paper examines the persistence of social distance and discrimination based on caste identity, the spectrum of caste experiences and

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emerging conflicts around caste question. Fifth, it uses socio-psychological frameworks to explicate how caste-related oppressive behaviours like discrimination, exclusion, violence and atrocities around caste remain unabated despite preventive, protective and punitive measures. Lastly, it discusses implications of these behaviours for social development of the low caste groups. To address these objectives, evidence is drawn from multiple sources that include literature on caste as socio-cultural organization; socio-psychological literature on identity-based discrimination and conflicts; official data on socio-economic development across caste groups and related literature; official data on nature and forms of caste-based civil rights violations and atrocities; empirical studies; and perspectives of various state and non-state stakeholders. The paper sheds new light on the complex caste phenomena that defines the Indian social reality and builds a new perspective on the interlinkages between caste and social development.

Caste in India: Its Evolution and Path of Progression The conceptualization of ‘caste’ popularly dates back to the evolution of social orders under the concept of Varna system and corresponding social divisions and status hierarchy (Dirks 2001). But the origin of caste system has been understood from religious, biological and sociohistorical perspectives. The caste system based on dominant religious ideology explains how the four Varnas (classes) were conceptualized to create a human society based on social divisions of people. The Rig Veda, one of the oldest Hindu scriptures, asserts that the Varna system divides people belonging to the religious group, called Hindu, into four mutually exclusive categories, with one group being at the top, followed in order of rank by other three groups. These four Varnas in order (from the topmost in hierarchy) are Brahmins (priests), Kshatriyas (warriors), Vaishyas (merchants) and Shudras (peasants). Each one is regulated by differing rules. However, outside this four caste structures are the people considered the lowest of castes and occupy a position at the very bottom of the social order. The people under this fifth category are traditionally known as ‘untouchables’ or ‘outcaste’ or ‘caste-oppressed’ groups. In independent India, this group is officially known as scheduled castes (SCs) and commonly known in modern terms as Dalits. The myths believed to be originated from Hindu scriptures are that different castes were created from different parts of Brahma’s (creator of the universe) body and were to be structured around the hierarchical social order according to ritual status, purity and occupation. Caste system, therefore, labels everyone at birth with a caste, and each caste group varies in cultural and social practices. The biological perspective claims that all living beings in society have three inherent qualities in different apportionment  – positive, passionate and negative. People with different measures of these inherent qualities adopt different types of occupation. Accordingly, society was divided into four groups. However, the sociohistorical perspective explains the origin of caste system in terms of the arrival of the Aryans in India from different parts of the world around

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1500 BC. The Aryans organized among themselves into different groups, namely, Kshatriya, Brahmin and Vaishya, based on different social and religious rules of the society but subdued the locals in India and made them a separate category, namely, Shudra. Most of the communities that were living in India before the arrival of Aryans were integrated in the Shudra Varna or were designated ‘outcaste’ depending on their professions. Communities which undertook ‘non-polluting’ jobs were integrated in the Shudra Varna, while those that were involved in polluting professions were designated ‘outcaste’. Dumont (1980), who reproduced most ideas of orientalists on caste, was of the view that the idea of inequalities of hierarchy and status is more critical to the concept of caste. Weber (1946) also saw caste divisions as a case of status-based divisions and was of the view that caste hierarchies are not just a matter of cultural differences but also dimensions of status and power. The people under the fifth category, therefore, were predisposed to the system of religiously codified exclusion and experience of profound injustice in the prevailing social system. In the evolutionary stages of caste, although there was recognition of problems in the traditional account of caste, but it was presumed that, with the economic development and process of modernization, caste would disappear on its own (Jodhka 2015). Towards the middle of the nineteenth century, despite the initiation of the process of modernization by the colonial rulers, this could not bring about much change in the Indian caste system, as believed because of their motive to divide and conquer. The caste system was, therefore, repurposed as a method of oppression and a means of social control. After independence, the processes of providing social protection and economic development of groups at the bottom of caste hierarchy were stepped up. The Constitution of India provided elaborate legal safeguards and administrative framework and special development plans aimed at undermining the traditional order of caste system. In Article 15 on Fundamental Rights, the constitution states: ‘The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, place or birth or any of them’. Article 17 prohibits any discrimination based on caste in access to public resources. As an affirmative measure, the constitution provides for reservations in political, economic and educational spheres. The Directive Principles of State Policy made it obligatory for the State to enact laws and frame policies to enable citizens using various rights in practice. In accordance with the constitutional provisions, the State has complemented all legal efforts by way of policy interventions in critical sectors – economic, educational and social  – and setting up of specific institutional mechanisms to ensure social welfare and development of marginalized groups including low caste groups. It has also enacted special laws to protect the low caste from human rights violations. The Untouchability (Offences) Act enacted in 1955 made the enforcement of any disability arising out of ‘untouchability’ an offence punishable by law. This Act was reviewed and renamed as the Protection of Civil Rights (PCR) Act in 1976 to provide protection against the first regressive feature of the caste system, namely, denial of equal rights to the ‘outcastes’ and combating discrimination against them. However, with the recognition of limitations in this Act in addressing all matters

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related to safeguards of low caste, the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) Prevention of Atrocities (PoA) Act was enacted in 1989 to provide safeguards against the second feature of the caste system, namely, repressive behaviours as and when they claim their rights and the community-level mechanism of social ostracism against them by groups at the higher order of the caste system (high castes). This Act was amended in 2015 with the goal of addressing emerging newer forms of human rights violations embedded in the tradition of the caste system and achieving the goal of equal treatment and social justice. The key question is ‘how far have the frameworks of social protection and development and affirmative action in past years been successful in transforming the traditional caste structure and bridging the social and economic inequalities among various caste categories?’ Sociological literature shows a significant change in the institutional order of caste and rigid traditional structure of power based on caste hierarchy. As observed, many from the low castes are less beholden to other high castes with increased self-supportive initiatives (Jodhka and Sirari 2012; Kapur et  al. 2010). The traditional linkage between caste-based occupation and low development has weakened considerably over time (Beteille 1996; Sharma 1999). According to this transformative notion on caste, the caste hierarchy and traditional occupation patterns seen through the religious discourse to some extent have lost ground. There also have been changes in the social and economic status of low caste groups particularly in later decades of India’s independence. These changes are mainly attributed to constitutional provisions and other State policies for empowerment and development of those on margins of the social order of caste hierarchy, besides the social movements of the low caste groups as a consequence of the general processes of social and economic changes. The effectiveness of State development initiatives can also be understood from the growing size of the middle-class among low castes over the years (Jodhka 2015). Reservation based on caste identity in political spheres has also led to a growing participation in the political discourse and the emergence of a new class of political leadership from the low castes (Gupta 2005). They to some extent have been successful in mobilizing low caste communities to resist caste-based prejudice and perceived discriminatory practices and strive for equal rights. The reservation policy in educational institutions and public sector employment to some extent has corrected past injustices towards low castes. The implications of this policy can be understood from the data indicating an improvement in the representation of low castes in higher levels of education and government services. Given that caste discrimination was outlawed through constitutional provisions and later through special legislations such as the Untouchability (Offences) Act, PCR and PoA Acts, Fuller (1997) observes, ‘caste hierarchy can no longer be legitimately defended in public; because people cannot openly speak of castes as unequal’. However, the process of change has not followed a ‘single evolutionary or linear path of progression’ (Jodhka 2015). A wide range of literature points to strong presence of caste despite the illegality of the caste system in contemporary India and rapid changes in the economic and traditional social orders. Caste still operates as a relevant social category to influence intergroup relationships; hence, caste

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identity matters in multiple ways in different spheres of life. Visvanathan (2016) observes, ‘the dominant castes utter the language of privilege of consolidation; and the marginal speak the language of suffering, deprivation and pain’. Caste-based institutionalized system of discrimination and exclusion continues particularly in rural India, although it may not be to the same extent in urban areas. As Gurumurthy (2009) puts it, ‘over 250 million people worldwide, and 160 million in India suffer from caste discrimination’. This sometimes leads to various forms of oppression. All these result in a pattern of disadvantages for the low caste groups. Nitisha (2017) summarizes by saying: ‘the caste system was believed initially to have performed positive functions. But in course of time, it degenerated and instead of doing social good it caused a great harm to the society in terms of developing a parochial feeling, making people unduly conscious of their own castes, hindering social unity, standing against democratic spirit, exploitation, suppression and repression of low caste by the high castes, relegation of aspirations and ability of certain section of people, and lack of participation of all sections in society in national development’. There are several social and economic structures in society which continue to sustain the caste. Modi (2015) is of the view that although social differentiation and exclusion are built in different facets of social structure, ‘caste is the institution that contributes to the formation of attitude, and in turn, to the maintenance of caste structure, hence, there is no easy way out of this vicious cycle’. According this view, certain sections of population carry ‘caste mentalities’ as a matter of social identity. It is also argued that the politicization of caste in electoral process and institutionalization of caste through the State policy of caste-based reservations are important reasons for the continued survival of caste (Jodhka 2015). Reservation is sometimes perceived as a mechanism of preservation of caste system. Although, several studies reaffirm that reservation has had a visible impact on the participation of the low castes in the spheres of education, work or employment and politics, yet the same has not been manifested socially and psychologically. From the socio-­ psychological perspective, it has created a lot of antipathy and feeling of ‘otherness’ against the group who has benefitted from the policy. Further, the legal frameworks have their limitation in reforming the social structure which many a time is shaped by factors that lie outside the domain of formal law. Consequently, caste discrimination is practised with a culture of impunity and is further enforced by many forms of exploitive and oppressive treatments. All these produce a variety of negative social and human effects and deprivation, leading to the perpetuation of unequal social development. Thus, the issues related to caste are indisputably historically interlinked, but its relevance in social development is still felt and seen in present-day society. Jodhka (2012) is of the view that mapping the trajectories of caste could be through three ‘moments’– caste as tradition, caste as power politics and caste as humiliation and discrimination – although these are not mutually exclusive. The idea of ‘caste as a tradition’ has been widely discussed by social scientists in the past (Dirks 2001; Dumont 1980). The relationship between caste and power has also been extensively explored in independent India (Beteille 1996; Raheja 1989; Srinivas 1962). Lastly, the idea of caste as a system that institutionalizes humiliation and discrimination as

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social and cultural practices may be traced back to the nineteenth century where many social reformers raised the issue in course of social movements against caste system. This, however, has acquired more visibility in Indian society from the 1980s onwards (Jodhka 2015), perhaps with the wider engagement of Indian social scientists on the issues related to identity-based discrimination and exclusion on account of the increased popularity of the concept of ‘social exclusion’ in the 1980s and 1990s (maybe due to its first use in the early 1970s in France and later on gaining popularity in other countries) to understand the processes of marginalization in the context of greater social policy debates. These debates also generated a lot of space for continued State initiatives for social development based on caste identity. In the larger context of persistence of caste based discrimination and exclusion despite legal frameworks andsocial policies for socio-economic development of low castes, the trajectory of social development in relation to ‘caste’ is discussed around few questions. What are the socio-economic situations of caste groups  in contemporary Indian society in the light of legal measures and policy initiatives? What are the nature and forms of discriminatory, exclusionary and oppressive practices based on caste identity? How do socio-psychological frameworks explain the persistence of such caste-based intergroup relationships and behaviours? What implications do these relationships and behaviours have on social development low caste group in particular and society at large? These questions are dealt with in the following sections based on evidence drawn from multiple sources.

Caste and Relative Deprivations Given that there are several areas which are critical for an understanding of social development, to assess the process and outcome of social development in relation to caste is always a complex issue. The impact of caste on social development however can be understood from two different standpoints – composite indicators of social development and other specific development dimensions. This section examines advantages on account of various development and welfare measures and other affirmative actions for low caste groups and also the degree of their relative deprivation in terms of inequalities in development status across caste groups. In recent times, a composite index of social development based on several indicators within the broad dimensions of development such as demographic, health, education, basic amenities, employment and social inclusion (Deb 2016), more known as the Social Development Index (SDI), has been frequently used to understand and monitor social progress in human social well-being (Government of India 2016). This enables to understand the level of social and economic deprivation among various sections of the society associated with different social identities including caste. A synoptic view of the SDI points to a greater social deprivation for low castes in India. For instance, the SDI score for SCs is found to be 1.03 as compared to 1.32 for others (Deb 2016). This suggests that the position of caste groups on overall social development is differentially located. In addition, several

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policy documents have also highlighted the differentials on various aspects of development across caste groups (Government of India 2016; UNDP 2015). This is often attributed to inequalities in ownership of household resources, unequal distribution of public resources and differential access to entitlements based on caste identity. It must be noted that despite the definite positive impact of the reservation policy, there persist social inequalities based on caste identity in the sphere of education and employment. Macro level data indicates that educational development has clear caste dimension. For instance, according to the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) (2014) data, there has not been much difference between the caste groups in attendance up to the elementary-level education, but the proportion of ‘other’ (read high) castes with respect to secondary and higher education are significantly higher than the low caste. The gross attendance ratio (GAR), defined as number of persons at different levels of education to the number of persons in the corresponding official age groups, indicates that at secondary and higher secondary level, there has been a noticeable difference between the caste groups, while at higher education level, it is significantly low for low castes, and the group inequality is found to be prominent. The GAR for low castes with graduation and above has been 20% as compared to more than 30% for ‘other’ castes. However, the growth rate of GAR in higher education for low caste and ‘others’ over a period of two decades (from 1995 to 2014) indicates the per annum growth rate of about 9% for low caste and about 7% for ‘others’, suggesting that reservation has helped in the access of low caste to higher education. There has been a concern of attaining caste equity in the sphere of education. The disproportionate increase in private (non-government) unaided higher educational institutions imposes challenges in attaining goals of equity and cultural diversity. Caste is seen as conferring privilege on some sections to receive private education. The NSSO data clearly indicates that low castes have considerably lower access to private institutions. The public-private divide in higher education intensifies the deprivation of low caste and creates conditions for their poor educational development. Further, poor access of low castes to market-oriented professional courses also results in their exclusion from education that has greater implications on their human development and employment opportunities. Consistently, the representation of low castes particularly in highest ranked government jobs, teaching jobs in management, and scientific and technological institutions has been below the stipulated quota (AISHE 2011–2012). Thus, although reservation has helped them to move a few steps forward in the education and employment sectors, the low castes still have a long way to go, particularly in the context of privatization of educational and employment sectors. It may be argued that increased participation through the mechanism of reservation may not always mean development, also not a measure of justice. There are two aspects of inequalities in social development – inequality of opportunity and inequality of outcome (Desai and Dubey 2011; Thorat and Newman 2010) – that remain important for the varied socio-economic development between caste groups. First, unequal access to productive as well as public resources through

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the institution of caste puts low castes into material disadvantages. For instance, as per the NSSO data, the low castes are at the bottom of the socio-economic pyramid defined in terms of household assets, access to basic infrastructure facilities, income-­ generating work participation, livelihood conditions (poverty) and access to public service provisioning. Second, inequality in outcomes caused by social and economic discrimination associated with in different spheres of life. Thus, the unequal development patterns across caste groups paradoxically remain unfailing although it has been abridged to some extent over the years. Another critical issue that needs considerable attention is that continued caste inequalities in terms of development put the low castes in a more vulnerable position to exploitations, various forms human rights violations and oppressions and poor access to social justice. This remains the focus in the next section.

Caste, Social Discrimination, Violence and Disadvantages Caste is an institutionalized form of hierarchy, supported by a set of religious values and social mores. For ages, the groups at the lower end of caste hierarchy have been discriminated against, albeit not be to the same extent as today. Caste-based discrimination is normally conceptualized as denial of or restrictions on access of low castes to equal rights and opportunities and discriminatory treatment against them because of their caste identity. But, given that caste-based discrimination has been outlawed, in the legal view, it refers to the unequal treatment of equals, as the discriminated groups belong to ‘protected’ groups under the law. In the context of legal protections against denial of equal rights, discrimination, violence and atrocities against the low caste, the persistence of these social evils in different forms is discussed in the following sections.

Caste and Social Discrimination From a macro perspective, the data provided by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) on violations of civil rights is a reflection of the discriminatory practices against low castes in the access to public spaces and resources. It reveals that a total of about 11,000 cases were registered during the period from 1995 to 2015. This official figure might not be indicating the actual magnitude of caste-based discrimination, yet it validates the persistence of caste and its role in intergroup relationships. It also indicates that the anti-discrimination and anti-oppression laws are fraught with implementation gaps, which too have also been well established empirically by many studies besides the documentary evidence of the State and human rights activists (Pal 2012; Pal and Lal 2010; Thorat 2018). Given the scope of the paper, this has been purposely kept out of detailed discussion. However, it may be mentioned that the unresponsiveness of State machinery towards human

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rights violations against low castes is sometimes guided by ‘significant’ social actors and ‘caste-power relations’ in the caste-ridden society. The manner in which caste-based discrimination and deprivation are perpetuated has been a major obstacle to achieving development goals. In the community context, caste discrimination forces low caste groups to live a life of subordination. Any challenge to such practices often invites various forms of retaliatory action from members of ‘other’ castes as a matter of disregard to their social position. As reported in a recent study (Mallick and Malik 2016), ‘over one-­ half of low castes experience a social distance with high caste in their neighbourhood or locality’. They did not even have a minimum level of interpersonal relationship with high caste. This accentuates conditions for increased vulnerabilities to deprivation of essential community resources. Despite the rules to accommodate and respect diversity in the public institutions, it is the legacies of caste and dominant socio-cultural (caste) norms often weaken the institutional values, to interfere with the delivery of public services in non-discriminatory manner. Discriminatory practices become a reality for many low castes in the realm of access to development programmes (Kumbhar 2016; NCAER 2014) and various government schemes (Gill 2012; Pal 2016a). As a result, programmes of socio-economic development are sometimes fraught with social injustice. A plethora of macro-level studies indicate striking caste discrimination in employment market and economic transactions that are critical for better livelihood (Desai and Dubey 2011; Deshpande 2011; Singhari and Madheswaran 2016). Several empirical studies also highlight the nature and forms of caste discrimination faced by low castes in various economic markets such as employment, access to inputs and services for production, sale and purchase of products and consumer goods and other market transactions (Thorat and Newman 2010). Literature also clearly indicates that students from low caste communities become subject to discriminatory treatments in several areas of life within educational institutions. Caste bias and discrimination are manifested in different ways against low caste children at school level (CES 2014; IDSN 2011; Nambissan 2010; Ramchandran and Naorem 2013). Even small children at pre-school level experience discrimination (Pal 2016a; Pal 2015b). The nature and forms of discrimination at school level range from physical segregation to negative attitude, unfair treatment and symbolic discrimination (Pal 2016b). Caste discrimination takes a serious proportion in higher educational institutions as well. Low caste students become victims of caste discrimination in their day-to-day academic as well as nonacademic life (Neelakandan and Patil 2012; Singh 2013; Sukumar 2013). It takes the form of social isolation around ‘caste identity’, stigmatized labelling, tagging of students under ‘category’, open hostility, limited social interaction, contempt, discouragement and creating disabling conditions (Pal 2016b; Pal and Arjun 2013). Thus, the fact is that denial of rights and entitlements in multiple spheres and discriminatory treatment to low caste groups lead to deprivations with adverse consequences on the social, economic and psychological domains of human life of such groups and, in turn, various aspects of their social and human development.

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Caste, Violence and Access to Justice The caste system remains a stratifying factor and provides structural social preconditions for caste violence. It is often seen as a legitimate response to assertive behaviours against traditional caste norms. The change in the outlook of low caste towards status, power and hierarchy in processes of social and economic changes challenges the ideology that legitimizes the traditional caste hierarchy and caste norms (Pathak 2006). The high caste groups, in an effort to protect their social identity and uphold their higher social position, intensify their discontent perpetuating violence and rationalize their actions in the name of cultural norms. An ultimate search for a new identity among low castes and at the same time efforts of high caste to protect their caste identity and higher position in social order often leads to more systematic, organized and collective violence (Pal 2014 ; Pal and Lal 2010). Among other factors that cause caste violence, resentment, retaliation and revenge-taking are found prominent (Pal 2012, Pal and Lal 2011; Pal et al. 2010). The perpetrators of violence use various psychological mechanisms such as constant threatening and social boycotts, and importantly making women as ‘soft target’ (Pal 2018; Pal 2015a) as common means of retaliation to create conditions that do not challenge their social superiority. All these actions result in the increased vulnerability of low castes to various forms of violence and atrocities on an everyday basis. The NCRB data on crimes indicates that on an average about 33,000 crimes were registered by low caste groups annually during the period 1995–2015. Of these, more than one-third were registered under the PoA Act, indicating clear-cut cases of caste-based violence or atrocities. However, these official figures are considered a gross underestimation of the magnitude of such human rights violations, as many cases are either not reported or reported but not registered or under-reported by registering them under inappropriate provisions of the PoA Act. The data also reveals a consistent increase in cases of violence and atrocities against low castes, taking a leap after 2014, despite strengthening of preventive and protective legal measures through the amendment of the PoA Act in 2015 to curb these acts against low caste. Another major concern is that a majority of the low caste victims of violence and atrocities are denied justice. According to the NCRB figures on an average, more than 80% of the total registered cases were pending for trial in courts at the end of each year during 1995–2015. This delay in judgement causes denial of justice to many victims. Further, among the cases that reach the trial stage, access to justice for low caste victims is dismally low. As per the data, of the total cases in which trials were completed, in less than one-third, the accused were convicted. The conviction rate is even more alarmingly low for cases booked under the PoA Act (on an average around 5% over the years). Evidence clearly shows that delivery of justice to victims of violence and atrocities is basically affected by delay in framing charge sheets and dilution of evidence; dilution of scope, applicability and meaning of the provisions under the laws; and other procedural grounds (Pal 2018; Pal 2012; Pal and Lal 2010; Thorat 2018). The low conviction rate reflects the failure of the

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state machinery in implementation of the law in proper spirit. This further worsens the sufferings of the low castes by perpetuation of violence forcing them into a life of constant threat and social insecurity. The National Commission of Human Rights (NHRC) (2004) observes that ‘the acts of omission and commission by law enforcement agencies shake people’s faith in the rule of law’. This has a ‘repelling effect’ on the low caste (Pal 2015a). With the recognition that caste-based discrimination and violence are not only socio-cultural but also psychological in nature, this paper offers some socio-­ psychological perspectives to understand the guiding forces behind the persistence of such group behaviour around and to establish the linkage between caste and unequal social development in a diversified society.

 aste-based Discrimination and Violence: Socio-psychological C Perspectives In psychological terms, ‘discrimination’ is an ‘unfair behaviour’ accorded to others on the basis of their group membership or social identity or possession of some arbitrary traits. It is, therefore, a behavioural manifestation, enacted in a relational context. To address the question ‘why caste-based discrimination and violence against one group by the other persists despite legal frameworks against it and increased modernization process’, this section offers several explanations available in social science literature particularly, in sociology and economics, with a focus on socio-psychological perspectives to understand  such social behaviours around caste from interdisciplinary perspectives.

Caste Discrimination: Sociological and Economic Perspectives Sociologists working on identity-based discrimination focus on its social outcomes such as reproduction of social inequalities or social stratification. There has been a focus on process through which social and cultural meanings about certain groups are constructed. One of the social processes which produce discrimination is prejudice. Taylor and Pettigrew (2000) point that, in a group relational context, discrimination is primarily rooted in the prejudice which has two interrelated dimensions  – affective and cognitive. Accordingly, the high caste groups believe that the practice of discrimination can contribute to upholding of domination, ascribed through origin of caste. Some writings of economists have been quite influential in the understanding of caste discrimination. According to Gary Becker, discriminators have ‘a taste for discrimination’, which is attributed to prejudice stemming from a set of beliefs or values (Becker 1957). They always have a bias against a group based on its origin.

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Accordingly, they invariably neglect it and derive psychological satisfaction from a preference based on a social identity. Arrow (1973), another economist, came up with an alternative perspective in his ‘theory of test or statistical discrimination’. He argued that people discriminate because they believe that people who belong to a certain social identity are less productive. Akerlof (1976) postulated that social categories and their norms would determine how individuals in one social category would behave towards other social category. The ‘social category norms’ draw the distinction of ‘us’ and ‘them’, which Akerlof calls ‘oppositional identity’, resulting in discrimination. In recent times, few other economists (Darity et al. 2006) provided an integrated framework by bringing in the role of economic or material interests and identity norms together, wherein the latter are shaped by the former and called ‘the productivity of identity norms in social interaction’. It might be noted that in the case of theories of Arrow and Akerlof, prejudice embedded in individual psychology becomes the basis for discrimination. Such discriminatory behaviour of the dominant group towards the subordinate group, however, assumes a functional role for the derivation of greater benefits  – psychologically (satisfaction), economically (productivity) and sociologically (social status)  – by the dominant groups at the cost of the subordinate groups.

Caste Discrimination: Socio-psychological Perspectives Given the scope of subject domain, social psychologists provide more insights on the motive behind discrimination, although prejudice has been a common thread in various explanations of discrimination. Socio-psychological perspectives on intergroup relations and behaviours have enabled understanding the cognitive processes involved in discerning the relationships between groups with different social positions and power relationships (dominant and subordinate groups), similar to the case of caste groups in Indian society. Allport (1954) treats prejudice primarily as something which is rooted in an individual’s psychology to produce stereotypical (false) beliefs by the dominant group about others (the subordinate groups), and this results in discriminatory behaviour. The psychological research on implicit prejudicial attitudes has also provided an understanding of the basis of discrimination (Quillian 2006). This paper, however, draws on arguments profoundly from the theoretical frameworks on ‘prejudice and group position’ (Blumer 1958) and ‘social identity’ (Tajfel 1982; Tajfel and Turner 1986) to understand the persistence of discriminatory relationships between caste groups in India. Along with these frameworks, thoughts on ‘social conflict’ are also used to explain caste violence and atrocities. Blumer argued against Allport’s theoretical construct of prejudice, as a set of individual feelings. He rather emphasized on the conception of ‘group mind’ to understand group relationships and group behaviours. As he argues, when individuals identify strongly with a group, they are fused into a new and higher mental structure. Prejudice based on social identity exists basically in sense of ‘group position’ rather than in a set of individual feelings, which members of one

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group have towards members of another group’. This sense of group position is realized through a schema of ‘group identification’. According to Blumer, the bases to prejudice are ‘identification made of oneself and of others, and the way in which the identified groups are conceived in relation to each other’. This conception goes away from the dominant idea that exists in traditional sociological literature on race and ethnic prejudice in the ways that prejudice is not the individual lines of experience. Blumer emphasizes on four types of feelings that are always present in race prejudice: first, ‘the feeling of superiority on the part of dominant groups’, a self-­ assured feeling of being naturally superior or better through the disparagement of the behaviours and qualities of the subordinate groups; second, ‘the feeling that the subordinate groups are intrinsically different and alien’, fundamentally a feeling like ‘they are not of our kind’, therefore, ‘justifiably excluded’; third, ‘the feeling of proprietary claim to certain areas of privilege and advantage’ referring to the feeling of being entitled to either exclusive or prior rights in many important areas of life; and lastly, ‘the fear and suspicion that the subordinate group harbours designs on the prerogatives of the dominant group’. This last feeling is basically an apprehension that the subordinate groups threaten or will threaten the position of the dominant groups. Some acts or suspected acts of subordinate groups are interpreted in terms of the first three feelings. While the combination of the first two feelings among dominant groups can easily give rise to feelings of aversion and even antipathy, they themselves do not form prejudice. Similarly, although the third feeling is strong in racial prejudice, still this neither independently nor in combination with the first two feelings can explain a group prejudice adequately. The fourth feeling of fear and suspicion although provides a negative pointer on positional arrangement is crucial in arousing and shaping prejudice. These feelings taken together, therefore, constitute the ‘crystallization of a fully developed group position’. The first three feelings keep the dominant group in privileged position, while the fourth feeling is ‘the emotional recoil from the endangering of group position’. Thus, according to Blumer’s theorization, the dominant group is always concerned with its position vis-à-vis the subordinate group. In line with Blumer’s theoretical argument, the position of caste groups in India, as a historical product of caste system, may be linked to different feelings, present in intercaste relationships. Experiences in relation to the high and low caste groups in the area of superior social position, social distinctiveness, privileges, advantages and claims perhaps mould the sense of group position among the high caste groups. Similarly, an attempt by low caste groups for a change in status and demand for equal opportunities can induce a sense of challenge felt by high castes to their sense of group position. Accordingly, the greater the sense of socially, culturally and economically perceived threat, the more are members of the high caste likely to intensify the prejudice and discrimination towards the threatening subordinate group. Under this theorization, prejudice resulted discrimination is a defensive reaction to such challenges and also acts as a protective device to preserve the

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integrity and group position. This redefines caste relations and strengthens the sense of group position among high castes. Over the years, the social identity framework (Tajfel 1982), concerned with both the psychological and sociological aspects of group behaviours, has been useful for the analysis of intergroup relations and behaviours. This framework identifies the minimal conditions that would lead members of one group to discriminate against others. The social categorization into ‘in-group’ and ‘out-group’ (Tajfel and Turner 1986) is critical in intergroup discrimination. Socio-psychologically, the act of discrimination involves intended behaviour to obtain some other goal, the need to maintain a distinct identity and healthy self-esteem, as a central human motivation. Downward comparisons are normally made to elevate the self-esteem principle of identity (Wills 1981). There is also a desire for an identity to be both distinct from other groups and to be positive, called psychological distinctiveness (Tajfel and Turner 1986), which serves as a psychological function for the self-concept. What implications do the above ideas on group identity have in the context of caste discrimination? High caste groups in order to strengthen their group identity would keep the low caste group out of social relations through the process of downward comparisons. They would seek to maintain caste distinctiveness and hierarchy to reproduce value-laden social representations of caste, very often through acts of unfair treatment (Jaspal 2011), hence, indulging in discriminatory behaviours. This would also help to necessitate caste identity, ascribed at birth (Jaspal 2011; Mahalingam 2007). The ‘meaning principle’ of social identity, therefore, would ensure persistence of caste-based discrimination and would remain potent in most spheres of social life despite the protective legal measures to dismantle caste boundaries.

Caste Violence: Socio-psychological Perspectives The key question is: ‘Why do high castes retaliate violently against the groups belonging to the lowest rung of the caste hierarchy?’ The frameworks of ‘social position’ (Blumer 1958) and ‘social identity’ (Tajfel and Turner 1986) explain caste violence. High caste members in order to strengthen their group identity and group position in the social order use strategy of confrontation to keep the low caste groups out of social relations. In line with Blumer’s fourth feeling on race prejudice, the legitimate protection of rights or protest against discrimination by low caste groups would be perceived as intolerable, degenerating into violence. Similarly, in line with the identity theory, in order to have a stronger sense of group distinctiveness, the high castes indulge in violent acts to suppress any opposition by low castes to caste domination, discrimination and exclusion. There are other group processes involved in violent social conflicts that might explain the phenomenon of caste violence. Social conflict is understood as a purposeful struggle of collective actions to gain status, power and other scarce resources (Himes 1980). Sociologists look at ‘conflict’ caused due to the dominant

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expression of ‘a view’, which can spring from either above or below (Rummel 1977). Power and authority are, thus, perceived to be central factors for sprouting conflicts. In line with this, high caste groups would indulge in perpetuation of violent incidents to strengthen their existing monopoly and social position. Similarly, one of the most dominant psychological ideas is that conflict does not just happen to individuals/groups rather they resort to conflict purposefully to achieve certain goals and interests. The interests and goals of individuals or groups at two different social positions create the ideal conditions for conflict (Kremer and Schermbrucker 2006). In line with these arguments, caste violence could be understood from the existence of incompatible goals between caste groups. Caste violence might be an outcome of the motives of the high caste groups to protect their entrenched status and social dominance against the assertive attitudes and quest for social mobility among low castes. Sometimes, it might lead to high castes, as a collective unit, to remain resentful and inflict retaliation. As found, in recent times, there has been an increase in the number of incidents of organized or collective violence against low castes (Pal 2018; Pal 2014) believed to be an act of reinventing the dwindling hegemony. From this perspective, when low castes search for positive identity and assert for that through equal rights, a rejuvenated animosity among high castes is created because of the perceived threat to their existing social position. From the above discussion, the central aspects which need to be considered are that in a highly caste-differentiated society, the intersection of values, interests and expectations of caste groups creates diverse forces. Several components in socio-­ cultural field (e.g. group norms, social status, social identity) and psychological field (motives, goals, expectations, self-esteem) interact to create conflicting situations between caste groups. This has significant bearing on social development of diverse caste groups in society.

Caste and Social Development: An Integrated Framework As caste continues to shape the social relationships among different sections of population in contemporary India, sometimes leading to social exclusion, exploitations and oppressions of different forms, it is therefore not just a problem of specific groups but of the nation. The unequal development among diverse social groups largely has been explained in terms of historical deprivation and group-­ specific attributes. But the manner in which the caste system influences the intergroup relations, the implications of caste on social development need to be understood from a broader perspective as social life is played out within a framework of relationships within which people seek social acceptance and inclusion (Baumeister and Leary 1995) for an enhanced social well-being and human development. A majoritarian view of caste system, therefore, is that it is a social evil that causes great harm to the society and hampers social development. However, there are unconventional views as well, in which caste is seen as a mechanism for

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social development. In market economics, caste is normally perceived as a ‘culturally defined social capital’, and ‘non-formal networking’ based on kinship within societies, hence, a potential engine of growth and development (Damodaran 2008; Kapur et  al. 2010). Sometimes caste does social good by helping in work specialization (Gurumurthy 2009) in the form of small enterprises, providing opportunities for others from community. These views are however countered with the fact that most of the enterprises run by low castes are tiny in nature and many of them are an outcome of other social and economic compulsions created by ‘caste’ itself. Further, evidence also points out that because of caste prejudice, in market economy, low castes face several difficulties in running small-scale enterprises and modern business (Prakash 2015). Social science literature on caste from human rights perspective indicates multifarious ill-effects of caste, as the caste system stands against the very concept of social unity. Given the disadvantaged socio-economic positions of historically deprived sections like low castes, discriminatory practices in the access to public resources and services further accentuate the disadvantages and induce deprivation to cause various social and economic disabilities (Pal 2016a). Hoff and Pandey (2006) are of the view that a discriminatory regime of caste system affects not only the structure of opportunities open to different social groups but also social meanings assigned to those groups. This increases vulnerability of low castes to poor socio-­ economic conditions by reducing benefits from development processes. Evidence on caste discrimination in the economic market points to its direct bearing on economic as well as social development (Deshpande 2011; Singhari and Madheswaran 2016). As caste acts as a structural barrier for free interaction, Kumbhar (2016) is of the view that ‘caste structurally limits mobility of low castes in many areas of life, and in turn, negatively affects various aspects of life’. As reported, more than two-thirds of low castes feel that caste rigidity creates innumerable problems in their normal lives and is one of the major causes of deprivation (Mallick and Malik 2016). There are adverse consequences of caste discrimination which are very much psychological in nature, indirectly affecting the human and social development. For instance, caste discrimination within educational institutions has social and psychological consequences that remain critical to educational development of many children from low castes (CES 2014; IDSN 2011; Pal 2016b). Discrimination sometimes can be psychologically distressing and self-harming (Abrams et  al. 2005). This type of mental health impact of incessant discrimination has been manifested through grave consequences in the form of suicides by low caste students in higher educational institutions in India (Pal and Arjun 2013; Singh 2013). Although mental health issues linked to caste discrimination and its impact on low productivity have been well recognized, research discourse on caste discrimination, however, puts a skewed emphasis on the psychological dimensions and its adverse consequences. The most depressing feature for the discriminated people is deprivation of something which has significant bearings on their human as well as social development and, hence, remains a major obstacle to achieving development goals (Nohrlind 2009).

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Given the fact that the low caste people need public resources and services most, perpetuation of caste discrimination and consequent deprivation, at times, leads to assertions for social justice through equal rights. This often accentuates conditions for more caste confrontations and violence that have larger consequences on the social development of ‘victims of violence’ and their communities as a whole. That is why caste violence in Indian society has drawn serious attention of the State and other social actors than any other forms of violence. Perspectives of human rights activists on caste violence reveal that the most shaking experience after casterelated violence is the prevalence of a sense of insecurity among members of low caste for long, which unsettles their normal life (Pal 2012; Pal and Lal 2011). Any disobediences from the victims of violence, sometimes, invite enforcement of social boycotts and constant humiliation. This sometimes leads to ‘forced migration’ of low caste, to have a greater negative impact on their livelihoods. A low caste victim of a group violence observes: ‘There is no work in the village for us anymore. They (high castes) do not let us enter their fields. They hire labour from outside village. They have relations in all the neighbouring villages. We do not get work anywhere. Most of the families in the village have moved out, to nearby districts’ (Rajalakshmi 2011). What emerges from the foregoing discussion on linkages between caste and social development is that the caste-based intergroup behaviours rooted in the caste system threaten the interactive patterns of social relationships and harmony at the community level. The larger consequences of discrimination are manifested on the economic, social, psychological and moral grounds. The low caste victims suffer economically because of deprivation of resources and threats to livelihoods; socially because of deterioration of intergroup relationship resulting in prolonged social tension and disharmony; psychologically because of threats to lives and feelings of helplessness and insecurity; and morally because of loss of confidence in the ‘justice system’ as a result of significantly lower access to social justice in the presence of powerful, preventive and protective legal frameworks. Because of these, low caste groups often fall into the vicious cycle of discrimination, violence, deprivation and poor socio-economic development.

Concluding Remarks Caste is the dominant identity in the diversified Indian society. The lexicon of caste identity differentiates caste groups in multiple ways. Caste continues to operate as a relevant social category despite the illegality of the caste system in contemporary India and rapid changes in the economic and traditional social orders. Although the traditional caste hierarchy to an extent has lost its ground for various reasons, it still plays a significant role in intergroup relationships. Importantly, various forms of discrimination (denial of equal access to rights and unfair treatment) and oppressions (exploitation, harassment and violence) against low caste groups remain the most deplorable social phenomena of independent India.

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This essay provides insights into the socio-psychological context to the ‘continued culture of caste-based discrimination and oppression’. It is a fact that certain caste groups still enjoy cultural impunity through the institution of caste. Various forms of discrimination and oppression against low caste groups are used as social mechanisms to protect caste positions. The low caste groups, who have been provided opportunities for development through programmatic initiatives of State and affirmative action policies, have showed some resistance to such behaviours. This, however, creates social conditions that invite a lot of retaliation from ‘others’ (high caste). All these intercaste interactions drive levels of disadvantage and deprivation in several spheres of activity and create several conditions for inequitable social development. Because of its restrictive features, caste undeniably has significant bearings on social development. The NHRC (2004) of India observes that because of such caste-based human rights violations, the society at large suffers. The linkages between caste and social development are however not straightforward. Despite vertical economic mobility among low castes because of several development measures over the years, the distress of psychological damage as a consequence of socially sanctioned discrimination cannot be obliterated. Low caste groups continue to be marginalized in multiple contexts and face cumulative injustice. State mechanisms that are mandated to ensure ‘social justice’ for socially marginalized groups therefore need to ensure that the legal tools are effectively used to ensure delivery of social justice and bring changes in the lives of these groups. It is well recognized that the low caste groups and other socially disadvantaged sections continue to suffer social and economic exclusion which in turn hinders inclusive development of the country (Government of India 2016; UNDP 2015). The concerns for social inclusion and social justice in a diverse society like India, therefore, call for interventions, both at legal and social levels to ensure that all social groups feel part of the larger diverse society. In what ways can social psychology contribute towards a change? Despite existence of laws and policies to promote development of all sections of society and state institutional responses to prevent caste-based injustice, the rigid perceptions grounded on caste system have created a ‘caste wall in mind’ (Pal 2015c) of certain section of people. As many prejudices and biases around caste do not manifest directly but through various other means, it remains a challenging task to change them. To this end, there is a need for targeted social and psychological interventions based on the principle of ‘intercommunity communication’ to change the mindset of caste groups about each other. There are a few socio-psychological approaches that have been found useful for group cohesiveness in diverse social conditions. These primarily revolve around use of the tools like consistent dialogue, shared understanding and building the image for mutual acceptance. As Sullivan (2002) submits, development of social capital (trust and reciprocity) can be an intervention to encourage groups to cope with perceived threats to group identity. Therefore, the state machinery in collaboration with members of other social institutions including media can significantly contribute towards correcting the perceptions against low castes and helping both caste groups to understand the contribution of diverse caste groups to the development of society.

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Besides such direct social interventions, specific intervention in the sphere of education can also contribute to bridge social distance between caste groups. In the policy discourse of India, there is hardly any educational programmes to change the beliefs and biases rooted in caste norms that continue to influence the behaviours of one group (high caste) towards the other (low castes). How to transform past ‘caste codes’ which encourage discriminatory practices into principles and values that are supportive of equality? One of the approaches which has been found useful in diverse situations is to learn egalitarian values promoting ‘civil education’ or ‘citizenship education’ (Antonio 2001; Banks 2007; Hogan and Mallott 2005; Sabharwal and Malish 2016) from early years of life. Thus, a judicious combination of legal measures along with other socio-psychological interventions would be vital for promotion of equality in social development and ‘social justice’ in diverse social contexts.

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Chapter 7

Cultural and Psychological Dimensions of Development of the Adivasi Communities Ramesh Chandra Mishra

Abstract  This chapter examines research studies carried out with Adivasi (tribal) communities in India. It also addresses whether, where and how the psychological knowledge of Adivasi groups can contribute to their change and development. Keywords  Adivasis · Health modernity · Marginalization · Acculturation

Introduction The development of people of socio-economically deprived and underprivileged groups of the Indian society has been an important issue of academic discussion and social policy for many decades. The Adivasi People, who constitute about 8.6% of the total Indian populations (Registrar General & Census Commissioner of India 2011), represent one such group of the society. Several development programmes have been introduced to bring about changes in their socio-economic conditions, but they have not been successful to the expected level. On the contrary, the intended changes have introduced many stressors leading to reduction in physical and mental health status of the Adivasi (Mishra et al. 1996). In spite of a sizable representation of the Adivasi People in the cultural mosaic of the nation, psychologists are not much aware of the life and problems related to the development of these groups. Hence, a brief description of the Adivasi context of India is presented. Later, we will argue that a culturally sensitive and economically viable programme of change is needed in order to promote the development and integration of the Adivasi communities with the mainstream society.

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Indian Society and the Adivasi Groups India has been a culturally plural society since eons. Several ethnic, religious and linguistic groups are represented in the cultural mosaic of the country. The mainstream of the Indian society consists of a number of ‘caste groups’ organized in a hierarchical social structure. The Adivasi People stand as ‘outcaste’ groups. In the Constitution of India, the Adivasi People are named as Scheduled Tribes (Anusoochit Janjati in Hindi). Anthropologists and sociologists use the term ‘Adivasi’ to refer to such People who (1) claim themselves to be indigenous to the soil, (2) largely live in forests and hilly regions, (3) generally participate in subsistence level economic activities, (4) have great regard for their traditional religious and cultural practices, (5) believe in a common ancestry and (6) display strong in-­ group ties. Since these characteristics do not strictly apply to all the Adivasi People (Mishra 2007), they (the Adivasi) represent today various categories as notified by the Government of India.

Ecological and Cultural Features of the Adivasi Groups As a distinct category, the Adivasi People do not represent a homogeneous group. The ecological and cultural conditions of their lives differ enormously. They engage in economic activities, which range from hunting-gathering through agriculture to wage employment. In recent years, many individuals of the Adivasi groups participate in business and wage-based activities. They have also adopted the lifestyle of the members of other groups of the mainstream society. On the other hand, there are many groups (e.g. the Birhor or the Asur in Jharkhand) who display little impact of the outside world. In official documents these groups are labelled as ‘primitive’ or ‘backward’ tribes. They are considered to be economically weak and in need of affirmative action for development. Many programmes have been organized at the national and state government levels to raise their living conditions to the level of other groups of the society, yet a majority of individuals of these groups still display the conditions of poverty, deprivation and a low level of economic development (Singh and Jabbi 1995).

Change and Development in the Adivasi Context The Adivasi People have experienced a variety of influences during the last century. Some of these influences have happened due to the ripple effects of ecological changes in the Adivasi regions (e.g. deforestation, industries), whereas many others (e.g. school education) have been forced on the Adivasi People. In the earlier decades, the Christian missionaries used a model of change and development based on church organization, Western education and inculcation of Western values in the

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Adivasi life (Roy 1931). In later years, the ‘industry-based urban explosion’ (Vidyarthi 1970) has been a major factor associated with change in culture and lifestyle of the Adivasi People. Several government-initiated development and Adivasi welfare programmes have also been instrumental to change. These programmes mainly focus on school education, health and economic empowerment. The national policy of ‘integration’ of the Adivasi People with the mainstream society through education (Sujatha 2002) has played an important role in bringing about change in their life. The changes are not felt so distinctly in the case of the groups living in forests and hilly regions as in the case of groups who are in contact with the outside world (Mishra et al. 1996; Saxena 1983). The Adivasi People continue to experience social exclusion and marginalization even today despite their rights being fully enshrined in the Indian Constitution (Tripathi and Mishra 2016).

 evelopmental and Acculturative Changes in the Life D of the Adivasi Anthropologists have documented the physical, economic and cultural life of the Adivasi People for a long time. Sociologists have studied the social structure of the Adivasi People and the changes taking place in them. Psychologists, on the other hand, have focused on the culturally established behavioural patterns of the Adivasi and the changes taking place in them under the influence of acculturation (i.e. cultural and psychological changes due to contact with other cultures). In spite of the long-lasting interest, issues related to the development of the Adivasi People and their integration with the mainstream society did not draw much attention of researchers. One reason for this apathy is the description of the Adivasi as physically strong and a ‘merry-go-lucky’ kind of people (Singh et  al. 1987). Contrary to this, psychological studies have revealed a number of physical health problems rooted in unhealthy cultural practices prevailing in the Adivasi communities (Singh 1984). Therefore, some psychological studies have focused on the development of ‘health modernity’ as a way of improving their life conditions (Singh 1984). The resulting changes have been considered as ‘modernization’, and the end state of the change, called ‘modernity’, as a valued goal of all changing societies (Inkeles and Smith 1974). Mishra et al. (1996) have followed another approach to understand the processes of changes in the Adivasi groups. This approach views changes as ‘adaptations’ of individuals to their changing ecological and cultural contexts and attempts to analyse ways in which the Adivasi People enter into adaptation to the process of cultural changes. Mishra et  al. (1996) studied three Adivasi groups of Bihar (now in Jharkhand), India, displaying different levels of acculturation. The Birhor represented a nomadic hunting-gathering group, the Asur was a group in transition from nomadic hunting-gathering to a settled agricultural life, and the Oraon was a long-­ standing settled agricultural group. The cognitive, social and health behaviours of the groups were studied.

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Considering acculturation as a process of change resulting from contact with the members of the larger (dominant) groups present in the contact arena, Mishra et al. (1996, see also Sam and Berry 2006; Berry et al. 2011; Tripathi and Mishra 2016) argued that the Adivasi People would adopt different strategies of change in their lives. These strategies indicate four varieties of acculturation, called integration, assimilation, separation and marginalization. In ‘integration’ maintenance of one’s cultural identity and movement to become an integral part of the larger society is the option taken, whereas in ‘assimilation’ people relinquish their cultural identity to move into the larger society. In ‘separation’ people withdraw themselves from participation in the larger society, whereas in ‘marginalization’ people lose cultural or psychological contact both with their traditional culture and the larger society. Mishra et  al. (1996) have brought out ‘coexistence’ as another acculturation strategy in which the elements of both cultures are allowed to stay side by side without involving any standards of evaluation or comparison of one’s own or others’ culture. This option is often described by using such metaphors as ‘Ganga-Jamuni culture’ or ‘Tana-Bana culture’ (Tripathi and Mishra 2016). Research provides considerable evidence for individual and group differences in the way people respond to acculturation situations. In the process of acculturation, the intended changes are often threatening to individuals and disruptive to the groups. These changes, referred to as ‘acculturative stress’ (Berry 1980), are accompanied by a reduction in individuals’ health status, which is reflected in somatic, psychological and social aspects of their functioning (Berry 2006). The ‘somatic’ aspect is characterized by the presence of problems relating to physical health. The ‘psychological’ aspect is characterized by the presence of affective problems. The ‘social’ aspect represents the ease or difficulty experienced by individuals in social interaction situations. The concepts of ‘psychological wellbeing’ (i.e. how well people feel) and ‘social wellbeing’ (i.e. how well people do) are now used to represent the quality of individuals’ functioning in culture change situations. Acculturation attitudes and acculturative stress have been widely studied during the last decades with immigrants to Western societies but very little with the Adivasi societies where much acculturation is actually taking place. Mishra (2007) has argued that the findings of the Western studies cannot be applied to the Adivasi People. While the immigrants accept acculturation voluntarily, the Adivasi People experience it in a forced manner. This situation suggests that either the Adivasi People in due course of time will get assimilated into the dominant group or they will seek out separation.

Research Studies with the Adivasi Children and Adults Research carried out with the Adivasi People in India has examined the nature of changes taking place among them and the ways in which they respond to those changes. Berry’s acculturation model (Berry et al. 2011) has been widely used in

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these studies. Mishra et al. (1996) have developed culturally appropriate measures to assess changes in cognitive behaviours, intercultural attitudes and acculturative stress. We will examine some of these studies in order to suggest strategies for the management of change and development in the Adivasi communities.

 cculturation Strategies and Acculturative Stress in the Birhor, A Asur and Oraon Adivasi Groups In an early study, Mishra et al. (1996) examined the acculturation strategies of integration, assimilation, separation, marginalization and coexistence in the Birhor, Asur and Oraon Adivasi groups. The findings revealed that ‘coexistence’ and ‘integration’ were the most preferred acculturation strategies of all groups and that the people who preferred these strategies experienced lesser health problems (stress) than those who preferred ‘assimilation’, ‘separation’ or ‘marginalization’ strategies. Mishra and Kothiyal (1995) examined acculturative stress in adults of the Asur Adivasi group representing ‘low’, ‘transitional’, ‘moderate’ and ‘high’ levels of acculturation. The results presented evidence for an ‘inverted U shape’ relationship of acculturation experience with health: the groups characterized by low and high degrees of acculturation experienced lesser health problems than the other two groups. In another study with the Oraon Adivasi group, Mishra (1998) reported greater experience of stress (mental health problems) in field-dependent than field-­ independent participants. In psychological studies (Witkin and Goodenough 1981), the field-independent people have been found to actively work and exercise their own control on the situation, whereas field-dependent people work passively and accept the situation as given and beyond their control. This difference in the approach of field-dependent and field-independent individuals makes them more or less susceptible to stress experience in the culture change situation.

Acculturative Stress in the Kharwar Adivasi Group The Kharwar Adivasi People are settled in the eastern part of Uttar Pradesh. The terrain is hilly and the villages are physically isolated. People depend mainly on rainy-season crops clearly experiencing ‘food months’ (when the food is in abundance) and ‘hunger months’ (when the food is scarce and people depend mainly on forest resources). Previous research (Mishra 2007; Mishra et al. 1996; Sinha et al. 1992) had indicated that cultural changes were often stressful for the Adivasi People. Some stressors associated with cultural change were pointed out in studies (Berry 1990, 2006), but the analyses were rarely made of how severe (stressful) those stressors were perceived by the concerned individuals.

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Mishra and Vajpayee (1996) analysed the stressors in the life of the Kharwar women. Observation of women’s work revealed that while some activities could be labelled as light (e.g. preparing meals, sweeping, washing dishes, making rope, etc.), others were certainly ‘strenuous’ (e.g. fetching water, mending house, making flour, sowing potatoes, etc.). Nevertheless, women generally did not report these activities to be ‘stressful’ perhaps because such work had become an integral part of their daily life. The analysis of stressors reported in interviews indicated that they were largely connected with ‘financial’ and ‘familial’ constraints. The major worries of their life included money, child education, treatment and care of the sick, child mortality, protection of crops, drinking water, diminishing forest, debt of money lenders, unwanted pregnancy and disabled/old parents or grandparents. The overall findings revealed not only the existence of greater mental health problems among the Kharwar women as compared to those of the Yadav community (a non-Adivasi group) but also greater ‘somatization’ of those problems, which seems to be a typical feature of all underdeveloped communities (Helman 1985, 1990; Mishra et al. 1996; Prabhu 1979).

Acculturative Stress in the Agaria Adivasi Group The Agaria have been traditional iron smelters and blacksmiths. They live in small settlements on the edge of the forests and make frequent forays into forests in search and extraction of a special kind of iron, which is used mainly for making agricultural implements. They sell these types of equipment to the members of other Adivasi groups. In a study Mishra and Chaubey (2002) assessed acculturative stress in the Agaria group. A comparable sample of the Kharwar group was also studied. The findings revealed greater mental health problems (stress) in the Agaria sample, which was educated and more in contact with the outside world (i.e. more acculturated).

Intergroup Relations in the Kharwar Group The relationship of the Adivasi with non-Adivasi groups has been a major issue underlying the national policy of Adivasi development. Previous studies (Mishra et al. 1996) indicate that the Adivasi groups generally preferred ‘integration’ with other groups. In a recent study, Mishra (2014) analysed domain-specific interaction of the Kharwar Adivasi People with the members of non-Adivasi groups. The areas of interaction included participation in each other’s festivals, marriages, collective feasts, religious activities, etc. The analysis revealed that, except for matters pertaining to ‘religious activities’ and ‘marital negotiation’, the Kharwar people were generally welcome for full participation in other activities. This was mainly because of

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the economic and social interdependence of the groups in day-to-day life, without which the survival of groups is threatened.

 ultural and Psychological Strengths of the Adivasi Children C and Adults Anthropologists have mentioned the presence of several cognitive capacities in Adivasi children, but there are still doubts about their cognitive competence and ‘educability’ (Sujatha 1996). Psychological studies carried out in school settings generally indicate that the Adivasi children perform poorly in school and demonstrate a lower level of academic achievement than the children of other groups (Singh 1996; Singh and Jayaswal 1981). Other studies have been done with children and adults in test settings, but only a few of them have used psychological tests that represent the realities of the Adivasi culture and life. Processes of perceptual differentiation, learning and memory and categorization are mainly examined in these studies. Perceptual Differentiation  In an early study, Sinha (1979) found that children of the hunting-gathering Birhor group were perceptually more differentiated than those of the agricultural Oraon group. Sinha (1980) also compared the performance of Adivasi and non-Adivasi children (4–10 years) and found a significant gender difference (boys > girls) in the non-Adivasi samples, but none in the Adivasi samples. G. Sinha (1988) noted high differentiation in the Santhal Adivasi children due to schooling, industrial exposure and urban experience. Mishra et  al. (1996) tested children and adults of the Birhor, Asur and Oraon Adivasi groups varying with respect to contact and test acculturation. As predicted, they found Birhor hunters-gatherers to be cognitively more differentiated than agricultural samples. Contact and test acculturation were important predictors of test performance, but they could not displace the effect of long-standing eco-cultural adaptation of the groups. Mishra (1996a) also studied perceptual differentiation in unschooled children of the Birjia group. Children, who moved into forests (called forest-children), were found to be significantly more differentiated than children whose movements were confined to the village surroundings (called village-­ children). Forest-children enjoyed greater ‘freedom from parents’ and engaged more in ‘self-directed activities’ than village-children. Survival in the forest ecology requires a high level of perceptual differentiation in order to disembed fruits, roots, mushrooms and game animals, etc., from the camouflaged surrounding. These factors facilitate differentiation. The abilities developed among forest-­ dwelling people, thus, seem to be strongly related to their utility and functionality in their ecological and cultural context. Learning and Memory  Learning difficulties in the case of Adivasi children have often been reported, though researchers have rarely attempted to situate their studies

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in the Adivasi cultural context. Mishra et al. (1999) assessed learning and memory of children of the Tharu Adivasi group and compared their performances with the performances of children of the non-scheduled and scheduled caste groups. Lists of unrelated, phonetically related and conceptually related words were given to children in a free recall procedure. It was found that on unrelated and conceptually related tasks, the Tharu children demonstrated poorer learning and memory, whereas on the phonetic task, they demonstrated better learning than other groups and also significant clustering in recall. The evidence clearly reflected the influence of cultural practices of singing and dancing, which were greatly valued in the Tharu community and encouraged among children right from their early childhood years. The Adivasi children also show amazing memory in some spheres. Mishra and Singh (1992) compared the memory of Asur children for ‘pair’ and ‘location’ of objects. Children remembered the ‘location’ of pictures far better than the ‘pair’ of pictures even in the absence of explicit instructions to do so. The salience of remembering location of objects in the cultural life of the Asur was held responsible for this result. Here again, we find evidence for the development of the abilities, which are functionally salient in the Adivasi cultural life. Classification of Objects  The enormous set of stimuli present in the external world requires some sort of categorization to organize and retain them for future use. Since categorization requires going beyond the information contained in stimuli, it represents a relatively higher form of cognitive activity. Mishra et al. (1996) presented to the Adivasi children an array of objects for categorization into appropriate groups. They found that even the children of the hunting-gathering community demonstrated this complex cognitive behaviour. The participants used ‘functional’ properties of objects (e.g. knife is used for cutting fibres) more frequently as the basis of classification than the conceptual (e.g. all are animals) or structural (e.g. all animals have four legs) properties. This evidence again suggests that the cognitive life of the Adivasi children is largely governed by a utilitarian principle. The studies of different Adivasi groups reported in the preceding sections indicate that they generally want to integrate the cultural elements of non-Adivasi People in their life through participation in several activity domains in spite of the fact that the journey of culture change is not without stress. On the other hand, their children possess many of the cognitive abilities, which are needed for educational success and for negotiation of life in their respective eco-cultural contexts.

 otential of Psychological Studies for Development P of the Adivasi People As mentioned above, psychological research indicates that Adivasi children and adults possess positive psychological orientations and many cognitive abilities. In spite of this, the programmes aimed at their development have not met an optimal

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level of success. For quite some time, lack of education in the Adivasi communities was considered as a major barrier in development. Hence, schools were established in the Adivasi areas, but the response of the Adivasi communities to children’s education and developmental programmes has not been much encouraging (Mishra and Joshi 2015). Why has the educational development and change programme failed with the Adivasi People? One argument is that psychological dimensions have neither found any place in research on educational processes and nor have they been used in educational planning or policy formulation for the Adivasi People (Mishra 2008; Sinha and Mishra 1997). For example, we still do not know what the Adivasi groups think about schooling of children. What kind of attitudes do they have about schooling? How will the schooling needs of children be fulfilled whose families still live as nomads? What will be the contents of their curriculum, and who will teach them? What will be the language of instruction in the school? Similar other questions need to be answered before suggesting any policy for the development of the Adivasi groups. The psychological qualities of Adivasi People, especially of those living in remote areas, are not much understood. Sinha and Mishra (1997) reviewed Indian studies related to personality, motivational and cognitive characteristics of Adivasi children. On the basis of findings of a handful of studies, they considered it inadequate for suggesting any policy for the Adivasi children’s education. The dominant needs of Adivasi communities and their expectations from education were generally not examined in studies. Mishra and Joshi (2015) analysed these aspects in the context of education of the Kharwar Adivasi group. The findings suggest that participation of the Kharwar children in education can be predicted from an understanding of the needs of the community and the perceived value of education, i.e. the degree to which people believe that education would serve as a means of fulfilling their economic, social and cultural needs. Considering education as a vehicle of change and development, much resource has been spent on education of the Adivasi children. In this process a number of issues have surfaced (Sahu 2014) that need serious attention of researchers as well as policymakers. The issues broadly relate to teacher, curriculum, pedagogy and language of instruction (Mishra 1999, 2008). With respect to teacher, the major problem relates to the search of good teachers to work in Adivasi areas, which are remote and largely inaccessible. Many state governments have evolved the policy of sending the newly appointed teachers to Adivasi areas. These teachers find the Adivasi cultural setting altogether new and largely unfamiliar. They are also insensitive to the Adivasi culture, life of the people and the needs of the Adivasi children. To what extent can such teachers contribute to the quality of education in a school where serious commitment and sense of responsibility are required? While the policy of forcing new teachers to work in remote Adivasi areas is questioned, options (e.g. incentives) for attracting more experienced teachers also need to be worked out. The curriculum to be taught to children in schools is a seriously debated upon issue in the field of education. The curriculum used for the Adivasi children is the

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same as for children of other groups. The utility of a ‘universal’ curriculum for the Adivasi children is questioned, and the need for linking it with the local needs of the communities is emphasized (Sinha and Mishra 1997). The policy planners have not seriously addressed the ‘contents of school education’ that will be relevant for children in the Adivasi context. How such education can be imparted has also not been addressed. Efforts in these directions carry great relevance in view of the fact that a majority of the Adivasi children (as high as 70% in some groups) drops out of schools within a few months after their enrolment. Comparative evaluations of traditional and the new curricula in terms of their flexibility, relevance and outcomes seriously require research attention in the context of Adivasi education. Pedagogy is a third highly debated issue in education. For the Adivasi children, experience and activity-based learning of life skills in informal settings has been the method of teaching and learning. A number of cultural practices were also evolved to reinforce a child’s mastery. For example, in the hunting-gathering communities, a male will not be married unless he has demonstrated the skill of managing a major hunt. In the formal schools, this method is now replaced by oral teaching and rote learning in a culturally decontextualized manner, which ceases to sustain the interest of Adivasi children in the classroom. This system also does not provide children with opportunities to develop and master the skills required for functioning in vital spheres of life (e.g. at home or in the workplace). The Adivasi People often question the utility of such curriculum for their children’s future life. Language is the most essential component in teaching-learning processes. In some states of India, children can pursue school career in their mother tongue (e.g. Hindi in Uttar Pradesh or Madhya Pradesh). In other states, children begin with their mother tongue but, at some point of time, switch to another language. In many states, children have to acquire mastery in at least three languages (a regional, a vital and a foreign language). This is particularly true for the Adivasi children, who often start in school with the mother tongue (a local language) but have to switch to a vital language (e.g. Hindi) at the end of the primary level of education and possibly to a foreign language (i.e. English) during the college years. Many teachers of the Adivasi schools do not know the language the children speak, and children do not understand the language the teachers use. The language barrier not only makes teachers and children disinterested in each other but also jeopardizes the teaching-­ learning processes in schools. The issue of language use in schools is still alive in the context of Adivasi education (Jha and Jhingran 2002). While some researchers argue for a uniform policy with respect to language use in schools, others perceive it as a constraint in the process of schooling. The research evidence is more in favour of bilingual (or ­multilingual) schooling in view of its positive consequences for cognitive development and social interaction processes (Mohanty 1994, 2010; Mohanty and Perregaux 1997). However, there are several complex issues related to bilingual or multilingual schooling that need careful research for evolving a sound policy for language use in schools.

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 an Psychology Facilitate the Development of the Adivasi C Groups? In spite of the involvement of central and state governments as well as several non-­ government organizations in the programmes of Adivasi development, the goal is still too far away from reach. Although the psychologists have made a late entry in this arena, the studies presented in the preceding sections give us two important lessons with respect to the development of the Adivasi groups. One is that the cognitive behaviours of the Adivasi children could and should be viewed and understood by taking into consideration the demands of their ecological and cultural contexts. A second lesson is that the programmes of change and development of the Adivasi communities need to encourage their integration with and full participation in the larger society. With respect to cognitive behaviours, it may be noted that the demands of ecology and cultural features of the Adivasi life lead to the patterning of cognitive functions in a manner, which is different from those of the other groups. The research evidence allows us to claim that the Adivasi groups are in no way less competent, but their cognitive abilities get reflected in performance only in culturally appropriate test situations. The implication of these findings is clear: A programme of development, which does not pay attention to the ecological, cultural and psychological characteristics of tribal children, is unlikely to make any significant impact. The educational system of the dominant non-Adivasi population is of very limited value in the Adivasi cultural context because of its mismatch with the lifestyle of individuals and the needs of the Adivasi communities. Linking school education with the life of the Adivasi communities in general, and their needs in particular, is the most important step that requires serious attention. Researchers have described several qualities of the Adivasi People, which are needed for success in schools in particular and life in general. For example, the Adivasi are assertive, venturesome, imaginative, experimenting, emotionally stable and practical (Srivastava 1983). They also have an accepting, emotionally supportive and positively involved family (Singh 1996). Less participation and success of the Adivasi children in schools suggest that the nation has seemingly failed to evolve a sensitive model of education rooted in their cultural and psychological strengths. Studies show that the hunters and gatherers possess a high level of visual and tactual differentiation, fine judgement of shape, size, spatial relations and categorization (Mishra et al. 1996). These processes are important predictors of success in science, art, music, dance, athletic activities and vocations like carpentry, tailoring, wood and stone crafts. Use of these cognitive strengths in schools can promote the sense of competence, self-efficacy, self-respect and positive self-image of the Adivasi children and ensure their success in other domains of life (Mishra and Berry 2018). By reinforcing the dignity of culture and identity, such attempts can also provide the Adivasi children with a culturally meaningful, ecologically valid and economically viable alternative to life (Sinha and Mishra 1997).

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The contact of the Adivasi People with the outside world over the years has brought about several changes in their culture and lifestyle. The effects of these changes are reflected in their psychological characteristics so much so that their cognitive life (e.g. ways of perceiving, interpreting and organizing the world) becomes similar to the members of the groups they are in contact with (Mishra et al. 1996). This suggests that Adivasi children are capable of acquiring all skills present in the members of other groups. What needs to be done is to develop a positive frame of mind about the Adivasi People. This is possible only through sensitivity to the Adivasi culture and life, recognition of their psychological strengths and appreciation of their behavioural qualities. Efforts in these directions will be helpful in making the programme of educational and socio-economic development effective. In psychological research, a distinction is made between ‘cognitive’ and ‘noncognitive’ effects of schooling (Mishra 1996b). The cognitive effects are observed in the form of specific knowledge and general reasoning skills that children acquire while they negotiate life in schools. The noncognitive effects are observed in the form of changes in beliefs, attitudes and values towards work, society and life in general. In one study with the Kharwar Adivasi group (Mishra and Joshi 2015), both these effects were found to be represented. That school education can impart knowledge and skills to enhance the chances for wage employment and improve economic conditions of individuals, and that it can prepare children to accept many social responsibilities as adults, were deeply realized by the Kharwar parents. The parents perceived children, village and their community to be closely interconnected and the educational development of children necessary for ameliorating the conditions of their personal, family and community lives. The level of optimism, however, is not without preconditions. Children’s engagement in economic activities and child care responsibilities in the Adivasi settings often appear as barriers in their education (Mishra and Joshi 2015; Sinha and Mishra 1997). Factors such as less attractiveness of schools, irregularity of teachers and children’s difficulties in adapting to school environment also play out negatively. It may indeed be difficult for psychologists to deal with economic conditions of people, but the latter set of factors are within their reach and certainly modifiable. The situation asks for greater cultural sensitivity, motivation, commitment and dedication on the part of psychologists towards the problems of Adivasi development. While culturally rooted education appears to be a prerequisite to the development of the Adivasi communities, cultural changes taking place in their regions are shaking their traditional cultural roots and challenging their indigenous knowledge systems. The demands of change have introduced many stressors in the life of the Adivasi (Mishra and Vajpayee 1996). The condition not only threatens the survival of the Adivasi People but also constitutes a major source of psychological difficulties (mental health problems) they experience at the present time (Mishra 2015). In these challenging circumstances, however, one streak of hope is the strong psychological orientation of the Adivasi People towards ‘coexistence’ or ‘integration’ of their culture and lifestyle with those of the other groups of the society. Their psychological difficulties are seemingly more due to the physical and economic constraints than the experience of social exclusion or psychological marginalization

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(Mishra 2015). Given this state of affairs, the programmes of Adivasi development essentially need to focus on the development of skills through which their economic conditions can be improved. Such programmes will fulfil the goal of national development by enhancing the chances of integration and productive living of the Adivasi People with the mainstream society.

Conclusions Psychological research with the Adivasi groups is inadequate for suggesting any effective programme for their development. However, there are at least three areas in which the research can inform policymakers with respect to their development. One is the area of intergroup relations. We have seen that ‘interdependence’ of individuals and groups in different domains of life arrests the process of ‘othering’ and enhances the chances of their integration (also see Tripathi and Mishra 2016). Hence, situations need to be evolved in which the members of the Adivasi and non-­ Adivasi groups can work together. The second area is that of health. Ecological and cultural changes taking place in the life of many Adivasi groups are certainly stressful, but the stressors are rooted in physical and economic conditions of life. The Adivasi People need to be taught behavioural skills, which may be used locally to make life economically viable. The third and extremely important area is that of education. This can be facilitated by integration of cultural and psychological strengths of the Adivasi children in schools. In discussing the role of psychologists in human and social development, Tripathi (1988) has argued that they can contribute to the process in two major ways: (1) by lifting the barriers, which block or interfere with development, and (2) by facilitating the process of development through the use of behaviour change technology that has been developed in their discipline. The case of the Adivasi People requires that both these roles be performed simultaneously. Before doing that, however, serious research is needed for understanding the complexities of life of the Adivasi People, who still represent ‘weakest among the weak’.

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Chapter 8

Dynamics of Marginalisation and Assertive Maintenance in Multilingual Contact Ajit Kumar Mohanty

Abstract  This chapter looks into multilingualism in India and outcomes of contact between different linguistic groups. Based on studies in Bodo-Assamese and Kui-­ Odia contact outcomes, the chapter seeks some answers to the question “Why do some languages get marginalised and others are assertively maintained in situations of language contact?” Keywords  Multilingualism · Marginalisation · Acculturation · Assimilation · Integration · Segregation Mr. BN1 grew up in Kokrajhar area of Assam. As a child he spoke Bodo, the language of his tribe. He also learnt Assamese through his interactions with nontribal Assamese people in the weekly markets and other public places. He learnt Assamese better in the Assamese medium school when he attended the only school in the area. He had initial problems with school Assamese since he was not too familiar with the language. But, gradually, he could do his schoolwork in Assamese. During the 1960s, when he was in the high school, he became aware of some tension between his own Bodo people and the dominant Assamese. The Bodo Sahitya Sabha, a prominent organisation for Bodo literature, pressed for schooling in Bodo language. During this period, BN also read some collections of Bodo folk stories and some writings by contemporary Bodo writers. Bodo was then written in Assamese script.2 That was also a period of liberal reforms in traditional religious practices of  Name changed for anonymity.  During the Bodo movement, which started in the early 1960s and became more vigorous in the 1970s leading to demand for a separate Bodo State (Bodoland), the Bodos rejected the socio-economic and political dominance of the Assamese people and also the Assamese script for writing Bodo. Bodo was then written in Roman script. Later, the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC), formed in 2003, undertook wider consultation on the question of writing of Bodo and decided in favour of Devanagari script. Now Bodo is written and printed in Devanagari script with minor modifications. Thus, printed and handwritten materials in Bodo are available in three writing systems – Assamese, Roman and Devanagari. 1 2

A. K. Mohanty (*) NMRC, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, Delhi, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 J. Pandey et al. (eds.), Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3341-5_8

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Bathouism among the Bodos. Some prominent Bodo intellectuals and thinkers of the time including Kalicharan Brahma, popularly known as Gurudev, were influenced by Brahmo Samaj movement. They sought to liberalise aspects of the animistic practices in Bathouism and promoted liberal thinking and education among the Bodos. This had two major impacts on the Bodo society – it deterred the spread of Christianity and promoted education in Assamese and English among the Bodos. Growing up during this period of reforms and liberal movement, BN passed high school examination and went to Gauhati3 for higher studies and obtained his Bachelor’s Degree from the University of Gauhati. By then, the movement for Bodo medium education had gathered some momentum. In 1963, Bodo was introduced as a medium of instruction (MoI) up to Grade III in primary schools and, in 1968, as MoI in higher secondary level up to Grade XII. But while some of the Bodo children joined these Bodo medium sections, the majority of the Bodo parents preferred Assamese medium, since higher education and job opportunities were better in Assamese. During this period of early Bodo movement, BN, like many other young educated Bodos, was concerned about the discrimination and injustice against the Bodos and was sympathetic to the cause of the movement. But, also like many others, he decided to move on. He considered socio-economic mobility and progress of the Bodos more important than the movement as such. With his education in English and Assamese, he could seek such mobility and he got a Government of India job in Delhi. Settled in Delhi, BN noted with interest the developments in Bodo movement. But, he believed that spread of education and economic development of the Bodos were more important than such agitation. The movement, initially led by the Bodo Sahitya Sabha (BSS), was focused on Bodo language in education and assertion of Bodo culture and identity. But gradually it evolved as a movement against the Assamese dominance and socio-economic exploitation of the Bodos. The agitation in 1974 demanded replacement of Assamese script4 by Roman script for writing Bodo. The agitation was resisted by the state government leading to several deaths and thousands of arrests of the agitators. This led to the prominence of hardliners in Bodo movement particularly the All Bodo Students Union (ABSU). The BSS and the ABSU leaderships come together in organising the movement during the 1970s. But, gradually, the ABSU hardliners took over the agitation. On 2 March 1987, ABSU, led by Mr. Upendra Nath Brahma, proclaimed its demand for separate Bodoland. The secessionist movement gradually became more vigorous and v­ iolent.

 The anglicised name has now been changed to its indigenous form – Guwahati.  This was the first major sign of Bodo people’s rejection of Assamese. During the 1920s, there were signs of the emergence of Bodo identity and growth of political consciousness among the Bodos. Even then, Bodos had a clear preference for the Assamese over other communities in contact. When the Simon Commission of the British Government sought to reorganise the province of Bengal, there was a suggestion that the Bodo areas may be merged with Bengal. The Bodos submitted a memorandum to the commission in 1929 expressing their resentment over the proposed transfer of Bodo areas to Bengal; they indicated a clear preference for continuing as a part of Assam. 3 4

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In 1996, an armed insurgent group called Bodo Liberation Tigers5 (BLT) was founded working closely with ABSU.6 Mr. BN kept track of the developments in Bodo movement from his secured position away from discrimination and disadvantage of the Bodos. His language and culture were important to him and his family. But they accepted the dominance of Assamese as a reality. His family and many in his community nurtured their Bodo identity, but they were reconciled to the prospects of gradual assimilation into the mainstream Assamese society. At the same time, they could feel the surge of popular support to Bodo movement back in Assam. The Bodos were forcefully rallying behind their leaders, and the movement was gathering momentum at the grass-roots level. The prolonged movement and collective action of his people pushed BN to reappraise his passive and distant support to the cause of the movement. Militant activities of the Bodo Liberation Tigers working with ABSU leaders had generated a strong collective identity, a sudden resurgence among the Bodos and a formidable widespread resistance to the Assamese dominance. Chances of success of the movement appeared to be good. Mr. BN quit his job and joined the movement of the BLT taking to arms and terrorist activities. He became an active leader in the violent resistance to the forces of the government. The mass resistance of the Bodos and persistent subversive activities of BLT made the Government of Assam and the Government of India agree to conciliatory negotiation with the Bodos. A tripartite agreement was signed between the BLT, the Government of Assam and the Government of India on 10 February 2003 granting partial autonomy to the Bodos, recognition of Bodo as an official language in the VIIIth Schedule of the Constitution of India and setting down some affirmative provisions for the Bodos and for those involved in militant and civil movement. An Autonomous Area Council for Bodos was formally announced and a constitutional amendment for the inclusion of Bodo language in the VIIIth Schedule was passed in the Indian parliament in December 2003. Mr. BN and over 2600 cadre members and leaders of BLT laid down their arms on 6 December 2003  in Kokrajhar. The next day, the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) was formed under the leadership of Mr. Hagrama Mohilary, and a 12-member interim Executive Council of BTC was formed. Mr. BN became a member of the Executive Council in charge of some important portfolios in the BTC governance. I met Mr. BN in 2006 for an interview in connection with my study of the Bodo movement focusing on the process of revival of Bodo language to a constitutional status as an official language of India. In the course of our discussion for over 3 h in his BTC Office, he narrated his experience and shared his views on the development of Bodo language and culture. What struck me most was his account of the major turn in his life and his transformation from a stable and peaceful position of social 5  The group, also called Bodo Liberation Tigers Force (BLTF), was founded on 18 June 1996 under the leadership of Mr. Prem Singh Brahma. The BLTF or BLT became a major terrorist group operating in Assam during this period of Bodo movement. 6  Later, BLT and ABSU formed a political alliance called Bodo People’s Progressive Front.

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mobility to the uncertainties of the Bodo movement as a militant member of BLT. All along, Mr. BN was aware of the unjust hierarchy in the Assamese-Bodo relationship and the disadvantaged and stigmatised status of the Bodos in the Assamese society. But, like most other Bodos, he had accepted the socio-economic and linguistic dominance of Assamese as a hard reality and he believed that social mobility and assimilation into the dominant group was possible and desirable. He had a strong Bodo identity, but he had also opted for assimilation into the mainstream Assamese society accepting the marginalised status of Bodo culture and language as a fait accompli. Collective action and resistance were not viable options for him until his decision to quit his job to join BLT as a militant. From a stance of passive acceptance of the unjust social hierarchy, he had moved, rather suddenly, to a collective strategy of assertion and resistance. The case study of Mr. BN and the chronicle of his engagement with the Bodo movement for assertion of cultural and linguistic rights are significant for understanding the dynamics of languages in contact in Indian multilingualism. In an earlier work on the social psychological aspects of languages in contact in multilingual societies (Mohanty 1990, 1994), I analysed the conditions under which languages are maintained in India in contrast to the common outcome of language shift noted in western situations of contact. Language contact in the western contexts is usually associated with language shift and loss of the dominated language, whereas in India language maintenance rather than shift is held to be the usual outcome of contact. In my subsequent analyses of the nature of multilingualism in India (Mohanty 2006, 2010), I argued that the cost of language maintenance in a hierarchical multilingual society is marginalisation. Languages are maintained by what I characterised as anti-predatory strategy of withdrawal into domains of limited resources effectively avoiding any direct conflict with the dominant contact language. Most of the indigenous tribal and minority (ITM) languages in contact with dominant regional languages survive only in the limited domains of use in home and community-level communication; they have hardly any presence in the domains of socio-economic significance such as official use, marketplace communication and, more importantly, education. Maintenance of the tribal languages in domains of in-group communication seems to slow down the process of shift or complete loss of the languages, but they remain endangered as the rate of intergenerational transmission declines over time. It is not surprising that the UNESCO (2009) Atlas of World’s Languages in Danger shows that India has 197 languages in the endangered category, the highest in the world, and that over 80% of these are tribal languages. Thus, there are three possible outcomes of language contact. In contact with a dominant language of power, the non-dominant language is gradually taken over by the dominant one; thus, there is language shift leading to loss of the language. This is held to be the common outcome in dominant monolingual situations in the western societies (Mohanty 1994). In multilingual societies, on the other hand, power asymmetry between the contact languages leads to marginalisation and domain shrinkage of the non-dominant languages which get confined to limited domains of in-group communication; these languages remain threatened by the possibilities of language shift and loss. A third possible outcome of language contact may be a stable maintenance

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of both or all of the contact languages with shared presence in the domains of socio-­ economic significance and in education. In addition, in spite of the power asymmetry in the larger society, non-dominant languages are sometimes revived from marginalisation and endangerment to a position of stable maintenance. This process is one of assertive maintenance (Dorian 2004). Revival of Bodo language from a position of marginalisation to an official language status in the Constitution of India is a case of assertive maintenance. This comes as a sharp contrast to most of the ITM languages in India which remain marginalised and endangered. As these languages are gradually pushed out of major domains of use, their speakers passively accept the non-dominant and marginalised status of the languages in contact with the dominant ones. This chapter is an attempt to understand the dynamics of language marginalisation/shift and assertive maintenance on the basis of our studies in Kui-Odia and Bodo-Assamese contexts of language contact in Odisha and Assam, respectively. The language contact situations are not linguistic contacts in abstraction; they are basically community and culture contact situations involving interactions between groups and individuals defined on the basis of their language use. The nature of intergroup relations and negotiation of cultural and linguistic identities are essential aspects of languages in contact. Based on our studies of language and culture maintenance attitudes, identity strategies in an intergroup relationship and perception of the languages, we will analyse the conditions leading to either assimilation/marginalisation or collective action and assertive maintenance. There are several social psychological and sociolinguistic theoretical perspectives to understand the nature of intergroup processes in language contact and the outcomes of such contact in terms of maintenance of languages. We will briefly discuss some of the major theoretical positions which anchored our studies.

I ntergroup Processes in Language Contact: Some Theoretical Perspectives The nature of language contact and the sociolinguistic outcomes of such contact can be viewed in terms of individual and group identities and attitudes towards maintenance of cultural and linguistic distinctiveness of the contact communities. In my earlier work, I have discussed social psychological and sociolinguistic theories (see Mohanty 1990, 1994; Mohanty and Perregaux 1997; Mohanty and Saikia 2007) relevant to our understanding of the processes in language contact in multilingual societies. Model of Cultural Relations in Plural Societies  Berry’s (1990, 2001; Berry and Sam 1997 etc.) model of cultural relations in plural societies has been widely used in cross-cultural psychology to understand the outcomes of culture contact in plural societies. The model is based on analysis of acculturation attitudes defined as “the ways in which an individual (or a group) of culture B wishes to relate to culture A”

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(Berry 1990, p. 244). According to this model, acculturation attitudes of the contact communities depend on their choice along two dimensions: maintenance and development of own group culture, language and ways of life and establishing and maintaining a positive relationship with the other group with an orientation of acceptance and tolerance (Berry 2003). The nature of these choices can be seen as leading to one of four possible contact outcomes: assimilation, integration, segregation/separation and deculturation/marginalisation. A group tends to assimilate into the dominant out-group when it values its relationship with the other group in contact but does not value maintenance of its own culture, identity or language. Integration is an outcome of a group valuing maintenance and development of its culture, identity and language, while it also values a positive relationship with the contact group. However, integration is possible when the dominant contact group also reciprocates integrative attitude of the non-dominant group. When a group values maintenance of its culture and identity while seeking to reject its relationship with the contact group, the intergroup relationship can be viewed either as segregation or separation, depending on the control by the dominant or non-dominant group. When the dominant group has control and it chooses to keep the subordinate contact group in its own space, segregation is the outcome of such contact. But when the non-dominant group has greater control, as when it is in a collective separatist movement, the outcome is separation. When members of a community choose to reject their own culture as well as the contact groups’ culture, the relationship is characterised as deculturation (Berry 1984), and, when it is encouraged or imposed by the dominant contact group, the situation is seen as one of marginalisation. Berry’s model offers a possible framework for understanding sociolinguistic outcomes of language contact (Mohanty 1994; Mohanty and Perregaux 1997). A stable form of multilingualism, in which languages are maintained and developed, is an integrative outcome of contact. Assimilation outcome involves transitional bi-/multilingualism leading to gradual domain shrinkage, marginalisation and, finally, language shift. Language policy in monolingual societies usually exerts some pressure on the immigrant and minority language communities to give up their language and culture and assimilate into the dominant culture and language. In multilingual societies, lack of instrumental value of their own languages makes the ITM language communities passively accept the dominance of major languages and assimilate. However, under certain conditions, the ITM language communities may view the dominance as unjust and resist such dominance leading to a separation orientation. A linguistic marginalisation outcome in Berry’s model can be a situation in which members of a non-­ dominant language community show an inadequate development of their own language as well as the language of the dominant contact group. This is usually associated with subtractive learning of the dominant language with a negative impact on the community’s mother tongue. Such development of limited competence in two or more languages has been referred to as double or multiple semi-­ lingualism (Cummins 1979; Skutnabb-Kangas 1984). A possible limitation of exclusive focus on the choices of non-dominant groups and their in-group and out-group attitudes is their lack of freedom in choosing their

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intercultural orientation; quite often, such choices are already constrained by the society and the dominant groups through processes of discrimination and long-term neglect (Berry et al. 2002). Therefore, it is necessary to consider the mutual choices and attitudes of the dominated and the dominant groups to understand the processes in language contact. Berry (2001) has extended his model to consider acculturation strategies in non-dominant ethnocultural groups and the larger society. In a national survey of multicultural ideology in Canada, Berry and Kalin (1995) assessed acculturation strategies of various non-dominant groups and of the larger society. Schermerhorn (1970) and Bourhis et al. (1997) have also suggested models of cultural relations in plural societies which take into account acculturation attitudes of the larger society along with those of the non-dominant minority communities. Social Identity and Intergroup Relations  Another set of influential theoretical perspectives to the study of intergroup relations emerged out of the early work on social identity (SI). SI begins with the categorisation of oneself as a member of a group and social identification with the group. According to Tajfel (1974, 1978a), when members of one group (A) interact with those of another group (B), they compare themselves with group B on a number of value dimensions which are likely to enhance group distinctiveness. A favourable comparison is associated with positive esteem and satisfaction in one’s own group membership. Social or group identity satisfies the need for social inclusion as well as social differentiation (Brewer 1991). However, group membership is not always associated with positive social identity. For example, group membership can be associated with disadvantage and stigma when a group has low status and power. This is typical of minority groups and dominated linguistic communities. Tajfel and Turner (1979) discussed the strategies by the disadvantaged groups to cope with their low status and negative social identity and to change their low-status position (Tajfel 1978a, b). According to Ellemers (1993), depending on their appraisal of the range of available options and the strength of their group identity, the low-status disadvantaged groups may choose different strategies. A possible option is social or individual mobility to a higher-­ status group when the group boundaries are permeable, but not when the boundaries are non-permeable, as in the case of gender groups. Mobility to a dominant contact language, however, is possible and is often chosen as an individualistic strategy of some members of the dominated group leading to assimilation and possibly language shift. Individual and assimilationist strategies do not change the dominance hierarchy; they help only those who choose mobility to higher-status groups (Wright 1997). Assimilation is associated with negative in-group maintenance attitudes and choice of positive relationship with the dominant contact group. As such, individual mobility strategies usually involve weak in-group identity. In contrast, when the in-­ group identity is strong and group members believe in the feasibility of changing the relationship of hierarchy and dominance, group-level strategies are more likely options; they are based on social change belief in possible alternatives to the status quo. When members of minority groups perceive their disadvantaged status to be illegitimate and changeable, they are likely to challenge the existing hierarchy (Tajfel and Turner 1979). According to Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher and Wetherell

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(1987), the choice between individual identity strategy of assimilation and group identity strategy of resistance to the dominant group depends on relative salience of personal/individual identity vis-a-vis group identity. Identity salience, in turn, is affected by self-categorisation in different comparative contexts and psychological predisposition or perceptual readiness to view a particular category as more salient than the others (Oakes 1987). Thus, under certain conditions, group membership is perceived as more important than self and group identity tends to move to extreme positions of group polarisation (Turner 1991). According to Reicher (1987), such polarisation is not necessarily a loss of one’s identity; it can be a move towards greater salience of social identity which strengthens conformity to group norms. Assertion of group identity in language contact situations often leads to emphasis on linguistic divergence and challenges to the dominance of the contact language. Such assertion is a process of negotiation of identity to contest reality. This happens particularly when co-presence of many others with a strong group identity empowers the members of the subordinate group (Reicher and Levine 1994a, b). Group acts of identity assertion and resistance are augmented through practices of coordinated group actions and rituals such as group songs and slogans, group uniform or use of group symbols and activities (Drury and Reicher 2000, 2009). Acts of discrimination by the out-group and in-group members’ perception of illegitimacy of such discrimination further polarise the in-group identity. Individuals’ participation in collective movement for assertion of group identity involves cognitive evaluation of the illegitimacy of unequal power relations as well as the feasibility of collective action and an emotional state of rejection of the out-group (Smith 1993). Social identity approaches provide a perspective to understand different outcomes of intergroup processes under conditions of inequality, discrimination and dominance. Coerced acceptance of dominance by the subordinate groups and individual identity strategies lead to assimilation into the dominant culture and marginalisation of the dominated culture. In case of linguistic communities in contact in hierarchical multilingual societies, this leads to marginalisation of the dominated languages, domain shrinkage and language shift. On the other hand, sometimes the social inequalities and unjust power relations are resisted by the emergence of strong group identity and collective actions by the members of the dominated group to change the status quo. High salience of group identity, mass perception of illegitimacy of dominance and discrimination and optimistic evaluation of feasibility and chances of success of collective action in changing the existing social order are favourable conditions for such collective actions. The social identity perspective to intergroup relations in multicultural and multilingual societies can be summed up in the following words: Status hierarchies and intergroup power relations form the social structure in which individuals are located, but group identity forms the agency (collective efficacy) that brings the structure alive, and enables individuals to mobilise this structure. Group identity is thus not just a cognitive representation or a way of identifying with a social reality, but also a means to challenge and change that social reality (Spears 2012, p. 220).

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Ethnolinguistic Vitality Model of Intergroup Relations  The early work on social identity and intergroup relations theory (Tajfel 1974) was extended to language groups in contact by Giles, Bourhis and Taylor (1977). They proposed a model of ethnolinguistic vitality and ethnic group identity of linguistic minorities in contact with dominant language groups. The ethnolinguistic vitality model views language as an important dimension of intergroup comparison and seeks to explain the conditions under which ethnolinguistic minorities develop strong linguistic identity and maintain their languages. Language maintenance or shift attitudes of linguistic minorities, according to the model, depend on the strength of ethnolinguistic identity which is related to ethnolinguistic vitality. Ethnolinguistic vitality is defined as the socio-structural status and functional strength of the language of an ethnolinguistic group which affects the likelihood of its members engaging in collective actions in language contact situations. According to Giles et al. (1977), ethnolinguistic vitality “makes a group likely to behave as a distinctive and collective entity in intergroup situations” (p. 308). Giles et al. (1977) have identified three sets of social, institutional and structural support variables as group vitality factors to account for maintenance or shift of languages in contact. Status factors include (i) economic status or an ethnolinguistic group’s economic power and control of over resources, (ii) social status or esteem of a group ascribed by the out-group and the larger society and (iii) sociohistorical status of a language in terms of its recognition and importance in different social institutions. Demographic factor refers to the size of the population of language users and its distribution or concentration in a geographical area in relation to the other contact languages. Recognition of a language and its use in different public and intergroup domains such as education, institutions of governance, economic and commercial activities, mass media and social domains such as religion constitute institutional support factors. These three factors combine to determine ethnolinguistic vitality. Groups with high ethnolinguistic vitality are likely to display strong language maintenance pressure and speech divergence tendencies. Bourhis et al. (1981) proposed use of subjective vitality measures in addition to the objective indices of ethnolinguistic vitality. Subjective vitality is based on group members’ perception of different indices of vitality of their language. Studies show an isomorphic relationship between indices of objective/factual ethnolinguistic vitality and subjective vitality judgement (Giles et al. 1985) and a significant mediating role of subjective vitality in explanation of language maintenance attitudes and intergroup relations (Giles and Johnson 1981; Ryan et  al. 1984). Studies on subjective vitality show its relationship with in-group identification (Abrams et al. 2009; Johnson 1984), strong movement for revitalisation of dominated contact language (Yagmur and Kroon 2003), desire to learn in-group language (Sweeting 1982), second language acquisition in a contact situation (Giles and Byrne 1982) and attitude of tolerance towards language use by the out-group members (Bourhis and Sachdev 1984). Landry and Bourhis (1997) have shown that aspect of the linguistic landscape such as the visibility and salience of language in public and commercial signs are related to subjective ethnolinguistic vitality.

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Edwards (1992) has extended the ethnolinguistic vitality model with a typology of various objective vitality factors with 33 items concerning demographic, sociological, educational, psychological, economic, political and historical aspects of language contact. These items are classified along two parameters – group characteristics and individual characteristics of group members. Clyne (2003) has suggested that Edward’s (1992) model may be particularly suitable in a variety of minority language situations. Despite some initial reservations about the usefulness of the notion of ethnolinguistic vitality (Hammers and Blanc 2000; Husband and Khan 1982), the model has been used widely and in several cross-national comparisons (Giles et al. 1985; Sachdev et al. 1988) to understand the dynamics of sociolinguistic processes in language maintenance and shift and collective actions for revitalisation of dominated languages in language contact situations. These theoretical positions provide some useful approaches to understanding the processes of maintenance, marginalisation and shift of languages in contact with multilingual societies like India. Multilingualism in India is broadly characterised by maintenance norms and a general acceptance of diversity. But, at the same time, non-dominant languages tend to get marginalised under pressure from the dominant languages in contact. Such pressure towards marginalisation and shift is evident in the asymmetrical bilingualism in language contact situations. Almost all the adult speakers of non-dominant languages in contact with dominant ones are multilinguals or, at least, bilinguals involving use of the dominant language besides their native language. The frequency of such bilingualism involving active use of the non-dominant contact language is much less in the dominant language community. Progressive displacement of the dominated languages from significant domains of use also shows the shift pressure. Our studies on intergroup relations and attitudes towards language and culture maintenance in situations of mutual contact between dominant language groups and dominated tribal language communities were conducted in different settings. They show that, under certain conditions, the dominated language communities passively accept marginalisation (and, possibly, shift/loss) of their language, whereas, under different conditions, the dominated communities seek revitalisation and assertive maintenance of their languages. Social contexts of contact between ethnolinguistic groups are sites for constant negotiation of group and individual identities based on the perception of group distinctiveness, vitality of languages (and cultures) and the mutual acculturation attitudes of the groups in contact.

I ntergroup Relations and Language Attitudes: Studies in Assam and Odisha Our studies (Mohanty 1994; Mohanty and Parida 1993; Mohanty and Saikia 2007) show that intergroup relations in language contact and attitudes of the members of the contact groups towards maintenance of in-group language and culture and

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out-group relationship are related to the processes of language change  – maintenance, shift or marginalisation. These studies were conducted during 1987 to 2009 in tribal and nontribal contact situations in Assam and Odisha and focused on acculturation attitudes, group identity and perception of ethnolinguistic vitality of the contact groups. Studies in Kui-Odia Contact Situation  Our studies on intergroup relations in Kui-­ Odia contact in different parts of Phulbani District of Odisha were undertaken to explore in-group and out-group language and culture maintenance attitudes and perception of integrative and instrumental values of the languages based on questionnaires and interviews of Kond and nontribal villagers from Kui-Odia bilingual and Odia monolingual areas and informal observations of collective activities of the Kond people. Our first study (Mohanty 1987; details of the study in Mohanty 1994, 1995) was conducted in 1987 with a sample of 120 male adult (25–50-year-old) villagers from Kond and nontribal communities. In the Kui-Odia bilingual areas, Kond adults were fluent users of Kui and Odia and the nontribal adults were Odia native speakers whose competence in Kui ranged from passive understanding to occasional use. Konds and nontribal adults from the monolingual areas were native speakers of Odia and did not use any Kui. However, the Kond people in these areas identified with Kui language and described themselves as Kui people (Kui loku) and had some exposure to the language through occasional contact with other Kui speaking members of their community from bilingual areas. The adults in the sample belonged to very low socio-economic group, and their formal education varied from 0 to 5 years of schooling. They were interviewed to note their responses to the Language and Culture Maintenance Attitude Questionnaire (Mohanty 1987) for assessment of their attitudes towards maintenance of in-group and out-group language and culture. Responses to each item giving a statement of a positive view of maintenance of own and other group’s language and culture were recorded on a 5-point scale (strongly disagree, disagree, not sure, agree, strongly agree). The statements were based either on instrumental (tangible benefits such as economic prosperity, political influence, jobs, e.g. Education in Kui will bring economic prosperity to Kui people; Our children should learn Odia to get better jobs.) or integrative grounds (ideological or value-based effects, e.g. Development of Kui language and culture is necessary for unity among Kui people; Language, lifestyle and culture of Kond people can be developed by a close relationship with Odia people). The questionnaire sought to tap both instrumental and integrative attitudes towards in-group and out-­ group language and culture. There were 12 items in the questionnaire, 6 each for in-group and out-group language and culture maintenance attitudes. Half of the items in each category represented integrative and the other half instrumental grounds for the attitude in question. The integrative attitudes of the Konds, bilinguals and monolinguals combined, towards maintenance of Kui language and culture were positive. However, instrumental attitudes for Kui language and culture maintenance were negative. Most of the Kond respondents, bilinguals as well as monolinguals, felt that use and development of Kui language cannot bring social,

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educational and economic prosperity to the Konds. The Konds showed positive attitudes towards Odia language and culture for instrumental benefits and also for better relations in the society. Overall, the Konds showed integration orientation, in terms of the fourfold classification of acculturation attitudes in Berry’s model, with positive attitude towards maintenance of their own language and culture and positive relations with the Odia out-group. Within the tribal groups, the bilinguals displayed a more positive integration orientation, while the monolinguals had a slightly negative attitude for maintenance of Kui and a more positive attitude for relationship with Odia language and culture. Thus, the acculturation attitude of the Odia-­ monolingual Konds was assimilation oriented. All the nontribals from the Odia monolingual areas as well as Kui-Odia bilingual areas showed a highly positive attitude for maintenance and development of Odia languages. They, however, viewed Kui as a language with no instrumental value. The nontribal adults from bilingual areas, that is, those in contact with Kui-Odia bilingual Konds and with some ability to understand and occasionally use Kui, showed favourable attitude towards maintenance of Kui language and culture, particularly on integrative grounds. Thus, in Kui-Odia bilingual areas, the nontribal contact group’s attitude was geared towards integration; prolonged social contact with Kui speakers and passive knowledge of Kui seem to have led to an integration orientation which was also reciprocated by the bilingual Konds. The nontribals in the Odia monolingual contact areas, on the other hand, showed a segregation orientation in their intergroup relationship attitudes with favourable view of Odia language and culture and unfavourable attitudes towards maintenance of Kui language and culture. The findings were interpreted (Mohanty 1994, p. 158) as showing that bilingualism at the individual and societal levels promoted social integration involving positive in-­ group identity and positive out-group identification. The study showed a clear dissociation between instrumental and integrative aspects of acculturation attitudes of the Konds. They perceived Kui as important for their group identity, development of the language and culture and preservation of group distinctiveness. However, they did not find any instrumental benefit of the language for educational, social and economic development of the Konds. The Odia monolingual Konds, in particular, had a very negative view of the instrumental significance of Kui even if they identified with the language as necessary for maintenance of the Kond culture and unity. This perceived dissociation between integrative and instrumental functions is a dissonant condition manifested through a passive identity strategy in which the marginalised status of own-group language is accepted as a fait accompli. A similar sociolinguistic survey (Mohanty and Parida 1993) was repeated in 1993 with 320 adult villagers from bilingual and monolingual areas of Phulbani district. They were administered the Language and Culture Maintenance Attitude Questionnaire (Mohanty 1987). In addition, the Kond participants were interviewed with a set of questions to find out if they wanted education of their children in their own language and also if they would send their children to Kui medium schools if such schools were started by the government. Surprisingly all the Kui-Odia bilingual and Odia monolingual tribal adults gave negative responses to these questions.

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As in the earlier study, there was a clear dissociation between the instrumental and integrative attitudes for maintenance of own group language and culture. The 1993 survey also revealed the same pattern of acculturation attitudes as the earlier study. In bilingual areas, the Konds and the nontribals displayed mutual integration orientation with positive integrative attitudes towards maintenance of their own language and culture and positive attitudes towards the other contact group. The Konds in the monolingual contact regions, on the other hand, remained assimilation oriented showing negative attitude towards maintenance of Kui language and culture and a positive attitude towards Odia contact language. The nontribals in the monolingual areas demonstrated a segregation orientation with a favourable view of their own Odia language and culture and unfavourable attitudes towards maintenance of Kui. The findings of the two studies in respect of the nature of intergroup relations in Phulbani were summed up as follows: …. … the two surveys of 1987 and 1993 predicted some underlying tension and resistance in the relationship between the Konds and the non-tribals in the monolingual areas and a more positive integrative relationship between these communities in the bilingual areas (Mohanty 1995, p. 231).

It should also be mentioned that nearly 8 months after our second study, during the months of April to June 1994, there was an outbreak of tension between the Konds and the nontribal lower caste communities in Phulbani district escalating to large-­ scale violence, armed conflicts and riots. The conflict started in a particular village in the monolingual area and spread to other regions in the district. The communal tension between the contact groups remained confined to the monolingual areas only, while the bilingual areas remained peaceful. Early in June 1994, I travelled in the bilingual areas in the district to participate in some school functions and social activities and found normal interactions among the members of the two communities while armed conflict continued to be reported in the monolingual regions for about 3 more weeks. This unexpected incidence in an otherwise peaceful area was saddening, but it validated our findings showing possible tension in the monolingual areas and a mutual relationship of integration in the bilingual areas of the district. It is somewhat disconcerting that the Kond adults were clearly not in favour of education in Kui for their children, even when they loved their language as a marker of identity. During the long years of my extensive contact with the Kond villagers, I have noted that Kui is central to the Kond psyche. They all identified themselves as Kui people, adhered to the Kond traditions, cultural practices and rituals and rallied around the Kond social organisation called Kui Samaj, even if the Konds in the monolingual areas did not use Kui. But on matters of choice of Kui for education of children or revival of the language in the monolingual areas, where the “Kui” people spoke only Odia, they seemed to be unconcerned and content with the status quo. The bilingual Konds accepted using Kui in limited domains of their in-group communication. Periodic meetings of the Kui Samaj were sites for collective expression of the Kui identity. I sat through some of these meetings in which a number of Kond leaders addressed the gathering. While most of the Kond leaders spoke in Kui, at least 40% of the speakers used Odia only or mixed Odia with Kui. Contrary to my

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expectations, until about 2005, these speeches did not project any demand for education in Kui. The speakers usually exhorted the ‘Kui’ people to remain united, try to transmit the language to children and uphold Kui traditions and culture. In my personal conversation, some of the Kui leaders expressed concern about the decline of Kui. But during the two and half decades since 1978, I did not notice any organised attempt for development and use of Kui beyond the in-group domains of communication. The contradictions in the Kui Samaj meetings between the vociferous plea for maintenance of Kui language and cultural traditions for unity of Kui people and the near silence on use of Kui in education and other public domains were striking. I must point out that some developments during the recent years, such as the mother tongue-based multilingual education programme of the Government of Odisha (see Panda and Mohanty, 2014, for discussion) and promulgation of a government policy for mother tongue-based education for all tribal children in Odisha (Department of School & Mass Education, Government of Odisha 2014), have generated some awareness and concern for Kui language and its educational use. However, despite these positive developments, Kui as well as most other tribal languages in Odisha and the rest of India, barring a few like Bodo and Santali, remain endangered or, at least, marginalised. Kui is a clear example of how languages are marginalised in hierarchical multilingualism. It has remained neglected in all spheres of public socio-economic and educational activities in Odisha. Regional dominance of Odia and the dominance of English and Hindi at a broader level have pushed Kui to the lowest layer in the sociolinguistic double divide (Mohanty 2010). As a result, the Konds see a very low instrumental value of Kui although they perceive high integrative value of the language. Our studies confirmed this dissociation between perceived integrative and instrumental functions of Kui. With a current population of over 1.6 million7 Konds, including 900,000 who speak Kui, the language is not particularly endangered, but its perceived vitality remains low due to lack of instrumental values. Thus, for the Kond people, Kui is a language of identity and integration, but not one of their aspirations and mobility. This stance of the Konds towards Kui can be viewed as a passive identity strategy in which language is held to be important as an essential marker of identity but, at the same time, too weak to resist the dominance of the contact language(s). Konds do identify with Kui, but its relative strength is viewed as low to stake a claim for legitimacy and rightful role in wider areas of use beyond the in-group communication. In terms of the objective indicators of vitality, Kui remains low on economic and social status variables. Without any role in education, media and governance, it has no institutional support. Vitality of Kui rests solely on the number and concentration of Kond people who speak and/or identify with the language. Despite their demographic strength and Kui identity of all the Konds in Phulbani, objective and perceived vitality of the language remains low. If one conceptualises a threshold of ethnolinguistic vitality below which language shift and endangerment become likely, Kui seems to be above the lower threshold, but it is 7  During the 1980s and 1990s, Kond population was around 1 million and the number of Kui speakers was around 600,000.

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still not viewed by the Kond people as a language of vitality to trigger collective action for assertion of the language beyond its marginalised status. Thus, marginalisation of Kui can be viewed as a position of the language above the language shift threshold and below the threshold for assertive language maintenance. Some recent developments involving Kui have certainly added to the strength of the language and to some collective voices for its wider role. But, Kui is yet to gather the momentum necessary to go beyond its current marginalised status. Studies in Bodo-Assamese Contact Situation  Bodos constitute a major tribal group in Assam with a population of 1.75 million, nearly 5.5% of the population of Assam. Bodos are mostly concentrated in Kokrajhar, Chirang, Udalguri and Baksa districts of Assam. The language of Bodo people is Bodo (or Boro) listed in the VIIIth Schedule of the Constitution of India as an official language following the Bodo movement. The assertive language maintenance of the Bodo community is evident from the fact that declaration of Bodo as a mother tongue increased by 4169.47% in a decade from 1981 to 1991 (Mohanty and Saikia 2007). Developments in Bodo movement leading to territorial autonomy and formation of BTC have been mentioned early in this chapter along with the story of Mr. BN’s involvement in the movement. The following study and the interview of Mr. BN were conducted during 2005 and 2006. That was a period of transition and receding tension as the Bodos were in the process of reorganising from the aftermaths of the mass movement and negotiating the administrative, fiscal and other jurisdictions of BTC with the state government and a time when the social relationship between Bodos, Assamese and other indigenous communities in the BTC area continued to be fluid and unstable. Our study (Mohanty and Saikia 2007) of Bodo and Assamese high school (Grades IX and X) students in BTC areas and Assamese majority areas in Assam sought to assess the nature of intergroup relations and language contact outcomes in these areas. The sample consisted of 217 high school students (14–16-year-olds), included 147 Bodo and 70 Assamese students selected from 3 government schools in BTC region and 3 in Assamese-majority areas. These schools had parallel sections in each grade for Bodo and Assamese medium instruction. The Assamese students in the sample were in Assamese medium classes, whereas, in the Bodo student sample, 73 were in Bodo medium classes (36  in BTC area and 37  in Assamese-majority area) and 74 in Assamese-medium classes (36 in BTC and 38 in Assamese-majority areas). The sample groups were administered an In-group Maintenance and Intergroup Relationship Questionnaire (Saikia 2004) in two parts to assess their attitudes towards their relationship with the contact group (Part A) and towards the maintenance of their respective group language and culture (Part B). The questionnaire had 16 statements in each part representing positive integrative (9 items) and instrumental (7 items) attitudes towards intergroup relationship and in-group maintenance. The questionnaire was in both Bodo and Assamese languages and the respondents were free to choose between the two parallel forms. The participants were asked to indicate their agreement/disagreement with each

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s­ tatement on a 7-point scale ranging from minus 3 (indicating strong disagreement) to plus 3 (indicating strong agreement) with a neutral 0-point. The findings revealed that all the Assamese students from the two areas in the study had a separation orientation with a positive attitude for maintenance of in-group language and culture and a negative attitude towards relationship with the Bodos. On the other hand, the Bodo students, combined over the two areas, showed an integration orientation with a positive in-group maintenance attitude and a positive attitude towards outgroup relationship with the Assamese. However, the Bodo students in the BTC area showed a separation orientation; their in-group attitude was positive, but attitude towards intergroup relationship with the Assamese was negative. A subsequent study by Saikia (2007) showed the same patterns of in-group maintenance and out-­ group relationship attitudes. Saikia (2007) also found a significant positive relationship between social identity, subjective ethnolinguistic vitality and in-group language and culture maintenance attitudes. The perceived ethnolinguistic vitality of Bodo language was higher in the BTC areas than in the Assamese majority areas. On the basis of her findings, Saikia (2007) concluded that ethnolinguistic groups with low subjective vitality of in-group language tend to assimilate into the dominant group and discrimination by the dominant group and coercive assimilation can lead to collective assertion of linguistic rights as was the case with the Bodo movement. These studies show that the mutual separation orientation in intergroup relationship of the two contact groups and the prolonged tension had not been fully resolved by 2006. However, during my frequent visits8 to the BTC areas between 2007 and 2009  in connection with another project work, I observed a clear change in the nature of intergroup relations. With increasing stability, autonomy in local governance and restoration of linguistic rights of the Bodos, mutual attitudes of separation among the Bodo and the Assamese people in the BTC region showed distinct trends of change in the direction of mutual acceptance by the two communities in contact. Such normalisation of relationship was also reflected in the Bodo students’ integrative attitude towards the contact group in the Assamese dominant areas in our study.

 rom Marginalisation to Revitalisation: A Comparative F Analysis of Kui and Bodo Mohanty and Skutnabb-Kangas (2013) suggest that, in the hierarchical power structure of multilingual societies, three strategies of negotiation and assertion of identities by dominated linguistic minorities are possible: (a) collective strategies, sometimes leading to language movements, assertive maintenance and revitalisation of languages; (b) passive acceptance of dominance and status quo, also 8  One of the researchers, Ms. Jayashree Saikia, lived in BTC headquarters town of Kokrajhar during 2007–2009 as the manager of a project undertaken by the author.

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associated with dissociation between instrumental and integrative functions of language; and (c) “individual level assimilation into the dominant language (and culture) and ‘invisibilisation’ of (their) indigenous languages, accepting language shift and dominance by the major languages” (p. 173). Developments in different periods of the Bodo movement demonstrate how these strategies affect the strength or the weakness of a language and the conditions under which it can get marginalised or revitalised. Like most other ITM languages, Bodo had a history of prolonged neglect which cumulatively weakened the language leading to depletion of the number of speakers and possible language shift. Progressive reformation movements spearheaded by Gurudev Kalicharan Brahma during the second decade of the twentieth century and gradual spread of education among the Bodos aroused a sense of Bodo identity. This led to many local initiatives for development of Bodo language and literature, its standardisation and acceptance of a script (Assamese) for writing of Bodo. The Bodo Maha Sanmilani convened by the Gurudev in the year 19219 was the first collective expression of the emerging Bodo identity. These early initiatives prompted several attempts to develop Bodo language and literature, gradually adding to the vitality of the language. Despite such efforts, the dominance of Assamese was accepted in education, economy, and governance and the Bodos remained neglected in all spheres of socio-economic life in Assam and Bodo language was marginalised due to the power of Assamese and also the importance of English under the British rule. However, with persistent efforts to preserve the socio-cultural and literary traditions of the community which remained concentrated in the Bodo settlements in Assam, Bodo identity and the ethnolinguistic vitality of Bodo language had gained considerable strength by the last phase of British rule in India. In fact, when India gained its independence in 1947, the Bodos were a politically active group.10 Formation of Bodo Sahitya Sabha (BSS) in 1952 was a major thrust to the ethnocultural and linguistic identity of Bodos. Eventually, the BSS led the resurgence of Bodo linguistic identity. However, till the early 1950s, Bodo language and identity were not strong enough to effectively contest the dominance of Assamese. The linguistic reorganisation of the states in India in 1954 did not directly affect Assam, but affirmation of the principle of the states as linguistic units reinforced Assamese dominance and effectively reduced Bodo to a clear minority 9  There were many signs of emerging political consciousness among the Bodos by the end of the 1920s. During this period, Bodos presented a number of memorandum to the Government of India under the British Rule. In 1929, they represented to the Simon Commission seeking privileges, jobs and higher education for Bodos and also challenging the proposed transfer of Bodo areas to Bengal. In 1924, the students’ organisation of Bodos, Assam Bodo Chatra Sanmilani (Assam Bodo Students Convention), published the first Bodo Magazine Bibar. Earlier, in 1915, the first printed book in Bodo language Bodoni Phisa O’Aiyen had been published stating the customs and rules for Bodo community. The emergence of Bodo identity saw some political activism by the Bodos during the 1930s and afterwards. Some Bodo leaders initiated formation of All Assam Tribal League in 1933 with active participation of the Bodos and sought political privileges and reservations for the plains tribes including the Bodos. This was granted to them by the Government of India Act, 1935, during the British rule. 10  Soon after independence, leaders of All Assam Tribal League, mostly Bodos, joined the Indian National Congress Party hoping for greater autonomy and power to the Bodo people.

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language status in Assam. With the Assam Official Language Act of 1961, Assamese become the only official language of Assam.11 Till the early 1960s, Bodos seem to have generally engaged in a strategy of passive acceptance of status quo almost like the present day Konds in Odisha. Bodos were like any other a low-status disadvantaged group with salient ethnolinguistic identity. Bodo was a major regional language with a literary tradition and vitality, and there were no immediate threat to its survival despite its marginalisation. Like Kui language until recently, Bodo remained disadvantaged until the early 1960s as a language out of use in education and other domains of socio-economic significance and, hence, had low instrumental value for its users. However, with its demographic concentration in the Bodo areas and a literary tradition, Bodos linguistic identity and perceived vitality of Bodo language were not too weak. Thus, Bodo of the 1960sand the present day Kui share a similar position albeit in different points in time, chronologically set apart by about 50 years. Like the present day Kui, Bodo of the 1960s was clearly above the minimum threshold of vitality and user identification necessary for a language to rise above endangerment and language shift. But, it still had not gathered sufficient strength for its users to collectively assert their linguistic rights and contest the dominance of Assamese. Dominance by Assamese (and English) characterised the sociolinguistic hierarchy in Assam during the post-independence period. This hierarchy prevailed in the Bodo regions where higher status and instrumental significance of Assamese was a social reality. As I have pointed out earlier, even when Bodo medium schooling started in the 1960s, most of the Bodo parents sent their children to Assamese medium classes. Seeking education in Assamese and English rather than in Bodo was a preferred option. Social identity theorists (Tajfel and Turner 1979; Ellemers 1993) point out that social or individual mobility to a high-status group is a viable option for the members of a low-status group, provided the group boundaries are permeable. This is the option Mr. BN exercised in moving on to higher education in Assamese and English and taking up a central government job in Delhi away from the disadvantages to his Bodo people. Like him, many other Bodos chose the individual mobility option of assimilation into the dominant group. As Wright (1997) pointed out, seeking mobility through assimilation is an individualistic strategy of identity negotiation; it does not change the hierarchical social order and the status quo. Assimilationist strategy is acquiescent to the reality of dominance of the out-­ group language in major domains of use keeping the in-group language marginalised. This is also the case with Kui in contact with the dominant Odia language. A second option for the lower-status group is resistance and collective action for assertion of in-group identity and rejection of the out-group (Tajfel and Turner 1979). Perception of illegitimacy of the dominance hierarchy and own-group disadvantage leads to evolution of group-level identity strategies furthered by belief in the desirability and feasibility of possible change of the status quo (Tajfel and  Language issues became quite prominent in Assam during the 1960s. Assamese became the medium of higher education in addition to English. Assamese also became the compulsory third language in secondary schools.

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Turner 1979). As we have seen, during the 1970s, there were visible signs of rejection of Assamese dominance by the Bodos. Bodo Sahitya Sabha (BSS) persisted with its demand for greater role of Bodo in education and other domains of socio-­ economic activities. This was a period of beginning of Bodo people’s assertion of their cultural and linguistic rights. Socio-economic exploitation of the Bodos became a major rallying point for All Bodo Students Union (ABSU) movements. With ABSU and BSS coming together, there were a distinct beginning of mass action and resistance to the dominance of Assamese reflected in the mass movement of 1974 demanding that Bodo be written in Roman script (replacing the Assamese). This was the first sign of linguistic divergence and a major turn in the process of identity negotiation to contest the reality empowered by the collective presence of many others with strong group identity (Reicher and Levine 1994a, b). Until then, as we have seen, individual identity strategy of assimilation continued to be a preferred option for most of the Bodos including Mr. BN.  As Turner et  al. (1987) pointed out, the choice between the individual strategy of assimilation and the group strategy of rejection and resistance depends on the relative salience of individual and group identities. It seems Mr. BN went through a continuous process of cognitive evaluation (Smith 1993) of illegitimacy of social and linguistic dominance of Assamese and the strength of collective action. He decided to join the collective movement when he shared the widespread belief in the feasibility of change of the unjust social order and when his group identity became more salient than his individual identity. The active participation of Mr. BN in subversive activities of resistance in BLT shows that increased salience of group identity strengthens conformity to group norms (Reicher 1987). Evidently, the ritualistic practices of coordinated actions of a militant group, such as group uniforms, slogans and songs, further transformed (Drury and Reicher 2000, 2009) his assertion of group identity into militant action. Bodo language was able to effectively resist marginalisation and go beyond the passive identity strategy of its users. By the 1970s, Bodo language had clearly crossed the higher threshold of marginalisation and moved into a zone of collective identity assertion and rejection of Assamese dominance. The collective action succeeded in revitalisation of Bodo through its recognition as an official language of India. Bodo is now a medium of instruction in all levels of education. In 2009, Bodoland University was established in Kokrajhar (the headquarters town of BTC) with doctoral-level programmes in Bodo, a Centre for Bodo Studies and a Department of Bodo besides a Department of Assamese and programmes in sciences and other faculties. Now there are at least five daily newspapers and a number of periodicals and magazines in Bodo language. Thousands of printed texts and literary writings in Bodo are published annually from Kokrajhar and other places in the BTAD region. As many as 22 Bodo films were released in the year 2016, compared to only one in 1984, and there is corresponding rise in the production of Bodo music, songs, videos and various other commercial productions in Bodo language. Literary work and language development activities have increased manifold. Bodo is now an illustrious example of language revitalisation for other ITM languages in India.

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 onclusion: A Framework for Change of Languages C in Contact A hierarchical structure of sociolinguistic dominance with a double divide, one between the major language of power (like English in India) and the national/ regional languages and the other between the regional and ITM languages, is a reality in multilingual societies (Mohanty 2010, 2013, 2017). Questions relating to language change, choices and attitudes in contexts of languages in contact are, therefore, inseparable from societal power relations, politics of languages and language identities. Discrimination and inequalities in situations of language contact on grounds of language(s) that people speak or do not speak inevitably necessitate constant negotiations of identities. Status of the languages and social relations among individuals and groups using them continue to evolve with such negotiations. In order to understand (and also manage) the processes of language change, it is necessary to know how people relate to their own and others’ language(s). Language choices and attitudes, intergroup relations between linguistic communities in contact and their control over social and material resources are important parameters in understanding the processes of language change. The studies described in this chapter sought to understand the dynamics of languages in contact within a broader social structure of inequalities and discrimination. Our analysis of these studies shows that the relationships between languages and their users are mediated by negotiations of linguistic identities. The seminal concern in this chapter was to understand the conditions under which some dominated low-status languages in multilingual contexts are marginalised and others are assertively maintained. Comparative sociohistorical analyses of identity strategies and negotiations in different contexts and conditions in our studies provide some insights which will be briefly stated as a suggested framework to understand the processes of marginalisation and assertive maintenance of ITM and low-status languages in multilingual societies. The social macrostructure in multilingual societies is one of power asymmetry and discrimination between languages. Quite often, the disadvantaged groups accept the low status as inevitable and a fait accompli. Sometimes, these groups are rendered too impoverished to have consciousness awareness of discrimination. Belonging to the dominated linguistic groups entails material disadvantages such as denial of educational opportunities and economic resources and psychological predicaments in form of stress, stigma and low self-esteem. Consciousness of such disadvantages force members of the dominated groups to evaluate their options for amelioration of their disadvantaged status. The net vitality of the dominated language and linguistic community vis-a-vis the dominant ones and relative strength of collective identity of the dominated linguistic group compared to individual identity are some parameters in such option evaluation. Collective strength of a dominated language and linguistic community depends on a host of factors including ethnolinguistic vitality, group identity, positive maintenance attitudes and other context-specific conditions. When the net collective strength of a language is below a lower threshold, that is, when the language is too

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weak (compared to the dominant contact language), it is located in a zone of language shift and the members of the such a dominated language community accept assimilation as their option even if the in-group language identity may be high on integrative grounds as in case of Kui identity of Odia monolingual Kond people. On the other hand, when the net collective strength of the dominated language is above this lower threshold (of language shift), the language is in a zone of marginalisation. Members of a marginalised language community mostly opt for individual identity strategies of assimilation12 tend to acquire dominant group traits and seek individual mobility away from disadvantage. However, with increasing collective strength of a dominated language (due to proactive conditions such as the early initiatives for reform and development of Bodo), a marginalised group may seek assertive maintenance and revitalisation of the dominated language under certain favourable conditions such as (a) high salience of group identity, (b) perception of illegitimacy of the existing hierarchical social structure, (c) belief in desirability and feasibility of resistance to dominance and (d) favourable socio-political climate for collective action (such as a large number of people joining a mass movement, presence of strong leadership, availability of external support). A dominated language, in some cases, may have a high collective vitality, such as institutional support, demographic strength, socio-economic status, rich literary and historical tradition and strong linguistic identity of its users. In such cases, the dominated group may not experience material and psychological disadvantages. In a typical multilingual hierarchy with a double divide, the languages in the second level of the hierarchical divide are themselves dominated by more powerful languages in the top layer of the hierarchy, but they also have a relatively high collective strength vis-a-vis other dominant languages, and they may also dominate over other languages in the bottom of the hierarchy. The regional majority languages in India such as Bengali, Gujarati, Punjabi and Maithili and classical languages like Sanskrit, Tamil and Odia are languages dominated by English and Hindi, but they are in a position of stability despite being dominated by more powerful languages in the hierarchy. To conclude, it can be said that the framework suggested above involves broad statements of relationships between different sociolinguistic and psychological parameters of language change based on our studies and comparative analyses of the dynamics of language contact in different contexts. The variables in the framework need to be operationalised and interrelated with precision; the broad framework suggested here is intended to generate some hypotheses for further analyses and verification in diverse settings of language contact and change. Admittedly, like most theoretical models, this framework is oversimplified; the realities of language contact, language change, shift, marginalisation and maintenance in multilingual societies are complex.  Assimilation option depends on the permeability of boundary of the dominant group. When the dominant group keeps the subordinate group in segregation or when it has distinctive traits like racial features, the boundary becomes impermeable. In such cases, the dominated group may seek other options for mobility.

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Chapter 9

Social Attitudes and Rehabilitation of People with Disability Ajit K. Dalal

Abstract  This chapter primarily addresses the issue of stigma attached with disability which leads to several prejudices and discriminations. The efforts made by the Government of India since the time of Independence to improve the life conditions of people with disability have been discussed. Growing awareness about disability rights and rising expectations has increased visibility of people with disability. Keywords  Disability · Rehabilitation · Prejudice · Discrimination · Stereotypes Disability scenario is changing all over the world. With better economic, educational, employment, health and legal provisions, the quality of life of people with disability is improving everywhere. This change is evident with the greater number of people with disability seen actively engaged in socio-economic-political activities. In educational institutions, market places, social gathering and other spheres, one can notice the presence of increasingly large number of people with disability over the years. The expectations are rising, and the conditions are more conducive today than ever in the human history. Though there is still glaring gap between the developed and developing world in the living conditions of people with disability. We still have to go a long way to ensure basic amenities and opportunities for equal participation for people with disability in social life. In traditional Indian society, disability has to be understood in historical, cultural and political context. Disability-related beliefs are integral to the prevalent cultural and religious world view of the people. Indian society developed its own ways of dealing with disability in the long history, and many of the prejudices and practices are perpetuated in the present times. Economic and political scenario did change in India over times, but social perceptions and attitudes have the propensity to persist. People with disability have remained marginalized throughout the history, and the situation has not changed much in the present times. There are examples of disabled being kings, leaders, advisors, scholars, reformers and sages in the long history, but A. K. Dalal (*) (deceased) University of Allahabad, Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 J. Pandey et al. (eds.), Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3341-5_9

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they were exceptions to the rule. In practice, people with disability remained on the margin of the social mainstream. A most quoted statement of WHO is that 10% of the world population suffers from some kind of disability. This statement is conjectural not based on collated data. It is further conjectured that three-fourth of the world population with disability lives in developing countries. These estimations, however, do not tally with Indian Census data. National Census of 2001 and 2011 enumerated that 2.12% and 2.21% of the population, respectively, suffer from physical and sensory disability. The four categories of disability taken in the census were loco-motor, visual, speech and hearing. The census data do not include other kinds of disability. Still, it may be gross underestimations of the actual number of population suffering from medical disability. Even accepting these figures and knowing that an average Indian family comprise 6–7 members and adding other 3–4 members of the extended family, one member’s disability in the family affects about one-quarter of the Indian population in some way. This paper primarily deals with physical disability and is subjected to stigma and stereotypes pertaining to their appearance and activities. Family-based rehabilitation has been Indian ethos since ancient times to manage all types of disability. Traditional Indian families are big in size in which many generations lived together. These large and extended Indian families provided essential physical, emotional and economic support to its members with disabilities. Being cohesive and stable social units, families provided identity and social security to its all members, irrespective of their physical conditions. All major decisions about property, marriages and education were taken collectively, mostly by elders keeping uppermost the interest of the family. The class and caste status of the family and its networks also determined the quality of well-being of its members with disabilities. The responsibility was shared by all members of the family, ensuring life-­ long social and economic support. Everyone had a place in the family hierarchy and was bound to others by role relations. All members of the family were involved in the family occupation, including those who had a disability. The care provided to its disabled members was mostly of routine and of maintenance type, in which all decisions about their life were taken by others. A sense of belonging was the most cherished goal, and any threat of isolation, or of social proscription, was considered the worst thing to happen to anyone. Concept of rehabilitation in its modern sense did not exist in these traditional families. With joint families disintegrating in the modern age, the challenge of disability is taking a new dimension. WHO (2001) has proposed a three-dimensional model of disability  – impairment, activity limitations and participation restriction. Impairments are problems in the functioning of the body – it could be some loss of functioning or malfunctioning at physical, neural or cognitive level. Activity limitations are problems in the capacity to perform activities, sensory or mental, simple or complex. And finally, participation restrictions are environmentally imposed limitations on a person across a range of personal, professional and social activities. The WHO model of disability posits that impairment is intrinsic to the person but participation restriction is determined mostly by the physical and psychosocial environment.

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This chapter focuses on psychosocial environment, specifically on attitudes of the society which are major impediments to participation and mainstreaming of the people with physical disability. The effort is to understand these attitudes from the sociohistorical perspectives. The larger ramifications of attitudes are examined for social exclusion and perpetuation of charity model in India. The ways to change disability attitudes are highlighted in the rapidly changing scenario in India in the present times.

A Sociohistorical Perspective There is no systematic documentation of how Indian society has dealt with the challenge of physical disability in the long history. A large number of social and religious institutions existed in India for centuries to cater to the needs of people with physical disability. Those who had no family to take care were put in the religious institutions, where their basic needs, like food, clothing and shelter, were taken care of. These institutions survived on charities from kings, nobles and public and on general ethos of pity and sympathy for the hapless people. There were no expectations from the inmates in return for these services provided. These charity-based rehabilitation practices continued in the modern times as well. In the post-Independence era, the first prime minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru adopted the concept of socialistic welfare state. It was considered the duty of the government to take responsibility of the general welfare of its citizens. This led to the growth of centralized and institutionalized services for the welfare of the people with disability in the first two decades after the Independence. The ministries of social welfare were established by the central and state governments. These ministries played a major role in framing policies and programmes and developing infrastructure for implementation within their jurisdiction. A National Council of Handicapped Welfare was set up to frame policy guidelines for the entire country and develop mechanisms for their effective implementation. However, the state governments differed in degree of concern. In some states the welfare programmes were well developed with substantial funding, like in Bengal. In many other states (like Uttar Pradesh), the programmes were rudimentary with little state funding. It was during this early phase that many legislations were enacted by the central and state governments to initiate various welfare schemes and to monitor the functioning of governmental and non-governmental agencies. The government primarily focused its efforts on the prevention of disability, the training of professionals in the specialized field, the development of service models and the production of aids and appliances. Most of the rehabilitation services in India followed the biomedical model in which hospitals and primary health centres played the key role. Disability was seen in terms of visual, orthopaedic, hearing and speech impairments. The existing rehabilitation programmes were extended to a number of hospitals, specialized institutions, and training centres. Initiatives were taken in the 1970s to establish

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national-level institutes for each major category of disability to engage in research, rehabilitation and training of the personnel. Most of these government departments and institutions were run in a typical bureaucratic style, beset with nepotism, red-­ tapism, corruption and callousness. The International Year of the Disabled Persons (1981) marked the beginning of an intensive debate on searching alternative models of integrating people with disability in the social mainstream. It was argued that rather than making recipient of state welfare, people with disability should be viewed as a human resource to be fully developed through education and training to make them productive members of the community. Many working groups and task forces were set up, and various ministries gave high priorities to the action plans for people with disability. Two new initiatives in the second half of the 1980s led to the resurgence of activities in the field of disability rehabilitation. In 1985, the Government of India launched a District Rehabilitation Centres (DRCs) scheme. It was a comprehensive approach to the delivery of services in the rural areas. Initially, 12 DRCs were set up in different districts, with a view that eventually 100 such DRCs will be set up. A cadre of rehabilitation worker was created imparting them basic training to work in the rural areas. The scheme had vertical structure and got bureaucratic functioning with poor outcomes. As a consequence, no new DRCs were started (Murthi 1991). The second was the new initiative of community-based rehabilitation, promoted by WHO and other international agencies. CBR is conceived as a strategy to improve life conditions of people with disability through the initiatives of local communities. Following this international thrust, CBR has remained a much discussed strategy of rehabilitation of people with disability in India in the next two decades. A large number of such projects were initiated with the support of national and international donor agencies. In 2000 the Government of India adopted CBR as its official programme for the rehabilitation of people with disability and promoted it in a big way. District Disability Rehabilitation Centres (DDRC) were established in each district of the country on the model suggested by the international donor agencies. There are few successful CBR programmes managed by committed people, but by and large, CBR has not succeeded in addressing larger issues of physical disability in India. We need to develop culturally compatible Indian versions of CBR model, not just swayed by the international rhetoric. Other developing countries, who share similar family and cultural values, are also looking for Indian initiatives in this direction. This was the period when human rights of people with disability were emphasized through concerted efforts of UNO and its other bodies. In 1993 UN General Assembly passed a resolution to this effect. India, being a signatory, has committed to creating an environment of equal opportunities and human rights to all people with disability. Indian Parliament passed the Person with Disabilities Bill in 1995, legally enforcing their human rights and equal opportunities. Without creating ground conditions, implementing agencies for human rights of people with disabilities have remained statutory. Joining the bandwagon of national and international agencies has not helped in creating this as a movement in India. In 2017 Indian Parliament has passed the new disability bill which had addressed some lacunas of

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earlier act. One major improvement is increase of job reservation for people with disability from 3% to 4%. However, fund allocation for disability schemes, i­ ncluding prime minister’s prestigious Accessible India Campaign, is paltry 0.004% of the GDP in this year (2018–2019) national budget. The latest catch word in the field of disability is inclusive development, a concept again borrowed from the west. Inclusive education and inclusive economic development have become cornerstones of government and NGOs programmes in recent times. In favour of inclusive education, the government abandoned its Integrated Education of Disabled Children (IEDC) scheme which it was implementing since 1974. Under the influence of international bodies, this time-tested scheme was later on replaced by the scheme of inclusive education for no good reason. The present status of inclusive education, which is now 10 years old, can be gauged from the fact that only 2% of children with special needs are enrolled in such schools. This is a glaring example of how Indian politicians and bureaucrats are under the sway of western models and funding agencies in formulate and implement disability policies in India.

Negative Social Attitudes Toward Disability One can very well concur that most of these policies and programmes were conceived at the high level and thrusted upon the so called “beneficiaries” without ever consulting them. This reflects the typical Indian attitude toward the people with disability which is at the best patronizing, in general, negative. Such attitudes create severe participation restriction for people with disability, who are simply considered as recipients. The prevalent attitude pervades in all spheres of social life leading to prejudices and discrimination – directly, indirectly or subtly. Disability programmes and research in India have primarily focused on enhancing economic well-being of people with disability and ignoring modification of negative attitudes. Social and psychological theories have convincingly argued that the way people behave is largely dictated by the attitudes and beliefs they hold (e.g. Ajzen and Fishbein 1980). The negative attitudes people hold about disability persist in all strata of the Indian society. Berman et al. (1984) found in their study that the overall attitude people hold toward the disabled is that of patronizing nature. Even calling people with disability as “divyang” is considered by many as sign of patronizing attitude (Salelkar Feb. 2017). As noted by Dalal (1999), people with disability were integrated within the large (joint) families in India where their basic needs were taken care of, but the overall attitude was negative. Mallory and New (1994) observed that in developing countries, traditional attitudes of pity and charity are changing rather marginally. Such attitudes have far-reaching consequences for persons with disabilities. As the ESCAP report (1993) states for the context of Asian and Pacific region, “This is largely because negative social attitudes exclude persons with disabilities from an equal share in their entitlements as citizens. Such attitudes also curtail the opportunities of people with disabilities from social contact and close

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personal relationships with others” (p. 5). On the basis of his study in Pakistan and also studies carried out in 30 other countries, noted that the progressive development is from negative, stigmatizing and rejecting attitudes, through pity and compassion toward willingness to accept the physically challenged persons on equal terms. Studies have shown that females tend to have more positive attitudes than the males toward the disabled, and younger generation has more positive attitude than the older generation (Bakheit and Shanmugalingam 1997). Regarding employment, the World Bank Report (2008) shows that assessment of people with disabilities for their capability to succeed on the job is low. Chan et al. (2009) have shown that negative attitudes are pervasive and could be viewed as invisible barriers. However, any such general conclusion about negative attitude needs to be tested with some standardized measures of attitudes and beliefs on a larger population. Negative attitudes are expressed in different ways  – sometimes subtly, sometimes bluntly and sometimes viciously. People who find it socially undesirable to express such attitudes publicly develop their own indirect ways of expressing them. Sometimes such attitudes are camouflaged and it takes a while to identify them. Disability often becomes an overarching attribute to describe a person with disability. This is called “spread effect” in stereotype and attitude research which imply that a key attribute elicits other associated attributes to describe the same person. The term disability in this way stereotypes a person with disability. Researchers surveyed psychological studies on people with orthopaedic disability in India and found these people to be introvert, pessimistic, emotionally unstable, self-centred, dependence prone and hostile. Such stereotypes, once formed, are resistant to change and serve as justification for all kinds of prejudices and discrimination. Moreover, these stereotypes portray people with disabilities as “other” or “different” and not as part of the “normal population”. Such research in the area of disability can be stigmatizing which can create various misconceptions in the minds of people in general. In last two decades, disability rights activists and academics have highlighted cultural and environmental factors that marginalise people with disabilities, denying them basic human rights. The Disability-Attitude-Belief-­ Behaviour (DABB) study (Dalal et al. 2000) has shown that people with disability also internalize negative attitudes about themselves and do not endeavour to improve their lot. Those with disabilities often go through conflicting mental states, where on one hand, they align with the perpetrators who exploit and harm them, and on the other hand, they resent the same group for frustrating their aspiration of accessing existing socio-economic resources. Pervasive negative attitudes toward the disabled, even shared by their own families, deter disabled people from taking active part in the family, community or workforce. Patterns of unequal access to social resources are commonly called social inequality. There is the impact of the wider social context upon impairment, in which misrepresentation, exclusion and discrimination combine to disable people with impairments (Gleeson 2006). Social exclusion and inequality are closely associated with deprivation, discrimination and marginalization of the people with disability. Negative social attitudes mute ability of people with disability to collectively assert their needs and rights and allow the society to perpetuate physical and social

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environment where impairment becomes synonymous with disability. It restricts educational, employment and other choices of people with disability (Dalal 2016). There are no nationwide or regional surveys in the country to adjudge the prevalent disability attitudes in the country. There are few project-based attitude surveys in some areas using western or offhand measures whose reliability in Indian conditions is questionable. One comprehensive standard attitude measure termed as DABB was developed by this author and his colleagues (Dalal et al. 2000). It was tested in India, Bangladesh and Indonesia to establish its validity. This was, however, not widely used to study attitudes toward people with disabilities. However, there are unconfirmed indicators that disability attitudes are changing in India, at least in urban areas. Legal provisions, media campaigns and more visibility of people with disability in social arena have contributed to this change. Attitudes are resistant to change and in traditional societies; these are interlocked with other stable social beliefs and practices.

Concomitants of Negative Attitudes It seems that the negative attitude is one of the major reasons why people are generally apathetic and show low motivation to get involved in disability rehabilitation programmes. The social participation is dependent on the attitudes and beliefs which people have about health, disease and disability and about the factors contributing toward the success of a rehabilitation initiative. The situation becomes even worse when negative attitudes are internalized by persons with disability and their families. This could result in low self-esteem and depletion of their psychic resources needed to cope with the challenges of disability (Pande and Tewari 2011). For successful rehabilitation, it is imperative that persons with disability arrive at a positive construction of their own self and are able to sustain hope and optimism. Prevalent negative attitudes have wider concomitants and consequences which perpetuate many discriminatory social practices. Much is written on this issue. Here we will focus on three broad categories of outcomes which adversely affect quality of life of people with disability. 1. Social exclusion Continuing exclusion of people with disability from social mainstream is a major consequence of negative attitude. It is both a process and outcome. Blatant or active social exclusion generally does not take place in a civilized society, often it is indirect or passive social exclusion. Amartya Sen (1999) termed passive exclusion as a social process in which there are no deliberate attempts to exclude, but people become victim of various forms of social practices. In fact, India has forward-­ looking disability policies and programmes to integrate people with disability in the social mainstream. There are a large number of NGOs and other agencies working to achieve the goals of social inclusion. Laws are enacted to enforce rights of the people with disability and making other legal provisions. These are the cumulative

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and pervasive effects of existing social practices, as well as the failure of implementing agencies that are responsible for exclusion of them at all level of social life (UN Report 2014). In India most of the public buildings are still inaccessible to the people with disability. In spite of all rhetoric, campaigns, policies and funding, the situation has only marginally improved in recent years. Ramps or lifts that accommodate wheelchairs, signs in Braille, audio commands at traffic signals or toilets that wheelchair-­ bound people can use are still rare sights; in rural areas they are almost non-existent. Buses and trains are virtually out of bounds for people on wheelchairs. Physical barriers are formidable in India which severely restricts participation of people with disability in public sphere and having access to education, employment and social activities. This issue needs separate discussion in another paper. In India, much is needed to be done for people with disability, to avail them the basics human rights. Social discrimination tends to exclude them from employment and income-earning opportunities, leaving them in perpetual poverty (Lwanga-­ Ntale 2003). This initial exclusion and lack of growth opportunities create a downward cycle of economic well-being that can follow people with disability throughout their lives. Sen (2009) has noted that not only do people with disability have difficulty earning an income but the disability also “makes it harder to convert income into the freedom to live well” (p. 4). Sen further added that these people also find it “difficult to convert available social facilities into actually usable opportunities” (p. 5). 2. Continuation of charity model There is a larger movement in developing countries to replace charity model with social models to promote participation and empowerment of people with disability. As discussed earlier, various voluntary organization in the country have been actively involved to bring about this change. Various endeavours to change the prevailing negative attitudes have met only nominal success. The Millennium Development Goals of UNO have emphasised on CBR as an instrument to change social attitudes toward disability and for creating an environment of equal participation. However, in India most of the social organizations working in the field of disability are registered as charitable societies under the Indian Trusts Act 1882 which was amended many times before and after Independence of India. Apart from the legal provisions, the act endorses the spirit of charity in various domains of social welfare. There are large numbers of disability organizations which thrive on public donations in the name of charitable activities. Religious organizations have played lead role in working for the poor with disability. In the charity model, people with disability are seen as victims of their impairment who deserve pity, sympathy and God’s grace. In India where 85% of people with disability are poor, negative attitude all the more justify perpetuation of treating them as recipients of charity. In spite of

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all talks of community participation, disability rights and empowerment, the ethos has marginally changed in last 70 years after Independence. Government agencies and NGOs engage in organizing camps to dole out disability aids and appliances, wheelchairs, medicines and loans. Even the prime minister distributes wheelchairs and other appliances on his birthday (News, Times of India, Sept. 18, 2016). There is hardly any participation of the local communities in planning and implementation of various disability schemes and plans. Involvement of people with disability and their families in the rehabilitation programmes is minimal. They are broadly termed as recipients or beneficiaries. Under the influence of international agencies, participatory model of rehabilitation became a buzzword in the 1980s and 1990s. In the new millennium, we are still stuck up with the charity model of rehabilitation. 3. Education and employment The National Sample Survey (2002) found that 55% of the disabled in India are illiterate; only 9% have completed higher secondary education. Only 11% of people with disability in the age group 5–18 years are enrolled in special schools in rural areas. The World Bank Report (2008) observed that while Indian economy is booming, disabled people are falling way behind. The report noted a 5% drop in the employment rate of disabled people in the decade leading up to 2002. The fall in the employment rate of working age disabled people was from 42.7% in 1991 to 37.6% in 2002, uniform across all education and job levels. In the public sector, despite 3% job reservation since 2003, only 10% of posts have been identified as “suitable” for the disabled people. The data are more dismal in the case of private sector. In the late 1990s, employment of disabled people among large private firms was only 0.3% of their workforce. In case of the MNCs, the situation is far worse, with only 0.05% of the workforce constituting disabled people. One can guess that employment of rural people with disabilities would be almost negligible. It is anybody’s guess what difference increasing reservation from 3% to 4% in jobs and educational institute will make. Low literacy, few jobs and widespread social stigma are making disabled people among the most excluded in India, according to a World Bank report: People with Disability in India: From Commitments to Outcomes, released in New Delhi on December 3, 2008, on the International Day of the Disabled. As stated in the report, at least 1 in 12 households include a member with disability, according to the report. Children with disability are five times more likely to be out of school than scheduled caste or scheduled tribe (SC/ST) children, and if they stay in school, they rarely progress beyond the primary level, leading ultimately to lower employment and incomes. The report points out that a large number of disabilities in India are preventable, including those arising from medical issues during birth, maternal conditions, malnutrition, as well as accidents and injury. However, the health sector is yet to react more proactively to disability, especially in rural areas.

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Interventions for Attitude Modification Attitude modification is a slow and gradual process in any society. These are formed over hundreds of year-long history and are embedded in beliefs and practices of social interaction. Attitudes toward people with disability are often integral to religious beliefs and are sustained by prevalent folklores, anecdotes, myths and legends. Moreover only those attitudes are sustained over a longer period of time which are functional in nature, implying that attitudes facilitating existing pattern of functioning are mostly compatible with other socially shared beliefs. Such beliefs are resistant to change. Many are core attitudes, deeply rooted in the process of socialization and part of one’s world-view. There are other kinds of attitudes which are peripheral and amenable to change. It is at times difficult to decipher which of the attitudes are core and which are peripheral. Attitude change is thus one of the most challenging areas of research in social psychology. It may also be mentioned in this context that attitude changes at individual and societal level are two different propositions. Changing attitudes at the individual level is relatively easier than changing societal attitudes. Most of the studies of attitude change are in the individual level, and there are hardly studies which address this issue at the societal level. It is presumed that changing individual attitudes will take care of societal level attitudes. This may not be the case. It is peculiar that western-educated Indians hold one kind of attitudes toward people with disability and traditional communities of different kind. A large number of studies are conducted to find methods and techniques of attitude change in the area of disability. Government, NGOs, disability groups, schools and media are all involved in the endeavour of attitude change. Many innovative ways of changing negative attitudes have been identified. All over the world and in India, CBR projects have focused on changing attitudes of local communities toward disability (Dalal 2006). The research and policy literature on effective attitude change is scant and not just for people with disability but also for other marginalised groups such as ethnic minorities. As a result, much of what constitutes “effective attitude change” is largely inferential and speculative. Indeed, while the call for changing negative community attitudes is a recurring theme in the empirical, theoretical and policy literature, discussion on ways to remove attitudinal barriers has remained vague (Hunt and Hunt 2004). This scenario points to the necessity of refocusing on understanding and measurement of disability attitudes, particularly at community, NGOs and the government level which hold the key to service sectors. Change of attitudes of all stakeholders is a necessary precondition for a partnership model to bring about an enduring improvement in the quality of life of people with disability and their families. Dixon and Mark (2012) call for this shift in attitude research, from changing negative attitudes to social change, i.e. from individual’s prejudice reduction to collective attitude change. In this re-conceptualization, prejudice is viewed as perceived social norm, rather than as an individual’s personal attitude and emotion.

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Dixon and Mark suggest that to change disability-related attitudes, the critical target is not what an individual personally thinks or feels about another people with disability, but rather what they perceive other members of their group think or feel.

Empowering Policies and Programmes The Government of India has launched a number of schemes for the welfare of people with disability in the last five decades. There are many government schemes, such as travel concessions, scholarships, disability pension, bank loans for self-­ employment, etc. The proper implementation of these schemes is essential for improving life conditions of people with disability. Proper implementation of government programme should also lead to their greater participation in the community life. Unfortunately most of these policies and programmes are often mired in red-­ tapism, complicated procedures, corruption and callousness. For poor villagers, it was nearly impossible to overcome bureaucratic hassles to benefit from the schemes. This is a major challenge for local communities, including people with disability to get actively involved to ensure that the benefits reach to all from whom the schemes are targeted. To bring about a change in the present scenario, it should be mandatory to have people with disability in important statutory village committees. Some percentage of Village Panchayat’s annual budget should be earmarked for improving access and mobility of the people with disability. If it is enforced by law and ensured by the local bodies even for 5 years, the present dismal scenario is likely to turn around. Secondly, the schemes and programmes which are targeted for the weaker sections of the society should be widely disseminated to improve public awareness. Local government bodies should be entrusted and hold accountable for this task. Local media and radio stations should play a more active role in this matter.

Changing Disability Scenario in India All these efforts and investment by national and international agencies are changing disability scenario in India. Some of these changes are quite perceptible. Awareness is increasing in public of various disability issues through the greater coverage of disability issues in newspapers and visual media. There are now a large number of activists/pressure groups, in which people with disability are playing an active role. People with disability are now more often seen in public places, asserting their right to be heard. There are now self-help groups, associations and interest groups to lobby for more favourable response from the government. There are more funds and opportunities available today to NGOs working in this area, and this has led to a spurt in myriad rehabilitation projects in India. This changing scenario, though

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more visible in the metropolitan cities, has its reverberations in small towns and in rural pockets as well. Indeed, people with disability have benefitted from the overall improvement in the living standard in Indian society. In the last decade or so, there is a quantum jump in the affordability of basic necessities of life for poor, including the disabled. Technological innovations are likely to play a major role in overcoming many barriers of disability. Technological innovations in the field of assistive devices and digital services have thrown and open up new opportunities for people with sensory-­ motor limitations. There is vast scope to develop indigenous and affordable technology for mainstreaming of the people with disability. Improved means of communication, transportation and entertainment are likely to make their social integration far easier than we have today. It is not surprising that equal participation and human rights are being asserted by people with disability and various social-­ political organizations. There is no denial that many initiatives by government and social organizations are just tokenism and rhetorical, and the ground reality is different. Still, one can notice the change which is taking place in the society. The attitude toward disability has become more positive which is evident in some of the survey reports (Pinto and Sahur 2016). The pressure is building up from all sides for attitudinal change at a faster pace. Accessibility has become a major issue in recent years, and an overall improvement in this direction is visible. In 2015 the central government started Accessible India Campaign toward achieving universal accessibility for all citizens including people with disabilities in creating an enabling and barrier-free environment. The goal is to make 50% buildings in big cities fully accessible, including bus transport, railways and airports by 2018. Last November (2017), the Supreme Court also directed the government to implement the person with Disability Act 1995 in its spirit. As a result, the progress is faster now as accessibility is realized to be an essential condition for attitudinal change and empowerment of people with disability. Social model and right-based approach are now overriding ethos in the area of disability for the last two decades, and its cumulative effect is visible. This altered scenario gives hope that we are ushering into better times where people with disability can lead a better quality life.

References Ajzen, I., & Fishbein, M. (1980). Understanding attitudes and predicting social behavior. Englewood Cliff: Prentice Hall. Bakheit, M., & Shanmugalingam, V. (1997). A study of the attitudes of a rural Indian community toward people with physical disabilities. Clinical rehabilitation, 11, 329–34. https://doi. org/10.1177/026921559701100410. Berman, V. M., Dalal, A. K., & Anthony, L. (1984). Connotation of handicapped label in India. Psychologia, 27, 115–121. Chan, F., Livnett, H., Pruitt, S.  R., & Zheng, L. (2009). Societal attitude toward disability: Concepts, measurement and intervention. Unpublished paper.

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Dalal, A. K. (1999). Cultural beliefs and family care of the children with disability. Psychology and Developing Society, 11, 55–75. Dalal, A.  K. (2006). Social interventions to moderate discriminatory attitudes: The case of the physically challenged in India. Psychology Health & Medicine, 11(3), 374–382. Dalal, A.  K. (2016). Participatory rehabilitation of people with disability. In A.  K. Dalal (Ed.), Cultural psychology of health in India: Well-being, medicine and traditional health care. New Delhi: Sage. Dalal, A. K., Pande, N., Dhawan, N., Dwijendra, D., & Berry, J. W. (2000). The mind matters: Disability attitudes and community based rehabilitation. Allahabad: University of Allahabad. Dixon, J., & Mark, L. (2012). Beyond prejudice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ESCAP. (1993). Asia and Pacific decade of disabled persons, 1993–2002: The starting point. New York: United Nations. Gleeson, B. (2006, November 16). Changing practices, changing minds. Paper presented in the NDA 5th Annual Conference Civic, Cultural and Social Participation: Building an Inclusive Society (paper available at www.nda.ie) Dublin, Ireland. Hunt, C. S., & Hunt, B. (2004). Changing attitudes toward people with disabilities: Experimenting with an educational intervention. Journal of Managerial Issues, 16(2), 266–281. Lwanga-Ntale, C. (2003). Chronic poverty and disability in Uganda. Chronic Poverty Research Centre Working Paper. Manchester: Institute of Development Policy and Management/CPRC. Mallory, B. L., & New, R. S. (1994). Social constructivist theory and principles of inclusion: Challenges for early childhood special education. The Journal of Special Education, 28(3), 322–337. Murthi, S. (1991). Community based rehabilitation: Is there a need for research? ActionAid Disability News, 2, 17–20. NSS Report. (2002). National sample survey of India, New Delhi. Pande, N., & Tewari, S. (2011). Understanding coping with distress due to physical disability. Psychology and Developing Societies, 23(2), 177–209. Pinto, P.  E., & Sahur, N. (2016). Working with people with disability: The Indian perspective. London: Centre for International Rehabilitation Research, Information and Exchange. Salelkar, A. (2017, February 2). Budget 2017: Where is the money to implement the disabilities act? The Wire, 33(1). Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sen, A. (2009). The idea of justice. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. UN Report. (2014). India exclusion report 2013-14. Bangalore: Books for Change. World Bank Report. (2008). People with disability in India: From commitments to outcomesreleased in New Delhi on December 3, 2008. Washington, DC: World Bank. World Health Organization. (2001). International classification of functioning, disability, and health. Geneva: WHO.

Part II

Development and Change

Chapter 10

Psychology and Societal Development: Indian Context Janak Pandey

Abstract This chapter reviews concerns and work of Indian psychologists in understanding development-related issues and contributions of psychological research in solution of development-related problems both at individual and societal levels. It also identifies and discusses a number of new challenges related to societal development and the way these problems are addressed by psychologists worldwide. The Sustainable Development Goals of the UN are discussed to set a future agenda for development psychologists in India to understand and facilitate the process of the development agenda. Keywords  Socio-economic development · Socio-economic mobility · Community efforts · Hierarchy

Introduction This chapter discusses psychological perspectives of development-related problems both at societal and national levels. It highlights contributions of psychology in understanding and resolving societal and national development problems with reference to the Indian context. The chapter identifies major milestones to showcase the way psychologists began identifying and addressing to the problems of societal development. The current agenda set by UNDP (2016) for Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to be achieved by 2030 recognizes role of psychology in development. Psychologists along with other social scientists have potential to make valuable contributions to the solutions of problems of SDGs. They possess rightful knowledge, and they also have competencies to acquire knowledge necessary to suggest policies and follow up actions for socio-economic-political progress with minimum damages to individuals and society. The chapter narrates the way these potential values of psychological science and its various domains (e.g. social, J. Pandey (*) Center of Behavioural and Cognitive Sciences, University of Allahabad, Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 J. Pandey et al. (eds.), Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3341-5_10

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community, organizational, environmental, health) have slowly evolved the legitimate roles of psychology in the process of development, widely recognized by the policymakers and the implementing agencies. Psychology is unique in possessing theories, concepts and methods which may competently deal with individuals as well as their groups and their influences on social, environment, organizations and institutions. Other social sciences tend to focus on macro-socio-economic problems such as general social ethos, values, institutions and traditions. Psychology, on the other hand, competently deals with micro-social issues and impact of macro-processes on individuals in the society, enhancing our understanding of both individuals and their social systems. Roles of psychology in socio-economic-political development of societies were recognized as early as in the 1950s (Kelman 1968; Murphy 1953). In the last over six decades, wide range of research on development issues in psychology has abundantly proved that it has significant roles in understanding of societal and national development. For example, McClelland (1961) in the 1950s extensively studied nature of motivational disposition leading to enhanced human efforts for entrepreneurship and productivity contributing to economic progress. Based on his theory of need for achievement (n-Ach), McClelland (1961) explains variations in development across nations. To understand role of psychology in development, the first of its kind, a conference was held at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria, on Dec 29, 1966, to Jan 5, 1967. It was attended by 55 delegates of 25 countries, mostly from developed (USA and Europe) and also from developing world including one from India, Udai Pareek. They presented their perspectives and ideas and discussed various issues like social structure, societal practices and individual-level motivational factors in social-­ economic development (Himmelstrand and Okediji 1968). They examined roles of values, social stratification and motivational paradigm of development (Pareek 1968; Kiray 1968). The conference also discussed international collaboration for enhancing contributions of psychology in the development process. The proceeding of the conference with background and selected papers were published as a special issue of the Journal of Social Issues (1968, vol. xxiv, no 2). Ibadan conference was a culmination of progress made in psychology leading to exchange of ideas among the scholars who were particularly concerned for processes and impacts of industrialization, modernization and social changes in newly independent countries from colonial rule particularly in the southern hemisphere after the Second World War. Most of these nations still continue to face problems associated with national identity, social diversities and related conflicts, social-economic inequality and mass poverty. Some new problems added in subsequent decades are environmental degradation; domestic, urban and international migration; changing family structure; human and social development; and rising population and related issues like gender ratio, health and ageing. The challenge to speed up sustainable development to meet aspirations of people in the twenty-first century particularly in the societies of the world located at lower level of the development ladder is a complex task for all, including psychologists.

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The context and nature of social-economic-political-environmental conditions, across and within regions of nations, vary in magnitude and complexity. Multiple sources of social diversities like race, ethnicity, religion, caste, language and many others causing inequalities are not alike across societies. These sources also dynamically change and influence each other and impact social-economic and human development causing inequalities of opportunities to people. Regional and social variations in economic as well as social and human developments are visible in a fast-growing economy like India. In accordance with socio-economic and political contexts, different states are grappling with the process of finding solutions for the problems faced by them. The problems faced by India, world’s sixth largest economy, are numerous for inclusive, all-round national development. With its independence in 1947, India faced trauma of partition and challenges posed by divisive forces making national development a gigantic task. India found itself embroiled with urgent ethnic and other problems such as widespread mass killings and riots between Hindus and Muslims, destitute refugees in millions, mass level poverty and social-economic inequalities, existing hierarchical caste system and widespread social discrimination, marginalization of indigenous tribal population, illiteracy, inadequate health and educational services and many others. India adopted the path of planned development to build a democratic-secular-socialist republic with its ambitious policy of Five-Year Plans to eradicate mass scale poverty, illiteracy and social evils of all kinds. Though India has significantly progressed economically, socially and politically, critics have often described India’s development as cacophonic, lopsided and far from the stated objectives to achieve equalities in all spheres (Myrdal 1968; Sen 1999). A number of scholars have expressed reservations on the economic model of development. The chapter identifies and reviews selected issues of critical importance studied particularly by psychologists.

Sociocultural Pluralities The long-drawn non-violent freedom struggle led to India’s independence in 1947, and it was an occasion of great joy. However, the tragic pain of partition of the country as Pakistan and India led to unprecedented Hindu-Muslim communal conflicts and mass level relocation of population. By 1948, more than 15 million people had been uprooted, and more than a million were dead. It is against this background that Gardner Murphy, an eminent psychologist from the USA and a UNESCO consultant, collaborated with Indian social scientists (psychologists, psychiatrists, ­economists, sociologists) and carried out an in-depth study which was later published in book form with the title In the Minds of Men (Murphy 1953). Though Hindu-Muslim communal conflicts and widespread riots were the worst in Indian history during the partition, both caste and religion in the past as well as in the present time continue to influence social and communal relationships (Singh 1988;

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Hutnik 2004; Misra 2009; Tripathi and Singh 2016). In addition, regions, language, tribal origin and other factors play a role in determining identity of people and intergroup relations. Incidences of caste and communal riots still persist, and therefore, memories of past riots and violence fail to die and determine construction of the present and future with implications in determining of intergroup relations and trust. Based on his collaborative work with eminent Indian social scientists, Gardner Murphy (1953) arrived at a conclusion that knowledge of deeper aspects of human cognition and behaviour can contribute to the solution of group level conflicts and national problems, not only in India but similar problems faced in other parts of the world. Strength of plurality of India was articulated more than a half century ago by Murphy (1953): “….the almost universal tolerance which goes with the very fact of being an Indian. The nature of Indian life is to ‘live and let live’. Family system and caste system, oppressive though they may be, are in their essence guarantees that people will move within familiar orbits involving no unpredictable interference or coercion from others” (p. 238). The general way of life to which the community is committed influences for peaceful existence, a key for progress and development. The community, therefore, has to develop norms and values for harmony and use pressures appropriately on individual members to change accordingly in both attitude and behaviour. In general, community works as collective and reinforces individuals to be in tune with the expectations of the community. Under crisis of riots and of severe conflicts, community and its leadership may apply pressures to accept norm of harmony and tolerance. An individual adapts his ways to those expected by their community other than his own. Tolerance requires faith in accepting others as they are, in terms of equality, and community may reinforce such faith. Famous dictum of Kurt Lewin as reported by Murphy (1953) is as follows: “It isn’t enough that people should know one another; they should know one another in terms of equal status”. Thus, there is a lot to learn from the classical work to promote harmony so critical for integrated development of society and nation. On a similar line, the findings of cross-national studies, conducted in India and the Netherlands on norm violations, support the above contention (Derrider and Tripathi 1992) The recent volume on violence and “othering” in India edited by Tripathi and Singh (2016) is an excellent collection of essays on collective violence in a socioculturally diverse country, India. Tripathi (2016) analyses the process of othering as instrumental in construction of the other as well as personal and social identities. Tripathi and Singh (2016) state: “Othering becomes beautiful when we think of it as diversity but it looks ugly when we think of it as a precursor of violence” (p.viv). The challenging task is to identify the processes and mechanisms that can make othering a positive experience by adhering to the societal norm of appreciation of diversity. Tripathi and Singh (2016) conclusively recognize the role of interdependence as a potentially facilitative condition for tolerance and sharing.

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Hierarchical Social Structure and Socio-economic Mobility The uniquely interwoven social structure and social systems of Indian society influence various institutions related to economic, political, legal, cultural, community, religion and other affairs. The most important feature of the Indian social structure is its hierarchical nature, nurtured by the Varna/caste system, jointly promoting inequality (Cotterill et al. 2014). The social structure and system have survival value because they serve cognitive and motivational purposes. Those who are in an advantageous position in a given system resist any change. R.  Rath (1973) succinctly states: “Having better economic standard, better educational facilities and consequently powerful administrative controls, these people perceive any change in the status quo as social evil because the change goes against them”(p. 5). In a series of studies, (Rath and Sircar 1960a, b, c) found that the upper caste people were more liberal and progressive in caste-related practices than lower caste. They considered untouchability as a greater social evil than the people belonging to untouchable castes. The upper caste people were also more in favour of a social revolution to eradicate untouchability than the untouchable themselves. One may argue that nearly 60 years ago, untouchables accepted their position as a fate accomplice, and so they thought of status quo. Maybe they have been downtrodden for so long that they thought of their position as fixed in the social system. The upper castes, on the other hand, were exposed to education and liberal ideas, and therefore, they were against such unjust and inhuman practices. Indian society has undergone a number of sociopolitical movements combined with laws related to social reforms impacting positively and changing both attitude and behaviour reducing caste discrimination substantially. The rigid social structure and systems are on decline making the societal changes for greater equality of opportunities for human development and progressive upward mobility. There is a greater assertion by the Dalits in different walks of life such as governance, economic and political to the level of reaching up to the position of Chief Minister. Though there are regional variations, caste in Indian society is all India phenomena presenting hereditary, endogamous groups maintaining hierarchy and each group having one or two traditional occupations. Social relationship is determined by hierarchical caste system which in turn determines identity and high or low ranking in the society. Caste hierarchy representing occupational status is a social ranking of castes that determines relationship level with people of other castes. Sociocultural practices of high castes are perceived respectable, and thus people of lower caste like to adopt such practices to acquire high position. An eminent sociologist, Srinivas (1966), observed and studied this phenomena and called it Sanskritization which according to him “—is the process by which a ‘low’ Hindu caste, or tribal or other group, changes its customs, ritual, ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high, and frequently”, twice-born “caste” (p. 6). The phenomenon of Sanskritization was commonly observed more in the 1960s and 1970s among those aspiring to be seen at higher level in the caste hierarchy. The motivating factor was to imitate rituals and practices of higher caste, say of Brahmins to

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improve perception of their social status. One of the most common examples has been dropping of traditional surname associated with one’s caste and replacing it by either adopting a new surname of a higher caste or an innovative neutral surname. Srinivas (1966), however, argued that “—the mobility associated with Sanskritization results only in positional changes in the system and does not lead to any structural change” (p. 7). The phenomenon of Sanskritization is not limited to Hindu castes. Srinivas observed and documented this form of mobility in other than Hindus, like tribal and subtribal groups. By the mid-1980s, however, the political status of the Other Backward Castes (OBCs) and Dalits improved substantially. The OBCs achieved success in their struggle of job reservations which strengthened their new-found identity, and their caste identity was functional, leading to rise of their political power. They also asserted in political process leading to achievements of political leadership in governments. By the 1980s, the progressive changes in caste status resulted in reversal of the process of Sanskritization making it irrelevant for achieving of social mobility. For example, in the 1960s some people dropped their traditional surname and adopted a new one to hide their caste. Later in the 1980s, the same people insisted that their sons continue with the traditional surname. In the last few decades, caste and caste based identities have acquired functionality in a number of domains like social networking, voting behaviour, and formation of social coalitions. Thus, the caste identity is seen as more advantageous due to the new-found functions. Other changes and developments particularly after speedy launching of economic liberalization and globalization have provided momentum to notoriously slow changes in Indian social structure and system. Rapid economic progress with expansion of industries and service sectors and rise of new institutions and assignments of new roles and positions is dominantly based on education, skills and professionalism and not on caste. These changes have been progressively influencing the social system. Gradually, occupational hierarchy and economic status are replacing caste hierarchy and serving as defining features of the Indian social structure and systems. The Indian social structure and system which have been traditionally primarily determined by caste is undergoing greater changes in urban than in rural context. These changes in rural society are slow and vary across the regions depending on educational and skill development combined with economic activities. One source of social tension in India is the struggle of castes to improve their relative status. Organized economy and modern institutions, urbanization, and education are critical factors tending to weaken the rigidity of the caste system. Generally, changes in attitudes occur more rapidly than changes in behaviour. Changes in attitudes towards traditional caste-based roles and occupation are followed by education and skill training and taking up jobs in organized sector. It may be hypothesized that with slow and steady decline of caste-based occupation, there will be a sharp decline in caste hierarchies, and the Indian society will move forward for greater equality.

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Based on the findings of a series of studies on psychological aspects of poverty, Pandey and his associates (Singh and Pandey 1990; Sinha et al. 1980) suggest that the poor are not a homogenous group. They are heterogeneous in perception of their economic condition. They differ in psychological construction of their economic condition and their coping responses. Nanda-Biswas and Pandey (1996) studied perception of social status, economic condition and relative poverty of the socio-­ economically mobile and immobile groups belonging to three sections of Hindu society in Orissa: scheduled caste, scheduled tribes and upper castes. The socio-­ economically mobile and stagnant people differed in perception of their poverty. Nanda-Biswas and Pandey (1996) summarize the findings: “The mobile people perceived their economic condition as better, relative poverty as lesser, and social status as higher than the respondents of the immobile group” (p. 211). Thus, mobility is a key to progress for the rigidly structured social system. Though the three groups did not differ with regard to perceived economic condition and relative poverty, they differed in perception of their social status. The scheduled caste respondents rated their social status as lower than the upper caste and tribal respondents. Nanda-­ Nanda-­Biswas and Pandey (1996) argued that it was due to prevalence of negative social image of scheduled caste people in the society. The social identity is constructed on the basis of others’ as well as own perception of themselves (Nanda-­ Biswas and Pandey 1996). Rath and Sircar’s studies (1960a, b, c) of Orissa of the 1960s and Majeed and Ghosh’s (1982, 1989) work in Uttar Pradesh of the 1980s had also reported similar findings that the scheduled caste showed negative self-­ perception as they hold negative stereotype about themselves and positive for the upper caste. One interesting finding that the scheduled tribes did not perceive their social status as lower to the upper caste people was reported by Nanda-Biswas and Pandey (1996). They explain that such perception was due to the unique nature of sociocultural identity of the tribals. The scheduled caste people are part of the hierarchical Varna (caste) system, and therefore, they have internalized their ascribed low status. The tribals, on the other hand, do not belong to the Varna system of the mainstream Hindu society, and therefore, they perceive their social status independently, and they do not suffer from caste-based relative deprivation. Upward economic mobility of the scheduled castes and tribes does not change their social status, and they continue to remain as the members of socially backward groups. Nanda-­ Biswas and Pandey (1996) conclude that the caste status does not improve as a result of their economic mobility. It may be expected that caste-based hierarchal occupational roles will decline with education and training determining such roles. In summary, mere upward mobility in job and income may not be enough to change perception of social status and even self-image. Over the years, active assertion in democratic processes has facilitated development of positive identity in the scheduled castes and tribes and also in OBCs who have realized importance of political assertion. The process, of course, is slow, complex and heterogeneous across the states and regions in India.

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Evolving Developmental Goals In the last three decades, India has been going through massive economic reforms and liberalizations for enhanced economic activities, infrastructural development, expansion of industries and establishment of new institutions. India, however, still continues to face problems of mass-scale poverty, lower ranking on indicators of human development, socio-economic marginalization and exclusion of a large size of population. Persistence of inequalities and discrimination due to many factors like ethnicity, caste, gender, regions and religions makes it a complex task for rapid positive change on development indicators. The conventional indicators of development like per capita income and gross national product have been powerfully contested. Amartya Sen (1999) has convincingly argued that a country can be very rich in conventional economic terms (i.e. in terms of per capita income) and still be very poor in the achieved quality of human life. Sen (1999) has clearly stated his position that economic prosperity is no more than one of the means to enriching lives of people. According to Sen (1999), freedom to choose between different ways of living is critically important, and that requires a person’s capability. Sen further theorizes that freedom to choose enhances utilization of human capability, maximizing a person’s as well as societal development. One of the most important tasks is to do justice to our deeply held human values related to equality of opportunities and freedom for developing competence and empowering people. The challenge of “human development in the 1980s and beyond” cannot be fully realized without making efforts leading to the enhancement of those freedoms and capabilities that matter most in the lives that we may lead. The major challenge of human development in the contemporary world is to free majority of human beings who are willy-nilly imprisoned by forces of circumstances. Planned action for social change is the first step to free the majority from sub-human life that they are forced to lead and help them to choose a life which provides freedom to develop capabilities to lead a life with dignity. It is a task that must be faced. In brief, for Sen (1999) development is freedom for capacity building. It would be possible by bringing together multidisciplinary insights from politics, economics, ethics, demography, sociology and psychology. Thus, development is the realization of freedom and the abolishment of “unfreedoms” caused by a host of factors such as poverty, famine and lack of political rights. There are a number of sources for the estimated poverty in India. The Indian government in 2012 stated 22% of its population is below its poverty limit living below $1.25 per day purchasing power parity. As claimed with some decline in the poverty, presently one may safely say that in general one out of five Indians are poor. Most of the poor (80% approximately) live in rural areas. Poverty is highest in the scheduled tribes followed by scheduled caste, other backward castes and others. It is estimated that nearly 300 million people live below the poverty line, and they do not have minimum level of nutrition, sanitation, health care, education and housing, and all these deprivations take away their freedom to live with dignity.

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In 2000, the UN General Assembly committed to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) which primarily emphasized eradication of poverty and empowerment of women resulting in an unprecedented global partnership in implementation. At the end of MDGs in 2015, the Assembly adopted Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) which will continue till 2030. The SDGs are a shift in paradigm of conceptualization of development from economic growth to healthy, human-­ centred, sustainable development. If we do not correct our ways and the present trends of overconsumption in the northern hemisphere and overpopulation in the southern hemisphere continue, in years to come, existence of life on the earth would be under serious doubts. The UN Sustainable Development Report 2016 identifies 17 goals covering some important aspects like (1) no poverty and hunger; (2) good health and well-­ being; (3) quality education; (4) gender equality; (5) clean water and sanitation; (6) affordable and clean energy; (7) decent work and economic growth; (8) industry, innovation and infrastructure; (9) reduced inequalities; (10) sustainable cities and communities; (11) responsible consumption and production; (12) climate action; (13) life below water; (14) life on land; (15) peace, justice and strong institutions; and (17) partnerships for the goals. Each SDG is equally important, and all are interconnected requiring holistic integrated approach for development. Psychology and other social sciences are relevant in objectively understanding of ground realities and suggesting policies with ways and means for facilitating development process. To achieve for all people and everywhere, basic standard of living and social protection benefits require mobilization of the community and changes in attitudes and behaviours both individually and collectively. How to achieve sustainable food production to end hunger and malnutrition is a challenging task. Psychology has a special role in achieving universal health coverage and well-being. On the line of Sen’s developmental model, SDGs further prioritize focus on equitable access to acquisition of foundational and higher-order skills, higher education and training throughout life including inculcation of values needed for societal development with efficient functioning. For inclusive social development, elimination of all forms of discrimination and harmful practices would require involvement of community to ensure evolution of appropriate values and collective consciousness. The advantages of technical advancement are obvious, but equally important are cooperation at all levels and communities’ participation in achieving sanitation and hygiene and sustainability of water resources and energy sources. Infrastructural development, industrialization and innovation must lead to productive employment, eradication of human trafficking, child labour and reduction of inequalities based on gender, age, disability, race, class, ethnicity and religion. As the community cohesion is the key in SDGs, human settlement has to be stimulating for such cohesion leading to greater innovation and employment. Promotion of sustainable consumption and actions for combating climate change are priorities for sustainability, requiring changes in attitudes and behaviours of people. To ensure achievement of SDGs, peaceful and inclusive societies based on respect for human rights and good governance with effective accountable institutions including mobilization of all resources from governments, civil societies and others like private sectors and UN

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systems would be necessary. The challenging tasks are to recognize importance of all stakeholders and involvement of all forms social-political-governmental leadership and to give due role to social scientists for evidence-based guidance to carry forward the mission of SDGs. The Gandhian approach for development has been ahead of SDGs. Gandhi believed, advocated and practised for the welfare of all, a principle of inclusive development which he called Sarvodaya (the welfare of all). Gandhi argued for a symbiotic way of community life which required maintenance of harmony across man, society and nature. His famous saying “The earth has enough to meet needs of all but not their greed” represents realization of limits of development and urges practice of sustainable consumption to ensure sustainable development. Misra and Pandey (2011) summarize Gandhian emphasis on “…truth, self control, women’s emancipation, village uplift, Swadeshi (indigenous and national), justice with equality of opportunities and national integration” (p. 591). Gandhi recommended and practised constructive volunteerism for human development and emphasized cultural social regeneration (Seth and Sethi 1998). He launched a unique social movement to embrace untouchables whom he called Harijan (son of God). This movement impacted in a major way the rigid caste system and in reduction of caste discrimination. Later, in the 1950s some of his followers like Vinoba Bhave and Jai Prakash Narayan carried forward Gandhi’s mission of volunteerism. They appealed land owners to donate part of their surplus land for the landless. They also appealed for contributing selfless service for the welfare of the society by declaring Jiwan Dan (life donation) for societal development. Though a momentum of volunteerism was created, its impact in long term has not shown any lasting visible changes. In our view “Societal development stands for the process as well as the product pertaining to realization of the full potential of a society. As such it implies effective collective arrangements for the fulfilment of the entire spectrum of human needs —from the physical, to the psychological, and to the social and cultural” (Misra and Pandey 2011, p. 591).

Psychological Research on Development Since Max Weber’s (1958) formulation of his thesis concluding that Hindu value orientation impedes the possibilities of economic development and modernization, extensive scholarly discussion has been followed by a number of eminent Western and Indian scholars like Kapp, Myrdal, Inkeles, Srinivas, Singh and many others (Kapp 1963; Singer 1966; Inkeles 1966; Singh 1967; Srinivas 1966). Milton Singer (1975) elaborates “Perhaps no obstacle to modernization in India is so often alleged as the ritualism of the caste system, and the doctrine of fate (Karma), rebirth (Samskara), duty (Dharma) and salvation (Moksa) which are supposed to constitute a theodicy for that system moral and metaphysical justification” (P19). According to Singh (1967), Weber’s explanation emphasized on role of attitudes and values in economic progress, and therefore Weber’s position is basically psychological in

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nature. Weber’s thesis implies that Hindu cultural ethos shapes attitudinal and motivational dispositions and only by suitably changing those dispositions, economic development could be possible. By the 1960s, psychologists joined other social scientists, and a beginning was made by a few eminent Indian researchers by the way of significant advancement of psychological perspectives for development. D Sinha (1966) was one of the foremost persons pleading for the role of psychologists in the study of facilitators, inhibitors and consequences of change. Influenced by McClelland’s (1961) need for achievement (n-Ach) approach, Udai Pareek (1968) stated: “— a specific societal system generates specific patterns of motivation and system of values which strengthen it, sustain it, and ensure its continuity. The motivational patterns in turn influence behavior” (p. 116). Prevalence and spread of n-Ach may work as a generalized urge in the larger number of people of society to excel by searching new ways and keep improving performance (McClelland and Winter 1969). The societal system and values influence as well as get influenced by motivational and behavioural patterns. While recognizing role of motivation in societal change, Pareek (1968) considered importance of accompanying “expectancy frame” of the society. In addition to achievement motivation, concern for others and larger society is important for development. Pareek (1968) called it extension motive –“a need to extend the self or the ego and relate to a larger group and its goals” (p. 119). To have some higher-level superordinate goal probably arouses extension motive. Such higher societal goals are important in maintaining harmony in the society and continued motivation of people in development process. There are rich examples of extension motives expressed in the form of social reforms and particularly in India’s freedom movements. Pareek (1968) summarized his approach of development: “Increasing achievement motivation (concern for excellence) and extension motivation (concern for others) are important for general socio-economic development” (p.  121). He also emphasized on reduction of dependence motivation. Overemphasis on positive linkages between need for achievement (n-Ach) and development was, however, criticized by J B P Sinha (1968, 1970). He argued that enhancement of n-Ach at individual level may not be the best thing for economic development in a situation of limited resources. Sinha’s experimental findings demonstrated that high n-Ach participants of experiments created more resources and performed better, but this was also combined with grabbing resources and putting others to disadvantages (Sinha 1968; Sinha and Pandey 1970). In comparison to selfish, altruistic oriented n-Ach persons misused less but also achieved less. These findings questioned uncritical acceptance of n-Ach theory of development particularly in the context of limited resources and in complex cultural contexts. Sinha (1970) and his associates also identified another motivational-behavioural disposition typical of Indians and called it dependence proneness which slowed down work and productivity. This behavioural pattern was described as uncalled for attention, guidance, support and help-seeking behaviour, particularly in decision-making and action taking in situations where individuals could act on their own. Dependence proneness was found to be correlated positively with religious ritualism, fatalism, superstition, obedience, apathy, passivity and similar other behavioural dispositions

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causing resistance in acceptance of innovation, mobility and risk-taking (Sinha 1970). Societal and cultural systems and institutions like family inculcate and maintain individual-level motivational and behavioural dispositions. Therefore, both individual and societal systems have to be considered. Changing motivation and behaviour at individual level on a large scale may not be practical and possible, and therefore changes at the societal system level are an imperative. Changing individuals with the hope that they will change organizations and society on a large scale may not work without strategizing changes in organizations and systems. It is argued that structural changes in organizations may also influence changes in social values and culture of the larger societal system, and these changes should also be sustained. Proactive structural changes in organizations may be conducive for societal development which in turn may inculcate facilitative values, positive changes at collective consciousness and behavioural disposition at individual level. India’s progress is largely dependent on rural development. A number of psychologists have studied preparedness and motivation of village community  for change. D Sinha (1969a, b) studied motivation of the villagers of the villages in transition of development for change. He also studied level of aspiration of villagers in community development (Sinha 1965). Later, D Sinha (1984) reported lack of differences in motivational and aspirational patterns of the villagers from developed and underdeveloped villages. There was greater motivation for immediate gain in terms of subsistence and daily living. The villagers were individualistic and less concerned for the larger problems of the village community. These findings suggest that the challenging task is motivating the villagers to make efforts and adopt innovations and organizing the village community to share, support and cooperate. In a way the task was of understanding the existing practices and values and creation of new ones, supportive to development. As the process of development is interactive, supportive social values make the process harmonious and productive. Psychologists have studied social values and other contextual factors facilitating or hindering development and change. A number of cross-national studies summarize influence of social values and attitudes on development and change (Hofstede 1980; Inkeles and Smith 1974; Sinha and Kao 1988; Triandis 1984). Eminent psychologists like Hofstede (1980) and Triandis (1984) identified individualism and collectivism as major value orientations and used them to label societies as individualistic or collectivistic and have even related them with development. Some others like Kagitcibasi (1997) do not accept such dichotomy and argue that each society may have element of both orientations. Hofstede believes that individualist oriented persons serve own rather than group interests, value self-reliance more than seeking help, and prioritize task performance over relationship may help them to be high achiever in individualistic culture. Thus, according to Hofstede (1980) individualism is associated with high level of economic development particularly in the industrial west. But it has also been argued that such economic development is not without costs like high crime rates, social pathologies and physical and mental health (Cobb 1976; Naroll 1983). Collectivism, on the other hand, does relate negatively with the Gross National Product as reported by Hofstede (1980) in the western nations, but is

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found to be a positive source of economic development in some other collectivistic society like Japan. It is not appropriate to draw simplistic conclusions and relate individualism-­ collectivism linearly with development. There may be certain aspects in both individualistic and collectivistic oriented societies inhibiting and facilitating development. The overall sociocultural context and task in hand require conducive values. For example, Tripathi (1988a, b) recommends aligning development with the right kind of values. He criticized equation of development with westernization representing a value system of western industrial societies. Inkeles and Smith (1974) identified these values and attitudes like openness to new experience, ability to control environment, respect for personal dignity, rationality, political participation, and rights to women as facilitators of development. Triandis (1984) also listed a number of attitudes and related behaviours like planning orientation, concern for time, willingness to defer gratification, interpersonal trust, cooperative spirit, small power distance, moderate risk-taking and self-control as facilitators of development. Tripathi (1988a, b) criticized the westernized industrialization model and even often argued the endogenous model manifesting progress and change of a society around own values and objectives (Alechina 1982). Tripathi (1988a, b) argues that the westernization approach is basically the implantation of alien values on a society, and therefore such development does not last even if achievements take place to some extent. Endogenous approach, according to Tripathi (1988b), “….. leaves open the possibility of a society developing in a direction which may make it less prepared to adapt to global changes” (p. 315). He suggests that to achieve faster rate of development along with the global current, a society should possibly align itself with its existing value system. So Tripathi’s position in a way supports the endogenous system but also suggests that a society must be prepared with faster ways to respond to changing environments. In support of his contentions, Tripathi (1988a, b) has cited successful intervention programmes like organization of Pani Panchayat in drought-affected areas of Maharashtra. The people got organized, and they collectively addressed the problem by volunteering labour, time and money. Their participatory efforts led to resolution of the problem to a great extent and inculcated in them confidence by minimizing passivity and dependency. Committed collective efforts are needed for societal development. A community with predominance of individualistic orientation hurts such efforts. How to overcome social traps created by pursuance of individualistic goals at the cost of collective goal is a social psychological issue to be handled. To ensure collective action for the larger goal requires each member to follow the group norm of active participation without exception. Based on the review of research, Muthayya (1988) commented: “Participation in the real sense of the word should involve people in any program based on mutual respect. It involves the capacity to identify oneself with other persons in the community without being conscious of any of the socio-­ economic barriers” (p.  235). Unfortunately, in spite of creation of constitutional institutions like Panchayati Raj, in real terms people’s participation in general is far from satisfactory. One may find variations in performance of Panchayati Raj system across and within states. In some regions/states, participative functioning of

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the Panchayati system has been positively high. The states higher on economic, social, and educational disparities suffer from dependency syndrome and do not provide fertile base for participative functioning. Mehta (1983) found that a community marked by excessive drinking habit, fear of officials and money lenders develops cynicism about its own role in development efforts. However, social interventions increasing concern for their children’s education and motivating them to improve their condition increased their willingness to participate in collective efforts. Those at the higher echelons of the rural community, one way or another, grab institutional power in the real sense at the cost of participation of less privileged. It is expected that with acceleration of development process, disparities of all kinds would slowly dissipate and participation will increase in the expected direction. Interventions have to be designed, encouraging people’s involvement in organizing themselves, leading to gaining self-confidence and adequacy. Active participation leads to acquisition of competency with skills needed for mobilizing resources for development and change programmes and to deal with outside agencies like development officials. Dalal (2010) has identified the role of volunteerism, selfless service for others’ welfare. The notion of Loka Samgraha, endeavour for the upliftment of the common man, emphasizes the value of positive action for larger social welfare. Misra and Pandey (2011) explain that “The relational notion of selfhood furnishes space for service to others, sacrifice, and renunciation” (p. 593). A number of non-­governmental organizations (NGOs) with specific goals and specializations have come up and are engaged in the development process in India and also in other countries. For example, Giri (1998) discusses Swadhyaya, as socio-spiritual movement for self-development and community transformation. The Swadhyaya movement stands for certain values like equality and dignity of all human beings, sharing of resources, well-being for all and best possible efforts for welfare of all in the community. Key to societal progress is acquisition of appropriate competencies with skills in people and their collective efforts for achievement of development goals.

Discussion and Conclusion This chapter highlights relevant psychological research enhancing understanding of issues related to societal and national development. The achievement of objectives of societal development requires multidisciplinary strategies for economic, sociopolitical, cultural and institutional changes. Meaningful dialogue and share of experiences among various stakeholders including senior-level policymakers, academics and practitioners would make it possible to achieve all aspects of sustainable human and social development. The foregoing discussion amply clarifies that Indian society has been dynamically changing and so are goals and objectives of development. As the processes of development are dynamic in nature, new challenges emerge requiring continuous and vigorous integrated research. In his recent book, J B P Sinha (2014) conclusively recognizes the unique manner in which the Indians

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construct, think and reflect about their world and how that influences their actions. He further (Sinha 2014) suggests that working of the mind and behaviour of the Indians in their sociocultural contexts reflect respect for their past traditions and easy acceptance of the new. Thus, the Indians keep navigating between the old and the new and favour co-existence of the opposites. The Indians are conscious of their cultural heritage and bound to an inclusive and adaptive mindset, and therefore any development policy and action must be planned and executed accordingly.

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Chapter 11

Dynamics of Social Development and Engagement of Authentic Responsible Self Shivantika Sharad and Girishwar Misra

Abstract  This chapter aims to elaborate the dynamics of social development and examine how authentic self can become a basis for societal development. Ethics of authenticity and responsibility as shaping individual and collective lives have been the focus of inquiry while analyzing the life stories of Malala Yousafzai and APJ Abdul Kalam. Keywords  Challenges of social development · Self and society · Conflict between self and other · Growth and social development · Responsibility – self/social · Interdependence and relational aspects of self and society/other

The Changing Dynamics of Social Development Social development rests on balance, harmony, and interdependence of several forces – forces emanating from the individual and collective levels of existence. The reciprocal engagement between the individual and the collective is necessary for any kind of development – personal or social. Like many concepts, defining ‘development’ has been a complex, contested and controversial enterprise. Sumner and Tribe (2008, p. 11) offer three propositions about the meaning of development: (a) development as a long-term process of structural and societal transformation, (b) development as a short-term to medium-term outcome of desirable targets (like Millennium Developments Goals) and (c) development as a dominant discourse of Western modernity. The dynamism of development is compounded by the fact that it is not just economical. Development is multidimensional and incorporates reorientation of social system as well. It is wedded to improving the quality of human life and people’s wellbeing, well explicated in Todaro’s (1985) definition of development: S. Sharad (*) Vivekananda College, University of Delhi, Delhi, India G. Misra Mahatma Gandhi Antarrashtriya Hindi Vishwavidyalaya, Wardha, Maharashtra, India © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 J. Pandey et al. (eds.), Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3341-5_11

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as a multidimensional process involving major changes in social structures, popular attitudes, and national institutions, as well as the acceleration of economic growth, the reduction of inequality, and the eradication of absolute poverty. Development, in its essence, must represent the whole gamut of change by which an entire social system, tuned to the diverse basic needs and desires of individuals and social groups within that system, moves away from a condition of life widely perceived as unsatisfactory and toward a situation or condition of life regarded as materially and spiritually ‘better’ (p. 85).

Todaro believes that there are three core values of development – life-sustenance, self-esteem and freedom to choose. This definition takes us to the basic unit of development – that is, the individual self. Individual’s choices are shaped and also in a way limited by the task of life sustenance and have immediate bearing on the individual’s self-esteem. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) defines human development or the human development approach as “about expanding the richness of human life, rather than simply the richness of the economy in which human beings live. It is an approach that is focused on people and their opportunities and choices to lead a long, healthy & meaningful life, to acquire knowledge, to have access to resources for decent standard of living, while preserving it for future generations (environmental sustainability), ensuring human dignity & security, achieving equality and social justice, participation in political and community life”. In recent years the emphasis of development has been shifted in favour of social development and societal transformation than industrial and economic development alone. Edwards (1993) rightly regards economic growth as bringing only material gain to the people, while “development being more holistic is much about enrichment of the lives of all the people in the society” (p. 80). Local participation and empowerment are a necessary facet of development (Mohan and Stokke 2000, p. 247) and are in line with the core value of freedom to choose. The concept of social capital (Putnam 1995) is also an important facet of development – particularly social development. Social capital refers to “the ways in which our lives are made more productive by social ties” (Putnam 2000, p. 19). It refers to collective participations, cooperation, communication and cohesion within and between various social groups, like participation in civic organizations, family activities, community and neighbourhood events. Through the availability of this capital of relations – cognitive resources (such as information) and normative resources (such as trust) – realization of objectives becomes easier and less costly. The term capital, with its origin in economics and commerce, implies resources that are applied to production of goods and services. However, the term has been extended and now includes not only human capital (value of human resources) but psychological, social, moral and spiritual capital as well. This implies that capital not only helps production of goods and services but also builds a culture of positivity, love, cooperation, collaboration, empathy, compassion, trustworthiness and all-­ round excellence. Human capital stands for the acquired skills and knowledge of the human agent that expand his economic productivity (Schultz, 1961). Psychological capital is a composite construct and incorporates self efficacy, optimism, perseverance towards goal and hope and resilience (Luthans et al. 2007). No development can take place without investment of psychological capital. As discussed above, social capital refers to the social ties among individuals and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from those ties, which eventually becomes competi-

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tively advantageous for an organization/company (Haidt 2012). Putnam (2000) upholds that social capital has substantially declined over the past few decades owing to decline in advocacy groups, immunity to repressive ways of the state and the society and moral stupor. This requires focus on the building of what psychologists and sociologists call moral capital. Sison (2003) defines moral capital as “excellence of character, or the possession and practice of a host of virtues appropriate for a human being within a particular socio-cultural context” (p. 31). He says that moral capital is what makes a person good as a human being. Sison argues that moral capital arises from the positive feedback among three operational levels that constitute the human being: actions, habits and character. As a concept, it has its origins in business and management, where moral capital is seen to play an increasingly important role in how leaders have an influence over their workforce, motivating and enhancing them through personal example of someone with “virtue” and “character strength”. Commitment to values and cultivating right habits or virtues like justice, moderation, courage, prudence, integrity, etc. are keys to developing moral capital. Haidt (2012) defines moral capital as the “resources that sustain a moral community. These include values, virtues, norms, practices, identities, institutions, and technologies that integrate with evolved psychological mechanisms and thereby enable the community to suppress or regulate selfishness and make cooperation possible” (p. 292). The extent to which a group, society or culture is aware of its moral foundations/moral code and puts them into practice would determine its moral capital. Moral capital can be assessed at the individual as well as the group level. A sound societal development can take place with stronger foundations of psychological, social and moral capital. Development in India has been crippled perhaps due to the weakening of social and moral capital. Corruption has plagued the system (political, bureaucratic, educational) and made it hollow. The differential between haves and have nots is steeply rising. Poverty is a widespread social problem, so are its associated maladies like health and hygiene, violence, crime and the like.

Exogenous and Endogenous Development Development can broadly take place in two ways  – exogenous and endogenous. Endogenous approaches are characterized by self-sustenance, wherein the internal resources of an area are utilized in a sustainable manner for community benefits. They are locally determined and hence sensitive to the values and needs of local community. Being community driven they are more inclusive, inviting participation, democratic and decentralized in decision-making and at the same time respecting indigenous knowledge, experience and local resources. On the other hand, the more dominant exogenous approaches to development are characterized by responding to external market demands and are directed towards increased profitability/generation of wealth (economic growth). This type of development is externally determined and foreign to the local community. They are outward oriented, top-­down and centralized in decision-making. It could eventually lead to lopsided development.

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Social Development in India Social development in India has been unique with influences of both endogenous and exogenous factors. Our nation continues to live under the shadow of colonization and imperialism, the clutches of which are gradually increasing due to the advent and invasion of technology. However, not everything foreign is bad or unhealthy. But if beliefs, practices and lifestyle are blindly borrowed and adopted, they weaken the indigenous cultural matrix of meaning-making and the roots on which individuals/selves are founded. Our freedom struggle of over a century and the eventual independence were a victory of the “indigenous”, that remains the most inspiring force in our society as well as the psyche. Indian culture prepares human beings to live a life that is founded in existing and growing within. Looking within and acting from within, and responding from the innermost self where the true anchor lies (an anchor that does not shift by the shifting currents of inner and outer nature), have been the most emphasized way of being in our Indian culture. Yet, there are differing forces of nature that shift the focus from the inner to the outer, where external perfection, functioning and fruitfulness become the sole aim. This compromises the harmony of the inner and the outer, the endogenous and the exogenous. We know that social development rests on balance, harmony, interdependence and complementarity of various forces – forces emanating from the individual and collective levels of existence. The reciprocal engagement between the individual and the collective is necessary for any kind of development – personal or social. And this is where we find Gandhi’s idea of development quite central. Social development is intricately linked with human development. Sarvodaya – development of all in all facets of life  – was the ultimate goal in Gandhian thought. Hence the yardstick of development should not be economic progress, industrialization, energy consumption and urbanization but be gauged on the basis of success in accomplishing the goals of social justice, rights and freedom, human dignity, equality and wellbeing of the marginalized people. One cannot talk of social development in India without mentioning Gandhi’s idea of Hind Swaraj – a critique of modern civilization. In Hind Swaraj, Gandhi laments at the colonial imperialism of our minds, subservient to power. He also critiques industrial capitalism for its degradation of humans and human values over profit and mechanization, over materialism and rationality without limits. Gandhi’s conception of development was based on the basic premise that it should be human values and not market forces that should guide development. He stressed on the development of moral and spiritual values (truth, care and non-violence) apart from economic and material development. In Hind Swaraj (1908), he clearly espoused a need for a moral revolution for the betterment of the individual and the society as a whole. Economic and political development cannot be brought about without moral development. Gandhi Ji’s approach was deeply endogenous, based on Indian values and ethos and focused on village development through small-scale economic activities that would make the villages self-sustaining rather than transplanting industrialization in the villages. He was strongly against borrowing the Western notions of

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development that focused on large-scale production, as this eventually led to inequality and lack of harmony in the society. His view was production by the masses (with the spirit of Swadeshi) rather than mass production. His concept of development was based on spiritual values of love, care, cooperation and interdependence and self-control, and not on Western values of greed, wealth and power. He was the role model for his popular quote, “Be the change you want to see in the world”. For him social development began with individual transformation. Gandhi’s views on development are in sync with the post-modern conceptualization of development, where development is regarded as consisting “of ‘bad’ change and ‘bad’ outcomes through the imposition of Western ethnocentric notions of development upon the Third World” (Sumner and Tribe 2008, p. 14). These bad outcomes have been in the form of massive underdevelopment, impoverishment, exploitation and oppression. In present times, the foremost feature characterizing social development is harmony and dialogue. The world is increasingly moving towards stress and synthetic happiness. Conflicts and chaos find reflection in an individual in the form of fractured existence, ruptured seeking of goals and meaninglessness. The challenges of social development in India are many. Lack of acceptance for diversity and differences in religions, regions, rituals, caste, creed, class, colour and language also poses a threat to development. Intergroup conflict based on different identifications is one such threat to social development. Poverty and deficiency of resources are another challenge. Huge economic disparities exist across regions, states, sectors and communities. In this scenario, it is indeed imperative for each one of us (and more so as psychologists) to reflect at the current states of being, repair the past and renew towards a more harmoniously functioning society and self. The State has introduced a number of interventions to mend the anomalies and to develop the nation at large. These include affirmative actions for reducing inequality like providing reservations for government jobs and in public educational institutions to certain underprivileged social groups, providing legal support for ensuring justice, provisions for protection of human rights, amendments in the Constitution for the empowerment of the marginalized like women, interventions for saving the environment, public health initiatives, educational reforms, providing financial and other resources to the “have-nots” and concerted efforts towards the achievement of Millennium Development Goals set up by the United Nations, amongst many others. An elaboration of the steps taken by the State is beyond the purview of this chapter. However, more than any resource deficit, we believe it is the deficiency in the domain of ethics and value of responsibility and authenticity that has been impairing social development in India. Myopic focus on individual growth and amassing of wealth has resulted in high levels of corruption and dishonesty in various aspects of the societal system – education, politics, legal, family and many others – that it has corroded. Self responsibility and social responsibility are integral in defining ourselves and our place in the social world. And it is at this juncture that we feel the need for deliberating on the relationship between self and society.

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Self and Social Development Growth of individual self is essential for social development. No society can flourish; no nation can develop only on material grounds. Psychological, social, moral and spiritual development of the people is paramount for holistic and balanced growth to take place. Self and society are inextricably linked. It is not possible to conceive of self without taking into consideration its social ties. Human personality, self and identity are sculpted in a society, and at the same time, humans are forming and reforming the society. Thus, they are in a perpetual state of mutually influencing interaction with one another. This view is that of interdependence of self and society. Yet, popular notions envisage self as an independent separate unit which exists in a society. The predominating value matrix of individualism and collectivism throws pertinent light on the relationship between self and society. The notion of independent self is the offering of the philosophy of individualism – a self that celebrates individual freedom and autonomy. It credits individual’s achievement and self-enhancement, and the individual alone is in charge of changing the environment. As much as this would entail individual responsibility, it has bred ego self and nourished consumerism and commercial mind-set and the culture of “greed is good” (Tripathi, R.C., December 2016, personal communication). The maladies of independent/individual selves are many and have been deliberated elsewhere. Increasing materialism and maximizing personal gains, rising cases of divorces and separation, relational conflicts and disintegration of family system, substance abuse, aggression, corruption, violence against minority communities, extreme forms of exploitation of natural resources and the slow death of ecosystem and many more societal problems can be justifiably viewed as a consequence of this ego-encapsulated individual. Individual freedom has become a matter of right, and abundance of alternatives to exercise choices has become a market reality. “Increased choice may actually contribute to the recent epidemic of clinical depression affecting much of the Western world” (Barry Schwartz 2004, p. 5) and gradually to the eastern world too. Growing self-myopia is also seen through enslavement that technology has brought forth.  Technological determinism is blatantly evident when smartphones enabled parents neglect their children, not only resulting in their emotional deprivation and lack of parent-child connection but also at times turning out to be fatal. Individuals are zombies, so self-absorbed and so “selfie” addicted that they are losing touch with real reality and losing themselves in virtual reality. The paradox is as much as they appear to be self-absorbed and individualistic, they are increasingly self-alienated. And by virtue of being self-alienated, they also cannot establish meaningful relationships with others. The question here is whether the individual self/independent self merely a selfish self, an amoral/unethical being? Or there could be an alternative way of looking at this individual self that is so self-absorbed, so much so that it has taken a form of pathology. The “selfie” culture is gradually gripping us, wherein the concern for desirable social presentation of self overrides the concern for the sanctity of per-

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sonal space. Perhaps, we all have become so empty that we need to prove to ourselves that we exist and hence reaffirm our identities and existence through the pictures of ourselves. We smile to prove to the world and perhaps to ourselves that we are happy. With increasing impact of individualism in our culture, where individual’s achievement and uniqueness are acclaimed, there came discourse of moral nihilism, moral decline and the cultural pessimism around it, so much so that the philosophy of individualism has been equated with selfishness. Cut-throat competition and use of unfair means to achieve one’s ends are some very common examples of this moral decline. Older moral horizons that once characterized the core of modern era have started to fade, and the society seems to have entered into an age of moral relativism. Taylor (1991) in his book The Malaise of Modernity says that the world is increasingly becoming a place where there are no standards against which a person can be criticized for falling short of himself/herself, and in such a world, the concern of being what one is ought to be is redundant. Against this backdrop, it needs to be reflected if the individual self at its core is devoid of any prosocial element. Does individualism always have to crumple the community away? India has perennially been known for its rich cultural repertoire of traditions and practices and has been regarded as a culture of collectivism. The collectivistic side of our culture is embodied in the “we-ness” of the way life is lived and shared on a daily basis, predominantly in rural and suburban areas. Collectivism broadly is based on the notion of interdependent self, with emphasis on adaptability to environment and interpersonal harmony, characterized by strong in-group identity and conformity.

Interdependent Self The relationship between self and society has been conceptualized variously, and culture plays a predominant role in defining this relationship. One model of self in relationship, posited by Mascolo et al. (2004) and relevant in the Indian context, explicates three modes – interdependent, relational and encompassing. The interdependent self is defined in terms of its relationships to others and is to some extent merged with others. The boundary between the self and the other is permeable for exchange to take place. The relational self is defined in terms of its dialogical relations with the other, where self and others exist independently yet interact with each other. They both act with reference to each other. The encompassing notion of self is the one that believes in unity of existence, where there is no dichotomy between self and society. The self holds the social. On a similar line of thought, Twine (1994) has discussed the notion of “social interdependence” that makes self – a social self. People define themselves through the choices that they make, and the choices are made in circumstances that are not of their own making or choice. Thus there always exists some constraint of social situations wherein any choice is made and exercised. The choices we make influ-

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ence the choices and lives of other people. This dynamic of self and society becomes important in understanding the development of social self as well development of society. Twine (1994) states, “human beings make themselves and their social institutions, but not in conditions of their own choosing” (p. 10). Development of self is not just a subjective enterprise. It has an objective dimension in the external world. We change, we choose and we act in relationship with others, and the action does have a manifest part. This presents us with the first malady of interdependent/collective self – the malady of conformity to stifling social norms and practices and conditions of living well. Narratives of experiencing “restrictions”, “making compromises”, “politics of social hierarchies”, “conformity to status quo” and “disillusionment with societal structures” capture the malady of collectivism. The question is whether the connected/collective self is merely a spineless self, influenced by others – fulfilling role expectations and making compromises. It is also important to understand the context in which the connected/interdependent self and the individuated/independent self operate. The world has changed and is continuously changing, and particularly important is the transition from industrial to post-industrial society, from modern to postmodern culture. And in these changing times, even the frameworks of meaning-making and guideposts of life change. The nature of self is changing, and one needs to consider the shifting nature of the self in the light of modern transformations associated with the neo individualism, changes in gender roles and family life and the fall of stable career trajectories (Orrange 2003). After 30 years of Turner’s predictions (Turner 1976), in which he argued for a shift that appeared in progress in the means by which individuals felt themselves to be authentic that involved less identification with clearly and externally defined institutional standards and more with impulses, inner feelings, wishes or desires, it seems to become a part of reality now. It is also intriguing to note that even when significant changes have happened in the way people define themselves (changing gender roles) and their life goals, not much change can be found in the societal structures. To put it simply, the changes in the way an individual lives life are not matched by the changes in the societal institutions. Hence, the institutions of marriage, family, child rearing, workplace, etc. continue to rest on older foundations. Seniority is no longer a synonym for job security. Working women still do not have societal structures built around child care or domestic chores. Moen and Orrange (2002) have provided a detailed deliberation on the same. In fact this mismatch between the traditional societal structures and agents of socialization and the changing world view (self, identity, values, etc.) has been referred to as “half-­ changed world” by Moen (1992, 2001). The millennial generation (the generation born between 1980 and 2000) is the generation that is grappling with the extreme poles of independent and interdependent self. The modern conceptualization of self is fluid, which is seen in Lifton’s protean self (1993), Gergen’s (2000) ‘pastiche personality’ and Zurcher’s (1972, 1977) ‘mutable self’. Scholars observe that self and identity have become increasingly multi-faceted, and fluid as individuals move from one social context to the other, adopting different roles in each context. “The pastiche personality is a social

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chameleon, constantly borrowing bits and pieces of identity from whatever sources are available and constructing them as useful or desirable in a given situation” (Gergen 2000, p. 150). Self in this conceptualization is situational, and the answer to the question “Who am I?” is always tentative. Self emerges as a process rather than an object. Mutable-self adapts to rapid social changes. As per the needs of situation, self can be allocentric or idiocentric. Turner’s (1976) predictions about a shift that appeared in progress in the means by which individuals felt themselves to be authentic that involved less identification with clearly and externally defined institutional standards and more with impulses, inner feelings, wishes or desires seem accurate. However, each one of us keeps oscillating between both these modes of existence. What is desirable in any culture is the unique symbiosis of the values of individualism and collectivism. And to us India due to its ancient past and history presents this uniqueness. Hofstede’s (2001) survey across cultures/nations placed India in the middle range of the individualism-collectivism continuum. Subjectively, self as we experience in day to day is independent and interdependent, fragmented and connected, individual and familial and autonomous and embedded. This could be regarded as an inevitable and also necessary paradox of life. A paradox may represent tension between self and the other, as well as dichotomy between individual and the collective. The question here is can we have a self that is compassionate and caring – that is simultaneously anchored within and connected, authentic and responsible and ‘willing and loving’? Indian form of collectivism also contains streaks of strong individualism. “The Indian model of man … places strong emphasis on realization of the self, although one is also asked to transcend it in the interest of the larger society. In Indian society, individualism and collectivism act like figure and ground. Depending on the situations, one rises to form the figure while the other recedes into the background” (Tripathi 1988, pp. 324–325). Collectivist values are important in the family setting, while in the areas of religion and ethics, there is a strong emphasis on the realization of self through self-control and meditation (Sinha and Tripathi 1994). Dichotomous conceptualization of self and social phenomena is common in the West. Johnson (1975) states that distinctions concerning “inside-outside”, “subjective-­ objective” and “psychological-social” are only phenomenological (p. 369) and actually pseudo-polarities. Coexistence of opposites is characteristic of the Indian psyche and culture. “the two [allocentrism and idiocentrism] can coexist and are simply emphasized more or less in each culture, depending on the situation. All of us carry both individualist and collectivist tendencies; the difference is that in some cultures the possibility that individualist selves, attitudes, norms, values, and behaviour will be sampled or used is higher than in others” (Triandis 1994, p. 42). There is another way of looking at these two modes of existence. In general, the non-Western perspectives go beyond anthropocentric views and provide a relational orientation in which a person is part of a larger integral. They emphasize a harmonious coexistence in which interdependence and complementarity are central and reflect a symbiotic relationship between human beings and their environment (Misra 2013). These views also emphasize the shared constituents that underlie the self/

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non-self-distinction, rendering the boundaries between the two permeable. As Tripathi (1988) noted, in the Western mind, boundaries appear to be more stable and fixed (e.g. self and environment, mind and matter, spiritual and material). In contrast, the Indian mind is governed by constantly shifting and variable boundaries. The self sometimes expands to fuse with the cosmos, but at another moment it may completely withdraw itself from it. Another feature is the synthesizing mindset (Sinha 2014). The Indian culture fosters finer differentiations and also puts them together into a whole by identifying some unifying principle. Sinha (2014) also elaborates on cosmic collectivism, that is, the deep-seated Indian belief that everything is an expression of the one Supreme Being. Hence the entire world is unified as an interconnected whole (the cosmos). Research in many non-Western cultures indicates that self is construed as connected, fluid, flexible and committed to the context and to others. Such notions of an open, relational and encompassing self have been reported in texts, theoretical analyses and empirical investigations in various parts of the world (Cross et al. 2011; Gergen 2009; Heelas and Lock 1981; Marsella et  al. 1985; Mascolo et  al. 2004; Misra 2013; Shweder and Bourne 1984; Lu and Yang 2006). The beauty of collectivist Indian-self lies in transcending the narrowness of their individual self and expands it to include not only the near and dear ones in the family but also the larger collectives and in fact for the whole universe (Sinha, D. 1998). The notion of relational self that extends itself to the service of others is illustrated in the lives of Malala Yousafzai and Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam. Malala Yousafzai is a Pakistani activist for female education in the Taliban-controlled Swat valley in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, northwest Pakistan. She is the youngest person to win the Nobel Prize for peace in 2014 at the age of 17. Dr. Kalam is a household name in India, revered and loved by all. He was the former president of India and a renowned space scientist. In the section below, we present insights from the lives of these two persons who have lived authentically and in service to the mankind.

Thinking Further: Authentic Self and Societal Outcomes Weaved with insights from the life stories of Malala Yousafzai and APJ Abdul Kalam, we hope to identify themes of authentic living and social/societal development and their interaction in the lives of these two exemplars. Focus shall be on ethics of authenticity and responsibility that shaped these lives. To this end, we have used texts from the autobiographical account of Malala titled I am Malala (2014) and APJ Abdul Kalam’s autobiography Wings on Fire (1999). The autobiography of Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam (with Arun Tiwari) titled Wings of Fire (1999) and that of Malala Yousafzai (with Patricia McCormick) titled I am Malala (2014) have been studied and quoted below to support the thematic insights drawn from the lives of these leaders. The quotes from Wings on Fire have been indicated as WOF, and those from I am Malala have been indicated as IAM for the sake of brevity.

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A glimpse into the lives of an aged aerospace engineer and a 19-year-old woman and a child rights activist, what becomes exceedingly clear is that only through an authentic self-expression is an enduring public service possible. Their lives seem to show the possibilities of a self that is compassionate and caring and that is simultaneously anchored within and connected, authentic and responsible, willing and loving and free and disciplined. The being and becoming of a person are both individual and relational. In the words of Malala about finding her voice, “I spoke about how much I loved school. About how important it was to keep learning. ‘We are afraid of no one, and we will continue our education. This is our dream.’ And I knew in that instant that it wasn’t me Malala, speaking; my voice was the voice of so many others who wanted to speak but couldn’t” (IAM, p. 73). Apart from the realization that their lives were in extension to the lives of those around them, both of these exemplars also, from the very beginning, had a clear sense of purpose. The life of Avul Pakir Jainulabdeen Abdul Kalam from the very beginning was an extraordinary one in the ordinary town of Rameswaram. Son of a humble Muslim boat owner, Dr. Kalam from the very beginning was in touch with his calling, his inner voice. As he stated in the book Wings of Fire, “I had been fascinated by the mysteries of the sky and the flight of birds from early childhood. I used to watch cranes and seagulls soar into flight and longed to fly. Simple, provincial boy though I was, I was convinced that one day I, too, would soar up into the skies. Indeed, I was the first child from Rameswaram to fly” (WOF, pp.  12–13). Needless to say about the youngest Nobel laureate, Malala Yousafzai too found her calling in life sooner than is usual. At the tender age of 11 when her father took her to Peshawar to speak at the local press club, Malala daringly proclaimed, “I am not afraid of anyone… How had I become so bold? I wondered. ‘Well, Malala’, I told myself, ‘you’re not doing anything wrong. You are speaking for peace, for your rights, for the rights of girls. That’s not wrong. That’s your duty’” (IAM, pp. 93–94). Death too had its own impact on the lives of these two leaders. In remembering Malala as the girl who was shot in the head fighting for the right to education, one tends to overlook the incident that happened half a decade before this shooting and played a major role in shaping her. In the winter of 2007, Benazir Bhutto, a woman who inspired and gave hope to young Malala, was assassinated. At the tender age of 10, the young exemplar was gripped with bleak dread as she writes, “My mother, my father, and my grandmother burst into tears. Benazir Bhutto was the first woman attacked by the terrorists… The killing of women is prohibited by the Pashtun code. We were shocked…My first thought was this: ‘If Benazir Bhutto can die, no one is safe.’ ” (IAM, p. 55). Leaders tend to often emerge in times of panic and absolute disarray. Following the assassination of the first female prime minister, a 1­ 0-year-­old girl in a small village of the country recalls herself as feeling “a tiny voice in (her) heart whispered: ‘Why don’t you go there and fight for women’s rights? Fight to make Pakistan a better place? As everyone around me cried, I kept my secret. I told myself, ‘I will continue this journey of fighting for peace and democracy in my country.’ I was only ten, but I knew then that somehow I would find a way.’ ” (IAM, p. 56).

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Even on being hospitalized in Birmingham after being shot by the Taliban in the head and slipping into coma for a week, Malala was able to salvage strength (“I wasn’t sad. I wasn’t scared. I just thought: It doesn’t matter what I look like. I am alive. I was thankful”; IAM, p. 147). Her days in the hospital were marred with worries for her family particularly her father and their wellbeing. However, as she always said she was a hopeful person. In spite of not getting answers to her questions regarding her father’s wellbeing, she thought, “But I am a hopeful person, and therefore when I see problems, I will always think about solutions. So I thought I would go to the hospital’s reception desk and ask for a phone so I could call my parents” (IAM, p. 142). APJ on hearing the loss of his brother-in-law writes in his book of the immense grief that took hold of him: “One day, when my team and I were totally engrossed in the preparation of the static test of the first stage motor, the news of a death in the family reached me. My brother-in-law and mentor Jenab Ahmed Jallaludin, was no more. For a couple of minutes, I was immobilized, I could not think, could not feel anything (…) I found myself talking incoherently (…) I felt that I had been thrown into a whirlpool of time and space (…) these images came before my eyes in a blur, too terrible for me to comprehend” (WOF, pp. 82–83). However, as he travelled the same night to his hometown, on his way he attempted, though it was eventually proven to be futile, to rid himself of this internal darkness. In a rare incident of mustering resilience while still grieving, APJ writes, “During this time, I did my best to free myself from the very past which appeared to have come to an end with Jallaluddin. But the moment I reached my house, grief assailed me afresh”(WOF, p. 83). He was consoled yet again by the words of his father who explained to him how even in such times of distress, the plan of the Divine is at play: “My father held my hands for a long time. There were no tears in his eyes either. ‘Do you not see, Abul, how the Lord lengthens the shadows? Had it been His will, He could have made them constant. But He makes the sun their guide, little by little He shortens them. It is He who has made the night a mantle for you, and sleep a rest. Jallaluddin has gone into a long sleep—a dreamless sleep, a complete rest of all his being within simple unconsciousness. Nothing will befall us except what Allah has ordained. He is our Guardian. In Allah, my son, put your trust.’ He slowly closed his wrinkled eyelids and went into a trance-like state” (WOF, p. 83). He goes on to talk about the inability to reconcile with the death of his brother-­ in-­law even though he has an unusual acceptance of towards death: “Death has never frightened me. After all, everyone has to go one day. But perhaps Jallaluddin went a little too early, a little too soon” (WOF, p. 83). What stands out is that he continues to proactively strive to get rid of the feelings of distress, even as they persist with just as much force: “I could not bring myself to stay for long at home. I felt the whole of my inner self drowning in a sort of anxious agitation, and inner conflicts between my personal and my professional life. For many days, back in Thumba, I felt a sense of futility I had never known before— about everything I was doing” (WOF, pp. 83–84)

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His need to concentrate on his work was deeply conflicted with the personal losses that he faced for 3 years consecutively. He experienced guilt for abandoning his mother (“Was I too stubborn or was I excessively preoccupied with the SLV? Should I not have forgotten for a while my own affairs in order to listen to her? I regretfully realised this only when she passed away soon afterwards”; WOF, p. 86) and was reasonably shaken by the loss of his father. This, however, made him even more inclined to his work and what he believed to be his purpose. Inspired by the divine voice he heard in the mosque after his mother’s death, APJ was “physically exhausted, emotionally shattered, but determined to fulfil our ambition of flying an Indian rocket motor on foreign soil” (WOF, p. 87). He said, “I wanted to throw all my being into the creation of the SLV. I felt as if I had discovered the path I was meant to follow, God’s mission for me and my purpose on His earth” (WOF, p. 89). Total commitment as he believed was “a crucial quality for those who want to reach the very top of their profession…Total commitment is the common denominator among all successful men and women” (WOF, pp.  89–90). He eloquently stated between that “The difference between an energetic and a confused person is the difference in the way their minds handle their experiences” (WOF, p. 90). And with this clarity he went on to pursue his work in the face of emotional adversity. It is plainly visible that death and its role in the lives of these two people converge again in how unperturbed their life stories remain despite their brushes with the ultimate end and losses. Their focus on their causes and their determination and perseverance in this direction are largely unharmed by these incidents. While both the individuals grow, mature and are profoundly personally affected by losses (and, in Malala’s case, being shot herself), they continue to strive towards their goals unhindered. As they treaded their separate paths, both these individuals faced multiple obstacles, which, by virtue of the difference in their goals, were mostly not overlapping. What however does bring them together is the way they chose to respond to these obstacles. For a small-town boy who has always wanted to fly, being rejected by the Air Force Selection Board was equivalent to watching one’s childhood dream be shattered in a single moment. For a 17-year-old asking for the basic right to be educated to be shot in the head is pretty much a tragic end to a brave story. Both these individuals, however, rose above these challenges, as they fought the norms from their respective social outskirts, Dr. Kalam as a Muslim in an increasingly divided nation and Malala Yousafzai as a woman demanding the right to education for women in a Taliban-controlled land. In spite of the presumed climax of their stories, both these individuals were faced with divisive obstacles more than once in their lives. For ordinary people many of these situations would mean giving up as inevitable. Notwithstanding any of this, both of these individuals rose to the occasion and bounced back after each downfall. Malala said, “I don’t want to be thought of as the ‘girl who was shot by the Taliban’ but the ‘girl who fought for education’ ” (IAM, p. 195). This is the cause to which she has devoted her life. Her sheer courage is evident when she says, “So, yes, the Taliban have shot me. But they can only shoot a body. They cannot shoot my dreams, they cannot kill my beliefs, and they cannot stop my campaign to see every girl and every boy in school” (IAM, p. 192).

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The Taliban led by Fazlullah had blown up hundreds of schools and banned girls from attending schools. Due to this most girls stopped coming to school. “It was hard not to feel a bit depressed sometimes, not to feel as though the families who kept their girls at home were simply surrendering to Fazlullah. But whenever I’d catch myself giving in to a feeling of defeat, I’d have one of my talks with God. Help us appreciate the school days that are left to us, God, and give us the courage to fight even harder for more” (IAM, p. 76). After being shot in the head by the Talibans and the continued threat to her life, Malala’s commitment remained undeterred to girls’ education. She stated in her UN speech, “The terrorists thought that they would change our aims and stop our ambitions, but nothing changed in my life except this: Weakness, fear, and hopelessness died. Strength, power, and courage was born. I am the same Malala…One child, one teacher, one pen, and one book can change the world” (IAM, p. 196). It was sheer courage of the 17 year-old-girl who said, “If one man can destroy everything, why can’t one girl change it?” What facilitated this resilience was the acknowledgment that their cause was a cause of the many and their role was that of a humble facilitator in a greater plan of some greater force. One blessing of being born in a culture that is labelled as “collectivistic” is that one more often than not stumbles upon the central spiritual dogma – “All is one and one is all”. Malala states, “I think of the world as a family. When one of us is suffering, we must all pitch in and help…Millions of people prayed for me and God spared me. I am still here for a reason, and it is to use my life for a reason” (IAM, p. 192). Since the very beginning, there was a sense of comradery in Dr. Kalam that went beyond the boundaries of caste and religion, which to a large extent was also shaped by his parents. I had three close friends in my childhood—Ramanadha Sastry, Aravindan, and Sivaprakasan. All these boys were from orthodox Hindu Brahmin families. As children, none of us ever felt any difference amongst ourselves because of our religious differences and upbringing. (WOF, pp. 8–9)

The Western view of such a society attaches labels of “we-self”, “others-oriented living” and “community-living” to understand the phenomena which really lies beyond the bondage of these terminologies. What can be seen through the stories of both these exemplars is an encompassing approach to viewing mankind as an extension to the individual self. Both these individuals were confronted in their lives with the enormity of their causes and driven to humbly serve their rightful parts in a struggle larger than them. Understanding that one’s struggle isn’t a route to find self-gratification but a way to let the energy of universe flow through oneself is something that helps one attain the freedom to be their true self while at the same time also have the humility to understand the interdependent nature of all of mankind and the responsibilities that come with this. Dr. Kalam says, “The sides of the mountain sustain life, not the peak. This is where things grow, experience is gained, and technologies are mastered. The importance of the peak lies only in the fact that it defines the sides” (WOF, p. 98). He gave importance to supporting his colleagues and always treated them with respect and love, not with authority and arrogance.

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“What makes life in Indian organizations difficult is the widespread prevalence of this very contemptuous pride. It stops us from listening to our juniors, subordinates and people down the line. You cannot expect a person to deliver results if you humiliate him, nor can you expect him to be creative if you abuse him or despise him. The line between firmness and harshness, between strong leadership and bullying, between discipline and vindictiveness is very fine, but it has to be drawn” (WOF, p. 38). The unwavering fashion of their commitment to their calling was also aided by an ultimate belief in their work and at their core an optimistic faith in the Divine plan. As saint Swami Sivananda guided young Abdul through a period of darkness when he could not join the Indian Airforce said, “Desire, when it stems from the heart and spirit, when it is pure and intense, possesses awesome electromagnetic energy. This energy is released into the ether each night, as the mind falls into the sleep state. Each morning it returns to the conscious state reinforced with the cosmic currents. That which has been imaged will surely and certainly be manifested” (WOF, p. 25). On understanding that his dreams were not broken but were merely meant to manifest in a different way, Dr. Kalam was able to make peace with his fate. “I joined the next day as Senior Scientific Assistant. If this was to be my destiny, I thought, let it be so. Finally, I was filled with mental peace. No more did I feel any bitterness or resentment at my failure to enter the Air Force” (WOF, p. 25). He said, “This is my belief: that through difficulties and problems God gives us the opportunity to grow. So when your hopes and dreams and goals are dashed, search among the wreckage, you may find a golden opportunity hidden in the ruins”(WOF, p. 140). Malala’s unwavering belief in God and surrender to Him is quite similar to Kalam’s. She says, “I believe there is something good for every evil, that every time there’s a bad person, God sends a good one… Dear God, I wrote in a letter. Did you know there are children who are forced to work in the rubbish heap?…He (God) was showing me what my life might be like if I couldn’t go to school…Now I knew I would have to do something… I asked God for the strength and courage to make the world a better place” (IAM, pp. 26–27). She said, “How great God is! He has given us eyes to see the beauty of the world, hands to touch it, a nose to experience all its fragrance, and a heart to appreciate it all. But we don’t realize how miraculous our senses are until we lose one” (IAM, p. 179). Her spiritual orientation is also evident through her not wanting any kind of revenge on the Taliban but her only dream being education for all children of the world. In her younger years, Malala had realized that revenge was unhelpful. “I had had my taste of exacting revenge. And it was bitter. I vowed then that I would never partake in badal (a tradition of revenge) ” (IAM, p. 15). The openness and warmth towards people were something both Dr. Kalam and Malala saw since childhood. In today’s extensively shrinking world when even nuclear families seem like a huge responsibility, there were values of “Vasudeva Kutumbkam” that were being inculcated in these two world leaders. Malala says, “For as long as I can remember, our house had been full of people: neighbors, relatives, and friends of my father’s—and a never-ending stream of cousins, male and female. They came from the mountains where my parents grew up or

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they came from the next town over. Even when we moved from our tiny first house and I got my ‘own’ bedroom, it was rarely my own. There always seemed to be a cousin sleeping on the floor. That’s because one of the most important parts of the Pashtunwalii code is hospitality. As a Pashtun, you always open your door to a visitor” (IAM, p. 16). She further says, “As much as I wanted to help the children from the dump, my mother wanted to help everyone…I asked her once why she always gave food away. ‘We have known what it is like to be hungry, pisho,’ she said. ‘We must never forget to share what we have. So we shared everything we had’” (IAM, p. 27). Kalam writes, “I was born into a middle-class Tamil family in the island town of Rameswaram in the erstwhile Madras state. My father, Jainulabdeen, had neither much formal education nor much wealth; despite these disadvantages, he possessed great innate wisdom and a true generosity of spirit. He had an ideal helpmate in my mother, Ashiamma. I do not recall the exact number of people she fed every day, but I am quite certain that far more outsiders ate with us than all the members of our own family put together” (WOF, p. 3). He adds, “During the annual Shri Sita Rama Kalyanam ceremony, our family used to arrange boats with a special platform for carrying idols of the Lord from the temple to the marriage site, situated in the middle of the pond called Rama Tirtha which was near our house. Events from the Ramayana and from the life of the Prophet were the bedtime stories my mother and grandmother would tell the children in our family” (WOF, p. 9). One thing that stood out in the narratives of Dr. Kalam in a more pronounced fashion was the oneness of his being. It seems as though he is comprised of but one fibre and one value that resides at his core and resonates throughout each and every single one of his endeavours: his innocent curiosity to look for systematic meaning. Be it his mathematical precision towards his field of study (“Often, I have been told I carry a ‘surgical knife’ to aeronautical design reviews”; WOF, p. 18) or his reverence for his native tongue (“Tamil is my mother tongue. It is said to be a language moulded by lawyers and grammarians and is internationally acclaimed for its clear-­ cut logic”; WOF, p. 20) or even his search for the ultimate spiritual truth (“I wonder why some people tend to see science as something which takes man away from God. For me, science has always been the path to spiritual enrichment and self-­ realisation”; WOF, p. 15), Dr. Kalam holds dearest his scientific temper and values most the nature’s symmetry which makes it possible for him to make sense of the world around him. This depth and intensity of integrity and congruence within a person make it possible for him/her to not just be more authentic but also more decisive in times of crisis, as their core values are their overt guidelines too. Having always been one with deep spiritual inclinations, Dr. Kalam also wrote, “Each individual creature on this beautiful planet is created by God to fulfil a ­particular role. Whatever I have achieved in life is through His help, and an expression of His will. He showered His grace on me through some outstanding teachers and colleagues…All these rockets and missiles are His work through a small person called Kalam…We are all born with a divine fire in us. Our efforts should be to give wings to this fire and fill the world with the glow of its goodness” (WOF, p. xv-xvi).

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When his father beckoned his mother to bid her son farewell, he too said, “Your children are not your children. They are the sons and daughters of Life’s longing for itself. They come through you but not from you. You may give them your love but not your thoughts. For they have their own thoughts” (WOF, p. 10). Similar one-pointed focus is also evident in Malala when she, at the tender age of 11 in an interview, said, “I’m not afraid of anyone. I will get my education. Even if I have to sit on the floor to continue it. I have to continue my education, and I will do it” (IAM, pp. 93–94). This oneness for Malala came from her devotion and faith in education. “Suddenly, everywhere I looked, the Taliban seemed to sprout like weeds…Then I thought: What have I done wrong that I should be afraid? All I want to do is go to school. And that is not a crime. That is my right. Besides, I was the daughter of Ziauddin Yousafzai, the man who had dared to talk back to the Taliban. I would hold my head high—even if my heart was quaking” (IAM, p. 54). When the Taliban banned girls aged 10 and above from attending school, Malala’s teacher Madam Maryam opened school for those girls who wanted to study. “So the next day, I put on everyday clothes and left home with my books hidden under my shawl and my head held high” (p. 91). The “secret school (was) our silent protest” (IAM, pp. 93–94). Apart from her own grit and determination, Malala became what she is today because of the unflinching support of her father. “But I knew, even then, that I was the apple of my father’s eye. A rare thing for a Pakistani girl” (IAM, p. 18). Defying all traditional norms, her father got Malala’s name written “in bright blue ink – right there among the male names of our family tree. Mine was the first female name in three hundred years” (IAM, p. 19). “I would often wander away from the children’s games, tiptoe through the women’s quarters, and join the men. That, it seemed to me, was where something exciting and important was happening. I didn’t know what it was, exactly, and I certainly didn’t understand the politics, but I felt a pull to the weighty world of the men. I would sit at my father’s feet and drink in the conversation. I loved to hear the men debate politics. But mostly I loved sitting among them, hypnotized by this talk of the big world beyond our valley” (IAM, pp. 16–17). She never wanted to wear Hijab, Niqab or Burqa – the covering Muslim women all over the world have to wear. “Living under wraps seemed so unfair—and uncomfortable. From an early age, I told my parents that no matter what other girls did, I would never cover my face like that. My face was my identity. My mother, who is quite devout and traditional, was shocked. Our relatives thought I was very bold. (Some said rude). But my father said I could do as I wished. ‘Malala will live as free as a bird,’ he told everyone” (IAM, p. 18). Their fathers played a major role in shaping who they were. On the death of his father in 1974, APJ remembered: “My father pursued the supreme value, the Good. His life inspired the growth of all that was benign and angelic, wise and noble. My father had always reminded me of the legendary Abou Ben Adhem who, waking one night from a deep dream of peace, saw an angel writing in a book of gold the names of those who love the Lord. Abou asked the Angel if his own

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name was on the list. The Angel replied in the negative. Disappointed but still cheerful, Abou said, ‘Write my name down as one that loves his fellowmen’. The angel wrote and vanished. The next night, it came again with a great wakening light, and showed the names of those whom the love of God had blessed. And Abou’s name was the first on the list” (pp. 85–86).

APJ indeed became a man who loved his fellowmen. Lives of these leaders exemplify perfectly the concept of an extended self, that is, relating to “the other” as incorporated in one’s own self. Their lives validate “self-in-relation-to-others” as the centre of authentic experience. It is a journey of transformation of self/consciousness from a more limited egocentric orientation to a broader, all-­encompassing spiritual orientation that recognizes the fundamental unity across all creations. The conclusions of their respective memoirs share a similar sentiment, that of purpose and the responsibility that comes with it and also of humility with which they’ve served their roles. They lived their lives on their own terms and conditions and never let their vision for the greater good fade. APJ ends his autobiography by stating, “My story—the story of the son of Jainulabdeen, who lived for over a hundred years on Mosque Street in Rameswaram island and died there; the story of a lad who sold newspapers to help his brother; the story of a pupil reared by SivasubramaniaIyer and Iyadurai Solomon; the story of a student taught by teachers like Pandalai; the story of an engineer spotted by MGK Menon and groomed by the legendary Prof. Sarabhai; the story of a scientist tested by failures and setbacks; the story of a leader supported by a large team of brilliant and dedicated professionals. This story will end with me, for I have no belongings in the worldly sense. I have acquired nothing, built nothing, possess nothing—no family, sons, daughters”(WOF, p. 177). Malala sums her experience by writing, “On the ninth of October 2012, the Taliban shot me on the left side of my forehead. They shot my friends, too. They thought that the bullets would silence us. But they failed. And then, out of that silence came thousands of voices. The terrorists thought that they would change our aims and stop our ambitions, but nothing changed in my life except this: Weakness, fear, and hopelessness died. Strength, power, and courage was born. I am the same Malala. My ambitions are the same. My hopes are the same. My dreams are the same (…) I had once asked God to make me taller. I have realized that God has answered my prayer. God has made me as tall as the sky. So tall I could not measure myself, but my voice could reach people everywhere. I had promised a hundred raakatnafl when I’d first asked God to give me height, so I have given him those prayers. But I know that with the immeasurable height, God has also given me a responsibility and a gift: the responsibility to make the world a more peaceful place, which I carry with me every moment of every day; and the gift to be able to do so. Peace in every home, every street, every village, every country—this is my dream. Education for every boy and every girl in the world. To sit down on a chair and read my books with all my friends at school is my right. To see each and every human being with a smile of true happiness is my wish. I am Malala. My world has changed, but I have not” (IAM, pp. 196–197).

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These two life stories were narratives of integrity, passion, resilience, responsibility towards others, willingness to contribute towards the greater good and a more selfless and pure form of willingness to give. Both these legends had one motto – to educate; one was a teacher, the other is an activist for teaching and learning, and they changed the world.

References Cross, S. E., Hardin, E. E., & Gercek-Swing, B. (2011). The what, how, why, and where of self-­ construal. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 15, 142–179. Edwards, S. (1993). Openness, trade liberalization, and growth in developing countries. Journal of Economic Literature, 31, 1358–1393. Gandhi, M. K. (1908/1938). Hind Swaraj. Ahmedabad: Navjivan Publishing House. Gergen, K. (2000). The saturated self: Dilemmas of identity in contemporary life. New York: Basic Books. Gergen, K. J. (2009). An invitation to social construction. Los Angeles: Sage. Haidt, J.  (2012). The righteous mind: Why good people are divided by politics and religion. New York: Pantheon. Heelas, P., & Lock, A. (1981). Indigenous psychologies: The anthropology of the self. New York: Academic Press. Hofstede, G. (2001). Culture’s consequences: Comparing values, behaviors, and organizations across nations (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks: Sage. Johnson, F. (1975). Psychological alienation: Isolation and self estrangement. Psychoanalytic Review, 62, 369–405. Kalam, A. P. J., & Tiwari, A. (1999). Wings of fire. Hyderabad: Universities Press. Lifton, R.  J. (1993). The protean self: Human resilience in an age of fragmentation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lu, L., & Yang, K. (2006). Emergence and composition of the traditional-modern bicultural self of people in contemporary Taiwanese societies. Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 9, 167–175. Luthans, F., Youssef, C.  M., & Avolio, B.  J. (2007). Psychological capital. New  York: Oxford University Press. Marsella, A. J., Devos, G., & Hsu, F. L. K. (1985). Introduction: Approaches to culture and self. In A. J. Marsella, G. Devos, & F. L. K. Hsu (Eds.), Culture and self: Asian and western perspectives (pp. 2–23). New York: Tavistock Publications. Mascolo, M. F., Misra, G., & Rapisardi, C. (2004). Individual and relational conceptions of self in India and the United States. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 104, 9–26. Misra, G. (2013). Culture and self some emerging perspectives. In G. Misra (Ed.), Psychology and psychoanalysis (pp. 371–383). New Delhi: Centre for Studies in Civilizations. Moen, P. (1992). Women’s two roles: A contemporary dilemma. Westport: Auburn House. Moen, P. (2001, February). The career quandary. Population Reference Bureau Reports on America 2(1). Moen, P., & Orrange, R. M. (2002). Careers and lives: Socialization, structural lag, and gendered ambivalence. In R. Srttevsten & T. Owens (Eds.), Advances in life course research (pp. 231– 250). London: Elsevier. Mohan, G., & Stokke, K. (2000). Participatory development and empowerment: The dangers of localism. Third World Quarterly, 21, 247–268. Orrange, R. M. (2003). The emerging mutable self: Gender dynamics and creative adaptations in defining work, family, and the future. Social Forces, 82, 1–34. Putnam, R. (1995). Bowling lone: America’s declining social capital. Journal of Democracy, 6, 65–78.

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Putnam, R. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. New York: Simon and Schuster. Schultz, T. W. (1961). Investment in human capital. The American Economic Review, 51, 1–17. Schwartz, B. (2004). The paradox of choice: Why more is less. New York: Harper Collins. Shweder, R. A., & Bourne, E. J. (1984). Culture theory. In R. A. Shweder& & R. A. LeVine (Eds.), Does the concept of the person vary cross-culturally? (pp. 158–199). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sinha, D. (1998). Changing perspectives in social psychology in India: A journey towards indigenization. Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 1, 17–32. Sinha, D., & Tripathi, R.  C. (1994). Individualism in a collectivist culture: A case of coexistence of opposites. In U. Kim, H. C. Triandis, C. Kagitcibasi, S. C. Choi, & G. Yoon (Eds.), Individualism and collectivism: Theory, method, and application (pp.  123–136). Thousand Oaks: Sage. Sinha, J. B. P. (2014). Psycho-social analysis of the Indian mindset. New Delhi: Springer. Sison, A. J. G. (2003). The moral capital of leaders. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing. Sumner, A., & Tribe, M. A. (2008). International development studies: Theories and methods in research and practice. Sage: London. Taylor, C. (1991). The malaise of modernity. Concord: Anansi. Todaro, M. P. (1985). Economic development in the third world (3rd ed.). New York: Longman. Triandis, H.  C. (1994). Theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of collectivism individualism. In U. Kim, H. C. Triandis, C. Kagitcibasi, S. C. Choi, & G. Yoon (Eds.), Individualism and collectivism: Theory, method, and application (pp. 41–51). Thousand Oaks: Sage. Tripathi, R. C. (1988). Aligning development to values in India. In D. Sinha & H. S. R. Kao (Eds.), Social values and development: Asian perspective. New Delhi: Sage. Turner, R. H. (1976). The real self: From institution to impulse. American Journal of Sociology, 81, 989–1016. Twine, F. (1994). Citizenship and social rights: The interdependence of self and society. New Delhi: Sage. Yousafzai, M., & McCormick, P. (2014). I am Malala: How one girl stood up for education and changed the world. London: Hachette. Zurcher, L. A. (1972). The mutable self: An adaptation to accelerated socio-cultural change. Et al, 3, 3–15. Zurcher, L. A. (1977). The mutable self. Beverly Hills: Sage.

Websites: United Nations Development Programme. Human Development Reports. Retrieved from http:// hdr.undp.org/en/humandev on 2017, May 18.

Chapter 12

Leadership Ideology and Socioeconomic Inequality: The Case of Israeli Kibbutzim Uriel Leviatan

Abstract  In this chapter, the author seeks to answer the question, “Why do some affluent societies adopt socioeconomic inequality and some do not?” and suggests governmental/leadership ideology as the major factor. This chapter presents secondary analysis of data from research conducted on members (about 700) from 32 kibbutzim, both “traditional” and “differential”. Transformed kibbutzim are called “differential” and the ones which stay communal – “traditional”. Keywords  Socioeconomic inequality · Leadership ideology · Comprehensive mutual responsibility · Differential Kibbutzim · Traditional kibbutzim

 heoretical Background for Socioeconomic Equality T and Health Researches over the past 20 years suggest that the degree of socioeconomic inequality within a social entity (such as countries, states, provinces, counties, metropolitan areas, neighbourhoods) negatively determines its levels of well-being and life expectancy and is positively related to its levels of morbidity and mortality. Studies focusing on this relationship have been published frequently since Wilkinson’s (1992) paper on the topic – either as reviews in their own right or as part of a debate about the validity of the purported relationship (e.g. Judge et al. 1998; Kawachi 1999; Kawachi and Kennedy 1997, 1999; Kawachi et  al. 1999; Kennedy et al. 1996; Lynch and Kaplan 1997; Lynch et al. 2000; Marmot 1999; Mellor and Milyo 2001; Marmot and Wilkinson 2001; Robert 1999; Robert and House 2000; Schnittker and McLeod 2005; Wilkinson 1996; Wilkinson and Picket 2006). Wilkinson and Picket’s (2006) reviewed all studies on the topic (to the time of their writing  – 155 papers that included 168 analyses) and concluded that 87

U. Leviatan (*) Department of Sociology and the Institute for the Research of the Kibbutz, University of Haifa, Haifa, Israel e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 J. Pandey et al. (eds.), Psychological Perspectives on Diversity and Social Development, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3341-5_12

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studies wholly supported the thesis, 44 partially supported it, and 37 were unsupportive. The theoretical model suggests a causal flow where social capital (Putnam 1993, 2000) serves as a mediating variable between the level of socioeconomic inequality and the various outcomes. The suggested causal flow runs like this: the level of socioeconomic inequality within a social entity causes relative deprivation among those at the lower socioeconomic strata and degrades their level of social capital as expressed, for example, in lower participation in community, public, and political spheres; in reduced trust and solidarity among members of the community; in lower levels of trust in leadership and in the political process; and in weaker social support offered to members within the community. In turn, these reduced levels of social capital adversely affect risk behaviours and risk states that are translated into higher levels of morbidity and mortality. One of the central criticisms against this model demanded it to explain “why socioeconomic inequality appears in society”. Thus, it called to look “upstream” of the causal flow model (House 2001). A common response to this demand argued that socioeconomic inequality should be viewed as resulting from central, structural and ideological aspects of society (such as its principles of conduct and its social institutions). Those lead to socioeconomic inequality and also affect other social and economic structural aspects of society (such as distribution of individual income and society’s investment in health services, in education, and in infrastructure). These lead in their turn to lowered social capital and to reduced health and well-being (e.g. House 2001; Coburn 2000; Muntaner and Lynch 1999). Yet, viewing “central, social and ideological structures”, as “the beginning of the causal chain”, still begs the question as to what or who determines the characteristics of these “central social structures”.

 eadership Ideology as a Determinant of Socioeconomic L Inequality I suggest the ideology of government/leadership as a major causal factor that determines socioeconomic inequality. This supposition results directly from the vast literature that demonstrates the important effect leaders have on organization and on followers (e.g. Bass 1985; Hogan et al. 1994). A summary of this literature would be that leaders determine the course of their organizations or communities and are a major factor in shaping their followers’ views about their organizations, communities, and themselves. In addition, leaders have a very central role in controlling resources that organizations and communities have. Thus the distribution of resources and their priorities is determined very much by the views and ideologies held by leaders. The relevant dimension of leadership for the current topic of research is its position on a scale that runs between a welfare state ideology pole on the one side and

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on the opposite side – a neoliberal ideology. For this paper, it is important to remember three major assumptions of a neoliberal ideology: (a) the markets are the best and most efficient allocators of resources in production and distribution; (b) societies are composed of autonomous individuals (producers and consumers), rather than groups or teams, and that these individuals are motivated chiefly by economic considerations; and (c) competition is the major market vehicle for innovations and improvements. When leadership supports neoliberal ideology, then it promotes less socioeconomic equality. This is because, as said before, modern theories of organization view leadership as a major determinant of social structures and their outcomes and as an important determinant of followers’ beliefs and commitments. Leadership ideology should translate, as stated before, into levels of social capital: while the welfare state ideology supports public investments in building the society, neoliberal ideology promotes, instead, private expenditure in education, public health, physical infrastructures, etc.). An example from Israel is shown in Fig.  12.1. During the years, 1990–2010, governments in Israel changed seven times. The governments in power represented different socioeconomic ideologies. The political parties of “Likud” and “Kadima” adhered to principles of neoliberal ideology, while the “Labour” party adhered to principles of welfare state ideology. Figure 12.1 demonstrates that the governments with varied ideologies differentially made investments in education as a share of GNP. Higher levels of governmental investment in education occurred during the rule of labour and lower levels of investment during the rule of the Likud or Kadima parties. Increased investment by society in education lowers inequality because it

Fig. 12.1  Israel: expenditure on education as a percentage of GDP 1990–2006 during the rule of different ideologies represented by political parties in government and the name of prime minister. (Based on data from Taub Center 2009)

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allows individuals of lower socioeconomic strata to take advantage of education, which is less possible when education has to be bought privately. The major hypothesis I am to test in this study, with data from Israeli Kibbutz communities, is that the ideology of leadership is responsible for society having more or less socioeconomic equality among its members.

 ibbutz Communities in Israel (Kibbutz, Singular; Kibbutzim, K Plural) Space here does not permit a full exposure of kibbutz history, its ideology, economy, politics, or sociology. Interested readers could find good resources in the English language (e.g. Near 1992, 1997; Leviatan et  al. 1998). However, some material needs to be presented here as a background for the study proper. Kibbutz communities are the offspring of Zionist youth movements that started in Europe at the beginning of the 1900s. Members of these youth movements were ideologically committed to Zionism (an ideology centred on the establishment of a state for the Jewish people in its ancient home “Zion” (“Israel” or “Judea” in ancient times and “Palestine” at that time)). At the beginning of the 1900s (and since about 70 A.D., when the Jews from Israel were exiled by the Romans), they were scattered all over the world (which for them was a “diaspora”) and had no state of their own. The members of the Zionist youth movements wished to become pioneers in the land, reclaim it (from marshes and deserts) into farmland, and establish a base for a Jewish state. Most of the members were also ideologically committed to Socialism, to communal life, to deep solidarity, and to strict equality among members (important is also that most were secular except for a small group who were religious of the Jewish faith). The majority of these youth came from well-to-do or middle-class families. They gave up on their parents’ hopes and demands to continue academic studies or continue in their parents’ businesses. Instead, they saw an ideal in immigrating to Palestine to become plain farmers or blue-collar workers and thus building in their own state the missing working class of the Jewish people. The first kibbutz of nine young men and two young women settled near the Sea of Galilee in 1909. Since then kibbutz population grew in size – both as a population and in the number of communities. Yet, it has always been a small minority of the Jewish population in Israel. Even at its peak, just before the establishment of Israel as an independent state (1947), it formed only about 7% of the Jewish population. Later, it came down to 3%, and currently it forms only about 2% of the Jewish population in Israel (and about 1.5% of the total population). Despite their small numbers, the kibbutzim served very central positions in Israeli history and in its society: They settled in the periphery and thus helped shaping Israeli borders. Their representation in Israeli politics (parliament and government – including two prime ministers), and in “labour”-inclined political parties,

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was far larger than their proportion in the population, so was also their representation in the Israel Defense Forces and in its officers’ ranks (including four chiefs of staff). In addition, kibbutzim played a very central role in developing Israeli secular culture, transforming it from being based mostly on religion. Likewise, impressive are the current contributions of Kibbutzim to Israeli economy  – about 7–8% of industrial sales and about 40% of farm produce. Currently there exist about 270 kibbutzim with a population of about 160,000. Kibbutz communities vary in size, ranging from several dozens to about 1500. Kibbutzim strongly cooperate with each other in many ways. Some of the most central ways of cooperation are the following: They are federated in two kibbutz movements – the larger one (Takatz), which comprises their vast majority, is secular and politically affiliated with Labour parties. A smaller federation of 17 kibbutzim (Kibbutz Dati) is religious and affiliated with a religious party. Each of these two federations includes kibbutzim across all geographical areas in the country. The second way is a cooperation with each other at the regional municipalities – irrespective of movement affiliation. The third way is in economic cooperatives of producers and consumers defined by geographical areas – also irrespective of movement affiliation.

 he Ideology of Equality and Principles of Conduct T in Kibbutzim Kibbutzim may be viewed as corresponding to whole, much larger, societies due to their unique characteristics: They are semi-autonomous communities as regards most domains of life yet could be different (within restrictions) from each other according to their own members’ preferences. Most domains of life are expressed within kibbutz social or physical boundaries. Their members share similar background, education, history, culture, and family ties as the rest of Israeli Jewish society. In addition, they are relatively affluent within Israeli society. One other important characteristic of the traditional kibbutz (for the topic of this study) is that members in leadership positions are elected into office by majority vote. The normative internal social ideology of traditional kibbutzim is best expressed by kibbutz by-laws (Kibbutz Artzi 1972) in its section of “goals and assumptions”: Kibbutz is a free association of people for the purpose of the … existence of a communal society based on principles of public ownership of property, … equality and participation in all domains of production, consumption and education… …Kibbutz Goals are [among others]:… …To develop and promote friendship and fraternity among its members. …To develop and promote members’ personality, personal ability, and collective ability in the spheres of economy, social, culture, science, and art.

Kibbutzim aspire to have among members equality in its purest sense – according to individual uniqueness (which kibbutz lingo defines as qualitative equality). This definition of equality differs from mechanical equality (where each gets or

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contributes the same) or from equity (where each gets (differentially) according to one’s (differential) contribution). The principles of strong equality among members manifested itself in many domains of the traditional kibbutz life. For instance, equality in decision-making was carried out by several governing mechanisms such as the “general assembly”, “managerial rotation”, or “decentralization” of influence by elected committees for every societal function (Rosner 1971; Leviatan 1982, 2013b; Palgi 1998; Pavin 1998). Likewise, equality in consumption was mostly established on the principle of “to each according to his/her needs” (e.g. Gluck 1998; Leviatan 1998; 1999).

Structural Transformation Towards the End of the 1980s Starting at the end of the 1980s, economic crisis struck the kibbutzim (and Israel as a whole). An intensive debate surfaced as to whether the kibbutz economic crisis was due to outside circumstances (such as governmental policies) or whether it was an outcome of kibbutz principles of management (e.g. Leviatan et al. 1998; Rosolio 1999; Weber 1992, Harel 1993). One major correlate of that crisis – claimed to be resulting from the belief that kibbutz principles of management were the cause of the economic crisis – was the abandonment by most kibbutzim (and their members) of their basic principles of conduct, including the principle of qualitative equality in remuneration. The rejection of the original kibbutz values resulted in voluntary (expressed in majority vote by at least three quarters of membership in each kibbutz) transformation of most kibbutzim into communities quite similar to the outside world. Compared to traditional kibbutzim, the transformed kibbutzim manifest lower levels of equality, solidarity, democracy, and fraternity among members, concern for the well-being of individual members, caring for the outside society, homogeneity in ideology, and acceptance of kibbutz traditional characteristics as socially desirable (e.g. Rosner and Getz 1994; Leviatan et al. 1998; Leviatan 2013a; Palgi and Reinharz 2011). Part of the debate about the causes of the economic crisis dealt also with the question of what drove members to support transformation of their kibbutzim – Was it due to their economic situation or to ideological consideration? Research (e.g. Palgi 1994; Leviatan and Rosner 2001) had shown that the major cause was the lessening of ideological commitment to the central kibbutz values. Adhering to the neoliberal principles of conduct and their translation into day-to-­ day life of kibbutzim by the adoption of differential remuneration did not occur immediately and not in all kibbutzim at once. To illustrate: out of the close to 270 kibbutzim in 1993, still not 1 kibbutz was differential; in 1996, 6% of kibbutzim transformed into being differential; in 1999, 21% of kibbutzim transformed; in 2002, 52%; in 2005, 71%; in 2008, 75%; and in 2014, 78%. As the number of transformed kibbutzim grew, the government enacted a new by-law (Government of Israel 2005) to differentiate between traditional and

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­transformed (differential) kibbutzim. An important defining characteristic for transformed kibbutzim was as follows: “Distribution of personal budgets [remuneration] to members according to their office/position, contribution, or tenure”. Thus, kibbutzim transformed so that equity became their new guiding principle of equality. In the current study, I refer to the transformed kibbutzim as differential (because of the differentials in remuneration) and to those which did not transform – traditional.

 ransformation of Kibbutzim Leads to Less Socioeconomic T Equality The next two tables (Adar et al. 2005) illustrate that in differential kibbutzim, the community sheds off its responsibility of supplying health services according to needs. Instead, individuals bear the burden of payment. In addition, the burden of individual expenses increases with the passing of years into differential salary arrangement. This must create inequality because individuals have different needs, yet richer individuals can pay for all their health necessities, while poorer members cannot. In addition, Tables 12.1 and 12.2 illustrate how fast changes occur in allocating and distributing central resources (in this instance, resources directed towards health services).

New Situation Beneficial for This Research The new situation of differential salary arrangement may seem sad for kibbutz members committed to the ideology of equality among members, or, conversely, it may present a happy state for those who want to replace it with neoliberal ideology. However, sad or happy interpretation of the outcomes for the kibbutzim, it offers itself as a splendid research opportunity not available before. Consider the following: There are two groups of communities, similar to each other in almost all domains – size, history, culture, geographical location, outside economic situation, demography and biographies of their members, etc. These two groups of communities also were, until very recently, very similar to each other in Table 12.1  Health services for the aged: percentage of the cost of services paid by the kibbutz community in the two types of kibbutzim. (Adar et al. 2005)

Budget system/services Medications Sheltered/nursing home Nursing in own house Help in the house

Traditional 100.0 95.0 100.0 85.0

Differential 25.5 67.0 39.5 22.0

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Table 12.2  Percent of kibbutzim where cost of medical services is paid by members (rather than by the community) as a function of the number of years in differential salary arrangement and compared to traditional kibbutzim Number of years (in differential salary Traditional arrangements) (N = 40) Medication for chronic 2.5 illnesses Medications not in 16.7 national “health basket” Medical aid devices 0 Physiotherapy 2.6 Psychotherapy (adults) 2.6 Psychotherapy (children) 2.6

1–2 years (N = 16) 37.5

3–4 years (N = 24) 79.2

5–6 years (N = 17) 64.7

7–8 years (N = 15) 66.7

56.3

92.0

88.2

86.7

37.5 56.3 37.5 37.5

84.6 96.2 76.0 68.0

93.8 76.5 73.3 66.7

76.9 64.3 85.7 86.7

Survey of informants from 131 kibbutzim (Adar et al. 2005)

their ideology and in its translation into social arrangements in all domains of life. Yet, now they are very different from each other in one of their most basic principles of life  – the level of socioeconomic equality among the members within each community. Given this opportunity we can investigate how the socioeconomic inequality is expressed in various domains of life, such as how it affects well-being, health, satisfaction with life, and the like. These topics were studied in the original study (Leviatan et al. 2006; Leviatan 2007). At the same time, this new situation also gives us an opportunity to look into the causes that brought about transformation into socioeconomic inequality.

Translation of Research Question into the Kibbutz Setting The central research question in the current study is what and who were responsible for the transformation of traditional kibbutz communal communities to adopt the principles of neoliberalism and the creation of inequality among members. I suggest that responsibility lies with the kibbutz communities’ leadership and the ideologies held by them. In fact, community leaders and their ideologies were important factors responsible for both the transformation of kibbutzim into the differential type and also the decision by other kibbutzim to remain communal and maintain equality principles among members. I suggest that the process in kibbutzim that transformed into differential salary arrangements was as follows. Before the decision to transform (note that by law it had to be taken by a special majority vote – a “yes” vote of at least 75% of membership), leaders of the community held stronger views than the rank and file members in favour of the transformation. Leaders in transformed kibbutzim were also less supportive than their rank and file members, of basic values of equality and ­solidarity

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among members, and also less supportive of these values compared to leaders in traditional kibbutzim. On the other hand, leaders in traditional kibbutzim were more supportive of values of solidarity and equality among members as compared to their rank and file members. Therefore, each group of leaders pulled its constituency in direction of their own beliefs by presenting ideologies in an extreme way compared to those expressed by the regular members.

The Current Study: Research Methods This study is a secondary analysis of data (Leviatan et  al. 2006; Leviatan 2007) based on samples from 32 kibbutzim – 11 kibbutzim from the traditional type and 21 that got transformed, during up to 6 years prior to data collection (2005), into differential salary arrangement, altogether about 700 individuals. The two groups of kibbutzim were similar in their level of economic prosperity prior to the decision of transformation by the differentials. The basic instrument of the study was a questionnaire that focused on attitudes towards equality and solidarity (e.g. extent to which it is desirable in a “dream place” one wishes to live, to have “qualitative equality”) and towards the structural change that kibbutzim adopted (“your position during the debate about transformation into differential salary arrangement”). It also included data to designate individuals into different levels of leadership/management in their kibbutzim. In addition, it asked (in differential kibbutzim) about personal or family material outcomes of the transformation (e.g. net income of family; level of income group respondent belongs to, in own kibbutz). A more detailed description of the items in the questionnaire is presented in the “Findings” section. Analyses compared means across managerial levels within each group of kibbutzim (by analyses of variance and the F statistic) and comparisons of means of responses of the same managerial levels across the two types of kibbutzim (Student’s t). The original study (Leviatan 2007) supported the model suggested by Wilkinson and colleagues (e.g. Kawachi et al. 1999): the level of socioeconomic inequality in kibbutz communities was negatively related to social capital in both its dimensions (psychosocial and physical) which in turn related positively to the well-being of members and to their mental and physical health. The following formal hypotheses were tested: H1a: The adoption of differential salary arrangement brings about socioeconomic inequality among members within a kibbutz community. H1b: Socioeconomic inequality increases with the accumulation of years into the differential salary arrangement. H2: Before the transformation into differential salary arrangement took place, leaders of differential kibbutzim, compared to regular members, were stronger supporters of the transformation.

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H3a: Leaders in differential kibbutzim, compared to regular members, express weaker support of central kibbutz ideology (qualitative equality and comprehensive mutual responsibility). The opposite is true about leaders and members in traditional kibbutzim. H3b: The differences in the level of support for expressions of kibbutz ideology are highest between the leaders of the two groups and much less so among lower managerial levels in them. H4: Once kibbutzim transform into differential salary arrangements, the top leaders gain materially, for themselves, more than do members in lower levels of management.

Findings The adoption of differential salary arrangement indeed brought about economic inequality, which deepens as the years accumulate into this arrangement (H1a & H1b): The data used in the current study were also used by Leviatan (2007). He found a correlation of r = 0.54 (p