918 66 44MB
English Pages [308] Year 1976
Table of contents :
Cover
Table of Contents
Preface
1 Introduction
1.1 The Comparative Method
1.2 Phonological Reconstruction
1.3 The Nature of Proto-Romance
2 The Phonemic Inventory of Proto-Romance
2.1 Languages Compared
2.2 Prosodic Features
2.3 Vowels
tense i
lax i
tense u
lax u
close e
open e
close o
open o
a
2.4 Semi-Vowels
2.5 Consonants
2.6 Vowel-Clusters and Diphthongs
2.7 Clusters of Two Consonants
2.7.1 Homosyllabic
2.7.2 Ambisyllabic: Double Geminate
2.7.2 Ambisyllabic: Other
2.8 Clusters of Three Consonants
2.8.1 Not Palatalised or Labialised
2.8.2 Ending in j
2.8.3 Ending in w
3 Proto-Romance and Latin
3.1 Every-Day and Literary Latin
3.2 From Gracchan Latin to Proto-Romance
4 Major Developments in Early Romance
4.1 Earliest Divisions
4.2 Further Early Developments in Vocalism
4.3 Early Developments in Consonantism
4.4 Prosodic Features
4.5 Sporadic Sound-Changes
4.6 Phonological Effects of Analogical Substitution
4.7 Borrowings
Appendix I. Further Phonological Tables
Appendix II. List of Proto-Romance Words
a
b
d, e, f
g
i, j
k
l
m
n
o, p
r, s
t
u
References: Abbreviations, Authors and Titles
Index
a
PROTO-ROMANCE PHONOLOGY
Foundations of Linguistics Series
Editor: Charles F. Hockett, Cornell University
Contributors: Erwin A. Esper Mentalism and Objectivism in Linguistics: The Sources of Leonard Bloomfield’s Psychology of Language, 1968 Robert A. Hall, Jr.
Comparative Romance Grammar: External History of the Romance Languages, Volume I, 1974 Proto-Romance Phonology, Volume II, 1976
C. F. and F. M. Voegelin Classification and Index of the World’s Languages, 1976 (in preparation)
COMPARATIVE ROMANCE GRAMMAR, VOLUME
PROTO-ROMANCE PHONOLOGY Robert A. Hall Jr Cornell University
a ELSEVIER
New York/Oxford/Amsterdam
II:
AMERICAN ELSEVIER PUBLISHING COMPANY, INC. 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10017
ELSEVIER SCIENTIFIC PUBLISHING COMPANY
335 Jan Van Galenstraat, P.O. Box 211 Amsterdam, The Netherlands
© American Elsevier Publishing Co., Inc., 1976
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Hall, Robert Anderson, 1911Proto Romance phonology.
(His Comparative Romance grammar; 2) (Foundations of linguistics series) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Romance languages—Phonology. 2. Romance languages—History. I. Title.
PC76.H3
440°.09 75-45215 ISBN 0-444-00183-2
Manufactured in the United States of America
‘To Diana, Bill, Scott, Barbara and Darrin
Introduction..........6.00005 eect ree ence eeenee 1.1. The Comparative Method...........eeeceeeee eee e renee eeeneeee 1.2, Phonological Reconstruction.........6sseeeeee 1.21. Phonemic Inventory..... 1,22, The Regularist Assumption... 1.23. Interfering Factors aes 1.3. The Nature of Proto-Romance..........++eeeeeeeeeeee 1.81. Vulgar Latin, Common Romance, Proto~Romance. The Phonemic Inventory of Proto-Romance..............+ee0+ 2.1. Languages Compared.........0.ccceeeeeeeeeeeeneeeeees 2.11, Abstract Considerations. . a 2.12. Comparative Tables... Segn sarees In or sacitcelrraatadanencipialnceds 30h Se 2.2. Prosodic Features. . 2.3. 2.31. Phonological Components. . 2.32. Individual Phonemes.... 2.4. Semi-Vowels 2.41. Phonological Components...........:ecceeeee eee e ee eeeee 2.42. Individual Phonemes.... 2.5. Consonants........+0.eeeeeees 2.51. Phonological Components. . 2.52. Individual Phonemes..... 2.6. Vowel-Clusters and Diphthongs 2.61. Vowel-Clusters.............0-000+ 2.62. Diphthong..........-..ceseeeeee 2.7. Clusters of Two Consonants. . 2.71. Homosyllabic....... as 2.72; Ambisyllabieccwimawes oo evasepnaa exer aenamanaiiien an 2.721. Double (Geminate).......... 0c ccce seen e eee eeee 2.722, Othersisnvsses ras 2.8. Clusters of Three Consonants........ 2.81. Not Palatalised or Labialised. . 2.811. Ending in /r/........ 2.812, Ending in /1/. 2.813. Other..... 2.82, Ending in /i/...........ee eee 2.821. Double Consonant + /ij/ 2,822. Consonant + /ri/....... 2.823. Consonant + /ti/... os 2.824, Consonant + /kj/... c . c cece cece cece ee ee eee ees
oourunnneek
TABLE OF CONTENTS
viii
TABLE or CONTENTS 2.825.
8.
4,
2.83.
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2.826, Consonant + /uj/.......-.+ Ending in /y/:............
Proto-Romance and Latin............cseeseeeeeeeeeeeneee 3.1. 3.2.
Every-Day and Literary Latin............0ceeeeeeeee From Gracchan Latin to Proto-Romance
177
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4.12.
The Development of Proto-Romance /u/. .
8.22. Diphthongs.............sccecescccnccersceeseaseooosss 3.23. Single Consonants... --. 3.24, Consonant-Clusters. B25 SELERS 0. ecermsesousio nse ccojece nein nueieineieinule iS EAETSAS HAREY OS ERE Major Developments in Early Romance. vee B1,. Marliest DIvisiODsicsescess ee waracaoswrscwccencecacacpiem eecaceseiqe. sue:ecesmiacenenmunverts 4.11, The Development of Proto-Romance /i/............+.0055 4.2,
4.3.
4.4. 4.5.
4.6.
4:7.
174 bis
175 175
-+»
4.13, Syncope... .. 0... cece cece cece cece eee nent een n eee ee Further Early Developments in Vocalism............22.00eeee0s 4,21, Umlaut .. 4.22. Diphthongisation... 0.0.0.0... 00. cc cece cence eee ence anes 4.23. Systemic Amplifications...............00ececeeeeeeeeeees 4,24, Systemic Reductions Early Developments in Consonantism...........0.0eee eee scene A431, Assimilationy sissies esavseeaswe sas vaste ee de doves ve mene 4.32. Palatalisation . 4.33. Labialisation. ........ 0... c cece cece eee eee ee eee ee ene 4.34, Simplification of Geminates............ 00. cece cece eeeeae 4.35. Lenition Prosodic Features Sporadic Sound-Changes 4,51. Dissimilation... -» G152;. Metathesis sia: ianwisriasia os 03 couieiitios andes atancnmmun 4.53. Haplology viis.sis cscswaes vee ov wean ane 44 HV NST eda Soioraie Phonological Effects of Analogical Substitution -» Browngs couse sesageneguwiee 10268 PAN RORSETS AG Hicaielemie ne eeecowie
4.71. Sources......... 0... cece eee 4.72. Effects on Phonological Systems .. Appendix I. Further Phonological Tables..............0cccceecuecsecees Appendix II. List of Proto-Romance Words............00.ccecceucceuces ROLVENCOR 366 possess, coca nercaia convener anys NI LER assess avevencrematicns 4-aiy ia a Sivslaralerbe eager etram ana fw wioraeIele GAARRAIRRR A Gees
177 178
178
179 180 180 181 185 185 185
187
188 189 189 190 192 193 194 194 195 198 198
200 201 201 201
202
202 202 207 267 283 295
Preface The present volume, devoted to the comparative phonology of the Romance languages, is the second in a series of six planned to form, when completed, a Comparative Romance Grammar. The first (Hall 1974) dealt with the “external history” of the Romance languages, i.e. with the circumstances attendant on their development, use, and (in some instances) decline. The later volumes are expected to treat of inflection, syntax (phrase- and clause-structure), word-formation, and lexicon.
The method used in this and the other volumes of the series is inten-
tionally eclectic, not adhering exclusively to any one school of linguistic analysis, but taking from each approach whatever techniques are most helpful for the problem under consideration. For my basic view of the nature and function of language, cf. Hall 1974:1-3. With regard to the historical development of linguistic features, our prime approach is that of the comparative method, leading, in the case of the Romance languages, to the reconstruction of Proto-Romance speech and its comparison with attested phenomena of Latin (cf. below, § 1.1). The material collected in this and subsequent volumes is presented chiefly in the form of comparative tables, each exemplifying one specific feature of Proto-Romance as reconstructed on the basis of the languages shown in the table. Each table is annotated with explanations of special
features of the items cited (especially the period from which they are attested or, in the case of non-standard forms, the dialect to which they belong), and by a discussion of the correspondences on the basis of which the reconstructed feature is established.
Forms are cited in phonemic transcription, set up on the basis of what is
known about the phonology of each language. The stage selected for each language is normally the earliest attested (Old North French, Old South French, etc.). In some instances, justifiably presumable earlier forms have
been set up on the basis of correspondences between later forms and related
forms in the other Romance languages or Latin. Thus, the word for ‘to get angry’ is attested in Old North French writing as azrer; but we may jus-
tifiably assume the existence of an earlier stage /a & irér/ on the basis of
its correspondence with Old South French /azirér/ and Italian and Sardinian /adirdre/, all pointing back to a Proto-Romance /adi‘rdre/,
x
PREFACE
which is confirmed by Latin /adi-ra-re/ adirare. Sardinian words are cited in the non-lenited form as normally preserved in the dialects of Bitti and Fonni.
The following marks are used in the transcription to indicate levels of
bondage (cf. Hall 1946a, 1964: 132-133): Mark
Level
-
inflectional
I ¥
phrasal clausal
+
derivational
As a source for cited forms, I have used primarily Meyer-Liibke 1911 (1936*), corrected and updated from other sources, especially the great linguistic atlases (such as Gilliéron and Edmont 1902-1910, or Jaberg and Jud 1928-1940). For general knowledge and approach, I am of course indebted to all my predecessors in Romance philology and linguistics. For the individual languages, I have utilised particularly Wagner 1938-1939 and 1941 for Sardinian; Nandris 1963 and Rosetti 1968 for Roumanian; Meyer-Liibke 1890, Grandgent 1927, Rohlfs 1949-1954, and Tekavéié 1973 for Italian; Grandgent 1905 for Old South French (Old Provengal); Nyrop
1899-1930 and Brunot and Bruneau
1905-1969 for Old North French;
Badia i Margarit 1951 for Catalan; Menéndez Pidal 1904 (19498) and 1926 for Spanish; Williams 1938 and Mattoso Camara 1972 for Portuguese; and for the Romance field as a whole, Meyer-Liibke 1890-1900 and Tagliavini
1949 (19725).
R.A.H., Jr. Ithaca, N.Y.
CHAPTER
1
Introduction
1.1.
The Comparative Method
Of the various approaches to historical linguistics that have been de-
veloped in the last two hundred years, the comparative method has given the firmest, most dependable results, and has served as a base (whether acknowledged or not?) for all others. When two or more languages show resemblances, on all levels of structure, that cannot be ascribed to chance nor yet to linguistic borrowing, it is to be assumed that they have developed out of a common “ancestral” form, which can be reconstructed by comparing the resemblances and systematic correspondences between the languages involved. At some earlier time, that is, the persons from whom
later generations learned their speech were using a substantially unified
language, so that the differences between the later languages arose as a result of progressive variation, systematic in its nature. A language reconstructed in this way is termed a “proto-language.” Forms ascribed to a proto-language are usually marked with an asterisk and are therefore often called “starred forms,” e.g. Proto-Romance */abantidre/ ‘to go ahead’. In this work, however, the label PRom. (= Proto-Romance) always refers to a reconstructed form, and hence renders unnecessary the use of an asterisk or star. Thus, in the Romance languages we find numerous sets of obviously related forms such as those shown in Table I. On the basis of such sets of correspondences, we reconstruct Proto-Romance forms which are very close to (though not identical with) Latin forms having the same or similar meanings. It is impossible, therefore, to deny that a relationship between
our reconstructed Proto-Romance and Latin exists. Our procedure should always be to reconstruct the Proto-Romance forms first and then to com-
pare the reconstructions with attested Latin material. In this way, we are
enabled to pin-point the features (positive or negative) of popular speech preserved in Romance more clearly than by a direct comparison of one or
2
Proto-RomANcE PHONOLOGY TABLE
I
Sample Sets of Correspondences in the Romance Languages
Meaning
‘hour’
Sardinian
éra
Italian Old S. French
ova o’ra
Roumanian
Old N. French
Catalan
Spanish
Portuguese Proto-Romance
Latin
‘door, gate’ porta
odra
é*ure 6*re
éra
6’ra 6’ra
ho-ra
poarte
pérta porta
pérte
pérta
porta
more Romance varieties with Classical final /m/ in monosyllables, § 2.52.10,
§§ 2.722.2.a-c).
1.2.
1.21.
krédere
kréde(re)
kré“dere kré‘ire
kré“idra
puérta
pérta, pérta
‘to believe’
kréura kreér
kreé*r kré“dere kre-dere
‘bread’ pane
pfine
pane pa(n*)
pin
p&(n*)
pan
pao pane
pane-
Latin (as in the case of Latin or of initial /s/ + consonant,
Phonological Reconstruction
Puonemic
Inventory.
In reconstructing the phonology of a
proto-language, our prime purpose is to establish its phonemic inventory. This is best done by taking sets of forms which are clearly related in meaning and which show regular correspondences between sounds in similar positions. In general, therefore, we will compare, say, stressed
vowels with stressed vowels, medial consonants with medial consonants,
and so forth, unless it is possible to state the conditions under which unlike phenomena are to be compared.
1.22,
Tue Recutarist Assumption.
The fundamental assumption of
historical phonology, often debated? but never convincingly refuted, is that, under like conditions, the sounds of a language would develop in like
manner, if there were no interfering factors. There are, of course, various types of factors which interfere with regular phonetic development, but it is only the “regularist”’ assumption that enables us to identify the (often more interesting) causes of non-regular sound-correspondences. The task of phonological reconstruction is easiest when, in a set of
related forms, we find the same sound in the same position in all the
3
InTRODUCTION TABLE
II
Romance Correspondences with Initial /m/
Meaning
‘my’ (m.sg.)
‘measure’
‘honey’
‘death’ mérte moérte morte mort mort
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
méu miéu mfo miéu mién
mestira mastira mistira meztira moziira
méle miére miéle mél miél
Span. Port.
mfo méu
fmeztira meziira
miél mél
muérte mérte
me-nsu‘ra,
mel
morte-
Cat.
PRom.
Lat.
méu
méun
meum
mozire
me‘sti*ra
mé‘]
méle
mért
mérte
languages being compared, as we do for initial and medial /m/ in Romance (Tables II, III). Here, it can be assumed without difficulty that the protolanguage had the same phoneme as we find in the later languages. Likewise, if, in one or more of the later stages, we find a divergent development occurring consistently, we can consider this to be a case of regular soundchange, as shown for French /y/ < PRom. /u*/ (Table IV). TABLE III Romance Correspondences with Medial /m/ Meaning Sard. Roum.
Ital.
OSFr.
ONFr.
Cat.
Span.
‘smoke’
‘woof?
‘to love’
fimu fim (u-)
tréma trdéme
amare
fim
tréma
fimo fim
fim
hiimo
Port.
fimo
Lat.
fu:mu-
PRom. * Old Sardinian
> Old Italian ° Old Spanish
4 ‘in what manner’
fi*mu
tréma
amare
tréimo
amr
tréma,
amér
tréme
tréma
tréma,
tra‘ma
amar
amér
amar
amére
amare
‘how’ 9kdé kim
*k6*mo
k6*m
kém(9)
k6%m
*kuémo
ké*mo
k6*mo
4kyo- modo:
4
Proto-Romancn PHonotoay TABLE IV Modern French /y/ = Romance /u/, Proto-Romance /u*/, Latin /u’/ Meaning
‘tiny’ (f.sg.)
Sard. Roum.
tminiita mertinta
OSFr. ONFr. Mod.Fr. Cat. Span. Port.
mentida moniide mony mentide mentida mitida
Ital.
miniita
PRom.
mint*ta
Lat.
‘judge’ iddike huide
fidide
Buge guge byt bige Buezguiz-
ii‘dike
minu‘ta,
ju-dike-
‘hard’ (f.sg.)
‘ripe’ (f.sg.)
dura —_
® fmattira bmottira
dira dura dyr duira dura dura
madura modtire myr medtire madira madiira
du-ra
ma-tu-ra
dura
mattra
dii*ra
matii*ra
® ‘big [of fruits)’ » Moldavian: ‘over-ripe’ note: The value of ONFr. u is uncertain, as to whether it represented /u/ or ly/; Modern French has /y/. TABLE V Analogically Reshaped
Forms in Modern
(with /e/ and /o/ in free syllable)
PRom. e ° léyat ‘he raises’
leyére ‘to raise’ assédikat ‘he besieges’
ONFr. Stressed ié ué > ud liéva asiéga
assedikére ‘to
besiege méyent ‘they move’
moyé‘re ‘to move’
>trépat ‘he finds’
btropfre ‘to find’
French
Mod.Fr.
Unstressed a oO
loveér asogidér
muévent truévo
mové‘ir trovséir
* Forms reshaped by analogy. > Proto-Gallo-Romance. ° Attested as late as Early Modern French (17th ©.)
Stressed ie g
Unstressed a u
4liev
slev
asied
®asieke~ mgv*t *trov
love*
*asohe~ muvwar
struv
truve*
InTRoDUCTION
5
1.23. Intmrrerine Factors can, on the other hand, in many instances obscure the effects of regular sound-change to a greater or less degree, even to the point of rendering it difficult to determine which of several developments is to be considered the ‘‘normal” one.? These factors are of several types:
1.
Internal borrowing, or ‘‘analogical”’ development. Especially when a
2.
External borrowing, of three main kinds:
particular phoneme of the proto-language has developed in different ways under different conditions, the resultant morphophonemic alternation may be smoothed out in one direction or another, as shown for the French developments of PRom. /é/ and /6/ in Table V. In some words, like PRom. /moyé*re/ ‘to move’ > Mod.Fr. /muvwar/, the morphophonemic alternation resulting from variation in stress has persisted down to the present. In others, like PRom. /leudre/ ‘to raise’ > Mod.Fr. /leve*/ and ProtoGallo-Romance /tropére/ ‘to find’ > Mod.Fr. /truve*/, the unstressed development has been extended to forms that were originally stressed. In others, like PRom. /assedikére/ ‘to sit down (in front of)’ > Mod.Fr. /asieZe*/ ‘to besiege’, the stressed development has been generalised.
a. From an earlier stage of the language of which attestations have been preserved. These borrowings are often termed LEARNED words. In such instances, the borrowing in the later language often follows, more or less closely, the spelling of the earlier stage (in the case of the Romance languages, normally, Latin). To CL /interroga-re/ ‘to interrogate’ corresponded PRom. /interrogére/ > ONFr. /entervér/. During the Renaissance, this word was replaced by the learnéd form interroger, whose spelling followed that of the Latin verb, and which was hence pronounced /@teroZe*/. On occasion, popular developments and learnéd borrowings survive side by side, with different meanings. To CL /iu'stitia/ ‘rightness’ corresponded PRom. /iu“stitia/ > Ital. /gusté*¢¢a/; in addition to this word, modern Italian has giustizia /gusti¢ia/ ‘justice’, identifiable as a learnéd form by the presence of -izi- /ifi/ = CL -iti-.
b. From related languages of the same family. The classic instance here is the French development of PRom. /amé‘re/ ‘love’, to which in modern French corresponds the abnormal development /amur/. One would have expected */amgr/, parallel to /k¢/ ‘tail’ < PRom. /k6*da/ and numerous similar instances (cf. § 2.32.7). In fact, North French
6
Proto-RoMaNncs PHONOLOGY
dialects do show /am¢r/ in the meaning of ‘rut, seasonal heat (of animals)’. In Old South French, on the other hand, PRom. /amé*re/ > /am6é*r/
and later /amur/, which was used in the prestigious courtly love-lyrics of
the Provengal troubadours, with elegant and lofty connotations.
Clearly,
NFr. /amur/ does not continue PRom. /am6“re/ directly, but is a borrowing from South French, replacing /amgr/, which was relegated to the barn-yard. c. From related dialects, as in the case of Spanish /xuérga/ ‘spree’ < Andalusian (cf. Hall 1974:104), or Ital. /karé*na/ ‘keel’. This latter form, from PRom. /kari*na/ (= CL /kari-na/), does not show the normal Tuscan and standard Italian development, which would have given */karina/. In Genoese, however, PRom. /{*/ > /é*/, and Ital. /karé*na/ is thus indicated as a probable Genoese borrowing, as might well be expected in connection with a ship-building-term. 3. Sporadic sound-change. In every-day speech, we all stumble in various ways, making “mistakes” in pronunciation such as spoonerisms, substitution or omission of sounds, or false starts which we may or may not perceive in time to back-track and start over again, editing them out (cf. Hockett 1967). Children’s speech is notoriously full of such “errors” (cf. Hall 1964:279). Such “slips of the tongue” are, in general, isolated events, occurring only once. On occasion, however, a single speaker may, for one reason or another, acquire the permanent habit of using such a “mistake” (e.g. the dissimilated form libary for library); others may imitate him, seriously or (at first) mockingly; and a group of speakers may
thus get into the habit of using forms which have originated as sporadic
lapses. When this happens, the resultant form may spread and become generalised in the entire speech-community. Such processes are going on all the time, at the same time as regular sound-change; but the latter must be analysed first by the historical linguist, in order to identify and classify the former. 4,
Sporadic sound-changes include the following types:
a.
Dissimilation, when two like sounds, either adjacent or separated,
are made unlike by the replacement of one or the other of them by a different (normally phonologically related) sound (cf., for detailed discussion, especially Posner 1961). Thus, ONFr. /kérra/ ‘to seek’ and Span.
/kerér/ ‘to love’ are normal continuations of PRom.
/kérere/ ‘to seek’
InrRopuctTiIon
7
(: CL /kuaerere/); but in Italian, the sequence /r...1r/ was dissimilated
to /d...r/,
giving /kiédere/
/bo‘no-nja/ Béndnia, /n...n/
Ital. /bol6é*nna/ Bologna.
‘to seek, ask’. In the Latin place-name
was dissimilated to /l...n/, resulting in
b. Assimilation, of either adjacent or separated sounds. This is the opposite of dissimilation, in that sounds originally unlike are made alike, normally through the extension of one or more phonological components from one of them to the other. Many assimilations of adjacent sounds come to be regular phonological processes, as when PRom. /gn/ between vowels > Sard. /nn/, as in /mdgnu/ ‘great’? > /mdnnu/ (§ 2.722.1.e). Such assimilations also take place after intervening sounds (such as unstressed vowels) have dropped, as in PRom. /kt*nula/ ‘little cradle’ (: /ki‘na/ ‘cradle’) > pre-Italian */ktin’la/ > Ital. /killa/. Assimilation can be total, as in the examples just cited, or partial: for western Romance developments of palatalised /nn/ from PRom. intervocalic /gn/, we must hypothesise an intermediate stage of [nn], with the voiced velar plosive /g/ becoming a voiced velar nasal continuant, and then with the two successive nasals fusing into a double (long) palatal nasal.
ce. Haplology, the loss of one of two successive identical or nearly identical syllables, as when Late Lat. /fdol-/ (< Gk. /éidolon/ 1’dodov ‘image’) + /latria/ (< Gk. /latréia/ \arpé@ ‘worship’) — */idololatria/ > /idolatria/ ‘idolatry’. (Some wags have even coined Eng. haplogy as an
exemplification of this process in the word itself.)
d.
Popular etymology,
association
the restructuring of a morpheme
(phonological or semantic), real or imaginary,
through
with another.
This process often takes place in words whose derivational relationships
have become obscure, or which involve forms unfamiliar to naive speakers. The German instrument-name /krim+horn/ Krummhorn ‘crooked horn’ was imitated in Renaissance French as /kremorna/ cremorne, and this term was reinterpreted in seventeenth-century English as /kreména/ Cremona, because of the fame of that Italian city as a centre of instrument-makers. The modern Italian expression cassa mutua ‘mutual fund’, containing the learnéd word mutua, has (as pointed out by Mosino 1969) been reshaped into cassa muta ‘mute fund’ (perhaps because of the slowness of its payments!),
8
Proro-Romancr PHONOLOGY
Akin to popular etymology is the occasional rise of folkloristic notions
concerning one linguistic phenomenon or another, which can even lead to
avoidance or to over-emphasis with regard to sounds, forms, or constructions. In normal modern Italian usage, the oblique form of the relative pronoun, /kti/ cui, can be either a possessive (/ikuilfbri/ 7 cui libri ‘whose
books’), a dative (/ilrag颢o kuidddatoilfbri/ il ragazzo cut ho dato « libri ‘the boy to whom I gave the books’), or the object of a preposition (/larag6“ne perkuiléffatto/ la ragione per cui V’ho fatto ‘the reason for which I did it’). Some speakers, however, have acquired the (historically and
descriptively unfounded) idea that /kui/ cui should be reserved for persons, and that for things one should use the pronominal phrase /ilkudle/ 7 quale ‘the which’,
e. Over-correction, the extension of an analogy beyond historically or descriptively justified limits (also termed HYPERURBANISM, since in most instances it involves the carrying to extremes of some phenomenon considered prestigious or elegant). A classic instance of over-correction is narrated by the Roman historian Suetonius (Divus Vespasianus 22.3): when the emperor Vespasian was reproved by the grammarian Florus for saying /plo-stra/ ‘wagons’ instead of the “‘correct’’ /plaustra/, the emperor got back at him the next day by calling him /flayrus/. In some instances, excessive emphasis on certain phonetic features may have led to naive hearers’ misunderstanding the nature of a given sound and substituting something more familiar. This may be the explanation for the wide-spread development, in western Romance, of Germanic /w/ in loan-words to /gu/, as in Gme. /wardo-n/ ‘to keep, watch, guard’ > Ital. /guardére/, Span. and Port. /guardar/, OFr. /guardér/ (> Mod. Fr./garde*/).
f. Spelling-pronunciation, when the pronunciation of a word is reshaped in accord with what seems to be signalled by its orthography. This phenomenon occurs most frequently when a word’s spelling contains etymologically, but not descriptively justified elements. In Renaissance French, the word for ‘sculpture’ was pronounced /skyltyr/ ( : Italian /skulttira/ scultura), but spelled sculpture, to correspond with Latin /skulptu-ra/. Modern speakers have, on seeing the letter p in the spelling,
introduced the sound /p/ into the pronunciation of the word, so that it
is now /skylptyr/. In the phonological tables given hereinafter, and in our accompanying
discussions, many variations from “normal”
correspondences are to be
explained as results of the above types of interfering factors.
INTRODUCTION 1.3.
9
The Nature of Proto-Romance
As mentioned in Hall 1974:9-17, there has been extensive discussion, not all of it enlightened or enlightening, of the proto-language which can be reconstructed by comparing the Romance languages, and of its relation to the surviving attestations of early, classical, and late Latin. All competent scholars agree that the Romance languages have arisen, over something more than two millennia, by gradual differentiation from a common source, which was closely related to, but not identical with, the Latin used by authors from Plautus’ time to that of, say, Tertullian. Beyond this, however, there is little agreement concerning either the name to be given to this common source of the Romance languages, its chronology, or its exact relation to attested Latin. 1.81. Vuucar Latin, Common Romance, Proto-Romance. Of these three terms for the common source of the Romance languages, the first is much the most widespread, almost universal in discussions of Romance linguistics and philology.* Nevertheless, it is an unfortunate term, open to a number of objections (as pointed out in Hall 1974:73, 78 [fn. 47]). Its time-reference is vague, and it has been used for speech of the Plautine period and even before (as in Altheim 1932) ; for that of the Imperial epoch; and (as in Muller 1929) for that of Merovingian and even Carolingian times. It is vague with regard to the social levels involved, since the terms sermov ulgaris ‘speech of the common herd’ and sermo plebeius ‘speech of the lower classes’, on which the expression “Vulgar Latin” is based, do not exhaust the possibilities of social stratification (the Romance languages do not necessarily reflect exclusively lower-class usage’). Furthermore, most scholars have identified “Vulgar Latin” almost exclusively with the common source of Italian and the western Romance languages, neglecting Roumanian and Sardinian, and thereby rendering “Vulgar Latin” virtually the equivalent of our Proto-Italo-Western Romance. Of the various terms hitherto suggested as substitutes, ‘Popular Latin” is perhaps the best. A negative term, “Informal Latin,” might be even better, to cover all varieties of non-formal usage, and to be used with indications (wherever possible) of the period and the social stratifications involved. It is desirable to distinguish sharply—more sharply than has been customary in much of Romance linguistics—between material attested in the written Latin of Imperial times (of whatever literary or social standing) on the one hand, and the common ancestral form out of which the Romance languages have developed and which we reconstruct by working backward, on the other. For this latter, the term “common Romance” (Fr. roman
10
Proro-Romancr PHONOLOGY
commun) has on occasion been used. This term also, however, is open to
objections on the ground of vagueness of time-reference, since it is sometimes used for ancestral forms common to all Romance languages, and sometimes for forms characteristic of intermediate stages after differentiation had already begun. The best term for the common ancestral form is Proro-RoMANcE (abbr. PRom.), which by definition refers to the earliest stage that can be reconstructed through a comparison of all the Romance languages. We must always, however, remember that:
(a) Our reconstruction of Proto-Romance can go only as far back as the available Romance data permit. For instance, all Romance linguists’ reconstruct a nine-vowel system for Proto-Romance: i
u
+/*/
(tenseness)
a
as discussed in § 2.31. To this system corresponds, in Classical Latin, a ten-vowel system: i
u
e
or+/:/
(length)
a For Gracchan Latin, the common ancestor of Proto-Romance and Classical Latin (cf. Hall 1974:16), we reconstruct a ten-vowel system (five vowels + length for each), and assume that vowel-length /-/ became tenseness /*/ in Proto-Romance, and that the contrast between tense and lax was lost for /a/. But if some hitherto unknown variety of Romance were to be dis-
covered (no matter where) in which there existed a clear distinction that
had to be ascribed to a contrast between PRom. /a/ and */a“/, this discovery would deepen our time-perspective for Proto-Romance and would compel us to revise our concept of its vowel-system to extend the tense-lax
contrast to /a/ as well as to the other four vowels. The concept of a proto-
language, in other words, is not static, but has to be revised as necessary in accordance with new evidence or compelling new analyses. (b) A reconstructed proto-language must not be thought of as constituting a unified, wholly consistent system or état de langue (any more than any other language, as pointed out in Hall 1974:11). We can, in a
INTRODUCTION
ll
very approximate way, suggest that the Romance languages continue many characteristics of the informal Latin used during the first century
B.c.; but the picture given by reconstruction is inevitably slightly “out of
focus,” since our reconstructed Proto-Romance was a congeries of features, some of which may go back to Plautine times (such as the inflected relative possessive adjective /kui*iu- °a-/ ‘whose’), and others may have come into
general use only in Caesar’s and Cicero’s or even Augustus’ time (e.g. /kaballu/ ‘nag > horse’ replacing Lat. /ekyu-/). Some features of our reconstructed Proto-Romance would undoubtedly have struck a speaker
of Caesar’s time as disgustingly lower-class (e.g. /kabdllu/ ‘horse’, or /kasa/ ‘house’ rather than ‘hut’),8 and other features might have seemed regional or dialectal (e.g. the different words that must be reconstructed for ‘awaken’: /de-eks-pertdre/, /de° re° eksyigildre/, etc.). This amount of internal divergence and inconsistency is, however, no greater than what is found in any large speech-community, such as those of modern French, Spanish, or Italian. (c) Neither Latin nor Proto-Romance and its later developments
spread throughout Roman territory at a uniform rate. Efforts to trace the
Romance of various regions to the Latin of the time at which the individual regions were colonised® have therefore not been very successful. It is perfectly possible that, in some instances, an earlier type of Romance was present at one time in a given region and was then overlaid, in very large part, by phenomena of a later stage borrowed from other regions (or classlevels). The vocalism of mediaeval and modern Spanish goes back, in general, to the seven-vowel system of Proto-Italo-Western Romance (PItWRom.), so that PRom. lax /i/ and /i/ appear in Spanish as /é/ and /6/, respectively, as in OSp. /pé¢/ ‘fish’ < PRom. /piske/, Sp. /térre/ ‘tower’ < PRom. /ttrri/. But certain words with stressed vowels going back to PRom. /{/ and /t/ have these same vowels, e.g. Span. /stirko/ ‘furrow’ < PRom. /stilku/. Attempts to explain this aberrant development as due to learnéd borrowing have not been very successful, since many of the things referred to by these words were objects of every-day use. It has been suggested” that the /{/ and /t/ of this category of words may be survivals of an earlier stage of Romance, as spoken in Iberia before its speakers took over the mergers of /{/ with /é*/ and of /u/ with /6*/ (cf. § 4.21)—i.e. a stage similar to that represented by Sardinian, in which /{/ and /i/ remained as such. A similar situation undoubtedly prevailed with respect to the non-lenited intervocalic consonants /p t k/ in early mediaeval
southern Gallo-Romance and southern Ibero-Romance, and still prevails to this day in Sardinian and central Italian." (d) At any given point of time, in any language, there are fluctuations
in usage on certain points, due to dialect-mixture. In phonology, these
12
Proto-RoMance PHoNoLoGy
fluctuations consist of the presence, at one and the same time, of two or
more treatments of the same phoneme (as in the alternative pronunciations of Eng. roof as /raf/ and /riwf/). Such a fluctuation has been termed a “shimmer.” A situation of this type may persist over decades or even centuries, giving rise to divergent developments at different periods. Thus, an alternation between [ay] and [0:] lasted, in Latin, from Republican times down into the Empire. Certain words which in Classical Latin have /ay/, eg. /kayda/ ‘tail’, appear in Romance exclusively with /o*/ or
developments thereof: PRom.
/ké*da/ > It. /k6“da/,
ONFr. /k6*ude/
(> Mod. Fr. /k¢/). These developments reflect a stage in which popular speech reproduced Gracchan Latin vocalic length without regard to the openness or closeness of the vowel-sounds: GrLat. [kayda] > [ko:dal, interpreted phonemically as /ko-da/ > PRom. /k6*da/. At a later stage, when vowel-quality, not -quantity, was phonologically significant, vowels which in Gracchan and Classical Latin had /ay/ were given open /o/ [9] in some varieties (not all) of every-day speech, as reflected in such Romance developments as PRom. /4uru/ ‘gold’ > Span. /éro/, ONFr. /ér/, It. /6ro/. That this treatment of earlier /ay/ was later than its representation by /6*/ is shown by the fact that all the Romance words for ‘tail’ go back to /k6*da/, whereas not all those for ‘gold’ show /o/ (Roumanian has /aur(u-)/, Old South French had /dur/). In other words, the development, of /ay/ to lax /o/ is not to be ascribed to Proto-Romance, whereas a word like PRom. /k6*da/ received its /6*/ < /ay/ at an early stage of the “shimmer,” previous to our reconstructed Proto-Romance.
NOTES TO CHAPTER
1
1. For discussion of the merits of the “neolinguistic’’ approach (which affirms the exclusive validity of spatial considerations), cf. Bartoli 1925; Bartoli and Bertoni 1925; Bonfante 1947, 1972; Hall 1946b, 1957. For “glottodynamics,” cf. Malkiel 1968; Hall 1969a.
2. Cf., among the many discussions, those of Schuchardt 1885; Hermann 1931; Bloomfield 1932; Hockett 1948; Hall 1957, 1964:295-305. The recently advanced notion of “rule-change”’ as a substitute for the concept of sound-change gets us no forrader. 8. In such instances, some scholars speak of “tendencies” (e.g. Pei 1941) or of ‘weak sound-change” (e.g. Malkiel 1962)—terms which add nothing to our knowledge and only “short-circuit enquiry” concerning the sources of the double or multiple developments involved. 4. It is used almost universally in treatises and anthologies dealing with the nonClassical Latin of the Empire, from Mohl 1899 and Grandgent 1907 to Battisti 1949, Maurer 1959 and 1962, Schmeck 1955, Haadsma and Nuchelmans 1963, and Vaidnanen 1963 (19672).
InTRODUCTION 5. 6. 7. 8. highly 9.
10,
11.
13
As pointed out by Holmes and Schutz (1933). Particularly by A. Burger (1943a) and his followers (e.g. de Dardel 1958, 1965), Ever since Schuchardt 1866-1868. For the intentional use of such elements by Horace, a poet normally considered “classical,” ef. J. Bourciez 1927, Bonfante 1936-37. E.g. Gréber 1886-1888 (1904-06?) 1.146; Bonfante 1943.
By Liidtke 1956:175, Cf. Hall 1974/75.
Proto-Western Ibero-Romance
Proto-Galician
Proto-Portuguese
Galician dialects
Proto-North Portuguese
|
North Portuguese dialects FIGURE
|
Proto-Central Portuguese
|
Central Portuguese dialects
1:
Proto-South erase
|
rt
South Portuguese dialects
Western Ibero-Romance Proto-Central Ibero-Romance
Proto-North Spanish
|
|
Proto-South Spanish
|
|
North Spanish dialects FIGURE 2:
|
|
South Spanish dialects
Central Ibero-Romance
Proto-Hastern Ibero-Romance
Proto-Catalan
|
|
Proto-Balearic
Lt
Balearic dialects
Proto-Valencian
|
Proto-Mainland Catalan
|
Proto-North Catalan
|
{
North Catalan dialects FIGURE
3:
|
|
|
Valencian dialects
Proto-South Catalan
| [id
South Catalan dialects
Eastern Ibero-Romance
CHAPTER 2 The Phonemic
2.1.
Inventory of Proto-Romance
Languages Compared
2.11, Apstract ConsIDERATIONS. In theory, the completest and most accurate picture of a proto-language would be obtained by starting with
the smallest sub-groupings within each group and reconstructing the inter-
mediate proto-forms for each: e.g. for the Ibero-Romance languages as shown in Figures 1-4, and for each other Romance group in the same way. Comparison of these reconstructions of intermediate stages would then bring us back to the ultimate stage, Proto-Romance itself, as shown in Figure 5.1 Such a procedure, although perhaps desirable in the abstract, would be open to two objections, one theoretical and one practical. If applied too schematically, without due attention to factors of cultural influences (especially, in the Romance field, learnéd and inter-language borrowings’), it would give rigid and unrealistic results. In any case, there simply is not—and will not be, in any foreseeable future—sufficient human energy, time, and financial support available for such a grandiose project. It is therefore preferable to make a first approximation by starting our reconstruction from the earliest attested forms of the standard languages (which, in any case, were more dialectally differentiated in the Middle Ages than in modern times), and at the same time drawing upon data from modern dialects wherever these help us to deepen our time-perspective.
2.12, CoMPARATIVE TaBLEs will be based on the following Romance varieties: Sardinian, Roumanian, Italian, Old South French (Old Provengal), Old North French, Catalan, Spanish, and Portuguese—in that
order in each column of forms compared. The earliest attested stage of
each language is used, with, for the Ibero-Romance languages, the medi-
aeval contrasts between voiced and voiceless sibilants (/s/ ~ /z/), be-
Proto-Ibero-Romance Proto-North Ibero-Romance
|
Proto-South Ibero-Romance
|
PCentIbRom.
PWibRom.
.
Mozarabic
PEIbRom.
FIGURE 4:
Ibero-Romance
Proto-Romance
|
|
Proto-Sardinian
|
J
Sardinian dialects
Proto-Continental Romance
|
|
Proto-ItaloWestern Romance
Proto-Balkan Romance
|
Albanian
Proto-
borrowings
Proto-Western Romance
Proto-Ibero-
M1
t
Roumanian dialects
|
Italian
Romance
—|
I
Proto-ItaloRomance
Proto-Gallo-
Romance
Roumanian
Dalmatian
dialects
|
TberoRomance
varieties
|
Proto-SouthGallo-Romance
[|
South French dialects
|
Proto-NorthGallo-Romance Proto-NorthFrench
I
|
North French dialects
FIGURE 5; 16
|
Proto-RhaetoRomance
I
{|
RhaetoRomance varieties
Proto-Romance and Earliest Intermediate Stages
|
Tue Pyonrmic Inventory or Proto-RoMANCE
17
tween dental and palatal series (/s/ ~ /8/, /z/ ~ /%/), and between dental stops and assibilates (/t/ ~ /¢/, /d/ ~ /g/).4 For Old French, the
(attested or justifiably presumable) presence of /®/ is indicated.* For Sardinian, the non-lenited varieties to be expected in Bitti, Fonni, and the Baronfa are given.® This order has been chosen because of the relationship among the Romance languages shown in Figure 5: the last-mentioned six as having developed out of Proto-Italo-Western Romance—which (with the addition of Roumanian and Balkan Romance) leads us back to Proto-Continental Romance, and this in its turn (with Sardinian stirred in) to Proto-Romance. At the bottom of each set is given the PRom. form to be reconstructed on the basis of the items compared, and the related Classical Latin form, if any. The Gracchan Latin is to be presumed as identical with the Classical
Latin, unless otherwise stated.’
In general, the lexemes exemplifying each Proto-Romance phoneme have been chosen with a view to obtaining the most wide-spread representation available in all the Romance languages. In some instances, descendants of a given Proto-Romance form are lacking in one or more of the later stages. In a few cases, attestations are severely limited in their distribution. In such instances, the presence of a form in Sardinian or Roumanian and in Classical Latin has been considered sufficient evidence for the reconstruction of a Proto-Romance equivalent; or, in the absence of a Sardinian or Roumanian form related to an Italo-Western Romance
item, Classical Latin has been considered an adequate substitute for Sar-
dinian or Roumanian. Notes (indicated by superior lower-case letters preceding the item cited) specify peculiarities of the form involved: dialect, stage of the language, social status, or divergent meaning.
2.2.
Prosodic Features
In the absence of detailed phonological analyses of the prosodies of virtually all present-day Romance languages except French,* and (a fortiori, since we have no sound-recordings antedating ca. 1900) of any earlier stages, very little of Proto-Romance prosody can be reconstructed with any certainty. Affirmations concerning the position of the sentence-accent
or the “rising” or “falling”’ sentence-pitch in Latin (literary or every-day)®
are based on considerations of syntax and logic, not of a (necessarily undiscoverable) intonation.
The only prosodic feature that can be ascribed with certainty to Proto-
Romance is a contrast in syllabic stress, with at least two levels: unstressed
18
Proro-Romance PHONOLOGY
(left unmarked in our transcription) and stressed (symbolised by an acute accent-mark: /’/). In Proto-Romance, syllabic stress was clearly significant, since it could occur on any syllable from the third-before-the-last to
the last, and was not predictable in terms of syllabic structure. In this respect, Proto-Romance was different from Classical and earlier Latin, in which position of stress was predictable in terms of syllable-length.” The change in the phonological status of stress between Gracchan Latin and Proto-Romance was due to the “dephonologisation” of vowel-length (cf. below, § 4.1), as a result of which stress was no longer predictable and was therefore phonologically significant. Minimal contrasts in this respect in our reconstructed Proto-Romance are rare, but at least one is certain: that between the 3.sg. present of verbs with stems in /a/, e.g. 325 /mf*rat/ the looks at’, and one of the forms of the 3.sg. preterite of such verbs, e.g. 326 /mi*rat/ ‘he looked at’.
2.3.
Vowels
2.31. PHoNnotocicaL Components. reconstruct a nine-vowel system: 1° i e* e
a
For
Proto-Romance,
all
scholars
u* u o* °
This system can, as shown in the diagram given in § 1.31, be further resolved into a set of five basic vowels, of which all but /a/ could occur with or without tenseness /*/. This system was based on a combination of three degrees of tongue-height (high, mid, low) and a two-way contrast between front and back, applicable to the high and mid levels, but not to the low. All nine resultant vowels occurred in initial and medial position; the tenseversus-lax contrast seems to have been represented only spottily in final position. There is no evidence compelling us to project back into ProtoRomance any phonological feature of vowel-length, nor a series of frontrounded vowels /y ¢/ or a mid-central vowel /a/.
NOTES TO §§ 2.1, 2.2 1. 2.
Cf. Trager 1946, Hall 1950a, Cf. Hall 1974, passim.
PS St es
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proto-RoMANCcE As Cf. Cf. Cf. In
19
suggested in Hall 1950a:14-15. A. Alonso 1955-69. Schwan(-Behrens) 1888; Hall 1946c. Wagner 1941:68-69, 195. other words, Classical Latin continued the situation in Gracchan and earlier
Latin with relatively little change, whereas popular speech—as reflected in our reconstruction of Proto-Romance—kept developing. 8. Coustenoble and Armstrong 1934. 9. As attempted, for instance, by Richter 1903, 1911. Unfortunately, Waiblinger 1914 and Sapon 1958/59 represent only a beginning, and the program set forth by von Ettmayer 1925 has never been carried out satisfactorily.
10. 1975.
Cf. Sturtevant 1920 (19402): §§ 206-211; Kent 1932 (1945*) §§ 63-67; Pulgram
11. Cf. Hall 1955. In our transcription, for typographical convenience, we use a freestanding circumflex /*/ following a vowel-letter to indicate a phonological component of tenseness. Those who do not like this transcription are free to substitute it with the
customary dot under the vowel-letters: i* = i, e~ =e, u* = y, 0° = 9. Indication of
openness (often made with a hook under the vowel-letter, e.g. e, 9) has been omitted
ag unnecessary.
20
Proto-Romancr PHONOLOGY
2.382.
INDIVIDUAL PHONEMES.
1. /i*/ stressed and unstressed: /i/ or later developments thereof in all Romance languages. a.
Stressed:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
1 ‘wine’ binu
Roum.
It. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning
vin(u-) vino vi(nt) vin vi(nt) bino vino yi*nu yi-nu9356
tristu trfist(u-) triste °o trist trist trist triste triste
tri‘ste °utri-ste8918
5 ‘to laugh’ ridere
ispina
It. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
ridere rire riSra riurér rrefr rrir ri‘dere ri-dere 7302
¢(i)spina
ride(re)
espina espina esping
espina Sespino
ispi*na spina
8150
dormfre dorm{(re) dormfre dormir dormir dormir dormir dormir
oP
‘magpie’ pika —_— >pika piga pia — —_—
sdorm{*re
pi'ka
dormi-re 2751
pika 6476 7
8
‘nettle’
‘day’
urtika urzike ortika ortiga ortia ortiga ortiga ortiga
die a“ bdie, dia di, dia df di, dfa dia, dia
urti-ka 9090
di-e2632
urti*ka
Notes to stressed /{*/:
9
4
‘to sleep’
6 ‘thorn’
Sard.
Roum.
3
2 ‘sad’
And all other verbs with infinitive in /-{*re/.
Old Italian. With Olt. initial /i/ movable: cf. § 2.722.2.a-c. With change of grammatical gender to masculine.
df*a, d{*e
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE b.
21
Unstressed: Pretonic:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
9 ‘winter’ iérru idrne imvérno ivérn ivérn ivérn sibiérno bivérno i*yérnu hi-bernu4126
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
kridre _— °[kredre] kriér kriér kridr kridr kridr
PRom.
Lat. REW
13 ‘to create, educate’
kri*ére
§
kre-a:re 2305
10
‘to urinate’ pisdre
imbitére
pissdre pisdr pisér pisdr
imvitére envidér envideér envidér embidér envidér
pisd(re)
pi‘ssiére 6544
es op
deSiderd (re) desiderdre dezirér dezidraér dezirér
inyi*tére
de“si“derdre
4535
14
‘thorny’ (f.sg.) ispinédsa spinodsa 4(j)spind’sa
espind“za
espind“uzo
espind“za
espinéza espindza
ispi*ndé’sa
spi-no-sa 8155
Aragonese. Galician.
Learnad, because of /e“/ instead of /i/
With OIt. /i/ movable; cf. § 2,722.2.a-c. Lucchese: ‘to bring to shore’. ‘to land’. ‘to bring to shore’.
12
‘to desire’
invité(re)
inyi-ta-re
Notes to pretonic /i*/:
noo
ll ‘to invite’
15 ‘roast’
friptira frittura frittira frittire frittira fritiira fritura fri*ktti*ra (: fri-g- ‘fry’) 3508
de-si-dera-re 2593
16 ‘to arrive’ arripére *arripare arribér arriveér arribér farribar farribar
Sarripare
(: ri-:pa ‘bank’)
675
Proro-Romancr PHONOLOGY
22 ii,
Final:
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
— iért iéri ér iér afr ajér
—_— — eli — fl — déle
si — °si si si si si
— kédri kuddri — —= — _
éri*
lli*
si*
kyddri*
Port.
aéire
Lat. REW
heri4ll5a
PRom. §
Notes to final /i*/: a. b, ce.
20 ‘squares’
19 af’
18 ‘that man’
17 ‘yesterday’
Ex, no. Meaning
Old Portuguese. Old Spanish. Old Venetian.
éle
(3 ill-) 4266
si
si:
—_— 7889.1
kyadri6921
Tue Poonemic INveNToRY or ProTo-RoMANCE 2. /i/, stressed and unstressed: in other Romance languages. a.
/i/ in Sardinian, /e*/ or later developments thereof
Stressed:
Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
21 ‘pear’
24 ‘snow’
limba limba
nfe néa
péra péra pé‘ra, pira bpira 6524
genir genir fingir kingere kingere 1924
léngua léngua lingua lingua lingya 5067
—_ niébe _ niye niye5936
pé‘ra, pé‘ra pé‘ira
dingere ¢6"ner ¢é“indra
25 ‘they rub’
frégon frégan
PRom. Lat. REW §
23 ‘tongue’
kingere °Sinze
¢fré“gano fré*gan fré“iont
Cat. Span.
22 ‘to gird on’
pfra apér
frfkant fréke
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
Port.
23
fréga,
frikant frikant 3501
‘lingua, 1é*nga léngo
26 ‘green’ birde vérde
vé‘rde vé'rt vert
né‘ve né“u né‘if
27 ‘breast’ sinu sin(u-)
sé“no sé‘in
28 ‘pitch’ pike —
péte peng pe ig
vért, bérde
— séno
_ pé¢
uirde yiride93688
sinu sinu7950
pike pike6553
vé'rde
sé‘no
pé¢
Bere
Notes to stressed /f{/:
e.
With change of grammatical gender to masculine. Neuter plural (nom.-acc.) to /piru-/ ‘pear’. Macedo-Roumanian.
Dialectal Italian /éé6“ngere/, /lé‘ngua/ (PItWRom. /é*/ > /i/ before nasal + palatal or velar). With intervocalic /g/ in imitation of Gallo-Romance lenition.
Proro-Romance PHONOLOGY
24 b.
Unstressed: i.
Pretonie:
Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
sinténdere >inténde(re) *inténdere denténdre Senténdra eenténdra *entendér
°etedé*r
inténdere intendere 4483,
intrére
intrd(re) e“ntrdére
entrér entrér
entrar entrar étrér intrére intra-re 4511
33 ‘beam; helm’ timéne
timo“ne
timd*(n*) timén
timé* (nt)
timén timd timé*ne timo-ne8625
34 ‘tiny’ (f.sg.) mintta
mortinta
mintta mentida mentida mentida mentida, mitida
minti*ta minu-ta 5600
rom
me ao oe
Notes to pretonic /i/: ‘to understand’. ‘to stretch out’. ‘to understand; to hear’,’ ‘to hear’: ‘to understand’. ‘to grasp’. OMil., Bergam.: ‘to dirty’. ‘to daub with pitch; to grab’. ‘to daub with pitch’. ‘to stick; to hit; to bump’, ‘to adhere, to stick’.
32
31 ‘to bind’
30 ‘to enter’
29
‘to turn towards’
‘to fear’ timfre
ligdre
leg (re)
téme(re)
liér lider ligér lidr lidr ligdre liga-re 5024
te“mé*r
te“*mé‘re
le“gaére
35 ‘neighbor bikfnu
vetin (u-)
vigino
vezi(nt)
ve*izin vet begino
vizino
uikinu
yiki-nu9312
témbra temér
te“mé*r timé*re
time-re 8737 ’
36 ‘to adhere’ fpikére ®pegdr
bpe“gér
ipe*idr ipegar kpegdr kpegdr pikdre pika-re 6477
THE Pyonrmic Inventory or Proro-ROMANCE ii,
Pre- and inter-tonic:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning
37 ‘to grind’ makinére matind(re) matindére *mainé — — makindre bmakina-re 5205
mormé£nt(u-)
Roum.
kmolimént(o) morimén —_ — — —_—
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
mon? moliméntu
PRom. §
38 ‘week’ ae saptemine settiména setména somdino sotméne semana °seména septiména septima-na, 7834. 42 ‘medicine’
41 ‘monument, tomb’ imoliméntu
Sard.
Lat. REW
medikina _
mmedzina me¢ina mes{ino mo¢ine — mezina
medik{*na
mon?’ molumentu- mediki-na 5458 5672.2, 3
Notes to pre- and inter-tonic /i/: Ladin (Val Gardena). Spelled machinare. At least semi-learnéd, because of /n/. ‘to cut around’. Dial. (Taranto). ‘to include, surround’. ‘to round off’. ‘to castrate’. Friulian. ‘cairn’. Old North Italian. . Genoese. Campidanian: ‘to fix’. ‘to beg’. ‘to buy’. Old Spanish: ‘to reach’.
TOURER Ror Em He Bo oS
25
39
‘to cut a circle’
40
‘to be like’
dkirkinére
simizére
ctertindére
somil]4re
fderneéer
igeme(j)&
edergendr héerdedr kirkindre kirkina-re 1941
43
‘to seize’
semezZar
seme lér
similidre ( : si:mile-) 7926
4t ‘health’
takkabiddi
sanitdte
Pakkattdére akaptér satater
sanitate santat santé6d
sanotate
takabddr akkapitére (: kapit-)
62, 63, 65
sanitdte (: sa-nu-)
7580
Proto-RomaNcE PHONOLOGY
26 iii.
Post- and Intertonic:
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
iddike hide
fidiée
guige Suge Buigo
gud? (°2+)
Sul¢ (2+) iidike
ju-dike4599
49 ‘mani ,
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
‘willow’ sélike sdlée sdlée sdude sal¢ séu¢ sdl¢o ssduza sélike salike7542
émine
é6m(u-)
eudmin4émne eéme 6m émbre 6mé f6mine shomine4170
férfike forfike3435
pm
mp as op
Notes to post- and intertonic /i/: Place-name, Souza. Old Neapolitan. Pl. /uémini/; sg. /uémo/. Oblique: nom. /ém/. Oblique; nom, /uém/. Oblique: nom. /émo/ (230). Oblique: nom. /homo-/. Old Italian; modern /férbiti/. Old Ticinese,
‘doctor’ médiku
simile sémen
bs6“mile sé“mble sémblo
médiko mége miégo
sfmile simile7926
médiku mediku5459 52 ‘flea’
51 ‘path’
50 ‘shears’ férfike foarfece hférfi¢e férfe forges
48
47 ‘like’
46
45 judge’
Ex. no. Meaning
sémita isémeda
sé“nda sénda sénda sénda
sé“nda sé“‘mita semita 7813
pulike puree pulée
priga pusa
pti‘like
pulike-
6816
Tur Puonemic Inventory or ProTo-ROMANCE iv.
In final syllable:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
Cat.
Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
54 ‘enough’
53 ‘outside’ afére *affudri aférs afuéra aféra afféris ° ad féris "as 265
57 ‘Tuesday’
bassdi asi¢ asad
assatis ad satis 199
martis méar¢i martedi= dimar¢ mar¢di dimérs martes
vineri vénerd{* divénres vendresdi divénres biérnes
martis (df*e) martis (di-e-) 5383
uéneris (df*e) yeneris (di-e-) 9197
Old Italian; cf. also Old Venetian /aféra/. ‘a great deal’. ‘put’. Nominative.
56 ‘Monday’
55
‘more’ linis lini
mai mai mais mais méi més midis midis magis
ldned{* (di)hins lunsd{ difins lines
li‘nis (di*e)
lu-nis (di-e-) 5164.2
5228
59
58 ‘Friday’
Notes to /i/ in final syllable:
Bere
27
‘thirst’ sitis séte
sé“te sé“t 86°58 sét séd
sé“de
sitis Ssitis 7961
Proto-RomMance PHONOLOGY
28 v.
Word-final: 63 ‘tower’
62 ‘sixteen’
61 ‘fifteen’
60 ‘fourteen’
Ex. no. Meaning
Sard.
battérdiki
kindiki
sédiki
tirri
Ttal. OSFr.
kuattérditi katérze
kuindiéi kinze
sé“diti s6ze
to“rre to°r
kinzo
860
tor
— sé“diki
to*rre tiirri
Roum.
—
ONFr.
katdérzo
Cat.
kotérza
Span.
katérze
Port. PRom. Lat. REW
katérze kyattérdiki §
kyattuordekim 6946
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom.
Lat.
REW
—
kingo
kinze
kinze kuindiki
kui-ndekim 6959
séiza
se-dekim 7779
tor
térre
turri9008
64 SP? age se* se sa _ — se si*
§
()
7889.2
Notes to word-final /i/: a,
Old Roumanian.
b.
Possibly < /sit/ ‘let it be (that... .); cf. Nicholson
Place 1937; but also Lograsso 1938, Spitzer 1939.
1935, 1938, Armstrong
1936,
Tue Puonemic INveNToRY or Proro-ROMANCE 3.
29
/u*/, stressed and unstressed: /u/ or later developments in all Romance languages.
a.
Stressed:
Ex. no. Meaning
65 ‘hard’ (f.sg.)
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
diira —_ dura diira diiro diire diira diira
Lat.
du-ra
PRom.
friittu friipt(u-) fritto frué fruit fritit
frii¢o fruito
di*ra
REW § Ex. no.
Meaning
fri*ktu
fru-ktu3537
2808 69
‘naked’
70 ‘health’
(f.sg.)
Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
niida —_— nuda nuza nda nia nuda nia
saltite
Lat.
nuda
salu-te 7555
PRom.
nii‘da
REW §
5988
sahite sahit salid soltit salud satide
sali*te
ppeoe
Notes to stressed /i*/: Old Spanish. Campidanian. Old Italian. With Olt. /i-/ movable; cf. § 2.722.2.a-c. Sopraselvan (Rhaeto-Rom.)
68
67
66 ‘fruit’
‘wart’
‘arse’ kdlu ktir(u-) kilo kil kdl kdl kilo kvio
bberriiga
kulu2384
yerru‘ka
verrtika verrtiga verrtia verriga verrtiga
yerrti*ka
ki‘lu
9241
72 ‘foam’
71
‘to lead’ dtikere diiée(re) ediidere diiire diira dur dugir
dii*kere du-kere 2785
ispima sptime
4(i)spima *spima esptima espima
ispi*ma spu‘ma 8189
30
Proro-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY b.
Unstressed (pretonic):
Ex. no.
73
Sard.
usére
Roum.
74
‘to sweat’
‘to use’
Meaning
—_—
—
75
mutdre
—
mutd(re)
sudeér
smudér
a
usére uzér
Cat. Span.
uzér uzér
suér sudér
— mudér
kruél kruél
u‘sére
su dére
mu‘tére
kru“dé‘le
uzeér
Port.
uzér
PRom.
Lat. REW
§
wsa-re 9093
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr.
su-da-re 8421 77 ‘shine’
lukére ‘lukodre dluké*re lugé*r
ONFr. Cat.
lud*ur lugé*r
Span. Port.
—_—
PRom.
Lat. REW
sudr
lu*k6*re §
(: lu-ke-re) 5144
78 ‘to smoke’ affumdre afum4(re) affumdre afumér
— —
ahumér afumér
affu“mére
(: fuemu-) 268
Notes to unstressed (pretonic) /u*/: a. b. ce. d. e.
‘to moult’. Campidanian. Old Roumanian. Old Italian. Also /ister® istar®/.
mutdére mudér
bkruéli
Ital. OSFr.
ONFr.
suddre suzaér
76
‘cruel’
‘to change’
mudér
mu-ta-re 5785 79 ‘to measure’
krudé le kruzé“l
krudél
krué“l
kru-dele2341
80 ‘to sneeze’
mesurdre mozur4(re) misurére mezurar
isturritére stronutd(re starnutére estornudér
mezurér mezurér
estornudér —
mozurér mozurdr
me‘sur4re
me-nsu-ra:re 5503
esternudér estornudér
Sistornutére sternu-ta-re 8250
Tur Puonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE
31
4. /u/, stressed and unstressed: /u/ in Sardinian and Roumanian, developments thereof in other Romance languages. a.
Stressed:
Ex. no.
81
Meaning Sard. Roum.
Span.
béka,
REW
§
biikka *bukka
Ex. no.
85
Sard. Roum.
gutta °guite
OSFr. ONFr.
gota gota
Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
géta g6*ta gutta gutta
Ital.
gotta
Cat.
g6*te
§
méska
3928
—
muska muska
3910
stlku sulku-
5766
86
‘drop’
36‘Iko ssuk 4s6léa 861k
mé‘ska
gula gula
1957
Meaning
REW
géla
‘furrow’ stlku
mé‘ska m6‘ska mé‘sée m6‘sko
—
84
‘fly’ muiska muisko
gola gé'la go-ula g6%le
bé*ka
83
‘throat’ bula bere
bé*kka bé*ka bé*va bé*ka
Port.
82
‘mouth’ biikka *biiko
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
PRom. Lat.
87
‘race’ kiissu kurs(u-)
8442 88
‘wave’
‘shade’
Unda vinde
umbra uimbra
k6*rs k6*rs
Onda éndo
6*mbra émbre
késo k6*so kursu kursu-
énda 6*nda vinda unda
—_— — umbra umbra
k6*rso
ké’s
2417
onda 6‘na
9059
Notes to stressed /u/: a, b. e. d. e.
/o*/ or later
‘cheek’. ‘mouth’. Modern Bearnese. With change of gender; probably from neuter plural */sulka/. ‘gout’ (< Mod. Fr. /gut/ goutte?).
6“mbra 6‘mbro
9046
32
Proro-RomMancr PHONOLOGY b.
Unstressed: i.
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
Pretonic: 89 ‘woman’ muzére
muiére smo lléra,
bmolér bmo*lér mo‘lér
Span.
Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
mudzér molér muliére
muljere-
5730.2
90 ‘break’ untura unttire eemcns onétira ointura untiira untiura
ruptiira rotttira, ro*ttira
*rottira
ro trira rrotira trotira
tittira
rupti‘ra
unktti*ra unktu-ra 9058
ruptu-ra
7455
93 ‘to suspect’
94
‘to count’ numerére
fundére
sospettdre sospetér
*no‘verére
fo“ndére
sospitar
suspecér
sospeitér suspektére suspekta-re 8484
nombrér nombreér no “mbrér numerére
numera‘re
5993
buddfre
bo‘ llfre bo‘lir
bo*lfr
bolfr bolfr bo*lir
bullf*re bulli-re 1389
95 ‘to found’
suspettdre
numor4(re)
92 ‘to boil’
91
‘salve’
96 ‘to fight’ fpunndre
fo“ndér
®po“nér
fundére funda-re 3580
hpundr ipundr pugnére pugna-re 6813
fondér fo“ndér
po*niér
rrp
me poop
Notes to unstressed (pretonic) /u/:
Old Italian; Mod.It. /mé“IJe/ ‘wife’ < PRom. nom. /mulier/
Oblique; nom. /mé*Jer/ < PRom. /miulier/. ‘untilled land’. Mod.It. /unttira/ is learnéd; ef. Battisti-Alessio 1949-56 :5.3955. With irregular /v/ ~ /m/. ‘to incline towards something’. ‘to make an effort’. ‘to strive’. Old Portuguese; ‘to make an effort’.
33
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE Pre- and intertonic: Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
97
98
‘to swallow’
‘to lengthen’ *alungd(re) ballungire
alo“ngér
Singurtfri ingi¢f(re) ingiottire
alongisr
englo*tir englo“tfr
99 ‘to favor’ sekundére
seko“ndére
100
‘to deafen’ asurzf(re)
assord{re
aso rdir
askond&
*asordefér allungére (: longu-) 2853
inglutt{*re inglutti-re 4423
sekundére sekunda-re 7772
assurd{“re
{( : surdu-) 6024
Notes to pre- and intertonic unstressed /u/: a. b. c. d. e, f.
‘to drive away’. Old Italian. Campidanian. Friulian. Old Spanish. Latin /obsurde-skere/. iii.
Ex. no.
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
Post- and intertonic: 101
102
‘cloud, mist’ néula — nébbia néula niéble — niébla névoa nébula nebula 5865
‘people’ pépulu popér(u-) pdpolo poble puéblo poble puéblo pdévo pépulu populu6654
104 ‘board’
103
‘sulphur’ svilfuru. 946*Ifo
s6‘lfre s6‘lfro sé ‘fra azufre
end6“fre
sulfuru sulfur 8443
téula tévola tdéula table tdéule tabla téboa tébula
tabula
8514.1
Note to post- and intertonic /u/: a.
With /¢/ probably from /ingo“lfére/ ‘to sulphuret’; cf. Hall 1942a.
Proto-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
34 iv.
In final syllable:
Sard.
kantémus
kint{m skantémo kantém béantéms kantém kantémos katdmos kantémus
Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom.
Lat.
REW
§
kanta-mus 1611
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
—_
Ital.
pé“nno
OSFr.
pé‘n
ONFr. Cat.
— —
Span.
4péno
Port.
PRom. Lat. REW §
korpus
2248
113 ‘token’ fpinnus
Roum.
kérpus
ekérp(u-) kérpo kérs kérs kés kuérpo kérpo kérpus
—
pignus pignus 6430
péttus
piépt(u-) pétto piéi¢ pi¢ pit apécos péito péktus
pektus
6335
114 ‘side’ slétus
ldt(u-)
léto
115 ‘worse’ (adv.) péus —_
pékio
la¢
piti¢
lado
—
dled —
lddo
ldtus latus 4934
pig —_
—
péius peius 6367
Notes to unstressed /u/ in final syllable:
HER mS Be oP
*
The example-numbers 105-108 were omitted by over-sight. Dialectal. With /6/ probably from PRom. /stimus/ ‘we are’. Megleno-Roumanian.
Old Spanish.
In Oaths of Strassburg (a.p. 848) /méon/ meon. Old Sardinian.
‘half’.
‘beside; near’ (prep.) Old Portuguese.
‘my’ (m.sg.)
‘chest?
‘body’
‘we sing’
Meaning
112
111
110
*109
Ex. no.
méu
miéu mf{o miéu emién méu mfo méu méun
meum
5556
116 ‘under’ (adv.) suttu
supt
s6tto
36°¢
so°¢ a6¢
as6to
§s6“to
stiptus subtus 8402
35
Tus Poonemic Invenrory or Proro-RoMANCE v.
Word-final: 117
Ex. no.
‘iron’
Meaning
férru fiér(u-) férro fér(re) fér
bénu biin(u-) buéno bé(nt) bén
ékku — ékko ék —_
Span.
hiérro
buéno
—
bonu-
ekkum
férra
férro sférru
Port. PRom.
Lat.
REW
§
ferru-
3262
bé(nt)
bb abénu
1208
‘up’ (adv.)
‘behold’
Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
120
119
118
‘good’ (m.sg.)
—_—
— ékku
2822
—_ suis bstiso suis sts sus
stizo
stizo sti‘su
*su-sum
8478
Notes to word-final /u/:
a.
And all masculine nouns and adjectives in /-u/ in the oblique singular.
c.
Variant of /su-rsum/.
b.
Old Italian.
Proto-Romance PHonoLoey
36
5. /e*/, stressed and unstressed: /e*/ or later developments thereof in all Romance languages.
a.
Stressed:
Ex. no. Meaning
121 ‘silk’
Sard. Roum.
séta —
OSFr.
sé“da
Ital.
ONFr.
Cat. Span. Lat.
REW
mésa méaso
sé*ta
bmé*za,
s6ida
°mdiza
séda séda
Port. PRom.
Ex. no. Meaning
kadé“na éadé*ina kadéna kadéna.
kadé“a katé“na,
mé‘sa
*saeta
me-nsa 5497
7498
kate-na 1764
126
125 ‘woman’
123 ‘chain’ katéna dkotine katé“na
méza méza,
sé“da sé"ta
§
122 ‘table’
‘upright’
fémina —
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
fé‘mna fémo fémne shémbra
dré*& dré*i¢
drét deréto
péndra iprendér
fe-mina
de-re-ktu-
prehendere 6736
Ital.
fé‘mmina
Port. PRom.
Lat.
bfé“mea fé"mina
REW §
3239
diré*ito de*ré*ktu 2648
En
ms a9 op
Notes to stressed /é*/: ‘hair; silk’. Lucchese. Engadinese. Macedo-Roumanian: ‘back-bone’. In /erménu éru/ ‘true cousin’. ‘cousin’; noun m/II. Old Spanish. Old Portuguese. ‘to catch (fire)’.
*(b)éru
fyar(u-)
vé"ro vér
véir
vér &béro
hyé*ro ué‘ru ye-ru9262
127 ‘to take’
Sard. Roum.
deréttu d(e)répt(u-) d(i)ritto
124
‘true’ (m.sg.)
préndere prinde(re)
pré“ndere pé‘nre
préndra
prédé*r pré“ndere
128
‘bait’ éska
idske
é'ska ska "sta
ésko éska ska
éska eska
2913
Tur Pyonremic Inventory or Proro-RoMANcE b.
Unstressed, pretonic:
Ex. no, Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
129 ‘measure’ mestira mesiira mistira meziira moaztiro maziira meziira meziira
me‘sti‘ra
me-nsu-ra, 5502
sserénu sen{no A seré na
kredinga kredénga
seré“ina
kredingo
seré“na soréng
seré“na serena
7843
disérto dezért dezért dozért deziérto dezért
de“sértu
de-sertu2592
bkreén¢ia krénga
kre“déntja kre-dentia 2316
134 ‘to despise’
133 ‘desert’ edeSért(u-)
131 ‘belief’
130
‘clear’ (f.sg.)
despetd(re) Sdispettdre despetér despitisér dospitér edespetér ‘despeitdr
de“spektére
Sde-spekta-re 2597
Notes to pretonic /e*/:
Bre perp
87
‘evening-dew’; noun m/II. semi-learned, because of /guéro sérre suér _ — —_—
senjor
*goror
®sénior
195
*s6ror
7821
8102
Notes to /o/ in final syllable: a.
b.
Nominative. Old Italian.
vi.
Word-final:
Ex. no.
228
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital.
étto épt 56tto
Cat. Span. Port.
vuit 9660 dito
OSFr. ONFr.
uéd uit
PRom.
Lat.
REW
ékto
§
229
‘eight’
okto-
6035
230
>’ Sron’ a sférro
— —
—_— 9(h)iérro
>férro
ferro:
231
‘man’ —— é6m(u-) *uémo
6m uém
6m — _
46mo
shomo-
4170
232
‘evening’ séro ——
sé“r sé‘ir
== —
sé‘ro
°se-ro
7841.2
‘I sing’ kénto kint skénto
ként éént
ként akdnto kdnto
fkénto
kanto-
_
Notes to word-final /o/:
me paso
a.
Related forms have /-0/ in dialects in which /-o/ contrasts with /-u/. For notes a-c, ef. Hall 1968, Messing 1972. As mass-noun. Ablative. Nominative. ‘at evening’. And all l.sg. present-tense-forms ending in /-0/.
52
Protro-Romancr PHONOLOGY
/a/, stressed and unstressed: /a/ or later developments thereof in all Romance
9.
languages. a,
Stressed:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
233 ‘salt’ sfile sfre sdle sél sel sél sél sal sdle sale7521
prétu praét(u-) prato prat pred prat prddo prdédo prétu pra-tu-
6732
237 ‘beard’ bérba —_ barba, barba barba barba barba barba baérba barba 944
Notes to stressed /4/: a, b.
Macedo-Roumanian: ‘woolen cloak’. ‘deed; fact; sorcery’ (noun).
‘cape’
‘hand’ manu mine mano m&(n*) méin
skdpo képpa képa tépa
méno
képa k4pa
ménu
képpa
ma(n*)
méo
képa
kappa 1642
manu5339 239 ‘done’
238 Sump’ séltu sélt(u-) sdlto sdut salt sélt sdlto salto séltu saltu7554
236
235
234 ‘meadow’
240 ‘plant; sole (of foot)’
fattu
prdnta
fatto £48 fait fét héto féito féktu faktu3135
pidnta planta planta
>fapt(u-)
plénte lénta
data plénta planta 6515, 6576
Tue Puonemic INVENTORY Of PRroro-RoMANCE b.
Unstressed: i,
Initial:
Ex, no. Meaning
241 ‘August’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr.
auistu agust(u-) agé‘sto ago’st
Cat. Span.
agé’st agésto
ONFr.
ad’st
Port.
agé’sto
PRom. Lat.
REW §
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr.
786
algu(n*)
Span.
alguno
§
algi alkti*nu 4(: alikye-) 339
pe oe
Notes to initial /a/: Old Roumanian. Old Italian. Perhaps < Span. /abatfr/. + /u’nu-/ ‘one.’
243
242 ‘bitter’ amér(u-) améro amar amar
améru ama-ru406
245 ‘some-one’
alkiin
Cat.
REW
agustu augustu-
—_ —_ alkiino aukiin
ONFr.
Port. PRom. Lat.
53
‘before’
eabbattiri
*ainte bavante abéin avant abant
dabaéte(re)
abinte ab ante 4
247 ‘silver’
246
‘April? aprile (a)priér aprile abril avril abril abril abril
argéntu argint(u-)
apri-le-
argentu-
aprile
562
argénto argen(t*) argént
argén(t*+) argéntu
640
244
‘to beat down’
abbdttere abétre abdtra abétra abatir abaté*r abbdttere abbattyere ll
248
‘to listen to’ askultére
askultd(re)
asko“ltére asko“ltér
asko“Iteér eskoItér
eskuddr eskutdr askultére auskulta-re 802
Proto-RomancEr PHONOLOGY
54 ii.
Pretonic:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
farina fofno farina farina farina ferino
Port.
farfna
Span.
REW
fari*na §
fari-na
3197
Ex. no. Meaning
poréte paré‘te
maisé‘le
paréid
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
osaé“tta saé“ta saé“ta sogéta saéta,
pavé“ne
PRom.
sagitta
Port.
Lat.
sé“ta
REW §
sagitta
7508
patélla patella
paréte
pare-te6242 254
padne
sagedte
padéla padéla pata padiéla
paréd paré“de
256 ‘to pay’
255
pain
l&(re)
lavdre Javdr laveér Javér labar lavar laudre laua-re 4951
padé*(n*t) paén
pagé*(n*)
pabén
pavé
payd“ne
payo-ne 6313
op
Galician. With /d/ in imitation of WRom. lenition.
Pepe
Notes to pretonic /a/:
Old Roumanian. Old Roman. ‘to pacify’.
With loss of /g/ in imitation of WRom.
6286
‘to wash’
‘pea-cock’
sagitta
bpadélla
paré“t
meSiJa smeiké’la maksilla maksilla 5448
253 ‘arrow’
252
‘frying-pan patédda
massidda maséa maSdélla
Sard.
Roum.
‘wall’
maisé“la
harina
PRom.
Lat.
251
250 Saw’
249 ‘flour’
lenition.
dpakd(re) *pakdre pagar paiiér pogdar pagar pagdr
pakére ‘paka-re
6132
,
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proto-RoMANcE iii,
Pre- and intertonic:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
257 ‘tamarisk’ tamarike tamarfte — —_— tomarft — tamarf¢
PRom.
tamart{*ke
Lat.
REW
§
55
258 ‘oath’ — — *sakraménto sagramén (t+) sairemént — aa —_—
btreméndo airamén(t*) adramént — — —
sakra-mentu-
atra-‘mentu-
sakraméntu
tamari:ke8548
7492
260 ‘to hex’
259 ‘ink’ treméntu
atraméntu 758
inkint4(re) inkantére enkantér enéantér enkantér enkantar ékatdr
inkantére inkanta-re 4341
Notes to pre- and intertonic /a/: a. b.
Old Italian. Molfettese (Apulian): ‘black ink’. iv.
In final syllable:
Ex. no.
261
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital.
féras *féra >fudra,
Cat.
fora
OSFr. ONFr.
féras —
Span.
Port.
PRom. Lat. REW
263
‘nipples’
‘he rubs’
mamiddas == —
frikat fréke ffré“ga
moméles
frége
—
fré*ga
mamé‘las mamé’les
fuéra
mamélas
féras foras
4mamfllas emamilla-s
fora, §
262
‘outside’
3431
5276
264
‘(that) he hang’ péndat
fré“ga fré*jod
pénda pénda pénded
fréga
pénda
#frikat, Sfrikat
bpendat bpendat 6383
3501
péda
Notes to /a/ in final syllable:
a. b.
ce. d. e. f. g.
h.
‘without’. Old Italian.
‘hills’, Oblique plural (and in all other nouns f/I). Accusative plural. With /g/ in imitation of WRom. lenition. 38.sg. present (and in all other verbs of ist conjugation). 3.sg. present subjunctive (and in all other verbs of other than Ist conjugation).
Proto-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
56 v.
Word-final:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
érva idrbe érba érba érba érba iérba, érva >érba herba 4109
settdnta
via via
settdnta seténta sotdnte satdnte seténta
ayé%io
tiérra, térra, >térra,
bui*a
terra
8668
‘seventy’
bia
térra fare térra térra téra térra
268
267 way
266 ‘earth’
265 ‘grass’
via bia via
yia 9295
setéta
*settd(i)nta sept(u)a-ginta 7836
Notes to word-final /a/: a. b. ce.
With /6i/ as if from PRom. /ufa/ (Mod. Fr. /vwa/ voie). And all other nouns of f/I declension ending in /a/ in the singular. If Roumanian had preserved a cognate form containing /pt/ (as in /S4pte/ ‘seven’ < PRom. /sépte/ : Lat. /septem/), or if we take into account the PRom. /sépte/ on which this numeral is based, we might set up PRom. */septd(i)nta/.
57
Tue Puonemic InveNToRY or ProTo-ROMANCE 2.4.
Semi-Vowels
PHonouocican Compongnts.
2.41.
The semi-vowels /j/ and /y/ must
be set up for Proto-Romance. These are characterised by being articulated
in positions corresponding to those of vowels (the high-front /i/ and high-
back /u/, respectively), but with the muscular tension of consonants, 80 that they do not constitute independent syllabic nuclei. They could also be represented by the symbols /j/ and /v/, but, to emphasise their relationship to the corresponding high vowels, we have chosen to use the mark /./, signifying a phonological component of non-syllabicity, under the letters /i/ and /u/ respectively. 2.42.
INDIVIDUAL PHONEMES.
1.
fifi a,
Initial:
gdx
—_— zatea(re) gaéé‘re
agsukére bguk4(re) gokdére
£4 id
g4ure iagér
fogér gugér
Sard. Roum. Ttal.
id
Cat. Span.
OSFr. ONFr.
£4 &4
Port. PRom.
ea id*
Lat.
REW
fazér ge“ 2ir
jam
§
4572
bazé‘r jaké*re iake-re
4562
Notes to initial /i/: a. b.
‘to play’
‘to lie’
‘already’
Meaning
271
270
269
Ex. no.
With /é/ possibly under Italian influence. Also ‘to dance’.
gogér gor
gogér jokére
joka-re
4584
272
‘to swear’ jurére gurd(re) gurdre
gurér gurér
gurér gurér
éurdér ju*rére
jwra-re 4630
Proro-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
58 b.
Intervocalic:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
omdiu
Roum.
méj(u-)
Ital. OSFr.
mégzo méi
ONFr.
mai
Cat.
méé
Span.
majo
Port. PRom.
Lat.
REW
273 ‘May’
miio méiju §
maiju-
5250
Notes to intervocalic /i/: a, b.
Campidanian. Bittese.
274 ‘worse’ —
dejunére
pekié*re pegor
digunére gegundér
pego*r
digundér
—
peér
ped*r peid*re
peio-re6367
276
275 ‘to fast’ azund(re)
gouneér
‘rain’ bprdéia plodie
pidgga
pléia pluio
ajundr
gesundr de“? ie*iu“nére je iu-na-re 4581
ploia
(: pluyere)
6620.3
Tus Puonemic Inventory or Proto-RoMANCE
59
2. /y/. The developments of /u/ show either the labio-dental fricative /v/ or the bilabial plosive /b/ in the various Romance languages. This fact, and the wide-spread interchange between the letters b and v in Late Latin and mediaeval documents (ef. Viaananen 1963 [1969°]: § 89) suggest that PRom. /y/ was probably a bilabial fricative [6], at least in some varieties. a.
Initial:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
277 ‘to be worth’ bélere —
Ttal. OSFr.
valé“re valé*r
Port. PRom.
valé*r ualé‘re
ONFr. Cat. Span.
REW
§
Ex, no.
Sard. Roum.
Ital. OSFr.
byariu-
281
Port. PRom. §
fbidda —
vaseir véura *beér
vile hyflo hbila
9319
béspa uéspa
vé*o ué‘lu
villa evila
byila uf‘lla villa
9330
Ao oP
yelu-
9184
283
284
‘empty’ (f.sg.)
‘voice’
bikita, —
béke bodte
vilida biiida ibuéita
void véu bé¢
vusta vuéida
— yd(ki)ta —_
Notes to initial /y/:
Hemme
veil vél bélo
9272
‘manor’
bidére vaded(re)
yide-re
vé'lo vél
282
‘to see’
vér yidé*re
véspa véspa.
yespa,
9157
280 ‘veil’ bélu
dguéspo véspa abispa
aveiro udriu
vedé*re vezér
ONFr. Cat. Span.
REW
véir —_— —
9130
279 ‘wasp’ éspe eviéspe
vaio vir
yale-re
Meaning
Lat.
baérgu —-
valé*ir vaéldra balér
Lat.
278 ‘many-coloured’
Old Galician, Old Portuguese. ‘manifold’. Masculine. With /gu/ from Germanic (Frankish /wéspe/). Old Spanish. ‘village’. ‘town’. ‘market-village’. Old Aragonese.
9429
vérte veg
vod ud*ke
uo-ke-
9459
Proto-Romance PHONOLOGY
60 b.
Intervocalic: 285 ‘saliva’
Ex. no.
Meaning
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
salfa saliva saliva salfva saliva salfba *safva
sali*ya sali-va 7541
289 ‘snowy’ (£.sg.) nidsa neuodésa A nevé sa navé~za nebéza nevéza
niyé*sa niyo-sa 5936
286 ‘bird’ Ze
edu abe five dye aue-
831
uf“yere yi-uere 9411
oP as
boue-
1225 292 ‘he raises’
291
‘to move’ *méere muédvere
mové‘r mové‘ir méura mobér
mové‘r
moué‘re
moue-re 5703
Notes to intervocalic /y/:
RMP
fox’?
bée béu béve buéu buéf béu buéj béi béye
néa néa nudéva, néva nuéva ndéa nuéba néva néua noua 5972
290 ‘to live’ bfere dyfe(re) vivere viure vivro viura bibfr vivé’r
288
287 ‘new’ (f.sg.)
Old Portuguese. ‘pird of prey; eagle’. Old Catalan. Old Roumanian. ‘to go, travel’. Old Italian. With initial /]/ < /li/ in Pre-Spanish */liébat/.
léat lia fliéva léva liévod léva
8léba
léva,
léyat
leyat 5000
Tue Pyonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCcE 2.5. 2.61.
61
Consonants PHonotoaican Components, in the consonant-phonemes of Proto-
Romance,
are to be classified under three headings: place of articulation,
manner of articulation, and voicing. In the Romance languages as a whole,
there is (as pointed out by Izzo 1972 : 115-121) no such thing as a “typically
Romance”
consonantism,
since nearly
every kind of consonant can be
attested from one Romance variety or another. For Proto-Romance, however, we can reconstruct a quite limited number of individual consonant-phonemes, with the following types.of contrasts: Place of articulation: labial (labio-dental) ~ dental ~ velar. Manner of articulation: stop ~ fricative or sibilant ~ nasal ~ lateral ~ flap. Voicing: voiceless ~ voiced.
The combinations of these components which we can ascribe to Proto-
Romance are shown in Table VI. Especially to be noted are the absence of a separate palatal place of articulation and of an assibilated manner of articulation, and the presence of a contrast in voicing only in the stops /p ~ b/, /t ~ d/ and /k ~ g/. TABLE
VI
Proto-Romance Consonant-Phonemes Bilabial or Labio-Dental
Stop Fricative or Sibilant Nasal
Pp
Dental t
b f
k d
8 m
Velar
nD
Lateral
1
Flap
r
g
Proro-Romance PHonNoLocy
62 2.62.
InpIvipuAL
1.
/p/, initial and intervocalic. a.
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning
Initial: /p/ in all Romance languages.
pérta podrta porta porta pérta pérta puérta porta porta porta 6671
Lat. REW
pura 6864
pti‘ra
§
Notes to initial /p/: Old Spanish. ‘sorrow, worry’. Old Italian. ‘to lay (an egg)’.
pdskere pdédte(re) passere passer pdistre péSer pagér pagé*r paskere paskere 6263
péSse pé‘is
pé‘is pés
apé¢
péise piske piske6532
297 ‘pure’ (f.sg.) ptira — pura pra puro puro pura pura
PRom.
piske péte
298
pésu
pé‘is pés péso
pé*zo pé‘su
pe-nsu6394
pédr(u-)
pélo pilu-
6508 300 ‘to put’
299
‘weight’
bpds(u-) pé*so pé’s
296 ‘hair’
295 ‘to graze’
294 “fish?
293 ‘door, gate’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
a. b. e. d.
PHONEMES.
‘hen’
piidda pola pola pole pdo’Je pda
pulla pulla
6828.2
pdénere ptine(re) epd“nere
pé‘nre
4péndra ¢péndre ponér po‘nere po-nere 6647
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proto-RoMANcE
63
b. Intervocalic: /p/ in Old Sardinian and Eastern Romance, /b/ or later developments thereof in most (but not all) of Western Romance (cf. Hall 1974/75). Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
ape
¢éba
ape-
525
eské“uva eskéba eské*ba
iské“pa
sko-pa
ri-pa 7328
ke-pa
1817
305 ‘uke-warm’
esk6*ba
ri*pa
ké“pa
dpe
8(i)ské“pa
ripa riba rive riba triba, rriba
dive
306 ‘soap’
7734
307
‘to know’
tépidu
sapé“ne
assapéskere
tiépido tébe tiéde
sapé“ne
sapé‘re sabé*r savé ‘ir
t6*bi
tibio tibio tépidu tepidu8657
sapuin
sabé*(n*)
savén
sabé*(n*)
*Sabé6n sabé
sapé“ne sapo-ne7589
304
‘broom’ isképa
ripo
¢6“ba
def
‘bank’ ripa
éedpa
dpe
303
302 ‘onion’
301
‘bee’
sabér sabér sabé‘r
sapé‘re ssapere 7586
308 ‘to crack’ krepdre krapd(re) krepdre krebdr krover krebér kebrér kebrar krepdre krepa-re 2313
Notes to intervocalic /p/: a. b. c.
Old Italian, with initial /i/ movable: cf. § 2.722.2.a-c. Old Spanish, with unexplained initial /8/, possibly under Arabic influence. ‘to taste; to be wise, understand’.
Proro-RomANcE PHONOLOGY
64 2.
/t/, initial, intervocalic, and final: a.
Initial: /t/ in all Romance languages.
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning
tile stdre tale tal tél tél tal tal tdle tale8543 313 ‘torture’
Sard. Roum.
trumméntu —
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
tormen(t*) tormént — torménto °2,
PRom. Lat. REW §
torméntu tormentu8793
Ital.
Port.
torménto
torméto %,
re
Notes to initial /t/:
mons
310 ‘to pull’
309 ‘such’
‘strong, firm’. Old Roumanian. Macedo-Roumanian. Old Italian. ‘outer court-yard’. ‘shop’.
tirére tirdre tirdr tirér tirdr tirdr tirér
ti‘rdre
tira-re 8755 314 ‘turtle-dove’ tirtura *tiirtura té*rtora té“rtora té*rtra té“rtre tértolo tiirtura
turture-
9009
3il
312
‘fear’
‘slow, late’ (f.sg.) tardfa tirzfo
timdé‘re btemodre
tardfa tardfa
temér tem6‘r
tardiva tardiva tardiva tardfe
timd*re temé*r temé*ur tem6o*r
timd*re
tard{*ya
timo-re-
tardi-ua 8576
8738 315
316
‘to shave, shear’ tuindere trinde(re) 4t6“ndere
t6“ndre téndra
té“ndra
tundir _ tiindere tundere
8779
‘tent’ ténda etinda ténda
ténda ténda
ftiénda ttéda, ténda tenda
8639
Tur PHonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANcE
65
b. Intervocalic: /t/ in Sardinian and Eastern Romance; lenited to /d/ (or further developments thereof) in most (but not all) of Western Romance. Cf. Hall 1974/75.
Ex. no.
317
Meaning
‘ye smoke’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
fumdtes fumd¢i fumdte fumé¢ fumed fuméu shumddes humddes
Lat. REW
fu-ma-tis 3566
PRom.
bfu“mdtes
§
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
§
muta mite muta muda muda muda muda muda
fu-ma-ta, 3566
mu-ta 6798
°fu“méta
322 ‘to swim’
eJatinu
natére
latino ®lati(n+) ‘latin
jnatdre nadér —
Jati*nu
lati-nu4927
319
noddr nadér nadar
natdre
nate-re 5845
mii*ta
323 ‘to be able’ potére puted (re)
poté*re podé*r podé*ir
uta
yita 9385 324 ‘puppy’ _ kedél(u-)
ikatéllo kadél &odél
kpot6682
katellu1763
poté*re
Old Spanish.
ec.
And all other f.sg. past participles in /-dta -{*ta -vi*ta/.
d. ‘live-stock; cattle’. e. ‘clear.’ f. Old Italian: ‘understandable’. g. noun, m/II: language’ (learnéd). h, ‘skilled in language; crafty’. i. ‘pure, unmixed; crafty’. j. Old Italian. k. Infinitive /posse/ < /pot-/ + /-se/. m. f.: ‘female puppy; bitch’.
bita site vita vida vide vide bida vida
kedél kadiélo nkadéla
a.
And all other 2.pl. verb-forms.
‘life’
podér podér pode*r
Notes to intervocalic /t/: b.
320
‘mute’ (f.sg.)
fumita fumite fuméta fumdda fuméda fumddo humdda fumdda
321 ‘Latin; clear’
hJad{no jladino
PRom.
Lat. REW
318
‘smoked?’ (£.sg.)
katéllu
Proro-Romancr PHONOLOGY
66
Final: lost everywhere except in Sardinian, Lucanian, and Old North French,
c. Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
325 ‘he looks at’ mirat *mfra bmira, mira mired mi{fra mfra mira emf*rat: mi-rat 5603
326 ‘he looked at’ mird(i)t — 4mirdtta mirét emirdd — mi‘rA(i)t mi-ra-(ui)t 5603
a
Notes to final /t/:
e.
In reflexive phrase /som{ra/ ‘he wonders’. Lucanian /mfrati/. And all other 3.sg. verb-forms. Neapolitan; perhaps of Oscan origin (cf. Oscan preterite forms in /-atted/, Buck 1928:172). Cf. also the ending /-diete/ in Lucanian (Cosenza) (Lausberg 1939: § 334), Cf. jurat /gurat/ ‘he swore’ in the Oaths of Strassburg (Hall 1953, 1966).
Tuer Puonemic Inventory or Proro-ROMANCE 3.
67
/k/, initial and intervocalic:
a. Initial: preserved as such before /a o u/ in most of Romance; palatalised before /e i/ in most Romance varieties except Sardinian and (before /e*/) in Vegliote. Cf. Hadlich 1965:53-54, 87-88. Ex. no.
327
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital.
kéra éedra 6é"ra
ONFr.
dra
OSFr.
PRom.
¢éra ¢éra, ¢6°ra
gén ciénito ¢éto
ke-ra
kentu-
REW
§
1821
Ex. no.
Sard.
§
kampu1563
kornut (°d-) korntido
korntido kornt*tu
kornu-tu-
Notes to initial /k/: a. b. c.
Old Spanish. Campidanian: ‘coal-basket’. ‘to make arable’.
2242
334
‘cup’
k6*ppa ké*pa k6*pa
kornut(u-)
1913
333
‘hornéd’
korntito korntit (°d-) kornud
k&po kémpu
kfliu
1915
kaémpo kémp é4mp
kémp kémpo
REW
kiliu-
bkuippa
Cat. Span.
Lat.
ki-mike-
korruitu
kimp(u-)
Port. PRom.
— — —
k4mpu
Roum.
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
— edisme dim¢e
332
‘field’
¢é1
#f]
ki*‘mike
1816
331
Meaning
lo
a
kéntu
‘eye-brow’ kigu
_—
¢ént
330
‘bed-bug’ kimike — emiée
¢én(t)
ké*ra
Lat.
329
‘100’ kéntu —_—_ éénto
#é"ra
Cat. Span. Port.
328
‘wax’
‘to care for’ —
kuipa
ekurd(re)
ké*pa képa
kurér kurér
kuppa
ku-ra-re
ké6*pa kiippa 2409
kurére kurdr kurér
kurér ku‘rére 2412
Proto-RomancE PHONOLOGY
68
b. Intervocalic: unchanged in Sardinian, lenited in most (but not all) of Western Romance (cf. Hall 1974/75); palatalised before /i e/ in most of Romance, except Sardinian (cf. Migliorini 1929; Gamillscheg 1968; Nandrig 1970). Ex. no.
335
Meaning Sard.
Roum. Ital.
REW §
*éko
am{ka,
bféde
°f46-
—_ — aged féke
fér hagér fazé‘r fdkere
amiga amfo
aku-
Ex. no.
339
léku 16k (u-)
fluéko
ONFr. Cat.
liéu 16k
OSFr.
16k
Span. Port.
sluégo légo
Lat.
loku-
PRom.
léku
§
340
5097
hikere luéi(re)
luéé’re
luafr
luizfr lutr
lu*ké“re “{*re lu ke-re 5136
fakere
3139
3128
341
‘to shine’
lugir lugir
féire fdira
faeke-
422
‘place’
Ttal.
REW
ami-ka
130
fékere
fAée(re)
ché¢ —
amiga amiga amiga am{*ka,
Meaning Sard. Roum.
‘to do’
féke
—
— — — éku
Lat.
338
‘faeces’
amika
—
Cat. Span. Port. PRom.
337
‘lady-friend’
éku
dk(u-)
OSFr. ONFr.
336
‘needle’
‘mildew’ mukére hmukodre
imuk6"re —_—
— a
imugér ——
mu*ké*re
mu-:ko-re5712
342
‘safe, sure’ sekiru
sikuro
seguir
sour seguir
seguro seguro
sekti‘ru
seku-ru7776
Notes to intervocalic /k/:
or
pe
me
ae oF
a.
Tuscan [‘atho]. Standard Italian has /4go/, with /g/ in imitation of Western Romance lenition.
Dialectal: Canistro (Abruzzi).
Bearnese. Old Portuguese. Infinitive /fdre/. Old Italian. Old Spanish. ‘glanders’. Abruzzese. Asturian.
Tue Puonemic Inventory of Proro-RoMANCE 4,
69
/b/, initial and intervocalic: a.
Initial: preserved throughout Romance territory:
Ex. no. Meaning
343 ‘bath’
344 ‘to beat’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
bainzu — bénno bén béin bén béno
sbattiri bdte(re) battere batre batro bétra batir
PRom. Lat. REW §
béniu balneu916
battere battyere
Port.
Ex. no. Meaning — biite
OSFr. ONFr.
bé*t bé*t
Span.
béte
PRom. Lat. REW §
buittebutte1427
bé*tte
Cat.
Port.
996
347 ‘cask’
Sard. Roum.
Ital.
baté*r
baéno
bé*te bé*te
348 ‘to drink’
asoe
bé‘lla bé‘la bé‘le bé‘le
*béla
4ho‘la bulla bulla
1385
349 ‘to bleat’ belére
fhé*v-
be‘lére be*lér
bé‘ure
bé*ivra béura bebér
bebé*r bfbere bibere
1074
Notes to initial /b/:
Prime
»biidda
bfere
bed(re)
Campidanian. ‘intestines’. ‘silk-vapours’.
Galician, Alemtejano: ‘(bread-) roll’.
Old Italian. Infinitive /bé‘re/. Spelling beeler; /ee/ onomatopoetic. Galician: ‘wild grape-vine’.
346
345
‘goodness’
‘bubble, ball’
sbeelér belér
be*lére
be-la-re 1021
bonitdte bunatdte *bonitdte bontat bontéd bontaét bondéd boddde bonitdte bonita-te1206
350
‘donkey ; bastard’ burdu
bért
bé*rt bé*rt bbé*rda biirdu burdu-
1405
Proro-RomANcE PHONOLOGY
70
b. Intervocalic: preserved as /b/ > /v/ or later developments thereof. Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
351 ‘horse’ kéddu
Roum.
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
k4l(u-)
kavallo kabél geval kevél kabdlo kavdlo kabdllu kaballu1440
Notes to intervocalic /b/: a. b. e. d. e.
352
‘tallow’ séu séu
sé‘go
séu sfu, sif séu sébo sé“*bo
‘to hide’. Macedo-Roumanian. Old South Italian. Judaeo-French. ‘to be enough’.
/v/)
353
‘to have to;toowe’
dové*re de“bé*r dové‘ir
provare probér prover
devé*r de*bé*re
provaér probdre
356 ‘bean’ fée >féua fava féba féve fava héba fdva féba faba 3147
354
profre
2490
prodr probér
proba-re 6764
357
‘elod’ léa
elsewhere,
‘to try, test’
dévere
de-be-re
se‘bu7762
French;
in South
only
déure debér
sé*bu
355 ‘to rest, brood’ *kuére — ko“vare koaér ko“veér ko*var — —_— kubdre kuba-re 2351
(#
358
‘to overflow’ aunddre
°gliéva — gléve —_
lé*iva
glé*ba gle-ba
3782
abbo“ndére abondér Sabondér °(a)bonddr
*boddr
a(b)bunddre abunda-re 52
Tue Puonemic INvENToRY or Proto-RoMANCE 5.
/d/, intervocalic, medial, and final: a.
Initial: preserved throughout the Romance languages:
Ex. no.
359
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital.
Cat. Span. Port. PRom.
dér dar dér dare
Lat.
REW
§
Ex. no.
Meaning
dare
2476
a6*(n+) dén dé dé*nu
odigddezfir dizé*r di*kere
2749
2628
363
durére dur&(re) durdre durér durdér durér durér
Lat.
duw-ra-re
durér du*rére
§
=diz-
2805
dé“us difi °e °os
duo-
2798
délu dolu2727 366
365
edékuma détima dézma dizma déumo fdiégmo
dizima dékima
dekima
a. b.
Infinitive /dire/. Infinitive /dfra/.
d. e. f.
Old Spanish. With /u/ possibly under influence of Catalan. Old Spanish; masculine.
Infinitive /dir/.
dé
‘of, from’
‘one-tenth’
Notes to initial /d/:
¢e.
dél
duél dél duélo
di-kere
‘two’ diios ddi dtie dé*s dé*us d6*s dés
délu dér(u-) dudlo
bdiz-
364
‘to last’
Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
Port. PRom.
dé*(n+)
do-nu-
‘pain, sorrow’
‘to say’ 2iée(re) adfé-
dén
362
361
‘gift’ dénu — dé*no
dar
ONFr.
360
‘to give’ dare da(re) dére
OSFr.
REW
71
2503
de de di de da da de de
de* de-
2488
72
Proto-Romancre PHoNnoLOoGY
b. Intervocalic: preserved in Eastern Romance, lenited to /8/ or further developments thereof (including loss) in Western Romance. Ex. no.
Meaning
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
adirdre —_ adirdre azirér adirer airar airdy *airdr
PRom.
Lat.
REW
adi‘rére
§
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
REW
adi-ra-re 166
sud6“re suz6‘r sudd“ur sud‘r
§
sudér suér su“dé‘re su-do-re 8427
Notes to intervocalic /d/: a. b. e.
Normally reflexive. Old Spanish. Old Portuguese.
369
368
‘to fall’
‘nest? nidu
kaded (re)
kadé*re kazé“r
nido nfu nid niu
kadé‘re kade-re 1451
5913
372 ‘to sit? seded (re)
4938
373
‘to judge’
sedé“re
Zudek4(re) Budikére
8006 ‘ir
gugiaer
sezé‘r séura bseér
*se6"r sedé“re sede-re 7780
léudo léda léuza ]é6a léa, léuva léydat laydat
kaé“r
ni-du-
370
‘he praises’
16895
6ad6‘ir kduver kaér
ni‘du
371 ‘sweat? — sudodre
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
367
‘to get angry’
sugar Sugér
ju“dikére ju-dika-re 4600
374
‘to believe’ krédere kréde(re)
kré“dere
kre“zé*r, kré*ire
kré%i8 ra
kréura kreér
kré*r kré“dere kre-dere 2307
Tur Puonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE
73
ce, Final: preserved in a few proclitic forms in Italian; treated as intervocalic /d/ in a few proclitic forms in OSFr. and ONFr.; lost elsewhere. Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
Ital.
OSFr.
ONFr.
Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
375 ‘to’
376 ‘what?’
a a
kf cé
a, az
ké*
ax, ad a, ad
a a a a(d) ad
136
ké*= k6i8
ké ké ké* kyfd kuid 6953
74
Proto-Romancn PHONOLOGY 6.
/g/, initial and intervocalic:
a. Initial: preserved throughout before back vowels; palatalised to /é/ (or later developments thereof) before /e i/ everywhere except in Sardinian; also before /a/ in ONFr. Cf. Migliorini 1929; Meyer-Liibke 1936. Ex. no. Meaning
377 ‘gum (in mouth)’
378 ‘to freeze’
Sard.
gingiva
gelére
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
gengiva gengiva gen¢ivo ®enive gen° *en¢ia gengiva gingi‘ya gingf-ua
geldre gelér falar gelér &eldr gedr geldre gela-re
Roum.
REW
gingfe
§
3765
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
381 ‘hen’ —S
Roum.
gaino
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
gallina galina, gelfina galing galina
PRom. Lat. REW §
gallina galli-na 3661
Port.
galina
—_
3714
382 ‘to gabble, talk’
379 ‘son-in-law’ géneru ginere
&énero &éndre &éndra &éndra jérno génro géneru
generu3730 383 ‘greedy’ (f.sg.)
—_
bgarf(re)
°garrire
— — dgarrir
garrir
garri‘re garri-re 3691
golé*sa golé*za golé“uza golé*za goléza
eguldé’sa gulo-sa 3914
380
‘to groan’ &éme(re)
gémere gemfir giéndro gemir gemé*r gémere gemere 3722
384 ‘to taste’ gust4(re)
fgustdre
go star
go’stér
fgustdr
gostér gustdre gustdre gusta-re
3926
mops
op
Notes to initial /g-/: Old Spanish. Macedo-Roumanian: ‘to twitter’. ‘to caw’. ‘to chatter’; Mozarabic /gér/ ‘speak, tell!’. Derived from /gila/ ‘throat,’ hence reconstructed with pretonic /u/. Probably learnéd, because of pretonic /u/ instead of /o*/.
Tue Puonemic INvENToRY oF Proto-ROMANCE
75
b. Intervocalic: palatalised to /£/ (or later developments thereof) before /e i/ everywhere except in Sardinian; preserved before /a o u/ except in Gallo-Romance. Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
rége
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
ri r6i réi rréi
Lat. REW
Te-ge7286
Ital.
fig(u-)
féu fou
rré4i ré‘ge
§
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
387
‘beech-tree’ fréu
és
Port. PRom.
386
385 ‘king’
*hé fagu-
3145
dé*ga dé*ga dé*va dé*ga dé*ga
fri-gere
2714
3510
391
390 ‘to flee’
388
‘stave (of cask)’ déga doiga
irfgere frige(re) friggere fr(e)ir frira frogir frefr frigtr
fri*gere
fégu
389 ‘vegetable’
‘to fry’
‘to deny’
392 ‘to ask, beg’
—_—
fugfre
bnegdre
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
leguime leim lovin
negére
*rogdre
niér
Span. Port. PRom.
legumbre legtime legi*me(ne)
fugéire fugir fufr fugir hufr fugir
rover rogar rrogér rrogér rogére
Roum.
legtimo
Cat.
Lat.
REW
Jogim
§
legu-mene-
4972
fugf(re)
fu‘gi*re fugere
3150
Notes to intervocalic /g/: a. b. ce.
Old Spanish. ‘to accept (< to refuse out of courtesy)’. ‘to notarise’.
negér
nogér negar negar negére
nega-re 5876
rugé(re) rogér
roga-re 7361
Proro-Romance PHONOLOGY
76 7.
/f/, initial and intervocalic:
a. Gascon). Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
preserved
>fér ofuér >fér afuéro °féro
féru
§
Ex. no. Meaning
throughout
393 ‘market-place’ fér(u-)
PRom.
Lat. REW
Initial:
foru3459 397 ‘fork; gallows’
filu3306 398 ‘hunger’
Lat. REW
furka 3593,
famine3178
fdmi(ne)
Ll
396 ‘ditch’ féssa, ffodse féssa, fésa fése fésa 8fuésa fésa féssa fossa 3460
fi*su
fu-su-
3620 399
‘family’ ifomede fam({lla famfla famile
famflia familia 3180
Notes to initial /f/: a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h.
in Spanish
395
friso fis fiis
flu
/h/
‘spindle’ fuis(u-)
famine hfodmine fame fém féim fim hdmbre féme
§
>
fuisu
flu ffr(u-) filo fil fil ffl hilo ffu
firka firke f6*rka £6"rka, £6°rva —_— hérka £6°rka firka
(except
394 ‘thread’
Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
PRom.
Romance
‘town-square, plaza’. ‘law’. ‘tax, law’. Old Spanish: ‘law, ordinance’. ‘court’. Transylvanian. Old Spanish: ‘grave’. Old Roumanian. Old Roumanian; Mod. Roumanian /feméie/ ‘woman’.
400 ‘to steal’ furdre
furd(re)
furdre furdr furér
fu‘rére
fu-ra-re 3591
and
Tue Pyonemic INVENTORY OF Proro-RoMANCE
77
b. Intervocalic: rare (found only in words containing prefixes or borrowed into Latin from Oscan or Umbrian; cf. Ascoli 1886, d’Ovidio 1903). Preserved in Sardinian and Eastern Romance; lost or substituted by analogy in other regions. Ex. no.
401
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal.
‘sow’ — skrodfa a(i)skré“fa
OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
beskriibo *eskr6“ua —
PRom.
iskré“fa
Span. Port. Lat.
REW
—_ —
§
skro-fa
7748
402
‘deep’ (f.sg.) proftinda — profé‘nda
preé‘nda parfénda pregé“ne
—_— —_—
proftinda profunda 6772
Notes to intervocalic /f/: a. b. c,
With “/i/ movable” in Old Italian; cf. § 2.722.2.a-c. Modern South French, dialectal. ‘screw’.
78
Proro-Romancre PHonoLoay 8.
/s/, initial, medial and final (cf. Michel 1954; Galmés de Fuentes 1962): a.
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
403 ‘whole, healthy’
sina sina sina
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
sdino sino sina sé
PRom.
séna
§
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
404 ‘evening’
(f.sg.)
sina
Roum. Ital. OSFr.
Lat. REW
Initial: preserved as voiceless /s/ throughout Romance:
sana 7584
—
sefira sé‘ra bsé“ra, — —_ —
sé‘ra
sera 7841.2
407 ‘seat, saddle’ sédda Séa, sélla séla sélo sélo siéla séla sélla sella 7795
408 ‘fate, lot’ sérte sodrte sérte sort sdért sért suérte sérte sérte sorte8107
stiu adu stio 86 son, suén son su, stijo séu Sstiusuu8490 409 ‘to loosen’
sikka séko
s¢“kka sé*ka dg6*Sa séko séka
sé*ka
sikka sikka 7897 410 ‘sixty’ sessinta
fsélvere sdélver séldra
sessinta seisdnta seisdnta seSdnto sesénta sesénta
solbér solvé"r sdélyere solyere 8081
a. b. c.
Macedo-Roumanian. Modern East Provengal. Oblique /stiun/, nom. /stius/.
e. f.
A borrowing from Italian, because of intervocalic /lv/? Old Italian.
Masculine /sé*k/ < PRom. /stkku/.
‘dry’ (f.sg.)
esdlvere
Notes to initial /s/:
d.
406
405
‘his, her, its’
seks4(i)nta
seksa-ginta 7886
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proro-ROMANCE
79
b. Intervocalic: preserved as voiceless in Eastern Romance; voiced to /z/ in Western Romance. Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
411 ‘nose’ ndésu nés(u-)
412 ‘pea’ apisu —
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
néso nés nés
pé"so pé‘s pé‘is
Port. PRom.
nézo nésu
— pisu
Cat. Span.
nés n&zo
Lat.
REW
§
Ex. no.
415
Sard. Roum.
risu ris(u-)
Span.
rr{zo
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
Port. PRom. Lat.
REW
§
resérzu —
a.
‘bean’.
pesdre apasd (re)
rrizo rf‘su
— ras6é‘riu
pe“zér pe‘sfre
raso-riu7076
‘distant’. ‘firm, unyielding’. ‘to worry [some-one]’ (impersonal), ‘to dwell’. ‘to put away’. g. Old Spanish: ‘to sit down’. h. ‘to set, put, lay’.
418
‘to weigh’
pe‘sdre pe*zér pazeér pozdr
—_—
9099
417
‘razor’
Notes to intervocalic /s/: b. ec. d. e. f.
uwsu-
8651
tas6‘io raz6*r raz6‘ir rez6"r
7336
isu
tensa
riso rfs ris ris
ri-su-
izo
té*za, té‘sa
416
‘Jaughter’
tiso is tis
*téza téza
6543
414 ‘use’ visu —_—
té*sa — —
pisu-
5842
Meaning
btésa,
—_ —
na‘su-
413 ‘stretched’ (f.sg.)
‘to stop’ pasdre epasdre
posére pauzér pozér fpozér
pezdr
®pozér
pe‘nsa-re
hpausa-re
6391
pouzér paysdre 6308
80
Protro-Romance PHoNnoLoGy
c. Final: lost in Roumanian and Italian, preserved elsewhere (cf. Politzer 1947; Viiiiniinen 1950): Ex. no.
Meaning
Sard.
419
mézus
Roum. Ital.
_ méllo
ONFr.
mié]¢
Span.
—
OSFr.
Lat.
REW
§
Ex. no.
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
PRom.
Lat.
REW
mu-lo's 5742
Notes to final /s/: a. b.
—
limes
bés
—
limas
Old Roman. Old Spanish.
pék
limas
pék
limes
pégo pékus
Ifmas If*mas
pekus
9455
423
mii‘los
§
v's
6339, 6325
424
‘mules’ muilos — — muils muls miils mulos mus
l{mas —= —
yos
5479
422
‘files’
apéko
v6*s ud*s
melius
Meaning
pékus
vo's
— mélius
421
‘animals; sheep’
vi voi
v6"s
mi]s
Port. PRom.
‘ye’
bés
miéls
Cat.
420
‘better’ (adv.)
‘feet?
425
‘thou combest’
li-mas
5042 426
‘ye comb’
pédes —= — pés pié¢ péus piés pés
péttenas —_ pénéenas pénes péntines péinas pénteas
pettendtes pieptond¢ pettindte penéend¢ penis¢ pentiné¢ >peinddes penteddes
pedes
pektina:s
pektina-tis
pédes
6439
péktenas 6329
pektendtes 6329
Tue PHonemic Inventory or Proto-RomaNncE 9.
/m/, initial and intervocalic. Preserved as such throughout. a.
Initial:
Ex. no. Meaning
427 ‘bad’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
mélu — milo mal mel mél milo méu
Lat. REW
malu5273
PRom.
mélu
§
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
must(u-)
Ital.
428 ‘wall’ miuru bmiir(u-) muro mur mur mur muro muro
mii‘ru
muw-ru5764
431 ‘must (new wine)’ mustu
Roum.
mé‘sto
amuk(u-)
emé*kko mé*k
mé"]} m{]
mé*k
mi]
*mizo milo miliu milju5572
432 ‘sleeve’
méko
mé*ko
muikku mu:ku5709
433 mil? molinu
maturdre
manika
maturére madurér
manto
Span.
mésto
manga
ménika manika 5300
molf*nu moli-nu5644
m6o‘st
PRom. Lat. REW §
m6‘sto
mustu mustu5783
ménega
ménega maga
mofino
Notes to initial /m/:
sper
434 ‘to ripen’
ménika,
minako
most
Cat.
‘snot’ mikku
mfzu méiu milo
ONFr.
mé‘st
430
429 ‘millet’
mulfno molf(nt) molfn molf(nt) molfno
OSFr.
Port.
81
Written mel ‘trouble, sorrow’ (Aucassin et Nicolete §1). Macedo-Roumanian. Old Spanish. ‘dried snot’. Old Italian.
madurér madurér madurér
matu‘rére matu-ra-re 5430
Proro-Romance PHONOLOGY
82 b. Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
Ital.
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
Intervocalic: 435 ‘branch’ rému —_— rémo rém réim. rém rrémo rrémo. rému ra‘mu7035
fi*mu
fu-mu3572
439 ‘woolen yarn’
*ké kim bk6*mo ké*m
kém(e)
k6*m ekuémo
ké*mo
k6*mo 4kyo: modo6072 441
440
‘noise’
‘to love’
442
‘to tremble’
estdmine
amére
rumére
tremuldre
°(i)stéme
améare
rumére
tremoldre tremblér tremblér tromolaér temblar
estém estdim. estém estdmbre estime istéme(ne) fsta‘men 8230
amar ameér amér amar
amar amare amare 399
rimé*r remé“ur
A remé-ur rrumér A. rrumé r AA ru mé re ru-mo-re74il
Notes to intervocalic /m/:
Pepe oP
‘how’
‘woof’ tréma trémo trama trama tréime tréma trama tréma, tréma tra‘ma 8847
fimu fuim(u-) fimo fim fim fim himo fimo
438
437
436
‘smoke’
Old Sardinian. Old Italian. Old Spanish. ‘in what manner’.
With ‘movable /i/’ in Old Italian; cf. § 2.722.2.a-c.
‘warp (of loom)’.
tremuld(re)
tremulére tremula-re 8879
Tue Pyonemic INvEnrory or Proto-RoMANCE 10.
/n/, initial, intervocalic, and final. a.
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
Roum.
Ital.
Initial: preserved as such in all Romance languages. 443 ‘neither, nor’ nen niéé né*= ne, nf na, nf ni ni né né*n) nek 5868
445
bndrs nére na-re5826 448 ‘nest-ege’ ’
446
‘(wal)nut?
‘knot’
mike
nédu
né“te
n6“do
né“¢
né‘i¢ nué¢ né“¢ nike nuke6009
néd(u-)
né*
né“ud
nis ntido
ndé~
né“du no-du5947
450
449 ‘new’ (dim.)
‘to harm’
niimeru
niddle
fnoéddu
ndékere
né“vero
nial nizél nidaél
novéllo noél
nozé‘r
né“mbre némbra né“mbra — /|/ in Catalan:
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
léna lina léna lina ldino ]éne léna léna lana A875
Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
469 ‘struggle’ lipte
16*tta
16%éa lite Wite liga lite hikta lukta 5147
lig
1éi 1éi 16% 1é“ge le-ge5008
li
Ex. no. Meaning
lide
ei ei
Wit
ohig
shi¢ li*ke
luna
5190
471 ‘to raise’
léttu
»ledre
létto liéé lit
levaére levér lover Jovaér *lebar levaér
ltt
1éé0 léito léktu lektu4965
Notes to initial /1/: a. b. ¢,
li*na
lu-ke-
470 ‘bed’
,
Inflectional and derivational stem /liz-/. Also ‘to absorb’, Also ‘to carry’.
‘moon’ lina hina lina lina line ine lina hia
like
lége 1é*EBe
468
467 ‘ight’
466 aw’
465 ‘wool’
Ex. no. Meaning
5163 472
‘binding’
lud(re)
legatiira legatiira liadtira liadtire Jegadtire
leydre
ligatti*ra liga-tu-ra 5026
leya-re 5000
Tue Pyonemic Invenrory or Proto-ROMANCE
87
b. Intervocalic: lost in Portuguese-Galician, preserved elsewhere: Ex. no.
473
Meaning Sard. Roum.
paélu par(u-)
Ttal. OSFr.
palo pal
ONFr. Cat.
pél pal
Span.
palo
Port. PRom. Lat.
REW
6182
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
§
tela
3293
8080
478 ‘hairy’ pilésu pordés(u-)
pald*s pelézo —
pilo-su6505
molér
moé“r mélere
so-lu-
8620
pild*su
fila-re
méldra —
sélo
fi‘lére
Lat.
bmglo mélre
s6~ sé‘lu
peldé*so pelé’s palé“us
filér hilér fiér
REW
sé“ul 861
‘to grind’ mélere —
86°lo 861
filére filér filer
Cat. Span. Port.
PRom.
+6%ile télo
477 ‘to spin’ filére —
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
sdlu
tla té‘la
476
‘alone’
téla “tedro
té‘la
palu-
475
‘cloth’
téla
pao pélu §
474
‘post?
molere
5642
479 ‘to wish’ sbolliri vred(re)
volé‘re volé*r volé*ir volér — —
yolé*re
4uol-
9180.2
480 ‘miller’ molinérgu
mulindio molinér molinisr
molinér molinéro emoléiro
moli*nériu
moli-na-riu5643
SRE
oe
Notes to intervocalic /l/: ‘linen on the loom’. Piedmontese. Campidanian. Latin infinitive /yelle/; Romance infinitive remade on root /yol-/. From pre-Port. */molléiro/ < */molnarju/ < /moli‘narju/.
Proro-Romancr PHONOLOGY
88 12,
/r/, initial, intervocalic, and final:
a. Initial: > /rr/ in Central and Western Ibero-Romance, elsewhere: Ex. no.
481
Meaning Sard.
réta
Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
Lat.
REW
§
ro“da ré‘ta,
mt ré“ne
rrfo ri‘u
— rréne
ro-ta,
485
*réste résta rést
Span. Port.
rréstra rréstea,
rést rést
réste
Teste-
16°s r6°s
*rréso
rii*ssu
ru-ssu-
rroé*r r6“dere
487
‘red’ —_—_ artis(u-) 16sso ré"s
rroér
7341.2
486
‘rope’
‘to bellow’
pe TE Reo
ro-dere 7358
488
‘to scrape, scratch’
— rugf(re) rugéire rugir
fraskdr raskdr
*rruir rrugir
rraskér °g4r rrasgdr
rufr
ru’gi*re ru-gire
Notes to initial /r/: With /ué/ through morphophonemic realignment. ‘side of the body’. ‘rope of sedge’. ‘reddish (of cows]’.
‘to gnaw’ rofide(re) r6“dere a r6“ire, ro“z6"r r6“udra
riuu
7206
such
—
ru rrfo
re-ne
7387
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr.
PRom.
rfu
riu rfo rfu ri(f)
Ex. no.
Lat.
_—
as
484
‘stream’
brino ré‘ne — ré‘in
Meaning
ONFr. Cat.
483
‘kidney’
rosta ré“ta ré“da r6"uda
ré“da *rruéda
Port. PRom.
482
‘wheel’
preserved
Old Spanish. Venetian, Lombard: ‘to have neck-itch; to clear one’s throat’. Past participle of /radere/ ‘to shave’.
rasikdre
rastiér raskér
rasikére
(: ras-)
89
Tue Puonemic InvENrory or Proro-ROMANCE b. Intervocalic: preserved everywhere. Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
490 ‘sea’
489 ‘rare’ réru ‘rdro rar
rér rér rrdro
rréro
réro ra-Tu7067 493 ‘parent, relative’ parénte dparinte parénte
parén(tt)
parént
parén(t*) pariénte
parénte parénte
parente-
6233
mare mare mfare mér mer mér mar mar mére mare 5349
491
kolé“re
kolé*r
kolé“ur kolé*r kolér
ké*r kolé*re
g.
h. i.
5433
496
495
‘to die’
‘to perish’ perf(re) perire perir porfr perir peregér
pere¢é*r
perf‘re
dperi-re
Notes to intervocalic /r/: a. b. c. d. e. f.
ma‘tu-ru-
2056
pardre
Also /r4do/, through dissimilation. ‘big [of fruits)’. Moldavian: ‘over-ripe’. ‘father; priest’. ‘to ward off’. ‘to stop’. With unexplained /rr/. ‘to go across’. Infinitive /mori-/ (medio-passive, deponent).
6415
?
mati‘ru
kolo-re-
epardre pardre pardr parder
492 ripe’
bmatiru *matur(u-) mattiro madir modtr madur madtiro madiiro
kolére
494 ‘to prepare’
porar fparér fpardr pardre para-re 6229
‘
‘colour’
murf(re) morfre
morir morir morfr morir
emorrér
morf‘re imor5681.2
Proto-RomANcE PHonoLoecy
90 ce.
Final:
Sard. Roum.
per p(rje
Ital.
REW
per
amdggo
per
emajor
bmdior méira — —
per par per — — per
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom.
Lat.
mére —
§
*méjor
6396
5247
‘shepherd’
‘emperor’
‘greater’
‘by, through’
Meaning
500
499
498
497
Ex. no.
— impardt(u-)
i
emperdire emperé6re — — — *imperdtor
*impera tor 4305
— —_—
epastre °0
pastre {péstre — — — pastor
°pastor
6279
Notes to final /r/: a, b. c. d. e f.
Tuscan. Also Franco-Provengal (Montana, Vaud) /méjor/ ‘swine-herd’. Nominative singular. But ef. OIt. /sendto/ ‘senator’ < PRom. /sendtor/ : Lat. /sena-tor/. North Italian: Bellunese and Old Trevisan, respectively. Also Ladin (Val Gardena) /p48ter/.
2.6.
Vowel-Clusters and Diphthongs
2.61. 1.
Vowru-Cuusters.* /8i/:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
502 ‘forty’ bardénta
— kuardnta kardnta kardnte korénte kuarénta kuarénta kyard(i)nta kuadra-ginta 6912
Further examples: 55 /mdjs/
503 ‘ninety’ norénta
— novanta nonénta nonénta nordnte nobénta novénta *nond(i)nta nona-ginta 5953
504 ‘I sang’ kantd(v)i
kintéi kantéi bkantéi éantdi bkanti kanté katéi kantd(y)ikanta-(w)i—
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE 2.
91
/6i/: (shaky, because attested only in Italian and OSFr.):
Ex. no. Meaning
505 ‘T lost’
Sard. Roum. Ttal.
perdéi perdéi
OSFr.
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
perdéi
REW § Notes to /4i/ and /éi/: * a.
The number 501 was omitted through over-sight. The forms in /v/ have been reshaped by analogy with the developments of /néye/ ‘nine’; those with /r/, by dissimilation from the other /n/-consonants. Forms reshaped by analogy with other conjugations.
b. 8.
Ex. no.
/af/:
Meaning
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
506 ‘master, teacher’ méstru maéstru
maé‘stro maé‘stre maistre
maé‘stra
m/(a)éstro méstro matstru magistru-
5229
Proro-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
92
/ay/ (before consonant), stressed and unstressed:
Dieutuone.
2.62.
some South Italian dialects, Old South
preserved as such in Roumanian,
French, and as /ou/ in Portuguese-Galician; other Romance varieties. 1.
Stressed:
Ex. no.
507
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW
§
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW
§
508
‘gold’ — dur(u-) éro dur or ér 6ro éuro duru auru800
tréu tdur(u-) téro téur — stdur téro téuro téuru tauru8602
511 ‘south wind’ —. dustru éstro dustre éstra — — — dustru aystru807
509
‘bull’
512 ‘he stops’ pasat 4pdso pdésa péuza pézad *pdéze fpdza ®pduza pdysat paysat
6308
Notes to stressed /4y/: a, b. e. d. e. f. g.
> /a/ in Sardinian, /o/ in
Old Catalan. ‘thorn-apple’. Old Portuguese. Old Roumanian: ‘he dwells’. ‘he puts away’. Old Spanish: ‘he sits down’. ‘he sets, puts, lays’.
Further examples: 161 pduperu, 370 ldudat.
‘laurel’ léru ‘J4ur(u-) alléro léur lor — léuro lduru layru-
4943
510
‘to close’ kléudere klfde(re) kitidere kléure kléra kiéura *éouvir kl4udere klaydere 1967
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proto-RoMANCE 2.
Unstressed:
Ex. no.
513
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. REW
audi*re
§
aydi-re
779
Note to unstressed /ay/: a.
514
‘to hear’ — auz{(re) udfre augir odfr ofr ofr ouvir
PRom.
Lat.
93
Old Catalan.
515
‘bird’ — — udtdéllo auzél oizél sauzél —
aykéllu
aukellu828
‘to kill’ — uéfde(re) uétidere augfre offdra *au¢iure —
aukt*dere ayki-dere 6030
516
‘to praise’ — laud4(re) lodére lauzér lodéer loér loar louvér
laydére
layda-re 4938
94
Proro-Romancr PHONOLOGY
2.7.
Clusters of Two Consonants
2.71. HomosyLuaBic, i.e. with both consonants belonging to the same syllable and beginning it. Of this type are the clusters consisting of stop
or fricative + liquid (/lr/), initial and intervocalic. 1.
Consonant + /r/: a.
/pr/: i.
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital.
Initial: 517 ‘booty, prey’ apréa prado préda
OSFr.
bpré“za
ONFr. Cat. Span.
bpré‘ia — bpréa
Port.
PRom. Lat. REW §
Ex. no. Meaning
bpré“a
préda praeda 6714
prémere —_— prémere
ONFr.
priémbra
Cat.
premé‘r
Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
prina priino
premé*r
ipremér —_—_ prémere premere 6738
pré*= pré*
primu *imprime primo ‘prim
prél pré“l
&prim tprimo hprimo
proud pro“u
priino *priina
pru*na
pri*mu-
pré“de
apru-na
pro-de
6798
pri-mu6754
6766
523 ‘ready’
522
‘price’
pré¢(u-) pré¢go pré¢
pris
520 “first?
519 ‘advantage’ préde
prina prune prina
521 ‘to press’
Sard. Roum. Ital.
OSFr.
518 ‘plum’
524 ‘breakfast, lunch’
préntu
prénzu
pré‘nto
praéngo
prinz(u-)
prént
pro“nt
Iprénto prétju pretiu6746
préto pro“ntu
préndju prandiu6730
pro-mptu-
6776
monaorp
Notes to initial /pr/: Old Campidanian: ‘pledge, pawn’.
With /é*/ or developments thereof by analogy with /pré‘sa/ ‘capture’?
Old Spanish. Neuter plural of /pru:num/ ‘plum’. Derived adverb: ‘early, at first’. ‘outstanding, fine, delicate’.
g. h. i, j.
‘thin, delicate’. Noun: ‘cousin’. ‘to push down, sink’, Adverb: ‘quickly’.
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE
95
ii. Intervocalic: preserved in Eastern Romance, lenited in Western Romance. Ex. no.
525
Meaning
‘goat?
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
krépa k&pre képra kébra éisévra
Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
kébra kébra képra kapra
Cat.
kébro
REW §
1647
Notes to intervocalie /pr/: a. b. ce. d.
Old Bolognese. ‘protected’. Old Ligurian. Old Spanish.
526
‘goat-herd’ krapérzu keprér kaprdéio kabriér
éevriér
kobriér kabréro kabréiro
kaprérju
kapra-riu1648
527
528 ‘sunny’
‘copper’ bapriku
*k6“vro ké*ure k6“ura k6“bre
k6"bre
kiipru kupru2445
*abrigu
dabrigo
apri*ku
apri-ku561
Proro-RoMANcE PHONOLOGY
96 b.
/br/: Initial: preserved throughout, except in Sardinian.
i.
Ex. no.
529
Meaning
530
‘breeches’
Sard.
srfigas
‘short? —
—
Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
bréke sbréke bréga bréia
— briéve bréu briéf
4brima *brima {prima fbrima
Span. Port.
>bréga bréga
*brébe bréve
fbrima fprima
Lat.
bra-ka,
Cat.
brdéga
PRom.
bréka,
REW §
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
REW
bréue
533 ‘paw’
bbréka brénka §
bri*ma bru-ma
1291
frénka Sbrinke bbrénka ibrénka ibrénte ibrénke hbrénka,
Port. PRom.
thriima
breye-
1252
Ex. no. Meaning
Lat.
bréu
branka 1271
1335
534 ‘ugly’ — —_ briitto brit brit brit Ibnito
briito Sbra“ttu bru-tu1348
Notes to initial /br/: a, b. c.
Plural. Also ‘diapers’. At least semi-learned, because of non-diphthongised /é/.
e.
Umbrian.
g. h. i.
Also ‘hand’. ‘claw’. ‘branch’.
k.
Not learnéd.
d.
f.
j.
‘fist’.
‘mist’.
‘stupid’.
Baa
‘winter’
‘arm! br颢gu
brdé¢(u-) bréééo brag bra¢
bré¢
brézo brdzo
brékiu
brakju-
1256
Tue Puonemic Inventory oF ProTo-ROMANCE
97
ii. Intervocalic: first element labialised or lost in Sardinian and Roumanian: doubled in Italian; lenited in Western Romance. Ex, no. Meaning
535 ‘smith’
Sard. Roum.
fréu féur(u-)
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
féure feévre — — — fébru fabru-
Ital.
REW
fébbro
§
3120
536 ip’ sléra, lébbro slgura alsévra
‘ébru a ‘labru- °a, 4813
gpaerP
Notes to intervocalic /br/: Feminine. Masculine and feminine, respectively. Neuter singular and plural, respectively. Macedo-Roumanian. Learnéd, because of initial /f/.
‘fever’ fréa shdvre fébbre féure fiévra fébre hiébre fébre fébre febre3230
538
‘February’ frefrgu fourér febbrdio feuriér fevriér febrér *febréro feveréiro februdriu februa-rju3231
98
Proro-Romancr PHonoLocy c.
/tr/: i,
Initial: preserved throughout:
Ex. no.
539
Meaning Sard. Roum.
Ttal.
ONFr.
trédiki ==
tréu
tré*s
tré*ze
tré*=
Cat.
tréu
Port.
tréve
PRom. Lat. REW
§
Ex. no.
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital.
tré*izo
bkriémbro
trés
tréze
543
tré“ge
trinta — tré“nta
tré“nta
Cat.
tréuro
trénte
Port.
trazé“r
trite
tréira
Span.
traér
PRom.
Lat.
REW
tr&(g)ere
§
trahere 8841
8870
545
‘thirty’
tréire
ONFr.
—
*tremér
tré“diki tre-dekim 544
‘to draw, pull’
tremér
tré*za
8883
tréere trdge(re) strax
OSFr.
atré%is
tré“s tres
8823
trémere
tremare
tré“z
trabe trabe-
‘to tremble’
tr6“didi
trés
trabe
542
‘thirteen’
trés tréi
treif
Span.
541
‘three’
traébe —_—
tréve
OSFr.
540
‘beam’
trénta
tréinta trinta
tri-ginta 8901
‘trumpet’
tremé*r
trémere tremere 8877
546
‘trunk, stump’
triimba,
trinku
*tré“mba
tré“nko
‘tré6mpo
trénk
tré*mba “pa,
tré*mpa
tr6“nk
tré“nk
trémpa
trénko
trumba pa
trinku
tribba “pa —_—
8952
triku
trunku8956
mS
Bo
TP
Notes to initial /tr/:
Before following vowel, /tré*iz/ > Mod.Fr. /trwaz/, as in /trwazom/ ‘three men.’ With /kr/ < Gallic /krem-/ ‘to fear’ (?). Old Spanish.
Olt. /tra(é)-/.
Also ‘tornado’. ‘hunting-horn’.
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proto-RoMANCE
99
ii. Intervocalic: preserved in Eastern Romance, lenited in Western Romance: Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
O*tre Sire
ONFr.
_
Span.
édre
Cat.
PRom. Lat. REW
ematre
mire méedra mara madre miatre matre
6“dra
Port.
odre §
litre utre-
Sard. Roum.
ma‘tre-
5406
9102
Ex, no. Meaning
Ital. OSFr.
Jatré“ne lairé*(n+)
Port. PRom.
ladré latré“ne
Lat.
REW
ladrén — ladrén
§
552 ‘womb’
551 ‘thief’ — ees
ONFr. Cat. Span.
‘mother’
latro-ne4931
ematrike hmatri¢e matriée mairi¢
madri¢ madri¢
matri*ke
matri-ke5422
Notes to intervocalic /tr/: a. b. ce. d.
e
£. g.
h,
549
550 ‘glass’
‘brother’
bitru
suirdi bitri
Ital. OSFr.
548
547 leathern bottle’
Campidanian. Macedo-Roumanian. Old Italian. Oaths of Strassburg: fradra % /frédra/. Oblique; nom. /fréter/ ( : Lat. /fra-ter/). Old Spanish. ‘yeast’. Maramures: ‘colic’.
*frdtre frdire afreSra
vé"tro vé‘ire
véiSre
fhédro *frdétre fra-tre3485
yftru yitru9404
100
Proto-RoMANcE PHONOLOGY d. /dr/: i,
Initial: preserved everywhere:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
Ital. OSFr.
553 ‘dragon’ — drék(u-)
— —
—
drép
sdraké“ne dragé“n
ONFr.
Cat.
tragé*(n*)
Span.
dragén
Port. PRom.
dragé draké*ne
Lat.
REW
§
554 ‘cloth’
drako-ne2759
dréppo drép drép
trépo
trépo dréppu
—_
2765
Note to initial /dr/: a.
Old Italian.
ii. Intervocalic: preserved in Eastern Romance regions: Ex. no.
555
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
‘backwards’ —_— saddréto aréire ariédra arréra arrédro arrédo adrétro ad retro: 198
Notes to intervocalic /dr/: a. b.
Tuscan. Noun, m.: ‘beam’.
556
‘square’ (adj., f.sg.) —_ — kuadréta kairéda kadrédo >kairdt kuadréda kuadréda kyadréta kyadra-ta 6915
Romance,
lenited in some
Western
Tur Puonemic Inventory or Proto-RoMANcE ea
/kr/: j.
Initial: preserved throughout:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard, Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
101
557 ‘tomorrow’
559 ‘hair’
558 ‘crinkly, wavy’
krds
krispu
krine
skrdi
kré*spo
krfne dkrf(nt) krin dkrf(nt)
krésp kré“sp krésp
bkrés *kr4s krés kra-s 2296
kréspo kré“spo krispu
nike kriiée
kr6*ée
kr6“¢
kr6*ig (2+) kréu
krf*ne
krike kruke2348
kri-ne-
krispu-
2329
560 ‘cross’
2326
ii. Intervocalic: Ex. no.
560a ‘bitter’
Meaning
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
ékru ékru dkre
Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
dgre egro agra dgro agro
dkru °e akre92
560b ‘tear’ lékrima lékramo lékrima ldgrema léirma légroma légrima légrima lékrima lakrima 4824.
amp aes oe
Notes to initial and intervocalic /kr/: Old and South Italian. Old Spanish. Old Portuguese. ‘mane’. Old Italian. ‘gift’. ‘usury’.
560d ‘gain’
560c ‘thin’ mékru emakro méagre magro magro
mékru makru5202
hikru
16“gre 16“gra
elégro
816°gro
hikru lukru-
5146
102
Proto-Romancr PHonotocy f.
/gr/: i.
Initial: preserved throughout except in Sardinian:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
561 ‘crane’ Sarrui
Roum.
rénu
gruie
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
PRom. Lat. REW §
gréin
gréno
griégo
grino
gra(nt)
gré(n*)
gria
grii‘a °e gru-e3896
bgriio grénu granu3846
564 ‘fat’
563 ‘Greek’ grék(u-) griéko griéu griéu
griu
grti(e) gria griio griie grda
Port.
562 ‘grain’
grégo gréku graeku3832
réssu
grds(u-)
grdsso grés gras gras gréso
*gréso dgrdssu krassu2299.2
ii. Intervocalic: preserved in Eastern Romance, lenited in some regions of Western Romance: Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
Roum. Ital.
565 ‘field’ —
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
agru agro
— dira — — —_ égru agru276
566 ‘entire’ intrégu intrég(u-)
enté“gre
entfr
567 ‘black’ négru
'né‘ro né‘gre
entégra entrégo
né‘ir négra négro
intégru integru-
nigru nigru-
entérgo 4479
né“gro 5917
568
‘blackness’ negred¢a
negré“¢¢da
nigritia nigritia
Sao
oS
Notes to initial and intervocalic /gr/: Campidanian. ‘scarlet-berry’. With /8/ from /gréi&a/ ‘fat’ (noun) < PRom. /grdssja/. With /g/ from /gréssu-/ ‘gross.’ With /r/ instead of /gr/ probably in imitation of ONFr. /né‘ir/.
5921
103
Tue Puonemic INVENTORY or Proro-RoMANCE
g /fr/: i.
Initial only:
Ex. no. Meaning
569 ‘bridle’
Sard. Roum.
— friu
Cat. Span.
fré(n*) fréno
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
fré“no fré“(n+) fré*in
Port. PRom. Lat.
REW
fré%io fré“nu §
fre-nu-
3496
‘to rub’ frikdre freké afregdre fre“gér fre“isér frogér fregér
fre“gér
frikére frika-re 3501
Notes to initial /fr/: a. b.
With /g/ in imitation of WRom. lenition. Nominative to 549 /frdtre/.
571
‘brother’
‘ash-tree’ frdsin(u-) fréssino fréise frdisno frésa frésno fréiso fréksinu fraksinu3489
fréte frate
fréde
bfréte(r)
fra-ter 3485
104
Proro-Romancr PHonoLocy
2. Consonant (stop or fricative) + /1/. Preserved in some regions (especially Roumanian, Gallo-Romance); second element palatalised in others (Italo-, IberoRomance). a.
/pl/: i.
Initial:
Ex. no.
573
Meaning Sard. Roum.
— plaéga
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
REW
é4ga
§
6562
Ex. no.
577
Meaning Sard. Roum.
Ttal. OSFr.
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW
‘flat?
pléno Jéna
pléna pla-na
plé‘na plena
p()is
plis pus bplus pis
"ia
pli*s
plus 6618
6596
578
579
‘to rain’
‘to fold’
580
‘to please’
—_ plod(re)
—_— *plekdre
plékere plaéed(re)
plat plat édto édto pléttu —
plové‘ir pléura Jobér éovér pléyere plouere, pluere _
pliidér plegér elegér eéegdr plikére plika-re
plaizir pldéure
6586
pidvere pléure
6610
Notes to initial /pl/: a. b. ce.
‘blow’. Old Aragonese. Old Portuguese.
e. f.
‘to arrive’. With /g/ in imitation of WRom. lenition.
d.
piti*
—_— aplate
pidtto plat
§
plane léna
6581
576
‘more’ (adv.)
pris
pié‘na plé*na plé‘ina
i
pliga *pla-ga
575
‘full’ (f.sg.) —_—_ pline
pidna pléna pléino
— liga
Port.
574
‘Jevel, even’ (f.sg.) préna —_
pidga pléga pléie
Cat. Span.
PRom. Lat.
‘wound’
Macedo-Roumanian: noun, ‘flat hand’
(f.).
fpie“gére ple“gaér
6601
piacé*re plazé*r
plaké*re plake-re 6557
Tur Puonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE ii. Intervocalic: Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
581 ‘double’ — diiplu
Tal.
dé“ppio
OSFr.
dé*ble
ONFr. Cat.
dé“bla dé“ble
Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
— —_— duplu duplu-
REW §
2802
b.
/bl/: Initial only:
Ex. no, Meaning
582 583 ‘love-lies-bleeding’ ‘flattering’ (f.sg.)
Sard. Roum. Ital.
—
OSFr.
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW
*bié*tola
eblinda —
>blé“ta blét *blédo Sbré“do blit(t)ublitu-
blindo tblénde — —_— blinda blanda
blé*t
§
1173
Peas
op
Notes to initial /bl/:
‘beet’. ‘orache’. ‘wild fox-glove’. ‘green amaranth’. ‘soft, tame’. Tortosa: ‘soft’.
blénda
1151
106
Protro-Romance PHonotocy ce. /kl/: i.
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW
§
Initial: 584 ‘clear, bright’ ééru skidr kidro klar klér klér — —_ Kléru Kla-ru-
1963
Ede kéie kidve kléu klaf (vt) kléu lébe cave kléye kla-ye1981
Notes to initial /kl/: a,
586 ‘nail’
585 ‘key’
Old Roumanian: ‘pure, clean’.
587 ‘to call’
du
gamdre
kiévo kléu kiéu kléu
kiamére klamér kKlamér klemér Jamér éamar klamdre kla-ma-re 1961
kléyu klayu1984
kem4(re)
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proto-ROMANCE
107
ii. Intervocalic: only as result of syncope: Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
éiu okiu
OSFr. ONFr.
ué} ué]
Ital.
bé¢du vékiu vékkio viél viel
6kkio
Cat.
ul
Span. Port.
PRom. Lat. REW §
vé']
biéZo vélo uéklu *uetulu9291
640 élo
éklu okulu6038
Ex. no. Meaning
592 ‘louse’
Sard. Roum.
_ pediike
Span.
pidzo
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Port.
589 ‘old’
588 ‘eye’
pidé*kkio pezo*] pa2d6*] pol
PRom. Lat. REW §
ped*Jo
pedtklu pedukulu6361
Notes to intervocalie /kl/: a. b. c.
Diminutive to /uetus/ ‘old’. < /ispfkulu/? Campidanian.
591
590
‘pair’
‘mirror’
bispfku spékkio espé] espfl
espéZo
espélo
ispéklu spekulu8133
*pariga poréke
paré“Jo
parélo paréza paré’Ja parfkla
(3 par-) 6240
Proro-Romancr PHONOLOGY
108 d. /gl/: i.
Initial:
Ex. no. Meaning
593 ‘sword’
Sard. Roum.
— _—
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
=gldi agldi
Ital.
Ex. no.
Meaning
Sard.
gliga
glige
— — glédiu gladju-
glékia glakie3771
3773
597 ‘little acorn; gland’
598 ‘greedy person’
réndula
Roum.
gindtira
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW
gid¢o giddda
giddo
REW §
gidndola gléndola gléndra berdnola léndre léndoa gléndula §
glandula 3777
°gid*tto
fgloté*(n*) fglotén
gloté*(n*)
eglutté“ne hglutto-ne 3808
asop
Notes to initial /gl/:
PRO
595
594 ‘ice’
Siris’.
Valencian. Old Spanish. Old Portuguese. Adjective, ‘greedy’ (< nom. /glitto/.
Oblique: nominative /glé*t/.
Oblique: nominative /glitto/. Nominative /glutto-/.
‘gravel’
gidia gidira gldiro gléra
gléra léira glirja
glarea
3779
596 ‘acorn lénde ginda gidnda glan(d*) glént (*d*t) bgléns *lénde ‘Jénde glande glande3778
?
Tur PHonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE
109
ii. Intervocalic: only as result of syncope: Ex. no. Meaning
599 ‘clabber’
Sard. Roum.
600 ‘to stay awake’
kézu. kidg(u-)
Ital.
bizére vegid(re)
kudllo
OSFr.
aveggidre
ké]
ONFr.
velar
ké}
Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
velar
kod] kudZo kudlo kuéglu koagulu2006
vetlér — — uiglire yigila-re 9326
Note to intervocalic /gl/: a.
Old Italian. e.
/fi/: Initial only:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. OSFr.
filédkku fiék(u-)
Span. Port.
fidmma fidma
flor
fAdk
fldma
fidk
— fréko
fid“re
§
fld4mma aflame
fidkko fiék
— —_—
PRom.
603 ‘flame’
fid*re f6*r
fié*ur
Cat.
REW
602 ‘flake’
flére flodre
Ital. ONFr.
Lat.
601 ‘flower’
fidkku
flo-re-
3382
fiammére flamar
flamér
lima cdma,
— —
flamma
3375
flammére —
flame
fismma
fiokku-
604 ‘to flame, burn’
3350
flomér
flammére
flamma-re 3352
Note to initial /fi/:
a.
2.72.
‘dryness.’
AmBISYLLABIC
(by
case of /nt/, § 2.272.2.s.ii):
definition intervocalic;
‘
word-final
also in the
2.721. Dousie (GEMINaTE): preserved in Sardinian and Italian (central and southern), simplified elsewhere. (Cf. Sala 1964.)
110
Proro-Romancr PHonotocy
1
/yy/:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW
§
605 ‘to come to, happen’ *aven{(re) avvenire avenfr avonir bavonir *abentr davir auuent*re adyeni-re 216
606 ‘to come to, arrive’ — — *avventdre faventé — — — — ayuentdre adyenta-re 218
607 ‘to inform’ —_ — avvertire avertir avertir — abertfr avertir auyertf‘re adyerti-re 222
608 ‘lawyer’
avvokéto avokat avosed abogédo avogado auyokétu adyoka:tu226
Notes to /yy/: a. b. ce. d. e. f.
‘to ferment’. Old Catalan. Old Spanish. Old Portuguese. Old Italian: ‘to prosper’. Dauphinois.
2. /pp/: Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
*kappéni kapun
Ital. OSFr.
ONFr. Cat. Span.
REW
§
610 ‘to call’ bappeddére —_—
611 ‘to escape’ — skapd(re)
612 ‘to eat’ pappire
papa(re)
kappé“ne kapé*(n*)
appellére apeldr
°(i) skappdre eskapér
kapé kappé“ne
apelér appellére
eskapar eskappdre
pappére papér papeér papar papdr papér pappdre
2952
pappa re 6214
éapén kapd*(n*) kapén
Port. PRom,
Lat.
609 ‘eapon’
kapo-ne1641
apalér — —
appella re 542
eséapxr eskapér eskapar
(: kappa)
Notes to /pp/: a,
Campidanian.
¢.
With ‘/i/ movable’ in Old Italian; cf. § 2.722.2.a-c,
b.
‘to bark’.
Further examples: 225 /&ppos/; 236 /képpa/; 333 /kippa/; 1046 /appardre/; 1047 /apparé“re/; 1048 /apparé“skere/; 1049 /appe*sdre/; 1050 /appé“nere/.
111
Tue Puonenic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE 3.
/tt/:
Ex. no.
613
Meaning Sard.
bétiu
Roum. Ital. OSFr.
cat
Cat.
REW
§
Ex. no.
Meaning Sard. Roum.
gato gdto g° kéttu kattu1770
617
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
amatta eméto mate
Port.
hméta
PRom. Lat. REW
eméte esmidta
§
f6*tra
‘blanket, covering’ omatta, —
Cat. Span.
métro
5616
matta matta
5424.1
atendrér atendér
atedé*r
atténdere attendere 763
t6*ta to*te
té*ta
hodér fo‘dé*r futtere futyere
téda
t6*da
to°t(t)a to-ta
8915
3612
618
atténdere aténdre aténdra
>tritta
f6*tra
620 ‘fight’
619
‘to attend, wait’ atténdere —
totta téte
futtfre
fuite(re) f6"ttere £6*tre
metér me*té*r mittere =mittere
616 ‘all’ (f.sg.)
615
‘to inseminate’
—= mé‘ttere mé“tre mé‘tra
gat
Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
‘to put? mintere
— gdtto gat
ONFr.
614
‘cat?
‘head-band’ — ibdta
ivé*tta véta kyé"ta — béta
—
uftta yitta
9494
mbatdie battd}la batéla batd]o batdéla
battdlia
battya-lia 995
Frit
mo ae oP
Notes to /tt/:
m.
‘to send’. With /i/ either from /ku-nktu-/ ‘all or in imitation of OFr. /ttit/ ‘all’ (m.pl.). ‘bush, tree’. Old Italian. Modern SFr.: ‘thatch’. ‘sour milk’. ‘bush’. ‘tree’. ‘band, strip’. ‘summit’. ‘thong’. ‘fisticuffs’.
Further examples: 85 /gitta/, 98 /inglutt{*re/, 166 /Mttera/, 253 /sagitta/, 344 /béittere/, 347 /biitte/, 534 /bri“ttu/, 577 /pléttu/, 582 /blittu/, 598 /glutté*ne/, ete.
112
Proto-Romance PHono.tocy 4,
/kk/:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
REW
621 ‘mouthful;
small roll’
— bukéta bokkéta, bokdda botkda bokdda bokdda bokida bukkdta §
(: bukka)
1358
Ex. no. Meaning
625 ‘cow’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
bikka vike vakka vika vééa viko béka vika
Lat. REW
yakka 9109
PRom.
yakka
§
623 ‘rock’
622
‘snotty; shiny’ (f.sg.)
mukkésa mukésa *mukktsa moké*za
rékka
moké*zo
rékka réka rééa réka
mukké‘sa
rékka
mokéza monkéza
(: mukku-) 5708 626 ‘sin; misfortune’
pekkétu pakét(u-) pekkdto pekat
petitd pokaét pekddo
pekddo
pekkdétu pekka-tu6323
7357 627 ‘to prick, stick’
624 ‘sack, bag’ sékku sdk (u-) sikko sik sdk sdk siko sdko sékku sakku7489 628 ‘to tune; to grant’
pikkére
akkordére
pikkére pikér
akkordére akordar akordér akordar akordér akorddr akkordére bakkorda-re Tla
pikér pikér pikér pi-kkére 6495
Notes to /kk/: a. b.
South Italian. Spelled acchordare.
Further examples: 43 /akkapitdre/; 81 /buikka/; 154 /pekkdre/; 406 /sikku/; 430 /miikku/; 602 /fidkku/, ete.
113
Tur Puonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANcCE 5.
/bb/:
Ex. no. Meaning
629 ‘to beat down’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
Sabbattiri babdte(re) abbdttere abdtre abditra abdtra abatir
Port.
abaté*r
PRom. Lat. REW §
abbdttere abbattuere ll
630 ‘to burn’
631 ‘to give drink to’
632
‘to shorten’
abburdre abburdre *abré daburér *aburdr
abbu‘rére 15
abbe“verdre abeurdr abreuvér abeurér abrebér abebrér abbiberdre (: bib-) 12
abbrevidre abreugdr abregiér abreugér abrebidr abrevidr abbreyidre abbreuia-re 14
Notes to /bb/: a. b. e. d, e.
< Spanish? ‘to turn aside’. Modern South French. Salamancan. Galician.
Further example: 358 /ab(b)undére.
6.
/dd/:
Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
— adtige(re) saddiiébadfra aduira adur adugir
Port. PRom. Lat. REW
633 ‘to lead up, adduce’
aduzé*r addi*kere
§
addu-kere 150
634 ‘to go to sleep’
adorm{(re)
addormfre adormir adormir adormfr adormir adormir
addorm{*re addormi-re 157
635
‘to give (oneself) to’
addo“nar(si)
(se) ado“nér °(se*i) adonér
636 ‘to say to’
eaddié-
dado“nér(sa) adondrse)
faddir(sa)
addo“nére
addi*kere addi-kere
addo-na-re 156
153
Notes to /dd/: a. b. ce. d.
e
f.
Infinitive /addirre/. Franco-Provengal. ‘to get accustomed’. ‘to perceive’. Infinitive /addfre/: Old Italian ‘to assign,’ Modern Italian ‘to fit’ (reflexive). ‘to fit’ (reflexive).
114
Proto-Romancr PHONOLOGY 7.
/g¢/—no pan-Romance examples.
8.
/ff/:
Ex. no.
637
Meaning Sard. Roum.
— —
Ital. OSFr.
affilére afildr
ONFr. Cat. Span, Port.
afileér afilar *pfilér afilér
PRom. Lat. REW
affilére §
638
‘to sharpen’
639
‘to seize’ afferrére —
afferrére aferrér
baffungére *afundé(re)
afersr aferrdr aferrér aferraér
affi-la-re 260
afferrére
(: ferru-) 264
Notes to intervocalic /ff/:
Bere
640
‘to suffer’
‘to sink’
‘to make smooth’. ‘to dive in’ (questionable). ‘to deepen’. Infinitive /sufferre/.
Further examples: 78 /affu“mére/, 265 /afféras/.
affo“ndére af6“ndre
afondér — afundér afundér
affundére
(: fundu-) 269
sufferfre suferf(re)
so firfre so frir so frir sufrir sufrir
so fré“r sufferf“re
dguffer-
8428
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proto-ROMANCE 9.
/ss/:
Ex. no. Meaning passu
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
padsso pas pas pas piso paso passu passu6271
Roum.
déssu
dorsu2755 645 ‘thick’
ispfssu dspés(u-) °(i)spé“sso
OSFr.
espés
ONFr. Cat. Span.
espé‘s espés espéso
Port.
REW
déssu dés(u-) désso dés dés dés
pas(u-)
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital.
espé“so
§
642 ‘back’
641 ‘step’
Sard.
PRom. Lat.
115
ispfssu spissu-
8160
mésse
massa *mésa méso
mésse més més
masa bmdsa massa massa 5396.1 647 ‘to be’ éssere
tiissi tise t6°sse
éssere
t6*s
éstra
tése
fsér fs6*r éssere esse
t6’s
t6’se
tiissi tussi9016
‘harvest’
massa
646 ‘cough’
to's
644
643
‘mass, lump; dough’
essé“r
esé‘r
2917
omé’s
miés més mésse messe5543 648 ‘to sit’
®aSezd(re)
hasagar hasiegisér Jaseidr Jaseidr assedidre (: sed-) 271
Notes to /ss/: a. b. e. d.
e.
i. g. h. i.
‘crowd’, ‘dough; crowd’. Old Catalan. Macedo-Roumanian. With “movable /i/’”’ in Old Italian; cf. § 2.722.2.a-c.
X /seé(*)r/ < 372 /sedé*re/ ‘to sit’.
‘to set, arrange’. ‘to besiege’. ‘to decorate’.
Further examples: 54 /assdtis/, 100 /assurd{*re/, 201 /éssu/, 564 /grdssu/.
116
Proto-Romancr PHoNnoLoGy
10.
/mm/:
Ex. no. Meaning
Sard.
Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
649 ‘mother’
—_—
mimeo mémma —_— smamén — méma, — mémma mamma 5277
650 ‘highest’ simmu
s6°mmo
»s6°m.
sém °s6°m bsémo
simmu
summu8454
FOr
rR
oe
aS
oP
Notes to /mm/: With /4n/ from /mamméne/, oblique. Noun: ‘summit’. ‘superficial, shallow’. ‘to faint’. ‘to become stiff, fall asleep’. ‘to extinguish’. Also ‘to deafen’. ‘to dare’. ‘to commit’. ‘to demand’. ‘to entrust’.
Further example: 603/flamma/.
651 ‘to kill, deaden’ dammutréskere *amorfi(re) fammortire amortir amortir amortir ®amortegér Zamorte¢é‘r
ammorti‘re admorti-re 186
652 ‘to put together’ hkuméte(re) ‘kommé“ttere
ikomé“tre ikomé“tra
tkométra kometér
kometé“r
kommifttere kommittere 2086
117
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE 11.
/nn/: palatalised in Spanish and (in final position) in Catalan:
Ex. no. Meaning
653 ‘reed’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
kénna —_— kfnna kéna — kano
Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
kéna kénna kanna 1597
Span.
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
paénnu — pdnno pdn pén
Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
paéno bpdéno pénnu pannu6204
Cat.
pan
dénnu &n(u-)
péna pé‘na
k6*n kén k6*n
én én dn
péna
pé‘na pinna pinna
6514 658 ‘little cloth’
*pannéddu pannéllo panél panél spainél pannéllu (: pannu-) 6200
k6*nno
kéno —_—_
kinnu kunnu2399
g.
anno
ano ano
énnu annu487
659 ‘to kill; to drown’
660 ‘yearling’
—=
annotinu
fannegére fnegér ‘neiider Sanogér
annotino — —_ —_
fanegér
—_
*inekd(re)
fanegdr
(an)nekére (ad)neka-re
5869
Notes to /nn/: a. b. ce. d. e. f.
656 ‘year’
—_— —
apéna
657 ‘cloth’
655 ‘female genitals’
pinna pane
pé‘nna
kéna
Ex. no. Meaning
654
‘feather; pen’
‘spire’. Also ‘sail’. Gallurese: ‘skirt’. ‘door-panel’. ‘to drown’; Macedo-Roumanian, Transylvanian ‘to kill’. ‘to drown’. Adjective: ‘of the previous year’.
noatin(u-)
——=
annot{*nu Sannoti-nu-
485
118
Proto-Romancn PHONOLOGY
12.
/11/: palatalised in Catalan and (in non-final position) in Spanish.
Ex. no. Meaning
661 ‘path, road, street?
662 ‘skin’
Sard.
—
pédde
Ital.
akdlle
pélle
Roum.
kéle
OSFr.
—
ONFr.
—
Cat.
Span.
REW
§
665
nile
Span. Port.
—
PRom.
Lat.
REW
nila §
nulla
5992
po’
pdlo
Ola Ola
pd‘lo pullu
olla
pullu-
6059
666
‘no, none’ (f.sg.)
nila nila nile
Cat.
oJ
éla
6377
°niidda
pé‘llo
pol
ole
pelle-
1520
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr.
Ola
‘ring’
664 ‘chicken’
puiddu
la
péle pélle
kalle-
Ex. no.
pél
piél
— kdlle
Lat.
ole
pe’
kéJe
Port. PRom.
piéle
pél
kd]
663 ‘pot’
6828.2
667
‘hammer’
668
‘to take away’
danédda inél (u-) anéllo anél anél
martéddu —_— martéllo martél martél
tdéllere tdéldre téldra
aniélo anél
martiélo martélo
tolér —_—
martellu-
tollere
ané]
anéllu
anellu452
marté*]
martéllu 5379
*téddere; ‘toddfre
télra
téllere
8769
Notes to /ll/: a. b. c. d. e. f.
Old Italian. North Italian (Lombard). ‘nothing’. Feminine. ‘to make up one’s mind’. ‘to collect’.
Further examples: 92 /bulli*re/, 282 /sélla/, 299 /puilla/, 345 /billa/.
Tur Poonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANcE 13.
119
/rr/: preserved except in Roumanian:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard, Roum. Ital. OSFr.
sérra, *Séra sérra, sérra
ONFr.
Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
669
‘saw’
REW §
sérra siérra sérra sérra, serra 7861
671 leek’
670
‘cart, wagon’ kérru kér(u-) kérro kér ear kér kérro kérro kérru karru1721
pérru
pér(u-) pérro pérre porro
puérro pérro pérru porru6670
672
‘thong, whip’ korrfia, koréa
koré*gza korré‘ia
koré*ia korége korréa
korré*ia korrigia korrigia 2253
Note to intervocalic /rr/: a.
Macedo-Roumanian.
Further examples: 16 /arri*pére/, 63 /ttirri/, 68 /yerri*ka/, 117 /férru/, 146 /errdre/, 266 /térra/, etc.
Proto-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
120
2.722. 1,
Orumr.
With first element as determinant:
a.
/pt/: preserved in Roumanian, elsewhere assimilated to /tt/:
Sard. Roum. Ital.
suttile sup¢ire sottile
nittu sript(u-) r6tto
ONFr.
sotil
r6"t
sotil
OSFr.
sotil
Cat.
—
Port.
PRom. Lat. REW
§
suptt‘le subtile8399
iskrittu b(i)skritto
r6"t
eskrit
6"
eskrit
eskrituira
eskrito
iskri*ptu skri-ptu-
ruptu ruptu-
_—
7442
eskrittira eskrittire
eskrito
rr6“to
= skriptir b@)skrittira
eskrittr
eskrit
rré6to
—
Span.
‘writing’
‘written’
‘broken’
‘thin, fine’
676
675
674
673
Ex. no.
Meaning
eskritura
iskri*ptii*ra skri-ptu-ra 7746a
Notes to /pt/: a. b.
‘lease’. With movable /i/’” in Old Italian; ef. § 2.722.2.a-c.
Further examples: 38 /septimdina/, 90 /ruptt*ra/, 143 /sépte/, 268 /sépte/, ete. b. /ps/: assimilated to /ss/ in Sardinian and Italian; replaced by /ks/ in North Gallo-Romance and in Ibero-Romance; multiple treatment in South Gallo-Romance (cf. Pfister 1960). Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital.
issu éns(u-) &sso
OSFr.
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW
677 ‘himself’
é‘is
§
és & .éso afso {psu ipsu-
4541
Notes to intervocalic /ps/: a, b. ce.
‘this matter, this thing’. ‘reliquary’. ‘water-fall’.
678 ‘same’ = _ _
medé“sme
medésmo matés om _ metfps(im)u metips(issim)u5551
679 ‘box’ = _ kdssa
kéisa
bédsa _ = — k&psa kapsa
1658
680 ‘fall’ = = lésso
°(es) dus _ _ = — lépsu lapsu-
4916
Tur Puonemic Invenrory or Proro-RoMANCE c.
121
/kt/: first element replaced by /p/ in Roumanian, assimilated to following
/t/ in Sardinian and Italian, palatalised in Western Romance. Cf. Meyer-Liibke 1925. 681 ‘milk’
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
ldpte létte 14% lait 1é léée léite lakte lakte4817
ré“tto
r6G rét
ré*ktu re-ktu7134
péttene piépten(u-) péttine pénée(n*) pina pinte(n*) péine
pete
vipt(u-) vitto
bfito
685 ‘comb’
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
arréttu
litte
683 ‘food’
682
‘upright’
pé(n)ktene °pektine6328
686 ‘comb-maker’ pieptendr(u-) pettindio penéeniér penisér pentonér peinéro pétiéiro pektendrju pektena-riu6330
yi*ktu
yi-ktu9315
684
‘narrow’ istrintu str{mt(u-) stré“tto
estré“% estré“it
estrét estréto estréito istri(n)ktu bstriktu8305 688 ‘to struggle’
687 ‘lettuce’ laptiike latttika lahiga laitiio lottiga lecuiga
laktti*ka laktu-ka 4833
lupta(re)
lo“ttére
luéar luitiér luitér luédr luitdér luktére lukta-re 5148
Notes to /kt/: a, b. c.
Friulian: ‘straight, nearby’. Past participle of /string-/ ‘squeeze’. Nominative /pekten/.
Further examples: 15 /fri*ktu*ra/, 66 /fri“ktu/, 93 /suspektdre/,
111 /péktus/,
131 /de“spektére/, 204 /nékte/, 207 /oktéyu/, 217 /pektordle/, 220 /pernoktére/,
228 /dkto/, 230 /fdktu/, 425 /péktenas/, 426 /pektendre/, 469 /lukta/, 470 /\éktu/, ete.
Proto-RoMANcE PHONOLOGY
122
d. /ks/: first element palatalised in Western Romance; assimilated to following /s/ in Sardinian, Central and South Italian (cf. Hall 1942b), and (partly) in Roumanian; developed to /p/ (partly) in Roumanian. Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
— kofpsa *késsa kuéisa kiiis> ké%o kéSa ké3a kéksa koksa 2292
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
690
689 ‘thigh’
693 ‘poison’ _ >todpsek(u-) tésko tuéisek = _ _ — téksiku toksiku8818
691
‘yew-tree’
692
‘six’
‘to weave’
téssu
sése
téssere
tisso _ = t68 t&o
séi siéis sis sis séis
téssere téiser tistro tadfr tesér
—
Bdse
téiko
séis
téksu taksu-
694
laisdr laisiér de&4r dekhr leisar
laksdre
laksa-re 4955
téksere teksere
7885
8693
695
‘to leave, let go of’
lasd(r >) ‘lassdre
te¢é“r
sékse seks
8607
lassdre
#ése(re)
696
‘molar (tooth)’
fmassiddére
—_ madéellére
smaiseldé, maisolér _ _ —_—
maksillére
maksilla-re 5444
‘ash-grov2’ _—
frosinét(u-) frassiné“to
_ Mraisniddo _ hfresnéda _
fraksiné*tu
fraksine-tu3488
Notes to /ks/: a. b, e. d. e. f. g. h,
South Italian. Old Roumanian. Old and South Italian. Old Spanish. Old Portuguese. Gallurese. S. E. French, Feminine.
Further examples: 250 /maksflla/, 410 /seksdinta/, 571 /frdksinu/,
1464 /yekst*ka/.
1389 /séksu/,
Tur Pyonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE
123
e. /gn/: first element assimilated to following /n/ in Sardinian and (partly) in South Italian; labialised in Roumanian and (partly) in South Italian; palatalised in Tuscan, North Italian, and Western Romance. Cf. Keller 1943; Deanovié 1963. Ex. no.
697
Meaning Sard. Roum.
*punn* pumn(u-)
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
ptinno pon pon
Cat. Span.
pun ptino
Port.
PRom. Lat. REW
pignu pugnu-
Ex. no.
— lémn(u-)
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
16“nno 1én 1é*in lén
Port.
1é*no
Span.
PRom. Lat. REW
léno
§
Mgnu lignu-
5034
sséna
8sé“na,
7908
1é*na
pfgnus pignus
ligna ‘ligna
6490
s{nnu sémn(u-)
sé“nno sé"n sé‘in 836“no
léna léna
—
5034
703
‘sign’
signu signu-
16*nna 1é*na 16*ine
— *péno
702
‘wood’
‘to mark’ sinnére semnai(re)
se “nnére se“nér se“niér senér
hsendr
—
signdre signa-re 7905
Notes to /gn/: a. b. ce. d. e.
f.
g.
h,
In Mod. Sard. (Seni) /punnigézu/ ‘blow with the fist’. Otrantine: ‘beautiful’. Old Spanish. Old Sardinian. Neuter plural of /lignum/ ‘wood’ (cf. no. 701).
‘skiff’.
< PRom. /signa/ : Lat. /signa/ neut.pl. ‘signs’.
Aragonese.
Further examples: 96 /pugndre/, 213 /kognéskere/.
‘fire-wood’ Ifnna,
pé“nno pén —
5231
700
‘pawn; token’ 4p{nnus —
bménno mén —
701
Meaning Sard. Roum.
ménnu —_
mégnu magnu-
6814
699
‘great?
°méno
puino
§
698
‘fist?
704
‘sister-in-law’ konnéta kumnidte
konndta kundda — kunéda kundda
kundda
kognéta kogna-ta 2029
Proro-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
124
f. /mn/: second element assimilated to first in North French; first element assimilated to second everywhere else except in Roumanian, where labialisation remains as non-syllabic /u/, after /a/, as /m/ otherwise.
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
705 ‘harm’ dénnu sdduno dénno dan déma
Cat.
dén
Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
déno dano démnu damnu2468
706 ‘bench’
707 ‘sleep’
iskénnu skéun(u-) >(i)skdnno eskdn eskimo
sénnu sémn (u-) sénno sén —
eskino *eskdéno iskémnu skamnu7649
suéno séno sémnu somnu8086
=
son
Notes to intervocalic /mn/: a.
b. e,
With final /o/ < /-a/ of neuter plural /damna/.
With “/i/ movable” in Old Italian; cf. § 2.722.2.a-c. Galician and North Portuguese. g.
/lp/: preserved throughout:
Ex. no. Meaning
*711 ‘flesh’
Sard. Roum.
puilpa pulpe
Span.
pulps
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Port.
PRom. Lat. REW
§
712 ‘fox’ guirpe viilpe
pé‘lpa péolpa pé‘Ipa pé‘Ipa
v6"Ipe vo"lp — —
pé‘Ipa
—
pilpa pulpa
6834.
—_
ytilpe wulpe-
9454
* The numbers 708, 709 and 710 were not used.
Tun Puonemic Invenrory or Proto-RoMANcE
125
h. /lt/: preserved, in general, in earlier stages, except in Old South French, and in later developments elsewhere. For the vocalisation of /l/ to /y/ in this and other
clusters of /l/ + consonant, cf. de Kolovrat 1923a, 1923b; Schiirr 1927; Straka 1942. Ex. no.
713
Meaning Sard.
aéltu
Roum.
—
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
Alto dut shalt alt
Port.
Alto
Span.
PRom. Lat. REW
—
‘to turn’ boltdre
saltdé(re)
mé‘Ito mé‘ut molt mé‘lt
saltére sautér salteér saltér
voltdre byjutd voltér evoltar
miito
saltdr
avoltar
saltar
miultu multu-
387
716
‘to jump’ —_
muito
éltu altu-
715
‘much, many’ mult(u-)
Alto
§
714
‘high’
5740
saltdre salta-re 7551
—
yoltére uolta-re 9446
Notes to /It/: a. b. ce. d.
With initial /h/ from a Germanic word related to Eng. high. Modern South French. ‘to overturn’. ‘to turn around’.
Further examples: 238 /sdltu/. j. /lk/: preserved, in general, in earlier stages, except in Old South French and Portuguese, and later developments elsewhere. Ex. no. Meaning
717 ‘sweet?
718 ‘scythe’
719 ‘heel; foot?
720 ‘to step, tread on’
Sard. Roum. Ttal.
diilke diilée dé‘lée
falke falée falée
*kdlke bkélko kdlée
kalkére kalk&(re) kalkére
ONFr.
dé“ig
fal¢
tale
éaléiedr
OSFr.
dé*u¢
Cat. Span.
Port. PRom. Lat. REW
dog diilge
§
dé*¢e dilke dulke-
2792
féug fal¢ hé¢
féude falke falke-
3175
— ako
ekéuge kdlke kalke-
1534
kalkér
kalkér kalkér
kalkér kalkére kalka-re
Notes to /Ik/: a. b. c. d, e.
‘foot-step’. Hat. ‘heel of stocking’. ‘beam-end’. ‘plow-heart’.
Further examples: 84 /stilku/, 1177 /kalki*na/, 1182 /kélke/ ‘lime’,
1491
Proto-RomAaNncE PHONOLOGY
126
m.
k. /Ib/: Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr.
721 ‘white’ albu filb(u-) — aguba,
ONFr.
*éIbo
Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
Ex, no,
Meaning Sard.
kdlda kdlda
OSFr. ONFr.
kduda Aldo
kélda
Span. Port. PRom.
331
Lat. REW §
Notes to /lb/:
Note to /ld/:
a. b.
a.
Noun, fem.: ‘dawn’. Noun: ‘white of egg’.
mulge(re)
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
muingere mo‘lzé*r mé‘Idra munir smunir; ’munéfr mungir
PRom.
Lat. REW
723 ‘to milk’ muirgere
Sard.
Roum.
mulgere “re
§
mulge-re 729
Notes to /lg/: a.
b.
Asturian.
Aragonese.
*kdldo *k4ldo kélda
kal(i)da 1506
Noun, masc.: ‘hot soup’.
o. = /lf/:
n. /lg/: Ex. no. Meaning
722
‘hot? (f.sg.) kdlda
Roum. Ital. Cat.
—. — bélvo albu albu-
REW §
/ld/:
Only pan-Romance example is 103 /silfuru/.
Tue Pyonrmic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCcE p. /ls/: Ex. no. Meaning
725 ‘milked’
726
‘to falsify’
Sard.
—
falsdre
Ital.
—
falsdre fausdr
Roum.
miuils(u-)
OSFr.
mé“us
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
— —_— — — mulsu mulsu-
REW §
—_ q.
/lm/:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW
§
727 ‘palm (of the hand)’ —_— pdlmo pdlma pduma pdlmo palme palma pélma pélma, palma
6171
Note to /lm/: a.
Oblique stem; nom., acc. sg. /kulmen/.
729 ‘summit’
kilme
ké*Imo ké*Imo kuimbre kiuime kiilme(ne) ®kulmin2376
127
128
Proro-RoMANcE PHONOLOGY 2.
With second element as determinant:
a. /sp/.
This cluster and the two following (/st sk/) can be set up only as
intervocalic for Proto-Romance. Classical Latin, Roumanian, and Modern Italian have
these three clusters in initial position as well. However, Old Italian had initial /i/
alternating with zero in such words, and a prothetie /i/ (as in Ismurna = Smyrna at Pompeii; cf. Viiininen 1963 [19672] §§ 82-85) is attested early for Latin popular speech, Clearly, we must consider that, for all Proto-Romance forms, we must reconstruct an
initial /i/ and regard the situation in modern
a later loss of the prothetic vowel.
Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
730 ‘ear (of grain)’ ispika spike (i)spiga espiga + espiga espiga espiga isp{*ka *spi-ka 8145
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
734 ‘guest, host’ — fofispe éspite éste éste ésta uésped éspede éspite hospite4197
731 ‘basket’ ispdérta (i)spérta
espérta
esporta espuérta esporta,
ispérta sporta
8179 735 ‘suspicion’
suspétta, sospétto Ssuspiét
suspéktu suspektu8485
Roumanian
and Italian as representing
732 ‘to strew, scatter’ ispdérgere
dsparge(re) (i)spargere
esparzé“r espérdra espargir *esparzér espargir ispdrgere spargere 8120
736
‘to sigh’ suspirdre
suspind (re) sospirdre sospirdr sospireer
suspirdre
suspi-ra-re
8489
Ree BS oP
Notes to /sp/: ‘total number of ears of grain’. Cf. also ONFr. /espi/ < 1158 /ispt*ku/. Neuter plural of /spi-kum/ ‘ear of grain’. Old Roumanian. Old Spanish. Old Roumanian; < nom. sg. /dspe/ : Lat. /hospes/. Friulian.
733 ‘to hope’ isperdére
— (i)sperare
espe*rér
esparér esporar esperar esperar ispe*rdre spe-ra-re 8141
Tur Puonemic Invenrory or Proro-RoMANCE
129
b. /st: Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
737 ‘to stand’ istdre std(re) (i)stdre estar ester estar estir estar istdre stare 8231
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
Stérk(u-) (i)stérko
istéddu sted, (i)sté“a
esté“la esté“ile
estélo bestréla
sistiérko estérko istérku
bestré“la
istél (a stella
sterku-
8245
741 ‘side’ késta kodsta késta késta késte ekésta kuésta késta késta kosta 2279
739 ‘star’
738 ‘dung’
8242
742 ‘just? iistu gusto
gust
guste gust gusto gusto jd*stu iu-stu4635
743 ‘stick, staff’ fiiste fuste fuisto fust fist fust
fuiste
fii*ste
fu-ste3618
MER mp ae oe
Notes to /st/: Asturian. With /str/ from /dstru/ ‘star’? ‘sheep-fold’. Old Portuguese. ‘coast’. In /kastigétu/ ‘crazy,’ originally past participle. ‘to get, earn’. ‘to instruct’. ‘to scold’.
740 ‘stable’ stdéul(u-)
°(i)stabbio estdble establa
destébro istaéblu stabulu8209 744.
‘to purify, punish’ tkastigdre ®kadtigd (re)
kastigdre hkastigdr astiiér
kastigér kastigér kastigdre kastiga-re
1746
130
Protro-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY ce. /sk/:
Ex. no.
745
Sard. Roum.
iskdla skéro
Ital.
(skéle
OSFr.
eskéla
ONFr.
estidelo
Cat. Span.
eskélo eskila
Port.
PRom.
Lat.
REW
iskéla §
ska-la
7637
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
746
iskéla ’kodlo
hiska —
—
eskéla
16*ska
—
ski-re
7722,
750 ‘bundle’ faske —
£4880 fdis fais £68
PRom.
ufsku
faske
REW
§
yisku-
9376
eskélo eskuéla,
isk{*re
byé*sko vé's — vésk
Lat.
—
—_— —
bird-lime’
*bisko visko
(i)skéla
—
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
hé¢ féi8e
faske-
3214
iskéla, skola
7703
751 ‘to grow’ kréskere kréSte(re)
kré*S8ere kré‘isser kré“istra kré“iSer kregér kregé*r
kré‘skere
kre-skere 2317
Notes to /sk/:
a.
b. ce.
Mase. sg. /16*is/ < Pre-Fr. /16‘sk/ < PItWRom. /16“sku/. Old Italian. ‘putty’.
748
‘squinting’ (f.sg.)
iskfre Sti(re)
749 ‘mistletoe; bisku vésk(u-)
747
‘school’
‘to know’
‘ladder’
Meaning
16ska,
16*sto —
hiska
luska
5181
752 ‘to fish’ piskére
pe‘skére pe’skér pestissr peskér peskér pe‘skér
piskére
piska-re 6526
Tuer Pronemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE
Ex. no.
d. /rp/:
Meaning
753
754
‘serpent’
755
‘purple’
odérpi
purpura
Ital.
bsérpe
pé‘rpora
kérpino
pé‘rpra pé‘rpra
dkérn —
Roum.
Sdrpe
OSFr.
ONFr. Cat.
sérp
po‘Ipra
siérpe
pérpola
— sérp
Span.
Port.
PRom. Lat. REW §
—_
sérpe
°sérpe *serp-s 7855
—
purpura purpura 6862
756
‘hedge-beech’
Sard.
—
karpin(u-)
kérpre kérpe
kérpe
kérpi(nu) karpinu1715
131
‘serpent’ serpénte —
serpénte
serpén(t*)
serpént serpén(t*) serpiénte
serpéte
*serpénte *serpente7815
ope
oP
Notes to /rp/: Campidanian. Old Italian. Nominative singular: cf. Maher 1969a, 1969b; Romeo 1969; Hall 1969b. Picard, Norman. Oblique stem.
Proto-RomancE PHONOLOGY
132 e.
/rt/: preserved throughout:
Ex. no.
757
‘paper’
Meaning Sard.
kérta
Roum.
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
REW
§
Ex. no.
Meaning
Lat.
portu-
a, b. e. d. e. f. g. h.
pértu
§
arte art drt art
férte fort fért fort
6680
—
762
kudrtu
kuartu6936
fuérte forte férte forte-
679
‘fourth’ ekértu — kudrto kart kart kart kudrto kudrto
foarte
arte arte arte arte-
5695
761
pértu — pérto port pért — puérto pérto
REW
mérta mérta mérta mérta
muérta morta morta mortya
Sard. Roum. lial. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
PRom.
forte
bkérta, bkérta kérta dkarta,
‘harbor, port’
760
‘strong’
arte
moérta
1866
759
‘skill, art?
mérta
skérte
kérta bkérta Carte bkérta
Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
758
‘dead’ (f.sg.)
3457
763
‘opening’
764
‘strength, manliness’
apertura — apertura abertura fovertiira abertiira abertuira abertura
birtuite varttite 8vertuite vertut vertud — — hvertiide
apertu-ra
yirtu-te-
apertti‘ra 516
uirtii*te 9371
‘letter, book’, from plural /karte/ ‘papers’. ‘letter’. ‘document’. Spelling charta; from Greek /khidrte-s/. ‘quarter-bushel’. With initial /o/ from ONFr. /ovrir/ < PRom. /operf*re/ ‘to open’. Old Italian: ‘power, ability’. Old Portuguese.
133
Tus Puonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE f,
/rk/: first element preserved, second developed like initial /k/ (§ 2.52.3.a):
Ex. no. Meaning
765 ‘chest, strong-box’
Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
— —_— frka arka arta firke arka arke arka arka
REW §
611
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
bSerk4 (re)
Ital.
ée“rkére
OSFr. ONFr.
¢e“rkér fertiaér
Span.
derkdr
Cat.
gerkér
Port.
PRom. Lat. REW
§
6656
769 ‘to go around, seek’ kirkére
Roum.
*podrke pérka, pérka — pérke puérka poérka pérka porka
770 ‘to twist?
toréere
téiger tordra
tordé*r toréé“r
1938
8798
Notes to /rk/: a. b. ce. d. e.
torgér
ode“rkér
kirkére kirka-re
arku ark(u-) firko ark ark ark érko frko érku arku618 W711 ‘market’
térkere
atodrée(re)
‘a kind of children’s game’. ‘to seek, try, taste’. ‘to surround’. ‘to spin’. Old North Italian.
térkere torkue-re
768
767 ‘bow’
766 ‘sow’
merkéto merkét martiéd morkét merkddo merkddo merkétu merka-tu5516
‘circle’ kirku éérk(u-)
é6"rko
¢érko
¢6"rko
kirku kirku-
1948 772
‘to perceive’
priéépe(re)
epergé“ver
pereé“bre pergevéir pordé“bra per¢ebfr
perfebé*r perkfpere perkipere 6399
134
Proto-Romance PHonotocy g.
speech.
/rb/: preserved in part, but extensively confused with /ry/ in popular Latin
Ex. no, Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW
—_— érba érba érba érba sérba
§
174
773 ‘blind?’ (£.sg.)
— érba, orba
6086
kérve kérba kérba
bkérbe kérbe % korbe2224
Notes to /rb/: a. b. c,
775 ‘coal’
‘basket?
Old Catalan. Galician. Macedo-Roumanian: ‘oak-forest’.
776 ‘grove’ arburétu
korbtine karbé“ne karb6*(n*) éarbén karb6*(n*) karbén
earburét(u-)
karbé“ne karbo-ne-
arboré“tu arbore-tu607
karvé
1674
alberé*to
arbréi6 arboléda
arvoré“do
135
Tuer Puonemic Inventory or PRoTO-ROMANCE h.
/rd/: preserved throughout:
777
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
‘deaf’ (f.sg.)
s6“rda 86‘rda 86‘rda
86‘rdo stirda suirda sirda surda
8474.
781 ‘to burn’
Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
drde(re) ardere ardre
4rdra; ardé*ir ardrér ardér
ardé‘r frdere °6"re arde-re 620
tirda tarda tirdo tarde tirda tarda 8577 782 ‘to order’ burdind (re) ordindre ordenér ordenér ordenér ordindre ordina-re 6090
779
‘excrement’ mérda amérdu mérda mérda mérde mérdo miérda mérda mérda merda 5520
tirda
stirda stirde
Ex, no. Meaning
778 ate’ (f.sg.)
783 ‘to confuse’
Macedo-Roumanian. ‘to order, arrange, follow, flow’. With “/i/ movable” in Old Italian;
mérdere mérdere
mordé*r mérdro mordér mordér
mordé‘r
mérdere mordere 5679 784 ‘to pardon’
isturdire
perdondre
°(i)stordfre
perdo“nére
esto rdir aturdir aturdir
esturdi*re
(:: turdu-) 8999
Notes to /rd/: a. b. ce.
780 ‘to bite’
cf. § 2.722.2.a-c.
perdo“nér pardonér
perdo“nér perdonér
perdo“4r perdo“nére
( : do-na-re) 6405
136
Proto-Romancz PHonoLocy j.
/re/: first element preserved, second treated like initial /g/ (§ 2.52.6.a):
Ex, no. Meaning
785 ‘rod’
Sard,
birga
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
vé'rga vé'rga, véréa
Roum.
786 ‘broad’ (f.sg.) lérga
bmérgine
lérga ldrga liréa
mérgine marge mérga
vorgo
larga
Cat. Span.
vérge bérga,
PRom. Lat.
uirga yirga
Port.
vé'rga
REW
§
Ex, no.
lérgo larga
marge méargen
dtéfla argila
lirga larga
°margin(e) margine-
mérgé
4912
5355
— argintér(u-) argentdio argentiér argentiér
Span. Port.
purgér purgdér
— —
PRom.
Lat.
REW
*pu(*)rgére
§
purga-re 6859
arila
argi‘lla argi-lla 641
‘silver-smith’
prugdre — purgdre po rgér purgisér
porgdr
aréflla aréfla arkilo
790
‘to cleanse’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
Cat.
argidda
—
789
Meaning
788 ‘clay’
margine
slérga,
9361
787 ‘edge’
argentir
argentériu
argenta-rju639
Notes to /rg/: a. b. c. d. e.
‘long’. Old Sardinian. The OSFr., ONFr., and Cat. forms may be survivals of the nom.sg. /mdrgo/ (: CL /margo-/). In /térrogfle/, lit. ‘clay earth’. Some forms show /u/, as if from PRom. /u*/, perhaps under learnéd influence.
137
Tun Puonemic Invenrory or Proro-RoMANCE k,
/rf/: preserved, in general, throughout:
Ex, no,
791
Meaning
‘orphan’
Sard. Roum. Ital.
érfanu sofrfon (u-) érfano
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
érfono érfa uérfano érfio érfanu borfanu6105
OSFr.
—_—
Notes to /rf/: a. b.
Macedo-Roumanian. < Greek /érphanos/.
Further example: 50 /férfike/.
m. /rs/: partly preserved, but with assimilation to /ss/ in some regions:
Ital.
mérso
6rs &s
mérs mérs
ors
Span. Port.
6so ——
virsu
PRom.
Lat.
REW
§
*méssu —_—
6*rso
OSFr.
ONFr. Cat.
‘bite’
‘bear’ uirsu iirs(u-)
Sard. Roum.
793
792
Ex, no.
Meaning
ursu-
9089
mors
—_ Ss
mérsu
morsu-
5691
Notes to /rs/: a. b.
‘morsel’. ‘to cultivate’.
Further example: 86 /kirsu/.
795
794
‘purn, burning’
‘peach’ péssike piérseko
péska,
per? présega
arsiira, arsure
arstira
arstira,
péste présok
arstiro arstira
pérsika
arstira,
prisko pésego
persika 6427
—_— —_—
arsu-Tra, 682
796
‘to pour, turn’ —_ versa (re)
versére
versar
versér vasér
—_— bvesir
uersdre
yersa-re 9242
Proto-RomaNncrE PHONOLOGY
138 n.
/rm/: preserved throughout:
Ex. no. Meaning
797 ‘weapon’ «
Sard. Roum,
arma arma
trima tirmo
OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
arma érmo arma
—_— — —_
Ital.
arma
Span.
Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
Tial.
arma,
rma érma *arma 650
Port. PRom. §
— tiirma turma 9005
arméntu =
formé*za — — herméza
—_— armént _ *arméntu
fo-rmo:sa 3450
firmu
bérme viérme byérmine vérm vérm
f6*rm 6*rm
bérme evérmé yérme(ne) yermen “ine 9231
firmu firmu3320
802 ‘cattle, herd’
—_— frumofse
formé*za fo*rmé’sa
‘worm’ ,
fé*rmo
vé‘rm(a)
—
801 ‘shapely, beautiful’
dformé“za
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Lat. REW
t6*rma
arménto
arméntu arméntu
armentu658
800 ‘Bren?
799
798 ‘troop, band’
férm
804 ‘to murmur’
803
‘twig’ sarméntu sarménto sarmén(t*) sarmént, sarmén(tt) sarmiénto
sarméto
sarméntu
sarmentu-
7609
murmurdére
murmurd4(re)
mo‘rmorfre
fs t_
i. i, im, murmurére
murmura-Te 5761
pe aoop
Notes to intervocalic /rm/: Neuter plural, ‘weapons’. Tuscan. Old Portuguese. Old Venetian. Asturian. Learnéd forms with /u/.
Further examples: 3 /dormt‘re/,
223 /marmore/, 313 /torméntu/.
162 /térmene/,
186 /f6*rma/,
214 /formf*ka/,
139
Tus Puonemic Inventory or Proto-ROMANCE o.
/rn/: preserved throughout, except in Sardinia (> /rr/):
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
805 ‘meat?
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
Roum.
kérru kérn(u-) kérno kérn kérn kérn kuérno kérno kérnu kornu2240
kérre kérne kérne kérn séirn kérn kdrne kérne kérne karne1706 809 ‘to sift” kérrere
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
éérne(re)
séérnere gernér ¢érdra ¢éndra ¢ernér bgernir kérnere kernere 1832
807
806 ‘horn’
46*rna,
£6*rn
forna
{6°rn
—= —_—
f6*mo
—
fiirnu furnu-
virna urna
3602
9086
811
‘to return’ torrdre turnd(re) to*rndre
esternir
to*rmneér
8246
eurno
f6°rn hérno
istérrere aStérne(re) igterni
sternere
— ‘rn
£6°rno
810
istérnere
‘pitcher, urn’
furru bfurnu
‘to strew’
jestré“r
808
‘oven’
to*rndr
to“rnér tornér
to“rnér
torndére to(-)rna-re
8794
VBR
me aS oP
Notes to /rn/: Also /éeér/ cher < nom.sg. /k&ro/ : Lat. /karo-/. Macedo-, Megleno-Roumanian. Macedo-Roumanian: ‘pail’. North Italian. Rouergat.
Ladin: ‘bucket’. Old Italian. ‘to choose’. Piedmontese: ‘to plaster’. Old Portuguese.
Further examples: /korni“tu/.
9 /i‘yérnu/,
80 /star® sternu“tére/,
220
/pernoktfre/,
332
140
Proro-Romance PHONOLOGY p.
/rl/: preserved throughout, except in Sardinian (> /rr/):
Ex, no, Meaning
812 ‘plack-bird’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
oméurra miérlo meérla mérla mérlo
Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
miérla, mérla, mérla, merula
Cat.
REW
mé‘re
§
5534
Note to /rl/: a,
Campidanian. q.
/mp/: preserved throughout except in some South Italian dialects (> /mb/;
ef. next section).
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum,
813 ‘time’ témpus timp (u-)
Ttal.
témpo
OSFr. ONFr.
tém(p)s témps
Span.
Cat.
PRom. Lat. REW
r6‘mpere
ampé‘lla
tiémpo
rrompér
ampdla
témpus tempus
ruimpere rumpere
8634
ré“mpre
rrémpé“r
Notes to /mp/: a. b.
ampudda — ampé‘la ampé‘la
tépo
§
srtimpere
815 ‘jar; blister’
tear’
ré‘mpre rémpra
témps
Port.
814 ‘to break,
‘to tear, push in’. ‘to get ready, get together’.
Further example: 331 /k4mpu/.
7442
—
épd‘la
ampulla ampulla 431
816 ‘to buy’ komperdre kumporé(re)
komperére komprér komporér
komprér
komprar
koprar
komperdre >kompara-re 2094
141
Tue Puonemic INVENTORY OF ProTo-ROMANCE
r. /mb/: Together with /nd/, retained in most regions; second element assimilated to first (> /mm/, /nn/) in some varieties of central Italian and Ibero-Romance, with accompanying development of /mp/ > /mb/, /nt/ > /nd/. For possibility of Osco-Umbrian substratum-influence in this development, ef. Hall 1950b. Ex. no.
817
Meaning
‘leg’
Sard.
kaémba
Ital. OSFr.
gamba kémba
Roum,
818
timba
—
btimba
gémbo
témbe
Span.
8k4m(b)a
4timba
PRom. Lat.
ke gémba kamba
timba tumba
ONFr.
Cat.
kémbo
Port.
REW
§
1539
Ex. no.
Sard. Roum.
Ital. OSFr.
Port.
PRom. Lat. REW
°té~mba
émes
pié“mbo plé*m plémb
plé*m
=4mas
—
bas
&mbas amba:s °o411
822
—_ portimb(u-)
—_— — lamér
kombatra kombatro kombater
—_ — paléma
kombattere kombattere
paliimbu ° palumbu- °a
l&mbere lambere 4865
kobaté*r 2073
palé*mbo °a palé*mba,
pobo
Old Spanish. Macedo-, Megleno-Roumanian: ‘grave-hillock’. ‘coffin’. ‘tomb; coffin; bier’. Old Roumanian. Old Portuguese. Languedocien: ‘elder-flower’.
Further example: 545 /trimba/.
plimbu plumbu6615
824
‘dove’
kumbéttere —_
kombittere kombatre
fGbu
823
‘to fight’
Notes to /mb/: a, b. ce. d. e. f. g.
plimb(u-)
&mbes
8977
‘lead’ —
lémbere —
labé*r
§
dmbo —
‘to lick’
— —
ONFr. Cat. Span.
émbas
e{mbe
4tumba
820
‘both’ (f.pl.)
té*mba té*mba,
821
Meaning
819
‘grave, tomb’
6181
‘elder-tree’ sambuku —
sambtiko 8sibykjé~ —_— —
—
sambui*ku sambu-ku7561
Proro-RomANcE PHONOLOGY
142 s.
/nt/, intervocalic and final:
i, Intervocalic: preserved, in general, throughout (except > /nd/ in some central Italian dialects; cf. § 2.722.q): Ex, no, Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
825 ‘tooth’ dénte dinte dénte dént dént dént diénte déte dénte dente2556
ménte minte ménte mént mént *miénte méte
ménte mente5496
829 ‘slow, flexible’
830 ‘so much’
(E.sg.)
blénta lénta lénta lénta liénta
eléta
lénta lenta 4983
téntu atét tanto tant
tdnt tant
tanto
této
téntu
tantu8562
828 ‘wind’
827 ‘mountain’
826 ‘mind’
ménte muinte ménte mént mént mént
amuént
mtée
ménte
monte-
5664
béntu vint(u-) vénto vént vént vént biénto
véto
yéntu yentu-
9212 832 ‘to lie’
831 ‘to sing’ kantére kintd(re) kantdre kantdr éanteér kantér kantdr katér kantére kanta-re 1611
min¢f
mentfre
mentir mentir mentir mentir métir
ment{*re menti-re 5510
Notes to intervocalic /nt/: a. b. ce.
Old Spanish. ‘soft; damp’. ‘damp’.
Further examples: 29 /inténdere/, 41 /moniméntu/, 170 /inter/, 177 /frénte/, 243 /abénte/, 247 /argéntu/, 258 /sakraméntu/, 259 /atraméntu/, 260 /inkantére/, 268 /septé(i)nta/, 328 /kéntu/, 410 /seks4(i)nta/, 493 /parénte/, 502 /kyaré(i)nta/, 523 /pro“ntu/, 566 /intégru/, 756 /serpénte/, 790 /argentarju/, 803 /sarméntu/, etc.
Tue Puonemic INvenToRY or Proro-ROMANCE
143
ii, Final: preserved in Old Sardinian, Old North French, and certain South Italian dialects; reduced to /n/ (or later developments) elsewhere, except in Roumanian: Ex. no.
833
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital.
OSFr.
Cat.
Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
‘they were’
sunt sint °s6“no
érant érau. érano
mfront
pérdont,
sént
iéront
mfran bmfra mf‘rant mi-rant
—
pérdon
pé“rden
piérden bpérdd pérdunt “ent perdunt
Notes to final /nt/: a. b. ce.
836
‘they are’
pérden(t) piérd pérdono
miran
REW §
835
‘they lose’
mirant miro “mfrano
miran
ONFr.
834
‘they look’
Cf. also Calabr. /kA4ntant/. Old Portuguese. Cf. also Apulian /stintu/.
—_
86“n
s6‘n
sén bs6 stint sunt
—
éran éran
éran. 6rd érant erant
—_
144
Proro-Romancr PHonoLoay
t. /nk/: in general, preserved throughout before back vowels; second element palatalised before front vowels as if initial: Ex. no.
837
Meaning
838
‘mussel-shell’
Sard. Roum.
*kénka
iinku
ONFr.
bkénka ckénka,
dk63
&6°nko gé°nk
Ttal. OSFr. Cat.
Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW
§
Sard. Roum. Ital. ONFr.
Cat.
REW
842 ‘hook’
843 ‘maid’
8(i)spilé“*nka,
jankfdda — anéé‘lla
espolénéa
—
an¢é‘la
ispeltinka §
7040
unkinu — unéino
— —_—
PRom.
Lat.
841 ‘cave’
—
Span. Port.
rrangio rra¢io rénkidu rankidu-
4619
fispelinka
OSFr.
—_
rdngi
ginko —_— iinku junku-
2112
Ex. no. Meaning
réndtido range
£6°nk
kuénka kéka kénka konka
‘rancid, stale’
rénkidu rinéed(u-)
g6nk
ekénka
839
‘reed’
spelunka 8140
— —
—_— €ésino
unk{*nu
unki-nu9055
an¢é‘la
a.
Old Sardinian: ‘valley-trough’.
c. d.
‘a measure of fodder’. Lorraine: ‘pig-trough’ < ONFr. */konte/.
e.
f. g. h. i.
binkere invinge(re)
vintere vé"nser
vé‘inkra
véngor
bengér ve¢é*r yinkere uinkere 9338
844 ‘to cut short’ trunkére — tro“nkére
tro“nkér trenéiér
—
tro‘nkér
ank(lla
trunkére
— —=
ankilla 443
Notes to /nk/: b.
840
‘to conquer, win’
‘basin’.
‘dish’.
Place-name. With “/i/ movable” in Old Italian; cf. § 2.722.2.a-c. Galician, North Portuguese: ‘rake’. Old Sardinian.
Further examples: 250 /inkantére/, 533 /brénka/, 545 /trinku/.
tronkdr trokér
trunka-re 8953
145
Tue Pxonemic Inventory or Proto-RoMANCE u. /nd/: preserved (§ 2.722.2.7, above): Ex. no.
845
Meaning Sard. Roum,
Ital. OSFr,
ONFr.
kdéndo kind
ont
kant
REW
§
Ex. no.
‘to melt?
Sard. Roum. Ital.
fuindere — {6“ndere
ONFr. Cat. Span.
féndra £6“ndra —
OSFr.
£6“ndre
Port. PRom.
Lat.
REW
— fuindere §
fundere 3581
téndre
mé*n
mundo miido mundu mundu-
6932
849
Meaning
téndere téndre
mént
kudndo kuddo kydndo kyando-
tendér tédér téndere tendere
5749
850
binnénna — vendé*mmia
vendé“mia
vendénga — bendimia
vidima uindé*mia
yinde-mia 9343
8640
851
‘grape-harvest’
848
‘to stretch’ téndere *t{nde(re)
mé“ndo m6é*n
ként
9062
‘world’ mundu —
kudndo kén
bénd — inde unde
847
‘when’
indi Vinde
a
Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
846
‘whence’
onde on
Cat.
in general, except as set forth in connection with /mb/
‘beggar’
852
‘second’ (f.sg.)
mendiku —_— mend{ko
sekiinda — seké*nda
-_— 4menfk mendigo
*segonda segé “nda segénda
mendik
médigo mend{*ku
mendi-ku5494
sego “nda
segéda sekiinda sekunda 7774
Notes to /nd/: a. b. ce. d. e.
Campidanian. Old Spanish. Old Roumanian. Old Catalan. At least partly learnéd, because of intervocalic /g/.
Further examples:
/pré“ndere/,
61 /kuy{*ndiki/, 87 /inda/,
95 /fundére/, 99 /sekunddre/,
127
168 /yé“ndere/, 315 /tindere/, 316 /ténda/, 358 /ab(b)undare/,
402 /profiindu/, 583 /blindu/, 639 /affunddre/, etc.
596 /glinde/,
598 /glindula/,
618 /atténdere/,
Proto-Romancy PHONOLOGY
146
w. /ng/: palatalised before front vowels, preserved before back: 853 ‘long’ (f.sg.)
Ex. no, Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
lénga linge hinga lénga léngo Iénga bluénga
léga
lénga longa 5119
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
ingust(u-)
frdngere
fri{nge(re)
fréngere fréner fréindre frénor ffranér fr fragé“r fréngere frangere
3482
iuingere *éingere
£6‘ner
&6indro
gunir
angésto
digo“sto
angustu angustu471
4unir sea gir juingere jungere 4620
856
‘to weep’ plinge(re) pidngere planer pléindra planer blanér tager plangere plangere 6572
858
857 ‘to break’
Ex. no. Meaning
855 ‘to join’
854
‘narrow’
‘to smear’ Ungere
vinge(re) Uingere
O*ner
éindra
bunfr uingere
ungere 9069
rope
oP
Notes to /ng/: Masculine /lénc/ < PRom. /léngu/. Old Spanish. ‘to arrive’. ‘to hitch up’. Old Galician. Asturian, Aragonese.
Further examples: 22 /kingere/, 97 /allungére/, 377 /gingt“ya/, 1237 /lingere/, 1416 /tdngere/, 1424 /tingere/.
1152 /inkingere/,
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE y.
/nf/: preserved throughout (perhaps partly learnéd):
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
859 ‘under-world’ inférru ca inférno enférn enférn inférn infiérno iférno inférnu infernu4397
Notes to /nf/: a. b. c.
‘to rinse’. Abruzzese. ‘to become wet and cold’.
860
‘to pour in’ sinfiindere
bnfé*nna *enféndra
inftindere infundere 4415
147
Proro-Romance PHonoLoGy
148
8. With /j/ as second element: /dj/ initial and intervocalic, others intervocalic only. All clusters with /j/ as second element show extensive but frequently confused palatalisation in Italo- and Western Romance (ef, Gamillscheg 1968; Kiepinsky 1968; Nandris
1970).
a.
/pj/: palatalised in Western Romance:
Ex. no. Meaning
861 ‘cuttle-fish’
Sard. Roum.
—_— —
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
sta sépia aSibia stba
Ital. OSFr.
862 ‘that he know’ — —
sé‘ppia se“péa
PRom.
sé“pia
Lat.
REW
§
appropidre apropid(re)
sdppia sapéa
— apropéar
shtod sépiga sépa sdiba
aprotiaér apropar — —
sépiat
se-pja
7828
863 ‘to draw, bring near’
appropiére
bsapiat
appropia-re
_—_
557
Notes to /pi/: a. b.
Old Spanish. ‘that he be wise’. b.
/ti/: second element assimilated to first in Sardinian; first element assibilated
in Western Romance and Italian. (Cf. also Martinet 1949; Liidtke 1957.) Ex. no.
864
Meaning
omdtta bmdta
Sard. Roum.
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
emédda
Cat. Span.
REW
§
865
866
‘well’ pitu pu¢(u-)
‘tenderness’ —_— dtinerége
titténe tediine
—
teneré“¢da tendré“¢a, tendré*¢a
ti¢dd“ne tiz6*(n*) tizén
— matia
pé*zo putiu
terné*za tenerftja
tizd titid*ne
matja
5412
pou pd6zo
putiu
6877
tendrée ternéza
teneritia
Notes to /tj/: a. b. c. d. e.
867
‘fire-brand’
po*ddo po puig
— —
Port. PRom.
Lat.
‘bowels’
‘belly’. ‘entrails’; ef. also /mé¢(u-)/ ‘gut’. Neapolitan, Subiaco: ‘entrails’. ‘youth’. ‘to lament the dead’.
8647
tiz6* (n+) tigén, ti-tio-ne8758
868
‘to kindle’ *attitdre ati¢d(re)
attidddre atizdr atiziér atidr atizér
atigér atti*tidre (3 titi-) 769
Tue Puonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE c. /kj/: palatalised in Roumanian and Western Romance. (Cf. also Pugcariu 1904.) Ex. no.
869
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW
§
870
‘face’ féke "fido fatda, fa¢ a fig fi¢ hé¢ faze fdkje %a fakije-
3130.2
‘string’ léttu lé¢(u-) 14860 lag la¢ lad 14z0 lézo lékju lakyeu-
Italo-Romance, 871
‘paunch’ ava pintete pinta pings péngo painga pinga, pinga pan (ti)kia % pantike-
4909
6207
Notes to intervocalic /ki/:
a. b.
‘cheek, face’. ‘arm-harness’.
Further examples: 532 /brékiu/, 594 /glakia/. d.
/bi/: palatalisation most extensive in Gallo-Romance:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
—
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
rébbia rdgi rége
Roum.
—
Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
— rrdbia, rrdiva, rdbja, rabje6980
Notes to /bj/: a.
b.
‘light bay [horse-color]’.
‘blond’.
874 ‘red’
‘anger, rage’ riiu
®rdib(u-)
r6°bbio r6i r6‘éa
66 brruibio — ruibju rubju7408
merged
149 with
872
/tj/ in
‘arm-band’ broffira braéédle >bra¢él bragidél brazél brazél brakjdle brakja-le 1254
150
Proto-Romancr PHonoLocy e.
/dj/, initial and intervocalic: i,
Ex. no. Meaning
Initial: 875 ‘Diana; hunt-goddess’
876 ‘day’
Sard. Roum.
sjdna szino
—_ —_
OSFr.
ajina
£6°rn
Ital.
djfna
ONFr. Cat.
g6°rno
“éeeno
Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
&6*rn &6°rn
Sina —_— diéna dia-na 2624
— —_— ditrnu adiurnu2700
Notes to initial /di/:
a,
b. ec. d.
‘fairy’.
‘witch’. Asturian: ‘elf, fountain-nymph’. adj/I-II: ‘of the day’. ii.
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
Intervocalic (cf. also Kfepinsky 1939): 877 ‘today’ ée —_— Rei uéi Vi avili 6i dze édie hodie4163
878 ‘bushel-measure’ méiu °m6z70 muéi mii —_— méio mdéio médiu modiu5629
879 ‘hillock’ — — pogo puéi pui pug bpdio pdio pédju podiu6627
880 ‘disgust’ fastisu °fastiu fast{ fast{ fastik hastfo fastfo fast{“diu fasti-diu3217
Notes to intervocalic /di/: a. b. ce,
‘wheel-hub’; cf. also /még0/ ‘bushel-measure’. ‘bench in front of house’. Sicilian: ‘muck’.
Further examples: 648 /assediire/, 1265 /merf“didre/, 1266 /mer{“die/.
881 ‘half’ méiu miéz(u-) mézz0
miég
mig méio médiju mediu5462
Tu Puonemic Inventory or Proro-RoMANcE f,
151
/gj/: only pan-Romance example is 672 /korrigia/.
. g. /sj/: palatalisation or its effects almost wholly absent from Sardinian, present in remaining Romance territory: Ex. no.
Meaning
882
Sard.
*maséne
OSFr.
4mazd*(n*)
Roum. Ital. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. REW
—_ —_— kézo kéizo
— bés bézo béizo
baiziér bezér bezér beizdr
kaseu-
basiu-
a
mansio-ne5311
886 ‘pheasant’ fasdnu = fagéno — faizin — —
PRom.
fasjdnu
REW
—
§
fasia-nu6465
—
késju
1738
887 ‘happening, cause’ kaiéne — (ak)kag6“ne akaiz6*(n*) aéaizon —
h(a)kaizd
akkasié“ne
okkasio-ne6029
Notes to /si/:
PRmoaspe
nomena
°maizén
Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Lat.
bisu
‘to kiss’
_ &bdso
Ex. no. Meaning
Port.
késu
885
‘kiss’
k48(u-) skéSo
masj6“ne
§
884
‘cheese’
bmaStin (a) °mastinu
fmezén _—_
PRom.
Lat.
883
‘dwelling, shelter’
‘herd of cattle’. Dalmatian: ‘sleeping-place for sheep’. Apulian: ‘chicken-coop’. ‘open stall’. ‘dwelling, house’. ‘inn’. Tuscan. ‘misfortune’.
béis
bésju
976
ebakdre
baizdr
basjare
Proto-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
152 h.
j.
/mij/:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
889
888 ‘monkey’
‘vineyard’ binza, vie vinna vina vino vina bina vina ufnia yi-nea 9350
—_— —_ Simmia simia singe simi ‘lo Simia s{mia
PRom.
Lat. REW
s{‘mia
§
/nj/:
si-mia, 7929
890 ‘spider; scabies’ rfie
(a)ranna
arana ardina ardna araéna aréna ardnja
®aranea
593
Further example: 850 /yindé“mia/. Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
891 ‘chestnut’ kastanza bkasténo kasténna kasténa kastdino kastdno kasténa kasténa kastania kasta:nea 1742.1
892 ‘heel’ karkdnzu kalkfiu kalkdénno kalkén kalkdin —_ kalkéno — kalkéniu kalka-neu1490
Notes to /nj/: a. b. c. d. e f.
Adjective, fem.sg.: ‘pertaining to a spider’. Megleno-Roumanian. ‘pin on plough’. ‘nail’. ‘coin-stamp’. ‘rock in middle of river’.
‘older
894 man;
sinné‘re
senor sendé-ur sond‘r senér re send rT
senjé‘re
senio-re7821
lord’
Tue Pronemic Invunrory or Proro-RoMANCE
153
k. flj/: Ex. no.
895
Meaning Sard.
Roum.
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
PRom,
Lat.
REW
>ffia
pala
filla
palea
filia
*folia
899
k6“}o
k6%] k6}
Cat.
—
Span. Port.
—_
PRom.
Lat. REW
k6Iju §
ko-leu2038
mila —_— mile —— —_—
—_ —
mil]é*re
melé*r me]6“ur
milé*r
mezZér melé*r
melio-re5479
5569
901
‘better’
meljé*re
mi‘lja
*mi-lia
3415
900
‘testicle’
——
folia
3295
kéza kéiu
OSFr. ONFr.
mi]]a °o
fuéla fuélo filo hdéda féla
Ex, no.
Ital.
folla
fila filo filo hiza fila
Meaning Sard. Roum.
miza
pala pélo palo pita pala
6161
‘mile’
‘fésa,
fodie
ff‘lja
898
‘leaf?
°ffe
palja
§
897
‘daughter’
paéza
apdie
Ital.
896
‘straw’
902
‘to cut? tazaére taid(re)
tallére
‘to resemble’ asimizdre —
assomil]4re
talér talér
— —
tazar talér
asemezar asemelér
talér
taliére
8talia-re 8542
—
assimiliére
(: simile-) 730
Notes to /li/: a. b. ec. d. e. f. g.
Feminine plural. Old Sardinian. Old Roumanian. < Italian? Neuter plural. Old Italian. ‘to split’.
Further examples: 40 /similjére/, 89 /muliére/, 429 /milju/, 620 /battélia/, ete.
218 /de“spoliére/,
419
/mélius/,
Proro-RomaNncEe PHONOLOGY
154
m.
/tj/:
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
903 ‘north wind’
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW §
‘leather’
porkérzu
kérzu
béria borea:s
porkdio porkiér portiér porkér porkéro porkéiro porkérju porka-riu-
kudio kéir kuir kuir kuéro kéuro kérju koriu-
907 ‘threshing-floor’
little threshing-floor’
= *bifra >béra, — béira béire béiras
REW §
905
904
‘swine-herd’
1219
— drie dia dir dire éra éra, éira, arja area
porkar(u-)
6659
2233
906
‘cover, blanket’ kerpetdér(u-)
koperté*io koberté*ra
koverté*ur
koberté*ra kobertéro
kopert6“rju
koperto-riu2206
908
arzdéla, aiudla ceirdla ferdla Siruéla Seirdéa aridla
626
areola, 632
ame ao re
Notes to /rj/: ‘drizzle, mist’. Triestine. ‘clouds’. Franco-Provengal (Saéne): ‘garden’. South French: ‘garden-bed’. ‘garden-bed’. Place-name.
Further examples: 278 /ydrju/, 416 /rasé“rju/, 595 /glévia/, , 790 /argentdriu/, ete.
Tur Puonumic Inventory or Proro-RoMANCE 4,
155
With /y/ as second element: all intervocalic only, except /ky/: a,
/ky/: initial and intervocalic: i.
Initial: /y/ lost except in Italo- and Ibero-Romance:
Ex. no.
909
Meaning
‘how much’
910
‘of what sort?’
911
912
‘to seek, wish’
‘who? which?’
Sard.
kéntu
kale
kérrere
kf
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
kudnto kant —_ ként kudnto
kuéle kal kel kal kudl
kiédere kérre kérra
kf ki kf ki Dif
kydle kyale-
kyérere kuaerere
Roum.
kit
Port.
kare
kuéto
PRom. Lat. REW
§
éére(re)
okerér
kudl
kydntu kyantu6933
skeré*r
6927
okt
kyfi* kui-
6923
6953.1
Notes to initial /ku/: a. b. ce.
‘to want, love’. Old Spanish. Old Portuguese.
ii, Intervocalic: /k/ lost and stop component preserved as labial element in Sardinian and Roumanian (probably an Oscanism; ef. Pisani 1939); stop element lost in Old North French, labial element lost in Old South French; labio-velar articulation preserved elsewhere: Ex. no.
913
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
abba apa akkua, sgiga eévo
Span.
agua
Cat.
agigua
Port.
PRom. Lat. REW
agua
§
ékua akya
570
Notes to intervocalic /ky/: a. b. c.
d.
914
‘water’
< */ékuja/. Valsugana (Venetia). Sassarese.
Old Sardinian.
915
‘mare’ ébba igépo béka, éga fva égua
iégua égua
ékya ekua,
2883
916
‘eagle’ efbila acera dkuila digle file dgilo
dgila dgia
dkyila akyila
582
‘ever’ dalikéndo —_— — —. — —
—
alguéndre
alikyando alikyando344
Proto-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
156 b.
/dy/: only one example, perhaps partially learned:
Ex. no.
Meaning
‘widow’
Sard.
917
bida
Roum.
véduvo
Ital.
vé"dova
OSFr.
vé"zoa
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
véSuva viuda bitida vitiva yfdua yidya
REW § e
9321
/ny/:
Ex. no.
Meaning
918
Sard. Roum. Ital.
simbérvere {nvodlbe(re) imvélgere
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
envéldra _ — —_— inudlyere inyolyere
OSFr.
REW
envolvé*r
§
919
‘to wrap up’
4540
‘agreement? — bkuvint(u-)
skové —_ 4kombiénto dies sja's
do-num dé-ron da-nam
fe-kiéthe-ka ‘I set? adha-m
mus mus mu‘S
179
Protro-RoMANCE AND LATIN TABLE VIII
Stages of /'/ > /“/ from Latin to Romance Stage 1 Length only
fi til fi/ {il
/e/ le]
/e/ [el
/u-/ (w']
>
Stage 2 Length and Tenseness
he/ #4) fi/ @
/e/ [e"]
/e/ [el
/w/ (u-]
/a/ [ul
/o/ [w']
an [0]
ee fed
/o-/ {o'] a:/
[a]
/a/ [6]
/o-/ [o-"] a:/
[a
/a/ (a)
>
Stage 3 Tenseness only
K/ Af
/e/
lef
/o"/
/uf
/o°/ /o/
fal
significant phonetic variation arose in which long vowels were higher and tenser than short vowels—except for /a/, in which (due to its low position of articulation) there was no variation, at least none for which any evidence has survived in Romance. Then, when the position of stress (§ 3.25) ceased to be predictable and became significant, vowel-length lost its réle as a determinant of stress and hence was no longer significant. After vowellength lost its phonological significance, what was left was the contrast between tenseness and laxness, so that (as usually stated) vowel-quality replaced -quantity (or, formulaically, /-/ > /*/. The process is summed up in Table VIII. The vocalism of Gracchan Latin represented a stage only shortly preceding that of Proto-Romance. In the preceding centuries, certain other changes had taken place which are reflected in both Classical Latin and Proto-Romance, such as the development of Old Latin /o/ to /u/ in final syllables before /s/, /m/, and /nt/.6 The resultant endings show up as Classical Latin and Proto-Romance /-us/ and /-unt/, and as Classical Latin /-um/ : Proto-Romance /-u/ (passim in our comparative tables). The extensive reduction of Old Latin short vowels in medial syllables? was likewise anterior to Gracchan Latin.
3.22. Dirutuones. For Proto-Romance, we need reconstruct only one diphthong, /ay/, as in 507 /éyru/ ‘gold’ or 508 /téyru/ ‘bull’ (§ 2.62). Classical Latin, however, had a considerably larger number of diphthongs:
/ay ag og ey ui/, as in /tayru-/ ‘bull’; /kaglu-/ ‘heaven’; /koepi-/ ‘I have
begun’; /neyter/ ‘neither’; /huik/ ‘to this’. These diphthongs are hence to be ascribed likewise to Gracchan Latin, but they were all simplified (ex-
180
Proto-Romancr PHonoLoay
cept /ay/) in popular speech as reflected in Proto-Romance. Older /ae/ is
reflected in Romance by lax /e/, and hence we assume that it had merged
with this phoneme before the time of our reconstructed Proto-Romance.®
Gracchan Latin /oe/ merged with /e:/ (> ‘pain, penalty’
> PRom.
PRom. /e*/), as in /poena/
1340 /pé*na/. The only continuation of /ey/ is
in Roumanian /s$u/ ‘or’ < /sey/; but it is not known at what stage this form was introduced into Pre-Roumanian, so its ascription to ProtoRomance is questionable. In PRom. /kt*i*/ ‘to whom’, we have simply a sequence of two vowels in separate syllables (as in present-day Italian /kti/ ['ku: |i]), thus continuing the optional dissyllabic pronunciation of /ui/ in Latin.®
3.28. StneuE Consonants. The consonant-inventory was the same in Classical and Gracchan Latin as in our reconstructed Proto-Romance (cf. Table VI), with the addition of /h/, which was lost relatively early in popular speech and even in classical prosody.}° Certain single consonants were lost in specific positions, between Gracchan Latin and Proto-Romance, in popular speech. Final /m/ was lost throughout in all polysyllables (cf. many examples, passim, in our tables). In monosyllables, final /m/ > /n/, probably through an intervening stage of nasalisation," which was then reinterpreted as equivalent to /n/, as suggested in Table IX. To this final /n/ was then added, in most instances, a final vowel, on the analogy of one form-class or another, as in PRom. 140 /réne/ ‘thing’ < /rem/ (acc. sg. of /re-/) + /-e/ of third-
declension noun-stems.
3.24.
CoNnsoNANT-CLUSTERS.
1. Double consonants were present in Classical and earlier Latin, corresponding closely to those of Proto-Romance.” In many instances, they were the result of assimilation, as in /afferre/ ‘to bring to’ = /ad/ ‘to, at’ +
/ferre/ ‘to bring’. In the case of /rs/, there was a “shimmer” between as-
similated /ss/ and the unassimilated
cluster, reflected, for instance, in
TABLE IX Stages of the Development of Latin Final /m/ in Monosyllables
Gracchan Latin
Popular Latin
Popular Latin Reinterpretation
PRom.
[Vm] /Vm/
[V] /Vm/
(¥] /Va/
[Vn] /Vn/
Proto-RoMANCE AND LATIN
181
the Ibero-Romance forms from PRom. 792 /tirsu/ ‘bear’ as opposed to those in the rest of Romance. In some forms, however, the double con-
sonants were not morphophonemically conditioned, as in /yakka/ ‘cow’ (; PRom. 625 /yékka/) or /mittere/ ‘to send’ (:; PRom. 614 /mittere/
‘to put’). Semi-vocalic /i/ was, at least in some varieties of Latin, also normally double in intervocalic position, e.g. /maiiu-/ ‘May’.
2.
Other clusters were more numerous in Gracchan and Classical Latin
than in Proto-Romance, which simplified a number of them, such as /mpt/
(> /nt/,e.g.in /tempto-/ ‘I try’ : PRom. 1421 /ténto/) and /ns/ (> /s/,
e.g. in /me-nsa/ ‘table’ : PRom. 417 /pe“*s4re/).1® with, for instance, /ty/ /b&ttere/ , or /futyere/
PRom. 122 /mé*sa/ or /pe-nsa-re/ ‘to weigh’ : Certain clusters ending in /y/ lost that element, > /tt/ (e.g. /batyere/ ‘to beat’? : PRom. 344 ‘to inseminate’ : PRom. 615 /ftittere/), and
/su/ > /s/ (e.g. in /konsyere/ ‘to sew’ : PRom. 185 /ko“sere/). Other
clusters simply had no continuation in Romance, such as /bst/ (as in /abstine-re/ ‘to hold off from’, /dst/ (e.g. in /adstare/ ‘to be present’), /mps/ (as in /sumpsi-/ ‘I have taken’, and certain variants such as /mpn/ ~ /mn/ (e.g. in /kolumpna/ = /kolumna/ ‘column’). Certain relatively infrequent clusters were replaced by others, as in /gm/ > /ym/, e.g. in Greek /sigma/ cé&ypa ‘burden; body’ > /s&yma/ (> Ital. /sé6ma/, whence /silma/ ‘corpse’ by false reconstruction); and /tl/ > /kl/, as in /yetulu-/
‘little old’ (: /yetus/ ‘old’) > /yetlu/ > /yeklu/ : PRom. 589 /yéklu/ ‘old’.16 On the other hand, the number of clusters ending in /i/ (cf. § 2.82)
was increased by the development of both /e/ and /i/ in hiatus to a semiconsonant /i/.!7 Certain clusters which arose in this way were, in their
turn, simplified, e.g. /Ing/ > nij/, as in /balneu-/ ‘bath’ > PRom. 343 /banju/.
3.25. Stress, which in Classical and earlier Latin was, in general, predictable in terms of syllable-length for almost all the normal words of every-day speech. Historians of Latin pronunciation'® postulate several stages in the development of stress-accent: 1. Atan early time (perhaps, by and large, early and middle Republican days), there is thought by most scholars to have been a period of
strong initial stress, even on words of four syllables such as */audakiter/
‘boldly’ or */praefakio-/ ‘I set before’, to account for such phenomena as
syncope of certain post-tonic vowels (e.g. in /audakter/ and the ‘‘weakening”’ of a number of other vowels in presumably unstressed syllables (as in /praefikio:/; cf. Hall 1974:59, 61)1°
Protro-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
182
2. Later, at roughly the period of our “Gracchan” and Classical Latin, from ca. 200 3.c. to ca. A.D. 300, stress remained automatic in conservative
pronunciation, but shifted from the initial syllable to a position determined by the number of morae in the word. Defining the mora as a unit of length,
consisting of either (1) a short vowel, (2) vowel-length /-/, or (3) one or more consonants checking a syllable; and counting the final syllable of a word as one mora no matter whether it was free or checked or whether it contained a long or a short vowel, we can state that stress fell automatically on the syllable containing the third mora from the end of the word. Thus: ‘pole’ ['per | ti| ka], /pertika/ ['kar|mi|na], ‘songs’ /karmina/ /pertika:/
‘from
a
pole
(abl.sg.)’
['per|ti|ka:],
/karina/
‘keel’
(ka |'ri:|na], /karina-/ ‘from a keel (abl.sg.)’ [ka | 'ri: | na:], (acc.sg.)’ ‘woman /mulierem/ ['mu|li|er], ‘woman’ /mulier/ [mu | 'li|e | rem], etc. In a few words which had lost their final syllable
through syncope, such as /nostra‘s/ ‘of our country’ < /nostra‘tis/ or /postha:k/ ‘hereafter’ < /postha-ke/, we are told that the stress fell on the resultant final syllable.2° There has been some debate as to whether
the “‘accent’’ in conservative speech in this period was one of stress (i.e. greater force in expelling the air from the lungs) or of pitch.” Quite likely, the two coincided, as they do by and large in present-day English and some other languages.
3. In popular speech, however, several of the sound-changes we have just enumerated resulted in the position of stress becoming unpredictable: the loss of significant vowel-length (§ 3.21), the reduction of /i/ and /e/ in hiatus to /i/ (§ 3.24.2), and analogical shifting of stress as a result of this latter development. Thus, in sequences of sounds such as [anatis] ‘of a duck’ and [amatis] ‘ye love’, it was no longer possible to predict whether the stress would fall on the first syllable (as in the first) or on the second (as in the second). In these circumstances, it is therefore necessary to mark significant stress: /Anatis/ ‘of a duck’, but /amAtis/ ‘ye love’. Similarly, from Romance forms such as those developing out of PRom. 89
/muliére/, we know that the stress shifted off the formerly syllabic /i/ in
hiatus onto the following vowel, thus rendering it unpredictable in contrast to such words as PRom. 685 /péktene/ ‘comb’ or PRom. 144 /pérdere/ (and a great number of other verbs with infinitives in /sere/). Classical Latin versification continued to be based on syllable-length, without regard to stress, until ca. a.p. 300.” After this time, stress comes to play a continually greater réle in the composition of traditional Latin metres, clearly reflecting the situation in normal popular speech as applied to the pronunciation of even the most conservative Latin,
Proro-RoMANcE AND LATIN
183
NOTES TO CHAPTER 3 1, Cf. Lifstedt 1959:15 (a propos of the relationship between popular and literary Latin usage): “[. . .] there are numberless gradations between the language of cultivated
conversation and that of the unlettered populace.” Cf. also Hofmann 1936; Altheim
1951:395-404; Pisani 1962:5-6. 2. Cf. Sittl 1882; Palmer 1954:59-73; and, for dialectal borrowings in lexicon, Ernout 1909. 3. Cf. Bardon 1952. 4. Phonemic vowel-length is or has been present in various Romance languages, e.g. fifteenth- and sixteenth-century French (cf. Nyrop 1899-1930:1. §§ 1047, 1301; Brunot and Bruneau 1905-1969:2,263, 272-273); certain modern North Italian dialects (e.g. that of Frignano [Emilia]; cf. Uguzzoni 1971); and reconstructed Proto-RhaetoRomance (cf. Leonard 1940:23-24). All such phenomena in Romance, however, represent later developments; none compel us to set up phonemic vowel-length for Proto-Romance. 5. Cf. Vaininen 1963 (19672): § 42; Tagliavini 1949 (1972): § 49; ete. 6. Cf. Kent 1932 (1945%): § 126.ID.A.
7.
8.
Cf. Kent 1932 (19453): § 125; Hall 1974:59, 61.
The stressed vowels of a few Romance words suggest that they go back to tense
/6*/: e.g. Modern French /fwé/ foin ‘hay’ (< ONFr. /fé*in/) and Old Spanish /héno/
heno < PRom. /fé‘nu/, contrasting with Italian /fiéno/ < PRom. /fénu/ ( : Lat. /faenu-/). Similarly, ONFr. /sdif/ < /sé*if/ ‘hedge’ < PRom. /sépe/ ‘hedge’, but Italian /siépe/ < PRom. /sépe/ (: Lat. /saepe-/). This alternation in Proto-Romance is to be traced to a “shimmer” (like that suggested for PRom. /ay/~ /o*/, § 1.31) due to a “rustic” replacement of /ae/ by [e’:], interpreted by other speakers at an early stage as /e-/, but later as /e/; cf. Sturtevant 1920 (1940*): § 131.a; Allen 1965:60-61. 9.
Cf. Sturtevant 1920 (19402):
13.
Cf. Vidindnen 1963 (1967):
22.
Cf. Sturtevant 1920 (19402):
§ 144.c.
10. “From the time of our earliest documents [.. .] Lat. h was an unstable sound”’ (Sturtevant 1920 [19402]: § 180). For a complete discussion, cf. ibid. §§ 130-134; also Kent 1932 (1945%): § 52; Allen 1965:43-45. 11. Cf. Allen 1965:30-31. 12. Cf. Horecky 1948; Allen 1965:11. Some scholars also assume that Lat. qu and gu in hiatus represented single labio-velar phonemes /k¥/ and /g*/ respectively; cf. Allen 1965:16-20. If this was the case, they merged with /ky/ and /gu/, respectively, throughout in Romance. § 119.
14. Cf. Sturtevant 1920 (19402): §§ 160-163. 15. Cf. Vainiinen 1963 (19672): § 121. 16. Attested in the Appendix Probi: vetus non veclus. 17. Cf. Vaandnen 1963 (19672): §§ 76, 77. 18. E.g. Sturtevant 1920 (1940%): chapter VII; Kent 1932 (19458): § 56; Allen 1965 :85-88. 19. Cf. Kent 1932 (19453): § 125. 20. Cf. Sturtevant 1920 (19402): §§ 209a, 218-214; Viiiniinen 1963 (19672): § 46. 21. Cf. the discussions in Sturtevant 1920 (19407): § 207; Kent 1932 (19453): §§ 63-66; Vadniinen 1963 (19672): § 46; Allen 1965:83-86. § 211a.
CHAPTER 4 Major Developments in Early Romance
The differentiation of the Romance languages! did not take place all at once, or even rapidly. It was a slow process, lasting two millennia, and is of course still going on. Our attention here, however, must be concentrated on those phonological changes which were of greatest importance in the early stages, since these are the phenomena on the basis of which the major divisions of the Romance languages are to be established.? There is a valid reason for regarding phonological criteria as basic in the classification of languages within a “family,” in the frequency of the occurrence of sounds in speech, as opposed to inflectional features, syntactic combinations, or lexical items. Any given contentive® occurs much less frequently, in running text (spoken or written) than any given functor,’ since there are far more contentives than functors in a linguistic system.* Both functors and contentives, however, are built up out of a quite small, limited number of functional units of sound (phonemes). Each phoneme occurs, therefore, many more times in running text than does any one linguistic form. Among the phonemes, there are differences in frequency of occurrence: there are fewer vowels than there are consonants, and hence the former are more frequent than the latter. In describing linguistic structure and history, the traditional procedure of starting with vowels and then proceeding to consonants and prosodic features is therefore fully justified.
4.1.
Earliest Divisions
4.11. Tae Dsvevopment or Proto-Romance /i/. This was the first element of Proto-Romance phonology to undergo change, with lax /i/ merging with tense /e*/, and spreading to all regions of Romance speech
except Sardinia, part of Corsica, and a small area in Lucania.* The change
/i/ > /e*/ is attested as early as the first century a.p., as in Pompeian
inscriptions: veces = vices ‘turns’; pravessimus
= pravissimus ‘most evil’:
Proto-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
186 domene
=
domine
‘master!’, and reverse spellings like minses
=
menses
‘months’.® Before this time, the use of /e/ instead of /i/ was considered
r “rustic,” 7 This fact has led some® to regard this development in Popula carrya ie. ” Latin and Romance as due to Oscan-Umbrian “substratum, over of earlier speech-habits by speakers of those languages into their
newly-learned Latin.
This change is reflected in many sets of Romance cognates, e.g. our nos. 21-64 and others. The stage immediately following the development /i/ > /e*/ may, from the fact that it eventually embraced almost all the conti-
nental varieties of Romance, appropriately be termed PRoro-CoNTINENTAL
Romance (PCRom.). For our Proto-Romance forms nos. 21-28, for instance, the Proto-Continental Romance forms (which remained the same in the next stage, that of Proto-Italo-Western Romance; cf. § 4.12) would be:
No. 21
22 23
24
25 26 27 28
Meaning
PRom.
‘pear’
pira
‘to gird on’ ‘tongue’ ‘snow’
PCRom., PItWRom. pé‘ra
kingere Iingua
ké“ngere 1é‘ngua
frikant uirde sfnu pike
fré“kant ué‘rde sé“nu pé*ke
niye
‘they rub’ ‘green’ ‘breast’ ‘pitch’
né“ye
At the Proto-Continental Romance stage there was, therefore, no longer a nine-vowel pattern like that of Proto-Romance (§ 1.31), but an unbalanced eight-vowel pattern (with an undifferentiated /i/ < PRom. /i*/, as in our sets nos. 1-20):
i e*
e
u u
o*
0
or, reformulating the same pattern by extracting the component of tongue-
Masor Deve.opments In Earty RoMANCE
187
height or tenseness /*/;
Tus Deve opment or Proro-Romance /u/. Lax /u/ merged with 4.12. tense /o*/, parallel to but later than the change /i/ > /e*/, as shown by both its later attestation® and its lesser extension in Romance. Not only in Sardinia and parts of Corsica, but also in a wider area in Lucania’ and in Balkan Romance," was /u/ preserved as such, merging, not with /o*/, but with /u*/. Some scholars (cf. fn. 8) have regarded this change, too, as due to an Oscan-Umbrian substratum, despite its later development and spread. The third stage, resulting from the merger of /u/ and /o*/, is common to Italo-Romance (including Dalmatian'?) and to the western varieties (Gallo- and Italo-Romance). We can therefore term it Proto-ITa.oWestern Romance (PItWRom.). For the forms to be set up at this stage for our nos. 21-28, ef. the table in § 4.11. For the back vowel /u/ > /o*/, ef. our PRom. forms nos. 81-120. The PItWRom. forms for nos. 81-88 would be: No. 81
82 83
84 85 86 87
88
Meaning ‘mouth’
‘throat’
‘fly’
‘furrow’ ‘drop’ ‘race’ ‘wave’
‘shade’
PRom., PCRom.
PItWRom.
bikka
bé*kka,
muska
m6‘ska
imbra
é*mbra
guila
silku gutta kdrsu Vinda
g6'la
so‘Iku gotta k6*rsu Onda
The Proto-Italo-Western Romance vowel-pattern restored a kind of equilibrium in the system by rendering the high back vowel /u/ (< /u*/, exemplified in our sets nos. 69-80) no longer differentiated as to tongueheight (tenseness), thus becoming parallel to PCRom., PItWRom. /i/, as
shown in the two formulations below (seven-vowel system; same system
188
Proro-RoMANcr PHoNoLoGy
with /*/ extracted) : u
e* e
Of a
Or
i
+
/*/
u
{eee e
Reser
Ses eee a
°
S
ree
This seven-vowel system was at the base of all later developments in Italo- and Western Romance, remaining the same in Italian and Old South French, being reduced in Castilian, and undergoing further developments in Dalmatian, Old North French, Catalan, and Rhaeto-Romance.
4.18. Syncope, the loss of an unstressed pre- or intertonic vowel, was a process going on all during the Latin and Romance periods, creating, in a number of words, a constant “shimmer” often lasting centuries before one variant or the other finally won out. Thus, in very early Latin, we find graphs such as dedrot = dederunt ‘they gave’; but in such instances there may be either syllabic writing (with d = de) or dialectal borrowing." Other examples, less open to doubt, are Lat. /dekstru-/ ‘right’ < ProtoItalic */deksiteru-/; Lat. /amputa-re/ ‘to prune around’ with its first element from an earlier /ambhi-/; Lat. /pri-nkipe-/ ‘chief? < earlier */pri-mokape-/ ‘first head’. Plautus has such syncopated forms as /yalde:/ ‘indeed’, which survived into Classical Latin alongside of the non-syncopated form /yalide:/ ‘strongly’, and /domnu-/ ‘master’ alongside of /dominu-/.15 In Greek borrowings, likewise, such a word as older /balineu-/ ‘bath’ (< Gk. /balaneton/ fadaveiov) became /balneu-/; Gk. /kélaphos/ Kéhagos ‘blow’ > Lat. /kolap(h)u-/, which survives in Proto-Romance only as /kélpu-/. This “shimmer” gave rise to such back-formations as Lat. /saekulu-/ ‘century’ ~ earlier /saeklu-/ or /stabulu-/ ‘place of abode’ ¥ /stablu-/, on the analogy of syncopated forms coming from the diminutive suffix /tkulu-/ > /+klu-/.16 As Vaandnen has put it, “La syncope est un phénoméne d’aspect éminemment populaire et familier. Sur 227 ‘fautes’ relevées dans l’Appendix Probi, 25 se rapportent @ la syncope.”
Syncope continued all through the period of Imperial Latin,!” and in some
Romance varieties, e.g. North French, through the Middle Ages and down to the present day: cf. ONFr. /sairamént/ ‘oath’ (< PRom. /sakraméntu/) > Mod.Fr. /serma/ serment, and the loss of /o/ between two single conso-
nants in Modern French
horses’, etc.) .18
(e.g. /le*Svo*/
< /le*Savo*/ les chevaux ‘the
Mayor DrveLopments 1n Harty RoMANcE
189
In Popular Latin, certain phonological environments seem to have favoured the development of syncope, especially when the unstressed vowel was preceded or followed by a liquid or nasal:!®
A. Between /C/ + liquid, or between liquid and /C/: e.g. PRom. 1033 /dlteru/ ‘other’ ( : Lat. /alteru-/) > PCRom. /altru/; PRom. 600 /Niglire/ ‘to stay awake’ ( : Lat. /yigila-re/) ; PRom. 102 /pépulu/ ‘people’
(.: Lat. /populu-/) > PWRom. /péplu/.”°
B. Between labial + /C/: eg. PRom. 102 /pdpulu/ ‘people’ (just cited) ; PRom. 705 /démna/ ‘mistress, lady’ ( : Lat. /domina/). By and large, syncopated forms are more common in Western than in Eastern Romance; this fact has led some scholars”! to consider that the speech of the latter regions was, by and large, more conservative in Imperial times than that of the former, at least with regard to intertonic
vowels.
Lack of detailed evidence concerning the every-day speech of
Imperial times and the early Middle Ages renders it difficult, if not impossible, to reach a clear solution of this problem. The same is true of any detailed chronology, such as has been attempted,” for the development of syncope in any given area, since we have only the sketchiest hints as to what may have been the cross-currents of dialectal borrowing. The most that can be said is that the incidence of syncope seems to be greatest in Gallo-Romance, and that it is quite likely that, in late Imperial times and the early Middle Ages, many syncopated forms were borrowed from GalloRomance into the rest of the western Romance territory. 4.2.
Further Early Developments in Vocalism
4.21. Umuaut, or the alteration of a vowel-phoneme (usually raising) under the influence of a neighbouring, normally a following, vowel, is found in a number of Romance varieties.”* In most instances, this involves the raising of a mid-vowel to a higher position of articulation, with open /e o/ > close /e* 0*/, respectively, or /e* 0*/ > /iu/. It is found chiefly when, at
some stage, the final vowel of a word was /i*/ or /u/. In some Romance
languages, umlaut occurred only with a final /i*/, as in ONFr. and OSFr.
/fis/ ‘I did’ < PRom. /fé6*ki*/; ONFr. and OSFr. /vint/ ‘20’ < PRom.
1474 /uf(i)nti*/. In others, especially South Italian dialects, both /-u/ and /-i*/ bring about the raising of a preceding stressed vowel, even across an intervening unstressed syllable:** e.g. OLomb. /p{Si/ pisci ‘fishes’ (< PItWRom. /pé*ski/ < PRom. 294 /pisk-i*/); Trevi (Umbria)
/6*mmani/
‘men’
(
Span. /ndéée/), whereas the latter did not: PRom. 173 /béne/ ‘well’ > Span. /bién/ and PRom. 396 /féssa/ ‘ditch’ > OSpan. /fuésa/ ‘grave’, but PRom. 327 /ké*ra/ ‘wax’ > OSpan. /¢é*ra/ and PRom. 431 /mistu/ ‘must (new wine)’ > PItWRom. /m6*stu/ > Span. /mésto/.** The same loss of contrast between lax and tense varieties of /e o/ seems to be under way in regional varieties of standard Italian in north and south Italy,?° whereas central Italy still preserves that contrast. The fact that in these, as in so many other, instances the same pattern has been reached by diverse routes demonstrates the invalidity of typological considerations for the classification of languages or language-groups on an historical basis.
4.3.
Early Developments in Consonantism
There are no consonantal changes in Romance which can with certainty be traced back as far as the Proto-Continental Romance stage or the beginning of the Proto-Italo-Western Romance (‘Vulgar Latin’) period.” It is quite likely that some changes which later became phonologically significant had their beginning in the early Empire as positional variants of Popular Latin phonemes, but they did not become “phonologised” until later. The chief phenomena which are to be ascribed to the end of the Empire and the early Middle Ages are assimilation, palatalisation, labialisation, the simplification of double (geminate) consonants, and lenition.
4.81, AssIMILATION. This would to have gotten under way, to judge and to a certain extent Roumanian assimilation was present from very emes, the assimilation of the first second began later. To judge by its
seem to be the earliest of the processes from its presence in Sardinian, Italian, as well. Across morpheme-boundaries, early times in Latin; but within morphelement of a consonant-cluster to the spread, the assimilation of /ps/ > /ss/
Masor Deveropments in Harty Romance
195
would seem to have preceded that of other consonant-clusters, since it is found in part in Roumanian as well as elsewhere (on the other hand, /ps/
is also preserved in part in Old Sardinian and in Old South French,** due
to dialect-mixture whose exact distribution escapes us through lack of attestation) : cf. PRom. /iskri*psit/ ‘he wrote’ (preterite of 942 /iskri*bere/ ‘to write’ > OSard. /iskr{psit/ but Roum. /skrise/, Oltal. /(i)skrisse/,
ONFr.
/eskrist/ and OSpan.
PRom.
692 /téksere/
/eskriso/; PRom.
677 /ipsu/ ‘himself’?
>
OSFr. /é*ps/, Roum. /insu/, but Sard. /issu/ and Italo-Western developments from /ss/; Ital. /6é*sso/, Span. /éso/ ‘that’. The cluster /pt/ is preserved in Roumanian but becomes /tt/ elsewhere, as in PRom. 674 /riptu/ ‘broken’ > Roum. /ruipt(u-)/ ‘lease’, Sard. /rittu/, and Italo-Western developments from PItWRom. /ré*ttu/; PRom. 143 /sépte/ ‘seven’ > Roum. */sedépte/ > */sidpte/ > /SApte/, but Sard., PItWRom. /sétte/, Clusters of /kC/ were assimilated to /CC/ only in Sardinian and ItaloRomance (cf. below for their development elsewhere, §§ 4.32, 33): e.g., for /ks/, PRom. 692 /t&ksu/ ‘ash-tree’ > Sard. /tdssu/, Ital. /tasso/;
‘to weave’
>
Sard., Ital. /téssere/; PRom.
694
/laks&re/ ‘to let go of, leave’ > Sard., Oltal. /lassére/.3* Similarly, Sardinian and Italian show assimilation of /kt/ > /tt/ in such words as PRom. 681 /lakte/ ‘milk’ > /latte/; PRom. 228 /ékto/ ‘eight’ > /étto/; PRom. 685 /péktene/ ‘comb’ > Sard. /péttene/, Ital. /péttine/. The cluster /nkt/ behaves likewise, as in PRom. 972 /kinktu/ ‘belt, girdle’ > Sard. /kintu/ ‘waist’; Ital. /éinto/; PRom. 974 /pinktu/ ‘prick, point’ > Sard. /pintu/, Ital. /ptinto/. Clusters of /Cn/ show assimilation in Sardinian, and /mn/ > /nn/ in Italian also: e.g. PRom. 705 /démnu/ ‘harm’ > Sard. /dannu/, Ital. /danno/; PRom. 706 /iskamnu/ ‘bench’ > Sard. /isk4nnu/, Oltal. /(i)skénno/; PRom. 707 /sémnu/ ‘sleep’ > Sard. /sénnu/, Ital. /sénno/. On the other hand, /gn/ > /nn/ only in Sardinian and parts of southern Italy (not in standard Italian) 4° as in PRom. 700 /ligna/ ‘fire-wood’ > Sard. /linnu/, Ausonia (Campania) /lé*na/; PRom. 698 /mégnu/ ‘large’ > Sard. /ménnu/. The reflexes of /rs/ show mixed development, probably due to early dialect-borrowing: in some regions PRom. 792 /trsu/ ‘bear’ and 794 /pérsika/ ‘peach’ appear with /ss/ or later developments thereof, in other regions with /rs/ conserved: Sard. /péssike/, but /ursu/; ONFr. /péste/ (whence, possibly, Ital. /pé*ska/), but /6*rs/; whereas, in IberoRomance, Portuguese has /pésego/, but Catalan and Spanish have /6*s/ and /6so/, respectively.
4.82. PALATALISATION is one of the most wide-spread and at the same time most tangled developments in early Romance.“ Its beginning was in the development of assibilated allophones [t*] [d*] for /ti/ and /dj/, /i/
196
Proro-RoMANcE PHONOLOGY
respectively, as shown by such spellings as oze (2nd cent. a.p.) for hédie,
PRom. 877 /édie/ ‘today’ (presumably [[o | de]); Vincentzus for Vincentius (2nd-8rd cent. a.p.).!? Later, /ki/ and /gj/ also developed fronted
allophones in the fourth and fifth centuries a.., evidenced in such spellings as terciae ‘third’ for tertiae. The voiceless assibilated and palatalised sounds coming from /ti/ and /ki/ merged in some regions giving /¢/, but in others they were kept apart, giving /¢/ and /&/ respectively, as in the following:* Meaning ‘open place’ ‘well? ‘face’ ‘string’
Number 977 865 869
870
PRom. plattja putiu fakia lékiu
Italian pid¢da po-¥¢¢o f4d6a l&ééo
Old North French pléga pui¢ fago 4g
There were, however, a fair number of borrowings between dialects and languages in later times, resulting on occasion in over-corrections, such as Ital. /kaééére/ ‘to hunt’ ¥ earlier /ka¢¢ére/.“4 The corresponding voiced sounds were thoroughly mixed up, and gave varying results even in the same regions, in all probability because of extensive dialect-mixture in late Imperial times for which we have no direct evidence, as in: ‘barley’ ‘today’ ‘May’
1009 877 273
érdiu édie méju
6rzo 6ggi mfgzo
érga ui mfi
The velar stops /k/ and /g/ also developed—even later, according to some scholars**—palatal allophones before the front vowels /i e/, probably through the stages [ki] and [gi ],4* ending up as [t®] and [d®], respectively. As long as the occurrence of these sounds was wholly conditioned by their position before front vowels, and they were in complementary distribution with stop-sounds [k g] elsewhere, they were still positional variants of /k/ and /g/, and no phonemic change had occurred. The same arguments hold true for the development of assibilated variants of /ti/ and /di/ (above) : as long as they contained a palatal element and were in complementary distribution with [tj] and [dj], they were still allophonic in nature. But when, say, PRom. 532 /br&kju/ ‘arm’ and its plural /brakia/
had become ['bra | t#u] and ['bra | ta], [t*] now occurred not only before front vowels,
but before back vowels as well, so that it was coming in
Masor Deve.orments In Earty RoMANcE
197
contrast with [k’]] before the latter. The same argument holds for [t*], ({d*],
and [d*] coming to stand before a back vowel, as in, say, the developments
of PItWRom. /baptidjare/ ‘to baptise’ (< Gk. /baptizein/ Barrifew ‘to dunk’): when this came to be pronounced [bap | ti| 'd‘a|re] or [bap | ti| 'd'a | re], the resultant assibilated or palatalised stop was in contrast with plain stops in the same position, and hence constituted a new phoneme. As a result, a new series of assibilated dental and palatal stops arose and was continued in all Romance varieties except Sardinian.” The new organisation of the stop-consonant-system was, therefore:
Plosive
Assibilate
In clusters of /kC/, palatalisation is found in wide regions of western Romance. It is generally assumed‘* that the initial stages of the develop-
ment of [k] + stop involved a fricativisation of [k] to [x], and such a sound is indeed attested in such Mozarabic forms as nht = ['noxte] ‘night’.4® The [x] in such clusters would then have been fronted to [¢] and to [i], joining with the following consonant to palatalise it. For ProtoGallo-Romance and Proto-Ibero-Romance, we have to set up such pal-
atalised consonants as /t/, /s/, /l/, /y/ to account for developments of the type of PRom., PIbRom. 204 /nékte/ > PNIbRom. /néte/ > Port. /noite/, Span. /ndéée/, Cat. /nit/; and similarly PGRom. /nét/ > OSFr. /nuéit/, ONFr. /nuit/. In like manner, /ks/ > /is/ > /s/, e.g. in PRom. 689 /kéksa/ ‘thigh’ > PNIbRom. /késa/ > Cat., OSpan., Port. /ké8a/
and PGRom. /késa/ /\/, as in PRom.
> OSFr. /kuéisa/, ONFr. /ktise/; /kl/ > /il/ >
589 /yéklu/ ‘old’ > PNIbRom.
/vélu/
> Port. /vélo/,
OSpan. /viééo/, Cat. /vél/ and PGRom. /vél/ > OSFr., ONFr. /viél/.
Clusters of /gC/ shared in this development, as evidenced in such words as PRom. 565 /dgru/ ‘field’ > ONFr. /dire/ ‘nest; origin; manner, bearing, air’;5° PRom. 600 /yiglére/ ‘to stay awake’ > OSFr. /ve*lér/, ONFr. /ve"l|ér/, Cat. /vetlér/. The cluster /gn/ passed through a semi-assimilated stage [nn] > [pn], as in PRom. 701 /lignu/ ‘wood’ > PItWRom.
/\é*nu/ > It. /lé*nno/, OSFr. /1é*n/, ONFr. /lé*in/ ‘skiff’, Cat. /16%/
‘ship’, Span. /léno/, Port. /lé*no/. Later palatalisations, such as that of /k/ to /¢/ before /4&/ in Old North French (e.g. PRom. 670 /kérru/ > ONFr. /é&r/; PRom. 625 /yikka/
198
Protro-Romancn PHONOLOGY
‘cow’ > ONFr. /véte/) individual languages.
were much later and belong in the histories of
4.83. LABIALISATION, in contrast to palatalisation, is evidenced chiefly in Sardinian, some southern Italian dialects, and Roumanian.” It manifests
itself in the developments of two types of clusters: the labio-velars /ky/
and /gy/, and sequences of /kC/ and /gC/. The treatment of these clusters is not wholly parallel in every instance, as shown by such sets as PRom. 224 /kydttoro/ ‘four’ > Sard. /b4ttoro/, Roum. /pétru/; PRom. 23 /\ingua/ ‘tongue’ > Sard. /limba/, Roum. /limba/; but PRom. 909
/kuéntu/
‘how
much’
>
Sard.
/kudéntu/,
Roum.
/kit/;
PRom.
911
/kuérere/ ‘to seek’ > Sard. /kérrere/, Roum. /%ére(re) / ‘to ask’. Similarly, in the developments of such clusters as /kt ks gn/, Sardinian has assimilation (cf. above, § 4.31), whereas Roumanian and, in some instances, South Italian dialects have /wC/ or /pC/: e.g. PRom. 469 /hikta/ ‘struggle’ > Roum. /ltipte/; PRom. 689 /kéksa/ ‘thigh’ > Roum. /kodpse/; PRom. 1025 /A&gnu/ ‘lamb’ > Avetrana (Apulia) /4yne/; PRom. 700 /ligna/ ‘(fire-) wood’ > Acerno (Campania) léyna; and PRom. 701 /lignu/ ‘wood’ > Roum. /lémn(u-)/. These labialisations are obviously related in some way, as shown by their geographical distribution; but in what way, is not clear (whether, as suggested by some,* an Oscan-Umbrian substratum is involved, or perhaps an over-correction due to some type of conservative reaction against palatalisation). 4.84, SIMPLIFICATION oF GEmINATES is found in all Romance languages except Sardinian and Italian, which conserve a full series of double (long) consonants. Ibero-Romance preserves a contrast between /r/ and /rr/ down to the present, and Gallo-Romance probably kept it until a relatively late period (16th-17th centuries).°° Various conditioned sound-changes, especially diphthongisation in previously free syllables versus non-diphthongisation in previously checked syllables, indicate that double consonants were preserved in many western Romance varieties until well after the Proto-Italo-Western Romance period.** Thus, we find PRom. 670 /kérru/ ‘cart’ giving ONFr. /é4r/, Span. and Port. /karro/, but PRom. 1193 /kéru/ ‘dear’ > ONFr. /éiér/, Span. and Port. /k4ro/. Similarly, PRom. 646 /ttssi/ ‘cough’ > PItWRom. /té“sse/ > ONFr. /t6*s/, but PRom, 14 /ispi*né*su/ ‘thorny’ > PItWRom. /espiné*su/ > ONFr. /espin6*us/. In other instances, we reach similar conclusions on the basis of the preservation of a contrast between the out-comes of earlier double consonants as opposed to those of short consonants, as in PRom. 643 /massa/
‘mass, lump; dough’ > /mAsa/ in Old North French and /mésa/ in Old
Masor DeveLormEnts In Earty RomANcE
199
South French, Spanish and Portuguese, versus the results of PRom. 178 /késa/ ‘house’ > /kéza/ in Old South French, Old Spanish and Portuguese, /kdze/ in Catalan, and /éézo/ in the Old North French locution
/é&z0 diéu/ chaise Dieu ‘house of God’; or as in PRom. 625 /yakka/ ‘cow’ > ONFr. /vite/, Cat. /vike/, OSFr. and Port. /véka/, Span. /baka/, as contrasted with PRom. /pdkat/ ‘he pacifies, pays’ (: PRom. 256
/pakére/ ‘to pacify, pay’) > ONFr. /pdied/, Cat. /piga/, OSFr., Span., Port. /paga/. In view of these considerations, we must ascribe the contrast of single versus double consonants, i.e. of consonants which did not check a preceding syllable versus those which did, not only to Proto-Italo-Western Romance but also to Proto-Gallo- and Proto-Ibero-Romance. The simplification of the geminates probably took place through their passage to a stage of fortis articulation (versus lenis for the single consonants) and then
their shortening in terms of time taken for their pronunciation while they
remained phonemically distinct as fortes. In any case, this process clearly took place after the lenition of intervocalic single consonants (cf. below), since the contrast was preserved, though in different form.
4.35. Lenition has often been considered the hall-mark of western as opposed to eastern Romance; but here again, numerous survivals of nonlenited consonants in the western regions and some mediaeval attestations make it clear that lenition, likewise, did not characterise “Vulgar Latin” in Imperial times,*’ and spread outward from some source-area (probably northern Gallo-Romance) considerably later. Among the evidence for the late survival of non-lenition,®® we may cite the well-known area of Upper Bearnese,®* in which we find the conservation of intervocalic /p t k/ in
forms like /sApo/ ‘sap’ < PRom. 1184 /s&pa/ ‘juice’; /espéto/ ‘sword-like
part of a plough’ < PRom. 1157 /ispita/ ‘sword’; /plek4/ ‘to fold’ < PRom. 579 /plikére/. Because of the presence of these forms in a marginal area of Gallo-Romance, we must ascribe lenition to some stage later than Proto-Gallo-Romance, and must set up the intermediate forms PGRom. /sipa/, /espata/, /ple*kare/.®° Similarly, in Upper Aragonese in the IberoRomance area, we find /sapér/ ‘to know’ < PRom. 307 /sapé*re/; /espdta/ < PRom. 1157 /ispata/; /berrika/ ‘wart’? < PRom. 68 /yerri*ka/. These, likewise, call for PIbRom. ancestral forms /sapé*re/, /espita/, /verrika/. Mediaeval Iberian attestations afford further confirmation with regard to non-lenited forms, such as Mozarabic vetare ‘to forbid’, akutos ‘sharp’, lupayra ‘wolf’s den’, from PRom. /yetdre/, /akii*tos/, /lu*pdria/ respectively. In the light of this material, it is quite probable that the writing of non-lenited forms in Old Spanish glosses (such as kematu ‘burned’ < PRom, /kremétu/; sapet ‘he knows’ < PRom. /sdpet/; aplekat ‘he arrives’
200
Protro-Romance PHonoLocy
< PRom. /applikat/) represented actual speech with non-lenited conso-
nants, and was not merely a Latinising way of writing.
Modern Sardinian has lenition of intervocalic plosives in the interior of
words and also in sentence-sandhi; but this phenomenon is clearly a late development (probably in imitation of Genoese and Catalan), since the earliest Sardinian documents still show non-lenited forms.® Lenition may seem at present to be characteristic of western Romance and Sardinian; but historical evidence shows that it arose and spread at a relatively late period, say the seventh or eighth centuries and thereafter, and the process is not yet finished. Its ascription to Keltie or some other substratum® is
thereby rendered less probable.
4.4,
Prosodic Features
The only prosodic feature that we can reconstruct with any certainty for Proto-Romance is stress (§ 2.2). Phonemically significant stress has continued down to the present in all Romance languages except French.® In Old North French, PRom. final /a/ survived as /o/, and this latter phoneme was also the continuator of such other vowels as remained as “voyelles d’appui’’; other final vowels disappeared. As a result, stress came to be automatic in words ending in a consonant or in /a/; but it remained phonemic, since there was still a contrast between /Ai/ and /af/ in such pairs as /pdis/ ‘peace’ (< PRom. 1312 /pd&ke/) and /pais/ ‘country’ (< PRom. /pagé“*se/ : Lat. /page:nse-/ : /pagu-/ ‘region’). When ONFr. /&i/ became open /e/ in the twelfth century, the last contrastive function of stress was lost, and stress became wholly automatic and has remained so in French down to the present.
4.5.
Sporadic Sound-Changes
Since “slips of the tongue” are going on at all times, as already pointed out (§ 1.23.3), some which took place in the Popular Latin of the Imperial period have left traces in later Romance. In general, these sporadic changes resulted in alternants in the reconstructed Proto-Romance forms, since the later developments cannot be brought together under a single ancestral phonemic shape. 4.51. Dissim1,atTion™ was at work in such variations as that between PRom, /fragrére/ ‘to smell’ (> Sard. /fragrére/, Abruzz. /frah’/) as
Masor DrvELopMENTS IN EarLy RoMANcE opposed to PRom.,
/flairider/,
/flagrére/
Port. /éeirér/;
(>
REW®*
Sic. /éaurari/, OSFr.
§ 3476);
PRom.
(> Sard. /krontika/) versus PRom. /kontkla/ (> OSFr. /kon6“la/, ONFr. /ken6*le/; REW? § 2061).
201
/flairér/, ONFr.
/koltkla/
‘spindle’
Ital. /koné*kkia/,
4.62. Meratussts is found in such alternations as PRom. /ane“lare/ ‘to pant’ (: Lat. /anhe-la-re/ ‘to breathe’) (> Macedo-Roum. /alindre/) versus PRom. /ale*nére/ (> Sard. /alendre/, Ital. /ale*nére/, OSFr. /ale*ndér/, ONFr. /aleinér/; REW® § 473); or PRom. /pali*de/ ‘swamp’ (: Lat. /palu-de-) (> It. /paltide/, OSFr. /pali/, ONFr. /pali8/) over against PRom. /padi“le/ (> Sard., Tusc. /padile/, Roum. /padtire/ ‘forest’, OSpan. and OPort. /patil/; REW® § 6183). 4.68. HapioLocy was manifested in certain Greek borrowings of the Imperial period: e.g. /eidolo-létre-s/ cidokwAdrpys ‘worshiper of idols’ > Late Lat. /idola:tr-/, taken into Romance as at least a semi-learnéd word, Ital. /idolétro/, ONFr. /idolétra/; Gk. /hippopdétamos/ immorérapos ‘river-horse’ > Late Lat. /hippopotamu-/, taken into ONFr. as /ipotam/. These have, in general, developed through popular mishearing of highfalutin’ terms of learnéd or semi-learnéd origin.
4.6.
Phonological Effects of Analogical Substitution
In some instances, analogical changes in morphology may result in the substitution of one sound or group of sounds for another, so extensively as to simulate the end-product of an unconditioned sound-change. This happened, for instance, with the Popular Latin treatments of certain Latin neuter nouns which ended in a consonant: /mel/ ‘honey’, /sal/ ‘salt’, /fel/ ‘gall’, reshaped by the addition of a final /e/ so as to appear in ProtoRomance as 138 /méle/, /féle/, 233 /sile/. The addition of such a “paragogic” vowel may appear to be a regular sound-change, but in reality it is the result of morphological adaptation, in this instance the inclusion of these morphemes in the “third” or /e/-stem declension of nouns. Similarly, many scholars® have thought that final /s/ and/or final /es/ and /as/ became /i/ in Italian and Roumanian, in view of such developments as PRom. /n6*s/ ‘we, us’ > Ital. /né6*i/, Roum. /néi/; PRom. 261
/f6ras/ ‘outside’ > Ital. /fudri/; the plural ending /e/ in nouns with /a/-
stems such as Ital., Roum. /kase/ ‘houses’, supposedly from PRom. /kasas/ rather than /kdse/; the 2.ag, ending /i/ of verbs of the /a/- and /e/-stems,
e.g. Ital, /kAnti/, Roum. /kinti/ ‘thou singest’ < PRom. /kdntas/ (: 831
202
Proto-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
/kantére/ ‘to sing’) or Ital. /vé*di/, Roum. /védi/ ‘thou seeest’? < PRom.
/wides/ ( : 281 /yidé*re/ ‘to see’); and the plural ending /i/ in /e/-stem nouns such as Ital. /kéni/, Roum, /kfini/ ‘dogs’ < PRom. /k4nes/. In none of these instances, however, is it necessary to assume that a final /s/, whether preceded by a vowel or not, became /i/ by phonological change, since all these developments can be explained as the result of ana-
logical substitutions: spread
of the plural-ending /-i/ of the “second”
declension to other nouns and to pronouns; and spread of the second person singular ending /-i/ from /i*/-stem verbs to those of other conjugations, as in PRom. /dérmi/ ‘thou sleepest’ ( : 3 /dorm{‘re/ ‘to sleep’.°° As for the ending /-e/ in “‘first-declension” nouns like /k4sa/, there is no reason for deriving it from /-as/ instead of the obvious /-e/, except a desire to trace all Romance noun-forms back to the Latin accusative.”
4.7,
Borrowings
4.71. Sources for large-scale borrowings, in early Romance times, were (as pointed out in Hall 1974: 50-51, 68, 84-91) Greek and Germanic. With the former, speakers of Latin were in continual contact from the third century B.c. down to the fifth century a.p. In popular speech of Imperial times, Greek influence was strongest in the parlance of the Christian community,®* from which a number of words and other features of linguistic structure spread into general usage. Germanic loans came into popular Latin chiefly through the speech of Imperial soldiers, an ever larger number of whom came to be recruited from Germanic-speaking communities. Later, as the Empire fell apart in the west and Germanic kingdoms were established, the various Germanic languages left greater or smaller traces in local Romance speech, before the invaders or their descendants gave up their ancestral language and became members of the Romance speechcommunity.
4.72, Jirrects on PHonotoeican Systems. Certain Romance developments have been ascribed to Greek influence, but none convincingly. It is possible that the large number of Greek loan-words containing the sounds [ts] and [dz] may have contributed to reinforcing the phonemic status of /¢/ and /z/ in early Romance (§ 4.32). In regions such as southern Italy and Sicily, where Greek speech had survived from the times of Magna Graecia,® the development of PItWRom. stressed /é* 6*/ and of final /e o/ to /i/ and /u/ may have reflected similar developments
in Greek.
Masor DrveLormEnts In EARLY RoMANCE
203
The effects of Germanic pronunciation-habits are rather more certain, at least in two instances: the development of a new cluster /gy/ in ProtoItalo-Western Romance, in Germanic loan-words such as /werra/ ‘war’ > PItWRom. /guérra/ (> Ital. /guérra/, ONFr. /gérre/, Span. /gérra/ ete.; REW? § 9524a), or /want/ ‘glove’ (> Ital. /guénto/, ONFr. /gant/, Span. and Port. /gudnte/) ;”° and the reintroduction of /h/ into at least Old North French, in words of the type of /hélmo/ < Frankish /helm/ (REW? § 4101) and /huéza/ ‘hose’ < Frankish /hosa/ (REW? § 4195). Since the /h/ in such words is attested only in Old North French (and confirmed by its survival as /‘/ “hk aspirée” in Modern French), it is in many instances impossible to tell whether they were borrowed into Romance at an earlier stage with /h/ (as if there had been a PItWRom. */hélmu/ and */hésa/ respectively), and then lost it in their non-NorthFrench developments such as Ital. /élmo/ ‘helmet’ and Old Ital. /udsa/ ‘hose’, or whether the Italian and other Romance terms of this type were
borrowed from northern Gallo-Romance without their having had a com-
mon Proto-Italo-Western Romance etymon. For the possibility that stress-timed verse in mediaeval Romance languages reflected Germanic prosody, cf. Hall 1974:85.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 4
1. For general discussions of the process and presumed causes of differentiation, cf. von Wartburg 1936, 1950; Merlo 1939; Meier 1941; Bonfante 1943; Sofer 1950; Bolelli 1951; Coseriu 1954; Togeby 1957; Kiepinsky 1958; Liidtke 1965. 2.
For the extensive
(and as yet unresolved) debates over the classification of the
Romance languages, cf. Schuchardt 1900; Trager 1934; Puscariu 1937; Pei 1949; Hall 1950a; Straka 1956; Reichenkron 1958; Grimes and Agard 1959; Mariczak 1959; Leumann 1960; Kroeber 1960/61; Contreras 1962/63; Muljacié 1967; Pellegrini 1970; Miller 1971; Francescato 1973.
3. In the sense given these terms by Hockett (1958:264-265), and roughly equivalent to “content-words” and “function-words’’ (cf. Fries 1952:87-109), except that the term functor refers not only to independent words, but also to substitutes, markers, inflectional and derivational affixes, and other grammatical processes.
POSS
Te
Cf. the discussion in Francis 1958 :229-234. Cf. Lausberg 1939: §§ 21-35. Cf. Grandgent 1907: § 201; Viidéniinen 1963 (1969%): § 55, E.g. by Cicero (De Oratore 3.46) and Varro (De Re Rustica 1:2.14). E.g. Devoto 1930 and 1936 :207-210, 298. Cf. Grandgent 1907: § 208 (“probably by the fourth century or earlier’); Vaiindinen 1963 (1969*): § 55, citing the Appendix Probi’s “colwmna, non colomna.” 10. Cf. Lausberg 1939: §§ 69-72.
204
Proro-Romance PHONOLOGY
11. Not only in Roumanian, but in the Popular Latin loans in Albanian as well: thus, Albanian has /ftirke/ ‘pitch-fork’ < Pop. Lat. /furka/; /kiilm/ ‘summit’ < /kulme(ne-)/; /ptile/ ‘hen’ < /pulla/; /stirda/ ‘deaf? < /surdu-/; etc., as opposed to, say, /péSk/ ‘fish’ < /piske-/, /sén/ ‘sign’ < /signu-/, /’pé4/ ‘thick’ < /spissu-/, or /vérSe/ ‘yellow, pale’ < /yirde-/ ‘green’. Cf. Mihiescu 1966. 12. Cf. Hadlich 1965:39-40; Hall 1967. 13. The seven-vowel system of our Proto-Italo-Western Romance is the same as that usually set up in most manuals of Romance linguistics for “Vulgar Latin’’—not surprising, since “Vulgar Latin” is customarily established by comparison of Italian and the western Romance languages. 14. Cf. Kent 1932 (19458): § 16; Vaiinaénen 1963 (19692): § 65. 15. Cf. Viininen 1963 (19697): § 66. 16. Cf. Vadniinen 1963 (19692): § 67. 17. Cf. Cross 1930. 18. In popular French speech, the interconsonantal syncope of /a/ has gone well beyond the traditional “loi des trois consonnes,’”’ extending even to initial syllables (as in /ptit/ < /potit/ petite ‘little’ or /msjce*/ < /masjcer/ monsieur ‘my lord; gentleman; sir’, to say nothing of even more extensive shortening in such words as /mamzel/ < /madomwazel/ mademoiselle ‘my damsel; young lady; miss’. Cf. Hall 1948:13-14, and the discussion of ‘mute e’’ in almost any French grammar or treatise on phonetics. 19. Cf. Grandgent 1907: §§ 233-238. 20. Ital. /pépolo/ would seem to be semi-learnéd, because of the non-diphthongised /6/ in free syllable; but cf. OVen. /pudvolo/, which points back to a PItWRom. /pépulu/, not yet syncopated, so that the syncopation must be ascribed, at the earliest, to the Proto-Western Romance stage. 21. E.g. von Wartburg 1934:43. 22. E.g. Straka 1953, for the chronology of syncope in North French with respect to diphthongisation. 23. For general discussions of umlaut in Romance, cf. Férster 1879; Schuchardt 1880; Zimmermann 1901; Schiirr 1936, 1938, 1970. 24, Cf. Rohlfs 1949-54 (1966-697): §§ 20-22, 53, 61, 74, 79, 91-95, 112-116, 123. 25. Thus, for instance, Goiddnich 1907; Lausberg 1947; Manoliu 1963; Delbouille 1966; Romeo
1968.
26. Held particularly by Schiirr (1936, 1938, 1952, 1956, 1964, 1964/65, 1970). 27. Especially by von Wartburg (1950 [19717]: chapters 2.a, 3.c) and (for Tuscan) Aebischer 1944. 28. E.g. Rohlfs (1945-54 [1966-697]: §§ 85, 107) and the present writer (Hall 1951:220), arguing for North French influence in Tuscany, as a “Modestrémung’’. Castilian diphthongisation may likewise have been an imitation of North French; in both Tuscany and Castile, French influence was strong in political, religious, and cultural matters. Others, however (e.g. Castellani 1962), have opposed this view-point and the “monogeneticist’”’ position as well, arguing for the independence of Tuscan diphthongisation from similar phenomena elsewhere in Romance. 29. Cf. Hall 1955 for an over-all discussion of Romance developments in vowelpattern.
30. Cf. Hall 1946c. 31. Reformulated from the presentation in Hall 1948:10. The symbol /?/ stands for a component of backing, as in /pa”t/ [pa:t] pdte ‘paste’ as opposed to /pat/ [pat] patte ‘paw’. 32, As suggested in Hall 1943, Most other scholars have preferred to identify
Masor DevELopmENTs IN Harty Romance
205
Portuguese nasalisation with /n/ or /m/, but I remain unregenerate in treating it as
separate phonological component, concomitant with the utterance of a vowel. In 1943, I distinguished /a/ and /a/, on the basis of the occurrence of the latter in one pair of
contrasting paradigmatic forms, l.pl. present (e.g. /ktémus/ ‘we sing’) versus 1.pl. preterite (e.g. /kétémus/ ‘we sang’). This contrast is apparently growing rarer and rarer
in every-day speech. If it needs to be symbolised at all, I would now favour extracting a
component of tongue-lowering /Y/ for /4/ and marking it only in the preterite I.pl.: /kitémus/ (k5!"tomus] ‘we sing’ vs. /kité”mus/ [k5!"tamus] ‘we sang’. 38. Cf. Agard 1958:10-11, or any school-grammar of Roumanian. 34, Modern Sardinian has seven stressed vowel-sounds, with [e*] and [o“] occurring only before following /i/ or /u/, and [8] and [o] elsewhere, so that they are allophones of /é/ and /6/ respectively; but modern loan-words from Italian and Catalan are beginning to upset this situation by introducing the open and the closed mid-vowels in other phonetic contexts. Cf. Wagner 1941: § 15. 35. For the present-day situation in Spanish, cf. Trager 1938; Navarro Tomas 1946; or any later discussion of Spanish phonemics. The misguided effort of Harris (1969) to set up a contrast between /é*/ and /é/, /6°/ and /6/ for modern Spanish is simply a reformulation of a morphophonemic alternation in unjustifiably historical terms. 36.
Cf. Hall 1960; de Mauro
1963:153-154, 409-411.
37. For those which can be assigned to the development of Gracchan Latin into Proto-Romance, ef. §§ 3.23, 3.24. 38. The picture in Old South French is quite confused (cf. Pfister 1960), but forms written with the graph ps cannot be dismissed as mere Latinisms. 39. Modern Italian /la884re/ has its /88/ from imitation of North Italian or western Romance palatalisation of /ks/; for the mixed development of this cluster in Tuscan and central Italian, cf. Hall 1942b. 40. Cf. Keller 1943. 41, For general discussions of palatalisation, cf. Lenz 1887; Gamillscheg 1940, 1968; Burger 1943, 1955; Nandris 1952, 1970. 42. Cf. Vaindnen 1963 (19692): §§ 95-96, with a reference to Sturtevant 1920 (19402): §§ 203-205 for the use of z in the values [t*] and [d’]. 43. Cf. Liidtke 1957. In Sardinian, the earliest attestations and the most conservative dialects still largely preserve the /j/ in /Cj/ combinations (cf. Wagner 1941: §§ 223-41). Another stratum, presumably the next to develop, shows simply loss of /j/, as in /pitu/ ‘well’ < PRom. 865 /putiu/, /fake/ ‘face’ < PRom. 869 /fdkie/, and /kasu/ ‘cheese’
< PRom. 883 /kdsju/. Later imitations of Italian or Spanish palatalisations led to such developments as /nz/ < /nj/ as in /binza/ ‘vineyard’ < PRom. 889 /yi‘nja/ or /2z/
< /li/, as in /piza/ ‘straw’ < PRom. 895 /palia/. 44, From PRom. /kaptiére/ ‘to hunt’ ( : Lat. /kaptu-/, past participle of /kap-/ ‘take’). The normal development /ka¢gaére/ probably acquired obscene connotations, still surviving in the post-verbal noun /k颢o/ ‘penis’, and was hence replaced by the over-corrected pseudo-Gallicism /kaééére/. 45. E.g. Joret 1874; Deloche 1883; Horning 1883; Paris 1893a, 1893b; Vianinen 1963 (1969): § 100; but cf. Meyer-Liibke 1905, 1936. 46. Of the type to be heard in some varieties of Southern American English, as in /kia:/ ‘car’, /gia:don/ ‘garden’. 47, Assibilated dentals or palatals in Sardinian are probably later imitations of either Italian (Genoese, Pisan) or Ibero-Romance (Catalan, Castilian) developments. 48. Cf. Meyer-Liibke 1925. Many scholars trace the palatalisation of these clusters to a Keltic substratum, basing their arguments chiefly on the geographical distribution
206
Proro-Romance PHONOLOGY
of these palatalisations in modern dialects, and on a few (somewhat doubtful) inscriptions; cf. Jungemann 1955 : 205-226. 49. Cf. Heger 1960: 118-119, 123-124, 204. 50. Cf. Rohlfs 1920. 51. Cf. Sturtevant 1920 (19402): § 178b. 52. Cf. Keller 1943; Sala 1970: 146-147. 53. E.g. Pisani 1939. 54. For the status of long consonants in modern Italian, cf. Hall 1971. 55. Cf. Martinet 1955:278; Leonard 1964/65. 56. Cf. the detailed discussion in Hall 1950a. 57. Cf. Weinrich 1960. 58. Discussed at greater length in Hall 1974/75. 59.
60. 61. 62.
Cf. Eleock 1938: chapters 1-4.
As argued in Hall 1950a:14-15. Cf. Wagner 1941: §§ 101-103, 346. As suggested by Bartoli (1925:46); Tovar (1951:102-120 and 1952:9-15); and
Martinet (1952).
63. The ill-advised effort of Saltarelli (1970) to banish stress from the roster of Italian phonemes has not been generally accepted; cf. Hall 1972. 64. Cf. Grammont 1895; Posner 1961; Vainanen 1963 (19692): §§ 134-135. 65. Beginning with Meyer-Liibke 1890: §§ 106, 390; cf. also Pei 1941: §§ 92, 104, 180; Reichenkron 1939; Gerola 1950; Gaeng 1971, 1972; Tekavéié 1972:1. §§ 158-160, 259-269. 66. Cf. Grandgent 1927: § 55; Hall 1939, 1961/62; Rohlfs 1949-54: 1. § 308. 67. Cf. Gazdaru 1968. 68. For “Christian Latin,” cf. especially Mohrmann 1955, 1961-65. 69. Cf. Rohlfs 1924, 1933, 1962, 1964/65. 70. It has been suggested that the origin of the /g/-element in these borrowings may have been East Gothic /ggw/, with “Verschirfung”’ operative already in their Germanic source; cf, Brosman 1964. That this development is not due to Germanic influence (Meier 1960) seems hardly likely, since it appears exclusively in words of Germanic origin, but in such numbers as to have constituted a permanent addition to Romance phonology.
APPENDIX
I
Further Phonological Tables
In this appendix are given a number of sets of corresponding forms in the Romance languages for which there was no room in Chapter 2. The sets are arranged in the alphabetical order of the reconstructed ProtoRomance forms.
Ex. no.
1021
Meaning Sard. Roum.
dere aved(re)
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
avé’re avé’r avé‘ir over
Span.
abér
Port. PRom. Lat.
REW?
habe-re
Ex. no.
— adund(re)
— *aduin
1025
‘lamb’ == miél
adundre azundr adunsr aundr
>adin — —
aundr adu“nére
— adi*nu
— agnéllu
211
284
1026
annéllo anél anél enél
Savin
—
ad u-nu-
209
‘lamb’
1024
‘at once”
adu-na-re
3958
Meaning
1023
‘to join’
aunér
avé“r abé‘re
§
1022
‘to have’
‘to wish, prophesy’
1027
‘to help’
agnellu1028
‘water-holder’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
— — 44nno —_— éno
°aguridi fagurd(re) Sagurir aurdr _
azudére aZuta(re) aiutdre aguddr aidisér
Span. Port.
— ano
bagordr agourdr
ajudér aguddr
jJagéira agé‘ira
aiu-ta-re
akya-riu-
Cat.
PRom.
Lat.
REW? §
—_
dgnu
agnu-
290
—_—
agu(*)rére augu-rare
784
agudér
aju‘tire 172
abbarzu — akkudio aigiér sovisér
jaigéra
akydriu 576
208
Proro-Romance PHonotogy
Notes to nos. 1021-1028: a, b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. j.
In /deadiin/ ‘together’. OLomb.: ‘at the same time’. ‘yet’. Old Italian. Campidanian: ‘to howl [of dogs)’. ‘to prophesy’. ONItal.: ‘to prophesy’. Old Spanish. Tarragona, Sanabria.
Ex. no.
1029
Meaning
‘watery’
Sard. Roum.
— apés(u-)
®agida
dla
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
aigé’s wevé‘us — agudzo
aktita
aguda bagide eguda aguda
fla dla éle alo dla da dla ala
Ital.
akkué*so
Port. PRom.
agué~zo akud*su
Lat.
REW?
§
akyo-su588
Ex. no.
atteru Alt(u-)
ONFr.
ltre
REW:
altro 4utre
§
1385
altro étro éutro alteru alteru-
382
altér(u-) altére autdr
204
altér altar altér altar altdre alta-re 381
1035 ‘bitter’
1034
‘other’
Sard. Roum.
Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
aku-ta
1033
Meaning
Ital. OSFr.
agida akui*ta
1032 ‘altar’
1031 ‘wing’
1030
‘sharp’ (f.sg.)
‘bitterness’
1036 ‘lover’
marikésu
amatére
amar颢a amar铢a,
*smarigtis
amatdé“re
_ an —_— amaritia amaritia
amargé’s
emadé*r
amargé"zo amarik6é*su
amadé‘r
— amored¢a —_—
403
amargdéso
amariko-su402
amadé‘r amedo“ur amadér
amatd‘re
amato-re-
Notes to nos. 1029-1036: a. b. ce.
Campidanian: ‘peg, pin’ (< PRom. /aku*tu/ m.sg.). At least semi-learnéd, because of preservation of intervocalic stop. Istrian (Rovigno).
407
’
209
Apprnpix I Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? § Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
sgméntu _ _—_ bamentin — amiénto *améto améntu amentu417
*inoda(re)
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1038
‘friend’ am{ku — am{ko amik ami oem{k amigo amigo amf{*ku ami-ku-
anno“ddre
no“zér no‘Sér nudr anudér — (an)no“dére no-da-re 5942
1039
‘ring-maker’ — ineldr(u-) _ aneliér analiér — —_— elér anellérju anella-riu-
422
1041 ‘to knot? annodére
Roum.
Ital.
1037 ‘thong’
451
1042
dnte(s)
—_—_
— — Antes
ates
Ante(s) ante
494
475
1044 ‘to open’
‘old’ (f.sg.) —_—
—_— antika antiga
antiva antigua antigua
atigua
ant{*kya anti-kya 504
Notes to nos. 1037-1044:
Ree ae rE
d4nima dinima énima 4nma, rma dénme arma alma alma énima anima
1043
‘before’ fintre Ante %
1040 ‘spirit, soul’
‘yoke-thong’. ‘string for [toy] top’; < PRom. /ament{‘nu/ dim. Old Galician: ‘helmet-band’. ‘heart’. Cf. Macedo-Roum. /nudare/. Old Roumanian. Megleno-, Macedo-Roum.: ‘to break [of day]; to arise early’.
apérrere
®apirire aprire
obrir ovrir obrir abrir abrir
a° operf*re a® operi-re 515
210
Proro-Romancn PHONOLOGY
Ex. no. Meaning
Sard.
Roum, Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
Ex, no, Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1045 ‘opened’ (f.sg.) apérta
1046 ‘to prepare’ *apord(re)
apérta,
ubérta ovérta obérta abiérta abérta a? opérta a° operta 1049
‘to crush’
apasd(re)
apezér
apozer
appardre aparér
aparér apardr
aparar appardre appara-re 534
aptine(re)
*appd“napé“nre
apéndro
(3 append-) 544
apo‘r app6‘nere appo-nere 551
apparé‘re aparé‘ir aparér
apparé‘re appare-re 535
1051
‘to plough’ ardre ard(re) ardre araér ordr ardr ardr
ardre ara-re
598
ro
paoop
Notes to nos, 1045-1052: ‘to protect, defend’. ‘to begin to appear’.
Infinitive /appé*rre/.
1048 ‘to appear’
appérrere apared(re)
1050 ‘to place at’
aponér
appe' sire
1047
‘to appear’
OVicent., OPad.; f.sg., in /térra aradra/ ‘plough-land’. OLorr.: f.sg., in /térra arcera/ ‘plough-land’. Old Portuguese: ‘work-day’, f. noun.
apareis¢*r aparé‘istra
operéser aparegér
apare¢é“r apparé‘skere
bappare:skere 536
1052 ‘suited for ploughing’ aratér(u-) daradra *arcera
farad6“ura araté“rju arato-riu601
AprEenpix I Ex. no.
1053
Meaning Sard,
ardtu
Roum. Ttal. OSFr.
*ardtu ardto(lo) ardire
ONFr. Cat.
aréidro arédra
Port. PRom. Lat.
arddo arét(r)u ara-tru-
Span.
arédo
REW? § Ex. no.
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
PRom. Lat. REW? §
1054
‘plough’
‘burning’ ardére
ard6“ur ardé*r
arduira ardiira
ardé*r ardé‘re ardo-re-
ardira ardu‘ra ardu-ra
1057
armére arma-re 651
ar® almér(u-) armddio *armdé‘ira
armériu arma-riu652
aeorP
Notes to nos. 1053-1060: Macedo-Roumanian. ‘to equip, decorate’. With suffix < PRom. /*6‘rju/. Abruzzese: ‘door-angle’.
aronidtra — —_
— are naérju °a are-na-Tiu
625
‘cupboard’
— —
— rendio areniér
ardtira
1058
‘to arm’
1056
‘sand-pit’ arenarzu
— ardura ardura
624
barmire armd(re) armére armér armaér ermér armér armér
1055
‘burning’ ardiira,
—_ ardé“re ardé“r ardér
602
211
631
1059
1060
‘equipment’ armatira armatira armadutira armadiira ermedira armadtra armadura
armatii‘ra arma-twra 653
‘handle’ ésa — Sésa —_ — — Aza dza
fsa ansa, 490
212
Proro-Romancn PHoNoLoGY
Ex, no. Meaning Sard, Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
1061 ‘donkey-driver’
asindio azeniér
REW? § Ex. no.
Meaning
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
aznéro aznéiro asinériu asina-rju703 1065 ‘above’ asstipra
aslipra dasstipra
sinu gsin dsino aze(n*) dzno dz dzno dzno dsinu asinu704
attené“re
atené*r
bisktindiri
asktinde(re) aské“ndere
ask6“ndre
até*r
attené“re attene-re
767
assire
askéndra
*brassar
eskondér
asdr asdr assére
eskondé*r
as® eskuindere abskondere 41
assa‘Te
716
1067 ‘stretched’ fattésu fatdis
atenir atenirsa atenér assuipra ad supra: 200
‘to roast?
‘to hide’
1066 ‘to hold onto; attain’ °atined (re)
1064
1063
1062 ‘donkey’
1068 ‘or’
au o(d)
o(z)
0d
atté*su
atte-nsu-
764
ou aud aut
810
Romo peop
Notes to nos. 1061-1068: Old Roumanian. Campidanian: ‘to defend’. Rhaeto-Romance (Surselvan): with /br-/ from Germanic /bra-ten/. Abruzzese (Vasto). ‘to listen’. ‘far, distant’. North Italian (Bolognese).
213
Appenpix I Ex. no. Meaning
1069 ‘hearing’
1070 ‘goose’
Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
— auzit(u-) udito auzit _ _ ofdo ouvido
éka éuka éua éke
Lat. REW?
audi-tu780
auika, 826
PRom.
audi*tu
§
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1073 ‘drooling’ béa bbile baiva baba beéva bava baba baba baba — 853
“$vra ora dura, 6ra
duke
1074 ‘bearded’ *barbat, barbato barbat barba#d borbdt barbddo barbddo barbdtu barba-tu946
1072
1071
‘to dare’
‘breeze’
dura
aura,
788
osdre
auzér
ozeér gozér ozér ouzér
ausdre
auysa-re 801 1076 ‘wether’
1075 ‘strong man’
Sbhéro bard” (n*) fbarén
b(b)arbéke berbéée mbrab{s
sbarén
byario
ibaré“ne
ibaro-ne1038
berbé*ke
nyerye-ke9270
Notes to nos. 1069-1076: a. b. c. d. e. f. g&
Macedo-, Megleno-Roum.: ‘coolness’. Plural. Noun: ‘man’. ‘cheater, scoundrel’. ‘brave man’ (nom. /bd4r/). ‘brave man; baron’ (nom. /bsér/). ‘man’ (spelling varon; homonymous with /barén/ barén ‘baron’).
i, j. k.
Common meaning ‘strong man’; not from Germanic (cf. Hall 1947; forthcoming). ‘lout’. ‘sheep’.
n.
Cf. § 2.722.2.g,
h.
m.
‘husband’
(dialectal).
(X /nutri*ke/?).
Proto-RoMANcE PHONOLOGY
214 Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1078 ‘two by two
1077
‘drinker’
sb{nu
bitdére bautér
bevité*re
bevedé*r bevedé*r
1079 ‘to flatter’ imblinaf(re)
bbina
blandfr blandir
*bin
bebedér
bebedé*r
bibité*re bibito-re1077 1081
‘belt, trousers’ brakfle sbradiri
brakf‘le
braki-le1258
bland{‘re
bf‘nu
4bi-ni-
blandi-re 1149
1111 1082
‘plough-sole’
1083 ‘toothed’ (f.sg.)
dentdle
dentéta
dentdle dentdl
dentéta dentéda dentéda dantddo dentdda détida dentéta denta-ta 2560
dontél dentél ddétdes dentdle denta-le2559
Notes to nos. 1077-1084:
gsaeore
’
‘connected’. North Italian (Veronese): ‘a pair’ (f.sg.). In /binab{n/ ‘by pairs’. Plural. Infinitive /depé‘rre/.
1080
‘cow-herd’
bofr(u-)
boro boiér boidér boiér bojéro boiéiro bodrju boa-rju1180
1084 ‘to put down’ depénnere deptine(re)
edepé“ndepé“nre deponér depdé*r
de“pé*nere
de-po-nere 2572
215
AppEnpIx I Ex. no.
Meaning Sard. Roum, Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW! § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
=deStinde(re) Séndere
deisendé*r des¢éndra doSéndre des¢endér
des¢endé“r de“skéndere de-skendere 2590
déus azéu
desko“vrir doskobrir deskubrir deskobrir
(di)skoperf*re (: koperi-re) 2659
Old Roumanian. Old Italian.
ditdle
ditu déget(u-) dito
diéu
dedél
dé*t dé*it
diés
dedél
dédo
diéu
de® didél
déu
dit
didal
dé(u)s
dedél
déus
di(g)itale
deus
digita-le
2610
1089 ‘to uncover’ iskopérrere deskoperif(re) (di)skoprire deskobrir
‘finger’
‘thimble’ ditéle degetar(u-)
dio
1088
1087
‘god’
‘to go down’
Notes to nos. 1085-1092: a. b.
1086
1085
2638
1090
dolar dolér —
dolér —
dolére
dola-re
2718
digitu-
2638
1091
‘to chop’ dolére duré(re) bdolére
dé“do df{(g)itu
4
‘to hurt? dolére dured (re) dolé*re
dolé*r dolé*ir
dolére *durodre
dolé*re dolé*r
dolé*ur
délra
dolé*r
dolé*re
dé*r dolé*re
dolér doé*r
dole-re
2721
dolér
dolo-re-
1092
‘pain
2724
?
Proro-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
216 Ex. no, Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
1093
‘domestic(ated)’ sdoméstiku bdumedstek(u-) *méstego doméske domésta
Cat.
—
Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
REW: §
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1097
dé*ze
duo-dekim 2799
‘ivy’
e
—
e(d) e(z) e(8) i e e e(d) et
iédera éllera élra ié6ra éura iédra éra édera hedera
4092
édu iéd(u-) °égiu
1100 7 égo
éu
(ijéu
‘Bg, Bou j6
édu haedu3974
Notes to nos. 1093-1100:
Pepe re
duplu duplu2802
1099 ‘goat’
1098
‘and’
2919
dé*ble
dé*blo dé*bla
dé“diki
dom(i)nu2741
be
dé*ppio
dé*ze dé*za
démnu
domestiku2732
Ex, no. Meaning
duiplu
dé“ didi
dé*za déze
dé
doméstiku
dédiki
duéno
—
‘double’
‘twelve’
ford’ démnu démn(u-) dénno dén 4dim
1096
1095
1094
Old Sardinian: ‘cultivated land with slaves’ dwellings’. Old Roumanian. Venetian. With /a/ from PRom. 709 /démnu/ ‘harm’. Corsican. Unstressed and stressed forms, respectively.
16 éu
&(g)o
ego: 2830
217
Apprnpix I Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum, Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? § Ex. no. Meaning
1101 ‘eh! hey!’ éa ia — éia éa — éa éia éja eja
1102
‘to fall out’ oskadedi(re)
bskadé‘re ceskazé“r cestadé ir eskéura
deskaegér
deskedé*r 2832 1105 ‘to beat out’
eskadé“re (: 369 kade‘re) 2944
1106 ‘to stretch out’
hiskuitere
isténdere
Ital. OSFr.
i(i)skuétere hesk6“ire
Cat. Span.
—_— meskudir
(i)sténdere esténdre esténdro esténdra estendér
Sard.
Roum.
ONFr.
Port.
PRom. Lat. REW? §
igkodte(re)
esk6“Sra
esudé“r
i? esktitere ekskutere 2998
Notes to nos, 1101-1108:
MS BO oS PE RSM ER SBO
‘to decrease’. ‘to fall due’. ‘to meet, happen’. ‘to forget’. ‘to bathe’. ‘to scald’. ‘to get away, escape’. ‘to beat’. ‘to take out’. ‘to shake’. ‘to thrash’. . ‘to shake’. Old Spanish. ‘sorcery’. feature; invoice; sorcery’. ‘feature’.
estédé*r
i° esténdere ekstendere 3083
1103 ‘to warm, heat’ eskaldé(re) skaldére eskaudér festaldeér feskaldér feskaldér feskaldér eskaldére ekskalda-re 2946 1107
‘to twist out? istrékere stodrée(re) (i)stéréere estér¢er estérdra estér¢er
1104 ‘to drip, run off?
iskolére sko“lére esko“lér esko“lér esko“lér
Seskolér
esko“ér esko‘lére
eksko-la-re 2978
1108
‘feature, form’ “fattira feptira fattira faciira Pfaitiire
estorgér
i? estérkere ekstorkye-re 3094
faktti‘ra faktu-ra 3136
Proto-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
218 Ex. no.
1109
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr.
ONFr.
Cat. Span.
Port.
PRom. Lat. REW? §
>fdllere falir
*faledér
féls —_—
fallere fallere 3167
fdlsu falsu3171
*faledé*r
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
PRom.
1113 ‘fennel’ fenik(r)u finé*kkio fend*] fond*] foné*] hindzo —
Lat. REW? §
feniklu
fenukulu3246
a.
—
1114 ‘to strike’ férrere — ferfre, fiédere ferfr forfr forfr herfr ferfr
férere -{*re feri-re 3253
ec. d. e. f. g. h.
‘to go astray’.
Old Italian.
fredérzu fourdr febbrdio
féure fiévra
fals
Notes to nos. 1109-1116:
b.
‘February’
ffréa, ehévro fébbre
félsu — félso féus
SfAldro, falir
1112
‘fever’
‘false’
be lacking’
*faddire
1111
1110
‘to deceive,
‘to be lacking’. ‘to be lacking; to be necessary’. ‘to die’. ‘fear’. Macedo-Roumanian. Neuter plural, to /ferramentu-/ sg.
feuriér fevriér
fébra hiébre fébre fébre
febrér
feveréiro febrériu
febre-
februa-riu-
3230
3231
1115
‘ron-work,
1116
-ware’ ‘to shoe [a horse]’
ferraménta
ferrére
ferraménta ferraménta ferramént ferroménta herramiénta
ferrére ferrér ferreér ferrér herrér
—
ferraméta
ferraménta -u
hferramenta -u-
3255
infierd4 (re)
ferrér
ferrdre
( : 117 férru)
3256
219
Apprnpix I Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? § Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
Ital.
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
REW? §
1117
fiéra féra féra fera 3265 1121 ‘to split’
féndro féndro hendér
fésta fésta féste féste fiésta, fésta fésta festa 3267
fédé*r
findere findere 3312
oe eo oP
Adj., f.sg., to /feru-/ ‘wild’. ‘dry fir-needles’. Cf. Chapter 3, note 8. ‘descendants’. ‘boy’. Marchigiano. Modern South French: f., ‘girl’. Nouns, m. and f. ‘embryo’. ‘to stop’. ‘to close’. . Macedo-Roumanian.
Brin
>£6%io °fé*nu
b§é*tu % ife-tu-
fe-nu-
3273
3247
ife“rmdre fe“rmér
Notes to nos. 1117-1124:
«f6“do
£é*in £6(n*) héno
1123 “fig!
1122
firmére firma-re 3318
efSt(u-) fé“tu
£6*(n*t)
‘to make firm’
Kermsér fermér
sfétu
fénu fin(u-) fiéno
firmdre
fé“ndere £6“ndre
thay’
‘feast-day’ fésta
féra fidra fiéra féra
1120 ‘child’
1119
1118
‘wild beast?
fiku mhik
1124
‘step-son’
fiko
fizgdstru fidstru fill4stro
fi
fijdstro
higo figo
ff*ku
fiku3281
fildstre
hizdstro filastro
fi‘liéstru fi-liastru3297
Proto-Romancn PHONOLOGY
220
Sard, Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
félu
fil]o ff]
fine f{(n*) fin f{(nt)
fdllo
fi]
hfgo filo
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW: §
fuind(u-)
£6°ndo f6“ns f6"n¢
Note to no. 1131: a.
‘shy’.”
3534
1182 ‘rooster’
1131 ‘thief’
fine flinie fine
fiir(u-) fliro
gallo
fin
fir
&4l
*fiiro
gaélo
héndo fiindus fundus 3585
frontdle fronta-le-
folju3415 1130 ‘rope
1129
frotal
félju
fine3315
‘bottom’
fédo
fu]
ff‘ne
3303
fruntér(u-) frontdle frontal frontél frontél frontél
fué] fué]
ff
f(‘lju fi-lju-
1128 ‘head-band’
1127
‘leaf; sheet, page’
fine
ff]
Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
‘end’
fizgu
ffu
Span.
1126
1125 ‘son’
Ex. no. Meaning
fi*ne
fu-ne3589
fi*ru
fu-re-
3590
ed]
gaélo gallu gallu-
3664
221
Apprnpix I
bentiju gentinkiu
— &ér(u-)
Sard. Roum.
bind*kkio gend*]
&élo él
Ital. OSFr.
rémen —
bgramétta, °grém
ONFr. Cat. Span.
biél — hiélo
gend"} fend" ] hindzo
— gram gréma
PRom. Lat.
gélu gelu-
geniklu sgenukulu-
grémen gra‘men
REW?
£ed"lo
—
Port.
§
3737
3718
Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr.
— —_ grande gran (d*)
Cat. Span.
grén(d*) grande
PRom. Lat.
grande grande-
grént (°d*)
ONFr.
gride
Port.
REW?
§
randinére grindin4(re) grandinére — —
— —
—
grandindre grandina-re
3842
Notes to nos. 1133-1140: a. b. c. d. e.
‘little knee’. Marchigiano: ‘couch-grass’. ‘couch-grass’. Macedo-Roumanian. Sicilian.
3841
grantio graniér
groniér gronér granéro grandérju gra‘num 3839
3835
1140
1139
‘bran’
‘hail’
‘to hail’
‘large’
Meaning
—_— grandr(u-)
—
gréma
1138
1137
Ex. no.
1136 ‘granary’
1135 ‘grass’
1134 ‘knee’
1183 ‘frost?
Ex. no, Meaning
raéndine grindine grindine — _—_
— —
grdindine grandine3843
grénia dgrdnge egranga —_—
— grénza.
—
gréndia grandja
3840b
Proto-Romance PHonoLoay
222 Ex. no, Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW: §
sas re
‘heavy’ — gréu bgriéve gréu
gréfga
grébe grave gréiye graye3855.1
gréye a—_§
3854
1145
‘taste’
gist (u-) g6’st
1146
e‘lla
ee“llo
&lo
—
éla
él
la
flla illa 4266
gustu-
3927
1147
fddu
le
(Engadinese).
Italian. Spanish. /graye-/ X /leye-/ ‘light’. Italian.
gré6sso grés grés grés gruéso gréso gréssu grossu3881
1148
‘that one (m.); he’
fdda la
gustu
3855.1
‘that one (f.); she’
éa
g6*st
Rhaeto-Romance
gréu °griébe
grdéyida grayida
1144 ‘thick, over-size’
grés(u-)
griéf
— —
Notes to nos, 1141-1148: Old Old Lat. Old
1148
‘pregnant’ réida — grévida —
grive
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1142
1141 ‘heavy’
él
él
4
é‘le
flu illu4266
‘before’
inafnte *inante %i enén(s)
endént inénte in ante 4335
223
Apprnpix I Ex. no. Meaning
1149 ‘from thence’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
‘nde inde >(i)nde en, ne ent, ne ende déde inde inde
REW? §
indu‘rére
indu-ra-re 4386
— (i)skviro eskiir
ONFr.
eskiir
Cat. Span. Port.
eskiir eskiiro eskviro
PRom.
iski*ru §
(ob)sku-ru6020
1152
‘to gird on, around’
imbenujarse ingentinkid(re)
in@inge(re)
— ingenuklére (: 1184 geniklu)
i¢tetr inkingere inkingere
4420
eskudéro isku“térju
sku-ta-rju7755
1156
‘shield’
‘scaly’ (f.sg.)
iskitu
—
£(i)skiido
(i)skuamé‘sa
eskud eskuit eskudo
— _ feskaméza,
skut(u-)
®&(i)skuddio eskudiér eskudiér
4352
1155
1154
‘shield-maker, -bearer’
fiskdru
Roum. Ital. OSFr.
1151
‘to kneel’
ingind*kkiare — in&{ngere engeno’lérse enge"né*r — engé‘indra
indurdre endurdr *endursr enduraér endurar édurér
1153 ‘dark’
Sard.
Lat. REW?
*indurd(re)
4368
Ex. no. Meaning
1150
‘to harden’
esktit
esktido iski*tu sku-tu7759
Notes to nos. 1149-1156: a, b. c. d. e. f.
&
Old Sardinian. Old Italian. Old Spanish. Old Portuguese. ‘to endure’. Noun: ‘darkness’. With intervocalic /d/ in imitation of Gallo-Romance lenition.
skeméso
eskamé“za
eskamé”za iskyamé‘sa
skyamo-sa 8202
224
Proro-Romance PHonoLoay
Ex, no.
1157
Meaning
Sard, Roum, Ital.
ispita spite >(i)spdida
OSFr. ONFr.
espaza espiida
Cat. Span. Port.
espiza espida espida
PRom.
REW:
§
Ex. no.
Meaning Sard. Roum.
Span.
REW?
8128
1161
espozdr
spo-nsa-re 8175
esp6“za, ispé’sa spo-nsa 8177
~ee espiné ‘ida
8152
(i)spé“sa espéza — espd“za
espéza
me spinét(u-) (i)spiné*to
ispi‘né“tu °a
‘bride’ ispésa —
1160
‘booty’
spi-ne-tu1162
‘to marry’
1159
‘thorn-hedge’
— — —
8148
espo“zér ispo*sére §
espfk espi
spi-ku-
(i)spo*sdre espo“2dr espo zér espo“zér
Port. PRom.
— sp{k(u-) 4(i)spfgo
isp{*ku
*spathe-
isposére —
Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
1158
‘ear (of grain)’
espik — —_
ispdta
Lat.
Lat.
‘sword’
espdjo 1(i)spdlle
Sdespdla espd]a
—— espdéza —
ispélja
spolia
8168 1163
1164
‘to foam’ ispumdre spum4(re)
‘foamy’ —_— spumodsa
(i)spumére espumdr — espumér
(ispumé’sa espumdé“za — espumé“za
espumdr ispu“mére
— ispu“mé‘sa
espumér
spu-‘ma-re 8190
—
spu-mo'sa 8191
Notes to nos. 1157-1164: a.
Old Roumanian.
c. d, e. f. g.
Greek. ‘lavender’; with intervocalic /g/ in imitation of Gallo-Romance lenition. Macedo-Roumanian. Plural: ‘spoils’, With initial /d/ from derived verb /despolar/ ‘to despoil’.
b.
With intervocalic /d/ in imitation of Gallo-Romance lenition.
225
AppEnpix I Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1165
istrdémine (i)strdéme
estrém estrdim
*estriime istrdmi(ne) stra‘mene-
8287
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1166
—_ bstrimtiira (i)strettira bestretiira — = estregiira estreitiira istri(n)kti*ra striktu-ra 8304
1169 ‘play’ géku
&6k(u-)
°*gudko &6k géu &6k guégo &6go iéku joku4588
b. ce.
ierrdre iernd(re) ‘inverndre ivernér ivernér ivernér imberndér invernar i*(n)uernére hi-berna-re 4124
1170
1171
‘oath’
itiu
—_—
oe")
Suramén(t*)
juigo figo
guramiénto guraméto
guig(u-) £6°go
£6°k géu
jugu jugu4610
X /tu*me/, abstract suffix?
‘narrow pass’. Old Italian.
‘to winter’
‘yoke’
Notes to nos. 1165-1172:
a.
1167
‘narrowness’
‘straw’
Zuramént guraménto Zuromént guremént
ju‘raméntu ju-ra‘mentu4629
1168 ‘to throw’ bettére gettdre ge° gitér geatér gotér ecar geitdr jektdre jakta-re 4568
1172
‘to ride horse-back’ kaddikére kavalkére kabalgér vovaléiaé kovalgdr kabalgér kavalgér kaballikére kaballika-re 1439
Proro-RoMANcH PHONOLOGY
226 Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital.
OSFr. ONFr.
Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
REW? § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1173
‘to defecate’ kakére kok&(re) kakére kagér Giidbr kogér kagér kagér kakére kaka-re 1443 1177 ‘lime, mortar’ kalkina
keldére kalddia kaudéra éaldistra koldfro kaldéra kaldéira kaldérja kalda-ria 1503
éal¢ine kealsino
kalkf*na kalki-na 1501
Modern Provengal. Bittese. Campidanian. Macedo-Roumanian. ‘ashes’,
1175
‘warmth, heat? kardtira koldura kaldvira *kaudyro
kaldu*ra kaldu-ra 1505
1178
kalkitére
bkéddu k4llo
éalgitraér
kalki*trére
kalki-tra-re 1501a
1176
‘to be hot’
kalé*re kalé*r éalé*ir
kalé‘re kale-re
1540
1179 ‘callus’
‘to kick out backwards’
kaléina
kau¢ina
Notes to nos. 1173-1180:
epere
1174
‘kettle’
kéJo kélo kéllu kallu-
1521
1180
‘heat? ckaléri
dkorodre
kalé*re kalé*r éalé*ur kalé*r kalér
&k6*re kalé*re
kalo-re-
1526
227
Apprnpix I Ex, no, Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
karkéngu kolkiiu kalkénno kalkén —_—
Span.
skalkéno
Port. PRom. Lat.
REW? §
kalkénju kalkaneu-
1490
Ex, no. Meaning
kanfnu — kan{no
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
éenin kanf(n*) kanino kafno
kanf(n*)
PRom.
Lat. REW?
kanf“nu §
kani-nu1590
Notes to nos. 1181-1188: a. b. ec. d. e.
f. & h. i,
ckalfamint kalgaménto
kéls
kolsamént
kéu¢ cal
Old Spanish. Nominative /kalks/. Old Roumanian. Mallorcan. Old Portuguese.
Old Spanish.
‘to gather’. ‘to earn, get, pluck’. ‘to arrive, happen’.
kaugamént taldomént,
—_— kélke vkalke1533
kal¢améto kalkiaméntu kalkeamentu1496 1186
1187
‘song’ kéntu — kénto
kén(t*)
tant
kén(t*)
‘gray-haired’ kantitu kortint(u-) kantito kantt
&ké,
kane kane-
1592
1188 ‘to take’ *kapitdre
bkapotd(re)
ikapitdre
contd
fkantido
kéntu kantu-
kant*tu kanu-tu-
1620
kéne kfine kdne ké(nt) tién 4k4(n*t) kén
kent
kénto
kito
1184 ‘dog’
1183 ‘foot-gear’
— kélée
1185 ‘canine’
Sard. Roum. Ttal.
OSFr.
1182 ‘lime’
1181 ‘heel’
—
1622
kapitdre kapita-re 1635
228
Proro-RomMANncE PHONOLOGY
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
kopriféiu kaprifé}Jo kabrifué] éidvrofué]
kaprifdlju
kaprifolju-
1652
1193 ‘dear’
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1190
1189
‘head’
‘honey-suckle’
kéru kéro kér Gisér kér kéro kéro kéru ka-ru1725
képu
kép(u-)
kerbunér(u-) karbondio ekarbuniér éarbonisér korbonér karbonéro karvoéiro karbo“nérju karbo:na:rju1676
képo *kép dist ckap kébo kébo kdpu dkaput,
1668 1194
‘cheese-basket’ ekoSdre katdio kaziéra éaziéra keséra, kezéira,
kasidria
ka-sea-ria 1735
Po Be oP
Notes to nos, 1189-1196:
rR
1191 ‘coal-dealer, -man’
Derivative stem /kabt/. Derivative stem /tiev*/. Derivative stem /kab*/. Oblique stem /kapit-/. Modern Provengal. Old Italian. Macedo-Roumanian. Old Roumanian. North Italian (Mantuan, Lombard). Friulian.
1192 ‘cart-, wagon-road’ kordére fkarréia, ekarréira korréra karréra karréira
karrdrja
karra-ria 1718 1196 ‘kettle’
1195
‘castle’ kastéddu kastéllo kastél éastél kestél kastiélo kastélo kastéllu kastellu1745
katfnu
hkodino
ikadin
ikadin kadfno
katf*nu
kati-nu1769
229
AppEnpIx I Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
REW? §
skotd(re)
bkattdre ckatér
ckotdr *katdr ckatdr katidre kapta:re 1661
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1198 ‘thing’
1197 ‘to try for, strive’
1201
‘supper’ kéna éine
&6"na dé"na ¢éna
¢6°a
ké‘na
ke-na 1806
4kfsa,
kerbéddu
késa kéuza &6z0 —kéza kéuza kdysa ekaysa 1781
éervéllo gervél gervél ¢ervé] — —s kerbéllu kerebellu1826
1202 ‘to sup’
’
poop
1203 ‘belt, girdle’
kendre
—_—_
ée“ndre de“nér
Gintura —
éind(re)
foneér gondr gendr
de“dr ke“nére
ke-na-re 1808
Notes to nos. 1197-1204: ‘to care for, seek’. ‘to get, earn’. ‘to see, observe’. Old Sardinian. ‘court-case’. ‘to scold, punish; (refl.) to struggle’. Old Italian. Adjective: ‘related’.
PRoOS
1199 ‘brain’
—_—
ge“inttira — fintira
dintira kinktiira,
kinktu-ra 1922
1200 ‘to struggle’ kertére
Serta (re)
Sertére
kertére kerta-re 1840 1204 ‘brother-in-law’ konnétu kumnét(u-) konndto kupdt kunét kunddo kunddo
kognétu
bkogna-tu2029
Proro-RoMANcE PHONOLOGY
230 Ex. no.
1205
Meaning Sard. Roum.
kékere kodée(re)
Ital. OSFr.
kudéere kozé"r
ONFr.
kiire
Cat.
kéure
Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
kozér kozé*r kékere kokyere 2212
Ex, no. Meaning
‘to colour’ kolorére —
kolo*rére ko‘lrér
*koldrar
bko“lrér
kolorér kolo*rére kolo-ra-re 2057
1209 ‘come together; agree’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
kumbénnere kuveni(re) komvenfre kovenfr kovonfr konvenfir kombenfr kévir
Lat.
konyeni re
PRom.
konyenf‘re
REW! §
2192
‘to tan (leather)’.
b. ec. d. e.
‘to Old Old Old
g. h.
Old Portuguese. With suffix-change.
f.
koperiméntu ekoperimint kopriménto —_— =a fkobrimént —_ —
koperiméntu
kooperimentu-
2204
brown’. Roumanian. Spanish. Roumanian: ‘roof, cover’.
‘hiding’.
‘concubine’ kénkuba *kénkove kénkoa 4kuénkuba, kénkuba konkuba 2118
1210 ‘covering’
Notes to nos. 1205-1212: a.
1207
1206
‘to cook, boil’
1211
‘heart’
1208
‘to contradict’ kontradfkere kéntraddire kontradire kontredira kontredir kontradezir kétradizé*r
kontrad{*kere
kontra-di-kere 2189
1212 leather-work’
kéro kuére kér kuér dkuér ekér kére kore2217
koréme dkuirién kuirém korémbre kor(j)4me(ne) (: 905 /kériu/)
2231
Apprnpix I Ex. no.
Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital.
OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
1213
Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW?
§
kostére bkustd(re) ko*stdre
kuidér kuidér kogitére kogita-re
kostér kustér ko*stdre ko-nstare
Ex. no.
1217
krudo kriit krid kri
Span.
kriido
Port. PRom. Lat.
REW?
kr. krii*du
§
2170
kru-du2342
ckufle
kovile — — —— kubfl
kovfl kubf‘le
kubi-le2353,
Marchigiano (Metauro). ‘to live’. ‘stall’, Old Roumanian. With /¢/ from */kurtjdére/ ‘to shorten’.
‘crested’ — krestdt(u-) krestdto
kré“sta kré"sta krésta
— — krastét
2330
2331
krésta krista krista krista
krestédo —= kristatu krista-tu-
1219
‘den, lair’
Notes to nos. 1213-1220:
gasp
krista krefista krésta,
1218
‘raw’ kridu kriid(u-)
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
ko‘stér ko*ste6r ko‘stér
1216
‘comb’
cost’
— kugetd(re) *kudeté,
2027
1215
‘to consist,
care (for)’
Meaning Sard. Roum.
1214
‘to think,
koitér kuidigér _—
231
1220
‘to run’ kurrere dkuire(re)
ko*rrere k6‘rre ké*rre k6‘rrer
korrér
korré*r kiirrere kurrere 2415
‘short’ ekurdu skurt(u-)
ko*rto ké*rt ké*rt kiirt kérto
kiirto kiirtu
kurtu-
2421
Proro-RomaNcr PHONOLOGY
232 Ex. no. Meaning Sard, Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW: §
kérku
ké*to
*éérkua,
bkirka, kyérku °kya, kyerku6951
lébru °a labru- °a 4813
ké"do kyé*tu
kuy(i)e-tu6958
lakrimdére lakram4(re) lakrimdre lagremdr Jogromér lagrimér lagrimér lakrimére lakrima-re 4825
Neapolitan, Old Aquilan. Mozarabic. ‘to plough’. ‘to work; to sew, to weave’. ‘to plough; to sew’. Old Milanese. ‘seed’. ‘ploughing’. ‘ploughing; needle-work’. Old Italian, Neapolitan.
flavor
habér
labé*rare
labo-ra-re 4809
1227 ake’
1226 ‘to weep’
Notes to nos. 1221-1228:
rite me a9 op
flavé*re
‘Jaurér dJabrér lavrér
ip’
lébbro léura lévra
lavo*rére
ké*t
1225
léra
laére
‘labo*rér
kédo
‘work’
‘laorére
ké*t
k64i8
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
‘quiet’ &ét(u-)
1224
1223 ‘to work’
1222
1221
‘oak’
léku 1&k(u-) jléko lék lék 14k lago ldgo
léku laku-
4836
lavé*r lab6“re
labo-re4809
1228 ‘woolly’ (f.sg.) linodésa lané*sa lané“za
lainé“uzo Joné“za
landéza
landé“sa,
lano-sa 4895
AppEnpix I Ex. no. Meaning
1229 ‘bacon, lard’ lérdu *}ird(u-) lérdo lart
lotré(re) latrdre ladrar
Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
Jért lérdo lérdo lardu lardu-
Jadrar ladrér ladrér latrére la-tra-re
REW?
lért
§
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal.
Jauzadé*r 1o36*ur
Cat. Span. Port.
— loadér louvadé*r
PRom. REW?
laudaté‘re
§
—_—
4928
1233 ‘praiser’ —_— laudetér lodaté*re
OSFr. ONFr.
Lat.
4915
dJauda-to-re4929
1234 ‘nit’
—— lotdr! lavatiira lavadtira lavadtira
— —
lavadtra lavadira
lita
lata 4925
1235 ‘wood-stuff, -supply’ linndmine — lennéme leném
]émano liéndre léndea
dJeném lendme ———e ligndmine ligna-mine5030
lénde —
léndine °a
lendine4978
Transylvanian. Oblique: nom. /layzdire/. Oblique: nom. /laydator/. Oblique stem: nom. /layda-tor/. Also ‘carpenter’.
1232 ‘washing’
léta léto léta lida ldda
léndine lindina léndine
Notes to nos, 1229-1236:
rae oP
1231 ‘broad, wide’ (f.sg.)
1230 ‘to bark’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFyr.
233
layatt*ra
laya-tu-ra 4953
1236 ‘wood-dealer’
elemnér lenndio —_— —_ lenéro lenéiro ligndériu ligna-riu5032
234
Proto-Romancn PHONOLOGY
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
1237 ‘to lick’ lngere
Roum,
lnge(re)
Ital.
OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
*1é"nger
Ex, no. Meaning Sard.
1241 ‘wolf’ lipu
Roum.
lip(u-)
Ital.
16*vo
ONFr. Cat. Span.
16%u 1p lébo
OSFr.
Port.
16*p
PRom. Lat. REW? §
—
—
limére
limér limeér Jimér limér limér li*mére li-ma-re 5044
Nénzi — — — lingere lingere 5065
16*bo
lipu lupu5173
b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i.
Old Milanese.
{mos(u-)
limé*so
limd*s
limézo
limé“zo li‘md*su
li-mo-su5054
1242 ‘mire, filth; clay’ ahitu
hit(u-)
16*to
16%t
16% lédo
16*do
hitu lutu5189
Notes to nos. 1237-1244:
a.
1239 ‘slimy’
1238 ‘to file’
Friulian. Venetian. ‘potter’s clay’. ‘world’. ‘hearth-fire’. ‘to kill some-one else’s cattle’. ‘to harm, dishonour’. ‘to cause saddle-sores’.
1243
ight? limene chime lime him lim limbre ‘hime li*me(ne) lumen “ine5161
1240
‘slime’ limu fm (u-) limo lim lim lfmo lfmo
If*mu
li-mu5058 1244
‘to slaughter’ *makeddére maéellére mageldr
maizeleér bman¢elér imazelar
makelldére makella-re 5199
235
Apprnpix I Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr, Cat. Span.
1245 ‘slaughter-house’ —_— —_ matéllo mazél —_ —_ —
Port. PRom. REW
§
5201
Ex. no.
Sard. Roum. ONFr.
méin
—
§
5258
1249
iméne mé(nt)
Cat.
dmale di-kere
— — mane jma-ne
5294
ima(n)né“kkio mandé‘]
mand*}
mond‘}
bmandzo mé‘Jo mantklu manukulu5306
mo ao oP
Notes to nos, 1245-1252:
trom
mammére —— mammére —_ —_— momar mamér
mamér mammére
mamma-re 52778
1251
‘bundle’ — montinkiu
‘to slander’. Old Spanish. Old Portuguese. ‘to speak evil’. Old Italian. Old Catalan. ‘to chomp, gobble’. ‘tomorrow’. Old Italian. ‘early morning; in the morning’.
1248
1247 ‘to suckle’
1250
‘morning’ méne bmiine
Ital. OSFr.
REW?
maldizé*r maled{*kere
makellu-
Meaning
Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
maladikere —_— maledfre maudir maldfr *maldir bmaldezfr
— makéllu
Lat.
1246 ‘to curse’
‘marvel’ maraviza
— ma® meravilla meravila mervé‘Ja
—
—_ maravija ma? merayilia mi-ra-bilja 5601
‘to eat? man(d)ikére mink4 (re)
emandukére mangér mangiér fmonugaér
mandu® mandikére emandu-ka-re 5292 1252
‘husband’ maritu marito marft marid morft marido marido
mari‘tu
mari-tu5363
236
Proto-Romancr PHONOLOGY
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum, Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW® §
1253
‘male’ smésu bmaskur(u-) méaskio méaskle misla masklo *mdslo maskulu maskulu5392
Ex, no.
1257 ‘to urinate’
Meaning
Sard. Roum. Ital.
medre
OSFr.
1254
‘to chew’ mastikére mesteké(re) mastikére mastegir
mastitr
mastagéir masgér
4mastegdr
mas(ti)kdre
mastika-re 5398
1258
‘to consider’ meletdre
kmitir
mmeltdre omaudér Pmiaudér
medr
ameldér
me(i)ére meja-re
meletdre tmeleta-re
ONFr. Cat. Span.
Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
mizér
5468
5475
MOU PE ROR
mp ae oP
Notes to nos. 1253-1260: ‘ram’. ‘castrated boar’. Old Spanish: ‘little man; penis’. Galician. ‘sleeping-place for sheep’. Trevisan, Bellunese: ‘farm’. Modern Provengal: ‘farm’. ‘farm’. Aragonese: ‘farm’. Past participle of /mane-re/ ‘to remain’. Vegliote.
. Judaeo-Italian: ‘to teach: to read Hebrew’. Modern Provengal: ‘to await’. Judaeo-French: ‘to teach’. ‘to pray in Jewish fashion’. From Hebrew.
1256
1255
‘to doctor’
‘resting-place’
medikére
emas(u-) fmas emds bmits 'mds imds
medikére megicér mogar
mésu jmansu-
medikére medika-re 5457
5322
1260 ‘fault?
1259
‘to improve’ mezordre
méndu
millo*rére
ménda ménda
milo‘rér meZordr
ména
melurdr
melo‘rér melijo*rére
melio-ra-re 5480
ménda %u menda °u5491
237
AppEnpix I Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
REW? §
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr.
aménta minto ménta ménta ménta ménta smiénta —_— menta, menta
5504
ONFr.
—
—
Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1262
‘Viar’
dmaridar
— meri“djére meri-dija-re 5530
1263
‘lunch, supper’
mingitér mentité*re
merfnde merénda
mentad6“ur
marénda
mentiddé*r
montidé*r — métidé*r
menti*to*re
menti-to-re5511
1265 ‘to take a siesta’ meridre emeriz4(re) meri (gg) dre —_—
Cat.
Span.
1261 ‘mint’
1266
‘noon’ emeréze merigzo
‘mfr? mflie — —=
—
merf“die
meri-die-5531
merénda
baréno meriénda, meréda
merénda
merenda 5521
1267
‘to earn, deserve’
1264
‘to lunch, to sup’ bmerind4(re) merenddre merendér borandr merendér merédér merenddre merenda-re 5522 1268 ‘merchant’
meréskere emerfre merir
morfr bmorir
merkatdnte merkadan(t*) imaréodént
mere¢ér
merkaddénte
merf‘re °6“skere
merkaténte
mere¢é“r mere-re 5522
(: 771 merkdétu) 5516
rom
meas
op
Notes to nos, 1261-1268: Asturian. ‘to eat’. Oas. Salamancan: ‘to take a siesta; to inseminate [of sheep]’. Transylvanian. Friulian. Calabrian, Old Abruzzese: ‘to deserve’. Old Catalan. Must be hypothesized to account for Modern French /marSat/ marchand.
Proro-RoMANCE PHONOLOGY
238
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
1269
metire
bmiéra mér miér mér emiéro —
— — — — med{r medir
meru-
meti-re
meti*té*re
meti-to-re5552a,
1274
‘me’
mé mine
fmé“ne mé* méi mé —= —
mé*(ne)
me: 5449
‘month’ mése Smés
1275 ‘threat’ mindtta
mé‘se més mé‘is
mindééa mend¢a
mé*s
amed¢a mindkkia
més més
mé‘se
me-nse5500
mondo
manéso (a)mend¢a mina-kia 5584
Notes to nos. 1269-1276:
reirpR ms ae op
‘apple’ méla mér(u-)
mé‘la 4mfil
medidér
5552
1273
1272
1271
‘measurer’ metitére
met{*re
5535
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
‘to measure’
‘méru
méru
REW! §
1270
‘pure, unmixed’
Tt
Ex. no. Meaning
‘pure [of wine]’. Neapolitan: ‘unmixed [of wine]’. ‘Sjuniper-oil’. Romansh. Sg. /melum/, neut.pl. /me-la/: < Gk. /mé-lon/ pido. Old Italian, South Italian. Macedo-Roumanian. ‘to tan leather’. ‘to drive animals’. ‘to lead’. Asturian: ‘to drive (cattle) together’.
mé‘lu °a
eme-lu-
5272.2
1276 ‘to drive, lead’ bmindre imind (re) 4 jme“ndre
ime“nér
imonsér jmonér kaminér
minére mina-re 5585
239
Apprnpix I Ex, no. Meaning
1277
‘less’ (adv.)
1278 ‘mixture’
Sard.
minus
misttira,
Ital. OSFr.
mé“no mé“(n)s, mé“ns mé‘ins mé‘ns
mistira mestiira mestiira
Roum, ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
ménos
méos
REW? § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
5594 1281
‘soft? médde mofle mille mél mél bméd] muéle méile médlle molle5649.1
Notes to nos, 1277-1284:
epeoe
mestiira mistira
mil
mikstu-ra 5622
miclle
mistti*ra,
minus minus
‘to wonder’ (reflexive). ‘tender’. ‘swampy meadows’. Ticinese. Old Spanish, Asturian.
1279
‘one thousand’
1282
‘softness’ emoled¢a
mollé“¢¢a
molé*4a molé*¢o molésa
moléza molé*za
mollitia
mollitia 5650
mil mi‘lle 5573
1283 ‘to go up’
1280
‘to look at? mirére *mir4(re) mirdre mirér mirér mirér mirér mirdr
mi‘rére
mni-ra-re 5603 1284 ‘to die’
montére montére montér montér muntér emorrér montér A morré Tr méotér A morré re montére (: 827 /ménte/) mori5681.1 5668
Proto-RoMANcE PHONOLOGY
240
REW?
§
mokér
mukkére (: 430 /muikku/) 5706
5689
Sard. Roum.
mundu —
ONFr. Cat.
mont, —
mé‘ndo mé“n(d*)
Ital. OSFr.
m6“ndo médo
Span. Port.
§
muindu mundu5748
mira emure
mo‘nddre mo‘ndér
mon mon mon
mondsér
5556
1291
‘to mutter’ mutfre —_—
mé‘ra m6‘ra
emo tir
méra mé‘ra
— —
mé“ura mo‘ra
mura 'mo-ra
5696
emo“ tir
mutt{*re mutti-re 5794
Bo
oP
Notes to nos, 1285-1292:
Bre
mondar médér mundére munda-re 5744
mi mi m(e)un meum
‘mulberry’
‘clean’
1288
‘to clean’ mundére
— a 4-mo
1290
1289
Ex. no.
REW?
mo*kdr mo tisér mo*kér
— bmésa, mérsa, morsa,
Meaning
PRom. Lat.
°mo*kér
mérsa
—— mérso >mésa
OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
—
®mdéssa
Sard. Roum. Ital.
‘my’
‘to blow one’s nose’
‘bite’
Meaning
1287
1286
1285
Tnx. no.
‘bit [of bridle)’. ‘notch’, Venetian. Old Italian, South Italian; enclitic to nouns. ‘blackberry’. Neuter plural ( : /mo-ru-/ ‘mulberry, blackberry’. ‘to speak’.
1292
‘big-nosed’ nastitu nostit (u-) nastito
241
Apprnprx I Ex. no. Meaning
1293 ‘buttock’
Sard.
natika,
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
natika nééa nate *ndlgo ndlga nddega nétika natika
Roum.
—
REW? §
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
5848
1297 ‘to swim’ —_— anotaé(re) nuotére — nodvér —_ ——
REW? §
*notdre nata-re
5846.2
1295
1294 ‘ship’ née néie nave néu nef néu nabe nive
ndaye na-ye-
5863
1298 ‘newly cleared land’
népita
ndékere
bnépita népta
nudéere
népta *niébeda néveda népita nepeta
5889
nodésu
novale
nodé"so
novél fnudézo
no“dé*su
no-do:su5946
peop
Notes to nos. 1293-1300:
Prop
nogé"r
nuizfr, nuire ndéura
*nuzir
nékere, noké“re noke-re
5938
1299 ‘knotty’
nofle
nobél novél noudle noyale 5966
1296
‘to harm’
‘catnip’
Old Catalan. Calabrian; cf. standard Italian /nepitélla/ (diminutive). Old Spanish. Old Roumanian. Perhaps X */nota/, rustic form of /nayta/ ‘sailor’? Old Spanish. X 1243 /li*mene/ ‘light’? Oblique stem; nominative /no-men/.
1300
‘name’ shimene nime
né“me
né‘m ném né“‘m némbre né“me
né‘me(ne)
4no-mine5949
Proro-RoMANcn PHONOLOGY
242 Ex, no.
1301
Meaning Sard. Roum.
‘we, us’ nés ndi
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
noéé*to
— —
né‘s
PRom. Lat.
REW? §
Sard. Roum.
nodrir *nodrir
nutrika-re
5960 1305 ‘to smell’
6002
1306
‘burden’
no Srir
1307 ‘to work, to effect’
nutrf‘re nutri-re 6006
1308 ‘worker’
=
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
eolé*re olé*r olé*ir
Cat. Span. Port.
PRom.
éldra olér —
operdre obrér ovrér obrér obrér obrér
operdio obriér ovriér obrér obréro obréiro
ole-re
opera-re
opera-rju
olé*re
REW? §
6053
operére
6066
Notes to nos. 1301-1308:
pao oP
nutrire —_— *nodrire noirir
nutrikére
né’s no's
Ex. no. Meaning
1304 ‘to nourish’
bnurdidi *nutrikdére 4nodrigh(r) noirigér
—
nés
Port.
Lat.
nuéét(u-)
nd‘ né*s né‘s né’s
1303 ‘to nourish’
1302
‘walnut-grove’
Old Spanish. Campidanese. Macedo-Roumanian. North Italian (Parma, Piacenza). Old Italian.
6071
operériu 6072
243
Apprnpix I Ex. no.
1309
Meaning
1310
‘garden’
Sard.
értu
Roum.
— olériu —_ oliér
—
Ital.
érto
OSFr. ONFr. Cat, Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
REW? §
ért *6rt ort uérto érto értu hortu-
oll4rju
o-lla-rju6060
1313 ‘agreement’
1312
‘peace’ pike pate pate pig pais pau pag pag
olér o]éro oléiro
4194
Ex. no. Meaning
1311
‘potter’
1315
‘to seem, appear’
pake
pa-ke-
6317 1316
‘similar; equal’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr.
pattu — patto spite
péla
parrere
h(ap)pdre
pala pala péle
pari ipdr ipér
Cat. Span. Port. PRom.
péite fpéto {péito paktu
pala pila
paré‘re paré‘r,paré‘iser paré‘ir, paré‘istra
Lat.
paktu-
ONFr.
REW?
psd
§
6138
pa
pala pala
6154
Notes to nos. 1309-1316: a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i,
i.
k,
‘vegetable-garden’. Old Italian. Inflectional stem /péz-/. ‘treaty’; from neuter plural /pakta/. Rhaeto-Romance: ‘pact’. ‘tax’. Also ‘shoulder’, ‘similarly’. ‘companion’. ‘peer’; (£.) ‘wife’. ‘pair’.
pored(re)
paréSer paregér paregé“r paré‘re,
paré“skere pare-re
6235, 6237
—
pdr kpdr kpér pare
pare-
6219
Proto-RoMANcE PHONOLOGY
244 Ex. no, Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
‘similar’
paré*kkio paré"] paré"] paréZo
pariklu (: 1816 /pére/)
parte-
6241
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
pirte parte parte part part part parte
paré‘Jo
1319 ‘particle’
1318 ‘part?
1317
parti¢ed partiéélla par¢éla par¢élo
parte parte
6254 1322 ‘to pass’
1321 ‘birth’
1323 ‘paste, dough’
passdre
pasta
parto
passére
pasta
part parte
parte
parte
parte-
6260a
pasér
paseér
pasdr pasér pasdr passdre ( : 641 /péssu/)
6267
pasta pasta
pasta pista pasta
pasta pasta
6272
Notes to nos. 1317-1324: a. b.
partire
partire partir partir partir partir parte¢iéla partir parti*re partikélla (: 1818 /parte/) parti-re 6259 6257
pértu
part
1320 ‘to separate’
Oblique; cf. ex. 500 for nominative /pdstor/. Oblique stem; cf. ex. 500 for nominative /pastor/.
1324 ‘shepherd’ pastére postér(u-)
pasté“re
pasté*r pasté“ur pasté*r pastor
pastor apasté“re
>pasto-re6279
Aprrnpix I Ex. no.
1325
Meaning
‘fodder,
nourishment’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
paéstu — spdsto past >pést. past pasto
Port. PRom. REW?
§
Ex. no.
1329
— —
OSFr.
péuk
poko
ONFr. Cat.
pdi pok
Span. Port.
pdko péuko
PRom.
REW?
6282
‘little’
Sard. Roum.
Ital.
pastu'ra
6283
péuku §
pauku6303
1327
*padélla padéla padélo potlo padiéla patella
pavé“ne
pad*(n*)
padn pagé*(n*)
pabén pavé
paudne
payo-ne6313
1331
*pdére —_—
PRHS BoP
1332
‘oot-)fetter, foot-print’ pédika piédeko
fpavére
fpiédika
padé“ur por
piége &pésa
po‘r
pabér pavé‘r
payd‘re
payo-re6314
With /d/ in imitation of Gallo-Romance lenition.
Old Spanish. In /éminedepére/ ‘man of authority’. Old Italian. ‘foot-print, step’. Asturian.
6294
‘fear’
Notes to nos. 1825-1332: ‘meal’, ‘dog-, bird-feed’.
patfre pafgf(re) patfre —_— — —_ dpadir pati-re
6286
1330
‘to suffer’
padegé“r pati“re
patélla
‘peacock’ padéne pein
1328
‘frying-pan’ patédda
pastiira pastii*ra
pastu-
Meaning
Lat.
pastura — pastura pastiira pastuira pasture pastiira
pasto pdstu
Lat.
1326
‘pasture’
245
hpiélga péga
pédika
pedika
6347
Proro-RoMANcE PHONOLOGY
246 1333
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
pekkatére —
pekkaté“*re *pekadé“r >petadd“ur pokedd*r pekadér
pekadé*r epekkaté‘re
dpekkato-re6322
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1334
‘sinner’
‘herdsman’ = pokurdr(u-)
pekordio
spiordr peguréiro pekorarju
(: 421 /pekus/) 6326
1337
1338
‘pole’ pértika
——
pértika pérga pérée
—_— —
pértika
pertika 6432
‘to seek’
®pef{(re) — —
pedir pedir
pett‘re -ere petere
6444
pm
mo
ao
op
Notes to nos. 1333-1340: Oblique; nominative /pekdire/.
Oblique; nominative /peéad6“ur/.
Oblique; nominative /pekkétor/. Oblique stem; nominative /pekka-tor/. Rhaeto-Romance. Old Roumanian. ‘to woo’.
Velletri (Lazio).
Old Portuguese.
péndere péndere péndre péndra
pelffa pelfga
pendé*r
pendér
pellf*tia
pelli-keu-
6375
1339 ‘quarry’
petire
bpéte
‘to hang’
fpeli¢a pellfééa peli¢a pali¢a
polfsa
—=
1336
1335
‘of skin; fur’
péndere pendere 6383
1340
‘pain, penalty’ péna
petrdia peréira pedriéra podréra pedréra, pedréira, petrériu ° petra-rju6445.a
pé‘na péna pé‘ino péna péna
ipé“a pé*na
poena
6628
247
Apprnpix I
1342
Ex, no. Meaning
‘pepper’
Sard. Roum. Ital.
1343 ‘to pluck (hair)’
pipere
bpé*pe
OSFr. ONFr.
pé*bre péivra
Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
pébra pébre
REW? § Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW: §
epfipere 4pipere6521
pfkula pikula 6483 1345 ‘fisher’
pe‘lére pe‘lér poleér poldr
pe lér
pildre pila-re
6502
1347 ‘pine-tree’
1346 ‘to trample on’
piskatére
pistére
pinu
peskaté“re
pe‘stdre pe’stér
pino
peskadé*r
pestodé“ur poskedé*r
peskadér peskadé*r piskaté“re piska-to-re6528
pistér pistére pista-re 6536
pin(u-) pf(nt) pin
pi(n*) pino
pi‘nu pi-nu6519
1344 ‘pertaining to fish’ epaskér(u-) fpeskdia *pestisér 8paskéra bpeskéra. hpeskéira piskérju piska-rju6527
1348
‘to stamp (on)’ pisd(re) ipisdre pizdr pizér jpizdr jpizér
pi‘sdre
pi-sa-re
6517
Notes to nos. 1341-1348: In derivatives, e.g. /pikuléru/ ‘wall-weed’, /pikulfre/ ‘to smell [of meat]’.
ee
ae
Cf. also Olt. /pé*vere/.
Oblique; nominative /p{pe(r)/. Oblique stem; nominative /piper/. ‘fisher’.
“fish-pond’ (£.).
‘catch of fish’. ‘fishing-place’. Apulian, Calabrian: ‘to thresh (with animals)’. ‘to step, tread’.
Proro-Romancs PHonoLocy
248 Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW: §
prantdre piantdre plantar plantér plontér
aitdr
plantére
planta:re 6578 1353 ‘to carry’ portdre portd(re) portdre portdr porter portar portér portér portdre porta-re
6672
Notes to nos, 1349-1356: a. b. ce.
1350 ‘bridge’
1349
‘to plant’
Old Portuguese. West Provengal. Old Sardinian.
pénte punte ponte pont pént pont puénte
porkéddu puréél(u-) porééllo porgél por¢él
ponte
porkéllu porkellu6660
ponte
ponte-
6649 1354 ‘door-keeper’
portar(u-) portiér
portatére portatér(u-)
portaté*re portadé*r
portedé*ur
portéiro
portadé*r portatdé*re
portériu
porta-riu6673
‘pig-sty’ porkfle poréfle bpursfu por¢il
pork{‘le porki-le6661 1356 ‘afterwards’
1355 ‘bearer’
portieér portér portéro
1352
1351
‘piglet’
portadé*r portadér
porta-to-re-
6674
*ptis péi péi pos
pués
pés pés
post
6684
Appenpix I Ex. no.
1357
Meaning
OSFr. Span.
prdndere prinz{(re) —
“péma pé*mo
ao —
4pé‘mo pé"ma
— prandere {re
REW?
§
Ex. no.
Sard.
6728
1361
‘to prune’ putdre
Roum.
—
Ital. OSFr.
po*tére po‘dér
ONFr.
Cat.
Port. PRom.
po*dér putére
§
puta-re 6869
pu-ra-re 6857
— ptingere pungere
6835
6850
1363
1364
‘stinking’
‘stench’
putidu
—
— pu rére
—
pulpo-su-
purdr
ipordr
po ndra punir
pulpézo
epiitto fput
podér
poné*r
pulpé*zo _ pulpd“su
purére purdr
pureér
puingere — puingere
——
1362
purdre
‘to stick, prick’
prupésu pulpés(u-) —
‘to purify; to drip’
—
po*dér
Span.
REW?
prandere
6645
1360
‘fleshy’
— —
—_—
4po-ma
Meaning
Lat.
—
*péma,
Port. PRom.
1359
‘to breakfast’
— podmo "pé*mo
bpé*m
ONFr. Cat.
Lat.
1358
‘fruit?
Sard. Roum. Ital.
249
putire
pu¢f(re)
putfre pudir
spit
pudir
hptidio
ipudfr
pii*tidu
pu-tidu6878
pm
hp Be oP
Notes to nos. 1357-1364: ‘apple’. East Provengal: ‘apple’. Old Spanish. Neuter plural of /po:mu-/ ‘fruit’. Noun: ‘child, boy’. ‘hideous’. ‘hideous, ugly, base’. Old Spanish in meaning ‘stinking’; Modern Spanish ‘repulsive’. Old Spanish.
pudir
pu‘t{‘re pu-'ti-re 6876
Proro-Romance PHONOLOGY
250 Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
1365 ‘stench’ _ putodre
Ital. OSFr.
spu(d)6*r pudé*r
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
pudd*ur pudé*r >pudér
PRom.
pu‘té*re
Lat.
REW! §
pu-to-re
6883
Ex, no. Sard.
Roum.
‘to shave’ rasére
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
rédere réde(re)
rédere réire
—
rasére *razér razeér rezér rrazér rrazér rasdre (: 1870 /résu/ 7070
ranké‘re
rapa
rrénkor
rraké*r ranké‘re
ra-dere
ranko-re7041
1370
‘shaven, smooth’
1371
‘to recognise
frdésu
rekonnéskere
hr4so irds ines krdza myrdza, =rrdzo résu °ra-su7082
rikon6“sSere
®rfs(u-)
Notes to nos. 1365-1372: a.
Old North Italian.
e. d. e. f. g. h. i. j. k. m. n, o.
Old Portuguese. ‘tail’. ‘to fill’. ‘level, even’. ‘shaven off’, ‘smooth’. ‘a kind of measure’. ‘a measure; level’. Noun: ‘furrow of rain-water’. ‘plain fland]’. Galician: ‘sand-plain’. Past participle to /ra:dere/ (cf. ex. 1366).
b. Old Spanish.
répa
ranké*r
rddere
‘turnip’
rankére
ranké“ur
réire _ rdure rraér orrér
1368
1367 ‘rancour’
ranké*r
6987
1369
Meaning
1366 ‘to shave’
rekono“isé*r
rakoné‘istra rokonéSer rrekono¢ér
rrekone¢é“r rekogné‘skere rekogno:skere 7126
réba réva réba 4rréba ‘rréba répa ra:pa 7065 1372 ‘to answer’ resptindere rasptinde(re) rispéndere respéndre respéndre
raspondé*r rrespondér
rrespondé‘r respéndere responde-re 7247
Apprnprx I Ex. no.
1378
Meaning
tiinda ratuindo
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
*rit6 “nda redé“nda redéndo
Cat.
rod6“na
Span.
rredonda
Port.
rredé“nda
Lat.
rotunda
PRom.
retuinda
REWS
§
Ex. no.
Meaning
7400
1377
rumigére rumegd(re)
Cat. Span. Port.
rumiér brremugér rromidr
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
PRom. REW?
§
— rim4(re)
brumdre eri? rumér —
rimér
rrimar
—-
ri’? ru*mére
ru‘migére
ru‘mingre
7440
—
arrotér
—
rukta-re
— — —
ru-mina-re 7440a
Fi'tpme ms pe oP m.
ruipere
{*rupere
7442
1379
1380
‘willow-grove’ — saléét(u-)
saléé“to sauzé“da salsé“i8a — —_— —
saliké*tu
salike-tu-
Old Italian. Tuscan, ‘to raise the skin’. Lombard. ‘to till; to push in’. Without nasal infix; cf. Kent 1946: § 367.III. Venetian. Campidanian. Macedo-Roumanian. ‘to go up’. ‘to go out’.
—_—
rukt? ruttére
Notes to nos, 1373-1380:
Aragonese.
—_ — —
ro“tér
1378
— — rumér
‘to break’ eruipere ruipe(re)
arydh, ro"tér ro ter
‘to chew the cud’
“rumegér romiér rungiér
ru-miga-re
rittare —
7416
irumindi Jaruminére
1376
‘to burp’
—
7320
‘to chew the cud’
1375
‘to rummage through’
Tima-re
Sard. Roum,
Lat.
1374
‘round’ (f.sg.)
Sard. Roum,
251
7532
‘to jump’ — salf(re)
ksalfre salfr salir
salir ngalir mgafr
salf{*re sali-re
7540
252
Proto-Romancr PHONOLOGY
Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum. lial. OSFr. ONFr. Cat, Span, Port. PRom. Lat. REW: §
1381
sanére — sanére sandr sonar sonar sandr sadr
salu-ta-re
sana-re
7556
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW! §
1385
sapdére _
sap6re sabé‘*r savo~ur sabé“r sabér
sabé*r
sapé‘re sapo-re7590
“sipa
santo sdint sdéint sant
ssipa siba sévo siba sdba
sdnktu sanktu7569
7566
1386
‘taste’
sdntu
bsimt(u-)
sandre
‘sated’
1387 ‘saw; plow-share’
_—_ satiil (u-)
sato‘llo *sadél fg05671 sodé*] —_
—
satillu satullu7620
me Bo op
sdpa sapa
7585
1388 ‘to cut, saw, mow’ jsekdre
&séga
hségo sfo
iséga, séka
Ssegdre segdr
siér
sogdr segdr segér
sekdre
( : 1388 /sekdre/) seka-re
7762a
Notes to nos. 1381-1388:
rm
1384 ‘juice’
‘holy’
‘to heal’
salutdre ‘soruté(re) salutdre saludér saluddr saluddr saludar sauddér
salu“tére
1383
1382
‘to greet’
Old Roumanian ‘to greet’; Modern Roumanian ‘to kiss’. Old Roumanian. ‘fruit-juice’. ‘unboiled juice’. ‘sated; drunk’. ‘drunk’. With /g/ in imitation of Gallo-Romance lenition. Modern Provengal. ‘plow-share’. ‘to cut to pieces’.
7764
253
Apprnpix I Ex. no. Meaning
1389 ‘sex’
Sard. Roum. Ital,
REW? §
— _ —_— — séksu seksu-
Ex. no. Meaning
b. c.
7775
7796
1394
1395
‘seed’
‘to sow’
sementére
sé se sé”
— —
sementér semétér
se
se-men “ine
7761
Notes to nos. 1389-1396: a
sella-rju-
sellérju
sé*me
s6“= §
sekure-
serrare serrér serreér sorrar ferrar ¢erraér serrare serra-re 7867
—
sé* sé%i
PRom.
selldio seliér seliér solér siléro seléiro
sémene
Cat. Span. Port.
Lat. REW?
sktire — —_— — seguir segure
itself’
8é sé, °sine sé*x
‘female genitalia’. Campidanian.
< PRom. /sé“ne/.
1392
‘to close, shut’ serrére
1393 ‘him-, her-,
Sard. Roum. Ital.
OSFr. ONFr.
chair-maker’ Kedr(u-)
sekui*re
78888
‘saddler,
—_
—
—_—
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
1391
‘axe’ bseguiri
sséssu. —_ sésso
OSFr.
1390
sé‘me(ne) 7802
se“mentdre
se‘menta ‘re 7805
1396
‘to sow’ semindre semend (re)
se“mindére a se mendr semeér
sembrér semedar Roos se mindre se-mina‘re 7807
254
Proto-RomaNncn PHONOLOGY
Ex. no. Meaning Sard.
1398 ‘half; diminished’
1397 ‘sower’
1399
—
*sému
fserénu
Ital. OSFr. ONFr.
seminaté“re semenadé“r somedé“ur
>3é*mo °36°m, a36*in
seré“no
Port.
semeadé*r
Roum,
somonetér(u-)
Cat. Span.
— sembradér
PRom. Lat.
REW? §
se“minaté“re se-mina:to-re-
7808
Ex. no. Meaning —
Ital. OSFr.
— se“mblér
semena(re)
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
REW? §
sembleér semblér — —_— similére simila-re
7925
Notes to nos, 1397-1404: a. b. ce. d. e. f.
Old Sardinian. ‘foolish’. ‘faulty’. Fem. /sé*ima/. ‘incomplete; crippled’. ‘evening-dew’.
h.
‘s0; yes’. ‘yes’,
g.
1
‘and’,
sé*mu
se-mu-
7811
1401 ‘to resemble’
Sard.
Roum.
°sém.
1402 ‘so, thus’ si 883i hofx bef sf sf igf igf
si*
sik 7892
1400
‘serene, clear’
senin(u-) seré*(n-)
soré‘in
seré(n-)
se“ré“nu se-re-nu7843
1403 ‘to dream’ sonnidre sonnére somnar songiaér somidr sondér sonér
somnijdre
somnja-re 8082
‘to dry’ sikkére sek4(re)
se“kkére se“kér se tid
sokér sekér
se“kér
sikkére sikka-re 7894
1404 ‘to sound’ sonére
sund(re) s(u)ondre sonar sonér sondr
sonér soar
sonaére
sona-re 8087
Appmnpix I Ex. no.
1405
‘sound’
Meaning Sard. Roum.
sénu —_—
ONFr.
sén
Ital. OSFr. Cat. Span.
Lat.
REW:
§
Ex. no.
Meaning Sard. Roum.
8090
8095
1409
‘to subject’
sommé*ttere somé“tre igodmé“tra igsotmétra
Span.
sometér
Port.
REW?
sorbu-
— bguméte(re)
Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
PRom. Lat.
sérva,
sonu-
someté*r
§
summittere submittere 8382
Old Spanish.
1410
‘to overcome’ — jsuperd (re)
*so“prére ™30brér — =g0“brér =sobrdr
sobrér
superdre supera-re 8458
b. ce, d. e. f. g. h. i. j.
‘service-tree’. Old Italian. Oblique of 227 /séror/. Oblique stem of /soror/. ‘fof horses] to kick with rear hoof’, Milanese. ‘to bend back’. XX 116 /stiptus/ ‘under’. ‘to anger’.
Re
‘to be left over’.
k, Old Italian. m, . ‘to be in excess’, oO. ‘pointed chisel’.
_ sakudir
—
—_—
sukktitere
4gor6“re
*soro-re=
subkutere
8102
Notes to nos. 1405-1412:
a.
sokéSra
— —
sérba °u-
sénu
esykydi sek6‘ire
soré-ur
— sérba
1408
‘to shake’ fgukkutire —_—
*soré‘re soré‘r
bsérba
86
PRom,
1407
‘sister’ — —
sérbo sérba
s6(nt) *suéno
Port.
1406
‘service-berry’ —_ sorb(u-)
sudéno s6(n*)
255
8413
1412
1411
‘to hold up’ susténnere —
‘awl’
stila stile
sostené‘re sostené‘r sostenfr sostenir
°stibbia — — —
sosté‘r
—
sostenér
sustené“re sustine-re 8490
—
su(bu)la su-bula 8403
256
Proro-RomaNncr PHonoLoey
Ex. no.
1413
Meaning Sard. Roum.
_— tated (re)
stik — suk
tazé*r taizfr —
ssiigo
Span.
>Sigo
Port. PRom.
tacé‘re
Lat,
REW?
§
su‘ku-
Ex, no.
1417
Meaning
‘to delay’
talénto
1418
etdner {téunger 8tdénor btanér
tangere
8540
8558
1419
‘to touch, taste’
4tdngere
itangé*r tdngere
talentu-
8517
‘to touch’ tangere ——
taléntu
take-re
8419
taléntu —
*taliénto
— také“re
1416
‘a weight; a coin; desire’
talén(t*) talént talént
—
stigo sii*ku
1415
‘to be silent’
— suik(u-)
Ttal.
OSFr. ONFr. Cat.
1414
‘juice’
‘time; storm’
1420
‘to hold’
Sard.
tardére
attastdre
ktempordle
ténnere
Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
tardére tardér tardér terdér tardér tardér
tastdre tastdr tastér testér — —
mtempordle mtemporal — — —_ mtemporél
tené“re tenir tanir tenir tenér tr
tarda-re
itaksita-re
™tempora:le-
tene-re
Roum.
_—
PRom.
Lat.
REW?
—
tarddre §
tastare
8572
8595
—
temporéle 8631
ER me as op
Notes to nos. 1413-1416: With /g/ in imitation of Gallo-Romance lenition. With unexplained initial /8/ (perhaps < Arabic?). Old Spanish. Old Marchigiano. ‘to be fitting’. Rhaeto-Romance
(Surselvan): ‘to reach for; to be sufficient’.
BHA
‘to belong; to be related to’. Old Spanish. ‘to touch’. Not < /tangere/ X /gusta-re/ (REW®). ‘time; season’. . ‘storm’. Adjective: ‘pertaining to time’.
fined (re)
tené“re 8646
257
Apprnpix I Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.
1421 ‘I try’ ténto —_— ténto tént tént tént *tiénto
Port.
PRom. Lat. REW? §
ténto tempto8637
tinka — tinka
ONFr. Cat. Span.
ténéa ténka —
OSFr.
Port.
té“nka
PRom. Lat. REWS §
téka
tinka tinka 8742
‘to dye’
—_—
tingere
stésta, atésta
té*tto te t6it
tingere
té“ner
té*indra
*tiésta
tééo
tenfr tenir
tésta, testa
té*ktu te-ktu-
tingere tingere
t6“ito
8682
1425 ‘tench’
Sard. Roum. Ital.
1424
1423
roof’
tésta sdasta
>tésta
této
Ex. no. Meaning
1422
‘pot-sherd; skull, head’
8750
8609
1426
1428 ‘aunt’
1427
‘dyed’
‘dye’ tia
1t6°nd eté“n teint
tintira tenévira te“intiire
htinto
—
tinktu
tinktu*ra
htito
itinktu8744
—_—
tinktu-ra 8743,
iffa tla tia tia tia tia Kia 8709
rForpR
me ao oe
Notes to nos. 1421-1428: ‘skull’. ‘head’. ‘nut-shell; head’. ‘pot; skull, head’. Old Spanish. Lombard. ‘dark’. ‘dark red’. Past participle of /tingere/ ‘to dye’. With initial /¢/ from South Italian /giéna/ ‘aunt’ < /t{-/ + /*éna/. < Gk. /théia-/ deia.
258
Proto-Romancr PHONOLOGY
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
Ttal. OSFr.
ONFr.
Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW?
§
‘uncle’ ttu
btéddere
t{no tina tine tina tina
adfo
ti‘na
tu
*téllere téldre téldra télra tolér stolé*r téllere tollere 8769
thu tfo tio
tina
ti-u8709
8741
1433 ‘cake’
térta torte térta térta térta
torta
8802
1434
‘twisted’ tértu etért(u-) {térto Stért 8tort stért ftuérto 4térto tértu‘tortu8809
mo Be oP rire
Noun: ‘web’. Also as noun: ‘wrong’. Noun: ‘wrong’. ‘one-eyed’; as noun, ‘wrong’. Past participle to /torkye-re/ ‘to twist’.
‘hard’.
Adverb: ‘soon’.
tuné(re)
t(u)onére
tonér
tonére
tona-re
8778
1436 ‘baked’
tostére
itéstu
tostdre
ktdésto
tostdr tostér tostdre
téstu
tosta:re
8813
With initial /¢/ from SIt. /fidnu/ < /ti-/ + /+dnu/.
In /tole*rse demébros/ ‘to become lame’.
‘to thunder’
1435 ‘to toast’
Notes to nos. 1429-1436: Also /toddire/ ‘to collect’. Old Italian.
1432
1431
‘to take (away)’
tina
Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW: §
1430
1429 ‘vat, wine-cask’
ktést ktést
tostu-
8814
259
AprEnpix I Ex. no, Meaning Sard. Roum. Ttal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? § Ex. no. Meaning Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW? §
1438
1437
téu téu tiio ton, tuén téu tu, tiijo téu té*u(n) tuum
9020
tremére —
*trija
tramé“tre
bkremé*r
4tré‘Ja
tremétro
tremé*r
etrija
tramé“tra
— tram{ttere
tra-mittere 8849
1441 ‘to thunder’
ftrondre tronér
ité“naka ——
8778
—_—
tremé*r tremé*re
tremo-re8878
1442
httinika
8tona-re
tremé“re
1443
‘tunic, cloak’
tronére
trondr tronér troér trondére
‘bower’
‘trembling’
— triméte(re)
tramé“ttere
t6*
1440
1439
‘to transmit, send’
‘thy, thine’
‘thrush’
1444
‘to cough’
té*rdo mturt
tossfre
kténga
térdo
8985
trik(h)ila 8894
tussfre
até rt
—= tinika tunika
trikla
tirdu
iténga
—
4tré"Jo
t6rt
t6*rdo tirdu turdu-
8999
tua{(re) to’sfr
to*sir to’sir
tosér tusir tuss{*re tussi-re 9016
PERT
rams
ao
op
Notes to nos. 1437-1444: Old Italian. With initial /k/ from some source such as Keltic /krem-/ ‘fear’. ‘arbour attached to house’. ‘trellis’. Manresa: ‘orchard’. Old Italian. With /r/ under influence of some other form, e.g. /tonitru-/ ‘thunder’. ‘upper mill-stone’. ‘covering’. ‘layer’. ‘cloak’. Modern Provengal.
Stem /t6*rd-/.
Proro-Romancr PHonoLtoay
260 Ex, no. Meaning Sard. Roum.
tiie ti
Ttal.
Cat. Span. Port.
ti ti ti
PRom. REW! §
tu:
8963
— undésa
ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.
—
ondé*sa ond6é“za
§
*ondéza — undé‘sa undo:sa 9065
Notes to nos. 1445-1452: a. b. e. d. e.
Vibe ubi
Old Spanish. Old Portuguese. Old Italian. Modern Provengal. Modern Walloon.
umbrék(u)lu
umbra-kulu9047
9028
1449 ‘wavy’ (f.sg.)
Sard. Roum.
REW?
undére und&(re)
o’ndére ondér
56
Ex. no. Meaning
Ital. OSFr.
*ombrékolo ombré]
>6Mu
ti
Lat.
umbr4ju
ove s $e
tu ti
1448
‘to wave’
‘arbor’
‘where’ libe iu
tu*
OSFr. ONFr.
1447
1446
1445 ‘thou’
1450
‘damp timed (u-) vimido dime im
ti‘midu
hu-midu4233
unddre unda-re 9060 1452 ‘one’ (f.sg.)
1451
O
‘one’ (m.sg.) vinu vin(u-) vino vi(n) in vin vino
ina tine tina ving vine Vina tina
v*nu uwnu9075
Wena wna 9075
é
uma
261
Apprnpix I Ex. no. Meaning
1453 ‘interest, usury’
Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.
ustira — ustira uzira uatira uztira uzira uziira
PRom.
Lat.
REW?
—s —_— usurdio uzuriér uzuriér uzurér uzuréro uzuréiro
u’sti*ra
§
Sard.
u’su’rériu
wsu'ra,
wsu-rariu-
9098
Ex. no. Meaning
9098
1457 ‘poison’ —
Roum.
velé*no