Proto-Austronesian Phonology with Glossary 9781501735998

Table of contents :
Table of Contents
PART F. DEVELOPMENT OF THE LANGUAGES IN EASTERN INDONESIA
CHAPTER ONE: Manggarai
CHAPTER TWO: Buru
CHAPTER THREE: Leti
CHAPTER FOUR: Kei
PART G. DEVELOPMENT OF THE OCEANIC LANGUAGES
CHAPTER ONE, §1. Tolai
CHAPTER ONE, §2. Motu
CHAPTER TWO. Sa'a
CHAPTER THREE. Fijian
CHAPTER FOUR, §1. Tongan
CHAPTER FOUR, §2. Samoan
Part H. Glossary
Indices
Bibliography
Index of Topics

Citation preview

Proto-Austronesian Phonology with Glossary Volume II John U. Wolff

Editorial Board Benedict R. O'G. Anderson Anne Blackburn Thak Chaloemtiarana Tamara Loos Keith Taylor Marina Welker Cornell Southeast Asia Program Publications 640 Stewart A venue, Ithaca, NY 14850-3857

© 2010 Cornell Southeast Asia Program All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, no part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the Cornell Southeast Asia Program.

Volume I, ISBN: 978-087727-532-9 Volume II, ISBN: 978-087727-533-6

Table of Contents Front Matter

Table of Contents ~~~s

Abbreviations Acknowledgements Foreword Preface Part A Introduction Chapter AI. The Austronesian languages A2. Considerations of theory and methodology A3. Introduction of PAn phonemes and other issues of phonology Part B Development of the Formosan Languages Chapter B 11. Pazih B12. Saisiat B13. Thao B2. Atayalic B3. Tsouic reflexes ofPAn B31. Saaroa B32. Kanakanavu B4. Rukai B5. Bunun B61. Amis B62. Kavalan B71. Puyuma B72. Paiwan Part C Development of the Philippine Languages Chapter Cl. Tagalog C2. Chamorro C3. Ratahan C4. Tondano C5. Pamona C6. Bugis C7. Salayar C8. Muna Part D Development of the Languages of Kalimantan Malagasy and Malay Chapter Dl. Kelabit D2. Ngaju Dayak D3. Malagasy D4. Malay PartE Development of Old Javanese Toba Batak and Moken Chapter El. Old Javanese E2. Toba Batak E3. Moken

1

N

v xt xv xtx 3 3 21 31 67 69 83 97 111 125 127 141 155 167 181 195 213 229 241 244 263 279 299 317 335 359 383 409 411 429 449 471 489 491 509 523

11

PartF

Table of contents

Development of the Languages in Eastern Indonesia Chapter F 1. Manggarai F2. Buru F3. Leti F4. Kei PartG Development of the Oceanic Languages Chapter G 11. Tolai G12. Motu G2. Sa'a G3. Fijian G41. Tongan G42. Samoan PartH Glossary Part I Indices of Citations English register Blust ACD register Dernpwolff register Arnis register Atayalic register Bugis register Bunun register Buru register Charnorro register Fijian register Kanakanavu register Kavalan register Kei register Kelabit register Leti register Malagasy register · Malay register Manggarai register Moken register Motu register Muna register Ngaju Dayak register Old Javanese register Paiwan Parnona register Pazih register Puyurna register Ratahan register Rukai register Sa' a register Saaroa register Saisiat register

545 547 571 585 607 625 629 647 665 681 701 719 737 1031 1031 1043 1049 1053 1055 1056 1058 1060 1061 1063 1065 1066 1067 1068 1070 1071 1073 1077 1079 1081 1082 1084 1086 1089 1091 1093 1094 1095 1097 1098 1100 1101

Table of contents Salayar register Samoan register Tagalog register Thao register T oba Batak register Tolai register Tondano register Tongan register

Part J Part K

References Topical index

111

1102 1105 1106 1110 1111 1114 1115 1117 1121 1135

PART F. DEVELOPMENT OF THE LANGUAGES IN EASTERN INDONESIA The languages of eastern Indonesia were probably brought there via Sulawesi. However, although they evince a few phonological and a fair number oflexical innovations in common, such that on first glance it seems that they form a subgroup, in fact, there is nearly nothing by way of innovations shared exclusively by the languages of E. Indonesia and Sulawesi: the innovations that they made in phonology and lexicon are shared by MP languages over much of the MP area outside of the Philippines. 1 For some innovations that formerly were thought to have been made throughout the languages of eastern Indonesia, it turns out that, in fact, there are languages in eastern Indonesia that failed to make the innovation. 2 The most written-about innovation is the disyllabization of trisyllabic roots. 3 The case seems to be that stress phenomena motivated the phonological changes that are widely distributed in eastern Indonesia, but most of these changes were made independently, and it is most likely that some individual languages failed to make the changes that are attested in the vast majority of the eastern Indonesian languages. Some of the Hesperonesian languages made the same innovations. Also some cases of disyllabization are restricted to very few languages. 4 Some of the changes are very likely the result of stress shifts in individual lexical items, and although these may well be attested universally or almost universally, they do not constitute evidence that these languages or any large subset of them constitute a subgroup, for the words evincing these shifts in stress may well have spread secondarily (or the pronunciation with stress shift spread secondarily). In summary, we can say that the phonology provides no proof that the languages of Eastern Indonesia or any subset of them constitute a subgroup. This does not contradict 1 The recent work most widely cited on the grouping of the languages of eastern Indonesia is Blust 1993. Donohue and Grimes (2008) review Blust's findings and other studies and document not only the phonological but also the morphological and lexical evidence extensively. What I present here is a brief exposition of the detailed conclusions reached in this most recent article. 2 An example is the loss of *s, which has taken place almost universally in the languages of Sulawesi and those south and east from there. I say 'almost', for it turns out that Soboyo clearly has preserved a reflex, as R. Blust discovered upon a close examination of the data (Blust: 1981 ). 3 Although I reconstruct a much larger number of trisyllabic roots than other scholars have identified as such, consideration of these additional trisyllables does not add anything to our knowledge of shared innovations: they have been disyllabized by the same principles that hold for the disyllabization of the roots in Formosan and Philippine languages. 4 For example *bituqen/*bituqan 'star' is reflected as a trisyllabic root in most MP languages that reflect a cognate directly inherited, but Ml bin tang reflects loss of the penu It, and Leti ptuna reflects apocope of the vowel of the antepenult.

545

546

Languages of eastern Indonesia

any hypothesis that the Austronesians split into an eastern and a western branch after· leaving the Philippines, as is widely assumed in the literature (and for which there is no reason to doubt). Only there is nothing in the phonological history to substantiate the assumption.

.

· .. ...

·o '•

.....

'·•

'

4

'

'

.....

!·

.

. ~91

.

WaM:

.

.r 0

~~

·•

~

.....

.0 '• t

~~

p

Map 8. Location of languages of eastern Indonesia and Sulawesi.

8

CHAPTER ONE

Manggarai Fl.O Introduction

Manggarai (Mgg) is spoken on the western third of Flores in the Lesser Sundas of eastern Indonesia. It is still very much alive and spoken by an estimated half million people. The language has been thoroughly documented in the dictionary that is the source for our attestations here (Verheijen 1967). This dictionary is a comparatively comprehensive work and lists the dialects in which the forms listed are found and cognates in other languages of the area. Mgg has spread over a large area in western Flores and is dialectally diverse. An examination of the variation and irregularities in Mgg reflexes indicates that Mgg underwent substantial intimate borrowing. Similar to the case of Bugis history (§ §C6.0, C6.3.33, footnote), Mgg seems to have spread to communities speaking closely related languages that gave up their language for Mgg, but in so doing retained a certain amount of intimate vocabulary with forms from the language that the community had lost. Or they adapted the Mgg forms in one or more respects to the form of their original language. In short, Mgg shows substrate influence from languages once spoken in areas to which Mgg spread. For example, *diiJediiJ is reflected as siding 'wall, partition' with regular Is/ reflecting *d (§Fl.3.32). But the medial Further there is a variant nasal is lost, something not normal in Mgg (cf. §F1.1.51, 41 rinding, which evinces the expected medial nasal, but reflects *d with /r/ instead of the regular Mgg reflex Is/. The following paragraphs list the large number of cases of this phenomenon. There they are referred to as 'borrowed'. It should also be noted that some of these variants are due to Ml influence. E.g., there are two variants for 'bait': paning and umpang, both reflecting PAn *pan. The former is likely the inherited reflex, as other languages of the area also petrified a suffix *-i in the process of disyllabization (§Fl.l.3) and umpang is probably borrowed from Ml umpan 'bait'. The following chart lists the phonemes of Mgg:

'1).

CHART ONE. PHONEMES OF MGG

Consonants voiceless stops voiced stops nasals liquids spirant

Vowels p b m w

t d n r, I s

c j

k (g) ng [IJ] h

547

I~

I:

I~

I

548

Part F. Chapter One

Stress falls automatically on the penult. There are no diphthongs, as is the case of the languages of central and south Sulawesi. lEI is written "e" in the sources. lg/ is marginal in forms inherited from PAn, and forms that have lgl with a PAn or PMP etymology are not directly inherited.

Fl.l Changes that characterize Mgg in general Fl.l.ll Disyllabization oftrisyllables Mgg tended to disyllabize roots, as did the other languages of the area. In Mgg, this tendency is stronger than in the languages of southern Sulawesi. There are very few trisyllabic roots, and quadrisyllabic stems tend to lose the two leftmost syllables. In trisyllabic roots, penults with *e nucleus are elided when they had *q-, *s-, or *h- onsets (both the onset5 and vowel were lost). Many of these changes either took place or were begun early, long before the development ofMgg and in some cases before the development of PMP. They are widely shared across the entire range of An languages, including some of the Formosan languages. *qaselu > alu 'pestle' *busekag > bingkas 'open (of flower)' *seqeyet > eret 'tight' *iseci > isi 'flesh' *isekan > ikang 'fish from sea' *isepun > impung 'gather' *isepec 'shriveled, deflated' > ipes 'empty rice, chaff *iseguiJ > isung 'nose' *isebic > m-ipis 'thin' *tahebu 'vessel to hold water'> tabo 'ceramic bowl' *tahepa 'smoke fish' >tapa 'roast over fire' Further, *q-, *s-, or *h- onset of a final syllable was lost, and the final vowel contracted with the penult: *bakesaw > bangko 'mangrove' *baiJeqey >hanger 'putrid smell' *baiJeqec > banges 'beginning to smell' *betihec > wetis 'calf' *binesiq > wini 'seed' *beiJesis > beng£ 'smell good' In some cases of forms with *e in the penult and with other onsets, the medial *e was lost and the consonant cluster simplified. In other cases, the medial *e is not lost, but the antepenult was lost instead. It is unknown why there are two different developments. In the following examples, the penultimate *e was lost and the resulting CC was simplified: *qayetaq> ata 'person' *biceqak > wi?ak 'split' *beyecay > bis£ 'oar' In other cases, penultimate *e was not lost and the antepenult was lost or weakened instead. (See the examples in §F1.1.12.) In the following case, on the basis of reflexes in most other An languages, we assume a prefix *rna- that was lost. The prefixed form underwent elision of the *e in the penult before the prefix *rna- had been lost: *qetaq > ta?a 'raw' ( < *taq [§Fl.l.3] < *ma-qtaq < *ma-qetaq) An *i in the penult was elided before *y onset of the final sylJable; similarly *u in the penult was elided before *w: *miniyak > mina 'fat' *peniyu > penu 'sea tortoise' *lasuwek > lawok 'mix rice with vegetables'(< *lawek)

5

See § §F 1.1.21 and F l.l .22 for a discussion of CC simplification and contraction of vowel sequences.

Processes affecting the development of Manggarai phonemes from PAn

549

In some cases, the antepenult was weakened before the penult was elided. Stress patterns may be the explanation for the differing treatment. Note that cognates of these forms in languages of Sulawesi also weakened the antepenult. (Cf. weakening of the antepenult in trisyllables that have vowels other than *e in the penult [§Fl.l.l2, immediately following].) *bayehat >beret 'heavy' *baqeyu > weru 'new' *tapes+ *i > tepi (< *tesepi < *tasepi < *tapesi) *tineun > tenung 'weave' In the following case, metathesis moved an antepenultimate *e to the penult with subsequent syncope: *beyunay > wuni 'a bush: Antidesma bunius' (< *bunay < *buynay < *buyenay) In one case, a form that spread secondarily throughout the languages of Sulawesi and the lesser Sundas, has lost a penultimate lui: *pal)udat > pandan 'pandanus'

Fl.l.l2 Loss or weakening of the antepenult The antepenult was lost in other trisyllabic roots-i.e., the roots that did not have *e in the penult or *i or *u before a glide. In some of these cases, the antepenult was lost in cognates over a wide range of An languages and may have occurred in PMP times or even earlier. 6 In other cases, the loss of the antepenult is attested only in Mgg or in Mgg and other closely related languages. The sequence of events was probably similar to that evinced by Kav, where the vowel of the unstressed syllable was lost creating a CC. This CC was then simplified by loss of the first syllable. Here are a few examples: *binaiJa >nanga 'estuary' *bituka > tuka 'stomach' *yabihi 'evening'> wit: 'yesterday' (for lEI, see §Fl.1.54) *jalikan > likang 'trivet' In the case of roots that begin in a vowel or developed vowel onset after the loss of *q- or *s-, the antepenult was lost invariably over a wide range of Hesperonesian languages: *isepi +-in-> nipi 'dream'(< *sinipi < *sipi +-in-< *esipi [§Fl.l.4]) *paqegu > pesu 'gall bladder'(< *qapegu [§Fl.1.4]) *qalegaw > leso 'day, sun' *qiteluy >tela 'egg' *sadiyi > siri 'house post' *sayejat > redang 'ladder' *sehapuy > api 'fire' *sinawa > nawa 'breath' In a couple of cases, the antepenult was weakened but not lost entirely. These are cases where the loss of the antepenultimate vowel lead to a cluster consisting of a C followed by a liquid or semivowel. Such clusters developed an lei or lui glide and were not simplified, except dialectally: *balabaw > belawo 'rat' (dial. lawo *buqaya > waja 'crocodile'(< *wuaya) The following examples show the loss of the two leftmost syllables in a stem of four syllables: *qafimatek > mantek 'leech' *qusalipan > lipang 'centipede'

Another possibility is that the loss of the antepenult took place independently in many languages, after the split-up ofthe MP languages.

6

550

Part F. Chapter One

Ft.t.2 Contraction Ft.l.21 Vowel Contraction In trisyllabic roots with *e, *s, and *h onsets of the penult or final syllable, the loss of the *q, *s, or *h resulted in a vowel sequence that was contracted by loss of the *e. In some cases, a resulting *i was lowered (§F 1.2.1 ). Here are some examples: *bangesis >bang£ 'beginning to smell' (< *bangei) *binesiq > wini 'seed' *busekag > bingkas 'for a flower to open' 7 *bukes > wuk 'hair'(< *buek < *busek) *iseguiJ > isung 'nose' *luseq > lu?u 'tears' (< *lu, with disyllabization [§Fl.l.3]) 8 *qaselu > alu 'pestle' When a sequence of like vowels developed through the loss of *q, *s, or *h or through disyllabization (§Fl.l.3~1a), they did not contract, but rather inserted a glottal stop (§F 1.1.53). *basaq > wa?a 'flood' *jaqet > da?at 'bad'(< *jat)9 *tusud 'knee'> tu?us 'knee'(< *tuuj) A sequence *au that developed contracted to /o/ (cf. §Fl.2.52).

Fl.l.22 CC simplification When *e was lost by syncopation and neither the onset of the penult nor the onset of the final syllable was lost (i.e., there was no onset of *s or *h, which did become lost), a consonant cluster developed. The CC was subsequently simplified by the loss of the first C in the sequence. In doubled monosyllabic roots, the coda of the first occurrence of the root was lost: *bucebuc 'pour out'> wuwus 'spendthrift' *cakecak > cecak 'chop up small' *cekecek 'cram, stuff> cecek 'stopped up' *celecel > cinci 'regret' (with nasal insertion [§F1.1.51]) *qemeqem > emeng 'suck on s.t. in the mouth' *tacetac 'rent, broken (thread)'> tetas 'rip open' Clusters with *y that developed, lost the *y: *sayejai > redang 'ladder, steps' *qayetaq > ata 'person, human being' A sequence *Cw that developed apparently simplified to IC/. The following form is not given as an entry. It is only referred to as a dialectal variant (Verheijen 1967: 649, under tiwit). Most dialects reflect a metathesized form tiwit ( < witit): *bitebit > witit 'carry in fingers'(< *witwit) also tiwit (§F1.1.4) A stop consonant follwed by *q, was simplified to *q, which became fll-i.e., *-CstopQ- > /?/): 10

The /i/ of bingkas developed by contamination with the form bingkas 'cracked, damaged'< *bikac 'come undone'. The word bingkas 'cracked' was itself contaminated by a reflex of *bikaq, which does not occur in current Mgg, but is reflected in neighboring languages (e.g. Kambera bika 'split in two'). 8 Note that *luseq disyllabized, but *busek (> *bukes) failed to do so (§Fl.l.3). 9 Medial *q did not normally disappear in disyllabic roots (§Fl.3.14), but in this case I assume that it was lost because of the /a! of the final syllable. Possibly this rot was trisyllabic in pre-Mgg (i.e. it was *majaqet), in which case loss of *q is normal. Another possibility is that loss of *q in this position was normal in the dialect from which da ?at was borrowed. 10 It is impossible to know whether the change to J?J happened before or after the loss of the stop consonant. As onset to the penult in disyllabic roots/?/ was not lost (§F 1.3.14). 7

Processes affecting the development of Manggarai phonemes from PAn

551

*biceqak > wi?ak 'split'(< *wic?ak < *bicqak) Nasal clusters were normally not simplified, but there are a few cases of the loss of an inherited nasal in a nasal cluster. These forms probably are borrowings: *bui]kuk 'bent crooked' > bukuk 'crooked' *dii]ediiJ >siding 'wall' (< *dindiiJ) *keiJekeiJ > kekeng 'taut' F1.1.3 Disyllabization of monosyllabic roots

There is an on-going tendency to turn monosyllabic roots that wen~ not enclitic into disyllables. This process has affected inherited PAn monosyllabic roots and those that developed in pre-Mgg. This process took place, as in other An languages, in one ofthree ways: (1) by stretching the root to two moras by addition of a pretonic vowel /e/ or (la) lengthening of the vocalic nucleus, (2) by doubling the monosyllabic root or reduplicating the root, (3) by petrifaction of an affix-that is, by reinterpretation of an affixed form as a single root. Examples of (1 ): *gem> engkem 'clasp, embrace' *keb 'be covered'> ekep 'brood, sit on eggs' *pu 'ancestor'> empo 'grandmother, grandchildren' Examples of(la) (note that iflengthening produces two vowels that are the same, a glottal stop is inserted [§F1.1.53]): *betehus > to?o 'emerge'(< *tus) *cay> cai 'who?' *yiq > ri?i 'saw-grass' *IJic 'bare the teeth' > ngi?is 'tooth' Examples of (2): *biy > wiwir 'lips, edge' *pit> pvnpa 'narrow, chock full' (< *pitpit and nasal insertion [§F1.1.51]) Examples of (3): *but+ *ka- > kebut 'pluck out' *pan+ *-i >paning 'bait' (for /-ng/, see §Fl.l.52) *puc 'finished, gone'+ *maN-> mampos 'gone, used up' Forms that developed into monosyllables by the loss of a syllable tended to become disyllabic again: *qetaq > ta?a 'unripe'(< *taq < *ma-qtaq < *ma-qetaq [§Fl.l.ll]) A fair number of monosyllabic roots, including monosyllables that developed, failed to disyllabize-i.e., they are reflected as monosyllables. In some cases, the explanation for the failure lies in fact that they most frequently occurred in atonic position (i.e., they were affixed or occurred in compounds), but this explanation does not take care of all of these forms. For some, there is no explanation: *baq 'put down'> wa 'below' *ba 'carry'> wa 'carry' *bukes > wuk 'hair on the head' (< *buk < *busek) *kan >hang 'eat' *keiJ > keng 'taut (rope)' *lem 'dark, night/sink' > !em 'dark/sink' *sepat 'four' >pat 'four' F1.1.4 Metathesis

Mgg evinces the metathesis that affected all of the MP languages-i.e., metathesis that occurred well before Mgg times. (§A3.5.4). I give a couple of examples:

552

Part F. Chapter One

*paqegu > pesu 'gall'(< *qapegu, with loss ofthe antepenult [§Fl.l.ll, 3rif]) *tapes> tepi 'winnow'(< tesepi < *tasep + *-i) Mgg also shows metathesis that occurred only in Mgg or in Mgg and neighboring languages. Some of the following forms are in fact not directly inherited, and it is unknown if they were borrowed in metathesized form or if the metathesis occurred after borrowing had taken place: *beyunay > wuni 'k.o. bush: Antidesma bunius' (< *bu)'llay < *buyenay) *bitebit > tiwit 'carry in fingers'(< witit < *bitwit) *cuwat > caut 'comb' *diyaq > di?a 'good' *icuyej > hisut 'budge'(< *yicut < *eciyut < *iceyuj) *liceqes > rias 'nit'(< *liac < *liqac < *licaq < *liceseq) *punuq 'brain' > pu?u 'tree trunk' *qayicam >cera 'k.o. fern' (for change of *i to lei, cf the commentary to *qayicam in the glossary) *qetuy 'penile erection' > uter 'glans penis' *quway > wua 'rattan'(< *wu0ay < *0uway-metathesis took place after *q had been lost [§F1.3.14])

Fl.l.S Accretion of consonants and vowels F1.1.51 Prenasalization of consonants Mgg evinces sporadic prenasalization of the final syllable of the penult, as is widespread in Hesperonesian languages (§A3. 7.1 ). Some of these cases of prenasalization are shared by many of the Hesperonesian languages, but a few of them are peculiar to Mgg or Mgg and its neighboring languages. It is notable that prenasalization is especially likely to occur before the final syllable when the penult of a trisyllable had been lost and also in monosyllabic roots that underwent disyllabization by adding a preposed vowel (§F1.1.3). Here are some examples of this phenomenon: *busekag > bingkas 'open up (flower)' *gem 'hold'> engkem 'clasp, embrace' *isepun > impung 'heaped up, gathered' *peng 'dam, fence that blocks'> empeng 'stop two people from fighting' Prenasalization of the final syllable also occurred in forms that did not lose the penult. Here are some examples of forms where prenasalization is peculiar to Mgg and languages in the same geographical area: *pit 'take hold by pinching'> pvnptt 'narrow, chock full'(< *pipit< *pitpit) *qatimatek > mantek 'leech' *cukab 'open forcefully'> cungkap 'lever up' Mgg also evinces sporadic prenasalization of the initial syllable (in addition to the forms that evince initial syllable nasalization in PAn (§A3.7.2): *baqeyaiJ > ngerang 'molar' *taquwei > ntaung 'year' 11 *tewi > ntui 'k.o. forest tree' Nasal clusters are well preserved, and the tendency to develop nasal clusters from single consonants found in other western An languages is strong in Mgg, so that some of the forms with inherited medial consonants show a medial nasal cluster in Mgg, where no other language reflects a medial nasal cluster:

The prenasalization of this root is probably a remnant of the linker *IJ, which linked numbers to the word following them, and which is also retained petrified in the form cang- 'one' e.g. cempulu 'ten' with antepenultimate weakening (§Fl.l.l2). 11

Processes affecting the development of Manggarai phonemes from PAn

553

*dakep 'catch'> dengkep 'embrace, take in' (the vowel reflexes are discussed in §Fl.2.43) qafiimatek > mantek 'leech' *sarnetik > mentik 'stinging black ant' (dialectally metik). However, there are a few cases of the loss of an inherited nasal in a nasal cluster (cf. §F 1. 1.22, end, above). A few consonant clusters with *q or *s developed by syncope. These were simplified by the loss ofthe /q/ or Is/. Ifthe other consonant was a stop, a nasal cluster developed. 12 *baksaw > bangko 'mangrove'

F1.1.52 Accretion of final/ng/ A few forms evince accretion of /ng/ at the end of the word. Here are the attestations in my Mgg data: *aiay > naing 'termite'(< *anaing [with loss of the antepenult-§Fl.l.l2]) *ama 'father' > amang 'uncle' *li 'what is said'> ling 'sound' *ialJUY > nanging 'swim' *pan +-i > paning 'bait' *qatil]u > nmeng 'shadow, indistinct outline' (with loss of the antepenult) 13

F1.1.53 Insertion of/?/ A glottal stop was inserted between like vowels that developed: *tusud > tu?us 'knee'(< *tuuj) *luseq > lu?u 'tears'(< *luu [§Fl.l.3] < *lu)

F1.1.54 Addition of -e There is a particle -E, which was added to vocatives and some other forms. The root plus lEI subsequently became generalized. If these roots had more than one syllable and end in a vowel, the-E contracted with the final vowel to lEI: *ina> inE 'mother' *arna >arnE 'father' *-agi 'younger sibling' > asE 'spouse's younger sibling' If the root was monosyllabic and ended in a vowel, the vowel was retained and a glottal stop inserted between the root vowel and the lEI suffix: *ka > ka?E 'elder sibling' No glottal stop was inserted in the following case. There is no explanation: *yabihi 'evening'> wiE 'yesterday' (< *yawi~:: < *yabii + ~::) 14 If the root ended in a consonant, the lei was suffixed and then the first syllable of the root was lost by the rule of §F 1.1.12: *qulun 'rest head'> tunE 'headrest' (< *qulun +E)

12Since

there is a strong tendency for nasal clusters to develop from intervocalic consonants apart from any other factors, the development of nasal clusters where *s and *q were lost may in fact be unconnected with the loss of*s and *q. 13 This form is clearly borrowed. The lowering of *i, the change of *IJ, and the change of *u >lei cannot be explained otherwise. 14 The hypothesis that this root had a suffix-£ is speculative. The final two syllables of this form lost all traces of *h and contracted the two *i' s that came into being with the loss of *h in all An languages outside of the Philippines that retain reflexes of it-i.e., the reflexes of this root in languages south of the Philippines all derive from *yabi.

554

Part F. Chapter One

F1.2 Vowels and diphthongs Mgg has added two vowels to the PAn four-vowel system: IE/ and /o/-i.e., the Mgg vowels are /i, £, e ([g]), a, o, ul. o/ developed in a large number of the cases from the diphthong *aw 15 Dialectally, 1£1 and /o/ developed from lowering of *i and *u in certain environments. The following sections provide details. F1.2.1 *i *i > Iii in all positions: *lai]it > langit 'sky' *iseci > isi 'flesh, pith' *kami > kami 'we (excl)' *inurn> inung 'drink' *iya > h-ia 'third person' In one case, the Joss of a medial *s caused the sequence *ei that developed to become 1£1. In two other cases, the sequence that developed from *s or *h loss was contracted to Iii without lowering. Why there are two outcomes is unexplained: *baiJesis > bengE 'beginning smell good' *betihec > wetis 'calf'*binesiq > wini 'seed' *i was lowered to 1£1 in three cases of monosyllabic roots with *i: *Iii] 'circle'> palmg 'encircle'(< *pa- + *liiJ)*pit > pcmpEt ( Ide 'armpit' (< *li-li < *Iii-Iii) But in most monosyllabic roots with *i, the Iii was not lowered: *bibiy > wiwir 'lips, edge' *yik > rik 'thresh rice' *yiq > ri?i 'sawgrass' In a few cases, *i was lowered to 1£1 after an *a in a syllable to the left or adjoining to the right: *ambit 'seize with the hands' > ambct 'carry a child astraddle *balik 'return'> walck 'backwards' *iyak 'cry'> cak 'baby's cry' *kawit > kact 'hook' *weliq 'return'+ *ka- > kale 'return home' (< *ka-uliq < *ka-weliq [§Fl.2.36]) But in most cases of roots with *a and *i, *i was not lowered: *kilat > hilat 'lightening' *lai]it > langit 'sky' *i was lowered before final *-yin several roots ( cf. the lowering of *u before -y [§F 1.2.2]): *buliy >wale 'stalk of bananas' *wasiyey >wac 'water'(< *wasiy) *i was not lowered in all forms with *iy. Here is an example of /i/ before /y/: *bibiy > wiwir 'lips, edge' In the following form, *i was lowered as well. There is no explanation: *IJilu > n~:lu 'throbbing pain' (the initial/n-/ is also unexplained) 16

The analogous change of*ay did not take place. There are cases of lEI that reflect *ay, but they are not inherited (§Fl.2.5, 4 1h-6~~). 16There is a form ngilur 'throbbing pain' which has the expected initial consonant and vowel, but the final /-r/ is unexplained. According to Verheijen (1967: map legend) Iii is lowered to lEI before a following lui everywhere but in the southeast Mgg speech area. 15

The development of PAn vowels and diphthongs in Manggarai

555

F1.2.2 *u In the in the majority of cases, *u > /u/: *acu > acu 'dog' *kutu > hutu 'louse' *cukcuk 'pierce' > cucuk 'stick in between' *buyuk > buruk 'rotten' *culuq > culu 'torch' There are a number of forms in which *u is reflected by /of. These forms are probably the result of dialect mixture in pre-Mgg-i.e., there were dialects of pre-Mgg that lowered *u in certain environments, and forms from these dialects have been borrowed into the dialect that became current Mgg. First, forms ending in *-uy and *-uq may lower the *u, and in addition lose the final consonant: *qiteluy >tela 'egg' *dapuy >sapo 'hearth' *ikuy > iko 'tail' *tuy > nio 'coconut' *iepuq > lepo 'lion fish' *petuq > peno 'full' *tujuq > toso 'point' There are countercases: *becuy > besur 'sated' *qawuy > aur 'bamboo' *suluy 'drop'> ulur 'go down' *culuq > culu 'torch' *pucuq > pucu 'heart' *puluq > pulu 'tens' Occasionally, but only in a minority of cases, *u is lowered in roots with the sequences *uk and *ulJ: *tekuk > tekok 'bent' *iamuk > namok 'mosquito' *lalu!J >!along 'cock' *pukaq 'break off> poka 'cut cown' *tedu!J 'protect by covering'> tesong 'take shelter' The majority of forms with *uk and *ulJ do not lower the *u. Here are a couple of examples: *buyuk > buruk 'spoiled' *teculJ > nencung 'mortar' *tutul] > tutung 'set afire' An *u in the penult of forms in which *u in the final syllable had been lowered to /of was lowered in harmony with the /o/ of the final syllable: *betehus > to?o 'emerge'(< *tus) *bulJebulJ > bombong 'swollen' *kubu 'hut'> kobo 'covering for a trap' *kulu >kola 'breadfruit' *tujuq > toso 'point' *u is also lowered in a syllable to the left of an /a/ that derives from *awl (§Fl.2.53): *qusaw > m-oa 'thirsty' Just as *i was sporadically lowered to 1£1 after an /a/ to the left or in monosyllabic roots, so is *u sporadically lowered to /of under the same conditions. The following list is not exhaustive: *dasuwen > saong 'leaf(< *dawun [dialectal variant of saung]) *lasuwek 'mix food'> lawok 'mix vegetables into rice'(< *lauk [the development of intervocalic *-w- is also unexplained]) *kunu >no 'quotative particle' *pu 'ancestor, grandparent'> empo 'grandparent/child' *puc> mam-pos 'used up' *walu 'eight'> alo 'eight' In one case, *u is reflected by lei. The form is probably a borrowing from Ml: *kuman > kemang 'germ, infection'

Fl.2.3 *e This section deals with *e that was not lost by elision (§Fl.l.ll, above). The most general case is that *e >lei, and this rule accounts for the vast majority of the reflexes in which *e was not elided:

Part F. Chapter One

556

*nem > enem 'six' *seqeyet > eret 'tight' *e underwent changes in closed syllables, and rules account for the reflex of *e before syllable-final *-q and *-s, but other cases are sporadic. Some of these exceptions occur only in dialectal forms, so that the exceptional reflexes of *e can be explained as dialect mixture. In some cases, two or more reflexes are manifested for forms with *e in closed syllables. For example, in addition to the form eret 'tight', cited in the example immediately preceding, there is a dialectal variant erut 'tight'. The following subsections discuss the changes of *e to phonemes other than /e/.

F1.2.31 Syllable-final *eq, *es 17 >/a/. This change is shared by a range of An languages from the Philippines through Sulawesi: *bugeq > wusa 'foam' *liceqes > rias 'nit' (< *liac < *liqac < *licaq < *liceseq) *Hteq 'sticky sap' >!ita 'stick' *tateq 'earth'> tana 'land, earth' *tumes > tuma 'clothes louse'

F1.2.32 In six cases *e in a closed syllable became /i/. However, there are counterexamples in which *e remained /e/ in the same environment. Note also that the final C was lost in some of these cases, an exception to the normal development of the final consonants: *cecek 'jam packed' > ceci 'stuff into a small hole' (also cecek 'cram') *celecel > cinci 'regret' (cf. *tebel > tebel 'thick') *laleg >!ali 'fly' *teket 'sticky'> nekit 'thick (of dirt)' *quleg 'worm'> uli 'maggot' (cf. *quneg > uner 'pith ofpalm') The following form is a borrowing from Bugis or Mk (Verheijen 1967: 49): *beycay > bist: 'oar'

Ft.2.33 In a few roots that contain *a and *e, the *e changed to /a/. This is not a general rule of · assimilation, for there are many counterexamples. Dialect mixture is the probable explanation: *dakep 'catch'> dakap/dangkap 'hold s.t. big' (also dengkep 'take in, enclose' and dako 'hold in hand') *yetac > ratas 'tom, ripped open' *tajem >jam 'sharp' (Loss of the penult and the reflex /j/ also are irregular.)

F1.2.34 In three cases, *-e is reflected by E. The final consonant was lost as well. These forms are probably not directly inherited (despite their charcter as basic words): *balec 'respond, revenge'> walt: 'answer, repay' *deiJey 'hear' > dengt: 'hear' *qatep 'thatch' > att: 'thatch' In the following case, an intervocalic *-b- was lost before *u. The preceding *e is reflected by E. There are only two attestation of a reflex of the sequence *ebu where the *e was not 17

In most cases of forms with *-s, metathesis occurred before the change of final *-es (cf. §A3.5.4): *bukes > wuk 'hair on head'(< *busek)

The development of PAn vowels and diphthongs in Manggarai

557

elided, and it is possible that tcu reflects the normal development. However, the other attestation of this sequence is a countercase: *tebus > tcu 'sugar cane' *cebu 'splash liquid on'> cebu, cover with ashes, liquid'

F1.2.35 *e is reflected by lui in the following form, which is probably not directly inherited because there are countercases where *e in the same environment remains *e: *cequi > cu?ung 'carry on head' In a few cases, *e is reflected by /o/. Again there are other anomalies that suggest that these forms are not directly inherited: *gem 'hold in fist'> anggom 'embrace' (The first syllable and the reflex /g/ are unexplained.) *betehus > to?o 'emerge' ( < *tus, with irregular loss of the antepenult [§Fl.l.12])

Fl.2.36 The sequences *we> lui and *ey > /i/: *taquwei > ntaung 'year' *weliq 'do again'> poli (< *pa-uliq) 'after' *dasuwen > saung 'leaf *seyaq +rna-> maja 'ashamed'(< *ma-ia < *ma-eya)

Fl.2.4 *a The general rule is that *a > Ia!: *alap >ala 'take' *bulai > wulang 'moon, month' *balu 'widow(er)' > walu 'grieve, bereft'

F1.2.41 In the antepenult, the syllable with /a/ is most often lost by syncope (§F 1.1.12). In some cases, *a in the antepenult is weakened to /e/: *balabaw > belawo 'rat' *ica 'one'+ *g 'linker'+ *puluq 'tens'> cempulu 'ten'(< *campulu [with loss of *i in the fourth syllable from the end]) In the following cases, the *e of the penult was not lost (as normally the case [ §F 1.1.11 ]), and the /a/ or the antepenult was weakened. These are cases of dialect mixture: *bayehat >beret 'heavy'(< *beyehat) *bagesis >bengE 'smell good' *baqeyu > weru 'new' In doubled monosyl1abic roots (that is, roots which consist of a two like syllables) with the vowel *a, the *a of the first syllable became /e/. The process by which this happened was that doubled monosyllabic roots developed an epenthetic *e between them. This *e was subsequently lost by the rules of syncope above, §F 1.1.11, but before this syncope took place, the *a of the initial syllable was weakened to lei by a process similar to that whereby the *a of initial syllable in words of three or more syllables became /e/: *cakecak 'hack, chop into pieces' > cecak 'cut up small, split bamboo into two' *tacetac 'rent, rip open' > tetas 'rip open, take apart'

Part F. Chapter One

558

There is one form that indicates that the final syllable with *-wa(C) became weakened to /u/ in a trisyllabic root: *liwa + *ka- > liu 'left' (< *kaliu, after which *ka- of the antepenult was lost [§Fl.l.l2])

Fl.2.42 In several cases, *-a> 11::/ with no good explanation. Most ofthem are probably not directly inherited forms, as they show other irregularities. *babaw 'above' > wcwo 'summit, upper part' *bulai 'white' > bulmg 'white (buffalo, etc.)' *dalem > ddem'deep' *daiih > dmi 'near' *jaqewis > dcu 'far' *qaciyah > ci?c: 'salt' *qalima >lime: 'hand' The following forms show an If/ in the final syllable before a C that was lost, where loss of -C is irregular, as well: *qutai 'scrub land and the plants in it' > utc: 'vegetable' (with unexplained loss of *-i) *tukad 'climb ladder' > tukc: 'climb, go up' (with unexplained loss of *-d) *wakay >wake: 'root' (with unexplained loss of *-y) Further, i-sc: 'they' and itc: 'we' are pronouns whose phonology may have been affected by their occurrence in atonic position: *da + *i- > isc: 'they' *kita 'we (incl)' > itc: 'we (incl)'

F1.2.43 In a few cases, *a is reflected by /e/. These are probably the result of borrowings from a dialect of Mgg or from another unidentified language: *dakep 'catch, grab'> dengkep 'gather in embrace, grab in hands' (also dakap/dangkap [§F1.2.33]) *lawai]> lewang 'door, gate' One of the following two forms may have been influenced by the other, but in any case, the /e/ is not regular in either form: *yabut > rebut 'pull out' *kabut > kebut 'pluck out' In one case, *-a> /ol. The exception is unexplained: *iba > iwo 'other'

F1.2.5 Diphthongs Mgg has no diphthongs. Inherited diphthongs were monophthongized, as described in the following subsections.

F1.2.51 *ay *ay > /a/ at the end of a word:

The development ofPAn vowels and diphthongs in Manggarai

559

*binahi > wina 'wife'(< *binay) *yuqaiay >rona 'male' *matay >mala 'die' *muntay > munta 'citrus' *qajelay > sela 'a grain: Coix lachryma-jobi' *sukay 'dig up' > uka 'raise by prying, pry up' *quway > wua 'rattan' 18 In monosyllabics, *ai > /ail. Also if a consonant developed at the end of the final syllable, *ai is reflected as /ai/ and the initial syllable is lost (by the rules of §Fl.l.l2, above): *bahi 'female'> wai 'woman'(< *bay) *cay> cai 'who?' *sanay > naing 'termite'(< *sanay + *JJ [for /-ng/ see §F 1.1.52, above]) In a few forms, which clearly remount to PAn, Mgg reflects *ay with /i/ in the final syllable. In the case of disyllabic roots, the reflex of /i/ is probably a case of dialect mixture: *buyunay > wuni 'a bush: Antidesma bunius' *yuqaiay 'male'> rani 'brave, strong'(< Ml berani 'brave') *qatay > ati 'liver' *waqay 'leg' > wa?i 'leg' In a few forms *ay in word-final position is reflected by l-EI. The first two of these forms are also found in Ml and the second shows the semantic innovation of MI. They are not inherited directly but borrowed from Ml. The third form also is borrowed, but probably it came into Mgg from OJv, as it is not attested in Ml: *baJ]kay > bangk£ 'corpse' *lantay 'bamboo lathes' >!ant£ 'flooring' *Iabay >law£ 'yam' In another case, the form with lEI occurs in a form that has a Mgg cognate with /-a/: *matay 'die'> mat£ 'the late (name)' (cf. mata 'die') In two cases, the forms with final/£/ reflecting *-ay are probably borrowed as well, but not from Ml: *beycay >his£ 'oar' *taytay 'cross bridge' > tEtcs 'small bridge' (/-s/ is unexplained as well)

F1.2.52 *uy and*iw *uy and *iw > /i/: *culuy > culi 'sucker' *laJ]uy > nanging 'swim' (for /-ng/, cf. §F1.1.52) *sehapuy > api 'fire' *baliw 'one of two'> bali 'divided in halves' *baliw 'change' > wali 'exchange, return' *watiw > wani 'jungle bee' There are exceptions. In the word for 'wood', as in other languages, the *s became PMP th and syllabicity shifted. Subsequently, th was lost. After that, medial *y developed, which then was strengthened to ljl (§F1.3.62): *kasiw 'tree, wood' > hqju 'wood, stick' F 1.2.53 *aw. In most cases, *aw > /o/: *babaw 'above'> wcwo 'top' *balabaw > belawo 'rat' *lakaw > lako 'go' *linaw >fino 'calm' *qaiegaw > leso 'sun, day' *takaw 'steal'> taka 'steal'

18The

/w/ most likely developed by metathesis (§F 1.1.4), but it is also possible that /w-/ developed by a generalization of the form that appears after vowels.

560

Part F. Chapter One

In a several forms *aw >a, parallel to the development of *-ay > Ia!. There is no explanation for /a/ in place of /o/. Dialect mixture is the most likely explanation: *qanilaw >nita 'k.o. tileaceous tree' *betaw > weta 'female relation of the same generation' *kacaw > haca 'rafter' *laiJkaw 'high, tall'> langga 'become taller' *qusaw · 'thirsty' m-oa 'thirst' (for /o/, cf. F 1.2.2, 7th~) A sequence *au that developed in the penult and a final closed syllable or in the antepenult and the penult of a word when a medial C was lost contracts to I ol via [aw]: *yuqafay >rona 'male' ( koiE 'return home'(< *ka-uliq < *ka-weliq [§Fl.2.36]) *weliq 'return'+ *pa- > poli 'after, behind(< *pa-uliq < *pa-weliq [§F 1.2.36]) F1.3 Consonants The following chart gives the Mgg reflexes of the PAn phonemes when not preceded by a nasal: CHART TWO. DEVELOPMENT OF THE MGG CONSONANTS FROM PAN

PAn

Mgg

PAn

Mgg

p

p

y

r

t

t

1

I

k

h-, -k- -k

t

n, I

q, s, h

f)

m

m, -ng [g]

c

c

n

n, -ng [g]

b

b, w

IJ

ng [g]

s

w

w

h-, -s-, -s

y

J

I d, j g

Inherited forms in Mgg show the same reflexes in final position. However, many of the reflexes of forms that originate in PAn or PMP have lost the final consonant or show a merger of the final nasals to /ng/ Those forms are, in fact, borrowings from neighboring languages that lost final consonants or merged the final nasals (cf. the comments in the second paragraph of §FLO, above). These forms are listed in the following subsections. F1.3.1 Voiceless stops F1.3.1l *p *p > /p/: *panaq 'shoot with bow and arrow'> pana 'bow and arrow' *pejem > peseng 'close the eyes' *pitu > pitu 'seven' *pulut 'tree producing sticky gum' > pulut 'sticky' *sehapuy > Contraction preceded loss of the antepenult-i.e., the antepenult is normally lost (§Fl.l.l2), but in this case the antepenult was not lost because contraction had taken place. Contrast this case with that of the reflex of *buqaya, where the change of*b > /w/ caused the absorption ofthe antepenultimate *u and thus blocked contraction (§FI.3.31). 19

The development of PAn consonants in Manggarai

561

api 'fire' *siyup 'slurp' > irup 'drink directly from a bowl' *lampin 'wrapper, diaper'> Iamping 'cloth for menstruation' In one case, final *-p was lost. The vowel of the fmal syllable is also irregular, and the word is probably borrowed: *qatep >ate 'thatch'

F1.3.12 *t *t > /t/: *tacik > tacik 'sea' *gita >ita 'see' *untu 'tusk'> untu 'gums, base of tooth' *mantalaq > ntala 'star' *langit > langit 'sky' *sepat >pat 'four' In one case *-t became lost, and the vowel reflexes are also unexpected. Probably this form is not directly inherited: *jeket 'catch frre' > diki 'make fire' (/i/ probably developed by contamination with an unidentified form.)

Fl.3.13 *k *k > /h-/ in initial position normally. Otherwise, it remained /k/. *kasiw > hayu 'wood' *kan >hang 'eat' kima > hima 'oyster', *paku > paku 'k.o. edible fern' *lakaw > lako 'go' *buyuk > buruk 'rotten' *manuk > manuk 'bird' When a nasal developed before *k, the *k remained /k/: *daiJkaq 'branch' > dangka 'branch' In three cases *k changed to /g/ after a nasal. These forms show other irregularities of correspondence as well and are borrowed from an unknown language or dialect: *kuk +doubling> nggukuk 'hunchbacked'(< *kukekuk plus prenasalization ofintial C[§Fl.l.Sl, 3riD *laiJkaw 'high, tall'> langga 'become taller' *wakaiJ > wangga 'with limbs apart' In a few cases, initial *k- is reflected with lk-/. The probable explanation for some of these forms is that they normally occurred prefixed in pre-Mgg and thus were not initial: *katu > katu 'send' (cf. Muna, Tae' pa-katu Bugis kapatu 'send') *ku > ku 'I' (cf. Tae', Sal, etc. ngku 'my') In other cases, we cannot assume that the pre-Mgg form was norma11y prefixed, and the reflex of /k-/ probably is due to dialect mixture: *kabut > kebut 'pluck out' *kaput 'fastened' >kaput 'clasp together' *kawit > kact 'hook' *kempuc > kempus 'totally destroyed' *kubu 'hut'> kobo 'covering for a trap' In the following case, an *h onset that had developed from /k/ in the first syllable was replaced by /k/ to make it correspond to the onset of the second syllable: *keiJekeiJ > kekeng 'taut' In the following cases, a medial *k became /hi. A possible explanation for some of these forms is that the first syllable was felt to be a prefix, so that *k-onset of the final syllable was felt to be root initial: *bakac > bahas 'undone' (also behas) *pakan >pahang 'weft'

Part F. Chapter One

562

In other cases, however, the first syllable of the root was not likely to have been a prefix. These forms are probably not inherited directly: *bekac 'trace' > wehas 'old, disused' *lekaq 'split' > leha 'separate' Medial *k was lost in the following root. There is no explanation: *tikifiki >Ide 'underarm'(< *1iilii) In one case medial *-k- was reflected with /g/. There is no explanation: *wakaq > waga 'split' *k was a prefix in the following form and perhaps never was added in pre-Mgg: *kita > itc 'we (incl.)' F1.3.14 *q

*q > /?/ when onset of the final syl1able of disyllabic roots: *daqis > sa?i 'forehead' *daqu 'the soapberry tree'> sa?u 'a fruit tree: Dracontomelon edule' *jaqit > ja?it 'sew' *paqa > pa'la 'thigh' *paqit > pa?i 'bitter' *punuq 'brain'> pu?u 'trunk of tree'(< *puqun) *taqi > ta?i 'feces' *waqay > wa?i 'foot, leg' When metathesis caused a final *q to become medial, the *q became/?/: *diyaq > di'la 'good' When loss of a medial *e caused a cluster *Cstopq to develop, the Cstop was lost ( §F 1.1.22) and the *q thus became the onset of the final syllable and was retained as /?/: 20 *biceqak > wi'lak 'split' However, in the case of doubled monosyllables, all *q's were lost-i.e., the *q- onset or coda of a monosyllable was lost: *qemeqem 'hold s.t. in the mouth'> emeng 'suck on s.t. in the mouth' Otherwise *q was lost-that is, *q disappeared in all positions except as onset of the final syllable in disyllabic roots that are not doubled monosyllables: *qutek > utek 'brains' *utaq > m-unta 'vomit' *baqeyal) > ngerang 'molar'(< *eyaiJ [§§F1.1.12, Fl.1.51]) *baiJeqey 'putrid'> bangc 'smell musty' In two cases, *q- is replaced by /k-/. These forms are not likely to be directly inherited. The first shows an irregular reflex of *-d-: *qudaiJ > kurang 'prawn, crayfish' *quyut > kurut 'massage deeply' In one case, medial *-q- > 0 in a form that is not directly inherited: *quway > wua 'rattan'(< *wua (< *wuqa (§Fl.l.4]) F1.3.15 *c

*c >lei in initial and medial intervocalic positions: *cai > cai 'who?' *cucu > cucu 'breasts' *iseci 'content, flesh' > ici 'flesh' In final or postconsonantal position, *c > /s/: 20

There is only one example.

The development of PAn consonants in Manggarai

563

*beyac > weras 'hulled rice' *betihec > wetis 'calf There are a few forms that reflect *c onset with /s-/. They are borrowed from Ml or another language: *beyecay > bisc 'paddle' (Bugis, Mk bisc 'paddle') *cukat > sukat 'measure' (Ml sukat 'measure') *cumpaq > sumpa 'oath' (Ml sumpah 'oath') In the following case there was contamination with an unidentified form ending in /sit/: *lecit > lesit 'slippery' When an /s/ developed on the right of *c, the *c > /t/. There is only one attestation: *puceg > putes 'navel' (*g >Is/ [§Fl.3.34]) F1.3.2 *h, *s *h and *s were lost without a trace: *lahuj >/au 'seaward' *capuh > capu 'wipe' *paqah > pa?a 'thigh' *busekag > bingkas 'open (of a flower)' *sawak > awak 'waist' *seqeyet > eret 'tight' *siyup > irup 'drink soup directly from bowl' *isepun > impung 'gathered' *pasuq > pau 'mango' *cebus 'cover by sprinkling on'> cebu 'throw water on, cover with ashes' F1.3.3 Voiced stops The voiced stops evince a great number of irregularities in their correspondences in forms that have good PAn or PMP etymologies. I take this to be evidence that Mgg has spread to a number of speech communities that changed their original language to Mgg, but left traces of their speech in Mgg. (Cf. the discussion in §FLO, above.) Bearing in mind that there are numerous exceptions, we could say that in general, the voiced stops weakened to continuants, but there were dialects or languages of communities that went over to Mgg in which the voiced stops remained stops, and a fair number of forms with voiced stop reflexes were borrowed into Mgg. In medial position, *-b- became /w/ and *-d~, *-j-, and *-g- became /s/. The following sections provide the details. F1.3.31 *b In initial position, *b- has double reflexes, /b/ and /w/. This is probably due to dialect mixture? 1 The following list gives a selection of forms that evince /b-/: *bacaq > baca 'wet' *bayaq 'lungs' > bara 'stomach' *beiJel 'deaf'> benge! 'mute' *biyiiJ >hiring 'edge' *buta > buta 'blind' The following list gives examples of forms that evince /w-/: *bahi > wai 'female' *baliw 'change to previous, return s.t.' > wali 'exchange, return s.t.' *batu > watu 'stone' *beli > weli 'buy' *binesiq > wini 'seed' 22 *buwaq 'fruit' > wua 'betel nut'

The dictionary (Verheijen 1967), which gives detailed information of dialect variation, lists variants for a few of the words listed here (but not many). 22 There is a form bin& 'seedling', which derives from the same PAn root. However, this form is clearly a borrowing, as indicted by the lowering of the final *i. 21

564

Part F. Chapter One

In the sequence *bua (< *buqa) in the penult and antepenult, the *u was elided after the *b weakened to /w/ in the general process ofweakening ofthe antepenult (§Fl.l.12): *buqaya > waja 'crocodile' When *b was protected with /m/, it remained *b: *buJ]ebuiJ 'swell'> bumbung 'swollen' In one case, *b- is reflected with *g-. This form is clearly borrowed: it shows /o/ < *u and loss of final *-g, both irregular in Mgg: *buleg > golo 'mountain' In medial position, *b > /w/ with a few exceptions: *qabu > awu 'ashes flying in the wind' *bubun > buwung 'well' quban > m-uwang 'grey hair' *tuba> tuwa 'plant used for stunning fish' *qubi > uwi 'sweet yams: Dioscorea alata' The following list gives forms that have good PAn etymologies with intervocalic /-b-/ reflecting *-b-. The first two are loan words and have other irregularities. The second two come after or before *e. In this environment it is possible that *b was not weakened, if the *e had not been lost by elision: *bunebun 'cover with sand' > bubung 'grave, burial place' 23 *tahebu 'container to fetch water' > tabo 'ceramic bowl' *cebus 'splash liquid on'> cebu 'cover with ashes, liquid' *tebel > tebel 'thick (hair, leaves, etc.)' There is a counterexample, in which case the intervocalic -b- was lost. There is a further irregularity in this form, and it is probably not inherited directly: *tebus > tm 'sugar cane' In final position, *-b > /-p/: *keb 'cover'> ekep 'brood, sit on eggs'

F1.3.32 *d In initial position, *d- has double reflexes, /dl and /s/. Most of the forms that evince /dl have other irregularities, and it is not likely that any of the forms with /d-/ are directly inherited. The following list gives a the small number of forms with PMP etymologies that evince initial /d-/ and show no other irregularities: *dayaq > dara 'blood' *depa > depa 'fathom' *dilaq 'tongue'> dila 'shine a light' *diyaq > di?a 'good' There are a few other forms with /d-/ that show no other irregularities but can only be reconstructed for a subgroup later than PMP: *daket > daket 'sticky, viscous' 24 *daiJkaq > dangka 'branch' *duiJkuk 'squat' > dungkuk 'hunched over in sitting'

This form is identified as confined to a small western subdialect of Mgg (Verheijen 1967: 59) A variation of this form raket also occurs. Forms with /r/ sa?i 'forehead' *daswuen > saung 'leaf *dusa >sua 'two' *udesi 'rear end'> m-usi 'back *tatad > natas 'yard' If *d- came to be protected by *n, it remained *d: *diiJedig >siding 'wall, partition' (< *dindig, with loss of In! [§F 1.1.22, end]) *pagudat 'pandanus' > pandang 'pineapple' ( < *pagdan) In several cases, *d is reflected as /r/. These forms are borrowings from an unknown language in which *d > /r/. At least one of the forms with /r/ has a variant with /d/: *daket > raket 'stick' (also daket) *daya 'inland' >raja 'oflocal origin' *dekuk > rekuk 'bent over' *pudun 'gather'> purung 'wind thread into a ball' *qudag > kurang 'shrimp, crayfish' One form shows an irregular loss of *-d.It is probably secondary: *tukad 'climb ladder' > tukE 'climb' In one unexplained case, *-d- > 1-j-1. This is a borrowing from an unknown source, for the loss of *-y is also an irregularity: *tuduy > tuju 'sleep'

F1.3.33 *j *j merged with *d (§Fl.3.32, immediately preceding). Thus the normal reflex of *j is

Is/ in initial and medial positions: *jalan >satang 'road' *pejem > peseng 'close the eyes' *ujat > usang 'rain' There are numerous cases in which *j is reflected with /d/ (but none in which *j is reflected with /r/ [§F.1.3.32, 51h ~]).These forms are secondary. For the most part, they evince other irregularities: *jaqet > da'lat 'bad' *jeket 'stick' > dekit 'close together' 25 *jaqewis > dcu 'far' *jeket > diki 'make fire' *sayejat > redang 'ladder' In a small number of cases, *j is reflected with /j/. These are forms with Ml cognates. They are borrowed from Ml, directly or indirectly via another language: *jaqit 'continguous' > ja?it 'sew' (alsoja?ik. Mljahit) *kajaiJ > kajang 'thatch sheltering roof (Ml kajang 'thatched shelter') *sijaw > ijo 'green' (Ml hijau 'green') *tajem >jam 'very sharp' (Ml tajam 'sharp') In final position, the expected reflex is also /s/. However, this reflex is not attested. The three attestations that reflect *-j, show 0, /-t/,and /-r/ respectively. These forms are probably dialect borrowings: *lahuj > lau 'seawards' *icuyej > hisut 'budge'(< *yicut < *eciyut < *iceyuj) *kuj > wekur 'back'

25 Iii arose in the final syllable by contamination with other forms ending in reflex of*kit meaning 'adjoin, near' (not attested in Mgg).

Part F. Chapter One

566

F1.3.34 *g As onset of the penult or earlier, *g > *k. The *k that developed subsequently changed to /h/, as was the case of *k hali 'dig out' *gilab > hilap 'shining, brightness' After a nasal the *k that developed was protected and did not change: *gem 'hold'> engkem 'embrace' (with disyllabization [§F1.1.3] and nasal insertion [§F1.1.51]) In one case *g- became *k- and remained lk/. This form is probably a borrowing from an unknown source: *gatel >kate! 'itch' In one case, *g is lost. There is no explanation: *gita > ita 'see' In one case, initial *g is reflected with /s/. This is probably a case of contamination, but the source as not been identified: 26 *gilaiJ 'giving off light, brilliant'> silang 'shiny, lustrous' Medially and finally *g merges with *d and *j to become /s/: *IJagan > ngasang 'name' *qalegaw > leso 'day, sun' *puceg > putes 'navel' However, *eg > /i/: *laleg >!ali 'fly' *quleg 'worm' > uli 'maggot' In two cases *g > /r/, probably borrowed forms: *cegep 'enter' > cerep 'enter surreptitiously' *uneg 'soft core' > uner 'palm pith'

F1.3.4 Voiced continuants F1.3.41 *y *y in initial and medial position is reflected as /r/ except when it carne to be in a consonant cluster (§F 1.1.22): *yiq > ri'li 'sword grass' *buyuk > buruk 'spoiled' *sipay 'other side'> ipar 'spouse's sibling or cousin of same generation' In three cases, medial *-y- > 0. These are not directly inherited. In one case/-?-/ developed in the hiatus ( §F 1.1.53). Two of these forms evince other irregularities: *payis > pai 'stingray' *qaciyah > ci?£ 'salt' *tayum >tao 'indigo' Two other forms show irregular reflexes of initial or medial *y. They are unexplained: *yai)U > dango 'dried up' *icuyej > hisut 'budge' (< *yicut < *eciyut < *iceyuj) 27

26 A possible explanation is that silang occurred with a prefix rna- that has since been lost, in which case the initial *g- would have been in medial position and changed to /s/. 27 This derivation is speculative. I only know Rat as a language in which *y >!hi (§C3.3.4l), but Rat is located at a great distance from Mgg. If the Mgg form has this history, it must have been influenced by language that is nearer to Mgg than Rat is but underwent the same changes of *y as Rat.

The development of PAn consonants in Manggarai

567

In final position, both /r/ and 0 reflect *--y. I hypothesize that loss of *-y is the normal development, and that /r/ is the reflex in secondary forms. *-y > 0, a preceding vowel is changed, but when *y > lrl, a preceding vowel remains unchanged. The changes are as follows: *i, *e > 1£1, *u > lol, *a> /c/: *buli-y >walt: 'stalk with bananas' *dapu-y >sapo 'hearth' (also dapur 'kitchen house' [cf. Ml dapur 'kitchen']) *del)e-y > deng£ 'hear' *ikuy > iko 'tail' *qiteluy >tela 'egg' *tu-y > nio 'coconut' *wakay >wakE 'root' *wasiyey > wa£ 'water'(< *wasi-y) In one case, the *u did not lower before a *-y that was lost. There is no explanation: *bucu-y 'bow'> wusu 'bow for cleaning cotton' When *--y > 1-r/, the preceding vowels were unchanged. These are probably borrowings from a dialect in which *--y was not lost: *qawuy > aur 'bamboo' *bal)eqey 'putrid'> hanger 'musty, stale smell' *becuy > becur 'full, sated' *biy > wiwir 'lips'(< *biyebiy) *ilu-y 'stream'> ilur 'saliva' (c£ Mlliur 'saliva') *sulu-y 'drop'> ulur 'go down' (contaminated by undur 'lower') *qetuy 'penile erection'> uter 'glans penis' (§F1.1.4) F1.3.42 *I *1 remained unchanged in all but three cases: *lal)it > langit 'sky' *qalima >lim£ 'hand' *lulut > lulung 'roll up' *beli > weli 'buy'*quluh > ulu 'head' *tebel > tebel 'thick' There is no explanation for the three exceptions. They are in forms that were probably borrowed: *bakul >baku 'k.o. basket' *celecel > cinci 'regret' *liceqes 'louse egg'> rias 'look for louse eggs'(< *liseqec [§Fl.1.4]) F1.3.43 *i *t underwent the changes found throughout the MP languages (§§Al.l.32, 4t'1, A3.3.4). In addition, PMP tfi < *t underwent depalatalization, as it did in many of the MP languages. As onset to an unstressed penult or an earlier syllable, *i- becomes /1-/: *tal)li> langu 'dizzy, drunk' *qategaw > leso 'day, sun' Otherwise, *t > /n-/ and /-n-/: *at:ik > anak 'offspring' *d:itih > dmi 'near' *t:itad > natas 'yard' *iuy > nio 'coconut' (< *fiuyi8 In two cases, *i > In! before an unstressed penult. There is no explanation, other than that the stress shifted to the penult. Note, that the second citation has another irregularity (loss of the final *IJ [§F 1.3.5]): *teket 'sticky'> nekit 'thick (of dirt)' *tuw:il) > nua 'hole, opening' In PMP *i > tn. Subsequently, tn lost its palatalization in some MP languages (§A3.3.4). The disyllabization of tn.uy to /nio/ (§FI.l.3) took place before tn. had lost its palatalization 28

568

Part F. Chapter One

In one case, *i- > /ng-1. This form is anomalous because the *i- occurred before an unstressed penult, so that the expected reflex is /1-/. *iecitiJ > ngencung 'mortar' 29 In final position, *-i > 1-ng/-i.e., after changing to In!, it merged with IIJI, as did the other nasals: *qujai > usang 'rain' There are two exceptions. In the first case, *-i > 0. In the second, *-i >In!. The first case is probably borrowed. In the second case, perhaps the occurrence of In! onset prevented the final *-n that developed from *-i from changing to /ng/: *qutai 'scrub lands' > utE 'vegetables' *wanai > wanan 'right'

F1.3.5 *m, *n, *g *m, *n, and *IJ remained unchanged in initial and medial positions: *manuk > manuk 'bird' *lima> lima 'five' *nuca > nuca 'island' *nunuk > nunuk 'banyan' *IJa 'agape' > nganga 'with the mouth agape' *lai]it > langit 'sky' *timbaiJ 'balance' > timbang 'respond in kind' *lampin 'diaper'> Iamping 'cloth for menstruation' *muntay > munta 'citrus' *baiJkaq > wangka 'boat' In final position, the nasals merged to /ng/ for the most part: *inurn> inung 'drink' *item> m-iteng 'black' *dasuwen > saung 'leaf' *kan >hang 'eat' *pan> urn-pang 'bait' *iseguiJ > isung 'nose' If the form containing the final nasal occurred only with a suffix, the change did not take place: *qulun 'rest head'+ t:> lun-E 'small pillow' However, there are forms that retain *-mas /-m/. The merger of *-m with the other nasals was incomplete: *salem 'night' >a/em 'deserted' *dalem > dtiem 'inside' *enem > enem 'six' *lem 'shade, sink' > /em 'dark, sink' *tajem >jam 'sharp' *taiem 'plant' > tanem 'bury a body' There are three forms that fail to merge *-n with *-IJ (i.e., they reflect *-n as /-n/). These are possibly retentions, as is the case of the final /-m/, discussed in the paragraph above: *sejen > esen 'strain in bowel movement' *qagan > ngasan 'name' (/ng-/ is the reflex of nasalization [§A3.7.1]) *wanai > wanan 'right' 30 The final nasal is lost in several cases. Some are variants of forms that reflect /ng/. They are borrowings:

reflection of *t as /ng-/ may have to do with dissimilation. Dissimilation may have occurred because a sporadic nasal /n/ was inserted before the second syllable (§F 1.1.51 ), changing the accentual pattern and in addition, causing dissimilation of *n- to /ng-/. 30 An alternative explanation of the failure of /-n/ to change to /-ng/ is given in §Fl.3.43, end, above, where I suggest that /n/ on the left blocked the change. 29The

The development of PAn consonants in Manggarai

569

*qayicam >cera 'k.o. fern' *del)+ *pa- > pesa 'extinguish' (also pesang) *punuq 'brain' > pu ~ 'tree trunk' (< *puqun) In the following case, a sequence *mn which developed by syncope of the first syllable simplified to /m/: *ma-tisebic + *rna-) > mipis 'thin' (< *mnipic < *manipis < *maiispic) F1.3.61 *w

Initially, *w- > lw-1: *wafiiw > wani 'bee' *wakay >wake 'root' In one case, *w- is reflected by /b-1 and in another *w- gets lost. These exceptions are unexplained: *walu > alo 'eight' *wayi > bari 'day' Intervocalic *-w- is lost before or after *u or *e. Otherwise *-w- > 1-w-1. *qawuy > aur 'k.o. bamboo' *sinawa > nawa 'breath' Intervocalic *-w- was lost in the following form. It has another irregularity and is probably a borrowing: *kawit >kaEt 'hook' For the diphthongs and *we, see §§F1.2.36, F1.2.52, Fl.2.53. F1.3.62 *y

*-y- > 1-j-1 intervocalically except before or after *i, where it disappears. *buqaya > waja 'crocodile' *layay >/ajar 'sail' *seyaq +rna-> maja 'ashamed'(< *ma-ia < *ma-eya) *iya > h-ia 'he' *iyak > Eak 'cry' When the sequence *niy in the penult of the root lost the *i by elision, the [y] was absorbed by the *n to form *ft. This *ft was subsequently depalatalized, as were the other cases of *ft (< *i [§Fl.3.43, pt footnote]): *miniyak > mina 'fat' *peniyu > penu 'sea turtoise' For *yin diphthongs, cf. §§F 1.2.51, Fl.2.52.

CHAPTER TWO

Buru F2.0 Introduction Buru is spoken on the island of the same name, located in central Moluccas between the Ambon and Sulawesi. Buru is the notorious site of exile for political prisoners in the late nineteen-sixties and early nineteen-seventies. There are five dialects, Masarete, spoken in the area of heaviest settlement in the south, Lisela, spoken along the north coast, Wae Sarna, spoken on the east coast, F ogi, spoken on the west coast, and Rana, spoken throughout the interior regions. The dialectal differences are largely lexical. In phonology, the variation is minor in comparison with variation found among the dialects of most of the An languages. In the coastal areas, the population is mixed with immigrants from elsewhere in eastern Indonesia, and Ambonese Malay is widely used as a public language. The younger generations of these areas are going over to Ambonese. In the inland areas, where there has been little contact with other ethnic groups, the percentage of illiteracy and monolingualism is high, and the young people still use Buru predominantly. The literature on the Buru language is mainly focused on the Masarete dialect. There are two short dictionaries, produced by missionaries (Hendriks 1897 and Devin 1986), and a thorough grammatical treatment (Grimes 1991), which contains a Jist of forms with a PAn or MP etymology and provides a small amount of information on the development of the Buru phonemes from PAn, as PAn phonology was understood to be at the time of the preparation of this work. This work was useful in enabling me to understand the data. 1 The transcriptions in the dictionaries are not always consistent with each other nor with Grimes' transcriptions. In this study, we follow Grimes' transcriptions in all cases where Grimes treats the forms in question, and when a form is not found in Grimes, we give an attribution to the source in the glossary. The following chart shows the phonemes of Buru: CHART ONE. PHONEMES OF BURU

Consonants voiceless stops p b voiced stops nasals m w, y liquids spirants

Vowels t d n r, I s

(c) k (j) (g) ng [IJ]

I~

I.

I~

I

h

1 Additionally, extensive suggestions and commentary by C. Grimes have done much to improve the accuracy of the analsysis in this chapter.

571

572

Part F. Chapter Two

Phonemes listed in parentheses are not found in inherited roots. 2 Roots must end in a vowel. With a handful of exceptions in loan words, only /-k, -t, -n, -h, and -V3 occur in word-final position. These phonemes are not part of the root but rather constitute suffixes, the grammatical nature of which is discussed by Grimes 1991, passim. Stress falls automatically on the penult of the word. F2.1 Changes that characterize Burn in general Burn is conservative in its phonological development in comparison with some of the languages of the Moluccas spoken further to the east, and the history of the phonology is fairly transparent. There are few signs of influence from other languages among the inherited forms. F2.1.1 Disyllabization of trisyllables in pre-Burn Like other Hesperonesian languages Burn had a tendency to disyllabize trisyllabic roots. The details of disyllabization follow those of other Hesperonesian languages and especially closely, the processes evinced by other languages of the Moluccas. Some ofthese changes were most certainly made in common with other languages, especially those that pertain to exceptions and idiosyncractic developments, but most of the overall processes of disyllabization were probably independent in Burn. F2.1.11 Syncope of syllables with *e or *i or *u before glides in trisyllabic roots Like other Hesperonesian languages, Burn syncopated penults with *e and also penults with *i before *y or *u before *w in trisyllabic roots: 4 *banuwa > fena 'village'(< *fenwa) *beyecay 'paddle'> fesa 'shoulder blade'(< *beycay) *peniyu > peno 'sea tortoise' *tapes+ i > tapi-h 'sift rice' (< *tasepi 5 ) *wasiyey > wae 'water' (< *wasyel) F2.1.12 Loss or weakening of the antepenult As happened in many Hesperonesian languages, trisyllables with vowel onset or with initial *q or *s, which were lost, lost the antepenult. Here are a few examples: *isinepi (*isepi +-in-)> em-nipi 'dream'(< *enipi < *ienipi) *paqegu > peu-n 'gall'(< *qapegu) *qatitu 'evil spirit'> nitu 'dead person' *qiteluy > telu-n 'egg' *qusetap > ena-h 'scales offish'(< *enap < *seiap) *suwagi > wai 'younger sibling of same sex' Burn also normally weakened the antepenult in other trisyllabic roots or in trisyllables that developed from stems of four syllables:

However metathesis and affixation caused /c/ and /g/ to develop in some cases. In fact-/ occurs only in one inherited form kawil 'fishhook', and there it is a petrified suffix. 4 Note that the *e of the penult is not lost in trisyllables when the antepenult was lost (§F2.l.l2). 5 Metathesis of*tapes > tasep occurred in PMP [§A3.5.4]). 6 Most likely *wasyey > *wahyey > *wayey. Subsequently, intervocalic *y was lost (§F2.3.62), producing wae 'water'. Hendriks (1897: 101) lists wai. C. Grimes (p.c.) believes that H. made an error here. The distinction between /ae/ and /ail is difficult to hear. However, if wai is a variant pronunciation, this could have developed by a rule tbat *ye contracted to Iii, an extension of the rule of §F2.2.3, whereby *ey > /i/. 2

3

Processes ciffecting the development ofBurn phonemes from PAn

573

*binaiJa > nanga-n 'mouth of river'(< *fnaga) *bituka > fuka-n 'abdomon, guts'(< *ftuka) *guyita > ekhita 'octopus'(< *kehita) *yuqatay > em-hana 'male'(< *yanay < *yqanay) *tai]ila > e'l/inga-n 'ear'(< *etliiJa < *teliiJa [Grimes 1991: §5.4.2.5]) For some forms, I posit a prefix *rna-, which was weakened to *m- by this rule, to account for the voiced stop reflex of a voiceless consonant (§F2.3.11 ): *panac 'hot' > bana 'fire' (< *mpanac < *mapanac) *putetiq > boti-t 'white'(< *mputiq) In a few cases, the antepenult was retaine.d in trisyllables that did not have vocalic onset (or vocalic onset that developed by the loss of of *q- or *s-). It is not known why in these cases, the antepenult was retained, and in others, it was weakened. The following two roots also retain the antepenult in cognates in other languages that otherwise lose the antepenult in trisyllabic roots: *buqaya > ubaa 'crocodile'(< *qubaya) *kawayan > kawaan 'k.o. bamboo'

F2.1.13 Roots that both syncopated the penult and weakened the antepenult Three roots lost the penult and weakened the antepenult. There is no explanation for why the antepenult was weakened in these roots. Note that cognates of the first two of these forms undergo the same development in other languages of the area. (Cf. the discussion in the commentaries to these roots in the glossary.) *bayehat > beha-t 'heavy'(< *ma-beyat) *baqeyu >fehu-t 'new'(< *beyu) *cayiman > seman 'struts that support the outrigger float'

F2.1.2 CC simplification There are few examples of CC simplification in inherited forms. Morpheme-internal nasal clusters were simplified by loss of the nasal. The nasal is reflected in that the following stop was protected from becoming a continuant or becoming 0, and a voiceless stop was changed to a voiced stop. (See the examples in §F2.3.5.) There are three examples of simplification of *yC that developed (§F2.3.41 ). Clusters with *t simplified in some cases (§F2.3.12).

F2.1.3 Disyllabization of monosyllabic roots Buru, like other An languages. tended to disyllabize inherited monosyllabic roots or monosyllables that developed through syncopation or vowel contraction. The processes in Burn are analogous to those found in other An languages, but the process was most certainly independent in Burn, as the details are peculiar to Burn. ( 1) Burn doubled or reduplicated one of the monosyllables that were inherited: *biy 'lips' > fifi 'mouth' (< *bibiy) (2) Two forms show what seem to be petrified prefixes or first members of compounds. I have not identified them, and their first syllables may well have been formed by analogy (§A3.6.3): *gap> ra-ka-h 'grope' *muy > em-le-mo 'gargle' A number of forms have added /u/ or /o/ as a first syllable. In the first example, the /b/ indicates that there was a preceding *m (i.e., there was a prefix *urn-), and the other examples very likely also contained *urn-, even though this cannot be proven:

Part F. Chapter Two

574

*baw > uba 'upper part'(< *umbaw) *cuk > oso 'enter' oso-k 'put in' *pan 'bait'> upa 'offering for spirits' The following form probably is secondary. (The same form is attested over a wide range of languages in eastern Indonesia.) *pu 'ancestor, lord'> opo 'grandparent, grandchild' The following form possibly contains a petrified locative suffix *-i: *IJic 'bare the teeth' > ngisi 'tooth' (possibly, < *IJici 'bare the teeth at') (3) The most widespread method of disyllabization is by stretching the nucleus to two moras. In the case of monosyllables the vowel is doubled: *enem >nee 'six'(< *nem7) *kan > kaa 'eat' *rna> maa 'tongue' In one case of a monosyllable with *a that developed, the second mora became /e/. There is no explanation: *basaq > bae-t 'flooded'(< *mabaa < *maba) The diphthong /aw/ in monosyllables developed a paragogic /-e/: *lahuj 'seaward'> /awe 'downstream, seaward'(< *law) *pasuq > pawe 'mango tree' *taw 'person'> tawe 'companion' *taqu > tewa 'know'(< *tawe niwe 'coconut' (*nyue ekhita 'octopus'(< *keyita) *takaw > e?naka ( e?linga 'ear'(< *teliiJa) *tuyun 'descend'> e?noho (< entoho) 'ancestry, descent' In the following example, the antepenult was not weakened and the *k was changed to/?/: *kan +*-in-> i?naa-n 'food'(< *kinaan) In the following example, there was loss of the vowel ofthe antepenult and metathesis, but no consonant loss: *buyes + *ta- > ftuha 'spew'(< *tfuya < *tafuya) The penult of the root was lost when *enem was the first member of a compound, and the shortened form was generalized to independent position. 7

The development of PAn vowels and diphthongs in Buru

575

There were five other forms that underwent metathesis, most of them peculiar to Bum: *buqaya > ubaa 'crocodile' 8 *yaqan >em-ham-a 'light, easy'(< *haan [/m/ unexplained]) *ica > sia 'one'(< *isa) *iseyup > opi 'blow'(< *iup) *taqu > tewa 'know'(< *tawe folo-n 'body hair' *buqebuq > fufu-h 'pour' Otherwise, both lui and /o/ reflect *u with no patteming. 10 In the following examples, we list forms with similar environments next to each other to illustrate the random distribution of the reflexes lui and lo/:

Note that other languages also metathesize the word for 'crocodile" (cf. Kei uve). Most likely, metathesis was motivated by the need to avoid naming a tabooed object.. 9 This form is not inherited, and it is not necessarily the case that nasal insertion before *t and before *q would have had the outcome it has in this borrowed form (cf. the 1st footnote to §F2.3 .12). 10 Grimes ( 1991: §5 .4.1.1) gives a morphophonemic rule that final /o/ is raised to /u/ when the suffixes -t, -n, -k, or -h are added. 8

*takut >em-taka 'be afraid' em-taku-t 'be afraid of s.t.' However, if a form has !of in the penult, the final syllable has /o/ by the rule of vowel harmony, even when suffixed with these phonemes. The third example shows final /on/ after a penult with /e/. This form may well not be inherited:

576

Part F. Chapter Two

*acu > asu 'dog' *inurn> ino 'drink' *buwaq > fua 'fruit' *qawuQ > ao 'howl' *cawuq > sau 'anchor' *qapuy > apu/apo 'lime' *takut >em-taka 'be afraid' *qubi > ubi-t 'yam' *duyi 'thorn'> rohi 'bone' *ikuy > iku-n 'tail' *pitu > pito/pitu 'seven' *kuden > kuren 'pot' *telu >tela 'three' *peniyu > peno 'sea turtle' F2.2.3 *e

Except when lost by syncopation, *e >lei with few exceptions: *dayeq 'earth'> rahe 'ground, floor' *peyec 'squeeze'> pehe-k 'step on to crush' *qalep > aleh 'beckon' *qenay 'sandy soil'> ena 'sand' *qalegaw >lea 'day, sun' *qusefap 'scales'> ena-h 'scale a fish'(< *enap < *sefap) The sequences *ew and *we > *u (> lui, lol); *ey > Iii: *weliq > oli 'return home' *iseyup > opi 'blow'(< *ipu < *iup) The reflex of *e before *i in a following syllable is unclear. In two cases, there is assimilation to a following *i, but influence from another language that also evinces Iii in the penult before Iii in the final syllable may be the origin of the Iii in Buru. In a third case, there is no assimilation, but the form shows a peculiar semantic development that is reflected in other languages of the Moluccas, so that the third example may be the one affected by other languages and the first two examples inherited: *beli 'buy'> jili-n 'price' *betihec 'calf'> fiti-n 'lower leg'(< *betic) *sapegiq 'sharp, stinging pain' > em-pei 'hurt, sick' (Leti nka-peri 'sick') The single attested reflex of *-es shows Ia!, as is the case of many Hesperonesian languages: 11 *buyes + *ta- > ftuha 'spew'(< *tfuya < *tafuya) There is one exception, where *e is reflected by lol. There is no explanation. 12 *belaq 'split' > fola 'cut, divide into pieces' F2.2.4 *a

Except when weakened as discussed in §F2.1.12, above, *a> Ia!: *ama > ama 'father' *sawak > awa-n 'waist' In the following case, a medial *s was lost, causing *a to abut on a following lui. This sequence was contracted to a diphthong when a suffix was added, and the diphthong was simplified, as was the case of other diphthongs (§F2.2.52):

*pulut >polo-nor polo-t 'bird lime' *quyut > oho-k 'massage' *betehus > beto-n 'night, 24-hour . cycle' 11

But note that *eq is reflected with /e/: *dayeq 'earth' > rahe 'ground, land, floor'

This form is puzzling. It could have been affected by a neighboring language that reflects *e with /o/. However, note that Buru shows little influence from neighboring languages and no great dialectal variation in the vowel reflexes. 12

The development ofPAn consonants in Buru

577

*basequ >fa-a-n(< *baw-an < *bau-an < *basequ +-an) F2.2.5 Diphthongs Burn, like many of the languages in the Moluccas, monophthongized the inherited diphthongs by losing the final *w or *y of the diphthong. F2.2.51 *ay and *uy The final *-y of diphthongs was lost: *ay > Ia!; *uy > /u/ or /o/ (§F2.2.2): *yuqaiay > em-hana 'male' *matay > mata 'die' *quway > ua 'rattan' *babuy > fafu 'pig' *ial)uy > nango 'swim' F2.2.52 *aw and*iw The final *-w of diphthongs was lost: *aw >/a/; *iw > /i/: *baliw 'one of two'> en-fa/i-n 'companion' *caliw 'give in exchange'> sali 'receive' *danaw > rana 'lake' *qalegaw >lea 'day, sun' *takaw > e'lnaka ( *y and *w >Jul. Subsequently *y was lost (§F2.3.62). *kasiw > kau 'tree, wood'(< *kayu < *kaiw < *kahiw) In monosyllabic roots, *aw and *iw (whether inherited or developed in pre-Buru) became disyllabized by the addition of a paragogic lei. Cf. the examples in §F2.1.3(3). F2.3 Consonants Buru has been more conservative than other languages of the Moluccas in reflecting the PAn consonants. Buru lost all root-final consonants, including the final consonants of doubled monosyllabic roots. In this respect, Buru is more innovative than other languages of the area, many of which have preserved the final consonants or at least preserved them in those cases where they were not lost by CC simplification before suffixes (cf. Part F, Chapter Four, §F4.1.1). The following forms illustrate the loss of all of the final consonants that were present in pre-Buru: *cepecep 'suck'> sese 'nibble'(< *cepcep) *takut > em-tako 'be afraid' *teketek >tete 'chop'(< *tektek) *buqebuq > fufu-h 'pour' *kicekic > kiki 'grate'(< *kickic) *cebus 'splash' > sefu-h 'temper' *tuqed > tue-n 'stump' *lahuj >!awe 'seaward' *uleg 'worm' > ule-t 'caterpillar, maggot' *wasiyey > wae 'water' There are forms that evince a final 1-CI, especially final 1-nl, where the final consonant is the same as the reflex of the final consonant that this form had in PAn or PMP. However, my assumption here is that the final consonant was lost and then replaced by one of the final consonantal suffixes that Buru has. This assumption explains the many cases where the final -C of the root is lost entirely or is replaced by a consonant that is not the reflex of the final -C the root had in PAn (cf. the examples above). Here .is a sampling of the many forms in which the consonant of the suffix is the same as the reflex of the consonant that is final in the reconstructed PAn root: *cusan > sua-n 'dibble stick' *cuk > oso-k 'enter' *yabut 'uproot' > hafu-t 'pull out' The following chart summarizes the Buru reflexes of the PAn phonemes in initial and medial positions:

578

Part F. Chapter Two CHART TWO. DEVELOPMENT OF THE BURU CONSONANTS FROM PAN

PAn p t k q, s, h c b d

J g

Buru

PAn

Buru

p t k

¥

h

f)

s

f r

d-, -fJk-, -fJ-

1 i rn, n lJ w y rnp, rnb nd

I n, l m, n ng [IJ] w f)

b d

F2.3.1 Voiceless stops F2.3.11 *p *p > /p/ except when it carne to be preceded by *rn: *palid > pani-n 'wing' *peniyu > peno 'sea tortoise'(< *pefiu} *pitu >pita 'seven' *isepi > em-nipi 'dream' A sequence *mp, which developed, became /b/: *turnpu > tobo-n 'Lord, master' *panac 'hot' > bana 'fire' (< *rnpanac < *mapanac) In one case, a root with *p is reflected with /fl. I assume that in this case there was contamination with a form of similar meaning beginning with *b, which would be reflected as /f-/: *pakaq > faka-h 'split' (possibly, < *bakaq) F2.3.12 *t *t >It/, except in consonant clusters: *teketek >tete 'chop up' *qiteluy > telu-n 'egg' *utaq > m-uta 'vomit' In certain clusters, *t was unstable. In others, it remained It/. The only attestation of morpheme-internal *t preceded by a nasal morpheme is in a word that spread into Burn secondarily. This form shows *nt, formed by nasal accretion, reflected as /nt/: 13 *bitaquy > bintanggur 'a tree of the seashore: Calophyllum inophyllum' (initial /b/ and /ngg/ indicate the form is borrowed) After a prefix em-, *t remained /t/: *takut > em-tako 'be afraid'

In view of the fact that *mp >fbi and most likely *IJk > lgl ( §§F2.3.11, F2.3.13), I would expect that *nt should become ldl. For this reason, it is not likely that a morpheme-internal cluster *nt developed into Inti as this loan word suggests. 13

The development of PAn consonants in Buru

579

After a prefix ending in *-n, metathesis took place variably (i.e., *-n-t > *tn, but the rule is optional). Further, *t >I?I when it came to abut on Ill or In! through metathesis. *tal)ila > e?/inga 'ear' (< *etliiJa < *teliiJa < *taliiJa) *takaw > e?naka 'steal' (< en-taka 14) In a cluster that developed after the antepenult was weakened and syncopated, the *t was lost: *bituka > fuka-n 'abdomen, guts' (< *ftuka) There is a counterexample. I assume that this form arose at after the rule simplifying consonant clusters with *t ceased to operate: 15 *buyes + *ta- > ftuha 'spew out'(< *btuyes < *tbuyes) F2.3.13 *k *k > /k/: *isekan > ika-n 'fish' *kaka 'elder sibling' > kaka 'elder sibling of same sex' The one form that reflects a cluster *IJk spread secondarily through the MP languages. It evinces lgl corresponding to the reflexes of*IJk in other languages and is the probable reflex of any cluster *IJk that developed, in view of the fact that *mp >fbi (§F2.3.11): *waiJkaiJ > waga 'boat' *k > l?l in the following form, where it was onset of the antepenult. It metathesized to come directly before an lnl-i.e., the change is parallel to that described for *t in clusters (§F2.3.12): *kan +*-in-> i?naa-n 'food'(< *kinaan) F2.3.14 *q *q was lost without a trace: *qatep > ate-t 'thatch *buqaya > ubaa 'crocodile'(< *qubaya) *paqit > em-pai-t 'bitter' F2.3.15 *c *c > lsl with no exceptions: *caiJa 'branch' > sanga-n 'fork in tree, trail' *citay 'ray'> sina 'shine' *qacu > asu 'dog' *iseci > isi-n 'flesh, contents' F2.3.2 *h, *s *h and *s were lost without a trace: *binahi > fina 'female'(< *binay) *lahuj >/awe 'seaward' *dusa > rua 'two' *sipay 'opposite side' > ipar 'nephew'

The italics here indicate that entaka also occurs (Devin 1982: 124). Sound symbolism is the force that drove the development of this form. Words referring to 'sliding' and bodily functions begin with /ft/ (or the dialectal variant /st/) (Charles Grimes p.c.). 14 15

580

Part F. Chapter Two

F2.3.3 Voiced stops The voiced stops weakened to become continuants: *b >If/, medial *d and *g fell together as /r/. *j was lost in medial position. When they came to be preceded by a nasal they were protected. F2.3.31 *b *b > /f/: *batu > fatu 'rock' *biyebiy 'lips' > fifi-n 'mouth' *bubu > fofo 'fish trap' In a few cases, *b > /b/. I hypothesize that the /b/ was protected by a preceding nasal, which was subsequently lost. This nasal was the remnant of the prefix *rna-, where the vowel was lost, being in the antepenult (§F2.1.12). The following forms are statives or adjectives, forms that are affixed with rna- in languages where this is a productive prefix: *basaq > bae-t 'flooded'(< *mbaa < *mabaa) *bayiw > bahi 'spoiled, tainted' *bayehat > beha 'heavy' *beiJa > benga-k 'ajar' *buyuk 'rotten'> boho 'bad, rotten, evil' *bukuq > buku 'hunched over' *butuiJ 'gather'> butu-n 'group' Other prefixes or antepenults ending in a nasal also protected *b: *haw 'above'> uba 'upper part'(< *urn-haw) *yambiya > bia 'sago' One form shows sporadic prenasalization of the final syllable : *qubi > ubi-t 'wild yam'(< *umbi) The following forms do not clearly derive from an affixed form and may, in fact, not have been protected but were borrowed from a dialect in which *b > /b/: 16 *ba 'perhaps' > ba 'only, just' *ba > baba 'can-yon the back' *baguk > baru-t 'material used for tinder' *betehus 'come forth, appear' > beto-n 'night' *buyebuy > bubur 'porridge'(< Ml) *buluq >bolo 'k.o. bamboo' *butuq >but 'penis' *buqaya > ubaa 'crocodile' (Lisela) There is one form that gives evidence that *b > /hi when onset of the penult in forms of three or more syllables: *bahi +R +-in-> finha 'wife'(< *binbai < *binabayi) F2.3.32 *d · *d > /r/: *dayaq > raha-n 'blood' *deJ]ey > p-renge 'hear' *dusa > rua 'two' *kuden > kuren 'clay pot' *qudaiJ > uran 'shrimp' If the *d was protected, it remained /d/: *di1JediiJ > eb-ridi 'cold'(< *di1Jdi1J) In three forms, *d is reflected with /1/. The first of these is probably a case of assimilation to an /1/ onset of the following syllable. The second was probably contaminated with a reflex of

The Lisela dialect shows a strong influence from a language that is now nearly dead, Kayeli, and the normal reflex of *bin Kayeli is lb/ (Grimes 1991: §4.5.2). 16

The development of PAn consonants in Buru

581

*aluten 'glowing piece of wood' (which is not attested in Burn), and the third form is borrowed: *dalem > lale-n 'inside, deep' *dabuk 'dust' > lafu-n 'dust, flying spark' *datu> latu 'title for the head of a regentship' (Hendriks 1897:86 ratu) F2.3.33 *j

*j- > /d-/ initially. *jalan 'way' > dala 'lose one's way' *jawa > dawa 'the part of the day that is light' *jeket >dike 'adhere' (Iii by contamination) Medially, *j was lost. There are only two attestations: *ajay > aa-n 'chin' *tajem > em-tae 'sharp' F2.3.34 *g

*g > *k when onset of the penult or earlier and when the onset of monosyllabic roots: *gap> ra-ka-h 'grope' *gemel •squeeze' > keme-h 'pinch' *guyita > ekhita 'octopus'(< *kehita) Medially *g was lost: *kuga 'how'> kua 'why' *qaiegaw >lea 'day' *J]agan > ngaa-n 'name' *suwagi > wai 'younger sibling of same sex' In two cases, *g is reflected with /1/. These forms are probably borrowed, although the source is unknown: *piga >pi/a 'how many?' *pagay > pala 'rice' In one case, probably a loan word, *g is reflected with /r/: *baguk > baru-t 'fibre from a tree used as tinder' F2.3.4 Voiced continuants F2.3.41 *y

*y >/hi: *ayi > mahi 'come here' *duyi 'thorn'> rohi-n 'bone' *yabut > ha.fu-t 'pull out' *yumaq > huma 'house' *peyec 'squeeze' > pehe 'step on to crush' *y was lost when it came to be in a cluster *yC: *beyecay 'paddle'> fesa-n 'shoulder blade' (< *beycay) *cayiman > seman 'struts that support the outrigger float' *qayetaq > ata 'slave, underling' *y was also lost in the following form. There is no explanation: *buyiq > foi 'wash, bathe' In two cases, *y is reflected by /r/. The first example has many irregularities, and either it is unrelated or it is borrowed. The second example was probably contaminated by an unknown form: *bayaq >pare 'lungs' (/p/ and /e/ also unexplained) *yepun > repu 'gather'

582

Part F. Chapter Two

One form shows Ill from *y. The Ill probably arose by contamination with another word meaning 'bent', e.g. eg-leko 'bent': *yeken > leke-n 'coil up' F2.3.42 *I

*1 >III: *celem > sele 'submerged' *lahuj >!awe 'seawards' *lima> lima 'five' *piliq >pili 'choose' *puluq >polo 'ten' *qalep > ale-h 'beckon' F2.3.43 *i *t underwent the changes found throughout the MP languages (§§Al.1.32, 4t,, A3.3.4). In addition, PMP tfi (< *t) underwent depalatalization, as it did in many of the MP languages. As onset to a penult or an earlier syllable that was unstressed in PAn, *t- became 11-1. There is only one good example: *qategaw >lea 'day, sun' Otherwise, *t > In/: *tuy > niwe 'coconut' *atak > ana-t 'child' *qaHtu 'evil spirit' > nitu 'corpse, dead person' *qatud > m-ano 'flow away' In one case, *t > In! before an unstressed penult. This exception is found in other languages of eastern Indonesia in cognate roots, and I assume that this root had alternative stress patterns probably as early as PMP times ( cf. the commentary to *iaiJuy in the glossary): *taiJUY 'swim'> nanga 'wade'(< *tal)uy) In one case, *i is unexpectedly reflected by Ill when onset to a stressed penult. The etymology is questionable: *iabuq 'fall'> Iafo-n 'residuum, what is left after the main part is removed' F2.3.5 *m, *n, *g *m, n, and *IJ > lml, In!, and lngl, respectively: *lal)it > langi 'sky' *lima> lima 'five' *manuk > manu-t 'bird' *matay > mata 'die' *IJic 'bare teeth' > ngisi-n 'tooth' In one case, an *IJ is assimilated to In! on the left. In other cases, no assimation takes place. The first example, which shows assimilation, is probably a case of dialect mixture or possibly borrowing. The other two show no assimilation: *qafiiJu >nino 'cast a shadow' ninu-n 'shadow' *binaiJa > nanga-n 'river's mouth' *faiJUY 'swim'> nango 'wade' In root-internal clusters that developed (including roots consisting of a doubled monosyllables), the nasals protected the onset of the following consonants and were lost, as is the case of most other languages of the Moluccas: *demedem > rede-n 'dark(ness)' (< *demdem) *diiJediiJ > eb-ridi 'be cold' *panac 'hot' > bana 'fire'(< *mpana < *mapanac) *waiJkaiJ > waga 'boat'

The development of PAn consonants in Buru

583

In one case, *VnV > *VndV > Ndl. This was probably a dialectal variant that has entered the Masarete dialect: 17 *ciiay > sida 'shine' (< *sinda < *sina) The sequences *nw and *ny >In!: *banuwa 'place where there is s.t.' > fena 'village'(< *fenwa < *fenuwa) *miniyak > mina-n 'fat, grease' (< *minyak) *peniyu > peno 'sea turtle' · F2.3.61 *w

*w > lwl except between *u and *a, in the cluster *nw that developed, and in final position: *wayed > wahe-t 'vine' *wiyi 'left'> wihi 'carry on hand on side' *kawil > kawi-1 'fishhook' *sawak > awa-n 'waist' In one case *w- was lost unaccountably. The Bum reflex may in fact not derive from the reconstructed etymon: *wakay 'root'> aka-n 'gums' *we> lui or lol: *weliq >ali 'return home' Examples of environments in which*w was lost: *banuwa 'place where there is s.t.' > fena 'village' *buwaq > fua 'betel nut' *cawuq > sau 'anchor' F2.3.62 *y

*y was lost with no trace: *layay > laa 'sail' *peniyu > peno 'sea turtle' The sequence *ey >Iii: *iseyup > opi 'blow' (< *iup) 18

17

The following form also is an exception to the rule of simplification or has an aberrant reflex of *y: *cal)ey > sare 'lean'

This form may be contaminated by another form, but most likely it is borrowed from a language in which the following scenario took place. However, this has not been documented in any of the languages that influenced Bum: *cal)ey > *sayel) > sare (metathesis) Dialectally, *ye also became /i/. Hendriks (1897: 101) reports wai 'water', where our other sources report wae. Cf. the third footnote to §F2.l.ll. 18

CHAPTER THREE

Leti F3.0 Introduction Leti is spoken on the on the island ofLeti offthe eastern tip ofTimor, bounded to the north by the Banda Sea and to the south by the Timor Sea. The population of Leti was between seven and eight thousand in the 1990s, and the language is now confined to the oldest generations. The language is dialectally diverse, each settlement having its own dialectal peculiarities, but probably not so great as to hinder communication among the groups. The language has been widely discussed for its unusual morphophonemics ( cf. Hume, 1997, and Blevins and Garrett 1998), and its history has been investigated in detail by van Engelenhoven 2004. In his doctoral dissertation (van Engelenhoven 1995), he concludes that Leti is most closely related to Wetan and more distantly to the languages spoken on the neighboring islands of Moa and Lakor, and all of these are in a subgroup with languages of southeast Timor, including Tetun. The data come from van Engelenhoven 2004 and Jonker 1932. In my analysis I have been very much helped by a historical analysis by van Engelenhoven (n.d.), which solved many of the difficult problems that the data present. 1 The following chart lists the phonemes ofLeti that are found in inherited forms. In loan forms from Ml and Tetun, Leti also has the phonemes lb/, lei, lg/, /hi, and /rjl. There are two semivowels [w] and [y], which are considered allophones of /u/ and /i/ respectively. CHART ONE. THE PHONEMES OF LETI

Consonants p voiceless stops voiced stop nasals m liquids v spirants

Vowels t

k

d n r, I s

high

I

u

mid low-mid low

e

0

e [c]

0

[~]

a

The consonants may occur doubled in word-initial position. The vowels also occur doubled. Geminate (doubled) vowels and continuants are disyltabic. 2 Geminate vowels do not occur in

1 I owe a debt of gratitude to Dr. van Engelenhoven for the many hours he spent with me discussing the history of Leti phonology and thereby making easier the task of understanding the enormous complexities involved. 2 A form like kiertunuani 'name of a farm in legends' is evidence that doubled vowels consist of two syllables because of the metathesis that occurs between the second mora of a doubled vowel that had developed. The derivation of this form is as follows:

585

586

Part F. Chapter Three

closed syllables (cf. §F3.1.211 ). /e/ and /o/ developed only when followed by a syllable with an /a/ nucleus (§F3.2.1, F3.2.2, 4~) or when followed by a syllable with 0 onset and an /i/ nucleus (i.e., consisting of /-i(C)/ (§F3.2.4, end). Because of subsequent metathesis (§F3.1.11) and analogical spread, /e/ or /o/ now occur in other environments and have become contrastive. Except for enclitics, only /i/, Ia!, and /u/ occur in the final syllable of a word.

F3.1 Changes that characterize Leti in general Leti reflexes diverge widely from the forms reconstructed for PMP because of the combination of three process: metathesis, syncope, and assimilation. These developments took place in the recent history ofLeti and obscure the changes that pre-Leti underwent in developing from PMP prior to these more recent processes and that Leti shares with other MP languages.

F3.1.1 Metathesis and syncope F3. 1.11 Metathesis resulting from syncope in roots ending in a consonant Pre-Leti developed vowel final canonical forms: roots that had ended in a consonant developed echo vowels that were the same as the vowel of the final syllable of the root: CV 1CV2C > CV 1CV2CV2· 3 Subsequently, a rule of syncope of the root penult developed when the root was in phrase-final position: CV 1CV2CV2> CV 1CCV2. For example, a root *laleg 'fly', which became llaran by the sound changes described in the following subsections, developed an echo vowel in pre-Leti, producing *llarana, which subsequently by the rule of syncope of the penult in phrase-final position, became llama. Thus, an alternation between CV1CV2C and CV1CCV2 developed. For example, llama in phrase-final position alternates with llaran, which occurs when the root is not phrase final. E.g., llama 'a fly' and llaran mota 'a green fly'. The final result of these two processes is that-VC, the vowel and the coda of the final syllable, became -CV before a pause-that is, the coda was made the onset. 4 Further, the alternation between-VC and -CV became grammaticalized-that is, the choice of the allomorph with -VC came to be an indicator of a grammatical connection between the allomorph and the form that followed. 5 In short, there came to be a contrast between -CV and -CV in the same root. This has led to the establishment of metathesis as a regular process that obligatorily takes place whenever a morpheme with -CV comes to stand before another nonclitic form with which it is in a phrase.

kier 'k.o. tree' + tutu 'top' + nani (*kiertutunani > *kiertutnani [§F3.l.l4] > *kiertuunani [§F3.1.2l] > keiertunuani [§F3.l.l2])

The intermediate form *kiertuunani metathesized the second of the doubled /u/'s, evidence that the doubled vowel was disyllabic. 3 It should be noted that the semivowels *w and *y sometimes behaved like consonants. Forms ending in the diphthongs *ay, *uy, and *aw in some forms developed the same way as consonant-final forms. The circumstances under which final *w and *y have behaved like consonants are not known. Perhaps treating forms with final diphthongs in the same way as forms with C coda was a matter of dialectal differences. 4 This is essentially the explanation presented by Blevins and Garret 1998. 5 Note, however, that when a root is followed by an enclitic or by a form with which it forms a compound, the allomorph with -CV occurs. The allomorph with-VC occurs only when in a phrase with a separate word (cf. §F3.l.l2, 2nd~).

Processes affecting the development of Leti phonemes from PAn

587

F3.1.1l1 Roots that do not undergo metathesis Note that roots that are recent loans do not undergo syncope and metathesis: *cukat > suat 'measure' (and not the expected *suuta) (cf. Ml sukat 'measure') F3.1.12 Metathesis across word boundaries Another kind of metathesis also developed with clitics in Leti. When a proclitic or prefix with a final vowel is added to a form with consonantal onset, the final vowel of the first form metathesizes with the initial consonant of the following form. For example, *i 'locative morpheme'+ *rarma 'inside'> riarma 'inside'. Further, the first member of a compound is cliticized to what follows For rai 'land' plus lavna 'big' forms a compound. Accordingly the final vowel of rai and the onset of lavna are metathesized, forming raliavna 'large land' .6 Further, these phonological processes may occur several times in a single word-that is, they may affect the several morphemes within a compound. 7 However, before a following word-that is, before a form that does not form a compoud with what preceded, the metathesis does not take place. This process of metathesis also affects roots ending in consonants that had. undergone the metathesis described above in §F3.1.11, above. For example the root aur 'lime' becomes aaru before a pause. 8 When aaru is modified by an enclitic, it undergoes this cross-word metathesis: aaru 'lime'+ the deictic enclitic de produced ardue 'that lime'. 9 If de is not enclitic, as in a phrase, 'that is lime', where de is the subject and aaru is the predicate, we get aaru de 'That's lime!' with no metathesis. 10 Metathesis between a root and an enclitic does not always occur. The prepausal form aaru does not metathesize with the eli tic nu 'your'. Thus we get aaru nu 'your lime' . 11 Metathesis with a following deictic also does not occur when the metathesis would produce a disallowed Cluster. Thus metathesis does not occur when the form talla 'road' (< *jalan) is modified by de 'that'. A form like *talldae would have the cluster *lid, which does not occur. We get talan de 'that road' with the unmetathesized allomorph of talla.

6 In fact, there are restrictions on the operation of this rule depending on the vowel of the final syllable of the first member of the sequence and the vowel of the first syllable of the second member of the sequence. When metathesis does not take place, the final syllable is syncopated by the rule of §F3.l.l4. (Cf. the details in van Engelenhoven 2004: 90) 7 An example is the reflex of*takut 'afraid'. *takut +ma- > *matakut > *mtakutu (by the rule of loss of the antepenult [§F3.1.32] and addition of echo vowel) < *mtaktu > mtaatu [for loss of *k and compensatory lengthening cf. §§F3.1.21 and F3.3.13). When this form was doubled, metathesis took place: *matakut-takut > *mtaktu-taktu > *mtaatu-taatu > *mtaattuaatu > mtatuaatu (with simplification of the *tt) 'be somewhat afraid'. 8 In this case the long vowel of the initial syllable results from loss of the *pin metathesis (§F3.1.21) (*qapuy > *apur > *apru > aaru). 9 aa >/a/ by the rule that doubled vowels become shortened in closed syllables (§F3.1.211). 10However, dialectally a second rule of metathesis that affects short words in subject position is in force, so that this aaru de dialectally becomes pronounced [ardue]. 11 Although aaru is the allomorph of aur (< *qapuy), which developed by the metathesis of §F3.1.11, above, no form *aur nu has developed, for the unmetathesized allomorph occurs only when the root is in a phrase with a nonclitic.

588

Part F. Chapter Three

F3.1.13 Syncope of syllables to the left of the penult Syncope also affects unstressed vowels in syllables prior to the penult (for details see §F3.1.32). In the case of the one quadrisyllabic stem that is inherited, the first vowel was lost by syncopation: *mayuqaiay > muani 'male'(< *myuanay) F3.1.14 Loss of root-final vowel Roots with final vowels or that developed final vowels through the loss of a final *-q,*-h, or *-s, (§§F3.3.14, F3.3.2) do not metathesize. They lose their final vowels (by syncope) before a following word, whether it begins in a consonant or a vowel: asu 'dog' + vulu 'hair' = asvulu 'dog's hair'; pua 'betel fruit' + wara 'root'= puwara 'root of betel'; ari 'rayfish' + ulti 'tail'= arulti 'ray's tail'; vura 'mountain'+ ulu 'first= vurulu 'first mountain'; *ibelaq 'on the side' + *wanaf 'right'> vieluanna 'on the right' (< *ibeluanan < *ibelwanan < *ibelawanan)

This rule also applies to roots that developed a final vowel by metathesis when the onset or coda of the final syllable had been lost causing compensatory gemination of the preceding vowel (i.e., was *p, *k, or *q) (§F3.1.21 ): nuunu 'banyan'(< *nuknu < *nunku < *nunuk) + tavi 'leaf'= nuun tavi 'banyan leaf' Roots lose their final vowel when a suffix is added. The final vowel of the root comes to stand in the penult, which is lost by the rule of loss of the penult in trisyllabic forms (§ F3.1.31, last~): *mamaq >mama 'chew'+ ne > mamne 'he chews' *tubuq 'body'> tuvu 'form'+ -nu > tuvnu 'body's appearance' Roots loose a final syllable when they are the first member of a compound: 12 *bituqen 'star'> *vetuan + *daya 'maiden'> *vetundaya > *vetudara > vetduara (§F3.1.12) 'name of girl connected with stars' *daya 'inland' > raliavna 'land' (< *rai + lavna) The final syllable may be lost in forms of three or more syllables: *qusalipan > danatv-ali 'centipede'(< *alipan) This same loss of the final syllable is evinced by the following loan-word from Ml: orankai 'village head' (cf. Ml orang kaya 'village head') F3.1.15 Other cases of metathesis Metathesis occurred widely in the history of Leti, beyond the case of the final syllable of roots ending a C. The following examples list cases of metathesis that are peculiar to Leti or to Leti and the languages closely related to it. Leti also evinces the cases of metathesis that are shared by all MP languages (§A3.5.4). ( 1) There is a tendency to metathesize nasals when they come to abut: In the case of final syllables with -C coda, the vowel of the final syllable was lost by syncope, and the CC cluster consisting of the coda of the first member and the onset of the following word was simplified by dropping the coda. In the case of final syllables with a -y coda, the final vowel was lost, but the-y coda gained syllabicity-i.e., >Iii. (Cf. the example in §F3.3.62, 3'd~.) 12

Processes affecting the development of Leti phonemes from PAn

589

*inurn+ na- '3rd person'> nemnu 'he drinks'(< *na-inmu < *na-inumu) *tatem > tomna 'plant'(< *tamna < *tanma < *tanam) (la) A sequence *en> /ne/ in the following case: *enem > vo-nema 'six' < *enma < *enam) (2) A[?] that developed from *k (§F3.3.13) or *q (§F3.3.14) and came to be immediately after a consonant (§F3.1.11) was metathesized to come before the C-i.e., *C? > /?C/. Here are examples of metathesis involving forms with *-k and *-q: 13 *aiak > aana 'child'(< *a?na < *an?a ruusu 'rib'(< *ru?su > *rus?u < *rusu?) *kan > aana 'eat'(< *ka?na < *ka?an < *ka?en 14 < *kaen) *manuk > maanu 'bird'(< *ma?nu < *man?u miina 'oil'(< *mi?na < *min?a < *mina? < *miiiak) *nunuk > nuunu 'banyan'(< *nuknu < *nunku) *pecaq > paasa 'split, shattered'(< *mpa?sa < *mapaceq) *tacak > nam-taasa 'cooked'(< *-ta?sa < *-tas?a < *-tasa?) (3) Metathesis involving other consonants: *dapat > laara 'sole' (< *lapra < *lapar < *rapal < *rapan) *datay > darta 'layer' (< *datra) *kutata > na-tuona 'ask'(< *na-utana < *na-kutana) *qiteluy > temu 'egg'(< *terun < *teyul) *sipay 'other side' >ria 'man's brother-in-law' *taqu > atu 'know' (4) Metathesis involving semi vowels: *kacaw < aasa 'rafter'(< *kawsa < *kaswa) *layay > laara 'sail'(< *layra) (5) vocalic metathesis: *aciq > n-sia 'he teases' *yik 'thresh'> rei 'pull (grain off stem)'(< *reik < *riek < *rik) *lahuj + *i- > liora 'sea' (< *iloar < *iluar) *salem> me/a 'night' (< *melma < *melam < *m-alem) *ucek 'press into' > n-soi 'shift s.t. away' ( iina 'fish' (< *i?na < *i?an) *likuj > liiru 'back' (< li ;ru < *li?ur) *manuk > maanu 'chicken(< *ma?nu) *qapuy > aaru 'lime'(< *apru < *apur) *wakay > uaara

13 A large portion of the forms ending in *-k metathesized the onset of the penult and the *-k, but not all of them. I assume that *k > [?) and the metathesis in fact involved metathesis of a glottal stop because the same rule characterized forms ending in *q, which became nl. 14 We assume that a glottal stop developed between the two vowels that resulted from disyllabization (§F3.l.4(3)) 15 1 assume that these consonants became/?/ before they were lost. See also the examples under F3.l.l5(2).

Part F. Chapter Three

590

'root'(< *wa?ya) *kacaw < aasa 'rafter'(< *kawsa < *kaswa) *layay > laara 'sail'(< *layra) 16 An exception to vowel gemination is trisyllabic roots ending in *qVC. The *q in those cases was lost prior to metathesis, and for that reason, the penultimate vowel of the metathesized form was not doubled:

*bituqen > ptuna 'star' (< *ptune < *bitune < *bituen) F3.1.211 Degemination

Doubled vowels occur only in the penult. Doubled vowels that developed in earlier syllables degeminated: *ma-takut > mtaatu 'be afraid' When doubled: *matakut-takut > *mtaatu-taatu > *mtatu-taatu > *mtattuaatu 17 > mtatuaatu 'be somewhat afraid' Degemination occurs also in the penult18 ifthere was an antepenult (i.e., if the resulting stem would have had four syllables): *jaqet > iata 'badness'(< *iaata < *ia?et [§F3.3.33]) F3.1.22 Vowel Contraction

When a consonant was lost between like vowels, the two vowels contract to a short vowel: *isepi > m-ia 'dream' (< *-ie (§F3.1.14) < *-i < *-ii < *ipi) *fikiiiki > li/i'armpit' (< *liilii) *tusud > turtur 'knee'(< *tur < *tuud) *tusuy 'string beads'> n-turan 'pierce'(< *tur + *-an < *tuur) *a adjacent to *u in the following syllable> /o/ (cf §F3.2.2, 2"~: *capuh >n-asa 'rub'(< *soa < *soe lasar 'navel'(< *la-usar) *ulaw 'dazed'+ rna-> mala 'ashamed' *ucek 'press into'> n-sai 'shift s.t. away'(< *so + i < sau lei, which becomes lowered to lei before /a/ (cf. §F3.2.1, 2nd and 3rim: *ma-iya 'red'> n-mera 'it reddens'(< *maiya) *wasiyey > uera 'water'(< *wear< *waiar) In the case of forms with intervocalic *h, the *h was lost without a trace south of the Philippines and vowel contraction took place soon after the loss of the medial *h: *yabihi 'evening'> o-ravi 'yesterday evening'

16 There was an alternative development (probably dialectal) of roots with medial *y: the echo vowel assimilated to the *y-i.e., became /if after syncope had taken place. After the *y was lost, the preceding vowel was lengthened, as was the case of the vowels preceding other consonants that were lost:

*duyung > ruuni 'dugong' {< *ruyiJi < *ruyiJu) *bayad > paari 'pay'(< Ml) (< *bayri < *bayra) The doubled Itt!, which developed, degeminated. Doubled consonants only occur in word-initial position. Technically, the doubled vowel comprises the penult and antepenult of the word. Note that a doubled vowel in the penult of a word is not degeminated when the final vowel of the root is syncopated (§F3.l.l4). 17 18

Processes affecting the development of Leti phonemes from PAn

591

F3.1.23 CC simplification Leti allows a wide variety of consonant clusters. However, there are a few cases of consonant assimilation and CC simplification within a stem. These cases of assimilation involve nasals. (1) Clusters consisting of nasal+ stop within the root lost the nasal (as described in §F3.3.5, below). (2) A sequence *ln >Ill/, and a sequence *lm > /11: *bulai >bulla 'moon'(< *bulna) *jalan >tal/a 'way' *lalul) > 1/allu 'cock' 19 *lilin > 1/illi'wax' (< llilin) *salem+ rna-> me/a(< *melma < *melam < *malem) (3) A sequence *vm >/rum/:

vavi 'pig'+ mi 'your' > vammi 'your pig' (4) /d/ is assimilated to a following In! or 111/0 *dn > /nn/: dudun 'rack' is metathesized to dunnu; *dl >Ill/: dudul 'hom' > dullu. Further, the first final -C of a doubled monosyllabic root is lost: *gemegem 'hold in fist' > kukmu 'hold fast' *lil)elil) > nvak-lili 'it rolls' (loss of /-1)/ unexplained) *muyemuy > nal-pupra 'gargle'(< *nal-mumrai 1

F3.1.3 Disyllabization oftrisyllables in pre-Leti The rules given in F3.l.lff, above, pertain to Leti at a recent stage and affect Leti and the languages that are closely related to Leti spoken on neighboring islands. Prior to the time that these rules took effect, the kind of syncopation and contraction that affected other MP languages also affected pre-Leti. These rules are discussed in the following subsections.

F3.1.31 Syncope of syllables with *e or *i or *u before glides in trisyllabic roots *e was lost by syncopation in the penult oftrisylJabic roots in pre-Leti: *baqeyu 'new' > varu 'new' *binesiq > vini 'seed' *isegul) 'nose'> irnu 'nose' (< *irun) Similarly, *i in the penult was elided before *y: 22 *miniyak > miina (< *minak < *mifiak)

The sources are unclear as to whether this should be lla/lu or llalu or lallu. I have found no attestations with a PMP etymology. The examples come from Blevins and Garrett (1998: 542). This assimiltion is dialectal. There are other dialects that fail to make this assimilation and, in fact, dissimilate the sequence Inn! that developed to ldnl: 19

20

*ibelaq 'on the side' + *wanat > vieluadna 'one the right' (< vieluanna < *ibeluanan < *ibelwanan < *ibelawanan) *m > lp/ before /r/ (§F3.3.5) and *mp > lppl (F3.3.11). The first lpl in this root probably results from a rule that *m is assimilated to a *p- onset of the following syllable-i.e., *m-p > lp-pl. The final vowel is probably changed from *u to Ia! on analogy with the reflex of *buyes 'spew water out', which is unattested but would have the shape /vural. Blust (1983a: 20) connects Tong and Smpuupuu 'rinse the mouth' with this form. I believe that the similarity is coincidental: the To and Sm reflexes developed independently. 22 There is no attestation of elision of penultimate *u before lw I in an inherited form. In fact, the one inherited example evinces loss of the vowel of the antepenult: 21

*banuwa 'place where s.t. is'> vnua 'county'

592

Part F. Chapter Three

In the case of trisyllabic roots with vowel or *q or *s onset in the antepenult and *e in the penult, the antepenult was lost, and the *e of the penult was preserved (cf. the rule of at the beginning of §F3.1.32): *aqetih > m-eti 'reef' *isepi > m-ia 'dream'(< *ia < *iep < *epi) *qalegaw >!era 'sun' *paqegu > eru ( ternu 'egg'(< *terun < *tenur < *telur) *sapegiq 'causing sharp pain'> ka-peri 'sick' There are other trisyllabic roots with *e in the penult that weakened or lost the antepenult. It is unknown why the antepenult was lost in these roots rather than the *e of the penult. Cf. similar phenomena in other languages of Sulawesi and the Lesser Sundas (e.g., in Muna §C8.1.2, 4th~ and in Mgg §Fl.l.ll, 4t'1) *bayehat > pperta 'heavy' ( na-vear 'it opens up (flower)' *deyeqec >'move vigorously'> ka-p-resa-an 'move hastily'(< *resa < *rees < *yeqec) *laqeya 'ginger'> lia 'ginger'(< *leya) *tineun > na-tennu 'he weaves' Further, in the process of suffixation, the penult (that is, the final vowel of the root) is elided (cf. §F3.1.14): *mamaq >mama 'chew'+ ne > mamne 'he chews' *tubuq 'body'> tuvu 'form'+ -nu > tuvnu 'body's appearance'

F3.1.32 Loss or weakening of the antepenult In the case oftrisyllables roots with vowel or *q or *s onset in the antepenult, the antepenult was lost, no matter what vowel was in the penult ( cf. the examples of F3 .1.31, 3rif, above). There is one example of a trisyllabic beginning with *qa and with *a in the penult: *qacawa 'in-law'> soa- 'spouse'(< *sawa) In other trisyllables (i.e., those with onsets other than *q or *s) with vowels other than *e in the penult, the vowel of the antepenult was normally lost and the onset of the antepenult retained: *guyita 'octopus'> krita 'octopus' *jalikan >!ian 'trivet'(< *jlikan [§F3.3.42, end]) This rule accounts for the loss of the final vowel of prefixes that have to be reconstructed with a final vowel in pre-Leti: 23 *rna- + *takut > mtaatu 'be afraid' ( cf. the following form, which proves that the prefix m- derives from *rna-: *rna+ ulaw >mala 'be ashamed' [< *ma-ulaw]) *mu- '2" sing'+ *tutu> mtutu 'you strike' *panas + vo- 'causative'> v-ansa (< *vo-pansa) (cf. *kan 'eat' + vo- 'causative'> voona 'feed'[< *vo?na < *vo?an, where the *o of the prefix was not lost when added to a monosyllabic root]) The following form lost an antepenultimate *i. This is unexplained, especially since the antepenultimate vowel of the root is retained in compounds (see the example at the end of this paragraph). 24 Note that when a suffix is added, the vowel of the penult (that is, the vowel of the final syllable of the root) is elided (§F3.1.31, last paragraph). 24 The form ptuna may have developed in a dialect that treated trisyllabics differently from the dialect that became contemporary Leti. 23

Processes affecting the development ofLeti phonemes from PAn

593

*bituqen > ptuna 'star'(< *betuan < *bituqen) In some cases with *i or *u in the antepenult, the antepenultimate vowel is retained. Why the antepenultimate vowel was not lost here and why it is lost in trisyllabic forms consisting of a vowel final prefix added to a disyllabic root is not explained: *buqaya > vuaa 'crocodile' *kutata > na-tuona 'ask'(< *-utana) *mayuqatay > muani 'man' *tinaqi > tniid 'intestines' ( < *tinei < *taqi +-in-) Forms of four syllables became trisyllables, but these did not lose the antepenult. An *i that came four syllables from the end of a word is weakened to /e/: *bituqen 'star'+ *daya 'maiden'> vetduara 'girls's name' (< *vetu + *dara) F3.1.321 Loss of the penult in disyllabics Two disyllabic roots evince loss of the penult. There is no explanation as to how the penult came to be lost in these two forms, and perhaps the etymology is not correct: *cemi 'sprout'> mimi 'great-grandchild'(< *mi plus doubling [§F3.1.4]) *jiyuc > na-rusa 'bathe'(< *ruas mama 'chew'+ ne > mamne 'he chews' *tubuq 'body' tuvu 'form'+ -nu > tuvnu 'body's appearance' F3.1.4 Disyllabization of monosyllabic roots Leti disyllabized inherited monosyllabic roots as well as monosyllabic roots that developed. In a few cases, Leti disyllabized by doubling the root, and in a few others, by expanding the root with a pretonic vowel that was the same as the root vowel. However, the most widespread method of disyllabization was by stretching the vowel nucleus with *e, which by subsequent changes and metathesis, created a root with final/-a/. In few cases, petrifaction of affixes created disyllabicity in monosyllabic roots: ( 1) doubling: *gap> kaka 'grope'(< *gapgap) *tusud > turtur 'knee'(< *tudtud < *tud < *tuud [§F3.3.2] (2) adding a pretonic vowel: *pu > upu 'grandparent, grandchild(< *umpu [§F3.1.5]) (3) by stretching the nucleus with *e: 25 *basequ > voa 'stink'(< *voe < *vo < *bau) *tuy > nura 'coconut'(< *nuey < *fiuy) *yik 'thresh'> rei 'pull (grain of stem)' (< *reik < *riek < *rik) *isepi > m-ia 'dream'(< *ie < *i < *ipi) *tisebic > m-nisa 'thin'(< *-nias < *-nies < *nis < *nipis) *tan 'set a trap' > tana 'hold'(< *taen) The *e invariably changes to /a/, and Leti itself offers no evidence that /e/ developed in disyllabization. However, the very closely related language Moa, which underwent nearly the same changes in metathesis and disyllabization, has final /e/ in cognate forms where Leti developed /a/ in the final syllable. 25

Part F. Chapter Three

594

There is evidence that a glottal stop developed sporadically between the two vowels that resulted from disyllabization. The root *kan disyllabized by stretching the nucleus to two vowels and underwent metathesis, implying [?]-onset of the final syllable: *kan > aana 'eat"(< *ka?na < *ka?an < *ka?en < *kaen) (4) by petrifying an affixed form: *tusuy 'string beads'> n-turan 'pierce'(< *tur +-an< *tuur) *ucek 'press into'> n-soi 'shift s.t. away' ( < *so+ i < sau bonga 'flower'(< *boiJa < *boeiJ [§F3.1.4(3)] < *boiJ [§F3.2.2, 4th~]< *buaiJ)

F3.1.5 Prenasalization of consonants Leti evinces few examples of nasal accretion to the onset of the final syllable found widely in the MP languages further to the west (§A3.7.2). The following forms are the few examples attested in the data. These forms show nasal accretion in the cognates in Hesperonesian languages: *pu > upu 'grandfather/mother/child'(< *umpu) *pukuh > vuku 'not, node, knuckle'(< *buiJku < *buku < *pukuh) *puti > udi 'banana'(< *punti)

F3.2 Vowels and diphthongs Leti has added two front and two back vowels and has lost the central vowel *e. The inherited diphthongs were monophthongized, as is the case of all of the languages south of northern Sulawesi discussed in this study. In other words, the vowel inventory ofLeti is /i, e, e [E], o [:J], o, u!. Note that except for the proclitics, final syllables may only have /i, e, u!. The following sections provide details.

F3.2.1 *i *i > /i/ in the most general case. *iseci > isi 'contents' *lilin> 1/illi 'bees-wax' A sequence *ai that develops in the antepenult and penult of a word becomes lei: *inurn 'drink'> n-emnu 'he drinks'(< *na-imun < *na-inum) *qitem > metma 'black'(< *maitem)

4t,

An *e that developed from *ai is lowered to lei when there is an Ia! in the following syllable (cf. the following sections §F3.2.2, for the parallel development of /of< *au): *ma-iya 'red'> n-mera 'it reddens'(< *maiya) *wasiyey > uera 'water'(< *wear< *waiar) An *i that developed between two vowels became *y. This *y was lost, as was the case of *y inherited from PAn:

*seyaq +*rna-> maa 'be ashamed'(< *maya< *maia [§F3.2.3, end]< *maeyaq)

The development of PAn vowels and diphthongs in Leti

595

F3.2.2 *u In the in the majority of cases, *u > /u/: *tuduq> nam-turu 'leak' *yumaq > ruma 'house' *tUsuy 'string beads'> n-tur-an 'piercing' The sequence *au is contracted to /o/: 26 *ma-qudip > n-m-ori 'be alive' (< *maurip) An /o/ that developed from the contraction of a prefix ending in /-a/ and the first vowel lui of the stem to which it was added is often generalized throughout the paradigm. Thus, in the following case, the allomorph osri was generalized throughout the paradigm. This allomorph · developed when the prefixes na- 'he' and ra- 'they' were added to the root *usir: *quciy > nosri 'he chases away'(< *na-usri}rosri 'they chase away'(< *ra-usri) iosri 'to hunt'(< *i-usri) *suni > n-oni 'sound'(< *na-uni) The sequence *ua also contracted to /o/ if it developed through metathesis. 27 This rule leads to the corollary that in certain cases, *u > /o/ in the penult before /a/ in the final syllable. These cases have an environment in common: they developed into monosyllables after the contraction of *u and *a (after undergoing metathesis in some cases) and subsequently disyllabized by stretching the nucleus with *e (§F3.1.4(3)). The disyllabized form was subsequently metathesized and the *e was changed to /a/. /o/ in the penult was lowered to /o/ before Ia! in the final syllable: *buiJa > bonga 'flower'(< *boiJa < *boeiJ [§F3.1.4(3)] < *boiJ < *buaiJ) *buwaq > voa 'fruit'(< *boa< *boe < *boi8 *lukac 'remove, untie'> losa 'take apart to check'(< *losa < *loes ora 'bamboo' ( imv-olas 'twist fiber into rope' *qumaiJ > omal 'hermit crab'

F3.2.3 *e *e >/a/ in final syllables, /e/ in the penult, except when lost by syncope, and /u/ in monosyllabic roots.

26

Note that if *au develops in a monosyllabic root, it becomes foul with two syllables, if it occurs affixed: *iseyup > *yup >*up> *u > *ue (disyllabization) > *ua >*au (metathesis)> ou 'blow'

If *au develops in a monosy11abic root, it becomes /au/ with two syllables, if it does not occur with affixes:

*aku >au 'I' 27

When there was no metathesis *ua did not contract: *buqaya > vuaa 'crocodile' *dusa > -rua 'two'

28 There is also a variant that was not contracted vua 'fruit', where contraction failed to take place because the root did not undergo metathesis (cf. the preceding footnote). 29 *a in the causative prefix *pa- changed to !of, probably by a rule that goes for all prefixes that end in *a when the *a is not elided (namely, when the prefix is added to a monosyllable, in which case the *a is in the penult and not the antepenult). The *a ofthe root *kan changed to *o to harmonize with the /o/ of the prefix. Subsequently the two *o's lowered to foOl before the final/a/.

596

Part F. Chapter Three *gate! 'itchy'> m-katla (< *makatal) 'it itches' *qenay > eni 'sand' *gem> kukmu (< *kukum < *kumkum)

The sequence *-eq in a final syllable > Iii. There are only two attestations: *tafeq 'earth'> tani 'soil' *luseq 'tears' >lui 'tears' In the following examples, *e became *a in the final syllable, but because of metathesis, this vowel came to be in a closed penult before *m. It then became /o/ by the rule that *a > /of before nasals in the penult (§F3.2.4). 30 In short, *e >/a/ before /m/ in a closed penultimate syllable, and then becomes /o/: 31 *tafem > tomna 'plant'(< *tamna < *tanma < *tanam) *yamec 'knead'> romsa 'wring' ( < *rams a < *ramas < *rames) *e lowered to lei in the penult of forms with final/-a/ or /-i/. Metathesis and analogical spread have allowed /e/ to occur in other environments and thus become contrastive (see the examples of §§F3.2.1, 3~, F3.2.4, end). *e in a penult with a nasal coda becomes /a/: *kempug 'lower part of the body'> apun 'stomach' *ey > /i/: *laqeya > liya 'ginger' *seyaq 'shame'> maa (in mola-maa 'be ashamed')(< *maya< *maia < *maeya)

F3.2.4 *a The most general case is that *a> /a/: *mata > mata 'eye' In the penult before nasals, *a> /o/: 31 *kutafa 'ask'> na-tuona 'he asks'(< *na-utana) *qacawa + *ngku 'my spouse'> soo-ku 'my wife' (see below for the first /o/) A following glottal stop blocks the change to /o/-i.e., the *a before a nasal > Ia! if there was a glottal stop before the nasal: *kan 'eat' > aana 'eat' ( < *a?na < *?ana< *kana (§F3.1.4(3)) *a > lol preceding *w which subsequently was lost (cf. the rule for contraction of *au [§§F3.1.22 and F3.2.2, above]): 31 *qacawa 'spouse' > soa- 'spouse' *a > lei immediately before /i/. In the following example, /a/ abuts on /i/ after the loss of *q: *taqi 'feces' > tei 'feces'

The change of*a > lo/ is a purely Leti development In closely related languages, Moa, Wetan, and Kisar, the *e is still reflected as Ia/. 31 The change of *a > /of before nasals and /w/ took place after the rule of the lowering of *o before Ia! in the following syllable (§F3.2.2) had been completed and was no longer operative. The /o/ that developed in these cases did not lower. 30

The development of PAn consonants in Leti

597

F3.2.5 Diphthongs Leti has no diphthongs. Inherited diphthongs were monophthongized, as described in the following subsections. F3.2.51 *ay *ay >/i/ except in monosyllabic roots, where *ay > /ei/: *yuqatay +*rna-> muani 'male' *matay > mati 'dead' *cay> sei 'who? *uy and *iw fell together with *ay to become /i/: *babuy > vavi 'pig' *kasiw > ai 'tree' *pa-layiw > v-lari 'flee' The change of *uy involved a shift of syllabicity-i.e., *uy > *wi. The *wi subsequently simplified to /i/. In one case, the process of metathesis caused the retention of an *u in the sequence *-uy: *sehapuy > uai 'fire'(< *wai [§F3.3.61] < *awi < *apwi) F3.2.53 *aw *-aw >/-a/: *linaw 'calm'> nam-nina 'for the wind not to blow' *qategaw >/era 'sun' When at the end of the first member of a compound, *aw > /u/: *taw+ *baqeyu > tu-varu 'young man' F3.3 Consonants There was a strong tendency for consonants to weaken-i.e, for stops to spirantize and get lost. The following chart gives the Leti reflexes ofthe PAn phonemes when not preceded by a nasal: CHART TWO. THE LETI REFLEXES OF PAN PHONEMES

Leti

PAn p t k q, s, h c b

s v

d, j

r

(I)

t (I) f)

PAn g

Leti {1)-, r

¥ I t m, n, IJ w y

r l n, l m, n w (I)

The final consonants in inherited forms show the same reflexes in final position. F3.3.1 Voiceless stops F3.3.1l *p The most general case is that *p was lost: *peniyu > enu 'sea tortoise' (< *pefiu) *pitu > vo-itu 'seven' *qapuy > aur 'lime, *qudip 'alive' > n-m-ori 'he lives'

598

Part F. Chapter Three

When *p was protected by a preceding consonant in a cluster, it remained /p/. The cluster *mp, which developed by syncope of a prefix *rna- added to a stem with *p- onset .(§F3.1.32), changed to /pp/ and the geminated consonant was sporadically simplified-i.e., in some cases, /pp/ becomes /p/, and in others, it remains /pp/. There is no explanation for why simplification occurs (cf. §F3.3.5(1)). *pu 'grandfather/mother> upu 'grandparent, grandchild'(< *umpu < *empu (§F3.1.4(2)) *petuq > penu 'full'(< *ppenu < *mpenu < *ma-penu) *panac > pansa or panas- 'hot' (< *mpanas < *ma-panas )32 There is evidence that when *p was the onset of the antepenult or earlier, whether in a root or in a derived form, *p > /v/. The causative prefix in Leti is vo-, which probably derives from *pa-. Another PAn prefix *pa- is also reflected by /v/ in the following form: *layiw + *pa- > vlari 'flee' The phoneme /p/ is of high frequency even though *p was lost, because clusters developed with the prefix *m-, which is of high frequency, and also because other clusters with *b also developed into /p/ (§F3.3.31).

F3.3.12 *t *t > It! in all positions: *tatem > tomna 'plant' *mata > mata 'eye' *takut > m-taatu 'be afraid' In one case, *twas lost in a cluster /pt/ that developed from *bet-, where thee was elided in the antepenult (§F3.1.31 ). There is no explanation for this loss of It/, as in other similar forms *twas not lost, e.g. ptuna 'star'(< *bituqen) (§F3.1.32): *betihec 'calf >pis-an 'thigh' (< *ptisan < *betis-an)33 *nt > /d/: *puti > udi 'banana'(< *punti [§F3.1.5]) Final *-twas lost in compounds. In the first case, the form that occurred in compounds was generalized: *yatuc 'hundred'> rasu 'hundred'(< *rasut) *lai]it 'heavens'> -nani 'heavens', as in kiertunuani 'name of a farm in legends' < kier 'k.o. tree'+ tutu 'top' + nani (*kiertutunani > *kiertutnani [§F3.1.14] > *kiertuunani [§F3.1.21] > kiertunuani [§F3.1.12])

F3.3.13 *k In general, *k was lost: *kasiw 'wood' > ai *aku >au 'I'

32

Note that this change of *p has given rise to morphophonemic alternation in the root: a root with *p- onset would have lost the *p-, but when this root was prefixed with *rna-, the *rna would have become /p/, as explained in this section, so that the alternation between a root with V onset and with /p-/ onset developed. Thus we have pans a< *mapanas, but nav-anas 'he makes it hot', where nav- is the 3'd person causative prefix, and the root is anas. Similarly *mapetuq > penu 'full', but *petuq > -enu, as in nav-enu 'he fills' 33 Given the semantic discrepancy and the unexplained suffix -an, it is possible this form does not remount to *betihec.

The development of PAn consonants in Leti

599

*k > (?] prior to getting lost. The glottal stop is sometimes reflected by lengthening-that is, a medial or final *k or a *k that moved to medial or final position by processes of metathesis, is often reflected by compensatory lengthening. *k >*?,and subsequently, metathesis took place, forming a cluster consisting of *?C. Later on, the *? was lost and the preceding vowel lengthened (cf. §§F3.1.15(2), F3.1.21): *atak > aana 'child'(< *a?na iina 'fish' ( voona 'feed'(< *voona (§F3.2.2, end)< *vo?na < *vo?an) *k was not lost in clusters after continuants and preceding nasals. In most cases, the /k/ that occurred in the metathesized allomorph spread to the other occurrences of the root: *ikuy > ikru 'tail' *tacik > taski 'sea' 34 In clusters consisting of nasal + *k, /kJ is retained, and the nasal is lost. Thus the suffix -ku 'my' in fact originates in *-gku. In several cases, the retention of /kJ cannot be explained as the generalization of the metathesized allomorph. There is no explanation for the retention of /kJ in these cases. These cases might be borrowings (although Leti does not evince much evidence of intimate borrowing): *ciku > siku 'comer' *kawit 'hook' > kati 'link, hook' *kukuh 'nails' > kuku 'pinch' The following form is clearly a borrowing from another language of the Moluccas: *caku > ian saku 'k.o. fish' In some cases, a seemingly-retained *-k is in fact a suffix: *yik 'thresh' > n-rei-k 'he pulls seeds from stalk'

F3.3.14 *q *q was lost almost without a trace: *qisu 'shark' > iu 'shark' *mayuqaiey > muani 'male' *taqi 'feces' > tei 'feces' *tuqas 'old' > nam-tua 'he is old' *tuduq 'drip'> nam-turu 'it is leaking' Before being lost, *q became[?]. Accordingly, when metathesis of roots ending in *q took place (§F3.1.15(2)), the *q, which had changed to[?], was metathesized to come before the penultimate consonant of the root, and when the [?] was subsequently lost, it caused compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowels, as was the case of the other consonants: 35 *pecaq > paasa 'shattered'(< *mpa?se < *ma-pa?se < *paqec < *paceq)

34

In the case of *tacak, there was secondary metathesis so that the *k came before the *c: *tacak > nam-taasa 'ripe'(< -ta?ca < *takca [metathesis]< *tacka)

There is variation in this rule, which may be attributed to dialectal differences. *likuy 'back' and *wakay 'root' changed the *k to/?/. Cf. the examples of §F3.l.21, 15, . ) 35 This rule does not hold for *q- onset of the final syllable in trisyllabic roots. In that case, [?),which developed from *q, was lost without causing the preceding vowel to double (cf. §F3.1.2l, end, for a more complete explanation and example).

600

Part F. Chapter Three

F3.3.15 *c *c> /s/: *cekcek 'stuff, cram' > nsesa-1 'it is squeezed in' *cay> sei 'who?' *acu > asu 'dog' *beyac 'hulled grain'> avrieras 'rice'(< *ari *veras < *pagi *beyac) The combination /nc/, which developed, seems to have become /d/, just as /nt/ has. There is only one attestation: *ica >ida 'one' Word-final *c was lost in a syllable with *t- onset (*-tVc >/-tV/): *putuc 'cut off' < etu 'off', nrai-etu 'he/she pulls off' F3.3.2 *h, *s *h and *s were lost without a trace: *lahuj > liora 'seaside'(< *i-loar < *i-luar < *i-lauj) *tuiuh > tunu 'roast' *sacag 'gills' > asan 'gills, back of jaw' *kasiw > ai 'wood' *tuqas > nam-tua 'he is old' F3.3.3 Voiced stops The voiced stops weakened and with.the exception of *j became continuants: *b > v, *d, *g, and *y, fell together as /r/. *j fell together with *t and became It/. When they came to be preceded by a nasal they had a different development: *mb (as well as*mp) > /pp/ or /p/;36 *nd and *nj (as well as *nt) > ldl. F3.3.31 *b *b> /v/: *batu 'stone'> vatu 'stone' *babuy > vavi 'pig' *mb > /pp/ or /p/. Seeming exceptions, where *b is reflected with /p/, can be explained by the development of nasal clusters, which then became simplified. *mabeyehat 'heavy'> pperat-ne 'heaviness' ( ptuna 'star' (< *ptuan) 38

It is unknown why sometimes *mb and *mp become /p/ and at other times become /pp/ ( cf. the statement in §F3.3.11, above). 37 There are also reflexes with /v/ from this root: ma-verat 'make big', possibly from *makaverat, in which case the vowel of the prefix would not have syncopated (§F3.1.32, end). 38 When vowel loss did not take place, the reflex /v/ appears. For example, in the compound vetduara 'name of a female child said to come from the stars' ( /r/ in all positions except when abutting on another consonant: *dusa > vo-rua 'two' *tuduq > nam-turu 'it leaks' *bedebed 'spool, wind' vevar 'go around' When *d comes to follow In! or comes to precede a stop because of vowel loss or metathesis, the change of *d > /r/ does not take place: *bituqen 'star' > *vetuan + *daya 'maiden' > *vetundara (§F3.1.14) > *vetudara > vetduara 'name of girl connected with stars' Final *d >In! in a syllable with *1- onset: the rule is that *1-*d > lr-n! (cf. §§F3.3.34, 3~, F3.3.41, 4tl~D *qalad 'fence' > aran 'rails on deck' In two cases, *dis reflected with ldl. The exceptions are unexplained. Possibly they are forms that appeared as second members of compounds, an environment that would have prevented the change of *d > lrl, after which the form that occurred in compounds was generalized: *duma 'other' > duma 'other' *datay 'flat area' > darat 'layer' ( toun 'lake' *dasuwen > tawi 'leaf In one case, a final *-dis lost without explanation. The form shows other irregularities and may, in fact, not be cognate: *tened 'sink' > n-tona 'he dips s.t. into s.t.' F3.3.33 *j

In initial and medial positions, *j >It/: *jalan 'road'> tal/a 'road' (< *talna < talan) *jilat > n-tila-k 'lick' *juyuq > turu 'nurturing liquid' *qujat > utna 'rain' *sagejat > retan 'ladder' *tujuq >tutu 'point' However, two forms show a development to /r/. These must be borrowings: *jabat 'hold'> n-ravat 'he holds' *jawa 'daylight'> lep-ra 'tomorrow, it is becoming morning' In one unexplained case, *j is reflected with /i/. Possibly *j- > *i- when the root ended in *t: *jaqet > iata 'badness' (< *iaata40 < *ia?et) In final position, *-j > 1-rl *likuj > liiru 'back' F3.3.34 *g

As onset of the penult or earlier and as onset to monosyllabic roots, *g > /k/. 41 39Metathesis

of the earlier *datar was motivated by a rule of the phonology by which a world may not begin and end in an alveolar. 40 The double /a/ was shortened because *iaata had four syllables (cf. the rule of §F3.1.2ll, 2ni).

602

Part F. Chapter Three

*gap >kaka 'grope'(< *gapgap [§F3.1.4]) *gatel > m-katla 'itch' *gem> kukmu 'hold fast'(< *kukum < *gemgem) *gucuk 'rub'> n-kusi (< *kus + -i < *kuus < *gukus < *gukuc) Medially and finally, *g fell together with *d-i.e., became /r/: *maga 'dry'> mara 'yellow' *qaiegaw >/era 'sun' *puceg > losar 'navel'(< *la-usar) However, final *g >In! ifthere was an lrl to the left. The rule is that *1-*g > lr-nl (cf. §F3.3.42, 61, ) *balug > varnu 'dove'(< *varun [for change of *1 > lrl, see §F3.3.42, 61, ] ) *laleg > llarna 'fly' *quleg 'worm'> urna 'worm'(< *uran) In one case, *-g- > 0 by simplification of a consonant cluster: *qagan 'name'> naana 'name'(< *nama [cf. Meher naran 'name': the cluster *m >In! after an initial ln-1 with compensatory lengthening on the preceding vowel]) The following form has an unexplained 1-tl. It is probably a borrowing: *quneg 'soft pith'> unat- 'use the center part of s.t.' F3.3.4 Voiced continuants F3.3.41 *y

*y > lrl in all positions: *yumaq > ruma 'house' *duyi > ruri 'bone' *wakay > uaara 'root'(< *wakya) *y was lost when it came to be in a cluster *yC or *Cy: 42 *qayetaq 'person' > ata 'slave' *beyecay > vesi 'oar' *mayuqaiay 'male' > muani 'man' (< *myuanay) The form *mayi also lost the medial *y. This is the case ofthe reflexes of this form in all of the languages in eastern Indonesia and in Oceania: *mayi > mai 'come' Final *y >In! in a syllable with *1- onset. The rule is that *1-*y > lr-nl (cf. §§F3.3.32, 3;, F3.3.34, 3ri): *qiteluy > ternu 'egg'(< terun-) The form /pia 'sago palm' is a loan word that spread eastwards from Oceania (POC *yambia). F3.3.42 *1

In most cases, *I > /11:

The /k/ that developed did not get lost, as was the case of the *k inherited from PAn (§F3.3.13). This is an early rule ofpre-Leti, and there is no compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel. Note, however, that this rule had ceased to be operative at the time that the metathesis described in §F3.1.11 took effect. In those cases there was no consonant-cluster simplification.

41

42

*ikur > ikru 'tail' *qayuc > arsu 'current' *timuy > tipru 'east' *teyac > tersa 'hard'

The development of PAn consonants in Leti

603

*liqey 'neck'> lira 'sound, voice' *baliga > blira 'weaver's sword' *kawil 'fishhook' > aali 'fishing line' Initial *1- geminated (> Ill-/) when the following syllable began with Ill or /r/: *laleg 'fly'> llarna 'fly' *laluiJ > llallu 'cock' *lilin 'beeswax'> llilli 'beeswax'(< *lilni) Initial *1 and *i (which became Ill before unaccented vowels [§F3.3.43]) became IIi-/ when there was the reflex of *IJ to the right: *lai]it 'heavens'> lianti 'heavens, sky' *iecuiJ > liesun 'mortar' The combination *In became Ill/: *bulai > vulla 'moon'(< *vulna tal/a 'way' *lilin 'beeswax'> llilli 'beeswax' (< *lilni) *I > /r/ after /r/ in the same word: *i-dalem 'inside'> riarma 'inside' *1 > /r/ to the left of *d, *g, and *y (which became /nl [§F3.3.32 and elsewhere]): *qalad 'fence'> aran 'deck railing' *balug > varnu 'dove'(< *varun) *la1eg > llarna 'fly' *quleg 'worm'> urna 'worm' *qiteluy > ternu 'egg'(< terun-) The sequences 11-n/ and /n-1/ came to be disallowed as onsets of the penult and the final syllables. Accordingly, *I was assimilated to *n-i.e., changed to In! when onset of the penult if the final onset was /nl and when onset of the final when the penultimate onset was /n/: *linaw 'calm' > nam-nina 'for the wind not to blow' *iaiJUY > -nani 'swim' (< *lani) *tai]ila > tnin- 'ear' (< *taliiJa) *qulun + *i > k-nuni (< *luni < *quluni) *lai]it > -nani (in kiertunuani 'name of a farm in legends' < kier 'k.o. tree'+ tutu 'top' + nani *kiertutunani > *kiertutnani [§F3.1.14] > *kiertuunani [§F3.1.21] > kiertunuani [§F3.1.12]) Forms like rva-salin 'change clothes' n-telan 'swallow' are not inherited (cf. Ml salin 'change clothes' telan 'swallow'). That is proven by the failure of the Ill to assimilate to In!. The sequence *jl that developed was simplified: *jalikan >!ian 'trivet' (< *jlikan [§F3.1.32, 2ni\]) The form *sampuluq changed to sanunu 'ten'. The second /nl developed by back assimilation The sequence *nVlV is disallowed, cf.this section, i1, above. However, this form is nevertheless not completely explainable, for there is no rule available that could account for the replacement of *mp with /nl.

F3.3.43 *i *i underwent the changes found throughout the MP languages (§§Al.1.32, 4t1, A3.3.4). In addition, PMP tii (< *t) underwent depalatalization, as it did in many of the MP languages. As onset to an unstressed penult or an earlier syllable, *i- becomes /1-/: *tiki-tiki> s-lili 'armpit'* iecUIJ > liesun 'mortar' (cf.§F3.3.42, 2nd~ *qaiegaw >!era 'sun' Otherwise, *i > /nl:

Part F. Chapter Three

604

*fUka > nua 'wound' *4uy > nura 'coconut' *a4ak > aana 'child' *datih > ht-rani (in vakruani 'near') *qaHtu > nitu 'ghost'

F3.3.5 *m, *n, *g *m and *n > /m/ and /n/ respectively, and *IJ >In!: *mata > mata 'eye' *lima> vo-lima 'five' *i-dalem > riarma 'inside' *anipa > nia 'snake' *ina> ina 'mother' *isekan > iina 'fish' *lal)it > lianti 'heaven' *isegul) > irnu 'nose' Nasals followed immediately by stops became lost and caused the stops to change: (I) *mb and *mp > /pp/ or /p/ (cf. §F3.3.11, 2ni): *bayehat +*rna- 'heavy'> pperta 'heavy' ( supu 'wick' *kempuiJ 'lower part of body'> apun 'stomach' Further, *m > /p/ when it comes to precede /r/ immediately: *timuy 'rainy wind'> tipru 'east'(< *timru < *timur) *muyemuy > nal-pupra 'gargle'(< *nal-mumra)43 (2) *nd, *nt > /d/: *punti 'banana' > udi 'banana' (3) l)k > lk/: *qacawa 'in-law'+ *l)ku 'my'> soo-ku 'my wife'(< *soa-l)ku) Further, a sequence *In that developed was simplified to /111, and a sequence *lm ws simplified to /1/ (cf. the examples in §F3.1.23). Final *-nor *-n that developed from *4 became /II when it was to the right of /r/ ( laara 'sole' ( < *lapra < *lapar [§F3.1.15] < *rapal < *rapan) In one case, *-1) > /1/ after *m onset of the same syllable. This is probably not a normal rule, for the initial /0/ is also unexplained: *qumalJ > omal 'hermit crab' In doubled monsyllabic roots the initial C of the root is preserved in the second syllable, but the final nasal is lost: *li1Jeli1J > nvak-lili 'it rolls' *tunetun 'lead on rope' >tutu 'lead on rope'

F3.3.61 *w *wa initial in the word becomes /ua/. *wakay > uaara'root' *wafiw > uani 'bee' *wasiyey > uera 'water'(< *uear < *uaiar) *wanaf > viel-uanna 'right side'(< *-uanan) Otherwise, /wI is lost. *ciwa > vo-sia 'nine' *wayi 'day' > lavsi-ari 'daily' 44 *wiyi > viel-iri 'left side' The first /p/ in this root probably results from a rule that *m is assimilated to a /pi-onset of the following syllable-i.e., *p-m > /p-p/. The final vowel is probably changed from *u to Ia! on analogy with the reflex of *buyes 'spew water out', which is unattested but would have the shape /vura/.

43

The development of PAn consonants in Leti

605

For *win diphthongs, cf §§F3.2.52 and F3.2.53.

F3.3.62 *y *y was lost. In the following example, an initial *y- that developed became lost: *iseyup > *yup >*up> *u > *ue (disyllabization) > *ua >*au (metathesis)> ou 'blow' (§F3.2.2, l 8il, footnote) The following examples show the loss of a medial *y: *buqaya > vuaa 'crocodile' *daya + *i- > riaa 'inland' However, when forms with a *y-onset of the final syllable were shortened as the first member of a compound-i.e., lost the root-final vowel (§F3.1.14), the *y was not lost but became syllabized-i.e., > /i/: *daya 'inland' + lavna 'large' > raliavna 'land' (< *rai + lavna) When *y was onset of a closed syllable at the end of a word, traces of *y appear in the metathesized form: *duyuiJ > ruuni 'dugong' (< *ruyiJi45 < *ruyiJu) *layay > laara (< *laaya [*a> /aa/ after *y was lost] < *layya) When the sequence *niy in the penult of the root lost the *i by elision, the [y] was absorbed by the *n to form *ft. This *ft was subsequently depalatalized, as were the other cases of *ft (< *t [§F3.3.43]): *miniyak > miina- 'fat'(< *minak < *miftak) *peniyu > enu 'sea turtle' The sequence *ey > /i/ (unless the *e was lost by elision, as was the case of *iseyup, above): *laqeya > lia 'ginger'(< *leya) Forms with intervocalic /y/ were borrowed into Leti with the /y/ dropped:

payung (Ml) > paun 'umbrella' (Leti) For *yin diphthongs, cf §§F3.2.51, F3.2.52.

In this case, the *w was root initial but not word initial. Therefore *w was lost. Evidently the *u of the final syllable was assimilated to the *y-coda of the preceding syllable before the *y was lost. However, this is the only case of assimilation to lyl or Iii, and there are many countercases. For that reason the form is probably secondary. For the gemination of lui, cf. §F3.1.31.

44

45

CHAPTER FOUR

Kei F4.0 Introduction Kei is spoken on the Kei islands in the southeast Moluccas between the Banda and Arufuru seas, off the southern coast of Irian. As far as there is information available, the Kei language is healthy and still being learned by the youth. The Kei ·data come from an unpublished dictionary by Ed Travis, an SIL missionary in the Kei Islands in the 1980s, and Geurtjens 1921, both ofwhich list forms from the phonologically conservative dialect ofKei Kecil (KK). I also did a limited amount of first-hand work in the fall of 1998 with informants who come from the Kei speech community resident in Zwolle, Netherlands, and who continue speak the dialect of Kei Besar (KB ). 1 I list the forms I have elicited and supplement these with forms from the dictionaries. However, as the KB dialect has innovated in the vowel system, the corresponding KK forms are given in the cases where the KB forms have made recent vowel changes. There is considerable dialectal variation, and for many of the rules involving recent vowel developments there are numerous exceptions and variants. Further, the sources list variants that show reflexes not taken care of in this study. 2 Kei has reduced the consonant inventory but increased the vowel inventory. CHART ONE. PHONEMES OF KEI

stops spirants semi vowels liquids nasals

Consonants t, d b f,v w:; y r, I m n

Vowels high mid low diphthongs 4

h

1

u

e

0

et, at

a au

ui

ng [IJ]

1 I owe a debt of gratitude to Aone van Engelenhoven, who accompanied me, introduced me to the community, and persuaded members of the community to work with me. I also would like to thank the following three people, habitual speakers of Kei, who met with us on the several occasions we came to Zwolle and informed us as a group: Ms. F .A. E. Ubro-Rahantoknam, born in 1960 in Tutrean, Mr. M.M. Renwarin-Tan lain, born in 1951 in Tutrean, and Ms. S.S. Rahakbauw-Rahanra, born in 1948 in Ngefuit. 2 It will take a great deal of additional field work to give a complete history of the vowels in the various Kei dialects. 3 Our informants did not distinguish /v/ and /w/, nor does the dictionary ofGeurtjens. However, the draft dictionary supplied by Travis (n.d.) does distinguish two phonemes, and the handful of forms that reflect *w do indeed have /w-/ consistently. Further, transcriptions with /v/, and never with /w/, reflect *b. 4 The literature is not clear as to whether these are sequences or diphthongs. The strong stress on the final syllable leads to the perception that these are diphthongs, and in my few hours of work with speakers I transcribed these sequences as diphthongs without much evidence other than my perception.

607

608

Part F. Chapter Four

Stress falls automatically on the final syllable of the word, with some exceptions among loanwords.

F4.1 Changes that characterize Kei in general There are two changes that have had a wide-ranging effect on the reflexes in Kei. The first is vowel loss. The second is consonant duster simplification.

F4.1.1 Apocope of the vowel of the final syllable and CC simplification caused wide-ranging changes Most common is vowel loss at the end of a word: the penult was stressed in pre-Kei (as in very many of the languages stretching from Indonesia to Oceania), and there was subsequent loss of the final vowel or vowel plus final consonant of the final syllable. Most roots may occur in combination with suffixes that refer to a grammatical argument of the phrase in which they occur (agreement affixes) or occur with enclitics that form phonological words with them, and in that case, the stress moved from the penult to the final syllable of the root. For this reason, there is alternation between the allomorph that occurs in final position (where the final vowel is lost) and the allomorph with a suffix or enclitic (in which case the root-final vowel is retained, but the final vowel of the suffix or clitic is lost). Thus *mata 'eye' is reflected as /mat/ before pause, but when followed by another morpheme without pause it remains /mata/: *mata + *IJku > *mataiJku > matting 'my eye' This rule combined with the rule of consonant cluster simplification across word boundaries caused the final consonant to be lost in a large portion of the roots ending in a final consonant that were inherited from PAn. For example, *manuk 'bird' is reflected as mon 'bird, chicken' as well as manu before suffixes or words with which it forms a grammatical constituent, but the final *-k is lost: mon likwur 'the bird (chicken) is flying' (KB); man tilur 'egg of a chicken' (KK) manut vat(< *manuk+-t) 'hen (lit. female chicken)'

Another example is the following: the pre-Kei *niruiJ 'nose' + *ta '1st person plural genitive' developed into current Kei niritd 'our noses' with simplification of the cluster It/ and subsequent apocope of the vowel of the suffix. Forms with a nasal coda may keep the nasal when undergoing apocope: *duyuiJ > ruin 'sea cow' (< *duyiJ)

F4.1.11 The fate of PAn final consonants Beeause of the process of apocope, a large portion of the inherited roots are not attested with a reflex of the root-final syllable. Further, many of the forms that have retained the final syllable occur with a consonant ending with no analyzed grammatical function. 6 These 5 This is probably an artifact of the sources. In my very short work with informants, I was able to elicit forms of roots with final vowels that in the sources were only reported with apocope. 6 Evidently in the current Kei language, these consonant endings have no function and have become part of the root. Many of the roots show two or more allomorphs with different consonants at the end of the root (Geurtjens 1919: 73-75). Doubtlessly, this alternation of the end consonants is a petrifaction of affixes or enclitics that at earlier time had a grammatical function. In Buru, spoken on Buru Island, some distance to the west of Kei, there

Processes affecting the development of Kei phonemes from PAn

609

suffixes formed clusters with the final consonant of the stems to which they were affixed, which were simplified by loss of the root-final consonant. Accordingly, there are not many forms that attest the inherited PAn root-final consonant. F4.1.12 Shift of stress to the final syllable As described in §F4.1.1, loss of the final syllable before pause shows that stress was on the penult. In time, stress shifted to the final syllable, as is the case currently. This happened as a result of apocope of the vowel of the suffix: Pre-Kei *mata 'eye'+ *lJku 'my'> *matal)ku >matting 'my eye' *mata# >mat# 'eye' F4.1.2 Metathesis Another change having wide-reaching effect is sporadic syllable metathesis of the kind that occurs widely in the languages of eastern Indonesia. In Kei, it is confined to a few roots, and in many cases there are doublets. Examples are: *buqaya > uve 'crocodile'(< *qubay < *qubaya) *katu +*ban-> ban?aut 'send'(< *ban-?atu) *lugan >loon 'load'(< *lun < *lunag) *qabaya > ngaba-n 'shoulder'(< *alJba-n [§§F4.1.61, F4.3.31]) *qabu :> aknavun (KK) and kan-avu-n (KB) 'ashes left in the trivet' *qaqay 'leg'> yea-d 'our legs'(< *yay?a < *ay?a < *qayqa) Vocalic metathesis is exemplified in §F4.1.331. I also assume metathesis to explain cases disyllabic roots where the penult rather than the final syllable was lost (§F4.1.421 ). Kei also evinces the cases of metathesis that are shared by all MP languages (§A3.5.4). F4.1.3 Other processes that occurred in the recent history of Kei There are a number of processes that occurred in the recent history of Kei. They are not carried through to completion in many cases (i.e., there are exceptions), and the application of these processes is dialectal: they are more widespread in KB than in KK, and there are many doublets dialectally distributed. F4.1.31 Vowel assimilation Iii assimilated to lei in the following syllable: *tinaqi > tene-an 'intestines' (KB) (for lei of the second syllable, cf. §F4.1.321) F4.1.311 *a was assimilated to a *y or *w onset of the following syllable-i.e., changed to lei or lol when they had been followed by *y or *w: *bayad > vear 'pay' *wasiyeg >wear 'water' *qacawa 'in-law'> hoa-n 'spouse' (with loss of initial syllable) *dasuwen >roan 'leaf' *a was also assimilated to Iii in the following syllable: *laqeya > le?i (< *la?ey [§F4.2.3])

is a range of final consonants that are derivational morphs or derive from enclitics. The Kei consonant endings are very likely cognate with these Buru morphemes. (Cf. Grimes 1991, passim, for examples.) In the glossary, we register these Kei consonant endings by placing a hyphen in front of them.

Part F. Chapter Four

610

However, *w and *y did not affect a preceding *a in all roots. Further, for roots that underwent change of *a before *w and *y, the cognates in some dialects did not do so. There are cases of doublets. Here are examples where *wand *y did not affect the preceding *a in any dialect: *layay > layar 'sail' *sinawa > naa- 'breathe, breath' (with loss of *wand *y [§§F4.3.61, F4.3.62]) See also the rules of §§F4.1.321 and F4.1.322, which expand this rule to include *a before *i and *u.

F4.1.312 In the dialect ofKB, but not in KK, Ia! was backed to lol before nasal codas, including final nasals that developed by apocope of the final syllable (§F4.l.l) or by affixation. Further there is sporadic assimilation of /a/ to a following /o/: *sinawa 'breath'> noon 'his breath' (KK: naan) (with loss of the first syllable and *-sand *-w-)7 *manuk >man 'bird' (KK: man)

F4.1.32 Vowel Contraction When *a came to stand directly before *e in the final syllable, which became /a/, the two contracted to /a/: *qalep > -af'beckon' *dalem > raan 'inside' (for doubling of the vowel, cf. §F4.1.51) This rule does not hold when *e became /i/ in nonfinal position (§F4.2.3): 8 *baqeyu > vae-t 'new' (also vai-t) *dalem > ng-alem-an 'deep sea'(< *ng-dalim-an) In the following case, I assume that this root occurred suffixed, resulting in a nonfinal *e, which became /i/, and that the allomorph with /i/ was generalized: *jaqet 'bad' >jai 'ill' The rules of the following two subsections are an extension of the rule of §F4.1.311, above.

F4.1.321 *a+ *i > /e/ This took place and ceased to operate before vocalic metathesis (§F4.1.331): *buqaya > uve 'crocodile'(< *vue< *vuay) *taqi > te 'feces' *tinaqi > tene-an 'intestines' (for the /e/ ofthe first syllable, cf. §F4.1.31) *wasiyey >wear 'water'(< *waier) However, a sequence *ai at the end of a word became /a/ when suffixed: *bahi >va-t 'female'

F4.1.322 *a+ *u > /o/ This took place and ceased to operate before vocalic metathesis (§F4.1.332):

has the following paradigm, showing /o/ before nasal-initial suffixes and /a/ otherwise: noong 'my breath', noon 'his breath', naad 'our breath', naar 'their breath'. 8 *e > /i/ and subsequently /i/ was diphthongized (§F4.1.33) variably. 7KB

Processes affecting the development of Kei phonemes from PAn

611

*basequ > voan 'smell'(< *bau +*-an) *ikasu > o 'you (sg)' (< *kau < *ikau) *jaqewis > ro-ro 'far'(< *do< *jau < *jasuq < *jasweq < *jasiweq < *jawiseq9) *taquwei > toon 'year' (KB) (< taun (KK) < *taqun) This change is dialectal (characteristic ofKB-·§F4.0), and there are many doublets, especially in KK. In some cases, /o/ never developed: *walu > wau 'eight' *pasuq > fau 'k.o. mango'

F4.1.323 *e + *u > /u/ *buleg > ka-vuu-n 'hill' *luseq > luu-n 'tears'(< lu) There is contradictory evidence where *e + *u > /o/. Perhaps this form arose through dialect mixture: *peiuq >bon 'full, completed'(< *mpeun < *mapenu)

F4.1.324 *e + i There are two forms that developed this sequence. They have two different outcomes. This may be a function of the fact that in the first case, the sequence developed early, and that in the second, the sequence developed recently: *iseq > ii 'urine' (< *i; cf. KK mi 'urine') *tikey 'k.o. reed for weaving mats'> tor 'mat of sturdy material' (also toor) (< *teey)

F4.1.33 Diphthongization The following changes occurred sporadically: *i, *e > /ai/ or lei/, *u >/au/ or /ou/. 10 /ai/ became lei when not final in the word and sometimes in monosyllables. 11 The process of diphthongization is especially strong in KB. In many cases the KK dialect has corresponding undiphthongized forms. Here are some examples: *acu > ahau 'dog' *aku > ya?au 'I' *citay 'ray'> henar 'shine (of sun, moon)' *tepuq > ne{f''lion fish' (KK: nifJ (< *fep) *paya >fear 'attic-like shelf(< *paay) *qisu > yeu 'shark'(< *yaiu < *aiu < *iu) *tacik > tahai (KK: tahi) 'sea' *tapes> taif'winnow' (KK: taj) *telu >tel 'three'(< *tail< til [KB])

F4.1.331 Metathesis of vowels In some cases, diphthongization is the product of vocalic metathesis:

9 I assume this complex series of change on the basis of the devlopment of cognates in MP languages further east. I assume that the first change took place in PMP or shortly thereafter, before pre-Kei had split off from the languages of the central Philippines. 10 The variant changes to /ei/ and lou/ came about by the workings of the rule of §§F4.1.321 and F4.1.323, which applied variably. 11 The change of /ail > lei may take place even in forms that underwent apocope the vowel of the final syllable, but does not always do so:

*beli 'buy'> vel 'trade' (< *baili) *depa > raifand ref( and also rifwith no diphthongization) 'fathom' *qalegaw >leer 'sun' (aim 'we (excl)' (KK: am) *IJuda > nga?ur 'youth' *payi >fair 'rayfish *qulun > luin 'rest head'(< *lun + -i) (KK: luun 'pillow')

F4.1.332 *u in a closed final syllable with C onset and following a penult with /a/lowered the *u to /o/-i.e. *-aCuC > /aCoC/. In some cases the /a/ and /o/ metathesized: *lahuj > roa 'sea'(< *ra?o 12) *latuq > laot 'k.o. edible seaweed'(< *la?ot < *la?ut 12) *tal)uy > naong 'swim' (KK: nanang-with disyllabization by reduplication [§F4.1.52] after apocope ofthe final syllable[§F4.1.1]) In the following forms, the metathesized *u was not lowered to !of. This is probably a consequence of the lack of a word-final consonant: datu (Ml) >rout 'chief of several villages' (KB) 13 (KK: rat, raat) *IJuda > nga?ur 'youth'

F4.1.34 CC Simplification In the process of addition of C-initial suffixes, the final C of the root was lost. However, within the word, CC simplification is attested in very few forms. It is illustrated by the following forms. If the cluster involved a consonant that was subsequently lost (*k, *q), the *k or *q prevented the C with which it was in a cluster from being lost. Otherwise, one of the C's in the cluster was lost: *beyecay > vehe 'paddle' *butebut > vuvut 'extract' *kicekic 'grate' > isi-r 'scrape off' (< *kiskis) *matai]ku > matang 'my eyes' *matanta > matad 'our eyes' *dii]ediiJ > ridin 'cold'(< *dindin < *dii]diiJ) pintu (Ml) > .fid 'door' Balanda (Ml) > Avlad 'Hollander' In the following case, a C 1C2 was simplified in PAn times (cf. the comment to *biceqak in the glossary): *biceqak > via-k 'split in two'

F4.1.4 Disyllabization of trisyllables in pre-Kei The rules given in F4.l.lff., above pertain to Kei at a recent stage. This time was characterized by loss of the syllables on the right edge of the root. Prior to the time that these rules took effect, the kind of syncopation and contraction in the middle or at the left edge of the stem that affected other MP languages also affected pre-Kei. These rules are discussed in the following subsections.

F4.1.41 Syncope of syllables with *e or *i or *u before glides in trisyllabic roots Like other Hesperonesian languages, Kei syncopated penults with *e and also penults with *i before *y or *u before *win trisyllabic roots: 14 *basequ > vo-an 'stink'(< *bau-) *beyecay > vehe 'paddle'(< *beycay) *taquwet > taun 'year' (< *taqun < *taqwen) *peniyu > feen 'sea tortoise' 12

.

I assume a/?/ developed between the two vowels (§F4.l.62]. This/?/ was subsequently lost. 13 The /a/ was losered to /o 1 because a [w] glide developed between /a/ and /u/, causing the rule of §F4.1.311 to operate-i.e. datu> *rawut >rout. 14 Note that the *e of the penult is not lost in trisyllables with vowel onset (or onset of a vowel that developed by loss of *s- or *q-) (§F4.l.42).

Processes affecting the development ofKei phonemes from PAn

613

The following form is an unexplained exception in that *e failed to elide. The diphthongization to /e/ rather than to /ai/ (§F4.1.33) is also unexplained: *baqeyu > vae-t (KK and KB; KK also vai-t) 'new'(< *baqe-) F4.1.42 Loss or weakening of the antepenult As happened in many Hesperonesian languages, trisyllables with vowel onset or with initial *q or *s, which were lost, lost the antepenult. Here are a few examples: *qiteluy > tilur 'egg' *paqegu > jiru 'gall'(< *qapegu) *qatitu >nit 'dead person, ghost of deceased' *sinawa > naa-n 'breath' Normally, trisyllables with vowels other than *e in the penult and with C onset (but not with *q- or *u- onset) retained the penult and antepenult (but may have lost the final syllable by apocope [§F4.1.1]): *buqaya > uve 'crocodile'(< *qubay < *qubaya) *yabihi 'evening'> rav 'previous day' *kamaliy > amalir 'shed used as a working place' *kawayan > awan 'kind ofbamboo' 15 In a couple of cases with environments where retention of the antepenult is the normal development, the antepenult was weakened by elision of the vowel. It is not known why in these cases, the antepenult was weakened, and in others, it was not. Similar exceptions occur in other Hesperonesian languages, but not necessarily in the same lexical items as here: *jalikan > likan 'trivet' (with simplification of *jl-) (cf. Leti /ian) *tal]iyi > tnir 'k.o. fish: Spanish mackeral' The quadrisyllabic stem *mayuqaiay 'male' underwent syncopation of the antepenult but not of the leftmost syllable: *yuqaiay +*rna-> bran 'male'(< braan < abraan < baraan 16 < *baran < *barani < *bayqanay [§F4.3.5]) F4.1.421 Loss of the penult in disyllabic roots The penult of disyllabic roots may have become lost because it had been metathesized to final position, where apocope takes place: *ikuy > kukur 'tail'(< *kuy [§F4.1.1] < *kuyi) *qatun >dum 'tuna'(< *ntun [§F4.1.61] tnir 'Spanish mackeral' (< *tl)iy < *tl)iyi) 15

There is evidence that dialectally an antepenult with *i was weakened to Ia!: *tinaqi +*-an> tanean 'intestines' (KK)

We use italics to indicate forms that are attested (as opposed to asterisked forms that are reconstructed). Geurtjens lists all of the variants except bran. Travis lists only bran. The doubled vowel in baraan possibly originated in the fact that the root was felt to be *ran and the *ba- a prefix. In any case, geminating the vowel created a trisyllabic form. This accounts for the loss of the initial /a/ in the metathesized form (this section, 3r~). The shortening of the doubled vowel is probably part of a widespread process of sporadic shortening doubled vowels (§F4.1.5) 16

Part F. Chapter Four

614 F4.1.5 Monosyllabic roots

There was an active process of disyllabization of monosyllabic roots that were inherited from PAn, as well as of roots that became monosyllabic by final-syllable apocope or contraction. Not all monosyllabic roots that developed were disyllabized again, but a number of them were. A possible explanation for the for disyllabization in some cases and not in others is that the forms that re-disyllabized probably did so in contexts in which they were independent-i.e., they were not affixed nor were they proclitic, and the disyllabic form that had developed in accented independent environments spread to all environments. Degemination of doubled vowels also ·occurred. A root with a doubled vowel simplified when the doubled vowels were not final in the root. For example, a doubled /aa/ simplifies to /a/ in the following example where the root raan is doubled:

baraan 'male'(< *mayuqatay); baranraan 'men' It often happened that the degeminated allomorph spread to all contexts. Cf. the examples in the following section, §F4.1.51, end.

F4.1.51 The most widespread method of disyllabization was by doubling the nucleus of the root: *iseq > m-ii-n 'urinate'(< -mi) *tuy > nuur 'coconut' *pan> faan 'bait' *sepat > faa-k 'four'(< *pat) Doubling of vowels is especially widespread among roots that monophthongized after apocope or contraction. Here are a few examples of the large number of attestations: *babuy > vaav 'pig' *buga > fuun 'flower' *peniyu > feen 'sea turtle'(< *pen< *pin< *pefiu) *taquwet > toon 'year' ([KB]) ( -ba 'go' *petuq >bon 'completely'(< *ma-peun) *kan >-an 'eat' *putetiq >but 'white'(< *rna-put tan 'earth' (also tana-t) *telu >tel 'three' ([KK: til) There are many cases of doublets where one variant has a single vowel and another has a geminate. This variation is probably the result of a process of de gemination, where the variants found in affixed forms was spread to all occurrences of the root. Here are a few examples of attestations: *yaqan > maha-ran (KB) and hama-raan (KK) 'light in weight' *iseq > ii (KB) and m-i (KK) 'urine' *tebus > teev (KB) and tev (KK) 'sugar cane' *tikay 'kind of reed'> tor (Travis) and toor (Geurtjens) 'k.o. mat' F4.1.52 Doubling or reduplication is also attested as a method of disyllabization: *ikuy > kukur 'tail'(< *kuy [§F4.1.1] < *kuyi) *jaqewis > roro 'far'(< -ro < *rau < *jau) *taguy > nanang 'swim *buyuk > vuvu-n 'rotten'(< *bu [§F4.3.41, end])

The development of PAn vowels and diphthongs in Kei

615

F4.1.6 Insertion of consonants F4.1.61 Prenasalization of consonants Prenasalization of medial or initial consonants was unproductive in Pre-Kei. I assume that there were remnants of this process to explain /s/ where lh/ is the normal reflex ((§F4.3.15) or voiced stops where spirants are the normal reflex (§§F4.3.3ff.). *liceqes > lisa-n 'nit' (< *ligsa m-asin 'salt' (< *m-agsin) *qabaya > ngaba-n 'shoulder'(< *agba-n) There are some roots that are manifested in Kei with an initial nasal where other languages reflect no initial nasal or where the initial nasal is a variant remounting to PAn (§A3.7.1): *gemegem > ni-ngungum 'he grasps' (KK: ngumngum 17) *isegug > nirun 'nose' *qudag > nguran 'shrimp' *uda 'young'> nga?ur 'unripe' (< *guda) Other examples are given in §F4.3.15, 2ni. F4.1.62 Insertion of glottal stop. In KB, but rarely in KK, a glottal stop developed between two vowels in a sequence that arose. Glottal-stop insertion is sporadic. 18 Evidently, it developed only in a small portion of the Kei area and spread in individual forms to the KB dialect we transcribed and more rarely to the KK dialect. In the following examples, we list the forms that have a variant without glottal stop in parentheses: *buleg > vu?ar 'mountain'(< vuar) *laqeya > le?i 'ginger'(< leii) *luwaq > lu?u 'vomit' *luk:ut > lu?u-k 'fold over'(< *luk) *guda > nga?ur 'young, unripe'(< ngaur) *seyaq > m-e?a-k 'shame' *tuqed > tu?ar 'stump' F4.2 Vowels and diphthongs Most of the changes in vowels have been treated above (§§Flfi.). The following subsections cover the developments of the PAn vowels otherwise. F4.2.1 *i With the exceptions cited in §§F4.lff., above, *i >Iii in the most general case: *iseci > ihi-n 'contents, inside, flesh' *lagit > lanit 'sky' A sequence *ai that developed in the penult or earlier became lei. (Cf.§F4.1.321 for examples.) *i sporadically became lei in the penult as a result of sporadic diphthongization to /ail (§F4.1.33, above), which then became /e/: *ina> r-ena-n 'mother'(< *r-aina-n < *r-ina-n19) The existence of a variant with /-m/ proves that /ng/ did not arise by a simplification of the cluster *gk, but rather a process of nasal replacement as described in §A3.7.l. The vocalism of this root is unexplained. There is a possibility that arose by contamination with an unidentified form. 18 Glottal stops developed regularly from *-k- and are evinced in all dialects. 19 I have hypothesized this form, but it may in fact occur, as diphthongization was sporadic, and there are many doublets. It is also possible that renan originates in *da 'honorific particle' + *ina, which would have become *raina and could also have develop to renan, with the addition of*-n. 17

616

Part F. Chapter Four

F4.2.2 *u

Except in the cases cited in §§F4.1ff., above, in the in the majority of cases, *u > /u/: *qulu > uu-n 'his, her, its head' *manuk > manu-t 'chicken, bird' A sequence *au that developed changed to /o/. (Cf. §F4.1.322 for examples.) F4.2.3 *e

*e > Iii in the penult if it was not lost. (In trisyllabic roots with *e in the penult, the *e is normally, but not always, lost [cf. §F4.1.41].) *tebuc > tivut 'redeem' *qiteluy > tilur 'egg' *qapegu > firu-n 'gall-bladder' In an equal number of cases /e/ reflects *e in these positions. I assume the double reflex is a result of the process of sporadic diphthongization of /i/ in the penult, which was then remonophthongized to lei (§F4.1.33, above). There are some doublets: *weliq >wei 'do again' *beycay > vehe 'paddle' *peniyu > feen 'sea tortoise'(< *penu < *pefiu) *telu >tel 'three' (Geurtjens: til) *depa > ref'fathom' (< raif[KK: rit]) *tebus 'sugar cane' > teev 'sugar cane' (Geurtjens: tiiv) *deiJey > denar 'hear'. In final syllables *e > /a/: *deiJey > denar 'hear' *tuqed > tu?ar 'stump' *ticeqes >lisa 'nit' *nem 'think'> fang-nan 'remember' If the penult and the final syllable contain *e and the onset of the final syllable is lost, the two vowels contract to /a/: *yeken > roong 'base to rest things on' 20 *liceqes > lisa-n 'nit' The sequence *ey > /i/: *laqeya > le?i 'ginger'(< *la?i [§F4.1.311] *seyaq > m-e?a-k 'shame'(< *m-ia-k) The sequences *ew and *we> /u/, when not initial in the root: 21 *dasuwen >roan 'leaf'(< *daun) *taquwet > toon 'year'(< taun) Similarly, when *e comes to abut on lui the *e >lui (§F4.1.323). In two cases *e is reflected by /u/. There is no explanation: *gemegem > ngungum 'grasp'(< ngumngum) *ieCUIJ > luhung 'mortar' 22 F4.2.4 *a

*a> Ia! except when assimilated or diphthongized, as described in §F4.1 ff., above: *kasepal > ma?afa 'thick' *qalima > lima-n 'hand, arm'

20

The development of this form is complex: *yeken > *ran > *ron (§ F4.1.312) > raun (back formation) or roong (disyllabization by doubling the vowel [§F4.l.51]). The change of*n > /ng/ is unexplained (§F4.3.5, final~).

Initial *we-> /we/, e.g., *weliq >we/ 'do again' A possible explanation is that *e assimilated to *u in the following syllable, for this is the only example of a disyllable showing *e in the penult and *u in the final syllable where the final was not lost by apocope. However, this rule is not likely true, for in the many cases with *e in the penult and *u in the final syllable that was lost, the *e was not assimilated. 21

22

The development ofPAn vowels and diphthongs in Kei

617

With roots reconstructed with *a- initial or with *qa- or *sa- (where the *q and *s were lost without a trace), Kei developed an initially-/ glide. The source of the /y-/ glide is unknown: *acu > yahau 'dog' *qapuy > yafur 'lime' *sacaiJ > yafan 'gills' In one case, a root with *ka- that had lost initial *k- also developed a /y-/ glide before the initial *a, but normally initial *ka- is reflected with /a/ (as in *kasaw > aha 'rafter', etc.): *kaka > ya?a-n 'elder sibling' In one unexplained case, *a failed to develop /y-/ glide. It may be a recent borrowing from Ml: *aiam > anan 'plait' (Ml anyam) There are unexplained exceptions. The wordfofa 'board' reflects *a with /o/ in the first syl1able, but /a/ in the second, nuhu 'island' reflects final *a with lui. *papan > fofan 'board' *nuca > nuhu- 'island' For sequences *ai and *au that developed cf. §§F4.1.321 and F4.1.322.

F4.2.5 Diphthongs It is difficult to say whether final/ail, /au/, lui/, and /ei/ are diphthongs or vowel sequences. See the fourth footnote to the introduction, §F4.0.

F4.2.51 *ay *ay >lei, lei/, and /ail. Because of the widespread effect of final-syllable apocope, there are very few attestations, and it is not possible to determine a rule: 23 *beyecay > vehe 'paddle' *calay 'preserve by drying' > halei 'make flexible by heating over coals' (Geurtjens: halaai) *qaqay > yea-d 'our legs'(< *yay?a- < *ay?a < *qayqa) There is one attestation that indicates that in the first syllable of a doubled monosyllabic root, *ay >Iii. However, this form may be borrowed from Ml: *taytay 'bridge' >tit 'pier' (KK: 'bridge') (Ml titi 'bridge') *ay > Ia!, before a consonant-initial suffix: *beyay >Jia-ng 'give' *bahi >va-t 'female'

F4.2.52 *uy and*iw All reflexes of forms with *uy have undergone final syllable apocope, and it is unknown how *uy developed. *iw >Iii: *baliw > vali-n 'opposite side' *kasiw > ai 'tree, wood'

F4.2.53 *aw The reflex of *-aw is not absolutely certain, as only one reflex in final syllable has survived. The other forms reflecting final *-aw have been lost by apocope. The single example reflects loss of *-w. In nonfinal position, *aw > lo/ (cf. §4.1.322): *kacaw >aha 'rafter' *taw 'person'> to-mat 'person, title for a commoner'

23

Note that /ail or /ei/ that developed in diphthongization changed to /e/ in the penult sporadically (§F4.1.33).

618

Part F. Chapter Four

F4.3 Consonants Like other languages of the area, Kei has spirantized and in some cases, entirely lost the stop consonants. A nasal immediately preceding a stop protected it from weakening, as is the case of many of the languages of Sulawesi and eastern Indonesia. The following chart summarizes the development of the Kei consonants from PAn: CHART Two. THE KEI REFLEXES OF THE PAN CONSONANTS

PAn p t k q,s,h c b d,j g

Kei

f t fJ, _('_ {J

h v r

fJ-, -r-

PAn y I i m, n, IJ w y mp,mb nt, nd

Kei r

I n, I m, n, IJ w-, {J {J

b d

Few ofthe consonants are attested in final position, as is discussed in §F4.1.1.

F4.3.1 Voiceless stops F4.3.11 *p The most general case is that *p >If/: *pan> faan 'bait' *peniyu > feen'sea tortoise' (< *pefiu) *pitu >fit 'seven' *isepi > m-if 'dream' *alep < af'beckon' When *p was protected by a preceding consonant in a cluster, it became /b/ (§F4.3.51): 24 *pu > ubu-n 'grandparent, grandchild' *puietiq >but 'white'(< *mput < *maputiq) *peiuq >bon 'full, completed'(< *mpeun < *mapenu) Ml forms with /p/ are borrowed with /b/: *pakey > baak 'nail' (Ml paku 'nail')

F4.3.12 *t *t > It/ in all positions: *tuketuk 'top, summit' > tutu 'extremity' *qiteluy > tilur 'egg' *utaq > m-ut 'vomit' It is difficult to know if 1-t/ that is attested in reflections of PAn forms with final *-tis a reflex of the PAn form or is a consonantal ending of the type discussed in §F4.1.11.

*lai]it > lanit 'heavens' A cluster consisting of a nasal plus *t that developed is reflected with /d/: *nta 'genitive of *ta ' 25 > -d 'our (incl)' pintu (Ml) > fid 'door'

24 All the clusters that are reflected consist of a voiced followed by a voiceless consonant. That means that *p was voiced by assimilation to the preceding consonant, which subsequently was lost.

The development ofPAn consonants in Kei

619

There are several other attestations of *t reflected by /d/. I speculate that these remount to a prenasalized /t/, but no evidence in the form ofprenasalized cognates in closely related languages has turned up to support this speculation: *qatun >dum 'tuna' *qatusan > duan 'master, owner' *patay >fed-an 'kill' *datay >rod 'flat even' ( < *dantayi6

F4.3.13 *k Initial *k > 0. Medial *-k- >glottal stop/-?-/: *kasiw > ai 'wood, tree' *aku 'I' > ya- ?au 'I' *ma-kasepal 'thick' > ma'lafa 'thick' However, initial *k has not disappeared without a trace in roots that occur with a vowel-final prefix. When the root is prefixed, a glottal stop reflects the earlier *k: *kan + ta- > ta?an 'we eat' *katu +*ban> ban'laut 'send'(< *ban?atu) Medial *k is preserved in disyllabic roots that lost the final syllable by apocope. We assume a complicated course of development that is supported by the preservation of *k as lkl in a reduplicated monosyllable. Namely, the final syllable ofthe root was syncopated when a suffix was added (§F4.1.12). The resulting CC was simplified (§4.1.34). This gave rise to the following rule: when *k was in a CC that developed and simplified (§4.1.34), *k is reflected as lk/: *dukeduk > duk 'sit'(< *dukk- [§4.1.1] < *dukuk < *dukduk)27 *yakit > rak 'raft'(< *rakt-) *talikuj 'turn the back'> talik 'leave behind'(< *talikj-) In words borrowed after the operation of the rule of *k- loss, *k is retained: *cukat > sukat 'try on (clothes, shoes)' (Ml sukat 'measurement') There are several other forms that failed to lose *k. Most of them have likely been influenced by Ml, as well: *ikuy > kukur 'tail' (Ml Ekor) *keia >ken 'hit the mark' (Ml kena) *kukuh > kuku-n 'nail, claw' (Ml kuku) The following forms must be borrowed, but the source is unknown: *jalikan > likan 'trivet' *kaqekaq > kaka 'split' *wakat 'mangrove root' > wakat 'mangrove' Medial *-k- was lost(> 0) between two *e's or two *i's: *yeken > nan-roong (KK: nand-raun) 28 'protective coil for resting things on' *tikey 'k.o. reed'> tor 'rattan mat'(< *tekey) *tiki-tiki> ha-lili-n 'armpit'(< *liilii [§F4.1.51, end])

F4.3.14 *q *q was lost without a trace:

The enclitic genitive pronoun of the first persons (sing and excl) in all of the languages of eastern Indonesia are preceded by a genitive marker consisting of an /n/ or /ng/, or developed from these--i.e., -ngku and -nta. 26 The occurrence of /of in this word is a further evidence for the existence of a nasal before *t (§F4.l.312). 27 This form was probably influenced by Ml duduk, as it manifests initial /d-/ instead of /r-1 (§F4.3.32). 28 There is no contrast between [ndr] and [nr]. Our recordings clearly show [nr], but apparently in the KK dialect a [d) has developed. 25

620

Part F. Chapter Four *qatay 'liver'> yat-an 'heart, liver, lungs' *buqaya > uve 'crocodile' (< *qubay < *qubaya)

In a few cases with medial *-q-, the Kei reflex evinces a medial/-?-/. This is the result of glottal-stop insertion (§F4.1.62), not a reflex of *q: *tuqed > tu?ar 'stump'(< *tuar < *tued)

F4.3.15 *c *c > /hi in the majority of cases. Probably the change was via *s-i.e., *c > *s > *h, for in protected position *c > /s/: *caiJa 'branch' > hanga 'crotch, fork in tree' *cii-ay 'ray' > henar 'shine' *qacawa 'in-law' > ho-an 'spouse' *iseci > ihi-n 'flesh, contents' In a few cases *c is reflected by Is/. In most of them, I assume that *c >Is/ and that the *s was protected-i.e., occurred as *Cs or *sC, which was simplified by loss of the other consonant in the cluster: *ciwa > siu (< *IJsiu < *IJsiwa) *cucu >sus 'chest'(< *nsunsu) *kicekic 'grate'> isi-r 'scrape, slice off(< *?is?is < *kiskis) *ica >sa 'one'(< *IJsa < *iiJsa) *liceqes > lisa-n 'nit'(< *liiJsa m-asin 'salt'(< *m-aiJsin) Loan words from Ml with /s/ retain the /s/ in Kei: *calaq >sa 'error' (Ml salah) *cukat > sukat 'try on (shoes)' (Ml sukat 'measure')

F4.3.2 *h, *s *h and *s were lost without a trace: *bahi >va-t 'female' *ikasu > o 'you (sg)' *sipay 'opposite side' > ifar 'brother-, sister-in-law'

F4.3.3 Voiced stops The voiced stops weakened to become continuants: *b > /v/; *d, *j, *g, and *y, fell together as /r/. When they came to be preceded by a nasal they were protected.

F4.3.31 *b *b > /v/: *batu > vatu-k 'throw' *biyebiy > vivir 'lips' *buwaq > vua-n 'fruit' In a few cases, *b > /b/. I hypothesize that the /b/ was protected by a preceding nasal, the remnant of a nasal-final prefix, which was lost. 29 However, the last two of the following forms may, in fact, not have been protected but are borrowings from a language in which *b > /b/: *ba > ba 'go'(< *mba) *bayiw > baar 'spoiled (food)' *bayeq 'abcess' > baar 'sweJI' *bunag > bona-t 'fine beach sand' *buiJa >bung 'flower' 29 Support for this hypothesis is found in the following form, which probably derives from a root prefixed with the instrumental prefix *paiJ, widely attested, *pa- was lost, but the final *IJ protected the initial *b of the root:

*baliw 'return'> vai 'go around' (loss of*l unexplained), bali-n 'rudder' ( *paiJ-baliw-)

The development of PAn consonants in Kei

621

The following form offers evidence of nasal accretion ofthe onset ofthe final syllable (§F4.161): *qabaya > ngaban (< *aiJban) In a couple of cases, *b is reflected with If/. Two of these forms are not directly inherited, but the source has not been identified. In the third case, the *b > *p in PMP times or earlier: *beyay >Jia-ng 'give' *buiJa > fuun 'flower' *i-isebic > me-nifi-n 'thin'(< *i-ipic) F4.3.32 *d, *j For the most part, *d and *j are reflected with /r/: *depa > raif'fathom' *qudaiJ > nguran 'shrimp' *tuqed > tu'lar 'stump' *jaqet > rai 'ill' *tuju > turu 'point' The *r that developed dissimilated to Ill before /r/ to the right: *dayaq > lar 'blood' *sadiyi > fir 'post' *d was protected after a nasal-i.e., became /dl. The nasal was lost: *dii]ediiJ > ridin 'feel cold' (< *rindiiJ) I hypothesize that some of the inherited forms with initial *d- were prenasalized by the loss of a nasal-final prefix, where the first part of the prefix was lost, but the nasal was a remnant (cf. §F 4.3 .31, 2"if, above). It is possible that these forms, in fact, were influenced by the Ml cognate or even borrowed from Ml: *dateiJ > dat 'arrive, come' (ML datang) *deiJey > denar 'hear' (Ml dengar) *diyi > diri-n 'stand' (Ml ber-diri) *dukeduk > -dok 'sit'(< duk < *duduk < *dukduk) (Ml duduk) F4.3.33 *g There are only two attestations of *g as onset of the penult or earlier. The first probably spread to Kei secondarily. The other form shows that *g fell together with *k-i.e., was lost initially and became /?/after a prefix with vowel coda: *guyita > krit 'octopus' *gita > li-'lit 'see' (also it ken 'can see') Medially and finally, *g fell together with *d and *j-i.e., became /r/: *piga >fir 'how many?' *puceg > fuhar 'navel' In one case *-g- seems to have been lost. However, ifwe assume metathesis, the irregular reflex of *g can be explained: *lugan >loon 'load'(< *lun [apocope-§F4.1.1] < *lunag [metathesis-§F4.1.2]) F4.3.4 Voiced continuants F4.3.41 *y *y > /r/ in all positions: *yiq > ri 'sword grass' *payis >fair 'rayfish' *qiteluy > tilur 'egg' *y was lost when it came to be in a cluster *yC: *beyecay > vehe 'paddle'(< *beycay)

622

Part F. Chapter Four

The following form also reflects CC simplification, but it may be secondary, as the cognates are widespread throughout eastern Indonesia and Oceania: *taw 'person'+ *I) 'linker'+ *qayetaq 'person'> to-mat 'person' In two cases, *y was lost. The first example shows other irregularities and may possibly be secondary. In the second example, metathesis, apocope, loss of *k, and disyllabization by doubling resulted in the attestation: *beyay > fia-ng 'give' *buyuk > vuvu-n 'rotten'(< *vu < *bu < *buk < *bukuy)

F4.3.42 *I *1- > /1-/ initially and before or after *i or *e that became /i/. Otherwise-i.e., after /a/ or back vowels, *1 was lost. (1) *1>/1/: *laban> Iavan 'against' *lima> lim 'five' *qiteluy > tilur 'egg' *talikuj > talik 'leave behind' *telu >tel 'three'(< til) (2) *1 > 0: *bulai > vuan 'moon' *kasepal > ma- 'lafa 'thick' *walu > wau 'eight' *qulu > uu-n 'his head' When *e did not become /i/-i.e. *e in final syllables, an adjacent *I was also lost: *dalem > raan 'inside' *buleg 'single hill'> vu'lar 'mountain' 30 There are a couple of exceptions. These words are probably borrowings: *bulaw 'reddish colored'> vul 'red' *calay 'preserve by drying' > halei 'heat over coals' *1 assimilated to a *j (and probably also to *d) on the right, when *1 was not lost-i.e. *1-*j > /r-r/. There is only one example. The*j, which was in root-final position, was lost after it had changed to /r/ and assimilation had taken place: *lahuj > roa 'sea'(< *rao)

F4.3.43 *t

t,,

*i underwent the changes found throughout the MP languages (§§A 1. 1.3 2, 4 A3.3.4). In addition, PMP tfi (< *i) underwent depalatalization, as it did in many of the MP languages. As onset to an unstressed penult or an earlier syllable, *i- became /1-/: *iiki-iiki > ha-lili-n 'armpit' * ieCUIJ > luhun 'mortar' *qciiegaw >leer 'sun' Otherwise, *i > /nl: *tisebic > me-nifi-n 'thin' *iuy > nuur 'coconut' *aiak > yana-n 'child' *qaiitu >nit 'ghost' In two cases, *i > In! before an unstressed penult. This exception is found in other languages of eastern Indonesia in cognate roots, and I assume that these roots had alternative stress

Note that/?/ developed between the two vowels after /I/ lost. It may be that this form is not derived from *buleg.

30

The development of PAn consonants in Kei

623

patterns probably as early as PMP times (cf. the commentaries to *iaiJuy, *iepuq in the glossary): *ial)uy > naong 'swim' *iepuq > neif'lion fish'

F 4.3.5 *m, *n, *IJ *m and *n > lml and /n/, respectively, in initial and medial position: *mata > mata 'eye' *lima> lima 'five' *nem >nan 'remember' *manuk > mon 'bird' As onset of the antepenult or earlier, * m > /b/: *mayuqaiay > baraan 'male'(< *bayqanay) mardika (Ml) > bardik 'freeman' There are two reflexes of *IJ in initial and medial position. (1) The most widespread reflected change is that *IJ merged with *n: *buiJa > fuun 'flower' *deiJey > denar 'hear' *puiJul > funu-n 'bunch, cluster' *tal)iyi > tnir 'Spanish mackeral' *laiJit > lanit 'heaven' *qudaiJ > nguran 'shrimp' (2) In a few cases, *IJ remained /ng/. Most of these are derivatives of the root *IJa. Apparently, the merger of *IJ and *n was not completed: *IJaiJa > nat-ngang 'with mouth agape' *buiJ > vungan 'ridgepole' *caiJa > hanga 'crotch of tree, branch' *iaiJUY > naong 'swim' *paiJa 'forking'> fanga 'branching' In final position, /rnl, In!, and /ng/ merged to /n/: *dalem > raan 'inside' *nem > nan 'remember' *pan > faan 'bait' *dit]ediiJ > ridin 'cold' *duyuiJ >ruin 'sea cow' *iseguiJ > nirun 'nose' *iecuiJ > luhun 'mortar' *sacaiJ > a han 'gills' Because of the process of apocope, all three nasals occur in final position. In some cases, the final *-n of a root was replaced by 1-ml or /-ng/. 31 In the case ofthe first inherited example, a variant with /-n/ also occurs in KB:

dagang (Ml) > dagam 'trade' *yeken > nan-roong 'base for resting things on' (KB: nanraun) *qagan 'name'> naram 'famed' *qatun >dum 'tuna' 32

F4.3.51 Nasal clusters There is very little evidence for nasals in clusters. No reflex has been found for any form that has been reconstructed in PMP with a prenasalized C onset of the final syllable. Our best evidence is the genitive of the first person (sing) and (pi excl) -ng and -d. Other languages of eastern Indonesia evince a nasal increment of the genitive (from the genitive marker *-n, which can be reconstructed for PAn). Accordingly, I deduce that -ng comes from *IJku and that -d < *-nta: *mataiJku > matang 'my eyes' *matanta > matad 'our eyes'

Possibly, these changes happened through a process of hypercorrection (i.e., the three-way contrast was reestablished in final position allowing for hypercorrection to develop). 32 This forms seems to have developed as follows: 31

*qatun >*tuna> *tun (apocope)< *ntun (prenasalization) >dum (lml unexplained)

624

Part F. Chapter Four

These rules are confirmed by other forms that are certain or likely to have developed nasal clusters: *diiJediiJ > ridin 'cold' (< *dindin < *dil)diiJ) pintu (Ml) > fid 'door'

F4.3.61 *w *w- > /w-1 initially: *walu > wau 'eight' *weliq >wei 'do again' Medially, *w was lost: *kawil > kail 'hook' *sinawa > naa-n 'breath' In some cases, the medial *-w- affected a preceding *a ( cf. the discussion in §F4.1.311 ). *qacawa 'in-law'> ho-an 'spouse'(< *saw-) If there was apocope of a form with *i in the penult followed by *-w-, *-w- became vocalized (i.e., > /u/): *ciwa > siu 'nine' Two forms show retention ofmedial-w-. These forms are probably secondary: *kawayan > awan 'k.o. large bamboo' *lawa > nga-lawa-n 'spider'

F4.3.62 *y *y was lost except at the end of a word (§F4.2.51). However, in some cases *y affected a preceding vowel (§F4.1.311 ). There are only a few attestations of forms that reflect medial *-y-: *laya¥ > laar 'sail' In the following forms, apocope took place before *y was lost: *buqaya > uve 'crocodile' *duyuiJ >ruin(< *duyiJ) The sequence *ey >Iii (sometimes diphthongized to *ai and subsequently changed to /e/): *seyaq > m-e?a-k 'shame' ( *-ia-) *laqeya > le?i (< *la?i)

PART

G. DEVELOPMENT OF THE OCEANIC LANGUAGES

G.O The An languages spoken to the east of a line drawn through New Guinea, starting with Jayapura, just to the west of the boundary between Indonesia and Papua-New Guinea, constitute a subgroup, called the 'Oceanic languages' (Oc). They form a linkage with the languages immediately to the west, the South-Halmahera!Western New Guinea (SHWNG) languages (Blust 1978). Few ofthe Oc languages have more than a few thousand speakers, and some are spoken in only one or two villages and are likely to disappear soon.

Equatot

ri'

Tokelau··

-N~

:,.

-!TOtlfiA

.

-·.

FRENCH POLYNESIA

.

..

·~·

,.,.. ..

~

\J

14o"

Map 9. The location of the Oceanic languages. The entire aggregate of the Oc languages constitute a subgroup--:-i.e., they all descend from a single language that dispersed over time. This is proven by a number of innovations that all ofthe Oc languages share (Pawley 2007: 47-52). Most of these are in the realm of morphology and syntax, but a couple of phonological innovations are shared by all the Oc languages: (1) the development ofthree labio-velar consonants, (2) the development of

625

626

Part G. The Oceanic Languages

prenasalized consonants in certain forms. 1 Two other changes were shared by almost all of the Oc languages, namely: (3) the merger of*p and *band (4) the merger ofthe voiceless stops *c, *t, and *k with their voiced counterparts *j,2 *d, *g. These changes took place in almost all, but not all of the Oc languages. The data from Tol ( §G 11.3.1ff.) indicate that mergers (3) and (4) did not take place in pre-Tolai, but they did take place in the other Oc languages treated in this study. 3 It has been hypothesized that the single language from which the Oc languages descend was spoken in the area of the Vitiaz Straits that separate New Guinea from New Britain (Ross 1988:20).4 Indeed, the oldest archeological findings, relics of the Lapita assemblage have been found in the area of the St. Matthias group, New Britain, and New Ireland (cf. the discussion of §Al.l, final paragraph), and the extreme diversity of the An languages in this area supports the hypothesis that the homeland was located there .. The unity of the subgroup and existence of a Proto-Oc (POe) language implies that this settlement was the result of a single migration, probably from Cendrawasih Bay in western New Guinea, the eastern part ofthe area of the western SHWNG languages, which form a linkage with the Oc languages. This does not exclude the possibility that there were independent An incursions into Oceania. In fact, there is a small amount of evidence of independent An incursions into the area in the form of borrowings into Papuan languages from languages that did not belong to the Oc subgroup, as indicated by the failure of these borrowings to show phonological innovations made by the Oc languages found on the northern coast ofNew Guinea (Ross 1988:21). The Oc languages split into the western and eastern aggregates. 5 It is unlikely that the WOe languages form a subgroup, but they may be linked by chains of developments that spread through them after the break-up of the protolanguage. They include the languages now spoken in the area of the POe homeland, as well as all the other languages to the north and west of and including the northwest Solomon Islands. The languages of the southeast Solomon Islands and to the east are called the 'EOc' languages. There is evidence that the homeland of POe was not adjacent to the westernmost non-Oc language but much further to the east and that the westernmost Oc languages, which stretch along the northern coast of New Guinea as far as the Jayapura coast just across the border of Indonesia, reached their current locations by migrations westward from the homeland long 1 This is not a phonological development. It is a development of specific forms. Hence, it does not have the weight of a shared phonological innovation in determining subgrouping for the purposes of establishing prehistoric facts. The development of prenasalized consonants characterizes all of the precursors of the Oc languages. However, most ofthecases ofprenasalization found in the Oc languages developed in post-POe times (Ross 1988: 32-47). Not the same cognates over the Oc languages reflect prenasalization. However, the prenasalization of the labials is manifested over the same cognates in the EOc languages-i.e., this innovations is most likely shared. Some forms that are not prenasalized in non-Oc languages were prenasalized in POe. 2 In most Oc languages *j and *c merged, with some exceptions (cf. the footnote to §G3.3.l3). 3 I know of no in-depth historical studies of any of the WOe languages, and it may be the case that Tolai is not unique in failing to show these important mergers. It is true that the data presented by Ross 1988 indicates that most of the WOe languages give evidence of these mergers, and the Oc languages of further Oceania, the EOc languages, many of which have been studied extensively, all show them. 4 Pawley (2008:65-66) is skeptical of that particular location. He rules out early settlement on the mainland of New Guinea and hypothesizes that the ~arliest An settlement in Oceania was on small offshore islands of the Bismark Archipelago (a large area including the New Britain, New Ireland, as well as the other islands of the Bismark Sea). 5 There is evidence languages of Admiralty Islands do not belong to either the western or the eastern branch and probably derive from a migration away from the POe homeland independent of the break-up of POe into the eastern and western languages (Blust l978a:34, Ross 1988:315-345).

Part G. The Oceanic languages

627

after the period of POe. The languages that stretch along the northern coast ofNew Guinea are interspersed with Papuan languages, and many of them are in contact with the Papuan languages spoken behind them in the inland regions.

GO.l Prenasalization and consonant gradation The term CONSONANT GRADATION refers to a process, which characterizes the whole Oc group, whereby the stop consonants, including *c and *j (in some languages) in initial and medial position may manifest double reflexes in the same etymon. One of the reflexes is derived from a prenasalized consonant and the other from the consonant without prenasalization. The same etymon may have a prenasalized reflex in one language and a plain reflex in another, or even in the same language the same etymon may be reflected in two lexemes, one of which contains the prenasalized grade consonant and another of which contains the plain grade consonant. The process of prenasalization predates POe, and certain forms that were prenasalized in POe are reflected as prenasalized or having been prenasalized in the daughter languages. However, most of the cases of consonant gradation are the product of independent developments in the various languages that took place after the break-up of POe. It should be noted that not all languages reflect prenasalization of all the stop consonants. In general, the further east the language, the fewer consonants that show prenasalized reflexes. 6

G0.2 Lenition ami consonant gradation Lenition, the change of stops to voiced spirants, has affected a large number of the Oc languages. Lenition took place in intervocalic position, but often allomorphs with lenited consonants were extended throughout the paradigm, so that a contrast developed between lenited and non-lenited consonants. This has also led to the consonant gradation or occurrence of a third reflex in addition to the plain and the nasalized reflexes. The process of lenition took place independently in the individual Oc languages after the break-up of POe. Lenition may in fact affect consonants that developed from prenasalization. In the EOc languages the effects of lenition and those of prenasalization cannot be distinguished in some cases-both processes led to the same alternations in certain cases. 7 Since the process of lenition and prenasalization led to the same morphophonemic alternations in the EOC languages, it is impossible to know whether a given consonant alternation in a specific language is the result of lenition or of nasalization. In the EOc languages all cases of consonantal alternation are treated as the product of prenasalization or failure to develop prenasalization. In the WOe languages, the two processes lead to different sorts of morphophonemic alternation and in the discussions following are distinguished. In fact, in prenasalization is only clearly reflected with *p and *bin the Polynesian languages. Some of the Polynesian languages evince double reflexes for *d, and others, for *c, and some for both *c and *d. But there is no strong evidence that the double reflexes of *c and *d result from prenasalization. Cf. the discussion in Chapter Four,§ l, of Part G, §G4l.3.l22 and in Chapter Four, §2, §G42.3.122. 7 As an example we may take forms with *p. In Fijian, *pis reflected both with !b/ and /v/ (§G3.3.11), where the former is taken to be the result of prenasalization and the latter the reflex not protected by a preceding nasal. For example, *piga is reflected by vica 'how many?' and *pan is reflected by bee 'bait'. However, since clear cases oflenition are attested in Fijian (medial *j and *g weakened to *y-footnote to §G3.3.13), there is no reason to think that *p and *b were also not subject to lenition. Accordingly, there is no way of knowing whether vica in fact resulted from the lenition of a prenasalized form *big a that had developed from the inherited *piga 6

00

0\ N

...

..

'AUSTRALIA

Motu

~.

Map 10. The location of some ofthe Western Oceanic languages.

JAVA

IRIAN

·¥anam

.·Lou

... t::::::J- .:.

~

. '

•

..... ~~·

.!'

Part G. The Oceanic Languages

'

EASTERN OCEANIC

CHAPTER ONE, § 1

Tolai Gll.O Introduction Tolai (Tol), also known as Raluana, Kuanua, and Tuna 'the real language' is spoken in Rabaul, New Britain, and in the surrounding areas. It is one of the largest Oc languages with close to 100,000 speakers. The chief source for this chapter is. the dictionary by Lanyon-Orgill1960 and the Tol materials in Tryon 1995, and secondarily the other dictionaries listed in the bibliography as well as the Tollessons of Franklin and Kerr 1974. There is considerable dialectal variation reported in the sources, and here we deal with the developments in the Rabaul dialect. Tol and other closely related languages of the Gazelle Peninsula ofNew Britain were brought to New Britain from New Ireland, and these languages are most closely related to languages of southern New Ireland (Ross 1988:261). It is apparent from the nature of the data that Pre-Tolai was brought to several different areas in the course of its development where it had contact with other languages and dialects, many of which were An. In other words, speakers ofTol were influenced by other languages, and speakers of other languages went over to Tol, influencing it with forms from their first language. 8 As a result, there is a great deal of contradictory evidence in the data, causing the rules I assume here to be more speculative than they are in the case of other languages. The paucity of data compounds the problem of drawing unambiguous conclusions. It should be pointed out that alternations that I have ascribed to lenition or to nasalization may in fact reflect different strata of Tol, where one stratum is inherited from PAn directly and the other stratum due to systematic borrowing from another language. 9 This hypothesis could be confirmed by the contradictory processes of apocope (§§G 11.1.2ff., below). I attribute these contradictory processes of apocope to a process of wholesale borrowing, because I have found little evidence that internal factors led to alternative developments. The complicated history ofTol will require much additional detailed work comparing Tol with other languages of the region for it to be definitively untangled. Lanyon-Orgill lists forms from languages of the Duke of York Islands and New Ireland that are closely related to Tol, but these languages show reflexes ofPAn phonemes in some cases that are different from those of Tot and are not discussed here. There is some difference in the phonology assumed by Lanyon-Orgill and that by the other sources. Lanyon-Orgill's dictionary was based largely on secondary sources compiled by German missionaries during the years of the German colonization of New Guinea and The reasons for the great diversity of the EOc languages as opposed to the Polynesian languages is discussed cogently by Lynch 1981. 9 This is the hypothesis I have made in the case of one of the developments of*b (§011.3.117), where I attribute the reflex *p to borrowing. 8

629

630

Part G. Chapter One, §1

offshore islands. In the consonants Lanyon-Orgill assumes a distinction between [v] and [w]. Other sources write only /v/ and this is reflected in the current Tol orthography. Lanyon-Orgill states that he was often uncertain whether a form had v or w, and in many cases transcribes the same form with two spellings. I believe that there is no distinction in fact. /v/ is a voiced bilabial spirant [{3], which sounds halfway between [w] and [v] to an English speaker. I therefore conclude that there was no distinction and transcribe /vI both for Lanyon-Orgill's v and for his w. In the case of the vowels, Lanyon-Orgill transcribes long and short vowels as do Tryon (1995) and Meyer (1921 ), where other sources only write single vowels. Further, Lanyon-Orgill transcribes four different qualities of a, two of which occur in words with PAn or PMP etymologies. I assume that the two a's that occur in inherited forms contrast if stress is not taken into account. Since it is not possible to find out the stress pattern for all roots, I transcribe the two a's differently, following Lanyon Orill. Short a is transcribed /e/ to reflect its character as a lower mid-central vowel [A], and the unmarked a is transcribed /a/. The two are probably, or at least were, in complementary distribution if stress is taken into account: /a/ occurs in stressed and doubled position, and /e/ in unstressed. 10 Accordingly, I have transcribed [e], the mid-front vowel, as lEI, although it is described as a somewhat higher vowel than that usually represented by E. For the consonants, I follow the transcriptions given in the lessons by Franklin and Kerr. 11 I have transcribed stress where Meyer has registered it. CHART ONE. TOLAI PHONEMES

Consonants voiceless stops p voiced stops b spirants v [f3] nasals m liquids and semivowels

Vowels t d (s) n I, r

k g

u

1

f

e [A] a

0

ng [IJ]

In current Tol, except for peripheral dialects, /s/ is not found in any inherited forms. In some dialects, voiced stops are prenasalized.

Gll.l Changes that characterize Tolai in general Gll.l.l Consonantal gradation Some ofthe PAn consonants have triple reflexes in Tol. Like other Oc languages, Tol has plain and nasalized reflexes (§GO.l ). Further, Tol, like many of the WOe languages, lenited some of the stop consonants. In Tol, the prenasalized consonants lost the nasal of the

°

1 From the published sources it is impossible to know if the distribution of lei and /a/ is correlated entirely with stress. The only source that indicates stress is Meyer (1921 ), and in that work stress is only marked on some entries, not all of them. However, it is the case that /e/ as transcribed by Lanyon-Orgill correlates in a large number of cases with unstressed position, and /a/ with stressed position. Meyer states that stress is variable, and indeed there are a great number of discrepancies between the two sources that distinguish /e/ and /a/, probably due to variable stress patterns. 11 Lanyon-Orgill 1960 transcribes /ng/ with g and /g/ with q.

Processes that affect the development ofTolaifrom PAn

631

nasal cluster and became voiced (but dialectally became prenasalized stops). The Tol reflexes ofthe PAn consonants are given in Chart 3, §011.3. Gll.l.ll Nasalization of the initial C

Tol preserves remnants of the process of nasalization of root initial consonants (§A3.7.1). The following three roots are attested with initial nasal substitution in Tol: *bayehat >rna-mat 'heavy' (also vatvat) *batay 'money'> matE 'exchange, buy' *putuc 'cut off > mut 'chop' G11.1.2 Apocope

Tol, in common with other languages ofthe region, had a tendency to shorten roots. In Tol this shortening (or apocope) took place in three ways: (1) loss of -C , (2) loss of-V(C), (3) loss of -CV(C). These processes affect nearly half of the roots in our data. The other half of the data are not affected by processes of apocope. As mentioned in §G 11.0, above, it is possible that there were, in fact, two or more strata in Tol reflexes, where one stratum shows the inherited development and the other layer(s) show(s) secondary development. I have not been able to find evidence of phonological processes that led to the alternative developments. Gl1.1.21 Loss of -C

There are more than twenty inherited roots that lost the final -C, but retained the V of the final syllable. There are examples of loss of -C in monosyllabic as well as disyllabic roots: 12 *bukal >hue 'boil (liquids)' *bukes > i-vu 'hair' (< *i-buk < *busek) *put 'blow'> vu-vu 'wind' *kapit 'hold by pinching' >kepi 'catch (bird in a trap)' Gll.1.22 Loss of -V(C)

In many cases, the final syllable less the onset was lost: *biyel)i >bung 'day' (without loss ofV-: tal-bungi-an 'dusk') *yaiJU > rengu-reng 'dried up' *liceqes > li 'nit'(< *lio) *luseq >lui 'tears'(< *lulu< *lu < *luq) *paqit > pek 'bitter' *tebus > tup 'sugar cane' *sabayat > teu-bar 'southeast monsoon' (also tau-barat) G11.1.23 Loss of -CV(C)

In at least one case of onsets consisting of consonants not regularly lost, the final syllable, including the onset was lost: *tujuq > tu 'point' (but also tur-a) Gll.1.24 Apocope ofthe initial root syllable

Five forms evince a tendency opposed to that described in §§G 11.1.21-G 11.1.23, above. Namely, these roots lost the initial syllable. Why some roots should have lost the initial syllable, whereas some lost the final syllable, and some remained intact is unexplained:

The motivation for the loss of root-final C's was probably CC simplification that took place when these roots abutted on a C-initial morpheme. 12

Part G. Chapter One, §1

632

*ikuy > kuru-na 'tail' *kawil > il 'hook' *paheyaw > rau 'hoarse'(< *payaw) *naquy 'down' + *pa- > ve-ur 'bring down' *takut > kut 'afraid' It is possible that the following form also arose from loss of the initial syllable:

*keyet 'cut a piece off> rot 'pull asunder' There is little information on phonological processes of abbreviation in current Tol. These cases may in fact be examples of a widespread phenomenon in currently spoken Tol that is simply not reported in the published sources. One piece of evidence that points to this conclusion is the alternation in the word for 'mother', where the first syllable is lost when suffixed: tina 'mother' ne-gu 'my mother'

G11.1.3 Petrified affixation There are a few cases of petrified affixes and a large number of cases of thematic vowels (see below) added to the end of roots before the suffix. In some cases these affixes were added to roots that had been shortened ( §G 11.2ff, above). Examples of petrified affixes: *but+ *ise > ivut 'pluck out (feathers, etc.)' *nem 'remember'+ *ka- > konom 'thoughtful' *culuq > ul 'torch' + *pa + *i > veuli 'fish with a torch' Thematic vowels are those that are added to roots to stems before suffixes when phonological rules allow only C-initial consonants to be added after a vowel. 13 In Tol the thematic vowel is Ia! (/e/) or lei (< *a+ *i). The following cases are examples: *payis > vaar-e 'stingray' *wiyi > ma-ir-aa 'left (side)'(< *rna-ira-an) *sagek > aruk-E 'sniff, smell' In one case, analogy led to the addition of a thematic vowel other than /a/: *nati 'young of pasture animal'> natu-na 'child' 14

G11.1.4 Syncopation Aside from the apocope discussed in§ §G 11.1.2ff., above, Tol evinces few cases of syncopation or syllable elision. The one kind of syncopation attested in the data is the following: *i, *u, and *e in unstressed position in trisyllables were elided when they came to abut on another vowel after the loss of the intervening consonant: *buqaya > bai-bai 'crocodile' (with elision of /uq/ 15 and loss of the final vowel [§G 11.1.22]) *kulabaw > kebaw 'rat' (§G 11.3.31, end) *seyup + *i- > ipi 'blow' (< *iupi < *iiupi) 16 *tiyaf +*-an> tenen 'pregnant'(< tianan) 17 There are apparent exceptions. These originate in cases where the suffix was added before the root had lost the root-final C: 13

*qalep > kelu-a 'beckon'(< *keluva. Cf. the variant keluv-E, with a suffix -E.) Analogical changes have led to cases where thematic vowels were added to roots that never had had a consonantal coda. 14 Blust (CAD) compares this form with a PMP form tfiatu(q) 'ovary, egg, baby bird'. The citations on which this reconstruction is based are unknown. However, forms that reflect *natu are widely attested in Oc languages. 15 For another example of lui elision in To!, cf. the first-person dual exclusive pronoun, ami-re 'we two'(< ami + rua). I assume that the stress of this word was on the initial /a/.

Processes that affect the development ofTolai from PAn

633 '

Elision also resulted from contraction of two like vowels.(Cf. the following section, §G 11.1.5 for examples.) The following form shows the elision of a penult with /i/ nucleus. This form probably was spread secondarily into Tol: *cayiman 'outrigger float'> amen 'outrigger' For a few Tol forms, we have to assume weakening of the antepenult-that is, centralization of the antepenult, in order to account for the current forms. This weakening took place early in common with other languages, possibly prior to POe times, as more recent formations show no signs of antepenultimate weakening. *biyegi 'night'> naa-bung 'yesterday'(< *begi < *beegi < *beyegi) *miniyak > monoi 'fat'vat-vat 'heavy'(< *beyat < *beeyat) *biyegi 'night'> naa-bung 'yesterday' (< *begi < *beeiJi < *beyegi) *bucuy 'bow'> pu 'arrow' *cucu > u 'breast' The loss of final -C provides some evidence that CC simplification took place in pre-Tol, because that is a possible explanation for this change (§G 11.1.21, footnote). Further, doubled monosyllables lost the final C in the first occurrence of the root: *bagebag 'hole'> babang 'hole in the reef *bakebak > pepek 'peel off (bark, etc.)' *buyebuy > te-bubur 'broken into small pieces' However, doubled monosyllabic roots with a C coda in both syllables occur in Tol, including in inherited forms, e.g.,pirpir 'speak'(< *biyebiy 'lips'). One possible explanation is that the forms that retain the final C in the first syllable and those that lose it are from different strata in Tol, as was the case ofthe forms affected by apocope (§§Gll.l.2ff.).

Gll.l.6 Disyllabization of monosyllabic roots Although Tol tolerates monosyllabic roots, a fair number of forms evince disyllabization of monosyllables. Disyllabization was accomplished by doubling in some cases: *nem 'inside'> nunum 'underneath' *put 'blow'> vuvu 'wind' Possibly, disyllabization is the explanation for the doubling in the word for 'crocodile':

I assume that stress was on the final syllable to account for the loss of *u. Cf. Cb huypi 'blow on' (< *huyupi < *seyupi). 17 Tianan also occurs. The rule of syncopation of*i (and possibly the other vowels as well) in the antepenult is variable. 16

Part G. Chapter One, § 1

634

*buqaya > baibai (< *baybay 18 baa 'if whether' *dag 'heat near fire'> raang 'warm, dry' *pan> baan 'bait' The following form may be explained as a case of stretching: *lui-> lukun 'roll up'{< *lu?un< *luun) 19

G11.1.7 Metathesis Aside from the cases of metathesis that affected all the MP languages, Tol manifests a four cases of metathesis that are peculiar to Tol. Three of the attestations are of more than two syllables, and the fourth is a disyllable: *baqeyag > keberang-ia 'molar'*qahyuwan 'bee'> livur 'swarm ofbees' {< *liwuyan < *liyuwan) *qisuwab > ma-uviap 'yawn'(< *uwiab < *iuwab < *qiuwab) *lemek > molo 'soft'

Gll.2 Vowels and diphthongs Except for the syncopations, syllable loss, and vowel contractions discussed immediately above, §§G 11.1 ff., Tol reflects the inherited PAn vowel system fairly closely. There are few changes in vowel quality conditioned by the environment. *a occasionally occurs long (written doubled: aa). Except in cases of nucleus stretching with disyllabization of monosyllabic roots (§G 11.1.6), the conditions under which a long /aa/ developed are unknown. 20

G11.2.1 *i *i > /i/ with a few exceptions: *digedig > me-diring 'cold' *inurn> inim 'drink' *kitit 'pick with the fingernails' > kini 'pull out with the fingernails' *kulit 'skin'> kulit 'peel off *tiyai- > tia-na 'belly' The foliowing form possibly is derived from *qitem 'black'. In that case, it reflects a rule that *i in the penult becomes /o/ before /o/ in the final syllable. There are no counterexamples: *qitem > pali-koto 'black skinned' *iq at the end of a root became /ai/ (cf. §G11.3.134 for examples). There are cases where 1-il is in alternation with l-EI-i.e., 1-i/ is lowered to l-EI before a third person suffix -na. Cf. the examples in §G 11.2.51, footnote.

G11.2.2 *a *a is reflected by /a/ and /e/. lei developed as a weakened allophone of Ia!, but later changes (apocope and perhaps others) caused a contrast to develop between /a/ and /e/. The sources are inconsistent as to whether a given form has /a/ or lei. The same root may be listed 18 Although currently Tol has no diphthongs, I assume that at an earlier stage pre-Tol had [ay], which became a sequence lai/. 19 This etymology assumes that a glottal stop developed between the two lui's, and that this[?] was replaced with lk/ by an analogy involving contact between To! and a dialect that reflected *q with/?/. 20 The sources do not indicate whether the long aa is disyllabic or only bimoraic.

The development ofTolai vowels and diphthongs

635

with /a/ at one place in the same work and with lei at another, and the sources that distinguish Ia! and /e/ do not agree with each other in the majority of cases. This is clearest evidence that the disinction between /a/ and /e/ is a very recent development and that for the purposes of the history ofTol, the contrast may be ignored. We list forms with lei or /a/ depending on how they are listed by Lanyon-Orgill (1941), but treat the reflexes of*a without regard to whether the example was listed with lei or /a/. Except when it was in a syllable that was lost by apocope (§G 11.1.2ff.), *a became /a/ (/e/): *apa > aave 'what?' *maga 'dry'> me-maa 'ebb tide' *qaliy > alir 'flow' *qatun > atun 'bonito' *piyas 'roe' >hire 'fat, grease' *buwaq 'fruit' >hue 'betel nut' vue 'bear fruit' *a became /o/ by vowel harmony in a root when the following or preceding syllable had an /o/ nucleus: *layehu +rna-> malo 'withered'(< *ma-lo [§G 11.2.211]) < *malau < *malayu) *miniyak > monoi 'fat' konom 'thoughtful' *wakay > okor 'root'(< *okar [§G11.3.41]) There are two other cases where *a is reflected by /o/, for which there is no explanation: *cak >ma-o 'cooked' *paqa > vo 'thigh' *a is reflected with lei in vowel harmony with lEI of the final syllable, if the final syllable was not a suffix. There is only one example: *qatep > Etsp 'to thatch' (§Gl1.2.3, end)

G11.2.21 Contractions of *a The following subsections deal with the developments of *a when it came to abut on *u, *e, or *i. The diphthongs *aw and *ay at the end of a word are discussed in §§G 11.2.51G 11.2.53, below.

G11.2.211 *a+ *u When *a came to precede *u due to the loss of the intervening C, *a in some cases contracted with the following *u to form /o/. In other cases contraction did not take place. There is no explanation as to why contraction did or did not take place: (1) *au> /o/: *dasuwen >dono 'leaf(< *daun) *layehu +*rna-> mo-lo 'withered'(< *ma-lau < *ma-layu) *iawuiJ >no-no 'shadow' (2) *au > /au/ *yakut > rau 'bind together' *lahuj 'seawards' >!au 'open sea' *qawuy > kaur 'bamboo' *taquwet > taun 'year' For the development of*wa, see §121.3.41.

G11.2.212 *a+ *i Similarly, in a handful of cases, when *a came to abut on *i, *a contracted with the *i to result in IE/:

Part G. Chapter One, §1

636

*iyaq +*rna-> mcraa-mcr-E 'red' *isekan > m 'fish' (also im) *kan + i- > m 'eat' (also ian) In other cases, however, contraction did not take place. There is no explanation: *agi 'younger sibling' > t-ai 'siblings of opposite sex' *ayi > m-ai 'here' m-ait 'sick' *kawit > ve-kait-E 'hook'

*~akit

+*rna->

G11.2.213 *a+ *e When *a in the penult came to abut on a *e in the final syllable due to the loss of an intervening C, the two vowels contracted to *e, which subsequently became lui or lol (§G 11.2.3). *bayeq 'abscess'> buk 'ulcer, boil'(< *beq) *qaleb 'knee'> op 'knee cap'(< *qeb) In the case oftrisyllables with *a in the antepenult and *e in the penult, the *e was lost by syncopation: *bayehat >vat-vat 'heavy' (< *baeat [§G 11.3.21] < *bayeat)

Gl1.2.3 *e *e reflected by lol and lui, except in the cases of syncope, apocope, and contraction: *teiJey > tongor 'a tree of the mangrove swamps' *qalep > keluv-E 'beckon' The data indicate that there was probably a rule whereby *o in monosyllables that were inherited or developed was raised to lui: the vast majority of forms in which *e is reflected with lui are monosyllabic roots (inherited or developed), and most monosyllabic roots with *e are reflected with lui nucleus: *bayeq 'abcess' > buk 'ulcer, boil' *biyei]i 'night'> bung in naa-bung 'yesterday'(< *beiJi < *beyei]i) *dem 'dark, cloudy' > maa-rum 'night' *]em 'sink' > num 'dive' *]em 'inside' nu-num 'underneath' *iepuq > nup 'k.o. fish' *peniyu >pun 'sea turtle' *peyec 'squeeze' >pur 'express coconut milk' *tebuc > tup 'sugar cane' *telu > u-tul 'three' *tejey > tur 'stand' *e also developed to /u/ in the following forms, which were not monosyllabic: *qalep > keluve 'beckon' *sagek > aruk-E 'sniff, smell' However, in some monosyllabic roots, *e developed to lol: *beyecay > vo 'paddle' 21 *beiJel 'deaf bong 'cover' *qaleb 'knee' > op 'knee cap' 22 Sequences of *e abutting on *w or *u became lu/: *bukes > i-vu-na 'body or animal hair' (< *buek < *busek) *sicuheq > iu 'bathe' *dasuwen >dono 'leaf(< *daun < *dasun < *dasuun) *taquwet > taun 'year' *tewi > dui 'k.o. tree' *weliq 'do again> m-ulai 'again'

This form became monosyllabic only recently after the loss of *s (< *c, *g)-i.e., the raising of /of to lui in monosyllables preceded the loss of *s. In the dialects that failed to lose the *s this form is reflected as ose. 22 *qaleb 'knee' may, in fact, not be the correct etymology of op. I have not found cognates in other Oc languages, and the loss of /-1-/ is unexplained.

21

The development ofTolai vowels and diphthongs

637

Similarly, sequences of *e abutting on *i became /if. Further, there is some evidence that *ey >Iii: *iseq +*urn-> mi-m 'urinate'(< *mi-mi< *mie < *umie) *iseyup + *-i > ipi 'blow'(< *iupi [§G 11.1.4] < *seyupi) *e in a closed final syllable is reflected with /a/ in the only attestation of a closed final syllable that remained closed: *bayeqaiJ > keberang-ia 'molar'(< *bakayeiJ [§Gll.l.7]) In one case, *e is unexpectedly reflected with /E/. There is no explanation: *qatep > Etcp 'thatch'

G11.2.4 *u Except where it was lost in by syllable apocope, *u > lui in all environments: *aku > i-au 'I' *dusa > u-rua 'two' *kutu > utu 'head louse' *-u before *mat the end of a root became /i/: *daium > danim 'water' *inurn> inim 'drink' In two cases, *u is reflected by /o/. These forms are clearly not directly inherited: *tuduc 'pole'> taro 'mast' [puyuq] 'quail'> voro 'bird similar to quail' In the following forms, Tol, like some other Oc languages, evinces /i/ in place of lui. The form have clearly spread secondarily over a wide area: *lumut 'moss'> limut 'green' *puceg > bito 'navel' (cf. Ross 1988: §3.4.3, where this form is discussed fully)

G11.2.5 Diphthongs G11.2.51 *ay *-ay is reflected as /ai/ or alternatively lEI. Although /ail and /EI contrast, there is variation between /ai/ and /EI in many forms listed in the sources. A change from /ai/ to /c,/ is apparently in progress: *buqaya > bai-bai 'crocodile'(< *bay< *baya [§Gll.l.2]) *kanaway >kenai 'tern'(< *kanaai) *qaqay > kaakc:-na 'his foot' *batay 'money'> mate: 'exchange, buy' *pay> vc: 'where?' In two cases, *ay is reflected with /i/. These are probably dialectal developments: *qatay > keti-na 'liver' *qaqay > kaaki-gu 'my foot' (cf. the third person kaakc:-nai 3 In four cases, the *-y was lost (parallel to the loss of *win *aw §G 11.2.53). In two cases, *ay is the final syllable of a trisyllable that was not shortened. The second example is probably not directly inherited. *yuqaiay > muane 'male' *punay > bune 'dove' *talicay > taalia 'a seashore tree: Terminalia) *tacik > taa 'sea'(< *tai) Note that IE/ in kakr-na 'his foot' probably developed by lowering earlier /i/. Cf. the alternation in taki 'feces', which etymologically had final *-i: taki-gu 'my feces' but takt:-na 'his feces' There is no explanation for the lowering of the final/-i/, however. 23

Part G. Chapter One, §1

638

G11.2.52 *uy, *iw The orily form reconstructed with *uy attested in Tollost the final syllable. There are two forms that indicate *-iw became /i/: *baliw 'one of two things that are opposite or a pair, or that together make a whole'> vere-bati 'mutually, reciprocally' *kasiw > dev-ai 'tree, wood'

Gll.2.53 *aw The development of *aw is analogous to that of *ay. There are three outcomes of law/: /au/, /o/, and /a/. The circumstances that lie behind the three different outcomes are unknown. (Cf. §G11.2.211, where the development of *a that came to come before *u is discussed.) *kulabaw > kebau 'k.o. rat' *lawa 'broad'> toto 'distance' ( rau 'hoarse' *taw 'man' >to 'epithet for a male' *tiqadaw 'peer' > tiro-aa 'reflecting pool, mirror' (< *tidaw-an) *laiJaW > laage 'a fly' *linaw >me-lite 'calmness' *pataw >vane 'go' [pi caw] > via 'knife'

G11.3 Consonants Tol reduced the PAn consonantal inventory. Tol made two changes together with the other Oc languages: (1) consonantal gradation has developed (§Gll.l.l); (2) *s was lost without a trace. Further, Tol made another innovation together with many of the other Oc languages, but not all of them: (3) *j, *c merged, and *g merged with them in medial position. (Chart Three outlines these developments.) The plain, lenited, and prenasalized reflexes are discussed in §§GO.l and G0.2, above. For the value ofthe Tol transcriptions, see Chart One, §G 11.0. CHART THREE. DEVELOPMENT OF THE TOLAI CONSONANTS FROM PAN

PAn

*p *b *t *d *j *k *q *g-

Plain p b t

k k k-

ToI Lenited Prenasalized v b v b

-

-

r r (?)

-

~

(!) (!)

d

g g ?

PAn

To I

*c, *-g*y *s, *h *I *i *w *y *m, *n, *IJ

~(
/p/. This is the development of *p when it was neither lenited nor prenasalized: *panaq > penak 'shoot arrow' *paqit > mepek 'bitter' *qapit 'hold' >kepi 'catch, carry, take' *sehapuy > iap 'fire' *qatep > acp 'to thatch' Gl1.3.112 *p > /b/. This is the development of *p when it was prenasalized. In some dialects /b/ is pronounced with prenasalization. I have found only five clear examples that are directly inherited: *pan> baan 'bait' 24 *penet 'plugged up' > bonot 'dam, patch' *piyas 'roe' >hire 'fat, lard' *punay > bune 'pigeon' *tumpu 'lord, forefater' > tubu-na 'grandparent/grandchild'

G11.3.113 *p > /v/. This is the development of *p when it underwent lenition. Lenition is more widespread than prenasalization: *pa- > ve-'causative prefix' *paiaw >vane 'go'*piliq >vi/i-s 'choose' *puiJ 'gather'> vuvung 'heap' *apa > aave 'what?' *sepat > i-vat 'four' *qalep > keluv-s 'beckon'

G11.3.114 Irregular reflexes of *p: there are two cases in which *p became lui or was lost after lui. These forms are probably not directly inherited but come from a dialect in which *p was lenited to [w]: *panac > uan 'hot, warm'(< *wan) *qalep > kelu-a 'beckon' (also keluv-s [< *kaluv-ai])

G11.3.115 *b > /b/. This is the development of *b when it was not lenited. I assume that prenasalized *b and prenasalized *p merged in pre-Tolai: 25 *ba 'go, arrive; could it be that ... ' >baa 'go into the bush; if or whether' hebe 'tread, go' *baqaya > baibai 'crocodile' *beyek > boroi 'pig' *bingay 'volute shell' > binga 'k.o. shellfish' *bugeq > buwe 'foam' *built> bulit 'sticky material' *kulabaw > ke-baw 'k.o. rat' *qabu > kebu 'ashes' *tabac 'cut down' > tebe 'carve out'

G11.3.1l6 *b > /v/. This is the development of *b when it was lenited: *bahi +r- +-in-> vaavine 'woman' *batu >vat 'stone' *but> vut 'pull out weeds' G11.3.117 *b > /p/. Except for final position this is a development that I assume took place in forms that were borrowed from a language in which *b merged with *p. This is not unlikely, as *band *p merged in the preponderance of the Oc languages, even though no more than a handful of forms show this development (cf. the footnote to §G 11.3.115, above). Note that several of the following forms lose final consonants or have other irregularities that indicte borrowing: *bakebak > pepek 'peel off outer bark' *balay >pal 'house' *biyebiy 'lips' > pirpir 'speak'*biyil) > piri 'edge, hem' *bulehay 'cataract' >pula 'blind' *bulat > puaa 'white, Cognates of this form in many languages reflect a petrified prefix *urn- (e.g. Ml umpan 'bait'). It is likely that the prenasalization in this form originates in the petrified prefix *urn-. 25 It would make the discussion simpler to assume that *b merged with *p and that the reflexes of *b mirrored those of *p-that *b became /p/ but /b/ when prenasalized and /v/ when lenited. However, the large number of cases in which *b is reflected with /b/ and very small number of cases in which *b is reflected with /p/ militate against this assumption, for two reasons: ( l) for the other stop consonants there are far fewer cases of prenasalized reflexes than there are of the reflexes that are not prenasalized (whereas the cases of /b/ reflex from *bare by the most numerous); (2) cognates of the forms reflecting *b in other Oc languages for the overwhelmingly greatest part, do not have prenasalized reflexes. 24

Part G. Chapter One, §1

640

shining' *buiJa > pu-pu 'flower' *buiJkay 'take apart' > puar 'break into pieces' *bunuq 'slay' >pun 'extinguish fire' *butu >put 'hill' *butuq 'genetalia' >put 'female genetalia' *b that was or came to be in final position was devoiced: *qaleb 'knee'> op 'knee cap' *qisuwab > ma-uviap 'yawn' (also ma-uviav-e)*qubi >up 'yam' *tebus > tup 'sugar cane'

G11.3.118 Nasalization of initial *p and *b: cf. the discussion and examples in §G 11.1.11. Gl1.3.12 *t, *d, *j G11.3.121 *tis reflected as It/ in all but a handful of cases, showing neither lenition or prenasalazation. *bayat 'athwart'> beret 'the piece of timber across the rafters' *taiJic > tengi 'cry' *tei]ey > tongor 'k.o. mangrove' *tiyal > tia-na 'belly' *tubuq 'grow'> tubu 'grow, fat' *tuluh 'roast' > tun 'cook, burn' In four cases, *t is reflected with ldl. I take ldl to originate as a prenasalized *t (*nt), but as I have found only four examples, they may well be cases ofloan forms. The word for 'banana' also has an irregularity in the vowel of the final syllable. *ta > daa 'we (inclusive)' 26 *tewi > dui 'k.o. tree' *bitik 'spring, jerk' > pidik 'tap with the fingers' *puti > vudu 'banana' There are no cases in where *t has been subject to lenition.

G11.3.122 *dis reflected as lrl in most attestations-i.e. *d shows lenition: *daiJ 'heat'> raang 'warm, dry' *dagam >me-rem 'docile, tame' *udesi > m-ur 'follow' *kud 'grate, rasp' > kur 'scrape' In two cses the lrl that developed from *d dissimilated to Ill when there was an lrl or Ill to the right: *deJ]ey > vaa-longor-E 'hear' 27 *dalig 'buttress root' > Ialit 'space between the buttresses of a tree' In a plant name *dis reflected as Ill. The form is not inherited. It also has 1-pl, which also appears in other Oc languages and is unexplained. The word is secondary: *daqu 'soapberry' > laup 'a tree: Dracontomelon dau'

G11.3.123 In a few cases, *d > ldl, which I take to be the reflex of a prenasalized *d. 28 The following list gives the attestations that I have found:

I would not exclude the possibility that this form is a loan word. It is not unusual that so basic an item of vocabulary should be borrowed, as Tol is a language that has spread far beyond its original homeland in recent times to populations speaking closely related languages and dialects, continuing a process that probably began in prehistoric times. 27 On the other hand, the lrl < *d did not dissimilate if there was an lrl on the left: 26

*payada varare 'handle of a club or axe' However, there are counter cases of *1 that dissimilated to II if there was an lrl on the right (§G 11.3.31). 28 The change of *d > lrl is attributable to POe (Ross 1988: 31 ), and the ldl in these forms is clearly due to protection given by prenasalization.

The development ofTolai consonants

641

*datum> danim 'water' *dayaq 'blood'> dere 'bloodshot (eyes), red skin' *dasuwen > dono 'leaf' *dil)edil) > me-diring 'cold' In the following two cases *d was lost. There is no explanation: *dalem > aro 'inside' (/r/ unexplained [§G 11.3.31]) G11.3.124 There is slender evidence that *j fell together with *d. In almost all ofthe other Oc languages that have been investigated in detail, *j merged with *c. As there are only three good attestations, our conclusions here should be considered as tentative. It is possible that the forms here listed have been changed by an unknown analogy: 29

*jeket > rokot 'stick' *talikuj > taliur 'backwards' (Kabakada dialect) *tujuq > tur-e 'point' In two cases, a word-final *j was lost: *tujuq > tu 'point' (in addition to ture) *lahuj 'seawards' >!au 'open sea' G11.3.13 *k and *q

*k and *q fell together in pre-Tolai. Both phonemes have two reflexes: 0 and /k/. The majority of the forms that reflect these phonemes evince loss; the reflex /k/ is found in a minority of the forms, but they are often forms from the basic vocabulary. These data suggest the following scenario: *k and *q merged to *k. Thereafter, a change took place whereby the *k was lost. However, this change was not carried through, perhaps under the influence of neighboring languages in which *k and *q both are consistently reflected with /k/. The reflex lkl·is predominant in initial position. In medial and final positions both reflexes occur at about the same rates. There is no evidence to suggest that the two reflexes are the result of lenition or prenasalization. G11.3.131 *k, *q > lkl

The following list gives the attestations of /k/ < *q exhaustively, but only a sample of the attestations of /k/ < *k: *bakebak > pepek 'peel off outer bark' *bukul 'knob shaped'> bukul 'full, bulging' *kayat > keret 'bite' *kawit 'hook'> ve-kait 'hang s.t. up with a hook' *kiiit > kinit 'pull out with the fingernails' *bayeq 'absecss' > buk 'ulcer' *bayeqaiJ > kebarangia 'molar' (< *kabayel) < *bakayeiJ [§011.1.7]) *panaq > penak 'shoot arrow' *paqit < me-pek 'bitter' *qapit 'hold by pinching'> kapi 'carry, bring, take' *qabu > kebu 'ashes' *qayuwac 'mullet when small'> kaarue 'sardine-like fish' *qalep > keluvE 'beckon' *qaqay > kaaki/kaakE 'foot, leg' *qatay > keti 'liver' *qawuy 'large bamboo'> kaur 'bamboo' *taqi > taki-/takE- 'excrement' G11.3.132 *k, *q > /0/

The following list gives a selection of the large number of attestations: *buqaya > baibai 'crocodile' *yumaq > ruma 'house' *mamaq > mamaa 'chew' *qeti 'stop' > ot 'complete' *taquwei > taun 'year' *tuqas 'old' > ma-tua 'maternal uncle' Another possibility is that the forms with a /r/ reflex of *j are borrowed. This possibility is enhanced by the fact that *-g- is also reflected in two forms with /r/ (instead of /s/ or 0), considered to be borrowed (§011.3 .152). 29

Part G. Chapter One, §1

642

*qumah > uma 'cultivated field' *aku > i-au 'I' *beyek > boroi 'pig' *kan > i-an 'eat' *cakit > m-ait 'sick' *yakut > rau 'tie, bind together' *iuka > me-nue 'be wounded' *nunuk > nunu 'banyan' G11.3.133 Prenasalization of *k and *q Prenasalized *k and *q are eflected by lgl. There are only three attestations in our data: *IJku '1st person genitive'> -gu 'my' [waiJkaiJ] > vaga 'canoe' *qumaiJ > gumen 'hermit crab'(< *IJquman [final *-IJ >I-n/unexplained]) G11.3.134 Special developments of *k and *q *k and *q at the end of a word after *a, *e, and *i sforadicaJly changed to Iii. Why Iii developed and some cases and not in others is not clear: 3 *beyek > boroi 'pig' *bugeq > buai 'foam' (Ia! by contamination with a reflex of *buwa 'foam') *miniyak > monoi 'fat' < (< *monai [§G 11.2.2, 3rd ~] < *menak [§G 11.3.32, footnote]< *mefiak < *meniyak) If the root ended in *iq, the Iii changed to /ail (§G 11.2.1 ): *weliq > m-ulai 'again' In some cases the *ai that developed contracted to lEI (§G 11.2.212): *bagaq 'inform, forbid'> vaalt: 'warn, forbid'< *balai) *iyaq +rna-> mcraa-mcrt: 'red' (< *maiyai < *maiyaq) *luwaq > ma-rut: 'vomit'(< *ma-ruai [/r/ unexplained]) *weliq > m.c.u/t: 'again' (variant of mulai) If the form with *-eq or *-ek occurs with a petrified suffix, the change of *k/*q to li/ did not take place: *sagek > aruk-E 'sniff, smell' G11.3.14 *g intially *g- fell together with *k when onset of the penult or earlier as it does in many An languages. Like *k, initial *g- became /k-/ or 0. For medial *-g-, see the following section. *gac 'scratch> ke 'scrape' *galih > keli 'dig'*guyita > urita 'octopus' G11.3.15 *c and *-g- onset of the final syllable *c and *-g- (i.e., *g- onset of the final syllable) merged to *sin pre-Tolai. This *s was lost in all but some peripheral dialects, but it is retained in languages closely related to Tot from New Ireland. G11.3.151 *c > 0: *beyecay > vo 'paddle' (< *bosE) *bucuy > pu 'bow' *cucu > u 'breast, teat' *liceqes > li 'nit' *tacik > taa 'sea' *talicay > taalia 'seashore tree: Terminalia'

The different treatments are probably due to dialect mixture. In one case, the Kabakada dialect of the Gazelle peninsula shows that *k >Iii after *u: 30

*kukuh > ui 'fingernail'(< *kuk < *kuku)

The development ofTolai consonants

643

G11.3.152 *-g- > 0: *maga 'dry'> me-maa 'ebb tide' *piga > ai-via 'how many' *agi 'younger sibling' > t-ai 'sibling of opposite sex' The following examples show *g reflected with /s/ in attestations from Tol as spoken in New Ireland, where the /s/ was not lost: *aluga > alus 'paddle' *isegug > isu/ nisu 'nose' There are a two cases in which *g is reflected with /r/. These forms have been borrowed, from an unkriown language: *sagek > aruke 'smell; sniff *lagi > Iaal-e 'k.o. fish' (with *r >Ill by assimilation to the left) In two cases, *g apparently became /1/. There is no explanation: *bagaq 'inform, report'> vaal-e 'warn, forbid' *cegep > olo 'enter an opening'

G11.3.2 PAn spirants We reconstruct three spirants: *y, *s, and *h. *y became /r/; *sand *h were lost without a trace

Gl1.3.21 *y *y > /r/: *bayat >beret 'go to meet' also (dial) 'the piece of timber across the rafters'*yabihi 'evening'> ravi-en 'afternoon' *qawuy > kaur 'bamboo' *bayeqag > keberang-ia 'molar' *-y- was lost when it was the onset of the penult in a trisyllable: *yudag 'be grown'> ma-ulang-e 'old' *bayehat > ma-mat or vatvat 'heavy'(< *baeat) *biyegi 'night'> naa-bung 'yesterday' (< *beyegi) 31 In two cases of disyllabic roots, *y was lost; The first example typically occurred in atonic position. There is no explanation for the los of *y in the second example. *ayi > mai 'here' *bayeq 'abcess' > buk 'ulcer, boil' In one case, *y is reflected with /1/. This form may be a borrowing from a peripheral dialect in which Rabaul forms with /r/ are sporadically reflected with /1/: *gayag 'crab' > kelang 'shell' In another case, in a word that had spread secondarily, *y is reflected with /1/: *qaya 'a tree: Ficus spp.' >kala-kala 'a ficus: Ficus copiosa'

Gl1.3.22 *s, *h *sand *h were lost without a trace. First, examples of *h:

31

In the following case, metathesis took place before loss of penult onset *y, blocking the loss of *y: *bayeqaiJ > kaberang-ia 'molar' ( < *kabayeiJ < *qabayeiJ)

Part G. Chapter One, §1

644

*bahi +-in-+ r- > vaavine 'woman' (< *babinay) *lahuj 'seaward' >!au 'open sea' *quluh > ulu 'head' Now, examples of *s: *dusa > u-rua 'two' *iseq > mim ( ma-uviap 'yawn' *luseq > lul 'tears' ( puaa 'white, shining' *kulabaw > kebau 'k.o. rat' (§G 11.1.4) *qaleb 'knee'> op 'knee cap' (cf. *qalep > keluvE 'beckon)

Gl1.3.32 *i *t underwent the developments described for PMP in §A3.3.4. Namely, *t became 111 when onset of a penult or an earlier syllable with a short-vowel nucleus; *t became PMP tfi before a long vowel in the penult, in monosyllabic roots, and when onset of the root-final syllable after a long vowel. *t >In! when onset of the final syllable after a short vowel and in

32

There is a counterexample where /1/ did not assimilate to an /r/ on the right: *qaliy > alir 'flow'

33 The

fact that in some dialects II/ is dissimilated after II/ in the same word supports this hypothesis:

*luseq > lur 'tears'(< lui [a variant]< *lu-lu) 34

A special word for 'moon' in incantations reflects *ula, but it is unlikely that this form is inherited: *bulat >bulan 'moon'

The development ofTolai consonants

645

word-final position. In pre-Tolai (but after POe), tii merged with *n. 35 There is only one sure example of the reflex 11/. The second example is doubtful because cognates in other MP languages evince In! not Ill: *qafiyuwan > livu 'swarm ofbees' built ne livu 'beeswax' *fagam 'tame'> ve-laam 'accustom' In the rest of the cases, *f >In/: *iamuk > naamu 'mosquito' *iuka > me-nue 'wounded' *daium 'fresh water' > danim 'pool of fresh water' *kiiit 'pick with fingernails'> kinit 'pull out with fingernails' *taquwet > taun 'year' In one case, where root-final stress in PAn results in Ill in the cognates in some of the other MP languages, Tol evinces In!, as happened elsewhere (notably, in languages of eastern Indonesia, as well as in Oc languages). I attribute this to an early shift in stress in the dialects that were ancestral to the eastern Indonesian and the Oc languages (cf. the commentary to *4epuq in the glossary). *4epuq 'poisonous fish' > nup 'k.o. fish' G11.3.33 *m, *n, and *g *m, *n, and *IJ are reflected as lml, In!, and lngl, respectively: *mamin > mamin 'k.o. fish' *inurn> inim 'drink' *baiJu4 'rise' > vengun 'awaken' *daiJ 'heat near fire'> raang 'warm, dry, toast' *IJaiJa 'open mouthed' > pe-ngange 'open the mouth' *n onset of the root-final syllable is assimilated to an Ill onset of the penult: *linaw > me-lile 'peaceful' *qulun+an > ul-uleleng 'pillow' (change of *u to lei and *-n to 1-ngl unexplained [cf the following~]) There are a few cases of forms in which lngl < *IJ varies with In!. These are probably cases of dialect mixture: *teiJey > tongor/tonor 'k.o. mangrove' G11.3.4 Semivowels G11.3.41 *w *w > lvl in two environments: after Iii before lui and initially before Ia!. There are very few examples: *qa4iyuwan 'bee'> livur 'swarm ofbees' (< *liwuyan [§Gll.l.7]) *qisuwab > ma-uviap 'yawn'(< *-uwiab < *iuwab < *qiuwab) *w is reflected as lvul after *i-i.e., medially, *iwa became livua/: *liwaiJ 'space between' > livuaa 'middle'

35

Similarly, the sequence *ni as the unstressed penult of a trisyllable became /n/ after syncopating to *fi: *miniyak > *meniyak (§G 11.1.4) > *mefiak < *menak > monoi 'fat' (§§G 11.2.2, 3~, G 11.3.134)

Part G. Chapter One, §1

646

The sequence *wa > lual initially, which in two cases, was contracted to /o/. (Cf. §G 11.2.21 for the analogous development of*au.) *way> oai 'k.o. mango'(< *waay [§FG 11.1.6]) *wakay > okor 'root' In the following case, *wa was not contracted. There is no explanation as to the circumstances under which contraction took place (cf. the discussion in §G 11.2.21 ): *wayi 'day'> veri-e 'day after tomorrow' Otherwise, *w was lost without a trace: *kanaway > kanai 'k.o. tern, gull' *kawit 'hook'> ve-kait-c: 'hook, hang on wall' *wiyi > ma-ir-aa 'left-handed' G11.3.42 *y *y is attested in some cases as /i/ in root final position as the product of a diphthong, as discussed in §G 11.2.51. Intervocalically, /y/ was lost: *layehu +rna-> malo 'withered'(< *ma-lo [§G11.2.211]) < *malau < *malayu) *miniyak > monoi 'fat'(< *monai [§G11.3.134] < *menak [§Gll.3.32, footnote]< *meiiak < *meniyak)

CHAPTER ONE, §2

Motu G12.0 Introduction Motu is spoken on the southern coast of Papua-New Guinea, in the area of Port Moresby and in some of the villages along the coast for a few miles to the east and west. It is a WOe language most closely related to the so-called 'Papuan-tip' languages, and especially those on the southeastern coast of Papua-New Guinea (Ross 1988: Chapter 6). The total number of native speakers is small, probably less than twenty thousand, but a simplified version, 'Police Motu', is spoken widely in southern Papua New Guinea by a fair number of native speakers and as a second language. Motu gained prominence as being the language of the area of the first European contact. The Motu people were important in the region from time immemorial as traders using large vessels manned by thirty or more sailors (the lagatoi), which traveled great distances along southern Papua and further east. These trading expeditions were called hiri, and a simplified version of Motu, called 'Hiri Motu', came to be used as a language of trade. The European colonists used Hiri Motu as the language with which to conduct business with the native population of southern Papua, particularly as the language of the constabulary. As such, it came to be called 'Police Motu', and this became the lingua franca of the entire southern part of Papua New Guinea. Police Motu came to have native speakers in Port Moresby and elsewhere among the children of people of different language groups who married each other. Over the past fifty years, Tokpisin has spread in the area. It has competed with Police Motu as an intertribal language and has displaced it among younger people. Although there is a fair amount of published material in Motu and Police Motu, and a substantial dictionary of Police Motu has been prepared, the documentation of Motu itself is limited. This study relies mainly on the dictionary of Lister-Turner 1941, although I obtained a few other citations from other published sources, mainly Tryon 1995. Motu, like other WOe languages, underwent a great deal of change, probably due to the fact that the speech community changed location at times and was influenced by a series of non-Austronesian languages over a period of more than three thousand years after POe. That together with the poor documentation of the WOe languages means that it is impossible to find many more than 200 forms that can be traced to PMP or earlier. This may be compared to some of the more thoroughly studied and documented EOc languages, where twice that many forms may be found that have PMP or earlier etymologies. 1 That means that the rules For example, for Fi I have more than 500 attestations inherited from PMP or earlier. Admittedly, Fi has the advantage that I used data from both Bauan and Wayan, two widely differing Fi dialects. For Tong I have nearly 450 entries with PMP or earlier etymology. Similar results could be achieved with other EOc languages that are well documented. The EOc speech communities apparently did not have the turbulent history that characterized the WOe communities. 1

647

Part G. Chapter One, §2

648

given the following sections are often based on a small number of examples. Also there are not nearly the number of exceptions that are found in the data from the better represented languages. Chart One presents the phonemes of Motu. The phonemes lkwl and lgwl do not occur in inherited forms. The spelling follows Lister-Turner 1941, except that lyl is transcribed in the dictionary as g with a diacritical mark, and the dictionary does not distinguish long and short vowels. There are no closed syllables in Motu. In fact, there are no CC's, and all words end in a vowel. It/ has an allophone [s] before lei and Iii and is transcribed with sin the dictionary as well as here. All vowels are free to occur in a sequence with any other vowel and several vowels may occur in a sequence. Stress falls predictably on the penult of the word. CHART ONE. PHONEMES OF MoTU

Consonants voiceless stops p t voiced stops b d fricatives v [{3] n nasals m 1, r liquids and semivowels

Vowels 2 k g

"

(kw) 1 (gw) e h

u 0

a

G12.1 Changes that characterize Motu in general G12.1.1 Consonantal gradation Some of the PAn consonants have triple reflexes in Motu. Like other Oc languages, Motu has plain and nasalized reflexes (§GO.l). Further, Motu, like many of the WOe languages, lenited some of the stop consonants. In Motu, the prenasalized consonants lost the nasal of the nasal cluster or prenasalized consonant and became voiced. The Motu reflexes of the PAn consonants are given in Chart 3, §012.3.

G12.1.2 Tendencies to form disyllabic roots from trisyllables Motu evinces little tendency to disyllabize the inherited trisyllabic roots. However, trisyllabic roots with *e in the penult lost the *e and simplified the ensuing CC. Otherwise, with only a handful of exceptions, trisyllabic roots are retained as such. First, examples of loss of the penult: *baqeyu 'new'> hau in tau-hau 'young man' *basequ > bo-na-na 'smell'(< *bau < *basequ) *beyecay >hade 'paddle' *buheni > huni 'ringworm' *buteliy 'cyst'> husi-husi 'pimple, wart' *jaqewis > dau-dau 'far' ( < *jaweq < *jasiweq3) *layehu > ma-rai 'wither' ( < *layu < *layhu) *qategaw 'sun' >ado in ado-ata 'midday (lit. sun high)' (< *qaigaw) Second, examples of forms that retain all three syllables:

2

3

Tryon (1995 :770) lists a central vowel 1~1. but I have found no citations with this phoneme. In fact, tis change is shared by all the MP languages south of Luzon.

Processes that affect the development of Motu from PAn

649

*banuwa 'land, place where there is s.t.' > hanua 'village' *sabayat >ahara 'monsoon winds' *tal)ila > taaia 'ear'(< *tali~Ja) The one case of a stem of four syllables lost the leftmost syllable but retained the other three syllables: *qusalipan > aiha 'centipede' There is one case of a trisyllabic root with penultimate *e that was not lost. The failure to syncopate is probably due to the nonoccurrence of a cluster *tl at the time that the penultimate *e was lost in other environments. *qiteluy > gatoi 'egg'(< *qateluy [*-lu > /i/-§012.3.41]) G12.1.21 Loss of the antepenult There are only three attestations of a trisyllabic root that lost the antepenult, aside from the forms that lost the initial syllable in times long before POe (§A3.5.1). Since weakening or loss of the antepenult is a widespread phenomenon among the Oc languages, I presume that these thee cases are borrowed forms, for the loss of the antepenult cannot be explained otherwise. The first two examples have the semantic character of forms that are frequently borrowed: *juyami 'straw'> rami 'grass skirt' *kanuhec >dune 'squid'{< *nuce [§012.1.4], with irregular -e [§0 12.1.51, end]) *qabaya > paya 'shoulder' There is one form that lost the vowel of the antepenult but retained the onset: *biyel)i > boi 'night' (in set expressions)(< *beiJi < *byel)i) G12.1.22 Vowel contraction Like vowels contracted: 4 *daqaii >rani 'daylight' *tejey >tor-e 'stand' *tusuy 'skewer' > tur-i 'skewer (fish), sew' Otherwise, Motu shows little tendency to contract abutting vowels. Except for the cases involving *a abutting on *u (§0 12.2.2), *i abutting on *u (§0 12.2.4), and *u and *i abutting on *e [§G 12.2.3, end and footnote], there is little evidence of vowel contraction in inherited forms. G 12.1.23 CC simplification Motu only permits open syllables. CC's that developed after the loss of penultimate *e in trisyllables were simplified. The number of examples is so small as to make it impossible to discover general principles. The simplified sequences that are attested in the data are exemplified in the citations given in § 0 12.1.2, above.

4

There is one form quoted with a long /u/. The two *u's may have failed to contract to main disyllabicity: *tudus > duu 'post'

Part G. Chapter One, §2

650

G12.1.3 Disyllabization of monosyllabic roots Like other Oc languages Motu exhibits little tendency to disyllabize monosyllabic roots. At an earlier stage, Motu probably did have this tendency, and some remnants of forms that disyllabized are found in the attestations. First, a few roots disyllabized by suffixing or prefixing a vowel homorganic with the root vowel: *cawuq > dogo 'anchor' *cep > topo-a 'suck' *daiJ 'heat near fire' > ara 'be lit' *kid 'file'> iri 'a saw' In the following example, the paragogic vowel was raised. There is no explanation: *gem> yoyomu 'adze'(< *r- + *gomu) The following form possibly prefixed /e/ in order to disyllabize the root. This form may possibly be a loan word from a language that reflects *e with /e/. Otherwise, there is no explanation for the lei: *cak > ma-eda 'cooked' Diphthongs and /i/ in monosyllabic roots in some cases stretched the nucleus to form disyllabic vowel sequences (§G 12.2.1): *yiq >rei 'saw grass' *taw> tau 'man' *4uy was disyllabized by stretching the palatal feature of the initial consonant: *tuy > niu 'coconut'(< tfiuy) Most commonly disyllabization took place with petrifaction of an affixed form: *kan >an-i-a 'eat' *kanuhec >dun-e 'squid'(< *nuc [§012.2.3, end]< *kanuc [ §G 12.1.21]) *lem 'in dim light' > ma-lo 'middle of the night' Monosyllables that occured as clitics did not disyllabize: *ba 'go, arrive' > ha 'auxiliary meaning "go do" or expressing future tense'

G12.1.4 Metathesis Motu evinces the metathesis that affected all of the MP languages-i.e., metathesis that occurred well before Motu times. (§A3.5.4). There are a few cases of metathesis that affected only Motu and perhaps other Oc languages: *kanuhec >dun-e 'squid'(< *nuc-e) *yunut > nuru 'fibre from the coconut palm' *lawa 'spider' > vala-vala 'cobweb' *qusalipan > ahia 'centipede' (also aiha without metathesis)

G12.1.5 Accretion and intercalation G12.1.51 Affixation Motu forms are attested with affixations, some ofwhich are live, and some of which are petrified. A widespread prefix is /-, which occurs only before /a/. This affix was probably added to roots with other initial vowels, but in those environments, *1 was lost (§G 12.3.41). The grammar books give little hint of what the function of this prefix might be or was. There is no phonological explanation for it, and I quote forms containing them as prefixed with /-.

Processes that affect the development of Motu from PAn

651

*aku >!-au 'I' *wivi + *ka- > l-aun· 'left (side, hand)' *saiJin > l-aai 'breeze, wind' Many verbs are transitive and require a transitive suffix -ia , which is added to stems ending in /a/, or an allomorph -a, which is added to stems ending in other vowels. Many nouns must be modified by a possessor suffix. These are quoted here with -na, the third-person and general suffix. There is a suffix -i, which remounts to the locative PAn affix *-i. However, in many of the Motu examples, the addition of /-i/ cannot be connected with a locative meaning, but it probably did have another grammatical function. Some of these *-i suffixes are widely spread throughout the Oc languages. *atac + *-i > atai 'on top' (ata without *-i also occurs in set phrases: ado ata 'midday' [lit. 'sun high']) *bayaq > barag-ina 'lungs'(< *baral)qi-) *bukes > hu-i 'hair'(< *busek < *buk) *cuwat > dua-ri 'comb' (/r/ is probably a contamination) *kasu > o-i 'you (sg)' *sepat > ha-ni 'four' (< *pat + *ni) *tusud > tu-i 'knee' A prefix h-or ha- probably remounts to an earlier *pa-, an element in a number of productive prefixes in Hesperonesian languages: *bunuq 'kill'> a-hunu 'extinguish (fire)'(< *ha-hunu) 5 *sacek > h-ado 'plant with dibble stick' *yaqan 'light' > ha-raga 'easily' There are other unidentified affixes: *basequ >bo-na 'sme11' *beyek > boro-ma 'pig' *kanuhec >dun-e 'squid' *kawil > k-im-ai 'fishhook' *liqey > a-io 'neck' *rna> ma-la-na 'tongue' *siyup 'slurp'> iruh-ai 'sniff' *takaw > he-nao-a 'steal' *tuduq > he-tu-turu 'drip' G12.1.52 Intercalation of nasals and nasalization The intercalation of nasals is a major process in Motu, as in other Oc languages. Not only may the onset of the final syllable be prenasalized, as is the case over the range of MP languages, but the onset of the initial syllable also may be prenasalized. This has led to the process we call 'consonant gradation' discussed in §GO.l. (Cf. the chart in §G 12.3 for the reflexes ofprenasalized consonants in Motu.) Some of the prenasalized consonants that developed as onset of the final syllable continue the nasal codas of the penult that developed early, before the Oc languages split from the other MP languages, and cognates over the range of the MP languages exhibit prenasalized onsets of the final syllable or nasal codas of the penult (§A3.7.2). Some of them are unique to the Oc languages-no cognates in the languages to the west evince prenasalization. Here are two examples of those with prenasalized cognates in Hesperonesian languages: *pudul > buru 'blunt' *tubuq > tubu 'grow'(< *tumbuq) *tumpu > tubu 'grandparent/child, ancestor' 6 *tuduq > dudu-ia 'point' 5 !hi

onset of the prefix is lost when the stem begins with lh-/ (Lister-Turner, 1941 :70) The insertion of a nasal consonant to close the penult in *tubuq and *tujuq is widespread among all the extra-Philippine languages. It most likely results from a petrified infix *-urn- that syncopated (after the stress shifted to the final syllable): 6

*tUbuq +*-urn-> *tumiibuq > *tumubUq > *tumbuq; *tUjuq +*-urn-> *tumiijuq > *tumujuq > *tunjuq This may be a shared development among the extra-Philippine languages, but more likely it was made independently, as there is no evidence that the extra-Philippine languages form a subgroup of any sort.

652

Part G. Chapter One, §2

Examples of prenasalized onsets confined to the Oc languages: *qutai 'scrub lands'> uda 'forest' *takut 'afraid'> dagu 'startled' On the other hand, nasalization of root-initial consonants (discussed at length in §A3. 7.1) is much less frequent and remains as a petrified, no longer productive, process. There is a handful of examples: *takaw > he-nao-a 'steal' *taytay 'go over narrow passage' > nese 'bridge, ridge'

G12.1.53/y/ accretion *y was accreted sporadically before or after /a/ or /o/ syllable onset, which developed after the loss of the preceding consonant. In one form, /y/ developed between /a/ and /e/ after loss of *q. ly,l did not develop in every case of the same environment, and it is unknown why /y/ developed in some cases but not in others: 7 *galih > yei-a 'dig'(< *ai < *kali [/e/ is discussed in §Gl2.2.2, end]) *gemegem 'hold in hand'> yoyomu 'adZe' *kabut > yahu 'mist' *qabaya > paya 'shoulder'(< *paa [§Gl2.1.21]) *qaqiyut > yayai-a 'coition'(< *aai < *ai + r- < *aiu [§Gl2.2.4]) *taqi > taye 'feces' Here are a few examples of many cases with environments similar to those of the examples above that do not evince /y/ accretion: *garlic 'scratch'> ari-a 'mark with an indent' *kan > an-ia 'eat' *kasu > o-i 'you (sg) (< *kau) *setek 'chop down' > oto 'slice, cut into strips'

G12.2 Vowels and diphthongs Except for the syncopations and vowel contractions discussed immediately above, §§G 12.lff., Motu reflects the inherited PAn vowel system fairly closely. There are few changes in vowel quality conditioned by the environment. Vowels occasionally occur long. The attested forms only evince a long /a/, written doubled here: aa. This results from compensatory lengthening occasioned by the loss of *IJ (§G 12.3.44). 8

G12.2.1 *i *i > /i/ with very few exceptions: *bituqen > hisiu 'star' *piga > hida 'how many?' *paiid > hani 'wing'

7 /y/ developed after the loss of *q, *k, and *g-. My hypothesis is that /y/ developed as a transitional phenomenon, but an alternative explanation is that /y/ is the product of a second process of lenition that took effect after the first lenition had taken place. In other words, the velars have four reflexes: plain, nasalized, lenited, and secondarily lenited. The data are too scanty to allow me to make such an alternative hypothesis. However, /y/ is a phoneme of high frequency in Motu, and a detailed comparison of Motu with other Papuan-Tip languages might well provide a definitive answer to the question of whether this /y/ is a development of an earlier stop reflex or whether it arose as a transitional phenomenon. 8 The sources do not indicate whether the long vowels are disyllabic or only bimoraic. Compensatory lengthening must have come into effect after the rule that like vowels contract (§012.1.22) was no longer operative.

The development of Motu vowels and diphthongs

653

In two cases, *i is reflected with /e/, as is the case of the cognates in the most ofthe other Oc languages. 9 The change to lei is not explained: *iseiep 'sleep'> eno 'lie down'(< *inep) *taqi > taye 'excrement' When *i was the nucleus of a monosyllabic root that disyllabized (§G 12.1.3), it became /ei/. There are two examples: *iseq > m-ei 'urine' (m-i < *m-ie) *yiq >rei 'sword grass' There are two cases in which *i is reflected with /u/. The replacement of *i by lui is found in the cognates of a number of Oc languages and and may have been the result of contamination with words of similar shape and meaning: *iseguiJ > udu 'nose, mouth' (cf. Fi gusu 'mouth of animal' Sa ngudu 'lips') *nati 'young of animal' > natu-na 'child' 10 G12.2.2 *a

*a> Ia! in most cases: *qacawa 'affine' > adava 'spouse' *jalan >data 'way, road' The diphthongs *aw and *ay at the end of a word are discussed in §§G 12.2.51 and G 12.2.53, below. When *a came to precede *u due to the loss of the intervening C, *a contracted with the following *u to form /o/ (just as was the case of *aw). However, there are several cases in which this rule does not hold. There is no explanation: (1) *au> /o/: *baiJui > hao-a 'awake'(< *baau [§Gl2.3.44]) *basequ > bo-naia 'smell'(< *bau-) *cawuq > dogo 'anchor' ( /au/ *dasuwen > rau 'leaf(< *daun) *jaqewis > dau-dau 'far'(< *daqu) *ta'¥UtuiJ > dautu 'porcupine fish' In one case, the sequence *uwa became /o/, but in all other cases *uwa became /ual. The form with the reflex /o/ is probably borrowed: *qaii'¥Uwan > 'bee' > n-anigo 'wasp, bee' (< *qaniiJ'¥UWan) *dusa > rua 'two' In four cases, *a is reflected with /o/. The first two forms have other irregularities and are probably not inherited. The third form probably was affected by contamination with a word of similar meaning having a reflex of *e in the first syllable. The fourth form is unexplained: *kayat > koria 'bite' *namaw 'sheltered water'> nomu 'deeper place in shore reef *cakep > dogo-a 'seize, take hold of *daiJkaq 'branch' > rako 'twig' In one case, *a is reflected with /e/. Cognates in other Oc languages also show /e/. There is no explanation:

In fact the lowering of the *e to /e/ in these forms occurred in most of the languages east of the Moluccas. Blust (1983a) suggests that this fact argues for an eastern MP unity. 10 Blust (ACD) cites a PMP reconstruction tfiatu(q) 'ovary, egg, baby chick' in connection with this form. It may have been the source of contamination. 9

Part G. Chapter One, §2

654

*galih > yei 'dig' (cf. Fi keli 'be dug')

G12.2.3 *e *e in mostly reflected by /o/, except in the cases of syncope and contraction (§012.1.2): *depa > roha 'fathom' *keyet 'cut off> koro-a 'break off *mekemek 'broken to bits'> momo 'rubbish' *qiteluy > gatoi 'egg'(< *IJqateluy) *quleg 'worm'> ulo-ulo 'maggot' In one case, *e is reflected by *u. Perhaps the following *g caused the *e to become /u/: *paqegu > audu-na 'gall'(< *qapegu) 11 Sequences *ew, *we, or *ue became /u/: 12 *dasuwen > rau 'leaf(< *daun) *jaqewis > dau-dau 'far'(< *jaweq < *jasiweq) *kanuhec >dune 'squid'(< *nuec + *e [with metathesis §0 12.1.4])

G12.2.4 *u *u > lui in all environments, except when contracted in vowel sequences that developed by loss of consonants (§0 12.2.2 and this section, following~). *yuqatay > ma-ruane 'male' *ikuy > iu- 'tail' *puqepuq 'break off'> huhu 'break off bananas' *qudip > ma-uri 'alive' *u contracted with adjacent phonemes in some environments: (1) *uwa, *au> lol (§012.2.2), (2) *-lu(C) >Iii (§0 12.3.41) (3) *iyu, *yu, *uy > /il: *laheyu > ma-rai 'wither'(< *layu) *qaqiyut > ya-yai-a 'coition'(< *aiyu- + r-) *sehapuy > l-ahi 'fire' There are two cases in which *u is reflected with /o/. There is no explanation. Perhaps these forms are borrowed from a language in which reflexes of *u were substantially lower than in Motu. *iamuk > naamo 'mosquito' *iuka 'wound'> ma-noka 'be weak' (if this is connected at all) There is one case in which *u is reflected with /i/. There is no explanation. Note that this is the only attestation of *u in the penult of a trisyllable where the final syllable has *q onset: *bituqen > hisiu 'star'(< *bituqun, a POe innovation) In one case, there was contamination with varo, the reflex of *wayed 'vine': *uyat > varo-varo-na 'vein, artery' In one unexplained case, *u > /a/: *qumun > amu 'earthen oven' *iseguiJ 'nose' also had *e before *g, but based on reflexes in other Oc languages (e.g. Fi gicu), it is likely that *iseguiJ had contracted to *iguiJ by POe times. In Motu this form is reflected as udu 'nose', and the fact that *g followed *e is not pertinent (§012.2.1). 12 The analogous rule that *cy and *ye became /i/ is only attested by indirect evidence, *wasiyey 'water' > vai 'river'. To account for the Motu reflex, we assume that *ye > [i], as in other languages. Similarly, we assume that *ie contracted to *i in the history of the following form: 11

*iseq +urn- > *m-ie > *mi > mei 'urine'

The development of Motu consonants

655

G12.2.5 Diphthongs G12.2.51 *ay *-ay is reflected as /e/: *beyecay 'oar' > hode 'paddle' *matay > mase 'die' *qatay > ase 'liver' *cakay 'climb, ride' > dae 'up In monosyllables that are not enclitic, *ay >/ail : *way > vaz-vaz . . ' mango ,13 G 12.2.52 *uy, *iw

*uy > Iii. There is only one form

tha~

reflects *iw, and in that form, the reflex is lui.

*sehapuy > 1-ahi 'fire' *kasiw > au 'wood, tree' 14 G12.2.53 *aw At the end of a word of more than one syllable, *aw > /o/: *hiiJaw > laao 'a fly' *qa4egaw >'sun' 41do- in ado-ata 'noon' In monosyllabic roots or monosyllables that developed, *aw >/au/: *taw> tau 'man, person' Motu occasionally shows /o/ where /au/ developed from loss of intervocalic C ( cf. §G 12.2.2 for examples). G12.3 Consonants Motu reduced the PAn consonantal inventory. Motu made the following changes together with the other Oc languages: (1) cqnsonantal gradation has developed (§G 12.1.1); (2) *s was lost without a trace; (3) *p and merged. Further, Motu made innovations together with many of the other Oc languages, but not all of them ( 4) *j, *c have merged, and *g has merged with them in medial position!; (5) root-final consonants have been lost. In a handful of cases, root-final consonants are reflected before petrified affixes (examples are given in §012.301). Chart Three outlines t9ese developments. For the value ofthe Motu transcriptions, see Chart One, §G 12. 0.

*?

I assume that this root was doubled after disyllabihtion had taken place. Probably, from *kayu (< *kahyu < *kahiw). Man)1 of the Oc languages, as well as Hesperonesian languages, show a development from *kayu. 13

14

Part G. Chapter One, §2

656

CHART THREE. THE MOTU REFLEXES OF THE PAN CONSONANTS

PAn *p *b *t *d *k *q *g-

Plain p p t ? k k (?) ?

Motu Lenited Prenasalized b h h b d ? r d 0 g 0 g 0 ?

PAn

Motu

*c, *j, *-g*y *s, *h *I *t *w *y *m, *n *IJ

d r 0 1, 0 1, 0 (?), n v, 0 1, 0

m,n (j

G12.301 Examples of consonant retention in root-final position before suffix

The following list is exhaustive of the attestations I have found: *bayaq > barag-ina 'lungs'(< *bayai]qina) *cawuq > dogo 'anchor'(< *coiJqo < *coqo < *coq < cawq) 15 *cep > topo 'suck' *kan >an-i 'eat' *quseiap > unah-i 'to scale' *siyup 'slurp' > iruh-ai 'sniff, slurp, blow nose' G12.3. 1 Consonants that evince gradation.

The consonants discussed in the following subsections have plain, nasalized, and lenited reflexes. G12.3.11 *p and *b

*p and *b merged to /p/ and lh/. The /hi is the product of lenition (§GO.l) and is the most widelspread reflection of these phonemes. Gl2.3.1 11 Plain *p and *b > /p/

The reflection of *b as /p/ is poorly attested. The following forms may not be directly inherited, although they do have a PAn etymology: *palag >pala-pala-na 'palm' *papan 'board'> papa-papa 'flat rock' *punay > pune 'dove' *bitik 'spring, jerk' > pidi-a 'fillip' *qabaya > paya-na 'shoulder' (borrowing [§Gl2.1.21]) G12.3.112 Lenited *p and *b > /h/

*capuh > dahu-a 'rub, wipe' *pa- > ha- 'causative prefix' (yava-ia 'follow' hayava-ia 'cause to follow') *puceg > hudo-na 'navel' *isepi > nihi 'dream' (< *nipi < *sinipi < *esipi +*-in-) *siyup 'slurp'> iruh-ai 'sniff, slurp, blow nose' *bahi + *r- +*-in-> hahine 'woman' *beyecay > hode 'paddle' *bulat > hua 'moon' *qabu > kahu 'ashes' *sabayat >ahara 'monsoon winds' *tebus > tohu 'sugar cane'

15

These first two examples also evince prenasalization of the root-final consonant (§G 12.1.52, end).

The development of Motu consonants

657

G12.3.113 Prenasalized *p and *b

When protected by a nasal, *p and *b retained their stop feature. As in other Oc languages, *p became voiced when prenasalized, and as in many Oc languages, the prenasalized feature was lost-i.e. *mp and *mb > lbl. There are few attestations of prenasalized reflexes of *p and *b in Motu: *piyas > bila 'fish spawn' (/11 indicates borrowing) *pudul > buru 'blunt' *qapit 'hold by pushing' > abi 'have, hold' *tumpu 'lord, forefather' > tubu 'grandparent, grandchild, forefather' *bayaq > bara-yi 'lungs' *beyek > boro-ma 'pig' *bunut > bunu 'coconut husk' *tubuq > tubu 'grow' (cf. §Gl2.1.52, footnote) G12.3.114 Irregular developments of *p and *b

Nasalization or the addition of *urn- to roots with *p and *b caused the development of reflexes with root-initial lm-1 in place of *p or *b (§A3.7.1). Since the addition of *urn- to vowel-initial roots also caused the development of reflexes with root-initial lm-1, the way was open for an analogical change to take place whereby roots that originally had initial *p or *b were reflected with initial 0. This was the case of the following form, which has an initial vowel, where cognates show a reflex with initial lm-1: *putuc > utu 'cut off' (Sa mou 'broken off') In one case, *p was lost. This is the only inherited form in which *p was onset of the penult in a trisyllabic root, and this may be evidence for a rule that *p was lost in this position: *paqegu > audu-na 'gall'(< *qapegu) G12.3.12 *t and *d

*t and *d did not merge except in prenasalized position. G12.3.121 *t

*t > It/ when not lenited or prenasalized. Note that preceding Iii and lei, It/ has an allophone [s] written s: *taieq > tano 'earth, soil' *tebus > tohu 'sugar cane *tiqaw > sio 'goatfish' *tuiuq 'roast' > tunu-a 'bake pottery' *atac 'high up'> ata-i 'on top' *bituqun > hisiu 'star' *gita > kita 'see' *kutu > utu 'head louse' *qiteluy> yatoi 'egg'(< *qateluy) When prenasalized, *t is reflected as ld/. There are few attestations, and some of them are probably not directly inherited: *tayutul] > dautu 'porcupine fish' *tujuq > dudu-a 'point' *bitik 'spring, jerk' > pidi-a 'fillip' *qutai 'scrub lands and their covering'> uda 'forest, thick bush' There is one case in which *t has been lost. There is no explanation for the loss of the *t: 16 *betuh > hou-hou 'blister' There is one case in which *twas nasalized (§G 12.1.52): *tay 'go across narrow passage way' > nese 'ridge, bridge' This is probably not a case of lenition. Note that *d is normally lenited to /r/, and most likely *t should have been lenited to *d and subsequently to /r/. However, there are no attestations of*t that lenited to /r/. 16

Part G. Chapter One, §2

658

G12.3.122 *d *d has the reflex /r/ when not protected by prenasalization: *daqaii >rani 'daytime' *depa > roha 'fathom' *dusa > rua 'two' *qudip >rna-uri 'alive' *qudag > ura 'prawn, crayfish' Assimilation of /r/ to /1/ occurs before Ill to the right. There is only one example attested in an inherited form: dalem > lalo- 'inside' There is only one attestation of prenasalized *d: *duyi 'thorn'> duri 'barb.I 7 In one case, *-d- was lost: *tuduc > duu 'post, pole' 18

G12.3.13 *k *k > /k/ in the plain grade and 0 when lenited. 19

G12.3.131 Plain *k *kaka 'elder sibling'> kaka 'elder sibling of the same sex' *kapit 'hold by pinching'> kahi 'tongs' *keyet > koro-a break off (twig), carve notch' *kiiit > kini-a nip with the nails' *lekuq 'bend'< loku-a 'fold, roll'

Gl2.3.132 Lenited *k *cakay 'climb up onto s.t.' > dae 'up' *ciku >diu 'elbow' *kita >ita 'we (incl)' G12.3.133 Prenasalized *k > /g/. There are two forms that reflect a prenasalized *k: *cakep > dogo-a 'seize, take hold of *takut 'fear'> dagu 'be startled' (also taku 'suddenly')

G12.3.14 *q It is possible that *q merged with *kin pre-Motu, as happened in many of the WOe languages. However, this is unlikely if *k had plain and lenited reflexes (as hypothesized in §G12.3.133, above), for there is only one case of a plain reflex of*q (/k/) in a form inherited from PMP or earlier, whereas there are numerous attestations of /k/ as a plain reflex of *k.

*qabu > kahu 'ashes' Otherwise, *q > 0? 0 Here are some examples: *yaqup·> rau-na 'gather with the two hands' *qacawa 'in-law'> adava 'spouse' *qaqay > ae 'leg' *qudip >rna-uri 'alive' *taqi > taye 'excrement' (for /y/ cf. §G 12.1.53) There is also a reflex turi-a 'bone' that results from contamination with a reflex of *tuqelal) 'bone' attested elsewhere in Oceania, e.g. Fi tua 'bone' 18 This form is not listed in the dictionary. I found it in Tryon (1995: part 3, p. 170). 19 It is possible that the loss of *k is the normal reflex and not a product of sporadic lenition and that the forms reflecting !kJ are borrowed. However, there are as many forms that reflect /k/ as those that reflect 0, and there is little other evidence among the Motu reflexes for massive borrowing. 20 This is probably the normal reflex. It is likely that kahu 'ashes' is not directly inherited. 17

The development of Motu consonants

659

G12.3.141 There is a handful of examples that indicate that *q was affected by prenasalization. Like *k, a prenasalized *q developed into /g/: *yaqan 'light'> ha-raga 'quickly, easily' *qiteluy > gatoi (< *1Jqateluy) In the following forms, when a vowel developed after the root-final *q, prenasalization of the *q took place: *bayaq > barag-ina 'lungs' *cawuq > dogo 'anchor'(< *coiJqo < *coqo< *coq < *cawq) G12.3.15 *g *g- fell together with *k when onset of the penult or earlier or as onset of monosyllabic roots, as it did in many An languages. Like *k, initial *g- probably became lk-/ in the plain grade, was lost when lenited, and became /g/ when prenasalized, but this is a speculation. The only attestations in inherited forms are the following four, in which *g was lost. (For a discussion of *-g-as onset of the final syllable, see §G 12.3.23, below.) *gadic 'scratch' >ari-a 'mark with an indentation' *galih > yei-a 'dig' 21 *gemegem 'hold in fist'> omo 'adze' *gita > ita 'see' *guyita > urita 'octopus' G12.3.2 *c, *j and *-g- onset of the final syllable *c, *j and *-g- (i.e., *g- onset of the final syllable) merged to /d/. 22 Note that what we reconstruct as initial *g-in PAn merged with *k- rather than *c and *j (§G12.3.15, above). G12.3.21 *c > /d/ There is no evidence that *c was nasalized or lenited in Motu. In almost all cases, *c is reflected as /d/: *cakay 'go up onto s.t.' > dae 'up'*dku >diu 'elblow' *cucuq 'snail' > dudu 'k.o. shellfish' *nacuk > nadu 'cook by boiling' *tacik > tadi 'sea, seawater' *ucuk 'rub' > udu 'make fire by rubbing sticks' In three forms, *c merged with *t. In these forms, it is not the case that It/ reflects a plain *c and /d/ reflects a lenited *c, for there are innumerable cases where *c > ldl, and it is highly unlikely that the /d/ results from lenition or from prenasalization of It/ in such a large proportion ofthe attestations. Note that [s] is an allophone of It/ (§Gl2.0). In the first case, the form has probably been reshaped by sound symbolism; the other two cases are not cognate or are borrowed: *picik > pisi-pisi 'splash' *cici 'k.o. mollusc' > basisi 'shellfish' *cep > topo-a 'suck' G12.3.22 *j > /d/ There are only six well-attested forms that reflect *j. In five of them, *j became /d/: *jalan > dala 'road, way' *jaqewis > dao-dao 'far' *qajay >ade-na 'chin' *jiyuc > digo 'bathe' (/g/ unexplained [§G 12.3.311) *tujuq > dudu-ia 'point'

I assume /y/ to have developed as a transitional phenomenon. Cf. the footnote to §Gl2.1.53, where the possibility that /y/ is a lenited reflex of *g- is discussed. 22 The merger of PAn *j and *g with *c when onset of the final syllable took place after POe times. Not all Oc languages participate in this merger.

21

660

Part G. Chapter One, §2

In one case *j was lost. It is possible loss of *j is the result of lenition, but since neither *c nor *g clearly reflect lenition, it is not likely that this one example results from lenition. Further, it has an unexplained suffix -e: *tejey > tor-e 'stand' G 12.3.23 *-g*-g- as onset ofthe final syllable merges with *d and *j-i.e., > /d/: *iseguiJ > udu 'nose' *lagi > ladi 'k.o. fish' *tagam > ma-nada-ia 'to tame' *maga 'dry' > ko-mada 'ebb tide' *piga > hida 'how many?' *qategaw > ado-ata 'midday' ado-rahi 'evening'(< *ado 'sun') *qagaiJ >/-ada 'name' *tu agi 'younger sibling'> tadi 'younger sibling of same sex' G 12.3.3 Other consonants that do not undergo gradation In addition to *c, *j, and medial *g and the liquids and nasals, the reflexes of the consonants *y, *h, and*s fail to undergo consonant gradation. *sand *h disappeared without a trace in Motu, and their loss was followed by vowel contraction (§G 12.1.22). *y is reflected by /r/ but is not affected by lenition or prenasalization. 23 G12.3.31 *y *y > /r/: *biyaq > hira 'the giant edible arum' *buyiq > huri-a 'wash' *keyet 'cut off >oro 'break off(twig, etc.)' *qayuc > aru 'current' *sabayat >ahara 'monsoon winds' *yataq >rata 'milk' *yiq >rei 'sword grass' *yucuk 'ribs' > rudu 'side of chest' In a few cases, *y was lost. 24 *y, not root onset, was lost in a syllable at an interval of more than one syllable from the stressed syllable-i.e., if it was onset of the penult or earlier or was an enclitic: *biyeni > hanua-boi 'last night' haoda-boi 'fish the night through' *tayutul) > dautu 'porcupine fish' *beyecay > hode 'oar' *baqeyu > tau-hau 'youth' (lit. 'new man') *mayi > mai 'come' 25 There are four exceptions. In the first case, the initial syllable of the root was treated like a prefix so that the *y- was retained in root-initial position. The other three cases are likely not to be inherited. The meaning is inexplicably changed in the third example; in the fourth example, the loss of the antepenult is not regular, as well (§G 12.1.21): *yuqatay > maruane 'male' *cayeman > darima 'outrigger' *payis 'rayfish' > pai 'prawn' *qabaya > paya 'shoulder' 23 There is evidence that /y/ was subject to prenasalization, but that only happened recently and later than the cases of prenasalization of other consonants (§G 12.3.311 ). In most Oc languages reflexes of *y are not subject to prenasalization. 24 This is not 'lenition'. I use the term 'lenition' to refer to a process that is widespread over the range of the Oc languages and not currently describable in terms of the environment. It probably characterized POe (Ross 1988: 47) and did not affect reflexes of*y. 25 Mai typically occurs as a member of a serial phrase, e.g. mai henia 'come fetch' -i.e., where one may assume that mai is clitic.

The development of Motu consonants

661

In one case, *y has /1/ as a reflex. This form is probably borrowed: 26 *piyas >hila 'fish spawn' G12.3.311 *y > /gl Thre are several cases in which *y was prenasalized. I assume a process of 'late nasalization', where noninitial syllable onset with *y was prenasalized sporadically. This process affected both forms that had an inherited *y and those that developed *y accretion (§G 12.1.53): *jiyuc > digu 'bathe'(< *jil)yuc) *qaiiyuwan > nanigo 'bee, hornet' Examples of prenasalization of the intercalated *yare given in the footnote to §G 12.3.44). G12.3.32 *s, *h *sand *h were lost without a trace: *busat 'lift'> hua-na 'carry over shoulder' *dasuwen > rau 'lear *qusalipan > aiha 'centipede' *tusuy 'skewer' > tur-i 'string fish, sew' *sacek 'plant with a dibble stick' > h-ado 'plant' *sipay 'other side' > iha- 'sibling-in-law' *bahi + r- +-in-> hahine 'female'(< *babinai) *buheni > huni 'ringworm' *yabihi > ado-rahi 'evening' G12.3.4 Liquids and nasals G12.3.41 *I *1 has two reflexes: /1/ and 0. *1 was not lost before *a or *e, except when after *u. Otherwise, *1 was lost. *1 before *a or *e: *belaq > pola-ia 'split' *laiJaw > laao 'a fly' *lagi > ladi 'k.o. fish' *lakaw 'walk' > lao 'go' *lawa 'spider' > vala-vala 'cobwebs'*lekuq 'bend' > loku-a 'fold, roll' *lem 'in dim light' > ma-lo 'middle of the night' *palag > pala-pala 'palm of hand' *layay > pa-lai 'sail' *1 > 0: *bulat > hua 'moon' *lima> ima 'five' *qalima > ima-na 'hand' *linaw > ma-ino 'peace, quiet' *tal)ila > taaia 'ear'(< *taliiJa) The sequence *lu and *li at the end of a word became /i/: *galih > yei-a 'dig' *puluq > a-hui 'ten' *qiteluy > gatoi 'egg'(< *IJqanteluy) *telu > toi 'three' There are two irregular reflexes of *1 that are unexplained: *piliq > hidi 'choose' *layehu > ma-rai 'wither' In one case, the reflex /r/ < *1 is explainable as a contamination of a word with similar meaning, which is reconstructed with medial *y and is attested elsewhere in Oceania. This is an innovation that affected all of the Oc languages: There are dialects of Motu that have /1/ for /r/ (Tryon 1995: 770), and this form may have its origin in one of those dialects.

26

662

Part G. Chapter One, §2

*qalad > ara 'fence' (cf Roviana bara 'fence')

·Gl2.3.42 *i *t underwent the developments described for PMP in §A3.34. Namely, *i became IV when onset of a penult or an earlier syllable with a short-vowel nucleus; *i became PMP tfi before a long vowel in the penult, in monosyllabic roots, and when onset of the root-final syllable after a long vowel. *i >In! when onset of the final syllable after a short vowel and in word-final position. In pre-Motu (but after POe) tfi merged with *n. There is only one attestation of the change of *t to 111: 27 *iawitiJ > laulau 'shadow' In the rest of the cases, *i > /n/: *buH > huni 'conceal' *ciiay 'ray'> dina 'sun' *yuqatay > ma-ruane 'male' *higam > ma-nada-ia 'tame, accustom' *peiuq > honu 'full' In one case, where root-final stress in PAn results in /1/ in the cognates in other MP languages, Motu evinces In!, as happened in languages of eastern Indonesia, as well as in Oc languages). I attribute this to an early shift in stress from the final syllable to the penult that took place in MP times, but affected only the dialects that were ancestral to the eastern Indonesian and the Oc languages (§A3.3.4). *iepuq > nohu 'poisonous fish' In the following case, *i was lost when the penult was syncopated (§G 12.1.2) and *i became the first C in a cluster. *qategaw 'sun, day'> ado (in ado-rahi 'evening', etc.)(< *qaigaw)

G12.3.43 *m and *n *m and *n are reflected as lml and In!, respectively: *mamin > mamf 'k.o. fish' *nacuk > nadu-a 'cook by boiling' *lima> ima 'five' *banuwa 'land' > hanua 'village' In one case, an enclitic, medial *m was lost: *kami > ai 'we (excl)'

G12.3.44 *IJ *IJ was lost in all positions. Loss of medial *IJ caused a preceding *a to lengthen (§Gl2.2): *baiJui > hao-a 'wake up'(< *baau-) *biyei]i 'night'> hanua boi 'last night' *laiJaW > laao 'a fly' *tal)ila > taaia-na 'ear' *saiJin > 1-aai 'wind' In one case, *IJ is reflected by lg/: 28 Presumably the *1 that developed from *t merged with *1 and was lost in certain environments (§012.2.41, immediately preceding), but there are no examples to demonstrate this. 28 Possibly /g/ arose as a transitional phenomenon. Cf. the irregular insertion of /g/ in kanage 'gull'< *kanaway. That is, *y arose as a transitional phenomenon (§G 12.1.53), and this *y was subject to late nasalization (§012.3.311). 27

The development of Motu consonants

663

*paga 'forking' > haga 'open'

G12.3.5 Semivowels G12.3.51 *w *w > /v/ before Ia!, except after /u/: *lawa 'spider'> vala-vala 'cobwebs' *qacawa 'in-law'> adava 'spouse' *wayed > varo-varo 'vine' *wasiyey 'water' > vai 'river' *way> vai-vai 'mango' Examples of*uwV: *banuwa 'land, place'> hanua 'village *buwaq > hua 'to fruit' At the end of the word, *w combined with a preceding vowel to form a diphthong, which was subsequently monophthongized (§012.2.53). Further, the sequence *wi in the penult of a trisyllable was contracted to lui. There is only one attestation to demonstrate this rule: *wiyi + *ka- > 1-auri 'left (side, hand)' Otherwise *w is lost: *kawil > k-im-ai 'hook'

G12.3.52 *y *y merged with *1 in medial position. Before Ia!, but not after *i, medial *y > Ill. The following two forms are the only attestations of this rule: *buqaya > huala 'crocodile' *yambiya > rabia 'sago' Before lui in the final syllable, *y contracted with the final vowel to become Iii (cf. the analogous rule for *1, §G 12.3.41 ). *y also contracted with *e to become /i/: *qaqiyut > ya-yai-a 'coition' *laheyu > ma-rai 'withered' (< *layu) *duyug > rui 'dugong' *wasiyey 'water' > vai 'river' (< *wasyu) The following example (Tryon 1995: ~10.880) shows *y contracting with the following /a/. It is probably not inherited: *layay > pa-lai 'a sail' At the end of the word *y combined with a preceding vowel to form a diphthong, which was subsequently monophthongized (§§G 12.2.51 and G 12.2.52).

*kanaway > *kanayay > *kanal]yay > kanage 'tern' *pal)a > *paa> *paya > *palJYa > haga 'open'

CHAPTER TWO

Sa'a G2.0 Introduction Sa'a (Sa) is a member ofthe EOc chain of languages and is located in the southeastern part of Little Malaita Island of the southeast Solomons, just south of the border between the EOc and WOe languages. The rest of Little Malaita speaks a closely related language, Pwaloto, which may in fact be a dialect of Sa. Another very closely related language is spoken on Ulawa (Contrariete) Island, just opposite the area in which Sa is spoken, which is close enough to Sa that Ivens (1929) includes forms from Ulawa as well as Sa. Ethnologue states that in 1999 there were some 11,000 speakers of Sa and Ulawa. It is unknown if this figure also includes speakers of Pwaloto. Sa is documented in two dictionaries, both by Walter Ivens. In the first, published 1918, a large portion of the entries was omitted on purpose. The second version revised the entries of the first and added the forms that had been omitted. This study quotes forms from the 1927 edition exclusively. CHART ONE. SA' A PHONEMES voice Iss voiced nasals spirants liquids and semivowels

Consonants pw t p d mw m n s w I, r

k

1

Vowels u

e ng [IJ] h

re

0

a

G2.1 Changes that characterize Sa in general G2.1.1 Consonantal gradation The term CONSONANT GRADATION refers to the process whereby the stop consonants and *j and *c in initial and medial position manifest double reflexes. One of the reflexes is derived from a prenasalized consonant and the other from the consonant without prenasalization ( §00.1 ). Chart Two shows the oral and the prenasalized grades of reflexes in Sa. (The details ofthe developments are discussed in §G2.3.1ff.)

665

666

Part G. Chapter Two CHART Two. CONSONANT GRAD ATTON IN SA' A

PAn Sa plain grade Sa prenasalized

*b,*p h p

*t fj

d

*d r d

*c, *j *k ? s, t d k

*g_ ?-, -s-, -t-d-

G2.1.2 Tendencies to form disyllabic roots from trisyllables G2.1.21 Elision of the penult Roots of more than two syllables may be disyllabized by the process of syncope or other types of syllable loss. However, this process affects only some of the inherited roots of more than two syllables. Many ofthe inherited trisyllabic roots are retained as such. First, with a couple of exceptions, roots with *e or with *i or *u before *y or *w in the penult were disyllabized by elision. Here are some of the many examples: *beyecay >hole 'paddle'(< *becay < *beycay [§G2.1.32]) *beyekec 'bundle'> ho?os-i 'bind' (< *bekec < *beykec) *biyel)i > pwongi 'night' (< *beyl)i < *beyei]i) *bulehay > hu-hule 'cataract'(< *bulay < *bulhay) *peniyu > honu 'sea turtle'(< *penyu [§G2.3.42, end]) *qafegaw > sato 'sun'(< *afgaw) *quse'lap > uneh-i 'to scale (fish)'(< *usnap-) *ma-suwab > tehi-mawa 'yawn'(< *mauwab) *qayuwas > sawa 'mullet' These developments are parallel to those evinced by most of the other An languages. However, Sa fails to elide penultimate *e or *u before /w/ in three trisyllables (as do some Hesperonesian languages): *baqeyu > haalu 'new' (§G2.2.3) *banuwa > htenue 'land, village' *qiteluy > saolu 'egg' (< *qateluy) In one case, the antepenult was lost rather than that the medial *e was elided and the initial was subject to nasalization. The loss of the antepenult and nasalization is manifested by all Oc languages that have a cognate: 1 · *iceyab > no-nola 'yesterday' Like vowels that came to abut because of loss of the intervening consonant in a trisyllabic root were contracted: *ayusuq > sadu 'Casuarina sp.' *daqati > dteni 'day' *yabihi 'night' > sceu-lehi 'evening, late afternoon' Note that vowels in disyllabic roots that came to abut were not contracted (for Sa did not tolerate monosyllabic roots [§G2.1.4]). *butun > huu 'a seashore tree: Baringtonia' *butul) > huu 'clump' G2.1.22 Loss or weakening of the antepenult In a few cases of roots with three or more syllables, the vowel of first syllable of the root was lost or weakened when the penult was not elided: The root of this word is *ceyab and the prefix *i- is the locative prefix (in a temporal meaning). It is possible that the Oc languages inherited a variant that never had a prefix. However, note that except for reflexes in Tsouic and the languages of the northern Philippines, all other attested cognates in languages from Formosa southward reflect the *i- prefix. 1

Processes that affect the development ofSa'a from PAn

667

*bituqen > he?u 'star'(< *beu'hm < *betu'hm) *laqeya > lia 'ginger'(< *leya < *leqeya) *iseyt'ip > uh-i 'blow'(< *iup-i) *mayuqatay > mwane 'male'(< *mawuanay) This process was productive with affixed disyllabic roots. Here are a few examples. Further examples are given in the following section, §02.1.31: *iseq +*urn- >mi-m-i 'urinate'(< *mie < *umie) *qaiuj 'be carried by the current'> mcenu 'float'(< qmaiuj < *qumaiuj) *tuduy > muru 'sleep'(< *tmuduy < *tumuduy) *tutuI] 'set afire' + *-an > duJ.fe 'matches, fire stick' (< *tuntuiJan < *tutuiJan) However, most trisyllabic roots show neither loss nor weakening of the antepenult. There is no explanation for why some forms weakened the antepenult and others did not. Here are some examples (cf. also the examples of §02.1.21, 2ni): *buqaya > huasa 'crocodile' *kanacay > ?anate 'mullet' *kitala 'perceive' > ilala 'to divine' *qabucan > cehute 'the whole' *qayuyu > cesusu > 'coconut crab' *qabaya > aha/a 'shoulder' *tabuii 'afterbirth' > cehui 'white of egg' *tal)ila > celinge 'ear' (< *taliiJa) *talicay > celite 'a seashore tree: Terminalia' G2.1.31 Vowel contraction

Vowel contraction occurred in stems of three or more syllables (including compounds) when vowels came to abut because of consonant loss or in cases of compounds when a vowel-final root was followed by a vowel-initial root: *aku > u '1' 2 *ikay 'beat out bark cloth'> iki ?o?o 'beat the slit gong'(< *iiJkai?o?o) *piya 'desirous' > hi-olo 'hungry' (lit. 'be desirous and starving')(< *pia+ olo 'be faint from hunger') *qusalipan > celuhe 'centipede' (< *alupan < *aluipan [§02.1.5]) also celiha (Ulawa) (< *ali pan < *aluipan) I assume that if a disyllabic root lost a syllable, the loss took place when the root was in a compound, even though I have failed to find the evidence for that in the published materials: *beyek > poo 'pig'(< *po [§02.1.4]) *daqis > da-ra 'forehead'(< *nda-da poo 'navel'(< *poi *sayun 'shake'> su 'unstable'(< *sau) When a sequence of *u and *e developed in a disyllabic root, the two vowels contracted to lui, just as *ew and *we did (§02.2.3): *bukes > i-hu 'hair' (< *-buk < *busek) G2.1.32 CC simplification

Sa only permits open syllables, and there are no consonant clusters. Thus, clusters that developed by the loss of the penult ( §02.1.21) were simplified (cf. the examples there). Further, no clusters developed by doubling monosyllabic roots, for these lost the root final consonant in the first syllable of the resulting form: *buqebuq 'pour'> huhu 'leak, pour' *butebut > huhus-i 'pluck' *dapedap > rara 'Erythrina sp.' U occurs as enclitic to a verb or a preposition. Thus, *VCV(C)aku > NCV(C)u/ with the loss of the penultimate *a and the *k-onset of the final syllable. 3 This form is probably borrowed, not only because the loss of *c is irregular but because the sequence *ue otherwise contracted to lui and not /o/, as in this case. (Cf. the example in the paragraph following.) 2

Part G. Chapter Two

668

Clusters consisting of nasal plus consonant in most cases have a reflex in the prenasalized grade (§G2.1.1): *tai]kay 'stem' > ake 'twig' *mantalaq > madala 'morning star' In two cases, however, a nasal cluster has a reflex in the plain grade: *sandem 'remember' > aro 'brood' *tambuyi > a:huri 'triton shell' Nasal clusters that &rise from the doubled monosyllabic roots are most commonly reflected in the plain grade: *daiJedaiJ 'heat near fire' > rarang-i 'warm o.s. by fire' There are cases in which doubled monosyllables with a final nasal have a prenasalized penult: *dil)ediiJ 'wall' < ri-ridi 'space under the eaves of a house' Note that a cluster *iC that developed by elision of an intervening V became C (i.e., the t was lost: *qaiegaw > sato 'sun'

G2.1.4 Disyllabization of monosyllabic roots There is an on-going tendency to tum monosyllabic roots that were not enclitic into disyllables. This process has affected inherited PAn monosyllabic roots and those that developed in pre-Sa' a. This process took place, as in other An languages, in one of three ways: ( 1) by stretching the root to two moras by addition of a pretonic vowel /o/ or (1 a) geminating the vocalic nucleus, (2) doubling the monosyllabic root or reduplicating it, (3) petrifYing an affix-that is, reinterpreting an affixed form as a single root. Examples of ( 1): *muy 'move liquid or food in mouth'> omu 'mumble food' *pucuq > opu 'heart' (< *pu) Examples of (la): *tup 'closed' > duu 'use a disguise' *tuy disyllabized by changing the feature of palatalization ofthe onset to /i/: *tuy > niu 'coconut' (< *fiu) Diphthongs in monosyllabic roots were disyllabized by changing them into a sequence of vowels: *taw 'person' > ceu in ceu hamue 'native of a place' Examples of (2): *ba > haha 'carry on back' *basequ > hoho 'smell'(< *bo) *tam 'taste'> nana 'eat (nursery word)' Examples of(3): *bukes > i-hu 'hair'(< *buk < *busek) *sepat > ha-i 'four'(< *pa + *-i) *kan > hanga 'eat'(< *kan +*paN-) Monosyllabic roots that occurred in atonic position (were enclitics or occurred as members of compounds) remained monosyllabic.

Processes that affect the development of Sa 'a from PAn

669

G2.1.5 Metathesis Sa evinces the metathesis that affected all of the MP languages-i.e., metathesis that occurred well before Sa times. (§A3.5.4). I give a couple of examples: *bukes > ihu 'hair' a:linge 'ear'(< *taliiJa) Sa also shows metathesis that occurred only in Sa or in Sa and other Oc languages: *pikel 'fold'> ho?i 'curve' *iawuiJ > ma:lu 'shade' 4 (< *ma-aluiJ < *ma-lauiJ) *qaceiJ 'sneeze or cough'> mango 'breathe'(< *m-aiJec) *qaqay > ?ae 'foot'(< *a?e [G2.3.2]) *qusalipan > aduhe 'centipede' (< *aluipan [§G2.1.31]) In the following example, the vowel of the final syllable was metathesized to avoid the occurrence of a coda: *tusud 'knee'> uru 'bend the knee'(< *uur < *tuur) G2.1.6 Accretion and intercalation G2.1.61 Development of /pw/ and /mw/ Proto-Oc (POe) developed labiovelars *pw and *mw-that is, labials with a [w-] offglide when *p, *b, or *m abutted on *u in the root or in an affixed form, but many of the forms with these phonemes before *u did not develop offglides (Blust 1981, Lynch 2002). Further, some of those that developed a [w-] offglide were not in the vicinity of *u. Various explanations account for different developments (Lynch 2002). Forms with *p and *b that developed w-offglides are listed in §G2.3.111. G2.1.62 Intercalation of nasals and nasalization The intercalation of nasals is a major process in Sa, as in other Oc languages. Not only may the onset of the final syllable be prenasalized, as is the case over the range ofMP languages, but the onset of the initial syllable also may be prenasalized. This has led to the process we call 'consonant gradation' discussed in §G2.1.1. Some of the prenasalized consonants that developed as onset of the final syllable continue the nasal codas of the penult that developed early, before the Oc languages split from the other MP languages, and cognates over the range of the MP languages exhibit prenasalized onsets of the final syllable or nasal codas of the penult (§A3.7.2). Here are some examples: *akat 'lift'> aka 'pull out, emerge' (cf. Ml angkat 'lift) *isepun 'gather'> ipu 'hollow in tree holding water' (cf. Ml himpun 'gather') *lakaq 'stride, step over'> !aka 'leap about (like school ofbonito)' (cf. Mllangkah 'step') On the other hand, nasalization of root-initial consonants (discussed at length in §A3.7.1) is much less frequent and remains as a petrified, no longer productive, process. Nevertheless, there are attestations of forms with nasalized initial consonants that are confined to Sa and other Oc languages. Three ofthe following forms have irregularities that indicate that they are not directly inherited: *bui:i > mu-muni 'conceal' *ceyeb >no-nola 'yesterday' *qetaq 'raw'> ngoa 'partly raw' *qijuy > ngisu 'spit' *ipen > niho 'tooth' *pejem 'close eyes'> mode 'inattentive'

4

The metathesis in this root occurred in PMP and is reflected over the range of MP languages.

670

Part G. Chapter Two (1-e/ unexplained) *putuc > mou 'broken off (/o/ unexplained) *taqu 'know'> manau 'wise' *timuy 'rainy wind'> nemo 'rain' (vowels unexplained)

G2.1.63 /s/ accretion Some forms beginning with *a- and most forms that developed initial *a- after the loss of developed an initial *y, which changed to Is-/ (§G2.3.52). Accretion of a reflex of *y is widespread in the EOc languages but is not found in all of them. It affected forms that lost an initial consonant before *a differently in different languages: *q~

*ayusuq > scelu 'k.o. Casuarina' *afay > sane 'white ant' Forms that lost initial *q before *a are also subject to s-accretion: *qabated > sahao 'edible grub' *qacu > scesu 'smoke' *qiteluy > saolu 'egg'(< *qateluy) However, forms that lost the initial *s are not subject to s-accretion: 5 *sacaq 'sharpen' > ata-ata 'grate' In fact, the number of Sa forms that do not show s-accretion is greater than those that show the accreted /s-/: *ama > ama 'father' *qabaya >aha/a 'shoulder' *qawuy > ceu 'bamboo' One form shows *d- accretion. This form derives from a prenasalized *tin a longer compound in which the initial syllable was lost, and abutting vowels in the penult and antepenult were contracted (§G2.1.31): *saiJin > dcengi 'wind' (< *mata angin cf. Ml mata angin 'direction of the wind', To matangi 'wind')

G2.2 Vowels and diphthongs . Except for the syncopations and vowel contractions discussed immediately above, §§G2.1ff., Sa reflects the inherited PAn vowel system fairly closely. Sa lost the central vowel *e and added /o/, lei, and /re/.

G2.2.1 *i *i > /i/ in all positions: *yiciq 'rip' > lisi 'tear off a piece' The sequence *wi became /u/: *kawit 'hook' >i-keu 'hooked stick to get fruit' *wiyi +*rna-> mceuli 'left handed' This change took place before sequences /ui/ developed through the loss of consonants-i.e., a sequence /ui/ that developed after the change described in the previous paragraph, did not contract: *tabuti 'placenta'> cehui 'white of an egg'(< *tabuni [§G2.3.43]) A sequence *ie that developed in the penult and final syllables contracted to /i/ (parallel to the treatment of *ey §G2.2.3, end). *iseq + *urn- >mim-i 'urinate' (< *mie < *umie) 5

Cf. §G2.3.33, 2"d ~-

The development of the PAn vowels and diphthongs in Sa'a

671

*i in the antepenult weakened (cf. the example in §G2.1.22). *i > lei in isolated forms that spread secondarily. Cognates in most of the other Oc languages of the first two ofthese examples also evince /e/. 6 There is no explanation: *qisetep 'sleep'> enoh-i 'lie on s.t.' (< *inep) *taqi > ae 'excrement' *i was lowered in two other cases. These forms are also probably borrowed: *timuy 'rainy wind' > nemo 'rain' *titic > dede 'drip' In one case, which is an innovation shared by all Oc languages that have a cognate, *i is reflected by lui. This is a development in POe for which there is no explanation: *qatiiJU > nunu- 'shadow, reflection' (/nl onset of the final syllable also unexplained) G2.2.2 *a The following rules cover the cases of *a that were not elided or contracted with the vowels that followed it: *a> lei after a syllable with /i/ or lui nucleus within the same stem and Ire/ before a syllable with /i/ or lui nucleus within in the same stem. 7 Otherwise *a> /a/: *daiJedaiJ 'heat near fire' > rarang-i 'warm oneself by fire' *yumaq >fume 'house' *piyas > pile-na 'roe' *walu > wcelu 'eight' *wasiyey > wcei 'water' G2.2.21 This rule does not hold for the penult of a trisyllabic stem. In the penult of a trisyllabic stem, *a is reflected as /a/, whether or not a high vowel comes in the next syllable, but if the antepenult has lui or /i/, the *a is reflected as /e/: *baqeyu > haalu 'new'(< *baeyu [§G2.2.3, 4t,]) *dalit 'slippery'> madali 'greasy and slippery' *tuqas 'old'> mce-u'la- 'parent' *taqu 'know' > na-nau 'wise' [kuyapu] > ulehu 'grouper'

Ia! in the final syllable blocks the fronting of *a in the penult: *buqaya > huasa 'crocodile' *kitala 'perceive'> ilala 'to divine' G2.2.22 In the following case, the *a failed to front. Perhaps this form typically occurs with a prefix not having /i/ or lui (making it trisyllabic), and the allomorph that occurs with the prefix has been extended throughout the paradigm: *dakup > ra?u 'take up in the hands' In some apparent exceptions, the form that occurred with an /i-/ prefix has been extended throughout the paradigm: *cawuq 'anchor'> deu 'be settled (of a canoe)'(< *ideu) *sapay 'spread out'> epa 'lie like a mat' 8 *tayuq > elu (< *ielu) 'set, place' In fact, the lowering of the *ito lei in these forms occurred in most of the languages east of the Moluccas. Blust (1983a) suggests that this fact and a similar lowering of*u to /o/ argues for an eastern MP unity (cf. §G2.2.3, 7'hm. 7 Note that prefixes in this respect behave as part of the stem-i.e., a prefix /i-/ causes the *a of the following syllable to become /e/: 6

*lal)it > i-lengi 'sky' Note also that if a stem with /a/ is preceded and followed by a high vowel, the /a/> lei as in this example. 8 I am assuming that *sapay + *i- > *iapa > *iepa >epa. However, it is not clear why in that case, the /a/ of the final syllable failed to block the fronting of the *a of the first syllable.

672

Part G. Chapter Two

G2.2.23 When *a in the antepenult came to abut on *i in the penult, the two phonemes contracted to Ie/:

*iyaq 'red'+ rna-> meta 'glow'(< *maiyaq) Similarly when *a came to abut on *u in syllables that were atonic the two phonemes contracted to /o/: *basequ > ho-ho 'smell' 9 *ikasu > ?o 'you (sg)' *utaq +*rna-> moa 'vomit' For other cases of *a in the antepenult, cf. §G2.1.22. G2.2.3 *e

*e is reflected by /o/ in most cases where it was not syncopated: *del)ey > rongo 'hear' *nipen > niho 'tooth' *qabated > sahao 'edible grub' *qenay 'sandy soil' >one 'sand' *es at the end of a root became /a/, as in many MP languages: *buyes 'spew water out' >hula-a 'spring, fountain' (also hula-hula, where the /a/ failed to front under the influence of hulaa [§G2.2.2]) *tumes 'louse'> sume 'mosquito' (Ulawa) (< *tuma [/s/ unexplained]) In the antepenult, *e inherited or developed became /e/ if it was not elided: *bekac 'trace' > he?as-i 'defecate on' *bituqen > he?u 'star' (*be?un < *beu?un < *betu?un) In the penult after /a/ in the antepenult, *e became /a/ if it was not elided: 10 *baqeyu > haalu 'new'(< *baqeyu) In one case, *e is reflected by lui. The form is probably not directly inherited: *beiJel > pungu 'deaf *ew and *we > /u/: *dasuwen > rreu 'leaf(< *daun) *jaqewis > ha?a-tau 'far off'(< *jaweq < *jasiweq) *taquwef 'year, season' > reu 'season' (< *taun) In one case, which is an innovation that spread throughout the languages east of the Moluccas, *we is reflected with /o/ ( cf. the footnote to §G2.2.1 ): *weliq > oli 'return' *ey is reflected with /i/: *laqeya >lie 'ginger'(< *leya < *leqeya) G2.2.4 *u

Except when elided or contracted with *a, *u > /u/ in all environments:

It is not clear why *basequ should have been atonic, whereas a fonn like *taqu had stress. Possibly *basequ > *baqu and this form typically occurred with a suffix, where *ba would have been the antepenult and *qu the penult. In that position *au, which developed from *aqu should have contracted to !of, just as *ai was contracted to lei (cf. the~ immediately preceding). 10 This is a local Sa rule. The Ulawa cognate is haolu with the nonnal reflex of *e. 9

The development of the PAn consonants in Sa'a

673

*banuwa > hcenue 'land, village' *batu > hceu 'stone' *bulehay > hu-hule 'cataract' *buqebuq > huhu 'leak, drip, pour' Unstressed /u/ is elided or loses its vocalic quality (i.e.> [w]) in the antepenult or earlier when abutting on a vowel after the loss of the onset of the following syllable: *yuqafay +*rna-> mwane 'male'(< *myuqafay) In a few cases of forms that were not directly inherited, *u is reflected as /o/: *fepuq > noho 'fish with poisonous spines' *puceg > poo 'navel' *putuc 'cut off> mou 'broken off' *timuy 'rainy wind'> nemo 'rain' G2.2.5 Diphthongs G2.2.51 *ay

*-ay at the end of a word is reflected as /e/: *beyecay 'oar'> hote 'paddle' *matay >mae 'die' *qatay 'liver' > sae 'liver' In monosyllables that are not enclitic, *ay >lei/: *cay > a-tei 'who?' G2.2.52 *uy, *iw

*uy and *iw > /i/. There is only one example of each of these diphthongs: *sehapuy 'fire' > h-ahi 'cook in earth oven' (< *pa-apuy) *kasiw > ?tei 'wood, tree' G2.2.53 *aw

At the end of a word *aw > /o/: *laiJaW 'fly' > Iango 'blue-bottle fly' *namaw 'sheltered water, deep place in river' > namo 'land-locked harbor' In monosyllabic roots or monosyllables that developed, *aw > /reu/: *taw 'person' > ceu in ceu htenue 'native of a place' When *au developed because of loss of a medial consonant it became /au/ (/reul): *dasuwen > rteu 'leaf' (< *daun) *taqu 'be familiar, know' > na-nau 'wise G2.3 Consonants

Sa reduced the PAn consonantal inventory. Sa made the following changes together with the other Oc languages: (1) consonantal gradation has developed (§G2.1.1); (2) *s was lost without a trace; (3) *p and *b merged. Further, Sa made innovations together with many of the EOc languages, not made by the WOe languages: (4) *j, *c have merged, and *g has merged with them in medial position; (5) root-final consonants have been lost but their reflexes are frequently retained when affixed. Sa underwent further consonantal developments: (6) *q was lost entirely. Chart Three outlines these developments.

Part G. Chapter Two

674

CHART THREE. SA' A REFLEXES OF THE PAN CONSONANTS

PAn *p, b *t *k *d *c, *j *g *q, *s, *h

Sa (plain) h fJ

Sa (prenasalized) p d

?

k

r t k-, -c-

d d ?

fJ, - ?-

-

PAn *y *t *1 *m *n *IJ *w,y

Sa'a I l, n l m n ng (IJ] W, S

Consonants were lost in final position, but they have been retained before a vowel-initial suffix. In short, the suffixes that were inherited or developed were productive in Sa at a time prior to the loss of the root-final consonants. See the examples in the following subsections. In a few cases, the allomorph of the root before a suffix does not evince the regular reflex of the root final consonant-i.e., a wrong consonant developed at the end of the root: *inurn> inuhi 'drink' *situg > idumi 'count s.t.' *tidec 'press flat'> irohi in irohi pwa:u 'clear the head of lice' G2.3.1 Stop consonants G2.3.11 *p and *b *p and *b merged to /hi when not prenasalized and /p/ when prenasalized. First, *p > /h/:

*panaq > hana 'shoot with arrow' *pitu > hiu 'seven' *sipay 'other side' > ihe'brother-/sister-in-law' *isetep 'sleep'> enoh-i 'lie on s.t.' Second, *b > /h/: *babaw > haho 'above' *baqeyu > haalu 'new' *beyecay >hate 'paddle' *bulu 'body hair'> hulu 'hair on leaves' *yabut 'pull out' >la:hu 'remove inner skin of rattan' *tabek > naho 'surf *qabaya > ahala 'shoulder' *tebus > o-ohu 'sugar cane' *p > /p/: *pay 'flutter' > pepe 'butterfly' *piyas > pile-na 'roe' *puceg > poo 'navel' *sapay 'be spread out' >epa 'lie as a mat' *b > /p/: *biyegi 'night'> pongi 'time, season' *buliq > puli 'cowrie shell' *qabin > a:pi 'carrry under the arm' In the following example, Sa'a lost the prenasalization that is reflected in cognates. However, this form is not inherited: *tambuyi > a:huri 'triton shell'

The development of the PAn consonants in Sa'a

675

G2.3.111 *p/*b > /pw/ In five cases, initial *p and *bare reflected with /pw/. There is no conditioning factor that has been determined (cf. the references in §G2.1.61). Forms with these phonemes spread through the EOc languages. Note that /mw/ also developed (§G2.3.43). *batuk 'skull'> pwceu 'head' *belaq 'cleft'> pwaa 'break, crack' *biyegi > pwongi 'night' (cf. pongi 'time, season') *picik > pwisi 'spurt, splash' *pitak > pwii-pwii 'mud'

G2.3.112 Irregularities involving *p and *b A few forms evince the process of nasalization ofthe root-initial C. (Cf. the examples in §G2.1.62.) Further, there is one example of analogic accretion of /p-/ to a vowel initial root (cf. the explanation in §A3. 7.1, end): *udesi 'last, rear end' > puri 'back of, behind, stern of canoe' In one case *b is reflected with /w/. There is no explanation, and the Sa form may in fact be not derived from the PAn etymon: *baqebaq > wawa 'mouth'

G2.3.12 *t and *d *t and *d did not merge except when they were prenasalized. Prenasalized *t and *d both became /d/. G2.3.121 *t *t was lost when not prenasalized: *talun 'fallow lands' > a?lu 'last year's garden' *tiyat > ie 'belly' *pitu > hiu 'seven' In two cases *t became/?/. These forms are probably borrowed: *busat 'lift'> hu?e 'carry suspended from the head' *talis > ?celi 'cord' Prenasalized *t > /d/. Many of the forms that reflect prenasalized *tin Sa have prenasalzied cognates in other MP languages: *puti > hudi 'banana' *situg 'reckon' > idu-mi 'count s.t.' *mantalaq > madala 'morning star' *tuduc 'post' >duru 'storage room for provisions' *tup 'closed'> duu 'use a disguise' *tutul) 'set afire'> dung-e 'firestick, matches' Two forms that reflect *t with It/ were borrowed after the change of *t to 0 was completed: *matay >mate 'dead' (in set phrases) *qutek 'brains'> ute 'pith' In two cases a final *-tis reflected by It/. These forms have probably been influenced by forms in closely related languages in which *twas reflected as /t/: *takut > mce?ut-a 'be afraid of s.t.' (also mce?u 'be afraid') *lumut > lumut-e 'moss' (also

lumu) G2.3.122 *d *d has the reflex /r/when not prenasalized: dapedap > rara 'k.o. tree: Erythrina sp.' *degey > rongo 'hear' *qudip > mce-uri 'be alive' *udesi 'last, rear end' > puri 'behind, stern of canoe'

676

Part G. Chapter Two

There are cases where prenasalized cognates in most Hesperonesian languages are reflected in Sa with the plain consonant /r/: *sandem 'think'> aro 'brood' (cf. Cb handum 'think back on') Prenasalized *d became /dl: *daqati > dami 'day' *deiJan 'together, accompany' > donga 'pair, couple' *dalit > ma-dali 'smooth, slippery' *tuduq > udu 'drip' *r (< *d) dissimilated to /1/ to the left or to the right of an /1/-onset: *dalem > lalo 'inside, within' *delec > i-lolo 'bow string' *payada 'handle of axe, etc.'> halala 'helve an axe' *sadiyi 'post' > lili 'doorpost' *d is reflected with /J/ in a word that has spread secondarily from Oc westward: *bude >hula 'sponge' G2.3.13 *k and *g- in initial position

*k became /?/when not prenasalized: *kasiw > ?rei 'tree, wood' *cakay 'climb, ride'> ta?e 'ride, upwards' *lekuiJ >!a flu 'bend (like a pocket knife)' *k became /k/ when it was prenasalized. Note that in many of the cases of medial prenasalzed *k, cognates in other MP languages also reflected a prenasalized *k: *akat 'lift'> aka 'pull out, emerge' (cf. Ml angkat 'lift') *beka 'split apart'> hoka 'come apart' (cf. Iban bengkah 'division, put aside') *kita > kie 'we' (< *I]kita) *keiJekeiJ 'tight, cramped'> koko 'narrow, confined' 11 *lakaq >!aka 'leap about' (cf. Mllangkah step) *laket > nanako 'stick'(< *na-lako) (cf. MllmgkEt 'sticky') In the following case, a preceding *q apparently protected the second *k onset of a doubled monosyllable. The *k-onset of the initial syllable was replaced under the analogy of the second syllable: *kaqekaq > kaka 'split, tom'(< *kaqkaq) In three cases, *k was lost. In the first case, the occurrence of the form in atonic position accounts for the loss of *k. The second and third cases are probably borrowed: *aku > u 'first person object of preposition, verb prefix' *kapak 'flap wings' > apa 'wing, shoulder' [kuyapu] 'grouper' > ulehu 'k.o. fish' Presumably, *g- fell together with *k when onset of the penult or earlier or as onset of monosyllabic roots, as it does in many An languages. However, there are no good examples. The two forms that reflect *g- are not inherited. (For a discussion of *-g- as onset of the final syllable, see §G2.3.2, below.) *gayut 'comb'> kf£ru 'scratch' (the /r/ indicates that the form does not directly reflect *gayut [§02.3.31]) *gem 'hold'> okom-i 'roll around in mouth and swallow whole,~ 2 In one case, *g- was lost. The form is probably not directly inherited:

11 12

The initiallk/ in this root is probably a replacement of an initial /?/on the analogy of the second syllable. The sounds correspond perfectly, but the meaning of okomi makes it unlikely that it is descended from *gem.

The development of the PAn consonants in Sa'a

677

*galih > eli 'dig' G2.3.2 *c, *j and *-g- onset of the final syllable

*c, *j and *-g- (i.e., *g- onset of the final syllable) merged to Is/ before lui and /i/ and It/ elsewhere, when not prenasalized. 13 Note that what we reconstruct as initial *g-in PAn merged with *k- rather than *c and *j (§G2.3.13, above): *cay> a-tei 'who?' *cu)'i > suli 'bone' *beyecay >hate 'paddle' *qabucan 'a large grouping'> cehutce 'the whole' *tacik > cesi 'sea, salt water' *beyekec > ho'los-i 'bind together' *ciyi > dili 'k.o. shrub' *gucuq 'snout' > ngudu 'lips' *jalan >tala 'way' *tujuq > usu 'point, indicate' *qujai 'rain' >ute 'torrential rain' *agi 'younger sibling'> cesi 'sibling of opposite sex' *bugeq > huto-huto 'froth, foam' *qagan > sata 'name' *qaiegaw 'day, sun'> sato 'sun, good weather' When prenasalized *c, *j, and medial *-g- are reflected with /d/-i.e., they merged with prenasalized *t and *d: *caput 'cover with cloth'> dcehu 'hull of the coconut blossom' *cawuq 'anchor'> deu 'settle, be stationary (of canoes)' *pejem 'close the eyes'> mode 'inattentive' *layugan > lude 'load, carry cargo' (< *yugan) There are cases where medial *c is lost. There is no explanation: *puceg > poo 'navel' *pucuq > opu 'heart'(< *pu) G2.3.3 Consonants that do not undergo gradation

In addition to the liquids and nasals, the reflexes of the consonants *y, *q, *h, and*s fail to undergo consonant gradation. *q, *h, and*s were for the most part lost in Sa, and their loss was followed by vowel contraction (§G2.1.31ff.). *sand *h were lost prior to POe and to my knowledge, leave no trace in any Oc language. 14 *q was lost recently and is reflected regularly with[?] in many Oc languages, including some closely related to Sa (e.g., Tongan, §G41.3.32). G2.3.31 *y

*y >Ill: *yiciq 'tear, rip' > lisi 'cut off a section' *yumaq >fume 'house' *baqeyu > haalu 'new' *qabaya >aha/a 'shoulder' *ciyi > dili 'k.o. shrub' *ciiay 'ray' > sinel-i 'shine light on' When onset of the penult in trisyllabic roots and when in an atonic form, *y was lost: *ayi > m-cei 'come here' *beyekec > ho'los-i 'bind together' *beyecay >hate 'oar' *biyegi > pwongi 'night' *ma-yuqaby > mwane 'male' *qayicam > sata 'k.o. fern'(< *aecam < *qayecam) *qayuwas > sawa 'k.o. mullet' The merger of *-g- with *-c- and *-j- was not complete. There are forms in various Oc languages that reflect *-g- with a palatal, for example, Wayan kuya 'how'(< *kuga). (Cf. the footnote to §03.3.13 in Chapter Three of Part 0.) I assume that that the following form, cognate with the Wayan citation, also reflects a remnant of the medial *-g- that was not merged with *-j- and *-c-: 13

*kuga >?ue 'how' 14

However, cf. the second paragraph of §02.3.33.

678

Part G. Chapter Two

However, in the following trisyllable, which spread into Sa secondarily, the *y onset of the penult was not lost: [kuyapu] >ulehu 'grouper' The following forms became disyllabic (the first case by the loss of *sand contraction of the vowels on either side ofthe *s, the second by loss of the antepenult) before the rule of *y-loss came into effect: *ayusuq > sa:lu 'a tree: Casuarina' (< *ayu < *ayuuq) *lugan >tude 'load, cargo'(< *layugan) In two forms borrowed into Sa, *y is reflected with /r/: *gayut 'comb'> ka:ru 'scratch' *tambuyi > a:huri 'triton shell' In the following forms, *y was lost. The first is probably a borrowing. The second form may have been prefixed, causing initial *y to be onset of the penult in a trisyllable (cf. the 2nd~ of this section), and the allomorph that developed was generalized: *beyek > poo 'pig' *yunut > unu 'fibrous material from a palm frond' G2.3.32 *q There is one environment in which *q is reflected with/?/. *q-onset of the root-final syllable became /?/: *bituqun > he?u 'star' *jaqet > ta?a 'bad' *qaqay > ?ae 'foot, leg'(< *a?e [§02.1.5]) *tuqas 'parents' > ma:-u?a-na 'parents' Otherwise *q is lost without a trace: *baqeyu > haalu 'new' *buqaya > huasa 'crocodile' *daqaii > da:ni 'day' *mayuqaiay > mwane 'male' *qubi > uhi 'yam' There are a few cases of *q onsets of the final syllable that were lost. The trisyllabic roots in the following examples were probably disyllabic in POe, so that the *q came to be onset of the final syllable. Why the *q-onset of the final syllable in these cases was lost but reflected as /?/ in other cases is unexplained: *basequ > ho-ho 'smell bad'(< *baqu) *jaqewis> ha?a-tau 'far off'(< *jaqus < *jaqwis) *jaqit 'adjacent' > ta:i 'entangle' *taqu 'know' > manau 'wise' *taquwei > a:u 'season' (< *taun < *taqun) *tuqed 'stump'> tur-e 'stand' G2.3.33 *s, *h *s and *h were lost without a trace: *siyup > iluh-i 'slurp'*sipay 'other side' > ihe 'brother/sister-in-law' *dusa >rue 'two' *iseq >mim-i 'urinate' *udesi 'last, rear end'> p-uri 'behind, stem of canoe' *betehus 'appear' > hou 'be acclaimed' *baqeyuh > haalu 'new' *yabihi 'night'> sa:u-lehi 'evening' However, there were traces of *s- in pre-Sa'a. No forms with initial /a/< *sa show /s-/ accretion (§02.1.63). This indicates that in the Sa'a of the time that s-accretion developed, there was still a trace of intial *s (probably [h-]) that blocked the development of s-accretion.

The development of the PAn consonants in Sa'a

679

G2.3.4 Liquids and nasals G2.3.41 *I *1 is retained as /1/ initially and medially: *lal)it > ilcengi 'sky' *lumut > lumu 'moss' *beli > holi 'barter, buy' *delec > i-lolo 'bow string' *pulut 'tree producing sticky sap' > pulu 'putty nut' In the word for 'hand' *I was changed to /n/ before the /m/ onset of the following syllable, as is the case in many Oc languages. This form spread secondarily: *qalima > nime 'hand, arm" 5 In the following word, *1 was assimilated to an /n/ on the left: *laket > na-nako 'stick'(< *na-lako) In one case, the sequence *bel, consisting of the penult and the onset of the final syllable, changed to /pw/. The form is probably borrowed, for there are several counterexamples, but the source is unknown: *belaq 'cleft'> pwaa 'crack, hatch (eggs)' G2.3.42 *i *i underwent the developments described for PMP in §A3.3.4. Namely, *i became /1/ when onset of a penult or an earlier syllable with a short-vowel nucleus; *i became PMP til before a long vowel in the penult, in monosyllabic roots, and when onset of the root-final syllable after a long vowel. *i >In! when onset of the final syllable after a short vowel and in word-final position. In pre-Sa (but after POe) *fi merged with *n. *i > /1/: *kitahi 'perceive'> ilala 'to divine' *iemec 'disappear' > lomos-i 'push, buffet (as waves a ship)' *iawUIJ > mcelu 'shade'(< *ma-alul) < *ma-laul)) *i > /n/: *ia > na 'and' *iabek > naho 'surf *iagam 'tame'> ma-nata 'trained, broken in' *iam 'taste' > na-na 'eat (nursery word)' *iatuq > nceu 'k.o. tree' *iekeiek 'k.o. stringing insect' > nono-cesi 'midge, gnat' *tiketik 'stinging insect' > nini-ho 'hornet' *aiay > sane 'termite' *daqaii >dceni 'day' *qaiuj 'be carried by the current' > m-cenu 'float' *tateq >ana 'earth' The following form stretched the nucleus in the process of disyllabization (§G2.1.5) before depalatalization took place: *iuy > niu 'coconut' Depalatalization also affected sequences of *ny that developed after *niy was syncopated (as in other Oc languages): *miniyak 'oil'> mwo-mwona 'fat, rich (offoods)' (< *menak < *menyak < *meniyak) *peniyu > honu 'sea turtle'

15

Cf. the variant nume 'house' as well as fume(< *yumaq)

680

Part G. Chapter Two

G2.3.43 Nasals *m, *n, and *IJ are reflected faithfully in initial and medial position by /m/, In/, and /ng/ [IJ] respectively: *mata > maa 'eye' *lima> lima 'five' *taiem 'plant' > anom-i 'cover with earth' *namaw 'sheltered water' >nama 'sheltered harbor' *enem > ono 'six'*IJucuq 'snout' > ngudu 'lip' *biyei]i > pwongi 'night' In one case, *m is reflected by /mw/, possibly under the influence of the following /o/. However, this is not a rule, for in other cases *m does not develop w-offglide when preceding /o/. As in the case of /pw/ (§G2.3.111), influence from another Oc language is the explanation: *miniyak 'oil'> mwo-mwona 'fat, rich (of foods)'(< *menak < *meniyak) The *n that developed from *i in the following form was lost. There is no explanation: *tabuii 'placenta' > cehui 'white of an egg' The root-final *-n in the following roots is reflected by /ng/ as in languages of south Sulawesi and points east in which a cognate occurs: *ulun 'rest head' +*-an 'locative'> ulung-e 'pillow' G2.3.5 *w and *y *w is retained before *a but not if after /u/: *wakaq > wa?a 'split' *cawaq 'deep channel used for landing large ships'> tawa 'part of names of landing places' *lawa > lawa 'spider' *suwab +*rna- >cehi-mawa 'yawn'(< *mawab < *mauwab) The sequence *uwa is reflected as /ua/ (or /ue/ [§G2.2.3])-that is, there is no contrast between [ua] and [uwa]: *banuwa > hcenue 'land, country' At the end of a word, *w formed a diphthong with the preceding vowel (§G2.2.53). Except for the case of *kasiw 'wood, tree' (§G2.2.52), the only sequence found in the data with a final *w is *-aw, and *aw became simplified to /o/ or /au/ according to the accentual conditions (§G2.2.23). For *we and *ew, cf. §G2.2.3, end. *y became /s/ in initial and medial positions when not lost by contraction and not between an /i /and another vowel. The best evidence for /s-/ as the reflection of initial *y- comes from the process of s-accretion (§G2.1.63). Otherwise, there are very few attestations: *buqaya > huasa 'crocodile' *seyaq +*rna- 'ashamed'> masa 'shy'(< *mayaq < *maiyaq [§G2.1.31]) *qayuyu 'k.o.crab' > cesusu 'coconut crab' Between Iii and another vowel, *i is lost: *diyaq 'good'> dia-na 'good, proper, accurate' *laqeya >lie 'ginger'(< *leya [§§G2.1.31, G2.2.3, end] *tiyai > tie 'belly' A sequence *ny that developed changed to In! (§G2.3.42, end). For *ey cf. §G2.2.3, end. For *yin diphthongs, cf. §§G2.2.51, G2.2.52.

CHAPTER THREE

Fijian G3.0 Introduction Fijian (Fi) is a chain of closely related languages, 1 spoken on the Fi islands, numbering some thirty or more. The standard language is based on the dialects spoken on Bau and Bauan has influenced the other languages of Fiji. In this paper, we will cite principally forms of Wayan, the Fi ofWaya, for the reason that a substantial dictionary has been prepared in manuscript form by Pawley and Tayaba, which is more detailed and of wider compass than the small dictionaries of Bauan that are available to English speakers or those who have not done first-hand field work. In this study, we cite forms from Bauan when no Wayan cognates are listed in our sources. The Fi languages have been given a comparative study in some detail by Geraghty 1983. This reliable and entirely sensible work has provided the clues to solving many of the mysteries as to historical origins of irregularities that the data present. Indeed, one of the reasons for choosing Fi as one of the languages to treat in detail for the reconstruction of PAn phonology and vocabulary is that such a great deal of information is available on the vocabulary of the Fi languages and the relationships of the forms to each other. A theme that runs through Geraghty's work, which is crucial to our understanding of the history of the forms that we study here, is that that the thirty or more Fi languages together with Polynesian and perhaps also Rotuman, to the east of Fiji, form a chain of dialects such that innovations have spread one at a time over all or part of the area. Some innovations are found only in the western areas; some are found only in the eastern Fi languages. Indeed, a number of innovations have affected only eastern Fi dialects and Polynesian languages, so that in fact, the eastern Fi dialects have many features in common with Polynesian as opposed to the western dialects (Geraghty 1983: 354-382). Ifwe were to list all the Fi reflexes for each PAn etymon, we would have a fairly sizeable number of doublets. In this study, the doublets are mentioned only episodically, where the mention of these in some way clarifies how a certain change is to be viewed. The dialectal diversity and the way in which the forms spread over the area on an individual basis account for a certain number of the double reflexes of single PAn phonemes manifested in the data. A more important source of the double reflexes, however, is the consonant gradation (that is, certain morphophonemic processes), which characterize the whole ofthe Oc group (§G3.1.1). Chart One lists the phonemes ofFi. The transcription follows the normal spelling ofFi.

1 Some of the Fi languages have so much in common that it might be more accurate to refer to them as dialects of the same language. But the more distant languages are different enough that it would not make sense to refer to them as dialects. Geraghty (1983 passim) refers to them as "communolects".

681

682

Part G. Chapter Three

CHART ONE. WAYAN AND BAUAN PHONEMES plain prenasals nasals liquids and semi vowels

Consonants v t b [mb] d [nd] m n w I

c [o] s3

r k dr [ndr] q [g] g [IJ]

·Vowels

kwl qw [IJgw] gw [IJw]

1

u

e

0

a

y

G3.1 Changes that characterize Fi in general G3.1.1 Consonantal gradation The term CoNSONANT GRADATION refers to the process whereby the stop consonants and *c in initial and medial position may manifest double reflexes in the same etymon. One of the reflexes is derived from a prenasalized consonant and the other from the consonant without prenasalization (§GO.l ). The same etymon may be reflected in two lexemes, one of which contains the prenasalized grade consonant and another of which contains the plain grade consonant. In Fi the prenasalized grade is reflected by a prenasal in the case of all stops except the palatals, *j and *c. Chart Two shows the oral and the prenasalized grades of reflexes in Fi. (The details ofthe developments are discussed in §G3.3.1ff.) CHART TWO. CONSONANT GRADATION IN FIJIAN PAn Fi oral Fi prenasalized

*b, *p *t v t b [mb] d [nd]

*d r dr [ndr]

*c, *j *k c k s q [IJg]

*g k-, -cq- [l)g-], -s-

G3.1.2 Tendencies to form disyllabic roots from trisyllables Roots of more than two syllables may be disyllabized by the process of syncope or other types of syllable loss. However, this process affected only some of the inherited roots of more than two syllables. Many of the inherited trisyllabic roots are retained as such. Roots with *e in the penult tended to be disyllabized. *ciqel)it 'fit snugly'> cigi 'caulk' *delec 'bowstring'+ *ka- > kalo 'pull bowstring'(< *kadlec) *iseguiJ 'nose' > g-icu 'nose' *qayetaq 'person' > ta-mata 'person'(< taw+ *IJ [linker]+ *ayetaq [cf. the 2nd footnote to G3.2.4, 2n~]) *quseiap >una 'fish scales'(< *qusiap) Unstressed *u before /w/ and *i before /y/ were elided in trisyllabic roots: *yuqatay 'male'> ta-gwane 'male'(< *tang-uwanay [cf. the 2nd footnote to §G3.2.4, 2n~]) *miniyak 'grease'> moya 'brains'(< *mefiak < *menyak < *meniyak) Haplology took place in the case of a trisyllabic root with the shape Ct V 1C2V 2C2V2: *kitahi 'perceive' > kila 'know'

labiovelars fkWf, /gWf, and very marginally /qw; are found only in some of the Fi languages. They occur in few forms inherited from PAn in Wayan, but not in Bauan. 3 /s/ is listed among the prenasals, as it derives historically from an *nc. 2The

Processes that affected the development ofFijian phonemes from PAn

683

When medial consonants (*h, *s, *q, and *y) were lost, the resulting vowels that abutted contracted, causing the root to become disyllabized: *ayusuq 'Casuarina equisetifolia' > cau 'k.o. Casuarina' (Bau) (< *auu [with loss of*-yand *-s- plus accreted /c-/ [§G3.1.63]) *baqeyuh 'new'> vou 'new'(< *beu < *beqeyu [with weakening of the first syllable [§G3.1.21]) *beyecay 'oar'> voce 'paddle a canoe' *yabihi 'evening'> ei avi 'in the evening' ni-avi 'yesterday' Contraction does not invariably take place. The accentual pattern of the root is most likely to be the determining feature: 4 · *sabayat 'strong monsoon'> cavaa 'windstorm' *bitaquy 'k.o. tree: Calophyllum inophyllum' > vetau 'k.o. tree: Mammea odorata'. G3.1.21 Loss or weakening of the antepenult

In some cases of roots with three or more syllables that had or developed vowel onset (but not all), the first syllable is lost to form a root of one less syllable (disyllabic root in the case of a trisyllable, and trisyllabic in the case of roots of four syllables): *aluten 'glowing stick'> lito 'wave a firebrand to keep it alight' *qalima >lima 'hand' *qusalipan > aliva 'milliped' *qamusa 'face'> mua 'tip, end of s.t.' *siyejaq 'weary'> oca 'tired' (Bau) (< *yejaq) If the trisyllable had C-onset, the first syllable is weakened, but not lost. *baqeyu > vou 'new'(< *beqeyu < *baqeyli) *basequ > bo-i (< *besequ) *bitaquy 'a tree: Calophyllum inophyllum' > vetau 'k.o. tree: Mammea odorata' *palahuj 'go to sea' > volau 'boat shed' In three cases, the first syllable of a disyllabic root seems to have gotten lost: *iseyup > uu 'blow' (< *seyup) *qayicam 'k.o. fern with reed-like stem' > caca 'k.o. fern: Phymatodes longipes' (Bau) (< *qacam < *qayecam5) *qiseiep 'sleep'> noo 'sit, stay, occupy space' ( < *inep) However, some trisyllabic roots show neither loss nor weakening of the antepenult: 6 *taJ]ila 'ear' > taliga 'ear' *qaHtu > anitu 'spirit, supernatural being' *qabucan 'large social grouping' > avusa 'descent group, clan' *tambuyi 'triton shell' > tavui 'triton, helmet shell'

We reconstruct these two forms with a long (stressed) penult, and in the case of the sequence *au that developed with the loss of an intermediate consonant, contraction does not take place if the *a was stressed (§G 1.1.313). Similarly, very likely the stress accounts for the geminate vowel in the reflex of *sabayat. However, the word for the Casuarina (*ay(Isuq > cau), where the *u is not geminated, is a counterexample (§Gl.l.3ll, footnote). 5 The change from *qayicam to *qayecam took place in MP times or earlier ( cf. the entry in the glossary). 6 When Fi did not weaken the antepenult, I assume that in some cases this reflects a PAn stress on the antepenult (§A3.5.3). However, some of these forms may in fact be secondary (i.e., they were borrowed after the rule of antepenultimate weakening ceased to operate). 4

684

Part G. Chapter Three

G3.1.31 Vowel contraction In addition to the vowel contractions that took place in trisyllabic roots, discussed above (§03.1.2), Fi also evinces vowel contraction in disyllabic roots.

G3.1.311 Contraction of like vowels Vowel sequences that were inherited or that developed by the loss of intervocalic consonants between two like vowels became single vowels, which were geminated if the root was monosyllabic (§03.1.4) (but not geminated if the root tended to occur in atonic position): 7 *dayat 'open area'> raa-raa 'open fields' *juyuq broth' > suu 'broth' (Bau) If the root had a petrified affix, the vowels that contracted were not geminated: *tusuy 'run a thread through'> tu-i 'be strung together'(< *tu < *tuu)

G3.1.312 *awi We also assume that a sequence *(C)awiCV became /(C)auCV/ (loss of the penult in a trisyllabic stem [§03.1.2] and subsequent change of syllable final *win the penult to [u]): *kawit 'hook' > kaut-i 'catch s.t. on a hook' (from *kauit-i)

G3.1.313 *au Normally, the sequence *au, which developed by the loss of the an intervening consonant, remained /au/. Here are a couple of examples: *ayusuq > cau 'the Australian pine' *dasuwen > rau 'leaf' (Bau) (< *daun) There are a few cases in which *au is reflected as /o/-i.e., *au became *aw, which became /ol (§03.2.53). In those cases, the stress had shifted away from the *a of *au:

*basequ + *-i > bo-i 'have a smell'(< *bau-i < *bau < *basqu) *ikasu > iko 'you (sing)' (< *ikaw < *ikasu) *isekan 'fish'+ *qisu 'shark'> ikoo 'shark'(< *fkau < *fkayu < *ika iu) 8 *dasuwen >roo 'leaf' (only in set phrases: roo ni kai 'leaf' roo ni ulu 'hair' where /roo/ had become unstressed9) To explain the following form, we additionally assume that the sequence *awa, which developed, was treated like *au. *qaiiyuwan 'honey bee'> ani 'k.o. bee')(< *awn+ *-i < *awan + *-i < *ayuwan + *-i < *ayiuwan + *-i)

An alternative hypothesis is that the resulting vowels were geminated if the first of the two vowels had been stressed. The evidence for this is *sabayat. However, *ayU.suq offers a counterexample: 7

*ayU.suq > cau 'a tree: Casuarina, sp.) *sabayat > cavaa 'windstorm' There are things about this form that cannot be explained. First, why should the stress have shifted to the first syllable? Second, why is fool doubled? Further, the Bauan cognate qio shows metathesis and prenasalization. Probably some intentional changes were made for taboo purposes. 9 I assume that gemination took place when the unstressed *ro occurred in a context where it stood alone ( §G 1.1.4). Subsequently, the allomorph with the geminated vowel was generalized throughout the paradigm. 8

Processes that affected the development ofFijian phonemes from PAn

685

G3.1.314 Sequences with *e Sequences containing *e assimilated to the stressed vowel of the sequence (Geraghty 1983: 162). In the following cases, the stress had shifted to the penult in pre-Fi (or was already on the penult), and so the *e of the final syllable was assimilated to the vowel of the penult. (The vowel was doubled because the root was monosyllabic (§G3.1.4), but in these forms, the vowel was degeminated [or was never doubled] if they were affixed): 10 *jaqet 'bad' > caa 'bad' *iseq 'urine'> m-ii 'urinate' 11 *tuqed 'stump' > tuu 'stand, be upright' The following forms also show the assimilation of *e to a following vowel, which had developed stress because of stress shift to the syllable before the suffix: *seyup 'blow'> uv-i 'be blown up' *taseyup 'blow'> tuuv-i 'blow s.t. (e.g. conch)'(< *teseyup with weakening of the first syllable [ §G3.1.21]) Unstressed vowels abutting on *e assimilated to *e. The reflex shows assimilation to *e: *bayeq 'abscess' >boo 'boi1' 12 In the following case, *e >lou/ when a monosyllable developed: *basequ shifted the stress to the final syllable, as happened in many of the Hesperonesian languages of Sulawesi and eastern Indonesia; the antepenult was weakened and vowel contraction took place, but to avoid the development of a monosyllabic root, *e developed into lou/ instead of /of (just as *aw developed into /au/ in monosyllabic roots [§G3.2.53]): 13 *basequ > vou 'new'(< *beu < *besequ [§G3.1.21]) G3.1.315 *ai The sequence *ai, which developed by the loss of an intervening consonant, remained /ail, parallel to the development of *au (§G3.1.313): *ayi > m-ai 'come to where s.t. is happening' *jaqit 'adjacent' > cait-a 'have intercourse' *payis > vai 'stingray' *wasiyey > wai 'water' ( < *wasiy)

Stress in Fi falls on the penult of the phonological word. That is, if the root is unsuffixed, the stress falls on the penult of the root, but if the root is suffixed, the stress moves away from the penult to the final syllable of the root if the suffix has one syllable. 11 Blust (1982) reconstructs PAn *miqmiq as the ancestor of this form, on the basis of forms shaped mimiq and mimi in northern Philippine languages, me ?me? 'urine' in Chamorro, and mimi in various Oc languages, all of which mean 'urinate'. I believe that all these forms are cognate with forms that reflect *iseq and reflect PAn *-urn-+ *iseq. In Fi, the contracted monosyllabic root that developed manifests a geminated vowel nucleus, as often happens in Fi (§Gl.l.4, below), but in the other languages discussed in this monograph, the monosyllabic root that developed from this etymon was doubled to form a disyllabic root. 12 The explanation of the development of /of in this word rather than /a/ (as in *jaqet > caa 'bad') is that this form developed a prothetic *a-, as evidenced by attestations in several Fi languages, (Geraghty 1983: 177-78). After the development of the prothetic vowel, I assume that the stress shifted to the prothetic vowel. Then the following changes took place: *abayeq > *abooq > *booq (§G 1.1.21) >boo 'boil' 13 The other form that shows this development is drou 'a tree: Trema orienta/is'(< *daqu 'soapberry tree'). I assume that the ancestor of drou occurred in a compound where it became atonic, but it also occured in tonic position, where it was disyllabized by changing *o to lou!. In the reflex that occurs in western Fi languages tawa-rau 'Dracontomelon, sp. ',the element rau evidently never lost its stress. 10

Part G. Chapter Three

686

However, if the sequence *ai was in the antepenult and penult (i.e., unstressed) it contracted to /e/: *paqic 'cook in leaf over fire' +*-a> vesa 'dry or cook by smoking' (with nasal intercalation in the penult [§G3.1.62]) In some sporadic cases, *ai > *ae (§G3.2.1, 3riJ). In those cases, *ae contracted to Ia!, which was doubled to create a disyllabic root. (See the examples in §G3.2.1, 3n,.)

G3.1.32 CC Simplification Fi only permits open syllables, and there are no consonant clusters in Fi. The prenasalized stops listed in Chart One function as phonemic units. No clusters develop by doubling monosyllabic roots, for these lose the root final consonant in the first syllable of the resulting form: *bedebed 'wind around'> vovot-i 'be wrapped in a sling to carry'(< *bedbed) *dapedap > rara 'a flowering tree: Erythrina sp.' PMP medial clusters consisiting of a nasal plus consonant may lose the nasal or may develop retaining the nasal: 14 *cuiJkit 'poke' > cukit-a 'dig up with stick' (Bau) *leiJkung > loku 'bent, twisted, folded' *pantay 'platform, flat extension of house'> vata 'shelf, platform' *senti 'stop'> oti 'finish, complete, end' *tambuyi > tavui 'triton, helmet shell' *ambay 'wave the arms'> abe 'walk with the arms swinging' *lapit 'wrapper'> labi 'bundle offish wrapped for cooking' (Bau) *paiJudat > padra 'pandanus'(< *pandan < *paiJdan) *waiJkaiJ > waqa 'boat' Nasal clusters that arise from the doubled monosyllabic roots were invariably simplified: *dii]ediiJ 'wall, partition' > riri 'structure to ward off the wind'

G3.1.4 Disyllabization of monosyllabic roots There is an on-going tendency to turn monosyllabic roots that were not enclitic into disyllables. This process has affected inherited PAn monosyllabic roots and those that developed in pre-Fi. This process took place, as in other An languages, in one of three ways: (1) by stretching the root to two moras by addition of a pretonic vowel /o/ or (I a) geminating the vowel nucleus or by stretching a diphthong to two syllables, (2) doubling the monosyllabic root or reduplicating it, (3) petrifying an affix-that is, reinterpreting an affixed form as a single root. Examples of(l): *ay > ei 'who?'*gem 'grab in fist'> qoom-i 'take hold of s.t. in hand' *leb 'covered and hidden'> loo 'in secret' Examples of (2): *deyeqec 'move vigorously and rapidly> roro (< *ro) 'flow, run in a stream' Examples of (3):

The cases in which prenasalized consonants were simplified are probably borrowed (cf. §§G2.3.ll, l st ~. G2.2.122, 2"d ~)for a similar situation in Sa'a. 14

Processes that affected the development ofFijian phonemes from PAn

687

*tan 'set a trap'> tai (< *ta + i) 'snare, trap to catch land animals' Forms that developed into monosyllables by the loss of a syllable became disyllabic again: *teyeb 'having a full measure, plenty' > too 'have plenty of water in it, thick not runny' (< *teb) Monosyllabic roots that occurred in atonic position (were enclitics or occurred as members of compounds) remained monosyllabic: *pu lord+ *wasiqey 'water'> vu ni vai 'shaman' (lit. 'master of water')

G3.1.5 Metathesis Fi evinces the metathesis that affected all of the MP languages-i.e., metathesis that occurred well before Fi times. (§A3.5.4). I give a couple of examples: *tal)ila > taliga 'ear' *tilu > tule 'earwax' Fi also shows metathesis that occurred only in Fi or in Fi and other Oc languages. The following forms show consonantal metathesis: *bacaq 'wet' > sava 'wash, cleanse' *caliw 'give in exchange'> soli 'be given' (< *cawli) *liceqes > cile 'nit' (lise [Bau]) *sacaiJ 'gills'> see 'gills'(< *casaiJ) *sufuc > ucun-a 'unsheathe a sword'(< *ucuf < *ufuc) *tusud 'knee'> turu 'knee'(< *turns< *tusur) We assume syllabic or vocalic metathesis in some forms: *becuy 'sated'> vuuse 'sated' vuse (dial) *jiyuc >sui 'be watered, sprayed'

G3.1.6 Accretion and intercalation G3.1.61 Development of labiovelars Proto-Oc (POe) developed labiovelars *pw, *bw, and mw-that is, labials with a velarized w-offglide when the labials abutted on *u in the root or in an affixed form (Lynch, 2002). 15 Some of these labiovelars occur in forms that are reflected in Fi. In one case, these labiovelars are reflected as such in Wayan, but not in Bauan, where they lost their offglide. Otherwise, they are reflected sometimes with a labial or sometimes with a velar articulation. No rules can be specified to predict how the labiovelars develop. Apparently, the forms with labiovelars in POe developed in different ways in different areas, and these forms spread individually. The following list gives forms with PAn etymologies that developed POe phonemes with labiovelar articulations and are reflected in Fi: *belaq >POe *bwelaq >bola 'split' (but Bauan kola with a velar articulation) *beyek > moo 'k.o. pig' *taw+ *IJ + *qayetaq >POe *tamwata > tamata 'man, person' *taw+ *ma-yuqafay > POe *tamwaqane > tagwane 'male' *urn-+ *inurn 'drink' >POe *mwinum > gunu 16 'drink'(Bau) *qumaiJ 'hermit crab'> POe *qumwaiJ > uga 'hermit crab'

15

However, as the examples in this section show, labiovelars also developed in forms that had no *u. w-offglide affected the following vowel before being lost.

16The

688

Part G. Chapter Three

G3.1.62 Intercalation of nasals and nasalization The intercalation of nasals is a major process in Fi, as in other Oc languages. Not only may the onset of the final syllable be prenasalized, as is the case over the range of MP languages, but the onset of the initial sylJable also may be prenasalized. This has led to the process we call 'consonant gradation' discussed in §G3 .1.1. Some of the prenasalized consonants that developed as onset of the final syllable continue the nasal codas of the penult that developed early, before the Oc languages split from the other MP languages, and cognates over the range of the MP languages exhibit prenasalized onsets of the final syllable or nasal codas of the penult (§A3.7.2). Here are some examples: *qetaq > k-oda 'eat raw' (Bau) (cf. Ml m-entah 'raw') *tubuq > tubu 'grow' (cf. Ml tumbuh) *sapay 'spread out'> yaba-ta 'covered with mats' (cf. Ml hampar 'spread out horizontally') On the other hand, nasalization of root-initial consonants (discussed at length in §A3.7.1) is much less frequent and remains as a petrified, no longer productive, process. Nevertheless, there are attestations of forms with nasalized initial consonants that are confined to Fi and other Oc languages. *beyek >moo 'k.o. pig' *isegul) > gisu 'nose' *putuc > mudu 'cut off *taki > naki-ti 'intend, do on purpose'

G3.1.63 /c/ and /y/ accretion Forms beginning with *a- or which developed initial *a- after the loss of *s or *y, in a few cases developed an initially/, which changed to le-I (§G3.3.52). This change probably took place in pre-Fijian times before the loss of *q, so that there are no examples of this process with roots beginning with *qa-. 17 The change took place word by word and spread through the Fi languages, as evidenced by the fact that some forms with *a-onset did not develop lc-/: *ayusuq 'Casuarina spp.' > cau 'k.o. Casuarina' (Bau) *yabut 'uproot'> cavut-i 'pull out' *sabayat 'monsoon with heavy wind' > cavaa 'windstorm' In fact, the number of forms that do not show c-accretion is far greater than those that show the accreted /c-/. 18 A study of all the examples might reveal the constraints that determined whether or not c-accretion could take place. Here are three examples of forms that did not undergo c-accretion: *abay 'wave arms' >abe 'walk with the arms swinging' *yabfhi 'night' > ei avi 'yesterday' *sacaq 'grind down to sharpen' > aca 'filed, grated, sharpened' .In some current dialects (including Wayan) a y-glide is automatically inserted before word-initial /a/. The occurrence of /y/ in these cases is noncontrastive and has nothing to do with /c/-accretion.

There are many examples of this process with roots that began with *sa-i.e., *s- did not block development ofc-accretion, as was the case in Sa'a, where *s- blocked s-accretion (§G2.1.63). IR The accretion of /c- I is presumed to have taken place in Proto- EOc times (Geraghty 1983: passim). In some cases Wayan fails to show c-accretion where other Fi languages do. Geraghty assumes sporadic c-loss, whereas I treat these forms as though they never received /c-/ accretion in the ancestor of Wayan. 17

The development of PAn vowels and diphthongs in Fijian

689

G3.2 Vowels and diphthongs Except for the syncopations and vowel contractions discussed immediately above. §§G3.lf£, Fi reflects the inherited PAn vowel system fairly closely. There are few changes in vowel quality conditioned by the environment. Fi added /e/ and /o/ and lost *e.

G3.2.1 *i *i > /i/ in all positions: *cici 'k.o. mollusk'> cici 'mollusks and oysters' *ipil 'a tree: Intsia bijuga/retusa' > ivi 'Inocarpusfagifer' *sagin 'wind'> cagi 'wind' *isegug > g-icu 'nose' *ciwa > ciwa 'nine *i > lei under conditions that are not totally clear. Most of the cognates of these forms in other Oc languages also reflect lei, and this is a change that took place early in proto-Oc times: *cakit 'painful'> rna-cake 'disease of the tongue' *lawi > laawe 'tail feathers' *lecit 'spurt out'> lose 'squeeze, wring out (kava)' *tibu 'fenced-in place' >ana-levu 'enclosure of a fish fence' (Bau) *tebig 'edge, embankment'> tebe 'broad edge' (Bau) *tilu 'deaf'> tule 'earwax'(< *tuli) In the following two forms, the final *-e was assimilated to a preceding /a/, which bore stress, by the rule of §G3.1.314: 19 *daqis > raa 'forehead'(< *rae7) *taqi 'feces'> taa 'feces' There is one environment that lead to a lowering of *i: final *iy and *ij became /-e/: * biy 'lips'+ doubling> hebe 'vagina' *bukij 'mountain, hill' > buke 'mound, hillock'

G3.2.2 *a *a > Ia! except in the cases in which *a developed into a vowel sequence that contracted (§§G3 .1.3ff.). *qatay cala 'way, path' *qatitu > anitu 'spirit, supernatural being' *tagila 'ear' > taliga 'ear' Ia! is geminated in monosyllables (§G3.1.311). However, there are other cases where /a/ has

geminated, for which there is no explanation: *datu 'chieftain'> raatuu 'head of clan, chief *lawi 'tail feathers' > laawe 'tail feathers' *pakan/pagan > vaakan-i/vagaan-i 'feed' *qetaq > k-oodaa 'eat raw' (also koda [Bau]) *tabac 'cut down'> tavaa 'cut meat from carcass' (Bau) *a is reflected by /e/ in one case where it was in the penult ofthe first member of a compound (cf. §G3.1.21): *lawa > lewa-sau 'spider'

19 Cognates with final /e/ occur in other Fi languages or other EOc languages, evidence that a form with final /e/ had developed in pre-Fi times.

690

Part G. Chapter Three

In a few unexplained cases, *a is reflected as lei. In some cases, this is a purely Wayan development, and eastern Fi languages reflect /a/, but in other cases lei is manifested in all Fijian attestations: *buka 'open'> vuke 'open' (Bau) *dawat 'reach, get as far as' >rewa 'be able to be done' rawa (Bau) *galih > keli 'be dug' *luwaq 'vomit'> lue 'vomit' lua(Bau) *rna> mee 'tongue' *pan> bee 'bait' *sacaiJ >see 'gills' *tulak 'push away'> tulek-i 'move s.t. by pushing or pulling' In two cases, *a is reflected as /o/ to the left of !of. In the first case, the *a to the left of *aw was contracted with *aw. In the second case, the first syllable was lost, possibly in a suffixed form; with subsequent spread of the final syllable to all positions, and this was followed by disyllabization of the root by doubling (§G3.1.4): *basaw 'eat leftovers'> voo 'remain, be left over'(< *bao) *babaw 'clean weeds'> vovo 'dig ground around yam mounds' (< *bawbaw < *baw) G3.2.3 *e *e is mostly reflected by /o/, except in the cases of syncope and contraction (§§G3.1.2, G3.1.314): *beiJi < bogi 'night' *deiJey > rogo 'be heard' *kuden > kuro 'clay cooking pot' *tebu > tovu 'sugar cane' *teken 'stick to lean on' > i-toko 's.t. that gives support' tokon-i 'support a proposition' In some cases, *e is reflected by lei. Some of the Fi forms with /e/ < *e have cognates in other Oc languages that have /e/ from *e. There may have been a conditioning factor that led to the development of lei rather than /o/, but this factor is no longer operative in any current language that has been investigated. All that is known now is that many of the Oc languages reflect *e with /o/ and occasionally with /e/: *buyes 'squirt water out of mouth'> hue 'boil, bubble up' *bekbek 'pulverize'> vevek-a 'rusty, worm-eaten' (Bau) *becuy > vuuse 'sated' (§G3.1.5) *liceqes 'nit'> cile 'nit' lise (Bau) *lepa > leva 'tack' The following form evinces both lei and /o/ reflex of *e: *pejem 'close eyes' >mace 'sleep' In two unexplained cases, *e is reflected with /i/. The first is probably a result of contamination. In the other case there is no explanation: *betuiJ 'k.o. bamboo'> bitu 'bamboo' *telei > tilo 'swallow' The sequences *ye and *ey 20 are reflected as /i/, and *we is reflected as /u/: *wasiyey 'water' > wai 'water' *weliq 'do again, go back' > uli 'reply in speech' On the other hand, *ew is reflected as /o/-i.e., parallel to !awl (§G3.1.313): *tewi > doi 'tree of the seashore'

20 A

reflex of the sequence *ey is attested only in one form, aside from *wasiyeg, and that form is not attested for Wayan. This is for the form cago-laya 'k.o. ginger: Zingiber zerumet' (Bau) (< POC *laqiya [Geraghty 1983: 129])

The development of PAn vowels and diphthongs in Fijian

691

G3.2.4 *u *u > lui in all environments, except when in vowel sequences that developed by loss of consonants (§§G3.1.31f£) · *bubu > vuvu 'fish trap with narrow funnel entrance' *buku > buku 'nob, node' *manuk 'bird'> manu-manu 'bird, animal' *qaiitu 'evil spirit'> anitu 'supernatural spirit' *qudaiJ > ura 'crustacean' Unstressed lui is elided or loses its vocalic quality (i.e. > [w]) in the antepenult when abutting on a vowel after the loss of the onset of the penult: 21 *yuqaiay 'male'> ta-gwane 'male' 22 *kuyapu 'grouper'> kwavu 'rock cod' *kuwas 'say'> kwa-i 'say s.t.' In Wayan *u is lost after lml in unstressed syllables. The lml bears a mora when loss of lui causes the lml to be final in the word. *iamuk 'mosquito'> yam 'mosquito' *lumu 'soft, tender> ma-lum 'weak, soft' *lumuk 'oily' > lum-i 'annoint' In a few cases, *u is reflected with Iii. There are cases of double reflexes, one showing Iii and the other lui. Fi forms which reflect Iii from *u for the most part have cognates with Iii in other EOc languages. The conditions for the development of Iii are unknown: *aluten 'glowing stick'> lito 'wave a firebrand to make it flare' *caluy 'watercourse'> sali 'flow' *lumut 'moss' > lumi 'seaweed growing on sand' *pulec 'twist, wind' < viloc-i 'wring clothes' (Bau) vuloc-a 'twist s.t.' (Bau) *puceg 'navel'< vico-vico 'navel' (Bau) In the following example, *u is reflected by lol through contamination with another root: *bun 'cover with sand'> ta-bon-aki 'covered over, protected' (cf. tabono 'sealed (hole)') In a few unexplained cases, *u is reflected by lol. These are probably borrowed forms: *dekuiJ 'bent'> roko 'back bowed' *qatimun 'melons and cucumbers'> timo 'k.o. cucumber'

G3.2.5 Diphthongs G3.2.51 *ay *-ay is reflected as lei: *beyecay 'oar'> voce 'paddle, row' *matay >mate 'die' *qatay 'liver' >ate 'liver' *cakay 'climb, ride' >cake 'climb, ascend' In monosyllables that are not enclitic, *ay > leil : Evidently kuita 'octopus'(< *guyita) fails to lose the antepenult-i.e., the *u does not lose its vocalic quality, and the form is pronounced as a trisyllable. There is no explanation, other than that the form is borrowed. 22 Lynch (2002: passim) suggests metathesis as an explanation of the form tagwane. That is, *taw+ *mayuqafiay >*taw+ *maqafay (with the loss of the antepenult of *yuqafay) > *tamwanay (with loss of *q, metathesis of the [w] and [m], and contraction of the two *a's.) Subsequently, *ay >lei, and *mw >ITJwl. *mw must be reconstructed for POe because many Oc languages reflect *mw in this form. This same process explains the development of tamata 'person'< *tafjwata ei 'who?' *pay> vei 'where'

G3.2.52 *uy, *iw *uy and *iw > /i/: *culuy 'shoot' > culi 'banana or taro sucker' *sehapuy 'fire' > v-avi 'cook in earth oven' (< *pa-sapuy) *kasiw > kai 'wood, tree' 23 G3.2.53 *aw At the end of a word *aw > /o/: *danaw 'lake'> drano 'lake, body ofwater inland' *laiJaw >!ago 'a fly' *namaw 'sheltered water, deep place in river' > namo 'pool left on reef at low tide' In monosyllabic roots or monosyllables that developed, *aw > /au/: *taw> i-tau 'friend' *caw> yau 'dew' (Bau) cau-cau (dial) When *au develops because ofloss of a medial consonant it becomes /au/ (§G3.1.313): *dasuwen 'leaf'> rau 'leaf' (Bau) (< *daun) *lahuj 'seaward' > toka-lau 'east wind' *tayuq 'put' >tau 'be put, given, located' *taqu 'be familiar, know'> rna-tau 'right hand' maa-tau 'familiar' Wayan occasionally shows /o/ where /au/ developed in other Fi languages. (Cf. §G3.1.313 for examples.) Also Wayan evinces /oo/ < *aw in doubled monosyllables: *bawebaw 'above'> voo-voo 'shore, inland' *haw> voo-voo 'shallow'(< *bawbaw) G3.3 Consonants Fi reduced the PAn consonantal inventory. Fi made the following changes together with the other Oc languages: (1) consonantal gradation has developed (§G3.1.1); (2) *s was lost without a trace; (3) *p and *b merged. Further, Fi made innovations together with many of the EOc languages, not made by the WOe languages: (4) *j, *c have merged, and *g has merged with them in medialposition; (5) root-final consonants have been lost, but their reflexes are frequently retained in when suffixed (§G3.4). Fi underwent further consonantal developments: (6) *y and *q were lost entirely. Chart Three outlines these developments. For the value of the Fi transcriptions see Chart One, §G3.0.

Note that this is a Wayan form. In Bauan and many of the eastern Fi languages, *kasiw had a different development ( cf. §G 1.3 .52). 23

693

The development ofPAn consonants in Fijian CHART THREE. DEVELOPMENT OF THE FIJIAN CONSONANTS FROM PAN

*p, b *t *k *d *i' *c *g *q, *s, *h

Fi (prenasalized) b d q dr s q-, -s-

Fi (plain) v t k r c k-, -cfj

PAn *y *i *1 *m *n *IJ *w, y

Fi fj

y, n I m n g [IJ] W, C

For the consonants in final position, cf. §G3.4. G3.3.1 Mergers: *p with*b, *k and initial *g-, *c with *j and medial *-g_24 G3.3.11 *p and *b *p and *b merged to /b/ [mb] or /v/. Examples with /b/: *papan > baba 'board, planks' *pan> bee 'bait' (/e/ is discussed in §G3.2.2, 4t,; doubling, in §G3.1.4.) *pulut 'plant producing sticky material' > bulu 'adhere, be stuck on' *kapit 'be close'> kabit-i 'adhere' *lepit 'folded' >lobi 'folded lengthwise and crosswise' (Bau) *bel)i > bogi 'night' *pukuh > buku 'nob, node'(< PMP tbuku) Examples with /v/: *sepat > vaa 'four' *piga > vica 'how many?' *paka- > vaka- 'causative prefix' *apa > ava 'what?' *sipay 'other side' > iva 'son-in-law' *kuyapu 'grouper' > kwavu 'rock cod' *batu >vatu 'stone' *beyecay 'paddle'> vase 'paddle a canoe' *biyaq 'Alocasia sp.' > via 'giant taro' *bulai > vula 'moon, month' *labaw > ka-lavo 'rat' (Bau) *Iebel) > lovo 'be buried, covered over' G3.3.111 *mp and *mb PMP nasal codas of the penult are mostly inherited as nasal-grade consonants but occasionally as plain-grade consonants (§G3.1.1 ). *abay 'wave the arms'> abe 'walk with the arms swinging'(< tambay) *dapay 'be flat' > raba 'broad, wide'(< tdampay) *lampin 'wrapping'> labi 'bundle offish tied together for cooking' *tambuyi > tavuP 5 'helmet shell, triton shell' *tumpalJ 'pile up' > tuvan-i 'set in order, arrange' 26 G3.3.12 *k and *g- in initial position *g- falls together with *k when onset of the penult or earlier or as onset of monosyllabic roots, as it does in many An languages. Initial *k- and *g- become lk-1 in the

24There

is evidence that Oc did not merge *j and the medial PAn *-g- with *c. Cf. the footnote to §03.3.13. loss of the prenasalization after the first syllable probably has to do with its unstressed position. 26 Possibly ttumpal), which is reflected by most MP languages that have a cognate, derives from *t-um-upa!]i.e., the nasal coda of the penult is the remnant of the affix *-urn-. The Fi attestation thus reflects the unaffixed root, as would be be normal with the suffix -i. 25 The

694

Part G. Chapter Three

plain grade and /q/ [IJg] in the prenasalized grade. (For a discussion of *-g-as onset of the final syllable, see §03.3.13, below.) Examples of these reflexes in the prenasalized grade: *giliiJ 'roll over s.t.' > qili 'be rolled, kneaded into shape' *gem 'hold in fist' > qoom-i 'grab hold of in hands' *kep 'clasp'> qov-i 'envelope s.t. so that it is completely . covered' (also with the plain grade: kov-i 'covered') There are no examples of *-k- in medial position reflected by a prenasalized grade. There is one example of *IJk reflected with a prenasalized grade: 27 *waiJkaiJ 'canoe' > waqa 'canoe' In other cases of *IJk, the nasal cluster is simplified (cf. examples in §03.1.32). Examples of *k and *g- with plain-grade reflexes are as follows: *kacaw > kaco 'rafter' *kep 'clasp' > kov-i 'covered' *kukuh > kuku 'nail, claw' *talikuj 'tum the back' > likur-i 'diverge from, veer from' *tuk 'strike, peck, beak' > tuk-i 'be hammered' *gilig > kili 'side, edge' *guyita > kuita 'octopus' (Bau)

G3.3.13 *c, *j and *-g- onset of the final syllable *c, *j and *-g- (i.e., *g- onset ofthe final syllable) merged to /s/ and /c/. 28 Note that what we reconstruct as initial *g-in PAn merged with *k- rather than *c and *j (§03.3.12, above). First, examples reflecting the nasalized grade (with /s/): *caluy 'watercourse' > sali 'flow' *cekecek > soso 'stuffed, packed' *cifay 'ray' > sina 'lamp, torch' *cuyi >sui 'bone' *beyecay >vase 'paddle a canoe' *jalateiJ > salato 'nettle tree' *juyuq > suu 'broth, soup' *bafijay 'row' > basa 'level, in a line with' (Bau) *yugan >usa 'be shipped, carried as cargo'(< *layugam) Now for examples reflecting the plain grade (with /c/): *caiJa 'branch' > caga 'span, vagina' saga 'crotch' (Bau) *cici > cici 'mollusks and oysters' *cucu 'breast' > cucu 'suck on breast' *kacaw > kaco 'rafter' *jalan 'road, way' > cala 'track' *jeket 'stick' > coko 'netted, trapped, caught' *qujafi > uca 'rain' *qagan > aca 'name' *piga > vica 'how many?'

G3.3.2 *t and *d *t and *d did not merge in the plain or in the prenasalized grades.

G3.3.21 *t *t has the reflex /dl [nd] in the nasal grade and /t/ in the plain grade.

This form is probably not inherited from PAn, but it spread through the An languages at an early-enough time that it can be considered to exemplify what has happened to medial *IJk. 28 From the Fi point of view PAn *j and *g onset of the final syllable merged with *c, but this is not the case of pre-Fi (POe, or even proto-EOc). *j and *g onset of the final syllable first merged to become a palatal, symbolized by Geraghty as *z (1983: 130-157). *z apparently became *yin pre-Fi and later merged with *d (i.e., became /c/ [§G 1.3.52]). In one case, *g onset of the final syllable failed to make the change to /c/ and is reflected as /y/ in Wayan and some of the other Fi languages: 27

*kuga > kuya 'how? (in what condition?)' kuca 'how' (dial)

The development ofPAn consonants in Fijian

695

*tales> dalo 'taro' *teyac 'hard wood' > doa 'heartwood' *tuqus 'true' > duu 'right and correct' tuu-tuu 'exactly at such-and-such a time' *tayaq 'cut, chop'> taa 'be cut by chipping or slashing' *tat]ila > taliga 'ear' *telu 'three' > tolu 'three' The sequence *ntis reflected by /d/ the same way as the nasal grade of *t: *punti 'banana' > vudi 'plantain' Some cases of intercalated nasal coda of the penult in other MP languages are reflected with a plain consonant in Fi: tpantay 'flat area'> vata 'shelf, platform'

G3.3.22 *d *d has the reflex /dr/ [ndr] in the nasal grade and /r/ in the plain grade. First, the nasal grade: *cedu 'hiccough' > cedru 'gasp for air' *dayaq >draa 'blood' *danaw 'lake'> drano 'body of fresh water inland' *daium > dranu 'water' Now for examples of the plain grade: *dapedap > rara 'a tree: Erythrina sp.' *deJ]ey 'hear' > rogo 'heard' *dit]edit] 'wall, partition'> riri 'structure to block off the wind' *dusa > rua 'two' *kuden > kuro 'clay cooking pot' *tuduq > turu 'leak, drip' A sequence consisting of nasal followed by t d, inherited from PMP, is reflected like the nasal grade of medial *-d-: *andak 'go up'> cadra 'upwards' *pat]udafi > vadra 'pandanus'{< *paJ]dan) *tiqadaw 'look at' > tidro 'peer, watch' (elision of penult and intercalation of *n [cf. the commentary in the glossary]) *r (< *d) becomes dissimilated to Ill to the left of an /1/-onset: *dalem > lalo 'inside' *delec 'bow string'> lolo 'bent, flexed'

G3.3.3 Consonants that do not undergo gradation In addition to the liquids and nasals, the reflexes of the consonants *y, *q, *h, and*s fail to undergo consonant gradation. They disappeared without a trace in Fi, and their loss was followed by vowel contraction (§G3 .1.31 ff. ). *s and *h were lost prior to proto-Oc and to my knowledge, leave practicallyt no trace in any Oc language. 29 *q was lost recently and is reflected regularly with [?] in many Oc languages, including some closely related to Fi (e.g., Tongan [§G41.3.32]). But based on the fact that there is no nasal grade of *y, we may deduce that *y had become a spirant before the development of consonant gradation (Ross 1981: 32).30 *y is widely reflected as [r] or [I] in Oc languages, but it is lost in the languages of the E. Pacific.

G3.3.31 *y *y is lost without a trace:

A trace of *sin Sa'a is discussed in §G2.3.33. *q is also not reflected with consonant gradation in the EOc languages, but there is evidence in those WOe languages that reflect *q with /kJ that *q was also subject to consonant gradation. 29

30

696

Part G. Chapter Three

*yuqaiiay 'male'> ta-gwane 'male'(< *taw-mayuqaiay [cf. the second footnote to §G3.2.4]) *yabut 'uproot' > cavut-i 'pull out' ( < *avut [§G3.1.63]) *yebaq 'fallen in' > ova 'fall sideways' *layugaiJ 'load cargo'> usa 'be shipped, carried as cargo'(< *yugaiJ) *sabayat 'monsoon with heavy wind'> cavaa 'windstorm' *teyab > ena-noa 'yesterday' (Bau) *wiyi 'left' > ma-wii 'left' In a form that was probably borrowed, *y is reflected by /1/: *buyit 'rear' < buli 'buttocks'

G3.3.32 *q *q is lost without a trace: *qatay 'liver' >ate 'liver' *qulu 'head' > ulu 'head' *qeney >one 'sand' (in place names [Geraghty 1983: 394]) *basequ > bo-i 'smell' (Bau) *tuqed > tuu 'stand, be upright'

G3.3.33 *s, *h *s and *h were lost without a trace: *sacaq > aca 'filed, grated, sharpened' *sipay 'other side' >iva 'son-in-law' *seyup 'blow' > uv-i 'be blown up' *dusa > rua 'two' *iseq > m-ii 'urinate' *udesi > m-uri 'after, following' *lahuj > toka-lau 'sea wind' *kukuh > kuku 'nail, claw'

G3.3.4 Liquids and nasals G3.3.41 *l *l is retained as /11 initially and medially: *lal)it > lagi 'sky, atmosphere' *lemec 'drown'> lomoc-i 'dunk' *qalima >lima 'hand' *bulat > vula 'moon, month' In two cases /1/ was lost unaccountably: *qaluy 'deep part of river or pool'> au 'flow, run freely' *tuqelat > tua 'bone' (also tula 'branch, twig')

G3.3.42 *i *t underwent the developments described for PMP in §A3.3.4. Namely, *i became /1/ when onset of a penult or an earlier syllable with a short-vowel nucleus; *t became PMP tii before a long vowel in the penult, in monosyllabic roots, and when onset of the root-final syllable after a long vowel. *t >In! when onset of the final syllable after a short vowel and in word-final position. In pre-Fi (but after POe) *ii merged with *n. However, this change was not completed in the ancestor of the western Fi languages (including Wayan), whereas in the eastern languages (including Bauan) the change was completed. Therefore, in some cases, the POe tt fi is reflected as distinct in the western Fi languages (but in many cases had merged with ttn). In Wayan, ttfi became /y/ in three forms inherited from PAn and PMP. *t > /1/: *tagam > lasa 'tame, accustomed' *temec 'disappear'> lomoc-i 'dunk' lomoc-a 'drown' (Bau) *tibu 'fenced-in place'> rna-levu 'enclosure of a fish fence' (Bau)

The development of PAn consonants in Fijian

697

*t > /yPI (yam 'mosquito' tt fi that developed from syncopation of *niy is also reflected as /y/ in some western

dialects: 32 *miniyak > moya 'brains' *n-iya > ya '3rd person genitive' *i >In! ( yana- yana 33 'loosely plaited or woven' *aiay 'termite' > yane 'k.o. moth' *iamuk > namu 'mosquito' (Bau) *i >In!(< ttn): *buii > vuni 'hidden' *suiuc 'pull out of enclosure' > ucun-a 'unsheathe a sword' *paiaw > vano 'go, come' (dial) *tuia >tuna 'eel' In a few cases, where root-final stress in PAn results in /II in the cognates in other MP languages, Fi evinces /n/, as happened in other MP languages (notably, in languages of eastern Indonesia, as well as in Oc languages). I attribute this to an early shift in stress from the final syllable to the penult that took place in MP times, but affected only the dialects that were ancestral to the eastern Indonesian and the MP languages (§A3.3.4). *iepuq > novu 'poisonous stone fish' In the following case *t > *1, which subsequently became dissimilated to In! before a nasal onset of the following syllable: 34 *timac > nima-ti 'be bailed out' G3.3.43 Nasals *m, *n, and *IJ are reflected faithfully in initial and medial position by /m/, In!, and /g/ [ IJ] respectively: *mamaq >mama 'chew' *manuk 'bird'> manu-manu 'bird, animal' *matay >mate 'dead' *lima> lima 'five' *nunuk > nunu 'ficus' (Bau) *kan 'eat' > vaa-kan-i 'feed' *J]ucuq >gusu 'snout' *biyeJ]i > bogi 'night' G3.3.5 Semivowels G3.3.51 *w *w is retained initially and medially as /w/ for the most part: *waya > waa 'vine, creeper' *wiyi 'left' > ma-wii 'left' *ciwa > ciwa 'nine' *kawil > kawi 'hook' *qawa 'milkfish' > yawa 'k.o. large boney fish, good for eating' The sequence *uwa is reflected as *ua-that is, there is no contrast between [ua] and [uwa]: 31 32

Word-initial /y/ before /a/ subsequently became noncontrastive in Wayan (§G 1.1.63). This is not true of the following case, where the ttfi that developed from syncopation of *niy became /n/: *peniyu 'sea turtle' > tuu vonu 'loggerhead turtle'

The initial /y-/ is the result ofy-accretion (§G3.1.63). In this case, the reflex /n/ is explained as a dissimilation of [I] in eastern Oc languages, rather than a shift in stress. Cf. the Glb reflex anima 'bailer'. Similar cases of dissimilation are discussed in §G2.3.4l, 2"if.

33

34

698

Part G. Chapter Three *banuwa 'land, place' > vanua 'land, region, community' *buwaq 'fruit' > bua 'fruit' *cuwan 'dibble stick' >sua 'stab, pierce'

In trisyllabic stems, antepenultimate lui is reflected as /w/ (i.e., *Cuwa(C)V > /Cwa(C)V/): *kuwas > kwa-i 'say s.t.' At the end of a word, *w formed a diphthong with the preceding vowel. Except for *kasiw 'tree, wood', the only sequence attested reflecting final *w is *-aw, and *aw became simplified to /o/ or /au/ according to the accentual conditions (§§G3.1.313, G3.2.53). For *we and *ew, cf. §G3.2.3, end.

G3.3.52 *y Initially and medially, *y >lei. The best evidence for /c-/ as the reflection of *y- comes from the process of c-accretion (§G3.1.63). Otherwise, there are very few attestations: *qayuyu 'k.o.crab' > cucu 'k.o. fish' *layay 'sail'> laca 'sail' Two forms reconstructed with intervocalic *y show loss of intervocalic *y. 35 Dialectally, intervocalic *y was lost, and I assume these forms to be the product of dialect mixture: *daya 'inland'> raa (in vua i raa 'west wind' [in Waya: 'coming from the ocean']) *seyaq +*rna-> si-maa 'ashamed'(< *ma-yaq < ma-iyaq (§G3.2.3, 5 1h~D *y is lost after *i-that is, there is no contrast between /iyV/ and /iV/: *liyus 'go around' > liu 'front, precede, surpass' *piyan 'desire' >via 'auxiliary expressing desire' *y > 0 after an unstressed syllable. The evidence for that is the reflex of *kasiw 'wood, tree', which became *kayu, as in many of he MP languages, after the loss of *s and the shift of syllabicity form *i to *w. The form *kayu is reflected as kacu in some Fi languages, but in Bauan, the form that occurred when *kasiw was the first member of a compound, kau X (where 'X' refers to the specific name) was generalized: *kasiw > kau 'tree, wood'(< *kayu) In Wayan, the change of *kasiw to *kayu did not take place. Rather, *iw >Iii, just as *uy > /i/: *kasiw > kai 'wood, tree' For *ey cf. §G3.2.3, end. For *yin diphthongs, cf. §§G3.2.51, G3.2.52.

G3.4 The stops in final position The stops in final position were lost in the EOc languages. However, the addition of an affix usually prevented their loss entirely: for the most part (but not invariably) the root-final consonant before the suffix in the current language reflects the inherited root final consonant. There is evidence that the root final consonants underwent special changes before getting lost.

Further, the word for 'ginger', not attested in Wayan, is another case: it reflects /aa/ in some dialects (Geraghty 129) and /aya/ in Bauan:

35

*laqeya 'ginger' > cago-laya 'ginger' (Bau) cago-laa (dial) Cf. the footnote to §G3.2.3 for an account of the development of this form.

The development ofPAn consonants in Fijian

699

*-j and *-d fell together. The evidence for this is the treatment of final *-j before suffixes in petrified forms. For example, in the following case, *-j > *-d, which became /r/ before a vocalic suffix just as intervocaJic *d did (§G3.3.22): *talikuj 'turn the back' > likur-i 'veer from, diverge from' The final *-d and *-j became devoiced to 1-t/. In forms in which the suffix had not become petrified, 36 this I-tl is still attested: *bedbed'spool, wind' > vovoti 'be wrapped in sling to be carried' *talikuj 'tum the back' > taalikut-i 'tum the back to the fire to warm o.s.' Further, final *-nand *-1] were neutralized. Evidence for this comes from the suffixed forms with final *-1), which reflect 1-nl before a suffix: *Iebel) 'bury'> lovon-i 'cover over, bury' Otherwise, the root-final consonants are usually reflected in the same way as they are medially in the plain grade. Those that were lost were mostly replaced by other consonants before the suffix. *alep > alov-i 'beckon to' *yabut > cavut-i 'pull out' *keb > okov-i 'cover over' (cf. oko-ta 'cover bananas to ripen them' [Bau]) *tal)ic > tagic-i 'cry for s.t.' *ucek 'press into' > usok-i 'make a hole with a stick for planting' In a some cases, when a vowel-initial suffix was added to a root that had lost the final C, the root-final C was also lost in the suffixed form: *tabac 'cut down'> tava-a 'cut meat from' The following example was disyllabized by the petrifaction of a suffix after it had been monosyllabized by the contraction of the sequence *ai that had developed. Subsequently, the onset ofthe final syllable was prenasalized (§G3.1.62): *paqic 'cooked in a leaf over a fire' > vesa 'dried or cooked by smoking'

In other words, I attribute the difference in treatment of the final *-j in likuri and taa/ikuti to the petrifaction of -i in the former: -i had come to be considered part of the root in pre-Fi, causing the loss of the fourth syllable from the end (§G 1.1.21 ). At the same time, the -i of taalikuti was considered as an affix (i.e., taalikut- also occurred unsuffixed, and the initial syllable ta-was not lost [but the reason for geminating the vowel of the prefix is unknown]). However, the final *-j inherited from PAn had already become It!. 36

CHAPTER FOUR,

§1

Tongan G41.0 Introduction Tongan (To) is a member of the Polynesian group oflanguages, located on the islands of the Kingdom of Tonga, southeast of Fiji and directly south of Samoa. It is closely related to the languages ofNiue and Niue-fo'ou, and together with them constitutes the Eastern Polynesian subgroup of the Polynesian languages. All other Polynesian languages are in the western subgroup. There are probably more than 120,000 speakers of To, and it is the official language of the Kingdom ofTonga. To is one of the best-documented Polynesian languages. There is an extensive dictionary by Churchward (1959), which is the source of most ofthe citations in this chapter. The following chart lists the phonemes of To. [s] and [t] are allophones of It/. CHART ONE. PHONEMES OF TONGAN

stops nasals spirants liquid

Consonants p t k m n ng [IJ] v,f s

Vowels ?

1

u

e

0

h

a

1

G41.1 Changes that characterize To in general G4l.l.l Consonantal gradation The Polynesian languages reflect consonantal gradation, but only in the reflexes of *p and *b correlate with consonantal gradation in other Oc languages. (Cf. the Introduction to the Oceanic Languages, §G0.1 for a discussion of consonantal gradation.) To probably reflects gradation in the reflexes of *d as well, but aside from *p, *b, and *d, not in the reflexes of any other phoneme. (Cf. the discussion in §G41.3.122, below.)

G41.1.2 Tendencies to form disyllabic roots from trisyllables G41.1.21 Elision of the penult Roots of more than two syllables may be disyllabized by the process of syncope or other types of syllable loss. However, this process affects only some ofthe inherited roots of more than two syllables. Many of the inherited trisyllabic roots are retained as such. First, with a couple of exceptions, roots with *e or with *i or *u before *y or *w in the penult were disyllabized by elision. Here are some of the many examples:

701

702

Part G. Chapter Four, §1

*baheyat >mama-fa 'heavy'(< *beat< *beyat < *beheyat) *beyecay > fohe 'paddle'(< *becay < *beycay [§041.1.3]) *biyel]i 'night'> pongi-pongi 'morning'(< *beyui < *beyel]i) *liceqes > liha 'nit'(< *licqa < *liceqa) *peniyu > fonu 'sea turtle'(< *penyu [§041.3.42, 4t,J]) *qaiegaw > ?aha 'day'(< *aigaw) *quseiap >?uno 'scale (fish)'(< *usiap-) *ma-suwab >mama-a 'yawn'(< *mama-uwab) These developments are parallel to those evinced by most of the other An languages. However, the penultimate *e or *u is not elided before /w/ in three trisyllables (as is the case of cognates in some other Hesperonesian languages): *baqeyuh > fo?ou 'new' *banuwa > fonua 'land, country' *qayuwac > ?aua 'k.o. mullet' In one case, the antepenult was lost rather than that the medial *e was elided, and the initial consonant was subject to nasalization. The loss of the antepenult and nasalization is manifested by all Oc languages that have a cognate: 1 *iceyab > 'la-neafi 'yesterday' (contamination with ?aneefi-afi 'this (past) afternoon' [ < *?ane 'past tense' + efi-afi 'evening']) Like vowels that came to abut because of loss of the intervening consonant in a trisyllabic root were contracted: *yabihi 'night' > efi-afi 'evening, late afternoon' The following two forms show elision of a penult that contains vowels other than *e. The first of these forms spread secondarily, and the second underwent syncopation before PMP times: *cayiman > hama 'outrigger' *pauudai >faa 'pandanus'(< *fa [§041.1.4] < *fala [§041.3.122]) G41.1.22 Loss or weakening of the antepenult

If the penult did not consist of *e or *i or *u before a glide, it was not elided. In that case, the antepenult was lost or weakened (developed *e nucleus). The antepenult nucleus was lost in some cases if it had initial *s or *q: *qamusa > mu?a 'face'(< *samuqa [§041.1.5]) *qayuyu > ?uu- ?uu 'k.o. crab' *sehapuy > afi 'fire' *sinawa > maa-nava 'breathe' The entire antepenult was lost in the following form that occurred typically with a prefix and a suffix: *pacau +*an 'pair'> maa-hanga 'twins'(< *ma-cauan < *ma-pacauan) In other cases, the antepenult was weakened (developed *e nucleus) but was not lost: *bahi + *r +-in-> fefine 'woman' *bitaquy > feta?u 'a tree: Calophyllum sp.' *bituqen > fetu?u 'star' *palahuj 'go to sea' > folau 'fleet' *qabated > ?ofato 'k.o. edible grub' *qacawa 'in-law' > ?ohoa-na 'spouse' *qatusan 'deity' > ?otua 'object ofworship' *talicay > telie 'tree of the seashore: Terminalia' *tat]ila > telinga 'ear' root of this word is *ceyab, and the prefix *i- is the locative prefix (in a temporal meaning). It is possible that the Oc languages inherited a variant that never had a prefix. However, note that except for reflexes in Tsouic and the languages of the northern Philippines, all other attested cognates in languages from Formosa southward reflect the *i- prefix. 1 The

Processes that affect the development ofTongan.from PAn

703

In a form of four syllables, which occurred only as a second member of a compound, the antepenult was not lost: *mayuqaiay 'male' > -nga?ane 'male' 2 (in tuo-nga?ane 'woman's brother' (lit. 'the male elder') In the following form, the antepenult was not weakened but *n was lost (for which there is no explanation [§G41.3.43]): *qaiitu 'evil spirit' >!au- ?aitu 'cry of grief' The following forms do not evince weakening of the antepenult. They are probably secondary: *kanacay > kanahe 'mu1let' *katapaiJ 'a seashore tree: Terminalia sp. > katafa 'albatross' 3 *qayuwas > ?aua 'k.o. mullet' *sabayat 'monsoon wind'> afaa 'gale, hurricane' The process of weakening of the antepenult of the word also affected prefixed disyllabic roots: *iseq +*urn- >mi-m-i 'urinate'(< *mie < *umie) An analogous process affects the following form that occurs only as the first member of a compound: *kanuhec > nguu-feke 'squid' ([eke 'octopus')(< *J]uc-feke < *kanuc-feke) G41.1.23 Loss of a syllable in affixed forms The rules of weakening ofunstressed syllables apply also to words consisting of roots plus suffixes. In those cases, any vowel of the penult may be elided, not just *e. If the suffix was petrified-i.e., the root only occurred suffixed, the final syllable of the root was lost entirely. The following root normally occurred with a disyllabic suffix. I assume that the word stress moved to the suffix (cf. §A3.5.3, of Chapter Three, Part A), such that the root-final syllable came to stand in the antepenult, and it was weakened: *beyay > fo-aki 'give'{< *foyaki < *beayaki) When the following forms were suffixed, the final syllable was elided: *daqaii +*-an 'daytime' > la?a-a 'sun' (< *daqa-an < *daqati-an) *iseyup + *-i > 'blow with the mouth' (< *iupi < *iiupi < *isiupi < *iseyupi)

ifi

I speculate that the following form lost the final syllable after being suffixed with *-?an: 4 *buyesu > fua?a 'jealous'(< *buya?an < *buyes?an < *buyesu?an) The final syllable was lost in the following forms, but there is no explanation:

The development of initial *mayu- > /nga/ in the EOc languages is discussed in §G3~ 1.61 of Chapter Three, Part G). 3 Reflexes of *katapaiJ refer to the frigate bird in other Polynesian languages and to the Terminalia in many Hcsperonesian language. The connection is that the Terminalia, with its branches stretching straight out from a single trunk, resembles the frigate bird in flight. 4 It is possible that/?/ was sporadically inserted before the suffix *-an when it was added to a vowel final root. Cf. §G4l.l.7, where sporadic /?/-insertions are discussed. 2

Part G. Chapter Four, §1

704

*apa > haa 'what?'(< *a [/hi analogically added under influence of hai 'who?'] *biyel)i > poo 'night'(< *beyeiJi) *tawa + *ka- > kata 'laugh

G41.1.3 CC simplification To only permits open syllables, and there are no consonant clusters. Accordingly, clusters that developed by the loss of the penult (§041.1.21) were simplified. Here are some examples: *beyetak 'barb'> foto 'stinger ofrayfish' *liceqes > liha 'nit'(< *lices ?ahu 'gall'(< *qagu < *qapgu < *qapegu) *qaiegaw > 'laho 'day'(< *qagaw < *qaigaw) Further, no clusters developed when monosyllabic roots were doubled, for these lost the root final consonant at the end of each syllable: *cakecak > haha 'beat(< *cakcak) *dapedap >/ala 'k.o tree: Erythrina sp.' (< *dapdap) *diqediq > lili 'boil (water)' Clusters consisting of nasal plus consonant other than *b or *p simplified the cluster by losing the nasal. (Clusters consisting of *mb or *mp are reflected with the nasalized grade [cf. §041.3.11].) *cuiJkit 'poke with point' > huki-huki 'caulk' *daiJedaiJ 'heat near fire'> !ala 'half cook' (< *daiJdaiJ) *duiJeduiJ > uu 'sheltered'(< *duiJdUIJ) *paiJudai >faa 'pandanus' (< *padan < *paiJdan)

G41.1.4 Disyllabization of monosyllabic roots There is an on-going tendency to turn monosyllabic roots that were not enclitic into disyllables. This process has affected inherited PAn monosyllabic roots and those that developed in pre-Tongan. This process took place, as in other An languages, in one of three ways: ( 1) by stretching the root to two moras by geminating the vocalic nucleus, (2) doubling a monosyllabic root, (3) petrifying an affix-that is, reinterpreting an affixed form as a single root. Examples of(l): *buk 'decayed to powder'> efo 'dust' 5 *buiJ > ta?o-fuu 'ridgepole' *cuk 'enter, insert'> huuk-ia 'pricked' *lem 'sink'> loom-aki 'hold under water' *iuy disyllabized by changing the feature of palatalization of the onset to /i/: *iuy > niu 'coconut'(< *fiu) Diphthongs in monosyllabic roots were disyllabized by changing them into a sequence of vowels: 6 *cay> hai 'who?' Examples of (2): *ba > fafa 'carry on back' *del)> lola 'extinguish' Examples of (3):

T11is form was disyllabized in PPn or earlier by addition of a prothetic vowel *e, reflected as /e/ in the Polynesian languages. It influenced the vowel of efu-efu 'ashes'< *qabu. 6 However, *pay 'where' disyllabizes to fee. Cf. the explanation in §G41.2.51. 5

Processes that affect the development ofTonganfrom PAn

705

*kid> kili 'file, rasp' ( kai 'eat' (< *ka + *-i) *kan > fanga 'feed' (< *kan + *paN-) *puiJ 'cover to protect' > ka-pu 'form a banana leaf' Monosyllabic roots that occurred in atonic position (were enclitics or occurred as members of compounds) remained monosyllabic.

G41.1.5 Metathesis To reflects the metathesis that affected all of the Hesperonesian languages-i.e., metathesis that occurred well before To times. (§A3.5.4). I give a couple of examples: *punuq 'brain' > fu?u 'tree'*tal)ila > telinga 'ear' (< *taliiJa) *tilu > tuli 'deaf' To also shows metathesis that occurred only in To or in To and other Oc languages: *aku > kau 'I' *buti 'conceal'> fe-numi-aki 'keep for o.s.' (< *femuniaki, with nasalization of the root onset [§G41.1.6]) *cuiJut 'area of the mustache'> ngutu 'mouth, beak' (under the influence of reflexes of *IJucuq 'snout' attested in other EOc languages) *malu 'ashamed' > luma 'taunt, jeer' *puket 'drag net' > kupe-nga 'net' *qacu > ohu?-i 'scoop water'{< *acuqi) *qamusa > mu?a 'face, front'{< *samuqa) *qitik 'little, few'> si?i 'young' *taqis 'sew'> sia?-i 'weave a net'{< *tisaq-i)

G41.1.6 Intercalation of nasals and nasalization The intercalation of nasals is a minor process in the Polynesian languages. Only *b and *p reflect are certain to reflect prenasalization, and with these two phonemes, prenasalization may occur root initially as well as with the onset of a noninitial syllable. Cf. the examples in §G41.3.11. I assume that prenasalization also caused the double reflexes of *d. Cf. the discussion in §031.3.122. Nasalization of root-initial consonants (discussed at length in §A3.7.1) remains in traces, particularly after certain prefixes, but also in unaffixed forms. Some of the following forms have irregularities that indicate that they are not directly inherited: *baliw > maliu 'change direction' *bulu 'wash'> mulu-mulu 'have a bath' *buti 'conceal' > mu-muni 'shade eyes with the hands' *ceyeb > ?a-neafi 'yesterday' (contamination with ?aneefi-afi 'this [past] afternoon') *dekuiJ 'bent'> noku 'bend the body' *ipen > niho 'tooth' 7 *paiJa 'forking' > manga 'branch (tree, stream)' *pejem 'close eyes'> mohe 'sleep' *penet 'plugged up'> monos-i 'patch s.t.' *putuc > mutu 'cut off' motuh-i 'break (rope, stick, etc.)' *qalui > ngalu 'long breaker' *teyeb 'full measure' > ma-no 'ten thousand'

*G41.1.7 Intercalation of/?/ Occasionally a glottal stop is inserted between two adjacent vowels in the course of affixation: *id-id + *ta- > ta?-ili 'fan' *buii 'hide'> fenumi-?aki 'keep secret' (alsofenumi-aki) 8

7 *ipen has /n/-nasalization in some reflexes as well as lt]/-nasalization-cf. the 41h footnote to §A3. 7.l in Chapter Three of Part A. 8 The insertion of a glottal stop is a morphophonemic alternation that affects the affix-i.e., ta- has an allomorph ta?- and -aki has an allomorph- ?aki.

706

Part G. Chapter Four, §1

G41.2 Vowels and diphthongs Except for the syncopations and vowel contractions discussed immediately above, §§041.1ff., To reflects the inherited PAn vowel system fairly closely. To lost the central vowel *e and added /o/ and /e/. To also geminated or lengthened the vowels in some cases. 9 Vowel gemination is part of the morphology and accounts for the occurrence of long vowels in some forms. Further, processes of disyllabization also led to the development of geminate vowels in monosyllabic roots that were inherited or that developed. In many cases, it is unknown why certain roots reflect the inherited vowels with geminates. G41.2.1 *i When not lost by syncopation, *i > Iii for the most part: *ciwa > hiva 'nine' *cuyi > hui 'bone' *liyus 'go around'> liu 'return' *piliq > fili 'choose' A sequence *ie that developed in the penult and final syllables contracted to Iii (parallel to the treatment of *ye §041.2 .31): *iseq +*urn- >mim-i 'urinate'(< *mie < *umie) A sequence *ai that developed was contracted to /e/: *iyaq + rna- > mea 'reddish' *i in the antepenult lowered to /e/ (weakened to *e, which became lei [§041.2.3, 2"iD in two cases where the root consisted of a single morpheme: 10 *bitaquy > feta?u 'a tree: Calophyllum sp.' *bituqen > fetu?u 'star' *i >lei in isolated forms that probably spread secondarily. Cognates of the last of two of these examples in most of the other Oc languages also evince /e/. There is no explanation: *bukij 'mountain' >puke 'mound of earth over plantings of root crops' *buliq >pule 'cowrie' *daqis> la?e 'forehead' *qilus > fa?elu 'wipe o.s. after defecating' *taqi > ta?e 'excrement' In the following two forms, *i was lowered to /e/. Possibly the occurrence of *w as syllable onset caused the /i/ to lower: *kawit 'hook'> kave 'tentacle of cuttlefish' *lawi >lave 'tail feathers' In the following form, *i i.s reflected with lui. There probably was contamination with kumu-kumu 'hair-like lichen'. The change of meaning to 'chin' is a subsequent development: *gumis 'beard' > kumu-kumu 'chin' G41.2.2 *a When not weakened or lost by syncopation, *a> /a/: The literature and dictionaries write geminate vowels with a macron over the voweL Here we transcribe them as geminates. It is unknown whether the long vowels are true geminates (are two syllables) or simply long (are two moras in length). 10 The forms *tibawac and *tiqadaw did not weaken the antepenult because they had contracted to *tiwac and *tidaw before the rule of antepenultimate weakening took effect:

9

*tibawac 'destroyed'> rna-siva 'poor' *tiqadaw 'look by craning the neck'> sio 'look at'

The development of the PAn vowels and diphthongs in Tongan

707

*tamuk > namu 'mosquito' *qetaq > ?ota 'raw' *tacik > tahi 'sea, seawater' *tayaqan > ta?a 'the soldierfish: Holocentrus sp.' In the antepenult or earlier syllable of forms of three or more syllables (roots or suffixed forms), Ia! became weakened to *e. 11 The *e developed to lei or to /o/. It is unknown why the *e that arose from weakened vowels in some cases became /e/ rather than /o/. First, examples of *a that weakened to lei: *agi 'younger sibling' > t-ehi-na 'younger sibling of same sex' *bahi +-in- r- > fefine 'woman'(< *babinay) *yabihi > efi-afi 'evening' (< *yabi) *piya 'desirous' >fie 'verb prefix meaning "wish to"' *teka 'come' + *lawuj 'seaward' > faka-tokelau 'north' (cf. toka 'run aground'< *teka) *tagila > telinga 'ear' *talicay > telie 'a seashore tree: Terminalia sp.' Now for examples of *a that weakened to /o/: *banuwa > fonua 'land, village' *palahuj 'go to sea'> folau 'fleet' *qabated > ?ofato 'edible grub' *qacawa 'in-law'> ?ohoa-na 'spouse' *qacu 'scoop water'> ohu?i 'ladle out, bail out' *qatusan 'diety'> ?otua 'object ofworship' *tuqas 'old'> tu?o nga?ane 'a woman's brother' (lit. 'the male older one') (cf. mo-tu?a 'parent, the old folks') *uyat 'vein, sinew'> uo-ua 'sinew, tendon' *a in prefixes is weakened only in petrifactions. That is, when the prefix became part of the root, the /a/ of the prefix was weakened,, but otherwise not. Thus, the prefix *rna- forming a verb or an adjective is usually not weakened, but where it came to be part of the root from the current To point of view, it was weakened to me- or mo-: *linaw +*rna-> melino 'calm' *tuqas 'old'> motu?a 'parents' There are other cases where *a is reflected by lei, other than in a context where weakening took place. Cognates in other Oc languages for some of the following forms also evince /e/: *buka >fuke 'uncover' *cayu > helu 'comb' (/1/ is an indication ofborrowing [§G41.3.31]) *galih > keli 'dig' *gita 'see'> kite 'appear' *lawa > ka-leve-leve 'spider' *qabu > efu-efu 'ashes' (lei under the influence of efu 'dust' [§G41.1.4]) Further, there are cases where *a is reflected by /o/ other than in contexts where weakening takes place. Again, for some of these forms, cognates in other Oc languages also evince /o/. *cak >mo-ho 'ripe' *cusan 'dibble stick'> huo 'hoe, clear weeds from planting' *tuwaiJ 'opening'> luo 'hole' *qatuy 'stack up'> ?otu 'row' [sampid] >oft 'near' In some cases, lol in the final syllable arose because the root normally occurs as the first member of a compound. In other cases, the /o/ in a root-final syllable arose from leveling of the doubled form: in the doubled form, the /a/ of the root-final would normally be weakened to /o/, being three syllables from the end. Then the *a of the final syllable in second occurrence of the root would be changed to lo/ to bring it into harmony with the first occurrence of the root: *qudag 'crustacean'> ?uo 'k.o. lobster' (cf. ?uofisi 'spotted lobster') *quseiap > ?uno 'scales' (usually ?uno- ?uno) Weakening did not happen in the case of roots that occur unaffixed, as well as affixed (cf. the 4th~ of this section). 11

Part G. Chapter Four, §1

708

G41.2.21 Sequences of *a and *u When *au develops because of loss of a medial consonant, it becomes /au/: *bayu > fau 'a bush: Hibiscus tiliaceus' *dasuwen >/au 'leaf(< *daun) *qayuc > ?au 'current' However, in one case, where *q was lost irregularly, the combination *au that developed contracted to /o/. This form is clearly secondary. Cognates in other Oc languages evince contraction as well, and in many of them, loss of medial *q and contraction of a sequence *au is not the normal development: · *basequ > po-a 'yam with a fishy smell'(< *bau-an < *baqu-an) A sequence *au that developed at the end of a trisyllable changed to *aw, which later became /o/ (§G41.2.53): *ikasu > ko-e 'you (sg)' (< *iko < *ikaw < *ikau) A sequence *ua that developed at the end of a trisyllable changed to lol when preceded by vowels. When *ua was preceded by a C, it remained lua/: *suwab > mama-o 'yawn'(< *mama-ua) *banuwa >fonua 'land, country' *qatusan 'deity> ?otua 'object ofworship' G41.2.3 *e *e is reflected by lo/ in most cases where it was not syncopated: *deiJey > ongo 'be heard' *ipen > n(fo 'tooth' *qabated > ?ofato 'edible grub' *qenay 'sandy soil' > ?one 'sand' There are cases in which lei reflects *e, as happens in other EOc languages. There is no explanation, and in fact, in roots that had two *e's, both lei and lol may reflect *e in the same root. (Cf. also the discussion of *a that weakened to *e in §G41.2.2, above.) The following forms list reflexes of PMP *e with /e/ in our data: *belaq 'cleft'> ma-fela 'come open, left open' *beluk > peluk-i 'bend' *temec 'disappear' > me-lemo 'drown' *IeiJa 'k.o. spice> enga 'turmeric' (not inherited) *lepa 'tack, lie to' >!epa 'heave to' *pejem 'close eyes'> mohe 'sleep' *puket > kupe-nga 'net' *e that developed at the end of a root became /a/, as in many MP languages: *bayeq 'abscess'> faa blister'(< *baya) 12 *buyesu > fua?a 'jealous'(< *buya-?an < *buyes-?an < *buyesu?an) 13 *liceqes > liha 'nit' (< *licqa < *liceqa) *tumes > tuma 'clothes louse' In the following case, metathesis caused lei to come at the end of the root:

12 An alternative explanation of this form is that *ae contracted to Ia! as did *ea (§G41.2.31, below) and that the resulting form disyllabized by lengthening the nucleus (§G41.1.4):

*bayeq > *baeq > *baq >faa 'blister' The assumption that there was a suffix *?an that was added to this root is pure speculation. Another possibility is that this root should be reconstructed with final *-q. But then the lack of a reflex of final *q in the cognates in other MP languages is unexplained. 13

The development of the PAn vowels and diphthongs in Tongan

709

*bukes 'hair'> fuko.juka' trim hair a bit'(< *fuka < *buke < *buek < *busek) In the following case, root-final *twas lost when the form was in a compound followed by a C-initial root, causing the *e to come at the end of the root: *jaqet > ha'la-sia 'have an upset stomach'(< *jaqet + *tiyai 'belly') *e is reflected by lui in three cases: first, *e in the penult became lui before lui in the final syllable; second, *e in a final syllable with *q-onset became /ul-i.e., *uqe > *uqu > /u?u/ in To. In the first case, there is no explanation; in the two other cases, this change may be a sound law, as there are no counterexamples: 14 *tebug > tufu 'spring' *bituqen > fetu'lu 'star' *tuqed 'stump'> tu'lu 'be upright' In one case, *e is reflected with lui in the Polynesian languages. There is no explanation: *taiem 'plant' > tanu 'bury' G41.2.31 Sequences involving *e *we> /ul: *dasuwen > lau 'leaf'(< *daun) *taquwei 'year, season'> ta'lu 'yearly cycle of yams'(< *taun) However, in one case, a sequence *ue, which developed, became /o/. The likely explanationis that this reflex occurs as the first member of a compound, where the vowel was weakeend to [~],which became /o/ (§G41.2.4, 2"~: · *luseq >

lo'~-imata

'tears'(< *loq < *lueq)

*ie, *ye, and *ey > /i/: *iseq +*urn- >mi-m-i 'urinate'(< *mie < *umie) *seyaq +*rna-> maa 'feel shame'(< *mayaq < *maiyaq < *maseyaq) *iseyup + *i 'blow'> iji 'blow'(< *iupi < *iiupi < *isiupi < *iseyupi) *wasiyey > vai (< *waiiy < *wasiiy) A sequence *ea that developed became /a/: *baheyat >mama-fa 'heavy'(< *mama-feat< *beat< *beyat < *beheyat) G41.2.4 *u Except when elided or contracted, *u > lui in all environments: *banuwa > fonua 'land, country' *batu > fatu 'stone' *bulu > fulu 'body hair' *u in the antepenult was weakened to *e, which became /o/ (§G41.1.22): *qulun +*-an> 'lolunga 'head rest' In the following case, To and other EOc languages reflect *u with /o/, a weakening when it came to be the nucleus of the antepenult after addition of the suffix -i (§G41.1.22): *putuc > motuh-i 'break (rope, stick, etc.)' In five cases, *u is reflected with /i/ in the Polynesian languages. There is no explanation: All of the Oc languages changed *equ to *uqu. In *tebug 'spring' *e was changed to *u in all of the Polynesian languages and some of the EOc languages, but not all of them (cf. the commentary to *tebug in the glossary). 14

Part G. Chapter Four, §1

710

*bugeq 'foam'> fiho 'phlegm' *kulit > kili 'skin' *lumut 'moss' > limu 'seaweed' *puceg >pita 'navel' *pulec 'twist, wind'> fila 'twist into a thread' 15

G41.2.5 Diphthongs G41.2.51 *ay *-ay at the end of a word is reflected as /e/: *beyecay 'oar' > fohe 'paddle' *matay > mate 'die' *qatay 'liver' > ?ate 'liver' In monosyllables that are not enclitic, *ay > /ai/: *cay > hai 'who?' In one case, *ay is reflected as lee/. The explanation is that this form also occurs as an enclitic, where the *ay became lei. When this form was in tonic position it was disyllabized by the rules of §G41.1.4: *pay> fee 'where'

G41.2.52 *uy, *iw *uy > /i/: *culuy > huli 'young shoot' *sehapuy > afi 'fire' There are only two forms that reflect *iw. The first was influenced by a form of similar meaning, and for the second the sonority shifted from /i/ to /w/ after *s was lost, as was the case in many MP languages: *baliw > maliu 'change direction' (cf. liu 'return') *kasiw 'wood, tree'> kau 'wood, stem'(< *kayu)

G4 1.2.53 *aw At the end of a word *aw > /o/: *laiJaw > Iango 'a fly' *namaw 'sheltered water, deep place in river' >nama 'lagoon' In monosyllabic roots or monosyllables that developed, *aw > /au/: *caw 'dew'> hau-hau 'damp, moist' In the following forms, *aw became /a/ through metathesis of the *w and subsequent cluster simplification: *taw> ta-ngata 'person'(< *taw+ *IJ 'linker'+ *qayetaq 'person'> *taiJwayetaq [cf. the discussion for the cognate in Fi, the 2nd footnote to §G3.2.4 of Chapter Three, Part G]) *aw also is reflected as /a/ in the following form. This is the only case where *aw comes to stand immediately following /a/. Perhaps there is a rule that *aaw > /aa/: *paheyaw >faa 'hoarse'(< *faaw < *payaw)

G41.3 Consonants To reduced the PAn consonantal inventory. To made the following changes together with the other Oc languages: (1) consonantal gradation developed in the labial stops (§G41.1.1 ); (2) 15

Fifo may have been influenced by a reflex of *biliiJ,filihi 'tum over, roll over'

The development of the PAn consonants in Tongan

711

*hand *s were lost without a trace; (3) *p and *b merged. Further, To made innovations together with many of the EOc languages, not made by the WOe languages: (4) *j, *c have merged, and *g has merged with them in medial position; (5) root-final consonants have been lost but their reflexes were most commonly retained when a vowel-initial suffix was added; (6) *d possibly developed consonant gradation. To underwent further consonantal developments: (7) *y and *y were lost entirely. Chart Two outlines these developments: CHART TWO. DEVELOPMENT OF THE TONGAN CONSONANTS FROM PAN

PAn *p,b *t *k *d *c, *j *g *q

Ton2an p,f t k l, {J h k-, -h?

PAn *s, *h, *y, *y *t *1 *m *n *I) *w

Ton2an {J

I, n l m n ng [IJ] v, {J

Root-final consonants were only retained in forms with a vowel-initial suffix. In some cases, however, the consonant added after the root before the vowel-initial suffix is not the inherited C but is random, and in other cases, no consonant is inserted between the root-final vowel and the suffix: *cukecuk 'shove into' > huuhuuk-ia 'prick, pierce' *gac > kakah-i 'scratch' *luseq > lo?-imata 'tears' (lit. tears in the eyes)

G41.3.1 Stop consonants G41.3.11 *p and *b *p and *b merged to If! when not prenasalized and /p/ when prenasalized. First, *p > /f/: *panaq > fana 'shoot' *pitu > fitu 'seven' *dapay 'be flat'> lafa-lafa 'be flat' *ipil 'k.o. tree' > iji 'the Tahitian chestnut' *alap 'take' > alaf-i 'gather with the hands' *qatep 'thatch'> ?atof-anga 'place where pieces of thatch are joined' Second, *b > /f/: *babaw 'above'> fafo 'outside' *ba.qeyuh > fo?ou 'new' *beyecay > fohe 'paddle' *bulu 'body hair' >fulu 'hair on privates' *yabihi 'evening' > efi-afi 'early evening' *qub > :U- :Uf-i 'put a cover over' *p > /p/: *pay 'flutter' > pepe 'butterfly' *picik > pihi 'splash, fly up' *pulut 'sticky'> pulu 'white sap (as ofbreadfruit tree)' *kapak > kapa-kapa 'flap the wings' *b > /p/: *bibi > pipi 'k.o. mollusc' *biyel)i 'night' > pongi-pongi 'morning' *tubuq 'grow' tupu 'grow up, spring up'

Part G. Chapter Four, §1

712

G41.3.111 Irregularities involving *p and *b In two cases, /v/ reflects *p or *b. In the first case, the form was probably borrowed from a non-Polynesian language (a cognate is also found in Sam). In the second, the To form probably resembles other MP forms coincidently. The final vowel is also irregular. The third example is a form that has spread throughout the Hesperonesian languages secondarily: *qapuy > n-avu 'apply lime to the hair' *laban> lave 'against' [kapac] 16 > kafa 'twine for binding' In two cases, *p was lost unaccountably. The loss of *p may have come about through contamination (but I know of no source). The second form was discussed in §G41.1.23, above. The loss of *p is probably connected with the phonology of this word in the utterance-that fact that it frequently occurred as the first member of a compound or phrase: *puseg 'navel' > uho 'umbilical chord' *apa > haa 'what?' In one case, medial *b was lost. This same irregularity occurs in cognates in other Polynesian languages. There is no explanation: *tebus >too 'sugar cane' A few forms with initial *b or *p also occur nasalized (§A3.7.1). Cf. §G41.1.6 for examples.

G41.3.12 *t and *d *t and *d did not merge. G41.3.121 *t *t > It/, which has an allophone [s] before /i/. There are no examples of prenasalized /t/: *tagic > tangi 'cry' *telu > tolu 'three' *tiyem > sio 'oyster' *tuduq > tulu?-i 'drip liquid' *bitik > fisi 'fillip' *pitu > fitu 'seven' *qatusan > ?otua 'object of worship' In one case, *tis reflected as nasalized (§A3.7.1): *teyeb 'having a full measure'> ma-no 'ten thousand'

G41.3.122 *d *d has two reflexes: 0 and /1/. These two reflexes correlate closely with two reflexes in some of the other Polynesian languages, and have lead to two different reconstructions in Prato-Polynesian (PPn) (as listed in Pollex): 0 reflects PPn *r, and /11 reflects PPn *1. Dempwolff assumed that 0 was the prenasalized reflex, whereas /1/ was the plain reflex ( 193 7 [volume 2]: § 153e3, p. 184). In terms of articulatory development, this makes little sense, and if this gradation reflects prenasalization vs. plain, I would assume that /11 arose by protecting the *d with a nasal, which was lost when unprotected-i.e., the reverse of Dempwolff's assumption. In arty case, there is little evidence that the PPn *r-*1 contrast and the To 0- /!/developed by prenasalization: first, neither 0 nor /1/ corresponds closely with prenasalized cognates in closely related non-Polynesian languages; second, forms that most certainly had a nasal cluster in pre-Tongan are reflected in current To both with 0 and with /11: Gonda (1973: 323) attributes Ml /capas 'cotton' and other related Hesperonesian forms to Hindi kapiis 'cotton tree' (ultimately from Sanksrit karpiisa). It is not certain that the Polynesian reflexes are in fact connected. 16

The development of the PAn consonants in Tongan

713

*dal)edal) 'heat near fire' >!ala 'cook lightly' aa 'heat leaves on fire' (> *dal)daiJ) *du1Jedu1J > uu 'sheltered'(> *dul)dUIJ) Nevertheless, I assume that /1/ reflects *d that had been prenasalized. However, because there is no correlation with non-Polynesian languages, I conclude that prenasalization of *d developed in PPn. 17 There are many roots reflecting *d with doublets: one variant has /lJ and the other 0. 18 First examples with /11: *dapedap > !ala 'k.o. tree' *demedem > loo-loo 'pitch dark' *delJen 'be quiet, ot come into being'> Iongo 'be silent, fail to germinate (seed)' *tuduq > tulu?-i 'drip onto' *kid> kili 'saw, file' Now examples showing loss of *d: *dusa > ua 'two' (but lua- in compounds) *del)ey> ongo 'hear' *qudip > ma-'lui 'be alive' *udesi 'last, rear end' > m-ui 'place behind' In one case, *dis reflected with nasalization (§A3.7.1): *dekul) 'bend' > noku 'bend the body'

G41.3.13 *k and *g-in initial position *k became /kl in all environments: *kasiw 'tree, wood'> kau 'stem, wood' *cakay 'climb, ride' >hake 'upwards' *ciku > hiku 'elbow' *cul)kit 'poke with a point' > huki-huki 'caulk' *cukecuk 'shove into'> huhuk-i 'prick, pierce' *k was lost in the following enclitic pronoun, probably because of its position as a clitic: *aku >au 'I, me' In the following form, which was possibly contaminated withfa?o 'pack into', *k is reflected as/?/: *pakey > fa?o 'nail' *g- fell together with *k- when onset of the penult or earlier or as onset of monosyllabic roots, as it does in many An languages. (For a discussion of *-g-as onset of the final syllable, see §G41.3.23, below.) *gac > ka-kahi 'scratch' *galih > keli 'dig' *gem 'hold in fist' > koko 'squeeze to make smaller' kokomi 'squeeze, press' *gemi 'hold on to' > komi-komi 'be tenacious' *gilaiJ > ki-kila 'glisten' *gita 'see' >kite 'appear' *gumis 'down, body hair'> kumu-kumu 'chin'

G41.3.2 *c, *j, and *-g- onset of the final syllable *c, *j, and *-g- (i.e., *g- onset of the final syllable) merged to !hi.

This implies that PPn lost the prenasalization that had developed in EOc or earlier, at least in many cases, and developed new prenasalization at a later point. It should be noted that not all the Polynesian languages reflect earlier prenasalization of *d--e.g., Sm evinces only one reflex of *d (§042.3.312). All that makes doubtful the hypothesis that prenasalization is the source of the double reflexes. 18 For example, *dusa is reflected as ua 'two' but lua in compounds 17

Part G. Chapter Four, §1

714

G41.3.2l *c > lhl *cay> hai 'who?' *cuyi > hui 'bone' *beyecay > fohe 'paddle' *tacik > tahi 'sea, salt water' *sufuc > unuh-i 'pull out, draw out' There are three exceptions, all them words that were probably borrowed into To. Note that *g is also reflected by It/ in loan words (§G41.3.23, below): *cawuq >tau 'anchor, moor a boat' 19 *ciyi > sii 'a bush: Cordyline terminalia' *talicay > telie 'a tree ofthe seashore: Terminalia' In another case, where initial *cis reconstructed on the basis of the non-Polynesian cognates, the Polynesian languages evince a vowel onset without the *c. The final syllable developed from a reconstructed root and the prefix was possibly *a- rather than *ca-. If the prefix was *ca-, it is unknown how the *c- came to be lost: *cawaq 'deep channel for landing a large vessel'> ava 'passage, opening'

G41.3.22 *j > lhl *jalan > hala 'way' *tujuq > tuhu?-i 'point, indicate' *qujat 'rain' >uha 'rain' The following words show Is/< *j. They are not inherited. The first looks like a loan word from a WOe language because *q- is reflected with /k/; for the second, cognates in other MP languages shows signs of being secondary-this form spread through the languages by borrowing: *qijuy > kisu 'spit out' *latel) + *ja- > salato 'stinging nettle tree'

G4l.3.23 Medial *-g- > lhl *piga > fiha 'how many?' *qaiegaw > ?aha 'day' *belag >folah-i 'spread out' *tugic 'scratch a line' > tuhi 'thin line, streak' There are two forms in which *-g- is reflected with It/, probably loan words (cf. words with It! reflecting *c in §G41.3 .21, above): *iagam 'tame'> lata 'feel at home with, feel at ease with' *layugan 'load'> uta 'cargo'

G41.3.3 *y, *q, *h, and*s *y, *h, and*s disappeared without a trace in To, and their loss was followed by vowel contraction. *sand *h were lost prior to POe and to my knowledge, leave little trace in Oc languages. *y was lost recently and is reflected regularly with [I] or [r] in many Oc languages, including some closely related to To, e.g., Sa' a (§G2.3.31).

G41.3.3l *y *y > 0 *sabayat 'strong monsoon wind'> afaa 'hurricane, gale' *baqeyuh >fo?ou 'new' *biyel)i 'night' > pongi-pongi 'morning' *cuyi > hui 'bone' *yaqan > ma?a-m-a?a 'light in weight'

19

This form may have been influenced by tau 'set a trap'< *tayuq 'set'

The development of the PAn consonants in Tongan

715

G41.3.32 *q *q > l?l: *qacawa 'in-law' > ?ohoa-na 'spouse' *qila > ?ila 'mark on skin' *bituqen > fetu?u 'star' *jaqit > ha?i 'bind' *qumaq > ?uma?-i 'kiss' *tujuq > tuhu?-i 'point at' There are a three cases where initial or medial *q were lost. In the first case, metathesis over two syllables is the likely explanation: *qacu > ohu?-i 'dip water' (< *?ohu-i) The other two cases are forms that were not directly inherited. Cognates in other EOc languages also evince irregularities: *bayeqaiJ > ngao 'molar' (< *I]ayoq < *yaqoJ] < *yaqeJ] < *yeqaJJ) *basequ + -an > po-a 'yam with fishy smell (lit. the smelly thing par excellence)' G41.3.33 *s, *h *s and *h were lost without a trace: *saiJin 'wind'> angi 'blow' *basaq >faa 'be in flood' *busat > fua 'lift, carry' *betehus > fotu 'emerge, come forth' *lahuj 'seaward' >toke-/au 'north' G41.3.4 Liquids and nasals G41.3.41 *I *1 is retained as Ill initially and medially in most cases: *lai]it > langi 'sky' *luseq > lo?-imata 'tears' *liceqes > liha 'nit' *pulut 'sticky'> pulu 'white sticky sap' In two roots, *1 was changed to In! before the lml onset of the following syllable, as is the case in many Oc languages. An Ill that developed from *f by the rule of §G41.3.42, was also assimilated to an lml to the right in one case. These forms spread secondarily: *qalima > nima 'hand, arm' *lima> nima 'five' *lumiq 'fold over edge'> numi 'tuck' *qafimeqec 'invisible' > ma-nimo 'surreptitious, secret' (< *qalimeqec) *1 > In! in another form without explanation. The vocalism in this form is also irregular: *qusalipan 'milliped' > ?unufe 'caterpillar' *1 was lost in two other forms that are not inherited and became /hi in a third. The first two examples are borrowed forms; the third was contaminated by a word of similar meaning that had a reflex of *y (cf. §G 12.3.41, end, in Chapter One, §2 of Part G): *buliy > fuhi 'bunch, cluster' *leJ]a 'k.o. spice' > enga 'turmeric' *qalad > ?aa 'fence' G41.3.42 *i *f underwent the developments described for PMP in §A3.34. Namely, *f became Ill when onset of a penult or an earlier syllable with a short-vowel nucleus; *f became PMP tfi before a long vowel in the penult, in monosyllabic roots, and when onset of the root-final syllable after a long vowel. *f >In! when onset of the final syllable after a short vowel and in word-final position. In pre-To (but after POe) *fi merged with *n.

716

Part G. Chapter Four, §1

*t > 111:20 *tagam 'tame'> lata 'feel at home with'(< *tagam) *tawliiJ 'shade'> malu 'shaded, sheltered' (< *ma-aluiJ < *ma-lauiJ) *temec 'disappear'> me-lema 'drown' *tuwaiJ 'opening' > luo 'hole' (lol unexplained) *t > lnl: *tuka > mo-nuka 'injured' (< *hil fonu 'full' *qatuj 'be carried by the current' > rna- 'lanu 'float' *baiJuf 'rise' >fangun-a 'awaken' The following form stretched the nucleus in the process of disyllabization (§G41.1.4) before depalatalization took place: *fuy > niu 'coconut' In one case, where root-final stress in PAn results in Ill in the cognates in other MP languages, the Polynesian languages evince In!, as happened in other MP languages (notably, in languages of eastern Indonesia, as well as in Oc languages). I attribute this to an early shift in stress from the final syllable to the penult that took place in MP times, but affected only the dialects that were ancestral to the eastern Indonesian and the Oc languages (§A3.3.4): *tepuq > nofu 'fish with poisonous spines' Depalatalization also affected sequences of *ny that developed after *niy was syncopated (as in other Oc languages): *miniyak 'oil'> moo-mona 'fat, rich (of seafood)'(< *menak < *menyak < *meniyak) *peniyu > fonu 'sea turtle' In two cases *t was lost. In the first case, *t was lost as the first C in a cluster that had developed (§G41.1.3). In the second, there is no explanation. It is an all-Polynesian innovation and perhaps arose from taboo considerations: *qategaw > 'laho 'day' *qatitu 'evil spirit' >/au- 'laitu 'cry uttered in grief' 'leitu-matupu 'la 'name of a spiritual being' In the following form, the root-final syllable was lost, including the *f-onset, when it came to be the penult (§G41.1.23): *daqati > la'la-a 'sun'(< *daqati-an) An *t that became Ill was sporadically dissimilated to In!, as Ill was (cf. the 4th example of §G41.3.41, 2ni/, above). G41.3.43 Nasals *m, *n, and *IJ are reflected faithfully in initial and medial position by lm/, In!, and lngl [ IJ] respectively: *manuk 'bird' >manu 'bird, animal, insect *tumes > tuma 'clothes louse' *inurn> inum-ia 'drink' *namaw 'sheltered water' >nama 'lagoon *enem > ono 'six' *teken *tis reflected with Ill when onset of the final syllable in the following form. There is no explanation. A metathesis in prior to disyllabization is not likely, as no other MP language shares in this innovation:

20

*tihetaw >silo 'clear (of liquids)'(< *titaw)

The development of the PAn consonants in Tongan

717

'stick to support'> fe-tokon-aki 'support each other' *biyeiJi 'evening' > pongi-pongi 'morning' *tal)ic > tangi 'cry' *pacaiJ 'pair'> maa-hanga 'twins, born together' In one case, *m is reflected by /ng/, a trace of the labialization that was practically lost entirely in Polynesian languages. Cf. the discussion in §03.1.61, Chapter Three, Part 0, where these developments are discussed: *qumaiJ > ?unga 'hermit crab' In the following form, a root-final *n was changed to *IJ, a sporadic innovation that is shared by all of the languages east of the Moluccas: *qulun 'rest the head' +*-an> ?o/unga 'pillow, headrest' In the following form *n changed to II]/ under the influence of a preceding *k that was lost: *kanuhec + feke > nguu-feke 'squid' G41.3.5 Semivowels G41.3.5l *w *w > /v/ before *a, but not if after lui (cf. the

3ri of this section):

*walu >vatu 'eight' *ciwa > hiva 'nine' *lawi >lave 'long tail feather' *qawaq 'milkfish' > 'lava 'k.o. fish' However, *w onset of the penult was lost. In the following form, which added a petrified suffix, the *w came to be onset of the penult and was lost: *qacawa 'in-law' > ?ohoa-na 'spouse' The sequence *uwa is reflected as *ua-that is, there is no contrast between [ua] and [uwa]: *buwaq > fua 'fruit' *banuwa > fonua 'land, country' *qayuwac :> ?aua 'k.o. mullet' However, *uwa became /o/ at the end of a trisyllable when preceded by a vowel (§041.2.21, end). At the end of a word, *w formed a diphthong with the preceding vowel (§041.2.53). Except for *baliw 'change' and *kasiw 'wood, tree' (§041.2.52), the only sequence found in the data with a final *w is *-aw, and *aw became simplified to /of or /au/ according to the accentual conditions (§041.2.53). For *we and *ew, cf..§G41.2.31. G41.3.52 *y *y was lost almost without a trace except at the end of a word where it formed a diphthong with the preceding vowel (cf. §§G41.2.51, G41.2.52) and the sequence *ey, which became Iii (§G41.2.31 ). The sequence *ya became lei after *u. There is one attestation: *duyan > lue 'rock back and forth' A sequence *ny that developed changed to In! (§041.3.42, 4t,).

CHAPTER FOUR, §2

5amoan 1

G42.0 Introduction Samoan (Sm) is a member of the western subgroup of the Polynesian group of languages. Many of the developments discussed here took place before the split between the western and eastern groups of the Polynesian languages and are exactly the same as discussed for To, Chapter Four, § 1. Sm is spoken on the Samoan islands, comprising the Independent State of Samoa and American Samoa, as well as by immigrant communities in Australia, New Zealand, and the United States. Ethnologue estimates the number of native speakers at more than 870,000. Sm is one of the best-documented Polynesian languages. There is an extensive dictionary by Pratt ( 1911) and a more recent dictionary by Milner ( 1966), both of which provide the citations in this chapter. The two at times do not agree on transcription of the vowel length. In that case, we follow Milner, the more recent dictionary. CHART ONE. PHONEMES OF SAMOAN

stops nasals spirants liquid

Consonants p t n m v,f s I

Vowels ?

g [IJ] h

I

u

e

0

a

The vowels are long or short. Long vowels are written with a macron in the sources but geminated here. 1 Note that IT]/ is written gin Sm orthography, a practice followed in this study, as well.

G42.1 Changes that characterize Sm in general G42.1.1 Consonantal gradation The Polynesian languages reflect consonantal gradation for sure only in the reflexes of *p and *b. (Cf. the Introduction to the Oceanic Languages, §GO.l for a discussion of consonantal gradation.) Sm and PPn also show double reflexes of the phonemes *j, *c, and medial *-g-, which merged to one phoneme prior to PPn times. These double reflexes are attributed to prenasalization (§§G42.3.2ff.) Otherwise consonantal gradation has been lost in Sm. (Cf. the discussion in §G42.3.2, below.)

1 Hovdhaugen

( 1990) argues on phonological grounds that the long vowels in Sm are geminated vowels.

719

720

Part G. Chapter Four, §2

G42.1.2 Tendencies to form disyllabic roots from trisyllables G42.1.21 Elision of the penult Roots of more than two syllables may be disyllabized by the process of syncope or other types of syllable loss. However, this process affects only some of the inherited roots of more than two syllables. Many of the inherited trisyllabic roots are retained as such. First, with a couple of exceptions, roots with *e or with *i or *u before *y or *w in the penult were disyllabized by elision. Here are some of the many examples: *baheyat >mama-fa 'heavy'(< *beat< *beyat < *beheyat) *beyecay >foe 'paddle'(< *becay < *beycay [§042.1.3]) *biyeiJi 'night'> pogi-a 'be overtaken by night'(< *beyl]i < *beyel]i) *betehus > fotu 'appear, come into sight' *liceqes > lia 'nit'(< *licqa < *liceqa) *miniyak 'fat'> moo-mona 'meaty (shellfish)' (< *menyak [§042.3.42, 4 1~j] < *meniyak) *qaiegaw > ao 'day'(< *aigaw) *quseiap > unaf-i 'to scale (fish)'(< *usiap-) These developments are parallel to those evinced by most of the other An languages. However, the penultimate *u is not elided before /w/ in one trisyllable (as is the case of cognates in some other Hesperonesian languages): *banuwa > fanua 'land, country' The following two forms show elision of penults that contain vowels other than *e. The first of these forms spread secondarily, and the second underwent syncopation before PMP times: *cayiman > ama 'outrigger' *pal)udai > fala 'pandanus' G42.1.22 Contraction of like vowels Polynesian languages have come to tolerate sequences of vowels. Developments that caused vowels to abut did not result in contraction in their recent history. Like vowels that came to abut because of loss of the intervening consonant in a trisyllabic root were contracted in the case of consonants that were lost long before POe times: *yabihi 'night' > afi-afi 'evening' *tusud > tul-i 'knee' Recent consonant loss between vowels did not lead to contraction of like vowels: *baligi > falii 'k.o. grass' *qacii 'salty' + *rna-> ma-ai 'brackish' 2 However, in th process of affixation, the final vowel of a prefix sporadically contracts with the initial vowel of the root in forms of three or more syllables: *yai)U 'dried out'+ *rna-> magu-magu 'dried, withered'

Ia! in the suffix -a?i contracts with a root-final /-a/ (cf. the rule of §042.1.23, below, by which a root-final vowel is lost by the addtion of -a?i: *buyes 'spew water out of the mouth'+ -a?i > pua?i 'vomit'(< *pua-a?i)

A form like masi 'fermented breadfruit' did not result from *rna- and *qacit, but probably from a prefix m- (< *urn-) added to *qacit Possibly To mahi 'sour, astringent' is cognate, and it cannot reflect *maqacit.

2

Processes that affect the development ofSamoan from PAn

721

G42.1.23 Loss of a syllable in affixed forms The rules ofweakening ofunstressed syllables apply also to words consisting of roots plus affixes. In those cases, any vowel of the penult may be elided, not just *e. If a suffix was petrified-i.e., the root only occurred suffixed, the final syllable of the root was lost entirely. The following root normally occurred with a disyllabic suffix. I assume that the word stress moved to the suffix (cf. §A3. 5.2, end, of Chapter Three, Part A), such that the root-final syllable came to stand in the antepenult, and it was weakened: *beyay > fo-a?i 'give' (< *foyaki < *beayaki) When the following forms were suffixed, the root-final syllable was elided: *daqaii +*-an 'daytime'> laa 'sun'(< *daqa-an < *daqaii-an) *iseyup + *-i > !fi 'blow smoke(< *iupi < *iiupi < *isiupi < *iseyupi) *tujuq > tus-i 'point' (< *tujuq-i) I speculate that the following form lost the final syllable after being suffixed with *-?an: *buyesu > fuaa 'jealous'(< *buya?an < *buyes?an < *buyesu?an) The final syllable was lost in the following forms, but there is no explanation: *apa > aa what' *biyegi > poo 'night'(< *beyegi) *quway 'rattan'> uu 'miscanthus reed' *tawa + *ka- > ?ata 'laugh

G42.1.24 Loss or weakening of the antepenult In the case of trisyllabic roots, if the penult did not consist of *e or *i or *u before a glide, it was not elided. 3 In that case, the antepenult was sometimes lost or weakened (developed *e nucleus). The antepenult nucleus was lost in some cases if it had initial *s or *q: *qayuyu > uu-uu 'k.o. crab' *sehapuy >aft 'fire' *sinawa > maa-nava 'breathe' The antepenult was weakened in the following forms that began with consonants other than *q or *s. The first three of these forms are probably not directly inherited, for normally the antepenult in such forms is not weakened (see two paragraphs below). However, the other three are probably directly inherited. They weakened the antepenult prior to POe times: *bayaqag fetau 'a tree: Calophyllum sp.' *palahuj 'go to sea'> folau 'voyage, ship' *baqeyuh > fou 'new'(< *foqou < *beqeyu) *bituqen > fetuu 'star' *puluq + *ca- > sefulu 'ten'(< *safulu) The entire antepenult was lost in the following form that occurred typically with a prefix and a suffix: *pacag +*an 'pair'> maa-saga 'twins'(< *rna-eagan< *ma-pacagan)4 Most commonly the antepenult was not weakened: *bahi + *r +-in-> fafine 'woman' *cayawaki > saawa?i 'k.o. sea urchin' *kanacay > ?anae 'k.o. mullet' *katapag 'a seashore tree: Terminalia sp.' > ?atafa 'frigate bird' 5 The case of roots that contain petrified suffixes are an exception (§042.1.23, above). Another possible explanation is that /maa/ is a reflecion of *pa with nasalization (§042.1.6))-i.e., *pacaiJ + -an> *macalJan > maasaga 'twins'. 5 For the semantic development, cf. the explanation for the To cognate §041.1.22, 2"d footnote. 3

4

Part G. Chapter Four, §2

722

*qacawa 'in-law'> aavaa 'spouse' *qatusan > atua 'deity' *talicay > talie 'tree of the seashore: Terminalia sp.' *tai]ila > taliga 'ear' The following forms, which had initial *q- or *s- also failed to weaken the antepenult. They are probably secondary: *qabated > ?afato 'k.o. edible grub'(/?-/ also is an indication of influence from another language) *sabayat 'monsoon wind'> afaa 'gale, hurricane' In the following form, the antepenult was not weakened, but *n was lost (for taboo reasons [§G42.3.42]): *qatitu > aitu 'ghost, spirit' The process of weakening the antepenult of the word also affected prefixed disyllabic roots: *iseq +*urn- >mi-aga 'urine'(< *mie < *umie) An analogous process affects the following form that occurs only as the first member of a compound: *kanuhec > guu-fe?e 'cuttlefish' (< *IJuc-feke6 < *kanuc-feke)

G42.1.3 CC simplification Sm only permits open syllables, and there are no consonant clusters. Accordingly, clusters that developed by the loss ofthe penult (§G42.1.21) were simplified. Here are some examples: *beyetak 'barb'>foto 'stinger ofrayfish' *liceqes > lia 'nit'(< *lices au 'liver (esp. ofpigs)' (< *qagu < *qapgu < *qapegu) *qategaw > ao 'day'(< *qagaw < *qatgaw) Further, no clusters developed when monosyllabic roots were doubled, for these lost the root-final consonant at the end of each syllable: *dapedap 'k.o. tree' > !ala 'k.o shrub' (< *dapdap) *gemegem 'hold in fist' > ?o ?am-i 'press between hands' *mekemek > momo-i 'broken bits, remnants' Clusters consisting of nasal plus consonant other than *b or *p simplified the cluster by losing the nasal. (Clusters consisting of *mb or *mp are reflected with the nasalized grade [cf. §G42.3.11].) *cuiJkit 'poke with point' > su?i 'thrust needle, pierce' *daiJedaiJ 'heat near fire'> lalag-i 'place leaves on hot stones to make them supple' (< *daiJdaiJ) *paiJudat > fala 'pandanus'(< *padan < *paiJdan)

G42.1.4 Disyllabization of monosyllabic roots There is an on-going tendency to turn monosyllabic roots that were not enclitic into disyllables. This process has affected inherited PAn monosyllabic roots and those that developed in pre-Samoan. This process took place, as in other An languages, in one of three ways: (1) by stretching the root to two moras by adding a pretonic *e or geminating the

The change of *n to /q/ was probably by assimilation with the initial *i, which had subsequently become lost. Sm shares this innovation with To (cf. §41.3.43, end)

6

Processes that affect the development ofSamoan from PAn

723

vocalic nucleus, (2) doubling the monosyllabic root, (3) petrifying an affix-that is, reinterpreting an affixed form as a single root. Examples of (1): *buk 'decayed to powder' > efu 'dust' *buiJ 'hollowed out' > puu 'holed, perforated' *lit 'wind around'> Iii 'senpit fastening to attach boom to outrigger' *put 'blow on' > puu 'conch shells used as a trumpet' *tuy disyllabized by changing the feature of palatalization of the onset to /i/: *tuy > niu 'coconut' (< *fiu) Diphthongs in monosyllabic roots were disyllabized by changing them into a sequence of vowels: *cay> ai 'who?' *liw > liu 'change, exchange' Examples of(2): *ba > fafa 'carry on back' *gac 'scratch' > ?a?as-i 'scratch deeply' Examples of (3): *kid> ?iii 'file, rasp'(< *kid+ *-i) *kan > ?ai 'eat'(< *ka + *-i) *kan > fagaga 'feed'(< *kan +*paN-+ *-IJa) *puiJ 'gather'> ?a-pu 'k.o. bag' Monosyllabic roots that occurred in atonic position (were enclitics or occurred as members of compounds) remained monosyllabic. G42.1.5 Metathesis

Sm reflects the metathesis that affected all of the Hesperonesian languages-i.e., metathesis that occurred well before Sm times. (§A3.5.4). I give a couple of examples: *tagila > taliga 'ear'(< *taliga) *tilu > tuli 'deaf Sm also shows metathesis that occurred only in Sm or in Sm and other Oc languages: *aku > ?au 'I'(< a~ [§G42.2.2]) *bayaqag gutu 'mouth, beak' (under the influence of reflexes of *IJucuq 'snout', attested in other EOc languages) *deyeqec 'move vigorously' >loa 'at once'(< *deyeq < *deyeceq) *malu 'ashamed'> luma 'humiliation' *paga 'branching' > gafa 'fathom' *puket 'drag net' > ?upe-ga 'net' G42.1.6 Intercalation of nasals and nasalization

The intercalation of nasals is a minor process in the Polynesian languages. Only *b and *p, and possibly *c, *j, and *-g- reflect prenasalization, and with these phonemes, prenasalization may occur root initially as well as with the onset of a noninitial syllable. Cf. the examples in §§G42.3.ll;G42.3.2ff. Nasalization of root-initial consonants (discussed at length in §A3.7.1) remains in traces, particularly after certain prefixes, but also in unaffixed forms. Some of the following forms have irregularities that indicate that they are not directly inherited:

Part G. Chapter Four, §2

724

*bayaq > maa-maa 'lungs' *baliw 'change'> maliu 'go, come' *buti 'conceal'> muni-a?i 'remain in the house' *ipen > nifo 'tooth' 7 *paiJa 'forking'> maga 'branch, fork' *pejem 'close eyes' >moe 'sleep' *penet 'plugged up' > monot-i 'be patched' *putuc > mutu 'cut off motus-i 'break, snap (long things)' *qalui > galu 'long breaker' *teyeb 'full measure' >rna-no 'ten thousand' G42.2 Vowels and diphthongs Except for the syncopations and vowel contractions discussed immediately above, §§G42.1ff., Sm reflects the inherited PAn vowel system fairly closely. Sm lost the central vowel *e and added lol and lei. Sm also geminated or lengthened the vowels in some cases. 8 Vowel gemination is part of the morphology and accounts for the occurrence of vowel length in some forms. Further, processes of disyllabization also led to the development of geminate vowels in monosyllabic roots that were inherited or that developed. There are other rules for gemination, the details of which are presented in Hovdhaugen 1990. Aside from cases of gemination to achieve disyllabization, long vowels are not further taken into consideration in this study. G42.2.1 *i When not lost by syncopation, *i > Iii for the most part: *ciwa >iva 'nine' *liyus 'go around' > liu 'tum' *piliq > fili 'choose' *i in the antepenult lowered to lei (weakened to *e, which became lei [§G42.2.3, 2"il]) in two cases where the attestation consisted of a single morpheme: 9 *bitaquy > fetau 'a tree: Calophyllum sp.' *bituqen > fetuu 'star' *i >lei in isolated forms that probably spread secondarily. Cognates of the last of two of these examples in most of the other Oc languages also evince /e/. There is no explanation: *bukij 'mountain' > pu?e 'mound, hillock' *buliq >pule 'cowrie' *daqis 'forehead' > la?e 'part between lip and chin that does not have hair' *gita 'see' > ?ite-a 'in sight' *taqi > ta?e 'excrement' *tinaqi > tinae 'intestines' In the following form, *i was lowered to lei. Possibly the occurrence of *was syllable onset caused the Iii to lower: *lawi >lave 'tail feathers' G42.2.11 Sequences involving *i A sequence *ie that developed in the penult and final syllables contracted to Iii (parallel to the treatment of *ye §G42.2.31 ): *iseq + *urn- >mi-aga 'urine' (< *mie < *umie) *ipen has /n/-nasalization in some reflexes as well as 1!]1-nasalization-cf. the 41h footnote to §A3.7.1 in Chapter Three of Part A. 8 The literature and dictionaries write geminate vowels with a macron over the vowel. Here we transcribe them as geminates. Hovdhaugen ( 1990) argues that the long vowels are geminates. 9 A form like tinae 'intestines' did not weaken the /i/ of the antepenult because it contains an infix -in-. Further the forms *tibawac and *tiqadaw did not weaken the antepenult because they had contracted to *tiwac an *tidaw before the rule of antepenultimate weakening took effect: 7

*tibawac 'destroyed'> ma-tiva 'poor' *tiqadaw 'look by craning the neck'> tilo-tilo 'spy on'

The development of the PAn vowels and diphthongs in Samoan

725

A sequence *ai that developed was contracted to lei when it was affixed or doubled:

*bahi > ma-fine 'woman, girl'(< *ma- +-in-+ *be< *bai) *iyaq 'red'+ *rna-> me-mea 'yellowish-brown' *layiw > le-le 'flee'(< *lai-lai) *wayi 'day'> a-ve 'sunbeam'{< *wai) However, a sequence *ai that developed in an unaffixed form was not contracted to avoid the development of a monosyllabic root: *payis > fai 'rayfish' *tacik > tai 'sea' The following example is an exception. Perhaps the preceding *a prevented the sequence *ai from contracting (cf the analogous development of *aw after *a in §042.3.53, end): *qacit 'salty' +rna-> ma-ai 'brackish'

G42.2.2 *a When not weakened or lost by syncopation, *a> /a/: *tamuk > namu 'mosquito' *qetaq > ota 'raw' *tacik > tai 'sea, tide' *tayaqan > taa-malau 'the soldierfish: Holocentrus sp.' In PPn *a in the antepenult was weakened to *e in a few cases (§042.1.24) and is reflected as /of in Sm (just as *e is [§042.2.3]). The first form exemplifies a weakened *a, the second is a case where antepenultimate *a was not weakened: *palahuj 'go to sea' > folau 'voyage, ship' *tal]ila > taliga 'ear' *a was also weakened in the following cliticized form. The following form occurs with /o/ (weakened *a) in atonic position and with /a!, when carrying stress: *aku > ?ou 'I'(< a~) *a was weakened to *e and became lei in some forms: *teka-lahuj > to?e-lau 'trade wind from east' (lit. 'coming from the sea') In some unexplained cases, *a is reflected by /e/. Cognates in other Oc languages for some of the following forms also evince /e/. Possibly in some of these cases, the /e/ arose in suffixed forms when *a came to stand in the antepenult or earlier, and subusequently the allomorph with /e/ was generalized.

*buka > fu?e 'uncover' *cayu > selu 'comb' (/1/ is an indication ofborrowing [§042.3.31]) *galih > ?eli 'dig' *gita 'see'> ?ite-a 'in sight' *lawa > apuga-leve-leve 'spider' *sapay >epa 'mat' In the following case, a final *-k was lost, and the preceding *a contracted with the following *-i >lei (§042.2.11 ). Subsequently the verb-ending -i, which had been absorbed into the root-final /e/, was added for a second time: *tulak > tuule-i 'push, shove aside' In the following case, *a before *w became /o/. This is probably borrowed from a language in which *a was backed to /of when it was followed by /w/: *lawa 'broad'> loa 'be a long time' (cf. Maori loa 'long, tall')

726

Part G. Chapter Four, §2

G42.2.21 Sequences of *a and *u When *au develops because of loss of a medial consonant, it becomes /au/: *bayu > fau 'a bush: Hibiscus tiliaceous' *dasuwen > lau 'leaf(< *daun) *qayuc >au 'current' However, in one case, the combination *au that developed contracted to /of. This form is clearly secondary. Cognates in other Oc languages evince contraction as well, and in many of them, loss of medial *q and contraction of a sequence *au is not the normal development: *basequ > po-a-po-aa 'smell offish'(< *bau-an < *baqu-an) The following form developed idiosyncratically: a sequence *au> *aw, which later became /of (§G42.2.53): *ikasu > ?o-e 'you (sg)' (< *iko < *ikaw < *ikau) A sequence *ua that developed at the end of a word changed to /va/ when preceded by vowels: 10 *suwab > maava-va 'yawn'(< *maa + r- + va < *maava < *maaua) *kasiw + *qajay 'chin'> ?auvae 'chin'(< *kau-aay < *kau-ajay) When *ua was preceded by a C, it remained /ua/: *banuwa > fanua 'land, country' *qatusan > atua 'deity' G42.2.3 *e *e is reflected by /o/ in most cases where it was not syncopated: *dei]ey >logo 'perceive by hearing' *ipen > nifo 'tooth' *qabated > afato 'edible grub' *qenay 'sandy soil' >one-one 'sand' There are cases in which lei reflects *e, as happens in other EOc languages. There is no explanation, and in fact, in roots that had two *e's, both lei and /o/ may reflect *e in the same root. (Cf. also the discussion of *a that weakened to *e in §G42.2.2, above.) The following list gives all the forms in our data that evince reflexes of PMP *e with /e/: *belaq 'cleft'> mata-fela 'ectropion' (lit. 'eye opened') *beluk > ma-pelu 'bent' *temec 'disappear' > ma-lemo 'drown' *IeiJa 'k.o. spice> /ega 'prepared turmeric' (not inherited) *lepa 'tack, lie to' >/epa 'be motionless' *pejem 'close eyes' >moe 'sleep' *puket > 'lupe-ga 'net' *e that developed at the end of a root became /a/, as in many MP languages: *bayeq 'abscess'> mata-faa 'boils on the face'(< *baya) 11 *buyesu >fuaa 'jealous'(< *buya-?an < *buyes-?an < *buyesu?an) 12 *deyeqec 'move vigorously'> loa 'at once, 10 The rule is that a transitional /v/ developed between *u and the vowel of the following syllable, when the *u was in a syllable without onset (was not preceded by C in the same syllable). Cf. the development of *cuyi 'bone' discussed in §042.2.4. it is unknown which of the two explanations corresponds to historical events: 11 An alternative explanation of this form is that *ae contracted to /a/ as did *ea (§041.2.31, below) and that the resulting form disyllabized by lengthening the nucleus (§041.1.4). It is unknown which of the two explanations corresponds to historical events:

*bayeq > *baeq > *baq >mota-faa 'boils on the face'

The development of the PAn vowels and diphthongs in Samoan

727

immediately' (< *deyeq < *deyeeq < *deyeceq [§042.1.5]) *liceqes > lia 'nit' (< *licqa < *liceqa) In the following case, metathesis caused lei to come at the end of the root: *bukes 'hair'> fu?a' cut hair'(< *fuka < *buke < *buek < *busek) In the following case, it is possible that root-final *twas lost when the form was in a compound followed by a C-initial root, causing the *e to come at the end of the root: *jaqet > saa 'set apart, taboo' *e is reflected by lui in three cases: first, in an exceptional case, *e in the penult became lui before lui in the final syllable; second, *e in a final syllable with *q-onset became lui after *u-i.e., *uqe > *uqu > luul in Sm. In the first case, there is no explanation; in the two other cases, this change may be a sound law, as there are no counterexamples: 13 *tebug 'spring'> tufu 'pool of fresh water' *bituqen > fetuu 'star' *tuqed 'stump'> tuu 'be upright' In one case, *e is reflected with lui after a penult with *a in the Polynesian languages. There is no explanation: *taiem 'plant' > tanu 'bury'

G42.2.31 Sequences involving *e *we> lui: *dasuwen >!au 'leaf'(< *daun) *lasuwek 'mix, food that is eaten with staple' >/au'particle used in counting fish' *taquwei >tau 'year, season' (< *taun) However, in one case, the *u that developed from *ue became lol (< *e) when weakened in the fourth syllable from the end in a compound (cf. the case of PAn *u > lol in §042.2.32, end): *luseq > lo-imata 'tears' ( < *loq < *lueq) *ie, *ye, and *ey >Iii: *iseq +*urn-> mi-aga 'urine'(< *mie < *umie) *seyaq +*rna-> maa 'ashamed'(< *mayaq < *maiyaq < *maseyaq) *iseyup + *i 'blow'> ifi 'blow smoke'(< *iupi < *iiupi < *isiupi < *iseyupi) *wasiyey > vai (< *waiiy < *wasiiy) A sequence *ea that developed became /a/: *baheyat >mama-fa 'heavy'(< *mama-feat< *beat< *beyat < *beheyat)

G42.2.4 *u Except when elided or contracted, *u > lui in all environments: *banuwa > fanua 'land, country' *batu > fatu 'stone' *bulu > fulu 'body hair' Data from other Polynesian languages shows that there was a glottal stop between the root and the suffix (cf. the discussion of the To cognate in the 2"d footnote to §G41.2.3). The assumption that there was a suffix *?an that was added to this root is pure speculation. Another possibility is that this root should be reconstructed with final *-q. But then the lack of a reflex of final *q in the cognates in other MP languages is unexplained. 13 All of the Oc languages changed *equ to *uqu. In *tebug 'spring' *e was changed to *u in all of the Polynesian languages and some of the EOc languages, but not all of them (cf. the *tebug in the glossary). 12

Part G. Chapter Four, §2

728

In one case, *u in the antepenult was weakened to *e, which became /a/ idiosyncratically. The reflex with initial/?/ indicates that this form is a borrowing from a neighboring language that reflects *q with/?/: *qulun +*-an> 'la/uga 'head rest' aluga 'place head on a pillow' In five cases, *u is reflected with li/ in the Polynesian languages. There is no explanation: *kulit > ?ili-ola 'healing membrane' *lumut 'moss' > limu 'moss, lichen' *pulec 'twist, wind'> filo 'twine, thread' 14 *quleg 'worm' >i/o 'maggot' In the following case, a the *u was changed to /i/, but a trace of the earlier /u/ remains in the occurrence of /v/. 15 *cuyi > ivi 'bone' In the following case, Sm and other EOc languages reflect *u with /o/. The /o/ developed from *e-i.e. *u became weakened when the stem became trisyllabic with the addition of a suffix -i (§042.1.24): *putuc > motus-i 'snap, break (rope, stick, etc.)' G42.2.5 Diphthongs G42.2.51 *ay *-ay at the end of a word is reflected as /e/: *beyecay 'oar' > fohe 'paddle' *matay >mate 'die' *qatay 'liver'> 'late 'liver' In monosyllables that are not enclitic, *ay > /ai/ : *cay > ai 'who?' In one case, *ay in a monosyllable is reflected as /e/. In this case, the root occurs only suffixed with -a: *pay > fe-a 'where?' In one case, *-ay was lost in syncopation when suffixed. (Cf. the example in §042.1.23.) G42.2.52 *uy, *iw *uy, *iw > /i/: *culuy > suli 'banana sucker' uli 'corm growing under taro' *sehapuy >aft 'fire' There are only three forms that reflect *iw. The first was influenced by a form of similar meaning, and in the second the sonority shifted from /i/ to /w/ after *s was lost, as was the case in many MP languages. In the third case, the reflex lei can only be explained if we assume that *i > *iw: *baliw 'return to previous'> maliu 'go, come (cf. liu 'return') *kasiw 'wood, tree'> ?au 'stem'(< *kayu) *lagiw 'flee'> le-le 'fly'(< *lai-lai < *layi) G42.2.53 *aw At the end of a word *aw > /o/: 14

Fifo may have been influenced by a reflex of *bili!J,.fili 'plait, braid'

15

Cf. the discussion of a development of *v in the sequence *ua after a vowel (§042.2.21 ).

The development of the PAn consonants in Samoan

729

*laiJaw > !ago 'a fly' *namaw 'sheltered water, deep place in river' >nama 'lagoon' In monosyllabic roots or monosyllables that developed, *aw >/au/: *caw> sau 'dew' *taw> tau- 'person (in compounds)' tau-fale 'one whose house is being built' In the following forms, *aw became /a/ through metathesis of the *wand subsequent cluster simplification: *taw> ta-gata 'person'(< *taw+ *IJ 'linker'+ *qayetaq 'person'> *taiJwayetaq [Cf. the discussion for the cognate in Fi, the 2nd footnote to §03.2.4 of Chapter Three, Part G.]) *aw also is reflected as /a/ in the following form. This is the only case where *aw comes to stand immediately following /a/. Perhaps there is a rule that *aaw > /aa/: *paheyaw >faa 'hoarse'(< *faaw < *payaw) G42.3 Consonants

Sm reduced the PAn consonantal inventory. Sm made the following changes together with the other Oc languages: (1) consonantal gradation developed in the labial stops (§042.1.1 ); (2) *hand *s were lost practically without a trace; (3) *p and *b merged. Further, Sm made innovations together with many of the EOc languages, not made by the WOe languages: (4) *j, *c have merged, and *g has merged with them in medial position; (5) root-final consonants have been lost, but their reflexes are most commonly retained when a vowel-initial suffix is added. Sm underwent further consonantal developments: (6) *y and *y were lost entirely; *k >/?/.Chart Two outlines these developments: CHART TWO. DEVELOPMENTS OF THE SAMOAN CONSONANTS FROM PAN

PAn *p, b *t *k *d *c, *j *g *q, *s, *h

Samoan p,f t ?

l s, 0 k-, -s-, -fJ0

PAn *y, *y *4 *1 *m *n *IJ *w

Samoan 0 l, n l m n g [IJ] V, 0

Root-final consonants were mostly retained in forms with a vowel-initial suffix. In some cases, however, the consonant added after the root before the vowel-initial suffix is not the inherited C but is random, and in other cases, no consonant is inserted between the root-final vowel and the suffix: *cuk 'enter'> su?-i 'thread (beads on a string)' *pulut 'tree producing sticky sap' > pulut-i 'caulk'*quseiap 'scales'> unafi 'remove scales' In some cases, the suffixed forms were probably not directly inherited, as they show reflexes of another Polynesian language (e.g. To). However, in the first of these examples, it is prenasalization of the root-final consonant that accounts for the reflexes that occur:

730

Part G. Chapter Four, §2

*cukecuk 'shove into'> huuhuuk-ia 'prick, pierce' *gac > kakah-i 'scratch' *luseq > lo '1-imata 'tears' (lit. tears in the eyes)

G42.3.1 Stop consonants G42.3.11 *p and *b *p and *b merged to If/ when not prenasalized and /p/ when prenasalized. First, *p > /f/: *payis > fai 'stingray' *paka- > fa'1a- 'causitve or numerical prefix' *piga > fia 'how many?' *capuh 'wipe'> safu 'broom' *ipen > n!fo 'tooth' *quseiap 'scales'> unaf-i 'remove scales' Second, *b > /f/: *babaw 'above'> fafo 'outside' *baqeyuh > fou 'new' *beyecay >foe 'paddle' *bulu 'body hair' >fulu 'feather' *yabihi 'evening' > afi-afi 'afternoon, evening' *leb 'covered and hidden'> loof-ia 'submerged' *p > /p/: *pay 'flutter' > pepe 'flutter, butterfly' *picik > pisi 'splash' *pulut 'sticky' > pulu 'white sap (as of breadfruit tree)' *kapak > '1apa- '1apa 'flap the wings' *b > /p/: *bibi > pipi 'k.o. edible mollusc' *biyet]i 'night' > pogi-a 'overtaken by night' *tubuq 'grow'> tupu 'grow'·

G42.3.111 Irregularities involving *p and *b In two cases, /v/ reflects *p or *b. In the first case, the form was probably borrowed from a non-Polynesian language (a cognate is also found in To). The second case is a form that has spread throughout the Hesperonesian languages secondarily: *qapuy > n-avu 'apply lime to the hair' [kapac] 'cotton'> ?ava 'twine for binding' 16 In two cases, *p was lost unaccountably. In the first case, loss of *p may have come about through contamination (but I have identified no source). In the second, its occurrence in unstressed position may have caused loss of *p ( cf. §G42.2.23, end). Note that an allomorph of this same morpheme in another word reflects *p with /f/: *puseg 'navel' >usa 'umbilical chord' *apa > aa 'what?' afaa-ina 'for s.t. to be the matter with it' A few forms with initial *b or *p also occur nasalized (§A3.7.1). Cf. §G42.1.6 for examples.

G42.3.12 *t and *d *t and *d did not merge. G42.3.121 *t *t > /t/. There are no examples ofprenasalized /t/:

16

Cf. the footnote to the To cognate, §G41.3.lll.

The development of the PAn consonants in Samoan

731

*taiJic > tagi 'cry' tagis-ia 'cry over' *telu >tofu 'three' *tiyem 'oyster' > tio 'k.o. mollusc' *tuduq > tulu-i 'drip liquid' *bitik > fiti 'fillip' *pitu > jitu 'seven' *qatusan > ?otua 'deity *pulut 'tree producing sticky sap' > pulu 'resin' pulut-i 'caulk, plug a leak' In one case, *tis reflected as nasalized (§A3.7.1), as is the case of cognates in the other Polynesian languages: *teyeb 'having a full measure' > ma-no 'ten thousand' G42.3.122 *d *d > IV. There are no examples of prenasalized *d: *dapedap 'a tree: Erythina sp.' >/ala 'k.o. seaside shrub' *dekuiJ 'bend'> lo?u 'bend the body' *deiJey >logo 'hear' *deiJen 'be quiet'> logo 'keep silence' *dusa > lua 'two' *qudip 'alive'> ma-uli 'seat of the emotions' *tuduq 'drip'> tu-tulu 'be leaky' *udesi 'last, rear end' > m-uli 'come last' *kid> 'li/-i 'saw, file' *tusud > tul-i 'knee' G42.3.13 *k and *g- in initial position *k became/?/ in all environments: *kasiw 'tree, wood' > ?au 'stem' *cakay 'climb, ride' > sa?e 'upwards' *ciku > si?u 'elbow' *cuiJkit 'poke with a point'> su?i 'thrust a needle' *tuk 'pound'> tu?i 'strike, hammer' In the following form, which was possibly contaminated with a form not attested in Sm, 17 *k is lost: *pakey > fao 'nail, peg' *g- fell together with *k- when onset of the penult or earlier or when onset of monosyllabic roots, as it does in many An languages. (For a discussion of *-g-as onset of the final syllable, see §G42.3.23, below.) *gac > ?a- ?asi 'scratch deeply' *galih > ?eli 'dig out' *gemegem 'hold in fist' > ?o ?omi 'squeeze, press between the hands' *gemi 'hold on to'> '1omi-'1omi 'press between the hands' *gilaiJ > ?i-?ila 'glisten' *gita 'see'> 'lite-a 'in sight' G42.3.2 *c, *j and *-g- onset of the final syllable *c, *j and *-g- (i.e., *g- onset of the final syllable) merged. There are two reflexes: /s/ and 0. These two reflexes correlate closely with two reflexes in some of the other Polynesian languages, and have lead to two different reconstructions in Proto-Polynesian (PPn) (as listed in Pollex): 0 reflects PPn *h, and /s/ reflects PPn *s. (Cf. the analogous situation for PAn *d in To, where there are two reflexes [§G41.3.122].) I assume that these three phonemes merged to [s]. One possible explanation is that subsequently [s] > [h] (which was lost in Sam), except when protected by a nasal-i.e, prenasalization developed in pre-Samoan in some forms, protecting the [s] and preventing its weakening and subsequent loss. 18 There is a Cf. the explanation given for the To cognate §041.3.13. This explanation is not entirely certain because of the existence of PAn roots with both *h reflexes and *s reflexes of *c, *j, and *s, e.g., ao 'day' ( < PPn *aho) and aso 'day (date)'. Cf. the comment to the discussion of an analogous phenomenon in To (§041.3.122) 17

18

Part G. Chapter Four, §2

732

further complication: namely, PPn *s became *h only before *i, *a and the lei that developed from *ay or the lol that developed from lawl. Before *u, *o not from lawl, and lei not from *ay, *s was not weakened to *h. Thus, the Sm reflexes of *c, *j and medial *g have two reflexes only before Ia!, Iii, lol if the lol remounts to *aw, and lei if the lei remounts to *ay. Otherwise, Sm always reflects lsl. 19 G42.3.21 *c >Is/ and /h/ *c >Is/ before Ia!, Iii, /o/ (< *aw), and /e/ (< *ay) when it had been prenasalized: *cakecak > sasa 'beat, thrash' *cici > sisi 'small snails' *bicik 'peel' > fisi 'peel skin with a knife' *bacebac 'strike' >fas-i 'beat a child, kill an animal' *taDic > tagis-ia 'weep over' 20 *c also became Is/ before *u and before *e: *ceDet 'acrid smell'> sago 'smell ofurine' *culuq > sulu 'torch' *qacu > asu 'smoke' In the following forms, *c before Ia! and lei was lost (presumably in unprotected position): *cakay 'climb up on s.t.' > a?e 'upwards' *ciwa >iva 'nine' *liceqes > lia 'nit'(< *lica < *licqa) (*qacawa 'in-law' > aavaa 'spouse' *beyecay >foe 'paddle' *tacik > tai 'sea' *talicay > talie 'a tree of the seashore: Terminalia' There are three cases where *c is reflected with It/, all them words that were probably borrowed into Sm. Note that *g is reflected by It/ in loan words as well (§G42.3.23, below): *cawuq >tau 'anchor, moor a boat' 21 *ciyi > tii 'a bush: Cordyline sp.' *puceg > pute 'navel' (also uso 'umbilical chord' with unexplained loss of *p-) In another case, where initial *cis reconstructed in the non-Polynesian cognates, the Polynesian languages evince a vowel onset without the *c. The final syllable makes up a root. It is unknown if the 0-onset of the penult in the Polynesian languages remounts to *c. If so, there is no explanation for how the *c was lost: *cawaq 'deep channel for landing a large vessel' > ava 'passage, opening' G42.3.22 *j > Is/ and 0 *j became Is/ before Ia!, /i/, /o/ (< *aw) and /e/ (< *ay) when it had been prenasalized: *jaqit 'adjacent' > sai 'tightly bound bundle' Before *e and *u, *j also became /s/: *jeket 'stick'> so?o 'join' *juyuq 'liquid material'> suu 'watery (oftaro)' *tujuq > tus-i 'point'

19 A further complication is that two forms with *c before *u show Sm Is/ but in other Polynesian languages, the reflexes ofPPn *h: *cucu 'nipple, breast' (PPn *huhu) E. Futuna uu 'breast'. Sm susu 'teat of animal' does not reflect *huhu, but rather *susu. Similarly, E. Futuna ?au 'smoke' reflects PPn *ahu. Sm asu 'smoke' reflects PPn *asu. Why the PPn *s should have weakened before *u in these two words in some Polynesian languages is unexplained. 20 It is unclear ifjasi nd tangisia reflect a protected *s ala 'way' *qujat > ua 'rain' In the following case *j was lost, even though it preceded *e. There is no explanation ( cf. the 2nd footnote to §G42.3.2, above): *pejem >moe 'sleep' G42.3.23 Medial *-g- >I sf and 0

Medial *-g- became /s/ when it had been prenasalized: *isegul) > isu 'nose' *maga > masa 'neap tide' *belag > folas-i 'spread out' *tugic 'scratch a line' > tusi 'draw, write' , Medial *-g- was lost in the following cases presumably because it was unprotected: *baligi > falii 'k.o. grass' *piga > jia 'how many?' *qategaw > ao 'day' There are two forms in which *-g- is reflected with It!, probably loan words (cf. words with It/ reflecting *c in §G42.3.21, above): *iagam >lata 'tame *lugan 'load' >uta 'cargo' G42.3.3 *y, *q, *h, and*s

*y, *h, and *s disappeared without a trace in Sm, arid their loss was followed by vowel contraction. *s and *h were lost prior to POe and to my knowledge, leave little trace in Oc languages. *q and *y were lost more recently, and the vowel sequences that developed through the loss of*q or *ywere not contracted.*y is reflected regularly with [1] or [r] in many Oc languages, including some closely related to Sam, e.g., Sa'a(§G2.3.31). G42.3.31 *y

*y>0 *baqeyuh > fou 'new' *biyel]i 'night' > pogi-a 'be overtaken by night' (< *bei]i < *beyeiJi) *biyaq 'giant taro' >pia 'arrowroot' *buyeq 'spew' > pua?i 'vomit' *sabayat 'strong monsoon wind'> afaa 'hurricane, storm' *tayutul] 'puffer fish'> tautu 'porcupine fish' *yabihi > afi-afi 'afternoon' *yici 'tear' > isi 'split' G42.3.32 *q

*q>0: *qacawa 'in-law' > aavaa 'wife' *qila > ila 'mark on skin' *bituqen > fetuu 'star' *jaqit > sai 'bind' *buq 'pour'> fu-i 'pour water on' The following form shows unexpected initial/?/. It has been influenced by a neighboring language that reflects *q with/?/. Note that this form is recorded without the initial glottal stop by Pratt 1911 : *qabated > ?afato 'edible grub' G42.3.33 *s, *h

*s and *h were lost without a trace:

734

Part G. Chapter Four, §2

*saiJin 'wind'> agi 'blow (wind)' *busat 'make a sacrifice for s.t.' > fuat-a 'crop, harvest' *betehus >fotu 'appear, emerge' *lahuj 'seaward'> to?e-lau 'trade wind from east' G42.3.4 Liquids and nasals G42.3.41 *I *1 is retained as IV initially and medially in most cases: *laJ]it > lagi 'sky' *luseq > lo-imata 'tears' *liceqes > lia 'nit' *pulut 'sticky' > pulu 'gum, resin' pulut-i 'caulk' In one case, *1 was changed to In! before the lrnl onset of the following syllable, as is the case in many Oc languages. An IV that developed from *'1: by the rule of §042.3.42, was also assimilated to an lrnl to the right in one case. These forms spread secondarily: *linaw 'calm, unroiled' >rna-nino 'transparent, clear' *qaiimeqec 'invisible'> nimo 'vanish, disappear' (< *qalimeqec) *1 > In! in another form without explanation. The vocalism in this form is also irregular: *qusalipan 'milliped' > anufe 'caterpillar' *1 was lost in two other forms. The first is borrowed; the second was contaminated by a word of similar meaning that had a reflex of *y (cf. §G 12.3.41, end, in Chapter One, §2 of Part G): *buliy > fui 'bunch, cluster' *qalad 'fence' > loto-aa 'enclosure, field' (loto 'interior') ma-ala 'new plantation' G42.3.42 *i *'1: underwent the developments described for PMP in §A3.34. Namely, *'1: became Ill when onset of a penult or an earlier syllable with a short-vowel nucleus; *'1: became PMP tii before a long vowel in the penult, in monosyllabic roots, and when onset of the root-final syllable after a long vowel. *f > In! when onset of the final syllable after a short vowel and in word-final position. In pre-Samoan (but after POe) *ii merged with *n. *'1: >Ill: *iagam >lata 'tame *fawUIJ 'shade'> malu 'shelter' (< *ma-aluiJ < *ma-lauiJ) *iemec 'disappear'> me-lemo 'drowned' *iuwaiJ 'opening'> lua 'hole' *'1: >In/: *iuka > ma-nu?a 'injured' *qatuj 'be carried by the current'> ma-anu 'come to the surface' *tufa> tuna 'eel' *baiJui 'rise' >fagun-a 'awaken' The following form stretched the nucleus in the process of disyllabization ( §042.1.4) before depalatalization took place: *iuy > niu 'coconut' The reflex of *iepuq 'scorpion fish' evinces an unexpected In!, as is the case of all the languages east of Sulawesi. Cf. the explanation for the To reflex (§041.3.42, 3rd ~): *iepuq > nofu 'scorpion fish'(
moo-mona 'meaty (of shellfish)'(< *menak < *menyak < *meniyak) In two cases *i was lost. In the first case, *i was lost as the first C in a cluster that had developed (§G42.1.3). In the second, there is no explanation. It is an all-Polynesian innovation and perhaps arose from taboo considerations: *qaiegaw > ao 'day' *qaiitu 'evil spirit'> aitu 'ghost, spirit' In the following form, the root-final syllable was lost, including the *i-onset, when it came to be the penult (§G42.1.23): *daqaii > laa 'sun' (< *daqaii-an) An *i that became Ill was sporadically dissimilated to In!, as Ill was (cf. the example of §G42.3.41, 2n~, above). G42.3.43 Nasals *m, *n, and lgl [IJ] respectively:

*~

are reflected faithfully in initial and medial position by lrnl, In!, and

*manuk 'bird' >manu 'bird, animal, insect' *inurn> inum-ia 'be drunk up' *namaw 'sheltered water' >nama 'place in lagoon *enem > ono 'six' *teken 'stick to support' > to?o 'pole to propel canoe' *biyel]i 'evening'> pogi-a 'be overtaken by night' *taiJic > tagi 'cry' *pacaiJ 'pair'> maa-sag-a 'twins, born together' In one case, *m is reflected by lngl, a trace of the labialization that was practically lost entirely in Polynesian languages. Cf. the discussion in §03.1.61, Chapter Three, Part G, where these developments are discussed: *qumaiJ > uga 'hermit crab' In the following form, a root-final *n was changed to *IJ, a sporadic innovation that is shared by all of the languages east of the Moluccas: *qulun 'rest the head'+ *-an> aluga 'place head on pillow' In the following form, *n changed to lgl under the influence of the initial *ka-, which was subsequently lost: 22

*kanuhec + fe?e > guu-fe?e 'squid' G42.3.5 Semivowels G42.3.51 *w *w > lvI before *a, but not if after lui (cf. the 2"~ of this section): *walu > valu 'eight' *ciwa > iva 'nine' *qacawa 'in-law' > aavaa 'spouse' *qawaq > ava 'milkfish' The sequence *uwa is reflected as *ua and *va (§G42.2.21, end):

22 For the loss of the intial syllable of a word of four or more syllables, cf. the parallel maasaga 'twins' discussed in §042.1.24, footnote.

Part G. Chapter Four, §2

736

*buwaq > fua 'fruit' *banuwa > fanua 'land, country' *iuwaiJ 'opening'> lua 'hole' *suwab > maava-va 'yawn'(< *maa-r-va [forr- cf. §G41.1.4] < *maa-uwa) At the end of a word, *w formed a diphthong with the preceding vowel (§G42.2.53). Both *iw and *aw are reflected. *iw became simplified to *i, and *aw became simplified to !of or /au/ according to the accentual conditions (§G42.2.53). For *we and *ew, cf. §G42.2.31.

G42.3.52 *y *y was lost almost without a trace except at the erid of a word where it formed a diphthong with the preceding vowel (cf. §§G42.2.51, G42.2.52) and the sequence *ey, which became /i/ (§042.2.31). *layay > /aa 'sail' *qayuyu 'coconut crab' > uu-uu 'k.o. large land crab' The sequence *ya became lei after *u. There is one attestation: *duyan 'rock back and forth'> lue 'shake' A sequence *ny that developed changed to In! (§G42.3.42, 4t,).

Glossary Kav Pai Tag Label

*a1 '3rd person pronoun' This is usually reflected with a prefzx /i-1, the pronominal prefzx. The basic form without Ii-I is found in various lgs from Form through Oc. E.g. Bun reflects the original form. In many lgs S. of the Phil, the original form is reflected as an object marker. This form in its origin was probably a demonstrative (Ross 2006: 525). Blust *ia, *-a7 Dpwlf*'ija' 'he, they' St sia 'he, she' At h-iya?'he, she' ?ini-a 'he' Knn s-a 'the, those, he, it' Bun s-iya 'he, she' Tag Chmr gwiya 'he/she (emphatic)' Rat i se 'he, she'(< i-s-iya) (§C3.1.22b) s-ia 'he, she' (Ttb -a 'pronominal suffix of3'd Tdn person') Bug iyya 'he, she'(< i + ia [Mills]) ia 'he, she' Sal Wolio -a '3rd person ob"~ect ' iyeh 'he, she' Kel ND ie 'he, she' izy 'he, she' (§D3.3.45) Mig i-a 'he, she' Ml NJv -e 'his, hers' ia 'he, she' TB Mgg h-ia 'he, she' e 'he, she' (< *ea < *i-a, with the final vowel Leti lost in enclitic position [§F3.1.13]) Kei i 'he' (gen ni) ia '3'd person object suffix' Gdg Motu ia 'he, she, 3rd person object' ia '3'd person object suffix' Ars a 'he, she' also ko-ya. (§03.3.42) Fi ia 'he, she' To ia 'he, she' Sm

*a2 'linker' The linker *!P (e.g. in Fi (Bau) sa-IJa-vulu 'ten') probably contains this. Very likely this linker originates as the same morpheme as the 3'd person morpheme *a 1• Blust *a6 'ligature' Paz a 'linker' Th a 'linker' Am a 'connective particle'

a 'linker' a 'linker'

n-a 'linker' (Pgs, Ilk a) a 'linker'

aha under *ba1 tabay1 'be beside s.o.' Blust *abay 'side by side' Tag abtiy 'lying or sitting close to each other' abay 'groom's man, maid of honor' abi 'friend' (§C5.2.5l) Ba abe 'support s.o. walking' Fi

abay 2 under *hebay abut under *but [aca] 'hope' The resemblence between the Knn and the Tag and Ml forms is probably coincidental. Knn aasa 'hope' Tag pag-?asa 'hope' asa 'hope'(< Skt) Ml

[acat] 'for pools of water to dry up' The attestations do not correspond. Jv, Bal, Asi, and oc· forms show Ia/ in the final sylb, whereas Rejang and Bon show lei. Further, the Oc forms may be reflexes of*maga. Blust *asat 'dry out, become dry' Dpwlf *[']at'at 'water to be low' Bon aset 'squeeze dry' Sal esa? 'for water to evaporate and dry up' (not explained) Rej meng-aseut 'ebb, recede' aseut 'shallow' NJv asat 'dry up'(< Ml) Asi asat 'drought' Sa ma-ata 'be dried up (of a sore)' Sm rn-asa 'neap tide'(< *maga)

*aci '(cooking) fire' Pu Kpp Ml

asi 'fire' (Cauq) n-asi 'cooked rice' ( < *in-aci) n-asi 'cooked rice'(< *in-aci)

taciq 'pity, love' This form has probably spread secondarily through the Hesp lgs and eastward as far as Oc. The Kav citation is probably not conn.

737

738 Blust *qasiq 'pity, compassion, affection, love, sympathy, forgiveness' Dpwlf *'at'ih 'sympathy' Kav k-osi 'fortunately' Tag kOsi 'person dear too.'(< Ml) (Bon asi 'pity, sympathy') Chmr asi?i 'forgive, pardon' Lauje a-ansi 'pity' me-asi-asi 'pitiful, unfortunate' Ba k-asi-asi 'poor, miserable' mase 'love' (Tae' Bug asi 'give a gift out of affection') k-asi-asi 'poor [X]!' Mk asi 'like, love' (§C8.3.15) Mu asi? 'pity, mercy' Muk asi 'grace, have mercy on' ND k-asih 'love' (probably< Jv) Ml asih 'love' OJv asi 'compassionate, merciful' TB Ngad asi 'term of address for a member of the opposite sex' n-sia 'he teases (in a flirtatious way)' Leti (§F3.1.15) Motu ma-adi 'exclamation of pity' ?amasi 'feel pity for' (?am- [unidentified]) Sa ma-asi-asi 'be ashamed' (Pratt: masiasi) Sm

*acu 'dog' The /w-1 reflected in Paz, Kav, Am, and Pai was probably formed by false cutting after a marker ending in *-u. Dpwlf *'at'u 'dog' Paz wazu 'dog' St ?,phrP? 'dog' Th atu 'dog' Ru a£Joo 'dog' (Maga) Bun acu?'dog' Am waco 'dog' Kav wasu 'dog' Pu su-wan 'dog' (§871.1.15) Pai vatu 'dog' Tag aso 'dog' Tdn asu 'dog' Ba asu 'dog' Bug asu 'dog' Sal asu 'dog' Mu dahu 'dog' (/d-1 unexplained) asu 'dog' ND Ml asu 'dog' (Urak Lawoi) gigi-asu 'canine tooth' (anjing 'dog' is a 'courtly' form of asu 'dog' [Wilkinson: 36]) OJv asu 'dog' TB asu 'dog' Mok ?oy 'dog' (§§E3.2.1.10, E3.3.14, 41, ) Mgg acu 'dog' Ru asu 'dog' Leti asu 'dog' Kei yahau 'dog' (§F4.l.33)

Glossary Maori whakanga-ngahu 'hunt with dogs' (Pollex)

*adak 'go up' Dpwlf *al) *buyenay. Blust *buRnay 'Antidesma bunius · Tag bignay 'a tree: Antidesma bunius' (Cl.l.l2) Chmr biknay 'a tree: Antidesma bunius' (not directly inherited) Ba bune 'a tree: Antidesma bunius'

. Bug Mk Ml OJv Mgg

bu?n£ 'a tree: Antidesma bunius' (§§C6.1.33, C6.1.6) bu?ne 'edible berries of the poko? bu?ne, a small tree'(< *buyenay) buni 'a tree: Antidesma bunius' also berunai (not inherited). wuni 'a small tree: Antidesma bunius' (< *buyenay) wuni 'Antidesma bunius' (§§Fl.l.ll, 81..,, Fl.l.4, Fl.2.51)

*bek 'pulverize' Only occurs doubled, with /m-1 substitution(< *um-), or unidentified 1'1 sylbs. Am ti-fek 'mill grains' l-fek 'break apart' hal-fek 'wiped out, die' Cb ga-buk 'rotten' Ml de-bak 'whack, smack' (Ide-/ onomatopoetic sylb) Mgg sebek 'dull sound (as offruit falling to the ground)' (/se/ onomatopoetic)

tbekebek 'pulverize' Some lgs developed a meaning 'pound' under the influence ofreflexes of*pekepek. Dpwlf *bgkb;-,k, *bukbuk 'detritus, sawdust' Cb bukbuk 'pulverized' lbl bebek-en 'grind, pound' WBM bekbek 'pulverize' Chmr poppo 'powder substance from a decayed plant' (§C2.3.13) Ttb we ?mbek 'pound, crush' Kel bebhek 'rice fragments left after pounding, crushed into fine particles' Ml bubuk 'powder' (contaminated with bubuk 'weevil') OJv bebek 'ground, pulverized' Fi vevek-a 'rusty, worm-eaten' (Bau) (§G3.2.3) To popo 'rotten of wood, dry and cracked off skin'

*mek 'pulverized' < *bumek. This is reflected as a doubled root in the Phil and further south. sula-mek 'powder' (sufa- unidentified) Pai OJv remek 'crushed' (re- unidentified)

tmekemek 'broken to bits' This is doubling of a nasalized form *mek < *bumek. Tag mikmik 'finely powdered' (Kan, Itb, Dgt mekmek 'fragments offood' [semantic contamination with a word attested only in the Phil, e.g., SL muhmuh 'crumbs, bits of rice left over after eating']) Chmr mohmo 'chewed food for feeding, cud of betel chew' (§C2.3.13) also mommo and momo. Numfor mom 'leftovers from a meal' Motu momo 'rubbish' Sa momo 'sweepings, rubbish'

764 Fi To Sm

Glossary momo 'break into small pieces' (Ban) momo 'fragment (offood)' momo-i 'broken remnants, crumbs'

*beka 'split apart' Many attestations manifest final/?/ or /hi added on analogy with other words meaning 'split' and ending in a reflex of*kaq. Blust *beka 'split, crack open' Dpwlf*b::~(IJ)kah 'cleavage' At ma-b~?'shattered' Cb buka 'open' Mar beka?'widen opening' Chmr pokka? 'shatter, crack open' (§C2.3.13) Rat fJuka 'split' Ba beka 'split' (§C5.2.2l) wekka 'split' also bekka. Bug Wolio bongka 'break, break open' Kay beka?'broken open' lban bengkah 'division, put aside' NJv bengkah 'get a fissure' TB beka 'burst, split' (KB) Mok bekah 'split' (probably influenced by a Ml or Chamic form meaning 'split'< PAn *kaq) Kmb waka 'cracked, tom, split' Buru feka 'pop, burst, spurt' Sa hoka 'burst open, come apart' (§02.3.13) (probably< *peka) boka-ti 'split or cut s.t. in half with a blow' Fi (possibly< *peka)

tbekac1 'trace' Blust *bekas3 'trace, track, mark, print (as footprint)' Dpwlf *b::~kat' 'what has been left behind' Tag bakds 'footprint'(< Ml) Ba waka 'place where s.t. was before, leave traces' (§C5.2.2) ND bakas 'an elder'(< Ml) bekas 'trace, former' Ml OJv wekas 'what is left' kekas 'trace' (!k-1 by contamination) KB wehas 'old, disused' (§Fl.3.13) Mgg Sa he?as-i 'defecate on' (§02.2.3) Fi vekac-a 'defecate' (Bau)

bekac2,3 under *kac1,2 bekaiJ under *kaiJ bekel under *keh bekuk under *kuk bekuiJ under *kuiJ *bekut'bentofbody' The root of this form is very likely to be *kut. Blust *bekuC 'hunchbacked' Am jkot 'bend o.'s body, double over' ?okot 'huddle, as when shivering with cold'

Pai Tag

ma-vekuts 'bent down (as from burden)' bukot 'hunchback' (ltb vokot 'humpbacked-ness' Pgs bukot 'bent over' Tbl bekut 'bend, fold') fJungku? 'bent, stooped' (Sneddon) Rat bungkut 'hump, humpbacked' BM Uma bungku? 'in a stooping posture' Wolio bungku 'bent, crooked' bukut 'bent' (§D 1.2.2) Kel OJv ma-bukut 'respectfully bowed' (lui developed by contamination with other words meaning 'bow' having /u/ in both sylbs, e.g. Bal ukut 'hang over [ears of rice], move bent with age') Mgg wekut 'hunched over, folded' Kwaio fogut-a?i 'flex body in burial'

[bel] Reflected only with prefixes ke- or te-.

ttkebel 'invulnerable' Dpwlf *kabal, *k::~b::~l 'invulnerable' Cb kubitl 'invulnerable' Tdn kawal 'invulnerable' (§C4.2.3) kaba 'covering which shields'(< Mk kabala? Ba 'invulnerable') Bug kebbeng 'invulnerable' (§C6.1.2l) Sal ka?bala 'invulnerable' (§§C7.l.8, C7.2.31) Ml kebal 'invulnerable' TB hobo! 'invulnerable'

*tebel 'thick and compact' Dpwlf *t::~b::~l 'compact' Pu ketebe 'thick' (Chen 394) (loss of IV not explained) tubitl 'constipated feces' Cb Mig tevina 'thickness' tebal 'be thick' Ml tebel 'thick' NJv TB tobal 'dense (rain, herd of cattle)' Mok teban 'thick' Mgg tebel 'thick (leaves, hair)' (§Fl.3.31) tEmbEI 'thick (of cloud when rain impends)'

belag under *lag tbelaiJ 'striped or spotted (of animals)' Blust *belaiJ 'spotted, dappled' Dpwlf *b::~laiJ 'be spotted' Bug belang 'spotted (as hide of buffalo)' (§C6.2.4) Sal ballang 'banded, scar' ND belang 'spots on coat of animals' belang 'banded, brightly marked, contrasting' Ml OJv welang 'k.o. poisonous snake with black and white stripes' TB bolang 'spotted, striped (of animals)' Fi vola 'be striped (animal)'

765

Glossary

belaq under *laq *beli 'buy' Dpwlf *bgli, *hili 'buy' At bazir 'buy' (not directly inherited in Mx) (Tar bali) Ru sapangi-bili-an 'price' (§84.2.2) (Kao) Pai veli 'buy' Tag bili 'buy' Rat j3ili 'buy' (Kolinog: wili [C3.0, 3"ifD BM bali 'cost price' oli 'price' (§C5.3.41, end) Ba m-elli 'buy' (§C6.1.72) Bug Sal halli 'buy' (§§C7.l.8, C7.3.3l) yoli 'price, buy' (not inherited) Mu Kel belih 'buy' vidy 'price' (§D3.2.2) Mig beli 'buy' Ml OJv -weli 'buy' bali 'bride price' TB Mok meloy 'buy' (§§E3.1.5, E3.2.19 E3.3.3l) also beley (Mki-BDC). weli 'price' Mgg Buru ek-fili-t 'sell' jili-n 'price' (§F2.2.3) veli 'price' Leti vel 'trade' (§F4.1.3, footnote) vili-n 'dowery, Kei bride-price' Motu hoi 'buy' Sa holi 'barter, buy' voli 'be bought' Fi

belit under *lit1 beluk under *luk belun under *luiJ belut under *lut betay under *iay *bei-ut 'pull out by roots' This root is not well attested. The Am form does not correspond phonologically. It may be a borrowing from an unk source. The Phil forms should have final stress if they were directly conn. Cb bunut is a variant ofbunlut. Blust *beNuC 'pull out, extract' Am foiinot 'uproot' (This may be conn but it is unk how.) Pai ve1uts 'pull out grass, plants' Tag bUnot 'pull out by roots' (Cb bUnut 'pull out s.t. stuck between two other things, uproot weeds')

ttbenan 'thread, yarn' Blust *benaiJ 'thread for weaving, sewing' Dpwlf *bgnaiJ 'yarn, thread'

Han Ttb Ba Bug Sal ND Ml NJv TB Mok

bimang 'thread, yarn' wenang 'tree furnishing twine for fishing nets: Macaranga spp.' wona 'fine fibers in sago palm meal' (§C5.2.42) bennang 'thread' also wennang. ban nang 'thread' benang 'material for clothing' benang 'thread' wenang 'thread' bonang 'thread, yarn' benang 'thread' also meniing.

*ben 'block, dam up' There. is also a root *pel) that influenced the reflexes of this root. Blust *embeiJ 'dam, dam a stream' ma-balung 'block' (with *-ay- inftx) Bun Am ca-feng '(bamboo) wall of a building' r-beng-an 'ambush' Kav Pgs obong 'surround' Tbl beng 'wall' Cb abung 'bar, block the way' Kel ebheng 'bund in paddy fteld' Ml embang 'thwart, crossbar' bebang 'stoppage (of a passage)' OJv ka-hambeng 'halted, restrained, prevented' ambang 'obstruct, impede' (vowels Mgg unexplained)

*beneben 'block' Blust *beiJbeiJ 'blocked with a wall or curtain' Pai vengveng 'windscreen, shelter' bongbong 'dam to prevent flow of water' Cb lfg bungbung 'wall' bongbong 'hindered' TB bong 'cover, obscure (as clouds)' (§Gll.2.3) Tol Lau bobo 'shut, enclose'

*Ieben 'grave, bury' Dpwlf *lg(m)bgiJ 'hole in ground, grave' Paz rebeng 'bury (anything but a person)' St lebeng 'bury' (Tonghre? hebeng) At lobong 'cover, put in a protected place' (Tar) Am 1fong 'immerse' (§§861.2.2, 861.3.42) ybeng 'deep below, bottom' ribeng 'below'(< Kav yiribeng 'below, down') tsa-tseve#-an 'tomb' (not conn) Pai Tag libing 'grave' Rat liwing 'grave' (Niemann) leweng 'step into mud or soft ground' Tdn Mig mi-levina 'be buried' Ml lembang 'depressed, low lying, trodden underfoot' /ebeng 'depression, swamped area' NJv lobong 'gap between teeth' TB !ova 'be buried' /ovoni 'cover s.t. with earth' Fi

766 t tabe:g 'conceal' Blust *ta(m)beiJ 'block, obstruct' 'covered, under wraps' Tag tdbing 'veil, shade, screen off OJv taweng 'screen, covering, potection' tabog-o 'hidden from view' (Bau) Fi Dpwlf*ta(m)b~IJ

*ube:g 'surrounding enclosure' Blust *ubeiJ 'block, dam up' Sar ta-?uvung-a 'pigpen' ta-'?;:wfmg-a 'pigpen' (§§B32.1.21, B32.1.7, · Knn 832.2.3) Pgs obong 'bird's nest, to surround'

be:ga under *IJa tbe:gel 'deaf Blust *bel)el 'deaf Dpwlf *b~IJ~I 'be deaf Tag bingi 'deaf (§CI.3.42) (Cb bungul 'deaf) Rat j3engel 'deaf (§C3.2.35) Tdn we?ngel 'stupid' (§C4.1.5, end) (Ttb wengel . 'deaf) wongo 'disobedient (of children); deaf(in set Ba expressions)' Sal bongo/a 'deaf (§C7.2.35) bhongo 'dumb, mute' (§C8.3.5) Mu Kel benge/ 'deaf bengal 'temporarily deaf Ml benge/'headache' NJv Mgg benge! 'be mute' (§Fl.3.31) bong 'foolish, mute' (§011.2.3) Tol Sa pungu 'be deaf (§02.2.3)

tbe:gic 'cruel' This can be assigned to PMP only if the Sm citation is really conn. Blust *bel)is 1 'angry, quarrelsome' Dpwlf *b~l]it' 'be angry' Cb bangis 'fierce' (borrowing) ND babangis 'look angry'(< Ml) vinitra 'angry in looks' (§D3.2.2) Mig Ml bengis 'cruel' OJv wengis 'angry' DPB bengis 'o. who becomes easily angered' Sik bengis 'bad-humored, touchy' Sm pogi 'harsh, severe (of countenance)'

>e:gke:g under *keiJ Jetac under *tac >etak under *tak tbetaw 'female relative of a man' Blust *betaw 'sister' (man speaking) Dpwlf *b~[t]av 'a sibling of the opposite sex' Long T betaw 'sister' (man speaking)

Glossary ND TB Mgg Buru Roti

betaw 'female relative' i-boto 'sibling of opposite sex' weta 'female relative of the same generation' (§Fl.2.53) feta 'sister' (man speaking) feto 'sister, female cousin' (man speaking)

tbetehus 'come forth, appear' Blust ACD under *betu points out the contrast between this form meaning 'emerge as a happening' and *date I) 'come as a conscious action'. The medial sylb is reconstructed on the basis of Cb buthu? 'appear from nowhere. ' Blust *betu 'appear, come into view' Dpwlf *b~tu 'appear' Cb buthu'?'appear' (§Cl.l.41) Bug bettu 'pierce' Sal battu 's.t. or s.o. who has just come, appeared' (§C7.1.8) OJv wetu 'come forth, appear' (§El.l.l34) Mgg betu 'be affected by' to?o 'emerge' (§§Fl.l.3, Fl.2.2, Fl.2.35) Buru beto-n 'night, 24-hour cycle' ( §F2.3.3l) Asi hetu 'get up, awake' Atune betu 'emerge, appear suddenly, be awake' Sa hou 'proclaim, be acclaimed' Fi votu 'appear, become visible' To fotu 'emerge, come into view' Sm fotu 'appear' (§042.1.21)

*bete:g 1 'foxtail millet: Panicum italicum' This is found only in remnant areas (Sar and Ru on Taiwan and in E. Ind). Its distribution guarantees the antiquity oftheform. Leti (and closely related lgs) reflect final *-m. The Form attestations reflect final *-IJ. The discrepancy is unexplained. Blust *beCeiJ 'foxtail millet' Sar fJVx;mg;=~ 'millet (§831.1.22) Ru bxeng *seled [The change of *u > *e is unexplained.]) (Mar soled 'enter, come in') sulen 'plug up, cork' (not conn) sule 'stop up'

tt culiJ] 'flute' Dpwlf *t'uli!J 'flute' Tdn suling 'play the flute' suling 'flute' Bug suli 'flute' Mu suling 'flute' ND sodina 'flute' Mig Ml suling 'flute' TB suling 'flute'

tt culuy 'shoot of creeper, banyan trees, etc.' The Sm attestation is probably not conn. Dpwlf *t'ulul 'shoot, sproud' Tag sulol 'offspring, renewal' (§C1.3.41) · Sal suluru 'connection of poles in a house' ND suluh 'shoot' solo 'substitute' Mig sulur 'shoot of creeper' Ml OJv sulur 'shoot of creeper, aerial root'(< Ml) Sm sulu 'a true son of a chief

tculuq 'torch' Dpwlf *t'uluh 'torch, shine' su/6? 'lighted torch' Tag Chmr sulo?'torch-fishing, hunting with light' Rat sa-solo-n 'lamp' (§§C3.1.21b, C3.2.2) sulu? 'torch, moonlight' Ttb sulu 'eye' (shamanic register)(§C5.3.51) Ba sulo 'torch' Bug Sal sulo 'torch' ND culuk 'torch' (§D2.3.15) Mig voa-tsolo 'burnt' (§D3.3.22, end) suluh 'torch' Ml OJv suluh 'torch, light' TB sulu 'torch' Mok iiuliik 'shine' (§§E3.1.5, §E3.3.14, end) culu 'torch' Mgg sulu 'torch' Leti hu 'torch' Kei Tol ul 'torch' ve-uli 'fish with torch' (§Gll.l.3) Longgu sulu 'leaf, especially of coconut' (RP03: 381) suluka 'dry leaves, generally of banana, for Fi cigarettes' (RP03: 382) hulu 'give light with a lantern or torch' To Sm sulu 'torch' t culuy 'shoot, sucker' Dpwlf *t'ulih 'sprout from the root' Tag suloy 'sprounting of plants' col/i? 'young leaf bud' (§§C6.1.8, C6.2.2, Bug C6.2.52, C6.3.15) Sal su/i 'taro' jo//i?'sucker' ( In/ in many lgs).Cf commentary to *fal)Uy. Blust *lepu, *lepuq, *nepuq 'fish with poisonous dorsal spines' Cb lupu? 'k.o. blackish fish with poisonous spines' Chmr iil!fo? 'scorpion fish' (§C2 .3 .41, end) also nufo?. nyopu 'lionfish' (§C5.3.52) Ba Mu nopu 'stonefish with poisonous spines' (§§C8.3.11, C8.3.43) batang lepu 'k.o. poisonous tree' ND Ml ikan lepu 'fishes with venomous fins' (no /-h/ because secondary) lepilk 'lionfish' Mok lepo 'k.o. fish with poisonous spines' Mgg (§F1.2.2) neif'fish with poisonous spines' (§§F4.1.33, Kei F4.3.43) (KK nif) nup 'k.o. fish' (§§Gl1.2.3, Gll.3.32) To I Motu nohu 'stinging fish' (§012.3.42) noho 'fish with poisonous spines' (§02.2.4) Sa Fi novu 'poisonous stonefish' (§03.3.42, end) nofo 'fish with poisonous spikes' To Sm nojz1 'scorpionfish' (§042.3.42)

*iib 'cave, shelter under overhang' No MP attestations, but there are good T-B cognates (Sagar/ p.c.). St ka-fib 'cave under arock' At luxi-ux 'shelter under overhang' libi 'shelter under overhanging rock' Ru fihif'cave, den' (§B61.1.2) Am Kav lihib 'cave under rock' (probably< Am) Pai #v 'shelter under overhanging rock'

*iibu 'fenced in place, den or pen' Paz St Th At Sar Knn Ru Bun Am Pu Pai Tag BM Ba Bug Ml Sawu Num Fi

libu-patakan 'bamboo protective fence for garden, etc.'(< Tsuch 1976:142) fibo? 'bird's nest' (§Bl2.2.3, middle) Oifu 'nest, lair' libU? 'pigpen' Tar libu 1ivu?u 'den ofwild pigs' niivu 'nest of wild pig' (§832.3.14) fibo 'pen' (Maga fibuu) nibu 'egg' nbo 'den' (Amis-Sakiraya [K: p.c.]) fivu 'den of wild pigs' 1ivu 'pen' ulbo?'pigpen' (§CI.l.3) libu 'surroundings' (contamination with *liyus accounts for the lack of/-?/) libu 'ring around the sun, moon' (§C5.3.52) lcbu 'round' (perhaps unconn. IFJ unexplained) kelambu 'mosquito net' (possibly< kelam 'night' + *Hbu) nyebu 'nest, web' nyabu 'nest of birds, ants' Kamb hi:bu 'nest' niyew 'lair' (Van Hasselt: 166) ma-levu 'enclosure offish, fence' (Bau) (§03.3.42) (lei unexplained)

iiyab see *iceyab iiyu see *yinu tiikeiik 'stinging insect' This form may well have developed by sound symbolism from t fekefek, where this form referred to an insect with a sharper sting than *fekefek. Blust *niknik, *iiikiiik 'tiny biting insect: gnat, sandfly' Tag niknik 'gnat, fly' (§Cl.3.43. middle) (Kpp niknik 'gnat, fly') Bug sissi? 'mosquito' (developed by backformation) Bisaya bukit nini? 'sandfly' Bal iiiiiik 'k.o. mosquito' (Sas iiifiik 'tobacco louse') Sawu nini 'k.o. very small midge' ninik 'mosquito' Roti ninik Waropen nini 'midge, mosquito' Ymd Seimat nini 'bee'

906 Sa

nini-ho 'hornet'

Glossary tisebic under *sebic

liket under *ket

iiteq under *teq

*tikitiki 'armpit'

*HwaiJ 'thin (people)'

MP lgs show metathesi, and the Form forms reflect the original sequence ofphonemes: Ill in MP lgs reflects *f-onset of initial sylb, but not ofa medial sylb (9A3.3.4). Dpwlf *kili, *kilik 'underarm' Sar fiifiki 'armpit' (§B3l.l.4) pua-fifiki 'put under the arms' Knn nikiniki 'armpit' masu-iniki 'put under the armpit' Tag kilikili 'armpit' (§§Cl.l.3, Cl.3.43) Rat kele 'arm between shoulder and elbow' (§C3.2.1) Tdn kiki/c?'underarm' (§§C4.1.4, C4.2.1) also kekilc?. ilek 'underarm' (not conn, cf. SL iruk) Kel helika 'underarm' (§03.1.2, end) Mig Ml kEIEk 'underarm' (This is conn, but the development is idiosyncratic.) kelek 'armpit' NJv Mgg lc!E 'armpit' (§§Fl.2.1, Fl.3.13, end) s-lili 'armpit' (§§F3.1.22, F3.3.43) Leti ha-lili-n 'armpit' (§§F4.3.13, end, F4.3.43) Kei

[tikubu] 'spring upward' This reconstruction is tenuous. The prefu: is probably qafi- or *cafi- but that is not certain. The only attestations are for Pai and Tag. Thechange of *-likubu > likbllbu can perhaps be explained as iconic in that it was influenced by forms with reduplicated penults like Tag salipadpad 'fluttering about' alinugnug 'spinning'. Pai 1ikuvu 'spring board, high jump' (§B72.l.ll) Tag salikbitbo 'upward leap, gushing up'

*timac 'bail out' Initial* I reconstructed on the basis of Kav and Oc lgs. Blust *Iimas 'canoe bailer' Dpwlf *limat' 's.t. to bail a boat out' Kav nimas 'dredge water, bail out' Tag Iimas 'bail out' Tdn Iimas 'bail out' Ba lime 'scoop water out of boat' (§§C5.2.43, . C5.3.52) Mig dima 'dipper for bailing' Ml Iimas 'dipper for bailing, drinking, etc.' Kilenge na-lima 'bail' (RPOl: 201) Glb a-nima 'bailer' (RPOI: 201) Fi nimat-i 'be bailed out' (§G3.3.42)

Blust *niwaiJ 'thin, of animate beings' Th Oiwan 'slender (of people)' Cb niwang 'skinny' TB mar-niang 'thin' Asi ma-niwa 'thin'

ttuy 'coconut' This form is assigned to MP although there is a Kav reflex, because the Kav form may well be < a MP language. This form could alternatively be reconstructed as *niyuy-i.e., the PMP forms reflecting tn, developed by contraction. However, disyllabization ofmonosylb roots is such a dominant force in the development of the An languages that I am assuming that all of the re_flexes result from disyllabization of *fuy. Dpwlf *nijuy 'coconut palm' Kav nuzu 'coconut' (§862.3.41, end) Tag niy6g 'coconut palm' Chmr niyok 'cocunut tree, fruit thereof Rat niu 'coconut' Sal f!joro 'coconut' (§§C7.3.43, C7.3.62) Fiiuru 'k.o. small areca' (§C7.2.24) enuh 'coconut' (§02.1.2) ND Mig voa-niho 'coconut' (/h/ possibly developed as an orthographic convention) Ml iiiur 'coconut' OJv nyuu 'coconut palm'(< *niyuu < *niyuy) also nyuh (§El.3.25, end). DPB niur 'coconut' (§§E2.1.2[2a], E2.3.42) (DPB) Mok Fii?iin 'coconut' (§E3.1.2) Mgg nio 'coconut' (§§Fl.2.2, Fl.3.4l) Buru niwe 'coconut' (§F2.1.3, end) Leti nura 'coconut' (§F3.1.4) Kei nuur 'coconut (tree, fruit)' (§§F4.1.51, F4.3.43) Tol niu 'coconut' (dialect) Motu niu 'coconut' (§Gl2.1.3) Sa niu 'coconut palm' (§§G2.1.4, G2.3.42) Fi niu 'coconut palm' To niu 'coconut palm' (§G4l.3.42) Sm niu 'coconut palm' (§§G42.1.4, G42.3.42)

*iuka 'wound' Cb, E. Jnd lgs, and Oc reflect penultimate stress Blust *nuka 'wound, sore' Dpwlf *lu(l))ka' 'to wound, a wound' Paz luka 'scar' St 1oka?'inflamed corners of the mouth' Th iJuka 'wound' At loqex 'wound' (Tar) Sar fitka?a 'a boil'

907

Glossary Knn Ru Bun Am Cb Bug Sal Mig Ml TB Mok Leti Asi Tol Motu To Sm

nuuka 'small tumor' (Tsuch and Li, n.d.) ma-Hw-Hcaa (Tsuch 1976, 142) (Maga) nuka?'tumor' (Tsuch 1976:142) (Nih: 'scar, small boil') 'iokafi 'wound, sore, cut' (1-fil not explained) nuka 'wound, sore' nuka 'framboesia' loo 'wound (from weapon, bum)' loko 'wound' (§§C7.2.26, C7.2.4) loka-na 'struck with a spear' (§D3.3.13) luka 'wound' luha 'wounded' loka?'wound' (Lewis: loka 'cut, wound') nua 'wound' (Tetum nuka 'k.o. skin eruption') nu?a 'festering wound' me-nue 'be wounded' (Tryon: ma-nue) ma-noka 'be weak' (§012.2.4) mo-nuka 'wounded, injured' ma-nu?a 'wound, cut, bruise, scar' (Pratt)

tuwaiJ under *waiJ *m 'gen marker of the Th old Ml Sa Fi

1st

and 2nd persons'

m-ita 'ofus' (genitive) m-amu 'your (pl)' m-ami 'our' m-am 'our' (excl)

*ma 1 'tongue' Bun Sik Buru Leti Motu Fi

ma-ma 'tongue' mama?(Central) ma?ma? (lshbukun) ma-n 'tongue' maa-n 'tongue' (§F2.1.3) nama 'tongue' (contamination with reflex of *tam 'taste') (Roti ma 'tongue') ma-lana 'tongue' mee 'tongue' (§G3.2.2) (Bauyame [/ya/ explained by G: 177~78])

*sema 'tongue'

The 1'1 sylb is attested with certainty only in Form lgs. However, perhaps Mgg lema reflects a nasalized form of *sema. Blust *Serna 'tongue' Paz da-hama 'tongue' (§§Bll.2.2, §Bll.3.22) St ka>-hma?'tongue' (§Bl2. 3.22) Th aama 'tongue' ( < *'lema, a nasalized form of *sema. The /a/ in the penult is an innovation shared with Paz) At h~a?'tongue' (§B2.3.22) sma 'tongue' Am Pu sma (dial < Ogawa) Pai sema 'tongue' lema 'tongue' (possibly< *sema + Mgg nasalization. More likely this developed from

*rna contaminated with a reflex of *jilat [not attested in Mgg].)

*ma-2 'adjective prefix' Ru Tag Mig Bug TB Tol To Sm

ma-maif:J 'dry' ma-puti?'white' ma-my 'sweet' ma- 'adjective former' ma-dcceng 'good' ma-mi 'sweet' ma- 'stative prefix' ma- 'stativizer, prefix denoting possibility' ma(a)- 'stativizer'

*maga 'become dry' Dpwlf *mag' a['] 'be dry' Th maaa 'evaporate, shallow' Ru ma-m;xli:J 'dry' (possibly not conn) Pgs maga 'dry' Cb malti 'dry' Sang mara 'dry' Tdn pera 'dry' (§C4.1.7) mara 'dried up' (§C5.3.44) Ba Sal mara 'dry' Mu mala 'blazing' (§C8.3.34) Mgg masa 'dry' mara 'yellow' Leti ka-mara-n 'a dry thing' (KK 'dry land') Kei To I me-maa 'ebb tide' (Tryon: ma-maa Meyer: mama) Motu ko-mada 'low tide' Sa ma-mata 'high and dry (of a reef at low tide)' Fi maca 'emptied out ofliquid' maha 'emptied of liquid (container)' To masa 'neap tide' Sm

mayi see *ayi [mak] Found only with *a- and *Ia-.

tt amak 'matwork' Blust *amak 'mat' Dpwlf *'amak, *lamak 'mat' Cb amakan 'plaitwork' Tbw amakan 'reed mat' Bkl hamak 'mat' (lh-/ not explained) ND amak 'mat' TB amak 'a mat woven from reeds'

tlamak 'be spread out over' There is semantic contamination with *amak 'mat' in some lgs. Blust *lamak 'mat', *lama 'lie on a surface, of water' Dpwlf *lamak, *amak 'mat' lama 'sticking to or smeared over s.t. else Ba (water on a plank)' Tae' lamma 'dew, mist' Mig lamaka 'mat, mattress' tafalamaka 'levelled' oalamaka 'levelled' mandamaka 'level' OJv lamak 's.t. put down to put s.t. else on'

908 Ymd Sa

Glossary lamak 'mat oflontar leaves on which to dry tobacco' lama 'spread over, cover over (like water over a field, lake)'

makemak under *pak malabaw under *baw3 *malaw 'tree, whose bast is used for bark cloth' Attested only in Oc. in Kaili (Parigi dialect), and possibly in Mar. Mar malong 'sarong' Parigi malo 'old term for Trema aboinensis, a tree whose bark is made into cloth' (RP03: 405) Tol mal 'tree, whose bast is used for bark cloth: Broussonetia papyriferia, the cloth from this tree' (RP03: 406) Ars maro 'tree, whose bast is used for bark cloth: Broussonetia papyriferia, the cloth from this tree' (RP03: 406) Fi malo 'tree whose bast is used for bark cloth: Broussonetia papyriferia' (Bau) (RP03: 406) Sm malo 'loincloth'

tmalu 'be ashamed' Dpwlf *malu 'be ashamed' Mig malo 'timid, inhibited by shame or fear' Ml malu 'shame' NJv malu 'shy, timid, ashamed' TB malu 'be ashamed' To luma 'taunt, jeer' (§041.1.5) Sm luma 'humiliation' (§042.1.5)

ttmaia 'inheritance' This form is probably spread secondarily as indicated by the irregularities in correspondence. Blust *mana 'inheritance' Dpwlf *man;:,h 'inheritance' Tag mana 'inherit' Chmr mana 'custom, habit, tradition' (Topping) Ba mana 'characteristics inherited from forebears' Bug mana 'inheritance' (Mills: mana?) Ml mas manah 'heirloom' (/n/ and /h/ unexplained) TB mano 'gift given upon death' (/o/ unexplained)

mamaq under *paq tmamin 'fish (k.o. wrasse)' Blust *mamin 'wrasse spp.' Kei mamin 'wrasse' (Fordat mamin 'k.o. fish') Buli maming 'k.o. fish' Tol mamin 'k.o. fish' Motu mami 'k.o. fish' Puluwat mam 'k.o. fish'

maiJa see *baga under *ga t mantalaq 'morning or evening star' The *ma- was analogically replaced by another prefu independently in the ND and Lou reflexes. Blust *mantalaq 'Morning star' Dpwlf *[t]ala[h] 'stars' Tag tala? 'planet, bright star' (§Cl.l.l4) Bug bit-tara 'star' (contamination with wittoeng 'star') ND panala 'taboo word for moon' (H) (Now name of cinema in Palangka Raya.) Nias madala 'evening star' Mgg ntala 'star' (Rim ntara Ngad, Sik dala 'star') Lou ko-mtal 'morning/evening star' (RP02: 160) Sa madala 'Morning star'

*manuk 'bird' Assigned to PAn because ofa Basay (Ketagalan) reflex. In Hesp lgs it comes to mean 'chicken (the bird par excellence)'. Sagart (p.c.) connects with OC *[b]nuk 'animal flesh, meat'. Dpwlf *manuk 'chicken, bird' Ba say manuk(e) 'bird' Tag manok 'chicken' Chmr manok 'chicken' (§C2.3.13, end) Rat manuk 'bird, chicken' Ba manu 'chicken' Bug manu?'chicken' (§C6.4l) manu?-manu?'bird' (§C6.2.2) Mu manu 'chicken' manu-manu 'bird' Kel manuk 'bird' ND manuk 'chicken' Ml manuk 'bird' manuk 'bird' OJv TB manuk 'chicken' manok 'chicken, rooster' Mok Mgg manuk 'chicken' Buru manu-t 'bird' maanu 'bird' (§§F3.1.15, F3.1.2l) Leti mon 'bird' (KK man/manu-t 'chicken') Kei (§F4.l.l) Motu manu 'bird' manu-manu 'insect' mcrnu 'bird, insect' Sa manu-manu 'bird, animal' Fi manu 'animal, insect, bird' To manu 'bird, animal' Sm

*mas 'and' Blust *maS, *may 'and' Bun mas 'and' (Nih 29) Han may 'and (indicating a greater number than already mentioned)' (/-y possibly developed before a following form with initial *i- and was generalized) Pal me 'and' Kel me 'and' (< *may, cf. Han) Ymd ma'and' Tol me 'and'

909

Glossary Motu Sm

rna 'and' also ma-i (before verb). rna 'and'

*mata 'eye' The meaning 'point, cutting edge' developed in MP lgs

Dpwlf*mata' 'eye' St masa'?'eye' Th ma8a 'eye' Ru maca 'eye' (Maga mcaa) Bun mata?' eye' mala 'eye' Am mala 'eye' Kav Pu ma{a 'eye' matsa 'eye' Pai mata 'eye' Tag Chmr mata 'eye, face' mata 'eye' Rat Ba mata 'eye, head, best part of s. t.' mala 'eye, point cutting edge' Bug mata 'eye, point, cutting edge' Sal mala 'eye' Mu maleh 'eye' Kel mate 'eye, principal point in s.t. (stone in ND ring)' maso 'eye, principal point in s.t. (stone in Mig ring)'(< Bantu, but the meaning range is that ofthe PAn *mata) mata 'eye' Ml mata 'eye' OJv mala 'eye' TB matii?'eye' (Veena: mata'l) Mok mala 'eye' Mgg mala 'eye' Leti mata- 'eye' (§F4.1.34) matang 'my eye' Kei (§F4.3.5l) (KK matlmatan) mate-na 'his eyes, his face' also mete. maata Tot 'face' (Tryon: meta- Meyer: mala 'eye') Motu mata 'eye' maa 'eye, edge, point' Sa mata 'eye, focal point, be awake' Fi To mata 'eye, face, blade, edge, point' mamata 'look, look at' mala 'eye, face, blade, edge, point' (Pratt: Sm mamata 'look at, view')

matay1 under *tay matayz under *batay tt mayag 'stem of palm with young fruit' Dpwlf *majaiJ 'stem with fruit' Tag mayang 'unfolding blossom of palm, banana, etc.' majeng 'stem with young areca fruit (used in Bug ceremonies)' (Mills: majang) Sal majang 'young beans (before they are mature)' ND manang 'areca palm blossom' (§D2.1.4)

Ml OJv

Mgg

mayang 'unfolding blossom of palm' mayang 'blossom of the areca palm' majang 'offering'

mec under *pee mekemek under *bek meiak see *miniyak tt-metik 'k.o. ant' Blust X+ *me (n)ti 'ant sp. with venomous bite' Tag ha-ntik 'large red poisonous ant' (§Cl.3.44) (Cb, Bkl ha-mtik Mar la-metik 'k.o. stinging ant') Tdn lala-mentik 'large red ant' anti 'ant' (§C5.l.3) lamonti 'red ant with Ba venomous bite' (Banggai ku-mosik Mori Bug Sal

limonti) lamecci?'poisonous black ant' (§C6.3.12) kalu-manti 'poisonous black ant' (§§C7.1.71,

Mgg

C7.l.8, C7.41) mentik 'poisonous black ant' also metik.

*mi 'we (excl)' This root is widely attested with the nominal prefix *ka-

Dpwlf *kami' 'we (excl)' (personal pronoun) Paz ami 'we (excl)' St yami 'we ( excl)' At sami 'we' mi 'our' ko-nai 'we (excl)' (Maga knam;J) Ru Bun aami 'we ( excl)' kami 'we ( excl)' (Chen 463) Am Kav imi 'we (excl) Pu mimi 'we' (Chen 463) Tag kami'we' Chmr ha!mi 'we' Rat kami 'we' Tdn kt:i 'we (excl)' (§C4.3.3, end) Ba kami 'we' Sal kambe 'we' (idiosyncratic epenthetic lb/ and lowering of *-i) Kel kamih 'we' kami 'we' Ml kami 'I, we' OJv hami 'we' TB kamay 'we (excl)' Mok Mgg kami 'we (excl)' Buru kami 'we ( excl)' ami 'we' Leti aim 'we (excl)' (§F4.1.331) (KK am) Kei am i-re 'we two' (excl) Tot Motu ai 'we (excl)' (< *kami) (§G 12.3.43) i'?e-mi 'we' (UI ?ami) Sa

*mic 'sweet' Blust *emis 'sweet taste' Dpwlf *mamit', *manit' 'be sweet'

910 Sar Knn Tag Chmr Rat Tdn Ba Mdr Mig Ml OJv TB Mok Li'o Buli ToI Motu Sa Fi Sm

maa-mii 'sweet' ma-tavi?isi 'sweet' (probably not conn) ta-mis 'sweet' (§Cl.l.41) {Cb tam ?is[< *ta?-emis] WBM emis 'sweet') mre-mes 'sweet' ma-mis 'sweet'{< *ma-emis) (§C3.1.22a) emis 'sweet' (§C4.1.3) m-omi 'sweet' t-omi 'suckle on breast' (§C5.1.22) mammis 'sweet' ma-my 'sweet' ha-my 'sweetness' manis 'sweet' (§04.3.42) manis 'sweetness' ( < Ml) mamis 'sweet' (§E2.1.2(3)) ma?l? 'sweet' also me?tl. (probably not conn) mi 'sweet' mismis 'sweet' kele-mi 'sweet, tasty' memi 'k.o. sweet yam, coconut with a sweet husk' ma-mi 'flavor of food' ma-mi 'taste, try' (Ngg mami 'fresh, not salted') ka-mic-a 'tasty' ma-mi 'reach orgasm'

mina:ga see *baga under *ga t miniyak

'fat'

Many lgs reflect lei in the I'' sylb and syncopation of the medial sylb (> *menyak), but lgs oflnd underwent syncopation before weakening of the r' sylb (> *minyak). Dpwlf *m;}fiak, *mifiak 'fat, oil' Bug miiiiia? 'oil' (§C6.1.8) (Mills: miiia?) Sal miiiiia?'oil' (§§C7.1.11, C7.3.62) Mu mina 'oil' ND eiiak 'fat, bacon' (§02.1.5) Mig menaka 'fat' (§03.1.2, 3rd footnote) Ml miiiak 'oil' (§04.1.113a) OJv miiiak 'butter (esp. that cast on oblation fire)' Mok meiiiit 'oil, fat' (§§E3.1.1, 1st footnote, E3.3.13) Mgg mina 'fat' (§§F1.1.11, Fl.3.62) Buru mina-n 'fat, grease' (§F2.3.5, end) Leti miina- 'fat' (§§F3.1.15, F3.3.62) Kei mina-n 'thick fat' (KK 'oil, fat, lard') ToI monoi 'fat' (§§G 11.1.4, end, G 11.2.2, Gl1.3.134, Gll.3.32, footnote) Sa mwomwona 'fat, rich (of viands)' (§§G2.3.42, end, G2.3.43) Fi moya 'brains' (§§G3.1.2, G3.3.42) (Bau mona) To moo-mona 'fat (of shellfish and crustaceans)' {§G41.3.42) Sm moo-mona 'meaty (of shellfish and crustaceans)' (§§G42.1.21, G42.3.42) (Pratt: moomoona)

Glossary *mu1 'you (pl)' There were two 2nd person pi pronominal roots, *mu and "JJu. Some of the attestations reflect a combination of both of these. In P MP *mu fell together phonologically with *m-su 'gen of the 2nd sg' when *s > tJ postconsonantally. The resulting *mu in the MP lgs that referred to the 2nd person pi occurred only together with other affixes and was thus kept apart from *mu < *msu. Dpwlf*kamu' 'you (pl) personal pronoun' Paz mu 'you (pl)' At si-mu 'you (pl)' Sar ifa-mu 'you' Bun a-mu 'you (pl)' Am ka-mo 'you (pl)' Kav i-mu 'you (pl)' Pai mun 'you (pl)' (Chen 466) Cb kamu 'you (pl)' Rat kumu 'you (pl)' (§C3.2.4) Tdn kou 'you (pl)' (not explained) Ml kamu 'you all' OJv kamu 'you (sg and pl)' TB hamu 'you all' Motu umu-i 'you (pl)' Sa i?o-mu 'you (pl)' (VI i?a-mu) Fi kemu-dou 'you two' (kemu-drau 'you [pl]' [Bau] [not explained])

muz under *su muda see *uda *mugi:g nose' Source: Dyen 1995. The meaning 'nose' was lost in later PAn, and other words came to mean 'nose' while this word came to refer to other parts of the face. muzing 'nose' Paz muOin 'nose' (Chen 143: 'face') Th muhing 'nose' (Sed [Chen 143]) At Bun muing 'eyebrow' muding-an 'face' Pu muding-an 'face' Pai muging 'forehead' Ilk

tmuy 1 'move liquid or food around in the mouth' This root occurs disyllabized by a prothetic lei, prefvced by *ke-, doubled, or with an unidentified r' sylb *qu-. Blust *emuR 'hold in mouth' Dpwlf *k;}muy, *kumuy 'move s.t. back and forth in the mouth' homoka 'gargle'(< Ml) (§03.3.41) Mig ku-mur 'gargle, rinse out mouth' Ml ke-muu 'keep in mouth, rinse with' (Sod emey OJv 'hold s.t. in the mouth for a while' Bal emu 'have the mouth full without swallowing') Buru pemle-mo 'gargle' (Hendriks)

911

Glossary Sa Rot

omu 'mumble food (of toothless person)' (§G2.1.4) komu 'rinse mouth'

*muyemuy 'gargle, rinse out mouth' MP lgs mostly show a prefix deriving from *qa'li- with this root. Blust *muRmuR 'gargle, rinse the mouth' Paz muximux 'gargle' (§Bll.2.2, 3'd footnote) q-mumuy'rinse out mouth, gargle' also Kav mumuy. fiati-murmur 'gargle' Pu ali-mogmog Cb ali-mugmug 'gargle' Ilk Chrnr mokmok 'gargle, move liquid around in mouth' mai-momo 'gargle' (§C3.2.2) Rat Tdn li-mumu 'gargle' (§C4.1.2) kali-mommo 'gargle' (Mills: kalimommo?) Bug kali-mo ?moro 'rinse out mouth' (§§C7 .1.32, Sal C7.2.24) Lamaholot ge-mumu 'rinse the mouth' nal-pupur- 'gargle' also nalpupra. (§§F3.1.23, Leti footnote, F3.3.5) mumur 'loud noise (as of car engine)' (Ymd Kei ngungur 'rinse mouth')

*qumuy 'having mouth full' Blust *qumuR 'fill mouth with food or water' fiumur 'cram mouth with food' Pu Pai qumu 'water held in mouth' Sik umur 'have mouth full' Buru umu-k 'stuff the mouth' kum 'suck on s.t., as a Popsicle' Lou

*muyz 'dampness' Attested with various unidentified prefixes in the Phil lgs. Cf the following entry, *'lamuy.

*himuy 'dew' Blust reconstructs *dahemuR on the basis ofa trisyllabic WBM reflex. Tag, Cb, and WBM show various initial Cs, and these forms cannot be conn directly with those elsewhere. They arose by contamination with unidentified forms. The other reflexes cited originate in *damuq 'dew', which became nasalized to *'I- and the final sylb of which became *muyon analogy with other words containing reflexes of*muy 'dampness'. Blust *dahemuR 'dew' Opwlf *lamuy 'dew' St famol 'dew' (Tonghre? famoo) Ru Mmo 'dew' (§B4.3.4l) Tag ham6g 'dew' (Cb yamug WBM dehemug 'dew') Mar namog 'dew' Rat namu 'dew'

Ba Bug Ml Gdg

limu 'fog, damp, cloud, Milky Way' (/i/ of 1st sylb unexplained) namo-namo 'dew' (Mills: namo-namo?) namur 'dew drop' (Min) nam 'dew' ( RP02: 131)

*timuy 'rainy wind' This form apparently contains *muy2 plus a prefix *ti-. Opwlf *timuy 'wind bringing rain' timol 'south' (Chen) Am timur 'S. wind' (§B62.3.41) tibuy'south' (fbi Kav unexplained) timul 'south' (Nanwang) (§B71.3.41) Pu tfmog 'south, S. wind' (Cb timug 'rainy wind Tag from east') Rat timu 'south' (Niemann) Tdn timu 'south, southwind' Bug timor-eng 'east' (§C6.2.2) Sal timoro 'east, season of wind from E.' (§C7.2.24) Mu timbu 'E. monsoon' (§C8.3.5) timor 'east' (< Ml) NO Mig a-tsimo 'south' timur 'east' Ml OJv timur 'east' (§El.3.25, end) Buru timo 'east (monsoon)' tipru 'east' (§F3.3.5) (Meher kimur) Leti timur 'east' (< Ml) Kei Motu si-simu 'light shower' nemo 'rain' (§§02.1.62, G2.2.1, G2.2.4) Sa timu 'be rainy, rain' Sm

*mula 1 'plant' Source:Dyen 1995. Blust *mula 'to plant' paxu-ruma 'plant' (§Bll.1.3) Paz St ma-mola7'p1ant' (Tonghre? mamowa?) mu-muwa7 'plant' At Am pa-loma 'plant growing things like flowers' (§B61.1.3) m-ruma 'plant' (§B62.l.3) Kav Ilk mula Bon mula lsg mula 'to plant emplant, graft' BM mula 'to plant' Ba muya 'plant' Sal lamung 'plant' (§§C7.l.6, C7.1.72) Mu fembula 'cultivate, raise, breed' (§C8.3.5) Long Atun mula Long Terawan muleh 'plant' Ngad mula 'plant, put, erect' Sik mula 'plant trees'

ttmula2 'begin' Skt borrowing, not PAn or PMP. Opwlf *mula 'beginning, original source' mu/ti7'begin' Tag Bug mula 'begin' Sal kara-mula 'begin' NO mula 'begin'(< Ml) mula 'begin' Ml

912 OJv TB

Glossary muula 'root, edible root'(< Skt) mula 'begin'

ttmuntay 'citrus' The distribution of attestations is prima facie evidence that this form spread secondarily (§A 1.1. 4, 3rd\).

Blust *muntay 'k.o. citrus' Dpwlf*'un[t]aj 'name of a fruit' Mar montai Tir muntey Subanun muntay 'citrus' Tdn muntE 'lemon, citrus' Uma munte 'citrus' amunte 'citrus' (§C6.l.31, end) Bug Sal munte 'citrus' Ml jeruk muntai 'k.o. orange' Mig la-moty 'a fruit: the Madagascar plum' uttE 'orange, lemon' (loss of lm-1 unexplained) TB (Mentawai muntei 'citrus') Mgg munta 'citrus' also munde (borrowed from a neighboring lg). Ceram amusi 'citrus'

mug under *pug tt IDUUIJ

'k.o. fish'

The on~v attestation outside of the Oc lgs is in Cb. It is likely that the form in Cb is a borrowing/rom the E. Therefore it is only possible to reconstruct a POe form.

Blust *muquiJ 'fish sp.' Cb mu::Ung 'cardinalfish (Apogonidae)' Gdg mu 'name of various fishes' Fi muu 'k.o. large-eyed fish: Monotaxis To Sm

grandoculis' muu 'k.o. large-eyed fish: Monotaxis grandoculis' muu 'a fish: Lethrinus sp.' (Pratt: mu)

musa see *qamusa muteq see *puteq under *teq *muyu 'you (pi)'

This cosists of two morphemes, *mu2 + *yu. It is often reflected with a weakened penult because of its occurrence as a clitic. Under the right accentual conditions it was homophonous with PMP *iyu you (sg) (< *isu). St moyo 'you (pl)' Pu muymu 'you (pl)' ( < mu-miyu) (Chen 465) Tag ka-y6 'you (pl)' Chmr ha?myo 'you (pl)' miu 'your (pl)' Tdn kou 'you (pi)' Kel muyuh 'your (pl)' Mgg miu 'you (pl)'

*na 1 'determiner, article' Cf Reid 2002. Th Am

na 'ligature' o-na 'this'

Tag Fi To

na 'linker' (Bon na 'this') na 'common article "the'" na 'that (near you)'

*na 2 'wet rice field' Suggested by L. Sagart (p.c). Probably this was originally a wet rice field along a river, not a paddy. It occurs only with petrified prefixes.

Dpwlf *b?na 'bottomlands' Favorlang hanna 'fields (of all kinds)' z-na 'wet rice field' Kav Pai pa-na 'river including the riverbed and wetlands along river' Tag banci?'low-lying land'(< Ml) Ml bena 'tidal bore of a river (a wave caused by the entrance of tidal waters into a narrowing estuary)' bena 'high water, high tide' (Pigeaud) NJv

nacuk under *cacuk naya see *daya1 nakaw see *takaw nakis under *dakis *naiaq 'pus' St, Ru, and Ml reflect medial *-n-, possibZv by assimilation ofmedial *-1- to *-n- after initial *nFurther, Stand Kav have Iii unaccountably in the final sylb. (Name? is also attested in St).

Dpwlf *nanah 'pus' Paz langa 'pus' (§§Bll.l.3, Bll.3.43) St nani?'pus' (Li: nana??) Th naiJaq 'pus' At nalaq 'pus' (Tar) Ru nona 'pus' (§B4.3.43) (Maga nnaa) Bun nanaq 'pus' Am fnafi 'pus' (Chen) (Duris: vena) (possibly< *ba-naiaq with elison of the medial syllable and CC simplification) ku-nani 'pus' Kav Tag nana?'pus' nana 'pus' Rat nana?'pus' Tdn nana 'pus' Bug nana 'pus' Sal nana 'pus' Mu nana?'pus' Kel ND nana 'pus' Mig nana 'pus' nanah 'pus' Ml nanah 'pus' OJv nana KB nanah 'pus' TB naniik 'pus' Mok Buru nana-n 'pus' nana 'pus' Leti

913

Glossary Fi

nana'pus'(Bau)

tnamaw 'sheltered water, deep place in river' Blust *namaw 'sheltered water: deep place in a river; cove, harbor, lagoon' Casiguran Dgt namaw 'coral reef TB nama 'deep place in river where it flows slowly' (Vander Tuuk: KB) Buru nama 'level stretch in a stream's course, cove, bay' Tetum namo-n 'bay, harbor' Motu nomu 'deeper place in shore reef (§012.2.2) nama 'land-locked harbor' Sa Fi nama 'pool left on reef at low tide' nama 'lagoon' To Sm nama 'place in lagoon abounding in fish' (Pratt)

*naquy 'down' Paz zaux reflects *daquy. *naquy is the nasalized form of this. Paz zaux 'down' pizaux 'go down' (§B1l.3.32) Pu pa-lianun 'go down' (Cauq) (§§B7l.l.3, B71.3.41) Cb ka-na?ug 'go down' po-nag 'go down' BM na?u 'go down steps, go out' Ba no 'go down' (§C.l.2l) (Mills: manno?'go Bug down' [§C6.1.3]) Sal naung 'go down' (§§C7.l.72, C7.44) Leti -erun, nk-erun 'he goes down' -soplerun 'sail down' -nem-erun 'fly down' (*naquy > *yaqun> *run > erun) Tol ur 'downward' (Meyer) ve-ur 'bring down' (§0 11.1.24)

nasik see *nakis under *dakis t nati 'young of a pasture animal' Only in S. Phil and in Oc lgs. Cb nati 'young of pasture animal' Mar nati 'calf' WBM nati 'young horse' Tol natu- 'child' (§011.1.3) nati- 'young of animal' Motu natu-na 'child' (§012.2.1, end)

[nawu:g] see *iawulJ nem 1 under *enem nem 2 under *demz ne:g see *ielJ *ni 1 'gen marker with personal name' This consists of*n 'gen marker'+ *i 'person marker'. Blust *ni 'gen' Dpwlf *ni' 'of Paz ni 'gen' nimu 'your (pl)'

Am Pai Tag Tdn ND Mig OJv TB Kei Sa Fi

To Sm

ni 'gen of ci' ni 'of, by, belong to (with personal name)' ni 'gen personal marker' ni 'possessive marker' -n 'gen' -n- 'particle between two members of a compound' ning 'gen' ni 'gen' ni 'his, hers, its' ni 'gen' ni 'gen marker' -na '3rd sg possessive' (< *nya < *ni +*a) na '3'd sg possessive' (cf. Fi citation) na '3'd sg possessive' (cf. Fi citation)

nh see *ini .niyu see *yinu t nini 'quake' Blust *ninih 'shake, quake' Itb ninih 'quake' Pal ma-nini 'shudder, shiver' Gdg nini 'swing, oscillate, shake' nini 'tremble, quake with fear or anger' (Bau) Fi To nini-nini 'shiver with cold'

tniniq 'a reed: Donax canniformis' This occurs in N. Luzon and Oc lgs. Lgs in the S. Phil and Ind refer to this reed with a reflex of *bafebaf; which originally designated another plant. Yami, Itb nini 'Donax sp.' nini 'k.o. rattan' Mgg Lau: nini 'k.o. bush yielding stems used in Ngg thatching'

tnipaq 'k.o. palm: Nypafruticans' Dpwlf*nipah 'palm ofthe swamps' Tag nfpa?'k.o. palm: Nypafruticans' Chmr nipa (borrowing from a Phillg, attested by medial 1-p-1 and loss of /-q/.) Ba nipa 'k.o. palm: Nypafruticans' Bug nipa 'k.o. palm: Nypafruticans' Sal nipa 'k.o. palm: Nypafruticans' ND ipah 'k.o. palm: Nypafruticans' (§D2.3.52) OJv nipah 'a palm of the swamps: Nypafruticans' KB nipah 'k.o. palm: Nypafruticans' Mok fiEpah 'palm used for thatching' (Mkn-Dng) §E3.3.13, end) DY niva 'k.o. palm: Nypafruticans' (RP03: 182) niva 'sago palm' (RP03: 182) Ngg

nipay under *aiipa ttnituq 'climbing fern, probably Lygodium sp.' Blust *ni (n)tuq 'a fern: Lygodium sp.' Tag nita? 'k.o. vine'

914 Sal

nintu 'vine that is used for tying' (§§C7.1.71, C7.2.22) Rmb nintu?'k.o. fern: Lygodium circinnatum' Ngad nito 'k.o. tree Ute (Moluccas) nitu 'k.o. bamboo'

*nu 'gen marker' This consists of *n 'gen 'plus *u, a phrase marker. Paz nu 'gen marker' t nuca 'island' Dpwlf *nut' a 'island' Ba nusa 'land' (shamanic register) nosy 'island' (§03.3.22) Mig Ml nusa 'island (in names)' OJv nuusa 'island' (long /uu/ not explained) nuca 'island' also nunca. Mgg Buru nusa 'island' Leti nusa 'island' nuhu 'island' (§F4.2.4) (KK nuhun) Kei nui 'island, reef (RP02: 42) Gdg Dobu nua 'coral reef, coral patch' (RP02: 42) -nute 'name of the island Florida' Sa Fi aanuya 'part of name of offshore islands' (< yanu-yanu 'island') (not cognate) (Bau anuca 'element in name of small offshore islands' [RP02: 42])

*nunuh 'breast' This looks as though it is conn with *cucu, but the nasalized alternant that corresponds to *c is *f (§A3. 7.1), and Sed, Sar, Paz, reflect initial *n-. Paz nunuh 'breast' At nnux-an 'has been sucked on' (Tar) Sar nuunu?a 'breast' Kav nunu 'suck milk, nurse' Mig nono 'breast, teat, suck' Nias faenu 'suckle' Kilivila va-nunu 'suckle'

*nunuk 'k.o. banyan tree: Ficus benjamina' In many of the An-lg-speaking communities, the ficus is considered to be the dwelling place of supernatural beings. Blust *nunuk 'a tree, the banyan' At nonox 'fig' {Tar) Tag nuno?'k.o. dangerous supernatural being' (§Cl.3.13) (Akl nunuk 'tree believed to be bewitched or enchanted' Mar nonok 'banyan tree: Ficus sp'. Tir nunuk 'Ficus benjamina ') Chmr nunu 'banyan' Rat nunuk'banyan'(Sneddon) nunuk 'banyan' BM nunu 'general name for Ficus sp.' also nunu?. Ba (Uma) nunu? 'k.o. tree: Ficus benjamina' (§C6.2.2) Bug Maloh nunuk 'k.o tree: Ficus benjamina' nunuk 'banyan' (dial) Mgg

Glossary Leti Tot Fi

nuunu 'banyan' (§§F3.1.l5) (Roti nunu 'banyan') nunu 'k.o. banyan' nunu 'k.o. tree: Ficus sp.' (Bau)

[nut] Only attested as final sylb for roots with reflexes of *bu- and *yu- as the 1'1 sylb.

tbunut 'coconut husk' The reflexes with Ill were probably contaminated with reflexes of *bulu 2 'body hair'. This is supported by the fact that several Po~vn lgs show a medial In/ in rf!:flexes of *bulu, e.g. Tik funu 'pubic hair'. (Cf also the listing under tbulut 'tassel, fibers'). Dpwlf*bunot 'name of a tree' Tag bun6t 'coconut husk' (Cb bulut 'the shiny black crown of thorns that covers yam, Diascora esculenta tubers') Chmr · punot 'coconut husk' Rat f3unu?'coconut husk' (Sang bunu? 'the tough bast fibers of a coconut') huluto 'fibers, husk' Gor Ba benu 'coconut husk, betel-nut husk' (§C5.2.3, end) Tae' bulu-bulu 'hairy filaments of the sugar palm' (probably < *bulu?) ND bunot 'k.o. tree' (probably not conn) bunut 'k.o. tree' (probably not conn) Ml wunut 'k.o. tree' OJv wunut 'husks from palm fronds' Mgg Takia fimu-dan 'fiber from coconut husk' (RP03: 376) Motu bunu 'coconut husk' (§G12.3.113) (Bugotu vunu-na 'outer skin of canarium') (RP03: 377) Tuvalu fimu 'pubic hair' (RP03: 377)

tyunut 'fiber from arenga or coconut palm' Han Chmr Kel I ban Ymd Gitua Motu Sa Fi Sm

gunut 'fibers from arenga used to make rope' gunot 'coconut fiber' runut 'k.o shrub' runut 'arenga fiber' runut 'coconut fiber' run 'sheath around base of coconut frond' (RP03: 385) nuru 'fiber from coconut palm' (§G 12.1.4) unu 'fibrous spathe of coconut frond' (loss of *y- not explained) unu 'strainer for kava (made from fibrous material from palm frond)' unu 'woven wringer, used to extract dye from bark' (RP03: 386)

[ga] 'agape, open' This is most commonly attested as doubled or with prefiXes, some of which are unidentified. The At reflex of the doubled form ngangah 'stupid' points to PAn *-h. However, the Am reflex of this root (ca?ang

915

Glossary 'branch' < *carp) prove that it ended in a V and the At 1-h/ is an accretion. Mu ma-nga 'open, be wide agape' (§C8.3.5) Fi gaa 'catch water with open mouth'

*gaga 'yawn, mouth open' Dpwlf *IJaiJa' 'be open (mouth)' ngangah 'stupid' (/-h/ not explained) At Ru a-nganga 'open the mouth' (< STl) Pu pi-nganga 'open mouth' Tag nganga 'open mouthed' Chmr ngarnga?'openmouthed' (/-?/probably added by contamination with an unk word of similar meaning) Rat nganga 'open mouth' Tdn nganga 'wide open (mouth), agape' Ba nganga 'inside of mouth' mampenganga 'enlarge opening' nganga 'yawn, mouth open' Bug Sal nganga 'yawn, open mouth' Kel nganga 'open mouth' (§01.1.41) ngangeh 'mouth of bubuh (fish) trap' tenganga?'open mouth' (Amster) ND ka-nganga 'be standing open, open mouthed' nganga 'open mouth' Ml TB ngangang 'wide open, gaping' (KB nganga) Mok nganga?'be open, agape' also ngangah. (Veena: ngangah) Mgg nganga 'with the mouth open' Burn em-nganga 'stare at s.t.' Kei nat-ngang 'with mouth agape' Tol pe-ngange 'open mouth' Sa awa-nganga 'open mouth'

tbaga 'gap, stand open' The Hesp and Oc lgs attestations developed separately from a preflX *ba- added to the monosylb root. Blust *maiJaq 'slit, crevice' Dpwlf *baiJa, *binaiJa 'vessel, container' ND bangah 'stand open' (§02.2.4) Mig vana-vana 'width of space (wide open, unclosed)' TB banga 'open, have gap' To fanga 'small beach' Sm faga 'bay'

ttbimiiJa 'branching river at mouth (what is made to gap)' This is the infix *-in- added to *harp. This form is also the basis for the formation of*minarp. Dpwlf *blinaiJa 'river' Ba winanga 'lower course/mouth of river' Bug winanga 'river' Sal binanga 'mouth of river' Duson Deyah nanga 'mouth of river' Mny nange 'mouth of river'

Mig Iban TB Mgg Buru

vinany 'confluence oftwo rivers, mouth of river' nanga 'mouth of river' binanga 'deep or still spot in a river' nanga 'estuary, coast, beach' nanga-n 'river's mouth' (§F2.1.12)

ttmaga 'branching' This reconstruction represents two formations (I) *urn+ *harp and (2) *urn- + *parp. Ars mango 'opening, mouth river branch, tributary' (RP02: 59)(< *urn-+ *baiJa) Fi maga 'vagina' (Bau) To mango 'branch, fork, bifurcation'(< *urn-+ *paiJa) maga 'branch of tree, road, etc' Sm magamagaa-lima 'gap between fingers'

ttmimiga 'forking ofriver' This is taken to consist of *urn- added to *binal)a (rather than *-in- added to *marp), because it is attested in areas near where *binarp is attested, and distant from areas in which *marp is attested. It is spread from the Central Phillgs through Sui as far W asSasak. Han minanga 'fork of river' Mar minanga 'outlet, river mouth' Bantik minanga 'name of place in Malalayang (Manado) where a river empties into the sea' Tdn minanga 'branch of river' (§C4.1.14) Bug minanga 'river' Sas menanga 'mouth of river'

ttbeg a 'be agape' This form is probably a variant of *harp, where the prefix is weakened by a poorly understood accentual process. Blust *beiJa 'open the mouth' Mar benga?Tir benga?'open mouth'(/-?/ not explained) Rat f.*mga 'open mouth' bonga 'wide open' benga 'wrench open with Ba hand' (§C5.2.2l) bengka 'agape' (/k/ not explained) (Tae' Bug benga 'opening of mouth') Long Atun pe-benga 'open mouth' benga 'amazed, dumbfounded' Ml OJv wengaa 'opening, being open' (/-aa/ unexplained) Mgg wenga 'split open, hairlip' Buru benga-k 'ajar' (§F2.3 .31) Sm poga i isu 'nostrils'

*caiJa 'branch' It is impossible to reconstruct a distinction in the meaning of this form and of*parp. This form was in competition with *parp, and in some cases the

916 semantic development of*paga influenced the meaning of the reflex of*caga. Blust *saiJa 'bifurcation' Dpwlf*t'aiJa[') 'to fork, branch' Am ca?ang 'branch' (§B6l.l.3) Tag sanga 'branch' Mig sana-sana 'opened widely (mouth)' (only the second sylb is conn) Buru sanga-n 'fork of branch, trail' Kei hanga 'crotch of tree, fork' (§F4.3.5) hang-hanga 'branching' Sa tanga 'forked, branched' ma-tanga 'having branches' Fi caga 'vagina, span (measurement between thumb and extended middle finger)' saga 'crossed sticks for support of climbing plants' (Bau saga 'crotch, thigh' isaga 'tongs') To ma-hanga 'branch, fork, crotch' Sm aga 'span' saga 'flipper of turtle' sa-saga 'rack for bottles'

tt caiJaCaiJa 'starfish' This form probably developed in Oc lgs and spread eastward. Blust *saiJa-saiJa 'starfish' Kei tangangang 'starfish' Lou sangesang 'starfish' Fi cagacaga 'gastropod, shellfish'

[yaiJa] This is not reconstructible. The Bima and Mar attestations probably developed independently from *gaga. Blust *RaiJa 'open the mouth wide' Mar ganga 'open mouth' Rima anga 'open mouth wide'

[kaiJa] The attestations here listed have likely developed independently from the root *ga to which *ka- was prefixed. Blust *kaiJa 'be open (as the mouth)', *kaqeiJa 'fissured, slightly cracked' Cb kang?a 'slightly open' (< *ka-+enga, a disyllabized version of*nga, which otherwise has no attested reflex in Cb) Tbl kanga 'gaps where teeth are missing' ND kanga 'be open (mouth, shellfish)' Mgg kanga 'be open (mouth)' kanga 'drink by pouring down the throat' Ngg

*paiJa 'forking' From E. Ind to Oc lgs this form develops a meaning 'span', and in Oc lgs 'open, make s.t. be agape', which is perceived as a different morpheme. Blust *paiJa 'fork of a branch; any forked structure, bifurcation'

Glossary Dpwlf *paiJa 'forking' Paz panga 'branch' St panga?'branch' Th pana 'branch, bifurcation' Bun panga 'forked, bifurcated' Tag panga 'jaw, lower part of jawbone' (Cb panga 'forked stick, as for slingshot') Rat panga 'branch' Tdn panga-na 'branch' me-panga 'to branch' Ba panga 'forked branch, fork in road' Sal pangka 'branch' (/k/ unexplained) Mu kam-panga 'fork in river' (§C8.3.5) panga 'stocks' (§D2.2.4) ND Ml panga 'forked supports for carrying poles, etc. in a cargo boat' (Brunei) Mgg panga 'branch, be forked' also penga. (lei unexplained) Buru panga-n 'barb, thorn' fanga 'branching, handspan' (§F4.3.5) (Ymd Kei fange Fordatfanga 'handspan') peng 'open the mouth' baange 'small slit or Tol crack' vepange 'fork in branch' Motu haga 'open' (§GJ2.3.44, footnote) Sa ta-hanga 'span, fathom' vaga 'leech of a canoe sail' (Bau) (probably Fi unconn) maga 'vagina' (Bau) To fanga 'spread the legs' fafaga 'spread legs to defecate' manga 'branch' (§041.1.6) Sm gafa 'fathom' (§042.1.5) maga 'branch, fork' (§042.1.6)

*taiJa 'standing open' *ta- + *ga. This developed separately in Form and in Phillgs. Paz tanga 'open door' St sanga?'groin' Th tana 'open' Tag naka-tanga 'openmouthed' tanga? 'ponder, think over' (/?/not explained) Bug Mk tangara? 'pondering'

tiJac 'nibble, chew' Mostly attested doubled. Blust *IJaSIJas 'crush with the teeth' Kan ngasngas 'crunch (noise)' Cb ngasngas 'damage, scraping' Chmr ngangas 'chew' ngasngas 'nibble on bushes (goats)' KB nge 'nibble, chew' Tol nas-i 'chew, gnaw' A-A

*IJadaq 'from down up' Bun

ngadaq 'below, inside' ta-ngadaq 'downward' it-hadang 'marvel at, wonder if (Ishbukun)

*tiiJadaq 'look upward' Cb and Tag disagree as to stress.

Dpwlf *[t]inagah 'look upward' Paz tangilah 'forehead' also tangelah. (not directly conn) Kav tiazang 'look upward' (§862.1.3) Tag tinga/a? 'with face turned upward' (Panganiban) (Cb tingala? 'be surprised') Chmr nga?ha? 'look upward' Rat tingara 'look upward' (§C3.1.13) Ba tingara 'look upward' Bug tingara 'look upward' also cmga (§C6.3.12). tingara 'facing upward' Sal Ml tengadah 'look with the face turned upward' TB pa-singada 'bend the head upward, face upward' (§E2.3.12) atngalo 'look or turn face upward' Buli DY tatada 'look upward'

IJadep see *qadep IJ3gan see *qagan

*lJ alay 'saliva' Source: Dyen 1995. Not PAn. It is attested only in Form lgs and the Batanes Islands. The correspondences are irregular. Sar maunga-ngali 'to spit' (Tscuh 1976: 230 ngali?i 'saliva') Knn ngaai 'sputum' (Tsuch and Li, n.d.: 'saliva, spittle') Ru ngalay 'spit, sputum' (Li: swa-ngalay 'spit') (Maga ngree 'sputum' usu-ngare 'to spit') Am ngalay 'saliva' Kav ngangay 'saliva' (§862.3.42, end) Pu ngalay 'saliva' Pai ngacijay 'spittle' (Ho) (/dj/ unexplained) Itb ngaxay 'saliva'

IJalu+ see *qalut under *lui *IJaw 'bug' This is attested as a doubled monosylb only in Pu dial. Otherwise it is attested with a variety of unidentifiable 1'1 sylbs. Kav priri-ngaw 'golden bug' Pu ngawngaw 'horsefly' Ml angaw 'small jungle tick' (§D4.1.2) Mok mamaw 'gnat' (§E3.3.43)

*baljaW2 'bedbug' There is also a reduplicated version ofthis in the Phil lgs which refers to other kinds of insects. Blust *bal)aw 'noxious insect' Bun bango 'greenbottle fly' (Nih) Am fangaw 'bedbug' Kav bangaw 'tiny flies surrounding garbage' Tag bangaw 'botfly' (probably an allomorph of bangyaw [ *maqetaq > *maqtaq. *maqtaq > Bun mat?aq; or in other lgs mataq). Blust *qataq, *qamataq, *qetaq 'eat s.t. raw', *hataq 'raw, uncooked' Dpwlf *'a(n)tah, *h;:J(n)tah, *mantah 'raw, unripe' St mantx?'unripe, uncooked, raw' imamantx? 'uncooked vegetables' Th mataq 'raw, uncooked' (§813.1.12) mataq 'undercooked' (< *meqataq < *maqateq At [§§82.1.4, 82.2.2, 3nl~]) qataq 'eat raw' (formed on the basis of *meqataq) mata?;J 'unripe' (§831.1.3) Sar mata?;J 'raw, not cooked' (§§832.1.3, Knn 832.3.14) Ru mangfJta 'raw' (Maga mangta) (nasalization [§A3.7.2]) mat?aq 'raw' (§§85.1.3, 85.1.4, 85.3.21) Bun mangta?'unripe, uncooked, raw' (nasalization Am [§A3.7.2]) matti 'raw' (§§862.1.4, 862.3.14) also mti. Kav mafiat 'raw, unripe' (§§871.1.13, 871.1.3) Pu Pai matjaq 'unripe' (§872.3.15) Ilk ala 'green' Pgs eta? 'raw, uncooked or undercooked' Chmr mata?'raw, uncooked'(< *ma-etaq) Rat tamata 'raw' (§C3.l.22a) Tdn mata? 'unripe, raw, uncooked'(< *ma-qetaq with apocope) Ba mata 'raw, unripe' ma-mata 'raw' (-mala < *ma-qetaq) Bug Sal mala 'raw, unripe' (§§C7.l.ll, C7.L36) Mu ngkala-mata 'raw' (§C8.1.4) mata?'raw' Kel manta 'unripe' (§§D2.1.11, 02.2.4) enta 'what ND is eaten alone (as fish without rice or vegetables)' Mig manta 'raw' (§§03.1.2, D3.1.5) mentah 'unripe' (< *ma-etaq) Ml OJv mentah 'raw, uncooked' (§§El.l.l31, El.3.11) TB ata 'eat fruits raw, eat meats rare' (KB atah 'fresh, living, green') (§E2.1.12) metiik 'raw' (§E3.l.l66) Mok ta?a 'raw, unripe' (§§Fl.l.ll, Fl.l.3) Mgg Buru mata-n 'unripe, raw, green' Leti n-mata 'be raw' mat 'raw' (< *ma-etaq)' Kei Yabem mata?'young' Sa ngoa 'not properly cooked, raw in parts' (§G2.1.62) 1

Fi To Sm

kaodaa 'eat raw meat' (§G3.2.2) (lk:-1 unexplained) (Bau koda) ?ota 'be raw' mala 'raw, green, unripe' (cf. §G41.1.21) ota 'raw' mata 'raw, green, unripe'

*qeteJJ 'barrier' Blust *qeCeiJ 'obstruction, barrier' Pai qetseng 'barrier, fence' teng 'dam in a river' Kay henteng 'lie athwart' (§E2.3.21) KB

*qeti 'stop' Blust *qeti 'stop, end, finish, complete; finished, used up' Dpwlf *h;:Jn[t)i' 'stop, put an end to' Pai qetsi 'kill' Uma oti 'ready, finished' Tae' atti 'finish something, sell, complete s.t.' henti 'stop' Ml OJv henti 'used up, finished so that nothing remains' ketoy 'finish, be finished, end' Mok eti 'status' etmu sia 'what is your status?' Leti ot 'completely, sufficiently' Tol oti 'finish, complete, end' Fi ?osi 'finished up, spent, all used up' To Sm oti 'finished'

*qetuy 'penile erection' Blust *qetuR 'sexual arousal' St mm-?soo 'have an erection' (only Tonghre?) Knn muru-?ucuru 'have an erection' (§832.2.2) fitol 'sexual arousal' Am Pu fiefJur 'scrotum' Cb utug 'penile erection' m-oto?'erectpenis' (§§C6.2.32, C6.1.72) Bug Mk ontoro 'erect penis, firmed breasts' uter 'head of drill, glans penis' (§§Fl.l.4, Mgg Fl.3.41)

*qetut 'break wind' Blust *qetut 'fart, flatulence' Dpwlf*';:J(n)tut 'flatus ventris' St kx-'?tot 'flatus' ?omtut 'to break wind' qtut 'break wind' Th At tiyi-qut-i? 'break wind' (§82.1.3) (Sq tquc-i'l) Knn ?ututu 'break wind' (§832.2.2) Am '?tot 'pass gas from bloating' Kav '?tut 'flatus' (§862.1.5) qetjutj 'flatus' Pai Tag ut6t 'flatus' (Tbw kutut 'break wind') Rat utu?'break wind' taatu? 'feel like farting' Tdn etut 'break wind' otu 'break wind' Ba m-ettu 'break wind' (Mills: ettu'l) Bug attu? 'break wind' (§C7.2.31) Sal

964 Mu Kel ND Mig Ml OJv TB Mok Kmb t qi

Glossary yotu 'flatus' etut 'break wind' ketut 'flatus' (§02.3.14) etotra 'breaking wind ' k-entut 'break wind' (§04.1.13, end) entut 'flatus' uttut 'flatulence, gas from stomach' (§§E2.1.41, E2.2.4) ketot 'break wind' (§E3.2.18) etut 'break wind'

'gen marker for proper names' In some lgs the reflex is only a gen marker ofpersons, in others (notin any subgroup) it is nom and gen marker in general. This marker fell together phonologically with reflexes of*i person marker' in many lgs. Blust *qi2 'gen marker' Itw i 'personal singular nom and gen particle' Palawn Batak i 'of Ttb i 'gen marker' Ba i 'gen marker before personal names' Bug i 'name marker' i 'gen marker' Tol Bugotu i 'gen marker indicating nonspecific possession' i 'marker of inalienable possession' (Bau) Fi ?i 'gen marker' To

*qiceqic 'rub scraping' There is semantic and phonetic contamination in the reflexes with words reflecting *gic, *kic, and *gis. Am ?is?is 'shave' (§B61.3.13) Pai ki-qisaqis 'rub o.s. against s.t. to relieve itch' (§B72.3.13) Tag isis 'scour' (dial: is?is)

[qiduc] 'spoon, ladle' This probably spread secondarily and does not reflect a PAn etymon. Blust *qidu, *qidus 'spoon' Paz dius 'to scoop' (§Bll.l.3) dadius 'ladle') Am iros 'wooden spoon' (§B61.3.13) Pu fiizus 'spoon' (secondary: does not corresond to MP reflexes) idos 'spoon' Akl ilos 'ladle out' Bon mang-iru 'scoop up with ladle or spoon' Sang OJv irus 'coconut shell ladle' Kei irus 'wooden ladle' tt qiyeg

'dark colored'

Attested only in a small Malayic subgroup. Blust *qiRelJ 'dark' Dpwlf *biyal], *iyal), *iygl] 'redden, be deep red, be dark colored' Tdn rirem 'dark area at bottom of water or at bruise' (not conn) ma-izina 'dark' Mig

Ml OJv TB

tt qiyi

/Yang 'dark in color' (Bjr hirang 'black') hireng 'black' birong 'black, dark color' (/b-/ possibly by contamination with a reflex of *bugil) 'smudged', no reflex attested in TB)

'jealous'

Blust *qiRih 'envious, jealous' Dpwlf *hili 'envy, greed' Cb igi-han 'jealous' Chmr igi 'defeat, overcome' (probably unconn) s-iri 'ashamed' Bug Sal iri 'jealous' Mu mpekiri 'jealous'(< Ml pikir 'think) ba-hiri 'troublemaker'(< Ml) ND ify 'ardent desire'(< Ml) Mig hiri 'jealous' (Bjr) Ml OJv hiri 'jealous'(< Ml) t qijuy

'spit'

Blust *qiiuR 'saliva, spittle' Dpwlf *'id'uy 'saliva, greedines' OJv hidu 'spittle' (§El.3.25) TB ijur 'spittle' Sawu. Kmb ilu 'saliva' Sa ngisu 'spit' (§02.1.62) kisu 'spit out' (§041.3.22) To t qila 'mark on skin' Blust ACD notes that reflexes of this form in Oc lgs are found only in those spoken by light-skinned peoples. Blust *qila 'any natural mark on human skin' Cb ila 'identify' Mar ila 'birthmark' Tdn ila 'mole' ila 'mole' Ba Mu yila 'birthmark, mole' TB ila 'shame' (probably not conn) Roti ila 'mole' Wuvulu ila 'mole' Rot ila 'blotch, patch of color' To ?ila 'freckled, with a mole, stain, or spot' Sm ila 'spot on human skin'

qilaw under *law qilem under *lem tt qili 'uninhabited mountain' Nias /h-1 reflects *q-. Blust *qili 'mountain' Tag iii-han 'mountain retreat' (Han iii 'rocky promontory' Cb iii-han 'inaccessible area') Nias hili 'mountain, mountain range' Lamaholot i/e 'mountain' Leti ili 'hill' ili-n 'cliff (Kedang iii 'mountain') Kei

qiliy under *liy

*qilus 'wipe after defecating' Blust *qiluS 'wipe after defecating' Th qiur 'wipe anus' (§§B13.1.3, B13.3.22) Am ?ilos 's.t. to wipe with after defecating' klis 'wipe after defecating' (§B62.3.42, end) Kav Pu fiilu 'wipe after defecating' Pai ki-qilus 'clean o.s. after defecating' Cb flu 'wipe after defecating' mong-ilu 'wipe anus with leaves' BM taka-velu 's.t. to wipe anus' (Pollex)(< Fi *takava-ilu) fa-?elu 'wipe o.s. or another after defecating' To (§041.2.1) (Tokelaufaailu 'wipe rectum' [Pollex])

*qiias 'moon' This form is not attested outside ofForm lgs, but it probably was a PAn form and was replaced almost everywhere by *bulaf. Paz ilas 'moon' St ifaj''moon' At idas 'moon' Pai qi1as 'moon, month' t qinit

'heat'

Blust *qinit 'heat, warmth' init 'heat, warmth' Tag mo-init 'warm' BM ini 'sweat' Ba Wolio ini 'sweat' Hoava mangini 'warm' (RP02: 217) qi~et

under *IJet

t qipil

'k.o. tree: Intsia bijuga'

Initial *q- posited because WOe forms reflect it. The Polyn forms are probably conn, even though they show no /?-/and refer to different species, for in Sm the reflex refers to lntsia sp. Blust *ipil-ipil 'a leguminous shrub: Leucaena glauca' Dpwlf *'ipil 'tree with hard wood' Tag ipil 'a small tree: lntsia bijuga' Chmr ifet!ifek 'k.o. tree: lntsia bijuga' Tdn ipil 'k.o tree' Sal ipili 'k.o. tree' ipil 'k.o. tree: Intsia sp.' Ml Rov kifli 'k.o. hardwood: Intsia bijuga' (Marovo kivili 'the Australian pine: Casuarina equisetifolia' [RP03: 202]) Bwaidoga yivi 'wild chestnut' (RP03: 318) Fi ivi 'the Tahitian chestnut: Inocarpus fagifer' To ifi 'the Tahitian chestnut: lnocarpusfagifer' (secondary) Sm ifi- 'k.o. tree: Inocarpus sp.' ifi-lele 'a large timber tree: lntsia sp.' ifi-tu 'a harder variety of ifilele'

Glossary qipit under *pit

965

*qisdep 'sleep' Initial *q- on the basis ofOc reflexes (Ross 1988: 144). In several cases, there is semantic contamination with reflexes of*sepi 'dream'. This root developed in two ways: (1) the 1'1 sylb was weakened with subsequent syncope of the medial sylb and CC simplification; (2) the medial sylb syncopated and the antepenult (now the penult) remained Iii. Oc lgs reflect both developments. Blust *qinep, *qenep 'lie down to sleep' Dpwlf *'ingp 'lie, sleep, dream' ma-qilup 'sleep' At maasara-s-ar-;m;p:J 'sleepy'(< Tsou) Knn ma-inep 'sleep' inpan 'sleep; bed mat' Kav (§B62.3.2) Pu a-1upefi'sleep(§§B7I.l.12, 18tfootnote,

B7l.l.15, B71.2.2) (Nanwang a-lepefi) Tag panag-inip 'dream' (§Cl.l.443) (Ifg inop 'dream') ina 'sleep' Ba ND kaiie-nep 'sleep a bit' k-impy 'state of closed eyes' (influenced by Mig Ml impi 'dream) Ml inap 'spend night' (§04.l.l I 1, end) OJv hinep 'spend night' (§El.l.l) Burn ine 'sleep, lie down' (Lisela, Rana) Wetan nina 'sleep' Moa na-nina 'he sleeps' Adzera giljc 'lie down' (Ross 1988: 144) Num mef'sleep' DY cp 'lie down, sleep' Motu eno 'lie down' (§012.2.1) Sa enoh-i 'lie on s.t.' (§02.2.1) Fi noo 'sit, stay, occupy space' (§03.1.21)

*qisu 'shark' Blust *qiSu 'shark' Dpwlf *hi[j]u' 'shark' Am ?iso 'whale' Pai qisu 'shark' Cb ihu 'shark' ND hiu 'shark'(< Ml) Mig ak-io 'shark' (akpossibly < *ikan) Ml hiu 'shark' (§§04.1.3, 0.4.3.22) OJv hyu 'shark' (§El.3.11, middle) iu 'shark' TB kiyoy 'shark' (§E3.1.4) also keyoy. (Makboon: Mok geyey) Ngad iu 'shark' iu 'shark' Leti yeu 'shark' (§F4.1.33) Kei Sa iu-si 'for a dead person to come in the form of a shark to his descendents in a vision and express a wish for s. t.' ikoo 'shark' (§03.1.313) (Bau qio (§03.1.313, Fi footnote])

966 tisuwab under *suwab qitaq 'be angry and threatening' Blust *qitaq 'aggressiveness, anger' Mar ita? 'threat' Kay ita 'fierceness, aggressiveness' To ?ita 'angry' Sm ita 'angry, anger' ~qiteluy

'egg'

Ts, Am, and Pu evince a prefiX reflecting *bu-. Form and Phillgs reflect *i in the antepenult. Th, Paz, and Kav reflect metath of the Vs of the antepenult and the penult. The rest of the MP lgs reflect *a in antepenult (weakening) or loss. There is an OC cognate (Sagart p.c.). Blust *qiCeluR, *qateluR 'egg' Dpwlf *tgluy 'egg' St ?resizol 'egg (Tonghre? ?resizoo) (§§812.1.3, 8 12.1.4, 8 12.2.2) Th qarifJuy 'egg' (§§813.1.3, 813.3.34, end) Sar ?asar:;) 'egg' (probably not cognate) Knn ?icuuru 'egg' (§832.2.2) (Tsuch and Li, n.d.: mfllicuuru 'lay eggs' ?aicuru 'testicles') also iciuru 'egg' (§832.2.3). Am f-ita?ol 'egg' (§§861.2.2, 861.3.42) Kav tiyuy'egg' (§862.1.3) Pu ve{inun 'egg' (§§871.1.15, 871.3.41, 871.3.42) Pai qetsilu 'egg' (§872.1.11) Tag itlog 'egg' Rat tu?it 'egg' (§§C3.l.l2a, C3.3.42) also tuu. (Sang teluhe? 'egg') Tdn atelu 'egg' (Kakas) (§C4.1.12) toyu 'egg, testicle' (§C5.1.14) Ba te/lo 'egg' also itello?. (Mills: tello'l) Bug Sal tannoro 'egg' (§§C7.1.12, C7.2.24, C7.3.42) Mu yunteli 'egg' (§§C8.1.2, C8.1.8, §C8.2.35) Kel terur 'egg' (§§01.1.11, 01.3.42) teluran 'scrotum' tan-teluh 'egg' ND atody 'egg' (§§03.1.4, 03.3.42, footnote) Mig telur 'egg' (§04.1.111) Ml han-telu 'egg' (§§El.l.l, El.l.l2) (Nothofer: OJv 165: hm1teluu) Nias adulo 'egg' Mentawai atelu 'egg' keliin 'egg' (§E3.1.13) Mok Mgg telo 'egg'(§§ Fl.l.l2, Fl.2.2, Fl.3.41) telu-n 'egg' Burn Leti ternu 'egg' (§§F3.l.l5, F3.1.31, F3.3.41, F3.3.42, 6t~) Kei ti/ur 'egg' (§F4.1.42) Label kotol 'egg' Motu gatoi 'egg' (§§Gl2.1.2, end, 012.3.41) Sa saolu 'egg' (§02.1.21) Maori toou-a 'yolk of egg' (Tuamotu tou-a 'egg')

Glossary qitem 'black'

The Pu and Am forms, if conn, give evidence for *tern with different prefixes. Dpwlf *'i(n)t;}m 'be black' Am kotem 'cloudy' (probably not conn) ku{em 'cloud' (probably not conn) Pu Tag itim 'black' Rat itum 'black' Tdn item 'black' Ba eta 'charcoal' ma-eta 'black, dark colored' (§C5.2.1) Sal etang 'black' Mu yito 'black' item 'blackness' mitem 'black' Kel Mig ma-inty 'be black'(§§ 03.1.5, 03.3.44) also it ina. Ml hitam 'black' OJv hitem 'black' (in set expressions) TB itom 'dark, dark blue indigo' Mok k£tam 'black, dark in color' (Lewis) (§E3.2.12) also kitam. Mgg m-iteng 'black' Burn mite-t 'black' m£tma 'black'(§ F3.2.1) Leti Tol pali-koto 'black skinned' (pali 'skin') (§011.2.1)

tt qitik 'little, few' This is not reconstructible outside of the Oc lgs. Blust (ACD *qitik) cites Jv itik, but I have not been able to substantiate it. The other non-Oc citations are M/Min and TB, and they do not correspond. Those and the St citations resemble the Oc coincidently. They developed independently, probably by sound symbolism. Blust *qitik 'small, little, few' St ?it- ?iti?an 'few' also titi?an. Ml k£t£k 'small' (Min) TB £1£k 'small' (§E2.2.1) si£1£h-£1£hon 'childhood, youth' kitik 'small' (RP02: 193) Gdg Fi m-idi 'stunted, slow growing' si?i 'little, young' (§041.1.5) To Sm iti-iti 'little, few'

qiyut see *qaqiyut *qub 'cover' Under the influence of *keb, *qub was replaced by *kub beginning in Pre-MP, and except in a few isolated petrified forms it was completely replaced in MP lgs. Otherwise, it is attested only with a petrified prefiX *ca-. Fi ubi 'covered' To ?u-?ufi 'cover, covering over'

*caqub 'cover over' Th

tafuq 'roof

Glossary Pu Pai

safiuv 'roof' taquv 'top cap of mushroom'

*qubai 'grey hair' Blust *qubaN 'grey hair' Dpwlf *'uban 'be grey haired' obtH;, 'body hair, fur' (Maga ubat.;,) Ru Am ?ofal 'white hair' Kav uban 'grey hair' Pu fiuval 'grey hair' Pai quval 'hair on head, animal hair' Tag uban 'grey hair' (Tbw kuban 'grey hair') Rat uflan 'grey hair' oflanen 'have grey hair' (§C3.2.2) Tdn uwan 'grey hair' uwa 'grey hairs' Ba ubang 'white hair' (§C6.2.4) (Cense: ungeng Bug [< *uweng-an] and ubeng) Sal uhang 'white hair' Mu yua 'grey hair' (§§C8.2.412, C8.3.31) uban 'grey hair' Kay uwan 'grey hair' ND huban 'grey hair' Ml OJv huwan 'grey hair' uban 'grey hair' TB Mok ng::iJiin 'grey hair' (§§E3.1.5, E3.3.13) (Saya) (Utuy: n::iJiin [§E3.1.51]) (Veena: 'turn grey [hair]') m-uwang 'white hair' Mgg kup-kup 'white hair' Lou Ngg uvana 'grey hair'

tqubi 'a yam: Dioscorea alata (and other kinds)' Blust *qubi 'the yam: Dioscorea alata' Dpwlf*'ubi' 'yams' ubi 'yam' (Tbw kubi 'yam') Tag Ttb uwi 'edible tuber' uwi 'yam, taro' Ba Sal uhi 'yam' Kel ubih 'tuber' (Amster: 'tapioca') NO uwi 'yam' Mig ory 'yams and potatoes' Ml ubi 'yam' humbi 'bulb, bulb root' OJv huwi 'yam and other tubers' TB ubi 'k.o. yam eaten only in times of hunger' koboy 'yam' (Mki-Lmp kubuy 'taro') Mok Mgg uwi 'yams: Dioscorea alata' Buru ubi-t 'wild yam' (§§F2.1.5, F2.3.31) To I up 'yam' also uvu. Iduna kuvi 'the greater yam (generic)' (RP03: 260) uhi 'yam' Sa Fi uvi 'k.o. yam: Dioscorea sp.' To ?ufi 'k.o. yam: Dioscorea sp.' Sm ufi 'k.o. yam: Dioscorea sp.'

tqubuj 'edible pith of palm' Blust *qubuj 'heart of the palm, palm cabbage'

967

Dpwlf *'u(m)bu[dg'] 'bud of a palm leaf' Tag ubod 'pith of trees' (Tbw kubud 'tender, edible shoot of coconut tree') Tdn uwur 'edible pith of palm' Ba uwu 'inner part of palm or other plant eaten as vegetable' ubud 'edible pith of palm' Kel Mig ovotra 'inside pith of trees' Ml umbut 'edible pith of sago palm' OJv humbut 'edible sprouts' (meaning uncertain) (§El.3.23, end) Nias howu 'heart, leaves' Fordat uvur 'heart of palm' Fi uvu 'young banana leaf in which flower is enclosed' (Bau)

tquc 'chew on sugarcane' Most reflexes disyllabize by lengthening the V nucleus and inserting a /?/between the two moras. Blust *ququs 'chew on sugarcane' Itb oos 'idea of chewing sugarcane' Ilk us 'chew sugarcane' Dgt os 'bite into sugarcane (in order to peel off the outer bark)' Han u?us 'chewing of sugarcane to extract its juices' Mar os WBM u ?us Tir o ?oh 'chew sugarcane' Chmr u?os 'peel with the teeth, tear off with teeth when eating things like sugarcane' (§C2.1.2) u?u 'suck out s.t. from which the residue is Ba discarded (e.g. sugarcane)' Mota us 'chew sugarcane''

· *quciy 'chase away' Blust *usiR 'pursuit (as of enemies or in game' Dpwlf*'ut'iy 'pursue' Th qaqutil 'chase, pursue' Tag usig 'persecution, prosecution' Ba me-usi 'chase an animal' Sal usiri 'chase away' usir 'pursue' Ml OJv usii 'go in the direction of, pursue' (§El.3.ll, end) osri 'chase away' (§F3.2.2) Leti

t qucug 'carry s.t. in cloth or on pole' *q- is reconstructed on the basis ofthe /h-1 in Nak, the reflex of*q- (cf Nak citation for *qudip and *qumun). Blust *qusug 'carry between two persons' Dpwlf *'ut'ug 'for several people to carry s.t.' Tag usong 'for several to carry s.t.' untung 'carry the shoulders, as a child' BM Sal usung 'carry in a litter' mi-osona 'accompany' (§03.3.22) Mig usung 'carry as a litter' (not attested with /h-1) Ml OJv usung 'carry jointly' (§El.3.ll, end) usung 'for people to carry s.t.' TB

968 Mok

Nak Motu *quda~

Glossary mx :ng 'carry on pole between two people'(§§E3.1.161, E3.1.2 12, E3.2.18, E3.3.14, 5 1 h~) (Mkn-Rw m:N:ng [unk to informs] Makboon: mecong) hugu 'carry on the head' udu-a 'carry a child astraddle'

'crustacean'

The forms in the Form lgs, except for Pai, are irregular, indicating secondary spread. Blust *qudag 'shrimp, crayfish, lobster' Opwlf *hu(I})QaiJ, *'u(n) *uiab < *suwiqab) BM uab (< *uiab < *suwiqab) ho?a 'yawn' me?uae 'gape, yawn' (dial.) (How Ba these forms came into being is unk) (Kaili nomoya 'yawn' [*qisuwab > *suwiqab > *uiab > oya, root of nomoya]) Mok kowiip 'yawn'(< *quwab < *qsuwab < *qisuwab) (Sources: khewap Makboon: kwiip) Tol ma-uviap 'yawn' (§§0 11.1.7, 011.3.117, 011.3.41) (Tryon: ma-uviave)

Glossary suwagi under *agi

987

tsuway 'a canelike vine: Flagellaria indica' Blust *huaR 'Flagellaria indica' Cb huwag 'a canelike vine: Flagellaria indica' Snd huar 'a canelike vine: Flagellaria indica' KB uar 'k.o. plant' Mgg kuar 'a canelike vine: Flagellaria indica' (secondary) DY rara (< *ara-ara) 'a canelike vine: Flagellaria indica' Ul wale 'a vine: Flagellaria gigantea' (RP03: I48) waa-waa 'k.o. vine: Ipomea indica' Fi

ta '1st pl incl' Pu Cb Chmr Tdn Ba Bug Sal Leti Kei To I Fi

ta 'we (incl, nom)' ta 'we, our (incl)' ta 'we (incl)' ta 'I st incl' ita 'we' also kita. -ta 'our' st ta- 'I person' also -ta. ita 'we (inc!)' -d 'our'(< n+ ta [§F4.3.51]) daa 'we (incl)' (§0Il.3.121) (Meyer: da) ta '1st person sg subject'

*kita 'we' Dpwlf *kita 'we (incl) personal pronoun' Paz St Th At Ru Bun Am Kav Pai Tag Chmr Rat Tdn Ba Bug ND Ml OJv TB Mok Mgg Buru Leti Kei Motu Sa

ita 'we' ?ita? 'we (incl)' ita 'we, us' ?ita? 'we (incl)' kota 'we (incl)' ita 'we' kita 'we' ita 'we (incl)' mitja 'we' kita 'we (dual)' (Cb kita 'we [incl]') hita 'we' kite 'we' (§C3.2.4) kita 'we (incl)' kita 'we' idi? 'we'(< *i + *di +*kit [Mills: 738]) itah 'we' (§§D2.2.4, D2.3.13) kita 'we' kita 'personal pronoun of 2nd person sg or pl' hita 'we' eta 'we' (§3.2.14) itE 'we' (§§Fl.2.42, Fl.3.13, end) kita 'we (incl)' ita '1st person ( incl)' it 'we (incl)' ita- 'we (incl)' (§012.3.132) kie 'we' (§02.3.13)

988 Fi

To Sm

Glossary keetaa 'we (inc!)' keda 'we' (Bau) (not explained) kita 'I' ?ita 'I'

tabac under *bac tt tabay 'insipid, tasteless' Only in Ml, Jav, Mok, and TB. Dpwlf *ta(m)bay 'be flavorless' Tag tabag 's.t. added to replace s.t. that had been taken away' (unconn) ND ba-tawah 'be weak' tawar 'fresh water, tasteless' (§04.3.31) Ml OJv tawa 'powerless, weak, inefficacious, harmless' TB tabar 'without taste, weak' Mok tabiin 'tasteless'

tttabal 'patch for repairing or reinforcing' Perhaps this form developed from *tape!, to which it has similar reflexes in many of the lgs here listed. Dpwlf *tambal 'strengthen, patch' Tag tambal 'reinforcement' (Laktaw) (Cb tambal 'medicine') Ba tamba 'cloth put on s.t to shield it' Bug tawe? 'apply medicine' tambala 'cloth' Sal Mu tamba 'patch' ND ta-tamba 'medicine' Ml tambal 'patch' OJv tambal 'patch' TB tambal 'handle of a sickle'

*tabai 'carry away with force' Dpwlf *taban 'capture, booty' an-taban 'take away from, rob of' (Nih) Bun ma-taban 'steal and run away' Am tafal 'cut flesh' (Duris: 'wound') Tag taban 'hold on to' (San Buenaventura: 'escape, flee') (Cb t-al-aban 'carry along with force') tahang-ang 'captive' Sal ND tawan 'take captive' Mig tavana 'prisoner of war' tawan 'booty' (§04.3.31) Ml OJv tawan 'what is carried off as booty, captive' TB taban 'booty'

tabaw under *baw2 tabeg under *beiJ tttabeq 'animal fat' Dpwlf *[t]ab;J[h] 'be fat' Tag taba? 'being fat' Rat ta{Xl? 'fat of pig' (§C3.1.5) Tdn tawa?'fat(onanimal body)' (§C4.2.3)

Mu Mig TB

tabha 'fat' (§8.2.33) ma-tavy 'fat' tabo 'tasty, fat of meat'

*tabetab 'hit, knock' Blust *CabCab 'clap, beat, hack' Dpwlf *tab tab 'knock' ts-m-abtsab 'clap hands' (§872.1.3.31) Pai matsabtsab 'be beaten repeatedly with open hand' Tag tabtab 'hew, chip off with a hewer or chipping tool' (Cb t-ag-abtab 'hack off with several blows') OJv tatab 'knock on' Ngad tala 'hack to pieces, beat, kill'

tabuy under *buy tabuii under *buii tabun under bun2,3 tabug under *bu1]2 *tac 'break through, rent' This root is mostly found with petr!fied *um- prefix, doubled, or with unexplained 1st sylbs.ln Rat and Sas, the root was disyllabized by addition ofa prothetic V. Rat pentas 'harvest rice' (with analogical development of /p-/ [§A3.7.l]) entas 'chop through (forest, hedge)' Sas

*tacetac 'rent, broken (thread)' Dpwlf *tat 'tat' 'rip off Kav tattas 'rent, ripped' (§ 862.1.4) Tag tastas 'undone (stiches)' Sang tetase? 'cut stiches' Ttb ta?tas 'cut through' Ba totosi 'cut through with o. blow (as through string)' (§C5.2.2, footnote) ma-tetta 'for seams to get undone' (§C6.1.14) Bug ND tatas 'become undone' Ml tetas 'slitting, ripping up' (§04.1.12) OJv tatas 'broken, snapped' tastas 'broken off TB Mgg tetas 'rip open' (§§Fl.l.22, Fl.2.41) also detas (/d/ unexplained).

*betac 'split open, burst open' Blust *bentas 'hack a passage through', *betas 'tear, rip open (as cloth or stitches), snap (as string)' fias 'burst open, blow up with insides coming Am out' (§861.3.13) besat 'tom, rent for the I st time' Kan BM bontat 'hack open, through' Ml betas 'split, ripped open' wetas 'cut, tear' Mgg hoa 'cut with a bamboo knife' Ars

989

Glossary

bitac 'small rip' This was created from *butac with iconic substitution of [i] for [u} to indicate a smaller rip. Blust *bitas 'tear, rip' Cb bitlis 'lacerated' bittas 'small part, small section' TB wintas 'ripped' Mgg

ttbutac 'cut hole' Blust *butas 'cut through, sever' bittas 'hole (Bkl maga-butas 'set free, release' Tag Mar bolas 'separate, disassociate') Rat ma-wutas 'behead' (Sneddon< Niemann) buntas 'cut through, cut open, lance (as a Iban boil)' buntas 'disperse a gathering' Snd buntas 'cut Bal or burrow through (as mountain), end discussion' Rot pufa 'shallow hole for fireplace'

ttyetac 'break through, break open' Wilkinson lists lots of Ml words ending in 1-tasl under retas. Dpwlf*y;J[t]at' 'rip, undo' Tag agtas 'opening in forest, short cut path' (§Cl.l.3, end) bigtas 'unstitched' (§Cl.l.l4) hitas 'break off also hulas (§C3.2.33). Rat retas 'break (ofrope)' (§C4.3.4l) (Sneddon) Tdn also rentas. Sal ron to? 'take out the seed (e.g. of a dry bean)' (§§C7.1.73, C7.2.35, C7.2.4) retas 'severing gently, giving way with little Ml violence' Mgg ratas 'tom' (§Fl.2.33) rotas 'tom, ripped open' (/o/ unexplained)

tt utac 'break through, rent' This is formed by a petrified *um- added to the monosylb root. The initial lh-1 in the Nias reflex is unexplained. (Nias lh-1 reflects *s- or q-.) However, other lgs that normally reflect *s- and *q, here reflect initial V, supporting the hypothesis that the initial lu-I of the reflexes in the Hesp. lgs reflects the prefiX *um-. Blust *qutas 'cut through, sever, divide by cutting' utas 'slash, chop away' Ilk usat 'open a road, Akl clear a path' Ba untasi 'burst open so that contents spill out' utasa?'strand, as of silk' Mk utas 'division, lot or parcel of land' I ban utas 'chop off, cut, sever' Snd Nias huta 'cut off, cut down'

tacak under *cak *tacik 'sea, seawater' The Favorlang attestation proves PAn etymology. Dpwlf *tat'ik 'sea as salt water'

Favorlang sassi 'salt' tasik 'brine, very salty water' Tag Chmr tasi 'sea, beach' Rat tasik 'sea' Tdn tasik 'sea' tasi 'sea, seawater' Ba tasi?'sea' Bug tehi 'sea' (§C8.2.413) Mu tasik 'ocean' ND Mig tasy 'lake' (§D3.3.22) tasik 'sea' Ml OJv tasik 'sea' TB tasik 'rust' Mok tase 'high seas' (Ivanoff) (unk to inform) (probably< Ml) (§E.3.13) Mgg tacik 'sea' Leti Iaski 'sea, seawater' (§F3.3.13) tahai 'sea' (§F4.1.33) (KK tahi 'ocean, sea Kei water') taa 'sea' (§Gll.2.51, end) (Meyer: ta, tasi, Tol taai) Motu tadi 'sea, seawater' cesi 'salt water, sea' Sa taci 'the sea' Fi To tahi 'sea, seawater, tide' tahik-ia 'salted with salt water' tai 'sea, tide' (§042.2.11) gaa-tai 'a little Sm distance toward the sea'

tadey under *jey tttadu 'k.o. green caterpillar' This root usually occurs with an animate prefiX *qa- + R-. atatalu 'green caterpillar that turns into a Cb butterfly' Mar tataro Kan atatddo Tbl ketolu 'k.o. green worm' BM tontadu?(/-?1 not explained) Lun Dayeh tetaduh 'k.o. green caterpillar' Ml -tadu 'green caterpillar' (with various prefixes: sintadu, centadu, etc.) TB an-ta-tadu 'kind of large green caterpillar' Kmb kataru 'k.o. green snake' Kodi kataru muru 'k.o. green snake'

tageyag under *geyaiJ [tay] Found only in forms prefiXed with *da- and *pa-. Words containing this root were influenced by words ending in *pay, which have a meaning 'flat'.

*datay 'flat area' Dpwlf * ifatay 'be level, flat' Pu Tag Rat

datar 'village' (Cauq) ldtag 's.t. spread out flat' (§Cl.3 .32) (Cb datag 'plain') rata 'flat'

990 Tdn Ba Bug Sal Mu ND Mig Ml OJv Mok Mgg Burn Leti Kei Ul Fi Sm

data 'flat place' (§C4.3.32) rato 'flat, flat area' (§C5.2.42, end) rata 'level' (§C6.2.4) datara 'plain' (§C7 .3.32) rata 'level' datah 'slope, plain' ratana 'plain, level country' (§D3.3.41, end) datar 'smooth, level, flat' rataa 'level place, plain' datah 'long, tall' (contaminated by *atas via Cham) satar 'found in names of flora/fauna' lawo-satar 'field rat' rata 'plain, flat area' darla 'layer' (§§F3.1.15, F3.3.32) rod 'flat, even' tan rod 'flat area' (§F4.3.12, end) dada 'be flat' (< *ndantay) daa-rata 'flat patch of ground used for recreation' !au-lata 'plateau in mountains'

tpatay 'flat and level place' Blust *pantar1 'level, flat' Dpwlf *pan[t]a/ 'elevated place' Tag patag 'even, level, flat' Tdn patar 'flat (land)' (§C4.3.41) pantal 'flat, level' Bgg Sal pantar-ang 'porch' Kel patar 'flat area, alluvial plain' Sod pantar 'equal (in age, height, etc.)' TB pattar 'shelf in wood shed made ofwooden or bamboo laths' pan tar 'flat nest (as the nest of a turtle-dove)' Mgg vatar 'platform, table' To I Motu pata 'shelf, table' also pata-pata. haa 'platform for storing yams' Sa vata 'shelf, platform' (§03.3.21, end) Fi fata 'rack for storing food' To fata 'shelf to store food' fata~fata 'chest' Sm

*taya 'wait' The nasalized form has been generalized in some lgs (e.g. At, but not Sed). Paz taxa 'wait' St may-na/a?'wait' (Tonghre? may-naa'l) Th tafa 'wait' At naya? 'wait' Sar maraataa-tara 'ambush' Knn umee-tara 'wait' mia-taar;J 'wait' (Tsuch and Li, n.d.: ?apia-taar;J 'wait' umai-tar;J 'wait') mi-tala 'ambush' altalaan 'waited for, waiting Bun place' tala 'wait' Am manaya 'wait' Kpp ntaga 'hover in sky, remain in air' (§C8.3.41) Mu

Glossary *tayaq 'cut, chop' Cb innovated by shifting the stress to the final sylb. Dpwlf *[t]ayah 'cut, plane' taxa 'chop (wood, bamboo) into pieces' Paz Th tafaq 'to adze' taga? 'cut down trees' Cb Chmr taga? 'hack, chop' taa 'chop wood into planks' Rat taa?'hew with an adze' Tdn Bug tara 'chop, hew' (Mills) tea 'make or shape wood into an object' also Mu tia (§C8.2.411). t-em-ara? 'clear forest' ( §D 1.1.11, end, Kel footnote) Burn taha 'fell s.t. vertical (tree)' Motu tara 'adze' tara-ia 'chop with adze' taa 'be cut by chipping or slashing' Fi taa?i 'chop, cut, or carve (canoe)' To taa 'strike, hit' Sm

ttayaqan 'k.o. holocentrus fish' This fish name originates in Oc lgs, but has spread to some Hesp lgs. Blust *taraqan 'squirrelfish: Holocentrus sp.' Yami talon 'k.o. squirrelfish' (not inherited because 111 does not reflect PAn *y) Pal desachel 'squirrel fish' Motu tara 'a holocentrus fish' Ponape sara 'Holocentrus spp.' ta?a 'the armored soldierfish: Holocentrus To spinifer' Sm taa-malau 'k.o. fish about o. foot in length: Holocentrus sp.'

tayesebic under *sebic tttayum 'indigo: Indigofera sp.' Dpwlf*tayum 'indigo' Tag tayom 'indigo: Indigofera sp.' (§Cl.3.41) (Cb tagum 'indigo') taum 'indigo' (§C4.2.4) Tdn taomi 'indigo' (§C5.2.3) Ba Sal tarung 'indigo' tahum 'indigo' (H) ND tarum 'indigo' Ml OJv tom 'indigo plant' (§El.l.l35) tao 'indigo' (§Fl.3.41) Mgg tiarum 'indigo'(< *atiarum < *ai *tarum) Leti (Roti tauk 'indigo')

*biyuq 'go down, settle down' In MP this came to mean 'put·. Dpwlf *tayuh 'set down, place a bet' taxuan 'hut, shack, shelter' Paz St talr£?cen 'house' (Tonghre? ta?r£?an) Th taiuqan 'field hut'

991

Glossary Sar

Knn Ru Bun Am Tag Chmr Tse Ba Bug Sal Mu Kel ND Mig Ml OJv TB Mok Burn Leti Tol Sa Fi To Sm

pi-talu ?apulu 'hold near fire' (11/ by anticipatory assimilation [Tsuch 1976: 66]) tamar;, 'temporary shelter' (contamination with *tasat) tani?an;, 'field hut' (§B32.1.21) tao-vanim;, 'shelter in the fields' (§B4.2.3) (Maga tovanaa) man-taluq 'climb down (slope)' taluqan 'hut' mi-taluq 'W. wind (wind that blows downward)' talofian 'hut' tago?'put s.t. s.w.' tago? 'command, be a messenger' (possibly unconn) tau?'put into, put away, store inside' tau 'put down from a higher place, set down' taro 'put' taro 'put' tei 'put, store, place' (§§C8.2.2l, C8.2.411, end) taru? 'putting, placing' pan-taho 'food given to the dead (what has been placed)' tao 'do, build' taruh 'put' toh 'stake in betting' (§El.l.l35) taru 'place in a bet' taru 'put'(< Ml) (unk to inform) tahu 'put, place' (Hendriks: taho) n-kentiaru 'he puts s.t. down'(< *keni-taru) ter 'give' also tar, tari (Meyer). elu 'set, place' (§02.2.22) tau 'be put, given, located' (§03.2.53) tau 'be or remain at anchor, set a trap' tau 'hang clothes on line, basket on hook, etc; moor'

t tayutu~ 'puffer fish' In inland lgs this form came to refer to spiny plants or animals (cf Blust ACD under *taRutuiJ).

Blust *tarutum, *tarutulJ 'porcupine fish, puffer fish, Diodon sp.' Cb tagutung-an 'porcupine fish' terutung 'porcupine' Kel Mny tetung Dohoy tohotong 'porcupine' TB tarutung 'durian tree' Leti trutnu 'burr fish' . Motu dautu 'porcupine fish' (§§012.3.121, 012.3.31) faufu 'puffer fish' Rot Sm tautu 'porcupine fish, which has sharp spines'

*tahebu 'vessel to hold or fetch water' Dpwlf *tabu' 'vessel to fetch water' thbo?'bottle gourd' (Sq) At Sar tavu at 'gourd, calabash' (§B31.1.3) Knn taavu 'gourd, calabash' (§B32.1.3)

Tag

Tdn Ba Kel Mig OJv TB Mgg

tabo?'coconut shell scoop'(/?/ developed under influence of kabo? and other forms ending in /o?/ that mean 'pour water' [cf. bUbo?< *buqebuqt]) (Hig tabU 'scoop, dipper') tabu?'fishpond' (§§C4.l.ll, C4.1.5, end, C4.3.2) tabo 'cup ofhalfcoconut shell, gourd' (§§C5.2.3, C5.3.4l) tabuh 'gourd' tavo-ara 'crock' tavo 'calabash (used to hold liquid)' tawuu 'scoop water' (luu/ unexplained) tabu 'gourd' tabu-tabu 'gourd used to hold water' tabo 'ceramic bowl' (§Fl.3.3l)

*tahepa 'smoke fish' The medial sylb reconstructed on the basis ofBun. Dpwlf *[t]apa' 'smoke (food)' Sar citma-capa 'roast, bum (things)' Knn cuma-capa 'roast' ma-tapha?'dry on fire' (§B5.3.22, end) Bun Pu tapa 'roast at distance from fire' Pai tsapa 'meat or fish dried by frre' Tag tapa 'to dry meat' (§Cl.3.21) tapa 'smoked meat' Rat tapa 'smoke food' Tdn tapa 'smoke fish, meat' (§C4.l.ll, C4.3.2) Ba tapa 'smoke to preserve' tapa 'smoke to preserve' Bug Sal tapa 'smoke to preserve' Ml tapa-tapa 'pieces of smoked fish' tapa 'bake, roast over fire' Mgg Buru hum-tapa 'hunting lodge where meat is smoked before bringing home' (lit. 'house of smoking') tava 'smoke (fish, copra, etc.), to dry it' Rov (RPOI: 158)

[tajem] 'sharp' This is not reconstructible. Although the various attestations are similar in meaning and form, they do not correspond. Form lgs reflect medial *1, Hesp lgs reflect medial *j, but Jv and TB have the wrong reflex. Oc lgs also reflect medial *j, but the Vs of the final sylb do not correspond. Dpwlf*tad';Jm, tad'im 'be sharp' St s-om-a/em 'sharpen' (Tonghre? somaom) Am talem 'sharp edge ofknife' (§B61.3.32) Tag ma-talim 'sharp' Chmr tasm-e 'sharpen to a point' (§C2.3.33) Tdn tarem 'sharp (of point)' ma-taja 'sharp' Ba Bug tareng 'sharp' tarang 'sharp' Sal Kel tadem 'sharp'

992 ND Ml OJv TB Mok

tajim 'sharp' (§D2.2.3) tajam 'sharp' tajem 'sharp' (§El.3.23) tajom 'sharp' lajam 'sharp' (Sources: layan and tayam) (§E3.1.51) Mgg jam 'very sharp' (§§FI.2.33, Fl.3.33, Fl.3.5) Buru em-tae 'sharp' Tikopia tasi 'shave'

*tak 'chop, break off This root is mostly attested doubled or with a 1"'1 sylb of *be- and *bi-. There are OC and S-T cognates (Sagart p.c.). Tag itak 'a short machete for chopping'(< *ise- + *tak) Mok patak 'break, be broken'

*taketak 'chop, fell' The accent in Knn indicates an earlier *taketak, although Tsou reflects *tdketak as does Pu. Th reflects both accentual patterns. Th OakOak 'knock down' tatak 'fell' (§813.1.13) Tsou mo ?to?' clear land for swidden' (< *t-um-aketak) t-um-ak;}tab 'hew down' Knn Kav taktak 'chop into small pieces' Pu [ak[ak 'partly come off(s.t. stuck, from wall)' Kpp taktak 'cut grass with bolo' Cb taktak 'become detached and fall off (of small things)' Chmr taktak 'chop up' (§C2.3.13, end) Tdn ta?tak 'chop down/through' Bug tetta?'hack, chop' (§C6.1.14) Buru tata-k 'drop s.t.' eg-datak 'fall'

*betak 'split, tear apart' Blust *betak 'crack, split open (as dry ground)' Dpwlf *bg~ak 'split' Am ftak 'cracked' Tag bitak 'split' Chmr puta? 'split, cleave, burst' (/-?/unexplained) bota 'split' (§C5.2.42) Ba wetta 'chop (firewood)' Bug weta 'side, half, split up' (§C8.2.36) Mu Ken betak 'burst, break open' Sik bitak 'break, split, fall to pieces' Leti nappteta-n 'pop a blister, balloon' (extra sylb unexplained) Manam ota?'crack nuts, etc. open' Sa hoa 'make incision in, remove and separate'

tbitak 'split' Blust *bitak 'break, split' TB biltak 'crack, split' (§E2.1.42) Sik bitak 'break, split' Kmb hita 'cut, hew' Takia fite 'break up, break open, split' (RPOl: 275) vida 'split' Fi

Glossary

yetak 'split' Bkl Ml

gatak 'split, cracked' retak 'split'

[letak] Pgs Ml

letak 'split' Cb lutak 'crack, break without separation' letak 'crack, split' also retak.

takac 1,2 under *kac1,2 takaw under *kaw takeb under *keb takec under *kec takejey under *jey taket under *ket ttaki 'intend' Dpwlf *[t]aki[') 'give direction, determine' Mig nahy 'intended, desired' (§D3.3.l2)fanahy 'soul' TB tahi 'decision' Fi naki-ti- 'intend, do s.t. on purpose' inaki 'intent' (§G3.1.62, end) To taki 'give direction, lead' Sm ta'li 'give direction, lead'

[takid] 'adhere' This is probably not reconstructible. The Tsouic and · Kpp forms probably were created independently under the influence of (unidentified) forms ending in *ket or *kit with similar meanings. Sar maica-cakici 'adhere' Knn maa-takici 'stick' Kpp takid 'adhere'

takub under *kub takup under *kup1,2 *takut 'afraid, fear' The form tikot in Th and St points to a root *kut with prefzxes *ti- as well as *ta-. Dpwlf*[t]akut 'be afraid' St tikot 'fear' Th tikot 'afraid' (Chen 357) Siraya mattacot 'fear' Kav ma-qtet 'fear' Tag takot 'fear' Rat taku?'fear' Bug tau 'fear' (§C6.3.13) Kel ta?ut 'fear' (§Dl.3.13) Mig tahotra 'fear' MI takut 'be afraid' OJv takut 'fear' TB tahut 'afraid'

Mok Burn Leti Tol Motu Sa Fi Sm

lak:Jt 'fear' (Sources: nakot) (§§E3.1.51, E3.2.18, E3.3.12)(Veena: laki5t) em-taka 'be afraid' (§F2.3.12) em-taku-t 'fear s.t.' (§F2.2.2, footnote) m-taatu 'afraid' (§F3.1.32) also mtatuaatu. (§§F3.1.12, 1st footnote, F3.1.211) kut 'afraid' (§011.1.24) dagu 'be startled' (§§012.1.52, 012.3.133) taku 'suddenly' mce?uta 'fear of' (§02.3.121) mce?u 'be afraid' (< *tumakut) mama?u 'cause fear' ma-taku 'fear, be afraid' ma-ta?u 'fear, be afraid'

*talaw 'cowardly' Blust *talaw 'timid, fearful, coward' Th taraw 'feel cool, unfriendly to another' Am ma-talaw 'afraid' Cb talaw 'be cowardly' Rat talu 'coward' (§C3.2.53) (Bantik talou 'cowardly') Tdn talo 'fearful' Bug talo 'defeated' (not conn. This form is cognate with Tag talo? 'defeat', not reconstructible for PMP) Mu talo 'lose, be defeated' Mok talaw 'ashamed, shy'

ttalec 'taro: Colocasia esculenta' Although taro is widely cultivated throughout the An-speaking area, this form is found only in MP lgs, aside from an attestation in Pai, does not correspond semantically or phonologically. It means 'begonia'i.e.,. (It is clearly secondary.) The Form lgs reflect *tali or *tali and Th reflects *tali. Taro was probably introduced after the arrival of the Austronesians in ·Form, and the word for it spread secondarily. In P MP it was named *talec, probably given the name ofanother unimportant plant (and this is retained in Pai as begonia). Dpwlf *taldt' 'name of a root crop, taro' Bun ta?i 'taro' tjales 'begonia' (secondary [§B72.3.13]) Pai talas 'taro' Ml tales 'taro' OJv talE 'taro' (/£1 and loss of 1-c/ unexplained) TB (Nias tala 'taro') tala 'taro: Colocasia esculenta' (RP03: 266) Rov Motu tala 'taro' ala 'o. hundred (used for counting taro)' Sa dalo 'taro' Fi To talo 'k.o. root crop: Caladium exculentum' talo 'taro: Colocasia sp.' Sm

Glossary tali 'taro: Colocasia esculenta'

993

The accent is reflected on the .final sylb in the northern Form lgs and on the 1'1 sylb in the more southerly lgs. The MP lgs reflect *talec . . Th Iori 'taro: Colocasia exculenta' (§Bl3.1.4, ls1) At cai? 'taro' (Sed sari?) Ru tai 'taro' (§B4.3.42) (Maga a-tee). Bun tai? 'taro' Am tali 'taro, tuberous food'

t talicay 'tree of seashore: Terminalia sp.' Dpwlf *[t]ali[t']aj 'name of a tree' Tag talisay 'k.o. tree: Terminalia sp.' Chmr talisay 'a tree: Terminalia catappa' Sang sarise 'a tree: Terminalia sp.' Tdn talisEi 'a tree: Terminalia sp.' (§C4.2.51) Ba talise 'a tree: Terminalia sp.' Sal dalise 'a seashore tree: Terminalia sp.' (§C7.3.12) Buru lisa 'a tree: Terminalia sp.' Tol taalia 'a tree of the seashore: Terminalia sp.' (§0 11.2.51, end) Sa lite 'a tree of the sea shore: Terminalia sp.' To telie 'k.o. seashore tree: Terminalia sp.' (§§041.1.22, 041.2.2, 041.3.21) Sm talie 'k.o. tree: Terminalia spp.' (Pratt: taalie)

talikuj under *kuj *talig a see *tagila *talis 'rope, cord' The Phillgs and some Form lgs reflect penultimate root stress, but others reflect stress on the final sylb. Dpwlf *tali' 'rope, cord' Paz saris 'rope, string' St f-in-celif'cord' (Tonghre? finceij) (§B12.1.4) Sar talii 'head band' (Chen 226) (inform: 'rope') Knn talisi 'cord' Ru calisi 'rope' (Maga tesi) (§B4.3.12) Pu {ali 'thick string (rope, cord)' Pai tsalis 'hemp chord' Tag tali? 'tie' (The/?/ developed in suffixed forms and was generalized to the root.) (Cb tali?, tali) Chmr tali 'rope' Rat tali 'rope' Tdn tali 'rope, string' Ba tali 'headband, headcloth' tali 'rope' Bug Mk tali 'rope' tali 'rope, cord' ND tady 'rope, cord' Mig tali 'rope, cord' Ml tali 'rope, cord, bond' OJv TB tali 'rope, cord' tali 'rope, cord' Mgg

994 Leti Tot Sa Fi Sm

Glossary tali 'rope' tali 'tie around, put arms around' (Meyer) ?c£/i 'cord' (§02.3.121) tali 'be woven, plaited' (Bau dali 'rope') tali-seta 'belt around body to prevent running out of breath' (sela 'asthma, breathlessness')

*talon 'fallow lands, grasslands (that were formerly planted)' Dpwlf *talun 'fallow land' Pu {alun 'grass' Ilk talun 'rice field' Tdn falun 'forest' talu 'fallow land' (§C5.3.51, end) Ba Mu talu 'field that has been only recently deserted' OJv talun 'outer gardens at edge of wood' TB talun 'fallow lands' Sa PMP flam> lnam/ (in lgs that depalatalized tn [§A3.3.4]). Since the nasalized allomorph oft-initial roots also has In/ initial, the stage was set for a form *tam to develop from t nam. We also have to assume that *tam developed independently several times in post PMP times to account for the occurrence ofreflexes in Oc lgs. Blust *tamtam 'smack the lips' Pai tj-al-amtjam 'smack lips' (probably unconn) Mar tantam 'taste' ta?am 'taste as of food' WBM ta?am 'taste s.t.' Cb tagam 'learn a lesson'(< *tam+ *-ay-) Chmr tamtam 'test, try out, taste, sip' Ba me-tam-i 'taste, try' Bug tam-i 'taste' camcam 'smack lips' Buli en-tam-ai 'taste' To I Maori tami 'food' (Pollex) Ren tami 'taste' (Pollex)

tt tambak 'earth piled up for dam, grave' Dpwlf*tambak 'earthen mound'' Tag tambak 'embankment, pile' Chmr lampe 'cover, put lid on' ( 'sugarcane' (§B32.2.3) Ru cob6so 'sugarcane' (§§B4.2.2, B4.3.12) (Maga tbusu) sibus 'sugarcane' (§§B5.2.3, end, B5.3.1) Bun tfos 'sugarcane' Am thus 'sugarcane' Kav Pu tevu 'sugarcane' tjevus 'sugarcane' Pai

Tag Chmr Rat Bug Sal Mu Kel ND Ml OJv TB Mok Mgg Buru Leti Kei Tol Motu Sa Fi To

tuba 'sugarcane' tupu 'sugarcane' tuf3u 'sugarcane' tebbu 'sugarcane' ta ?bu 'sugarcane' towu 'sugarcane' tebhuh 'sugarcane' tewu 'sugarcane' tebu 'sugarcane' tebu 'sugarcane' tobu 'sugarcane' teboy 'sugarcane' (Sources: tebey) tm 'sugarcane' (§§Fl.2.34, Fl.3.31, end) tefu 'sugarcane' tevu 'sugarcane' teev 'sugarcane' (§§F4.1.51, end, F4.2.3) (KK tev, tiiv) tup 'sugarcane' (§G 11.2.3) tohu 'sugarcane' o-ohu 'sugarcane' tovu 'sugarcane' too 'sugarcane' (§G41.3.111)

*tee 'cut off This is reflected doubled and with a prothetic V. Many cases show semantic contamination with *tac 'rip'. Blust *etes/qetes 'chop, hack, cut off' Dpwlf *tgf, tgt'bt' 'cut up' Pai etses 'break off head of grain for planting' (§B72.3.13) Tag tistis 'cut, make incision, cut into strips, remove strips' (semantically influenced by *dicedic 'make thin cut' [not attested in Tag. Cf. Cb disdis 'to slit']) Chmr gutos 'snap off (neck of chicken, root, string)' (§§C2.12, C2.1.52) Ba tatosi 'break through (e.g. string)' Sal tetese 'for stiches to become undone' (§§C7.1.5[2a], C7.1.8, end, C7.2.32) (semantic contamination with *tac) ND tetes 'be cut through (of rope)' manetes 'cut rattan' Ml tetas 'ripping, slitting open from inside' (possibly< *tac) OJv te-tes 'penetrated, pierced' DPB etes 'hack a path by felling trees and brush' Sawu etc 'cut, cut off' Fi loci- 'cut into fme strips' tosi 'split a leaf with s.t. sharp' To

tecek under *cek tedem under *demz tteyac 'k.o. hard wood' Dpwlf *tgyat' 'be hard, hardwood' Tag tigas 'hardness'

1004 Rat Tdn Ba Sal Kel ND Mig OJv TB Mgg Leti Raga Fi To Sm

Glossary lias 'hardwood of tree' ma-tias 'strong, sturdy' tohas 'hardwood' (borrowed) ta?as 'k.o. wood' (§C4.2.3) (Ttb ta?as 'heartwood, hardwood tree') toga 'armband of iron or copper' (Adriani [1928: 882] connects with cognates cited here) terasa 'hard' (§§C7.1.8, end, C7.2.33) tera 'hard' teras 'heartwood'(< Ml) teza 'inside of wood the outsides of which are worm-eaten; k.o. tree; fixed, firm' ma-teza 'permanent, enduring' twas 'hardness, hard core' toras 'heartwood' teras 'hard to chew' tersa 'hard' (§F3.3.41) tora 'a hardwood: Intsia bijuga' doa 'hard, dark heart wood of tree' toa 'k.o. tree: Casuarina equisetifolia' too 'a tree: Casuarina equisetifolia; be courageous'

tteyeb 'having a full measure, plenty' Dpwlf *t~y~b 'lot, multitude' Tag tigib 'filled to the brim, overloaded' OJv tab 'thick luxuriant g:owth' TB torop 'to be plentiful, numerous, the public' Fi too 'have water in it, thick not runny' (§03.1.4) rna-no 'ten thousand' (§§041.1.6, 041.3.121) To Sm rna-no 'ten thousand' (§§042.1.6, 042.3.121)

ttteyi 'small seafish' Cb Rat Ml

tigihun 'k.o. small anchovy' tii 'small sea fish' (§C3.2.35) teri 'small anchovy'

tejey under *jey [tek] Mainly occurs with *se- and with doubling. Bun ma-tuk 'chop down tree'

*teketek 'chop' Paz teketek 'chop into small pieces' St tektek 'chop up wood' Th tiktik 'chop' ma-tuktuk 'chop down tree' Bun Mk . tatta?'hack, chop' Buru tete 'chop up'

*setek 'chop down, chop into' The forms from E. Ind and Oc listed here may .in fact derive from the unaffixed monosylb root disy/labized with a prothetic V. Blust *Setek 'cut, sever, chop' Am stek 'sever' etek 'cut down tree or bamboo with a machete' Pu

Mk Muk Nias Sawu Motu

atta? 'to notch' atte? 'notch in a stick, post, or coconut tree' tek 'piece made by cutting' oto 'chop up' eta 'cut, cut off' also ete '?. Kmb ete 'piece, lump' oto 'slice, strip'

tteka 'come, arrive' Blust *tekas 'come to rest in a place' Mar tekas 'rest in a certain place' (/-s/ not explained) Tdn teka'? 'for a bird to alight' (§§C4.1.5, end) Ba toka 'be present, available' (§C5.2.42) to-toka 'guest, person who came' Mu taka 'finished' NJv teka 'come' Mgg teka 'come, show up' Moa n-te'?a 'he arrives, reaches' Sa o'?a 'settle (birds), squat on haunches' toka 'come to rest, run aground, be beached' Fi To toka 'run aground (boat), rest at bottom of water, settle down' faka-toke-lau 'north wind' (§041.2.2) Sm to'?a 'run aground, set, congeal'

tekec under *kec tteken 'stick to lean on or propel' Dpwlf *t~k~n 'support, stick, pole to push a boat off' tikin 'pole for propelling boats in shallow Tag streams' Chmr tohn-e 'lean on' Rat tikin 'walking stick' Tdn teken 'walking stick, staff' toko 'stick, staff' Ba Bug tekkeng 'stick for walking' tokong 'pole' Sal tokong 'pole for pushing boat'(§ C7.2.35) (Mk takkanga 'staff') teken 'pole' neken 'pressure' Kel teken 'long pole to push boat off ND Mig tehina 'staff, stick, walking stick' Ml tekan 'pressure downward on flat surface' OJv teken 'stick, prop, support' tohon-an 'office (place of a staff)' TB t~ni-ean 'cane, stick to lean on' Leti tok 'pole, stick, staff' Gdg Fi i-toko 's.t. that gives support' tokoni 'punt a boat' To toko 'pole to propel canoe' fe-tokon-iaki 'support each other' Sm to'?o 'pole to propel canoe' to'?on-a'?i 'support o.s.'

1005

Glossary

tekuk under *kuk tekug under *kuiJ telaq under *laq [telay] 'female genitalia' A reconstruction is not possible because many of the reflexes have been deformed for euphemistic purposes.

Blust teli 'female genitalia' tilin 'clitoris' (lfg tili 'vagina' Gad sila Tag 'vagina') tile 'clitoris' Ba tclang 'vulva' Sal Kiput se-telay 'vagina' teli 'vulva' Bal !Eli 'vagina' (Mentawai tilai 'vulva') KB Kmb tali 'female genitalia' tila 'vagina' Roti Soboyo teli 'clitoris' tole 'private parts of a woman' To Sm tole-tole 'clitoris'

teleb under *leb tteld 'swallow' Some lgs of Kal underwent metath (1-1 > 1-1) causing In/ to occur in lgs that reflect *I with In/ medially.

Blust *tilen, telen 'swallow' Dpwlf *[t];J)gn 'swallow' Cb tuhin 'swallow' Gad silon 'swallow' Sbl it/en 'swallow' (< *is-telen) Ba tolo 'the monster that swallows the sun in an eclipse' tolo 'swallow' (§§C8.2.3l, C8.2.35) Mu telen 'swallow' (Long Kiput tunen 'swallow') Kel ND telen 'being swallowed up' Mig mi-te/ina 'swallow' telan 'swallow' Ml talon 'swallow' TB Mok melan 'swallow' (Mkl nelan) Leti n-telan 'swallow'(< Ml [§F3.3.42, 81, ] ) Fi tilo 'swallow' (Bau) (§G3.2.3)

*telu 'three' The stress shifted to the final syllable in MP lgs. (Cf comment to *pitu)

Dpwlf *t;Jlu 'three' Paz turu 'three' (§811.2.2) St tolo? 'three' (Tonghre? too?) Th turu 'three' (§813.1.121) At tuu?'threc' matuu'l'six' Sar u-tulu 'three' also tuulu. (§831.1.23) Knn u-tulu 'three' (§§832.2.2, 832.3.41) ma-tuu-nu 'thirty' Ru t6/o 'three' (§84.2.2) (Maga turu) Bun tau 'three' (Nih) tatau 'three people'

Am Kav Pu Pai Tag Chmr Rat Tdn Ba Bug Sal Mu Kel ND Mig OJv TB Mok Mgg Burn Leti Kei ToI Motu Sa Fi To Sm

tolo 'three' (§§861.1.12, 861.2.2) turu 'three' (§862.1.11) telu 'three' (Chen 451: turu) tjelu 'three' tatlo 'three' (§Cl.2.2) tulo 'three' tulu 'three' telu 'three' tou 'three' (§C5.3.51, end) tellu 'three' tallu 'three' tolu 'three' teluh 'three' telu 'three' telo 'three' telu 'three' tolu 'three' teloy 'three' also teley, taley. telu 'three' tela 'three' vo-telu 'three' tel 'three' (§§F4.1.33, F4.1.51, F4.2.3) u-tul 'three' (§G 11.2.3) toi 'three' (§G12.3.41) olu 'three' tofu 'three' tofu 'three' tofu 'three'

teluk under *luk *tehlq 'coconut milk' Sar Knn Ru Cb

tM;J'?a 'resin, sap' (§831.2.2) t;Jn6'l;J 'resin, sap' (§832.2.3) t61o 'coconut milk' (§84.2.2) tunu?'coconut milk' also tunu'?.

tern see *qitem [ternan] 'accompany' Not reconstructible. The Fi form does not correspond to theJv.

Dpwlf*t;Jman 'be accustomed' Ieman 'companion' Ml OJv temen 'according to truth' Fi tom an-i 'join a team' i-to rna 'partner'

[tembaya] 'copper' This form has been spread secondarily. Correspondences are irregular. Pu timra 'lead' Tag tumbtiga 'copper and gold alloy' tingga'l'lead' Bug tembaga 'copper' Sal tarnbaga 'copper' Mu tarnbaga 'copper, bronze' ternbaga 'copper' Ml

1006 *tenek 'thorn' Blust *Cenek 'thorn' Dpwlf *[t);J[n];Jk 'point' Ru c!m;ic;J 'thorn' (Maga cn!Jb RTIII.I8: syac;;m;ic 'having thorns') Tag tinik 'thorn' Rat tinik 'mosquito' tanak-a 'pierce, poke, probe' (Bau) Fi *tt.~ned

Bun Cb

Tblu Kel Leti

'sink' su-tnu'l-in 'sink' (§B5.3.42) timud 'for sun to set, put under water' limud 'drown' (developed by contamination with a word beginning with /lu-/ with a similar meaning, e.g. lublub 'bury o.s.', lumits 'drown', lundag 'sink') lened 'sink' (spread from Phil. cf. Cb litnud 'drown') mened 'drown' (§Dl.l.ll) n-tima 'he dips s.t. into s.t.' (§F3.3.32, end) (Roti tena 'sink, set [sun)')

t teg 1 see *feg *teg 2 'reach a point' This root occurs as a monosylb, doubled, and with the prefi.r: *daBun tug 'finish, end'

tt dateg 'come, arrive' Dpwlf *dat;Jl) 'come' Tag dating 'come' Ba rata 'having come' Mu rata 'come' Ml datang 'come' OJv c;lateng 'come' also c;latang (< Ml). TB datang 'come'(< Ml) Kei -dat 'come, arrive, appear' (§F4.3.32)

*tegeteg 'reach a certain point' Ru Pai Cb

i-cng{K:ng;J 'person having reached marriageable age' (Maga) tsengtseng 'enough, fitting, just right' tungtung 'just enough'

ttteljaq 'middle, half Dpwlf *t;Jl)ah 'middle' Tag gi-tna'l'middle' (§Cl.3.44) (Cb tunga? 'half tunga '?-tunga? 'middle') Ba tango 'middle' tengnga 'middle' Bug Sal tangnga 'middle' Mu tanga 'half, middle, in process of' (§C8.2.36) ND tangah 'half'(< Ml) Mig tena-tena 'middle' matona 'middle' (§D3.2.2, end) tengah-tengah 'middle' Ml

Glossary OJv Mok Sm

tengah 'middle' tengiik 'middle' (Lewis: tenga) toga 'south wind' tau/a-toga 'the middle, half way'

*tegey 'tree of the mangrove swamp: Ceriops sp.' Dpwlf *t;Jny;J[!] 'name of a tree, mangrove' c!mg;Jr;J 'k.o. tree with red wood' Sar Tag tangal 'mangrove' (§Cl.3.41) (Cb tungitg 'mangrove') Tdn tiing 'k.o.mangrove' (§C4.2.3) Ba tangari 'a mangrove yielding dye: Ceriops candolleana' (§C5.3.45) tengere 'tree of the tidal swamp: Ceriops sp.' Bug Mk tangere 'Ceriops sp.' Ml tengar 'tree of the mangrove swamp: Ceriops sp.' TB tongor 'k.o. artocarpus with inedible fruit' (van der Tuuk) Mok tengan 'k.o. seaside tree' Selaru tear 'mangrove' To I tongor 'mangrove: Bruguiera, Rhizophora, sp.' (RP03: 177) also to nor. (§G 11.3.33) Motu to-toa 'mangrove: Rhizophora mucronata' · (RP03: 177) Sa ongo 'mangrove' Fi togo 'mangrove: Bruguiera gymnoriza' To tango 'k.o. mangrove: Bruguiera conjugata' Sm togo 'general name for mangrove species'

*tegen 'right' This is ascribable to PAn only if the Knn citation is in fact conn. Dpwlf *t~Jipn 'be on the right' Knn c;;mg;;m;J 'right' (Tsuch and Li, n.d.: utu-c;;mg;Jr;J 'sleep on right side of bed' [§C32.3.43] c;;mg;x:;;mger;J 'right side of bed') OJv tengen 'right-hand side' TB Iongan 'right on the mark, true, exact'

*tegit 'grimace' Only attested in two lgs, but the reflexes seem to be conn. Blust *tel)iC 'grimace at pain' Pai tjengits 'grimace at pain' (W. dialect) Rej tengit 'expression distorted in pain'

tepak under *pak tepee under *pee tepuc under *puc tepuq under *puq [teq] 'sticky substances' Only found with unidentified 1'1 sylbs.

[geteq] Only attested in MI. Blust *gateq 'coconut milk' Ml getah 'sap'

*Hteq 'sticky sap' Blust *Niteq, *liteq 'sap', *diteq 'sticky substance' Am fitafi 'a lump of clay for making pots' (§861.2.2) Kav /ita 'clay' (§862.3.43) (Li and Tsuch 2006: < Am Sakizaya) fitjeq 'sap' Pai lita?'sap' Mar Bug !ita 'sticky sap' Sal rita 'k.o. tree that has sap' (§§C7.2.31, C7.3.43, end) Maloh /ita?' latex' dity 'gum, sap' Mig Sas /ita? 'tree the sap of which is used for bird lime' /ita 'stick to s.t.' (§Fl.2.31) Mgg Roti nita-s 'tree with resinous fruit' Nom rik 'sap' (Buli lit 'stick, adhere, glue, paste')

*puteq 'secretion from eye' Blust *muteq 'gummy secretion from eyes', *puteq 'gummy secretion' At mucih 'eye secretion' (Sq muciq Sed pucaq) (§§82.2.2, 82.3.11) Kav puti 'eye secretion' Po pu{e 'secretion in the comer of the eyes' (Cauq) (§871.3.15) Han puta? 'gumminess' Cb muta? 'eye sand' Kel buta?'secretion from the eye' (contamination with *hula 'blind', not reflected in Kel)

ttewi 'a tree of seashore: Dolichandrone spathacea' Blust *tui? 'Dolichandrone spathacea' Tag tiwf 'a tree of the seashore: Dolichandrone sp.' Ba tui 'k.o. tree' Ml tui 'a tree: Radermachera gigantea' Mok tebuy 'k.o. tree: Shorea latifolia' (Ivanoff) (§E3.3.44) ntui 'k.o .. forest tree' (§Fl.l.51) Mgg tui 'k.o. tree growing close to fresh water' Roti dui 'k.o. tree' (§§011.2.3, 011.3.121) Tol tui 'species of tree' Ngg Fi doi 'k.o. tree: Alphitonia ziziphoides' (§03.2.3) toi 'k.o. medium to large tree: Alphitonia To zizyphoides' toi 'a medium sized tree: Alphitonia Sm zizyphoides'

Glossary tibawac under *wac.

1007

tibuk under *buk2 tibun under *bun2 t tidec 'press flat, crush with fingertips' Dpwlf *t~d~t', *til)Is/ and /-ti/ suffix not explained)

*tigey 'voice' Paz reflects *til)iy. Dpwlf *[t]';)n';)y 'voice' singax 'voice' (§811.2.2) Paz Am tngil 'hear, listen' (§861.1.3) Tag tinig 'voice' (Laktaw: tingig) (Cb tingug 'voice') Rat tingi 'voice, saying' (§C3.2.35) Mig teny 'word' (§03.2.1) Ml tenar 'making noise, known because loudly proclaimed' (In! unexplained [possibly unconn])

tinjak under *jak tinjaw see *tiqadaw under *dawz tinjey under *jey [tip] Not a PAn root. The citations that reflect *tip were created analogically. Otherwise, this monosyllable is attested only in *ketip 'pinched off and *qatip 'pinched together', both of which arose from metath ofother forms: *ketip < *petik; *qatip < *qapit. Cb tiptip 'cut off tip, cut close to surface' ND katip 'pincers, tongs' (§02.1.5) tiptip 'trim' (analogically formed) TB

Glossary ketip 'pinched off' The attestations may in fact have originated as metath of*petik. Dpwlf *b(t]ip 'pinch off, cut off Ml ketip 'nip off' Fi koti 'clipped, shorn' kosi 'cut with scissors' To Sm 'loti 'cut off with scissors'

tt qatip 2 'pinched together' Probably originated as metath of *qapit. Blust *qatip 2 'pinch, squeeze together' Cb atip 'join pieces by welding or pasting' Tir atif'closely spaced, side-by-side' Mu yati 'pinch, squeeze, carry under the arms' Long Atun atip 'tongs for picking up coals' Buru ati-t 'tongs, pincers'

tipak under *pak tipun under *pun *tiqaw 'goatfish' Blust *tiqaw 'goatfish sp.' Paz riapi-siaw 'k.o. fish' alaw-siaw 'k.o. fish' Sar cf?au 'k.o. black fish' ci?au 'k.o. fish' (Tsuch and Li, n.d.: Knn 'A crossocheilus paradoxus )' tsiqaw 'fish' Pai ti?aw 'goatfish' Cb Chmr ti 'law 'goatfish' Roti tio 'k.o. small but important fish as a food source' Loniu tiw 'goatfish' Motu sio 'goatfish' Mota tio 'various k.o. of goatfish'

*tiqeyab 'belch' In some lgs, the antepenult weakened prior to syncopation. Dpwlf *t';)yab 'burp, belch' St selah 'belch' (Tonghre? sumaab) (§812.l.I2) Sar taraa-cirav;J 'belch' cuma-cdrav;, 'belch, hiccough' (§§832.2.1) Knn also cumac df"~;J ( § B32.2ftudu.3 ). Kav tuab 'cough' (§§862.1.13, 862.3.41, end) {erav 'belch' (§871.1.13) (Nanwang ?eyab) Pu tigab 'gasp' (§CI.l.3) (Han maga-tig?ab, Akl Tag t-al-ig?ab 'belch') Chmr tugap 'burp, belch' yontea 'belch' (§§C8.1.2, C8.1.6) Mu OJv twab 'belch' (§El.l.l31, end) TB tcrap 'eructation' (§E2.1.ll) t tisag

'pole'

Medial *s is reconstructed on basis of M/Bjr, OJv tihang, and no/?/ in Polyn.

1011

Glossary Dpwlf *tijalJ 'post, pole' tmng 'pole' (§C6.2.1) Bug Sal liang 'pole (e.g. for flag, not house)' ND tihang 'mast' (< MlBjr) Ml liang 'pole' (Bjr tihang) OJv tihang 'mast, pole' TB tiang 'pole' Mok !chang 'post, mast'(< Ml) Fi dia 'handle of axe' (Bau) To sia 'weave (a net)' (meaning derived from the needle) sila 'yardarm' (Dpwlf § 15 2b6: sila < *tihalJ + *layay) Sm tila 'pole for a sail' (Dpwlf*l52b6: tila < *tihalJ + *layay) t titic

'drip'

In the lgs ofS. Sui, the penuit was weakened. There is no explanation. Dpwlf *titit' 'drip' Tag titis 'drip or flow like sweat, candles' Ba titi 'drip' Bug tetti? 'drip' Sal ma-tti?'drip little by little' (§§C7.1.73, C7.42) ND manitis 'pour out, drip' Mig mi-tete 'drip, leak' (§03.2.1) Ml litis 'gentle drop' OJv litis 'drop, drip' TB ma-titis 'become less' Buru titi 'drip' Sa dede 'drip' (§G2.2.1) Fi titi 'flow gently, drip from tree'

tiwac under *wac *tiyai 'belly' Dpwlf *[ t]ijan 'belly' Paz tial 'belly' St tiaf 'belly' s-om-i~l 'eat' (§Bl2.l.53) tiao 'abdomen, upper abdomen' Th tian 'belly' Bun tiyaf 'belly, stomach' Am Kav m-tian 'pregnant' also teyan (Ogawa). stianan 'have a stomach ache' tiyal 'belly' Pu tjiaf 'belly' Pai Tag tiyim 'belly' Chmr tuyan 'stomach, belly' (§C2.2.1) can 'stomach' ma-can 'pregnant' Rat tian 'belly, stomach' Tdn Ba Iian-a 'pregnant' tian-ang 'pregnant' (§C7.3.62) Sal Mu tie 'womb, uterus' (§C8.2.412) tian 'belly' Ml Mok tiyiin 'be pregnant' Burn tia-n 'belly' (Lisela) To I tia-na 'belly' tenen 'pregnant' (§Gll.l.4) also tian-an.

Sa To

ie 'belly' (UI iaku 'my belly') ha?a sia 'bad stomach' (Maori tia 'abdomen')

*tu 'that'

Reflected with various 1'1 sylbs. Blust *-Cu 'that, there, then' Dpwlf*'i[t]u' 'this' Th Oiflu 'that {3rd sg)' Pai tu-tsu 'now' ai-tsu 'this, this o.' Tag ito 'this' (Cb [dial] k-itu 'that') Chmr gwa-tu 'there (in direction away from speaker)' Tdn ni-itu 'that' Bug ia-tu 'that' Sal ittu 'that' (§C7.1.81) also intu. a-itu 'that' Mu ito 'this' Mig Ml itu 'that' Mgg h-itu 'that also' Lau ko-uu 'away' Sa wau 'there'(< *wa-tu)

*tuba 'a vine: Derris elliptica (or species of Derris for poisoning fish)' Dpwlf *tuba 'name of plant for stunning fish' Paz tuba 'catch fish with Derris' ta-tuba 'a vine: Derris elliptica' St ta-toba? 'fish poison' t-om-oba? 'to poison fish' Th tufa 'tree with poisonous bark' tuba?'fish poison' (Kinhakul tatuba?) At Pu tuva 'poisonous tree' (Cauq) Tag tuba 'a tree: Barringtonia acutangula' (used to poison fish) Ttb tuwa 'plant whose leaves are used to stun fish' Ba tuwa 'a vine: Derris elliptica' Bug tua 'fish poison' tuha 'a vine: Derris elliptica' Sal tuwa 'a vine: Derris elliptica' Mu tubeh 'vine yielding poison for fishing' Kel ND tuwe 'a vine: Derris sp.' Ml tuba 'a vine: Derris sp.' tuba 'fish poison' OJv TB tuba 'k.o. plant used to poison fish' tuwa 'a shrub: Croton tiglium the juice of leaf Mgg and fruit of which are used for fishing' Burn tufa 'Derris root and other fish poisons' Leti tuva 'Derris for fishing' Kei i-tuv 'poisonous root for fishing, tree with poisonous bark' (not KB) tuva 'k.o. vine' To I Motu tuha 'plant used to poison fish': Derris sp.' Sa uhe 'creeper used to poison fish' Fi tuva 'k.o. vine: Derris sp.'

1012 tubuq under *buqz tt tuc 'fasten, sew together' Usually with doubling or reduplication, but Tir reflects a monosylb root. Tir etus 'needle for weaving rattan'

*tutuc 'sew, bind together' Pu Tag NJv Fi

{U{us-i 'sew up an opening, dam' tut6s 'basting stich, tacking' tutus 'bound together' tutu 'sew together' (Bau)

tucuk under *cuk tt tudag 'sit' Blust *tu(n)daiJ 'sit' tudang 'sit (of birds), roost' Bgg Ba tunda 'sit' Bug tudang 'sit' (§C6.3.32) Sal tolong 'sit' (§C7.2.26) (Mk tudang) Leti rak-turna 'sitting with the legs crossed' Geser ma-toran Buli to-tolang 'sit' (u > o unexplained)

[tudu] 'knee' Not a PAn form. The citations below developed independently by metathfrom *tusud. Blust ACD cites Proto-Ambon *tulu 'knee' (without lg citations). No listing by Streseman 1927. Blust *tudu 'knee' Pu tuzu 'knee' Tdn kurur'knee'(notconn) Takia tulu 'knee' Fi turu 'knee' t tuduc

'pole, post'

The Ml cognate is not directly inherited. Dpwlf *tujut' 'pole, stake' Tag tUfas 'pointed stake for driving into the ground' turus 'post to make s.t. on the water fast' also ND taros. Ml turus 'massive post, pile' (possibly< OJv) turus 'fence, hedge' OJv To I toro 'mast' (§0 11.2.4) (Meyer: to roo) Motu duu 'pole, post' (§012.3.122, end) Sa duru 'storage room for provisions' Fi duru 'any post on which weight rests' Maori turu 'post, pole, upright' (Pollex)

*tuduy 'sleep' There is a variant *tiduy that developed in some of the lgs of Kal, Sui, and in the Oc lgs. Dpwlf *ti(,luy, tu!,luy 'sleep' Sar maata-tutusuru 'nod off' ma-tudul 'sleepy' tudul 'doze' (Motayasu Bun Nojima, p.c.)

Glossary Kav

m-tuyuz 'doze' (§§862.1.3, 862.3.41) maspatuyuy 'asleep' (ly! by contamination with tuyuy 'serious') Tag tulog 'sleep' Chmr tuhok 'sleep' turu 'sleep' Ba tu-turu mata 'sleepy' (§C8.2.2) Mu ma-toro 'sleep' (dial) Mig OJv turuu 'sleep' tuju 'be sleepy' (§FI.3.32, end) Mgg Buru toro-n 'sleep' Meher ai nam-kuru 'he is asleep' (*t > Meh /k/) Sa m-uru 'sleep' (§02.1.22)

ttiduy 'sleep' A variant of*tuduythat developed in some MP lgs. Agta me-sidug 'sleep' (Reid 1971 : 134) BM siyug 'sleep' tinro 'sleep' Bug Sal tinro 'sleep' (§§C7.1.7l, C7.2.24, C7.2.28, C7.44) tiruh 'sleep' ND Mig rna-tory 'sleep' (§03.1.4) Ml tidur 'sleep' TB par-tidor 'clairvoyant' (does not correspond in phonology or meaning) Mok midiin 'sleep' also mFdiin, nidiin. (§E3.3.12) (Makboon: idiin) Wuvulu ma-?iku 'sleep' (Seim ma-tihu-en 'sleep') (Ross 1988: 342)

*tuduq 'leak, drip' Ru (Maga) reflects stress shift to the final syllable, which must have occurred after the change o.f*t > Its/ (§A3.3.1). Bun duqduq 'leak' indicates that this *tuduq derives from a monosyllabic root *duq. Dpwlf *tu!,Iuh 'drip' Paz tuflut 'leak (ofroot)' (§811.1.3) St mon-torre? 'leak' t-om-orre? 'drip' tusuq 'leak, drip' Th At turing 'drip' (l-ing/ male form and 1-q/ lost. /i/ not explained) Sar tusu-a 'leak from roof' tucuflu 'rains into house' siki-tucu flu 'drips' Knn wa-t6l}o 'leak' (Maga mu-tl}Uu) Ru Bun tuduq-an 'leak rain through roof' (Tsuch 1997) also tauduq (Nih). duqduq '(beans) leak from container' (Nih). torofi 'drop of water' Am Kav m-tulel'leak' (B62.3.32) Pai tjuzuq 'drop of water, leak' (Ho) Tag tulo?'leak, drip' Chmr tuho?'drip, leak' tu?o~ to ?he 'drop' turo 'leak' (Kolinog: turon) Rat po-turu 'leaking' Mu ND turu 'leak, drip'

1013

Glossary OJv Mok Leti To I Motu Sa Fi To Sm

ka-turuh-an 'dripped on' tudiik 'leak (root)' also todOk. nam-turu 'it is leaking' tu-a 'leak, drip' (Tryon: tue) he-tu-turu 'drop of water, drip' (§012.1.51, end) udu 'drip' also udu-udu. turu 'leak, drip' tu/u?-i 'drip liquid onto' tu-tu/u 'be leaky' tu/u-i 'drip (into eyes)' tulu-tulu 'drip, eaves'

ttugic 'scratch a line' The Form citations do not correspond in phonology with the MP forms and are probably not cognate with them. Blust *turis 'scratch a line; striped' loris 'line on paper, line ofplants' Am (§§861.3.13, 861.3.33) turis 'lines' (862.3.33, end) Kav Pai Is-m-uris 'draw a line' (§§872.3.13, B72.3.33) tulis 'pointed, sharp ended' (Mar loris 'etch a Tag line on') Mig tory 'a long line or incision' turis 'long shallow cut' Ml Ngad turi 'dash, line, striped' tusi 'native cloth marked with various colors' Fi (Pollex) To tuhi 'thin stripe, streak' tusi 'draw, write' Sm tt tuyun 'go downward' Dpwlf *tu)'Un 'get off(a vehicle, mount)' tugun 'give instructions' Cb Chmr tunok 'get down, let down' (§C2.1.3) tuun 'order' (Cb tugun 'order') Rat tuun-an 'waterfall' Tdn tudu 'arrive at a lower place' (not directly Ba inherited) turung 'go down' Bug Mk turung 'descend' t-em-urun 'go down' (§Dl.l.l1, end, footnote) Kel tohon 'ancestry' (H) ND Ml turun 'go down' OJv turun 'descent, coming down'(< Ml) TB turun 'bring a corpse out of the house' Buru toho 'descend' e ?nohon, en-tohon 'ancestry' (§F2.1.4)

*tuyut 'follow' Dpwlf *tu)'Ut 'accompany, follow' Siraya k-m-uyut 'follow' tuyuz 'back' myituyuz 'follow' (/z/ possibly Kav developed by contamination with kurikuz 'follow' [< *likuj].) Cb tugut 'pay out line, allow s.o. to do' Rat tuu? 'follow'

Bug Sal ND

Ml OJv TB

turu 'imitate, make as example' (Mills: 'follow') turu?'follow a command' manurut 'follow, according to, in accordance with'(< Ml) turut 'go with, follow' tuut 'following, following along with' turut 'according to, in accordance with'

*tujuq 'point, indicate' Dpwlf *tu(n)duh, *[t]un'd'uk 'point out, show' Paz tudu- 'point, instruct' St tora'?'point' Th tusuq 'point' At pana-turuq 'point at' Knn tumatuu-turu 'teach, inform' (Tsuch and Li, n.d.: naturu 'gesture' [probably not conn]) Bun tuduq 'point' (Li) torofi 'point' Am tull- 'teach' (not conn) Kav Pu tuzufi 'point' Pai tsudjuq 'finger' t-um-ulu 'teach' (not inherited) Tag turo? 'teach' Rat pun-turo 'show' turonan 'teach' Tdn turu?'show, point out' also tudu?(< tundu? possibly< *tatujuq). tuju 'point, index finger' Ba Mamuju mentuho 'point' tusu 'point' Mu tudu?'seven' turu?'order, directive' Kel tunjok 'finger'(< Ml) ND voa-toro 'pointed out' tondro 'index finger' Mig manondro 'point' tujuh 'seven' tunjuk 'point' (lk/ unexplained) Ml OJv tuduh 'instruction, direction, directive guidance' tudu 'show' TB mujuk 'point(< *tmujuk) (Sources: nyiik) Mok (§E3.3.12)

Mgg Leti Kei Tot Motu Sa Fi To Sm

toso 'point' (§Fl.2.2) tutu 'point' turu-k 'point out, show' tu 'show, point' (§§011.1.23, Gll.3.124) (Meyer: ture, tuu) dudu-ia 'point' (§§012.1.52, 012.3.121) usu 'point, accuse' duci 'point' tuhu?-i 'point at' tus-i 'point with finger' (§042.1.23)

*tat:ujuq 'finger' This consists of*-a1- added to *tujuq 'finger'. This infiX is also found with a *kamsekus 'fingernail' · Bun tanuduq 'finger' tarola *ulaw mori n-mori *qudip mu *mu2 muani *:Uqafciy muta *utaq muti *puktiq na *fa3 naana *qagan nama*ma nana *na ftiq nani r-nani *fa!]Uy nara *fa'la nara *na'la nasu *nacuk nEma v:>-nEma *enem 1 nia *afipa nina nam-nina *linaw nitu *qafitu nkusi *gucuk nsesa-1 *cekecek nua *iuka nuni k-nuni *qulun nura *iu'l nusa *nuca nuunu *nunuk nvak-lili *li;y :>las imv-:>las *pulec :>mal *quma;y oni n-oni *suni :>ra *qawu'l :>Sa n-:>Sa *capuh osri *quci'l osru *qacu2 ou n-ou *iseyUp paari r-paari *bayad paasa *pecaq pait *paqit pansa *panac papan *papan paun *payu ;y penu *pebiq peri nka-peri *sapegiq pisan *betihec ppalu *balu pteta nappteta-n *betak ptuna *bituqanlbituqen purpur nal-pupur-

*mu'lemu'l pusru *bucil'l ra lep-ra *jawa 1

raasa nap-raasa *'lapac rana nap-rana *'laqan rara *da'la rara *da'laq rasu *'la/Uc ratu *datu raur *dapu'l ravat n-ravat Uabat] ravi o-ravi *'labihi rea *depa rei *'lik resa ka-p-resa-n *de'leqec retan *sa'lejaf ria *sipa'l riaa *daya riarma *dalem riri *sadi'li riri na-riri *di'li r:>msa * 'lamec rua v:rrua *dusa rui kap-rui *i/u'l. ruma *:Umaq ruri *du'li rusa na-rusa *ji:Uc ruuni *duyu;y ruus *:Ucuk sai n-sai *cakay sala *ca/aq salin rva-salin *calin sanunu *puluq savru *cabu '1 sedu nam-sedu *cedu sEi *cay sEr-vali *ice'led sETa *cidecid sia n-sia *aciq sia v:rsia *ciwa siku *ciku slatna *celat s:>a- *qacawa s:>i n-s:>i *ucek suat n-suat *cukat sulu *culuq supu *cumbu susu *cucu taasa nam-taasa *tacak taatu m-taatu *takut talan-de *ja/an tali' *talis tana n-tana *tasaf tani *taieq tapa! n-tapal *tape/ -taru *ta:Uq taski *tacik tatar *tata '1 tawi *dasuwen

tean t-ni-ean *teken tEi *taqi telan n-telan *telef telu v:rtelu *telu tennu na-tennu *tineUn *qite/u'l temu tersa *te'lac tevu *tebus tial na-p-tial *tikel tiarum *ta:Um tila n-tila~k *jilat tilu *tilu timun *qatimun tipru *tfmu '1 tiram *ti'lem tiras n-tiras *tidec tniEi *tinaqi tnin- *ta ;yila -bmna *taiem bna n-t:>na *tened totop *tapes toun *danaw trutnu *ta :Utu;y tu-varu *taw tua sam-tua *tuqas tuan- *qatusan tuma */Urnes tuna *qatun tunu *tubih tu:>na na-tu:>na *kutafa tur n-tur-an */Usu '1 tuma rak-tuma *tuda;y turtur *tUsud turu *ju:Uq turu nam-turu */Uduq tutnu *tutu;y tutu *tunetun tutu *tujuq tutu tuketuk 2 tutu m-tutu */Utuh tutua na-tutua *tusuq tutvu tutub tuv-nu *tubuq tuva *tUba tuvuri *tambu '1i uaara *waka '1 uai *sehapuy uani *wafiw uanna viel-uanna *wanal uari *suwagi udi *puti UEra *wasiye'l ulti *kulit ulu *quluh una *punuq una *ufah unat- *quneg

upu *pu uma *quleg urta *u'lat utna *kulu utna *qujaf utu *kUtu vakruani *dafih vali *balik vali *baliw1 vanun na-vanun *baguf vara *qaba'la vamu *balug varta *saba'lat varu*M:U varu *baqe:Uh vatan *bata;y vatu *batu 1 vavaba1 vava *baq2 vavi *babuy vavna *babaw 1 vear na-vear *busekag vela-s *belaq veli *beli veras- *be'lac verta ma-verta *bahe'lat vesi *be'lecay vetma *bete;y vevar n-vevar *bedebed vilu *biluk vini *binesiq visi *bicik vislu *bicul vlari *la'liw vlavan *lawa2 vlira *baliga vnialsa *balec 1 vnua *banuwa v:>a *basequ v:>a *buwaq v:>na *bit 1)2 v:>:>na *pakan vuaa *buqaya vuar- *buleg vuku *pukuh vulla *bulaf2 vulu *bUlu2 vulu *bUluq vunu *bu1Uq2 vunu r-vunu *bunuq vura *be'lek vuri *bu'liq vuvu *bubu2 vuvun *bubu;y vuvun *bu!]Uh

Malagasy Register a iz-a-ny *qa afero *paqegu

afitra *qapit afitra *sapit

afo *sehapuy aho *aku

hay *aken aina *qace;y

1072 akalana *caljwl akatra *aka/ ala *salac ala-ina *ala alina *salem alo *qaselu alo-alo *qaluy alona *qaluf: ambi *ambiq ampatra *sapay ampy *campay -ana *-an ana *ai)Gp ana mi-ana *pacaqaf: anaka *a#rik andra-ina *adak andro *qafegaw andro m-andro *anduy andry *diyi andry *sadiyi andry *suwagi anina *sayin anivona *qanibuy ano *anu any m-any *sa lid any man-any *seqafi ara *qaya araka *ayak arana an-arana *qagan arina *qagey ary *wada asa-ina *sacaq asina m-asina *qacH ater-ina *sated atody *qiteluy atoka *atuk aty *qatay ava *qawec avana *away avarat-azy *sabayat avo *sambaw avo m-avo *qabu avosa *qabucan avotra *abut avy *qahiq baby *ba1 bara am-bara *bagaq benggo *bekuy bingo *biijcuk boko *pukuh diditra fa-diditra *lilit didy *dicedic dity */epit dima *iimac dimaty *qafimatek dimy *lima dino ha-dino *lii)Gw dinta *qafimateq dity *f:iteq dzava-ndzavana *jawa 1 dzay *yaya dzoy *luseq

Malagasy_ Register efatra *sepat elak-elaka *lak elana *lay elatra *qelag2 enem-ina *en em 1 esina *cey etotra *qetut etra *seqeyet evina *baqesiy evotra *but fa *pa faditra *palit fady *palisi fafana *papan fahana *pakan faho *pakehU faitra *paqit fala *palaq falafa *paqepaq2 falana *palag fampana *payepaiJ fana *panac fandrana *paiJUdaf: fandza *paya fanenitra *iceyet fano *peniyu fara-fara *paya farafala *payatepat fasika *paciy faty *patay faty atoka *batay fay *payis fe *paqah feno *peiUq feny *penet fery *sapegiq fia *peyec fidy *piliq firy *piga fito *pitu fo *pucuq fofotra *put foitra *puceg folo *puluq foly *pulec fompona mi-fompona *punepun fontsi *puti fony *punay fota-fota *putaq fotatra *putat fotsy *pu1etiq hady *galih halana *galay haotra *kayuc hatafana *katapay hatina *gate/ havana *kaban havana [kawa y] havanana *wanaf havi-a *wiyi havitra *kawit havoka *qabuk

hazana *yay hazo *kasiw helatra *kilat helika *fikifiki? heloka [keluk] hihis-ana *kicekic hilo mangilohilo *kilaw hima *kima himpona *isepun hindona *duy hindzaka *jak hi sana *sicay hita *gita hoana a-hoana *kuwas hodidina *liy hodina *guliy hoditra *kul it hoho *kukuh hoho~ana*kubekub

homana *kan homoka *muy1 hono *kunu horana mi-horana *yuday horita *guyita horona [kuduy]

. *"IJ

I

idina *qiliy ify *ipen icy tan-dr-ity *sipay ilo *iluy impy k-impy *qisefep indram-ina *isejam ineny *ina ing-enina *ikainom-ina *inurn inty ma-inty *qitem iny *ini io ak-io *qisu iry *qiyi isa *ica isy *iseci ito *tu itso ma-it..~o *sijaw ivy *ibey izina ma-izina *qiyey izy *a 1 joloka *juluk kosoka *gucuk lahy *laki laka *lakaq !ala maha-Iala *ki'ia/a lalana *}alan Ialina *dalem lalitra *laleg lamaka *lamak lanitra *Ia l)it lano *faY,:,y laoka */asuwek laona *leroy laotra a-laotra *lahuj lavo *Mbuq lavo voa-lavo *ba/abaw lay *layay

lazo *layehu lefa *lepac lela *dilaq lelaf-ina [jilap] lemy *lemaq lemy *lemek Ievina mi-levina *lebey loa *luwaq loka-na *fuka lomba-ina *lumba lomotra *lumut lovoka *lubuk malo *malu manta *qetaq maso *mata maty *matay 1 mavany *bayani mena *iyaq menaka *miniyak miso fpicaw] moka *'iamuk mondro *pudul moty la-moty *muntay my ma-my *mic -n- *'ia3 -n- *ni 1 nahy *taki nana *na#riq nato *'iatuq nenina *celece/2 nity ma-nity *fisebic niho *fuy noty *isepi nono *nunuh nosy *nuca ody m-ody *weliq ofaka *upak1 ohatra *cukat ohaz-ana *sukay ohy *ikuy olitra *quleg omeman-ome *be yay ompa *cumpaq ondana *qulun onina *qafiiJU ontany *kuta'ia ora tan-ora *uda orana *quday orana *qujal ori a-ori-ana *udesi orona *suju y orona *isegu y osona mi-osona *qucuy otra *quyut ovaka voa-ovaka *ubak ovotra *qubuj ovy *qubi oza *suyac ozatra *u !tit po tom-po *pu ra *dayaq ramy *damay rano *daiUm

1073

Malay_ Register rary *laga ratana *datay ratsy *jaqet ravina *dasuwen ravoka *dabuk2 refy *depa rehet-ana *jeket 1 reny *deyey rindrina *diyediy1 ririnina *diyediy2 ro *juyuq roa *dusa rofia *yambiya rora *ludaq roro *dukeduk roy *duyi rozaroza mi-rozaroza *duyan ry a-ry *-di safo *capuh safotra *caput safy *capif saha *caka saka ma-saka *cak sala-sala *calaq saly *calay sambotra *cambut sampana *cimpay sampy mi-sampy *-cahebay sana-sana *cal)G sarona *caduy sasaka *cakecak sesika *cekecek sily *ciyi sira *qaciyah sisika *cicik sisika *cikecik sivy *ciwa sodina *culiy sokitra *cuykit solo *culuy soronina *cuduy soso-soso *cuyecuy sosoka *cucuk sosona *cut ta ta-lotra *taw tadiny *Ia vita tady *talis tafo *qatep

tafY *tapiq tahezana *tageyay tahotra *ttikut takatra *tangap takof-ana [takub] tampina *pey tana ma-tana *tasaf tanana *taiJan tandrina *tandem tanika mi-tanika *tafek tany *tafeq tany *tayic tao *ta-xuq taolana *tuqelaf taona *taquwtH tasy *tacik tavana *tabaf tavi-ndrano [tambig] tavo-ara *tahebu tavony *tabufi tavy ma-tavy *tabeq tay *taqi tefaka *tepak tehina *teken telina mi-telina *telel telo *telu tena-tena *tel)Qq tenona *tine!ln teny *tiyey tete mi-tete *titic tety mi-tety *tay2 tevihina *tebek tevina *Iebel tevy *tebas teza *teyac to *tusuq toa ma-toa *tuwaq tohatra *tukad tolaka *tulak tomboka mi-tomboka *tebuk tona *tuM tono *tumh toro ma-toro *tuduy toro voa-toro *tujuq tory *tugic tory rna-tory *tiduy toto *tutuh totof-ana *tup

ada *wada air *wasiyey akar *wakay aku *aku alam m-alam *salem alang *qalav alap meng-alap *alap alas *salac alih *aliq alur *qaluy

ambai *abay2 ampin *sapif -an *-an anak *alrik anan k-anan *wanaf anay-anay *May andi m-andi *anduy anti mer-anti *qamiti anti n-anti [santay] anting *antiy

totoka *tuketuk1 tovona *tubuq toy rna-toy *tuqas tratra *dasedas tritry *debedeb tsihy *tikey tsimo a-tsimo *timuy tsimpona [tipun] tsinay *tinaqi tsindri-ana *tidec tsindzo *tiqadaw tsinjaka *tinjak tsiof-ina *taseyup tsody an-tsody *cl1/uy tsolo voa-tsolo *culuq tsorofoka *cudup va *ba 3 vadika *batik vady *baliw1 vahana *bakac vahatra *wakay vahona *Mkuy vahy *wayed vahy *bakec vaiafo vai-n-afo *bayah vakoana *baykuwal) valahana *balakeqay valala *balay valo *baliw2 valo *walu valona *baluf valy *balec1 vana-vana *bal)G vano *bal)Gw 1 vanona *bai)Uf vany ma-vany *-xuqalriy vao *baqe-xuh vao ma-vao *basequ varo *bayu vary *pagay vatana *bataT) vato *batu 1 vava *baq2 va-vy *bahi vay *bayeq vaza *bayaq vazana *bayeqa!J vehana *bekay velatra *belag

via *biyaq vidy *beli vika ma-vika *bikac2 vilany *balaiJa vilina *bidiy vily *biliy vimbina *biyebiy vinany *binaiJa vinitra *beyic vintana *bituqan!bituqen vintano *bitaquy vitsy voa-vitsy *betihec vivitra *biy vivitra *bitebit vivy *bibi1 vizatra *baheyat voa *buwaq voay *buqaya voha-na *buka vohitra *bukij vola *bulaw volana *bulaf2 volo *bUlu2 volo *buluq vololona *bu!Uy1 vonkina [bei]key] vono *bunuq vony *bu'ii vony *bUIJG voritra *buyit vory *bugeq voto *butuq votsy *buteliy vovo *bUbu2 vovoka *bukebuk1 vovona mia-vovona *bunebun 1 vovon-ana *bubuy voy fi-voy *beyecay vozo *bu-xuk vy *beci zafy *apu zahitra *yakit zaitra *jaqit zato *yatuc zavona *yabun991 zavy *jabi zoro *juyu

Malay Register antuk meng-antuk *atuk ani meng-ani *seqafi ani-ani *qani angap *al)Gp angaw *IJGW angin *sayin angkat *akat angkup *mjcup afiam *Mam apa *apa

api *sehapuy arak *ayak arang *qageT) asah *sacaq asak *sacek1 asam *leqacem asang *sacay asap *sacep asi n-asi *aci asih k-asih *aciq

1074 asu gigi-asu *acu atas *alae awak *sawak awang-awang *away ayau *ayaw ayut *qaqiyut babah-an *baq2 babak-an *bakebak babas *bacebac1 babi *babuy bah *basaq bahak *sak bakau *bakesaw bakul *baku/ bakung *bakuy balai *baltiy balar *balay balas *balec1 balau *ba/aw bali kern-bali *baliw2 batik *balik baling *baliy balu *ba/u balut *balut banar *bafcly banir *bahafiy banjar *banjay bangar *bayeqey bangaw *bal)tlw1 bangbang *bayebay bangkai *badcay bangun *ba1]Uf bara api *bayah barah *bayeq barat *bayai barat *sabayat barn *baqeyuh basah *bacaq basuh *bacuheq batang *batay batari *batag batu *batu 1 bau *basequ baur *baquy baurbasuy bawa ba1 bawah *baq1 bayang *bayay bayar *bayad bebat *bedebed bebek *bibi 1 bekang *bekay bekas *bekac1 belah *belaq belakang *balakeqay belalang *balay belanak *balanak belantik *ba/atik belang *belay belanga *balal)tl belat *belag belatuk *balatuk

Malay Register beli *beli belian *baliyan belida *baliga belikat *balikal belira *ba/iga belit *belit bdok *biluk beluk seluk-beluk *beluk belut *belul bemban *bafebaf bena *na2 benang *benay bentih *bintiq benih *binesiq benua *banuwa benuang *binuway benuang *qa1uway benga *bel)tl bengal *beyel bengis *beyic bengkar *busektig bmgkok -biykuk bengkuang *ba!fcuway bengkung *bekuy berani *bayani beras *beyac berat *baheytit beri *beyay berkas -beyekec bersin *baqesiy besi *beci besi [wacay] betas *betac beteng *betey betis *betihec betung *betuy bibir *biy bibit *bitebit bilah *bilaq bilang *bilay bimbing *biyebiy bintang *bituqanlbituqen bintangur *bitaquy bini *bahi bingar *bil)tly bingkah *bikaq bingkas *bikac 1 bingkong-bmgkong *bingkuy birah *biyaq biring *biyiy birn *biyu bisul *bieul bolong *buluy2 bongkah *bukaq bongkar *budcay boton *betey buah *buwaq buat *busat3 buat *bUsat1 buaya *buqaya

bubu *bUbu2 bubuh *buqebuq2 bubuk *bekebek bubuk *bukebuk1 bubung *bubuy bubur *buyebuy bubus *bucebuc buih *bugeq buk *buMs buk ma-buk *busuk buka *buka bukat *bukel bukit *bUkij buku *pukuh bulalai *bulay/ay bulan *bulaf2 bulan ikan bulan-bulan *bulaf1 bulir *bU/iy bulu *bUlu2 buluh *bU/uq bumbong *buyebuy3 bumbun *bunebun 1 bumbung *buyebuy2 buna *buna buntur *butuy buntut *buntut buni *beyunay bunuh *bunuq bunut *bunut bunga *bUI)tl bungin *bUsayin bungkas *bukac bungkuk *burjcuk bungkul *bukul bufii *bufi bufii *suni bura *buyes buri *tambuyi burit *buyit burn *buyaw burn cern-burn *buyesu burnk *buyuk bus hem-bus *buc 1 busuk *bucuk busur *bucuy buta *buta butir *buteliy butuh *bu/Uq butun *butun buyut *piyut campak *capak capit *capit celak *cilak cikap *cikep 1 cocok *cukecuk cuwit *kebit dada *dasedas dahak *dasak dahan *daqaf dahi *daqis dakap *dakep daki *daki

daki *dakis dalam *dalem damar *damay dampar ter-dampar -dapay dandang *dayeday dapat *dapal dapur *dapuy dara *daya darah *daytiq darat *dayal datang *daley datar *datay datuk *datu daun *dasuwen daya barat-daya *daya dayung *dayuy de-bak *bek dedap *dapedap dedis *dicedic dekat *jeket2 dendam *demedem2 dengan *del)tln dengar *deyey depa *depa deras *deyeqtk di *di didih *diqediq dikit *dikiq dinding *diyediy1 diri *diyi dua *dusa duduk *dukeduk dukut *jukut dulang *dulay duri *duyi duyung *duyuy ejan *sejen ekor *ikuy emban *se~af embang *bey embun *bun 1 empang *pey empat *sepal empu-fia *pu enam *enem1 enam ke-enam *ikaenau *qanasaw entut k-entut *qetut engkau *ikasu erah m-erah *iyaq erang *qiyey ern *afllsuq esa *ica esang *cey esap *cep etuk mengetuk *tuk1 gagap *gap galang *galay gali *galih garis *gadic garnt *gayut gatal *gate/

Malay Register gedang *yudaiJ gemal *gemel gemi ikan-gemi *gemi genggam *gemegem geragas *gac geraham *bayeqaiJ getah *geteq] getang *gefeiJ gila *gila gilang *gilaiJ gilap *gilab giling *gili IJ gilir *gi/ig gosok *gucuk guam *gusam guling *guliiJ gurita *gu yita gusi *guci habu *qabu · habuk *qabuk hadang *sadaiJ hadap *qadep halang *salaiJ] halia *taqeya halintah *qafimateq halipan *qusalipan halir *qaliy halu *qaselu balun *qaluf hambat *sambed hambur *qabud hambur *sabuy hampar *sapay hampedu *paqegu hampir [sampid] banta *qanta hantar *sated bantu *qafitu hangat *qayet hangkut *sakut hanir *safid haiiut *qafuj hapit *sapit hapit *qapit hapus *qapuc hari *wayi harus *qayuc hasak *sacek2 hatap *qatep hati *qatay hatur *qatuy haur *qawuy haus *qawec hawang pu-hawang *qabaiJ hayam *qayam hayun *sayun helat *qelet hempa *qepa henti *qeti henjelai *qajelciy herang *seyeiJ herat *seqeyet

hidung *isegitl) hidup *qudip hijau *sijaw hilam-hilam *qilem hilau *qilaw hilir *qiliy himpit *qipit himpun *isepun hingus *siiJUc hirek *yik hiri *qiyi hiris *die hirup *siyup hitam *qitem hitung *situy hiu *qisu hiyang [siyaiJ] huap *qisuwab huban *qubaf hudam *qudem hudang *qudaiJ hujan *qujaf hujung *su}uiJ hulas *qu/ec hulat *quleg huli *quli hulu *quluh hulur *suluy huma *qumah human *quman hunus *sufuc huras *suyac hurut *quyut hutak *qutek hutan *qutaf i d-i *ii i s-i *i2 i-a *a 1 iak ter-iak *iyak ibu *bui ikan *isekan ikat *siket ikut *ku}J imay *semay imbuh *buq2 impi m-impi *isepi ina bet-ina *ina inap *qisetep ini *ini injak *jak inurn m-inum *inurn ingsut *iceyed ipar *sipay ipil *ipil iri k-iri *wiyi isang *sica I) isi *iseci itu -tu jabat [iabat] jahat *jaqet jait *jaqit jalan *}alan jangkang *jakaiJ

jangkit *jaijdt jarum *jayum jauh *jaqewis jelatang *lafeiJ jemah *jemaq jengkang *JeiJkeiJ] jepit *jepit jerah-jerah *sijeyaq jerami *juyami jeriangaw *jayiyal)aw jilat *jilat jirus *jiyuc jonjot *jutejut jongkok *duijcuk juru pen-juru *juyu juruh *juyuq kabut *kabut kail *kawil kait *kawit kajang *kajaiJ kakak *kaka kaki *kakay kami *mi kampung *puiJ kamumu1 kan ma-kan *kan kangkang ter-kangkang *kayekai] kapai *pay2 kapas [kapac] kapit *kapit kapur *qapuy karat *ka yat kasau *kacaw katir *katiy katok *katuk kawan *kaban kaya *kaya kayu *kcisiw ke+ kkebal *kebel kebus *kempuc kedip *kedep keih ke-m-ih *iseq kejam *kejem kckas [kecekec h kelam *kelem kelambu *fibit kelasak *kalcicay kEh;k *fikifiki+ keliling *li IJ kelubung *kelubity kemalir *kama/iy kempung-an *kempuiJ kena *keM kenang kefaiJ kenawai *kanaway kepal *kepel kerang *gayaiJ kerapu [kuyapu] kerat *keyet kertang *keyetel)

1075 ketapang *katapaiJ htEk *q itik ketil *getil ketimun *qatimun keting *kitii] ketip *ketip kiau *kiyaw kijam *kijem kikir *kid kikis *kicekic kilap se-kilap mata [kilep] kilat *kilat kilau *ki/aw kima *kima kita -kita kiwa *kiwa konon *kunu kuau *kuwaw kubu *kubu kudis *kudic kuku *kukuh kukup *kupekup kukur*kud kulit *kulit kulur *kulu kuman *kuman kumis *gumis kumpul *kumpul kurap *kuyap kurung [kuduiJ] kutu *kittu labuh *firbuq lain *liyan laki le-laki *laki laku *lakaw lalat *laleg !ali buku !ali *!alii lama *lama2 lampin *lapil lamun *lamun lantai *lantay lang sikap *cikep2 langaw *laiJaW langit *lcil)it langkah *lakaq Iangkas *lakac lari *layiw latuh *tatuq !auk *lasuwek laun *lahuwen !aut *lahuj lawa-Iawa *lawai lawan *laban lawang *1awaiJ lawar kela-lawar *!away lawas *lawac layang-layang *layal) layar *layay layu *layehu lEbar *labey lecut *lecut h;hu *liqey lekah *lekaq

1076 lekang *lekal) lekap *lekeb lekat * feket lelap *lebeleb lelatu *lalatu lemah *lemaq lemak *lemek lemas *femec lembang *lebeg lempus *lepuc lempuyang *lampuyag lengan *legen lengkap *lekep IwgkEt *laket lwgkok *lal)kuk] lwgkong *leku g lefiap *le feb] lepas *lepac lepaw *lepaw lepu ikan Iepu *fepuq Iepuh *lepuq Iesit *fecit lesung *fecu y letak *letok] h;wang *liwag lidah *dflaq lilin *lilin lilit *lilit lima *lima Iimas *fimac limpa *limpa lindung *lidug lipas *qafisipec lipat *lepit liur *iluy lotong *lutuy luah *luwaq luai *Ulay luap *luhab lubang *lubaiJ lubuk *lubuk Judah *ludaq luhuk *luk Iuka *1uka lukut *lukUt1 lulus *luc lum masak lum *fum lumak lumuk lumba *lumba lumpuh *lumpuq lumut *lumut malu *malu mamah *mamaq mampus *puc manah mas manah *mofa manis *mic manuk *monuk mari *ayi mas in *qaci i masuk *pacuk2 mata *matd mati *matay1 mayang *maya 1J

Malay Register mentah *qetdq merekah *kaq mifiak *miniyak miring [iyig] muat *busat2 muda *uda mula *mula 2 muntah *utaq mur ku-mur *muy1 naik *nakis nanah *nafriq natar *lritad neruan *qafiyuwan -nda *da 1 ndekok *dekuk] nibung *qanibug nilau *qanilaw nipis *fisebic nunang *qufUfal) nus *kanuhec nusa *nuca nganga *{P{P ngaung *qawuy ngilu *gilu fiala *frila2 fiam-an *fam fiamuk *famuk fiamur * frimu y fiatuh * fatuq fiawa *sinawa fiiru *yinu fiiur *1uy ongkang-ongkang *ukag ongkas *sukac padam *dey padi *pagay paha *paqah pahat *paqet pait *paqit pakan *pakan paku *pokey pakupakehu palang *palay paling *palig palu *palu panah *panaq panas *panac panau *panaw pandan *paiJUdai panga *pa{P panggang *yay pangi *pagi papan *papan para-para *payo parau *paheyaw pari *payis parut *padud pasak *pacek pasang *pacay pasir *paciy pasu fpacu] pati denu-pati *patay

patut *patut pauh *pasuq paya *paya payung *payug pecah *pecaq pedas *sapedec pedih *sapegiq pejam *pejem pelantik *palatik pelepah *paqepaq2 pelih *paheliq peluk *peluk] pemali *palisi penat *penet penuh *pefilq pengan-an *pa{Pn pwgkar *pikey pefiu *peniyu pepat penuh pepat *pejepej perah *peyaq peras *peyec percit *pecit perepat *payotepot pesan *pacaqtif petik *petik petung *potug pikat *pike! pilih *piliq pinjam *isejam pipit *pit pisau fpicaw] pohon *punuq pucuk *qopucuk pudul *pudul pukang *pukay pukas ber-pukas *pukac pukat *puket puki *puki pukul *pukul pulas *pulec pulih *weliq puluh *puluq pulut *pulut pumpun *punepun punai *punay punti buah-punti *puti puntung *putun pupul *pupul puput *put pusat *puceg putat *putot putih *pufetiq putus *putuc puyuh fpuyuq] rabuk *baguk rabun *yabun 1 rabun me-rabun *yabun 2 rabut *yabut rak it *yakit rakut *yakut ramas *yamec rampas *yapoc rani be-rani *yuqa:kiy

rangar *ya{Py rangkang *yakal)] rangkup *yakup ratus *yatuc rau *daqu raut *yawut rawang *yawag raya *yaya rbuk se-rbuk *yabuk rebah *yebaq rendeng *degedeg rengat *yeget resam *qayicam resap *yecep retak *yetak retas * yetac rewang *yiwag rimpung *yimpug] ruang *yuway rumah *yumaq rumbia *yambiya rumpun *yumpun] rusuk *ylicuk sabur *cabuy sabut *cobut sakit *cakit salah *caltiq salay *caloy salin *colin salur *coluy sambung *cabug1 sambut *cambut sampai *compay sampai *-cahebay sandar *cagey sangkut *cay/c-ut sapaw *capaw sapu *capuh sarung *cadu 1J sarut *ca~td sauh *cawuq sawa *cawa sawa *qacawa sawah *cabaq sebu *cebus sedu *cedu sek ma-sak *cak sela *cela selam *celem selat *celat seluk ~beluk *celuk] semi *cemi sempit *cepit sengat *iceget sengit *ceget sengkalan *ca rjwl sepa [qacepa] sepah *cepaq seput *ceput] serap *cegep sesak *cekecek sesal *celece/2

1077

Manggarai Register si *ci siding *cidil) siku *ciku silau *cilaw simpang *cimpalJ sinar *cifay singkap *cikab sipat *cipat sipit *cipit sisik *cicik sisik -el-sisik *cikecik sisir pa-sisir *cidecid sondol *cundul songsong *cuyecul) sorong *cudul) sudu *cudu sukat *cukat sulam *culam suli *citluy suling *culil) suluh *culuq sulur *culuy sumbu *cumbu sumpah *cumpaq sumpit *cupit sungkap *cukab sungkit *cu l)kit sungkup *cukub] sungu *cul)U sungut *cu l)Ut surat *cudat suruh *cit yuq surup *cudup susu *cucu susuk *cucuk susun *cuf susur *cuyecuy tabur *tabuy -tadu *tadu tahan *tan tahan *tasaf tahi *taqi tahu *taqit tajam [tajem] takut *takut

talas *talec tali *talfs tambah [tambeq] tambak *tambak tambal *tabal tambang *tabel) tambang [tambal)] tambun *tabun1 tampa! *tape! tampi *tapes tampung *tampul) tanah *ta1eq tanak *tafek tanam *ta1em tangan *tal)Gn tanggal *tangal tangis *tdl)ic tangkai *tarjcay tangkap *tangap tangkas *takac h tangkup *takup2 tafia *kuta fa tapa-tapa *tahepa tapai *tapay tapak *tapak tapih *tapiq taruh *tayuq tarum *tdyum tasik *tacik tatar *tatay taun *taquwef tawa ter-tawa tawa tawan *tdbaf tawar *tabay tawar *tdway tebak *tebek tebal *tebel tebang *tebas tebing *tebil) tebu *tebits tebus *tebuc tekan *teken tekok *tekuk telan *telef telapak *dalitkap

telinga *tal)ila teluk *teluk telur *qitelit y ternan [ Ieman] tembaga [tembaya] tembuni *tabufi tenar *tiyey tenun *tineitn tengadah *til)Gdaq tengahtengah *tel)Gq ten gar *te yey tengiri *tal)iyi tepak *tepak tepas *tepee teri *teyi tetas *tacetac tetas *tee tian *tiyaf tiang *tisal) tidur *tiduy tijak *tinjak tikar *tikey timbang *timbal) timbaw *timbaw timbuk *tibuk timbun *tibun timpang *timpalJ timpuh *timpitsuq timur *timuy tindas *tidec tinjau *tiqadaw tiram *tiyem tiris *ti yic titi+an *tay2 titik tik2 titis *titic tiup *taseyitp tiwas *tibawac tohor *tuquy tolong *titlul) tongkat *tukej tua *tuqas tuah *tuwaq tuba *tuba tuhan *qatusan

tui *tewi tujuh *tujuq tukik *tukik tukup -tukup tulak *titlak tulang *titqelaf tuli *tilu tuma *titmes tumbuh *titbuq tumbuk *tebuk tumpang *tupal) tumpuk *tapuk tumpul *tumpul tunas *tunac tuntun *tunetun tunu *tu lith tungaw *tul)Gw turis *tugic turon *tuyun turns *tuduc turut *tuyut tusuk *tucuk tut lu-tut *titsud tutuk *tuketuk1 tutup *tup uak menguak [wak] uap *suwab ubi *qitbi ubun-ubun *buf udi *udesi umbut *but umbut *qubuj umpan *pan umpuk *umpuk ungkai *sitkay ungkap *ukab upas *upac upih *supiq urat *uyat usir *quciy usung *qucul) uwangwang *wal)f!Wal) uwe *qitway wangkang [wal)kal)]

Manggarai Register acek *sacek1 acu *acu aket *kef aku *aku akut p-akut *sakut ala *ala alem *salem alo *walu alu *qaselu ambang *bel) ambEt *ambit arnE *ama1 ampus *qapuc anak *afrik

apa *apa api *sehapity ara *qaya asE *suwagi aseng *qagel) ata *qayetaq atE *qatep ati *qatdy aung *qawul) aur *qawity awak *sawak awang *awal) awu *qabit

baca *bacaq bahas *bakac baku *baku/ bales *balec2 bali *baliw 1 hanger *bayeqey banges *bayeqec bangkE *barjcay bangko *bakesaw bara *bayaq barat *bayat bari *wayi bEbEk *bibi 1 becek *becek

beci *beci becur *becuy behas *bekac2 belawo *balabaw bengE *bdyesis bengel *beyel beret *baheyat betu *betehus betu *betith bilar *belay bingkas *bikac1 bingkas *busekag bingkung *bingkul) hiring *biyil)

1078 hiS£ *beyecay bubung *bunebun2 buket *buket buku *pukuh bukuk *burjatk bulmg *bula'h bumbung *buiJebu1)3 buntu *butu buruk *buyuk buta *buta buwung *bubun ca *ica cai *cay cakep *cakep caket *caket cala *caJaq caling *calin capu *capuh caput *caput caut *cuwat cebu *cebus cecak *cakecak cecek *cekecek cepi *cepiq cera *qayicam cerep *cegep ci'IE *qaciyah cicik *cicik ciket *ciket ciku *ciku cinci *celece/2 cucu *cucu cucuk *cucuk culi *culuy culu *culuq cungkap *cukab cu7ung *cequf da?at *jaqet daket *daket dalit *dalit2 dangka *daflmq dango *yal)U dara *dayaq dekit *jeket2 ddem *dalem dempul *tumpul dengE *del)ey dengkep *dakep dEni *datih depa *depa dEu *jaqewis di?a *diyaq diki *jeket 1 dila *dilaq ducuk *ducuk dungkuk *dllljcuk tak *iyak e?e *e ekep *keb cmeng *qemeqem empeng *pel) empo *pu enem *enem 1

Manggarai Register engkem *gem eret *seqeyet esen *sejen golo *buleg haca *kacaw haju *kasiw hali *galih hang *kan hang pa-hang *pakan harat *kayat has *kac 1 hau *ikasu hena *kef:a beret *keyet hilap *gilab hilat *kllat hima *kima hisut *iceyM huku *kukuh hutu *kUtu ia h-ia *a 1 ici *iseci ijo *sijaw ikang *isekan ikes *kec iko *ikuy ilo *qilaw ilur *iluy imar *simay impung *isepun inE *ina inung *inurn ipar *sipay ipes *isepec ipit *qipit ipung *sipun irup *siyup isung *isegul) ita *gita itE *kita iteng m-iteng *qitem itu h-itu *tu iwo *iba ja ma-ja *seyaq ja?it *jaq it jam [tajem] jarung *fayum jengok *jayiyai)GW ka?E *kaka katt *kawit kajang *kajal) kami *mi kanga [ka 1JG] kaput *kaput kate) *gate! katu *katu kEak *dasak kebut *but kekeng *keiJekelJ kemang *kuman kempus *kempuc keng *kel) kilep [kilep]

kimpes *kipec kobo *kubit kolo *kulu ku *ku kuar *suway kurang *qudalJ kurut *quyut !ajar *layay lak *lak laki *laki lako *lakaw !ali *laleg !along *lalul) Iamping *lapil Iamung *lamun Janak *balanak langga *lGijww langit *Ial)it Iangu *f:al)U !antE *lantay lanteng *latel) ]au *lahuj lawang *laban !awE [Iabay] lawi *lawi lawok *lasuwek leba *lekaq lekang *lekal) Iekas *lekac IEIE *fikifiki+ Iem *lem 1 !em *lem3 lema *sema Iepo *1epuq lesit *lecit leso *qaiegaw lewang *fawalJ likang *jalikan liling *lilin Iii it *Iii it lima *lima limbung *libun limE *qalima ling *li lino *linaw lipang *qusalipan Iita *fiteq liu *liwa lua *luhab Juku *lukuq lulung *luluf JunE *qulun Iu?u *luseq -m *mu2 majang *mayal) mama *mamaq mampos *puc mantek *qafimatek manuk *manuk masa *maga mata *mata mata *matay1 mentik *-metik

mina *miniyak mipis *fisebic miu muyu munta *muntay munta *utaq musi *udesi na *fa3 naing *May namok *famuk nanga *binaiJG nanging *fal)Uy nara *faya nara *naya natas *fa tad natu *fatuq nawa *sinawa nekit *1eket nEiu *l)ilu neneng *qafil)U nganga *1JG 1JG ngasan *qagan ngencung *1ecu1J ngerang *bayeqalJ nggukuk *kuk ngis *l)ic niket * fiket niki *pafiki nila *qanilaw nini *niniq nio *fuy nipi *isepi no *kunu ntala *mantalaq ntaung *taquwef ntui *tewi nua *fuwal) nuca *nuca nuling *anulil) nunang *qumfal) nunuk *nunuk oa m-oa *qusaw pa?a *paqah pacek *pacek pacu *pacuk1 pai *payis pa?it *paqit pajung *payul) pakupakehu palmg *pali 1J pampa *papa pana *panaq panas *panac pandang *pal)Udaf panga *pai)G paning *pan pano *panaw pantar *patay papang *papan para *paya pat *sepal pau *pasuq pEmpEt *pit

1079

Moken Register peno *pehiq penu *peniyu pesang *del) peseng *pejem pesu *paqegu pili *piliq pisa *piga piso [picaw] pitak *pitak pitu *pitu poka *pukaq poli *weliq pucu *pucuq puki *puki pulit *pulit pulu *puluq pulut *pulut punti *puti purung *pudun putes *puceg pu?u *punuq raja *yaya rakut *yakut rami *juyami rangki *yakit ratas *yetac ratus *ya!Uc rawuk *yabuk rebut *yabut redang *sayejcif rekuk [dekuk] renget ceke-renget *yeget rias *liceqes ri'li *yiq rik *yik rimpung [yimpuo] rona *yuqaftiy ruang *qafiyuwan rucuk *yt1cuk rungkep *yukeb runi *suni sa?i *daqis saki *daki salang *jakin sano *danaw sapo *dapuy satar *datay sa?u *daqu saung *dasuwen sawuk *dabuk 1 Sf i-SE *da1

sebek *bek sela *qaje/ay siding *dii]ediiJ1 silang *gila IJ siri *sadiyi sita *ditciq sua *dusa sukat *cukat sumpa *cumpaq ta?a *qetaq tabo *tahebu tacik *tacik ta?i *taqi tako *taktiw tali *talis tampel *tape! tana *taJeq tanem *tafem tao *tciyum tapa *tahepa tawa *tawa tebel *tebel teka *teka tekok *tekuk tekong [teku IJ] tela *telaq telep *teleb telo *qiteluy telu *telu tenung *tineun tepi *tapes teras *teyac tesong *tedug tetas *tacetac tEtES *tay2 tw *tebus tilu *tilu timbang *timbag timbu *tibun timung *qatimun tiwit *bitebit toso *tujuq tu?a *tuqas tuju *tuduy tuk *tuk1 tuka *bituka tukE *tukcid tulak *tulak tuma *tumes tuna *tufa tunu *tuhih

?aban *kaban ?adOt *jaqet ?aka? *kaka ala? *qaya aloy *wayi anat *aftik ?angin *sai]in

anong *anu apong *apu ?apuy *sehapuy ba? *ba1 ba?at *baheyat babak *baq1 babuy *bcibuy ba?rw *bayiw

tupus *tupuc tutu *tutuh tut1Jng *tutu IJ tu?u *tusuq tu?us *!Usud tuwa *tUba uak [wak] ucek *ucek ucuk *cuk uka *sukay ukup *ukup ular *sulay uli *quleg ulu *quluh ulur *suluy uma *qumah umbung *subun uner *qum:?g ung *qusug untu *quntu upas *upac urat *uyat usang *qujM utr *qutaf utek *qutek uter *qetuy uting *qutif uwang m-uwang *qubaf uwi *qubi wa *ba1 wa *ba3 wa *baq1 wa?a *basaq waca *bacuheq war *wasiyey waga *wakaq wai *bahi wa?i *waqay waja *buqaya wakE *wakay walE *balec1 walrk *balik wali *baliw2 walu *balu walung *baluf wanan *wanaf wangga *wakao wangka *b01jwq wangkung *bcikug wani *wa1iw wara *bayah

warat *sabayat wari *bayiw watang *batal) watu *ba!U1 wau *basequ wehas *bekac 1 wekuk *bekuk wekur *kuj1 wekut *bekUt wela *belaq weli *beli welit *befit weluk *beluk wenga *bel)G wengkung *bekug weras *beyac weru *bciqeyuh weta *betaw wetas *betac wetik *betik wetis *betihec WEWO *babaWJ wi?ak *biceqak wicik *bicik wicul *bicul wiE *yabihi wikuk -bigkuk wini *binesiq wintas *bitac wiwir *biy wo!E *buliy wo?os *beyekec wua *buwaq wua *quway wuk *bukes wuka *buka wukas *bukac wulang *bulaf2 wulu *bulu 2 wunga *bulJG wungkar *burjwy wuni *beyunay wuntut *buntut wunut *bunut wusa *bugeq wusu *bucuy wuwung *bubug wuwus *bucebuc

Moken Register bakun *bcikug bala? *bayah baliH *sabciyat balah *balec 1 balak *bayeq balang *balag balay *balay balrh *balik

baloy *bciyu baloy *balu ba?:Jk *busuk ba?oy *basequ batang *batag batoy *bam 1 bayu *bayiyus becay *beyecay

1080 becoy *beci bekah *beka belm *baliyan bcnang *benag bcngay *biyegi beto? *betuh betun *betu 1) bibin *biy bib? *lekuq bilak *biyaq binay *bahi bituek *bituqanlbituqen bubong *bubu 1) buboy *bUbu2 bukit *bUkij bukuk *bugkuk bulan *bula12 buling *hili l) bulok *buyuk bulot *buyit buloy *bulu 2 bunay *bunay bung *bun2 bunga? *bUI)G busuk *bucuk butin *buteliy butuk *butuq butiin *butun butut *buntut buwak *buwaq ca? *ica cecik *cicik cep;,h *puluq cEwiiy *ciwa chaba? *cawa chEla? *qaciyah cheloy *calay cochoy *cucu dada? *dasedas dah;,k *dabuq dakang *daqaf dala? *daya dalak *dayaq dalam *dalem danJ? *d01ih da?on *dasuwen dapan *dapuy data? *atcic datah *datay daya? *daya depii? *depa diluy *diyi dining *dii]edi 1)1 dulang *dulag duluy *duyi duwa? *dusa duyung *duyul) ?e *e ?Ekan *isekan ?Ekoy *ciku

Moken Register ?t:loy *wiyi ?en *qayam mgat *iceyet ?m:mg *ina Epaa *sipec Esang *sicag eta -kita galang *galag gatan *gate! gilin *gilil) gutoy *kutu ?ibum *bu1 id5y *di ?iek klang *gayag ?ikiin *iku y ipan *sipay jakan *wakay jalan *}alan jalum *jayum jelay *qaje!Oy ji?oy *yinu jon *iluy kabang *qabal) kaboy *qabU kabut *kabul ka?r *kOsiw kahoy *qacu 1 kakay *qaqay kalam *lem3 kamoy *mi kanay *yuqaftiy kang *bayeqag ka?oy *qaselu kapaw *paqegu kapn *kapit kapn *qapit kapiin *qapuy katay *qatay katoy *qaiitu ka?iin *qawuy kaya? *buqaya kayang *qagel) kelan *tuqela I kEiat *kilat kelip *kedep keb *luseq keloy *bOqeyuh keliin *qiteluy kenay *qenay kEtam *qitem ketr? *aqetih ketmg *kitil) ketot *qetut ketoy *qeti khena? *kefti kiyoy *qisu koboy *qubi bdang *qudag kodip *qudip bkoy *kukuh kokung [ ku l)]

k:llap *kuyap blay *quleg kolEt *kulit bb *quluh bma? *qumah bpan *qusalipan btan *qutaf kowap *qisuwab kujan *qujM kuway *quway Iabu? *yabun 1 labiik *ftibuq lajam [tajem] lakaw *lakaw Iak:lt *takut lalay *laleg Jarnak *lemek langaw *IOI)Gw langEt */Ogit Ja?ok *lahuj Ja?oy *ayzlsuq latay *lantay labh *yatuc lawan *lawaq layan *layay IEbt *likuj !Elm *lilin lEma? *lima lemo? *femec lem6:n *lamun lenga? *le 1JG lengan *leiJen IEno *linaw Iepak *tepak IEpan *!pen lepiik * 1epuq IEtak *qafimateq lipuy *isepi liyaw *sijaw lobiing *lepaw loka? *iukO loy *qaliy long *fern 1J macham *leqacem madang *da 1J ma?J? *mic makan *kan makEt *cakit makhan *pacaqtlf malr *layiw mamaw *l)Gw manam *tafem mangap *gap manok *manuk manyam *a1am manyaw *1aw masak *pacek masim *qacff mata?*mata matat *sated

matay *matay 1 mebo? *busat1 med5k *dukeduk mEm *anduy megang *gem mEkat *siket melak *belaq mEiak *iyaq melan *telef mel£ *aliq mdop *siyup meloy *beli mmga? *devey mengap *kep mengap *sap menyam *isejam menyat *miniyak menyup *iseyilp mEsap *cep metak *qetaq methun *cequf midun *tiduy mijak *jak millek *piliq mxh::mg *qucug mx;,k *tucuk moloy *huyesu m;,tak *utaq motoy *tutuh mujuk *tujuq muka? *buka mun *bun 1 muniik *bunuq munuy *bufi nam *enem1 nanak *naftiq nanan *wanaf nangay *tagic nangon *bal)Ut nangoy *1al)Uy naniiy *wa1iw nawa? *tawa nEIEt *jilat nepok *bacuheq ney *ini ngalaw *kO)'tlW ngal5t *gayut ngaloy *galih nganga? *1JG 1JG nganyan *qagan ngetik [tik] 1 ngJban *quba1 nibueng *qanibug ni?iek *iseq nolak *tulak numiik *tuhuq nya?Ek *nakis nyabp *ta/,:up 1 nya!En *calin nyaman *1am

1081

Motu Register nyamok *famuk nyiin *sayejM nyapu *capuh nyawa? *sinawa nyEh::h *caliw nyEpah *nipaq nyepak *cepaq nyipih *1isebic nyi?iin *fu y nyuliik *culuq ?:Jiiin *sulay ?:Jlat *uyat ?;,milk *yumaq ?opo? *pu ?:Jtak *qutek ?oy *acu padEh *sapedec pa?it *pit paka? *paqah pakan *baqesilJ paki::t *paqit pakoy pakehu

paloy *payis pan *pan panak *panaq panan *paiJUdaf panaw *panaw pa?5k *pasuq papiin *papan pat *sepat patak [tak] pay *pagay payam *dey pen5k *pe#Uq penyoy *peniyu peyiek *sapegiq phiik *bacaq phela? *beyac phiing *pulJ pxat *puceg px:Jk *qapucuk pokon *punuq polot *pulut pukat *puket pukuy *puki

aai 1-aai *sa yin abi *qapit ada 1-ada *qagan ada 1-ada *saca 1) adava *qacawa ade-na *qajay adi ma-adi *aciq ado *qMegaw ado h-ado *sacek1 ae *qaqay ahara !-ahara *sabayat ahi 1-ahi *sehapuy ahu *qapuy ai *mi aiha *qusalipan ama t-ama *ama 1 amu *qumun ani-a *kan anitu *qafitu ara *qalad ara *dalJ ari-a *gadic aru *qayuc ase *qatay asi *Mtiy ata-i *atac au *Msiw au 1-au *aku audu-na *paqegu auri 1-auri *wiyi baragi-na *Myaq bibi-na *biy bila *piyas bisisi *cici -boi *biyeyi bona-ia *Msequ

boro-ma *beyek bubu *bukebuk1 bubu-a *buqebuq bunu *bunut buru *pudul dae *cakay dagu *takut dahu-a *capuh dala *jalan darima *cayiman dau-dau *jaqewis dautu *tayufulJ digu *jiyuc dina *ciiay diu *ciku dogo *cawuq dogo-a *cakep dori do-dorijaj'i dua-ri *cuwat dudu *cucuq dudu-a *cukecuk dudu-ia *tujuq dune *kanuhec duri *duyi duu *tuduc eda ma-eda *cak ei m-ei *iseq eno *qiserep era *gayav gatoi *qiteluy yayai-a *qaqiyut yahu *kabul yei-a *galih yoyomu *gemegem ha *ba2 ha- *pa-

putiek *pufetiq sabiit *cabut ta/'.11-w *tasaw ta.bfin *taba y tabong *tabuv tahan *tasaf takon *taquwef talaw *talaw tanak *tareq tangan *tai)Gn ta?:Jt *hisud taru *tayuq tase *tacik tilt *tacak teban *tebel teboy *tebUs tebung *buy3 tebung *tebug tebuy *tewi tEhang *tisay tEkan *tikey teloy *telu t£nga? *tayila

tengiik *tel)Gq tengan *teyey tili *tiyic timun *qatimun tingin *diyedi!]2 tiyan *tiyaf bka? *tuqas tokat *tukej tokat *tuqed t:Jk5? *tusuq toli *tilu t:Jbng *tululJ tudiik *tuduq tuna *tum tutiing *tuhiy ujung *sujuy waloy *walu wang *way wi'n *wasiyey yangaw *bai)Gw 1 yiing *iseguy

Motu Register ha-ni *sepat haga *paiJa hahine *bahi halo-a *balec2 hani *pafid hanua *banuwa hao-a *bai]Uf hara *paya hau tau-hau *baqeyuh hida *piga hidi *piliq hira *biyaq hisiu *bituqan/bituqen hitu *pitu hode *beyecay hoi *beli honu *pe#Uq hou-hou *betith hu *put hua *buwaq hua *bulaf2 hua-ia *bUsat2 huala *buqaya hudo-na *pitceg huhu-a *puqepuq hui *buMs hui a-hui *pitluq huni *buheni huni *bun hunu a-hunu *bunitq huo *puket huri-a *buyiq husi-husi *buteliy i-duari *isia *a 1 iha-na *sipay

ima *lima ima-na *qalima ina *ini ina s-ina *ina ino ma-ino *linaw inu-a *inurn io a-io *liqey iri *kid iruh-ai *siyup ita *gila ita- *kita iu- *ikuy kahi *kapit kahu *qabuk kahu *qabU kahu-a *kaput kaka-na *kaka kanage *kanaway kau-bebe *pay2 kimai *kawil kini-a *kifit kori-a *kayat koro-a *keyet Iaao *laiJaw ladi *lagi2 lalo- *dalem lao *lakaw Iau-Iau *fawity lo ma-Io *lem 1 loku-a *lekuq rna *mas rna-la-na *ma mada ko-mada *maga mai *ayi mama-ia *mamaq mami *mamin

1082 manu *manuk mase *matay 1 mata *mata mi ma-mi *mic momo *mekemek mu a-mu *mu2 muri *udesi muta mu-muta *utaq naamo *famuk nada ma-nada-ia *fagam nadu-a *nacuk nanigo *qafi~uwan nao he-nao-a *takaw nara *naya natu-na *nati nese *tay2 nihi *isepi niu *1uy nohu *1epuq noka ma-noka *1uka nomu *namaw nuru *yunut o *e oi *ikasu oto *setek paya-na *qabaya pai *payis

Muna Register palai *layay palana pala-pala-na *palag papa-papa *papan parara *payada pata *patay pidi-a *bitik pisi-pisi *picik pola-ia *belaq pune *punay rabia *yambiya raga ba-raga *yaqan rahi *yabihi rahu-rahu *dapuy rai ma-rai *layehu rai-a *yakit raka *dakat rako *darj:aq rami *juyami ramu [yamit] rani *daqafi ranu *damm rara *dayaq raro *dayeq rata *yataq rau *dasuwen rau-a *yaqup

rei *yiq roha *depa rua *dusa ruane ma-ruane *yuqawy rudu *yitcuk rui *duyug ruma *yumaq simu si-simu *timuy sinai *tinaqi sio *tiqaw siro *tiyem taaia-na *tagila tadi *tuw agi tadi *tacik taye *taqi tano *taleq tara *tayaq tara *tayaqan tau *taw tohu *tehus toi *tetu topo-a *cep tor-e *tejey tu-i *tusud tubu *tumpu tubu *titbuq

tunu-a *tumh tur-i *tusuy turn he-tu-turu *tuduq tutu-a *tutuh uda *qutaf uda-ia *lugan udu *isegitl) udu *ucuq udu-a *qucug ulo-ulo *quleg umu-i *mu1 una *qusewp ura *qudaiJ uri rna-uri *qudip urita *gu yita uro *kuden usi-na *quti f utu *kittu utu-a *putuc vai *wasiyey vaivai *way vala-vala *lawa1 vanayi *barj:aq varo-varo *wa~d varo-varo-na *uyat

Muna Register aa *sawak ada *sejam afa *apa ai *agi aka par-aka *wakay aku mang-aku *aku ala *ala ali *alic alo *salem ama *ama1 ana *afrik ando na-ando *wada ani *wafiw ansa *sacaiJ anti-anti *anti IJ asi *aciq ato *sated awu *yabuk belo *hiluk bo kuam-bo *haw3 bubu *bubu 2 bubu *bukebuk1 bubu tanam-bubu *hu1ehufl bubusi *bucebuc buea *buqaya buyou *baqeyuh buku *pukuh bula *hula f-1 bula tam-bula *bulehay bulaw-a *bulaw bungku *hurjaJk buni fe-buni *bun bura *bugeq

bhaga *ba~qaiJ bhaho *bacuheq bhalida *balfga bhalo *balec 1 bhalu *baliw2 bhangka *hmjwq bhangko *bakesaw bhara *sabayat bhatu X *batu 1 bhei *bayiw bhie *baheyat bhine ro-bhine *bahi bhiti folo-bhiti *betihec bho so-bho *basuy bhoke *be~kec bhone *bunag bhongka *burj:ay bhongo *bevel bhora *buyaw bhose *heyecay dayi kon-dayi *daqis dayo *jaqet dahu *acu dea *iyaq deidei ka-deidei *deyeqec didi *dicedic diu ka-diu *jiyuc doho ka-doho *jaqewis dua *dusa dula *dulag dhamara pa-dhamara *damay

eniua ka-eniua *qa1iyuwan faya *paqah fali-a *palis i fanah-a *panac fato- *sepat feka- *paka-1 fembula *mula 1 feo *peyec fie nae-fie *igan fitu *pitu fo- *pafoo *pasuq fulu *pitluq fumaa *kan futa *putat gawu *yabun1 ghone *qenay gili *gilil) guu *ayitsuq yabu *qabit yaye *qaqay yala ka-yala *qalad yase *qajay yata *qayetaq yate *qatay yati *qatip2 yato *qatep yawi *qabin yefi *qapuy yeo *qagel) yila *qila yimpi *qipit

yito *qitem yofei *paqegu yohia *qaciyah yoleo *qafegaw yoli *beli yolifa *qusalipan yolot-a *qelet yontea *tiqeyab yoti *aqetih yotu *qetut yowea *qabaya yua *qubaf yue *quway yule *quleg yulu *quluh yuma kala-yuma *quma v yunteli *qitelu y yura *qudag yuri yu-yuri *qudip yuse *qujaf yuu *qusug hae *cay hala *calaq hale *caley hapui *capuh hewi *cabuy hido *cilaw hodu ho-hodu *cedu idho *sijaw ifi *sehapuy ihi *iseci

Muna Register ina *ina inawa *sinawa inda f-inda *jak indewi *yabihi ini *ini iri m-iri [iyiy] ise *ica itu a-itu *tu iu f-iu *iseyUp kabhi ko-kabhi *kawil kai *kawit kala *lakaq kama *kamet kamali *kamaliy kapa *kasepal kau *gafUI kee *seqeyet kema *gamay kila ko-kila *kilat kima *kima kire *kiday kiri *kid kito sea-kito *kayat komi *gemi konisi *kafusekus koo *qawuy korapu [kuyapu] kotio *gate! kuita *gu yita kuku panang-kuku *kukuh kuli *kulit kuru *kud labu *1ribuq laki *laki Iampi *lapif !ani *laiJit !ante *lantay lao *lahuwen latu *latuq !awe *lawa2 lei fi-lei *layiw lela *dilaq lengka *lekaq leni *fal)Uy libuti *libut Iiko *liceqes lili *lilin lili *lilit lilino ko-lilino *liyaw lima *lima lima *qalima lino *linaw liu *liyus lodo *lebeleb loyia *!aqeya Iongo *leiJO lua *luhab lua *luwaq lulu *lulu 1: lumu *lumut luu *luseq mai *ayi mala *maga

mamay-i *mamaq manu *manuk mata *mata mata ngkala-mata *qetaq mate *matay 1 mawa *basaq mbali *baliw1 mina *miniyak -mtu ISU moyane *fUqaMy moJo *buleg mpekiri *qiyi nami *fam nana *nalriq nda a-nda *da1 ndalo *dalem ndawu *dabuq ndenge *del)ey ne wo-ne *beyac nea *fagam nea *qagan nga ma-nga [ya] ni fo-ni *nakis nifi *1isebic nifi mo-nifi *isepi no wo-no *basequ nomo *enem1 nopu *fepuq ntaga *taya ntawu *tabun1 nunsu *IJUcuq oalu *walu oe *wasiyey ompo *pel) ompu *pu otu *kUtu owa *lugan pae *pagay payi *paqit paita pai-paita *payis pakande *pakan pakatu *katz/ pala-pala *paya palu *palu pampa *paiJepaiJ pana *panaq panga kam-panga *paya pani *pafid panu *panaw pasa *paca I) pasi *paciy paso *pacek pau *payug pili *piliq piso fpicaw] polopa *paqepaq2 ponda *pai]Udaf pono *pehiq ponu *peniyu pooro *paheyaw puyu *punuq puhe *puceg

...

puhu ko-puhu *pucuq puka *puket pulu *pulut puna fetom-puna-yi *pufay pusu *qapucuk pute *pu1etiq rabu ka-rabu *dabuk1 rafo *dapat raya *daqa1: rayu *daqu raki *daki raki *yakit rakof-i *dakep rana *day rangka *daykaq rata *datay rato *datel) rawu *)flbut rea *dayaq ri ki-ri *duyi rindi *diyedil)2 rinta *qafimateq roda *dapedap rofa *depa rondo *demedem 1 roo *dasuwen rumbia *)flmbiya saho *kacaw saki *cakit sala *jalan sampe-Iao *cahebay sande *cal)ey sau *kasiw sau ka-sau *jafUm sela *celem selay-i *jilat seli *galih siku *ciku silato *latel) simpi *kapit sisi *cicik siua *ciwa sole *qajelay soso *celece/2 soso *cepecep suana *wanaf suyu *cequf suka *cukat suli *culil) sumbu *cumbu sungki *cul)kit sunsu *cuf susu ka-susu *cucuk susuki *cucu susuki *cukecuk taa fu-taa *tawa tabha *tabeq tayi *taqi tayo *tan tayu *taquwef taha *tacak talo *ttilaw

1083 talu *talun tamba *tabal tambaga [tembaya] tana lilin-tana *taleq tanga *teyaq tangke *ta Ijwy tanu *tafem tape *tapay tapi *tapiq tea *ta)flq tehi *tacik tei *tafUq tido *!idee tie *tiya1: timbang-i *timbay timbu *timuy timu go-timu *qatimun tira *tiyem toka *teka tolo *!Clef tolu *telu towu *tebus tuya *tuqas tuyu ko-tuyu *tusuq tuko *tukej tulu *tulu tulung-i *!UluiJ tuma *tumes tumbu *tebuk tumbu *tubuq tuna *tunac tuntu *tunetun tunu *tu/Uh turu po-turu *tuduq turu tu-turu mata *tuduy tusu *tucuk tusu *tujuq tutu *tup tuu *tusud tuwa *mba ue *uyat ue *uyuy uli *udesi uli s-uli *weliq ulo *pulec uta *tapes waa *beyay wale *balay walu *balu1: wanu *baiJU1: wanu fe-wanu-i *bafaw wata *batal) wawa *baq1 wawo *babaw1 wea *bayah weya *biceqak wehi *becuy weo *bayeq weta *betak wewi *btibuy wia *biyaq wine *binesiq

1084

Ngaju Dayak Register

wine nae-wine *biyeyi wintonu *hutun wiwi *hiy wobha *haq 2 wola *belaq

wolawo *hakihaw wua *huwaq wuho *hiqel wula *hulaf2 wulu *bUlu2

aer mati *wasiyey ahem *qayem akar *wakay aken *aken aku *aku akup *admp alih *aliq alun m-alu-alun *qaluf ama r-ama *ama 1 amak *amak ambu *samhaw ambun *amhun ampar *sapay ampir m-ampir [sampid] anak *afcik andap *andap andaw *qafegaw andop *qafUp anduy *anduy angap kab-angap *al)Gp an gin *sa gin angkat *akat anis *qacif anting *antil) anu *anu anyun m-anyun *sayun apuy *sehapuy ara *qagan are *wada aring *qagel) asa m-asa *sacaq asem m-asem *leqacem aseng *ceg aseng tah-aseng *qaceg asep *sacep asi *aciq asu *acu asuh m-asuh *qa}'Uc atas *atac atey *qatciy atuh m-atuh *qatuy awey *abay2 awit m-awit *kawit ayaw mang-ayaw *ayaw babangis *heT)ic babas *hacehac 1 babat *bedehed baha *bayeq baha- *qabciya bahat *btiyat bahe *bayah bahiri *qiyi bajai *buqaya bakas *hekac 1

bakaw *bakesaw bakung *bakug balanak *halanak balanga *halal)G balatok *halatuk balawaw *halahaw bale *balay baleh *balec 1 bali *baliw 1 balian *baliyan balida *baliga balik *balik balikat *halikat baling *balig balu *balu balun *baluf balut *halut baluy *baliw2 bamban *bafehaf bambang *hagehaiJ bane *haMs baner *bahaliy bangah *bal)G bangaw *bal)Gw 1 bangkay *hai]kay bangkuang *haykuway bangunan *bai)Uf banuang *hinuwag barat *sahayat batang *hatal) batu *hatu 1 bawa *baq2 bawa-n *hahaw bawi *hahi bawuy *bahuy bayang *layal) bayar *bciyad bayu *bayiw behas *beyac behat *baheyat behu pam-behu *huyesu belah *belaq belang *helag benang *benag bengkong ba-bengkong *hekuy benteng *beteg besey *beyecay besuh *becuy betaw *hetaw betung *betug bew-an *hasequ biha *hiyaq bila *bilaq

wulu *bU/uq wului *hulu 1 wuna *bUl)G wuu *hukes wuwu *buhug

wuwu *buyuk

Ngaju Dayak Register bilang *hila 1J biling *hili 1J bilit *bilit biluk *hiluk bingkuk *bidmk bintang *bituqan/bituqen bintih ba-bintih *bintiq binyi *binesiq bisa *hacaq bisak *biceqak biwih *hiy bobor *huyebuy bua *buwaq buhaw ba-buhaw *bUyaw buka mam-buka *huka bukit *hukiJ buku *pukuh bulan *hulaf:2 bulaw *bulaw bulu *bUlu2 bulu sa-bulu *bU!uq bulut *butut bumbon *hunebun 2 bungey *bu~p bungkar *burjwy bungkok *budmk bungkul *buku/ bunot *bunut buntis *hetihec buntut *buntut bunyi panam-bunyi *suni bure *hugeq buring *hugil) buruk kam-buruk-an *hu}'llk busuk *bucuk bute ba-bute *huta butih *huteliy buton *hutun buwu *hubu2 -cakey *cakciy culuk *culuq dadap *dapedap dadas-en *dacedac daha *dayaq dai man-dai *dakis dalem han-dalem *dalem damar *damay dampah *dapay danaw *danaw danum *datum dapuh-an *dapuy datah *datay dawen *dasuwen dayung *dayuy

dehes *deyeqec dengan *del)Gn dcngen *degen depe *depa derem *dedem derem *demedem 1 dinding *digedig1 duduk *dukeduk due *dusa duhi *duyi dulang *dulay duyung *duyu 1J edan *daqaf ekung *qekug empu *pu entay [santay] enyak *miniyak enyaw *isefaw enyuh *1uy epat *sepat galang *galag gali *galih garut *ga}ut gate! *gate! gemes *kemec genggem sa-genggem *gemegem gila *gila giling *gilig ginteng *getey gita-n *gita guam *gusam gusuk *gucuk guti *kUtu ha-bunu *hunuq haalem ha-m-alem *salem hadang ma-hadang *saday hadari *layiw hai *yaya hakit *ycikit halalipan *qusalipan halang [salag] halu *qaselu hambie *yamhiya hamis *yamec hampa *qepa hampayung *payul) hananguy *1a1JUy handipe *afipa hanjaman *sejam hantuen *qafitu hanyi *hayani hanyi *}'llqafciy hanyir *safid

Ng_aju Day_ak Register hanyut *qMuj harep ta-harep *qadep hasaburan *cabuy hatap *qatep hater-an *sated haur *qawuy hawun *yabun 1 hejan *sayejaf heJa *cela helang *laiJ helat *qelet hewa ma-hewa *yebaq hewang ba-hewang *yiway hian ma-hian *yaqan hijaw *sijaw hiu *qisu hiwey *yibay huJu *quluh huma *yumaq hyang [siyay] ie *a 1 ihik *yik ihup *siyup ijak k-ijak *jak ije *ica ikaw *ikasu ikoh *ikuy imbing *bii]ebiy imbit *binit (bifit?) impun *isepun ine *ina ingkang *kal) injam *isejam ipah *nipaq ipah d-ipah *sipay ipen m-ipen *[pen isi *iseci itah *kita itung *situy iup tar-iup *iseyup Iuta m-Iuta *utaq iwan *iba iweh *ibey jahat *jaqet jahit man-jahit *jaqit jalan *ja!an jau ke-jau *jaqewis jela *dilaq jeJap Uilap] jelay *qaje!Gy jewu *jemaq jihi *sadiyi jipen *qedlpen juhu *juyuq juluk n-juluk *juluk ka *kkahak *dasak kaka *kaka kakas *gac kan k-um-an *kan kanai *tinaqi kanga [kaiJa]

kangkang k-al-angkang *kaiJekaiJ kantuk *atuk kap mangakap *gap kapak *kapak kapal ba-kapal *kasepal kapas [kapac] kapit *kapit kapur *qapuy kaput-an *kaput karakup *dakup karat *keyet kasaw *kacaw katapi *katapay katil *Mtiy katip [tip] kawan *kaban kawil *kawil kawu *qabu kayu *Msiw kehang *keyal}1 keJah *kelaq kep-an *kep ketut *qetut kikir *kid kikis *kicekic kilap *gilab kil at *kilat kilir *gilig kua *kuwas kukur *kud kumpul *kumpu/ kurap *kuyap kurung kang-kurung [kuduy] kuwu *kubU lai *!Gqeya laling buku-laling *lali1 Jaloh-an *qaluy !amah la-lamah *lemaq lamantek *qafimatek lampuyang */ampuyal) langaw *laiJaW langit *lal}it langkah *lakaq lantay *lantay lapas *lepac !auk *lasuwek !aut *lahuj lawa la-lawa *lawa 1 lawan *laban !away [lcibay] lawi *lawi lawu *wbuq layar *Iayay layu ba-layu *layehu Jekep *lekep Ieket *feket lelep *lebeleb lepaw *lepaw lepu batang lepu *fepuq Iiao *qilaw lies *liceqes

like *daki Jikut *likuj lilin *lilin lilit *lilit lime *lima lindung ma-Iindung *liduiJ lingaw ta-lingaw *liiJaW lipes *qafisipec Iipet *lepit lisung *fecuy lowang *luway lowok *lubuk lua ma-lua *luwaq luja *ludaq lukap *dalukap Juku rna-Juku *lukuq lumba *lumba lumu *lumu lumut *lumut lutung *lutul) manta *qetaq manuk *manuk manyang *mayay masuk *pacuk2 mate *mata matey *matay 1 mauk dan muntah *busuk -mh *mu2 muda *uda mula *mula2 mules *pulec muwat *busat2 -n *ni1 naik *nakis nana *naUiq newek *tebek nganga ka-nganga *IJa IJa nilaw batang nilaw *qanilaw nunang batang nunang *qufU1ai] nupi *isepi nutung *tutu 1J nyahe *1aya nyala *Uila2 nyamuk *1amuk nyatu *1atuq nyawan *sinawa kanye-nyep *qisefep nyilu *IJilu nyiro *yinu bitik nyuan *qafiyuwan pa *papadas *sapedec paha *paya pahi *payis pai *paqah pait *paqit pakan-an *pakan palang ta-palang *palay palapah *paqepaq 2 pali *palisi pan urn-pan *pan

1085 panah *panaq panala *mantalaq pandan *paiJUdaf panga *paiJa pangi *pal)i panyakit *cakit papa kala-papa *papa papan *papan papikok fpil)kuk] parara *payatepat parey *pagay parut *padud pasang *pacay pasek *pacek pasir *paciy pasu [pacu] patey *patay patik *patik patut *patut paya *paya pehaw *paheyaw pehes *peyec peleng kam-peleng *puluy peluk [peluk] peno *pefUq peru *paqegu pili kam-pili *piliq pire *piga pisaw [picaw] puket *puket puki *puki pukuJ *pukul pulu *puluq pulut *pulut pumpung *puy puna *u1ah puney *punay punti pisang punti *puti puntung *putun pupul *pupul puput *put puser *puceg pusu *pucuq pusuk tam-pusuk *qapucuk putat *putat puti *pufetiq putus *putuc rabut ma-rabut *yabut rampas *yapac rangaw *jayiyai)Qw ratus *yatuc rendem ba-rendem *demedem2 risang *sical) ruang *yuway sak ka-sak *cak saka *caka sala *cataq sambut *cambut sampay-an *cahebay sandar *cal)ey sanga *calei)Qy sangkalan *caykal

1086 sangkut *cagkut sansudu *cudu sapaw *capaw sapu *capuh saput *caput sarong *ctidug sasal *celece/2 sauh *cawuq sawa maN-sawaan *cabaq sawe *qactiwa sawut *cahut sclat *celat sikok *cigkuk siku *ciku simpang *cimpag singah *cifay singket *ciket sipat *cipat sipit *cipit soho *cuyuq sulam *culam suling *culig suluh *culuy sumbu *cumbu sumpah *cumpaq sundul *cundul sungkit *cugkit surungan *cuduiJ susun *cui tabuni *tabu1i tahan *tasai taho pan-taho *ttiyuq tahum *ttiyum tai *taqi tajim [tajem] takaw *taktiw tali *talis talinga-n *ta gila

Old Javanese Register tamba [tambeq] tamba ta-tamba *tabal tambak *tambak tambang [tambag] tambir-an [tambig] tana *taleq tanak *tafek tangah *tel)Gq tangan *ttil)Gn tang is *tti gic tangkay *tavkay tangkup *takup2 tapak *tapak tapay *ttipay tapih *tapiq tasik *tticik tatas *tacetac tau ka-tau *taw tawa *taqu tawah ba-tawah *tabay tawan *ttibaf tawar *taway tawe *ttiwa tawon *tabun 1 tawur *tahuy teah *aqetih tekap *tangap tekap *Iepak tekap *dakep teken *teken tel en *tele f telu *telu teluh tan-teluh *qiteluy tepe *tapes teras *teyac tetes *tee tewu *tebus tewus *tebuc

tey ta-tey-an *tay2 tihang *tisag timbang *timbal) timbaw *timbaw timon an-timon *qatimun timor *timuy timpang *timpag tinjak *tinjak tino *tumh tipis *lisebic tiram *tiyem tirem *tidem tiruh *tiduy tis han-tis *tiyic tisik *cicik titis manitis *titic tiwas kaw *tibawtic tiwing *tebig tohon *tuyun tu-tu *tusuq tuah *tuwaq tue mama tue *tuqas tukat manukat *tuktid tukop ta-tukop *tukup tulak *tulak tulang *tuqelaf tulong *tulug tumbo *tubuq tumbok *tebuk tume *tz.imes tumpul *tumpul tungket *tukej tunjok *tujuq tum *tuduq turns *tuduc turut manurut *tuyut tusok *cucuk tusok *tucuk

tusu *cucu tusuh *cuyecuy tutuk *tuketuk 1 tutup *tup tuwe *tuba uak [wak] uey *quway uhas *suytic uhat *uytit ujan *qujM ukey *sukay uli *quli uli b-uli *weliq ulir *sulig uluh m-uluh *suluy unap kal-unap *quseftip undang *qudtig untek *qutek unus *sufuc upak *upak1 upun *punuq uret *quleg uring b-uring *qugig urung *isegug urung *ugu 1J urut *quyut usuk *y!lcuk utin *qutif utut *tusud uwan *quha1 uwi *qubi wa nga-wa *baq 1 wangkang [wagkag] waru *htiyu wasi *beci wung saha-wung *bug1

Old Javanese Register abEh k-abEh qabiq abengkung +bekug ahung *qawug alam-alam *lam alap *alap alas *salac alem m-alem *salem alih *aliq ama ra-ama *am a 1 ampir [sampid) anak *atak anala *tala2 anam ttifam an