Problems of assimilation of the Holland-Dutch people in a selected area in Southern California

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PROBLEMS OF ASSIMILATION OF THE HOLLAND-DUTCH PEOPLE IN A SELECTED AREA IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA

A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Department of Sociology The University of Southern California

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in Sociology

by William Driver Spencer June 19^2

UMI Number: EP65631

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Dissertation FyMisMng

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JLo^k. T h i s thesis, w r i t t e n by

..........:OLLmi.i 3E I S S E . J S P M E E

.....

u n d e r the d i r e c t i o n o f hi-.s.. F a c u l t y C o m m it t e e , a n d a p p r o v e d by a l l its m e m b e r s , has been presented to a n d accepted by the C o u n c i l on G r a d u a t e S t u d y a n d Research in p a r t i a l f u l f i l l ­ m ent o f the re q u ire m e n ts f o r the degree o f .M S TER _OF __ARTS

r

Secretary D ate.

F aculty Com m ittee

C hairm an

D ean

TABLE OP CONTENTS CHAPTER

PAGE

I . INTRODUCTION.......................

1

Statement of the problem................

2

Importance of the study

..........

2

..............

3

Methods of other writers

. .

Methods of this s t u d y ...........

7

Sources of primary d a t a ................

9

Definition of t e r m s ...................

11

Organization of the remainder of the thesis II.

.............................

14

HOLLAND-DUTCH BACKGROUNDS, FIRST EXPERIENCES IN AMERICA AND THEIR SIGNIFICANCE Geography of the Netherlands

....

16

..........

16

Racial history .•.......................

18

Personality traits of the Dutch

19

........

Immigration history to the United States .

27

Reasons for coming to A m e r i c a ..........

29

Place where they first settled

35

........

Reasons for coming to Southern California.........

35

First feeling experiences upon arrival . .

5^

Disappointments in the new setting . . . .

36

First i m p r e s s i o n s .....................

39

iii CHAPTER

III.

PAGE

OCCUPATIONAL SEGREGATION AND OCCUPATIONAL ATTITUDES OP THE DUTCH IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA . . .........

43

Economic conditions of immigrants and problems they f a c e ..................

43

Farming backgrounds In Holland ............

45

Backgrounds of the dairy industry in Southern California

...................

48

Other facts about the local dairy industry............................. . . Relation of the dairy tonew arrivals

51

...

58

Characteristics of successfuldairymen . . .

62

Occupational attitudes of the HollandD u t c h ..............................

63

Occupational positivism of the HollandDutch dairymen......................

64

Cooperative attitudes and economic individualism......................

66

Improvement m i n d e d ....................

68

Future mindedness

...............

Independent mindedness................

69 69

Excitement -mindedness and 11escape”mindedness.......................... Fairness-mindedness

.....................

69 70

iv CHAPTER

PAGE

Higher education-mindedness IV.

..............

70

FACTORS TENDING TOWARD THE ASSIMILATION OF THE HOLLAND-DUTCH IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA . .

J2

The problem of the immigrant . . . . . . . .

72

Citizenship and naturalization............

74

Effect of German occupations ..............

78

Problems of naturalization...............

79

The problem of sentimental attachments . . .

85

Political attitudes of the local Dutch . . .

86

Status levels and assimilation ............

88

Language and communication ................

90

Food and d r e s s ...........................

91

Customs of Holland still in u s e ..........

93

Occupational diversity and its effect

...

94

..................

95

Dutch housing in a s s i m i l a t i o n............

96

Return trips to Holland

Individual differences among the local Dutch and their e f f e c t s ............... V.

97

FACTORS TENDING TOWARD THE SEGREGATION OF THE HOLLAND-DUTCH IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA . . . .

100

Some causes of segregation................

100

Percentage of friends who are Dutch as an i n d e x .........................

100

V

CHAPTER

PAGE

The Dutch family orga n i z a t i o n.............

101

Inter-cultural marriage

106

...................

Negative attitudes toward American s c h o o l s ................................

108

The Christian School .......................

110

Facts about the school . . .................

112

Local Dutch attitudes toward the Christian School .........................

114

The acceptance of Dutch religion........

116

The Church and c harity...........

118

Dutch language In the Church .

............

119

Church reactions to Sunday labor ...........

119

Newspaper and other cultural preferences of H o l l a n d e r s ...........................

121

Resettlement and growing segregation of Holland-Dutch coming from other parts of the United S t a t e s ..................... VI.

123

ASSIMILATIVE FACTORS IN COMMUNITY RELATIONSHIPS

.............................

126

The nature

of a c o m m u n i t y .............

126

The nature

of the local community

127

....

Racial attitudes of the Holland-Dutch in the local community...................

129

vi CHAPTER

PAGE

Holland-Dutch reactions to local racial g r o u p s .....................

131

Summary of Dutch racial a t t i t u d e s ....

135

Holland-Dutch reactions to Americans . . . .

136

American attitudes toward the Dutch . . . .

136

Local Dutch organizations

..................

147

Community participation

..................

149

Some other American attitudes toward the D u t c h ............................. VII.

151

PROBLEMS OP ASSIMILATION OF THE SECOND GENERATION

.........

153

The problem of culture c o n f l i c t ...... Parental standards and home conflicts Recreational problems

, .

153

. . .

.............

160 162

Work attitudes.......................... Language conflict situations . Religious conflict situations

164

............

165

..............

167

Educational adjustments and maladjustments .

168

Educational problems in the local c o m m u n i t y ..........................

170

Delinquency and discipline problems . . . .

180

Some other personal problems ................ C o n c l u s i o n s ..........................

184

182

vii CHAPTER

VIII.

PAGE

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND F O R E C A S T S ...............................

186

Summary offindings

.................

186

Conclusions andforecasts

...................

208

BIBLIOGRAPHY . A P P E N D I X ...........................................

219

LIST OP TABLES

TABLE I.

PAGE Reaction of the Dutch Upon Arriving at New Location................................' .

II.

Number of Herds in Los Angeles County, 1 9 4 0 - 1 9 4 1 ...............................

III.

52

Growth of the Los Angeles Milk Market, 1 9 2 3 - 1 9 4 0 ...............

IV.

55

Dairy Investments in Relation to the Size of the D a i t y .............................

V.

35

6l

Citizenship Percentages of Foreign-born Holland-Dutch in Los Angeles County of Twenty-one Years or O v e r ..................

76

VI. Holland-Dutch Reactions to Local Racial G r o u p ................................... VII.

132

Summary of Holland-Dutch Reactions to Local Racial G r o u p .......................

VIII.

133

Dutch Rating by Americans in Comparison with Nine Other Racial-Cultural Groups in the Community

IX.

. . . . . . .

..................

145

Comparison of Ratings of Racial-Cultural Groups by the Local Dutch, Local Americans, and Americans in G e n e r a l.................

X.

146

School Records suid School Achievements of Forty-seven Holland-Dutch High School Students...............................

.

177

LIST OP FIGURES

FIGURE 1.

PAGE

Attendance,Records of the Dutch in a Particular School Compared with American Attendance D i s t r i b u t i o n ...........

176

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION Many valuable studies of cultural groups have been made In Southern California.

Special problems of Immigrant

groups have been uncovered as a result of the Interaction existing between two diverse cultural elements.

A Dutch

cultural group still possessing much of its old cultural background exists in Southern California.

It is chiefly

centered In the dairy section of Hynes, Artesia, Bellflower, Norwalk, and Downey.

However, it is widely spread, for

Duteh families live in Compton, El Monte, Wilmington, and throughout Orange County.

No strict geographical delinia-

tion may be made as a result of this widespread settlement. The present study covers only the towns in the first group mentioned.

This group is engaged for the most part

either in the actual operation of dairy farms or in a closely allied activity.

Growing occupational diversity has

come about with the assimilation process, but agriculture and the dairy industry are basic to this cultural group. Significant data on their assimilation, segregation, re­ settlement, and special problems faced by the second genera­ tion uncovered In a preliminary study made in a Race Rela­ tions class indicated that a far more extensive survey could be made very profitably.

This fact was substantiated by

2

leaders of the various communities concerned, both Dutch and American, who have had close contact with these people. Statement of the problem.

It was the purpose of this

study to determine the degree of assimilation of the HollandDutch people in this area and special problems relating thereto by analyzing (l) the group background as a cultural entity and its effect upon assimilation, (2) occupational adjustments, (3) factors tending toward assimilation, (4) factors tending toward segregation, (5) assimilative implica­ tions of the social relationships of these Dutch people with other groups living in the community, and (6) the special and intimate problems of the second generation due to socio­ cultural factors. Importance of the study.

In regard to the importance

of this study it is necessary only to refer to past studies of this nature which have shown the importance of the rela­ tionship existing between cultural assimilation and numerous social problems.

The Pilgrims of Russlan-Town is noteworthy;

moreover, there are at least fifteen other studies of cul­ tural groups in Southern California alone.

Any racial-

cultural group upon entering into a new cultural area finds itself in conflict with the cultural patterns of the new area.

Adjustments must be made.

The new group may be ac­

cepted by the in-group and become assimilated with the new

culture.

It may segregate itself voluntarily or be segregat

ed involuntarily due to discriminations by the other group. The group may become partially assimilated but encounter cer tain problems or barriers which it finds impossible to over­ come.

Upon this process of adjustment rests the way of life

and the happiness of the new group.

It also vitally affects

the well-being of the previously existing group.

In this

process the second generation faces a special problem of its own— bridging the gap between the cultural patterns of its parents and those of the new area in which the future oppor­ tunity of the new generations will eventually lie. Methods of other writers.

In studying assimilation

the most common method was the use of factor analysis, of finding the different cultural elements and determining the degree of assimilation In each case.

Wissler!s culture

pattern with variations was used as a basis in ten of the fifteen studies to which reference has been

made.l

Several

of them used it almost completely. The delineation of racial and cultural backgrounds was an important part of ten theses or dissertations.

In a

study of this character the value is readily seen, for it is upon this background that the new stimuli play.

Without a

complete presentation of this background this study would

1 See unpublished material in the bibliography of this study.

remain inadequate. The use of novels and of romantic and dramatic pre­ sentations was overlooked in far too many cases, for they give a picture of the life and sentiments of the people that no factual presentation could possibly furnish.

The

fact that people think and feel in terms of their feelings and beliefs is very important. veins.

People think in romantic

To ignore this would be to omit part of the picture. The disclosure of special attitudes based on the

mores of the various cultural groups is also vital, for the mores determine much of the startling and unpredictable activity of the immigrant

groups.

2

In connection with factor analysis, the policy has been to stress certain predominant cultural factors.

In the

case of the Russian Molokans it was their religion which was outstanding; the same applies to the Russian colony In Hollywood. major role.

With the latter group occupation also played a For the American-born Chinese in Los Angeles the

family situation is by far the most decisive.

For the first

generation Mexicans In Santa Ana, the attitudes toward work and their philosophy of life in regard to work are among the

2 Nicholas Mirkowitz, "Yugoslavs and Criminality," Sociology and Social Research, XXV (September-October, 19^0). The author points out that a high rate of criminality In a particular offense was based on a particular mores of the old culture pattern In relation to the production of alcohol.

5

predominant factors.

In the study of the Japanese in

agricultural districts in Southern California, economic competition is basic.

The French belief in their cultural

superiority and superiority in family life, and in the arts and sciences, according to a study of the French in Los Angeles, is the determining factor in their case.

With

the Portuguese in California, the fear of economic competi­ tion and their low status in the land of their origin were predominant. The problem of status was the main theme of a study of the Filipinos in Los Angeles, the Portuguese In Cali­ fornia, and the Negroes in Pasadena.

The problem of status

Is present in all; but these cases are exceptional examples. In one case the in-group held the immigrants ”at arms length” in order to protect their own status.

In the case

of the immigrant group the problem was one of struggle for equal status. In factor analysis, the following aspects of culture patterns are brought out In at least one thesis: vocational adjustments and comparisons, marriage and amalgamation, literacy and language, naturalization, political, educationail, religious and moral, and material traits, art, the news­ papers, property, home ownership, family, business enter­ prise, customs and food habits, housing conditions, number of children, recreation, income, employment, voluntary

6

associations as clubs and societies, and war. Among the problems that have been analyzed by this same factor analysis method have been adult crime, juvenile delinquencies, insanity, suicide, divorce, illegitimacy, death rates, illiteracy, poverty, pauperism, unemployment, and the vice problem.

History and background, personal

traits, degree of assimilation, return to country of par­ entage, spatial distribution, population trends, community life, and special mores have held important places.

The

stress upon second generation conflicts was found in three cases.

In three other cases, the study of the Molokans, the

study of the Chinese, and the study of the second generation Japanese, second generation conflict with the first genera­ tion played a major role. Another fact that is apparent is the differences existing between the cultural levels of these various groups and the diversity of the different cultures.

The

cultural levels vary from the relatively undeveloped Koreans to the French group which has a feeling of cultural supremacy, even over the American culture.

They vary from the Oriental

culture patterns (the Japanese, Chinese, Koreans, and Filipinos) which differ so vastly from the American pattern, to the Northern Europeans whose backgrounds were at one time the basis of our own, and to the Portuguese and other Caucasians members of our own race who are far lower on the

7

social scale.

These differences must he kept constantly in

mind when considering the assimilation process.

Inferences

may he drawn as to what might occur from these other situa­ tions, hut this other fact must secure necessary considera­ tion. The determination of conflicting attitudes and simi­ lar attitudes is the keynote to the entire study of culture, cultural contact, cultural assimilation, and cultural con­ flict.

To the extent that attitudes can he discussed and

compared and degrees of reaction can he determined, certain conclusions ahout accommodation or conflict may he drawn. Different sociological approaches may he used.

A

search for occupational attitudes, for racial attitudes, for evidences of social distance, the determination of racial cycles and the quest for social processes all tend to clarify the study. Methods of this study.

It is the contention of this

writer that the success of the study of any culture group and its problems of assimilation lies to a large extent in the approach used.

Any amount of material may he gathered,

hut unless it is treated and organized in a manner which indicates something definite and around a central theme, it is likely to he ineffective.

It is also contended that the

greater the number of approaches made, the clearer the

8

picture.

Some of the studies analyzed present a maze of

material but give no analysis or interpretation.

The most

successful studies adhered closely to a particular theme, stressing the same point time and again.

Many used a

particular approach and were effective because of it.

Per­

haps one approach is better than several, but since several seem to be called for by the present study, they will be used. Both a deductive and an inductive approach have been used.

Fifteen theses and doctoral dissertations have been

analyzed for both approach and findings, and their possible application to the present study.

Secondly, the most appli­

cable data on immigration, assimilation, segregation and race relations from books by authorities in the field has been covered for definitions, processes, approaches, and conclusions.

From the conclusions of these studies made

under certain social conditions and social situations, cer­ tain processes may be discerned.

To the extent that these

situations and conditions are found to exist in this study, the same conclusions can be made.

Care must be taken, how­

ever, for no two situations are ever exactly the same.

For

the purpose of this study, inferences will be made from this type of data, but they will be substantiated from the actual data obtained about the group under study. The new data, which represents the inductive approach3

come, from the following sources: (l) a questionnaire answered by forty-three Dutch families, (2) interviews with twenty-five Dutch families supplementary to the question­ naire, (3) a questionnaire answered by forty-eight Americans in the community, (4) interviews with twenty-four community leaders who have contact with the Dutch (they represent both Dutch and American leaders), and (5) observations on the part of the writer who is somewhat qualified because he has lived in this community all his life and knows as neighbors more than twenty Dutch families. Sources of primary data. Prom a total of twenty-five questionnaires presented personally by the writer and one hundred twenty-five sent by mail, forty-three were ultimate­ ly secured.

From the number sent out by mail only twenty-

four were returned and several of these were not filled out. A newspaper man commented that the returns were unusually good considering the Dutch trait in this regard, for the Dutch greatly dislike to write anything and he had found them willing to drive twenty miles to give him news items in preference to writing a note.

The questionnaires re­

turned by mail were obviously selective.

Those obtained by

the writer represented more nearly a cross-section, for he was able to select the persons to be interviewed on the basis of appearance of dairy, economic level, location in

10

the community, and length of time in the local community. Regardless of the type answering, most answers showed the same general trends.

Much material was gained by the

twenty-five interviews supplementary to the questionnaires filled out by the writer.

These interviews were particu­

larly valuable for further expansion of the questions in­ cluded in the questionnaire and often furnished valuable insights and examples for illustration. A third set of data came from a special questionnaire answered by forty-eight Americans in the community who were selected at random and who represented as nearly a cross section as could be obtained.

The answers proved to be

quite representative for after twenty were tallied, the final results were indicated. Interviews obtained from twenty-four community leaders, both Dutch and American, included four high school teachers and counselors, a grammar school principal, a high school principal, the principal of the Bellflower Christian school, two naturalization teachers for adults (one Dutch), four Dutch ministers, a Dutch legal advisor, an American employee of a local bank handling dairy loans, an officer of the Central Milk Association,- and the Editor of a dairy magazine. Observations on the part of the writer did not ac­ count for actual data, but served as a guide in the

11

construction of questionnaires, in the formulation of questions for personal interviews, and in the organization of data.

Finally, information was received from current

magazine articles, books on modern Holland, and books on immigration and assimilation. Although the number of questionnaires answered was comparatively small in both sets, the results were suffi­ ciently indicative.

Further sampling would have required a

much more extensive piece of research if it were to be made statistically reliable.

Emphasis in this study was placed

on the diversity of the sources and methods of gaining material, one type affording a check on the other. Definition of terms.

The term, ”Holland-Dutch,ff as

it is used in this study, refers to a local cultural group of immigrants who have come from the Netherlands, once known as Holland.

There are eleven provinces in the Nether­

lands two of which are called North Holland and South Holland.

Technically, the term does not include all eleven

provinces. to as Dutch.

The Friesh, for example, resent being referred The ”Netherlanders” or the ^Hollanders” is

preferred by many to the term Dutch.

Other writers have had

sifrilar difficulty in obtaining a name to cover them all.^ ^ George Wharton Edwards, Holland of Today (Philadel­ phia: Penn Publishing Company, 1925)» "At the risk of offending many of my Dutch friends, I use the term fHolland* as the title of this book for fear that the correct designa­ tion, »The Netherlands,* may not convey my meaning to the reader.

12

In the present study the term, "Holland-Dutch*1 or "Dutch" refers to all Immigrants from the Netherlands referred to in this study, and is the term popularly used.

The term

"local area" or "local community" refers to the selected area in Southern California in which the Holland-Dutch of this study reside. The term, "culture," refers to the ways of believing and doing within a cultural group and is the standardized form of meeting social needs in the main categories of human relationships.

A cultural group is a group of people

possessing their own unique culture patterns.

Culture

patterns are characteristic modes of behavior of a culturalgroup and represent established methods of meeting particu­ lar needs.

A cultural group is homogeneous to the extent

that cultural patterns are observed by Its members.

It Is

heterogeneous to the degree that its cultural patterns differ.

Cultural level is determined by the participation

of individual members in a particular culture and the way In which they accept or respond to Its activities.

The

term "mores" refers to ways of doing within a particular cultural group considered necessary to the well-being of that group. Cultural conflict occurs when the cultural patterns of two diverse cultures come into contact.

A conflict de­

mands solution, for until it is solved human needs are not

13

met because choices cannot be made.

Cultural conflicts may

be solved by the assimilation of one culture by another. Complete absorption of this type is difficult because new patterns are often directly contrary to accented and highly satisfying patterns.

In such cases accommodation is most

likely to take place.

Cultural accommodation is a process

of differentiating between different groups and values and the tendency to accept or become indifferent to that part which is different.

In such a situation the parts of the

culture which do not change become cultural lags.

They

represent cultural patterns that do not change when the majority of patterns have changed.

These lags cause a

cultural group to remain segregated, i.e., isolated from the group with the predominant established culture.

So long as

the minority group remains isolated there is a potential basis for maladjustment in terms of meeting the demands of the established group. An assimilation process represents a series of ex­ periences a cultural group undergoes in adjusting to the demands of an established cultural group.

It Is the trans­

formation of the attitudes of the new group in conformity with the attitudes present in the community adopted by the new group.

An attitude is an acquired established tendency

to act for or against a particular cultural value.

The

result of this process is a new cultural product different

Ik from the culture as it was when the particular set of ex­ periences began.

Assimilation comes about through continual

redefinition of ways of doing and believing.

Assimilation

and segregation are a continual process of contact with new cultural patterns and the associated adjusting behavior. The end products derived are new attitudes derived to meet new social situations. Organization of the remainder of the thesis. An extensive study of the basic attitudes involved in the cul­ tural inheritance from Holland will be presented to show the basic differences of the old and the new cultures.

An

analysis of the American culture must also be considered, especially of its conflicting nature which is so enigmatic to the newcomer from a homogeneous cultural area.

In the

study of the occupation of the Holland-Dutch, an analysis of their occupational attitudes is revealing.

The role of

occupation is one of the predominant factors in assimila­ tion.

A factor analysis will be made in the determination

of degrees of assimilation and segregation, viewing the various aspects of culture somewhat along the lines of Wissler's culture patterns. The acceptance and standing of the Holland-Dutch in the particular community has depended upon the nature of the community, their combined attitudes toward other groups

15

and the attitudes of the native whites toward them.

An at­

tempt will be made to describe these situations. The approach used by several investigators, that of finding the extent and degrees of cultural conflict, does not really bring any new cultural elements into the picture. It shows more than anything else the processes operating and the relative strength of opposing forces.

Determining

the extent of these trends, in the writerfs opinion, brings to light conflicts and divergences found in the two patterns. The chief problems of these people will be analyzed in the sections on segregation and second generation conflicts. The problems encountered in the Mfirst experience” reactions, in occupational adjustments, and in aspects of American culture into which they become absorbed are varied but not of a lasting character.

The same might be said of community

relationships, but they depend on the nature of the community.

CHAPTER II

HOLLAND-DUTCH BACKGROUNDS, FIRST EXPERIENCES IN AMERICA AND THEIR SIGNIFICANCE Geography of the Netherlands. Until 1579 and again from 1815 to 1850, Holland and Belgium were one.

They were

similar in racial stock, language and cultural traits.

The

northern or larger part (eleven of the seventeen provinces of the area long known in European history as the Nether­ lands or 4llow countries*) is now the kingdom of the Nether­ lands, or Holland, while the southern part is Belgium. Holland has an area of 13*208 square miles, but has only 12,582 square miles of land.

It is about the size of Los

Angeles County, California, or somewhat larger than the state of Maryland.1 In 1925 it had a population of 7*614,419*

Almost

half of the people live in the two provinces of North and South Holland which lie next to England.

The density of

the population is 542.9 per square mile, ranking third among the nations of the world.

In these two provinces

there are over 1000 people per square mile.

Their provinces

are Zeeland, North Holland, South Holland, Frieshland,

1 H. G. Duncan, Immigration and Assimilation (New York: D. C. Heath and Company, 19^3 j* P • 78.

17 Gronigen, Limburg, Drente, Utrecht, Guilderland, Overijssel, and Brabant.

There are also islands of Texel, Vlieland,

Terschelling, Ameland, Schrermomekoog, and Rottum.

These

parts, possessing no natural drainage compose the character­ istic Netherlands.

These are the low lying provinces which

have given the country the modest name of the "Netherlands," or "low-countries*1 and which are so typical of the Dutch landscape.

Even better than the "lowlands" several parts

of the Netherlands could be called the "polderland," based on the idea of the Dutch "polder" or land beneath the sur­ face of the sea, which at some time or other has been re­ claimed either from the sea or from inland lakes.

Polder-

land signifies an ancient feud which has been maintained obstinately for centuries.

In the early days every new

storm signified a victory for the also been very troublesome.

water.

2

Inland lakes have

Holland, Zeeland, Prieshland,

and Gronigen have extensive "polders." Link, in his "Polder Folk" describes a polder vil­ lage: It was getting dark when I rode along the main road of Sloatdorp, one of the three polder villages. Neat brick houses for farm workers and officials, a post of­ fice, a building described in large letters as "Hotel-Cafe--Restaurant," three churches, and not a soul about. Only the wind whistling, weird and melancholy, pushing me to flight across the bridge and past the 2 j. j. Feith, Modern Holland (Totterdam: The offi­ cial Information office for the Hague, Nijgh and van Ditmar^ Publishing Co., Ltd.), p. 16.

18

wreck of a rowing boat that lay like a bleached skeleton in the middle of the field. It was only when some other cyclists appeared out of the dark, hurrying towards the 11old land” like myself that I felt at ease again. However much I were paid, I thought I could never live here, at least not in winter, with that eternal wind brushing earth and sky, sweeping along the dusk, depressing image of evanescence.3 Another writer gives an impression, this time not of the newer polders, but catches a warmer atmosphere in the older part. The sun stood high, pigeons swayed high, but the sheep on the dyke were half asleep and chewed lackadaisically, staring with patient eyes toward the sea. There was a long stretch of beach over which crabs wandered and shore birds waddled. I sat on the dyke in the warm sun, between the scattered sheep. The roofs were red and peaceful, no chimney smoked, but on the roof tops the stork nests were empty wagon wheels.^ Racial history. According to Duncan^ little is known of the early inhabitants of the Netherlands.

In the

Caesars* time, the country was inhabited by tribes of Mediterranean, Alpine, and Nordic stocks.

The Frisians

were in the North, the Belgae in the South, and the Batavians and Cumnefotes in the center.

The two latter groups were

teutonic and spoke low Dutch.

They spread over the country

and with the aid of Northmen and Saxons changed Holland to a Teutonic country.

Today the people of Holland are closely

5 L. Link, ”Polder Folk,” Fortnightly, CXLIII (JanuaryJune, 1938), p. 697* ^ J. J. Feith, o£. cit., p. 16. 5 H. G. Duncan,

ojd .

cit., p. 79*

19

akin to the Germans in language, customs, and habits.

An

anthropological survey shows a preponderance of the Teutonic type in the north and east, of the Alpine type in Zeeland, and of a mixed type in the provinces of North and South Holland. According to F a i r c h i l d ^ the Dutch are of low German origin, being descended from three branches of the Teutonic stock--Frankish, Saxon, and Frisian.

Dutch, the literary

and national language of Holland, is derived from old Saxon.

One or two dialects were formerly common, principal­

ly Frisian.

This exists today only in the province of

Frieshland and on some of the islands off the coast. Personality traits of the Dutch.

The Dutch have

been called everything from make-believe sentimentalists to hard-headed and stubborn.

Their personal qualities are of

more than average interest for they have many qualities, are unique in several ways, and express a curious duality. An outstanding trait is that they are moderate, "safe," and uneventful.

There is a good reason for this

according to Edwards. Her place among nations she holds by consent of Europe, and thus her political history has been un­ troubled and negative. The Dutch have known very well,

6 Henry Pratt Fairchild, Immigrant Backgrounds (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1927)> P * 251•

20

indeed, that the cannon purchased from Germany that line her side of the Rhine are only for show. . . . So Holland has lived on, entirely self-centered, splendidly exploiting her rich colonies, leaving to history her former dreams of empire and practicing in speech and action that prudence which she has made a supreme virtue and which has hitherto made for her safety and security.7 Stubbornness is a marked trait.

Many of the Dutch

whom the writer interviewed suggested this trait.

Some

Americans whom the writer contacted first hesitated, attempt­ ed to find another expression, and then said, well, some of them are just stubborn.

The Dutch themselves get a certain

amusement from the fact; and some, a silent pride.

Other

similar expressions are that they are set in their ways, or that they are uncompromising.

An example is illustrated

from a story: She called me Rim because that was her father’s name, and she said I was of her blood, and I ought to have been named Rim. Not my younger brother whom she didn’t like. She called me Rim stubbornly, except when I displeased her.8 An example from Couperous1 "Small Souls11 serves to illustrate their practical mindedness: So as not to let the brougham wait longer than neces­ sary in the rain and spoil, they got up at once, put on cloak and great coloak and started. They did not so much mind if the horses got wet, for the horse was

7 George Wharton Edwards, Holland of Today (Philadel­ phia: Penn Publishing Company, 1925)* P* 1^* 8 D. C. De Jong, ”0nly Fools Go To America,” Atlantic Monthly, CLXI (March, 1938), p. 298.

21

jobbed, but the brougham was their

own.

9

Family-mindedness is extremely characteristic; another example from Gouperous is exemplary: “They1re all coming, Mamma!1* Dorne blurted out. Then, starting when she saw the servant she whisper­ ed: MI*ve been to all of them; first to Kaill, then to Bertah, then to Adolphine; no, first to Gerrit.** She became muddled, laughed, made mamma sit down beside her and told her what all the brothers and sisters had said. The old woman*s face beamed with satisfaction and she kissed Dorine.10 Personal well-being and personal orderliness are Dutch traits: His broad figure looked comfortable and well fed in his clothes; his worst coat lay in thick creases over his stomach; and his waist chin rose and fell with his regular breathing. He seemed calm and healthy, full of calculating prudence and quiet selfishness. They both looked healthy, and opulent and Dutch and respectable.H They are time conscious and routine minded: They lived by the clock: in the morning they took a walk, always the same walk, through the woods; after lunch, Catean did her shopping; once a week they paid a round of visits together; and that was the only time they went out together. They were always home in the evening, except on Sundays, when they went to Mamma van Lowe *s.12

9 Louis Couperous, Small Souls (New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1923)> P* 9« 10 Ibid., p. 13. H

Ibid., pp. 2 and 7*

12 Ibid., pp. 7-8.

22

Love of food is characteristic: Their one vice was the table. They lived exceedingly well, but always kept the fact from the family. And at their meals they would exchange a glance of intelli­ gence, as though they were relishing some voluptuous moment of mutual gratification. But as they considered that this enjoyment was sinful and above all un-Dutch, they never spoke of their enjoyment and enjoyed in silence.13 Like the rest of their countrymen, they abhor high sounding words.

Questions are answered in a straight for­

ward manner and with precision, not a word more than is necessary: that is their way of dealing with people, and one of their reasons for the dislike of Fascism.1^ The Dutchman has a rare and really splendid under­ standing of the quality of justice. rights as he understands them. tion over the Boer war, and

Thus

He will have his cametheDutch

indigna­

over the detailsof the Zola

trial (the opinion had nothing to do with Dreyfus as a person, but the flagrant travesty on justice).^5 The people of Holland are reported to be slow, cautious, thorough, honest, hospitable, and neat.

They gen­

erally dislike drunkenness, rowdiness, and boisterousness.16

ibid., p. 8. 1^" L. Link, o£. cit., p. 698. 15 g. ¥. Edwards, op. h

cit., p. 1 3 •

. G. Duncan, o£. cit., p. 88.

23 But at Kermis, one of their chief holidays, practically all restraints are discarded. Although uncompromising and utilitarian, the Hollander is at heart a sentimentalist. Plain of speech on the verge of brutality, he is entirely truthful. He suffers from no form of illusion, hut is really infantile in his affection and in his family life. Witness him in those glimpses furnished by the paintings of Vander Heist, Franz Hals, and Van Ostacle, when he abandons his phlegmatic calm and plunges into the most extraordinary abandonment during the yearly Kermis. Not only is this true of the common but of the upper class as well. Each of the great universities celebrates the date of its founding every five years by a period of hilarity in most characteristic manner with concerts, banquets, and street processions headed by bands of musicians. The sight is most amusing and surprising, almost un­ believable, that these erstwhile grave burghers and their families could thus unbend. No one thinks the worse of them for the temporary lapse, but it is doubtful if there is another country where dignified advocates and statesmen, professors and grave gentle­ men, present suqh a picture of ingenuousness and abandon as witnessed in these celebrations.^7 An atmosphere of peace has most always pervaded Holland: It might be remarked that never was there a country in which war is so out of place as in the Netherlands, land of dyke and windmill, of tulips, hyacinth and cream cheese. You think it might be sort of a fairy­ land, but never by any chance as a grim battlefield. The peasantry are too quaint, the windmills too indus­ trious, and over the calm canals, reflecting the piled up clouds, spreads such evidence of peace.^ With the approach of the crisis before World War II,

^

G. W. Edwards, o£. cit., p. 13.

18 Ibid., p. 16.

24

however, a very marked Dutch trait showed itself.

The

people, erstwhile so apathetic and phlegmatic, became keenly alive to the situation. Provincialism and differences between provinces is great.

"Men from Gronigen remain first and foremost men

from Gronigen and do not get on with ’outsiders.1 A Frisian will only confide in a Frisian.

That has always

been the case with them as every true peasant— home ends with the village boundary. to America will not form but

Even those who have emigrated a society of the Netherlands there,

a Frisian Club, or a Vereeniging Brabant.11^ In a newly developed ,fpolder land,11 Mr. Link described

the differences in appearance and reaction in a group of children, part of them from Frieshland, a portion from Gronigen: "Which of you are A number of hands long-stretched, fair

Frisians?" flew into the air and a halfdozen haired children grinned at us.

"Who is from Gronigen?" Three or four squat, dark haired boys and girls got up here and there from among the others and looked at us with round serious faces.20 The Frisians show the greatest differences.

^-9 l . Link, o£. cit., p. 699* 20 Loc. cit.

They do

25

not consider themselves as Dutch and will correct you if you make that error.

Edwards gives an insight into their

"background: I gathered that these people are the descendants of a Germanic tribe and have preserved their character­ istics comparatively unaltered. Charlemange collected their ancient laws, and still in existence somewhere is the ^Asegebuch” in the old Frisian tongue and Latin containing the Frisian laws. The language here differs considerably from that of the rest of the Netherlands, occupying an immediate position between Anglo-Saxon and old Norse, and, often, my friend said, closely resembling E n g l i s h . 21 From personal interviews with the Holland-Dutch of the local area came the following comparisons between Dutch in relationship with Americans.

The Dutch are steadier,

more home loving, more religious, more thrifty, industrious, and hard working and neater, especially in regard to home appearance.

They did not tell the whole story as the first

part tended to indicate, nor did they tell of the other side of their very apparent duality, their sentimental makebelieve side, which they consider to be somewhat of a weakness.

Something they believe that gives the ”wrong

impression. ” In his introduction to his very descriptive book, Modern Holland, Edwards tells of the desire to be understood and respected with the following preface:

21 G. W. Edwards, op. cit., p. 227-

26 Mr.________of Momnickendam, whose many courtesies I hereby acknowledge asks me to say to my readers that the Netherlands is something else than a colored postal card country, on which in flat green fields are rings of dancing red-bodiced, white capped girls; fat herds of black and white cows brousing beneath the wavering arms of fantastic windmills, and stolid lines of Zuyder-Zee fishermen clad in incredibly wide trousers and comical short-waisted red coats gazing seawards at nothing in particular. The “Stadhouders** [small land owning farmers] do not appear before her majesty in wide velveteen maroon colored trousers, and elaborately carved and varnished wooden shoes, executing pirouettes in unison, their hands in their pockets, bulging with delft bottles of Schnapps, and long pipes in their mouth; nor do all the people wear the costume of Marken. Please say that the Netherlands is not a nation of freaks, that we venture to consider ourselves a most serious, energetic, and important people; that in our estimation we are not at all behind the times; that certainly our traditions are sacred to us, but that our position in the world of Art, Science, Literature, and Industry is at least honorable, and that we are not content to rest upon our achievements but are entirely abreast of the times, and ambitious as to our future. Say to them also that if they would appreciate the Netherlands, and know it for what it is, that they must believe that our pictur­ esque anachronisms are not a whit less amusing to us than they are to the tourist, and that the evidences of sixteenth century manners in the out-of-the-way districts are regarded by us simply with affectionate tolerance. Thus, Mynheer, you will do a great justice to my beloved c o u n t r y . 22 Edwards concluded with this answer: Nevertheless, while assuring Mynheer _________that I appreciated his feelings so eloquently expressed, I took great pains to explain to him that the character­ istics which seemed so trivial and unworthy to him, were those that rendered his country so charming and dear to the lover of the quaint and the unusual and that the brave little country “at peril of the sea“

22 Ibid., pp. 19-20.

27

would not be misunderstood by the people of the great republic, whose admiration for the laws and the great and heroic deeds of the Dutch is unbounded.23 Immigration history to the United States.

In 1609

Henry Hudson discovered the river that bears his name, and in 1621 the Dutch established a trading post known as New Amsterdam.

The Dutch tried to establish colonies but few

settlers wished to come.

When New Amsterdam was captured

by the English in 1664, not over a third of the inhabitants were Hollanders.

The Dutch possessed the region around New

York for about forty years, yet there were probably not 10,000 Hollanders in all their settlements.

A few drifted

over and settled in Pennsylvania, but most of the 11Pennsylvania Dutch*1 are German in origin. After the establishment of the Kingdom of the Netherlands (l8l5)> there was much dissatisfaction with the established Church.

In 1843> the cattle pest and potatoe

rot swept the country.

Economic and religious motives both

encouraged the Dutch to come to America.

Gradually flourish­

ing settlements grew up around Black Lake, Michigan, and Pella, Iowa.2^ In 1871 only 993 immigrants came from Holland, but

23 Edwards, loc. cit« Loc. cit.

28

eleven years later (1882), 9*517 came.

During the eighties

53*701 more came, and then came a drop, followed by an in­ crease the next!decade.

For the last few years, we have

been receiving between 200 and 3000 a year.

The period be­

tween 1820 and 1930 saw over 246,609 land in this country. In 1920 there were 136,540 foreign born whites in the United States, whose mother tongue was Dutch; 94.4 per cent of these were from Holland.

Our present law permits 3153 im­

migrants from Holland per year, an increase of 1505 over the 2 per cent law.

Following is a complete record of im­

migration to the United States from countries of northern and western Europe, from 1820 to 1930: Germany .......... 5*907*393 Ireland ............ 4,578,941 Great Britain . . . . 4,225,722 Sweden .............. 1,213,488 800,115 Norway .............. France .............. 582,375 Denmark ............ 332,466 Switzerland ........ 290,168 N e t h e r l a n d s ........ 246,609 /ni-\ B e l g i u m ............ 53*388 v25J The Dutch (or Netherlanders as many of them prefer to be called)2^ are even less an immigrating people than the Swiss, both absolutely and in relation to population.

The

25 H. G. Duncan, o£. cit., p. 14. 26 Edwards found this same difficulty In finding an acceptable name for all of the people from the Netherlands. He stated, "At the risk of offending many of my Dutch friends I use the term Holland,1 as the title for this book for fear that the correct designation, 'The Netherlands,1 may not convey my meaning to the reader." P. 30.

29

Dutch laborers, whether in the gardens, and fields, in the pastures, in the fisheries, or in the manufactories receive better rewards for their labor and are more contented than those of any other European1country with the possible excep­ tion of France.

Their emigration to other countries is

unusual and in prosperous times almost unknown.

Only a few

thousand migrate annually to the Netherlands colonies and not many more to foreign countries.

The United States has

received the bulk of Netherlands immigrants (246,609--the majority coming after 1880); from 1900-1924 (in 1900 the first distinction was made in Canada) Canada has admitted 13>943*

Argentina in the period of 1857-1924 admitted 8751;

Brazil, 1820-1926, 4225; Australia, 1906-1924, 4925*

Since

1913 South Africa has received but a few hundred such immi­ grants .27 Reasons for coming to America. Writers on this sub­ ject have given various reasons for immigration.

To the

immigrant, for the most part, the new country is attractive economically, politically, religiously, and socially. old country is lacking in these respects.

The

A former immi­

grant wrote the following, and to Davie it contained a great deal.

Maurice R. Davie, World Immigration (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1936), p. 79*

30

To the average immigrant, America is the acme of all dreams. Immigrants wnev° like immigrants "old” (have of course) have come in answer to mixed motives, the desire to improve their economic conditions probably being the most tangible of these. And yet rising above the desire for economic gain and permeating all other motives has been the desire to gain for themselves and their children the blessings of social eguality, education, political and religious freedom.2o This has been included because it is to the writer characteristic of the local Dutch group.

There is a popular

impression that the recent immigrant has come to the United States for economic betterment, whereas the older stocks had come more definitely for political and religious freedom. But these have been over-estimated.^9 Other reasons given are dissatisfaction with condi­ tions in the native land, such as promogeniture and tradi­ tional land holding; low economic standards and low wages; political dissatisfaction; religious reasons, dislike of social distinctions (the desire to break all bonds and begin life anew). All of these played an important role in in­ fluencing the Dutch of the local area with the possible ex­ ception of political reasons.

Secondary influences have

been advertisements by steamship agents; advertisements by

28 Ibid., p. 5 . 29 D. Young, American Minority Peoples (Hew York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1932), Chapter II.

land companies and industrialists in need of labor;30 letters of immigrants to friends; immigrants who have made return trips; and utopian reports concerning America from any

s o u r c e . 51

Following is the tabulation of the reasons

given by the local group: To make a better l i v i n g ............... 35 To see A m e r i c a ............... 7 No future to remaining in Holland . . . 2 Friends in C a l i f o r n i a ............ . 1 Afraid of occupation by Germany . . . . 1 Desire for c h a n g e ............. 1 Better opportunity for the children . . 1 Parents liked the country 1 , N Didn11 like H o l l a n d .................... l132; The following statements are significant: "There is no prospect of taking the parents place in Holland." "To make a better living than in the old country." "It is hard for a poor man to get a start there." "I came to America to farm and for free expression. "My husband was crazy to see America ever since a little boy." "To improve my position. IT "I came to* make a better living; my wife came to see America." "To enjoy a democratic

life."53

30 Some Dutch in the local community reported seeing advertisements. 31 D. Young, loc. cit. 32 Questionnaire reply. 33 personal interviews.

33

only one exception, rural and of relatively small sized farm origin.

The effect of this on the choice of their oc­

cupation in the United States will be more completely shown in Chapter Three. Place where they first settled.

Of the local group

studied approximately half came directly to Southern Cali­ fornia; the other half settled first in other parts of the United States. Southern California ............ 20 I o w a ................... 8 M i c h i g a n ....................... 5 California (north and central) . . 2 Pennsylvania................... 2 New Y o r k ........ ........... . . 2 Wisconsin ...................... 2 Minnesota (Maple Lake) .......... 1 Colorado (Grand Junction) .... 1 Texas . ........................ 1 N e b raska....................... 1 (35) These figures Indicate that resettlement has been a factor In the adjustment of more than 50 per cent.

Michigan and

Iowa have large Dutch colonies, and present a special back­ ground which has influenced their adjustment here.

Of those

coming from the east, the majority came from these colonies. Reasons for coming to Southern California.

Opportun­

ity in the dairy industry was the important factor here. Several came because of friends in California.

35 personal interviews.

This, however,

may have been associated with the dairy industry.

Reasons

were: Opportunity in the dairy industry Friends in California ........ Relatives In California . . . . Weather Better living ................ Called for work .............. Wo other trade .............. Slave living in Holland . . . . To see California ............ One person could give no reason.

27 15 4 3 2

1 1 1 (36)

Statements of* these im­

migrants help to round out the picture: ”1 came to

see someof the country.”

"There was

too muchmud in Iowa.”

"There are better working conditions in California than in Colorado.” ”1 wanted dairy work for my three sons.” ”My wife claimed it was the best place.”37 First feeling experiences upon arrival.

The follow­

ing reactions toward the Dutch were reported on the question­ naire as shown in

Table I. In no case did these people feel

prejudice againstthem because

they were Dutch.

Threefelt

that people in their new community were somewhat antagonis­ tic toward them, but no reasons were given. the Dutch were objects of curiosity. 36 ^ Questionnaire reply. 27 Loc. cit.

Four felt that

The number here was

TABLE I

REACTION OP THE DUTCH UPON ARRIVING AT NEW LOCATION3,

Reaction

Frequency

California

Iowa

Location Other eastern states

Other western states

People were antagonistic

3

2

1

0

0

Disliked because of being Dutch

0

0

0

0

0

Pelt they were objects of curiosity

4

1

1

1

1

People were indif­ ferent

4

2

0

1

1

People were helpful and friendly

28

15

6

6

1

People took immediate liking as a friend

18

8

6

■3

1

3 Questionnaire replies.

V>J Ul

36

significantly low.

Four also felt the people of the com­

munity were indifferent toward the Dutch.

By far the most

significant fact was the feeling on the part of twenty-eight that people were not only friendly toward the Dutch hut also helpful.

The fact that eighteen felt that people took an

immediate liking to the Dutch reflected somewhat the readi­ ness of the Dutch to fit into the new community. Direct statements from the Dutch are also revealing: This all depends on yourself as to your ability to adjust yourself. I felt at home in the U.S.A. im­ mediately and a part of the U.S.A. today and am proud of it. People made remarks because we were neat. People stared? Not in America1 I evenhad to stop seeing my new friends at times; I couldn't get my work done. They don't correct people in America. They are just wonderful. I was just scared to death an American would come to the door for I couldn't talk and make myself understood. People made remarks about our neat appearance. They didnft pay much attention to us. It was immaterial to me if they were helpful and friendly.They liked us because we knew how to work. A few people disliked me because I was Dutch and made remarks about my appearance. People were antagonistic in small towns.5® Disappointments in the new setting.

The disappoint­

ments in America that were experienced by these people were

^

Personal interviews.

37 varied.

Some were distasteful, but not too deep; others,

more disturbing.

The list is as follows:

Special difficulty learning to speak and write E n g l i s h ................... 5 Slums and poverty in A m e r i c a ............... 3 Homesick for H o l l a n d ....................... 3 Financial difficulties .................... 2 Trouble with hands in m i l k i n g ............. 2 Things "moved too fast1 1 ................... 2 W e a t h e r ................................... 1 Tried to "get rich quick" and failed . . . . 1 A wasteful country ........................ 1 , . Ho disappointments........................ 12 (39) Sample statements are as follows: I expected it to be different with everything fine and up to date. But in New York I found lots of places worse than in Holland. There were lots of poor people. There were no rivers, trees or green grass. People were not refined. There is not much reading or fine music— it is too superficial. Everything is for money. The Christian life is far below Holland. in school and no Christian education.

No Bible

There is a lack of home life and also a great in­ difference of other people. People are different here; they donft pay any attention to you. You are left alone. The work was too strenuous and hard in beginning our dairy. I was terribly homesick. I thought maybe I made a mistake . . . my wife was used to better things. . . . It looks very poor here . . . there was a very old barn.^O

39 Questionnaire replies. Personal interviews.

38

The older immigrants had especial difficulty learning English and still have difficulty expressing themselves. Another fact that struck deep was the poverty and poor housing conditions in America, a place they had believed to be almost fabulously rich. better in Holland.

Many said conditions were much

The change from Holland to America was

too much for three who said they were terribly homesick for Holland.

Sentimental attachments count much with some

individuals; moreover, this is a marked Dutch trait. Two said their greatest disappointment was "terrible sore" hands from milking.

Insignificant?

If the reader

will realize the importance attached to the dairy industry by these people who were either starting as milkers or as owners in debt doing their own milking with no other alter­ native, he will catch the importance of their problem.

For

those who had done little or no milking and who now began to milk twenty-five to thirty cows twice daily, their hands became the one barrier between them and success. One person with the "get rich quick" mania based on reports about America made the attempt and failed.

Several

of the Dutch with more refined backgrounds could not accom­ modate themselves to the lack of appreciation of the part of Americans of good literature, music, and art.

Many with a

background of cozy green meadows, eternal waterways, and scrupulous care and cultivation of plots in every part of

39

the Netherlands were chagrined by the lack of rivers, trees, and green grass in the local community and by the presence of large sections growing up in weeds.

Especially disliked

were the large expanses of alkali ground, some in Hynes, others in Artesia, worthless and covered with brown weeds most of the year.

Lack of family life and religion in

America, cornerstones in Dutch life, were strong disappoint­ ments . First impressions.

The first impressions are con­

nected with the preceding section, for often the first im­ pressions were disappointments; other first impressions were interesting and expressive if not always important: 4 It was a good c o u n t r y ............... A country of many opportunities and possibilities .......................... 5 Everything was so big, fast moving and better ............................. 3 Not as clean or neat as the Netherlands ............................ 3 A good country to make a l i v i n g ......... 3 Disliked i t ............................... 2 A feeling of freedom and a sense of loyalty ................................ 1 Bigness .................................. 2 Nice c l i m a t e ............................... 1 Dryness and expanseof desert ............ 1 Things done for convenience and time ,, . saving l (41) More detailed remarks were: I was struck by the bigness of New York City . • • snow and bigness . . . and I had a terrible feeling of ^

Questionnaire replies.

40 loneliness, even in New York City. There was no end to it. Hohoken was terrible dirty . . . those houses 1*11 never forget. I 111 never forget the dryness or ex­ panse of desert. I liked many things right away. There was no extra work and things were done for convenience. The country was so undeveloped and open, I wondered how I could make a living. The United States is not so level as the old country. But the mountains are so very beautiful. People were awful nice. On the train I was sure I would get to the right place. A great opportunity for anybody with will power to work and save. In Holland we lived in the capital city and it was pretty and we lived in a modern house where everything was dolly pretty. When I got off the train, my family and I were met by a big clumsy farm wagon with two shaggy horses. It was raining and the Iowa clay was wet and sticky. I brought 800 pounds of table linen. The people there used the linen to cover their potatoes with. Everything for supper tasted different. That night my bed was filled with bed bugs. The next day I made the family sulphurize the entire house. The next night only one bedbug was left. I got out of bed, lit the lamp, and hunted until I found it. I disliked it indescribably; and I disliked Iowa for twenty years. I came to California later and could not drink it in enough . . . especially the flowers. Everything strange, dirty, big moving fast and everybody in a hurry. The road to success and the land of opportunity. The sound of the train and the light of the mountains. It was beautiful; and everyone is treated alike. It was a golden opportunity. I thought myself rich when I made $90 and board and stuck it out at 16 years

46

fill with, water.

These must he drained.

Consequently

small ditches are dug through the land to the lowest point next to the dyke.

Here a windmill lifts the water over a

dyke wall into a drainage canal.

These

"polders” are

drained enclosures and are kept dry enough for pastures for cattle and goats.

Thus Holland raises cattle in great

numbers and produces large quantities of butter and cheese. After the polders have been used for pastures for thirty years they can be used for farming.

This farming is inten­

sive and is restricted to flower production and vegetables. Success in farming is based on scrupulous cleanliness and attention to detail.6 About three-fourths of the land is farmed but about half of that is in meadows. In Holland there are scarcely 24 farmers each possessing more than 500 acres of ploughland, whilst there are more than about 200 fanners whose lands exceed the area of 250 acres. On the other hand, no less than 182,302 farmers hold from two and onehalf to fifty acres of arable land, out of 200,302 officially recognized farmers.7 According to the quality of the soil, the tenants are either specializing on dairy or cereal farming, but there is also a great deal of mixed farming.® ® H. G. Duncan, Immigration and Assimilation (New York: D. C. Heath and Company, 1923)> P & 3 7 j. j. Feith, Modern Holland (Rotterdam: Nijgh and van Ditmarfs Publishing Co., Ltd., the official information office for the Hague, n.d.),p. 84. ® L. Link, ”Polder Folk,” Fortnightly, CXLIII (Janu­ ary to June, 1938), p. 702.

^7

I am told the Dutch boer, or farmer, has not changed in character within the last hundred years, and that he is not at all discontented with his lot. We have seen him in— the cheese market, and we know that his cheese making and the care of his farm is the object of his life, but it seems to me the old boer with his shaven, mahogany-colored face and his bright, keen gray eyes is certainly much more attractive than the younger ones. As we drove up to the house, which was in the "polders" in the midst of a flat country and backed by a beautiful clump of trees, he showed me his idols, which were two score of clean black and white cows, with large full udders, a stable full of fine young horses, a "stive11 full of the cleanest white pigs I have ever seen, a chicken and a duck yard in immaculate order, a gorgeous pagoda or summer house painted green with a minoret surmounted by a gilded weather vane. He was a typical specimen of a boer, a man of some education and great native shrewdness. But he was a boer, as his father had been before him, and of this he was very proud. Hooted adherence to the ways of his forefathers is the dominant keynote of his character. The boer can and often does rise to posi­ tions of high estate, but once and for all he remains, rich or poor, a peasant. He is of sterling character keenly intelligent, extremelv bigoted and withal, the strength of the Netherlands.9 Link also describes the Dutch farmer and especially the position of the women on the Dutch farm. Under one thatched roof were sheltered house and stable, cow shed and barn. The farmer who answered my knock, a young man in the late twenties, was neither in looks nor in manner recognizable as a countryman. He wore a dark suit and tie like the dominee [minister] and when he introduced me to his wife, I was beginning to wonder if I had made a mistake, because it was quite obvious that this handsome well-dressed girl had never been near a cow in all her life. Later I learnt that the farmers* wives in the polder did no work beyond looking after

9 Link, loc :._citv

41

of age.

At 20 years old, I went into business.

Immense i I looked the country over.

It was very poor.

The American farmers were wonderful in helping me in everything. I liked it awful well. a nickle.

In the old country I got not

A rich country where money was spent too freely everywhere, and here things were not being kept very neat.42 These reactions form a coherent pattern: Arriving in large cities, they were struck by how strange, dirty, big, and fast moving everything was. of lineliness.

Often there was a feeling

As they traveled westward, most of them

immediately were impressed by the immensity of America, by the beauty and charm of the mountains or if they came to California, of the dryness and the expanses of desert.

Many

were bothered by the problem of making a living in such an undeveloped and open country which was apparently poor in many sections.

They were impressed, too, by a certain

spirit of everyone being treated alike, and of helpfulness when they were uncertain about directions or farm conditions. Immediately a lack of neatness and order was felt, but over­ powering this was a realization of economic opportunity in a land where money was spent too freely and where hard work

42 Personal interviews.

42

and saving would pay handsome results.

The contrasts with

Holland in most instances could not have been greater. They had a tendency to set them free, to stimulate them, to start in life anew and to work for goals they never knew they could attain. A final tabulation illustrates just how satisfied these people are with their present location in Southern California. Very much satisfied Much satisfied . . No objections . . Dislike it . . . .

**■2 Questionnaire replies.

29 9 4 0 (*3)

CHAPTER III

OCCUPATIONAL SEGREGATION AND OCCUPATIONAL ATTITUDES OP THE DUTCH IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA Economic conditions of immigrants and problems they face. Most of the newcomers arrive in a necessitous condi­ tion with only a few dollars in their possession and must take any job at any price.

They have a low standard of

living and are willing to accept low wages and unsatisfac­ tory conditions of employment.

Since the majority are

single, or if married, have left their families at home, they become a mobile, migratory, wage earning class.1 Many criticize immigrant peoples for sending money to the old country.

A second criticism Is that immigrants

weaken the bargaining power of labor.

All our present

restrictive immigration legislation, whether it be against Orientals or the European, has been enacted because of the power of the labor vote.2 Perhaps the most common charge is that immigrant minorities constitute a threat to our standard of living. It is based on twin observations that Immigrants come from lands with low standards of living and that they bring these 1 Maurice R. Davie, World Immigration (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1936), p. 239* 2 D. Young, American Minority Peoples (New York; Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1932), p. 117*

standards with them and are constantly willing to work for wages which the native American considers so poor as to permit little more than hare subsistence.

It is probably

safe to say that no recent migrant gets the same pay that native white labor would get for the same job.

It is also

true that most minorities of racial and national origin can maintain themselves on starvation wages with less discomfort than could persons who had become so accustomed to plenty that former luxuries were turned into necessities.

It Is

another matter to say that minorities refuse to accept higher standards, that their competition forces down the income of the majority, and that there Is anything more than a cultural foundation for such p h e n o m e n a . 5 Young** further states that the agricultural training of American minorities of racial and national origin is a matter of temporary and slight importance In so far as the determination of their occupation In the United States is concerned.

Differences In technique between the intensive

peasant farming of Europe and the extensive methods in the United States creates serious problems for immigrants. Bogardus states: Immigrants are treated as economic commodities be­ cause of the work they can do. As long as they remain 5 Ibid., p. ll^f. ** Loc. cit.

45

docile and do not react against untoward conditions they are tolerated in large numbers.5 The industry and frugality of immigrants are dangerous to the status of the native group in many instances. potential abilities are feared.

Their

Many of their cultural

ways are not understood, further aggravating the picture. The helplessness of the average immigrant, the inability of the immigrant to use his past experiences in agriculture, fear that money will be taken from the commun­ ity, fear of lower living standards in the community partially due to breaking the labor market, and finally outright competition and numerical superiority with the threat to social status are important problems to be con­ sidered.

How the local Holland-Dutch group are related to

this general picture will now be considered. Farming backgrounds in Holland. All the families studied with the exception of one came from a rural farm background.

What then, is this background?

One would think from its location that Holland would be a great agricultural country.

But making a farm in

Holland is a slow and difficult process. removed and used for fuel.

First the peat is

This leaves great holes which

5 E. S. Bogardus, Immigration and Race Attitudes (Boston; D. C. Heath and Company, 19287, p". 8.

48

their house and children and that as a rule they even had a dagmeid [daily maid] to help them.10 Backgrounds of the dairy industry in Southern Cali­ fornia . We nov turn to the immediate backgrounds in Southern California.

They relate to the dairy industry.

The first milk that was shipped to Los Angeles was in 1908. In 1910 while milk was shipped by train from Downey to the Mutual Dairy Association in Los Angeles.

Prom 1905 to 1907

milk was hauled to a skimming station at Studebaker. first dairymen were predominantly Americans.

The

In 1915 &

group of them organized the California Milk Producers Association.

It undertook to associate all dairymen in

order to control production and price.

It lasted until

1955 as a dominant organization in the industry.

During

this period numerous conflicts and differences manifestated themselves which kept the industry in a constant state of unrest, uncertainty, and flux.

The problems of leadership,

expanding markets, and overproduction were rampant.

A

summary of the conflicts within the industry as demonstrated by the history of the industry from 1915 to 1955 indicates its individualistic disorganized state during the period. Recurrent conflicts between producers and distribu­ tors ^

Link, op. cit., p.

49

Conflicts between distributors and associations Conflicts between private lenders and association finance companies Conflict of interest between independent producers and association producers Conflict of interest between large scale producers and small scale producers Conflict of established producers with those who wish to enter the field Conflict between the individualistic producers who believe in unrestricted production and those who believe in restricting production The dominant leaders of the Central Milk Sales Agency, the present organization today for organizing the dairymen and disposing the milk, were the dissenters who tore down the former C.M.P.A. the area.

They included the largest producers in

In 1941 Central controlled 75 per cent of the

total milk produced in the area.

This organization is an

association of smaller associations: Associated Milk Producers Association California Milk Producers Association Independent Milk Producers Association Southern California Mutual Milk Producers Association Quality Milk Producers Association Southland Milk Producers Association Protected Milk Producers Association Hi-Grade Milk Products Association Dairymens Protective League Country Fresh Milk Products Association Adohr Milk Farms

50

Challenge Cream and Butter Association Golden State Co. Ltd. Holland Dairy Company Royal Dairy Farms Mountain View Dairies Peacock View Dairies Edgeman FarmsH The majority of these are in Central but some are still independent.

The independents sell chiefly to chain

stores who do not carry their share of the surplus.

Central

markets its products by collective bargaining and by pooling the milk.

Just so much milk can be sold at the best prices.

Four classes are created, with correspondingly different uses and lower prices. in each bracket.

Each producer shares proportionally

The individual votes for a director of

his own association and these directors send one each to Central.

The local associations are represented on

Central*s board in proportion to the amount of butterfat. Central is incorporated in the State Cooperative Marketing laws.

It performs certain services for its members.

1. Supplies weighers, samplers, testers (this was once done by the creameries, resulting in dissatis­ faction) 2. Separating plant (under its own control for second class milk) 3- Pooling credit list (loss due to bankrupt creameries spread over entire membership) 4.

Fights member battles with the Health Department

Personal Interview

51

5- Represents members at sessions of the legisla­ ture^ In 1941 Central was selling to twelve different dis­ tributive companies, but there were twenty in the field.. Arden supplied one fourth of all milk in Los Angeles. Central Is based on the fact that the changing nature of milk production In Los Angeles requires a stabilized marketing system because of: (l) increased capital invest­ ment, (2) recurring surplus problem, (3) increased need for collective bargaining, (4) need for more extensive coopera­ tion among milk producers, and (5) need for advertising. Central, in spite of its aspirations, has faced many of the problems of the old C.M.P.A. and at present Is losing Its grip among many of Its constituents. Other facts about the local dairy industry.

Dairying

areas in the United States go hand In hand with the larger cities for somewhere not too far away, nearly every large city has an outlying area devoted to the dairy Industry. Los Angeles is no exception.

The local area as defined

supplies the city of Los Angeles. the Los Angeles wmilkshed,”

They form the nucleus of

The number of cattle, the

number of herds, and the number of cattle per herd in this area are shown in Table II.

12 Personal Interview.

52

TABLE II NUMBER OP HERDS IN LOS ANGELES COUNTY, 1940-194la

Approximate number in the herd

Number of herds

Number of cattle

Reactors

1

1772

1772

2 (in 2 herds)

2

827

1654

0

3

290

870

1 (in 1 herd)

4

126

504

1 (in 1 herd)

5

87

435

0

6-10

140

1046

3 (in 3 herds)

11-20

129

948

3 (in 2 herds)

21-40

195

5899

15 (in 8 herds)

41-60

182

9131

17 (in 4 herds)

60-100

256

19950

54 (in 19 herds)

101-150

99

11858

74 (in 15 herds)

151-250

47

8222

23 (in 11 herds)

251-300

41

9846

91 (in 12 herds)

301-400

8

2607

22 (in 6 herds)

401-500

10

4480

18 (in 5 herds)

501-1000

13

9056

36 (in 7 herds)

1000-2000

3

3725

21 (in 1 herd)

a Leslie M. Hurt, D.V.M., B.S. Agr., County Livestock Inspector, Fifteenth Annual Los Angeles County Live Stock Department Report, 1938-1939* P* 13.

53

There are three herds that total more than 1000 cows. They are situated either in Norwalk or Artesia. either owned or managed "by Dutch.

Two are

Figures from the table

show the absence, numerous herds in the 11-20 class so often found on farms of a mixed farming character.

Dairies of

between sixty to one hundred cows are the most common and represent fair sized dairies.

The number of dairies over

250 is large. This area is unique in that it has by far the largest number of cows per square mile of any similar area in the world.13

There are good reasons for this fact.

The dairy

industry in this vicinity demonstrates two unique character­ istics which set if off from mixed dairy farming found in Holland and the middle west.

To a large extent, in the

middle west cows are kept as side-items; the farm is selfsufficient in its production of feed to a large extent and many of its by-products are utilized on the farm.

In

Holland grazing in the polders is an essential part of production. In Los Angeles County, however, the system is marked by concentration and specialization.

The dairy farm in

this local community is but a focal point of a well-built barn, cement floor and sidewalls, corregated roof, a

Personal Interview.

54

granery one end of which is completely sealed and the other end opening into the barn, and a set of corrals.

All the

hay is hauled in from outlying areas and stacked in large stacks beside the corrals. lying areas.

Grain is shipped in from out­

Just as everything essential to milk produc­

tion is shipped in, all the milk is shipped away.

In the

middle-west it is often separated and only the butterfat shipped.

Here calves are sold immediately.

constantly patrol the district.

"Boarders," non-profit

cows, are sold when they reach the margin. are shipped out.

Calf-dealers

All by-products

Specialization has developed.

These

dairies exist for the single purpose of producing milk. New specialized occupations have arisen, represented by special feed companies, calf-dealers, et cetera.

The area

is sufficiently close to Los Angeles so that the milk can be trucked into the city in forty minutes. Milk production in Los Angeles County has shown a steady increase ever since 1925> when the Dutch first began to invade the field in any great number.

The following

table shows the growth of the Los Angeles market and the growth of opportunity in the industry.

Los Angeles County

is the largest milk producing county in the United States. Los Angeles County, California . . . . Dodge County, W i s c o n s i n ............

354,504,000 quarts 217*600,000 quarts

55

TABLE III GROWTH OP THE LOS ANGELES MILK MARKET, 1923-194Qa

Year

Pounds of butterfat

Year

Pounds of butterfat

1923

7 ,547,286

1932

19,091,528

1924

8 ,108,547

1933

19,628,159

1925

11,878,295

1934

21,272,519

1926

12,716,819

1935

21,000,000

1927

15,614,880

1936

25,078,060

1928

15,371,148

1937

28,067,430

1929

16,015,374

1938

27,804,780

1930

17,303,358

1939

28,810,516

1931

18,391,947

1940

32,282,143

a Report of the Los Angeles County Health Department, Bureau of Sanitation, Section of Dairies and Dairy Products, Hall of Justice, Los Angeles, California.

56

St. Lawrence County, New York

. . . .217*256,000 quarts Dane County, Wisconsin.............. 214,744,000 quarts Marathon County, Wisconsin........... 182,544,000 . . quarts ' There are over 100,000 dairy cattle in the count of Los Angeles.^5

Production per cow is very high, being on

the average of about 400 pounds of butterfat per cow per year.

They have to have good cows now to make money.

standards of sanitation surpass most other areas.

The

This is

because of the construction of the barns and the type of dairy organization in Los Angeles County.!6 The total number of dairies has not increased recent­ ly.

If anything it has decreased very slightly.

The in­

crease has come in the size of the individual dairy. were very few Dutch dairymen in the industry in 1925*

There At

one time the Portuguese were the dominant foreign group. Some of these have moved north, but for the most part have kept their number, although not their rank, due to the tremendous increase of the Dutch.

In 1929 about four fifths

of the dairymen in the area under study were Holland-Dutch. Today it is estimated that they constitute over 60 per 14

Personal records of Dr. Wilcox, Los Angeles County Health Department. 15

^ Personal Interview.

i Personal Interview.

57

cent.1?

The following is the approximate number of dairymen

in the local area; Total number of dairymen........ 1000 (plus} Number who are D u t c h .............. 630 (plus) 200 Number of Portuguese ............ Americans and o t h e r s .............. 170 Practically all the families interviewed were dairy farmers: D a i r y i n g ........................ Cow d e a l e r ...................... M i l k e r .................... Mixed f a r m e r ....................

40 1 2 1 (1°)

The occupations of the people were similar to those of their parents, twenty-two of whom were dairymen, ten of whom were mixed farmers, and three of whom were cattle dealers.

Their reasons for being in the industry were as

follows: Raised in it .................. Like i t .................... Easiest way to makea living . . . Donft know anything e l s e ....... Farm b a c k g r o u n d ................ Love of a n i m a l s ................ Past t r a i n i n g .................. To make more m o n e y .............. In the dairy industry in Holland ......................

11 10 8 4 2 1 2 1 1 (19)

Explanatory statements may be Illustrated briefly: I like it very much and it is as independent as it could be. 17 Personal Interview. 1® Questionnaire replies. 19 Questionnaire replies.

58

My father was before me. Because we were ^raised up11 In it. Because most Hollanders make better dairymen than most Americans.20 Relation of the dairy to new arrivals.

”Most of

them came from Holland, started by milking and as soon as they got enough money, bought a string of cows and expanded as fast as possible, taking credit to its l i m i t . N e w ­ comers, unless they have relatives, have to start on their own as itilkers.

The average dairyman feels that the new­

comer should have a period of apprenticeship, since he, in his turn, had to work his way up from the bottom.

He be­

lieves that it is only right that the next one should. In answer to the question: wDid you engage in the dairy industry immediately upon arriving from Holland?” the results bore out the above statement. only two did.

Thirty-three did not;

More significant, however, was the fact that

thirty-five started as workers or milkers, and only two started as owners of dairies.

The average Dutch immigrant

in the local area has worked his way up by his own boot­ straps in the best American tradition.

He has had little

help from the more successful or established dairymen.

Personal Interview. Personal Interview.

59

The problem of finance is always present.

In spite

of this, the area is filled with 11success” stories. is repeated time and again. nothing.

A cycle

The immigrant starts with

He gets a job as a milker, milking from twenty-

five to thirty cows twice a day for several years.

By sav­

ing, frugality, and close spending, he is able to rent a place and with financial aid from a finance company, buy a string of cows.

His first place is probably a poor one,

rented, and with buildings old and Inadequate and barely up to standards.

He does his own work, milking his own string

of thirty or so cows, plus all the additional work connected with the dairy.

Gradually he betters his herd by close

buying and gradually adds to it and at the same time eases his first debts.

His next step is to rent a better dairy,

get more cows, and plunge even more deeply Into debt. now hires some of his work done.

He

One observer remarked:

"They plunge further and expand faster than any other nationality and don*t have any family likely to be some failures.

l a b o r .

"^2

There are

Because they do plunge so

deeply, one individual closely connected with the industry was under the impression that "there are more failures among them than among other nationalities.

^

Personal Interview.

2 5 L q c . cit.

They are not

60 discouraged, but start in anew.

Once they have a complete

and adequate herd, the next step is to buy a plot of land and build their own home and dairy. Two examples are known very well by. the writer. man left the oil fields after intermittent employment. the aid of a loan, he bought a string of cows. own work and suffered many disappointments.

One With

He did his

Today he owns a

ten acre farm, complete with modern barn and all desirable equipment, 300 cows, and a $7000 home with extensive lawns and some landscaping.

Another told the writer, *fWhen I

started I had not a nickle.

Today, see what I havei”

Many of them have made fortunes in the dairy in­ dustry here. One started as a milker and with a debt of $40,000. He is now worth half a million and has nearly 2000 cows. Many have dairies worth over $50,000, all of which they have made in the dairy industry. There is a greater possible return in the dairy industry than in any other line, excluding none.24 In comparison with the number of cows the investment is somewhat as shown in Table IV.

Their present income shows

the following distribution: Under S1200 $1200-$5000 $5000 . . .

. 5 . 21 9 (25)

Pour would not designate their category, but said they paid income tax.

Some did not answer*.

Personal Interview. Questionnaire replies.

The general

TABLE IV

DAIRY INVESTMENTS IN RELATION TO THE SIZE OF THE DAIRYa

Example Number of cows Invest­ ment Milk check per month

I

11

IV

80

100

V

VI

VII

145

90

$25,000 $55,000 $20,000 $50,000 $10,000 $20,000

$7,000

125

$2,000

150

HI

$4,000

$1,400

$1,800

90

$2,500

VIII

145

$1,500 $2,800

IX

150

X

220

$50,000 $40,000

$5,000

a From a term project, Occupational Attitudes and Values of Dairpien,11 compiled from the Files of Emory S. Bogardus by the present writer, p. 18.

ON H

62 trend, however, was evident.

One justified his income by

saying that the dairyman should have a pay check ^better than the average.11 Milk checks, according to the table are unusually large.

Expenditures, however, are also large.

Characteristics of successful dairymen.

In rating

themselves, a group of dairymen gave these qualities: He has to know his c o w s ................... 10 The best of them are natural animal husbandry men. There is an old saying that the master's eye fattens the steer. He knows when cattle are doing right. It represents sort of a sixth sense. He He He He He

has to must be cannot has to has to

be a good feeder ............. 4 Interested in animals. . . . . . 4 be easily discouraged ....... 3 . be steady on the j o b ......... 2 * have a lifetime of experience . . 1(26)

The things dairymen liked most about their occupa­ tions^^ besides its financial aspects were: (l) It is an outdoor life though a hard one; (2) Pride In building up the herd; (3) Being your own boss; (4) Like to be around cattle and animals.

They disliked most the long confining

hours and the broken shift, 2:00 a.m. at night until about 6:30 a.m. and again from 2:00 p.m. until 6:00 p.m.

Con­

flicts with inspectors, low prices and cut-throat competition,

26 ;prom a term project, flOccupational Attitudes and Values of Dairymen,11 compiled from Dr. Bogardus' Files by the present writer, p. 41. 2? Ibid., p. 18.

63

loss of cows through injury and death, and rainy weather and wet corrals were other complaints. Occupational attitudes of the Holland-Putch.

Out of

the action that is repeated many times daily in an occupa­ tion,

develop attitudes which may be called occupational

attitudes.

Wot only is

the largest part of the day but the

best part for most people is devoted to occupational activi­ ties.

Moreover, occupational attitudes are compelling for

they enable people to live, to be self-supporting, and to maintain social and economic status in highly competitive situations.

By means of them most people make money, buy

a wide range of the desirables of life, satisfy a wide range

of the desirables of life, satisfy the inherited

urges

for security, and recognition, for new experience and

social response, and attain “success” or “failure.”

Hence

occupational attitudes take a front place in the peoples * lives and give rise to the principle of occupational dominance.

Occupation is doing;it has an action psychology.

It creates many action patterns, many of them simply neuro­ muscular.

It leads to a certain reaction pattern towards

life.28

^ Emory S. Bogardus, "Personality and Occupational Attitudes," Sociology and Social Research, XII (September, 1927), 73-79-

64

Favorable experiences plus favorable reflection about one’s work lead to occupational centrism, in which the occupation comes to occupy the center of a person’s life. Occupational positivism is the belief that one’s occupation is the best in the world.

Doing things with increased

success brings an emotional enthusiasm that blurs one’s perspectives and evaluative ability. to talk shop.

The individual tends

He has the conviction that his occupation is

superior to all or most others.

Occupational negativism

comes as a result of a negative reaction and an unfavorable reflection.

A pure occupational attitude comes as a resdlt

of a specific type of occupational activity.

A synthesized

occupational attitude is a set of occupational attitudes moulded into a point of view, a form of "mindedness," a philosophy of life.

Reflective occupational attitudes

represent a judgment concerning the strong and weak points of one’s occupation.^9 Occupational positivism of the H o H a n d -Dutch dairy­ men.

Because of the scarcity of land, the difficulties of

making a farm, and the necessity of foodstuffs, the boer or Dutch farmer occupies an important place.

His farm is tiny

and generally he lives under the same roof with horses,

29 Ibid., p. 74.

65

cattle, and other live stock.

He is proud of his position

and looks upon other occupational groups with more or less disdain.30 Occupational positivism on the part of the local Holland-Dutch is equally as marked.

They gave the following

reactions to the question: ”How much do you like your present occupation?” Enthusiastic Like it . . Neither like nor dislike . . Dislike it Hate it .

4

The reasons why they like the industry have been listed.

The number of enthusiastic dairymen was significant

considering certain handicaps.

For this reason, the major­

ity answered that they ”like it,” i.e., they are character­ ized also by reflective occupational attitudes. Although sociologically an attitude of indifference cannot exist, four were apparently indifferent. one disliked it.

None hated it.

Of the total number only The one who disliked it

made this comment:, I like it less. Inspectors are always looking for something wrong. I prefer to work for Uncle S a m .

30 Duncan, op. cit., p. 89* 31 Questionnaire replies. 32 Personal Interview.

66 When asked if there was any occupation they would prefer to change to, six answered wyesM; two preferred to feed cattle; four would prefer general farming. sive nature of the industry was distasteful.

The inten­

The large

number who answered ”no” again demonstrated the attitude of occupational positivism.

Asked if they would choose dairy­

ing if they could choose again, thirty-four answered MyesM and three answered ”no.”

Again the evidence was one-sided.

To the question: ,fIs there any non-professional occupation you believe to be superior to dairying? only two answered Myes .n Since their occupation is so important to them, occupational dominance is characteristic of the local Dutch. Occupational centrism is characteristic of many. Cooperative attitudes and economic individualism. Holland dairymen in the local area have changed radically from the dairymen in Holland in regard to cooperation: Most Dutch dairymen come from cooperative systems. Here they are the most rabid individualists. In Holland so much is done cooperatively. They have no leadership and enter the system we have here. They •don't know the system well enough to change it: consequently, they fit in as well as possible.33 They don't stick together in business. Other conditions being equal they will, but let one cent

53 Personal Interview.

67 difference come up and the other person might just as well shut up. 3^ In the local community, the Dutch dairymen seem to fit into the competitive situation.

In response to the

question, 1fDo you believe the present way is the best way to market milk?11 thirty answered f,yes,H while only seven disagreed.

One was indifferent.

would be perfect.

One lamented it never

Another called for 100 per cent organi­

zation and no state interference. care to change the system.

Hot many, then, would

Thirty-one belonged to dairy

associations; eleven did not.

The fact that they belong to

associations does not necessarily signify cooperative­ mindedness, although it might well indicate it. A leader in the industry25 states that they will not stick to the "cooperative^* form if the independents are getting a better price.

In 19^1 about 75 per cent of the

producers were in Central.

About one third of this number

left in August, and most of this number was Dutch.

Another

group, nearly another third, again most of whom are Dutch, filed their intentions to leave Central the first of April, 19^2 . They can't stand to see another Dutchman getting a better price for his milk. In fact, they are very

Personal Interview. 35 Personal Interview.

68 jealous of their neighbors in economic matters and will go to any extreme to find out if a neighboring procucer is shipping more milk than he or is getting away with something.36 Many of them see the need for cooperation but recognize the difficulty of bringing about a cooperative system under the present situation of conflict.

Cooperative

plans which fall short of complete organization often end in disaster.

In a way, however, many of them regret that

with the great need for cooperative action, particularly in this type of enterprise, and with their background in co­ operative action, and their preponderance in the field numerically, a needed cooperative organization does not come about. Improvement minded. For hundreds of years the Netherlands have reclaimed land from the seas and increased their territory.

In 1937 alone the Directe Van den

Wierungermeer, a State Company running the polder, received 720 applications for fifty-seven farms ready to be handed over for cultivation and improvement.

This readiness to

take a new farm and develop it has been shown time and again in the local community.

The Dutch are not content until

they can take a new piece of land, and build a new house and barn.

At times older places have been completely rebuilt.

Personal Interview.

69 The trait is outstanding: Lately there is a tendency to outdo the other fellow in building a better dairy. A race in this goes a little bit too far. But they all seem to get through.37 Future mindedness.

This is closely connected with

the preceding attitude, for the Dutch dairymen live to a large extent for the future.

He must work for the future

in building up his herd and capital stock.

At times he may

work harder and make less than a day laborer, but in the end there is no comparison.

Starting as most of them have

done as laborers, their financial freedom and their **dream” farm lies in the future.

It is this toward which they

build. Independent mindedness.

Being independent, being

your own boss, is considered very important.

Behond cer­

tain restrictions regarding inspection, the dairyman is free to do and to chose as he likes.

A majority of them

own their own farms. Excitement-mindedness and

11escape” -mindedness.

The

dairy is operated strictly on a scheduled and routine basis. One person said: ”It is always the same year in and year out; you get up at 2:00 and. work seven days a week without

37 Personal Interview.

70

fail.”

The work for the most part is very routine.

Dairy­

men and dairy workers must have something to compensate for this.

Dutch fellows like to be doing things that entail

action, i.e#, riding horses, skating, driving recklessly. The older dairymen are travel-minded.

Many wanted or had

taken trips to the old country; others, to see America and still others to take relatively short trips to the High Sierras or other mountains which so many of them have learned to appreciate. Fairness-mindedness.

In his relations with government

health inspectors, the dairyman has formed two deep-set attitudes.

It would not be true to say that dairymen are

anti-inspection minded, for they are not. them complain of over-strictness.

Only a few of

But what a dairyman dis­

likes is a lack of fairness on the part of inspectors. Nothing is so galling to him as to have an inspector check him and reprimand him on some particular item and then to allow the remainder of the dairymen to go free on the same item although they were just as guilty.

Some inspectors

are disliked tremendously, but not the majority of them. Higher education-mindedness. As far as the dairy industry is concerned, the Dutch are in favor of advanced and technical education, in spite of the fact that they disagree so heartily with other types of higher education.3® Infra, Chapter V.

71

But If they believe it can help out in the dairy business or be brought to bear specifically on some occupation in a direct way they tend to favor it.

Education for dairying

is more advanced in Holland than in the United States.^9

^

Link, op. cit., p. 705-

CHAPTER IV

FACTORS TENDING TOWARD THE ASSIMILATION OF THE HOLLAND-DUTCH IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA The problem of the Immigrant.

A migrating person is

described by Bogardus as: . . . more than flesh and blood, more than clothes, a bundle on his back, and a satchel in his hand— he is a cultural medium, and a part of all human life that has preceded him. He is possessed of a fascinating set of behavior patterns and an elaborate kit of attitudes and values. The immigrant is a native on the march, trying to become a native of another country. He is a native carrying evidences of his habitat, not only on his back, but in his sentiments, in his attitudes, and in his hopes.1 He brings with him (l) a self-consciousness which is con­ sciousness of his status in his groupl (2) a group con­ sciousness, which is a consciousness of the status of his group among other groups; and (3) a national consciousness which is consciousness of the status of his national group among other nations.

His feeling of personality is depend­

ent on this whole complex of ideas.

When the immigrant

comes to .America, not only must he leave behind the commun­ ity which was the basis of his personality and self respect, but the very signs of his personality which in his own country were the signs of his self respect, are regarded

1 E. S. Bogardus, Immigration and Race Attitudes (Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1928), p. 3.

73

with contempt and made occasions of his humiliation.2 The new situation has the nature of a crisis, and in a crisis the individual tends either to reorganize his life positively, adopt new habits and standards to meet the new situation or to repudiate the old habits and their restraints without reorganizing his life--which is demoralization. Demoralization, maladjustment, pauperization, juvenile de­ linquency, and crime are incomparably greater among the immigrants in American than in corresponding European com­ munities .3. Americanization is a term which means to render American; that is, to bring to a resemblance, conformity, or identity in culture with Americans, to stamp with American characteristics.

The process is one of assimilating the

American cultural heritage.^

While Americanization stresses

the need for adopting the English language, American standards of living, social and political ideals and methods, it does not demand these prerequisites, but emphasizes them only as the means for a common and united life.

It teaches

the foreign born to preserve the finer elements of their

2 Robert E. Park, and H. Miller, Old World Traits Transplanted (New York; Harper and Brothers, 1929)* P* 3 ibid., p. 61. ^ Maurice R. Davie, World Immigration (New York; The Macmillan Company, 1936), p. 4-99•

74

old world cultures and to contribute them to the enrichment of American life.5 Citizenship and naturalization.

The number of for­

eign-born Holland-Dutch in California according to the 1930 census^ was 8,897* over was 5*313*

The number twenty-one years of age or

The total for Los Angeles County, foreign-

born and otherwise was 5*34-7* for the County was 4,301.

The total of foreign-born

The total foreign-born for the

cities of Los Angeles County (incorporated cities) was: ......... 14 Beverly Hills . B u r b a n k ................... 16 C o m p t o n ................... 12 Huntington P a r k ........... 29 Long B e a c h ............ . .185 Los A n g e l e s ............ 1,892 P a s a d e n a............* * * .184 ................ 2 ) 3 3 2

(7)

The approximate number for the area studied in 1930 included very nearly 2,000 foreign-born over twenty-one years of age.

In terms of families, and dairymen outside of

Los Angeles County^ there were probably about 5*000 in the local area.

Several of those who lived in Compton, Long

5 Ibid., p. 510. ® Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930, for Population, Vol. Ill, Part I, p. 267* 7 > p- 270. o 0 Some listed in Compton, North Long Beach, and South Gate are included in the local group. A large number for Orange County are not listed here. Others close to the local situation estimated that there were approximately 5000. Preachers made the same estimate on the basis of church attendance. No exact figures could be obtained.

75

Beach, and South Gate are a part of the local group. In the local community the heavy immigration came be­ tween 1927 and 1933*

Of late years most of the Dutch from

Holland came directly to California.

Since the Depression

more and more ;of the Dutch settlers in the middle west have been coming to California.

This was greatly accelerated by

the drough conditions of 1934 and 1935 in the middle west. Since 1935 resettlement and immigration has brought in­ creasing numbers to California.

The present population,

including first and second generation Dutch in the local community numbers very near to 10,000.9 Compared with other foreign-born white people in Los Angeles County, the Dutch are eleventh: England . . Scotland Wales . . . N. Ireland Norway . . Sweden . . Denmark . .

59,904 11,856 1,879 5,752 6,110 v } J_ X v 14,654 6,220

NETHERLANDS . . . 4,301 Switzerland . . • 3,747 France . . . . • 5,589 Germany . . . . 28,936 Poland . x U X c U J L U i • •. . • . 8,408 Czechoslovakia Austria . .

Citizenship percentages of foreign-born Holland-Dutch in Los Angeles County of twenty-one years or over are shown in Table V. The total number applying for citizenship January 1, 19^0, to December 1, 1940, was 11,604. Q

tion.

Two hundred thirty-

^ From estimates by those close to the local situa­ Again no figures were available. 10 Fifteenth Census, loc. cit.

TABLE V CITIZENSHIP PERCENTAGES OP FOREIGN-BORN HOLLAND-DUTCH IN LOS ANGELES COUNTY OP TWENTY-ONE YEARS OR OVERa

Male Total

Number naturalized

Female Percentage

Total

Number naturalized

Percentage

Total for state

3,27k

1,972

60.2

2,039

1,232

60.4

Rural farm

1,119

443

38.7

377

222

38.5

461

56.0

452

242

54.2

Rural non­ farm

823

a Fifteenth Census of the! United States, 1930, for Population, Vol. Ill, Part I, p. 267-

o\

77

two of these were Dutch or exactly 2 per cent.

The total

number admitted was 10,598*over two hundred of whom were Dutch.

Compared with the percentage of Dutch in the

County, 1.5 per cent, it is evident that more Dutch become naturalized in proportion to their number than other nationalities on the average.

In the local area, twenty-

nine were citizens; fourteen were not, a percentage of 68. This figure surpasses the total percentage for the state of 60 per cent, and compared with the percentage for rural farm Dutch, the percentage is exceedingly large.

It is

evident then that the farm element of the local area is much more naturalized than that of other rural areas and is comparable to the urban districts.

The date of natural­

ization of those who became citizens in the local community shows: 1915-1920 1920-1925 1925-1930 1930-1935 1935-1940 1940-1941

3 2 3 2

Since 1935 there has been an added impetus and since 1940 a decided impetus.

Of the fourteen who were not citizens,

fourteen said they intended to become citizens; nine of these had their dates set:

^

Questionnaire replies.

78

1941 1942

1

1943

3 (12)

Effect of German occupations.

To the question, "Do

you feel differently toward Holland since it has been under German occupation?” sixteen said wyes” ; twenty-one said ”no.”

These statements may or may not indicate a changed

attitude.

The question, as such, was a poor one, for they

may have felt differently before the invasion, or the in­ vasion may have brought about the change.

If the answer

was "no,” it does not indicate that their attitude toward America has not changed.

However, the written responses,

stimulated by the question were very significant. Prom some it evoked strong anti-Hitler responses: Holland will never become German. I Hate Hitlerism!J! I don’t like Hitler and the Nazis. becomes free again.

I hope it

I dislike Hitlerism. I dislike the German Government! I hate the Nazis. Whip the Aggressor. For some it broke valuable contacts with the Netherlands: We never write any more.

12 Questionnaire replies.

It is of no use.

79

It is better not to be this way. letters.

I can’t get

Others told its effect upon return trips to Holland: I do not care to go to Holland again. I never felt like going back at allj back it would be for revenge.

if I did go

From others it brought pro-American declarations: I feel sorry, but it is why I got my citizenship papers. I am still interested in the land of my birth, but the U.S. is first, however. I gave up Holland as a country to live in and con­ sider the U. S. now as my fatherland. Sympathetic responses were numerous, for most of the Dutch have strong sentimental attachments toward their fatherland. I feel badly about the conditions there. It Is pitiful. I liked my country the way it was. I feel very uncertain about it. know conditions there.

Iwould like to

I am sorry for Holland and hope Hollanders as well as other occupied countries may soon regain freedom. We love it yet for all our brothers and sisters are there.13 Problems of naturalization.

Immigrants often face

many problems In becoming American citizens, and Park and

1^ Personal Interviews.

80

Miller in regard to this state: We must make the immigrants a working part of our own culture. Self preservation makes this necessary; the fact that they bring valuable additions to our culture makes it desirable. Wow we can assimilate the immigrants only if their attitudes and values, their ideas on the conduct of life, are brought into harmony with our own. They cannot be intelligent citizens un­ less they "get the hang" of American ways of thinking as well as of doing. How fast and how well this is accomplished depends on (l) the degree of similarity between their attitudes and values and our own, giving them a certain preadaptation to our scheme of life and an ability to aid in.their own Americaniza­ tion, and (2) how we treat them— our attitude toward their heritages.1^ According to Bogardus,15 Americanization will fail whenever it denies the validity of comprehensive and funda­ mental principles.

We dare not base it on cumpulsion.

must make it attractive and magnetic and just.

We

It selects

aad preserves the best qualities in our past and present Americanism.

It angles out and fosters such traits of the

foreign-born as will contribute to the welfare of our people.

The native born must experience the process of

Americanization.

It Is wrong to believe that "Americaniza­

tion means teaching English and civics to foreigners in order to enable them to secure naturalization papers" or that "Americanization is virtually a patronizing program

Park and Miller, op. cit., p. 264. ^ E. S. Bogardus, Essentials of Americanization (Los Angeles: The University of Southern California Press, 1919), Preface.

81 based upon the ignorance of the foreigner and upon the superiority of the American b o r n . " l 6

Instead it "is an

entering into the spirit of the country.

It teaches the

duty of the host no less than the duty of the newcomer.

It

means helping the newcomer acquire an American standard of living and an American loyalty."-^ Getting a suitable place to settle or to live is often a serious problem and may do much to determine the immigrant's position in the new community. closes certain areas.

Often prejudice

Danger also lurks for the land-

seeking foreigners when immigrants already on the land, or their native-born neighbors, seeing new people coming in rapidly take options on valuable land and resell it to newcomers at much higher prices.

Only two states, Wisconsin

and California have state immigration officers that do everything in their power to protect new settlers.3.8 Cuncan in a case history study of a young Dutch fellow who eventually found his way to California, entitled "America Makes Two Hits With A Hoilander,"^9 tells of a 16 Ibid., pp. 13-14. ■**7 Loc. cit. Edmund D. S. Brunner, Immigrant Farmers and Their Children (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Doran and Co., Inc., 1929), P. 33. ^ H. G. Duncan, Immigration and Assimilation (New York: D. C. Heath and Company, 1933), p. 55^•

82 young Hollanders reactions to the characteristics of American life.

It is included because it demonstrates the

process of Americanization of a Dutch immigrant, and be­ cause it is representative of many of the experiences of the local group--work habits and their result, ability to see opportunity, the facility of adjustment.

Born in

Amsterdam, he acquired a good grammar and high school educa­ tion.

His father secured for him a job In the Hague.

When he became most enthusiastic about his work, his number was drawn In the Army.2^

jje came to America, his impres­

sion being: The first thing which awed and impressed me when I arrived in New York was the massiveness of all the things which I saw. The buildings seemed to scrape the heavens and all other things seemed equally as immense In comparison to what I had known at home. In my first job as a waiter, I took their orders and put orders into the kitchen. Although I could read and speak the English language, I did not know one dish from another. Consequently when the dishes were ready to serve, I did not know which belonged to which person. The people had no little fun over this and made quite a joke out of it at my expense. The good heartedness of these American people with my stupidity scored the first big hit for America with me. I might have come west sooner If I had understood that I could travel from one section of this vast

20 Many Dutch have left Holland on this account, in­ cluding some locally. A national lottery is held to choose those who are to be taken. The number is fixed at 19*500. Those called serve either five and one-half or eighteen months and then within six years must train for two other periods.

83 country to another without considerable red tape, passports, etc., so common in European countries. I also did not know for some time I could as easily find a job in the west as I could in the east. Whatever made me stop in M , California, I do not know. I secured a job as waiter in the best hotel in the city, and stayed with it until I had worked myself into the position of head waiter. For some time in connection with my waiters* jobs I had been acquir­ ing a slight knowledge of cooking, so that when the hotel needed an assistant chef, I made known my desire for the job. The reason I desired this change was purely from a financial standpoint. I worked in this town until I became head cook, and then I decided to move further south. I had not been in this town very long when I met an American girl, with whom I fell in love. Although she had an American woman*s independence, which is not found among the women in Holland, I desired very much to make her my wife. We were married a year and a half after I arrived; this was America*s second big hit for me. When I try to visualize what my life would have been in my ne„tive land I cannot conceive of ever securing the happiness that I have attained here. Through my friends, I might have achieved financial success, but never the feeling of personal freedom I now possess. I am very thankful I came to this country because of my children. I am glad they can call a country their own where every person has a chance to succeed accord­ ing to his or her own individual merit. Yet in regard to freedom the economic freedom has made more of an impression upon me than the political freedom. My vote does not seem to bring me any more freedom or say in the government here than it did in Holland. I have adopted America for my country and hope America has adopted me. I want my children to be true Americans and marry American men. There is only one way I want my children to differ from the general run of Americans. That is, I want them to be deeper individual thinkers than I believe the average American is.21

Duncan, loc. cit.

84

The average Hollander In America and locally has the native shrewdness and practicality to avoid being ex­ ploited.

Not one told me of a case of exploitation as dis­

cussed by Davie.22

Local Dutch farmers have been able to

get sufficient land usually at very near $400 per acre. Land values have risen somewhat because of rather extensive buying by these people in their drive to own their own farms.

California along with Wisconsin,is one state that

offers protection in this regard. Dutch attendance in naturalization classes has been large according to a former naturalization teacher who taught for some time in the local community.

One difficulty

he met was that their background was so extensive and their interest so great, the book became inadequate and the other members tended to hold them back. quested.

A special class was re­

The average Dutchman is a political idealist--more

so than many Americans. practical politics.

But he has few illusions about

He has well developed convictions along

this line and is capable of individual thinking.

As a re­

sult he can and does discuss American problems intelligently. Another Americanization teacher told his impressions: The first year or two I had practically 80 per cent or more Dutch in my Americanization class. Each year there were a few less, but now predominantly less. The

22 Davie, o£. cit., p. 462.

85

chief reason is that they have taken out their papers; they are more progressive and have not waited until the last minute. As a whole they are very progressive. There are none who cannot read their own language, hut some of the older have difficulty. They are thrifty. They are all working. And they have confidence in themselves. They make good staunch citizens. They are civic minded and are interested in the class and interested in government. They have a contribution to make and are an asset to the community. I have made out many applications for citizenship and have not yet come across a Dutchman on relief.23 The problem of sentimental attachments.

Fixed feel­

ing patterns toward definite objects in the old country at times become definite hindrances in assimilation and Americanization.

These attachments that immigrants possess

at times are very strong.

This is illustrated in stirring

words by Panunzio: The cords which bound me were quite frail. But it was chiefly because of wonderful inexplicable tendrils which entwine themselves around our human hearts in our infancy as to make the country of our birth, the very village or hamlet in which we first saw the light of day, the one spot on earth around which clusters the sweetest of life's memories. Go where you will, roam far or near over earth1s diverging paths, now and again these delicate tendrils pull at your heartstrings and as long as your life lasts, your mind will forever turn back with tenderness to the scenes of childhood, where you first became conscious of life.24 The sentimentality of the Dutch and their affection for Holland has already been demonstrated.

It has not impeded

25 Personal Interview. 2^ Constantine M. Panunzio, The Soul of an Immigrant (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1 922),p. 193*

86

naturalization, but it has undoubtedly impeded assimilation. Sentimental attachments are not easily overcome. Political attitudes of the local Dutch.

These people

have fallen in line readily with the American system with the exception of a small number of those who are unnatural­ ized and do not participate.

A minority of them do not

understand the complexity of American political forms and prefer to adopt the policy of laissez faire with regard to politics.

Their political affiliation in 19^0 indicated the

following distribution: Democratic.............. 20 Republican.............. 11 Other p a r t y ............. 1 Non-partisan........ 2 , v No affiliation...... l (25; Eighteen did not approve of the government program of re­ lief and W.P.A.

Seventeen did but with reservations.

Many

complained that the question was too broad, which is true. Many approved of relief but not the W.P.A. as carried on in America.

Some complained that

itamounted

Many believed it would be allright earned their money.

if

to an ”awful lot.”

the recipients

Some cited reclamation work in the

polders in Holland in this regard. To the question, ”How far do you approve of the New

25 Questionnaire replies.

87

Deal farm program?11 answers were Enthusiastic Approve. . . Indifferent Dislike it . Highly disapprove Several did not understand It. reactions.

1 12 12

Only two had very definite

Some said they liked only parts of it.

The

number of those who were Indifferent was large indicating perhaps that it did not affect them.

One disliked the idea

of land lying idle, but did approve of price control. Several complained they were short of feed because of it. One believed there should be more local control to fit local situations.

Of those who disapproved, one made a far

reaching observation: The economic situation Is changing over the entire world. Certainly some adjustment regulations have to be made. I do believe that the government should regulate private enterprise as little as possible.27 The political background in Holland has affected many of their political attitudes. vital strength of the country. reliant, rooted in the soil.

The Dutch boer is the

He is phlegmatic, selfFrom his class come the

"stadhouders” and the 11stadhouders” govern the country.^8 The people during the great war were pro-ally to the last

26 Questionnaire replies. 27 Questionnaire replies. 28 George Wharton Edwards, Holland of Today (Philadel­ phia: Penn Publishing Company, 1925)> p7 9*

man of them, not for any love of the English or the French; on the contrary, they have neither love nor sympathy for either.

They were pro-ally because of their fear and hatred

of the Germans. Status levels and assimilation.

To the extent that

people of the local settlement attempt to maintain status levels existing in Holland their assimilation is thwarted. The process works in two ways.

In the first, by maintain­

ing their old Dutch ways which in the past have given them prestige, this process tends to keep them segregated even from the 11lower” elements of the Dutch as well as other groups in the community.

In the second, it is an undemo­

cratic trait which does not fit the traditional American pattern.

To the extent that this pattern is broken down,

assimilation takes place. The political structure In Holland Is based on an hereditary monarchy. is the nobility .^9

Connected with the governing family Large landowners are next in Importance

though there are relatively few of them. distinctions based upon the size of farms.

There are minute Industrialists

Many of the nobles are still vested in the tradi­ tion of the past and represent a special group. Nearly all are members of a very powerful order called the Johanites, which dates from the days of the crusades. Many of the reigning monarchs are hereditary members of this society. It enforces the vow of implicit obedience and there are un­ believable penalties for evasion. See Edwards, o£. cit., p. 13-

89

of course rank high. low.

The industrial worker is relatively

The Dutch are very sensitive to these distinctions.

The outward expressions of this feeling are ostentatious display of wealth such as hired girls who are not needed, dislike for the "cheap" (unrefined), refusal to associate with "lower” classes, and shabby treatment of workers.

To

the extent that these reactions are expressed here a cer­ tain carry-over is evidenced: Some Dutch people still try to hold the old class lines. Some people try it with their hired girls, but American girls won't take it. Women in Holland, if well-to-do, can't do housework. Keeping hired girls is a mark of distinction. Those straight from Holland try to keep it up but they can't do it very long. Anything I see cheap, I canft stand. I always like classy people. I can't help it. My people who were a better class than my husbands just couldn't understand my going to America with him. However, I give credit to nice people who have worked their way up. Hollanders are given to display. There is a lot of jealousy. There are no longer any class lines in association but there is a carry-over. I took my new car back to Holland and got a kick out of showing it off before people who once considered themselves superior to me. I have my old friends rides and they did a good job of rubbing it in. Class consciousness is not in me. There are three general classes in Holland. They use the word prole­ tariat very much. A farmer girl or a hired girl feel they are higher than milkers. They tend to treat labor poorly. I brought over no class consciousness. I came from a good sized farm and had a higher standing than workers. How some of these same workers are in this

90

country and there is no

d i f f e r e n c e . ^

One gave a humorous account of the extent to which class distinction has actually been broken down: One fellow on arriving from Holland thought he was better than the rest but everybody laughed in his face. In the old country he lived on a large farm and used field glasses to spy on his workers. In this country he had to milk cows like all the rest. In fact, one of his workers told him he needed his spy glasses to see the end of the long string of cows he had to milk.31 Language and communication.

It is usually stated

that the knowledge of English is the first prerequisite to proper assimilation, but it must not be forgotten that the Pennsylvania Germans and other rural groups as well, have been 11Americanized” to a degree for generations in spite of limited knowlefge of the English language.

Language is

only a tool, and while it is essential that the communica­ tion tool of the community be learned quickly and thoroughly there may be advantages in not discarding the old too soon. Identical thoughts can be experienced in different lan­ guages and it is much easier to grasp ideas expressed in the speech of childhood than in one learned in later life. Much assimilation work can be carried on in the native

Personal Interviews with Holland-Dutch people. 31 Personal Interviews with Holland-Dutch people.

91 tongue.52

To the question, ”How much Dutch and how much Ameri­ can do you speak?” the answers were as follows: Dutch o n l y ..................... Dutch and some A m e r i c a n ......... Dutch and American equally well . American and some D u t c h ......... American o n l y ................... By far the greater number is bi-lingual.

0 9 . 29 5 1

\33)

All still spoke

their native tongue with the exception of one who spoke only American for the benefit of his children.

More spoke Dutch

and some American than spoke American and some Dutch. Food and dress. What Kallen calls the n standardiza­ tion of externals” is another automatic force making for assimilation.

In these days of ready-made clothes,

factory-made goods, refrigerating plants, it is almost im­ possible that the mass of inhabitants of this country should wear other than uniform clothes, use other than uniform furniture or utensils or eat anything but the same kind of food.

The uniformity of attire is one of the first

traits that impresses many foreigners when they first ar­ rive here.

According to a former immigrant, ”The

most strik­

ing thing to me when I landed was the absence of uniforms,

22 Donald D. Young, American Minority Peoples (New York: Harper and Brothers^Publishers, 1952;, pp. 455-66. 23 Questionnaire replies.

92

and the monotonous yet significant uniformity. seen a state in civilian garb.

I had never

Rank clearly marked, force

definitely accentuated, colorful distinctions, soldiers, swords and guns seemed to me then as essential as ozone in the air. 3*1Immigrants appear to adopt new ways most rapidly in regard to clothing which represents the most conspicuous means by which a low income group can express its desire for equal social status with its native-born members.35 The Dutch in the local community have been very adaptable to new material traits of this type.

For the

most part the people of Holland are not dressed very dif­ ferently from Americans.

The unique dress of Holland is

now found only in out of the way places and in islands of the Horth Sea.

Here it is used only in carnivals.

Some

Dutch upon first arriving may have a more conservative cut to their clothing. To the question, ”Do you still cook Dutch dishes as in Holland?” thirty-three replied flyes,,f and only five replied ,fno.”

The Dutch women enlightened the writer

chiefly on this matter of culinary differentiation.

The

same foods are cooked for the most part, but the difference

Davie, op. cit., pp. 55^-55• 35 ibid., p. 15-

93

lies in preparation.

The Dutch are more partial to

creamed foods; their foods are plainer and more fattening. They especially like potatoes and meat. Customs of Holland still in use.

Holland is not

only a land of windmills and dykes; it is also a land of many customs that seem strange to the outsider.

In Holland

there are many variations in customs and language from one province to another.

In the local community, wooden shoes

are still worn on occasion hut have been more and more difficult to get, even before the war.

Some Dutch women

still have their white caps, but do not.wear them except on festive occasions.

Keeping their yards clean and neat is a

very definite custom according to one Dutch woman. ing to another, knives are highly sharpened. the dullest knives!

Accord­

Americans use

One can scarcely enter a Dutch home

but what he sees In round frames the pictures of parents or grand-parents.

They have an exceedingly “Dutch11 appearance

and lend this atmosphere.

Dutch books, pictures, and

picture-cards are often in evidence in the household.

They

still drink coffee at 10:00 o*clock and tea and cake In the afternoon.

This fits in perfectly with the hours of work

on the dairy; particularly the 4:00 o*clock tea. A Dutch game used at local Dutch festivals was described to the writer:

94 Kuipsteaken is a game called "Stick through the Barrel." It was constructed in Hynes and is used during dairy festivals. There is a car going down an arc, something like a rolly-coaster. There is a barrel of water in the center about ten feet high held up by a platform. A wooden flap about two feet square is hung under this and acts as a catch to up­ set the barrel of water. It has a hole In the center. The contestant holds a long round stick which he at­ tempts to put through the hole as he rides down on the car. If he misses the hole the barrel of water spills on him. Not only does the participant get soaking wet In such an event, but the water from the height of ten feet hits with some f o r c e . 56 In Holland the house and barn are under the same roof.

The traditional American farm has the house and the

barn quite separated, with outer buildings somewhat scat­ tered and away from the house.

The general pattern of

house and dairy barn In the local area has been to have them very close together so that a short walk connects them. Occupational diversity and its effect.

To the extent

that the Dutch of the local community remain in agriculture and the dairy business, they tend to keep their old ways. To the extent that they adopt new jobs and new trades, their contacts widen and they become more assimilated. 1950 a Hynes minister took a survey in his church and found that over seventy per cent were dairymen.

In 193^

he took another count and found less than fifty per cent belonging to that industry.

Personal Interviews.

"The second generation is

In

95

breaking away and entering the trades; the third will enter the prof essions.**57

Many who have disliked milking have

gone into closely related work, i.e., hauling feed or delivering milk. tact.

The tendency here is toward wider con­

Many have become carpenters, their first apprentice­

ship being in the construction of dairy buildings.

In 1957

when General Motors Corporation opened in Huntington Park several started working there.58

During the war emergency

many have taken work in defense industries, i.e., the shipyards and to some extent in aircraft industries. Return trips to Holland. Many of the local Dutch have dreamed of returning to Holland--most of them 11just for the trip.11 Very few have gone back to remain .39

Excursions

of as many as thirty or forty of the local Dutch have made the return trip together.^0

When they have made these trips,

startling comparisons have been made.

Many of them had not

realized that they had changed so very much.

In many cases

the event created a new appreciation of America:

37 Personal Interview with a Dutch minister and

former Americanization teacher. 58 personal Interview. 39 Personal Interview.

^0 Personal Interview.

96

First we thought that after five years in America we could go back. We didn'!t go back in five years but in 19*1-0 we went to Holland. We counted the nights u n ­ til we got back to America. I feel I am becoming dlfferent--especially after returning from Holland. We have easier ways in America and I like to be myself. The war has hurt our chances of ever going back to Holland. More Holland people than ever before became citizens of the United States last year.2*-1 Dutch housing in assimilation.

All factors tending

to bring about permanency of residence promote assimilation. Among these is the economic prosperity of the immigrant. This widens the circle of his wants and leads him to imitate the higher style of living that he sees about him.

It

separates him from the habits and traditions of his native country.

His adoption of new standards, which are associ­

ated in his mind with the new domicile, produces a feeling of superiority when he revisits the old home or comes in contact with later arrivals.

It differentiates him, so to

speak from the immigrant, and gives him a feeling of attach­ ment to the country where he has prospered.^ In Holland much attention is paid to adequate hous­ ing.

In this the Dutch have a superior background: One of the brightest feathers in the Dutch cap is

i*’1 Personal Interview. j)avie, 0p. cit., p. 55*

97

the fact that perhaps no other people in the world are housed quite so well as the people of Holland. Prom the humblest farm house to the apartment houses of the larger municipalities, there is an air of Dutch neat­ ness and permanence about Dutch homes that is refresh­ ing. One can search in vain for slums comparable to those found in the United States. Furthermore, there are plenty of homes to go around, for as the chief inspector of housing assured me, "practically every working class family can have, as a rule, four rooms and a kitchen in which to live.,142 The housing conditions of the local Dutch who have achieved financial security are unusually good.

A great number of

them have new homes they have built on their new farms. Individual differences among the local Dutch and their effects.

The basic group in the local community is

composed of first generation immigrant dairy farmers, with a majority of the offspring just entering into adulthood. However, the picture is not wholly simple.

Some have come

from a very poor economic background, while others from "position" in Holland.

Some are very well established and

almost completely Americanized and have been in America for some time; others have recently arrived.

Some are wealthy;

others have just begun to take jobs as milkers or have re­ mained in these jobs.

There is a religious group and a

group about one fourth that size that does not go to church.

^ F. 0. Wilcox, "Democracy The Dutch Way," Current History, XLIX (September, 1938), 39*

98

There Is a wide chasm here, for they do not associate except In economic affairs.

One family the writer discovered was

In the fourth generation, although this Is a very excep­ tional case.

They had come from the East.

There is also a

great difference between the Frisian element locally and the remainder of the Dutch.^

The Frisians remain somewhat

aloof and even resent being called Dutch. different from the "Holland" language.

Their language Is

One person reported

that he had to learn to speak Frisian In order to speak to his next door neighbor. Two thirds of the folks here are Frieshlanders. Most of the dairymen are. Frisian is more Anglo-Saxon. Twenty-five per cent of their language resembles English. The Frisians are kind of clannish; they won't change their language for a Dutchman who enters the group where two or more Frisians are together. They will talk Dutch if necessary to converse with a Dutchman, but not out of courtesy. The Frieshlanders and Hollanders don't get a long very well. They don’t fight but they haven't much in common. You have to be careful with whom you are dealing. The Frisians are quite sensitive about their language and country.^5 To the extent that this group heterogeneity breaks up the group and causes the members to look outward, the effect Is assimilating; to the extent that it causes the local Dutch to maintain old ways of doing and thinking to maintain

^

Personal Interview.

^5 Personal Interview.

identity and status in the old cultural group, the effect decidedly segregating.

CHAPTER V

FACTORS TENDING TOWARD THE SEGREGATION OF THE HOLLAND-DUTCH IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA Some causes of segregation. arrives, he is alone and isolated.

When the immigrant first To the extent that he

follows American ways of doing and thinking he becomes Americanized.

To the extent that he keeps his old world

customs, attitudes, and habits of life, he remains segre­ gated.

According to Davie

there are numerous conditions

existing among the immigrant that tend to thwart assimila­ tion: (l) the large number of immigrants; (2) foreign language press; (3) foreign societies; (4) immigrant churches; (5) parochial schools; (6) ignorance, illiteracy, Inability to speak; (7) immigrant banks; (8) knowledge of language; (9) concentration and lack of distribution; (10) race prejudice; and (ll) economic and social stratification of the population.

It is the purpose of this chapter to

discover the factors that are influencing the local Dutch toward segregation. Percentage of friends who are Dutch as an index.

1 Maurice R. Davie, World Immigration (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1936), pp. 556-62.

101

90 percent or over . . . . . 1^ 75 per c e n t .................. 5 67 per c e n t .................. 1 50 per c e n t ................. 15 33 per c e n t 4 . . Under 35 per c e n t ......... . 0 \%) The figures speak for themselves.

The percentage whose

friends and associates are almost entirely Dutch is large. Over half the group have over two thirds of their contacts among the Dutch group.

Those who said fifty per cent of

their friends were Dutch also rank in this group, but have broken away to some extent.

Many of them indicated fifty

per cent because it was a compromise or because it fTsounded good.n

When the interviewer asked them to analyze the

situation more closely, many admitted the percentage was larger.

In general, they tended to underestimate. The Dutch family organization.

In Holland, the

Dutch home is a social center and is known for its hospital­ ity, neatness, and cleanliness.

Because of the fact that

every young man is expected to be established in his occupa­ tion before marriage, the Dutch marry relatively late. unmarried adults outnumber the married two to one. are usually small and infant mortality low.

Families

Birth control

has been encouraged by the government for about fifty

^

Questionnaire replies.

The

102

years.3 Although this liberalization seems to be taking place in Holland, the status of the Dutch family in the local community is very similar to that of the old pioneer family with a patriarchal basis.

Immigration from rural

backgrounds in Holland and Dutch who have resettled from the middle west account for this.

Most of the Interests

are centered about the home and the father Is the dominat­ ing element.

This does not mean the Dutch mother Is not an

important part of the family, for she Is largely the center of home life, but her role Is conventional and her duties are cut out for her.

The father as economic head still

maintains his dominance.

Work, recreation, and social func­

tions are chiefly centered there.

Religion Is very often

stressed and the family works in close cooperation with the church.

Theirs Is the ideal of permanent monogamy, with no

extra-marital sex relationships and with perfect cooperation between family members. Our immigration has always Included and still In­ cludes a majority which has been raised to obey the dictates of a family setup, which was the product of small, family-

2 H. G. Duncan, Immigration and Assimilation (New York: D. C. Heath and Company, 1933) / P* B8“.

103

operated farms."1* According to Y o u n g 5 the patriarchal family is ill-adapted to the needs of an industrialized community and few students regret its passing in the com­ munity in which it exists.

It has always "been necessary

to adjust the forms and functions of the family to changes in other aspects of social organization.

This type of

cultural lag may he harmless, but it is much more likely to assume a serious aspect if readaptation is not soon affected.

This process functions more easily in rural

districts where people can take their time, but the process remains the same. The effect of urbanization upon the patriarchal family is marked. The Swedes of rural Minnesoata are today culturally more Swedish than their cousins who settled in urban centers. In passing judgment, then, we should expect the rural dwellers to show less facility in adopting majority family standards than will be found among those that have been predominantly urban.® Couperous

tells of a family situation in Holland,

MThe uncles, aunts, nephews and nieces exchanged greetings; many of them had not seen one another all the week.11? Duncan, loc. cit. Donald D. Young, American Minority Peoples (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1923}> P* 3&9. 6 Ibid., p. 351. ' Louis M. Couperous, Small Souls (New York: Dodd, Mead, and Company, 1923), p. 59«

104

A similar family situation exists in the local com­ munity. mon.

Gatherings of thirty or even forty are not uncom­

They like nothing better than to sit, talk, and eat

and compare notes about daily happenings and personal ex­ periences.

At certain fetes--Christmas, engagements, and

marriages--this is especially true: Family parties are very much liked by the Dutch. In the old country marriedcouples celebrate at twelve and one-half years. We had forty people at our celebration. The only difference is we have taken on American games. People keep track of each other in Holland. One American fellow working here got one letter in a year. It was terrible.° The loose knit American family is anathema to the Dutch.

The general reaction of the typical immigrant with

a strong family background is given by Steiner: The children in America are all terrible. Nothing is sacred to them; neither the kitchen nor the church. It's because they have so few children. They spoil them.9 Other typical attitudes of the Dutch as shown by the local group are: It is pleasant to be home; my husband won't eat out. The Dutch won't stand for divorce!

® Personal Interviews. 9 Edward A. Steiner, The Immigrant Tide, Its Ebb and Flow (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1909), p. 81.

105

My husband ate in a restaurant once in twelve years.10 The Dutch are reputed to have larger families than the average American family.

This has been the general

view held by the Dutch in the local community and also those in contact with them,

American and Dutch.

According

to statistics from forty-three families, the following distribution was found.

It is somewhat indicative, but

statistically incomplete because of the small number of cases: 0 1 2 5 k

5 7 9 15

children ................ 2 c h i l d .......... 7 children . ............. 7 children ................ 5 children ................ 8 ......... 5 children children ................ 1 chi l d r e n..................1 ( . chi l d r e n 1 v11)

The tendency here is toward relatively large families with some being exceptionally large. are common.

Four or five children

Those with three or more numbered twenty-one,

which represented the majority.

These do not indicate com­

plete families, for many of the families are still incom­ plete.

The age levels of the children is evidence of this

fact:

10 Personal Interviews. Questionnaire replies.

106 Under 1 year . . .............. 4 1-2 y e a r s .......................6 2-5 y e a r s ......................15 6-7 y e a r s .......................6 8-9 y e a r s .......................6 14 11-15 y e a r s .......... 15-20 y e a r s ................... 15 20 years and o v e r ............. 43 The number of high school age is large--twenty-nine. Those just entering adulthood and maturity are very large in number— forty-three.

This indicates a great deal as

far as second generation problems are concerned.

More

specific attitudes will be covered in the section on second generation problems where the relationship of parent and child is indicative of family standards. Inter-cultural marriage.

A factor favorable to

assimilation which may be mentioned is intermarriage.

In

fact, as we have already observed, there Is an interaction here, one process favoring the other.

Intermarriage, by

increasing the number and intimacy of contacts, produces a rapid and profound change in sympathies and loyalties, and for this reason is greatly conducive to assimilation.

Ac­

cording to the questionnaire, sixteen Indicated they would prefer to have their children marry Dutch; eight said they did not prefer the Dutch over Americans. ferent or hadn't thought about the matter.

12 Questionnaire replies.

Many were indif­ The following

107

are statements of parents: I never considered the matter. It is up to them. I don *t care. If ve have of losing too

them much

married to Americans, of ourselves.

we are afraid

I wouldnft want them to marry Japs or Mexicans.It is mostly a question of religion. Two Dutch hoys I know are married to American white girls. American girls donft make good enough homes for them. Dutch like their family friendliness. They like to talk and eat, especially on Sunday afternoons. It is a custom they miss. Two of my sons are married to Dutch girls; one, to a German American. They can marry whom they like. Dutch girls seldom marry American fellows. Quite a few Dutch fellows went hack to Holland to get girls. You don’t see Dutch marrying Americans very much. I would sooner they married a good American than a had Dutchman. More American fellows marry Dutch girls than Dutch fellows marry American girls. I want my children to marry a good Christian man or woman and so many Americans are irreligious. Most Hollanders marry Hollanders. My girl won’t go with a Dutch boy. I will not accept divorce. It must he until death do us part. I don’t care so much who they marry as to whether they stay married . U In the local community, eighteen of the second genera­ tion have married or are engaged to Dutch; seven to Americans

17>

< Personal Interviews.

108 or German Americans.

The minister of the Dutch Christian

Church married sixteen couples in the last three years and and every couple were Dutch.

According to this individual,

there have been one or two cases where Dutch girls have married Portuguese boys, but marriage outside the cultural group happens very rarely.

Other Dutch ministers in the

community have reported the same tendency. The majority of the local Holland-Dutch do not inter­ marry with members of other races.

The older parents do not

favor it and the Church discourages it.

The chief reasons

are that American religious and home standards are not con­ sidered compatible with the Dutch standards. have married out, and some have regretted it.

Several youth Since there

have been more Dutch fellows than girls, the girls have had a better opportunity for in-marriage than do the men.

Many

of the men have gone to Holland for the purpose of finding wives.

A growing number of Dutch girls, attractive and

Americanized will not associate with Dutch fellows. Several races of the community are taboo. Negative attitudes toward American schools.

The

Dutch attitudes toward American schools were expressed as follows: Very good All right Indifferent

8 22

0

109

Disapprove . . . Highly disapprove A large number were enthusiastic, but the great majority accepted American schools, but with reservation.

Signifi­

cantly, none was indifferent, as so many are on other issues.

Several showed unconditional disapproval.

When

the following adverse criticisms are made, it does not indicate that the Dutch are ,fdown,f on American schools as a whole. They should teach a little more and. have less playing around. The children play too much. I dislike the question because it suggests the Dutch dislike American schools which isnft true. I didn’t understand the school and couldn’t advise my daughter. The schools are too large. I like the Dutch school more and more and I support it more. The schools should be controlled by the parents. In American public schools too much politics is creeping in. They learn a little less here. good for the common man.

High school is no

The more education the better, but there should be more housekeeping courses in school. They don’t force the students to study. This school business is all right for some. Others go just to get out of work. The amount should not be the same for all. If it leads directly to something it is all right.

Personal Interviews.

110 A certain amount of extra-curricular activities is O.K. but I dislike school dances. The younger generation donft respect their folks. They think that they don’t know very much. The school has got a lot to do with it.15 The Dutch do not confine themselves to negative criticism: Education up to the twelveth grade is quite a help. Education never will fail. It doesn’t matter how much. They have wonderful teachers in our public schools.16 The Christian School.

The Christian School in Bell­

flower is attended by approximately ninety-five per cent Dutch

c h i l d r e n .

it ±s not a 1TDutch Christian School11 (as

the writer quickly learned when he made this error.

Hov-

et^er, the name is commonly used— even among the Dutch them­ selves), for it is open to all.

The only difference

purportedly between it and other American schools is that it teaches classes in' religion and gives a religious em­ phasis to life.

Others claim it is a parochial school.

Both sides will be presented.

To the extent that it has

parochial school tendencies, it is open to criticism by critics of these schools.

Young tells of the disadvantages

-*-5 Personal Interviews. -*-6 Personal Interview. ^7 Personal Interview.

Ill

of educational segregation: There has been a degree of educational segregation in our school system which has kept large numbers of immigrants and colored children apart from the native parentage. The costs of segregation are great for they necessitate dual school systems. The result has been that segregation has invariably meant inferior educa­ tion for the minority group, not only in the Southern states, but elsewhere in the United States where the practice prevails. Often the teachers are poorly trained and under-paid. Material equipment is in­ ferior. Inadequacy in grammar school instruction often makes high school studies difficult. The effect is felt throughout the entire school system. Voluntary segregation may become a serious threat only when it takes the place of the public school system instead of supplementing it, and then incul­ cates ideals and standards at variance with the com­ munity. To the extent that the Roman Catholic paro­ chial school system supplants the public school and teaches cultural elements foreign and antagonistic to those of the United States as a whole, it delays the assimilation of that faith and increases group con­ flict. There can be no quarrel with purely religious instruction or sentimental efforts to hold fast to alien culture elements which do not clash with funda­ mental American ideals, but it is doubtful whether the parochial schools restrict themselves to these fields. Parochial school teachings concerning the family are at variance with both law and popular opinion in many parts of the United States. Without going into the merits of the case, it can be shown that the atti­ tude toward divorce taught catholic children may clash with that popularly accepted and with the spirit of our divorce legislation. The face is that no stigma is attached to divorce by an increasingly large number of Americans and the fostering of an emotional attitude antagonistic to this point of view does not aid the assimilation of recent immigrants and their children. Other family attitudes taught, including those regard­ ing the duties of husband, wife and child to each other and society might be elaborated, but would only serve to labor the point. In numerous ways the parochial

112 school tends to preserve old-world attitudes not alto­ gether in harmony with American culture patterns.18 Facts about the school. Just how closely the local school coincides with the definition of parochial school!9 will be shown by a description of the school itself. To date [1941] grades one to eleven inclusive are taught. In 1942 we plan to complete the high school students: pre-college, business, and vocational. Credits from this school are readily acceptable by and transferable to the public high schools and junior college of this community. The combined enrollment of elementary and high school is about 350 pupils. Eleven full-time and three part-time teachers besides the principal are employed. Nine board members are elected from the membership at large to regulate the affairs of the school for the society. The school receives no state aid, being entirely supported by the contributions of persons and organiza­ tions of this community. It is not a parochial shcool, since it is not directly affiliated with or controlled by any one church denomination. Most of the constituents are of Reformed persuasion. Instructions are given in harmony with their standards, letting the Bible speak for itself. Tuition rates charged are as follows: One child per family . . Two children per family Three children per family

$2.00 per week 3-00 per week 3-50 per week

The school is maintained by the Society for Christian Instruction. Membership consists of all parents of children attending the school. The membership fee is $3.25 per year, which includes subscription to the Christian Home and School Magazine, a publication of the

young, op. cit., pp. 467-68. ^■9 a parochial school is financed and sponsored by a religious organization. It promotes its own particular denominational or sectarian beliefs through education, and often inculcates other cultural elements either directly or indirectly.

113

National Union of Christian Schools. Other persons interested in Christian education may also he members of this society by paying the annual membership fee. The school does not have as much money to spend as the public school. There is neither a gym, nor an auditorium, but these will come in time, within the next three or four years. It is in its seventh year now. It started with one hundred twenty students. Now there are three hundred and eighty. Ninety-five per cent are Dutch. The rest are Americans. Some of these were dissatisfied with the amount of instruction received in public schools. There are mixed motives. Some did not get along well in public schools. I believe that a little more work is done here than in public schools. One school in the community had a building program. The cut in attendance due to the opening of the Chris­ tian School cut down the number in that school and they weren*t able to go through with it. The next year the principal brought a basketball team here and remarked during the game, ”We get a few students from your school and find they are superior to our own.” He asked to bring the whole staff of his teachers to see how work was carried on at the Christian S c h o o l . 20 The philosophy of the Society of Christian Schools is illustrated by the following excerpt: What is the chief end of man? Our answer to that will determine what education should be. The chief end of man is not to be decided by straw vote but by the pronouncement of him who is man's creator and Sovereign Lord. One of the principal functions of the school is to give instruction in various branches of study of which the child must have some knowledge to be equipped for its task in life. It must be able to read and write and figure. It must know something about its own body, the earth, its country and its history. The underlying and guiding principles of all these branches

20 Personal Interview.

114

of study (relating, for example to the origin of the earth, the origin and purpose of government) are matters of faith. Here the ways of the believer and the un­ believer must part. The true believer finds these in scripture, which the unbelieving world does not receive because it is blind and hostile to the truth. Since, furthermore, it is the function of education to train man to fulfill his proper purpose in the rela­ tions in which he stands and lives, especially with God, the first and the governing equation in the educational formula must be God and His commandments. Only an education based upon reverence for God and respect to his Sovereign law answers to the proper end of educa­ tion— and that sort of an education only the Christian School provides. Local Dutch attitudes toward the Christian School♦ The following attitudes were expressed: Approve of the Christian S c h o o l ........ 22 t0 0 \ Disapprove the Christian School ........ ±3 \22) Obviously the Dutch as a whole are not behind the school, although the majority are.

This fact indicates more than an

attitude toward the school, for it shows that some are more desirous of remaining isolated than others. religious people do not back the school.

Many highly

The following are

their statements: I donft know what to think about it, but my wife objects.

21 "Christian Education in the Restoration of Man," Christian School Statistics, compiled and edited by the National Union of Christian Schools (Chicago: National Union of Christian Schools, 1941), pp. 76-77-

22 Questionnaire replies.

115

The Christian school is not a Dutch school as no Dutch is taught, rather it is attended by Dutch chil­ dren and is supported by parents of Dutch extraction. The Christian schools are not so strict (he does not approve of them). The only difference is that it is for the Bible. I like the public school for better Dutch and American mixture in the future. But I like the Chris­ tian school for its religious side. Mexicans, Japs and everything go to public schools. Don't think the children are angels in the Christian school. Well meaning teachers have an awful job. I believe the mothers should have more to do with educa­ tion, and teach better control. I can*t condemn it on religious grounds. The more they learn in public schools, the less they believe. There is not Dutch school because it is all American and they get same studies as public school with this difference that they get three hours weekly Bible study--and that will lead to the good. In this day and age we need Christianity more than ever--and our constitution is founded on the Bible or Ten Com­ mandment s . By strict definition the school is not parochial.

It

is not a school sponsored by a given nationality or culture group nor is it sponsored by a particular religious group. It is open to all who want a Christian education.

But as a

matter of actual practice it is chiefly backed by the Chris­ tian Reformed Church and is attended almost exclusively by a single cultural group and has a definite religious

Personal Interviews.

116 doctrine it teaches in connection with the Society of Christian Schools. schools.

It is not as extreme as many parochial

It cannot for the most part he condemned for poor

Instruction for its academic standards are good, although modern educational theorists would condemn their fTfunda­ ment alis tic "2^ instruction.

Neither can it he condemned

on account of its desire to teach a Christian way of life. But to the extent that It perpetuates elements of the old culture that prevent desirable assimilation, and to the extent that it segregates these children, it creates isola­ tion and segregation. The acceptance of Dutch religion.

The local Dutch

show the following religious associations: Dutch Reformed Church . . Christian Reformed Church C a t h o l i c .......... .. . . Protestant Reformed Church First Reformed Church . . No church ..............

26 6 5 1 1 5 (25)

The number of families attending the various churches has been estimated by Dutch ministers as follows:

pii

Relates to theories of education that maintain that certain fundamental skills are the chief subject matter of education. 25 Questionnaire replies.

117

Artesla Christian Reformed ............ 51 Dutch R e f o r m e d ............ 100 Bellflower Christian Reformed ............... 275 Dutch R e f o r m e d .......................20 12 Protestant Reformed .............. Hynes Dutch R e f o r m e d ...................... 80 Compton Christian R e f o r m e d

28 (^6)

Dutch attitudes regarding religion are illustrated by these statements: Religion is the chief contributing factor in segre­ gation. People who do not belong usually remain out­ side the church group. But those inside marry within the group. If the Church contained more Americans, it would assimilate faster. When they are not church members, they really hate the Church. Religious differences play a great role here. On the average the Dutch are highly religious, and have high standards in religion. The main theme is not to save humanity and to raise man but to praise and glorify God. You must open the day and close the day thinking of him. Some people accuse us of not being Americanized be­ cause we refuse to give up our identity, but this is not true. Our people are back of our government and institutions one hundred per cent, if it does not interfere with our religious convictions. Patriotism

26 Personal Interviews.

118 to us means praying for our government, encouraging support through taxes and defending it in time of war; and to do it without grumbling. We can do the govern­ ment more service by providing families and communities that are an asset morally and socially than by making a hullabaloo. We need a Christian nation if it is going to stand. The Christian Reformed Church differs from the Re­ formed Church in that it is generally more strict.

It not

only does not believe in divorce, but it encourages mar­ riage within the Christian circle.

It discourages both

modern dance and the modern theatre because they are in­ filtrated with immorality and because of the delinquency which the Church believes is a result of them. The Church and charity.

The Dutch take care of their

own poor, and respond loyally and liberally to the needs of their own people.

They have a definite church program.

a person is not a citizen, the Chruch helps him.

If

If a

citizen, the Church aids him at the start until the govern­ ment gives him relief.

In the Church there are two offer­

ings every service and sometimes three. goes to charity work.

Some of this money

Once a month there is a regular

charity offering, often for special cases. Financially they are very loyal to the Church. We are always able to end the year with a balance regard­ less of expenditures. The people of the community marvel at our church attendance. There is a free will

27 Personal Interview.

119

offering every Sunday called the "Deacons Fund11 for the needy. The real aim of the Church is to take care of its poor. Two examples serve as illustrations: A woman with six children lost her husband suddenly in an accident. On his death bed the husband said, "The Lord will take care of you." The Church immediate­ ly took up a collection of $1000 and paid the funeral expenses, leaving a surplus. At Christmas the Church sent a large box of groceries and presents. The county now cares for her at $90 per month. A young couple were recently married. The husband was injured so that he could not work for some time. The Church has been giving them $75 to $80 a month. A widow I know is getting $30 per month from the Church.29 Dutch language in the Church.

There is more English

spolen in the churches here than where the churches started fifty to sixty years ago. easily.

The Dutch take on new languages

In 1913 the Church services were in Dutch.

For the

evening services the same year, the Church adopted the American language without a single vote against i t . ^

There

are now two churches that are using the English language entirely and all mid-week services are in English. Church reactions to Sunday labor.

The local Dutch

28 Personal Interview. 29 Personal Interview. Personal interview with a local preacher.

120 churches have "been strongly opposed to Sunday labor.

They

have asked several garages and filling stations to close. The Dutch were to refrain from patronizing merchants or businesses that engaged in unnecessary Sunday labor.

It

was their purpose to take the petition around to all busi­ nessmen, but this did not materialize. closed at once when asked to do so.

One filling station

Others followed.

The

rule was aimed mostly at the markets which remained open on t

Sunday.

The preachers were strongly behind the plan. Although the Dutch churches are not sectarian in the

strict definition of the term, they have certain sectarian characteristics.

They represent a way of life for their

members which is quite opposed to the general existing standards.

They are prepared to defend this way of life

in order to maintain their identity.

To the extent that

they are sectarian, they face the problems of sectarian groups in a fast changing world.

In order to keep their way

of life they must remain segregated. According to D a v i e ^ the motives of recent immigrants in establishing their religious institutions are similar to those of the early settlers, but as Lawrence Guy Brown points out, we dondemn them rather than praise them.

Attach­

ment to religion on the part of recent immigrants is identi­ cally the same social phenomenon as the attachment of the 31 Davie, ojd. cit., p. 2^8.

121 Pilgrim Fathers to their religion.

The strength of im­

migrant churches lies in the fact that they provide reli­ gious ceremonies appropriate to the traditional and cul­ tural position of the newcomer and also social contacts with his compatriots.

The influence of the segregated

church is, on the whole, more for

cohesion than for assim­

ilation and is the most persistent feature of the old world culture in transplanted communities.

B r u n n e r 3 2 has found

that while the rural immigrants have to a large extent adopted American farm methods, joined American school organizations, and sent their children to he educated in American schools, in religious affairs they have been slow to break away from the loyalties, customs, and traditions of the old world.

Two ministers summed up the situation:

In the mid-west the Dutch church has been completely Americanized and is a church for everybody. If the church contained more Americans here, they would assimi­ late faster. Now the Dutch people in church are much by themselves.33 Newspaper and other cultural preferences of Hollanders. The local Dutch subscribe to several Dutch and foreign language newspapers.

Among them may be mentioned the

32 Edmund D. S. Brunner, Immigrant Farmers and Their Children (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Doran and Co., Chapter VI. 33 Personal Interviews.

122 Knickerbacker, published in New York; the Folkamend, Orange City, Iowa; Ons Toekonist, Chicago; De Herdeweld, "The Heathen World," a church publication (no longer published); and De Wachter, "The Watchman," also a church publication. Compared with other national groups, the Dutch take a relatively small number.

Newspapers coming from Holland

have been discontinued because of the war.

Even before the

German invasion, many papers were becoming so pro-Nazi, they were no longer subscribed to. Dutch reading habits are different from those of Americans. It cannot be said that the Dutch are not a reading people. . . but they are almost entirely given up to commercial affairs. Literature has little or no place in their columns. Dutch authors are rarely able to live on the products of their pens. A Dutch lady told the writer that Dutch novels are very different from American ones for they love stories of happy everyday events.

Edwards describes Jacob Cats who illus­

trates this type of literature: An honest graybeard who stuck to his paternalities. His moralities are sometimes prolix, and sometimes rather dull. He often sweeps the bloom away from the imaginative anticipations of youth--and in that does little service. He has no other notion of love than that it was meant to make good husbands and wives, and to produce painstaking and obedient children. His volumes are a storehouse of prudence and worldly wisdom, for the nurse who wants a song for her babe, for the

Personal Interview.

123

boy who Is tormented by dread of the birch rod, and the youth whose beard begins to grow. There is a store of verse to console and be grateful for. The titles of his works are indices of their contents, "Old Age,” ”Out of Doors Life,” "Garden Thoughts,” "Thoughts of Sleepless Nights,” "Marriage King,” and others. Never was a poet so essentially a poet of the people.53 Resettlement and growing segregation of HollandPut ch coming from other parts of the United States.

Approx­

imately half of the Dutch in the local community are not direct immigrants from Holland, but have come to California as a result of resettlement, chiefly from the mid-west and especially from the older Dutch settlements of Pella, Iowa, and from western Michigan.

The effect has been negative

in many cases In terms of their assimilation, but the majority like California far better than the middle west. The reasons for coming to California were mainly economic. Many came as a result of the great droughs in the middle west in the early and mid-nineteen thirties: I came to California in 1935* You could bake eggs on the sidewalks in Iowa. There was no rain for a year. I lived in Pella for the first five years amongst Dutch people. They were very nice and lady and gentlemen like. A bull or a boer was never men­ tioned when women were around. The next fifteen years I lived on a large farm where there were many GermanAmericans. There I felt always down. When I arrived in California I could not drink it in enough— especially the flowers. Now I am here and am always

25 George Wharton Edwards, Holland, of Today (Philadel­ phia: Penn Publishing Company, 1925) > P* T?-

124

happy. The Dutch people— I can!t think now what I have done without them.1 36 Besides rearranging their work and social contacts, many of the Dutch in coming to the local community found something was happening to them.

Of those who came from

the mid-west, eight said they were becoming ”more Dutch.” Characteristic responses of this group were: I am more Dutch since coming to California. Here I am quite Dutch and seem to like it.37 The effect of the infiltration of new members dir­ ectly from Holland has had much to do with this tendency. The much desired contacts with the old sentimental attach­ ments are appreciated by those who have been away so long. They acquaint themselves again with the Dutch language in order to converse with these newcomers.

The migration to

the United States since 1928 has been chiefly to California where they have entered the dairy industry with the resultant occupational isolation.

Concentration of the Dutch in a

relatively small area of many dairy farms is an explanatory factor.

Resuming the old and accustomed ways is a great

source of pleasure to many. Dutch who have resettled have not only fallen into

Personal Interview. 37 Personal Interview.

See also supra, p. 34.

125

old accustomed ways but have brought with them a religious and familial conservatism which strengthens these two segregating factors.

Moreover, there is a growing differ­

ence between the Dutch who came from the middle west and those who came from Holland. The people who came from the middle west are more conservative than the new people from Holland. The people from the middle west are very conservative in religion. They keep alive the influences of 1847* They haven!t the progress made in H o l l a n d . 33

Personal Interview.

CHAPTER VI

ASSIMILATIVE FACTORS IN COMMUNITY RELATIONSHIPS The nature of a community. According to Elliott and Merrill,1 the distinguishing characteristics of the community is its psychological unity or commonality of interest, whether or not individuals and institutions are in close proximity.

A community is a cooperative activity

directed toward a common goal.

Unanimity of attitudes is

basic and concern for the welfare of the group.

Community

disorganization is due to the development of rivalries, different attitudes, and conflict situations.

There are

certain indices of this: Mobility of population Statistics of new construction Age and sex ratio of population Church membership Juvenile delinquency rates Level or rents, land values, housing conditions, evictions Groups without institutional connections Membership in definitely organized institutions which are not functionally a part of the community Segregation: cultural, racial, ecological, occupational.2 There are several criteria of personal individual participation:

1 Mabel A. Elliott and Francis E. Merrill, Social Disorganization (New York: Harper and Bros., 193^-) > P« 569* 2 Ibid., pp. 587-79.

127

Ability to speak the language Length of residence Number of times the individual has moved Whether or not the individual votes at elections Ownership of real and personal property Degree of specific interest in community activities.3 The nature of the local community.

This community,

an area in which common interests and activities predomin­ ate, is composed of a triangel of three towns, Norwalk, Artesia, and Bellflower.

To the east is Carmenita; to the

west is Hynes and Clearwater; to the north and west is Downey.

The Los Angeles ^milkshed” represents one center of

interest.

It covers all the above territory plus scattered

outlying districts.

Cities and towns circumscribing the

area are Cyprus, Lakewood, Compton, South Gate, and Anaheim. On the outskirts of these localities facing the local community, are a few scattered dairy farms in the rural sections.

A second center of interest is the local high

school, a school enrolling its students from the towns of Bellflower, Norwalk, Artesia, Carmenita, Clearwater, and also from sections towards Hynes and Downey.

Downey High

School takes in a portion as does Compton Junior High School. Four terms describe the local area: heterogeneity, population mobility, ecological invasion and succession,

3 Ibid., p. 580.

128 and Individualism.

Once a part of Rancho Los Coyotes, the

area became one of relatively large farms on which sugar beets, hay, and other similar products were raised.

Mixed

farming by Americans including some early dairies at one time predominated the area. settlers.

They represent the "old time”

American farmers who raised corn, tomatoes, and

some "garden*1 crops came in.

There were also several

Chinese farms about this time which produced such vegetables as califlower and onions.

Italian and other nationality

groups came in as farmers of this character. ranches were established.

Later on hog

Chicken ranches became the chief

interest for a while and two subdivisions were built for the production of these products. not as extensive as planned.

They both remain although

Japanese gardeners invaded

the area in the early 1920Ts and took all the possible land they could get. left the area.

Although a large number remains, many have (Since this investigation was made, all of

the Japanese have been evacuated from this area in accord­ ance with Federal order.) men by ‘1920.

There were many Portuguese Dairy­

Some of these have since moved to the

northern part of the state.

There were Dutch dairy farmers

before 1920, but they did not come in any appreciable number until after 1923•

It was not until after 1927 that

they came in large numbers.

There are some Spanish dairy

farmers; also Swiss and Armenian.

Mexican centers have

129

sprung up, two by the Center St. Bridge on the San Gabriel River and one in Artesia called ”J” town on the south side. There are other Mexican communities.

Their chief occupa­

tion constitutes agricultural labor.

Tomato, canning

factories and a marmalade factory constitute local indus­ tries . Of late years agricultural workers and farmers have come in from the "Dustbowl.n remained. south.

If they have found work, they

If not, they have drifted further north or

There is the usual element found in the towns in­

cluding many industrial workers who work outside the area. Since the war defense workers have taken all available houses.

The "Vultee” Aircraft Corporation employs many.

The new Douglas plant in Lakewood has provided similar stimulus.

Whereas once the writer knew many of the people

in each of these towns, it is now a surprise when he meets some one he knows. completely gone.

The small town atmosphere has almost Individualism and ”city life in the

country” now prevails. Racial attitudes of the Hoiland-Dutch in the local community.

The Dutch have encountered several new races on

the Pacific Coast, many for the first time.

Their reactions

to these new groups, whether favorable or unfavorable, con­ stitute part of the social nearness or social farness

130 existing between the local Dutch and other members of the community. ^ A racial attitude is an established or acquired tendenoy to act in a social situation involving persons different from one*s own r a c e . 5

Facial prejudice results

from attack upon onefs status; this may come from either social or economic competition. to adverse sense impressions.

Racial antipathy is due Racial attitudes, friendly

or antagonistic, may be the product of objective and accurate observations but they are more likely to be based on limited and faulty knowledge, distorted through the minds through which they have been relayed.

Generalization

upon the basis of a few experiences is often a source of race attitudes.

The best or the worst of a given racial

group may be seen and generalizations made on this basis. American attitudes in g e n e r a l ^

show pronounced

antipathies against Armenians on such grounds as lying and unreliability, insolence and haggling among themselves. Antipathy for the Chinese is aroused not only by meeting

^ In a study of a considerable number of race con­ flicts, a lack of understanding and fellow feeling is usually found. This Is social distance. See Emory S. Bogardus, Immigration and Race Attitudes (Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1928), p. 10. 5 Bogardus, ibid., p. 1 3 . ^ Infra, p.

132.

131 one or a few representatives of the lower social levels, but also by anti-Chinese propaganda.

Antipathy against Germans

is in the main a reaction against the real and reported atrociti©3 of German soldiers and war lords.

The strong

propaganda once spread on the Pacific Coast against the Japanese is a significant element in American prejudice against that race.

On the Pacific coast there has been

an invasion in considerable numbers of a people noticeably different in appearance and culture.

The Mexican is thought

of as a peon, an illiterate from centuries of oppression, 11a shiftless good for nothing,11 or else a sly, a man stab­ bing wild man from the lowest Indian ranks.

Antipathy

against the Negro is due to differences in biological appear­ ances and forms, to variations in culture levels, and to wide-spread propaganda.7 Hoiland-Putch reactions to local racial groups.

The

reactions to local groups found In this community are shown in Table VI.

A summary of their reactions is shown in

Table VII, page 133-

Several showed a decided lack of

racial prejudices: There are good people among all races. I wouldn't marry any but white; otherwise, I would not object to them if they were the right sort of people. No race Is different to me.

^ Infra, p. 132.

Every race has good

TABLE VI HOLLAND-DUTCH REACTIONS TO LOCAL RACIAL GROUPSa

Reactions Group

Portuguese Mexicans Japanese Chinese Negroes Armenians Filipinos German Amer Americans

Marry

Have as Have as intimate regular friends friends

5*

1 1 1

3

2

Debar as neighbor

Debar from United States

1 2

6

4 3 4 4 5 3

7

3 3

4 7

1

6

2

5

4 4 3

4 3 5 4

6 11 9 4

2

11

Totals 23 7 (excluding Americans)

45

2 1

6

1

1

5 33

aCompiled from questionnaire replies. *Affirmative answers.

Accept as speaking acquaint­ ance

6

4 7

6 19

Have as Permit as co-worker neighbor in office

25

46

12

3

133

TABLE VII SUMMARY OF HOLLAND-DUTCH REACTIONS TO LOCAL RACIAL GROUPSa

Rank

Cultural group

Total score

Number answering

Index

1

Americans

48

31

1.6

2

German Americans

56

23

2.4

3

Portuguese

91

24

3.8

4

Armenians

83

21

4.0

5

Negroes

101

23

4.4

6

Mexicans

112

23

4.9

7

Chinese

114

23

4.9

8

Filipinos

98

20

4.9

132

25

5-3

9

*Japanese

aCompiled from questionnaire replies. *At the time of this study.

and bad people. There are some good and some bad in every r a c e . 8 Several adverse reactions were expressed: German-Amerieans think they*re better than anyone else. My daughter had an opportunity to ride to school with a very nice Japanese student who works in a near-by market. It would have solved her problem very well. But my husband would not stand for it. He believed it would ruin his familyfs reputation. Armenians? gyp you.

You have to watch them or they will

I would work beside them all in an office if it were not for the fact that other Dutch people might see me working with them. The Mexicans are a low class of people. think much of them.

I don*t

The Japanese— I donft trust them.9 The most

significant, however, are their reactions

to these new races on the basis of first hand acquaintance, minus established prejudice: Mexicans, Portuguese and Japanese are all right. They know their manners. I wrote back in a letter that I had a good impression of them. Japanese are nice and friendly. I haven*t anything against Japs. They help themselves. There is. no racial conflict; or if they have any at all they aren*t very strong. They have comein contact with many Portuguese in the dairy business. o

Personal Interviews. 9 Personal Interviews.

135 It is their attitude that "those Portuguese are not so had. There’s a lot of people worse than Armenians. I would talk to a Jap first; they are quite honest people. Negro porters take good care of you. The Portuguese are good people and the Portuguese and Dutch get along very well, hut don’t associate much.10 Summary of Dutch racial attitudes. According to the data obtained the local group is divided.

One would have

many of these different races as regular friends; the other would have them only as speaking acquaintances and would prefer to hold them at arm’s length. sent a bi-modal curve. high as were Armenians.

The reactions repre­

Portuguese were ranked relatively In comparison with American

rankings, Negroes were also ranked high.

Filipinos,

Mexicans, and Chinese were rated evenly and were given a relatively low rating.

Because of the war, some reactions

toward the Japanese were extremely adverse. did not take the war into consideration.

Many* however,

Eight had little

contact with other racial groups and maintained an attitude of indifference.

They were extremely Isolated from other

races and for practical purposes the latter "did not exist."

Personal Interviews.

136

Holland-Putch reactions to Americans.

Although out

of thirty-one answers, nineteen would marry Americans, seven would have them only as intimate friends, and five would prefer to have them only as regular friends.

Of the

Americans one said, nIf you don*t bother them, they leave you alone.”

Americans were appreciated for this trait.

According to one Butch individual close to the local situa­ tion the Dutch have three criticisms of Americans: Americans are wasteful and the United States is a wasteful nation. They canft figure, they have no arithmatic ability, i.e., when a Dutchman buys at the store he keeps all the figures in his head. Finally, the Dutch criticize American schools. They don*t understand the American school system. The language is also different and it takes longer to learn the English language; consequently, the Dutch believe that American schools are slower.H / American attitudes toward the Dutch.

The following

reactions were ascertained by a questionnaire by which American impressions were obtained.1^ were used, i.e., health and radicalism.

Selected indices All Americans had

certain beliefs concerning these although most of them did T

not know the true facts.

A comparison of the facts with

impressions has provided an insight into American attitudes and has tended to uncover both favorable reactions and

11 Personal Interview. 12 The following seventeen reactions were obtained from a questionnaire answered by forty-eight Americans.

137 unfavorable prejudices. I.

As to the number of Dutch people in the local

area, the Americans believed that there were: 200 500

0 1 < h .6

. .

1000

1500 2000

10

5000 5000

.15 11

The question was deceiving, for there are actually about 10,000.^

All but eleven underestimated according to the

above tabulation.

Any who estimated below 5000 were not

aware of the local situation.

The result tends to indicate

an unawareness of the presence of so large a number in the community.

Some, however, were aware of the fact.

One

exclaimed, #tThere are 5000 if there is one.41 II.

As to the change in number, Americans believed:

The number to be i n c r e a s i n g 38 ~ The number remaining the same . . . . . 9 The number to be d e c r e a s i n g ............ 1 There were few who had any misconceptions on this point. The number of Dutch in the community from 1930 to 19^0 has practically doubled. >

III.

Americans had these reactions to the school

standing of Dutch children: They have a higher intelligence and make better

Supra* pp. 7^-75•

138

2 grades They have a lower intelligence and make poorer grades 21 They are about the same as other Americans . . 20 The first two choices had variable factors to which some objected; nevertheless, they were statements of an actual existing fact.

Whether the general intelligence rating of

the Dutch children was somewhat lower due to environmental causes, i.e., language handicaps, social background, lack of interest or similar reasons, or was due to hereditary influences, the writer does not surmise.

However, environ­

mental factors could have played a considerable role.

The

intelligence of the Dutch as a race, according to the Army tests,^ is superior to that of most races.

The

American attitudes in this respect were complimentary to the Dutch for nearly an equal number indicated that they believed them to be about the same as other Americans. IV.

The comparison between the beliefs in work and

language handicaps was: They had these handicaps . They did not have them

30 15

The Americans in this instance indicated a degree of lack of sympathy for the Dutch children.

The latter do not have

the background in their homes for the best English in many cases (at least there is a language conflict in most homes),

^

Infra, p.

171-

139

and many of them have to work.

The majority of Americans

did have an understanding of the situation. V.

As dairy farmers, Americans believed the Dutch

were: Cleaner than other dairy farmers ......... 3^ Less c l e a n .................................2 About the s a m e ............................11 Again Americans were complimentary.

Dutch farmers are very

clean and live up to their standards of Dutch cleanliness, but Portuguese and American dairymen are equally as clean. Los Angeles County is ranked high in this respect and much of this is due to rigid inspection.

There are dirty Dutch

as well as clean Dutch, though the number is small in com­ parison.

The standards of Dutch cleanliness are well

appreciated in the community.

The Dutch barnyards which

are well kept reflect favorably upon the dairy. VI.

As regards driving by Dutch fellows, Americans

had a very definite impression: The Dutch The Dutch The Dutch

are more r e c k l e s s .......... 35 are less r e c k l e s s .......... 1 are about the same asothers . . 12

According to records

at the ITorwalk-Dovneytownship court,

Dutch boys are the worst offenders.

A garage man who

handles auto wrecks for the Automobile Club of Southern California in the community said, "Fifty per cent or better are by the Dutch.,f15

Those who said they are about the same

15 Personal Interview.

140

were perhaps prejudiced in favor of the Dutch.

The person

who said they were less reckless was definitely prejudiced, or did not know the situation. VII.

Americans believed the Dutch on relief were:

More numerous . ....................... 2 Less n u m e r o u s ..........................40 About the s a m e ...........................6 They were correct in this reaction.

Americans appreciate

this fact and give the Dutch credit for their work habits, thrift, and church care for their needy. VIII.

In politics, Americans believed the Dutch were:

More radical . ........................ 13 Less radical .......................... 10 About the s a m e ..........................22 Again the impression matches the actual facts for the most part for the Dutch are about the same as Americans politii f\ cally.X VJ

There are reports that the Dutch are more radical

and that a small minority have been pro-Nazi.

Some have

been reported to be leaders In the Fascist movement.

If

there is a choice between their being more or less radical, it Is probably safe to say they are less radical.

A number

have come from the mid-west and show a typical conservatism. Moreover, it Is a Dutch trait to be moderate in politics. IX.

American reactions concerning family standards

show they are under the impression that the Dutch standards

^•6 supra, p. 86.

141

are: H i g h e r ................ 4 L o w e r ........................ 14 About the s a m e ..........................29 The Dutch are somewhat underrated here.

For the most part

they are about the same as far as standards of order, cleanliness, and taste are concerned. superior to the average Americans.

Some are markedly

However, Dutch

standards concerning marriage, divorce, and the importance of the family are based on more firm foundations than American standards.

To say that the Dutch who have come

from lower standards in many instances have achieved the same standards as Americans is complimentary.

The reactions

do not seem to indicate a full appreciation for the high moral standards of the first generation or of the immaculate way in which the Dutch keep their homes both inside and out. Perhaps it is a lack of contact.

The writer has visited

over twenty homes and found this to be a marked character­ istic . X.

In comparison with other national groups, Ameri­

cans believe: The Dutch have a higher proportion naturalized . 22 They have a smaller proportion naturalized . . 7 They have about the same proportion naturalized ....................................... 18 Here the Dutch are underestimated slightly, but the majority had the correct impression.

The seven who indicated a

142

smaller number showed either a lack of knowledge or a pre­ judice. XI.

The health status of the Dutch shows the follow­

ing belief: They are more h e a l t h y ....................17 They are less h e a l t h y .....................2 They are about as h e a l t h y ............... 30 Again the majority is correct.

Those who believe they are

more healthy perhaps attribute it to the fact that they are alleged to be heavier and larger than the average.

The

Dutch, however, are hearty eaters and like heavy rich food. As a result of this and also of the fact that many of them sit in a milking position for hours daily, the Dutch have more than their quota of stomach trouble.17 XII.

A slight majority would not object to having

their sons or daughters marrying Hollanders: Would o b j e c t ..............................22 Would not o b j e c t ..........................26 Many Americans object to accepting the Dutch as intimate associates, although the majority do not. XIII.

In regard to the increasing number of dairy

farms: The number who resented t h e m .............. 8 The number who did n o t ....................40 The question was included because the writer has heard

17 ' Personal Interview.

several make the complaint about the Increasing number of dairy farms.

This group is In the minority, very definitely.

The eight are significant, however, because a prejudice is shown. XIV.

American reactions to Dutch as friends if they

live near-by indicated: They would have them as f r i e n d s ........... 44 They would not have them as friends . . . . 4 In the whole series of questions which possibly indicates prejudice against the Dutch, this is by far the most signifi­ cant .

The four who would not have them as friends indicate

a definite prejudice. XV.

Americans believed that the Dutch:

Tended to "show off11 more than other Americans . . 36 Tended to "show off" less than other Americans . . 10 There Is a general consensus that the Dutch tend to show off more than other members of the community.

An American woman

married to a Dutch dairyman believed this to be true.

The

showing off, however is not for the benefit of Americans, but for the purpose of Impressing other Dutch people.

Among

a large group of them there is a definite "keeping up with the J o n e s e s ” in cars, appearance of dairy farms, size of herd, and conspicuous consumption.

In Holland many of these

people had social aspirations, but did not have the means to show them.

A preacher gave his observation in this respect:

Lately there is a tendency to outdo the other fellow

14.# In building a better dairy. A race in this goes a little too far. But they all seem to get through. Many Americans do not understand the basic reason and re­ sent this Dutch trait. XVI.

The Dutch rating by Americans in comparison with

nine other racial-cultural groups in the community is shown in Table VIII.

Fourteen persons rated them first; seven,

second; two, fourth; one, fifth; one, sixth; and one, seventh.

The reactions as shown in Table VIII point out

definite cases of prejudice.

The Table indicates the high

position of the Dutch in the community and summarizes some­ what the American attitudes.

It is to be expected that

they would be somewhere near the top since they are northern Europeans.

However, they were approximately one

point higher than the German-Americans who represent a similar cultural element which has been in the local com­ munity longer than the Dutch group. A comparison of American, Dutch, and general American racial attitudes toward the races in question is interesting, as shown in Table IX, page 146-

It was found

that Dutch in the local community were rated higher than by Americans in general.

Although the Portuguese hold the

same rank in all three ratings, the index number indicates they are rated higher by both local groups than in general. The Dutch place the Negroes much higher than either American

145 TABLE VIII

DUTCH RATING BY AMERICANS IN COMPARISON WITH NINE OTHER RACIAL-CULTURAL GROUPS IN THE COMMUNITY®

Cultural group

Number who rated

Total score

Relative average rank

Holland-Dutch

27

61

2.5

German-Americans

55

115

5*2

Portuguese

51

119

5.9

Chinese

55

129

5.9

Mexicans

54

192

5.6

Armenians

55

184

5.6

Negroes

54

202

5.9

Japanese

55

214

6-5

Filipinos

55

228

6.9

®Compiled from questionnaire replies submitted by forty-eight Americans.

146

TABLE IX COMPARISON OF RATINGS OF RACIAL-CULTURAL GROUPS BY THE LOCAL DUTCH, LOCAL AMERICANS, AND AMERICANS IN GENERALa

American (local) Dutch

2.3

Dutch (local) Americans

1.6

American (general) Americans

90.1

German Amer.3»2

German Amer .2.4

Germans

54.1

Portuguese

3-9

Portuguese

3.8

Dutch

44.2

Chinese

3.9

Armenians

4.0

Portuguese

11.0

Mexicans

5.6

Negroes

4.4

Armenians

8.5

Armenians

5.6

Mexicans

4.9

Mexicans

2.8

Negroes

3.9

Chinese

4.9

Japanese

2.3

Japanese

6.5

Filipinos

4.9

Filipinos

1.6

Filipinos

6.9

Japanese

5.3

Chinese

1.1

aIndex numbers on the three ratings are not on exactly the same basis.

14?

group.

Other ratings showed a great similarity. Local Dutch organizations.

There are several Dutch

organizations locally of exclusive Dutch membership. Netherlands Club in Los Angeles. for the higher class Dutch.

”It is a social club

Some are from around here; but

the people here do not recognize them.f|l8 Ice Club De Morra.

This club is centered at the

Hynes ice skating rink which is among the best in California and is considered by some to have better skating facilities than the Pan-Pacific Auditorium in Los Angeles.19 is composed of one hundred forty members. racing members.

The club

There are sixty

These members make up the ruling board.

They have inter-club meets, especially with a group from the Pan-Pacific.

The club meets once a month.

At present

it is attempting to start a Pacific Coast Skating Union.2^ Ice skating notables, including the'United States champion, have made local appearances with the club.

A member of the

club has made skating pictures with a top ranking Hollywood actress.

According to the president who told of the skating

ability of the Dutch, JtDutch skaters are used to skating on

18 personal Interview. -*•9 Personal Interview. 20 Personal Interview.

148

a straight track and are tops at this, but in skating in a rink, they can!t seem to learn to make corners.

American

boys are able to do better in this.11 The Frisian Club. mately a year ago.

This club existed until approxi­

The Frisian Club was a dramatic club.

It put on two play productions a year.

According to the

make-up man who worked with professional shows in New York, the plays ranked high.

The group had the money to spend,

artistic talent, and the urge to do something creative. Their productions played to a capacity house in Bellflower. Dutch Singing Societies. nected with the churches. it immensely.

These societies are con­

The Dutch love to sing and enjoy

Some of the better singers are the community

leaders. Dutch Burial Society in Hynes. According to Park and

M i l l e r ,

21 there is evidence showing that back of the

familial and communal solidarity of the European peasant is the fear of death and of its attendants and preliminaries: hunger, cold, darkness, solitude, and misery.

Out of this

grows the mutual aid society, with death, burial, and sick­ ness benefits. The organization in Hynes, paying burial benefits, is

^ Robert E. Park and H. Miller, Old World Traits Transplanted (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1921), p.- 124.

ihg a cooperative affair. fifty cents.

To enter, adults pay $1 and children

If a member dies, each adult is assessed

thirty-five cents; each child, eighteen cents. is six years old.

The society

At present it has a reserve of $2500.

This has been partially built up for possible war emergen­ cies.

There will be no "Potters Field11 for the Dutch. Other activities. Members of Dutch churches often

attend Bible Conference in the mountains every summer. Every Thursday morning there is a Dutch day in Anaheim Park. On Thursday nights at the roller skating rink in Long Beach there is a special Dutch night.

Dutch fellows like to race

among themselves and use this occasion to do so.

At least

one local bank has special accommodations for financial loans to the Dutch for financing their dairies. A person able to speak Dutch and one who understands their problems is available.

The Holland Band is also a Dutch organization.

Attitude of the Dutch toward lodges. demn the lodges. secret society. guese.

Hollanders con­

They believe you should not belong to a They have no

associations like the Portu­

The main societies of the Dutch are connected with

the Church. Community participation. According to one person close to the Dutch, the latter for the most part are aloof from the rest of the community and do not participate in

150

community enterprises: The Dutch are not so much to blame as others, in one way. The non-Dutch keep looking on them as a distinct group. The Dutch have a tendency to be ashamed of the fact they are Dutch and that they come from a small country. Some even look upon them as intruding. Some fellows I know are ashamed to acknowledge the fact they can speak D u t c h . 22 According to another in a different part of the com­ munity, the Dutch are taking an active part in community life.

A Dutch citizen is president of the local Chamber of

Commerce in Artesia. the Red Cross.

Several persons are on the Board of

One illustration is given of Dutch contribu­

tions to the local Red Cross: Goods, including dairy articles were donated for an auction. The six highest bidders and financial contri­ butors to the auction were Dutch. The highest amounts paid were $182, $77* $57* $23* an& $17* all by Dutch persons. Of the total amount contributed, by far the greatest percent was by Dutch contributors. Of the sixty who contributed, thirty were Dutch. When some did not contribute voluntarily, a Dutch leader made several calls on them. In the first three calls he collected $70.2? If Elliott and Merrillfs definition of the term, "community participation,” and his Indices are applied , ^ the Dutch participate in community affairs very largely. Specific Interest on the part of individuals, their last

Personal Interview. ^

Personal Interview. Supra, p. 126.

151

Item, Is not entirely lacking; however, it is not prominent, for many are tied down in their occupations and are inter­ ested in their home and church to a large extent.

Some

apparently feel they are not wanted. Hynes Hay and Dairy Fiesta.

This fiesta is a local

event sponsored "by the hay and dairy industries as a whole, but since it is dominated by Dutch, it has much of the ”local color” of the Dutch.

It represents the outstanding

carnival and fiesta of the year in the local community.

A

long parade of colorfully decorated floats begins the parade. Horse-back riders and several bands participate. ranking rodeo is a feature.

A top

The carnival is filled with

concessions and dairy exhibits.

Competition is keen among

dairy cow entries and valuable prizes are awarded. speaker often gives the main address.

A noted

A floor show is

presented on the night climaxing the fiesta.

A major attrac­

tion is the Dutch game of Kuipsteaken in which a yearly con­ test is held.

The fiesta is much publicized in Los Angeles

and Long Beach newspapers.

Dutch participation in the

dairy section in the Los Angeles County Fair Is also ex­ tensive. Some other American attitudes toward the Dutch. These are demonstrated by illustrative statements: They don*t buy anything until they can pay for it. One person bought a new Buick for cash. He surprised

152

the salesman tremendously when he took out the cash to pay for it. Americans are apt to he down on foreigners, but Dutch are esteemed here because they are honest. Storekeepers smile on them; they don!t have to be afraid of a bad bill. In an emergency they are very loyal in responding. The Dutch are just about my best payers (a garage man). Financially they are very thrifty and are good managers. They are superior to other dairymen in this, on the average. They carry heavy financial loads but intend to pay them back and usually do. They have a remarkable ability to undertake huge loans and then to be able to pay them off ahead of schedule. They have a Dutch trait of driving a hard bargain, and of attempting to get all they can. Here is a certain obnoxiousness. When you deal with them, you have to give them your terms and stick to them.25 Americans make certain criticisms of a number of this group because of a superiority attitude and a certain uncompromising spirit, tinted with rudeness. Some of them have become spoiled. They have made too much money too easily. When they buy feed or other dairy commodities, they act as though they were doing the person a favor. They have assumed a superiority feeling. Money making is a Dutch trait. When they get money they get a superiority complex which doesn!t do this rudeness any good either. My wife won!t consider a Dutch girl for a house­ keeper. She had one once. They want to do things their way and don*t want to be changed.

25

Personal Interviews.

153

Dutch leaders are not unaware of this attitude and are somewhat concerned: The Christian School and the Dutch churches are try­ ing to counteract the materialistic pragmatic attitude which is quite general. Americans have one big criticism of the Dutch. They are clannish and Americans do not like the i d e a . 26

Personal Interviews.

CHAPTER VII

PROBLEMS OP ASSIMILATION OP THE SECOND GENERATION The problem of culture conflict.

The most signifi­

cant role in the breakup of the immigrant community is played by the second generation.

The children of immigrants

mingle fully with the native Americans, gain a wider knowl­ edge of American traditions and institutions, and speak English more fluently than their parents.

As a result,

they react against the standards, interests and attitudes of the foreign colony.

A conflict arises between two

generations because of the differences between two cultures. In a family in which the father and mother were born in the old world and the children in the new the difference in language backgrounds, customs, and Ideals is often too great to make possible comradeship and understanding or even necessary parental guidance.

While some members of the

second generation conform to the old world standards and participate in the life of the colony, the majority tend to lose contact with it and be absorbed in the larger community.1 The fundamental constitution of the immigrant colony

1 Maurice R. Davie, World Immigration (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1936), pp. 490-91•

155

itself is unstable.

The great variety in training and out­

look on the part of the component member, the wide diver­ gence of political and religious views, the inevitable absence of vital leadership, the weakening of parental authority, these and other characteristics tend to shake the very foundations of the immigrant colony, to destroy any solidarity it may appear to have and make for its in­ stability.

Moreover, it is never wholly isolated and

American influences constantly penetrate its domain.

For

these reasons, the immigrant colony is incapable of creating strong traditional memories and values at all commensurate with those of America at large.

It is therefore ever in a

state of flux.2 Members of the second generation often react differ­ ently to the situation they face.

One group tends to con­

form to the standards of the immigrant community.

Members

of this group generally come from home with large families which are on a low economic level.

Because of poor economic

conditions the children leave school early and go to work. Most of them grow up as an integral part of the community. They continue to reside there, to speak the language, to read the language newspapers, to marry within the group and to find their social life there.

2 Ibid., p. 490.

Most; of them become

156 unskilled laborers, but some keep small shops and stores, and a few become professional people.

The few who'receive

professional training do so on a minimum amount of money and begin the practice of thei'r profession heavily in debt. Because of the economic handicap, they acquire only a superficial knowledge of American life and fail to gain in understanding of the higher culture of their own group. Members of the second group make little or no use of the language of their parents.

Some are born outside

the colony and never learn the language.

Others are born

within the colony, leave it, and forget the mother tongue. Through the influence of schools, economic conditions, and association with American friends, they come to despise the language and customs of their parents.

They leave the

colony, change their names, and are lost in the larger American society. Another group includes those, who have won a place in both the immigrant colony and the American community. They often gain positions of leadership in both groups. They live outside the colony but keep in touch with it. Usually they are public spirited citizens, physicians, lawyers, bankers, and businessmen.2

Being able to speak the

foreign language and understanding the better elements in

^ H. G. Duncan, Immigration and Assimilation (New York; D. C. Heath and Company, 1933)V P~

157

both the foreign and American culture, they interpret America to the immigrants, and the immigrants to America. Some of them, however, take advantage of their position to the detriment of both groups. Contacts with Americans bring into vivid contrast the two cultures and generally result in parent-child con­ flicts.

The intensity of these conflicts depend upon many

factors, such as language, education, recreation, occupa­ tion, social and religious ideas.

If the parents belong to

an English speaking group, the language 'difficulty is removed, but other conflicts may be acute.

If the parents

are Protestants, religious conflicts may not arise.

If

the parents belonged to the educated or wealthy group of their own country, the adjustments of the children are usually easier, but in some cases they are intensified.

On

the other hand, in case the parents are poor and uneducated, come from non-English speaking countries, profess a differ­ ent religion, or live in a foreign colony, the conflicts are usually more violent.

Much, however, depends upon the

nature, ambitions, ideas, ideals, customs, and traditions of the parents as well as the type of American influences upon the child.^

^ Ibid., p. 695-

158 Davie presents a similar picture.^ immigrants are in a trying situation.

The children of

The cultural heritage

of their parents is largely lost to them, and at the same time they have not fully acquired American culture nor have they been accepted on equal terms by native Americans.

Many

of them are oppressed by feelings of inferiority, which to some degree are extentions of their parents1 own feelings as immigrants in a country drastically different from their native land.

The feelings of inferiority manifest them­

selves variously.

Some second-generation immigrants break

away from the homes of their parents entirely and eventually repudiate their origin.

Some become chauvenistically

patriotic, only their chauvinism has no vital basis. new Americans become anti-social.

Other

The majority form

a mass of neutral citizenry without vital sense of background perenially oppressed by the feeling they live outside the main stream of America1s national life. One of the greatest problems of immigrant adjustment is to give the second generation a knowledge of and pride in their inheritance and to help them understand the problems and achievements of their parents so as to bridge the gap between the two generations and give them a feeling of be­ longing. 8 5

The member of the second generation must face the

Davie, op. cit., p. 491*

6 Loc. cit.

159

problem of liberalism in high school and college and the conservatism of home. and the outside world.

He must act as a buffer between home He must answer the questions of both

sides and carry the strain of conflict.

When he has to do

without many things he wants, he develops a tendency to feel inferior socially, to be too reticent, too quiet, too much of the introspective type. lenge of status.

There is a constant chal­

He often becomes amused, at first, then

he thinks of the others1 narrow-mindedness and finally be­ comes cynical and morose.

He has to change himself to fit.

He isolates disturbing factors, substitutes satisfactory elements, and effects compromises.

It is partly a process

of outgrowing certain notions and attitudes.

He realized

that all Americans are not the same, that many are friendly and helpful.

This distinction helps a great deal for he

can partially ignore the other element.

Later on, he often

becomes proud of the fact that he has access to two cultures. To the extent that this study shows a difference in standards in work, education, recreation, religion, and home life, and to the extent that no other causal factors enter the situation, maladjustments may be attributed to cultural conflict.

In general, the differences are not as

great as in the case of many other cultural groups on the Pacific Coast.

However, differences existing between two

generations of the same culture pattern are often quite

160

pronounced.

Moreover, when the reader considers other

factors due to differences in language, in moral and religious standards, and in the stage of family development there is much reason for conflict.

It is the purpose of

this chapter to present differences in standards prevailing which would affect the second generation, and to see how far maladjustments are due to these differences.

The maladjust­

ments are considered a result of culture conflict, unless other definite causes are discovered. Parental standards and home conflicts.

The Dutch

parents of the local community on the basis of a question­ naire providing data on forty-three families disapproved of the following activities of their children: School athletics .......... Ice and roller skating rinks Use of alcohol ............ Movies . ................ Dances .......... ........ Divorce .................. Going out evenings ........ Smoking ..................

3 3 34 21

27 32

Many did not entirely forbid certain of these activities, but made limitations and qualifications.

In many cases

school athletics were not disapproved, but aside from this, the parental attitudes are most often Puritanical and the problems of degree become important.

7 Questionnaire replies.

Only two were very

161

liberal, and had no objections to any of them.

The objec­

tions to alcohol and smoking for minors were numerous, al­ though the Dutch adults themselves use alcohol and tobacco qiite extensively.

Holland, in fact, has been characterized

as the 11smokerfs paradise.1*^

The objections to divorce, in­

cluding objections to their children associating with friends from divorced families, objections to their children going out evenings, or the imposing of stringent limitations in this respect, and objections to movies and dancing are the most far-reaching. Difference in degree of conflict exists between father and mother.

Although the children are closer to their foreign-

born mothers than to foreign-born fathers, the fact that foreign-born men make more social contacts and are more quickly assimilated in this country with the resulting reduction in culture conflicts in child-father relations was indicated by the smaller differences in index numbers for native and foreign-born fathers as compared with native and foreign-born mothers in a study made by D u V a l l . 9

A study of

the conflict between the newly acquired standards and the o George Wharton Edwards, Holland of Today_(Philadel­ phia: Penn Publishing Company, 1925), p. -42. ^ E. W. DuVall, f,Child-Parent Social Distance,1* Sociology and Social Research, XXI (May, 1957), 458-65-

162

home standards was made by Nimkoff.*^

The conflict between

the child and the home was summarized, by a Dutch lady: Dutch people want their children to think of their parents. They are surprised that they do not and that they leave their parents out of their scheme of things. H Recreational problems. Many immigrants have a hard struggle in this country to support their families, a fact that colors their attitudes toward work and play.

A few go

to one extreme and so completely relieve their children of responsibilities that they make failures of them, but most immigrants insist upon their children1s working, and deny them the pleasures other American youths enjoy.12 According to Young,13 leisure time activities of the immigrant tend to become incorporated into .American life or disappear.

Many of these leisure habits are adopted by the

native American, a process which is significant since it not only helps establish in the immigrants mind a feeling of respect and appreciation of other culture traits, but because

M. F, Nimkoff, "Parent-Child Conflict," Sociology and Social Research, XIII (May, 1929 )> 446-58* Personal Interview. 12 Duncan, ojp. cit., p. 701. 1^ Donald Young, American Minority Peoples (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1952).

163

it helps him in his adjustments.

To the children of immi­

grants many of their parents1 leisure activities seem un­ real, for they lack the strong emotional fixations which determine the parents1 attitudes to traditional forms of behavior.

This is illustrated locally by the following

statement: The younger generation do not take things as seri­ ously. They feel the need for amusement and recreation. The parents get all of their recreation in the family and church. Another observer tells of the local situations: The parents are hard workers. There is a lack of organized recreation and so they have to find it them­ selves. The churches could do a lot. There is not much of a desire on the part of the older people for this. The dairy people don’t have much time for recreation.15 The significance of leisure time in this situation is great for it is here that Americanization can easily take place.

Another important point is the fact that the

improper use of leisure time may be socially harmful and hence segregative.

The divergences of attitudes regarding

recreation between the first generation and the second generation which is becoming Americanized rapidly are great. Conflict in the home over the use of leisure is inevitable.

Personal Interview. 15 Personal Interview.

164

Work attitudes.

The occupational choices of many of

the second generation are closely associated with the dairy industry: Number whose children like to work on the d a i r y ............................................ 20 Number whose children dislike to work on the d a i r y 4 (16) The preponderance of the youth prefer to enter the dairy industry.

Occupational choices as indicated by the question­

naire indicated the following: Dairy ....................... . 11 Music or teaching . . . ............ 1 Engineering .......................... 1 Carpenter 1 ( . Beauty o p e r a t o r l (3-7) Many conflicts are averted by the fact that a large minority of Dutch youth prefer to be associated with the dairy industry.

Nevertheless, a small group heartily dis­

like dairy work and lay the foundation for possible violent disagreements.

The lack of responses may indicate that

many are undecided or are having difficulty making a choice. Many were too young and many had already become dairymen or milkers.

The Dutch object strenuously to certain occupations

on moral grounds. One Dutch boy wanted to be a jockey and this meant connections with the race track and indirectly with

Questionnaire replies. 3-7 Questionnaire replies.

165

gambling. It resulted in a violent family quarrel. The mother became ill on account of the quarrel. A week later the son became sick with appendicitis and was barely able to make a recovery. The mother called it God1s punishment. It is a shame for a Dutch woman in Holland to go into a cafe. There is not a lady in Holland who wants to own one. I am disgusted at the make-believe of the crazy love affairs in the movies. I wouldn’t have my daughter become a movie star.l” Other statements indicated other facts regarding the occupational situation of the second generation. You donft have to worry about young Dutchmen. are all employed.

They

There will be more Dutch leaders developing. The second generation is going into the trades. The third generation will take a second step and go into the prof essions sr3-9 Language conflict situations. MacLean

states that

. . . another unfortunate situation often arises between American-born and their illiterate foreign-born parents causing much suffering to the latter--the chil­ dren learn to speak English at school and with the childish love of conformity to the ways of other chil­ dren, refuse to speak an alien language at home, and eventually despise the parents who can use only an alien tongue. Education thus becomes a barrier between the two generations.20 In this respect, the Dutch family relations do not suffer,

Personal Interviews. -*■9 Personal Interviews.. 20 Annie M. MacLean, Modern Immigration (Philadelphia and London: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1925 )> P« 52.

166

for the Dutch immigrants learned English rapidly. English when they arrived.

Many knew

The Dutch are versatile at

learning new languages and several in the local community can speak as many as four languages.

Some have gone out of

their way to speak English to their children.

Language

differences exist, nevertheless, for in the public schools in the community it has been estimated that not more than five per cent of the Dutch students can use or do use the Dutch language.

The parents on the other hand do use the

two languages alternately.

New immigrants and some of the

older immigrants who arrived when they were quite old have at present more or less difficulty with the English language. There are two other possible points of conflict. Direct evidence has not been found in the local community to show to what extent they exist or whether they do exist, but because of the nature of the local situation, it is very possible that they do exist: Often the English speaking children come to feel themselves superior to their non-English or brokenEnglish relatives. Through the influence of other children, they may learn to despise anything foreign and refuse to speak the language because of identifica­ tion. Scores of young people have revealed their humiliation because of the poor English of their par­ ents . Often they become, the buffer for sneers hurled at the immigrant group. Another source of friction between the children and their immigrant parents is the habit of the parents speaking to each other in the mother tongue before the American friends of their children. Many of the second generation have spoken of their embarrassment when they

167

invited some of their high school or college friends to their homes, only to have their parents talking to each other in a language their friends could not understand. Such experiences cause friction and isolate the children from their parents. The children fail to appreciate the struggles of their parents with a foreign language, their humiliation because of broken English, and the comfortable and customary habit of speaking their mother tongue. And the parents fail to understand the position of their children.21 Religious conflict situations.

Religion is another

source of conflict between children and their immigrant parents, and between the children and the outside world. Naturally the parents take the children to their church and with them to grow up in the "faith of their fathers."

But

the children are exposed to broadening influences in schools and have companions of other faiths.

Consequently some

change churches, but a large number become liberal and in­ different.

Many second generation people confess they rarely

or never go to church because the churches of their parents are too narrow.

Some attend church with their parents when

at home, but never go when they are away from home.

Some

hesitate or do not marry Americans because it would hurt their parents. No evidence has been gathered to show the extent of conflict engendered by changes in the religious standards of the second generation, although several examples of this

21 Duncan, ojo. c i t ., p. 699*

168

type of conflict are known to the writer.

The basis of con­

flicts of this nature is well established, i.e., the great differences existing between American standards and those of the Dutch.

The situation is ripe for intensive conflicts of

this character. Educational adjustments and, maladjustments.

Because

of the deep conflict existing between Dutch attitudes and American attitudes regarding education, it is believed that a brief survey of Dutch educational policies will be valuable in uncovering the reasons for Dutch attitudes in respect to children working while attending school, religious instruc­ tion in school, control of schools by parents and local authorities, the feasibility of private schools, instruction in "practical" subjects, and "compulsory" education. In the earlier history of education in Holland, most of the schools were supported by taxation, but were dominated by the Church.

Between the ages of six and thirteen educa­

tion is compulsory and is free in both demoninational and public schools.

Except in Catholic provinces, practically

all children attend the state schools. In the statutes regulating the schools of Holland can be traced an unwillingness on the part of legislators to introduce radical innovations or to impose unnecessary re­ straints on either parents, teacher, or local authorities.

169

Hence every movement that has eventually resulted in a radi­ cal departure from the established order or has given rise to a new type of school, such as the up-to-date technical and agricultural schools, originated in private initiative. The law makers have assumed that the people understood how intimately their interests were bound up with the efficiency of the schools.22 The schools of Holland have been very liberal in allowing time off from school for doing work at home.

This

was especially true during certain seasons of the year. There is no general law covering such work, but the arrange­ ments are left in the hands of local inspectors hired for that purpose. A law was framed in 1889 applying to instruction in religion.

The subject was not excluded from the schools

but its presentation was regulated so that there could be no objections to it on sectarian grounds.

Its inclusion was

made optional out of regard for prevailing views; but if a teacher imparted the instruction in such a way as to inter­ fere with the wishes of the school patrons, he made himself liable to severe penalties.

22 Peter H. Pearson, Schools of Scandinavia, Finland, and Holland., Division of Foreign Educational Systems, Bureau of Education (Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1919), P. 58.

170

In Holland private schools are placed on a par with state schools and the central government extends to them the same amount of financial aid.

The basis of the act was

the fact that bhe country is almost equally divided between Protestants and Catholics and the number of private and state schools.

An unfortunate situation arose in this

respect for a distinction arose between the two schools and private schools came to be known as schools for the poor, and suffered a loss in prestige. General Immigrant attitudes are also characteristic of a particular class of the local Dutch.

As Is true of

many immigrants, they see little advantage in education. They permit or even force their children to leave school as soon as they reach the employment age and put them to work to help support the family.

The strong Impulse to

better themselves financially results In conflicts with educational policy. Educational problems in the local community.

That

the general intelligence of the Dutch is relatively high is indicated by the following tabulations showing the average scores in Army Mental Tests, Alpha, Beta, and Individual tests:

171

U. S. O f f i c e r s .................... 18.84 E n g l a n d .......................... 14.8? .................... 14.34 Scotland H o l l a n d .......................... 14.32 G e r m a n y .......................... 13 •88 TJ. S. White D r a f t ................ 13*77 D e n m a r k ........................ * . 13 •69 S w e d e n .......... .................. 13*30 /„\ N o r w a y ............................ 12.98 The following information was gathered from a ques­ tionnaire.

Dutch children from forty-three families have

attended the following schools in the local community. Public grammar s c h o o l s ............. 18 High s c h o o l ........................11 High school (part time) . . . . . . 3 Bellflower ChristianSchool . . . . 10 College 3 . . Catholic s c h o o l 1 (24; In school work the parents indicated that their children did: Superior w o r k ...................... 2 Good w o r k ........... ............. 19 Average w o r k ................ 0 f . Failing w o r k .........................0 (25) These figures do not necessarily indicate the true situation< They are of interest because they show what these parents think.

The curve does not correspond with the normal curve

for academic grading systems.

For the most part the Dutch

parents believe their children are doing better than average

^ Donald Young, op. cit., p. 437* 24 Questionnaire replies. Questionnaire replies.

172

work. The extra-curricular activities of these parents indicate that they were quite low in this aspect of school life or that the parents were not well aware of the students1 activities. Athletics ............ Dramatics ............ Musical .............. Class officer ........ Future Farmers of America There were none who were working on school student publica­ tions; none in the scholarship society.

Again several re­

iterated that they were against ball games.

As for disci­

pline, twenty-six indicated their children were not dicipline problems in any ^noteworthy” character.

Two admitted or

knew about the fact that their children were discipline problems.

A predominant attitude of the Dutch toward school

discipline is illustrated: The teacher came to my home once about one of my children. I told her she had him; it was up to her. The school, it is up to them.27 Although many of the Dutch appreciate the advantages of American educational opportunity, a large element among them have definite attitudes regarding the length of time their children should remain in school.

Questionnaire replies. 27 Personal Interviews.

173

The eighth and ninth grades for some. After the twelveth grade they should go to work. There are too many who go and do not care. It all depends on what they1re going to do or may do for a living. The eighth grade is enough for m a n y . 28 According to a school authority, the Dutch have devel­ oped a marked educational philosophy for both girls and fellows: When a girl reaches the eighth grade, further education is not necessary unless the family is pretty well to do. In that case it is necessary to make her the lady of the house. Ninety-five per cent feel that after grade eighth the best training is vocational. If the girl has a definite interest and will carry it through while carrying an extra load at home, that!s fine. But education from thereafter is secondary. Girls should go through eight grades and have strict training. After this they are sufficiently qualified to become a mother. Any addition is super­ ficial and cultural. This attitude comes from Holland. When the fellows reach the eighth grade, they definitely should quit school and should follow a definite appren­ ticeship for their trade. The Dutch are a hard working and industrious race. They are set in their ways and are uncompromising. They feel everything has to have a practical value which can be measured in terms of dollars and cents. Americans feel that should a child go through college, when he gets through he will be able to capitalize on his education, but should he fall by the way, he will be the better for it. The Dutch believe that unless he completes his education and gets a definite and superior position directly from the education, he will get no benefit at all. To the average, electives and social sciences have no practical value. Problems of an international scope do not concern them at all. They ask, f,Why should we

28 Personal Interviews.

17^

waste our time when we could he at home?” Sometimes I wonder if they are not right considering what many high school students get out of this type of school work. A professional man in Holland is looked up to and respected, but not much admired. Should a person reach any of the professional goals: law, medicine, teaching, he segregates himself socially from the rest of the people. To compulsory education they object. It doesnft fit in with their thinking. If a boy or girl is forced to go to school, he has created in him a dislike for school, and all he does is to mark time--he just attends; and, should he put in four years that way, he has lost the Dutch trait of being Industrious, and his school atten­ dance becomes a liability. It is my personal opinion that there seems to be no such thing as birth control among them, and as a result their families become large, and the rank and file of the Dutch folk get themselves financially obligated and seem never to get out of debt. Consequently, they need their children at home to work. The Dutch in the local community are divided into four groups: I. A definite number of poor who are just existing and who have no apparent desire to raise themselves. In some cases they have almost lost their self-respect and their conversation is low grade. II. The majority group which is hard working and in­ dustrious. They ask no favors and expect none and do not want to be interfered with or interupted. They are the most difficult class to deal with in connection with parent-school relationships. III. The third group has all the commendable qualities of the Hollanders plus the ability to handle their af­ fairs and finances. They are much more easily approached and will cooperate. IV. A fourth group which is small and practically non-existent locally, and whose cultural level is high. In dealing with the second group the school authority does not demand that the child be sent to school because of the state law. He always says, ”When will you be able

175

to send jour son?” If you include the idea of the law, they fight to the last ditch. If you are just and fair in your dealings with them, you are respected. If you are soft or too lenient, there is no respect, and you cannot reach them. The majority of them are opposed to our educational system as it exists today.29 The attendance records of the Dutch in a particular school compared with the American attendance distribution are shown in Figure 1.

School records and school achievements

of forty-seven Holland-Dutch high school students are shown in Table X, page 177* As shown in Figure 1, the distribution for American children more nearly follows the norm, but the difference is slight.

A definite point is brought out with regard to

Dutch students.

There is a definite and well defined group

of Dutch students whose attendance is very good— even sur­ passing the American record for the corresponding group.

It

is this group, apparently, that is well adjusted to school life.

A Dutch leader says in this respect:

At ________ a certain group sticks together and they are the outstanding Dutch children--but the good are not noticed.^0 The chief offenders with respect to attendance, how­ ever, attend the Extention School for part-time students. It is here that is found the group whose adjustment is poorest. ^9 Personal Interview. 30 personal Interview.

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Lf v ^ r n \ CM r | H

OS CO

VO LA-4* K CM H

O H

TABLE X

SCHOOL RECORDS AND SCHOOL ACHIEVEMENTS OP FORTY-SEVEN HOLLAND-DUTCH HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS

Number of years attended 4

5 4 2 4

1 4 4 1.25 •5 3 2.75 4 3-75 •75 2.5 2.5 1.5 •75 4 2 4 •5 3.25

Intelligence quotient 99 93 102 101 98

60 106 109

116 91 86 80 132 88 86 93 117 95 95 84 94 110

80 --

Age in relation to other students

Progress —

Average Average Average Average Over Average Average Over Average Over Over Under Over Average Average Over Average Over Oyer Over Under Average Over

-

0 -

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Plus Plus 0 0

Plus 0 -

-

0 -

0 0

Grade average B-.

C C+ CC+ CB B

D F CDC+ CCC C+ C

c c cc c B

Parent *s occupation Dairyman Nurse County Farm County Farm Dairyman Dairyman Dairyman Electrician Dairyman Milker Dairyman Dairyman Dairyman Milker Landscaper Milker Dairyman Dairyman Machinist Milker Laborer Guard

TABLE X (continued)

SCHOOL RECORDS AND SCHOOL ACHIEVEMENTS OF FORTY-SEVEN HOLLAND-DUTCH HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS

Number of years attended

Intelligence quotient

3 83 4 (did not gradu- 90 1.25 ate) 82 4 107 3 93 1.25 100 1 83 4 90 1 79 4 96 1 72 1 75 2 82 1 95 1 75 2 88 3 93 2 79 3 112 4 99 4 2 90 3 94

Age in relation to other students Average Over Over Average Over Average Average Average Average Average Average Average

Progress 0 -

0 -

Plus 0 -

0 -

0 -

Plus Average Average

-

0 Plus -

Over Average Average Over Average

* First year, C; second year, F.

0 0 -

—

Grade average C D CCCD F C F B+ CCC DC F+ * C+ (C-) F* C+; B D+ C B-

Parent1s occupation Dairy Bus Driver Dairyman Trucker Trucker Trucker Dairyman Retired Dairyman Farming Dairyman Dairyman Dairyman Dairynan Dairyman Hay Dealer Dairyman Retired Dairynan Dairyman Dairynan Dairyman

179

In this school there are approximately 125 students, three-fifths of whom are Dutch. The hoys for the most part come from dairies and are working at sixteen and seventeen years of age. Some girls milk, hut do house­ work mainly. When they get to the legal age, they quit. The girls are nearly all married before they are eighteen. They mostly marry their own kind. When they have reached the age of sixteen, the parents can*t see why we are so foolish in California to make the children go to school until they are eighteen. They don*t have to in Iowa or Minnesota. The young men and girls are thrown together In church. They talk to me about visitations and prayers in their homes. It reminds me of what other churches did when I was a hoy. The parents think they should marry early--at seventeen or eighteen. The fellow figures that at twenty he can milk as many cows as at any time and maybe a few more. He is an early economic asset. Every Dutch girl I have ever known has thought in terms of getting married and would marry this or that one in her own group. Their parents and priests are dead set against sex immorality. One or two preachers have seen me about sex instruction and have disagreed very strongly. One mother objected to a movie on this subject. I get several who come from the Christian School. I can*t imagine that these people in a Christian School could turn out the type of people they do. Of all the meanness and hard beaded resistance and r,you just can*t make me do it attitude,M I never saw. The minute some of them come in the class they just about say, ”How can I raise the devil?,f If they don*t have to think or worry they are happi­ est. They are conventional, habitual, and provincial. They are not Interested in cultural things or in the outside world. I did a lot of study in handiwork and got some materials to work with, thinking they would like it, but they wouldn*t pay any attention. The girls do love to do fine needlework. Most of their parents are religious and want their children to do the right thing and to keep out of trouble. But again and again the question arises, ’’What good will it be if my girl will marry or my son milk

180

cows?" We*ll send our kid to school, He doesn*t want to read or learn, hut if it is the law in California to waste his time--well, go ahead and waste itl31 Delinquency and discipline problems. Delinquency among the second generation children of foreign-born parentage is well known in the United States. All special students of immigration and crime are convinced that the problem lies not in the criminality of the foreign-born thanselves32 but in the differences in environmental stand-

c'ards. The unruliness of the Dutch youth is considered by many of the Dutch to be a "national trait."33 of Germany the same trait is prevalent*

In many parts

The tourist in

Holland sometimes observes i t . ^ Local Dutch leaders made the following statements: This is the least law-abiding group I have ever met. In other Dutch groups some have lacked culture but have been law abiding. The Dutch youth is noted for its lawlessness. It is a national trait and is very bothersome in Holland. It is not the most serious type. It consists of playing pranks, which sometimes are very bad. This often hap­ pens in the case of visitors. If a maid is scrubbing she will not dare leave her bucket of water, for she

31 Personal Interview. 32 Davie, op. cit., pp. 27^-75* 33 Personal Interview. 3^ Edwards, op. cit., p. 227*

181

knows that it will likely he spilled when she returns. Here in our group about sixty to seventy per cent are the finest you meet anywhere, but there is a certain group that is just rude. Some is due to the homes. Some think it is just smart. As far as theft or ttbigger things1* are concerned, there is not a one in the church. They have not gone to that limit. The anger of God makes a tremendous impression. Breaking church rules and creeds is another kind of delinquency. This type is worked with for six months. If the individuals do not reform by that time, they are excommunicated from the church. This helps to eliminate a lot of problems. They separate themselves. They are the same as a rotten apple in a barrel and if left help to spoil the rest. We take them back later if they repent. I have never heard of any stealing. They are hard workers and have more than enough money. They get their own autos. But they do certain things around church after meeting that you wouldnft think of them doing. They swear, talk loudly, and talk sex. It is probably only talk and hot air and wind. A am amazed at how tolerant the Dutch parents are here. In other communities they fight disobedience. Here they seem somewhat indifferent. Some just accept it. They are not dirty minded in the sense that many other foreign nationalities are that I have come in contact with. Some of the latter are just dirty and slimy.55 Another person reports that he asked a young Dutch fellow, who did not appear to be the type who would go to church, why he did so: Go to church? and neck 156

Hell, why not!

25 Personal Interview. 26 Personal Interview.

I go outside in back

182

Another made this statement: Disobedience is peculiar with the California Dutch. It began with the children early in life. It is shown in a disrespect for authority and in roughness. One answer Is that many came from old established communi­ ties where they were well known and always watched. They feel now that they are loose. In California every­ one goes his own way. For another thing, they have good incomes and go flying around in cars.37 Dutch fellows far outnumber the others in driving offenses and the Dutch have received a bad name as a re­ sult .38 Some other personal problems.

Nine special problem

students are described in the following section.

The occu­

pations of their parents were: dairymen, 3; milkers, 2; truckers, 2; cattle buyer and fish merchant, 1. of one was deceased.

The father

Only three were born locally; four

came from the middle west; and two were born in Holland. I. __________ has a lot of won’t power and no inter­ ests. He finally got interested in long division and kept busy at it. II. ____ came from the Christian School. If they come from the Christian School they adopt the attitude of superior strangers. They have too much of a protective spirit. I had. to bring the law to bear. He had the "wait till I get caught” spirit. "I will come when you come.”

37 Personal Interview.

Personal Interviews.

183

III. was mean and worse probably because of his disfigurement. His home conditions were very bad. There were nine children. The Dutch mother conveyed the attitude that "I think I !m a pretty good mother-I have nine children." First from this family I had __________ , first fellow who ever built a bon-fire in the middle of my class room. Later there was a daughter who wouldn*t read. Then __________ . He didnft show up for awhile and defied his mother and father. They were very religious but careless about common decency. This seems to be characteristic of many of the Dutch. The son and father got into an awful fight. The mother managed to stop it. The boy left home, got a job milking, and slept at the dairy on a pile of sacks. How he is in trouble with the law for fast and negligent driving and is fairly defiant. He has a good j*ob in a furniture factory, and. is getting better. There is a tendency to go through a period of lawlessness, but later they do turn out fairly well. I am glad, if I can keep them from going too far during this period. It seems almost impossible to bridge their conduct. At home on the dairy they are perfect workmen, but in school, j*ust just as the opposite. They all quit, like _______■ soon as the law allows. I am getting my fourth from this family now. It Is becoming natural. I donft know when I shall get my last. IV. I was almost afraid of ______ • He seemed to be sullen (probably not dangerous). The first time I passed him, he was using foul language. I grabbed hold of him by the shoulders and told him if I were twice as big as him, I would make him eat those words. He took It all right and I have got along with him swell. At eighteen he seems to have grown up. At about the time he began to be decent and fine, his brother was killed on a hay truck. It may have made him think twice. V. I had __________ only once. He would not go to regular school, and simply would not dress for gym. He got a poor start in this class. He was all right for an hour, then he started reading Covered Wagon and called it "baby stuff.rt At the end of the period I thought he was going to be all right, but he has not yet come back. VI. comes from a wealthy Dutch family. They have one of the best Dutch houses in the community.

184

He is fairly veil liked, but he canft read. He is going to leave on March first. Little by little they come around. He is a milker and more than once has slept the vhole three hours. Many of them come to class dead to the vorld. If they are that sleepy, I certainly cannot teach them anything. In these cases, I have to go to the homes and tell the parents they are being over-vorked. VII. is a fine boy, fairly intelligent but not a good reader. When he doesnft come to school (the chief problem with this boy), he tells me a cow died and that he had to snake it into a truck and it took a little too long and it got too late to come to school. VIII. __________ is dumb in figures and logic and reading, but he can go out in his calf truck and hold his own vith anybody. No matter vhat level, he can buy calves vith the best of the buyers. He is nov vorking for six dollars a day. There is a definite school conflict here. IX. ________ is plenty intelligent, and has all the personality and strength in the vorld, but his brother says he just likes to raise hell.39 Conclusions.

The majority of the second generation

are veil behaved, but a minority group estimated to be about tventy-five per cent of them, is boisterous, unruly, arrogant, and beyond social control. petty but they are very offensive.

Their offenses are They tend to grov out

of this behavior and settle dovn later to a normal life. Some maintain that their misbehavior is a national trait; others that it is due to a release from the restraint of the mid-vestern communities from vhich so many of their

39 Personal Interviev.

185

parents have come, or to the pragmatic, money-seeking philosophy of the later Dutch immigrants.

That the tedious

and monotonous work on the dairy, especially milking, de­ mands a release, has been suggested.

Many of the above

problems appear to be due to conflicting culture patterns. Although the conflict of standards is so great and the delinquency so marked in many cases, a cause and effect relationship cannot be assumed.

But the correlation is

high and the results of this study correspond closely to others of this character.

CHAPTER VIII

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND FORECASTS Summary of findings.

This study is partially a

survey of a given social situation for the purpose of ex­ plaining the situation in the light of certain sociologi­ cal approaches and by means of sociological concepts with the view in mind that a statement of the actual social situ­ ation and an analysis of causal factors is a necessary prelude to the solution of any social problem or interwoven set Of problems.

The study has been made in the best

tradition of the social survey— that of offering research guidance for effective control and planning in social problem situations. The effects of broad social forces such as urbaniza­ tion, impersonalization of human relationships, Americani­ zation, resettlement, and social gradation have been used as guides in understanding the situation -under consideration* and their effects have been demonstrated within limits. This paper, although studded with factual information and analysis and written chiefly to support a given thesis, also represents the story of this group--the story of their cultural adjustment which at all times carries a personal interest.

All sociological study need not present problem

situations, but may legitimately reveal the unfolding of

successful adjustments. The general approach has revealed the degree of assimilation and segregation and their casual factors. data have thrown light on this theme.

All

The isolating factor

of the occupation of the Dutch and the isolating effect of the nature of the community have also been demonstrated. Public opinion toward them in the community studied has been generally favorable; and their segregation has been almost completely voluntary and represents an attempt to maintain their group way of life the philosophy of which is found in their basic attitudes regarding their family and religion. Cultural conflict as a result of this segregation and its effects has been demonstrated with respect to the second generation. The;,key to the acceptance of large groups of immi­ grants in America has been assimilation. ally has been known as the ’’melting pot.”

America historic­ Too much has

been assumed along this line, however, and the ,1little Italys,” the "Jew-towns,” and the ’’little Syrias” have not seriously enough been considered; or the negative effects of their segregation widely enough appreciated. The seriousness of this continued segregation has been demonstrated by many studies.

Segregation and isolation

are often more subtle than is commonly realized.

A further

consequence of segregation has been demonstrated by this

188

study. As a cultural group, the Dutch have not faced many of the handicaps as have other groups in Southern California. Factors tending to cause antipathy have not been present on the other hand, similarity of culture, kindness and geniality traits, dependability and justice traits, their background of economic repression and their desire for improvement have evolved sympathetic and friendly responses. Non-competitive achievement is a dominant factor in intercultural friendliness.

So long as an immigrant group

"keeps its place” and does not disturb the status of exist­ ing groups, it is accepted.

Prejudice develops when an

attack is made upon this status.

The Dutch have avoided

this in the local situation i.n all but a few instances. As explained above, the Dutch role has been one of isolation. In this isolation they have kept "their place,” but in this role, through non-competitive achievement in the dairy industry, they have gained a new status, both economic and social, and have gained a position of equality.

To

further this positive result, they have assimilated rapidly in certain necessary phases of life.

In short, non­

competitive achievement is the keynote of their success and

-1- Emory S. Bogardus, Immigration and Race Attitudes (Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1928), Chapter IV.

189

their acceptance.

Some have carried their conception of

their new status too far and have been criticized for it. The type of immigrant also has much to do with success in assimilation.

Some have come as political

idealists and intellectuals. nicks1’2 represent types.

’’Caffones" and r,All Right-

Colonists have immigrated with, the

idea of taking advantage of new conditions but of keeping intact their old organization of life. in the mid-West came as colonists.

Many of the Dutch

The local Dutch, how­

ever, have come as individual settlers--people who intend to start life anew as individuals; and it is the settler who makes the most successful immigrant. In comparison with other cultural groups in Southern California, the local Dutch have had marked cultural advantages.

’’Special*1 mores toward education were decidedly

disadvantageous; however, special problems of adult crime, insanity, suicide, divorce, illigitimacy, illiteracy, poverty, pauperism, unemployment, and vice, prevalent in some other cultural groups were not present in the local group to impede assimilation.

They have escaped antipathy

and have experienced prejudice in but few cases.

Their

quest for status, so often unsuccessful with other cultural

2 Robert E. Park, and H. Miller, Old World Traits Transplanted (Wew York; Harper and Brothers, 1921), Chapter V.

190

groups, was a successful one.

Predominant cultural factors

determining segregation were not as serious as in the case of other cultural groups. The basic group studied is represented by the first generation of Dutch immigrants of rural and dairy backgrounds who have become engaged in the dairy industry locally, and the rising second generation many of whom are in their teens and early twenties.

The typical immigrant is the

Dutch boer or farmer who is the backbone of Holland; he is phlegmatic, self-reliant, rooted in the soil— a person of strong character, of high intelligence, although provincial and somewhat bigoted.

He is moderately conservative,

practical, thrifty, industrious, orderly, direct, neat, thoughtful and slow, and honest.

Family-mindedness,

fairness-mindedness, and stubbornness are characteristic. His personality presents a strong duality in several respects.

His economic and social attitudes are strongly

contradictory, as are his religious and economic attitudes. Phlegmatic and reserved, he is capable of release in requisite situations.

Contrary to his practical nature,

he has a tendency toward sentimental attachments but con­ siders these weaknesses which he prefers to cover up. desire to be well thought of, admired, respected, and understood is a marked Dutch trait. Beside this group homogeneity, there is also a

The

heterogeneity.

Some have come from "position" in Holland

and are more refined. ground.

Others have a poor economic hack-

Differences exist between well established and

more Americanized Dutch and the new immigrant.

Some are

wealthy and others are milkers who receive a daily wage. About one fourth of them do not attend church. mainder are faithful church-goers.

The re­

Some are now in their

third or fourth generation in America.

The Dutch coming

from different provinces in Holland show differing character­ istics.

This is particularly true of the Frisians who re­

main somewhat aloof from other Hollanders and who do not go out of their way to accommodate them.

Some of the Dutch

will not associate with other Dutch members in the local community.

This is especially true of the religious and

non-religious- group.

Economic differences, differences in

"refinement," and tendencies toward ostentatious display create preferences and gradation.

In spite of having much

in common, jealousies and differences are not always slow in developing among them. The Dutch immigrants have come from mixed motives; although economic motives were at first dominant, social motives tend to gain dominance once economic motives have been fulfilled.

The fact that in the majority of cases

people were helpful and friendly indicated social approval. The fact that a large number felt that people took an

192

Immediate liking to them as friends indicated the readiness of the Dutch to fit into the new community.

The attitude

of Americans toward them as settlers for the most part was highly gratifying.

Some disappointments were distasteful

hut were not too deep.

Others were more,deep seated.

Certain stereotyped pictures of America were broken and certain illusions were crushed immediately upon arrival. Chief among them was the belief that everyone participated in the unbounding wealth of America.

Slums and poverty,

lack of cleanliness and order in American communities, a lack of refinement and superficiality, waste and extrava­ gance, evidences of breakdown in church and family, and the impersonal relationships of city life took them aback. Immigrant insights into such problems are invaluable since the immigrant has a unique point of view the American does not possess. First experiences are of interest because they are lasting and are decisive in determining peoples1 reactions. The democratic spirit of America--the feeling that everyone was treated alike— was impressed upon them; but above all was the realization of economic opportunity in a land where money was spent too freely, and where hard work and saving would pay handsome results.

This had a tendency to

set them free, to stimulate them, and to impel them to start anew and to work for goals they never knew they could attain.

193

The geographical and economic situation in which they found themselves was very favorable.

They found in the

local area a dairy section which was economically open and growing--especially sinoe 1923•

It was an occupation en­

tered into chiefly by immigrants and other nationalities, with but few Americans. achievement.

Here was room for non-competitive

On their side, they had a drive to improve

their position, a release from restraint, had customarily worked long hours, had the ability to take damaging knocks, and finally the necessary occupational skill— something most immigrants have not been able to capitalize upon directly.

This combined with the fact that they were

socially approved, and liked the climate in Southern Cali­ fornia created in them a reaction of being ffvery much satisfied” with their present location in the local commun­ ity. The local Dutch immigrants took advantage of this situation and in the best American tradition of hard work, sacrifice, and saving worked their way up by their own bootstraps to economic security and social equality.

Al­

though to many immigrants and many classes in America the concepts of security and equality are but a myth due to racial prejudice and antipathy and to closed economic opportunities, the local situation is a reaffirmation that such situations still exist if the parties concerned have

19^

the drive and desire to improve their position.

It is

suggestive that other such situations are open and that the lack in some cases is not with the situation hut with the individual, for the local situation was open to others who did not take advantage. In a sense, the local situation is a dying echo of a long series of immigrations from Northern European countries whose people aimed to establish themselves agriculturally; consequently, implications from the study in this sense are limited.

In another sense, the local picture is unique

because the new environment is not the same rural environ­ ment in which this group has usually settled and their dairy industry is no longer the usual mixed farming type, but is an individual industrial enterprise. new set of relationships have developed.

An entirely

To the extent that

this is true, and to the extent that similar situations may increase in the future due to increased cultural contact of this nature, the results are more significant. The dairy industry has been one of hectic conflict of many varied "interests.11 Organizations to control the situation and to aid the dairymen have been only partially successful and short lived.

The industry is competitive

and individualistic in character, and although the Dutch have come from backgrounds of cooperative enterprise in Holland, here they have plunged into the American system

195

of individualistic competition and have been as active as any other element in blocking cooperative enterprises. Competition among the Dutch themselves is as conspicuous as competition with other elements.

Whereas the Dutch are

closely solifified in other cultural aspects, economically they are extremely jealous of one another. of character is illustrated here.

Their duality

This aspect of their

life is sharply segregated from other aspects of their social behavior and does not break down the other cohesion. Many of them see the futility of extreme competition and especially in this type of enterprise, and with their back­ ground of cooperative action and their preponderance in the field numerically, they are chagrined that a much needed co­ operative organization does not come about. The local Dutch representing approximately sixty to seventy per cent of the local dairymen are the backbone of the industry.

In this position they are closely identified

with the industry and anything about the industry is directly reflected upon them.

The importance of the industry, its

size, its publicity in newspapers, its carnivals, its modern intensive character, its growth and its rank with other dairying areas in the United States are an integral part of the life of these people.

They lend prestige and

status to the local group. Although the dairy industry has been the front door

196

entrance to the Dutch in America and in spite of the fact that it has afforded his first contacts with American cul­ ture and has aided assimilation in this respect, the chief result has been one of occupational segregation.

There are

few Americans in the industry, and the other large faction, the Portuguese, are even more isolated than the Dutch. Since the industry is so confining and since it is so much a part of their lives (their occupational positivism and occupational centrism is marked) that isolation on this account is great.

It is not a cultural isolation, but it

tends to aid greatly in maintaining cultural differences. As a result of the dairy industry and due to apriori atti­ tudes concerning the occupation, they tend to be improvement minded, future minded, exitement and escape minded, fairness minded, and higher education minded. The local Dutch have become assimilated very rapidly in several respects.

They have become American citizens

far in excess of the average rates for all nationalities. This naturalization is especially marked for a semi-rural settlement. the process.

The German occupation of Holland accelerated The Dutch are intelligent and have become

assimilated civically and politically due to superior politi­ cal background and interest.

In Americanization classes

they are leaders and are adept at discussing American prob­ lems.

Although there is a slight carryover of social

197

distinctions so prominent in Holland, this has been broken down considerably, and to the degree that it has been, assimilation has been promoted. In speech the Butch have learned English quickly, although they tend to be bi-lingual. arrival.

Some knew English upon

Some know several languages.

They have American­

ized quickly with regard to food and dress, although some vestiges have remained to provide a local color.

Other

customs still in use tend to accentuate this local color. These represent a carryover that adds attraction and tends to be assimilative for this reason though they mean to keep the old intact. Although the basic industry is the dairy, the local group is gradually branching out into other occupations.

To

date the process has been limited, but of all assimilative factors this is the most powerful.

Many who have done this

have almost completely lost identity with the basic group. Return trips to Holland have been extensive; of little effect in themselves, they have shown the changes that have taken place and have put the old ways up for disadvantageous ©mparison. tensive. old.

In housing, the assimilative effect has been ex­ It has tended to separate the immigrant from the

It has meant the adoption of new standards.

Individual

differences which block interstimulation within the group cause certain elements to go outside for contacts.

This

198 results in some assimilation, but to the extent that a distinct element, such as the Frisians maintain their old ways and keep their identity within the large Dutch group, the effect is decidedly isolating. In spite of these assimilative trends, the local group remains isolated to a very large extent.

In material

traits the assimilation process has been rapid; but with regard to attitudes toward family, religion, and school it has made little headway.

The majority of contacts of these

people are within the group.

In half the cases studied,

seventy-five per cent are; in forty per cent of those studied, ninety per cent are.

The isolating effects of

occupation have played a dominant role, but there are cultural adhesions which are basic to their segregation. These are attitudes within the realm of the family, the school, and the Church.

Contrary to the growing trend

toward family disorganization in America, the Dutch still maintain a highly organized patriarchal family organization. Attitudes toward freedom of children, toward the role of the parents, toward divorce, and toward work and play are markedly different from accepted American standards.

Inter­

racial marriage, so important to assimilation has been blocked very largely. Due to a different educational situation in Holland, attitudes toward the school are in marked contrast.

They

199

are part of the old Dutch mores, and as a result are deeply set.

They dislike "playing” at school.

A purported lack

of "study" at school, a lack of parental control of schools, "cultural" education for children of poor parents, compul­ sory education to the age of eighteen, school dances, in­ struction contrary to their moral standards, and the compe­ tition of school influence with family influence are com­ plained of by many.

Finally, many dislike American schools

because they do not include religious instruction.

For

this reason they have supported a Bellflower Christian School.

Wot a parochial school in the strict definition of

the term, it possesses parochial characteristics and to the extent that it has them, is open to the criticisms to which they are subjected for segregative and other reasons.

Re­

ligious emphasis cannot necessarily be condemned, but assim­ ilation is prevented by keeping these children isolated from American children.

Approximately forty per cent of the

local Dutch disapprove of the school, including many who are highly religious. The acceptance of Dutch religion is also a powerful segregating force.

Of the two Dutch churches, the Christian

Reformed Church is more conservative than the Dutch Reformed Church.

Divorce is taboo, marriage is encouraged within the

Church circle and attitudes such as those toward the modern theatre and modern dance are extremely conservative.

The

200

Church sponsors Dutch papers; Dutch Is spoken part of the time and the Church is active In charity, and in attempting to influence other aspects of community life. Dutch take their religion seriously.

Finally, the

This in itself sets

them apart. Foreign language newspapers among the Dutch, though not as extensive as among other cultural groups, have par­ tial segregating effects.

A final and strong segregative

influence has been the resettlement of Dutch from other parts of the United States.

Many have stated without reservation

that since coming from the mid-West, they have become "more Dutch."

The desire to reestablish old contacts with

Holland has motivated them to reestablish the Dutch language. They have entered the dairy industry with a resultant occu­ pational segregation.

The Dutch church and family organiza­

tion in the middle west have been intact since 1850 .

These

influences have also

New­

been brought tothe local area.

comers directly from Holland of late years are more liberal in this respect than the group which has resettled.

One

group tends to bulwark the other, and the effect is doubly segregating. The individualistic, heterogeneous and mobile Im­ personal character of the local community marks it as being sociologically disorganized.

A group invading this type of

community attracts little attention and can go its own way.

201

The result is that isolation is the accepted adjustment. There was no dominant group to which the new Dutch were forced to accommodate themselves.

Also, the established

groups were well accustomed to the process of invasion be­ cause of the previous invasions of other cultural groups. Since the local community has such a large number of varied cultural elements, the measurement of Dutch racial attitudes proved helpful in defining these relationships and in showing degrees of contact and isolation.

Since

both the Dutch from the mid-West and those from Holland had not contacted these different races before and since many did not have previously well developed attitudes, an inter­ esting situation was created.

New attitudes were developed

as a result of actual contact instead of through established prejudice.

Although many of them indicated they already

had deep set prejudices, another group formed favorable attitudes in many instances, particularly toward the Mexicans, the Japanese, and the Portuguese in spite of pre­ vailing attitudes to the contrary.

A second group was par­

ticularly isolated from these other cultural elements.

For

this group, the other races did not Ttexist.” , Americans were regarded highly by the Dutch although twenty-five per cent would not marry them but would have them either as intimate friends, or only as regular friends. Americans were appreciated for leaving the Dutch to themselves.

202

They criticized Americans, however, for being too wasteful, for their inability to use arithmetic and their lack of precision in general, and for their system of schools. American attitudes toward the Dutch were favorable for the most part.

Although they are aware that the number

of Dutch is increasing, they have little awareness that the number is as great as it is.

This is a favorable sign, for

it signifies that the Dutch are not overly conspicuous.

It

is assumed that if they were disliked, the number would possibly be overrated.

The school ability of the Dutch

children was overestimated although a number of Americans were unsympathetic toward their work and language handicaps. Dutch cleanliness and orderliness, their desire for Ameri­ canization, and their small number on relief, were especially appreciated by Americans. Americans believed Dutch health standards were high. Very few resented the increasing number of dairy farms and a slight majority would not object to their children marry­ ing Dutch.

The majority of Americans also believed the

Dutch were "justified” in having their own Christian School because it was their right and because they wanted it even though many questioned its assimilative effect. The Dutch were censored for the recklessness of their children in driving autos.

In some instances, the

high standards of Dutch homes and family life were not

203

appreciated.

Although the Dutch were regarded as ”about

the same" politically, a small number of them who were proNazi were censored.

Definite prejudice was shown by

several Americans who resented the increasing number of dairies.

Marked prejudice was shown by others who would

not have them as friends. Americans did not comprehend the reason the Dutch tend to ’’show off*’ and did not know it was not directed at them.

Regardless of reasons, they re­

sented the fact. Americans appreciate the majority of Dutch traits, but there is a cluster of traits a minority of them possess which cause them to be decidedly disliked.

They have a

certain rudeness, an extreme pragmatic ’’practicality,n a stubborn uncompromising spirit, representing superiority attitudes designed as defense mechanisms against the outside world.

This attitude is developed in many instances among

people who have suddenly changed from an inferior status in terms of their conception of what they could attain.

In

short, they do not know how to react to their own success. A final index of American attitudes was indicated in a rating scale comparing them with other cultural groups. The Dutch were rated first by a wide margin over even the next similar group of German-Americans.

They were rated

either first or second except in a few instances which were relatively low In the rating and which Indicated marked or

204

even extreme prejudice. Several exclusively Dutch organizations in the com­ munity indicate further segregation.

Sociologically in

basic aspects, the Dutch are active in the community, but in individual participation, they are relatively weak.

In

one town, however, several community leaders are Dutch. That the Dutch are in a position to be important and in­ fluential community participants was indicated by a Bed Cross drive which was overwhelmingly supported by the Dutch. The annual dairy fiesta, outstanding local carnival of the year, is partially sponsored and completely backed by the Dutch.

If they become Interested In community enterprises,

they support them wholeheartedly. Isolation and segregation have not seriously affected the first generation who live according to old standards in many regards and who have not become personally disorganized.

Their only problem Is one of fighting off

attacks upon the old standards which they wish to maintain. To the extent that they are assimilated, cultural problems cease to exist, but where cultural segregation remains, so do potential problems.

It is the second generation which

bears the brunt of this segregation.

It is they who are in

a position to become personally disorganized.

If they main­

tain the old ways, they have not prepared themselves to meet problems In the new culture If someday they are forced to do

205

so.

Furthermore, if they identify themselves with the old,

they find it constantly in a state of flux and find no stability there.

They are often forced to defend some of

the old standards, for which they can find no defence.

If

they adopt new standards they find themselves in conflict with the home.

If they adopt both standards personality

conflict may become rampant.

Those who dissociate them­

selves entirely from the old Influences are not in a posi­ tion to become an Integral part of the American scheme and may become shallow and innocuous. To the extent that the study has demonstrated differ­ ences In standards to which the second generation must ad­ just, it has indicated a basis for cultural conflict. Differences In standards have been demonstrated regarding school athletics, movies, dances, divorce, going out even­ ings, Puritanical work standards, differences In occupational choices, language differences, school attendance, and subject matter within the school are outstanding. Overt evidences of this conflict have been shown in the school maladjustments of many of these Dutch youths and In their delinquency and discipline problems.

Although the

Dutch In America rank high comparatively in mental tests, the local students have had difficulty in obtaining average In­ telligence Quotient scores.

Since many environmental factors

may have been responsible, and since hereditary shortcomings

206

have been in evidence, the social situation seems to have much to do with it.

The parents are not certain in many

respects of what their children are doing or their exact status in school.

Questionnaire answers tended to bear

this observation out.

This is further supported by the

prevalent attitude that what happens at school is up to the school--not the parents. Many students have started but have not completed high school.

Many have shown a decided lack of interest.

Cultural conflict within the individual tends to make him uncertain, feel inadequate, unable to organize a systematic and purposeful life program.

This tendency seems to be

strongly in evidence in the group studied. Conflict within the individual may evidence itself in behavior unamendable to social control, representing a reaction against established authority.

This has been

evidenced in breaches of school discipline, in Dutch churches, in automobile driving, and in general nuisances and disturbances of the peace. offenses.

They all represent petty

Offenses of a serious character have not been

reported from any source.

Neither are they of lasting

character for they disappear in adulthood.

Nevertheless,

the effect might readily be carried over into adult life. That they are nuisances is very obvious, but even more serious is the maladjustment and resulting conflict and

207 unhappiness within the individual so affected.

Often this

is not overtly expressed, hut this fact does not indicate that it does not exist. Several explanations of this behavior have been given locally.

One has been that the Dutch young men come

to the Pacific coast from colonies in the mid-West where primary group relations and social control are effective. Locally, these outside social controls have not operated. This is substantiated by the fact that so many offenders are from this section.

This fact does not break down the

theory of conflict causation, but tends to support it, for this phenomenon also represents a conflict of social be­ havior within a given culture pattern.

The explanation of

this behavior as being a release from long and monotonous dairy work on the part of young Dutch milkers also fits the total picture.

Too much repression of basic impulses and

basic needs by monotony creates added conflict. supporting factor, not a contradictory one.

This is a

They have the

means for breaking the tension for they earn considerable money from their work and all have access to good cars. The explanation that unruliness, boisterousness, and misconduct during late adolescence is a national trait is unfounded.

If it were a national trait uniformity of

behavior would be expected.

Contrary to this, great individ­

ual differences can be demonstrated.

In Holland after the

208 last war in disorganized sections, this type of behavior increased tremendously.

In the Middle West, such behavior

is much less than in the local area.

The fact that re­

pression may be a national characteristic requiring some type of release may support the contention, but this is not necessarily confined to any particular nation.

It is situ­

ational and is based upon the condition of repression. That the explanation ^national trait” may be a ”go” sign for such conduct and result in the attitude that nothing can be done, accentuates the lack of control.

This in it­

self might be sufficient to cause this type of behavior. The belief, not the actual fact, would be causal. According to accepted theories and according to evidence to support them in this particular case in the absence of other explanations and supporting conditions of a similar nature, the culture conflict idea would appear to be the explanation. Conclusions and forecasts.

Predictions for the fu­

ture are always frought with uncertainty; yet in this study they are in order.

To the extent that the present older

generation is passing and will soon pass from the scene, nothing need be said.

If the situation were held static,

little would need be said.

Older influences would gradually

wear off and the inevitable forces of assimilation in the

209

case of the second and third generations would break down all impeding barriers even though some of them were demoral­ ized in the process. However, the group is not static. have marked its greatest growth.

The last ten years

Opportunities they found

at first have not been closed and other opportunities might be found especially by people with their aggressiveness. The local area has become the favored place for the Dutch immigrant in America, and America his chief destination. The temporary impeding force of the war must be considered, but after the war, what then?

Conditions might very con­

ceivably give Dutch immigration even greater impetus.

The

influences of the first generation may continue for a long time hence, bulwarked by new arrivals and by resettlers. Increased numbers could plausibly create conflict situations not found at present; or could Intensify those now present.

An increase in the amount of milk production

out of proportion with market consumption could very con­ ceivably force the issue of cooperative marketing and other needed stabilizing factors in the industry. Regardless of what happens with respect to the older generation, the future of the second generation Is now a matter of question.

The future of the first generation

would influence the problem of the second generation as to length of time these problems would exist and severity of

210

adjustment.

Sociologically and logically and accepting the

present situation as it now exists, these questions might well be asked: (l) What are the demands of the Dutch par­ ents? (2) What are th© needs of the Dutch children? (3) In what ways are they most maladjusted? (4) How justifiable are the demands of the Dutch parents? and (5 ) What program could be instituted to maintain the best traits of the old culture?

These questions raise other questions of a broader

and more basic character.

They open the field of subjective

value judgment. The question of daily religious education, without segregation, in the broader aspects of school life is poten­ tially dynamite.

Special classes in the public schools

would entail the question of both subject matter and point of view and the selection of an instructor.

Many entangle­

ments were encountered even in Holland when this procedure was attempted.

Instruction before or after school on other

premises might be considered, but the question might also be raised, "What about the remainder of the students?” Questions within the realm of education: the matter of cultural education, the matter of teaching to meet stud­ ent interest and student needs and the questions relating to progressive education are applicable here. value judgment again arises.

The problem of

It is admitted that the Dutch

have a case in point in many of their arguments and it is

211

obvious that in many cases the school does not meet the needs of Dutch students in their definition of the situation which in many respects is legitimate.

On the other hand,

there is a provincialism and lack of Insight on the part of some of the Dutch parents concerning the needs of modern day American life and the needed background for adjustment to this phase of American life.

The crux of the problem

lies in the failure of the school to meet some needs and the uncompromising attitudes of some of the Dutch.

The greatest

difficulty lies not in the differences, but in the attitudes relevant to the solution of these differences.

Many activi­

ties at school can be made of value partly with the aid of the Dutch themselves.

The attitude that there is nothing

of value or could be nothing of value is decidedly thwarting adjustment.

Suggestions of compromise and closer coopera­

tion seem almost verbose.

The problem is one of method.

The suggestions that education must preserve the best and most adoptable traits of the stranger and that we must teach the foreign-born to preserve the finer elements of their old world cultures for contribution to the enrich­ ment of American life are especially applicable here.

The

fact that the second generation cannot become completely assimilated and that the process is long and intricate must be considered.

Instruction for agriculture has been highly

acceptable to many with full parental support— sometimes

212

in terms of donations.

The national agricultural club,

Future Farmers of America, has included many Dutch fellows in a local high school.

Instruction in home management for

Dutch girls is given in home economics classes.

This

training is basic to Dutch cultural emphasis on the family and is the sole interest of many of the Dutch girls.

Many

parents are extremely interested in Americanization prob­ lems.

Civics classes with this guiding principle might

prove successful for getting at local problems and for work­ ing from this footing to broader aspects of government. Moral issues might be raised in connection with religion or auto driving.

Many of the problems have no readily created

answers but must be based upon slow persuasion and a gradual winning over.

In this the in-group must bear the brunt.

The adjustment of the local Dutch generally has been markedly successful with some exceptions.

These have been

due to social causation and social situations and are not reflective upon the Dutch as individuals.

Now of growing

value in the local community, an intelligent and guided solution of remaining problems would mark this group as an even more valuable contributor to immigrant assimilation which has been so instrumental In building and welding the institutions of America.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY A.

BOOKS

Beets, Henry Christian Reformed Church, Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eastern Avenue Book Store, 1923* Bogardus, Emory S., Essentials of Americanization, Los Angeles: The University of Southern California Press, 1919_______ , Immigration and Race Attitudes. Heath and Company, 1928".

Boston: D. C.

Boulger, Demetrius C«, Holland of The Dutch. Charles Scribners Sons, 1913^"

New York:

Brunner, Edmund D. S., Immigrant Farmers and Their Children. Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Doran and Company, Inc., 1929• Couperous, Louis ^., Small Souls. and Company, 1923-

New York: Dodd, Mead,

Davie, Maurice R., World Immigration. New York: The Mac­ millan Company," 1936. Duncan, Hannibal G., Immigration and Assimilation. D. C. Heath and Company, 1933 • Edwards, George Wharton, Holland of Today. Penn Publishing Company, 1923*

New York

Philadelphia:

Elliott, Mabel A., and Francis E. Merrill, Social Dis­ organization. New York: Harper and Bros., 193% Fairchild, Henry P., Immigrant Backgrounds. John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1927*

New York:

Feith, J. J., Modern Holland. Rotterdam: Nijgh and Van Ditmarfs Publishing Company, The Official Information Office for Tourists at the Hague, n.d. MacLean, Annie M., Modern Immigration. Philadelphia and London: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1925*

215

McClure, Archibald A., Leadership of the New America, Racial and Religious. New York: Doran Company, 1916. Panunzio, Constantine M., The Soul of an Immigrant. York: The Macmillan Company, 192?.

New

Park, Robert E., and E. W. Burgess, Introduction to The Science of Sociology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1921 and 1924. Park, Robert E., and H. Miller, Old World Traits Trans­ planted. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1921. Reuter, Edward B., Race and Culture Contacts. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1954". Ripley, William Z., The Races of Europe, A Sociological Study. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1899• Steiner, Edward A., The Immigrant Tide, Its Ebb and Flow. New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1909* Wissler, Clarke, Man and Culture. Company, 1923*

New York: Thomas Crowell

Young, Arthur, A Short History of Belgium and Holland. London: T. F. Unwin, 1915* Young, Donald, American Minority Peoples. Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1932.

New York:

Young, Pauline V., Pilgrims of Russlantown. University of Chicago Press"! 1932. B.

Chicago: The

PERIODICAL ARTICLES

Bogardus, Emory S., ”A Race Relations Cycle,1’ American Journal of Sociology, XXXV (January-February, 1938)> 61217. _______ , ’’Personality and Occupational Attitudes,” Sociology and Social Research, XII (September-October), 73-79. De Jong, D. C., ’’Only Fools Go to America,” Atlantic Monthly, CLXI (March, 1938), 298.

216 DuVall, Everett W. , "Child-Parent Social Distance,11 Sociology and Social Research, XXI (May-June, 1937 )>

458 63 -

*

Grosvenor, Louis D., "Races of Europe," National Geographic, XXXIV (December, 1918), 44l. Link, Lilo, "Polder-Folk,11 Fortnightly, CXLIII (JanuaryJune, 1938), 696-705* Nimkoff, M. F., "Parent-Child Conflict,” Sociology and Social Research, XIII (May, 1929), 446-58. Park, Robert E., "The Concept of Social Distance," Journal of Applied Sociology, VIII (July-August, 1924), 339-54* Wilcox, Francis E., "Democracy the Dutch Way," Current History, XLIX (September, 1938), 39* . C.

UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS

Berbano, Marcos P., "The Social Status of Filipinos in Los Angeles County," Unpublished Master*s thesis, The University of Southern California, 1931* Bond, J. Max, "The Negro in Los Angeles," Unpublished Doctor*s dissertation, The University of Southern California, 1936. Burnight, Ralph F., "The Japanese Problem in Agricultural Districts of Los Angeles County." Unpublished Master*s thesis, The University of Southern California, 1920. Corpus, Severino F., "An Analysis of the Racial Adjustment, Activities and Problems of the Filipino American Fellowship." Unpublished Master*s thesis, The University of Southern California, 1938. Crimi, James, "The Social Status of the Negro in Pasadena, California.” Unpublished Master*s thesis, -The University of Southern California, 1941. Day, George M., "The Russian Colony in Hollywood--A Study in Culture Conflict.” Unpublished Doctor*s disserta­ tion, The University of Southern California, 1930.

217

Douglas, Helen W., "The Conflict of Cultures in First Generation Mexicans in Santa Anna, California.” Un­ published Masterfs thesis, The University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1928. Erwin, James M., "The Participation of the Negro in The Community Life of Los Angeles." Unpublished Master!s thesis, The University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1931* Givens, Helen L., "The Korean Community in Los Angeles County." Unpublished Masterfs thesis, The University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1939* Kawasaki, Kanichi, "The Japanese Community of East San Pedro, Terminal Island, California." Unpublished Master*s thesis, The University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1931* Kirschner, Olive P., "The Italian in Los Angeles." Un­ published Master*s thesis, The University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1920. Lanigan, Mary, "The Second Generation Mexicans in Belvedere, California." Unpublished Master*s thesis, The University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1932. Lofstedt, Anna C., "A Study of the Mexican Population in Pasadena, California." Unpublished Master*s thesis, The University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1923. Lows, K. K., "A Study of American-Born Chinese in Los Angeles." Unpublished Master*s thesis, The University of Southern California, 1931* Rubin, Mildred S., "The French in Los Angeles, The Study of a Transplanted Culture." Unpublished Master*s thesis, The University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1936. Nimkoff,Meyer, "Social Distance Between Children and Parent." Unpublished Doctor*s dissertation, The Univer­ sity of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1928.

218 Tanka, Tamiko, "Japanese Language School in Relation to Assimilation.” Unpublished Master*s thesis, The University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1933• Young, Pauline V., "Assimilation Problems of Russian Molokans in Los Angeles.” Unpublished Doctor*s dissertation, The University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1930. D.

PAMPHLETS AND MISCELLANEOUS REPORTS

Bogardus, Emory S., Social Distance. A syllabus, Los Angeles: University of Southern California Press. Revised Edition, 1935* ________, Race Relations. A syllabus, Los Angeles: The University of Southern California Press. Revised Edition, 1941. Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930* for Popula­ tion. Vol III, Part I. Washington, D. C.: government Printing Office, 1930. "Christian Education in the Restoration of Man," Christian School Statistics, compiled and edited by the National Union of Christian Schools. Chicago: National Union of Christian Schools, 1941. Hurt, Leslie M. (D.V.M., B.S., Agr.), County Livestock Inspector, Fifteenth Annual Los Angeles County Live Stock Department Report, 193H-1939. "Occupational Attitudes and Values of Dairymen,” compiled from the Files of Dr. Emory S. Bogardus by the present writer. Report on The Growth of The Los Angeles Milk Market. Los Angeles County Health Department, Bureau of Sanitation, Section of Dairies and Dairy Products, Hall of Justice, Los Angeles, California. Pearson, Peter H., Schools of Scandinavia, Finland, and Holland, Division of Foreign Educational Systems, Bureau of Education (Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1919.

219

E.

INTERVIEWS

Interviews were made with American and Holland-Dutch American citizens of Artesia, Bellflower, Compton, and Hynes, California.

APPENDIX