Prints and visual communication 9780262590020

The sophistication of the photographic process has had two dramatic results—freeing the artist from the confines of jour

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Prints and visual communication
 9780262590020

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
PREFACE (page vii)
I. INTRODUCTION--THE BLOCKED ROAD TO PICTORIAL COMMUNICATION (page 1)
II. THE ROAD BLOCK BROKEN--THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY (page 21)
III. SYMBOLISM AND SYNTAX--A RULE OF THE ROAD--THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY (page 51)
IV. THE TYRANNY OF THE RULE--THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES (page 71)
V. THE TYRANNY BROKEN--THE NINETEENTH CENTURY (page 93)
VI. PICTORIAL STATEMENT WITHOUT SYNTAX--THE NINETEENTH CENTURY (page 113)
VII. NEW REPORTS AND NEW VISION--THE NINETEENTH CENTURY (page 135)
VIII. RECAPITULATION (page 158)
INDEX (page 181)

Citation preview

DA CAPO PRESS SERIES IN

GRAPHIC ART |

General Editor: A. HyATT MAYOR Curator Emeritus of Prints, Metropolitan Museum of Art

Volume 10

PRINTS AND VISUAL COMMUNICATION

/ BLANK PAGE

PRINTS AND VISUAL COMMUNICATION By William M. Ivins, Jr. Late Curator of Prints Metropolitan Museum of Art

THE M.LT. PRESS Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England

This M.1.T. paperback edition of Prints and Visual Communication 1s an unabridged republication of the first edition published

in 1953 by Harvard University Press. It is reprinted by special , arrangement with Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd.

The publishers are grateful to the Prints Division, New York Public Library, and to the Department of Prints, Metropolitan

illustrations. |

Museum of Art, for providing new photographs for a number of First MIT Press paperback edition, August 1969

| Second printing, February 1973 Third printing, January 1978 Fourth printing, July 1980

| ISBN 0 262 59002 6 © Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 68-31583

|

TO THE MEMORY OF

F.W.I.

| BLANK PAGE

PREFACE

HE thesis of this book grew out of a long endeavour to find a pattern of significance in the story of prints. To discover the pattern it was necessary to approach that story from a point of view which lay outside it, and to

take account of values and effects that have customarily been overlooked.

For many years the writer had desired to prepare an ordered argument of his thesis, but time free for the purpose did not come until after retirement from official duties and the fulfilment of some

old obligations. Slightly later an invitation to deliver a course of eight lectures at the Lowell Institute of Boston, in January, 1950, not only gave him the inestimable benefit of a ‘dead line’, but caused him to shorten and simplify his argument. The book has been written from memory, without notes. When it was finished the writer verified his quotations, checked names, dates, and a few incidents in the common reference books, and made most of the photographs for the illustrations. The writing was almost finished when there came to hand for the first time André Malraux’s La Psychologie de l’ Art, in which

part of the problem here dealt with is considered from a very different point of view and to quite another end. The writer thanks the following friends for their many kindnesses and their patience with him: Mr. and Mrs. George Boas,

W. G. Constable, Alfred E. Cohn, Dudley T. Easbey, Mr. and Mrs. N. Gabo, Walter Hauser, A. M. Hind, A. Hyatt Mayor, Vil

PREFACE ,

Beaumont Newhall, Miss Alice Newlin, Edward Milla, Mr. and Mrs. Theodore Sizer, and Thomas J. Wilson. Especially he thanks the Metropolitan Museum of Art and its staff, past and present,

for innumerable courtesies. From his daughter Barbara he has | received the keenest of criticism and the most affectionate and unremitting of encouragement. The notation ‘(MM)’ in the captions for the illustrations indi-

, cates that they have been reproduced by permission of the Metro-

politan Museum of Art from originals in its collections. , | Thanks to the generosity of the publishers, most of the plates have been produced by the collotype process on paper other than that used for either the line blocks or the half tones. To secure the great gain in accuracy of reproduction of the fine textures of the originals thus made possible, it has been mechanically necessary to sacrifice what otherwise would have been the order of the plates in the book.

Connecticut oe

| Woodbury

Vill

|

CONTENTS

PREFACE page vil MUNICATION | I

I, INTRODUCTION-—-THE BLOCKED ROAD TO PICTORIAL COM-

Il. THE ROAD BLOCK BROKEN-——THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY 21 Ill. SYMBOLISM AND SYNTAX—A RULE OF THE ROAD—THE

, SIXTEENTH CENTURY 51 IV. THE TYRANNY OF THE RULE—-THE SEVENTEENTH AND

EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES 71

V. THE TYRANNY BROKEN—THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 93 VI. PICTORIAL STATEMENT WITHOUT SYNTAX—THE NINE-

TEENTH CENTURY 113

CENTURY 135 VIII. RECAPITULATION 158 VII. NEW REPORTS AND NEW _ VISION—-THE NINETEENTH

INDEX 181 1X

BLANK PAGE

1. Painted woodcut from Boner’s Der Edelstein, Bamberg, 1461 facing page 4 About actual size. This book is the earliest known that is both printed from type and illustrated with printed pictures. The woodblocks were impressed by hand in blanks left for the purpose in the printed text—much as though they had been rubber stamps. (Reproduced from the facsimile of the unique copy, issued by the Graphische Gesellschaft of Berlin in 1908.)

2. A metal cut of St. Martin (MM) | facing page 5 Reduced. A typical late fifteenth-century relief ‘metal cut’. The marks of the heads of the nails which held the plate to the wooden block for printing in the type press can be seen at top and bottom. The various technical notions implicit in this kind of work did not come to fruition until the nineteenth century.

3. “The Duchess’, a proof from one of the wood-blocks for Holbein’s Dance of Death (c. 1520) (MM) facing page 12 About actual size, with a portion enlarged to show detail too small to be seen by the unaided human eye. It is doubtful if any finer work was ever done with a knife on a wood-block.

4. Woodcut from Osatus’s La vera perfettione del desegno, Venice,

1561 (MM) facing page 13 Slightly enlarged. Showing what happened when a woodcut with fine lines was printed on hard ribbed paper. This defect was unavoidable with the paper then available, and possibly had something to do with the shift from woodcuts to copper engravings that began about this time.

5. Portion of a late impression of an early North Italian engraving

of St. Jerome in the Desert (pr. coll.) . facing page 24 Enlarged. Showing the primitive Italian goldsmith’s type of stylized detail and helter-skelter shading, sometimes referred to as the ‘fine xl

ILLUSTRATIONS

| manner’, It was succeeded in Italy by the ‘broad manner’ of the painter engravers, which reached its apogee in the original work of Mantegna.

6. Portion of Mantegna’s engraved Bacchanal with Silenus (MM) after page 24 . Reduced. To be compared with Diirer’s pen and ink copy reproduced

on the opposite page. _ } ,

7. Portion of Diirer’s pen and ink copy of Mantegna’s Bacchanal

with Silenus (in the Vienna collection) after page 24 Reduced. Mantegna engraved much as he drew with his pen. Diirer in copying him substituted his own anecdotal German calligraphy for

| Mantegna’s simplified powerful statement of essentials. In this kind

of distortion Diirer has been followed by most of the succeeding engravers, who have given more attention to the weaving of linear _ textures than to reporting the basic qualities of their originals.

| 8. Portion of an anonymous early Italian engraved copy of a

drawing by Mantegna (MM) facing page 25 Enlarged. One of the first sizeable groups of reproductive engravings was made during Mantegna’s life after drawings by him. In many of them Mantegna’s style of drawing was closely copied, presumably because it was also the natural style of the engravers. The dots in the outlines of the impression here reproduced were made when it was pricked to take off its design on another piece of paper. __

:| 9. Portion of a primitive woodcut of St. Christopher page 25

, About actual size. Prints of this type are attributed to the early years | of the fifteenth century. (Reproduced from Max Lehrs, Holzschnitte d. ersten Halfte d. XV Jahrhunderts im K. Kupferstichkabinett zu Berlin,

issued by the Graphische Gesellschaft of Berlin in 1908.) ,

10. The earliest picture of a printing press. Woodcut from a Dance

of Death printed at Lyons in 1499 page 26 Reduced. (Reproduced from the facsimile of the unique copy in

ale, 1900 ff.) ,

Claudin’s Histoire de ? Imprimerie en France, Paris, Imprimerie Nation-

| page 30

11. Woodcut from Torquemada’s Meditationes, Rome, 1473 (MM) Reduced. This woodcut also appeared in the edition of 1467—the first

| book printed from type in Italy which contained printed illustrations.

They were printed with the type. It was also the first book printed anywhere which contained illustrations that purported to represent specifically located particular things—in this instance some wall decorations in the Church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva which no

_ longer exist. | Xil

| ILLUSTRATIONS

1472 (MM) page 31

12. Portion of a woodcut from Valturius’s De re militari, Verona, , Reduced. This was the first book illustrated with printed pictures of machinery—this one representing a primitive and doubtless imaginary | ‘Gatling gun’ with eight barrels. The roughly inked blocks were carelessly impressed by hand in blanks left for the purpose in the printed text.

13. Woodcut of ‘Asparagus agrestis’, from the herbal of the Pseudo-Apuleius, Rome, n.d. (c. 1483) (MM) page 32

script. |

, About actual size. This was the first illustrated printed herbal. Its woodcuts were rough copies of the drawings in a ninth-century manu-

(MM) | facing page 32

14. Portion of a head of Christ by the early German Master E. S.

Enlarged. Showing a step in the early German development from the

goldsmith’s type of engraving towards a systematized calligraphic |

linear system. ,

15. Torso from Mantegna’s engraving of the Risen Christ between

_ §S. Andrew and Longinus (MM) after page 32 | Enlarged. The final development of Mantegna’s linear system in engraving. Mantegna’s prints had a great influence on design, but counted for little in the subsequent development of the linear structures of professional reproductive engraving. His manner of drawing and shading

required powerful draughtsmanship and provided little opportunity for the display of the mere craftsman’s skill in routine manipulation.

: | after page 32

16. Torso from Diirer’s engraving of Adam and Eve (MM)

Enlarged. Diirer’s masterpiece of engraved representation of the naked , human body. It shows the development of his calligraphic drawing under pressure of his love of detail and his pride in the manual adroit-

ness with which he could lay lines of the greatest fineness with the sharp point of his engraving tool. In spite of his genius, he was probably the greatest of the writing masters—and it is to this that he owes much of his popular fame.

| | after page 32

17. Torso from Diirer’s woodcut of The Trinity (MM)

Enlarged. Diirer’s masterpiece of woodcut representation of the naked

human body. Its linear system is to be compared with that of his

, engraved Adam and Eve. This is a remarkable rendering of a calligraphic pen drawing on the block that had been simplified to meet the

exigencies of the woodcutter. | Xiii

ILLUSTRATIONS 18. Figure from Marc Antonio’s early engraving of Pyramus and

Thisbe (MM) after page 32

Enlarged. An example of the coarse, rough, careless, linear system used by Marc Antonio before he had become thoroughly familiar with |

, Durer’s work. He did not love and caress his lines as Diirer did, and

neither was he a dandy as Diirer was. a

19, Portion of Marc Antonio’s late engraving of Jupiter and Cupid,

after Raphael (MM) Be after page 32 | Enlarged. An example of the linear system that Marc Antonio finally developed out of Diirer’s engravings and woodcuts for the reproduction of ancient sculpture and of Raphael’s designs.

20. Portion of Lucas of Leyden’s late engraving of Lot and his

Daughters(MM) — | | after page 32 Enlarged. An example of the linear system finally evolved by Lucas, when he had emerged from Diirer’s influence and fallen under that of Marc Antonio. In this he pointed the way to such later men as Goltzius.

21. Portion of an engraving of the statue of Laocoon published by Lafreri at Rome in the middle of the sixteenth century (MM) facing page 33 Enlarged. An example of what happened when Marc Antonio’s late style fell into the hands of the unintelligent hack engravers of the print — publishers.

22. Woodcut of °Gladiolus’, from the herbal known as the Gart

_ der Gesundheit, Mainz, 1485 (MM) | page 35 Reduced. This was the first printed herbal illustrated with printed pictures after drawings specially made for the purpose from actual plants. Its printer was Peter Schoeffer, the surviving partner of Guten-

berg.

23. Detail from a woodcut view of Venice, from Breydenbach’s

_ Peregrinationes, Mainz, 1486 (MM) page 37 Enlarged. This was the first printed book of travel that was illustrated with printed pictures after drawings made for the purpose by one of

- the travellers. His name was Erhard Rewich (‘Erhardum silicet

, Rewich’), and he was the first illustrator of a printed book whose

name is known to us. This view of Venice was a folding plate, about

six feet long. _

24. Woodcut of a living-room, from Pelerin’s De Perspectiva, Toul, 1504 (courtesy of the Pierpont Morgan Library) page 41 _ Reduced. This was the first printed book to contain the basic rules of modern perspective, and its illustrations are the earliest prints to be

drawn in accordance with those rules. , | XIV

ILLUSTRATIONS

(MM) page 42

25. Woodcut of violets, from the Grete Herbal, London, 1525 About actual size. This was the earliest printed English herbal. Its

illustrations show the degradation of forms that comes from the copying of copies of copies instead of working directly from the original objects.

26. Woodcut of violets from Brunfels’s Herbarum vivae eicones,

Strassburg, 1530 (MM) page 43 Reduced. Many herbals had been printed since that of 1485, but this was the next one that contained illustrations specially drawn from the actual plants. The artist was Hans Weiditz.

27. Woodcut of “Kappiskraut’, from Fuchs’s De Stirpium Historia

..., Basel, 1545 (MM) page 45 Enlarged. Fuchs’s herbal appeared as a large folio with large wood-

editions. ,

cuts, in 1542 and 1543. In 1545 this textless pocket edition was issued with very faithful small copies of the big woodcuts in the earlier

28. Portion of Tobias Stimmer’s woodcut of Otto Heinrich, Count

Schwarzenburg (MM) page 48

| Enlarged. Showing the influence of copper plate linear structures upon the work of the woodcut designers and the woodcutters of the second half of the sixteenth century.

29. Detail from Cornelis Cort’s engraving of the Martyrdom of St.

Lawrence, after Titian (1571) (MM) facing page 48 Enlarged. Showing how a stylist engraver took pleasure in weaving a

linear web. Cort’s engravings did much to introduce Titian’s design ,

to the North.

30. Portion of Goltzius’s engraving of Bacchus (MM)

a after page 48

- Enlarged. Typical of the linear structure worked out by Goltzius, a , learned student of the great early engravers and, himself, the most eminent of the northern virtuoso engravers of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The picture has become a mere medium for the weaver’s skill in making watered silks. At this time, and in prints such as this, reproductive engraving became definitely an independent art, with criteria and values quite different from those of

_ the painters and creative draughtsmen.

31. A page from Bosse’s Treatise on Engraving of 1645 (pr. coll.)

| after page 48

Enlarged. Showing exercises for the beginner in the use of the engraver’s

and etcher’s tools. Our school writing books still contain comparable _ exercises in manual discipline. XV

ILLUSTRATIONS

32. Figure from Mantegna’s engraving of the Bacchanal with the

} Wine Press (MM) | after page 48

| Enlarged. From an early impression showing the warmth and softness

of line caused by leaving the burr on the plate and not removing it before printing.

33. The same figure from Mantegna’s engraving of the Bacchanal

with the Wine Press (MM) | after page 48 Enlarged. From a late impression printed after the burr had vanished and the lines themselves had worn. Most of the impressions of Mantegna’s plates are of this hard cold kind and give an utterly false idea of his essential qualities. This pair of contrasting impressions has been selected for reproduction because of the largeness of their lines.

(MM) | after page 48

34. The head from Van Dyck’s original etching of Frans Snyders

Enlarged. Its linear structure is to be compared with that of Paul du _ Pont’s engraved portrait of Van Baelen after a sketch by Van Dyck, on the opposite page. The originals of the two heads are closely of the

same size. This one, in its easy assured use of the inherited Rubens

formulae, has character and sharp, if summary, notation.

35. The head from du Pont’s engraved portrait of Van Baelen, after a sketch by Van Dyck. From the Jconography of 1645

(pr. coll.) after page 48 Enlarged. A typical example of the standardized linear structure

evolved by the Rubens school of engravers. Here the qualities of the Van Dyck on the opposite page have been sacrificed to a mere craftsman’s delight in the pedantic slickness of a formalized and insensitive linear net.

36. Portion of Vorstermans’s engraving of ‘M. Brutus Imp.’, after a drawing by Rubens ‘from an ancient marble’, 1638 (MM) facing page 49 Reduced. Showing what Rubens in the seventeenth century thought the proper way to reproduce a piece of classical sculpture.

: | | facing page 64

37. Mellan’s engraving of Samson and Delilah (MM)

Reduced. Showing Mellan’s development of parallel shading as a device for the exhibition of popularly (and easily) appreciable craftsmanship.

38. Portion of Baudet’s engraving of the ‘Spinello’ (MM)

- _ after page 64

About actual size. Mellan had engraved some statues in this manner —which, however, reached its final development of vapidity at the XV1

ILLUSTRATIONS hands of such later men as Baudet in the 1680’s. As a stunt, it probably

_ bears much the same relation to draughtsmanship that Paganini’s playing on one string did to music.

39. The head of Nanteuil’s engraved portrait of Pomponne de

Bellelievre (MM) oO after page 64 | Enlarged. This ultimate example of empty and obvious linear virtuosity

is generally regarded as the great masterpiece of French classical | portrait engraving. As one looks at it one can almost hear the engraver saying to himself: “Now Ill show ’em’.

40. Portion of Watteau’s painting of Le Mezetin (photo. MM)

a after page 64

Reduced. To be compared with Audran’s engraving on the facing page. This half tone is not regarded as a work of art as that engraving is, but it tells much more about the original. It is to be noted how the engraving turned Watteau’s portrait of a hard-bitten member of the

Comédie Italienne into that of a love-lorn youth. |

41. Portion of Audran’s mixed engraving and etching after Wat-

teau’s painting of Le Mezetin (MM) after page 64 About actual size. From Jullienne’s L’Ciuvre d’Antoine Watteau... Fixé a cent exemplaires des Premiéres Epreuves (Paris, in the 1730's) —the first attempt to reproduce the oeuvre of an important painter.

, It was an inestimable boon to the forgers and copyists of Watteau. , Blond, sparkling prints, such as this, had a great influence in succeed-

ing French eighteenth-century practice. :

42. The face from the engraving by Gaillard after the painting

of ‘L’Homme a l’ceuillet? (MM) after page 64

_ Enlarged. The fine lines lie below the threshold of normal human vision: It is doubtful whether such work could or would have been done had it not been for the then recent discovery of photography. Gaillard was one of the leaders in the French mid-nineteenth-century revolt against the old standardized linear systems in reproductive engraving.

43. A chalk sketch by Watteau as reproduced in Jullienne’s Figures de differens characteres . . ., Paris, in the 1730’s (MM)

| after page 64

About actual size. This skilful but simple rendering in mixed etching

and engraving was made by the Count Caylus, a gifted amateur, who made many reproductions of drawings and other works of art of all times and schools. He only reproduced things that amused him. Wealthy, witty, debauched,—soldier, man of letters, archaeologist, critic, and cruel art patron,—Caylus’s influence is still visible in

_ conservative contemporary taste. | XVii

ILLUSTRATIONS

44. The central figures from Rembrandt’s mixed etching and dry

point of the Agony in the Garden (MM) © facing page 65

, making. |

Enlarged. Showing Rembrandt’s unwillingness to subordinate expression and lively draughtsmanship to a formal linear structure which _ would have given him both larger editions and greater popularity. It was not tidy and had no trace of the highly polished machine finish that was rapidly becoming essential to commercially successful print

45. Portion of a trial proof of Lucas’s mezzotint after Constable’s |

sketch of Stoke-by-Neyland (MM) facing page 80

Enlarged. Sharp lines, abrupt transitions, and variations of texture, i.e. brilliance and transparency, were impossible to achieve in the treacly medium of mezzotint. It only reached great popularity in England, where it became the typical technique for the reproduction | of low keyed oil paintings by British artists of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. No original artist has ever adopted mezzo-

tint as his medium of expression.

— coll.) | | after page 80

46. Portion of Goya’s pure aquatint “Por que fue sensible’ (pr. ) Enlarged. Although aquatint, usually in combination with etching, was very popular in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries _ for the reproduction of water colour drawings, Goya was the only major artist ever to use it habitually for original work.

47. The Ecchoing Green from Blake’s Songs of Innocence. Repro-

duced from an uncoloured impression of the original relief

, | | oe after page 80 etching in Gilchrist’s Life of William Blake, .ondon, 1863.

| About actual size. Blake’s Songs of Innocence were printed in 1789 _ from copper plates etched in relief. The technique came to its full _ usefulness when the younger Gillot combined it with a way of photo-

graphically transferring a drawing to a plate. |

48. Portion of a relief print by Daumier, entitled ‘Empoignez les tous...’ from Le Magasin Charivarique, Paris, 1834 (pr. coll.)

oo a oe after page 80

About actual size. Probably made by a variety of the ‘chalk plate’ process. It shows how much the merit of a print depends on the man

: who makes it, rather than upon any particular quality of the process used. This has not been understood in the English speaking countries.

49. A tail-piece from Bewick’s Land Birds, originally published

at Newcastle in 1797 after page 80 _ Enlarged. An early white line wood-engraving. Three impressions from the same block: (1) a specially inked and printed proof on XVII

ILLUSTRATIONS China paper (MM) ; (2) a carelessly inked and printed impression on _ rough paper from the textless edition of 1800 (pr. coll.) ; (3) an impression on better paper from the edition of 1832 (pr. coll.). These three impressions illustrate the difficulties the printers had in printing Bewick’s fine textured white line blocks with the papers and inking

methods then available. OO

50. Detail of Charlton Nesbit’s wood-engraving of Rinaldo and Armida, from Savage’s Hints on Decorative Printing, London,

1822 (pr. coll.) | - after page 80 Enlarged. This impression was carefully printed on China paper mounted on the regular paper of the book. The engraver instead of

frankly working in white lines as Bewick and Blake did, attempted to make his prints look like black line engravings on copper—then still , regarded as the best way of reproducing pictures. But he went copper

| engraving one better by engraving schematic white lines across his

schematic black lines. |

(pr. coll.) | after page 80 |

51. Detail from the defaced block of Nesbit’s Rinaldo and Armida Enlarged. This impression was printed with ordinary care on the paper

_ used for the text pages of the book. Impressions from the defaced __ blocks were inserted at the end of Savage’s book to show that there could be no subsequent edition—but, after the blocks had been defaced

and printed from in that condition, this one, at least, was promptly repaired and some impressions from it were printed with great care on China paper. In making up the copies of the book some of these later

impressions got mixed with the earlier China paper ones and were used in their places in the book. Thus this very bad impression from the defaced block is actually earlier than that on China paper repro, duced on the facing page from the same copy of the book.

52. Two black line wood-engravings from Puckle’s Club, London,

1817 (pr. coll.) — | a after page 80 About actual size. While the illustrations were printed on India paper mounted on the text pages, the tail-pieces were printed with the type on the paper of the text pages. The difference in quality of impression caused by the different papers is obvious. Paper adequately smooth to yield good impressions from such fine textured blocks was not available for commercial use until the end of the nineteenth century.

53. Two wood-engravings, one by Blake and one anonymous, |

, , | : after page 80

from Thornton’s Eclogues of Vergil, London, 1822 (pr. coll.)

_ About actual size. This was one of the earliest school text books to

be illustrated with a large number of wood-engravings. Those by Blake _ are among the earliest perfectly free drawings done with the engraving tool on the wood. Thornton found it necessary to apologize for them X1X

ILLUSTRATIONS

in a footnote, but saw no necessity to comment on the other blocks, | which are typified by the second reproduction. The blocks were printed with the type on the cheap paper of the book.

54. Portion of Harvey’s wood-engraving of B. R. Haydon’s paint- |

| | | | after page 80

ing of the ‘Death of Lucius Quintus Dentatus’ (MM)

Enlarged. The earlier wood-engravings were so small that the difficulties in printing came from the paper and the methods of inking. This

engraved block, however, was 114 by 15 inches in size, and was so

full of blacks that until about 1821 no press was found powerful enough to print it. When finally printed, it had to be done in a very limited edition on India paper, which alone was smooth enough. By that time the. block had split. A prime example of the dominance of the copper-engraved linear structure inherited from the sixteenth

century. ,

55. The famous classical statue of Niobe and her Daughter, from

_ the Penny Magazine in 1833 — : after page 80

Reduced. The Penny Magazine, started in 1832 by Charles Knight, _ was the first cheap illustrated English weekly, and rapidly reached a circulation of 200,000 copies. This engraving on wood was coarsely worked to be printed rapidly on cheap paper in a power press. Far from | being a deliberate caricature, it was a serious attempt to bring information and culture to the greater British public.

56. Portion of a wood-engraving of a drawing on the block by

Daumier (pr. coll.) facing page 81 Enlarged. While in England they were making pale wood-engravings like those in the Tennyson of 1857, the French began to make more full-bodied illustrations. This one appeared in Le Monde Illustré in _ the middle 1860's. It was engraved by Maurand. At the beginning of the present century such prints as this had great influence on French original wood-engraving, e.g. in the work of Lepere, who once owned

the rubbed proof from which this reproduction is taken.

57. Portion of the wood-engraving after Giotto’s ‘The Salutation’,

facing page 96

_ from Arena Chapel Padua, London, 1860 (MM)

About actual size. The set of wood-engravings from which this is taken

, introduced Giotto’s paintings in the Arena Chapel to the English

speaking world. The accompanying text was written by Ruskin. A perfect example of how the mid-Victorian engravers unconsciously transformed figures from the distant past into masqueraders from Barchester Towers. From the time when Diirer translated Mantegna into Nuremberg German to this translation of Giotto into ‘refined’ nineteenth-century English transformation of this kind was inevitable

| in all printed copies or reproductions of works of art. XX

ILLUSTRATIONS

58. W. Holman Hunt’s illustration of ‘The Lady of Shalott’, in

the Tennyson of 1857 after page 96 About actual size. Between 1832 (the Penny Magazine) and 1857 (the Tennyson) great changes had been made in paper-making and in the techniques of wood-engraving and printing. It would have been im-

possible to issue a trade edition of a book illustrated in this way in 1832. Hunt drew his little picture directly on the block, which was then sent to the Dalziel shop, where it was engraved ‘in facsimile’. The block was signed by the shop.

59. Reproduction of a collotype of a photograph of Hunt’s drawing on the block for “The Lady of Shalott’ (here reproduced

by kind permission of Mrs. Michael Joseph) after page 96 About the actual size of the collotype in G. S. Layard’s Tennyson and his Pre-Raphaelite Illustrators, London, 1894. At the time Layard’s book was printed no half-tone could be made that was adequate to the reproduction of this drawing.

60. Portion of a relief print by Ch. Jacque, of unknown origin,

and presumably in the 1870's (pr. coll.) after page 96 About actual size. Reproduced from a China paper proof of a block

, made by a variety of the Comte process, that preceded Gillot’s discovery of a method of transferring a drawing to a plate by photographic means.

61. Paper photograph of a Latticed Window at Lacock Abbey, made by Fox Talbot in August, 1835 (British Crown Copyright. Science Museum, London (Fox Talbot Collection)) after page 96 About actual size. The pen and ink inscription is in Fox Talbot’s handwriting. This is perhaps the earliest known photograph—printed from a negative on paper.

62. Bolton’s wood-engraving after Flaxman’s relief “Deliver us from Evil’, from Bohn’s edition (1861) of the Jackson and

Chatto Treatise on Wood-engraving after page 96 About actual size. Bolton had the surface of a wood-block sensitized and a photograph made on it through the image thus attained. It was one of the first reproductive wood-engravings made through a photographic image instead of through a drawing on the block by an intermediary draughtsman. This procedure eventually became the typical late nineteenth-century way of making reproductive book illustrations.

63. Portion of a wood engraving by W. J. Linton (pr. coll.) after page 96 Enlarged. From a proof impression on fine paper that belonged to XX1

ILLUSTRATIONS Linton. The apogee of English reproductive white line engraving on wood was reached in the last quarter of the nineteenth century in such

prints as this—freely drawn with the engraving tool through a photographic image on the block. The advent of the cross line half-tone | screen for photo-mechanical reproduction, in the 1890’s, put an end

to this kind of work. , ,

64. Portion of a pen-drawn lithograph by Stothard, from the Polyautographic Album, London, 1803 (pr. coll.) facing page 97 Enlarged. This album was the first set of artistic lithographs. It had not yet been discovered that lithography had any special qualities of

: its own, or that it could be more than a cheap way of getting reproductions of conventional drawings.

| facing page 112

65. Portion of one of Goya’s four lithographs of Bull Fights (MM)

Reduced. Made about 1825 by Goya at Bordeaux, this set contained

the first freely drawn, scraped, and scratched, powerful original pictures on stone.

(MM) | | after page 112 |

66. Portion of Delacroix’s lithograph of La Sceur de Du Guesclin

About actual size. Delacroix was perhaps the greatest of the French romantic painter-lithographers. He laboured as seriously and carefully over elaborately worked prints like this as he did over his paintings.

67. Portion of Daumier’s lithograph entitled ‘Un zeste! un rien! et l’omnibus se trouve complet,’ which appeared in Le Boulevard

in 1862 (pr. coll.) after page 112 Reduced. Daumier, being regarded by all but few as merely a comic. newspaper caricaturist, was not accepted by the world as one of the greatest artists of his century until long after his death. His work suffered from those three greatest obstacles to serious artistic repu-

tation—abundance, cheapness, and a sense of humour. | 68. Portion of Manet’s lithograph ‘Les Courses’ (MM) |

| after page 112

About actual size. In France, where sketches were taken seriously as works of art, many of the painters of the nineteenth century used litho-

| _ graphy to publish work of this kind. |

| 69. ‘Engraving’ of a classical Roman wall painting, from Lodge’s - English translation of Winckelmann’s History of Ancient Art,

Boston, 1880 , | after page 112 About actual size. When this standard translation of the 1840’s was republished in 1880, the badly worn and reworked old plates were still

XX11 |

ILLUSTRATIONS , thought adequate to represent the things that Winckelmann wrote about. They explain a great deal of old aesthetic theorizing and values. Today such a print as this smacks, not of any ancient classical work, but of the decorations which similar reproductions inspired in nine-

: teenth-century German beer halls. Its ‘original’, about which Winckelmann’s was comically enthusiastic, was actually an eighteenth-century fake.

70. Illustration by Daniel Vierge from Quevedo’s Pablo de Segovie,

Paris, 1881 (MM) after page 112 About actual size. The reproduction is made from a China paper copy of the book, which was one of the first to be illustrated with photographic line blocks from specially made drawings.

71. Portion of an early grain half-tone, after a drawing by Natoire,

that appeared in L’ Artiste in 1882. after page 112 Enlarged. This half-tone process was regarded as being so remarkable that the reproductions made in it for L’ Artiste were specially printed on brownish paper and ‘tipped’ into the magazine. The lack of contrast and the unevenness of the texture of the reproduction are obvious.

72. An early cross line half-tone, from Furtwangler’s Meisterwerke | der Griechischen Plastik of 1893 | facing page 113 Enlarged. Although this was a half-tone reproduction of a photograph,

it had to be reworked by hand, as can be seen all through the deep shadows. The high lights that give shape to the parts of the head in deep shadow have been put in by retouching.

73A. The head of Laocoon as it was engraved by Marco Dente, who

died in 1527 (photo. MM) facing page 128

738. The head of Laocoon as it appeared in the woodcut in Marliani’s Urbis Romae Topographia, Rome 1544 (photo. MM) facing page 128 744. The head of Laocoon as Sisto Badalocchio etched it about

1606 (photo. MM) after page 128

748. The head of Laocoon as Thurneysen engraved it for Sandrart’s Sculpturae yeteris admiranda, sive delineatio vera . . ., Nurem-

_ berg, 1680 (photo. MM) | after page 128 75A. The head of Laocoon as Ransonette reproduced it for Pon-

MM) after page 128 celin’s Chef-d’euvres de lantiquité..., Paris, 1784 (photo.

75. The head of Laocoon as Piroli engraved it for the ‘Musée

Napoleon’, Paris, 1804 (photo. MM) after page 128 XXiil

ILLUSTRATIONS

76A. The head of Laocoon as it appeared in the complete edition of Winckelmann, Prato (1834) (photo. MM) after page 128

76B. The head of Laocoon as it appeared in the ‘Clarac’, Paris,

1839-1841 (photo. MM) after page 128

_ 77a, The head of Laocoon as it was engraved on wood for Liibke’s

Grundriss . . ., Stuttgart, 1868 (photo. MM) after page 128 773. The head of Laocoon as it was illustrated in Murray’s History of Greek Sculpture, London (1890) (photo. MM)

, | after page 128

78. Engraved portrait of Simon de Montfort, from Montfaucon’s Les Monuments de la Monarchie Francaise, Paris, 1730 (MM)

after page 128

About actual size. This book was a serious attempt to deal with mediaeval art. Little could more accurately reflect the eighteenth century’s lack of understanding of that art than this print, which is solemnly said in the book to have been taken from a painted window at Chartres. For us the print has a much closer resemblance to King

Padella of Crim Tartary, the father of Prince Bulbo, than to any mediaeval work of art. |

79. A classical head in the Townley Collection as it was published

in the Specimens of Ancient Sculpture issued by the Society

of Dilettanti in 1809 (MM) after page 128

_ Enlarged. These expensive engravings, made a few years before the Elgin Marbles were brought to London, were thought at the time to be the best possible reproductions of classical sculpture. It is easy to see why connoisseurship based on such reproductions as this was so

unsound. | | |

80. Portion of an etching of the Parthenon Theseus, from Richard

Lawrence’s Elgin Marbles from the Parthenon at Athens,

London, 1818 (MM) facing page 129 Reduced. This book contained one of the earliest sets of reproductions of its now famous subjects. Lawrence’s bare and insensitive outlines probably conveyed as much valid information about his originals as did the elaborate ‘machine finished’ engravings in the Specimens of

_ Ancient Sculpture of 1809 about theirs.

81. Portion of the wood-engraving of the Parthenon Theseus which appeared in Overbeck’s Geschichte der Griechischen Plastik of

1869 — facing page 132 Enlarged. The picture was drawn and not photographed, on the block. It shows that in 1869 the illustrators and engravers for text books were XX1V

: ILLUSTRATIONS , still dominated by the formal linear scheme invented by the engravers , on copper at the end of the sixteenth century. ‘A certain conservatism’ may be said to be the distinguishing mark of all text-book illustration even to the present day.

82. A head from the ‘etched state’ of the print after Moreau le jeune for ‘Les Délices de la Maternité’ in the set of engravings

known as the Monument du Costume, Paris, 1777 (MM) | facing page 133 Enlarged. Preliminary etching of this kind was known as ‘forwarding’. It played little or no part in the effect of the finished print. The taste of the time did not approve such summary and expressive use of line in its printed pictures.

83. The same head from ‘Les Délices de la Maternité’, after it had

been finished by the engraver and by him reduced to the accustomed linear system. That this killed all its colour and expression was not thought a matter of importance (MM)

facing page 140 , 84. A modern half-tone, made for this book, of a detail from Rembrandt’s painting of ‘An Old Woman Cutting her Nails’

(photo. MM) facing page 141 Modern panchromatic photographic emulsions and modern cross line half-tone process, together with the improvements in presses and press work and in the making of very smooth papers, have made possible the illustration of cheap books and magazines with reproductions such as this, in which the actual surfaces of the objects reproduced are made visible. The lines and dots of the process are too small to be seen by the

unaided human eye, and no longer remain to distort and falsify the pictorial reports as they did in all the earlier hand-made graphic processes and in the early half-tones. In this half-tone there are 133

dots to the linear inch. :

XXV

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.||

T

INTRODUCTION

THE BLOCKED ROAD TO | PICTORIAL COMMUNICATION

N 1916 and 1917, when the department of prints of the

piostarted, Museum of much Art talk in New Yorkabout waswhat being there was and argument the character of its collection should be. In the course of those discussions I became aware that the backward countries of the

world are and have been those that have not learned to take full advantage of the possibilities of pictorial statement and communication, and that many of the most characteristic ideas and abilities of our western civilization have been intimately related to our skills exactly to repeat pictorial statements and communications. My experience during the following years led me to the belief

that the principal function of the printed picture in western Europe and America has been obscured by the persistent habit of regarding prints as of interest and value only in so far as they can be regarded as works of art. Actually the various ways of making I

INTRODUCTION

prints (including photography) are the only methods by which

_ exactly repeatable pictorial statements can be made about anything. The importance of being able exactly to repeat pictorial

, statements is undoubtedly greater for science, technology, and | general information than it is for art. Historians of art and writers on aesthetic theory have ignored

| the fact that most of their thought has been based on exactly repeatable pictorial statements about works of art rather than upon first-hand acquaintance with them. Had they paid attention | to that fact they might have recognized the extent to which their own thinking and theorizing have been shaped by the limitations ‘imposed on those statements by the graphic techniques. Photography and photographic process, the last of the long succession of such techniques, have been responsible for one of the greatest changes in visual habit and knowledge that has ever taken place, and have led to an almost complete rewriting of the history of art as well as a most thoroughgoing revaluation of the arts of the past. Although every history of European civilization makes much

| , of the invention in the mid-fifteenth century of ways to print words from movable types, it is customary in those histories to ignore the slightly earlier discovery of ways to print pictures and diagrams. A book, so far as it contains a text, is a container of exactly repeatable word symbols arranged in an exactly repeatable order. Men have been using such containers for at least five thousand years. Because of this it can be argued that the printing of books was no

more than a way of making very old and familiar things more cheaply. It may even be said that for a while type printing was little more than a way to do with a much smaller number of proof readings. Prior to 1501 few books were printed in editions larger than that handwritten one of a thousand copies to which Pliny the Younger referred in the second century of our era. The printing of

pictures, however, unlike the printing of words from movable types, brought a completely new thing into existence—it made possible for the first time pictorial statements of a kind that could

| be exactly repeated during the effective life of the printing surface. 2

THE BLOCKED ROAD

This exact repetition of pictorial statements has had incalculable effects upon knowledge and thought, upon science and technology, _ of every kind. It is hardly too much to say that since the invention

of writing there has been no more important invention than that of the exactly repeatable pictorial statement. Our failure to realize this comes in large measure from the change in the meaning and implications of the word ‘print’ during the last hundred years. For our great grandfathers, and for their fathers back to the Renaissance, prints were no more and no less than the only exactly repeatable pictorial statements they knew. Before the Renaissance there were no exactly repeatable pictorial statements. Until a century ago, prints made in the old techniques filled all the functions that are now filled by our line cuts and. half

tones, by our photographs and blueprints, by our various colour processes, and by our political cartoons and pictorial advertisements. If we define prints from the functional point of view so indicated, rather than by any restriction of process or aesthetic value, it becomes obvious that without prints we should have very few of our modern sciences, technologies, archaeologies, or ethnologies—for all of these are dependent, first or last, upon information conveyed by exactly repeatable visual or pictorial statements.

This means that, far from being merely minor works of art, prints are among the most important and powerful tools of modern life and thought. Certainly we cannot hope to realize their actual role unless we get away from the snobbery of modern print collecting notions and definitions and begin to think of them as exactly © repeatable pictorial statements or communications, without regard to the accident of rarity or what for the moment we may regard as

aesthetic merit. We must look at them from the point of view of general ideas and particular functions, and, especially, we must think about the limitations which their techniques have imposed on them as conveyors of information and on us as receivers of that ~ information.

, From very ancient times materials suitable for the making of 3

INTRODUCTION

prints have been available, and apposite skills and crafts have been |

| familiar, but they were not brought into conjunction for the making | of exactly repeatable pictorial statements in Europe until roughly about A.D. 1400. In view of this it is worth while to try to think about the situation as it was before there were any prints. As it seems to be the usual custom to begin with the ancient Greeks when discussing anything that has to do with culture, I

| shall follow the precedent. There is no possible doubt about the intelligence, the curiosity, and the mental agility of a few of the old Greeks. Neither can there be any doubt about the greatness of their influence on subsequent European culture, even though for the last five hundred years the world has been in active revolt against Greek ideas and ideals. For a very long time we have been taught that after the Greeks there came long periods in which men were not so intelligent as the Greeks had been, and that it was not

_ until the Renaissance that the so intelligent Greek point of view | was to some extent recovered. I believe that this teaching, like its general acceptance, has come about because people have confused —

their ideas of what constitutes intelligence with their ideas about

what they have thought of, in the Arnoldian sense, as culture. Culture and intelligence are quite different things. In actual life, people who exemplify Arnoldian culture are no more intelligent

| than other people, and they have very rarely been among the great _ creators, the discoverers of new ideas, or the leaders towards social

enlightenment. Most of what we think of as culture is little more than the unquestioning acceptance of standardized values. Historians until very recent times have been literary men and philologues. As students of the past they have rarely found anything they were not looking for. They have been so full of wonder at what the Greeks said, that they have paid little attention to what the Greeks did not do or know. They have been so full of horror at what the Dark Ages did not say, that they have paid no attention to what they did do and know. Modern research, by men who are aware of low subjects like economics and technology, is rapidly

,4

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| THE ROAD BLOCK BROKEN book. The general attitude of the time towards the difference between first- and second-hand visual information is shown by the

| fact that Carpaccio, the great Venetian painter, was content, for one of his pictures, to copy from Rewich’s view of Venice rather than to draw the buildings directly for himself. In 1493, a Nuremberg printer, named Hans Mayr, issued illus-

trated catalogues of the precious objects in the possession of several of the German cathedrals. So far as I know these are the first illustrated printed catalogues of any specific collections of

any sort of material. | |

__ In the same year, 1493, there was published the famous Nurem-

_ berg Chronicle, which is still noteworthy for the brute number of __ woodcut illustrations it contained. There are said to be no less — than 1809 of them, but they were printed from a much smaller number of blocks. In addition to pictures of notable events, such as the six days of the creation, and objects like Noah’s Ark, there are many portraits and views of cities. Some of these are copied

from earlier prints. The portrait of the Sultan, ironically, is a version of Pisanello’s medal of the Emperor John Palaeologus. The same heads and views appear with quite different captions in different parts of the book. One view does duty for no less than eleven separate towns. Many of the pictures, however, of German towns and of a few foreign ones, such as those of Venice and Rome,

show that some endeavour was made towards at least a slight _ degree of verisimilitude. The book may perhaps be regarded as the culminating example of the ancient and mediaeval careless attitude

towards verisimilitude, though it must be confessed that it has had serious competitors down to the present day. We find these competitors even in our most learned books and best museums, where they parade themselves as restorations of sculpture and models of ancient buildings. They also occur in many of the most advertised re-creations of old buildings, such as those at Williams-

burg in Virginia. The classical archaeologists of a generation or so. ago were very fond of these flights of imagination, the net result of which was that some observing people came to think it odd that 38

THE ROAD BLOCK BROKEN

so many of the Greek sculptors and architects spoke such fluent German. But this is a subject that, while it would richly repay investigation, is not popular among the learned. Looking back at these illustrated informational books of the late fifteenth century we may be inclined to laugh at most of them,

but the fact remains that they were quite serious and that the information they conveyed was the best that could be provided by the poor fellows who gave it. If we do laugh at them, and if we also want to be consistent, we must also laugh at the pictures

in many of the solemn books I studied when I was a lad, and even at many of those that have appeared during very recent years. The pictures in almost all books on art and archaeology that were printed prior to the time I was born were little more than travesties of the objects they purported to represent. The fifteenth-

century illustrations are actually no funnier distortions of fact than those in the edition of Dr. R. C. Lodge’s standard translation of Winckelmann’s History of Ancient Art that was published at

Boston in 1880, or for that matter those in the books by Perrot and Chipiez, or by Luebke, or Murray, and ever so many others that I pored over in my childhood and youth. In passing it is interesting to notice that many of the little pamphlets that came from the Florentine presses during the last decade of the fifteenth century not only were illustrated but were distinctly political in nature. These were not only the first political tracts addressed to a popular audience, but their charming woodcuts are the first body of printed political cartoons.

In 1504, at Toul, in France, Pelerin published his book on Perspective, the first on that subject to reach print, and also the first to teach the modern ‘three point’ method. Its illustrations are

the first to appear in a printed book in which we feel as though we were looking at pictures of rational spaces.

The earliest fully illustrated account of a craft or art that I recall is Fanti’s Theory and Practice of Writing, that was printed

at Venice in 1514. It is a detailed description of the forms of written letters and of the ways of forming them with the pen. 39

THE ROAD BLOCK BROKEN From this time on illustrated books of information came from

the presses of Europe with ever increasing profusion and with _ steadily increasing accuracy of representation. It is impractical here to give an account of even the most important books of this

| kind that dealt with astronomy and archaeology, anatomy and animals, birds and fishes, machinery and techniques, costumes and clothing, architecture and engineering, and many other sub-

| jects, but I should like to call particular attention to several of the botanies, because in a way they typify the whole movement. The publication of the herbals of 1484 and 1485 was followed

by that of many others in many places. For a period of almost fifty years most of these other books were illustrated with copies _ of the woodcuts in those two herbals, many of which were copied from them at second and even third hand, with a steadily decreas-

| ing size in the dimensions of the pictures and a steady increase in the amount of distortion of the representations. The degrada-

tion and distortion thus introduced into the pictures perhaps reached their culmination in the first English herbal, the Grete

| Herbal, of 1526, in which the pictures have at last become little more than decorative motifs much more suited to serve as cross stitch patterns than for the conveyance of information. They con-

stitute a remarkably sad example of what happens to visual

information as it passes from copyist to copyist. | These herbals, beginning with the Pseudo-Apuleius of about 1480 and coming down through the Grete Herbal of 1526, are

extremely interesting from still another point of view. When arranged in families and in a time order they clearly show the operation of what I suppose is one of the basic human characteristics. So long as the illustrators did not return to the original _ plants as sources of information about their shapes, but confined themselves to such knowledge of the forms as they could extract from pictures made by earlier men—to what may be called hearsay and not first-hand evidence—it was inevitable that they should rationalize their own pictorial accounts and overlook or disre-

40

gard what appeared to them to be mere irrationalities -in the

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THE ROAD BLOCK BROKEN

: pictorial accounts given by their predecessors. This rationalization most frequently took the form of an endeavour for symmetry, which produced regular shapes that not only lost all verisimilitude

| of lines and edges but introduced a balanced arrangement of parts and forms, which, however satisfying to mental habits, resulted in a very complete misrepresentation of the actual facts.

|4 -Ny = a’ a7

Tam sure that all sorts of morals can be drawn from these botanical —

| \Wa7-

7 4 TAVIS | 1 SBS { ATH /, 7 25. Violets. Woodcut from the Grete Herbal, London, 1525.

_ About actual size. |

illustrations, but shall content myself with remarking that in their almost comic way these pictures raise some of the most desperately serious problems that are known to man, for these problems are

those of thought itself rather than of the materials with which it deals. There is a Latin tag which asks who it is that takes care of the caretakers. According to our temperaments we may laugh at these pictures or be condescending or up stage about them, but if we look at them intelligently they contain matter for the most

humble prayer. | As a relief from such solemn notions as these, I may call 42

THE ROAD BLOCK BROKEN attention to one of the most amusing instances of trying to transform a verbal and therefore ideologically analytical and symbolic statement about shapes into a concrete visual image. In the Hortus Sanitatis of 1491 there is a description of the barnacle, which, as I remember, is said to be a fish that eats ships and has its bottom on top—which of course is a perfectly correct statement about the

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THE ROAD BLOCK BROKEN

first and then with increasing commonness and regularity, the flood of books illustrated with engravings and etchings—processes which did not suffer from the limitations interposed by the paper

and the method of inking. An adequate explanation of these limitations would require a long and boring description of minute details, but it may be said that in spite of all our modern skills it is still a mechanically simpler task to ink and pull good clean impressions from microscopically fine lines sunk below the surface of a sheet of polished metal than

it is to ink and pull good clean impressions from what in comparison are very coarse lines which stand up from a surface, whether it be of metal or wood. It depends on the difference between filling sunk lines with ink and then wiping away the excess

of ink from the surface, and covering the tops of raised lines with ink and not being able to get rid of any excess of ink on the shoulders and sides of the lines. It also depends on the difference between squeezing softened paper into the ink contained in sunk lines and squeezing ink on the tops of raised lines into paper. We must always remember that while an etched or engraved line stands

up above the surface of the paper, a woodcut or other relief line is sunk into the surface of the paper. The extent to which any line stands up from or lies below the surrounding paper has much to do with what is called quality of impression. The engraved and etched copper plates were more expensive to make and use than wood-blocks. They were slower to print from and could not be made to yield such enormous numbers of impressions, but they were able to provide far more detail without getting so fine in texture that they wore out before a sizable edition could be run off from them. We shall see how in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries the engravers worked out techniques of engraving that greatly increased the number of good impressions they could get from their plates. For a while the woodcutters tried to compete with the copper engravers by imitating as best they could their linear techniques, as can be seen for example in the blocks made for the mid-century 49

| THE ROAD BLOCK BROKEN Venetian publishers and in those by such northern artists as Amman and Stimmer, but the result was merely a generation of bad and streaked and spotty illustrations. _ By early in the 1600’s the pictorial woodcut had been driven

from the pages of all but the smallest number of serious and elegant books. It lingered on in the chap-books and fly sheets made for sale to the peasants and the less educated classes, but retained its place in the purely decorative initials and head and tail pieces which were recognized as necessary parts of the printer’s equipment. A few artistic single-sheet woodcuts were made during the seventeenth century, but their number is small and they were apt to be large and decorative rather than small and informative.

, Naturally, a few original prints managed to find their way into books, but they were unusual, and, in general, not having the fashionable textures that came from the interposition of the

| reproductive engraver between the artist and the printing surface, they were not popular.

The reign of the woodcut was over. The importance of this comes from the fact that with the woodcut’s disappearance from the pages of books the original print, that is, the first-hand pictorial statement of facts, also almost vanished from the pages of books. This was a great but ignored event in the history of European eyesight and had consequences of the greatest importance.

~~ 50

III SYMBOLISM AND SYNTAX

A RULE OF THE ROAD THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

Y story has now reached a point at which it is neces-

sary to give thought to some problems of a very general nature. Awareness of them is essential to an understanding of my argument. Many people regard these problems as highly theoretical and of no practical interest, but as I look back at my thirty years in an art museum it seems to me that a great deal of my time was devoted to wrestling with them as immediate and concrete difficulties. Here it is only possible to call attention to them, for their careful analysis would -- require a long and difficult treatise. In the museum I learned the bitter way how inadequate words are as tools for description, definition, and classification of objects each of which is unique. I found that while I was not much interested in the actual processes which go on inside a man’s brain and nervous system, I was desperately interested in the extent to which he could communicate the results of those processes. I also learned 51

SYMBOLISM AND SYNTAX that baptism is neither explanation, nor description, nor definition.

Baptism, the giving of a name, is merely the tieing together in association of a particular object or quality and a particular word. For those who know both the names and the objects or qualities to which they belong, the names do away with any necessity for description, definition, and classification as means of identification. In many instances the more absurd the names are the better they

| are for their purposes. Thus, in the Metropolitan Museum at one time there was much sculpture that had to be rather elaborately identified when we wanted to talk about it at the lunch table, but there were two much-discussed pieces of sculpture, one Chinese, the other Greek, which somehow took names unto themselves. The Chinese statue was Charlie Murphy and the Greek one was Pink Billy. While these names were silly and irreverent, they were

absolutely precise as identifications and they saved much time. Once a name of this kind becomes familiar it serves as an identifi- |

| cation long after its original has vanished from earth or even if it

Excalibur. |

has never existed, as for instance such names as Julius Caesar and However, very few of the specific shapes, colours, and textures

| of objects have proper names, and in a way it is very lucky for us that they do not, because an even smaller number of persons have memories so excellent that they could use them. Much of what we

disdainfully call trade and professional jargon is nothing other than names that we don’t happen to know. Thus for many purposes the fact that most of our words are mere class designations gives them their greatest usefulness. But, also, a mere class designa-

tion may cover an infinitely large number of distinguishable things, or qualities, or actions. When we try to describe a particular object in such a way as to communicate an idea of its personality

) 52

or unique character to someone who is not actually acquainted with it, all that we can do is to pile up a selected group of these class names, like rings about a peg, in such a way that they overlap but do not coincide. By doing this it is sometimes possible to communicate such information that the hearer may be able to identify

A RULE OF THE ROAD the object when he sees it. But beyond that it is impossible for us to go with words, for the ipseity, the particularity of the object, its

this-and-no-other-ness, cannot be communicated by the use of class names. If they could they would not be the things we think

the trick. |

they are. Actual first hand acquaintance is the only thing that does

The only way that anyone can gain acquaintance with objects, as distinguished from knowledge of them, is through immediate sense awareness of them. It is thus necessary to keep clear the dis-

tinction between sensuous acquaintance on the one hand and knowledge by description on the other, for otherwise we are certain to fool ourselves on crucial occasions. We have many different ways of symbolizing both acquaintance and knowledge, - but of them all the most important are words and visual images. Both words and visual images may very well be compared to fish nets. When a fisherman tell us that there are no fish in the bay today, what he really means is that he has been unable to catch any in his net—which is quite a different thing. The fish that are too big do not get into his net, and those that are too small simply swim

through it and get away. So far as the fisherman is concerned fish | are only such creatures as he can catch in his net. In the same way words and visual images catch only the things or qualities they are adequately meshed for. Among the things no word net can ever. catch is the personality of objects which we know by acquaintance. The only set of sense awarenesses for which we have succeeded

in making nets that catch the personality of objects are those of vision, and even they catch only a certain portion of it. This method of symbolization is the making of pictures or images, which, unlike

spoken words, are apprehended through the same sense organs which give us the awarenesses we try to symbolize. Practically speaking, the visual image is the only symbol we have that does not necessarily require the translation of a sensuous awareness into

terms of some other associated sense awareness or else of some extremely limited, arbitrary, and artificial convention of correspondences. It is in these translations that we come to many of 53

SYMBOLISM AND SYNTAX

our misunderstandings. The translation of a sensuous awareness that comes to us through one set of nerve channels into that which comes to us through another set of nerve channels is accomplished by association. Thus, although it is literally impossible to see a noise, we have no hesitation in saying that we have seen a man making a certain sort of noise, although in fact we have not heard the noise and have only seen him going through motions that we associate with that noise. In this instance the phrase ‘making a certain sort of noise’ is merely an associational symbol for the complicated series of motions we actually saw the man make. Socalled illusions can almost invariably be shown to have arisen,

, not because the sense awareness actually involved has given us a false report, but because we have dragged into our account of what happened associated awarenesses that come to us through other channels. Thus the more closely we can confine our data for reasoning

about things to data that come to us through one and the same sense channel the more apt we are to be correct in our reasoning, even though it be much more restricted in its scope. One of the most interesting things in our modern scientific practice has been

| the invention and perfection of methods by which the scientists can acquire much of their basic data through one and the same sensuous channel of awareness. I understand that in physics, for example, the scientists are happiest when they can get their data with the aid of some dial or other device which can be read by vision. Thus heat,

weight, lengths, and many other things that in ordinary life are apprehended through senses other than vision have become for science matters of visual awareness of the positions of mechanical

pointers. |

In view of this it is worth while to examine a little more closely the differences between word symbols and visual symbols. Spoken words are addressed to the ear. Visual symbols are addressed to the eye. A printed or written word or sequence of them is addressed

to the eye, but is immediately, as the result of long training and

habit, translated into sounds addressed to the ear. Actually a 54

A RULE OF THE ROAD : sentence in print is composed of a number of superimposed symbols, each of which has only a vague and arbitrarily determined meaning. First, there are the letters of the alphabet, each of which

is a conventional sign directing the man who sees it to make a series of muscular actions which, when fully executed, result in the making of a sound. Taken by themselves they have no meaning

other than this conventionally assigned set of muscular actions. The letters of the Arabic or Hebrew alphabets have no meanings of

this kind for those of us who are not acquainted with those languages. Many letter designs are made according to topological recipes. Thus the recipe for each Roman capital letter 1s simple, abstract, and completely arbitrary. Starting with the idea of a line and the distinctions between up and down and right and left, it is devoid of any requirement of particular shape, size, or proportion. The recipe for each letter can be analysed into the number of times

a given number of lines intersect one another and the order in which the intersections occur. This permits of an infinite number of particular shapes for each letter. Thus, when we see a series of

Roman capital letters we are called upon to recognize not any particular shapes but a series of representative members of particular classes of topologically defined forms. We call any member of the ‘A’ class ‘a’, and any member of the *B’ class ‘b’, and so on.

The consequence of this is that when an instructor dictates a sentence to his class each student can write it down in his peculiar,

personally adopted, set of letter shapes. Then, if all the copies

are proof read and corrected, all the copies, in spite of their remarkable differences in particular shapes and general appearance, contain representative members of each letter class used in the sentence, arranged in the same linear order. Thanks to this all the sentences as written are identical in their verbal content.

Each written or printed word is a series of conventional instructions for the making in a specified linear order of muscular movements which when fully carried out result in a succession of

sounds. These sounds, like the forms of the letters, are made according to arbitrary recipes or directions, which indicate by 55

SYMBOLISM AND SYNTAX

convention certain loosely defined classes of muscular movements

but not any specifically specified ones. Thus any printed set of words can actually be pronounced in an infinitely large number of ways, of which, if we leave aside purely personal peculiarities, Cockney, Lower East Side, North Shore, and Georgia, may serve as typical specimens. The result is that each sound we hear when we listen to anyone speaking is merely a representative member of a large class of sounds which we have agreed to accept as symbolically identical in spite of the actual differences between them. These differences are sometimes so marked that persons coming

from different parts of the English speaking world can no more understand each other than if they were speaking completely different languages. The meanings of the combinations of sounds we call words are also the result of convention or of special agreement, and none of

them, unless it be a proper name, has any very precise or exact

meaning. They all have meanings that we can look up in the dictionary, but these dictionary meanings are frequently many in

number and quite different from one another. Also, and most importantly, these dictionary meanings are words themselves, and in their turn have only conventional meanings. We all know the difference in practice between using a dictionary that contains no illustrations and using one that contains a good many. Actually, the meanings of many of the most used words depend on their contexts. More than that, their meanings also depend very largely on their syntactical use. To show this it is sufficient to take three words, such for example as ‘James’ and ‘Henry’ and ‘kicked’, and arrange them in sentences. Unless the context tells us we have no way of knowing whether one or each of the proper names represents a boy, or a man, or a mule. The meanings of the sentences made of these three words depend, in English at least, on the time order in which they are used. ‘James kicked Henry’ has obviously

not the same meaning as ‘Henry kicked James’, while ‘Henry James kicked’ has a meaning that is comically and in every way different from that of either of the two other sentences. 56

A RULE OF THE ROAD This means that, when the very simple three-word sentences I

have just used are printed, each contains at least six or seven different layers of symbolic practice, each layer being composed of

vague arbitrarily determined representatives of classes of shapes | or sounds, none of which, so far as concerns communication, has any specific shape or sound or meaning. The only wonder about the system is that men are able to get — along with it as well as they do. It certainly is not nicely calculated to convey either precise meanings or any definite idea of the char-

acter, personality, or quality of anything. This is shown by the fact that while it is comparatively easy to write a recipe for the making of a class of objects, such, for example, as popovers, it is impossible to tell anyone what a particular popover either looks like or tastes like. Because of this a great many of our so-called descriptions or definitions are no more than generalized instructions for the making of things, in other words, mere cook book recipes. This is also the reason that many so-called descriptions are merely accounts of very subjective feelings or emotions that an object has given rise to in the beholder. As fine examples of this I may refer to Mr. Ruskin’s description of the facade of St. Marks and to Mr. Pater’s description of the Mona Lisa. As matter of fact, the moment that anyone seriously tries to describe an object carefully and accurately in words, his attempt takes the form of an interminably long and prolix rigmarole that few persons have either the patience or the intelligence to understand. A serious attempt to describe even the most simple piece of machinery, such, let us say, as a kitchen can-opener with several

moving parts, results in a morass of words that only a highly trained patent lawyer can cope with, and yet the shape of that can-

opener is simplicity itself as compared with the shape of such a

thing as a human hand or face. : }

As we think about this it becomes obvious why the tool-maker

wants not a written description of the device which he is called upon to make but a series of carefully made drawings accompanied by terse specifications of materials, dimensions, and, especially, of 57

SYMBOLISM AND SYNTAX

tolerances. A purely verbal description demands of the toolmaker that he take a series of arbitrary, abstract, vague, word symbols arranged in a linear order and translate them into concrete forms of material in a three-dimensional space in which there is no linear or time order and in which everything exists simultaneously. Someone may wonder at my phrase ‘materials, dimensions,

and, especially, tolerances’, and ask what tolerances have to do with the problem. The tolerances are the so-called accuracies

| within which the so-called measurements have to be made. They are literally the tool-maker’s recognition that so far as he is concerned there is no such thing as a precise measurement, that for him there is no such thing as “three inches’, but only ‘three inches ©

by and large’. Actually the tool-maker requires two tolerances for each dimension—one for the dimension itself, and one for the place from which the measurement of the dimension is to be taken. It simply goes to show that in the most exacting business of making _

instruments of precision there are no such things as exact and precise dimensions.

Furthermore, if you want to hold a tool-maker to a complete series of dimensions and tolerances for the several parts of an instrument of precision you must not also try to hold him to a

| series of overall dimensions and tolerances. In both logic and actual practice he can do one thing or the other, but not both. This is the reason for the rule, in shops where they make drawings for instruments of precision, never to indulge in ‘double dimensioning’, i.e. never to give both a complete series of dimensions and their sum. Always there must be some dimension or dimensions that are left to the discretion of the maker. It is merely a humble

work-a-day solution of the ambiguity which the astrophysicist refers to as the non-integrability of displacement. In its way the situation is analogous to the problem of classification of natural forms which is faced by botanists and zoologists. You divide your total number of forms into two classes—one a

defined class you call A, the other an undefined class you call

| 58

| Not-A. You then divide the Not-A class into two sub-classes, one

A RULE OF THE ROAD of which you define and call B, and the other of which you do not

define and call Not-B. You proceed from there in the same - tnanner, by dividing the undefined classes into defined and undefined classes. Thus there is always an undefined remainder. So

soon as you try to break down a group of forms into classes in such a way that you leave none of them undefined, you are certain

to be in trouble and to produce an impractical and unworkable scheme—yjust because you are dealing with actual objects and not

with purely logical concepts. The actual object always has some- | thing about it that defies neat classification, unless you can manage

always to stay in the middle of your definition and not get out | towards its shadowy and slippery edges. In other words, our verbal

definitions are only good so long as we do not have to think just what they mean. When we do have to think just what they mean we are more than apt to wind up with a very temperamental and wholly chance five to four decision.

Visual images, unlike verbal descriptions, address themselves , immediately to the same sense organs through which we gather our visual information about the objects they symbolize. At one end of their gamut they are completely abstract diagrams, such as that of the drawing for the instrument maker about which we have just been talking. There is an infinite number of ways of making any such drawing and in the end they all come to the same thing— for very much the same reason that sentences written from dictation by a number of persons, once they have been proof read and

conformed, all have the same symbolic meanings, despite their marked differences in particular shapes and general forms. As a matter of fact, practically all drawings of that kind are actually proof read, but the man who does it is called a ‘checker’. The only reason he can do his work is that the lines in the drawing are mere representatives of classes of lines and from that point of view can

hardly be called lines at all. Certainly they do not function as particular lines. At the other end of the pictorial gamut we find

| 59

things like the micro-photographs which enable us to tell exactly from which pistol a particular bullet was fired. In this latter case

SYMBOLISM AND SYNTAX _ the micro-photograph goes behind the general class description or

definition and reaches the personality, the what for us is the ‘this- | and-no-otherness’, of a machine which until that moment had been merely an unidentified member of a class without personality

or individual character. This last class of visual statements not only cannot be proof read but, short of faking, cannot be conformed to what the proof reader calls “copy’-—and for the reason that there is no symbolic copy to read back to, but merely a con-

crete particular object. Should one of them be inaccurate or indistinct it has to be discarded, for it cannot be corrected. The probative value of a retouched photograph is singularly slight. Visual statements are normally somewhere between the two ends of the gamut that have just been described. Some of them are |

purely schematic, and some of them are intended to catch the indicia of personality. An illustration in a botany or an anatomy can be almost purely schematic, for the thing it is intended to symbolize is not any particular instance of the shape of a concrete

leaf or muscle, but a broad general class of shapes. However, when it comes to such things as the illustrations in a history of painting or sculpture what is desired is a visual statement of the characteristics or qualities which differentiate each work of art from every other work of art. These are not generalities but the most concrete and precise of particularities.

| Before the days of photography and photographic process, it was impossible to hope for any such visual statement as that made by a photograph, and the most that could be asked for was a firsthand statement by a competent and honest observer and recorder.

_ The competent and honest observer and recorder, however, had his very distinct limitations. In the first place, he could only draw a selected and very small part of the things he did observe. More than that, courageous and sharp-sighted as he might be, he

had learned to see in a particular way and to lay his lines in

, accordance with the requirements of some particular convention

60 |

or system of linear structure, and anything that that way of seeing and that convention of drawing were not calculated to catch and

A RULE OF THE ROAD bring out failed to be brought out in his statement. For shortness’ sake I shall frequently refer to such conventions as syntaxes. Thus the Germans of the Renaissance had one kind of vision and draw-

ing and the Italians had another. Furthermore, when it came to copying a picture, that is to making a visual statement about a visual statement, the copyist felt under no obligation to be faithful

to either the particular forms or the linear syntax of the earlier draughtsman he thought he was copying. Painstakingly and care-

fully as Durer might copy a real rabbit or a violet in his own syntax, when it came to copying a print by Mantegna he refused to follow Mantegna’s syntax, and retold the story, as he thought, in his own syntax. I doubt if it ever occurred to him that in changing the syntax he completely changed both the facts and the story. The comparison of the two, the Mantegna and the Diirer, is very illuminating about a great many things. Another important difference between visual statements and collocations of word symbols, is that while there are dictionary meanings for each of the word symbols, and while there may be dictionary definitions for the names of the things symbolized by

a complex of lines and spots, there are no dictionary definitions , for the individual lines and spots themselves. It is much as though

we had dictionary definitions for sentences and paragraphs but not for individual words. Thus while there is very definitely a syntax in the putting together, the making, of visual images, once they are put together there is no syntax for the reading of their meaning. With rare exceptions, we see a picture first as a whole, and only after having seen it as a whole do we analyse it into its component parts. We can begin this analysis at any place in the picture and proceed in any direction, and the final result is

the same in every case. It is a very different situation from that , exemplified in our little three-word sentences about Henry and James, in which we have to begin with the component parts as they are given to us in a time order and only after the sentence is finished are able to effect a synthesis of them into a whole. This leads me to wonder whether the constantly recurring philosophical 61

SYMBOLISM AND SYNTAX , discussion as to which comes first, the parts or the whole, is not merely a derivative of the different syntactical situations exemplified on the one hand by visual statements and on the other by the

: necessary arrangement of word symbols in a time order. Thus it may be that the points and lines of geometry are not things at all

but merely syntactical dodges. | I have a notion that much of the philosophical theory of the past can eventually be traced back to the fact that, whereas it was possible after a fashion to describe or define objects by the use of arbitrary and exactly repeatable word symbols addressed, mediately or immediately, to the ear, it was not possible to describe or define them by exactly repeatable images addressed to the eye. Of course, the ancients could make pictures of particular things, but

their pictures were of little use as definitions or descriptions because they could not be exactly repeated, a thing that it 1s impos-

sible to do so long as every copy of a picture has to be copied by | hand. Pliny’s account of the predicament of the Greek botanists is

| a striking example of how this worked out in practice. We have seen another very pretty example of it in the history of botanical illustration between the years 1480 and 1530. A definition or description that cannot be exactly repeated is not only of little use but it introduces extraordinary complications

and distortions. If it had been impossible ever to repeat exactly a verbal formula there would have been no law, no science, no | religion, no philosophy, and only the most rudimentary animal technology—and it may be doubted that human beings would be

able to communicate with each other much more effectively than |

so many geese or wild dogs. 7 |

Practically speaking, a definition or description that constantly

undergoes changes does not help communication but interferes

| with it and results in a confusion greater than that which existed before it was attempted. It is to be remembered that the only statements the ancients knew which could be exactly repeated as often as was practically necessary were composed of word symbols

which were mere representative members of classes. Under the 62

A RULE OF THE ROAD circumstances, I believe, it was only natural that the ancients came to think that there was some magic in words, of such a kind that they were real and that the shifting changing phantasmagorias of

_ sensuous awarenesses they described were at best composed of imitations or faulty exemplifications of the reality that existed in

the word. Plato’s Ideas and Aristotle’s forms, essences, and definitions, are specimens of this transference of reality fromt he object to the exactly repeatable and therefore seemingly permanent verbal formula. An essence, in fact, is not part of the object but part of its definition. Also, I believe, the well-known notions of sub-

stance and attributable qualities can be derived from this operational dependence upon exactly repeatable verbal descriptions and definitions—for the very linear order in which words have to be used results in a syntactical time order analysis of qualities that actually are simultaneous and so intermingled and interrelated that no quality can be removed from one of the bundles of qualities we call objects without changing both it and all the other qualities. After all, a quality is only a quality of a group of other qualities, and if you change anyone of the group they all necessarily change. Whatever the situation may be from the point of view of a verbalist analysis, from the point of view of visual awarenesses of the kind

that have to be used in an art museum the object is a unity that cannot be broken down into separate qualities without becoming merely a collection of abstractions that have only conceptual existence and no actuality. In a funny way words and their necessary linear syntactical order forbid us to describe objects and

compel us to use very poor and inadequate lists of theoretical | ingredients in the manner exemplified more concretely by the ordinary cook book recipes.

Now, to come back to prints—the earliest engravers had no systematic system of shading or laying their lines. They covered

any such portion of the plate as required to be shaded with a | series of scratchy, scrabbly, lines, laid anyway. All that they asked — of these lines was that they should give a tone to the spots where 63

SYMBOLISM AND SYNTAX | they appeared. This can be seen, for example, in many of the so- | called niello prints, in the ‘fine manner’ prints of the Florentine school, and in some of the more primitive prints of the German school. It may be that these prints represent the goldsmith’s tradition of drawing. However, it was not long before trained draughtsmen began to make engravings, and as they did so they introduced into engraving their habitual methods of laying lines

with their pens. Pollatuolo and Mantegna drew firm carefully considered outlines, and shaded by using almost parallel lines running tilted from right to left without regard to the direction of the outlines. This gave somewhat the effect of flat washes of mono-

chrome. In Germany the artists, true to their caligraphic habit of drawing, shaded with lines that had a tendency to follow the shapes, as can be seen in the prints of the Master E. S., Schon-

gauer, and Direr. The Italians spent most of their time and thought on their outlines, and their shading was primarily a rapid .

| way of producing an added sense of three dimensionality. The Germans put as much time on the mechanical neatness of their shading and its calligraphic slickness as they did on their outlines. They also tried to combine with this all sorts of information about

the local details and textures of the surfaces of the objects they _ represented. Like the Nature of the old physics books, the Ger-

mans hated what they thought of as a pictorial vacuum, and believed that a good honest workman should fill his plate from corner to corner. If I may put the matter in philosophical jargon, even the greatest of them saw objects located in a space that was independent of them and unrelated to their forms, whereas the greater Italians saw that space was merely the relation between objects. If you see in this latter way, the spaces between objects become just as important as the objects themselves, for they are actually part of the objects, even possibly their most important

| part. But the Germans never discovered this, and kept right on filling their plates with objects deprived of space. One result of this was that while the Italians not infrequently achieved a sense of volumes through the quality of their merest, baldest outlines, the 64

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