Priests and Politicians: Manitoba Schools and the Election of 1896 9781442653375

Table of contents :
Contents
Abbreviations
Preface
Introduction
I. Beginnings, 1889-95
2. From courtroom to politics
3. Remedialism and clerical action: first skirmish
4. Between the sessions: a narrowing of choices
5. December by-elections and the January crisis: re-alignment without revival
6. ‘Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe’: a missionary as diplomat
7. Debate on the remedial bill, the Smith mission, and the great filibuster
8. The Tupper cabinet, the early campaign, and the bishops' mandement
9. The June election: clerical activity, campaign highlights, and an analysis
Epilogue
Appendices
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

Priests and Politicians In the decade beginning with the hanging of Louis fdf Riel in 1885, a series of racial and religious conflicts shook Canada, culminating in the Manitoba school crisis of the 1890S. By 1896, the focal point of the controversy was remedialism, the attempt to have Roman Catholic school privileges in Manitoba restored by federal action against the provincial government. The struggle over remedialism involved nearly every aspect of Canada's internal history - Conservative-Liberal, federal-provincial, east-west, French-English, Catholic-Protestant, church-state. But, illustrating as it does the complexity and sensitivity of the ground where politics and religion meet, the election of 1896 has remained particularly fascinating for the degree to which Roman Catholic church authorities, above all in Quebec, entered the political process and were involved in the struggle to power of Wilfrid Laurier. The school question and the struggle over remedialism present an illuminating case study of complex relations at a formative period in Canadian history. This book focuses on the scene behind the scene, seeking in particular to discover how Quebeckers, civil and ecclesiastical, were reacting to a key problem of French and Catholic rights outside Quebec. There is a strong emphasis on personal correspondence, rather than on published statements, and the author has marshalled a wide range of material that has never before been fully exploited. The story is told chronologically in order to assess the impact of each major event as it developed. Many of the classic questions of church-state relations are brought into focus. This is a story often of fear, prejudice, and ignorance, but it is also a story of strength and resilience, principle and faith. Uniquely Canadian, it tells us something important about the shift from the Canada of Macdonald to the Canada of Laurier. PAUL CRUNICAN is associate professor of history, King's College, University of Western Ontario. He is a priest of the diocese of London and has been involved for many years in university chaplaincy. From 1967 to 1973 he was national chaplain to the Canadian Newman Federation.

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PAUL

CRUNICAN

Priests and Politicians: Manitoba schools and the election of 1896

U N I V E R S I T Y O F T O R O N T O PRESS

©

U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s 1974 Toronto and Buffalo Printed in C a n a d a

ISBN

0-8020-5265-7

LC 7 3 - 8 4 4 3 7

Pour ma mere

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Contents

A B B R E V I A T I O N S / ix PREFACE /

xi

INTRODUCTION / 3

I

Beginnings, 1889-95 / 7 2 From courtroom to politics / 44 3 Remedialism and clerical action: first skirmish / 72 4 Between the sessions: a narrowing of choices /111 5

December by-elections and the January crisis: re-alignment without revival 6 'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe': a missionary as diplomat /170

viii Contents 7 Debate on the remedial bill, the Smith mission, and the great filibuster /198 8 The Tupper cabinet, the early campaign, and the bishops' mandement / 237 9 The June election: clerical activity, campaign highlights, and an analysis / 274 EPILOGUE/316 APPENDICES /

325

BIBLIOGRAPHY / INDEX /

357

343

Abbreviations

AAMArchives archiépiscopales de Montréal AAO Archives archiépiscopales d'Ottawa AAQ Archives archiépiscopales de Québec A A S B Archives archiepiscopales de St-Boniface AAT Archiepiscopal Archives of Toronto ACSM Archives du Collége Ste-Marie, Montreal AESH Archives épiscopales de St-Hyacinthe AETR Archives épiscopales de Trois-Riviéres AEV Archives épiscopales de Valleyfield APQ Archives provinciales de Quebec A S S T Archives du Seminaire de Ste-Therese ASTR Archives du Seminaire de Trois-Rivieres PAC Public Archives o f Canada PAM Public Archives of Manitoba

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Preface

This book grew out of many sources, but all come down to three. First was a desire, rooted in my mother's French-Canadian background, to work on a topic involving the always narrowly won battle for 'survivance.' Second was the conviction that one of the neglected, yet most interesting, areas of Canadian history involved the relations between church and state. Finally, a pet peeve as historian, the ever-present tendency to lump persons to­ gether as easy images one o f another; the Quebec clergy in particular seemed to me to have been easy targets for this exercise. As the work progressed, my conviction grew that, as elsewhere, virtue and weakness, perspicacity and obtuseness, prejudice and openness, were, like the evangelical rainfall, distributed with remarkable impartiality among cleric and layman, French and English, Catholic and Protestant alike. A l l of this made it worthwhile doing, but much help was needed along the way. I wish to express appreciation to the Canada Council for the grant under which this study was begun. I must also thank, without hoping to be adequate, John Saywell and Ramsay Cook, who directed the thesis stage o f the project; Donald Kerr, Blair Neatby and Lovell Clark, who made specific and helpful suggestions for revisions; and the many other col­ leagues who encouraged my pursuit o f the subject. Finally, thanks are owing to the prelates and curators who made collections o f documents available, the staff members o f archives visited, the charming ladies who typed the various stages of the work, Archbishop Philip Pocock of Toronto and Monsignor L . A . Wemple o f London for their encouragement to begin

x i i Preface the study in Manitoba, and Bishop G.E. Carter of London for his support to complete i t . This book has been published with the help o f a grant from the Social Science Research Council o f Canada, using funds provided by the Canada Council, and a grant from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation to the University of Toronto Press. Paul Crunican London,1973

PRIESTS A N D

POLITICIANS

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Introduction

Is there no one who will free me from this turbulent priest?' So went the outburst of Henry II that sealed the fate of Thomas Becket. The con– sequences have usually been less drastic, but variations on the same ques– tion have been asked by kings and civil rulers at many crucial points in hu– man history. Priests and politics have always made an explosive mixture. The dilemma is not surprising; allegiance can be given for certain purposes to the state, for others to the church. I n theory such areas o f jurisdiction are readily distinguishable; in practice they cannot always be kept separate. A s long as politics involves religious and moral issues, the official church, however conditioned by time and place, cannot remain serenely silent; church reticence in the N a z i era serves as an instructive and sobering reminder. A n d both churchmen and politicians repeatedly have found each other useful, or inescapable, or both. Canada has had its share of church-state tension. For many reasons, not the least o f which has been the deliberate avoidance of a wall between the two realms, the Canadian experience in this area has differed from the American. Absence of constitutional boundaries between civil and ec– clesiastical jurisdictions has not always meant greater Canadian harmony, as proved by the bitter controversy over the clergy reserves in both Upper 1

i J . S . M o i r p r o v i d e s a n enlightening d i s c u s s i o n o f the p a r t i c u l a r c h a r a c t e r o f the C a n a d i a n c h u r c h - s t a t e a t m o s p h e r e in h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n to the d o c u m e n t a r y c o l l e c t i o n , Church State

in Canada,

1627-1867.

and

R e a d e r s s h o u l d note that the B i b l i o g r a p h y s u p p l e m e n t s the

a u t h o r / s h o r t title entries in the footnotes.

4 Priests and politicians and Lower Canada. The sharpest and most enduring clashes in Canada's church-state history, however, have involved the French 'fact' and the French-Canadian clergy. A n d , perhaps more than any other single issue, education has been the subject that has brought both religious and ethnic loyalties into action and has most deeply drawn the clergy into politics. I n the decade beginning with the hanging o f Louis Riel in 1885, a series of racial and religious crises shook Canada in an unprecedented manner. The culmination of these crises was the Manitoba school question. B y the time o f the election o f 1896, the focal point o f the controversy was remedialism, the attempt to have Roman Catholic school privileges in Man­ itoba restored by federal action against a provincial government that had removed these privileges by a school bill o f 1890. The struggle over remedialism involved nearly every main theme of Canada's internal history Con servati ve-Liberal, federal-provincial, east-west, French-English, Catholic-Protestant, church-state. But, illustrating as it did the complexity and sensitivity o f the ground where politics and religion meet, the 1896 electoral contest has remained particularly fascinating for the degree to which Roman Catholic church authorities, above all in Quebec, entered or attempted to enter the political process and were involved in the struggle to power o f Wilfrid Laurier. From their point o f view. French-Canadian clerics had compelling reasons to be concerned. For good or i l l , French survival in a N o r t h American, English-speaking sea had, before and after Canadian confedera­ tion, been closely identified with the Roman Catholic church. By the 1890s, confidence in the Canadian federal system as a bulwark o f minority rights against a local majority had been rudely shaken. Primarily because of concern to protect English and Protestant rights in Quebec, section 93 of the British N o r t h America A c t had provided that education, a subject normally under exclusive provincial jurisdiction, would be hedged about by emergency federal power. A quarter o f a century later, however, economic, geographic, social, legal, and political factors had combined in such a way as to make federal response to provincial attack against minor­ ity privileges extremely problematic. Ironically, i t was not English rights in Quebec that were in jeopardy, but French and Catholic rights in Man­ itoba. The Manitoba school question was thus an unmistakeably 'French' 2

2 F o r a stimulating a n a l y s i s o f the m a j o r steps in this d e c e n t r a l i z i n g p r o c e s s , p a r t i c u l a r l y o f the N e w B r u n s w i c k s c h o o l c a s e in the e a r l y 1870s, see M o r t o n , ' C o n f e d e r a t i o n , 1870-1896: T h e E n d o f the M a c d o n a l d i a n C o n s t i t u t i o n a n d the R e t u r n to D u a l i t y . '

Introduction 5 problem. But it was also a 'Catholic' problem, and the distinction between the cultural and religious factors was not always clear. Clifford Sifton seemed confident that the 'political power o f the priesthood' and the 'educational policy o f the Roman Catholic church' was the primary issue. T o D ' A l t o n McCarthy, the necessity of the domination of the English language and culture and the fear of French preponderance, was more fundamental. A t all events, French-Canadian churchmen were pro­ foundly involved under both cultural and religious titles. Traditional party loyalties added their own complication; clerical support for the Conserva­ tive party was too much a fact of Quebec experience to be either ignored or easily overcome. The school question and the struggle over remedialism thus presents a marvellous case study o f many complex relations at a formative period in Canadian history. A number of works have already been written on various aspects of the Manitoba controversy. A detailed investigation of the school question's impact on the national level, particularly of the churchstate dimensions involved, has long been needed. This study attempts to fill one of the major gaps. Its focus is the 'scene behind the scene,' seeking in particular to discover how Quebecers, civil and ecclesiastical, were reacting to a key problem of French and Catholic rights outside Quebec. There is thus a heavy emphasis on personal corres­ pondence , rather than on formal statement or published opinion. Similarly, there is a fairly strict adherence to a chronological treatment, in an attempt to assess the impact on the central figures in the story of each major event as it developed. Many of the classic questions connected with the churchstate theme are brought into focus. What, for example, happens when ecclesiastics bring pressure to bear on politicians? What i f the reverse process takes place, if politicians take the initiative to involve clerics? A n d what kind of situation arises when both clerics and politicians are con­ cerned with obtaining a piece o f legislation, but for different reasons and looking to different long-range consequences? Finally, what can be consi­ dered legitimate or even viable action for clerics attempting to influence church members on a religious issue that cannot be separated from the political process and the rise and fall o f parties? A l l these and other intriguing problems were involved in the Manitoba school crisis, and are 3

4

3 F o r S i f t o n , see the Manitoba

Free

Press,

8 M a r c h 1890. A s a m p l e o f M c C a r t h y ' s t h i n k i n g

c a n be f o u n d in his s p e e c h in the 1890 debate o n the N o r t h w e s t T e r r i t o r i e s , House

of Commons,

Debates,

4 S e e b i b l i o g r a p h i c note, p. 343.

22 J a n u a r y 1890.

Canada:

6 Priests and politicians raised in this story. Many other key questions are scarcely mentioned and clearly demand further study. I n particular, the crucial, i f largely hidden, economic and social implications o f the rise of Laurier are only briefly touched. What has been attempted above all is an account of tactics and pressures brought to bear and through this a reflection on the preoccupa­ tions and temper of the times. I t is a story often of fear, prejudice, and narrow outlook on all sides of the religious, racial, and political dividing lines. But it is also a story of strength and resiliency. Certainly it is uniquely Canadian. I t tells something important of the shift from the Canada of John A . Macdonald to the Canada o f Wilfrid Laurier.

I

Beginnings, 1889-95

T H E

O R I G I N

O F T H E

Q U E S T I O N

The third session of the seventh Parliament of Manitoba opened on January 30, 1890. O n February 12, Joseph Martin, attorney general in the Liberal government o f Thomas Greenway, introduced two measures o f particular interest: a ' B i l l Respecting the Department of Education' (No 12), and a ' B i l l Respecting Public Schools' ( N o . 13). Together they contained 227 clauses: 171 directly copied from similar legislation in Ontario, 31 from former school statutes o f Manitoba, and 25 new ones. I n effect they abolished the existing separate-school system and the division o f funds between the Protestant and Catholic sectors. Second reading was set for February 13, but debate did not actually begin until March 4. The Depart­ ment o f Education bill passed second reading rather quickly over one protesting amendment on March 5 by a vote o f 26 to 10. Debate on the public schools bill was, however, much more protracted. Opponents to the measure were hopelessly out-numbered, yet they extended the debate for six days, with former minister J. E. P. Prendergast taking a leading part. The core argument o f opposition, as seen in the proposed amendments, was that the legislation contravened the B N A and Manitoba acts and withdrew Roman Catholic school privileges granted by the Education A c t o f 1871. Most o f all it was emphasized that no mandate from the people had been obtained for such a radical change. Protestant Conservatives moved for 1

1 Manitoba

Free

Press,

F e b r u a r y 13, 1890; a l s o T a c h e , Une Page

de I'Histoire,

p.83.

8 Priests and politicians delay until amendments to constitutional acts could be secured. French Catholics moved that the bill be postponed for six months in order to consult the electorate. Both amendments were downed by the government majority; opposition arguments met with the contention that the existing system was costly and divisive and that the government must have the power to rule its own house in education. A t 1145 A M on Thursday, March 13, the public schools bill passed second reading by the margin o f 22 to 6. The bill then passed into committee, where twenty-seven sections were revised. O n March 18, along with the Department o f Education bill, the public schools bill was returned for third reading. A further opposition amendment, this time to obtain the opinion o f the Supreme Court of Canada on constitutionality, was rejected and early Wednesday morning, March 19, the bill passed third reading, 25 to n . The Department o f Education bill passed on the following morning. Along with the brief bill establishing English as the sole official language, the school bill received royal assent in the form of the signature of Lieutenant Governor Schultz on March 31, 1890. Thus enacted into law, the public schools bill became the point o f departure o f the issue which was first to irritate and then to dominate the politics o f both the province and the country for nearly seven years. The facts of the immediate genesis of the Manitoba action were fairly clear. O n August 5, 1889, D ' A l t o n McCarthy, most prominent o f those who had pressed for federal disallowance o f the Jesuits' Estates settlement, gave a strong anti-French, anti-Catholic speech at Portage la Prairie, Manitoba. Present and replying in the spirit of McCarthy's appeal was the attorney general o f Manitoba, Joseph Martin. Martin promised the abolition of the official use of French and of the dual school system, in practice meaning the withdrawal of public tax support from the Catholic schools. Despite hesita­ tions on the part o f Premier Thomas Greenway and the resignation o f the Roman Catholic member o f the provincial cabinet, J.E.P. Prendergast, events moved inexorably to the passage of the public schools bill in March 1890. The sources and motivation o f the province's radical decision were far more complicated. The most detailed investigation of the genesis of the school question rejects emphatically the Manitoba government's claim that 2

3

4

5

2 Manitoba, Journals of the Legislative Assembly of Manitoba, 1890, pp. 70-92. Reports of the debates are found in the Manitoba Free Press, March 6-13,1890. 3 T a c h e , Une Page 4 M a n i t o b a , Journals, 5

Ibid.

de LHisWire, 1890, p.709.

p.85.

Beginnings, 1889-95 9 the schools were abolished in response to a massive popular demand within the province, insisting that this argument and others 'followed rather than preceded the Government's attack on the separate school system.' The issues o f efficiency and pro-Catholic distribution o f school funds were repeatedly emphasized in 1895 and 1896 by provincial spokesmen such as F.C. Wade and Clifford Sifton. I n these presentations, the fact that the per-pupil grant had been roughly equal before 1890 was overlooked or ignored. Moreover, questionable arguments based on desperate post-1890 conditions within surviving Catholic schools were used to condemn the pre-1890 situation. There is persuasive evidence, therefore, to conclude that the most immediate reason for stirring up the school issue was 'the political requirements o f the moment... an emergency policy adopted by the Greenway government in an effort to tide it over an evil hour. ' 6

7

8

6 C l a g u e , ' P o l i t i c a l A s p e c t s o f the M a n i t o b a S c h o o l Q u e s t i o n , ' p . 6 1 . C l a g u e s h o w s that the b r i e f c a m p a i g n against the s c h o o l s y s t e m o f the late 1870s d i e d out i n the 1880s. I n d e e d , the m a n w h o l e d the e a r l i e r c a m p a i g n , W . F . L u x t o n o f the Manitoba

Free

Press,

opposed

G r e e n w a y i n 1890. 7 C l a g u e , ' P o l i t i c a l A s p e c t s o f the M a n i t o b a S c h o o l Q u e s t i o n , ' p. 162. T h e M a n i t o b a e d u c a ­ tion r e p o r t s for 1889 s h o w e d 18,850 c h i l d r e n in 557 P r o t e s t a n t s c h o o l s ( a n a v e r a g e o f slightly l e s s t h a n 34 p e r s c h o o l ) ; 4364 c h i l d r e n in 73 C a t h o l i c s c h o o l s (slightly l e s s t h a n 60 p e r s c h o o l ) ( M a n i t o b a , Journals,

1889, n o . 18, p . 2 5 ) . T h e total e x p e n d i t u r e r e p o r t e d by the

s u p e r i n t e n d e n t o f C a t h o l i c s c h o o l s for the y e a r e n d i n g J u l y 1889 w a s $22,131.08 ( M a n ­ i t o b a , L e g i s l a t i v e A s s e m b l y , Sessional

1890, no. 18, p . 5 3 ) . T h e total e x p e n s e s

Papers,

r e p o r t e d b y the s u p e r i n t e n d e n t o f P r o t e s t a n t s c h o o l s for the y e a r e n d i n g D e c e m b e r 1889 w a s $98,362.19. T h u s the e x p e n s e s s e e m to h a v e b e e n about p r o p o r t i o n a t e , slightly m o r e t h a n five d o l l a r s p e r c h i l d . (Sessional

Papers,

1890, n o . 17, p p . 3 6 - 4 9 ) . T h e s e statistics,

w i t h s o m e m i n o r v a r i a t i o n s , w e r e a l s o q u o t e d by the m i n i s t e r o f p u b l i c w o r k s , J a m e s S m a r t , d u r i n g the 1890 s c h o o l bill debate. S m a r t , h o w e v e r , e m p h a s i z e d o n l y the fact that the C a t h o l i c s c h o o l s r e c e i v e d a h i g h e r p e r - s c h o o l grant t h a n d i d the P r o t e s t a n t . W . L . M o r t o n ' s s u m m a r y o f the debate o n the c o n d u c t o f the s c h o o l s g e n e r a l l y a c c e p t s C l a g u e ' s findings, pointing out that 'not m u c h w a s m a d e ... o f the c h a r g e , p o p u l a r a m o n g a n t i - C a t h o l i c s p e a k e r s a n d p a m p h l e t e e r s , that the C a t h o l i c s c h o o l s w e r e inefficient' p.249). M a r t i n h i m s e l f w a s l a t e r q u o t e d as p r a i s i n g the c o n d u c t o f the pre-1890

(Manitoba,

R o m a n C a t h o l i c s c h o o l s ; the d u a l s y s t e m as s u c h , not the efficiency o f its C a t h o l i c s e c t i o n , w a s his c o m p l a i n t (Manitoba

Free

Press,

M a r c h 5, 1890). L . C . C l a r k ' s e s t i m a t e is that 'in

o n l y four d i s t r i c t s . . . d i d the s c h o o l s s y s t e m i m p o s e d u p l i c a t e s c h o o l facilities w h i c h w o u l d not o t h e r w i s e h a v e b e e n r e q u i r e d ' (The Manitoba

School

Question,

p o p u l a r o f the g o v e r n m e n t p a m p h l e t s , see W a d e , The Manitoba best s u m m a r y o f the C a t h o l i c a r g u m e n t , see E w a r t , The Manitoba The Manitoba

School

Question:

A Reply

ideas c a n be f o u n d in M a c G r e g o r , Some School

to Mr. Wade. Letters

from

p . 3 ) . F o r the m o s t

School School

Question. Question,

F o r the and

A sampling of A r c h b i s h o p T a c h e ' s Archbishop

Tache

on the

Manitoba

Question.

8 C l a g u e , ' P o l i t i c a l A s p e c t s o f the M a n i t o b a S c h o o l Q u e s t i o n , ' p . 2 9 2 . S u s p i c i o u s r a i l w a y d e a l s , specifically i n v o l v i n g J o s e p h M a r t i n a n d the N o r t h e r n P a c i f i c , w e r e the m a i n s o u r c e o f the ' e v i l h o u r . '

io Priests and politicians Every study of the background of the controversy, however, brings out the declining strength o f the French and the Catholics in the Manitoba population and the rise, in the 1800s, of a 'new Ontario' in the first western province. This raises the question of whether majority inevitably leads to t y r a n n y , but also emphasizes that Manitoba was not isolated. Along with strong men, strong prejudices came from the East. There can be no doubt that the atmosphere was prepared for a demagogue such as McCarthy. Receptive conditions or not, it can be strongly argued - as it was by the famed editor o f the Winnipeg Free Press, J.W. Dafoe - that the school question 'descended upon Manitoba out of a clear s k y . ' A t the very least, Ontario was transposing the most virulent of its opinions onto a relatively peaceful Manitoba scene. But Ontario was not alone to blame. The whole escalation o f events that followed the execution o f Riel was exacting a bitter price. Honore Mercier had come to power in Quebec in the long shadow o f Riel's hanging and had angered Orangemen and Protestants everywhere by his overly demonstrative Catholicism. His Jesuits' Estates A c t o f 1888, even though it had received Protestant support in the Quebec legislature, was the spark that ignited the anti-French, anti-Catholic 'Equal Rights Association' in Ontario. A n d D ' A l t o n McCarthy had gained notori­ ety, probably at the cost of more substantial political power, by supporting the unsuccessful attempt of rural Ontario's 'noble thirteen' in the House o f Commons to obtain federal disallowance of the Jesuit settlement. But too many prejudices and fears o f 'French and Catholic pretensions' had been stirred to let the movement accept defeat without seeking another ground of battle. I t is quite possible that the 'eastern fire' would have been trans­ ported to the prairie without McCarthy, and it is not certain who was the prime mover in his August visit. I t was, nonetheless, McCarthy who gave Martin the catalyst he needed. 9

10

11

12

9 C l a g u e , ' P o l i t i c a l A s p e c t s o f the M a n i t o b a S c h o o l Q u e s t i o n , ' p p . 3 3 - 4 8 . T h e p h r a s e ' n e w O n t a r i o ' is W . L . M o r t o n ' s . F r o m slightly o v e r fifty p e r c e n t o f a total o f s o m e 12,000 p o p u l a t i o n in 1870, the C a t h o l i c proportion in M a n i t o b a h a d d e c l i n e d b y 1890 to a p p r o x i ­ m a t e l y 20,000 i n a total o f 150,000. O f these 20,000 the n o n - F r e n c h C a t h o l i c s totalled p e r h a p s o n e - q u a r t e r . T h e C a t h o l i c s c h o o l p o p u l a t i o n , h o w e v e r , w a s still about one-fifth o f the total. ( E s t i m a t e s c o m p i l e d f r o m Census 10 C l a r k , The Manitoba 11 Clifford

Sifton

School

in Relation

Question,

to His Times,

of Canada,

1891, p p . 2 2 6 - 3 0 a n d p.333.)

p.4. p.36.

12 J . R . M i l l e r ' s important s t u d y , ' T h e I m p a c t o f the J e s u i t s ' E s t a t e s A c t o n C a n a d i a n P o l i t i c s , 1 8 8 8 - 9 1 , ' a s c r i b e s to M c C a r t h y s o m e w h a t l e s s initiative t h a n h a s traditionally b e e n a c c e p t e d , b o t h in the e q u a l rights m o v e m e n t a n d the stirring u p o f the M a n i t o b a q u e s t i o n . W h a t e v e r h i s m o t i v a t i o n , M c C a r t h y ' s stature w i t h i n the C o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t y a n d his s u b s e q u e n t i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h the s c h o o l issue in the c o u r t s a n d federal p a r l i a m e n t m a k e h i m a c e n t r a l figure in the s t o r y . S e e a l s o O ' S u l l i v a n , ' D a l t o n M c C a r t h y a n d the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y , ' a n d N o b l e , ' D ' A l t o n M c C a r t h y a n d the E l e c t i o n o f 1896.'

Beginnings, 1889-95

1 1

McCarthy's emotional drive thus coincided with the Greenway government's need. Martin's report to Greenway o f the Portage incident revealed that important changes in the dual school system already had been discussed in caucus. The same letter, however, admitted that the attorney general had taken a root-and-branch' position on both language and school rights more quickly and more radically than the premier was prepared to accept. A compromise arrangement similar to that in On­ tario, less directly church controlled than the existing Manitoba system, might have been the outcome o f the Greenway government's projected changes, had a calmer atmosphere prevailed. The actual situation made compromise on either side unlikely. A t all events, while Greenway gave the impression that McCarthy's torrent had carried Martin along with it, he did nothing effective to stem the tide. A s one author has put i t , Greenway was 'led from one position to another, from dependence on the French vote to independence o f it, from the determination to amend the school laws to the abolition of the dual system in both language and schools, by the pressure of events and the fretful irascibility o f Martin, until in the end he had betrayed colleagues whom he had not planned to betray and abolished constitutional rights he had not proposed to abolish.' I t may be concluded, therefore, that respon­ sibility for the genesis of the Manitoba school bill and its profound attack on the terms o f the composition o f Canada, rested primarily with Joseph Martin, indirectly but ultimately with Thomas Greenway - with the tone o f violence and bitterness vastly increased by D ' A l t o n M c C a r t h y . 4

13

14

15

T W O

D E F E N D E R S :

T A C H E

A N D

L A F L E C H E

A t the outset of the school crisis, the central Roman Catholic figure was Archbishop Alexandre Tache o f St Boniface. As leader o f the Roman 16

13 P A M , G r e e n w a y P a p e r s , M a r t i n to G r e e n w a y , A u g u s t 6 , 1 8 8 9 . 14 M o r t o n , Manitoba,

p.246.

15 T h a t the M a n i t o b a a c t i o n i n fact constituted s u c h a 'profound a t t a c k ' c o n t i n u e s to be the s u b j e c t o f s h a r p c o n t r o v e r s y . D . G . C r e i g h t o n is the m o s t e m p h a t i c o f those w h o h o l d that 1890 s i m p l y r e m o v e d a b u r d e n u n f a i r l y i m p o s e d in 1870. A c a r e f u l a n s w e r to C r e i g h t o n ' s position m a y be f o u n d i n H e i n t z m a n , ' T h e Spirit o f C o n f e d e r a t i o n : P r o f e s s o r C r e i g h t o n , B i c u l t u r a l i s m a n d the U s e o f H i s t o r y , ' p p . 2 4 5 - 7 5 . 16 B o r a i n R i v i e r e - d u - L o u p i n 1823, T a c h e w e n t to R e d R i v e r as a m i s s i o n a r y in 1845. H e w a s o r d a i n e d i n 1846, a n d at the age o f t w e n t y - s e v e n w a s c o n s e c r a t e d c o a d j u t o r to B i s h o p P r o v e n c h e r i n 1851, t a k i n g o v e r a s b i s h o p o f S t B o n i f a c e in 1853. H e w a s m a d e a r c h b i s h o p in 1871 a s m e t r o p o l i t a n o f all B r i t i s h territory w e s t o f O n t a r i o , a n d took a c e n t r a l role in the settlement o f the R e d R i v e r r i s i n g w h i c h l e d to the c r e a t i o n o f M a n i t o b a i n 1870. S e e B e n o i t , Vie de Monseigneur

Tache.

12 Priests and politicians Catholic community in Manitoba, Tache was of necessity concerned with a whole range o f problems that would bear heavily on any solution to the controversy. Perhaps most significant among personal factors were the archbishop's relations, first with those who were not Roman Catholic, secondly with his own non-French, Roman Catholic subjects. There was every indication that Tache eryoyed high personal prestige with the Man­ itoba population in general. Even during the height o f the tension, opposi­ tion journalists treated him with deference, particularly compared with the treatment given his successor, Archbishop Langevin. Perhaps most re­ markable of all were the cordial relations between Tache and Lieutenant Governor John Schultz, his old enemy o f the 1870 rising. Politically, Schultz was strongly opposed to Greenway's Liberal government, and therefore had reason to ally with Tache on that score. However, even on the personal level friendship was quite evident. I n a letter to Schultz in 1894, Tache spoke o f 'your constant kindness to me,' and greetings, even gifts, often passed between the archbishop and the lieutenant governor's family. During at least the period preceding the school troubles, Tache seems to have had friendly relations with the infant University o f Manitoba. This may have been largely because of the affiliation of the College St-Boniface to the university, although the affiliation itself must be regarded as remark­ able for a French Catholic institution in that era. A letter o f September 1891, in reply to an expression of regret by the university council at Tache's retirement from the College St-Boniface representation, revealed both growing estrangement and former harmony. The archbishop wrote that, in his view, the attitude evident in the recent school bill had spread to the university, with the result that he could not 'meet the promoters and supporters o f such schemes with the same pleasure as I have hitherto done.' Probably more significant was the question of Tache's prestige with his Catholic subjects o f other than French extraction, since it was not infre­ quently suggested during the crisis that the core o f protest against the school bill was more cultural than religious. Although the French and Catholic factors in the struggle on the school question often merged, they were far from identical in Manitoba. The emphatic repudiation in 1895 o f pro-Greenway John O'Donohue as a representative o f Manitoba Irish 17

18

17 A A S B , T a c h e to S c h u l t z , F e b r u a r y 1, 1894; L a d y A g n e s S c h u l t z to T a c h e , F e b r u a r y 10, 1894. 18 Ibid., T a c h e to U n i v e r s i t y o f M a n i t o b a C o u n c i l , S e p t e m b e r 6, 1891.

Beginnings, 1889-95 13 Catholics by the principal non-French Winnipeg parish reflected a general attitude. Extensive evidence exists that Tache's relations with his Irish-Catholic subjects in particular were far warmer than anything re­ quired by mere form. I n December 1889, while the school bill was still in the discussion stage, a petition from the English-speaking Catholics of Win­ nipeg, and bearing the names of, among others, Daniel Smith, alderman, Nicholas Bawlf, merchant, and Gerald Brophy, barrister, was forwarded to the Manitoba legislature. The resolution stated that the proposed legisla­ tion was 'opposed to principles of sound government,' and declared the meeting's 'unalterable determination to maintain the separate school system.' A similar resolution was submitted by the parishioners of St Augustine's in Brandon, on 24 March 1890. Moreover, the general peti­ tion to the federal government of August 1890 contained at least a propor­ tionate share of non-French names. On the personal level, when Tache was sick in Montreal during the winter of 1890-1, Father Fox of St Mary's, Winnipeg, wrote to him many times, and several times repeated the hope that the archbishop would be home in time to follow his custom of taking part in the St Patrick's Day festivities at the Winnipeg parish. The letters of such laymen as John Barrett and Gerald Brophy of Winnipeg and W.J. Manbey of Oak Lake were frank and even confidential. I t was Tache who was responsible for obtaining an honorary L L D for Barrett from the University of Ottawa, and his concurrence in the choice o f Barrett to make the legal protest against the school bill showed determination to avoid French and Catholic identification. Gerald Brophy's letter o f June 26, 1891 was especially revealing, since it denied the Brandon Times' s rumour that he, Brophy, would oppose J.E.P. Prendergast in the next provincial election as candi­ date for Woodlands. Brophy told the archbishop that he might run in South Winnipeg, although this would involve considerable financial loss to him­ self, but his main point emphasized Catholic solidarity, irrespective of race: 19

20

21

22

23

24

19 S e e b e l o w , p.50. 20 A A S B , T a c h e P a p e r s , D e c e m b e r 20, 1889. 21 Ibid.,

M a r c h 24,1890.

22 Ibid.,

A u g u s t , 1890.

23 Ibid.,

F o x to T a c h e , T a c h e to F o x , J a n u a r y - F e b r u a r y 1891.

24 Ibid.,

M a n b e y to T a c h e , S e p t e m b e r 3 , 1 8 9 0 . M a n b e y w a s a n I r i s h - C a t h o l i c l a w y e r at O a k

L a k e ; he w r o t e to T a c h e to stress the n e e d for C a t h o l i c s , F r e n c h a n d o t h e r s , to register for v o t e r s ' lists to a v o i d being d e p r i v e d o f a v o t e at the c o m i n g e l e c t i o n s .

14 Priests and politicians I would look upon it as a great loss, if for any reason the minority were deprived o f his services in the House ... I have no hesitation in saying that I believe that an English speaking Catholic in the House ... would be an advantage to our people, and though I do not personally presume to be that person, yet as I am aware that my name has been canvassed, it is only proper for me to express to your Grace that under no circumstances would I accept a seat in the Legislature if my so doing was to tend towards resulting in the exclusion from the House of an approved champion of our cause. 25

The history of the two largest Catholic groups in Manitoba, the French and the Irish, has never lacked differences, as witnessed by the division of the archdiocese of Winnipeg from St Boniface in 1916. There is little evidence, however, that Tache contributed to the Irish-French quarrels, and the history of the school controversy at least under his administration revealed strong Catholic unity. Like their Protestant counterparts, Manitoba Catholics were far from isolated. The immigration of French-speaking people had not come close to matching the influx o f English-speaking immigrants from O n t a r i o , but strong emotional ties remained. Throughout the six years o f the con­ troversy, Ontario Roman Catholic bishops showed concern for their coreligionists in Manitoba, but they were reticent in comparison with their episcopal brothers from Quebec. A n d , among the Quebec bishops whose influence and ideas were vital to an appreciation of the church-state tension generated by the school question, none was more important than Louis Francois Lafleche (1818-98), Bishop of Trois-Rivieres, former confrere o f Tache on the Red River missions, and the man to whom the western prelate first turned for support. N o t only did Lafleche represent an important focus of ultramontanism throughout Quebec, but his political connections re­ mained strong despite his age and his opposition to the Castor-Rouge 26

27

25 A A S B , B r o p h y to T a c h e , J u n e 2 6 , 1 8 9 1 . T h e d e c i s i o n not to p r e s s the q u e s t i o n o f F r e n c h language rights, a l t h o u g h they too w e r e b e i n g s u p p r e s s e d , e m p h a s i z e d the m u l t i - r a c i a l c o n s e n s u s c o n c e r n i n g the s c h o o l s . A s in the R i e l c a s e , r e a c t i o n in b o t h O n t a r i o a n d Q u e b e c d i d not a l w a y s a p p r e c i a t e this c o m p l e x i t y . 26 C o n s i d e r a b l e effort, w i t h o u t great s u c c e s s , w a s e x p e n d e d b y T a c h e a n d o t h e r s to b r i n g m o r e F r e n c h to M a n i t o b a in the e a r l y 1890s. A . I . S i l v e r points out that T a c h e a n d o t h e r m i s s i o n a r i e s w e r e p a r t l y to b l a m e for the l a c k o f e n t h u s i a s m a m o n g F r e n c h - C a n a d i a n s for the W e s t . I t m u s t be a d m i t t e d that their e a r l i e r w a r n i n g s o f r i g o u r s , p h y s i c a l a n d c u l t u r a l , to be e n c o u n t e r e d , c o m p a r e d b a d l y w i t h the e n t h u s i a s m o f e m i g r a t i o n s o c i e t i e s b e i n g f o r m e d in O n t a r i o ( ' F r e n c h C a n a d a a n d the P r a i r i e F r o n t i e r , ' p p . 1 1 - 3 6 ) . 27 U l t r a m o n t a n i s m m a y g e n e r a l l y be d e s c r i b e d as the t h e o r y that p l a c e d strong e m p h a s i s o n c e n t r a l i z a t i o n a n d p a p a l a u t h o r i t y in the C h u r c h , a l t h o u g h it w a s anti-nationalist in F r a n c e

Beginnings, 1889-95 5 1

alliance under Mercier. On the federal level, the only practical possibility in his view was a combination of support for, and pressure on, the existing Conservative party, the Orange alliance notwithstanding. Je n'ai pas plus de confiance qu'il ne faut dans nos ministres Canadiens d'Ottawa et leur Chef, Sir J . , ' Lafleche told Tache, 'mais ce que j e crois, c'est que vous seriez encore plus maltraites si les liberaux etaient arrives au pouvoir federal.' As for the upshot of Mercier's 'national' or 'centre' party, the realist in the bishop of Trois-Rivieres saw only the splitting of the Conser­ vative elements in Quebec, to the Liberals' advantage, and the stirring o f counter-extremism in Ontario: 4

Cette recrudescence de fanatisme et la formation du parti des equal r i g h t s , n' est que l'echo du parti national bas-Canadien - qui est en train de mener notre province a la and nationalist in F r e n c h C a n a d a . I n the a r e a o f c h u r c h - s t a t e r e l a t i o n s , this s c h o o l o f thought g a v e c l e a r p r e - e m i n e n c e to the c h u r c h , a s w a s e v i d e n t i n ' L e P r o g r a m m e C a t h o l i que' o f the 1870s, i n s p i r e d by B i s h o p B o u r g e t ( 1 8 4 0 - 7 6 ) o f M o n t r e a l a n d b y L a f l e c h e . W h i l e the t e r m ' u l t r a m o n t a n i s m ' s t r e s s e d the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l d i m e n s i o n , the t e r m ' C a s t o r , ' c o i n e d b y S e n a t o r F . X . T r u d e l i n 1882, s t r e s s e d the political d i m e n s i o n o f the s a m e p h e n o m e n o n . L i k e m o s t l a b e l s , h o w e v e r , ' u l t r a m o n t a n i s m ' a n d ' C a s t o r ' w e r e applied to a n u m b e r o f i n d i v i d u a l s a n d to groups w i t h l e s s t h a n perfect e x a c t n e s s . A f t e r the death o f T r u d e l i n 1890, the designation o f ' C a s t o r ' c h a m p i o n w a s n e v e r w o r n w i t h the s a m e p r e c i s i o n b y a n y one p e r s o n . J . P . T a r d i v e l c o n t i n u e d the v o c a l a n d a b r a s i v e i n d i v i d u a l i t y he h a d p u r s u e d i n the 1880s. O v e r the q u a r t e r - c e n t u r y o f his p u b l i c a t i o n o f La

Verite,

T a r d i v e l c o u l d be c a l l e d the e s s e n t i a l l a y u l t r a m o n t a n e , j u s t a s T r u d e l h a d b e e n the e s s e n t i a l C a s t o r . O n the p o l i t i c a l s c e n e , S i r H e c t o r L a n g e v i n n e v e r quite fitted the m o l d o f C a s t o r o r u l t r a m o n t a n e , despite his m a n y u l t r a m o n t a n e c o n n e c t i o n s , a n d his r i v a l r y w i t h the f a v o u r i t e C a s t o r target, A d o l p h e C h a p l e a u . A . R . A n g e r s a n d A l p h o n s e D e s j a r d i n s c a m e c l o s e r to c o m p l y i n g w i t h the image. O t h e r i m p o r t a n t political figures w h o m a y at least be g r o u p e d w i t h ' l a t e n d a n c e u l t r a m o n t a i n e ' w e r e S e n a t o r P h i l i p p e L a n d r y , F l a v i e n D u p o n t , M . P . for B a g o t , P r e m i e r L . O . T a i l l o n , a n d f o r m e r p r e m i e r s J . - J . R o s s a n d C h a r l e s B o u c h e r de B o u c h e r v i l l e . E c c l e s i a s t i c a l c o u n t e r p a r t s in the u l t r a m o n t a n e s c h o o l a d d e d c o m p l e x i t y to the p i c t u r e . M o s t significant w a s the bitter c r i t i c i s m e x p r e s s e d b y B i s h o p L a f l e c h e , h o w e v e r m u c h he might be c o n s i d e r e d the u l t r a m o n t a n e p a t r o n saint, against t h o s e w h o h a d allied w i t h M e r c i e r . A m o n g influential e c c l e s i a s t i c s , the i n d i v i d u a l w h o p e r h a p s most c l o s e l y a p p r o a c h e d the role o f s u p p o r t e r o f the l a y p olit ical w i n g o f u l ­ tramontanism was Monsignor C . A .

M a r o i s , vicar-general of Quebec. T h e w o r k of Pierre

S a v a r d o p e n s u p s e v e r a l p r o m i s i n g lines o f investigation o n u l t r a m o n t a n i s m . S e e S a v a r d , Jules-Paul

Tardivel,

La France

et les Etats-Unis;

'Jules-Paul T a r d i v e l , un ultramontain

d e v a n t les p r o b l e m e s et les h o m m e s de s o n t e m p s . ' S e e a l s o , R u m i l l y , ' M o n s e i g n e u r L a f l e c h e et les u l t r a m o n t a i n s . ' F u r t h e r suggestions o n the i m p a c t o f L a f l e c h e o n the u l t r a m o n t a n e m o v e m e n t a r e g i v e n i n C r u n i c a n , ' B i s h o p L a f l e c h e a n d the M a n d e m e n t o f 1896.' F o r the d e v e l o p m e n t o f u l t r a m o n t a n i s m d u r i n g the e r a o f B i s h o p B o u r g e t , see S y l v a i n , ' L i b e r a l i s m e et u l t r a m o n t a n i s m e a u C a n a d a f r a n c a i s , ' in M o r t o n , e d . , The of Achilles

\Le

Boucher

d'Achille,

p p . i 11-38, 220-55.

Shield

16 Priests and politicians banqueroute, et de la a r union legislative d'Ottawa, ou a l'annexion aux EtatsUnis. Nos nationnaux [sic] de la Verite et de L'Etendard, sont a mon humble avis, les hommes qui nous ont fait le plus de mal en jetant la division jusque dans les rangs du clerge, en soulevant les prejuges de race et de religion, et en se faisant les valets des liberaux. 28

Whatever his opinion of the Quebec situation, Lafleche took for granted that the hierarchy should keep an active hand in politics, invisible i f possible, public i f necessary. Unfortunately, the bishop too easily identified all right-minded clerical thinking with his own. I n practice, this meant that Lafleche was strongly partisan, reacting in particular against whatever helped the Liberals in any way. Once again, however, context was essential. The name 'Liberal' could evoke in his mind's eye little but continental European revolutionaries, Papineau-Dorion Rouges, Freema­ sons, the Institut Canadien, and, very vivid in his memory, the forces which had led to the division of his diocese in 1885. Thus Lafleche was ready to accept extreme statements against the Liberal party, such as the annexationist charge mentioned in the letter o f 1890, as confirmation of his suspicions. Clearly his fears o f the 'nationalist' movement sprang largely from the conviction that the net result could only be to become 'les valets des liberaux.' Yet to see this side alone would be to distort the picture o f the man. Lafleche, at least in 1890, believed quite strongly that Canada's remaining a nation was vital to the survival of the French Canadians and o f the church within French Canada. I t is true that some o f his earlier words and actions seemed to have leaned dangerously toward the separatism which he con­ demned. N o t a little o f his opposition to Trudel and Tardivel may have been caused by the readiness o f these laymen, however devout, to lecture the clergy. Nonetheless, Lafleche must be credited at least with the very clear view that the existence o f a third party priding itself on being specifically French and Catholic would only bring similar countermeasures by the 'other half.' Moreover, it must be stressed that Lafleche was later to oppose the inclination in the direction o f an ultramontane federal party by A . R . Angers in 1895. Finally, the personal prestige which Bishop Lafleche enjoyed even among those who opposed his ideas must be remembered. Laurier, upon the death o f Lafleche in 1898, was quoted as calling the bishop 'un fanatique, mais un saint pretre,' and occupied the 29

28 A A S B , L a f l e c h e to T a c h e , M a y 1 9 , 1 8 9 0 . 29 S e e b e l o w , p. 114 ff.

Beginnings, 1889-95 l l

front pew at the funeral. Bishop Emard of Valleyfield, at the very time when he opposed Lafleche most strongly over the content of the episcopal mandement o f 1896, insisted in renewing the invitation to the elderly bishop to preach the priests' retreat at Valleyfield in that year. However much one might disagree with him, neither the opinions nor the person of Lafleche could be taken lightly; thus it was not by accident or simply because o f old friendships that Tache turned to the bishop of TroisRivieres when he looked for help from the East. Many other individuals and factors heightened the tension surrounding the Manitoba crisis o f the 1890s. The development o f party loyalties in the province, the rise of the Patrons of Industry paralleling the crest of the Populists in the United States, the prolonged economic depression, the differences between the descendants of the French-speaking Metis and the few but important French who had come to Manitoba from Quebec during the Tache era - all had a bearing on the way in which the question developed both in Manitoba and on the federal level. I n all, it was painfully clear that the context of the school question would not lend itself to a patient or generous solution on either the provincial or the federal level. 30

31

A

T U G - O F - W A R

O V E R

D I S A L L O W A N C E

That the Manitoba school legislation posed dangerous problems for both major federal parties was evident as soon as the first rumours of the province's intentions were heard in the East. Both parties recognized the potential disaster o f internal schism over the question. Interestingly enough, the Conservatives seemed to be the least worried, perhaps be­ cause of John A . Macdonald's traditional 'old tomorrow' attitude, perhaps because they were confident that either the courts or the voters would hobble Joseph Martin without direct federal action. A t all events, despite the efforts o f Lieutenant Governor Schultz to get Macdonald to approve reservation o f the school measure, the prime minister adamantly refused, and directed Schultz to sign the b i l l . From a quite different point of view, Archbishop Tache - although he later indicated that he knew Schultz was under federal pressure to sign the b i l l - was quite convinced that the lieutenant governor could and should have reserved i t . After referring to 32

33

30 R u m i l l y , Histoire

de la Province

de Quebec,

i x , p.56.

31 A E V , E m a r d to L a f l e c h e , M a r c h , 1896. 32 P A C , M a c d o n a l d P a p e r s , M a c d o n a l d to S c h u l t z , M a r c h 2 8 , 1 8 9 0 . 33 A A Q , T a c h e t o O u i m e t , M a r c h 1 4 , 1 8 9 4 .

18 Priests and politicians the petitions o f the French M L A s to Schultz on 27 and 28 March, Tache's later account stated that the case clearly called for the use of the lieutenant governor's discretionary power. 'Le moins que Ton puisse dire,' the archbishop wrote, 'c'est qu'au 31 mars 1890, i l y avait un doute sur la constitutionality des actes qui enlevaient a la minorite les droits et privileges dont elle jouissait par rapport aux ecoles et a l'usage de la langue frangaise.' Nonetheless, the bills were not reserved and, having failed at Winnipeg, Tache began to look more and more to Ottawa. Every report coming back from the East indicated that Tache's hope for immediate federal action would not be met. The bitter federal-provincial battles of the 1880s and the 1889 furor over the Jesuits' Estates A c t , as well as the opposition stirred up by the veto of Manitoba's railway legislation during the same decade, were far from forgotten. Even more directly pertinent to the case against disallowance were the disturbing events that surrounded the recently concluded debate on the Northwest Territories. On January 22,1890, D ' A l t o n McCarthy moved a bill to delete clause 110 of the N o r t h West Territories' A c t , which provided for the duality of language in the courts and in the proceedings and records of the Assembly. His motion stated that it was 'expedient in the interest of unity that there should be community of language.' Only a compromise amendment by Sir John Thompson, minister of justice, reduced sufficiently the tension to avoid the breaking of party allegiance and the threatened division of Parliament along racial lines. Among the Liberals, recognition by the federal party of the danger to their unity and to Laurier's position as leader because of his race was reflected in letters sent to Laurier soon after Martin's proclamation became k n o w n . Laurier's letters to former Liberal leader Edward Blake and to Toronto Globe editor John Willison revealed the extent of his concern over the problem, going so far as to urge his own replacement. Blake made one important contribution in the handling of the school 34

35

36

37

34 T a c h e , Une Page 35 Canada,

House

de VHistoire, of Commons,

p.98. Debates,

1890, p.38.

36 S e e P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , E d g a r to L a u r i e r , A u g u s t 1 9 , 1 8 8 9 ; C a r t w r i g h t to L a u r i e r , A u g u s t 9, S e p t e m b e r 3 , 1 8 8 9 . 37 P A C , W i l l i s o n P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , J u n e 26, J u l y 4 , 1 8 9 0 ; L a u r i e r P a p e r s , W i l l i s o n to L a u r i e r , J u n e 3 0 , 1 8 9 0 ; B l a k e to L a u r i e r , J u n e 2, J u n e 1 8 , 1 8 9 0 . A s N e a t b y a n d o t h e r L a u r i e r students h a v e n o t e d , the ' w i s h - t o - r e s i g n b e c a u s e - I - a m - F r e n c h - C a t h o l i c ; t h e m e w a s a r e c u r r i n g e c h o at s e v e r a l c r i s e s in L a u r i e r ' s c a r e e r . W i t h o u t impugning L a u r i e r ' s integrity, the p s y c h o l o g i c a l h i s t o r i a n might suggest that this w a s a ' p e r s e c u t i o n w e a p o n ' w h i c h L a u r i e r h a d no firm intention o f ultimately u s i n g .

Beginnings, 1889-95 19 problem. This was the so-called 'Blake Resolution' of A p r i l 29,1890, which prescribed an appeal to the judiciary in all cases of federal-provincial disputes over education. The key to Blake's argument was that the execu­ tive should not arrogate to itself judicial powers. Therefore, it should not disallow a provincial act simply because it considered that act ultra vires. I f an act were ultra vires and against justice or federal-government policy, it might be disallowed, but once again the judicial method was to be preferred as less inflammatory. Blake's resolution clearly reflected the general Ottawa reluctance to give encouragement to Tache's pleas for disallowance. A t the same time, both parties agreed that the recourse to the courts called for by the resolu­ tion did not mean that the federal government abdicated all responsibility for action. Blake stated that he did not wish to absolve the federal cabinet of real duties that it might have; Macdonald was even more explicit when he backed Blake's resolution. T h e Executive is not freed from all responsibil­ ity by the reply of the Tribunal,' Macdonald stated, 'the reply shall be simply for the information of the Government. I t may be that the Govern­ ment does not approve of that decision and it could be its duty not to approve it, if it does not accept the conclusion arrived at by the Tribunal. ' The Blake resolution was incorporated in a measure presented by Justice Minister Thompson on July 9, 1891, and on September 30, 1891, the law was passed unanimously. These parliamentary developments did not prevent Tache from pressing his case for disallowance in every possible quarter. Probably to em­ phasize the nonpartisan character of the protest against the Manitoba government action, J.E.P. Prendergast, late of the Greenway government, was sent to Ottawa to make contact with anyone who might support disallowance. Prendergast encountered attitudes ranging from indifference to polite refusal. The arrival of a personal delegate from Tache, however, along with the stimulus provided by several impassioned letters from the 3 8

39

40

38 Canada, 39 Ibid.,

House

of Commons,

Debates,

1890, p.4o86ff.

p.4170-82.

40 It s h o u l d be r e m e m b e r e d that A r c h b i s h o p T a c h e ' s health w a s not v e r y strong d u r i n g this p e r i o d . F a t h e r A l l a r d , his s e c r e t a r y , felt obliged to w a r n s o m e o f his G r a c e ' s c o r r e s p o n ­ dents to w i t h h o l d all but the m o s t n e c e s s a r y i n f o r m a t i o n . O n M a y 29 the a r c h b i s h o p ' s letter to B i s h o p L a f l e c h e i n c l u d e d a n apology for h a v i n g to use a s e c r e t a r y to w r i t e the letter; m e n t i o n w a s m a d e o f an illness w h i c h h a d a l r e a d y l a s t e d six w e e k s ( A A S B , T a c h e to L a f l e c h e , M a y 2 9 , 1 8 9 0 ) . T h e s c h o o l legislation w a s not c a l c u l a t e d to r e v i v e T a c h e ' s spirits, but it is p o s s i b l e that he might h a v e b e e n m o r e effective in c o u n t e r i n g it h a d he b e e n in better h e a l t h .

20 Priests and politicians archbishop, prompted Justice Minister Thompson to spell out very care­ fully the case for pursuing judicial rather than political redress. Thompson's basic argument was similar to that underlying the Blake resolution, but focused on the difficulty of establishing the precise scope of the rights held 'by practice' at the time of Manitoba's entry into Confedera­ tion. ' A decision of the executive,' Thompson wrote, 'based on an ex parte statement of facts, as regards the practice existing at the formation of the province, would be open to be challenged by any person disagreeing with our decision.' Worse still, the justice minister argued, would be the paral­ lels drawn, validly or invalidly, with the Jesuits' estates case. Disallowance of the Manitoba school law 'would be regarded, very widely ... as an interference with legislation of a purely domestic character ... and as influenced very largely by the fact that the legislation was distasteful to Roman Catholics,' whereas interference with the Quebec measure had been rejected 'although it was distasteful to a great number of Protestants ... Such a decision on our part,' Thompson concluded, 'instead of ending the struggle for the abolition of the separate schools in Manitoba, would only be a challenge to a fiercer and wider conflict.' Tache ultimately came to accept Thompson's position as inevitable if nothing more. But the minister of justice was not the only one the arch­ bishop prodded. One o f his earliest appeals had been to former Quebec Conservative ' C h e f Sir Hector Langevin and had not received an early r e p l y . Thus a doleful letter was sent to Tache's former missionary com­ rade, Bishop Lafleche, expressing disgust with the government's North­ west Territories' settlement, as well as its attitude in Manitoba. 'Je dois vous avouer,' Tache stated, 'que je crains que nous n'ayons rechauffe un serpent qui a profite de sa vie pour preparer les malheurs qui nous menagent ... Les lois les plus odieuses et les plus inconstitutionnelles ont 41

42

41 Ibid.,

T h o m p s o n to T a c h e , M a y 1 7 , 1 8 9 0 .

42 O n e r e a s o n w h y S i r H e c t o r might h a v e b e e n s l o w to a n s w e r a n d vague w h e n he did w a s that he h a d things to w o r r y h i m m o r e p r e s s i n g a n d p e r s o n a l t h a n the fate of F r e n c h a n d C a t h o l i c in M a n i t o b a . T h e first r u m b l i n g s o f the s o - c a l l e d M c G r e e v y - L a n g e v i n s c a n d a l w e r e being h e a r d . T h i s s c a n d a l in the P u b l i c W o r k s D e p a r t m e n t , i n v o l v i n g S i r H e c t o r L a n g e v i n c l o s e l y e n o u g h to r u i n h i m p o l i t i c a l l y , w a s a l m o s t the p r i v a t e p r e s e r v e o f f o r m e r C o n s e r v a t i v e J . I s r a e l T a r t e . I t w a s T a r t e ' s letters to L a u r i e r d u r i n g this p e r i o d that kept insisting that the situation p r o v i d e d a p a r t i c u l a r l y v u l n e r a b l e spot for a t t a c k o n the C o n s e r v a t i v e s . N o t m u c h w a s m a d e o f the i s s u e until after the f e d e r a l election o f 1891, h o w e v e r . T h e s u b j e c t is treated at length b y L a P i e r r e , ' J o s e p h I s r a e l T a r t e a n d the M c G r e e v y - L a n g e v i n Scandal,' and by F r a s e r , ' T h e Political C a r e e r of S i r H e c t o r L o u i s L a n g e v i n . ' A g o o d s u m m a r y o f T a r t e ' s i m p o r t a n c e to L a u r i e r a n d the L i b e r a l s d u r i n g the e a r l y 1890s c a n be f o u n d in N e a t b y , Laurier

and a Liberal

Quebec,

pp.59-62.

Beginnings, 1889-95 21 ete passees contre nous, et a Ottawa on n'a pas l'air de s'occuper ni de desirer d'y apporter remede.' Tache begged Lafleche to contact Sir Hector and to stimulate i f possible more than the lip-service support that had so far been in evidence. Tache feared that the Northwest bill, even as amended, meant the effective end o f French rights in the Territories, and lamented that Langevin and other 'French champions' had voted for i t . 'Pour ma part,' Tache wrote, 'j'aurais mieux aime tout perdu sous le souffle haineux de McCarthy que de la perdre sous le vote mal emielle de ceux qui devraient nous proteger.' Showing himself much more inclined toward the Catholic centre party notion than Lafleche was able to accept after the Mercier experience, Tache struck sharply at the results of the T o r y al­ liance. 'C'est fort bien,' Tache pointed out, 'd'accuser le parti national, mais cette fois, le cri de guerre est parti des rangs des soi-disants conservateurs et les votes se comptent parmi eux. L a province de Quebec parait se soucier bien peu de nous; quand tous les avant-postes auront ete saisis par l'ennemi, viendra le tour de la vieille forteresse.' Tache concluded his strong lament by asking Lafleche to write to other ministers as well as Langevin. 'De grace, cher Seigneur,' he begged, 'rendez a vos anciennes missions le service de les proteger; ecrivez fortement, ecrivez promptement. I I n'a pas temps a perdre. Les nouvelles lois sont en vigueur depuis 5 jours, bientot elles auront pris racine et qui sait?' Bishop Lafleche was stung into quick action. He dashed off letters to Langevin and the two other French-Canadian ministers, Adolphe Chapleau and Adolphe Caron. Lafleche echoed Tache's sentiments, speaking of the violation o f the federal compact, o f the attack on French-Canadian devotion to language and religion, and o f dangers involved surpassing those of the Riel affair. The bishop of Trois-Rivieres, however, was soon won over to advocating judicial procedure instead of political intervention. A t least a negative approval of the government position was evident in both Lafleche's letter o f 19 May to Tache and in the notes he sent to cover the explanations put forth by the ministers. The politicians' replies were somewhat more positive, but each followed the same theme: recourse to the judiciary was the safest method and the one most likely to succeed. In the face of these pressures, Tache was brought slowly to accept the judicial way of dealing with the offending legislation. The mere statement 43

44

45

43 A A S B , T a c h e to L a f l e c h e , M a y 5, 1890. 44 Canada, Sessional Papers, 1891, n o . 6 3 , p p . 6 8 - 9 , L a f l e c h e to C h a p l e a u , M a y 1 2 , 1 8 9 0 . 45 A A S B , H . L a n g e v i n to L a f l e c h e , M a y 1 6 , 1 8 9 0 ; C h a p l e a u to L a f l e c h e , M a y 2 3 , 1 8 9 0 ; C a r o n to L a f l e c h e , J u n e 5 , 1 8 9 0 .

22 Priests and politicians that appeal to the courts was the best way of assuring redress was, how­ ever, a far cry from actually putting that plan into effect. A t the very beginning o f the procedure, with the archbishop so reluctant to envisage anything but disallowance, the delicate problem arose of deciding who was to take the lead, and precisely what steps were to be taken. From the government's point o f view, the situation was symptomatic of a predica­ ment which it would face again and again throughout the heat of the school question: could it remain clear of the complaint of the minority while at the same time controlling the political explosives involved? While preparations were being made to begin a solid legal case, several events took place which indicated that Tache, after his initial disappoint­ ment over the refusal of this disallowance, was regrouping his forces to keep the school issue in the public eye. First he called a 'Congres national' at St Boniface beginning June 4,1890. Although this meeting was without doubt under the direction o f the archbishop, Tache wanted to be sure that the clergy would not take the lead in the official discussions o f the delegates from each parish o f the diocese. Moreover, although this 'Congres na­ tional' did not issue a separate petition in 1890, it was a substantial enough institution to petition apart from Tache in 1892. T w o other major steps were taken by the archbishop in 1890: a pastoral letter and a widely circulated petition. The pastoral letter was worded in general terms and its main object was an attack on the action o f the Manitoba government. The core of the letter was a sarcastic parody on what the province had done. 46

47

While destroying our old scholastic system to establish a new one, the State says to you: Have your children educated the way we direct, then we will help you and your school taxes will turn to the benefit of your children; but i f you do not accept the school from which we banish all that is Catholic, you Catholics shall have no share in the moneys given by the State, though you are as much entitled to it as your fellow citizens; you will not only be deprived of your share of the legislative grant, but will be obliged to pay, out of your own pockets, for the education o f those who 46 W . T . S h a w d i s c u s s e s the i n t r o d u c t i o n b y a W i n n i p e g F r e n c h C a n a d i a n , N o a h C h e v r i e r , o f the St J o s e p h s c h o o l c a s e , a c o n f u s e d a p p e a l b a s e d o n a fictitious situation. T h o m p s o n c a l l e d it a ' s h a m , ' a n d E w a r t w o r k e d o n the c a s e only r e l u c t a n t l y , omitting a n y r e f e r e n c e to it in his later w r i t i n g s on the s u b j e c t . I n a n y e v e n t , the c a s e w a s h e a r d before J u s t i c e B a i n o f the Q u e e n ' s B e n c h on J u n e 1 1 , 1 8 9 0 , a n d j u d g m e n t r e s e r v e d . T h e p l e a w a s w i t h d r a w n s o o n after r e s e r v a t i o n , a n d attention c o n c e n t r a t e d o n the m u c h m o r e solid g r o u n d o f the B a r r e t t c a s e ( S h a w , The Role pp.78-113). 47 T a c h e , Une Page

de VHistoire,

of John

S. Ewart

p. 103.

in the Manitoba

School

Question,

Beginnings, 1889-95 23 a t t e n d t h e s c h o o l s w e c a l l ' P u b l i c ' a n d w h i c h w e m a k e P r o t e s t a n t ; if, a f t e r a l l t h i s , y o u w i l l still w i s h to h a v e y o u r c h i l d r e n e d u c a t e d , y o u w i l l p a y the entire

expenses

and w e shall not d i m i n i s h in the least the cost w e i m p o s e o n y o u for the education o f the c h i l d r e n o f o t h e r s .

4 8

As for the petition, a note to Chapleau on September 20 indicated that this general statement of protest against the Manitoba government's action had just been sent, signed by Tache and 4266 Catholics of Manitoba. As had been the case in A p r i l , the September plea did not demand disallow­ ance, although the words 'subversive of the rights o f the Catholics of Manitoba' were used to describe the school bill. The petition simply asked that the Governor-General-in-Council 'give such directions for the hearing and consideration of the said appeal as may be thought proper,' that the statutes be declared prejudicial, and 'that such directions may be given and provisions made for the relief of the Roman Catholics of the Province of Manitoba as to your Excellency in Council may seem f i t . ' Despite the mildness of the petition, it at least served to remind the federal government of a fact which it would repeatedly face as time went on - an adverse decision from the courts would not mean the end of Catholic efforts to have their school rights restored. 49

50

T H E

B A R R E T T

C A S E

B E G I N S

There seemed, at this stage, little reason to fear that a judicial decision, however long it might be in coming, would be adverse to the minority. As early as A p r i l , while the St Joseph case was still alive, preliminary steps were taken through the legal firm o f J.S. Ewart and Gerald Brophy to construct another appeal. The petition was filed by J.K. Barrett against the Winnipeg municipal by-law which, under the new school legislation, re­ quired him to pay taxes to the public schools. Barrett's case was heard by M r Justice Killam on November 24, 1890 and the appeal leaned heavily on the words 'or practice' in subsection 1 of section 22 of the Manitoba A c t . The judge dismissed the application, holding that the statute under which the by-law was passed was valid. The case was then taken before the 5 1

48 A A S B , P a s t o r a l L e t t e r , A u g u s t 1 5 , 1 8 9 0 . 49 Ibid.,

T a c h e to C h a p l e a u , S e p t e m b e r 2 0 , 1 8 9 0 .

50 E w a r t , The Manitoba

School

Question,

pp.28-30.

51 S e e A p p e n d i x 1; see a l s o E w a r t , The Manitoba

School

Question,

p. 11. T h e a r g u m e n t s

p r e s e n t e d i n this a n d the s u b s e q u e n t c o u r t c a s e s are treated in detail b y S h a w in ' T h e R o l e o f J o h n S . E w a r t in the M a n i t o b a S c h o o l Q u e s t i o n . '

24 Priests and politicians Manitoba Court o f Queen's Bench. A s predicted by Ewart and B r o p h y , the judgments of Chief Justice Taylor and Justice Bain upheld that o f the Winnipeg magistrate. This dismissal o f appeal came on February 2, 1891, but it was accompanied by the dissenting opinion o f Justice D u b u c . Barrett immediately wrote to Tache, naturally enough praising Dubuc's opinion and saying that 'the protestantism o f Taylor and Bain was too strong for their justice.' I n the eyes of the chief justice, wrote Barrett, 'the words " b y practice" merely guaranteed to us that we could not be pre­ vented from supporting our own schools in the same manner that we did prior to entering confederation, but that it did not grant us immunity from paying taxes to the support of the state schools.' A s for Bain's opinion, Barrett said there was such similarity in the wording o f statements that he was 'morally certain that he had Taylor's judgment before him when he was writing his o w n . ' John S. Ewart, Gerald Brophy's partner and the lawyer who was to play such an important role in the case from this point on, was somewhat less ready than Barrett to impute unworthy motives. Ewart was nonetheless emphatic in his conviction of the weakness of the K i l l a m , Taylor, and Bain judgments. Ewart told Tache that 'instead o f feeling disheartened, I am more confident than ever of final success.' Ewart said that nowhere in the court judgments was there an answer to his key question on the positive meaning o f section 22 of the Manitoba Act: T find that it does not mean this & that, but no affirmative answer at all. I insist that it has a meaning. Let them but grant that & then j o i n in the search for what it is & I do not fear the outcome.' Ewart quickly discovered that his hopes for an early hearing of the appeal by the Supreme Court of Canada were premature. The delay was an easy matter for the Manitoba government, since it simply involved denying a special request on the part of Ewart and Brophy. The request was that the rule be waived which required that appeals to the Supreme Court be set down at least a month in advance of the opening of the court session. Such a request needed the consent of both parties to the case, and Joseph Martin quite arguably stated that he was too busy with the current federal election, in which he was a candidate, to give time to a court case. Ewart and Brophy 52

53

5 4

55

52 A A S B , E w a r t a n d B r o p h y to T a c h e , J a n u a r y 1891. 53 E w a r t , The Manitoba

School

Question,

p. 11.

54 A A S B , B a r r e t t to T a c h e , F e b r u a r y 2, 1891. 55 Ibid.,

E w a r t to T a c h e , F e b r u a r y 11, 1891.

Beginnings, 1889-95 5 2

informed Tache in Montreal of the unavoidable delay, but added that everything else was being done to prepare for the case. 56

E L E C T I O N

I N T E R L U D E ,

189I

The general election to which Martin referred was set for March 5 , 1 8 9 1 , and was the first major federal event in which the Manitoba school question was a potential issue. The time for disallowance was rapidly disappearing, since the school law was nearly a year old. Whether for this reason or simply to bring more general pressure to bear on the federal government, Archbishop Tache, although ill in Montreal and in the hospital a good deal o f the time, was planning a letter to be addressed to the Governor-General-in-Council to effect by one means or another the restoration o f Manitoba's Catholic schools. His intent was to have the letter signed by all the Canadian bishops, making the project of major concern to both federal parties, but the letter was not sent until after the election, and the school question was not an election issue. A t the same time, the efforts of various politicians to exclude the problem were revealing. They foreshadowed more strenuous, though less successful, efforts to get around the question in succeeding years. Laurier and the Liberals were willing to keep the school question out­ side the range of issues in the election, partly because the case was still before the courts, but also, as already suggested, because the problem revived Lauder's doubts about his role as party leader. Laurier's cham­ pioning of unrestricted reciprocity in the election of 1891 is well known. For this study, the main point to be noted is that the Liberal leader's thinking on the subject was far more political than economic: it was the one policy on which Laurier felt he could get some kind o f united party behind him. I n Quebec in particular, reciprocity served to distract the electorate from the potential issue of race and religion. Whatever Laurier's motives were, the Conservatives were more than a little successful in tarring the policy of unrestricted reciprocity with the brush of disloyalty. The flag-waving cry would obviously not be as 57

58

56 Ibid.,

E w a r t to T a c h e , F e b r u a r y 15,1891. M a r t i n failed to w i n the S e l k i r k riding, a n d w a s

r e p l a c e d as attorney general b y C l i f f o r d Sifton o n A p r i l 1 8 , 1 8 9 1 . H e w o n a federal seat in the fall o f 1893, a n d w a s later p r e m i e r o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a for a short time. 57 S e e a b o v e , n.36. 58 N e a r b y , Laurier

and a Liberal

Quebec,

p.48.

26 Priests and politicians significant in Quebec as in the rest o f Canada. Yet other arguments might and did come into play in the French province. I f the vision of the clutches of the American giant did not bring much Quebec response in terms of loyalty to Britain, it could bring such response in terms of French-Canadian interests and, above all, 'survivance.' One incident in which this precise argument was brought into focus involved Archbishop Fabre of Montreal, and evoked the nemesis of the church in politics, which Laurier was trying hard to avoid in his first election as leader. Less than two weeks before the elections scheduled for March 5, Fabre delivered an address in Montreal in which he spoke strongly against any move toward annexation to the United States. The Conservatives gleefully took this to mean a direct condemna­ tion of the Liberals and were quoting the archbishop to this effect. Thus L . O . David, Liberal M L A for Montreal East, hastened to protest against both the speech and its interpretation in a letter to Fabre on February 26. Vous avez des amis devoues,' David wrote, 'qui sont irrites a un point que vous ne soupgonnez pas. Vous avez ressucite la vielle guerre religieuse et souleve des esprits qui feront bien du mal a la religion et aux ames.' David's conclusion was that he had taken it upon himself to assure Laurier and Liberals from other provinces 'que vous n'aviez pu avoir 1'intention de soulever les catholiques contre le parti Liberal dans un moment ou il a tant de droit aux sympathies du clerge.' David's letter revealed, as did the editorial columns of the Conservative La Presse and La Minerve, the ease with which an episcopal voice could be interpreted as being anti-Liberal. I t also re-emphasized the point that in Quebec the political dimension o f the reciprocity issue was indeed more vital than was the economic. Whether Fabre had been convinced by Conservative friends to strike a veiled blow at the Liberals is not known; his vicar general, Abbe Marechal, issued a denial o f any political intent in the letter. Moreover, i f the comments and actions o f the Montreal arch­ bishop during the 1895 d 1896 elections were indicative, it must be concluded that he was not inclined to get involved in party fights. Finally, comments in letters to and from Liberals immediately following the 1891 election would indicate general gratification with Quebec results. Although the incident was an ominous foreboding, no major quarrel with the clergy over political interference developed at this time. Conservative dealings with the clergy preceding the 1891 election were both more positive and more significant. On one hand, Macdonald was, as 4

59

60

a n

59 A A M , F a b r e P a p e r s , D a v i d to F a b r e , F e b r u a r y 2 6 , 1 8 9 1 . 60 La Presse,

F e b r u a r y 23, 1891 ;La Minerve,

F e b r u a r y 23, 1891.

Beginnings, 1889-95 27 ever, not slow to view the Catholic vote as important and to use influence to align it in his favour. On the other, very definite steps were taken in order to keep the potentially dangerous Manitoba school question from becom­ ing an election issue. The most important government action involving the clergy in the period immediately before the 1891 election was Adolphe Chapleau's visit on 14 February to Archbishop Tache, still recuperating in a Montreal hospital. The leader o f the French-Canadian Conservatives went to the archbishop with his mind gravely troubled by both political and personal problems. T o Sir John Thompson, on December 22, 1890, Cha­ pleau had sketched a bleak picture and sounded a warning that Quebec might easily be 'dismantled.' His February 14 statement to the arch­ bishop, later the cause of bitter controversy, did nothing to make his position easier. Chapleau recalled the N e w Brunswick school case o f the early 1870s and quoted Cartier as having said that the inapplicability o f section 93 of the B N A A c t to N e w Brunswick was the reason why the federal government could not interfere there. N o w , said Chapleau, precisely the opposite was true. 61

62

L a position actuel dans le Manitoba est la question du Nouveau-Brunswick renverse: c.a.dire que si nous avons ete obliges de laisser maltraiter des catholiques pour garder la constitution intacte, aujourd'hui le gouvernement d'Ottawa est tenu de proteger la minorite contre les actes de la legislature de Manitoba, au sujet des ecoles separees et de la langue franchise, egalement s'il tient a conserver intact l'Acte de la Confederation. I I doit trouver, dans les pouvoirs que lui donne la constitution un remede efficace contre le mal dont la minorite se plaint a juste droit.

Chapleau then proceeded to give what was probably the strongest personal commitment made by any political figure during the entire school crisis: Je ne suis pas le Premier Ministre, et je ne desire pas usurper son nom ni son autorite. Je ne parle done qu'au point de vue general de notre politique. Mais ce que j e puis dire en mon nom, le voici: Jamais j e ne consentirai a laisser la minorite dans la province de Manitoba, depouillee de ses droits et privileges en matiere de langue et d'education - pas plus que je ne consentirais a enlever a la minorite de la Province de Quebec ses droits et privileges en pareille matiere. Tous les ministres catholi­ ques dans le cabinet, j ' e n suis sur, me soutiendront chaleureusement et

61 S e e , for e x a m p l e , P A C , M a c d o n a l d P a p e r s , M a c d o n a l d to B i s h o p O ' C o n n o r ( P e t e r ­ borough), N o v e m b e r 26,1890. 62 P A C , T h o m p s o n P a p e r s , C h a p l e a u to T h o m p s o n , D e c e m b e r 2 2 , 1 8 9 0 .

28 Priests and politicians energiquement sur cette question. Et je vous livre ce mot qui renferme tout mon avenir politique: Si, malgre mes protestations, le pouvoir federal, gardien naturel des droits des minorites dans les provinces, et le gardien specialement indique en ce qui ragarde les droits et privileges de la minorite dans Manitoba, n'apporterait pas de remede efficace contre cette legislation injuste, je sortirai sans hesiter du cabinet avec la mission de faire redresser par mon travail en dehors, une injustice aussi criante et une inconstitutionalite aussi evidente.

Chapleau added a personal note for Tache to cover his formal declaration on the Manitoba schools and to indicate the limits he wished to place on its use: Malgre que ma lettre soit confidentielle (je veux dire ma declaration) j e m'en rapporte a votre Grace pour ce qui peut en etre communique a quelques personnes dont vous connaitriez la discretion: mais vous comprenez aussi bien que moi que la publication de ce document ne doit etre permise que dans Teventualite, savoir, sije manquais a Tengagement solennel que j ' y prends. 63

Chapleau had indeed made a serious commitment. Moreover, it later became clear that he had made it with Macdonald's knowledge, though perhaps without his support. H o w much this declaration had to do w i t h Chapleau's departure from the cabinet in the fall o f 1892 remains open to speculation. From Archbishop Tache's point of view, the statement increased both his hopes and his dependence on the federal Conservatives. It is little wonder, too, that it ultimately increased his disappointment. Despite strong pressure on Tache from several sources, notably the ultramontane, no formal episcopal petition to the federal authorities was made before the election o f March 5. I t was significant, however, how closely the arguments o f Lafleche and others in 1891 foreshadowed the Liberal rationale o f 1895 and 1896. The danger of provoking action against separate schools in other provinces by a too-strong federal policy anchored 64

65

63 A A S B , T a c h e P a p e r s , C h a p l e a u to T a c h e , F e b r u a r y 1 4 , 1 8 9 1 . 64 S e e P A C , T h o m p s o n P a p e r s , C h a p l e a u to T h o m p s o n , D e c e m b e r 2 2 , 1 8 9 2 a n d N e a t b y a n d S a y w e l l , ' C h a p l e a u a n d the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i n Q u e b e c , ' A letter f r o m C h a p l e a u to D a n s e r e a u w h e n T u p p e r w a s t r y i n g to f o r m h i s n e w C a b i n e t i n 1896 affirmed M a c d o n a l d ' s a c c e p t a n c e o f C h a p l e a u ' s p r o m i s e s to T a c h e . S e e b e l o w , p.240. 65 A A S B , H e n r i T r u d e l to T a c h e , F e b r u a r y 1 1 , 1 8 9 1 ; A b b e G e o r g e D u g a s to T a c h e , F e b r u a r y 20, 1891.

Beginnings, 1889-95 29 the case in both instances. Yet it would be unfair to equate precisely the two situations. I n 1891, there was still the very real prospect of relief through court action; in 1895 and 1896, political action was the last and only recourse. What the result would have been had a petition been presented during the 1891 campaign cannot be known. I t is generally agreed that the Conser­ vatives won the election largely on their success in branding as annex­ ationist the reciprocity program of the Liberals and by their emotional appeal for a last loyal vote for Sir John A . Macdonald. T w o points had particular bearing on subsequent events connected with the school ques­ tion. The first was Laurier's relative success in Quebec - not overwhelm­ ing, but a continuation of the post-Riel shift evident in the 1887 election. I n 1891, Laurier got thirty-four Quebec seats compared to twenty-nine Con­ servative and two Independent. A s one ardent Conservative supporter complained to Senator Alphonse Desjardins, the Liberal leader was more and more assuming the role of 'le sauveur de nos destines. C'est une idee qui flatte l'orgeuil national, mais si la presse conservative est assez outillee pour la lutte et pour penetrer dans les masses d'ici a six mois, notre population verra probablement les dangers de la politique liberate et la manque de patriotisme de son chef.' I f indeed Laurier lacked patriotism as the writer suggested, the people of Quebec either were not convinced or did not particularly care. I n any case, 1891 can be seen as a definite step forward for Laurier on the road to the victory of 1896. A further point to be noted in the 1891 election concerned the Liberal failure in the Maritimes. Once again the loyalty cry was the main rock of the Conservative victory, but Liberal stalwarts saw other factors. First were the standard, only hazily verifiable, accusations that Sir Charles Tupper had reinforced the loyalty appeal with 'boodle.' G.W. Mitchell of Arichat, N o v a Scotia, lamented to Laurier that 'the Liberals, as usual, appealed to the honesty and intelligence of a people not overburdened with either, while the Tories, true to the hereditary instincts of the tribe, appealed to the lower and sordid interests of the people and w o n . ' But there also ap66

67

6 8

66 A A S B , L a f l e c h e to T a c h e , F e b r u a r y 16 a n d 17, 1891; B o u c h e r de l a B r u e r e ( Q u e b e c L e g i s l a t i v e C o u n c i l ) to T a c h e , F e b r u a r y 1 4 , 1 8 9 1 . 67 A C S M . , D e s j a r d i n s C o l l e c t i o n , J . L . A r c h a m b a u l t to D e s j a r d i n s , J a n u a r y 30, 1891 (this letter a n d o t h e r s f r o m this c o l l e c t i o n k i n d l y m a d e a v a i l a b l e by R e v e r e n d P . D e s j a r d i n s , S.J.).

68 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , M i t c h e l l to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 23, 1891.

30 Priests and politicians peared a remarkable number o f complaints of pro-Conservative clerical interference, involving in particular Archbishop O'Brien of Halifax and Bishop Cameron of Antigonish. A t the very least it could be said that the Manitoba school question was drawing the clergy into the political arena, and not in Quebec alone. 69

T A C H E ' s

P E T I T I O N :

1891

P O L I T I C A L

T H E

S P E C T R E

O F

P R E S S U R E

For the immediate fate of the school question, the chief result of the 1891 election was that the renewed, though reduced, majority allowed the government greater freedom, whether from Liberal attack or episcopal pressure. The Liberal threat was blunted not only by the election defeat, but even more by the confusion resulting from Edward Blake's 'West Durham L e t t e r . ' Archbishop Tache, leaving himself open to charges o f collusion with and control by the government, withheld until after the voting the petition it was known he had prepared. O n March 6, the day after the election, he circulated to all the bishops of Canada the document to be sent to the Governor-General-in-Council. A n accompanying letter ex­ pressed the conviction that 'a petition addressed to His Excellency the Governor-General in Council and signed by the whole Canadian hierarchy would have great weight with the Federal Government.' Adding just a touch of coercion, Tache expressed his certainty that no bishop would refuse, and concluded that ' i f the present attack against the Catholic rights in Manitoba were allowed to pass unchecked, the natural consequence would be that sooner or later, other attempts w i l l be made, with the result o f shaking Confederation at its very basis.' Twenty-eight of the twenty-nine bishops signed the petition, and many returned their copies with letters of encouragement. A telegram o f 70

71

72

69 S e e , for e x a m p l e , L . H . D a v i e s , C h a r l o t t e t o w n , to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 2 7 , 1 8 9 1 . F o r a m o r e s y m p a t h e t i c v i e w o f c l e r i c a l a c t i v i t y i n the e l e c t i o n , see H o p k i n s , The Life John

Thompson,

and Work of

Sir

p p . 175-80.

70 T h i s manifesto to the e l e c t o r s in B l a k e ' s riding o f W e s t D u r h a m b e r a t e d the C o n s e r v a t i v e s for failure to r e s c u e the c o u n t r y f r o m d e p r e s s i o n , but e q u a l l y a n d m o r e s p e c t a c u l a r l y r e j e c t e d the official L i b e r a l platform o f u n r e s t r i c t e d r e c i p r o c i t y . T h e details o f the letter a n d its effects are too w e l l k n o w n to r e q u i r e r e v i e w h e r e , e x c e p t to note that the r e s u l t a n t d i s a r r a y w i t h i n L i b e r a l r a n k s u n d o u b t e d l y c o n t r i b u t e d to the large n u m b e r o f L i b e r a l l o s s e s in b y - e l e c t i o n s d u r i n g the n e x t three y e a r s . 71 A A S B , T a c h e to E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g B i s h o p s o f C a n a d a , M a r c h 6 , 1 8 9 1 . 72 Ibid.,

for e x a m p l e , B i s h o p O ' C o n n o r , P e t e r b o r o u g h , to T a c h e , M a r c h 1 2 , 1 8 9 1 .

Beginnings, 1889-95 31 March 17, however, brought a friendly but firm refusal from Bishop Rogers of Chatham, N e w Brunswick. Referring to his unhappy experiences of the 1870s, Rogers wrote that 'all the episcopate of Canada expressed sympathy with us against the N e w Brunswick school law, but no benefit resulted. The leaders of the French Acadian National Party have been slandering the episcopate of our ecclesiastical province, especially myself, without cause - hence my attitude of charitable reserve.' There followed an exchange of letters between Rogers and Abbe Beaudry, who was acting as Archbishop Tache's secretary in Montreal. The bishop disclaimed any wish to question the motives or judgment of the twenty-eight bishops who had signed the petition. Nevertheless, in a long printed document o f March 19 and in a letter of March 25 Bishop Rogers spelled out his reasons for refusal, some general, some peculiar to the N e w Brunswick situation. Reflecting again the racial complications of the presumably religious separate school ques­ tion, Rogers stated that he could not feel justified in petitioning for change in Manitoba while nothing was being done in N e w Brunswick, and that more harm than good seemed to come from petitioning governments. Citing the case o f the Massachusetts convent burning in the 1840s, Rogers concluded that it was 'sometimes ... best to bear our lot in patience.' I n spite of these objections, the bishops' petition was presented to the secretary of state on March 2 4 . The governor general, L o r d Stanley, sent an acknowledgment of reception of the petition to Tache on March 31. He stated that he had already seen Macdonald and Thompson, and 'j'apprends que la petition officielle a ete re?ue par le Conseil, et qu'elle sera consideree avec soin.' Tache was later to complain that the petitioners never did discover what actual attention was given to their document. Perhaps the most noteworthy point in the petition was that it did not specifically demand disallowance, although this was still possible until A p r i l 10. So clearly was the cabinet expecting that the episcopal document would specify disallowance that Thompson could only express amazement when he wrote to Macdonald on March 2 6 . I n Council on Tuesday I only looked at the signatures to the petition from the Episcopate,' Thompson said. 'Today I read the document for the first time and see that it does not ask for disallowance.' The deputy minister of justice, Robert Sedgwick, re73

74

75

76

4

11

73 Ibid.,

R o g e r s to T a c h e , M a r c h 1 7 , 1 8 9 1 .

74 Ibid.,

R o g e r s to T a c h e , M a r c h 2 5 , 1 8 9 1 .

75 Canada,

House

of Commons,

Sessional

Papers,

1891, n o . 6 3 , p.2.

76 A A Q , T a c h e to O u i m e t , M a r c h 1 4 , 1 8 9 4 . 77 P A C , M a c d o n a l d P a p e r s , T h o m p s o n to M a c d o n a l d , M a r c h 2 6 , 1 8 9 1 (italics T h o m p s o n ' s ) .

32 Priests and politicians vealed equal surprise when he reported a Montreal interview he had had with Tache to Thompson. Sedgwick went so far as to ask Tache to make a positive statement to the effect that disallowance was not expected. This the archbishop was unwilling to do, but Sedgwick sounded highly gratified at Tache's general attitude. On A p r i l 6, a letter from Chapleau to Senator Desjardins indicated that the question of disallowance was now definitively laid to rest. I t also reflected Chapleau's feeling that the absence of a demand for such a remedy in the bishops' petition had been a great relief; conversely, it suggested that a specific request for the radical move would have been taken very seriously and have caused some difficulty. T l n'y aura pas de desaveu,' Chapleau wrote. 'Les eveques ne le demandent pas dans leur petition au Gouvernement (regue i l y a une dizaine de jours) mais nous avons insiste sur des mesures de remediement et je dois nous feliciter sur le bon esprit qui a paru animer tous nos collegues.' J. Israel Tarte was not so convinced. The journalist-politician still had many hurdles to overcome in his switch from Conservative to Liberal, but his letter to Thompson of A p r i l 7 exemplified the attitude o f those who felt that the end o f the period o f possible disallowance meant the end of any hope for effective relief for Manitoba Catholics. Tarte blended compliment with sarcasm in his request for a copy o f Thompson's report to the Governor-General-in-Council: 78

79

I m a y be p e r m i t t e d to s a y that I h a v e a great d e a l o f c o n f i d e n c e i n y o u r s e n s e

of

j u s t i c e a n d i n y o u r legal s c i e n c e , but the M a n i t o b a A c t o f 1870 s e e m s so c l e a r that I a m a n x i o u s to k n o w w h a t r e a s o n s y o u h a v e f o u n d to a l l o w the l a w o f 1890 to go into o p e r a t i o n . O f c o u r s e the final result w i l l be that m y c o u n t r y m e n a n d the C a t h o l i c s of M a n i t o b a a r e going to be d e p r i v e d o f the rights w h i c h w e r e g u a r a n t e e d to t h e m b y the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i n s t r u m e n t o f 1870, s a n c t i o n e d b y the C r o w n .

8 0

The Thompson report referred to by Tarte was dated March 21, and in it, as in his private correspondence on the subject, the minister of justice stressed the greater wisdom o f allowing the courts to handle the case. O n the other hand, Thompson did indicate that a court declaration that the law

78 P A C , T h o m p s o n P a p e r s , S e d g w i c k to T h o m p s o n , M a r c h 3 0 , 1 8 9 1 . 79 A C S M , D e s j a r d i n s C o l l e c t i o n , C h a p l e a u to D e s j a r d i n s , A p r i l 6 , 1 8 9 1 . 80 P A C , T h o m p s o n P a p e r s , T a r t e to T h o m p s o n , A p r i l , 1891.

Beginnings, 1889-95 33 was intra vires would leave the way open for action by the federal govern­ ment, and he left no doubt that, in his view, remedial action was constitu­ tionally possible. The event that reduced all others to relative unimportance in the period following the election o f 1891 was the death of Sir John A . Macdonald on June 6. Macdonald's passing removed from the scene the man who, over a period of nearly forty years, had managed better than anyone else the political necessities demanded by Canada's tensions, bicultural in par­ ticular. That there was a growing cleavage between the French Catholics and the extreme Protestant wing of the party was more than evident. Nonetheless despite government scandals and the recurring leadership crises from the Abbott through the Thompson to the early Bowell administrations, the Conservatives increased their parliamentary major­ ity from twenty-seven to fifty-eight through by-election successes between 1891 and 1894. Economic conditions, although difficult, were not as calamitous as in other nations at least until 1895, partly because Canada did not have as far to fall; Conservative federal scandals were offset by the Mercier debacle in Quebec and the disarray among the Liberals prior to their national party convention of June 1893. 81

82

83

84

T H E

B A R R E T T

D E C I S I O N

Whatever the potential political danger posed by the school question during the four years from the election o f 1891 to the beginning of 1895, the federal government was somewhat insulated from major loss by the tortu­ ous process of judicial testing. I n brief, the decision of the Manitoba courts in the Barrett case was, on October 28,1891, unanimously reversed in the Supreme Court of Canada, only to be reversed again by the Privy Council 81 E w a r t , The Manitoba

School

Question,

pp.31-4.

82 T h e story of the l e a d e r s h i p p r o b l e m w i t h i n the C o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t y h a d b e e n studied in detail by L . C . C l a r k , to s o m e extent r e v i s i n g the v i e w s o f J . T . S a y w e l l a n d H . B . N e a t b y . See C l a r k , ' T h e Conservative Administrations,' pp. 127-42; Neatby and S a y w e l l , 'Chap­ l e a u a n d the C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y i n Q u e b e c ' ; a n d S a y w e l l , ' T h e C r o w n a n d the P o l i t i c i a n s : T h e C a n a d i a n S u c c e s s i o n Q u e s t i o n 1891 - 1 8 9 6 . ' 83 C l a r k , ' T h e C o n s e r v a t i v e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , ' p p . 7 3 - 8 0 . 84 M e r c i e r ' s d i s m i s s a l b y L i e u t e n a n t G o v e r n o r A n g e r s in D e c e m b e r 1891 a n d his s u b s e q u e n t e l e c t o r a l defeat o n M a r c h 8 , 1 8 9 2 , is d i s c u s s e d at length in R u m i l l y , Histoire de Quebec,

v i , pp.262-95.

de la

Province

34 Priests and politicians in England on July 30, 1892. The factors that led to the Privy Council's overturning of the Supreme Court's judgment were complex, but the major ones were clear: the failure to obtain the services o f Edward Blake and Sir Horace Davey, the non-participation of J.S. Ewart in the argument, the intrusion o f the Logan case, the carelessness o f the English counsel, Sir Richard Webster, the ambiguities in the ruling of Justice Patterson of the Canadian Supreme Court, and the lack o f familiarity o f the Privy Council with Canadian conditions. Ewart's reports from London to Father Adelard Langevin, Tache's vicar general in St Boniface, bore out the impression o f insurmountable hurdles faced by the Catholic case in Eng­ land. O n June 19, 1892, Ewart told Langevin that he had seen Sir Richard Webster, and that, in view of the imminent English elections, the attorney general was giving little attention to the Manitoba Catholic case, even though he was to present the lead argument. Ewart insisted, however, that he was determined to leave no stone unturned. He talked a second time to Webster's assistant and was preparing a new brief for the attorney general. Ewart concluded w i t h code words by which he would let Langevin know the result of the argument, and with this prophetic line: We can of course count on M r . Blake for a good argument, but the Attorney-General will be the leader; and if he fails to impress the court, it will be almost impossible to do so in f o l l o w i n g . ' On July 14, Ewart sent a pessimistic account of the case which had just been pleaded with judgment reserved: 85

4

86

The result must be considered very doubtful. Six judges sat, viz. Lords Watson, Morris, Couch, McNaughten [ s i c ] , Hannen and Shand. From the outset, the two first were in our favour but the two last were against us. McNaghten and Couch said very little and I cannot say to which side they incline. The argument lasted three days. I f we had had Sir Horace Davey instead of the Attorney-General, I am satisfied that it would have helped us very much. The latter is no doubt a very able man, but he has not the easy pleasant way of handling the Court, o f which Sir

85 T h e s e f a c t o r s a n d o t h e r s a r e dealt w i t h in detail b y S h a w , T h e R o l e o f J o h n S . E w a r t i n the M a n i t o b a S c h o o l Q u e s t i o n , ' p p . 2 2 6 - 6 2 , a n d b y C l a r k , The Manitoba

School

Question,

p p . 9 8 - 1 1 7 . T h e L o g a n c a s e w a s a n a p p e a l for A n g l i c a n s c h o o l p rivileges to p a r a l l e l R o m a n C a t h o l i c , but w a s m a n i f e s t l y i n s p i r e d b y the M a n i t o b a g o v e r n m e n t to c o m p l i c a t e a n d w e a k e n the B a r r e t t c a s e . T h e B l a k e w h o d i d a s s i s t i n the a p p e a l w a s E d w a r d ' s b r o t h e r , Samuel. 86 A A S B , E w a r t to L a n g e v i n , J u n e 1 9 , 1 8 9 2 .

Beginnings, 1889-95 35 Horace is undoubtedly a master. On the contrary, the Attorney has little tact and antagonizes them when there is no necessity of doing so. Then he has been so much occupied with politics he had not time to study the case, as it required to be studied. M r . Blake did very well indeed and made me feel much happier than the Attorney had left me. I t is expected that the decision will be given very soon. 87

A n d so it was; on July 30 came the single-word cablegram: 'Defeat.' I n delivering the judgment, L o r d Macnaghten adopted the position enunciated by Justice Killam in the original decision, holding that the word 'practice' in section 22 of the Manitoba A c t was 'not to be construed as equivalent to "custom having the force of l a w . " ' The unanimous decision of the Canadian Supreme Court was given some attention, but two points in that judgment were held to be at fault: the consideration o f the period 1871-90 to throw light on the previous period, and the acceptance that public schools under the 1890 law were in reality Protestant schools. 'The legislature has declared in so many words that "the public schools shall be entirely unsectarian,"' Macnaghten stated, 'and the principle is carried out throughout the A c t . ' Finally the L a w L o r d added an important obiter dicta: 88

W i t h the policy of the A c t of 1890 their Lordships are not concerned. But they cannot help observing that, if the views o f the respondents were to prevail, it would be extremely difficult for the provincial legislature, which has been entrusted w i t h the exclusive power of making laws relating to education, to provide for the educa­ tional wants of the more sparsely inhabited districts of a country almost as large as Great Britain, and that the powers of the legislature, which on the face o f the A c t appear so large, would be limited to the useful but somewhat humble office of making regulations for sanitary conditions of school houses, imposing rates for the support of denominational schools, enforcing the compulsory attendance of schol­ ars, and matters o f that sort. 89

I t is difficult to read this final judicial comment without suggesting that their Lordships were saying in so many words that they agreed with the thinking behind the schools act o f 1890. Ewart's confidence that section 22 of the

87 Ibid.,

July 14,1892.

88 Ibid.,

J u l y 30, 1892.

89 Canada,

House

of Commons,

Sessional

Papers,

1893, n o . 3 3 a .

36 Priests and politicians Manitoba A c t 'has a meaning,' had been disappointed. He had not counted on what has been persuasively described as 'probably the most extreme example of judicial amendment of the Canadian consitution.' It should be noted that the Manitoba government delayed its appeal to the Privy Council until a provincial election campaign could at least be launched. Evidently expecting that the Privy Council would uphold the Canadian Supreme Court, the Greenway government argued that it had to be returned ' i n order to resist the encroachments of the Dominion Gov­ ernment.' The election of July 23, exactly a week before the Privy Council decision was announced, returned twenty-eight Liberals, eleven Conser­ vatives, and one Independent. With J.E.P. Prendergast retaining St Boniface for the Liberals, it was significant that the French vote had not been entirely alienated by the Greenway administration. Whatever the strengths and weaknesses o f the Privy Council decision, for the Catholic minority seeking redress it was a crushing blow. N o t only did it reverse the unanimous ruling of the Canadian Supreme Court, but it placed the presumption of the law, thus far seeming to favour the minority's privileges, on the side of the Manitoba government. A n y further appeal would encounter not only the status quo, but also, at least in the popular mind, the majestic wisdom of the Empire's supreme judicial body. I n English-speaking Canada, while the Montreal Gazette remained open to the possibility of redress for Manitoba Catholics, the relatively moderate editorials of the Toronto Empire, to say nothing of more radical antiFrench and anti-Catholic journals, took it for granted that nothing further could be done from the federal l e v e l . While the legal mind saw that the Barrett decision affected only one aspect of sections 93 and 22, the political mind realized that the protection provided by later sub-sections of the two acts would be little more than an illusion without further word from the Privy Council. Thus came the long interlude o f the 'Brophy' case, involv­ ing a petition from the Catholic minority, a hearing before cabinet members sitting as a sub-committee of the Privy Council, and the submission of six questions on the possibility of federal action to the Supreme Court of Canada and the Privy Council. 90

91

92

90 S c h m e i s e r , Civil Destiny,

Liberties

in Canada,

p. 162; see a l s o W a i t e , Canada

p.249.

91 D a f o e , Clifford

Sifton

in Relation

92 S e e , for e x a m p l e , T o r o n t o Empire,

to his Times,

p.66.

October 8,1892.

1874-1896;

Arduous

Beginnings, 1889-95 37 T H O M P S O N ,

T A C H E ,

A N D

T A R T E :

1892-4

During this period, the two steadiest men were Sir John Thompson and John Ewart. A s might be expected, Tache and others continued to press Thompson, before and after he became prime minister in December 1892, for relief without further delay. A t least equal pressure was brought to bear from the opposite direction. A s N . C . Wallace put it to Thompson just prior to the formation of the new ministry, 'no remedial legislation and Sir John Thompson for Premier will be my standing g r o u n d . ' With Principal George Douglas of Wesleyan Theological College in Montreal and Dr Albert Carman, superintendent of the Methodist Church, assailing him as a 'Jesuit' and 'Papist,' Thompson was compelled to be extremely, perhaps excessively, cautious in his response to Catholic claims. Despite the conflicting demands put upon him, however, Thompson showed calm determination to carry the Brophy case through in order to establish a firm legal foothold for any political action. John Ewart exhibited equal tenacity, combined with more than a little forbearance in containing Archbishop Tache's exasperation as one hope after another seemed to fade away. That Ewart spent time and energy on the case beyond the duty of legal counsel was proven many times over in written work, public addresses, and even monetary contributions to the Catholic schools' attempt to carry o n . The move of Adolphe Chapleau from the federal cabinet to the lieuten­ ant governorship of Quebec, when the Thompson government was formed, was at least partially connected with the school question. One interpreta­ tion stresses a combination of disappointed ambition and opposition from Ontario as the chief reason for the termination of Chapleau's federal career. Yet Chapleau's letter to Thompson over the wording of the cabinet sub-committee report on the Brophy case insisted on far greater commitment to possible federal action than his English colleagues wanted 93

94

95

96

97

93 E w a r t , The Manitoba

School

Question,

pp.35-42.

94 P A C , T h o m p s o n P a p e r s , W a l l a c e to T h o m p s o n , O c t o b e r 7 , 1 8 9 2 . 95 L . C . C l a r k ' s v e r d i c t is that T h o m p s o n in fact d i d his co-religionists 'less t h a n j u s t i c e ' ( ' T h e C o n s e r v a t i v e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , ' p. 249.) W i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f the political p r e j u d i c e w h i c h e x c l u d e d E d w a r d B l a k e f r o m the B a r r e t t c a s e , a n d the unfortunate s e q u e n c e o f e v e n t s w h i c h lost S i r H o r a c e D a v e y to the o p p o s i t i o n , it is difficult to see h o w T h o m p s o n c o u l d h a v e m o r e d i r e c t l y f a v o u r e d the C a t h o l i c c a u s e w i t h a n y r e a s o n a b l e hope o f s u c c e s s . 96 S e e S h a w , ' T h e R o l e o f J o h n S . E w a r t in the M a n i t o b a S c h o o l Q u e s t i o n , ' p p . 2 9 6 - 3 2 9 . 97 C l a r k , ' T h e C o n s e r v a t i v e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , ' p p . 4 9 1 - 3 , 5 4 0 - 5 .

38 Priests and politicians to make. Later personal statements revealed a genuine desire on Chapleau's part to keep faith with promises made to Archbishop Tache in 1891." I t can be argued that Chapleau's departure for Spencer Wood was the first o f several mortal blows which the Manitoba school question inflicted on federal Conservative strength in Quebec. I n 1893, the most significant event on the federal level involving the school issue was J.I. Tarte's motion of censure against the government for its handling o f the problem and the subsequent parliamentary debate be­ tween March 6 and 9. Tarte' s motion was defeated by 120 to 71, but the most remarkable feature of the debate, beyond Tarte's charges of an official pact between Tache and Chapleau before the 1891 elections, was the diversity of support for the censure. Giving a strong premonition o f what would come in 1895 and 1896, the condemnation was backed on the one hand by Quebec Liberals proclaiming their Frenchness and Catholicism, and on the other by radical anti-Catholic speakers such as D ' A l t o n McCarthy. From Wilfrid Laurier, the debate brought declarations of a pro-minority stand far more positive than he was later going to find acceptable to his Ontario supporters. Tarte's 'conversion,' too, however welcome and important it might be to Laurier, was not easily or quickly digested by Ontario Liberals, John Willison and the Globe in particular. One sequel to the parliamentary debate was that Archbishop Tache was drawn into a journalistic exchange over the dealings between himself and the federal government in 1891. Beginning on May 18 in L Electeur, Tarte renewed the charges that the Conservatives had promised Tache disallow­ ance and then had reneged. Attempting to justify himself without canonizing the federal procedure, Tache answered in two open letters in June and July. Tarte made full and clever use o f r e b u t t a l . I n short, the debate was viewed in Liberal circles as simply confirming Tache's proConservative stance. That Tache had no intention whatever o f taking the pressure for redress off the federal government was clear from his 98

100

101

102

103

104

98 P A C , T h o m p s o n P a p e r s , C h a p l e a u to T h o m p s o n , D e c e m b e r 22, D e c e m b e r 2 9 , 1 8 9 2 . 99 S e e b e l o w , p.241. 100 Canada,

House

of Commons,

Debates,

1893, p p . 1762-2090.

101 S e e P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , W i l l i s o n to L a u r i e r , J a n u a r y 2 9 , 1 8 9 4 . 102 L'Electeur,

M a y 18, J u n e 2 , 1 8 9 3 .

103 L'Electeur,

J u n e 27, J u l y 13, J u l y 2 8 , 1 8 9 3 . R u m i l l y points out that T a r t e ' s c a m p a i g n w a s

l e s s against A r c h b i s h o p T a c h e t h a n a n attempt to r e m o v e p r e s s u r e f r o m L a u r i e r i n the p e r i o d o f the c r i t i c a l J u n e L i b e r a l c o n v e n t i o n {Histoire

de la Province

pp. 1 0 8 - 1 0 ) . 104 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , O . M c D o n n e l l to L a u r i e r , J u l y 1 3 , 1 8 9 3 .

de Quebec,

vii,

Beginnings, 1889-95 39 subsequent letters to T h o m p s o n . But, added to Laurier's failure to take any positive stand on the school question at the Liberal convention in Ottawa in June, the incident ended any faint possibility that Tache might turn to the Liberals. On the electoral front, too, Catholic prospects were declining. Hugh John Macdonald, son o f the late prime minister, resigned his Winnipeg federal seat in the fall o f 1893. Macdonald had been pressing for this release for more than a year, making it clear to Thompson that he would have to oppose any potential federal remedial action 'tooth and n a i l . ' When the resignation did come, Joseph Martin rushed to contest the riding for the Liberals. Despite Laurier's apprehension and hints about alternative can­ didates, both Sifton and party organizer Isaac Campbell insisted with the federal leader that local exigencies had to prevail over vague national policy party fears about Martin's danger to the Liberals in Quebec. I n the vote taken on November 22, Martin won quite easily, but the campaign revealed that Conservatives as well as Liberals in Manitoba accepted the Barrett decision as ending the argument for federal interference on the school issue. Martin's victory marked a turn in Liberal fortunes in byelections. A t the same time, combined with Sifton's selection as a party vice-president during the June 1893 convention, Martin's arrival in Ottawa deepened Catholic suspicions of growing anti-Catholic influence in na­ tional Liberal councils. 105

106

107

108

N o study o f the impact o f the Manitoba school question on the federal level can neglect the problem of the Northwest Territories' schools during the period of judicial review. Despite the compromise arrived at under the Thompson amendment o f 1890, D ' A l t o n McCarthy each year reintroduced a resolution in Parliament for the abolition of separate schools and the dual-language system in the Territories. The most protracted and ac­ rimonious debate over McCarthy's attempts came in 1894. Bitterness was added because the Territorial Assembly in Regina, under the leadership o f Frederick Haul tain, had moved to reduce Catholic school privileges in December 1892. Despite Tache's protests o f unfairness, Thompson was

105 P A C , T h o m p s o n P a p e r s , T a c h e to T h o m p s o n , S e p t e m b e r , 1893. 106 P A C , T h o m p s o n P a p e r s , M a c d o n a l d to T h o m p s o n , N o v e m b e r 8 , 1 8 9 2 . 107 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , Sifton to L a u r i e r , O c t o b e r 27, 1893; C a m p b e l l to L a u r i e r , N o v e m b e r 21, 1893. 108 Ibid., 1894.

L . G . P o w e r to L a u r i e r , N o v e m b e r 11, 1893; C . R . D e v l i n to L a u r i e r , J a n u a r y 1,

40 Priests and politicians persuaded by cabinet colleagues, George Foster and T . M . Daly in particu­ lar, not to disallow Haultain's school ordinances. Furthermore, Manitoba's School Amendment A c t of 1894 was allowed to stand. This amendment, despite Lieutenant Governor Schultz' attempts to prevent i t , reduced the possibility of circumventing the 1890 act in Catholic rural areas. One major result of Thompson's refusal to disallow these measures was the added impulse it gave Quebec to move away from the traditional Conservative alliance, if only because it gave Tarte ammuni­ tion to promote the moderate Bleu movement toward L a u r i e r . A r c h ­ bishop Tache, now in the last few months o f his life, was exasperated enough to despair that even a favourable Privy Council decision would enhance the possibilities of effective federal relief, particularly when in the Brophy case the Canadian Supreme Court decided against the minority's position. The archbishop refused to be identified with the appeal to Eng­ land, and spent his last energies in further remonstrations with Thompson over the federal government's mishandling of the schools in Manitoba and the N o r t h w e s t . Tache died on June 22, 1894. Thompson survived him by less than six months, struck down by heart failure on December 12 during an official visit to England. Despite Tache's hesitations, his fellow bishops had not remained idle. After a good deal of consultation, an official petition requesting disallow­ ance o f the 1894 Manitoba emendments and protesting the Northwest Territories ordinances of 1892, was submitted to the Governor-Generalin-Council in May 1894. I n response, the federal government sent a cautiously worded order-in-council to the lieutenant governors and legisla­ tures o f Manitoba and the Territories, expressing confidence that 'any well-founded complaint or grievance' would be quickly redressed. Ig­ noring a September parade of Catholics to the Manitoba Legislature with a petition signed by more than five thousand, the Manitoba government 109

110

111

112

113

114

115

109 C l a r k , " T h e C o n s e r v a t i v e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , " p p . 3 0 6 - 1 5 a n d A A S B , T a c h e to T h o m p s o n , December 6,1893. 110 P A C , T h o m p s o n P a p e r s , S c h u l t z to T h o m p s o n , F e b r u a r y 1 7 , 1 8 9 4 . 111 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , T a r t e to L a u r i e r , J a n u a r y 3 0 , 1 8 9 4 ; F e b r u a r y 5, 1894. 112 A A Q , T a c h e to T h o m p s o n , T a c h e to O u i m e t , M a r c h 1 4 , 1 8 9 4 . 113 Canada,

Sessional

Papers,

1895, n o . 2 0 B . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , B i s h o p E m a r d o f V a l l e y f i e l d w a s

the prelate to t a k e the l e a d in obtaining c o n s e n s u s a n d signatures for the petition (see A A Q , L a c o m b e to M a r o i s , A p r i l 1 6 , 1 8 9 4 ) . B i s h o p R o g e r s , w h o h a d d e m u r r e d in 1891, a d d e d his signature to the o t h e r s in 1894. 114 Canada,

Sessional

Papers,

i895,no.20B.

115 A A S B , P e t i t i o n to M a n i t o b a P r o v i n c i a l G o v e r n m e n t , S e p t e m b e r 1 1 , 1 8 9 4 .

Beginnings, 1889-95 4 i calmly replied in October that no reason could be found to alter either the original or the amended school legislation. 116

T H E

B R O P H Y

T H E

P O L I T I C A L

D E C I S I O N :

B A C K

T O

A R E N A

A t the same time, despite delays and difficulties, the Brophy case made its way through the Supreme Court o f Canada to the Privy Council. Consider­ ing, as did Archbishop Tache for opposite reasons, that the entire proce­ dure was pointless, the Manitoba government declined to argue the case before the cabinet sub-committee or the courts; thus the federal govern­ ment appointed counsel to present the Manitoba position against the brief of J.S. Ewart. The six questions formulated in May 1893 f ° judicial decision focused on three main points. First was the basic question of whether the minority had indeed a well-founded grievance involving rights acquired after the union (sub-section 3 of section 93 of the B N A A c t and sub-section 2 o f section 22 o f the Manitoba A c t ) ; the second point was whether the decision in the Barrett case had ended all possibility of appeal; and the third was whether the federal government had the power to take remedial action, executive or legislative. The 3-2 decision o f the Sup­ reme Court against the right of appeal and the federal power o f remedy, especially the opinion of Justice Henri Elzear Taschereau, turned on the second point, the definitive impact of the Barrett decision. The Canadian judgment, which one writer describes as a 'somewhat chilling dismissal from the highest tribunal in the Dominion, yet sufficiently conflicting as to offer some h o p e , ' had one particularly intriguing sequel. T w o days after the Supreme Court judgment was handed down on Feb­ ruary 20, 1894, Judge Tascherau, who was being condemned in FrenchCatholic circles as 'ce catholique sans c o e u r , ' wrote in haste and agita­ tion to his friend Father Adelard Langevin in St Boniface. With several large inscriptions o f 'confidentielle,' the judge took a position which seemed to contradict his official judgment. r

117

118

119

116 Canada,

Sessional

Papers,

1895, n o . 2 0 B .

117 C l a r k , ' T h e C o n s e r v a t i v e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , ' p p . 2 6 7 - 8 2 , g i v e s a n e x c e l l e n t s u m m a r y o f this stage o f the c a s e . 118 S h a w , T h e R o l e o f J o h n S . E w a r t i n the M a n i t o b a S c h o o l Q u e s t i o n , ' p . 3 2 9 . 119 A A S B , L a c o m b e to T a c h e , F e b r u a r y 2 2 , 1 8 9 4 .

42 Priests and politicians Je crois de mon imperieux devoir de vous demander d ' i n s i s t e r aupres de Sa Grace Mgr. Tache et des interesses sur le sujet a ce qu'un appel soit porte au Conseil Prive de la decision de la Cour Supreme, rendue avant-hier. J'ai des raisons speciales de vous en ecrire ainsi, malgre que je ne puisse, pour le present du moins, les communiquer. Je vous autorise, si vous le croyez necessaire, a vous servir de mon nom aupres de Sa Grandeur, a condition qu'a part vous-meme et Sa Grandeur, personne ne sache que j ' a i ecrit a ce sujet.

As tangible evidence of his sincerity, the judge offered to contribute fifty dollars to what he presumed would have to be a private fund to carry the case to E n g l a n d . Whether the letter signified that Taschereau's judg­ ment had been the result o f political pressure or strategy (with the Privy Council tendency to reverse Canadian decisions in mind), or simply that he had been frightened by reactions after the decision was announced, the judge's advice turned out to be perspicacious. With Edward Blake finally brought in to help argue the minority case with J.S. Ewart, the appeal was made with success before the Privy Council on December u , 12, and 13, 1894. A crucial section in the judgment delivered on January 29,1895, referred to the 1892 Privy Council decision in Barrett's case. L o r d Watson, the L o r d Chancellor, stated that in the earlier judgment 'the sole question raised was whether the Public Schools A c t o f 1890 prejudicially affected any right or privilege which the Roman Catholics by law or practice had in the province at the U n i o n . ' He admitted that the negative answer given in 1892 had narrowly restricted the protection afforded by sub-section 1 of section 93 o f the B N A A c t . Watson suggested that the representatives o f the Manitoba Roman Catholics and those who had drawn up or agreed to the provisions of that act had understood it to provide more protection than the justices of the Privy Council had judged to be the case. Moreover, Watson continued, 'the question is, not what may be supposed to have been intended, but what has been said.' I n any case, the legal point o f sub-section 3 was quite different from that o f sub-section 1. Watson's conclusion was that 'their 120

121

120 A A S B , T a s c h e r e a u to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 2 2 , 1894. A r a t h e r s u b s t a n t i a l c a m p a i g n for funds to finance the a p p e a l to the P r i v y C o u n c i l w a s in fact u n d e r t a k e n . L e t t e r s to a n d f r o m C o n s e r v a t i v e c o n t r i b u t o r s r e v e a l e d both the tensions a n d the p r e s u m p t i o n s c r e a t e d by t h e s e d o n a t i o n s . A . R . A n g e r s , for o n e , w a s p r e p a r e d to argue that t h e s e 'sacrifices p e r s o n n e l s ' d e s e r v e d r e p a y m e n t in the f o r m o f the votes o f his c o m p a t r i o t s , ( A S T R , A n g e r s to L a f l e c h e , F e b r u a r y 27, 1895. I t e m s f r o m this c o l l e c t i o n k i n d l y m a d e a v a i l a b l e b y L . L . LaPierre.) 121 Canada,

Sessional

Papers,

1895, v o l . 2 8 , n o . 10, p p . 190-325.

Beginnings, 1889-95 43 Lordships have decided that the Governor-General in Council has jurisdic­ tion, and that the appeal is well founded.' The key point was that the Privy Council had decided not only a question of law (that a right to appeal existed under the constitution despite the Barrett decision), but also a question of fact (that the minority had sustained an injury serious enough to justify an appeal). Having established the existence of sufficient grievance to form the basis of an appeal, L o r d Watson went beyond the scope of the six questions asked. He insisted that a response to the appeal on the part of the governor general or subsequent action on the part of the federal Parliament would be discretionary and ultimately would be political. I apprehend that the appeal to the governor is an appeal to the governor's discre­ tion. I t is a political administrative appeal and not a judicial appeal in any proper sense of the term, and in the same way after he has decided, the same latitude of discretion is given to the Dominion Parliament. They may legislate or not as they think f i t . 1 2 2

There was no escaping the burden thus placed on the shoulders of the federal government. The day of political reckoning could no longer be postponed. Watson's final 'obiter dicta' explicitly narrowed the pos­ sibilities of escape. He stated that redress of grievances did not necessarily involve repeal of the Manitoba School A c t of 1890; he equally indicated that refusal on the part of the Manitoba government to make satisfactory adjustments would place responsibility back on federal shoulders. Just as the Privy Council judgment in the Barrett case had cast the majesty of the law against the hopes and attempts of the minority for redress, the Brophy decision swung the pendulum in the opposite direction. Even Clifford Sifton admitted that, however much it involved an over-simplification of the Court judgment, remedial action could now be presented 'not as the political act o f a government ... but as the ... formal carrying out of an instruction by the Queen herself... based upon the recommendations of the Imperial Privy Council, to oppose which would be treasonous and disloyal.' 123

122 Canada,

Sessional

123 D a f o e , Clifford

Papers,

Sifton

1895, n o . 2 0 , p p . 1 - 1 2 .

in Relation

to His Times,

p.72.

2

From courtroom to politics

T H E

C O U R T

D E C I S I O N !

S O M E

I M M E D I A T E

R E A C T I O N S

Very nearly five years had gone by since the Manitoba government had passed its controversial school legislation. Political considerations had precluded the use of disallowance, the first line o f defence available to the aggrieved minority. The slow and sometimes bizarre majesty of the judicial process had required four years to reduce the field to the unsheltered confrontation of political entities, the federal and provincial governments. Certainty that a political move should be made did not mean clarity on the manner o f making i t . Colonel Alphonse Audet o f Ottawa wrote to Archbishop-elect Langevin in St Boniface that the court decision, despite the fact that it was expected, had caused 'une profonde emotion dans les cercles politiques et dans la presse. On discute les effets; on en calcule des consequences probables pour chacun des partis.' The main pressure of course was being felt by the new prime minister, Mackenzie Bowell, and it quickly became evident that the situation was too much for him. Justice Minister Sir Charles Hibbert Tupper wrote gloomily to his father, Sir Charles, the Canadian high commissioner in London: T fear our govt, is very weak. A l l on account of want of good men in it. Departmental business is sadly neglected, and everything is in a mess.' 1

2

1 A A S B , A u d e t to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 30, 1895. C o l o n e l A u d e t , a c l o s e friend o f L a n g e v i n ' s , a r c h i v i s t at the S e c r e t a r i a t e o f State in O t t a w a , b e c a m e one o f the a r c h b i s h o p ' s c h i e f sources of'inside' government information. 2 P A C , T u p p e r P a p e r s , C . H . T u p p e r to C . T u p p e r , F e b r u a r y 13, 1895. T h e c o n f u s i o n a n d

From courtroom to politics 45 A preliminary irritant was the question of the possible disallowance of the 1894 amendments to the Manitoba school law. Audet and a Winnipeg pastor, Father Cherrier, both mentioned the subject in letters to Langevin, yet it was clear that nothing would be done about i t . A s Public Works Minister J.A. Ouimet put it to Desjardins, the disallowance tactic at that juncture would deepen enmities without giving much relief. Only a reme­ dial bill would give the minority un remede complet a leurs griefs, tandis que le desaveu de l'acte de 1894 ne serait qu'un remede partiel.' But Ouimet's letter showed that pressure for such disallowance had appeared and had further weakened the cabinet position: 'Nul doute que les liberaux vont faire feu et flammes sur cette question de desaveu et que, supportes par Tardivel de la Verite et quelques autres de nos amis qui ne verraient peut-etre pas toutes les difficultes de la position, l'opinion publique va etre pour un instant ebranle ... Inutile de dire que la position n'est pas rose.' On the question of immediate action to be taken in view of the Privy Council decision, and of the concomitant question of holding a session of Parliament or of dissolving and going to the country, Bowell exhibited what Lady Aberdeen called his 'characteristic indecision.' He stalled off Senator Bernier's inquiry on February 5. O n February 16 he notified L o r d Aberdeen that the decision had been made to hear a formal appeal from the Manitoba Catholics before the cabinet, sitting as a special judicial commit­ tee of the Privy Council.' The governor general faced Bowell with the question that concerned him directly as representative of the Crown: would there be a session or dissolution? Bowell replied on February 17, in a letter that was a marvel of circumlocution, that dissolution had been decided upon in cabinet, though with as yet no fixed date. According to 3

4

4

5

6

7

8

9

difficulty o c c a s i o n e d b y T h o m p s o n ' s d e a t h a n d the selection o f B o w e l l to s u c c e e d h i m are d i s c u s s e d at s o m e length b y S a y w e l l , The Canadian

Journal

of Lady

Aberdeen,

Introduc­

tion, pp. x l i - x l v , and C l a r k , ' T h e C o n s e r v a t i v e Administrations' (thesis), pp. 323-332. L a d y I s h b e l A b e r d e e n , wife o f the M a r q u e s s o f A b e r d e e n w h o h a d b e c o m e g o v e r n o r g e n e r a l in 1893, p r o v i d e d m a n y 'inside' v i e w s o f O t t a w a h a p p e n i n g s through h e r v o l u m i n ­ ous

Journal.

3 A A S B , A u d e t to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 1 7 , 1 8 9 5 ; C h e r r i e r to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 2 7 , 1 8 9 5 4 A C S M , D e s j a r d i n s P a p e r s , O u i m e t to D e s j a r d i n s , F e b r u a r y 2 8 , 1 8 9 5 5 Journal,

F e b r u a r y 22, 1895, p. 200

6 A C S M , B e r n i e r P a p e r s , B o w e l l to B e r n i e r , F e b r u a r y 5 , 1 8 9 5 . S e n a t o r T . A . Boniface and A . A .

B e r n i e r o f St

L a R i v i e r e , MPfor Provencher, were Archbishop Langevin's 'Natural'

c o n t a c t s in the S e n a t e a n d H o u s e . B u t neither d e m o n s t r a t e d great ability o r influence during the c r i s i s . 7 P A C , A b e r d e e n P a p e r s , B o w e l l to A b e r d e e n , F e b r u a r y 1 6 , 1 8 9 5 8 Ibid.,

A b e r d e e n to B o w e l l , F e b r u a r y 1 6 , 1 8 9 5

9 Ibid.,

B o w e l l to A b e r d e e n , F e b r u a r y 1 7 , 1 8 9 5

46 Priests and politicians Lady Aberdeen, the prime minister and the governor general conferred at length on the following day, and a dissolution followed by a May election seemed a relative certainty. Yet within four days Bowell informed the governor general that the decision on session or dissolution would have to wait until the appeal of the minority had been heard. This was indeed logical, yet Bowell had had the same facts before him when he had confidently announced dissolution a week earlier. Bowell's bewilderment on the subject was understandable in view of the bombardment he was receiving from various sides. C . H . Tupper reflected the pro-dissolution position in his February 13 letter to his father: T learn that some of my colleagues want a session. Our duty is clear. Come to a decision on Schools. Go at once to the country for authority to act.' The opposing position was upheld by the representatives o f the Manitoba minority and by many from Quebec. The Quebec sentiment was echoed by two Conservative organizers who wrote to Bowell on February 12. One of these, N . Rosa of St Hyacinthe, stated that if no session were held, there would be no answer to Liberal charges that the Conservatives did not want to do anything for the Manitoba schools. His conclusion was that failure to meet Parliament would 'display weakness and indolence. I f the elections come off before a session we will not engage in the struggle when defeat shall have been prepared. Please note that if I speak thus, it is because I have visited several counties recently.' The pressure from Manitoba was even more direct. Langevin's directive to Senator Bernier was very pointed: T l nous faut, vous le savez, une session et une loi reparatrice.' The senator came with John Ewart and Father Cherrier to Ottawa on February 25. Archbishop Duhamel of Ottawa reported their position to Bishop Lafleche: 10

11

12

13

14

M r . E w a r t est a r r i v e i c i h i e r s o i r , a v e c M r . l ' a b b e C h e r r i e r et M r . le

10 Journal, 11 Ibid.,

Senateur

F e b r u a r y 17, 1895, p. 198 F e b r u a r y 22, 1895, p.200

12 P A C , T u p p e r P a p e r s , C . H . T u p p e r to C . T u p p e r , F e b r u a r y 1 3 , 1 8 9 5 . C . H . T u p p e r f r o m the beginning took the l e a d a m o n g n o n - F r e n c h m e m b e r s o f the c a b i n e t in f a v o u r i n g r e d r e s s for the M a n i t o b a m i n o r i t y . T h e T o r o n t o Mail a n d The Empire

and Empire,

n e w l y c o m b i n e d f r o m The

Mail

o n F e b r u a r y 6, 1895, t e m p o r a r i l y p r o v i d e d m o r e m o d e r a t e d i s c u s s i o n o f

the possibility o f s o m e federal a c t i o n t h a n h a d s e e m e d p o s s i b l e in the a n t i - F r e n c h h e y d a y o f The Mail.

T h e a m a l g a m a t i o n a n d the g e n e r a l attitude o f the O n t a r i o C o n s e r v a t i v e p r e s s

is r e v i e w e d in C l a r k , ' T h e C o n s e r v a t i v e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s ' ( t h e s i s ) , p p . 3 5 4 - 9 . 13 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , R o s a to B o w e l l , F e b r u a r y 1 2 , 1 8 9 5 14 A C S M , B e r n i e r P a p e r s , L a n g e v i n to B e r n i e r , F e b r u a r y 2 3 , 1 8 9 5

From courtroom to politics 47 B e r n i e r . C e s d e u x m e s s i e u r s ( C h e r r i e r et B e r n i e r ) m e d i s e n t q u e les c a t h o l i q u e s et le clerge de l e u r p r o v i n c e d e m a n d e n t a b s o l u m e n t u n e a u t r e s e s s i o n afin de regler definitivement la question des ecoles separees de M a n i t o b a . l i s combattent tous les arguments en faveur d'une election, m e m e apres c o m m u n i c a t i o n d'un arrete en C o n s e i l o r d o n n a n t a l a L e g i s l a t u r e d e M a n i t o b a d e r e m e d i e r a 1'injustice c o m m i s e a l'egard des C a t h o l i q u e s .

1 5

Cherrier himself in his report to Langevin on February 27 told of the meeting w i t h Archbishop Duhamel, and in particular o f a session with J.A. Ouimet, in which the minister of public works told them that the majority o f the cabinet was in favour o f dissolution and elections. Cherrier gloomily reported that neither he nor Ewart could see the logic o f the government argument, 'si ce n'est la faiblesse, en regie generate, d'une administration gouvernementale, qui touche a son t e r m e . ' That Ouimet and A.R. Angers, minister of agriculture, had been at least tactically won over to the idea of an immediate election was evident from their letters. Ouimet's position was spelled out in a letter to Senator Desjardins on February 28. The main argument, which he presented as that of 'la majorite du Gouvernement,' was that a session might very well weaken the government position without helping the Manitoba minority. On the attitude o f the members o f the cabinet, Ouimet stated that he was convinced 'qui mes collegues sont parfaitement sinceres dans leur desir de se conformer au jugement du Conseil P r i v e . ' I n view o f what would happen within a year, this was indeed high confidence. Even more remark­ able was the assurance expressed by Angers, the Castor representative in the cabinet. I n a letter to Bishop Lafleche, Angers repeated his earlier contention that even in the case o f an election before a remedy was attempted it ought to be evident that Conservative ministers should be trusted above the Liberals. Pointing not too subtly at the ecclesiastical pressure he expected would be placed on voters in case o f an election, Angers outlined what he felt was an open and shut case for the Catholic citizen. 'Doivent-ils moins esperer de nous qui par des sacrifices person­ nels avons obtenu le dernier jugement du Conseil Prive,' Angers asked, 'que de M . Laurier et M . Martin, qui sont reconnus comme partisans des ecoles neutres?' 16

17

18

15 A A O , D u h a m e l to L a f l e c h e , F e b r u a r y 2 6 , 1 8 9 5 16 A A S B , C h e r r i e r to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 2 7 , 1 8 9 5 17 A C S M , D e s j a r d i n s P a p e r s , O u i m e t to D e s j a r d i n s , F e b r u a r y 2 8 , 1 8 9 5 18 A S T R , A n g e r s to L a f l e c h e , F e b r u a r y 2 7 , 1 8 9 5

48 Priests and politicians Bishop Lafleche hardly needed convincing on Angers's last statement, but at least at this juncture he was also ready to reject the Conservatives should they fail to bring justice. O n February 22 he sent a long letter to Archbishop Duhamel, which was forwarded by the latter to the three other French archbishops, Fabre of Montreal, Begin of Quebec, and Langevin (whose consecration was set for March 19). Lafleche wrote that he had been visited during the week by both Angers and Laurier. He stated flatly that, although he retained personal esteem for the Liberal leader, this did not extend to Laurier's policy: Je suis demeure convaincu que cette solution ne peut venir que du parti conservateur, et que si le parti liberal arrivait au pouvoir, elle serait definitivement enteree.' Laurier was eva­ sive, Lafleche said, refusing to say what he would do i f elected. Lafleche admitted that Laurier made it clear that he would oppose the existing schools i f inquiry proved that they were in fact Protestant. However, he interpreted Laurier's position as favouring neutral schools where the Bible might be read and religion taught in such a way as not to proselytize. Lafleche concluded that he was sure Laurier would do nothing for the Catholics if elected. Predictably enough, Angers's assurances looked better to Lafleche. The minister had stated that the federal government, after hearing the formal appeal, would first approach the Manitoba government by an order-incouncil before proceeding to remedial legislation. O n the question of dis­ solution, Angers had not committed himself, but had admitted that dissolu­ tion, while likely, would indeed be dangerous in Quebec. Lafleche was disposed to accept Angers's declarations, but concluded that the Conser­ vatives no more than the Liberals should be allowed to dodge their respon­ sibilities: 4

19

S ' i l arrivait que le gouvernement federal ne donnat pas suite a cette arrete, il serait, dans mon humble opinion, du devoir de tous les ministres catholiques et canadiens-fran^ais de donner leur resignation et de sortir d'un tel ministere, en s'effor^ant de former un nouveau parti qui aurait pour programme le maintien et le respect de la constitution qui garantit la liberte de conscience et d'education a tous les membres de la confederation et de rendre justice egale a tout le Puissance, sans distinction de nationality, de langue et de religion. 20

19 A A S B , L a f l e c h e to D u h a m e l , F e b r u a r y 22, 1895 20 Ibid.,

L a f l e c h e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 2 2 , 1 8 9 5 . I t s h o u l d be r e m e m b e r e d that L a f l e c h e

e a r l i e r h a d o p p o s e d a n d later b a c k e d a w a y f r o m the t h i r d p a r t y i d e a . S e e b e l o w , p. 114.

From courtroom to politics 49 There is no record of Archbishop Fabre's reaction to Lafleche's sugges­ tion of the formation o f a third party, although from other remarks he was less likely than the other recipients to be in agreement with Lafleche. Duhamel replied that he too had seen Angers, and je partage l'opinion que V . G . [Votre Grandeur] exprime dans sa l e t t r e . ' Begin seemed more disposed to give Laurier some benefit of the doubt. I n a note to Langevin commenting on the Lafleche letter, the coadjutor-archbishop o f Quebec reported that M . Laurier, presse par ses partisans catholiques, a du faire hier soir, me dit-on, une declaration propre a satisfaire les catholiques.' He added (whether in sincerity or sarcasm is not clear), T a i hate de voir cela.' I n late January, Begin had been visited by Auguste Choquette, Liberal M P for Montmorency. I n a letter to Choquette on the day following the interview, Begin left open the question of the two parties' policies, al­ though he leaned to the Conservatives: 4

21

4

22

Apres nos longues et serieuses entrevues au sujet de la question scolaire Manitobaine, vous devez etre convaincu que je n'en fais pas - non plus que mes collegues - une question politique. C'est tout le contraire qui est la verite. Je vais me mettre en relation immediatement avec Mgr. Walsh, archeveque de Toronto, afin de connaitre sa maniere de voir sur cette question et surtout ce dont nous avons parle hier et ce matin et specialement au sujet de la fameuse commission d'enquete. 23

21 A A O , D u h a m e l to L a f l e c h e , F e b r u a r y 2 5 , 1 8 9 5 2 2 Ibid.,

B e g i n to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 26, 1895. L o u i s - N a z a i r e B e g i n ( 1 8 4 0 - 1 9 2 5 ) c o m b i n e d

b r o a d s c h o l a r s h i p w i t h a s p e c i a l talent for r e c o n c i l i a t i o n . A founding m e m b e r o f the R o y a l S o c i e t y o f C a n a d a , his n o m i n a t i o n as B i s h o p o f C h i c o u t i m i in 1888 w a s l o o k e d u p o n a s a n o t h e r C a r d i n a l T a s c h e r e a u i m p o s i t i o n o v e r the L a f l e c h e w i n g in the Q u e b e c e c c l e s i a s t i ­ c a l w o r l d . I n 1891, a s T a s c h e r e a u ' s health f a i l e d , B e g i n b e c a m e c o a d j u t o r a n d later a d m i n i s t r a t o r of the a r c h d i o c e s e o f Q u e b e c . Y e t by 1895, despite the gap w h i c h still e x i s t e d b e t w e e n h i m s e l f a n d the u l t r a m o n t a n e group r e p r e s e n t e d b y L a f l e c h e a n d his o w n V i c a r - G e n e r a l M a r o i s , B e g i n w a s often the confidant, p e r s o n a l l y a s w e l l as by status, o f both w i n g s o f the Q u e b e c h i e r a r c h y . H i s distaste for e x c e s s i v e p e r s o n a l c l a s h w a s r e v e a l e d by the statement o f his s e c r e t a r y in later y e a r s , the future B i s h o p L a n g l o i s o f V a l l e y f i e l d , that B e g i n as a n e l d e r l y C a r d i n a l c o u l d not r e c a l l w i t h o u t tears s o m e o f the bitterness o f the s c h o o l c r i s i s , e s p e c i a l l y the s u b s e q u e n t difficulties w h i c h led to the m i s s i o n of M e r r y del V a l ( p e r s o n a l i n t e r v i e w w i t h B i s h o p L a n g l o i s , 1959). T h e fact that B e g i n ' s p r i m a c y a m o n g the b i s h o p s w a s one of h o n o u r a n d not fixed by constitution o r f o r m a l a g r e e m e n t w a s r e s p o n s i b l e for s o m e o f the difficulty o v e r c o n c e r t e d a c t i o n d u r i n g the c r i s i s . O n e r e s u l t w a s a n i n c r e a s i n g n u m b e r o f a d m i s s i o n s , s o m e t i m e s grudging, that a n A p o s t o l i c D e l e g a ­ tion ought to be e s t a b l i s h e d in O t t a w a . 23 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , B e g i n to C h o q u e t t e , J a n u a r y 3 0 , 1 8 9 5

50 Priests and politicians One point was clear among the cross-currents evident in these letters: the pressures were already at work that would influence Bowell to change his mind on the question o f a session a few weeks later. T H E

C A B I N E T

R E M E D I A L

H E A R I N G

A N D

T H E

F E D E R A L

O R D E R

First, however, came the formal hearing o f the minority appeal. The date originally set by Bowell was Tuesday, February 26. When that day arrived, D ' A l t o n McCarthy requested a delay of the argument on behalf o f the Manitoba government; later i n the session he said that not enough notice had been given to prepare. Ewart insisted that a delay should not prevent the Manitoba government from considering the order-in-council which might come from the federal government in view o f the argument. He suggested that only enough time be allowed for someone to come from Manitoba with the documents which McCarthy said were needed. Bowell agreed to a brief delay until Monday, March 4 . When the hearing was finally opened, Ewart led off with a broad review of the basis for the minority's appeal for federal intervention. He concen­ trated on the obvious intent of the Manitoba A c t and subsequent provincial legislation to create and protect separate schools, rather than on the legal technicalities added by the court decisions in either the Barrett or Brophy cases. Ewart supported strongly the contention, many times advanced by Archbishop Tache, that the post-1890 Manitoba public schools were in fact Protestant. He concluded his main presentation with a series o f scathing criticisms, quoting a former inspector of Protestant schools in Manitoba, Dr J . H . Morrison, against both the motives and tactics o f the Greenway government. McCarthy opened his case by presenting John O'Donohue o f Winnipeg as a Manitoba Catholic who opposed separate schools. O'Donohue was emphatically repudiated as a representative of Manitoba Catholics, French or Irish, in a resolution sent to Ottawa by a large meeting of his own parish, St Mary's of Winnipeg. McCarthy spent the bulk of his time disputing the 'Fourth Bill o f Rights' presented by the delegates o f the provisional gov­ ernment of Red River in 1870, claiming that fraud had been used in obtain­ ing the separate-school guarantees in the Manitoba A c t . McCarthy's most telling point, however, was his insistence that the cabinet members hearing 2 4

25

24 A A S B , A n g e r s to L a f l e c h e , F e b r u a r y 2 7 , 1 8 9 5 25 Canada,

Sessional

Papers,

1895, n o . 2 0 , p p . 104-5

From courtroom to politics 51 the case could not escape their political identity. Even the elaborate j u d i ­ cial trappings o f the hearing could not disguise the fact that it was these same Ministers, acting as advisers of the governor general, who would decide whether or not to bring federal action against Manitoba. As was to be the case repeatedly during the ensuing months, the 'grey eminence' who was insisting on the political dimension and who was succeeding in making events come his way was Clifford Sifton, attorney general of Manitoba. I n his letter thanking McCarthy for his handling of the Ottawa hearing, Sifton pointed out that 'from the first I anticipated difficulty in making it clear to the public that the legal aspect of this question had passed away and that it was now purely a question of Government policy ... I think that we have sufficient ground now to go upon and they have gone so far in admitting our contention that they cannot very well get b a c k . ' The development o f events was rapidly confirming Sifton's esti­ mate. I n the story of the federal involvement in the Manitoba school question it seems inevitable that Bowell be cast as a leader unequal to his task; perhaps the situation would have been too much for a far more forceful chief. A t the same time, the courage and sense of justice Bowell exhibited when his old comrades-in-arms of the Orange Lodges tried to appeal to unalloyed antiCatholicism should not be ignored. The prime minister insisted that he appreciated the feeling among Orangemen on the school question and that he did not fault the strong sentiment involved. What he did object to was their utter failure to use even basic logic. T am quite convinced,' Bowell told one supporter, 'from the utterances made by most of the Brethren in the press and on the platform, that they do not understand the question, nor draw the distinction which exists between this matter and the Jesuits' Estates A c t . ' Whatever may be said about his lack o f dexterity in han­ dling the case, there would seem to be little doubt concerning Bowell's personal commitment to follow at least the minimum requirements of the Privy Council decision. I t was equally clear that Bowell was willing to use every means available to get Manitoba to give acceptable measures o f relief without involving federal government action. His letter to Lieutenant Governor Schultz on March 7 combined hope with veiled threat. Bowell was replying to a note of February 20 from Schultz and wanted the lieutenant governor to use the 26

27

2 8

26 Ibid.,

1895, n o . 2 0

27 P A C , Sifton P a p e r s , Sifton to M c C a r t h y , M a r c h 11, 1895 28 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , B o w e l l to C l a r k e , M a r c h 2 1 , 1 8 9 5

52 Priests and politicians tactic of trying to drive a wedge between Greenway and Attorney General Sifton. Bowell admitted that in view o f Sifton's position, Greenway might be adamant, but he wanted Schultz to 'test them.' His conclusion pointed, in BowelTs characteristic uncertain phrases, to remedial action. ' I do not say that any remedial legislation will be passed; but the probabilities are that something will be done, and it would be much better to have it done with their concurrence, and in a modified f o i m , than to force any measure upon t h e m . ' Nothing came o f Bowell's suggested pressure on Greenway, and the 'probabilities' of the letter to Schultz became a reality on March 21. O n that date, a remedial order, based on the March 19 report o f C . H . Tupper, minister of justice, and accompanied by a minute-of-council reviewing the court case, was given formal sanction by the governor general. The key point stressed in the remedial order was the apparent duty which the Privy Council decision had placed upon the federal executive power to effect the restoration of Manitoba's Catholic school rights. N o abrogation of the 1890 law or the 1894 amendments was demanded. Three fundamental rights, however, were stated as the points which had to be granted to the Manitoba Catholics in order to comply with the Privy Council decision: the right to 'build, maintain, equip, manage, conduct and support' schools in the manner provided for in the statutes in force before 1890; the right to a share in the school grants from public funds; and exemption from public-school taxation for denominational school supporters. Whether federal legislation would follow would depend upon the compliance or refusal of the Manitoba government. Concomitant with the remedial order came Bowell's decision to hold another parliamentary session rather than face an immediate election. Reaction to both moves was not slow in coming. On the clerical side there was general gratification, typified by a letter from Bishop Moreau o f St Hyacinthe to J.A. Ouimet. The bishop congratulated the minister on the remedial order, saying that not only Catholics but all true friends o f the country would be pleased by such courageous action. A s for the session, this was also praised as an act of courage in which the school issue would have to be squarely faced, and in which 'sera prononce pour nos honorables ministres la sentence de vie ou de m o r t . ' For Bowell, however, the French-Catholic reaction was far too en29

30

31

29 Ibid.,

B o w e l l to S c h u l t z , M a r c h 7, 1895

30 Canada,

Sessional

Papers,

1895, n o . 2 0 , p p . 17-27

31 A E S H , M o r e a u to O u i m e t , M a r c h 2 2 , 1 8 9 5

From courtroom to politics 53 thusiastic. After such a long wait and so many delays, it was natural that the remedial order would be greeted as a 'victoire catholique.' But that very phrase, splashed across the front page of Montreal's La Minerve on March 22, caused Bowell to write glumly to Caron: I d o n o t k n o w a n y t h i n g that is m o r e l i k e l y to p r o v o k e h o s t i l e f e e l i n g s t h a n b o a s t i n g o f t h i s k i n d . T h e v e r y f a c t o f t h e i r c l a i m i n g it a s a v i c t o r y f o r t h e C a t h o l i c s i n s t e a d o f an

a d h e s i o n to the C o n s t i t u t i o n , is sufficient

to intensify

w h i c h w e a l r e a d y see in O n t a r i o a n d the N o r t h W e s t .

the violent

opposition

3 2

For the time being, the Ontario wing of the Conservatives remained in line. There were continued protests from Orange lodges and journals, but the policy of cautious cooperation adopted by Clarke Wallace, controller of customs and the most active Orangeman in the Bowell government, set the pace. Wallace remained in his position, but Bowell was either consciously or unconsciously glossing over the problem when he wrote to Robert Birmingham of Toronto that Wallace's presence in the government caused no embarrassment. Instead of the rift reported by the Globe, which had prompted Birmingham's inquiry, Bowell replied that Wallace continued to do good work in the customs department, something which the prime minister very much appreciated: The

v e r y d a y that the

Globe

said we were quarrelling, Wallace was lunching with

m e i n m y r o o m . I h a v e s e e n h i m o n l y o n c e s i n c e . I f t h e r e i s a n y f e e l i n g , it i s w i t h h i m a l t h o u g h h e n e v e r e x h i b i t e d it t o m e . I t u s e d t o b e t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s b e t w e e n C h a p l e a u and

myself,

which

really

never

jealousies between Wallace and

existed, myself.

and now

they

a r e t r y i n g to

suggest

3 3

Bowell was either deceived or deceiving; either spelled trouble. I n any case, Bowell had a far more immediate and more important cabinet problem on his hands than Clarke Wallace. Immediately after the adoption o f the remedial order, Charles Hibbert Tupper resigned the justice portfolio in protest against Bowell's decision to hold another par­ liamentary session without calling an election. Bowell argued that opting for an immediate election, 'while the political heather was ablaze through­ out the country, would be a piece o f political folly, inexcusable in any 32 P A C , C a r o n P a p e r s , B o w e l l to C a r o n , M a r c h 2 3 , 1 8 9 5 33 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , B o w e l l to B i r m i n g h a m , M a r c h 2 2 , 1 8 9 5

54 Priests and politicians public m a n . ' Tupper countered that political fires were more likely to spread than to abate, and that the seriousness o f the remedialism issue required 'a direct mandate from the people.' Tupper withdrew his resig­ nation and resumed his cabinet post on March 28, after the influence o f his father, Governor General Aberdeen, and the C P R were brought to bear. Tupper's re-entry into the cabinet was, understandably enough, a great relief to Bowell. O n March 29, the prime minister told his returning rebel that he would simply consider that the resignation letter o f March 21 had never been written. Such compulsive covering over o f differences was in itself a confession o f weakness. Bowell's letter once again indicated that Tupper's main concern had been that a session without an election might scuttle remedial action, but the prime minister was no more definite than before as to what would in fact be done. He repeated that the federal government could legislate only i f Manitoba rejected the remedial order. Therefore, he suggested, at the opening o f the session ' i t might be stated what the policy of the Government is upon the question o f Remedial legislation, or, what to my mind would be better, to wait until the action of the Manitoba Government was known, and that after defining such policy, should it be found that the House did not approve, an appeal could be made to the people, or, if events justified it, an appeal could be made even though the House should approve.' I t was hardly an enlightening statement. On the matter of a projected date for an election, the closest the prime minister came to a statement o f clear intent was a personal note to a supporter vacationing in Bermuda: 'Our present intention is to make the session as short as possible, and then take the best opportunity for appealing to the people in the Fall, when I hope that, to a very great extent, the excitement may have abated. ' Bowell was playing for time, but there was little hope, in the circumstances, that delay would improve the situation. I n any case, during his negotiations to get Tupper back Bowell was either unwilling or unable to let the remedial order stand on its own merits in Manitoba. Again trying to work through Lieutenant Governor Schultz, he sent a telegram in code on March 25 which thoroughly toned down the 34

35

36

37

3 8

34 Ibid.,

B o w e l l to C . H . T u p p e r , M a r c h 23, 1895

35 Ibid.,

C . H . T u p p e r to B o w e l l , M a r c h 2 5 , 1 8 9 5

36 S e e P A C , A b e r d e e n P a p e r s , C . H . T u p p e r to A b e r d e e n , M a r c h 28, 1895, a n d the b a l a n c e d s u m m a r y o f this c r i s i s by S a y w e l l i n his i n t r o d u c t i o n to The Canadian Aberdeen,

pp.xlvi-xlix.

37 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , B o w e l l to C . H . T u p p e r , M a r c h 29, 1895 38 Ibid.,

B o w e l l to J u d g e G o w a n , A p r i l 2, 1895

Journal

of

Lady

From courtroom to politics 55 strong language o f the order-in-council: 'Newspaper telegrams say Green­ way and colleagues express opinion that order cannot be modified. This is mistaken. A n y arrangement he can make will be acceptable.' This was followed up by letters during the subsequent week in which Bowell asked Schultz to intercede with both the Manitoba government and the Catholic authorities. Specifically, Bowell asked Schultz to contact Father Albert Lacombe, the famous missionary, to act as intermediary. Bowell also tried to bring pressure on the newly consecrated Archbishop Langevin through people as diverse as Senator Bernier and Hugh John Macdonald. Despite these moves, the main impression which emerged from the prime minister's efforts during this crucial period was one of vacillation. He gave the impression o f not realizing the severity of the remedial order when it was first issued, then of casting about frantically to reduce its impact. A t all events, Bowell's attempts to placate all parties was unsuccessful and, as Liberal sources revealed even more clearly, he failed completely to pre­ pare for what was coming from Manitoba. 39

40

T H E

L I B E R A L

R E A C T I O N

For the Liberals, the problems occasioned by the Privy Council decision were different but no less perplexing than those faced by the Conserva­ tives. Clifford Sifton coolly summed up the coming danger i n a comment sent to Laurier several weeks before the decision was handed down. His reading o f the argument and the justices' remarks led him to conclude that the verdict would favour the right of appeal and the federal power to restore Catholic privileges. T t is a matter of great regret,' he said, 'that the decision should be on this line. N o t from a Manitoba standpoint because I fancy it will make little difference to us here, but from the standpoint of Canadian politics generally.' Laurier too saw the clouds forming. Writing to W i l l i son after hearing the same news from Edward Blake, he said that he was 41

39 Ibid.,

B o w e l l to S c h u l t z , M a r c h 25, 1895

40 Ibid.,

B o w e l l to S c h u l t z , M a r c h 28, M a r c h 3 0 , 1 8 9 5 ; B o w e l l to M a c d o n a l d , M a r c h 28,

1895; A C S M , B e r n i e r P a p e r s , B o w e l l to B e r n i e r , A p r i l 1 , 1 8 9 5 . I t w a s i r o n i c that at the v e r y t i m e B o w e l l w a s t r y i n g to e n l i s t S c h u l t z to influence G r e e n w a y , h e w a s o b l i g e d to i n f o r m the l i e u t e n a n t g o v e r n o r that p o l i t i c a l n e c e s s i t y r e q u i r e d that S c h u l t z be r e p l a c e d b y J . C . P a t t e r s o n . T h e difficulty w h i c h m a d e P a t t e r s o n ' s a p p o i n t m e n t n e c e s s a r y , ' B o w e l l w r o t e , ' a r o s e at the f o r m a t i o n o f the G o v e r n m e n t i n D e c e m b e r l a s t , a n d h a d to b e dealt w i t h ' ( P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , B o w e l l to S c h u l t z , M a r c h 3 0 , 1 8 9 5 ) . P a t t e r s o n s u c c e e d e d S c h u l t z o n September 2,1895. 41 P A C , Sifton P a p e r s , Sifton to L a u r i e r , J a n u a r y 4 , 1 8 9 5

56 Priests and politicians not surprised: T cannot see that the B N A A c t can be interpreted in any other way.' Laurier admitted that the situation would be 'a subject of great embarrassment to a l l , ' but felt that 'the Government will feel it more than we w i l l . ' Laurier above all wanted Willison and the Globe 'not to venture any opinion until the Government have shown their hand and told what they are going to d o . ' Before the government did 'show their hand' in the remedial order, a good deal of pressure was put on Laurier to show his. Having visited the West in the autumn of 1894, Laurier knew quite clearly what the Manitoba Liberal stand would be. Isaac Campbell of Winnipeg wrote on March 13 that ' i n this province our friends cannot recede from their position on the School A c t , ' and that to secularize the schools would please no o n e . Provincial Secretary J.D. Cameron was even more adamant. ' W i t h us compromise is impossible,' he wrote to Willison. 'There can be no solution of this question but the one and that is the formal and final abdication by the Dominion Government and Parliament o f the right to interfere.' Sifton was his usual analytic self. He told Laurier that he regretted having had to make a very strong public statement against any change in the Manitoba schools because of a resolution for redress made by James Fisher, former president of the Manitoba Liberal Association. But he did not hesitate to suggest that Laurier turn T o r y anti-remedialism to the Liberals' advantage. In fact, Sifton concluded, it could well be argued that i f the Conservatives were returned to power, their Protestant members from the provinces other than Quebec would refuse to fulfil the promises which they had made to the Quebec representatives before the election and, 'the election being over and another not in sight for five years, there will be a repetition of the treatment which was accorded to Archbishop Tache on a previous occa­ sion .' Such concern by Sifton for his welfare might well have amused the late archbishop, especially when the Attorney General concluded that his line of argument ought to nullify the political effect of the remedial order in Quebec 'outside of course of direct clerical influence.' I n Ontario, J.S. Willison and the Toronto Globe became the focus of the controversy over the stand to be taken by the Liberals. G.W. Ross, minister of education in Oliver Mowat's Ontario government and future premier of the province, encouraged Laurier to believe that some degree 42

43

44

45

42 P A C , W i l l i s o n P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , J a n u a r y 7, 1895 43 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , C a m p b e l l to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 13, 1895 44 P A C , W i l l i s o n P a p e r s , C a m e r o n to W i l l i s o n , M a r c h 4, 1895 45 P A C , Sifton P a p e r s , Sifton to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 2, 1895

From courtroom to politics 57 of interference with Manitoba might be supported by his Ontario colleagues. The quarry was the English-Catholic vote in general and Archbishop Walsh of Toronto in particular. J.D. Edgar was the chief exponent of the sheer political necessity of paying close attention to On­ tario Catholics, and shortly after the appearance of the Privy Council decision in 1895, had sent an excellent summary and analysis of the deci­ sion to Archbishop Walsh. He left no doubt in his synopsis that he under­ stood that a Catholic appeal was admissible, and concluded that unless the whole question could 'be treated by all with moderation, firmness and patriotism, alas for Canada.' In his correspondence with Laurier concerning the Globe editorials of early March, Ross indicated that he was following Edgar's lead in paying close attention to the English-Catholic reaction. O f the Globe position, Ross said, 'the Catholic Register of this city, the exponent of the views of the papacy, writes somewhat deprecatory [sic], but on the whole satisfactorily.' I n a second letter to Laurier, Ross reported on an inter­ view with an unnamed 'friend,' clearly Archbishop Walsh, in which there had been a very frank exchange of views. The archbishop, said Ross, had made five observations. I t appeared that Walsh was convinced that the Liberals would w i n the next general election. The archbishop also agreed that it would be a mistake for Laurier to come out openly in favour of remedial action because, 'the effect ... in his opinion, would be to arouse public feeling in Ontario and greatly prejudice the Liberal party in this Province.' Walsh was prepared to leave the whole matter to the people of Manitoba, because he thought that 'their sober second thought will redress the wrongs they inflicted upon the minority.' The Toronto archbishop, Ross reported, did not require any pledge from Laurier as to the future, but 'leaned to the view that i f in the course of a reasonable time, Manitoba did not act, Parliament should interfere.' As the last of his observations, Walsh confided to Ross that, should Laurier lead the Liberals to victory in the next election, 'Greenway and yourself could by mutual agreement remove every objectionable feeling in the Manitoba legislation without public irritation.' Ross was sure that Walsh would advocate 'moderation' and 'non-interference,' because a 'religious agitation would, in his opinion, 46

47

48

49

46 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , R o s s to L a u r i e r , F e b r u a r y 27, 1895 47 Ibid.,

E d g a r to L a u r i e r , N o v e m b e r 25, 1894. F o r E d g a r ' s w o r k as a c h i e f O n t a r i o L i b e r a l

o r g a n i z e r a n d strategist, see S t a m p , ' T h e P o l i t i c a l C a r e e r o f J a m e s D a v i d E d g a r ' (thesis). 48 A A T , W a l s h P a p e r s , E d g a r to W a l s h , F e b r u a r y 1 8 , 1 8 9 5 49 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , R o s s to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 8 , 1 8 9 5

58 Priests and politicians give Dalton McCarthy a prominence which would be unfortunate in the present c r i s i s . ' Laurier could only be cheered by such a report concerning Archbishop Walsh, but the news from other sections o f the country was not so en­ couraging. I n N o v a Scotia, Colin Mclsaac, former member o f W.S. Fielding's provincial cabinet and now Liberal candidate in the by-election in Sir John Thompson's old riding of Antigonish, wanted Laurier to take at least as strong a stand on the school question as would the Conservatives. Mclsaac felt that he had an excellent chance unless Bishop Cameron o f Antigonish could use the Manitoba situation against him. Mclsaac's rival would be Joseph Andrew Chisholm, a brother-in-law to Sir John Thompson's widow, and there was no doubt that Cameron favoured the Conservative. 'The extent o f his interference,' said Mclsaac, ' w i l l depend largely on the reasons he can get for taking a part in the contest. He will willingly take a strong hand i f this question affords the slightest pretext, i n which case our chances of winning the county will be gone.' Mclsaac reinforced this opinion with that o f a cleric, 'perhaps ... the most prominent priest in our diocese and who is a strong personal friend of mine with liberal convictions.' This priest, said Mclsaac, had never before interfered in politics. However, he had now felt it his duty to warn Mclsaac ' i n time, lest our party should make any mistake.' Mclsaac sent Laurier an extract from the priest's letter. After re-emphasizing his record of neutrality in political contest, the priest had stated that in the current case 'religion w i l l be affected.' Therefore, he would 'by word and vote support the party that will give my co-religionists fair play ... Y o u have to make up your mind i f you wish to run successfully, to give them in Manitoba at least as much as the tories will give.' Mclsaac's conclusion was blunt: T feel that I will be obliged to retire from the contest if I have to make an uneven and hopeless fight against the Hierarchy and the government.' L . G . Power o f Halifax, an influential Catholic Liberal senator, strongly backed Mclsaac's view in a letter of March 4 . A third Maritime Liberal, clearly a Protestant, D . C . Fraser o f N e w Glasgow, N o v a Scotia, saw the problem as more complex than did either Mclsaac or Power, but was not unmindful that justice was involved. Fraser felt that, although the question had not affected the Maritimes to the same extent as Ontario and Quebec, 50

51

5 2

50 Ibid.,

R o s s to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 1 3 , 1 8 9 5

51 Ibid.,

M c l s a a c to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 8 , 1 8 9 5

52 Ibid.,

P o w e r to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 4, 1895

From courtroom to politics 59 on the one hand Catholics were getting excited, and on the other, many Protestant Liberal supporters would be lost by a Liberal statement favoring coercion. ' S t i l l , ' he said, 'we must act generously and justly with the minority.' From Manitoba, Augustin Richard, hoping to run against L a Riviere in Provencher, wrote that he had been to see Archbishop-elect Langevin for approval. Langevin had given his endorsement, he said, but 53

M a l h e u r e u s e m e n t , m e dit-il, j e ne puis avoir la m e m e confiance en votre

chef,

c . a . d . , c ' e s t p r o b a b l e m e n t le p o l i t i c i e n le p l u s h o n n e t e , le p l u s h o n o r a b l e , le p l u s d i s t i n g u e , m a i s s u r c e t t e q u e s t i o n d e s e c o l e s et d e T e d u c a t i o n , j e le c r o i s i m b u d u liberalisme de la vieille ecole des D o r i o n s & j u s q u ' a preuve du contraire j e ne puis changer d'opinion.

Furthermore, said Richard, 'c'est le clerge qui determinera le resultat d'une telle lutte.' Richard added that he had tried to get Langevin to see that Laurier could not make a declaration, given the existing situation, but nothing he could say had changed Langevin's attitude, although the latter promised to see him again. Back in Ontario, the Ottawa Valley demanded attention, and again involved the clergy. On February 16, Laurier heard from a prospective Valley candidate deeply concerned with episcopal opinion. Frank Anglin, a Roman Catholic Toronto lawyer, who was later to be Chief Justice of Canada, wrote that he was willing to contest the traditionally Conservative South Renfrew seat, and that he had obtained Archbishop Walsh's bless­ ing. 'The Archbishop o f Toronto, although o f well known conservative tendencies heretofore,' Anglin stated, 'fully approves of the selection and is now inclined to assist us in every legitimate way ... He further stated that he believed I would be thoroughly acceptable to the other prelates o f the Province as a Catholic representative.' Anglin said that he had considered entering the contest in N o r t h Essex, but had decided against it, specifically because Bishop O'Connor o f London was known to be a strong Conserva­ tive. As for South Renfrew, Anglin believed that the key might well be held by Bishop Lorrain of Pontiac (later Pembroke) and Archbishop Duhamel of Ottawa. A s i f to illustrate Edgar's contention, Anglin stated that most of the Catholics in the riding had hitherto voted Conservative, 'so that i f a couple of hundred Catholics could be got to support a Catholic Liberal, the 54

53 Ibid.,

F r a s e r to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 11, 1895

54 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , R i c h a r d to L a u r i e r , F e b r u a r y 1 6 , 1 8 9 5

6o Priests and politicians difficulty would be overcome.' Even here Walsh was seen as important. A t the suggestion o f our Archbishop, who has allowed me to use his name for the purpose,' reported Anglin, T have written as strong a letter as I possibly could t o M g r . Lorrain asking whether i f nominated by the Refor­ mers, he would give me his assistance in the election.' Anglin then asked Laurier himself to write to Bishop Lorrain, 'giving assurances as to the position which if elected I should occupy - and also giving such assurances as you could venture to give that Catholic interests will be safe in the hands of a Liberal Government.' Archbishop Duhamel of Ottawa posed a more difficult hurdle, not made easier by Bishop Lafleche's report o f February 2 2 . Anglin's Feb­ ruary 27 letter to Laurier spoke o f seeking an interview with Duhamel on the following day. I n an undated letter (probably March 1 or 2) Anglin sent the Liberal leader a long report of the meeting. The Ottawa archbishop was very friendly, said Anglin, but had stated that he could not give any encouragement to a Laurier supporter, since he 'knows positively that you, if returned to power, will refuse to do anything toward restoring Separate Schools - your policy being - he is assured - the establishment o f nonsectarian, neutral schools.' Anglin then posed the question which was to face Laurier many times during the coming year, a question which involved both principle and political strategy: 'Could you not state to them privately that i f returned to power, you are prepared to grant redress - and that as soon as the govt, is pledged to this policy, you will give a similar pledge?' Inevitably, whether Laurier could or would give such a pledge was going to be heavily influenced by his own crucial province. A n d there was little doubt which way the wind was blowing there. As i f there were not enough pressure from Catholic power sources in Quebec, Henri Joly de L o t biniere, Huguenot, highly respected for integrity, and hero of many jousts with Conservatives both federal and provincial, had to be reckoned with. His opinion on the Manitoba school situation was widely known and was summarized in a letter to W . F . Luxton o f The Manitoba Free Press. Joly spoke o f his 'painful surprise' that the religious exercises in the post-1890 schools copied the pre-1890 Protestant program. He was sure that 'very few among the Protestant majority are aware of the great injustice com­ mitted towards the minority; if they knew of it, they would protest against it at once.' His own preference was for 'religious education satisfactory to all 4

55

56

57

55 Ibid.,

A n g l i n to L a u r i e r , F e b r u a r y 16, 1895

56 A A S B , L a f l e c h e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 22, 1895. S e e a b o v e , p . 4 8 . 57 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , A n g l i n to L a u r i e r , M a r c h , 1895

From courtroom to politics 61 creeds;' if, however, separate schools were the only alternative, they should, in his opinion, be restored. Roman Catholic opinion from Quebec was a good deal more emphatic. C.E. Pouliot wrote that he would run against the Conservative Grandbois in Temiscouata riding, although he foresaw that it would be at considerable cost to himself; he stressed that it would only be personal regard for Laurier that would induce him to run. But he left no doubt about his attitude toward the school question: 58

Maintenant, m o n c h e r M . L a u r i e r , si j e me presente, j e dois vous declarer bien franchement conviction

que j e serai bien explicite

i n t i m e q u e le s y s t e m e

sur la question

d'ecoles neutres

des

ecoles -

i n j u s t i c e p o u r n o s c o m p a t r i o t e s et u n fleau p o u r u n p a y s - il faut religieux dans les e c o l e s .

c'est

etabli au M a n i t o b a est

ma une

Fenseignement

5 9

Jules Tessier, Liberal member for Portneuf in the Quebec Legislative Assembly, reinforced Pouliot's argument in greater detail. Tessier con­ cluded that without a strong statement by Laurier against neutral schools, 'je crains que cela ait des effets desastreux dans nos comtes.' The pressure was not without results. On March 6, Anglin was able to send to Duhamel a confidential statement from Laurier that was aimed at contradicting the Conservative 'calumny' that the Liberal leader was ' i n favour of secular Godless schools.' Anglin quoted Laurier as saying that 'personally I am certainly disposed to restore to the Catholics of Manitoba the right which it was certainly the intention of both the Canadian Parlia­ ment and the Imperial Parliament to invest them w i t h . ' As for the scope of this opinion, Laurier had said that 'at present I speak for myself and I can speak for the individual opinion of a good many others amongst the Protes­ tant Liberals. A t a later day, and probably not a distant one, I hope to be able to speak with the full authority of the party.' Anglin then called the archbishop's attention to the Globe of March 6, which contained a prominority speech given by Laurier at St Jerome on March 5, and a copy of Joly's letter to the Montreal Witness calling for just treatment of the Manitoba schools. T trust,' Anglin said, 'that these will sufficiently dispel Your Grace's idea that Mr. Laurier was pledged to the policy of secular or Godless schools.' Anglin also quoted several Ontario Liberals of high rank, 60

58 A A S B , J o l y de L o t b i n i e r e to L u x t o n , F e b r u a r y 1 9 , 1 8 9 5 59 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , P o u l i o t to L a u r i e r , F e b r u a r y 1 4 , 1 8 9 5 60 Ibid.,

T e s s i e r to L a u r i e r , F e b r u a r y 2 6 , 1 8 9 5

62 Priests and politicians specifically Cartwright, Edgar, and Mulock. ' A l l agree,' he said, 'that Separate schools must be restored to Manitoba, while all are persuaded that the most effective method of settling the question will be through such an arrangement as they believe can only be effected by the Dominion Liberal party with the Liberals o f Manitoba.' As for 'coercive legislation,' the opinion o f the three gentlemen quoted was that it would likely 'lead to open resistance in M a n i t o b a . ' Anglin was quite prepared to use every argument with Duhamel to prove that the Conservatives rather than the Liberals were the real obstacles to justice for the Manitoba Catholics. He cited two factors i n particular as proof that the existing government was unwilling to grant relief: they would not disallow the amendments o f 1894, and they were apparently not pre­ pared to hold a session and at least introduce remedial legislation as a government measure. A s has been seen, it was very much this final argu­ ment from the Quebec side which induced Bowell to go through with a session against the strong opinion o f C.H. Tupper and others. A s for the accuracy of Anglin's statements to Duhamel, he was either misinformed or bluffing w i t h regard to Mulock and, to a lesser degree, Cartwright. Whatever his political inclination, Duhamel must have smiled at the equally great confidence, exhibited by Anglin on the one hand and Angers on the other, that justice was safe with one party only. The archbishop was probably too ready to side with the Conservative version and to suspect the sincerity of the Laurier statement. A s in Bowell's case, however, it must be wondered whether Laurier was as single-minded as Anglin portrayed him. Laurier's letter to Sifton o f December 3, 1894 had given a different mes­ sage. Following his trip to Manitoba earlier in the fall, the Liberal leader wrote to the Manitoba attorney general that during his western tour the subject o f making the schools entirely secular had been mentioned many times. Laurier was emphatic that such a solution would be political folly. I t would alienate the Presbyterians, 'a very important body, who, as a rule, are strong liberals,' and 'would not i n any way mitigate the opposition of the Roman Catholic Hierarchy to the existing law.' Laurier told Sifton that in his opinion the clerical complaint about the Protestant nature of the schools 'was not well put from their own point of view. Sooner or later,' he insisted, 'they w i l l come back to the position, which they have always held, that they are entitled to Catholic schools, and that whether the schools are protestant or secular, so long as they are not catholic, they will pretend 61

62

61 A A O , A n g l i n to D u h a m e l , M a r c h 6 , 1 8 9 5 62 S e e b e l o w , p p . 6 9 , 1 2 1 .

From courtroom to politics 63 they have a right to complain.' Laurier's conclusion was to advise Sifton to avoid any changes in the law in the direction of secularization, 'which while not satisfying those who are, at present, dissatisfied, would dissatisfy those who are, at present, satisfied.' Thus it seems clear that Laurier accepted that the Manitoba schools were Protestant, and was prepared to discuss this as a political factor; it is equally certain that one of his main concerns in making the request to Sifton was to avoid a new clamour for disallowance. Yet the second Privy Council decision had intervened between the letter to Sifton and the statement given to Archbishop Duhamel. The question of which was the real Laurier still remained, and it is against this background of some duplicity that the Liberal debate in the tense struggle which followed the issuance of the remedial order must be viewed. 63

L I B E R A L S ' T U R N S '

A N D

T H E

R E M E D I A L

O R D E R !

W I L L I S O N

L A U R I E R

As it had been for the Conservatives, so also for the Liberals was the remedial order a definite turning point. Naturally enough, the shock waves were felt most immediately in Manitoba. Premier Greenway had been receiving letters and resolutions o f encouragement to stand fast even before the publication o f the order; once it came they multiplied in number and virulence. Outside o f Manitoba the main sources were Ontario Orange lodges and American Protective Association councils from various parts of the United States. Perhaps most colourful was the March 26 telegram from the Boston Council o f the American Protective Association: 'Greeting, sympathy, backing. Resist the pope's insolent minority by force o f arms i f necessary - N o Surrender!' From Ontario during March and early A p r i l many similar resolutions arrived. Typical was the resolution of the Loyal Orange Lodge N o . 439 o f Carp, Ontario: 64

Whereas the Roman Catholic Ecclesiastical authorities are attempting to force Separate Schools on the Province of Manitoba, therefore be it resolved, - That we the members of this Lodge pledge ourselves to support no candidate at the ap63 P A C , Sifton P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to Sifton, D e c e m b e r 3, 1894 64 P A M , G r e e n w a y P a p e r s , B o s t o n A P A C o u n c i l to G r e e n w a y , M a r c h 2 6 , 1 8 9 5 . O n the A m e r i c a n P r o t e c t i v e A s s o c i a t i o n a n d its influence on the f o r m a t i o n o f the P r o t e s t a n t P r o t e c t i v e A s s o c i a t i o n in C a n a d a , see H i g h a m , Strangers

in the Land,

p.836°. W a t t g i v e s a

b a l a n c e d d i s c u s s i o n o f the P P A i n ' T h e P r o t e s t a n t P r o t e c t i v e A s s o c i a t i o n , ' in H o d g i n s a n d P a g e , e d s . Canadian

History

Since

Confederation,

pp.244-60.

64 Priests and politicians p r o a c h i n g e l e c t i o n w h o w i l l not o p e n l y p l e d g e h i m s e l f to o p p o s e a n y w i t h the L e g i s l a t i v e rights of M a n i t o b a .

interference

6 5

Greenway could hardly help but be flattered. Answering a supporting letter o f Thomas Gibson o f Toronto, member of the Ontario provincial Parliament, Greenway wrote that Gibson's evaluation o f the Manitoba schools situation had indeed been correct. 'Had it not been for the Clergy,' the premier insisted, 'the agitation would not have been kept up and the Public schools would have been accepted long ago.' Greenway went on to point out that the Manitoba legislature was adjourned until May to allow plenty of time for deliberations on the remedial order. However, Greenway stated, T cannot believe that the Parliament o f Canada will ever crystallize into law such a demand as that which the Dominion Government has made upon u s . ' A n opposite influence was being brought to bear, however. The B o w e l l Schultz correspondence o f late March implied that Schultz believed that Greenway personally might be moved away from a totally adamant position. I t is possible that Schultz was simply hoodwinking Bowell, but Schultz did make one significant move which indicated that he himself believed Greenway might be persuaded. While in Ottawa in early A p r i l , Schultz sought and obtained a written opinion of the constitutional aspects of Manitoba's position in view of the remedial order from D r J.G. Bourinot, regarded as the leading constitutional expert in Canada. Word o f the existence of the opinion was quickly spread around Ottawa, but it was clearly meant for Greenway and his cabinet. Schultz sent the twelve-page document to Greenway on A p r i l 19, calling it 'an independent opinion on the recent executive action o f the Dominion E x e c u t i v e . ' Bourinot's own words in his introduction were that he intended to give his own views o f the question 'from the standpoint o f a constitutional student who has no connection with political parties.' After a detailed review of the steps through which the case had gone, including the issuance of the remedial order, Bourinot summarized: 66

67

68

(3)

T h a t the

legislature

of Manitoba

is n o w

constitutionally

bound

to

decide

w h e t h e r it w i l l a l l o w t h e s u b j e c t m a t t e r o f E d u c a t i o n , s o f a r a s t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s

65 P A M , G r e e n w a y p a p e r s , L O L N 0 . 4 3 9 , C a r p , O n t a r i o , to G r e e n w a y , M a r c h 9 , 1 8 9 5 66 Ibid.,

G r e e n w a y to G i b s o n , A p r i l 1 , 1 8 9 5

67 S e e a b o v e , p . 5 5 . 68 P A M , G r e e n w a y P a p e r s , S c h u l t z to G r e e n w a y , A p r i l 1 9 , 1 8 9 5

of

F r o m courtoom to politics 65 this case require, to pass out of its direct control, or w i l l in accordance with the letter and spirit of the constitutional law, as judicially determined, adopt such remedial measures as w i l l remove the admitted grievances of the Roman Catholic minority o f Her Majesty's subjects in Manitoba. The constitutional law in my opinion gives them full power to deal w i t h the whole question in its present aspect. (4) That by such course the legislature of Manitoba w i l l remove a difficult ques­ tion from the arena o f political and sectarian animosities, exhibit their desire to do full justice to every class ... at the same time give conclusive evidence o f their readiness to submit to the deliberate judgment of the courts in every case. (5) That by failing to follow the course marked out for them by the law of the constitution they assume a most serious responsibility; since it would involve necessarily the removal of the subject of Education from the jurisdiction where it must and should rest under ordinary conditions and the handing of it over in this special case to the authority of the Dominion Parliament... (6) That the question at present demanding a deliberate and calm judgment from the legislature and Government of Manitoba is not a question o f sectarian or non-sectarian schools. I t is a question o f restoring a right and a privilege o f the Roman Catholic minority ... The constitution may be wise or unwise in its provi­ sions in this regard - it may be the soundest principle to place the jurdisdiction over Education solely in the Provincial authority - without any limiting provisions whatever; but that is not the question now at issue. I n conclusion, Bourinot quoted the eminent British constitutionalist, A . V . Dicey, on the absolute need for the predominance o f the judiciary in a federal state, and added that 'for myself I cannot believe that in so clear a case as the one before us the Government and the people of Manitoba are at all disposed to violate so fundamental a principle o f federalism as that pressed upon his readers by a most judicious English constitutional authority.' Schultz was not the only one who believed that Greenway was suscepti­ ble to influence to move away from Sifton, or who at least was willing to make a major effort to explore the possibility. James Fisher, J.S. Ewart's law partner, who had been president of the Manitoba Liberal Association in 1888 and who had clashed w i t h Sifton in the Manitoba Legislature earlier in March, wrote a long and careful letter to Greenway on March 30. I t was marked 'strictly private and confidential' in many places, and stressed that i f Greenway should see fit to adopt any o f the points proposed, he should not quote Fisher as the source, lest other cabinet members, specifically 69

69 Ibid.,

B o u r i n o t to S c h u l t z , A p r i l 17, 1895

66 Priests and politicians Sifton, Cameron, and Daniel M c M i l l a n , be prejudiced. Fisher's letter was significant not only because he was a Protestant Liberal urging redress of Catholic grievances, but because of the arguments he used to press for settlement of the clash with Ottawa. Fisher used as his point of departure a theory o f confederation which accepted both a provincial and a cultural compact. ' I do not believe that Quebec would for one moment remain in the U n i o n and see that compromise done away w i t h , ' Fisher warned Greenway. There is no evidence in the Greenway papers or elsewhere that the premier made any move to follow up the course suggested by Schultz, Bourinot, and Fisher. I n any case, the real power in the Manitoba govern­ ment was not Greenway; the man behind the effective decisions continued to be the attorney general, Clifford Sifton. I n his letter of March n com­ mending McCarthy on the latter's presentation before the federal cabinet, Sifton spoke o f his own commanding position with an almost incredible assurance, at the same time giving an inside look at the Manitoba govern­ ment tactics: 70

I had thought somewhat of proroguing our legislature at once before the order was made. I n consideration however, this seems to me inadvisable. I t would look to my mind as though the Government had prorogued the Legislature in order to avoid meeting the question fairly and squarely. I think therefore that we w i l l take no unusual action but pursue the same course that we would if the question were not up ... There is no reason ... why we should give our answer immediately after we receive a copy of the order. We are entitled to take a reasonable time to consider it, and will probably do so. 71

Prime Minister Bowell at least suspected who held the reins of power when he commented on Sifton's intrusion into Ontario provincial politics in A p r i l . Similarly, Archbishop Langevin was sure that Greenway was under Sifton's thumb: 'Greenway voudraitfaire quelque chose, mais Sifton le guette pour le jetter par dessus bord,' Langevin wrote to B e g i n . 7 2

73

70 P A M , G r e e n w a y P a p e r s , F i s h e r to G r e e n w a y , M a r c h 3 0 , 1 8 9 5 . F i s h e r f o l l o w e d this w i t h a s i m i l a r m e s s a g e to B o w e l l . A l t h o u g h the letter is not extant in the B o w e l l P a p e r s , it is c l e a r f r o m B o w e l l ' s r e p l y that he r e c e i v e d it a n d that he largely s h a r e d F i s h e r ' s a p p r e h e n s i o n (see b e l o w , p. 86). 71 P A C , Sifton P a p e r s , Sifton to M c C a r t h y , M a r c h 1 1 , 1 8 9 5 72 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , B o w e l l to F i s h e r , A p r i l 2 3 , 1 8 9 5 72 A A Q , A p r i l 6 , 1 8 9 5

From courtroom to politics 67 Greenway did nothing to give Langevin further encouragement; thus the policy of the Manitoba government remained as Sifton and Cameron had stated it before the remedial order. Meanwhile, the order had made Laurier the focus of a renewed struggle in the East. V Elect eur sounded the note which would be the theme of Quebec Liberal reaction to all Conserva­ tive attempts at remedial action throughout the crisis: ' I I ne remedie rien du t o u t . ' From N o v a Scotia on March 22, Colin Mclsaac sent Laurier the near-ultimatum o f a soldier heading for the trenches. Reinforcing the opinion he had expressed on March 4, Mclsaac felt that in view of the government's declaration o f policy on the Manitoba school question the Liberals could not hope to succeed 'without being able to show that you approve of the policy of the government on this question.' Mclsaac said that it was important that he be able to speak with the assurance of Laurier's clear backing and concluded by requesting a letter from him approving remedial legislation. ' W i t h such a letter,' he stated, ' I have no fear o f the result; without it I do not think it wise to contest the county. ' Premier A . G . Blair of N e w Brunswick did not want to advise Laurier on specific steps. He did, however, stress the absolute need to seek a policy which would reduce religious antagonism. A t least he was pleased that a session rather than an election had been called to follow the remedial order. ' A n election immediately upon this remedial order,' he wrote, 'would have set the whole Protestant part of the Dominion aflame, it seems to me - it certainly would have done so here in a large portion of N e w Brunswick.' As for a politico-religious conflict, he recalled the anguish of the N e w Bruns­ wick school struggle in the 1870s and made a worried prophecy: T have been through one, although i t was mild in its character compared with what I fear may be the case in this present instance.' On March 24 a long and articulate letter came from Benjamin Russell of Halifax, professor at the Dalhousie University L a w School and future Liberal member of Halifax. He told Laurier that his object was not to impose his views, but to correct the impression which he believed had been 74

75

7 6

77

74 Sifton w a s a l s o the r e c i p i e n t o f a c o p y o f the B o u r i n o t o p i n i o n f r o m L i e u t e n a n t G o v e r n o r S c h u l t z . H i s r e a c t i o n w a s c a l m a n d n o n c o m m i t t a l . O n M a y 1 he r e p l i e d to S c h u l t z : ' I h a v e p l e a s u r e in a c k n o w l e d g i n g r e c e i p t o f y o u r f a v o r o f the 26th ultimo e n c l o s i n g a c o p y o f D r . B o u r n i o t ' s [sic] o p i n i o n in r e g a r d to the s c h o o l m a t t e r w h i c h I h a v e p e r u s e d v e r y c a r e ­ f u l l y . ' ( P A C , Sifton P a p e r s , Sifton to S c h u l t z , M a y 1,1895.) B u t this w a s the last r e f e r e n c e to the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l e x p e r t in the Sifton P a p e r s . 75 L'Electeur,

M a r c h 26,1895

76 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , M c l s a a c to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 2 3 , 1 8 9 5 77 Ibid.,

B l a i r to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 2 3 , 1 8 9 5

68 Priests and politicians given to the Liberal leader by a mutual friend, a M r Forbes, that he, Russell, favoured opposition to the remedial action of the government. Russell stated that his initial reaction had indeed favoured such opposition, not out of Protestant feeling - ' I have not a particle,' he said - but 'that we should in the words of Mr. Blake, concede to the province "the right to do w r o n g , " i f she chooses.' He further believed that racial and religious tensions had been 'greatly aggravated by the Dominion Government's action, and that passions have been inflamed which it will be difficult to allay, perhaps in our lifetime,' and that Laurier could probably carry the country by flatly opposing the government action. On thinking the matter over, however, Russell wrote, he had come to a quite different conclusion. First from the point of view of the long range good of the party, strong opposition to remedial action would leave Laurier 'supported by a phalanx of Orangemen inspired by no respect whatever for provincial rights - witness their action on the Jesuits' Estates Bill - but inflamed solely by a furious and fanatical Protestant bigotry.' Even i f the Liberals wanted them, Russell doubted that such people would ever be a 'lasting and reliable source of strength ... Still further, i f the thing were possible, I very greatly doubt if this country would be worth living in, with its population divided into two bitterly hostile factions.' Russell's proposal was far from spectacular, but it contradicted the Sifton-Willison position: 'Acquiesce with as good a grace as we can command in the general remedial policy of the Gov't., steer clear if we can of anything that savors of dictation to the provincial authority,—let the rest of us resume the old fight over the tariff, the scandals, the combines and the general cussedness of the govt...' Russell admitted that the government might manage to take all the credit for remedial action in the Catholic constituencies, but felt this might be counter-balanced in other ways. Laurier might get the more important credit, Russell concluded, for 'a patriotic forbearance in not yielding to the temptation to accept the challenge and involve the Dominion in a war of religion and a war of races.' The Halifax law professor thus represented the case of an important Liberal who had changed his mind on the best policy to follow, and, like David Mills, demonstrated that the division within the party was not simply a Catholic-Protestant or French-English split. As had been the case before March 21, however, the most important exchange entered into by Laurier after the appearance of the remedial order was that with J. S. Willison. The Globe had immediately reacted to the 78

78 Ibid.,

R u s s e l l to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 2 4 , 1 8 9 5

From courtroom to politics 69 order-in-council with a series of strong attacks heavily overlaid with pro­ vincial rights' arguments. I n a warning note the day the document ap­ peared, Laurier had requested moderation from the editor, but Willison, supported by Mulock and Cartwright, insisted that Ontario Liberals would only accept a more belligerent stand. David Mills, echoed by Frank Anglin, argued in precisely the opposite direction, and denounced the Globe's 'drivel' as calculated to 'prevent the men in Parliament from fulfilling their duty,' and to 'drive all the Catholics into the ministerial c a m p . ' The essence of the debate between Laurier and Willison was contained in an exchange at the end of March. Writing from his home in Arthabaska, Laurier challenged the Toronto editor's provincial rights' stand in a carefully worded letter. The Liberal leader began with a state­ ment of the need to adopt a 'governing principle' in framing a policy, and conceded that Willison had indeed done this in his adamant pro-province stand. I n a dramatic series o f questions based upon the provisions of section 93 of the B N A A c t , however, Laurier attempted to undermine the logic of Willison's position. ' H o w is it possible,' Laurier demanded, 'to talk of provincial rights, when by the very letter of the constitution jurisdiction is given to the Federal authorities to review and override provincial legisla­ tion? What is the use o f giving an appeal to the minority, i f the appeal is to be heard only to be denied? ... I t seems to me beyond doubt that in such matters the provincial sovereignty is abridged, and that this is not a case where provincial rights can be invoked.' Willison answered Laurier's argument with an equally forceful letter on A p r i l 1. He agreed that the legal point of provincial rights was not the paramount issue; sound public policy and feasibility had been the objective sought by the Globe. 'Your own statement made to me more than once,' he reminded Laurier, 'was that when you had to decide you would decide for Manitoba.' Willison admitted that a case might be construed where federal power would have the duty to interfere. But effectiveness and the general interest of confederation had to be remembered. 79

80

81

82

I doubt v e r y m u c h if in a n y c o n c e i v a b l e

case federal interference

in a

province

c o u l d b e e f f e c t i v e . T h e difficulty in t h e c a s e o f M a n i t o b a is that the P r i v y C o u n c i l

79 S e e in p a r t i c u l a r M a r c h 23, 1895 80 P A C , W i l l i s o n P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , M a r c h 21, 1895 81 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , W i l l i s o n to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 22, 1895; M u l o c k to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 25, 1895; C a r t w r i g h t to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 2 5 , 1 8 9 5 82 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , M i l l s to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 28, 1895; A n g l i n to L a u r i e r , M a r c h 26, 1895

70 Priests and politicians declares, as it would not declare in the case of Ontario or Quebec, that is was within the competence of the Manitoba legislature to pass the Manitoba school law. The Dominion Parliament may give remedial legislation but it seems to me simply a matter of public policy and in this view I think I am sustained by the whole tenor of the argument before the Privy Council as to whether or not it would be in the general interest o f Confederation that Dominion interference would be exercised.

Willison repeated that he was not trying to force Lauder's hand, and said that he could 'quite understand that you do not want to go to the length o f positively declaring that there shall not be in any event, Dominion legisla­ tion for the relief o f the Manitoba minority.' Nonetheless, Willison in­ sisted, ' i f M r . Greenway resists Dominion legislation, it w i l l be an ill day for the country when the attempt was made to exercise federal power in that province.' On the surface, the point at issue between Laurier and Willison was the degree to which the principle of provincial rights was to be allowed to be the deciding factor in the school case. For Laurier, at least, the problem was a good deal more complicated. A s federal Liberal leader, he had to face the prospect of a small provincial party deciding not only the direction but even the fate o f the national party. Finally, and however unspoken it remained during the exchange, was the racial and religious question. Laurier himself may not have faced the issue squarely even in his own mind, but it must be wondered how much of Willison's position depended on the fact that the minority right involved was French and Catholic. The editor repeatedly disclaimed any prejudice against separate schools or French privileges, yet it does not seem that he ever seriously grappled with the dilemma o f the compromises of confederation, such as those suggested by Fisher to Greenway. I n any case, although the tone o f the Globe's articles may have been modified by Laurier's protests, Willison's position at least negatively won the day. Laurier's answers to Anglin in early A p r i l showed 83

84

83 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , M a r c h 3 0 , 1 8 9 5 '•> W i l l i s o n P a p e r s , W i l l i s o n to L a u r i e r , A p r i l 1,1895 84 P a u l S t e v e n s , i n his e x t e n s i v e c o v e r a g e o f this a n d s u b s e q u e n t L a u r i e r - W i l l i s o n c o n f r o n ­ tations, a r g u e s quite c o n v i n c i n g l y that the differences b e t w e e n the t w o m e n w e r e largely attributable to their r e s p e c t i v e p r o f e s s i o n s o f p o l i t i c i a n a n d j o u r n a l i s t [ ' L a u r i e r a n d the L i b e r a l P a r t y i n O n t a r i o , ' ( t h e s i s ) , p p . 1 0 6 - 1 3 ] . S t e v e n s ' c o n c l u s i o n , h o w e v e r , that their d i v i s i o n w a s ' m o r e a p p a r e n t t h a n r e a l , ' d o e s not s e e m sufficient to e x p l a i n the s h a r p n e s s of the e x c h a n g e b e t w e e n the t w o m e n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n v i e w o f W i l l i s o n ' s a c c o u n t o f the o r d e a l he w a s s u b j e c t e d to in O t t a w a in a n attempt b y L a u r i e r a n d others to ' t u r n ' the ( W i l l i s o n to D a f o e , M a r c h 7 , 1 9 2 3 , q u o t e d in C o l q u h o u n , Press,

Politics

Globe

and People,

p.40).

From courtroom to politics 71 the degree to which the Liberal leader had been persuaded by the Globe editor. Laurier reminded his Irish-Catholic supporter how easy it would be for a strong pro-Catholic stance to evoke a Protestant counter-thrust, 'as weeds in an old pasture,' and even praised the Globe for recent efforts in promoting religious tolerance. Laurier encouraged Anglin to con­ tinue his contacts with Archbishop Walsh, 'by far the wisest and ablest of all the dignitaries in our church at the present time.' A t the same time, the Liberal chief made it clear that he had now decided 'not to open my mouth until Parliament meets.' As for political strategy, Laurier told Anglin he was convinced that the government had, with the remedial order, 'exhausted their good intentions, and will never go any further.' A s for a positive suggestion, Laurier was reduced to the point which would become his talisman for the coming year - an investigation. 'This may not be necessary for the Catholics,' Laurier concluded, but it could only be 'a great help with the Protestant community. ' A n important by-product o f this first clash over remedialism was that Laurier again gave serious consideration to resignation as party leader. A t the very time of the debate with Willison, the Liberal leader, recuperating from illness at his home, sent two long letters discussing his proposal to retire to C.S. Hyman of London. The impression of these letters and of Hyman's replies is that only with difficulty was Laurier persuaded to hold firm and await developments. Whatever the seriousness of Laurier's vacillation, the conclusion which emerges from the mass of correspon­ dence among Liberal leaders in March and early A p r i l 1895 supports Willison's claim to a major role in determining Liberal policy at this crucial juncture. According to the editor, Laurier later admitted with gratitude that the Globe had 'driven us into the course we have t a k e n . ' J . I . Tarte's role in bringing Laurier to feel confident about Quebec despite Liberal opposi­ tion to direct remedial action clearly followed upon these first key pres­ sures exerted above all by W i l l i s o n . A t the very least it can be said that Willison's stance, despite compelling political and legal arguments to the contrary, succeeded in convincing Laurier to remain uncommitted for the moment and to begin his troubled but definite shift to the policy of non­ interference. I n comparison with the deteriorating position of Prime Minis­ ter Bowell, Laurier had passed through the first crisis over remedialism relatively unscathed. 8 5

86

87

88

85 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to A n g l i n , A p r i l 2 , 1 8 9 5 86 Ibid.,

L a u r i e r to H y m a n , M a r c h 2 8 , 1 8 9 5 , A p r i l 1 , 1 8 9 5

87 W i l l i s o n to D a f o e , M a r c h 7 , 1 9 2 3 , in C o l q u h o u n , Press,

Politics

and People,

88 S e e L a P i e r r e , ' P o l i t i c s , R a c e a n d R e l i g i o n in F r e n c h C a n a d a ' ( t h e s i s ) , p.279.

p.41

3 Remedialism and clerical action: first skirmish

L A N G E V I N ' S

C O N S E C R A T I O N

A N D

A

R O M A N

L E T T E R

I n the spring of 1895, two events took place in the clerical world which would influence ecclesiastical thought and action for the duration of the Manitoba school crisis. The first of these was the consecration by A r c h ­ bishop Fabre o f Archbishop Langevin on March 19 i n St Boniface. Sen­ ator Bernier had doubts about the thirty-nine-year-old archbishop 'inflammable, avec peu d'experience,' he called Langevin - but hoped that the newly acquired responsibility would moderate his impulsiveness. The ubiquitous Colonel Audet wanted Langevin to use the occasion of his consecration to rally the attending bishops to 'le vrai conservatisme,' but most of the congratulatory letters the archbishop received expressed sym­ pathy for the difficult situation which he was inheriting. On March 30 Langevin wrote to Begin thanking the Quebec archbishop for attending the ceremony, then launched into a political commentary. He spoke of the opening o f the Manitoba legislature, the absence o f Greenway because of illness, a 'discours enrage' by Sifton on the school question and the reme­ dial order, but also o f the possibility that the provincial government might be ready to discuss a compromise. ' U n changement serieux se fait chez nos ennemis; ils semblent commencer a comprendre que nous avons 1

2

1 A A S B , B e r n i e r to de l a B r u e r e , M a r c h 2 4 , 1 8 9 5 2 Ibid.,

A u d e t to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 28, 1895

Remedialism and clerical action 73 reellement des droits,' Langevin stated. However, as the degree of Sifton's control became clearer, the young archbishop did not long retain much optimism about the Manitoba government. A second event of importance for its church-state implications was the arrival in Canada of a letter from Cardinal Ledochowski, secretary o f the Congregatio Pro Propaganda Fide at the Vatican. The letter was dated March 14, arrived on A p r i l 3 or 4, and was individually addressed to all members of the Canadian hierarchy. The Roman cardinal warmly ap­ proved the efforts o f the hierarchy to obtain justice for the Catholics of Manitoba. Above all it was explicit in its condemnation o f 'neutral schools': T l y a une doctrine, evidemment fausse, qui a cours chez quelques-uns, a savoir qu'il n'y a aucun danger dans les ecoles qu'ils appellent neutres, et que ces ecoles peuvent etre frequentees sans peril par les enfants catholiques. Doctrine fausse.' The letter itself did not indicate that it was being sent to all bishops; thus many prelates sent copies to their confreres along with their comments. Bishop Gravel implied that it had been somewhat at his prompting that the Roman letter had been sent. Archbishop Fabre felt that it would encour­ age not only the Canadian bishops but also those American bishops who had been somewhat dismayed at the Faribault decision o f Archbishop Satolli in 1893. Archbishop Langevin, apparently prompted by a quick letter from Bishop Lafleche, suggested that the Ledochowski message might be published or at least made the occasion for a joint statement on the Manitoba school situation by the whole Canadian hierarchy. The Ontario bishops, however, had other ideas. Apparently before hearing from anyone else, Archbishop Walsh countered anticipated ar­ guments in an anxious note to Begin. T think it would not be wise,' he said, 3

4

5

6

7

3 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to B e g i n , M a r c h 30, 1895 4 Ibid.,

L e d o c h o w s k i to C a n a d i a n B i s h o p s , M a r c h 1 4 , 1 8 9 5

5 Ibid.,

G r a v e l to B e g i n , A p r i l 4, 1895

6 Ibid.,

F a b r e to B e g i n , A p r i l 4 , 1 8 9 5 . T h e ' F a r i b a u l t s c h o o l settlement' w a s a c o m p r o m i s e

w i t h the p u b l i c - s c h o o l s y s t e m w o r k e d out b y A r c h b i s h o p J o h n I r e l a n d o f S t P a u l a n d a p p r o v e d b y S a t o l l i , a p o s t o l i c delegate to the U n i t e d S t a t e s . L e a r n i n g that the a r r a n g e ­ m e n t h e h a d m a d e w a s being q u o t e d against the r e s t o r a t i o n o f C a t h o l i c s c h o o l p rivileges in M a n i t o b a , I r e l a n d h a s t e n e d to a s s u r e T a c h e that the M i n n e s o t a c o m p r o m i s e h a d b e e n dictated b y the p r e s u m p t i o n o f ' C h u r c h - S t a t e s e p a r a t i o n ' i n the A m e r i c a n c o n s t i t u t i o n . ' S i M g r . S a t o l l i parlait a u x e v e q u e s d u M a n i t o b a , o u d'autres parties d u C a n a d a , ' I r e l a n d i n s i s t e d , 'il tiendrait c e r t a i n e m e n t u n langage tout different.' ( A A S B , I r e l a n d to T a c h e , January 24,1893) 7 A A T , L a n g e v i n to W a l s h , A p r i l 6, 1895

74 Priests and politicians 'at this critical juncture o f affairs, to publish it in the newspapers, as it would infuriate the Protestants even more than Mercier's Jesuit b i l l . ' Archbishop Cleary was even more explicit. I n reply to Langevin's letter, the Kingston archbishop urged that ecclesiastical trumpets remain silent at least for the moment, a remarkable statement in view of Cleary's acknowl­ edged fearlessness. Cleary's rueful estimate of the Ontario atmosphere was that 'the bigots here do not believe that the hierarchy ever does anything publicly, more especially about election times, except for political party purposes.' He warned Langevin that the probable result of an official church statement would be that 'one party would be directly arrayed against us and you in the contest; whereas the question now stands upon the firm basis o f the constitution, irrespective of parties.' Begin communicated Walsh's opinion to Fabre on A p r i l 7, and to Emard and Langevin on A p r i l 8. I n each case he stated that he agreed with the Toronto archbishop, adding his own exhortation in Langevin's case. He told Langevin that fanatics would say once more that the Pope was trying to take over Canada, but added that the part o f the letter on neutral schools might be privately communicated to members of Parliament, especially 'les flottants.' Monsignor J.O. Routhier, vicar general of Ottawa, presumed that a similar opposition to publication of the Roman letter would be very strong in the federal cabinet. He wrote to his friend Sir Adolphe Caron for confirmation o f this opinion, adding that the letter had 'quelques paroles d'eloge pour le Conseil Prive & pour le Gouvernement Federal.' A t the same time, Routhier observed, 'J'ai pense que cette lettre, si elle etait publiee, ferait tort a vos collegues protestants qui sont deja accuses de se laisser conduire par R o m e . ' Bishop Emard feared that Archbishop Langevin might make a hasty move and communicated his worry to Begin: 8

9

10

11

E n m e m e t e m p s q u e votre lettre d u 8 c o u r a n t , j ' e n r e c e v a i s une de M g r . de S t . Boniface qui me parait hesiter en presence des exhortations pressantes de M g r . Lafleche.

C e l l e s - c i , j e c r o i s , ne s'accordent pas a b s o l u m e n t a v e c la

demande

f o r m u l e e p a r M g r . W a l s h , q u i a l'air de d e m a n d e r d u s a n g froid et de l a p r u d e n c e .

8 A A Q , W a l s h to B e g i n , A p r i l 5 , 1 8 9 5 9 A A S B , C l e a r y to L a n g e v i n , A p r i l 9 , 1 8 9 5 10 Ibid.,

B e g i n to L a n g e v i n , A p r i l 8 , 1 8 9 5

11 P A C , C a r o n P a p e r s , R o u t h i e r to C a r o n , A p r i l 8 , 1 8 9 5 . R o u t h i e r w a s the e l d e r b r o t h e r o f J u d g e A . B . R o u t h i e r , w h o w a s l a t e r to be n a m e d o n e o f the f e d e r a l delegates to w o r k o n the L a u r i e r - G r e e n w a y a g r e e m e n t . T h e O t t a w a m o n s i g n o r w a s a m o n g those w h o r e g a r d e d as d i s a s t r o u s the c l e r i c a l s u p p o r t b e i n g g i v e n to the ' C a s t o r ' f a c t i o n i n the C o n s e r v a t i v e party. See below, pp.311-12.

Remedialism and clerical action 75 Thus, said Emard, the pressing need was for a general meeting of all the Canadian bishops, from which might issue a firm but moderate statement. Meanwhile, Emard had sent a letter of thanks to Cardinal Ledochowski for the Vatican directive, leaving no doubt that the Quebec episcopate considered that the question had become a direct federal responsibility. Praising the remedial order, Emard stated that ' i l contient explicitement la reconnaissance authentique de droits leses des catholiques, et logiquement 11 met le gouvernement federal dans l'obligation d'agir et de remedier a un ordre de choses illegal et illegitime si le gouvernement local refuse de le faire lui-meme.' Concerning episcopal determination to speak out if neces­ sary, Emard sounded as adamant as Lafleche. By A p r i l 10 Emard had concluded that the 'revendications' he had spoken of to Ledochowski did not include publication of the Roman letter or an appeal to the electorate by the bishops. The opinions o f archbishops Cleary and Walsh had had their impact, and Emard posed some searching questions for Langevin's con­ sideration in a letter which revealed some apprehension over the new archbishop's impulsiveness. 12

13

Cet appel a l'electorat a besoin d'etre bien etudie. Est-il necessaire pour faire connaitre la pensee des Eveques? donne-t-il du poids a leurs reclamations? ne jettera-t-il pas contre nous sans profit toute la masse protestante? ne deroutera-t-il pas les catholiques eux-memes par suite des declarations ambigues des candidats? nous-donnera-t-il un homme de plus en chambre? ne nous enlevera-t-il pas quelques-uns du cote protestant? Questions bien graves, qui demandent a etre discutees plus qu'elles ne Tont ete.

Emard renewed his insistence that if anything were to be done, i t should be by the bishops of all the provinces together. 'Vous savez,' Emard wrote, ' i l y a des temperaments ardents et qui croient qu'il faut toujours soulever le public; mais a quoi tout cela peut-il aboutir quand on cherche un denouement constitutionnel?' There was little doubt concerning the sympathies of Bishop Lafleche. A letter to Archbishop Fabre showed that he wanted to remain firm in episcopal support o f the Conservative remedial order, and that if a public statement were necessary to counter any opposite impression, there should be no hedging. A Montreal ecclesiastical journal, La Croix, i m 14

12 A A Q , E m a r d to B e g i n , A p r i l 1 0 , 1 8 9 5 13 A E V , E m a r d to L e d o c h o w s k i , A p r i l 4 , 1 8 9 5 14 A A S B , E m a r d to L a n g e v i n , A p r i l 1 0 , 1 8 9 5

76 Priests and politicians mediately following the issuance of the remedial order, had published an article criticizing the order and the government as ineffective in bringing justice to the Catholics of Manitoba. Lafleche protested against this would-be voice of the clergy attacking the order-in-council without sufficient reflection, and wanted Fabre publicly to disavow the article. Fabre found it difficult to devise a happy solution. He sent a letter to his priests, describing the L a Croix article as 'maladroit,' and forbidding pulpit discussions of the political situation. Yet even this was considered too mild by Conservatives, since it did not condemn the Liberals. 15

16

T H E

V E R C H E R E S

B Y - E L E C T I O N

Further correspondence made it clear that the key to the urgency in the Lafleche letter was the by-election soon to be held in the riding of Ver­ cheres. This riding, one of four to be contested on A p r i l 17, included sections from two dioceses, Montreal and St Hyacinthe. There was no doubt that the vote would be regarded as a test of French-Canadian reac­ tion to the government's Manitoba school policy. As Bishop Emard put it to Archbishop Langevin, Telection de Vercheres, i l ne faut pas dissimuler la chose, aura une grande influence sur la question de vos ecoles.' A t the same time, Emard added, 'cette election se fait dans de tres curieuses conditions.' The 'curious conditions' centred on the question of how much politi­ cians would pressure bishops, and how much ecclesiastical pressure would be placed on voters. One of the key figures approached was Archbishop Langevin himself. His friend Colonel Audet had no hesitation in urging the prelate to appeal for full ecclesiastical support for the Conservative candi­ date, F.J. Bisaillon, against the Liberal, C.A. Geoffrion, brother of the late deputy for the same riding. Audet reminded Langevin that there were only four Catholics as against eleven Protestants in the cabinet. What would happen, he asked, i f clear support did not come from Catholic Quebec? I f , on the other hand, the bishops threw their weight clearly behind the Conservative candidate and the long-time Liberal stronghold of Vercheres were taken, the episcopal bargaining position would be very strong. Colonel Audet did not discuss what would happen to the episcopal 17

18

15 A A M , L a f l e c h e to F a b r e , M a r c h 23,

1895

16 P A C , C a r o n P a p e r s , F a b r e to R o u t h i e r , A p r i l 9, 17 A A S B , E m a r d to L a n g e v i n , A p r i l 12, 18 Ibid.,

A u d e t to L a n g e v i n , A p r i l 3,

1895

1895

1895

Remedialism and clerical action 77 position i f they failed, but Langevin was sufficiently impressed to send strong letters to his Quebec colleagues, Begin, Duhamel, and Fabre. I t was not that Langevin was prepared to accept the Conservative policy without criticism. T o Begin he explained, ' I I faut que le Gouvernement d'Ottawa comprenne qu'il doit en faire une question de gouvernement, son affaire!' A few days later he wrote, 'Ouimet aurait dit a Montreal que le Gouverne­ ment n'interviendra pas durant cette session;' then, heavily underlined, 'Mail il faut qu'il intervienne absolument - nous sommes etrangles i c i , voilabientot cinq ans que nous souffrons!' On the other hand, Langevin did not hesitate to choose between support for the Conservatives as against a possible Liberal alternative. I n a letter to Duhamel, Langevin repeated the same reservations on Ottawa's timidity that he had expressed to Begin, but he did not hesitate to endorse the political deal expected by the government; he echoed the same sentiments in attempting to influence Archbishop Fabre. I t was much against his w i l l that the centre of attention and pressure fell on Fabre of Montreal. Prime Minister Bowell revealed a good deal when he wrote a short note to J.A. Ouimet on A p r i l 6. A m o n g other things, Bowell seemed to presume that the remedial order involved a frank 'quid pro quo' deal with the bishops for their support and that he feared that the Liberals were attempting the same tactic. 19

20

I have just learned that Geoffrion has made arrangements with the Bishops and Clergy that he is to go to Vercheres and denounce Laurier for his silence on the Manitoba School Question, and on that condition they accepted him. I f this be true, it seems that they are playing us false. Y o u had better attend to i t . 2 1

Both Ouimet and Caron quickly moved to 'attend to i t . ' Ouimet con­ tacted Bishop Moreau o f St Hyacinthe and received an encouraging reply. Moreau first mentioned two pastors o f his own diocese whose parishes were in Vercheres; 'ce qu'ils pourront faire, ils le ferront,' he told Ouimet. Moreau then turned his attention to Archbishop Fabre, and assured Ouimet that the Montreal prelate was solidly on the Conservative side. Archbishop Fabre's own letters showed him to be a good deal less confident than Moreau portrayed him. T o Archbishop Begin on A p r i l 5, 22

19 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to B e g i n , A p r i l 1 2 , 1 8 9 5 20 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to D u h a m e l , A p r i l 6 , 1 8 9 5 ; A A M , L a n g e v i n to F a b r e , A p r i l 1 1 , 1 8 9 5 21 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , B o w e l l to O u i m e t , A p r i l 6 , 1 8 9 5 22 A E S H , M o r e a u to O u i m e t , A p r i l 1 0 , 1 8 9 5

78 Priests and politicians Fabre wrote that the by-election was something he would like to ignore but was not being allowed to: L'election de Vercheres nous donne de l'ennui. L a Presse pretend que j ' a i eu une entrevue hier avec M . Geoffrion a 2 h . Or j'etais a la Longue Pointe dans ce moment-la. Je crains que les conservateurs attachent trop d'importance a cette election. Ce comte est rouge depuis plus de trente ans ... L e candidat Geoffrion est le frere de celui qui representait le comte depuis tant d'annees. I I est du comte, puis possede la confiance comme homme de l o i de presque tous les habitants ... L e candidat conservateur est un etranger au c o m t e . 23

This may have been a good analysis of the political situation in Ver­ cheres, but it was not enough for Adolphe Caron. Through Monsignor Routhier, Caron communicated his thoughts to Fabre in what can only be described as raw political pressure. Routhier told of a meeting with Caron, in which the postmaster general had conveyed 'ses secrets et ses craintes au sujet de l'election de Vercheres.' Routhier's argument tightly identified the interests o f party and religion; he went so far as to suggest that Fabre should use his 'influence extraordinaire' to persuade Geoffrion to withdraw from the contest. That Caron and Routhier should have even attempted such an overture with Fabre revealed that the Conservatives were either out o f touch concerning clerical potential in elections or, what is more likely, were clutching at straws to avert disaster in Quebec. On the same day as he sent this letter to Fabre, Routhier dashed off a note to Caron in which he expressed doubts about the Montreal archbishop's political leanings. He enclosed a quotation from Fabre's controversial letter to his priests on the La Croix article, in which the Montreal prelate spoke o f the obligations which would fall on the federal government, without mentioning the silence o f the Liberal opposition. Taking for granted that the Liberals ought to have been condemned, Routhier quoted Fabre's outline o f visible alternatives, now that the order-in-council had been given: 'quoiqu'il en soit, son [Manitoba's] refus d'adopter une mesure que reclament, de l'aveu de tous, la justice et le respect de la constitution, donnerait le droit au pouvoir federal, et lui imposerait le devoir d'intervenir directement et de remedier lui-meme a l'etat de choses actuel.' Clearly the problem from Routhier's point of view was that Fabre, instead of taking 24

25

23 A A Q , F a b r e to B e g i n , A p r i l 5 , 1 8 9 5 24 A A M , R o u t h i e r to F a b r e , A p r i l 8, 1895 25 P A C , C a r o n P a p e r s , R o u t h i e r to C a r o n , A p r i l 8 , 1 8 9 5

Remedialism and clerical action 79 sides against the Liberals, had required from his priests 'un silence absolu sur cette question brulante et delicate.' Fabre's reply to Routhier was an eloquent regret that he had been dragged into the political arena at all. The Montreal prelate was a little sad, a little reproachful, that the government of Canada felt that he could and would directly interfere in an election. L'affaire de Vercheres me preoccupe autant que tout autre et peut-etre plus, parce q u ' i l a plu aux conservateurs de pretendre que je puis faire Telection. Pour la premiere fois de ma vie, j ' a i v u plusieurs ministres federaux et quelques ministres locaux. l i s croient, a tort, que j ' a i de l'influence sur M . Geoffrion. N'ayant jamais parle politique avec lui et de fait n'ayant que des rapports assez rares avec lui, je n? puis pas pretendre etre tellement influent que de la detourner d'une election quand il est deja sur les rangs.

Fabre said he had seen Geoffrion socially on N e w Year's Day and that, on earlier occasions, their contacts had been mostly over legal matters. T o Fabre, the whole affair had been magnified beyond all proportion, and he reminded Routhier that 'on voudrait me pousser a faire une demarche que Ton blamerait dans toute autre circonstance.' Fabre's letter had some effect. A s soon as he had received i t , Routhier sent it along to Caron with the comment: 'Je m'empresse de vous communiquer la lettre de Mgr. Fabre. Mgr. n'est pas si coupable que j e le pensais et que les journaux le disaient. Le comte de Vercheres a toujours ete rouge. Esperons cependant encore au succes. L a defaite dans Ver­ cheres sera bien la condamnation des liberaux sur la question des ecoles.' Routhier did not say what a Conservative defeat would mean, but he concluded with a lament which would have been a fitting ecclesiastical refrain for the entire school crisis: T l est si difficile de conduire le peuple.' On A p r i l 10, Fabre wrote again to Begin, indicating that Geoffrion had explicitly supported remedial action. T l n'est pas facile d'intervenir,' Fabre insisted. 'Ce serait plus aise s'il s'agissait d'une election generate. Dans le cas actuel, M . Geoffrion a parle en faveur de l'ordre en conseil. Que dire alors? I I faudra le prendre comme membre de l'opposition.' Finally, as in his letter to Routhier, Fabre indicated that the irony of the situation did not escape him. 'J'avais coutume d'etre ignore du ministere federal,' he 26

27

26 P A C , C a r o n P a p e r s , F a b r e to R o u t h i e r , A p r i l 9 , 1 8 9 5 . A c o p y o f this letter w a s sent to Routhier's superior, A r c h b i s h o p D u h a m e l . 27 Ibid.,

R o u t h i e r to C a r o n , A p r i l 9, 1895

8o Priests and politicians wrote. 'Cette fois il n'en est pas ainsi ... Les ministres federaux et locaux ne manqueront pas d'en parler a Votre Grandeur.' A subsequent letter to Begin concerning Ouimet showed how concen­ trated that gentleman's pressure on Fabre had been, and how little Fabre had cooperated. Speaking of Ouimet, Fabre said: 28

Quoique ce Monsieur m'a toujours temoigne beaucoup de confiance ... je dois dire qu'il n'a pas ete content de moi dans Felection de Vercheres. Jusqu'a present j'etais ignore a Ottawa. Cette annee trois ministres m'ont fait visite et ont voulu me pousser a faire un acte imprudent en prenant le devant pour combattre M . Geof­ frion. Je leur ai dit que la chose etait impossible. M . Ouimet a ete plus contrarie que les autres. 29

The barrage of visitors and letter-writers managed to get one move from Fabre. Apparently to counteract the impression that his first letter to his priests had been a veiled criticism of the remedial order, as Routhier and others had concluded, Fabre sent a second private letter to his clergy. The archbishop stated that the earlier prohibition applied only to public pro­ nouncements from the pulpit and did not preclude private expressions of support for the federal remedial order. Routhier was quick to pass on this second letter to Caron, saying that it was 'autant que j'attendais.' On A p r i l 16, the day before the election, Routhier sent Caron another note. He was pessimistic enough to feel compelled to defend himself over the Fabre affair. ' L a circulaire de Mgr. Fabre fait bien du bruit, mais j'espere au succes. Elle arrive peut-etre trop tard, mais ce n'est pas ma faute,' he w r o t e . The Conservative newspapers continued to insist that Catholic rights could be upheld only if Conservatives were supported. The Liberal journal, UElecteur, in particular, recognized the bishop's right to speak, because 'c'est une question plutot religieuse que politique,' but they roundly denounced the Conservative attempt to get episcopal endorsement for one party against the other. La Minerve, on the other hand, stated with pious detachment on election day that 'nos lecteurs savent que Mgr. Fabre, archeveque de Montreal, Mgr. Moreau, eveque de SainteHyacinthe, et Mgr. Decelles, son coadjuteur, approuvent hautement 30

31

32

28 A A Q , F a b r e to B e g i n , A p r i l 1 0 , 1 8 9 5 ( F a b r e ' s italics) 29 Ibid.,

F a b r e to B e g i n , A u g u s t 4 , 1 8 9 5

30 P A C , C a r o n P a p e r s , R o u t h i e r to C a r o n , A p r i l 11, 1895 31 Ibid.,

R o u t h i e r to C a r o n , A p r i l 16, 1895

32 A p r i l 16, 1895

Remedialism and clerical action 81 l'ordre en conseil remediateur adopte par le gouvernement federal. Nous sommes en position de dire que l'opinion exprimee par ces eminents prelats est partagee partous les autres membres de l'episcopat canadien.' What­ ever the truth of the Conservative newspapers' claim about episcopal support, the result o f the vote on A p r i l 17 was what had been expected by the realists on both sides; the Liberal Geoffrion defeated the Conservative Bisaillon. The significance of the Vercheres by-election was more far-reaching than the difference of a single seat in the House. The Conservatives had been willing to employ heavy pressure to exploit church influence for political gain. The correspondence showed that some clerical influence was mobilized, although not nearly as much as the Conservatives would have liked, nor enough to bring sustained Liberal protest. The result indicated that, at least in a traditionally Liberal Quebec riding, reaction to the existing state of the school question was not enough to bring a substan­ tial gain to the Conservatives. 33

34

A N T I G O N I S H T H E

A N D

H A L D I M A N D :

M O R E

T R O U B L E

F O R

C O N S E R V A T I V E S

Meanwhile, two o f the other by-elections were being strongly affected by the school question and the federal remedial order. One o f these was Antigonish, Sir John Thompson's former riding, and the scene o f battle described by Colin Mclsaac in his March letters to Laurier. Once again the Conservatives showed no hesitation in seeking episcopal support for their candidate. I n Bishop Cameron of Antigonish, Prime Minister Bowell knew he would find a willing supporter, but he wanted to leave no stone un­ turned. Thus he wrote to A . R . Dickey, secretary o f state, who was visiting his mother in Amherst, N o v a Scotia, asking the cabinet minister to call on the bishop. Once again the main theme was the 'Catholic vote'; if it were not forthcoming, the presumption would be heavily against pursuing reme­ dial action in favour o f Manitoba Catholics. I n the opposing political camp, pressure was being continued on Wilfrid Laurier for a statement which would offset somewhat the pro-coercion speeches being made by Conservatives in Antigonish in early A p r i l . As he 33 A p r i l 17, 1895 34 L'Electeur,

A p r i l 18, 1895. T h e e v i d e n c e p r e s e n t e d here s u b s t a n t i a l l y r e v i s e s the picture

o f a fairly a c t i v e a n d e n t h u s i a s t i c p r o - C o n s e r v a t i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n o n the part o f A r c h b i s h o p F a b r e s u g g e s t e d by R u m i l l y , Histoire,

v n , p.216-18.

82 Priests and politicians and the Liberal candidate, Colin Mclsaac, had done in March, Senator L . G . Power o f Halifax begged Laurier for a declaration in favour of restor­ ing Catholic rights in Manitoba. Power reminded Laurier o f the latter's statement that he did not want to gain office on the school issue. He said that the Conservatives were making the Manitoba school question 'an issue and substantially the only issue in Antigonish and I presume also in Ver­ cheres and the other Quebec constituencies where elections are to be run before the session.' The result, i n his judgment, was that ' i f you remain in your present attitude, which is understood here to be non-committal, we shall certainly lose Antigonish, and probably the majority o f the con­ stituencies both at the by and general elections.' Power admitted that the evident source of trouble was the 'indefensible conduct of the Manitoba government,' and he felt that the obvious solution was to 'settle with the Catholics and take the matter out o f Dominion politics.' This would allow the federal Liberals to 'deal with the Govern­ ment on their general record where we would be sure to beat them.' But facts could not be wished away, and Power's conclusion was to stress again the gravity of the situation: I m a y be m i s t a k e n , but i f I a m , so a r e the m a j o r i t y o f y o u r friends h e r e a n d in A n t i g o n i s h . T u p p e r is to be c h a l l e n g e d at t h e m e e t i n g t o m o r r o w a s to t h e g o v e r n ­ m e n t p o l i c y , a n d his a n s w e r m a y modify the position a little; but in m y o p i n i o n o u r p o l i c y is to s t a n d b y the rights o f the C a t h o l i c s a s r e c o g n i z e d b y the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l act of M a n i t o b a .

3 5

There is no record o f Laurier's reply or o f any formal statement from the Liberal leader of the kind requested by Power. Nevertheless, both Power's and Mclsaac's letters indicated that they endorsed remedial action, i f not the remedial order devised by the government. O n A p r i l 17, Mclsaac was elected by a margin o f 118 votes, reversing the 222-vote majority which the riding had given Sir John Thompson in 1891. Concerning the third riding in which the school question was an impor­ tant factor, Haldimand in Ontario, Laurier received two significant letters on A p r i l 3. The first of these was from Alexander Smith, secretary o f the Ontario Liberal Association. Smith first of all assured Laurier that his position as the leader o f the party was being questioned less and less in Ontario. The policy o f keeping quiet on the school question was also 36

35 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , P o w e r to L a u r i e r , A p r i l 5 , 1 8 9 5 36 T o r o n t o Globe,

A p r i l 18, 1895

Remedialism and clerical action 83 receiving wider acceptance, Smith reported. A s others had done, Smith informed Laurier that several Conservatives had told him that they be­ lieved the federal government would not bring in remedial legislation during the coming session and that this gave Laurier even better grounds for saying nothing. As for Haldimand, Smith felt strongly that it would be a mistake to send a Liberal candidate into the struggle at the last moment. D ' A l t o n McCarthy had entered a candidate on a straight anti-interference platform. Surely it would be better, Smith said, to let the Conservatives and McCarthyites fight it out. Clifford Sifton and Stewart Mulvey of the Man­ itoba Orange Lodge were coming down to help McCarthy. Why not leave them alone, Smith suggested, and thus avoi^ taking a definite stand when the likelihood of gain was very small? A second letter reinforced the position urged by Smith. This was from Edward Fairer o f the Globe, a journalist whose booklet on the reciprocity and annexation problem had caused high excitement during the 1891 fed­ eral election. While he did not suggest an overt alliance, Fairer indicated how McCarthy might be useful to the Liberals both in ideas and practical cooperation. I n the journalist's opinion, the Liberals had no choice but to work with the Barrie lawyer, since 'without doubt the remedial order has greatly strengthened M c C a r t h y . ' I n any case, no Liberal candidate was presented in Haldimand. Sifton campaigned for the McCarthyite candidate, Jeffrey McCarthy, in a manner which was hardly characterized by restraint. So steeped in anti-French and anti-Catholic sentiment were Sifton's speeches, that the Mail and Empire, now moderated though hardly pro-Catholic, found it easy to charge the Manitoba attorney general with extreme prejudice and simple falsehood. A t the same time, the Conservative candidate, W . H . Montague, seems to have presented the remedial order as the probable end to federal action, and Laurier had no hesitation in charging the Conservatives with such a minimal interpretation when he discussed the matter with Archbishop Langevin in M a y . Despite Sifton's presence, Montague won the seat by a margin of 594 votes. The fourth by-election held on A p r i l 17 was in the riding o f Quebec West. Here the school question does not seem to have been such a burning 37

38

39

40

41

42

37 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , S m i t h to L a u r i e r , A p r i l 3, 1895 38 S e e W a k e , Canada 39 Ibid.,

1S74-1896,

p.222.

F a r r e r t o Laurier, April 3,1895

40 A p r i l 16, 1895 41 Ibid.,

A p r i l 12, 1895. S e e b e l o w , p.90.

42 Ibid.,

A p r i l 18, 1895

84 Priests and politicians issue. The result was the defeat of R.R. Dobeil, running as an Independent, by the Independent Conservative, Thomas McGreevy, the man who had been involved in the patronage scandal which had ruined the career of Sir Hector Langevin. The outcome of the by-elections of A p r i l 17 showed two Liberal vic­ tories and two Conservative. Once past, however, the Conservatives were much less inclined to view the tests of strength as the 'question de vie ou de mort' which had been presented to Archbishop Fabre by Caron and others before the contest. Prime Minister Bowell made a virtue out of necessity and made excuses for the losses in a letter to A d a m Brown of Hamilton. 'Antigonish,' he wrote, 'has always been Liberal until captured by Sr. John Thompson, and although we thought there was a good fighting chance, still we had little hope of carrying i t . ' Vercheres was a similar case, Bowell said, and in Quebec West, Dobell in many ways would have been preferable to McGreevy and the lingering unsavoriness connected with the latter, his brother and Sir Hector Langevin. I n any case, Bowell argued, 'Haldimand more than counterbalances all the others. The slap that our good friend Dalton has got in the face, I hope w i l l do him good. However, we will see what he will do next. He has lost his head, and worse than that I am afraid he has lost any principles he ever h a d . ' Whatever the comfort gained by retaining the Haldimand seat, the situation within the Conservative party was deteriorating, and the other by-election defeats, especially that in Vercheres, had speeded up the process. The McCarthyite wing and its sympathizers still within the party were the main problem on the English side; the divisions within the French contingent were, i f anything, more ominous. Even before the by-elections Bowell had been compelled to make a number of statements to insist that the representative of the 'Castor' wing in the cabinet, A.R. Angers, was not 'on the block.' T o Senator J.J. Ross, member of the Quebec Legislative Council and former premier, Bowell wrote in agitation that he could not be responsible for every rumour started by the Liberal press, 'nor can I help the talk of those who no doubt would like to see the change to which you refer. O f one thing I can assure you. There is no one in the Cabinet for whom I have a higher respect, and in whose party fidelity I have more confidence, than our friend Mr. Angers. Under the circumstances, it is not at all likely that he will be sacrificed by m e . ' The events o f July and 43

44

43 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , B o w e l l to B r o w n , A p r i l 19, 1895 44 Ibid.,

B o w e l l to R o s s , A p r i l 11, 1895. J . J . R o s s , ' w h o s e S c o t c h n a m e a n d F r e n c h tongue

bore w i t n e s s to the a s s i m i l a t i n g effect o f generations o f F r e n c h m o t h e r s ' ( S k e l t o n , Laurier,

i , p . 4 7 8 ) , h a d b e e n , s i n c e 1891, s p e a k e r of the S e n a t e . N o t u n i m p o r t a n t l y , he w a s

also k n o w n as a good friend of B i s h o p Lafleche.

Remedialism and clerical action 85 August would provide an interesting commentary on this statement, but the rumour was not isolated. Bowell was obliged to make a similar denial to Alphonse Charlebois, Quebec City organizer, and to reveal that he had received several other challenges on the same subject. Colonel Audet was prepared to blame Ouimet for the Vercheres defeat. He wrote to Archbishop Langevin that the actions of the minister of public works and the rest of the Bleu wing of the Conservatives were leading to a general Liberal takeover in Quebec, 'la victoire des liberaux qui pourrait miner a jamais vos libertes.' Arthur Dansereau, postmaster of Montreal and confidant of Adolphe Chapleau, saw the other side of the question. T o him, Ouimet had been thrust into the Vercheres fight much against his will and had been forced to proclaim things which were against his better judgment. T w o of Ouimet's Quebec lieutenants, G.A. Nantel, M L A , and T.C. Casgrain, M . P . , felt the same way and Casgrain had confided his disgust to Dansereau. Describing Casgrain's reflection on Ouimet's situa­ tion, Dansereau wrote pessimistically to Chapleau: 45

46

I I [ O u i m e t ] n o u s a c o n f i e q u ' i l e t a i t d e n o t r e a v i s et q u ' i l a e t e e n v o y e d a n s l e c o m t e c o m m e un c h i e n qui v a a l a c h a s s e malgre lui. II n'y a pas de doute que O u i m e t , a v e c s o n g r o s b o n s e n s , s e n t a i t l ' e n o r m i t e d e l a b e t i s e q u ' o n l u i f a i s a i t f a i r e , m a i s il a e t e entraine par son mauvais entourage. l'election,

il n ' a

pas

mis

les

pieds

L e fait est q u e les trois d e r n i e r s j o u r s a

Montreal,

ce

qui

montre

assez

de son

decouragement.

Dansereau added that he believed Caron and Ouimet were with difficulty restraining themselves from attacking Angers and the Castors, especially since the Castor journal, Le Moniteur de Levis, had been pursuing Caron. ' Je me demande quelle belle vie de communaute ces messieurs vont mener durant la session,' he concluded. Once again it was evident that more had been at stake in the by-elections than a few votes in Parliament. I f they were a test, particularly in Catholic areas, of the federal government's policy on the Manitoba schools, they showed that the policy was not gaining support. Remedial action itself was not necessarily rejected, but the Conservative handling of the question was not endorsed in the way party strategists had stressed as vital before the vote was taken. I t was a portent for future results on a larger scale. A n d the bitter divisions among Quebec Conservatives had been widened at a time when even unanimity might not have saved the situation. 47

45 Ibid.,

B o w e l l to C h a r l e b o i s , A p r i l 11, 1895

46 A A S B , A u d e t to L a n g e v i n , A p r i l 1 8 , 1 8 9 5 47 P A C , C h a p l e a u P a p e r s , D a n s e r e a u to C h a p l e a u , A p r i l 19, 1895

86 Priests and politicians S T O R M

S I G N A L S

F R O M

M A N I T O B A !

L A N G E V I N

M E E T S

L A U R I E R

The parliamentary session of 1895 opened on A p r i l 18, the day after the by-elections. The Speech from the Throne relegated the school question to a relatively minor place, making a simple reference to the Privy Council decision and the order-in-council sent to Manitoba. The speeches in the subsequent debate, however, did not leave the school issue in obscurity. Laurier referred to the growing divisions within the cabinet and deplored what he called the 'unfortunate language' o f the remedial order. George Foster, named government House leader after Thompson's death and Bowell's accession, retorted by pointing out what would be clearly a Liberal as well as a Conservative dilemma, a 'two-faced' policy on re­ medialism. Citing Tarte and Geoffrion in Vercheres, Foster reminded Laurier that his Quebec Liberal followers were finding the order-in-council not dictatorial but too soft. Since the next move belonged to Manitoba, however, the school question moved out o f the parliamentary spotlight during May and June. More than anyone else, Prime Minister Bowell had to be concerned with Manitoba's reaction to the remedial order. I n striking contrast, i f not contradiction, to the full restoration terms of the remedial order, several of Bowell's letters during A p r i l and May suggested that the Manitoba gov­ ernment might make certain minor concessions, and that this would ab­ solve the federal government from further action. O n A p r i l 23 Bowell sent a reply to James Fisher o f Winnipeg, who was trying to arrange a 'gentleman's agreement' between Greenway and the federal government in spite o f Sifton. Bowell said he would try to follow some of Fisher's suggestions in seeking a settlement. Referring to Sifton and the statements the latter had made in the Haldimand campaign, Bowell wrote that ' i f I may judge your Attorney-General by his recent conduct in Ontario, I should say that he was a man of very little discretion or judgment.' The prime minister said that it had been understood that Sifton had come to Ontario officially to obtain legal counsel. ' W h y ... he should have gone into Haldimand and there pledged his Government to a certain line of action, before they could have possibly come to a decision,' Bowell wondered, 'is somewhat incom­ prehensible. Such conduct, in any other Government, would, beyond doubt, have caused his resignation or dismissal.' 48

49

50

48 C a n a d a , H o u s e o f C o m m o n s , Debates, 49 Ibid.,

1895, P-35

p.si

50 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , B o w e l l to F i s h e r , A p r i l 2 3 , 1 8 9 5

Remedialism and clerical action 87 On A p r i l 30 and May 1, three coded telegrams went from Bowell to H . H . Smith, a prominent Winnipeg Conservative, all dealing with an 'important letter sent Greenway by Governor General.' L o r d Aberdeen's letter included an invitation to Ottawa for a conference, with some hint o f 'better terms' for Manitoba. Greenway accepted the invitation, but in his reply he was careful to insist that willingness to discuss the school question 'does not o f itself involve any admission o f an intent to compromise.' He equally rejected any 'bargain' involving a more favourable financial settlement, since this w o u l d ' in all probability lead to a misconstruction of the motives of both parties.' I n any case, the point which emerged most clearly in the months of A p r i l , M a y , and June 1895 was that the Manitoba government and Sifton in particular were determined to do nothing, but to take as much time as possible in the delay. Sifton, once back from the hustings in Ontario, returned to his cool, precise manner, and insisted that the strictest legal argument be used to uphold the Manitoba government position. I n an interesting letter sent during the lull before the re-opening o f the Manitoba legislature, Sifton explicitly abandoned the straight provincial rights stand. Writing to a supporter who had dwelt exclusively on the provincial versus federal argument, Sifton observed that T do not fancy that we can take the very high ground in regard to Provincial Rights that you seem to favor.' The Privy Council decision, he said, made it clear that 'the jurisdiction exists and the fact that the jurisdiction exists carries with it the conclusion that under some possible circumstances i t should be exercised.' Sifton's posi­ tion was that 'although a case might arise in which the jurisdiction should be exercised, yet no case for interference has been made in respect of our school system; in fact any evidence that has been produced goes to show that there ought to be no interference.' The one point to be established, therefore, Sifton concluded, was to show 'that no such case has arisen.' The Manitoba legislature met again on May 9, but quickly adjourned. Theophile Pare, M L A , wrote to Langevin that the new adjournment had been voted i n order to further consider an answer to the federal remedial order. This was evidently part o f Sifton's policy o f delay, Pare said, and there was little prospect of a change in position; nevertheless, 'mon impres­ sion est que le gouvernement est fort embarrasse de la question.' Unhap­ pily, Pare added, his fellow French-Canadian deputy, A . F . Martin, had 51

52

53

54

51 Ibid.,

B o w e l l to S m i t h , A p r i l 30, 1895

52 P A M , G r e e n w a y P a p e r s , G r e e n w a y to A b e r d e e n , M a y 11, 1895 53 F o r e x a m p l e , P A C , Sifton P a p e r s , Sifton to S c h u l t z , M a y 1, 1895 54 Ibid.,

Sifton to J o h n C r e r a r , M a y 1, 1895

88 Priests and politicians blundered by talking too long, getting into a trivial argument with James Fisher, who was one of their best supporters, and making too many inflammatory remarks about Sifton's campaign in Haldimand. The result had been that Sifton was able to turn the situation to his own advantage. Pare's conclusion was not all pessimistic, however. ' L e public est fatigue,' he wrote. ' L ' o p i n i o n se modifie a M a n i t o b a . ' Unfortunately, Archbishop Langevin was not the type to help modify opinion and emotion. Probably the most significant event in the school question issue in the weeks between the A p r i l by-elections and the Man­ itoba reply to the remedial order, was the visit of the St Boniface prelate to Ottawa in A p r i l and May and his discussions with government officials and with Wilfrid Laurier. Langevin sent a letter to Prime Minister Bowell on A p r i l 25 requesting a meeting, and received a courteous invitation in r e p l y . Bowell was less polite in describing Langevin to others. Hugh John Macdonald had written the prime minister informing him of Langevin's trip; Bowell reported the archbishop's desire for an interview, as well as his propensity for inflammatory public statements. Perhaps at Bowell's sug­ gestion, John Costigan, the N e w Brunswick Irish-Catholic member of the cabinet, wrote to the archbishop to emphasize that the purpose of the remedial order had been neither delay nor compromise. The only possible compromise, Costigan insisted, would be one which could be accepted by Langevin and the Catholics of Manitoba. On the Liberal side, the first important figure to contact Langevin was Henri Joly de Lotbiniere. Joly wrote that he had informed Laurier of the archbishop's forthcoming visit to Ottawa and that a meeting with the Liberal leader might be arranged. Joly rejected Sifton's extremism, espe­ cially his Haldimand statements, yet urged moderation, rather than an equally extreme position in Langevin's reaction. Joly's eloquent plea con­ cluded: 55

56

57

58

II s e m b l e q u e cette q u e s t i o n d e s t r u c t i o n religieuse d e v a i t etre, plus q u ' a u c u n a u t r e , e n v i s a g e e a v e c m o d e r a t i o n , s a n s p r e j u g e s et s a n s p a s s i o n , q u e T o n d e v r a i t c o m m e n c e r p a r s e m e t t r e a l a p l a c e d e c e u x d o n t les o p i n i o n s d i f f e r e n t d e s n o t r e s et 55 A A S B , P a r e to L a n g e v i n , M a y 11, 1895 56 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , B o w e l l to L a n g e v i n , A p r i l 27, 1895 57 Ibid.,

B o w e l l to M a c d o n a l d , A p r i l 29, 1895. L a d y A b e r d e e n ' s i m p r e s s i o n o f the n e w

a r c h b i s h o p w a s e q u a l l y unflattering. H e r J o u r n a l d e s c r i b e d L a n g e v i n as 'still u n d e r forty & v e r y fiery o n the S c h o o l Q u e s t i o n ... v e r y full o f a n x i e t y . H e also m a d e u n w i s e s p e e c h e s ' (Journal,

J u l y 13, 1895, p.235).

58 A A S B , C o s t i g a n to L a n g e v i n , M a y 6, 1895

fighting

Remedialism and clerical action 89 se faire u n d e v o i r de c o n s i d e r e r l a q u e s t i o n a l e u r point d e v u e , a u s s i b i e n q u ' a u notre.

5 9

The meeting of Langevin with Laurier was arranged for May 8. Alphonse LaRiviere, according to his own account, was the one who finally en­ gineered the interview, to take place in a private office at the University of O t t a w a . Langevin wrote Laurier three days later to thank him for the meeting, but also to make more explicit certain points which he felt had not been completely clear in the discussion. The archbishop began with a compliment on Laurier's rejection of certain 'doctrines impies et antisociales,' but quickly added reservations. Langevin took as his point of departure the amiable generality on which he and the Liberal leader had parted. 'Quand, au moment oil vous vous leviez pour partir,' Langevin wrote, 'je vous ai demande si nous pouvions compter sur vous, je ne me suis pas bien explique et je comprends que votre reponse n'ait pas ete directe ... Je voulais dire que j'esperais vous voir parmi ceux qui approuvent publiquement l'ordre-en-conseil aussi bien que le jugement du conseil prive.' The archbishop then proceeded to a strong suggestion o f guilt by association for those, especially Catholics, who would criticize the reme­ dial order and did not hesitate to contrast the attitude of Bowell and other 'protestants eminents.' 'Je veux esperer encore que vous ne nous forcerez pas a dire que tout n'est fait sans vous - meme malgre vous,' Langevin concluded. 'Je repete que quiconque ne recommande et meme attaque l'ordre-en-conseil se montre notre ennemi. Celui qui n'est pas carrement pour nous est contre nous.' Acceptance o f Langevin's position would have left Laurier with very little room to manoeuver. On May 14, the Liberal leader replied that he would be pleased to discuss the matter further i f Langevin so desired but was obliged to differ sharply with the archbishop on the method of effective federal help. Laurier insisted that he had supported the duty of intervention from Ottawa long before the judicial decision had appeared. As for the existing remedial order, Laurier could only call it 'aussi faible de fond que violent de forme.' He reminded Langevin that the document was being interpreted in diametrically opposite ways by the supporters and oppo­ nents of separate schools in the Conservative party: 'Votre Grandeur est 60

61

59 Ibid.,

L o t b i n i e r e to L a n g e v i n , M a y 3, 1895

60 Ibid.,

L a R i v i e r e to L a n g e v i n , M a y 8, 1895

61 Ibid.,

L a n g e v i n to L a u r i e r , M a y 11, 1895. T h i s d o c u m e n t a n d the s u b s e q u e n t one are a l s o

found in the L a u r i e r P a p e r s .

90 Priests and politicians satisfait de cet ordre tel qu'interprete a Vercheres et a Antigonish. Elle ne saurait l'approuver tel qu'interprete a Haldimand.' Laurier concluded that the government would have to decide which was the authentic interpreta­ tion before Langevin could expect him to approve i t . There is no record of any further meeting between Laurier and Lange­ vin. However, the confrontation which did take place marked an important step. I t meant that Laurier had had an extended opportunity to contact the young archbishop both by word and letter and to sense the unlikelihood that compromise would be reached in Manitoba. On the other hand, it meant that Langevin had encountered, and been swayed by, the Laurier charm without being convinced that any substantial Liberal help would be forthcoming for what Langevin wanted, effective federal interference. Finally, the exchange demonstrated how possible it was for Laurier to oppose a government policy which was already showing signs of being profoundly split. The question still remained, however, of which direction Langevin would pursue, the accommodating or the adamant. Voices were not lacking on either side. John Ewart wrote on May 14 to inform Langevin that Greenway and Sifton were on their way to Ottawa and that he himself would be coming to Ontario. He told the archbishop of a lecture on the school question which he, Ewart, had given in the Congregational church in Winnipeg at the invitation of Reverend Pedley, and indicated that his suggestions of a compromise settlement had been well received. Ewart wrote again on May 25 from Toronto, informing Langevin that he was available i f needed, and underlining the clerical dimension of the opposing camp. T trust that some fair settlement may be arrived at,' Ewart said, 'some arrangement which will leave to your people all the control that is necessary for the conservation of the schools as Catholic schools, although of the National type, but which will be in some measure not altogether displeasing to the Protestant c l e r g y . ' Archbishop O'Brien of Halifax was in Ottawa at the same time and made a plea similar to Ewart's. He insisted that he was not trying to prejudge the case for Langevin, but used L o r d Aberdeen's name to further his support for a compromise. T believe there is a very general desire to keep the question out o f Dominion politics,' O'Brien wrote. 'Also, it seems to me that should Greenway offer certain measures of relief which might not, 6 2

63

64

62 Ibid.,

L a u r i e r to L a n g e v i n , M a y 14, 1895

63 Ibid.,

E w a r t to L a n g e v i n , M a y 14, 1895

64 Ibid.,

E w a r t to L a n g e v i n , M a y 25, 1895

Remedialism and clerical action 91 perhaps, fully meet your views, there is a possibility that the House might consider them sufficient, and by vote or resolution decide that the Man­ itoba Gov't, had met the requirements of the Remedial Order. I have good reason to know that His Excellency is most anxious to see the question settled,' he concluded. On the other side, Bishop Lafleche saw to it that Langevin was not left to himself and to influences which might persuade him to give in. On May 15 the bishop of Trois-Rivieres wrote Langevin that every point along the line had to be firmly maintained. T o u r que les ecoles soient veritablement separees, i l faut absolument que l'influence protestante ou infidele n'y puisse penetrer d'aucune maniere, ni par inspection, ni par diplome, ni par les livres.' Lafleche urged extreme wariness in the proposed Ottawa meet­ ing with Greenway and Sifton, using a scriptural image for emphasis: 65

C'est maintenant qu'il faut a la simplicite de la colombe joindre la prudence du serpent. On nous concedera sans doute le principe et le nom des ecoles separees qui vous sontgarantis par la constitution, lejugementde lareine et le 'remedial order.' Mais quelles consequences en tireront ces messieurs? On vous assurera de meme, le droit aux contributions des Catholiques et l'exemption de contribuer aux ecoles publiques ou protestantes et aussi votre part aux allocations du gouvernement, mais dans quelles proportions? 66

Lafleche repeated the same sentiments in a letter to Monsignor Marois, vicar general of Quebec, and urged the latter to use his influence on Langevin, whom he still feared might compromise. O n the following day, May 16, Lafleche again wrote Langevin to condemn a plan which the Courrier du Canada had published as the probable Greenway offer. 'C'est tout simplement le plan des ecoles du N . O . auxquelles on a conserve la qualification d'ecoles separees, et qu'en realite on a remises aux mains des protestants.' Another letter to Marois on May 28 indicated that Lafleche was still unsure o f Langevin's steadfastness and once again showed his own opposition to even the slightest accommodation. I n part, Lafleche wrote, 67

68

L a rumeur de compromis propose par Mgr. A . P . Langevin est dementie par les 65 Ibid.,

O ' B r i e n to L a n g e v i n , M a y 1 7 , 1 8 9 5

66 Ibid.,

L a f l e c h e to L a n g e v i n , M a y 28, 1895

67 A A Q , L a f l e c h e to M a r o i s , M a y 15, 1895 68 A A S B , L a f l e c h e to L a n g e v i n , M a y 1 6 , 1 8 9 5

92 Priests and politicians journaux et serait compromettante si elle etait vraie. Quand on a un droit certain garanti par la constitution, reconnu et protege par le plus haut tribunal de l'empire, et par l'autorite royale elle-meme, on n'a pas compromis a proposer, mais un droit a reclamer purement et simplement envers et contre tous ceux qui voudraient y porter atteinte. 69

Lafleche's outlook, certainly of profound influence on the attitude adopted by the newly consecrated Langevin, was hardly calculated to lead to a settlement either with Greenway or w i t h the federal intermediaries. I n point of fact, Langevin would not be offered even what Lafleche considered all too little. From St Hyacinthe Langevin sent to Begin a pessimistic summary of the discussions in Ottawa held as a result of L o r d Aberdeen's invitation to Greenway and Sifton. Voici ou en est notre grande question - permettez-moi cette brusque entree en matiere, je suis si presse. 1. Le Gouverneur-general a done fait venir Greenway et Sifton afin de les entendre et de se renseigner. lis n'ont vu ni Bowell ni votre serviteur - le Gouv. Gen. n'y tenait point et eux non plus - Son Excellence craignait une discussion trop vive - Greenway et Sifton ont demande que le Gouvernement leur fit des proposi­ tions. 2 . Le Gouv.-General a vu Bowell avec M M . Caron, Costigan, Haggart, Foster et D a l y - il leur dit ce que demandait Greenway & cie. - Bowell s'est fache et a dit que e'etait trop fort, que cette conduite prouvait la mauvaise foi de Greenway et cie. 'Nous leur avons fait savoir,' dit-il, 'notre maniere de voir - accepte-t-il l'ordre-en-conseil? Si oui, alors done quelle mesure? - si non, qu'ils le disent carrement.' 3. J'ai parle avec son Excellence a deux reprises. Je lui ai dit pourquoi je tenais ferme. I I m'a paru satisfait. 4. J'ai vu Bowell en particulier. I I m'a l'air d'etre bien resolu a regler la difficulte, mais nous donnera-t-il assez? Greenway et Sifton sont repartis - vont-ils faire quelques propositions le 13 j u i n , j o u r de l'ouverture du parlement du Man­ itoba? Je ne sais, mail il est a craindre qu'ils proposent quelque chose d'impossible. Alors que fera le Gouvernement d'Ottawa? Nous defendra-t-il? Je l'espere - oh! si Laurier venait a notre aide carrement! Quel [appui] il apporterait a la cause! 70

Thus can be seen the main outline of events surrounding the visit of the 69 A A Q , L a f l e c h e to M a r o i s , M a y 28, 1895 70 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to B e g i n , M a y 26, 1895

Remedialism and clerical action 93 Manitoba officials to Ottawa. L o r d Aberdeen had been the chief inter­ mediary, and had decided against a confrontation of the principals either out of fear at the last moment or out of genuine conviction that no good would result. Archbishop Langevin was more than ever thrown back on federal action and in his own view needed Laurier's support at least as much as that of the Conservative government. A s far as accusations of unworthy collusion were concerned, the Liberal press in Quebec was not slow to attack Langevin, as long as the federal Conservatives were in­ volved in the bargain. L'Electeur of Quebec suggested just such an agree­ ment between Langevin and the Ottawa government in a report published on June 6 . I n reaction, an excited telegram was sent by the archbishop from St Boniface to Monsignor Marois in Quebec: 7 1

C e que

dit l ' E l e c t e u r

du six c o u r a n t sur une

e n t r e v u e a v e c D a l y et T u p p e r

est

a b s o l u m e n t f a u x . J e n'ai p a s dit u n m o t des e c o l e s . N o u s a v o n s p a r l e de l a m o i s s o n au

nord-ouest

Evenement.

et

de

la

sante

de

1'honorable

Tupper.

Avertissez

Courrier

et

7 2

There may have been no secret deal; the message equally revealed no progress. A l l in all, the events of May and early June provided anything but an improving picture for a quick and easy settlement of the school crisis. After some long-range sparring, both the Manitoba government and ec­ clesiastical authorities had hardened their respective positions. Moreover, the federal government was in a progressively worsening condition as the avenues of escape closed off one by one. Once again Dansereau's mordant wit described the situation. Returning from the capital he wrote to Chap­ leau at Spencer Wood: 'Si tu savais ce que c'est a ce moment a Ottawa! Tout le monde se plaint des ministres, qu'ils trouvent faibles et insipides. ' It was into this unhappy atmosphere that the reply of the Manitoba gov­ ernment to the remedial order came. 7 3

M A N I T O B A ' S

R E P L Y

A N D

O T T A W A ' S

C O N F U S I O N

The Manitoba Legislative Assembly was reconvened on June 13, delayed from the originally scheduled date of May 9. Appearing in the press on June 15, the official reply of the provincial government to the federal remedial 71 L'Electeur,

J u n e 6,

1895

72 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to M a r o i s , J u n e 10,

1895

73 P A C , C h a p l e a u P a p e r s , D a n s e r e a u to C h a p l e a u , M a y 1 5 , 1 8 9 5

94 Priests and politicians order was sent to Ottawa under the date o f June 25. Three major points were made in refusing to comply with the order. The first concerned efficiency: Compliance with the terms of the Order would restore Catholic separate schools with no more satisfactory guarantee for their efficiency than existed prior to said date ... The said schools were found to be inefficient. A s conducted under the Roman Catholic section o f the Board of Education, they did not possess the attributes of efficient modern public schools. Their conduct, management and regulation were defective; as a result of leaving a large section o f the population with no better means of education than was thus supplied, many people grew up i n a state of illiteracy.

Coolly overlooking the debate which took place in 1890 prior to the Public Schools A c t and the writings o f Tache, Ewart, and others on the subject, the reply stated that 'so far as we are aware, there has never been any attempt made to defend these schools on their merits, and we do not know of any ground upon which the expenditure of public money in their support could be justified.' N e x t came the claim that insufficient investigation had preceded the federal order; thus, i n the view of the province, much further inquiry was needed before attempting remedial action. 'We also believe,' the reply went on, 'that there was lacking the means o f forming a correct judgment in the Province of Manitoba, as to the effect upon the province o f changes in the direction indicated in the Order.' Finally came the reminder that local regulation was the long-range key to the situation. Reminiscent o f the Stephen Douglas 'Freeport Doctrine,' the provincial statement warned that the federal government might be left with an administrative problem which it could neither handle nor get rid of. The conclusion of the Manitoba government was polite but chilling: We respectfully suggest to Your Excellency in Council that all o f the above considerations call most strongly for full and careful deliberation and for such a course o f action as w i l l avoid irritating complications ... We deem it proper also to call attention to the fact that it is only a few months since the latest decision upon the subject was given by the Judicial Committee o f the Privy C o u n c i l . 74

There was no doubt of the skill of the reply, whatever its accuracy. John Willison's later descriptions were apt: 'for clearness, directness, simplicity 74 C a n a d a , Sessional

Papers,

1895, n o . 20c

Remedialism and clerical action 95 and dignity, nothing in the literature of the controversy excels the des­ patches of the provincial administration in explanation and defence of its p o s i t i o n . ' I f ever Sifton's tactical and literary skill was in evidence, the Manitoba reply was a prime example. The nature of the reply, as much as it may have been expected, threw the troubled federal government ranks even further into disarray. Prime Minis­ ter Bowell was more than ever caught between two fires. A letter from Emerson Coats worth, Conservative M P from East Toronto, illustrated the depth of feeling against remedial action i n one wing o f the party. Coatsworth was calm but factual; T trust you will not feel compelled to introduce any remedial legislation this session,' he wrote. 'The feeling against it in Ontario has grown so strong that with every desire to support the Govern­ ment I (and I believe a large number of Ontario Conservatives are similarly situated) feel that it would simply be committing suicide politically to go in favor of such legislation.' Coatsworth cited numerous Methodist confer­ ence resolutions against remedial action as 'some indication of the Protes­ tant feeling,' and added simply that he had 'direct notice from my consti­ tuency that I must oppose it or drop out.' He hoped that Bowell would again find a way of 'tiding it over for a time,' and reminded the prime minister of the lesson of the A p r i l by-elections. 'Judging from Vercheres & Antigonish,' he wrote, ' i t will not strengthen the government even in Catholic ridings.' Coatsworth concluded that he had no desire to add to Bowell's difficulties, but felt that facts had to be faced at all costs. Coatsworth's opinion was backed not only by the Methodist confer­ ences which he mentioned, but also by many assemblies of other Protestant denominations, notably the Presbyterian. I n a resolution passed at the General Assembly of the Presbyterian church in London in June 1895, it was held that, while parents and the church had the duty o f detailed religious instruction, 'yet the system of public instruction should be based upon and pervaded by the principles o f Christianity, and should give distinct place to the reading of the Scriptures and prayer.' On the other hand, separate denominational schools were declared to be an abuse; therefore federal interference in the Manitoba case was condemned. 'Such a course,' the resolution stated, 'could result only in evil which is not, we believe, demanded by a supposed compact between the Province and the Dominion of Canada, or between different classes of people in the province itself.' The final conclusion of the resolution was that a conference should 75

76

75 Sir Wilfrid

Laurier

and the Liberal

Party,

11, p.212

76 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , C o a t s w o r t h to B o w e l l , J u n e 24, 1895

96 Priests and politicians be held between Manitoba and the federal government to settle the dispute. Even among the supporters of remedial action on the Conservative side, there was deep division on the nature and timing of the action. The same questions which had led to C . H . Tupper's resignation in March had to be faced over again: should a bill be attempted immediately or should further negotiations be initiated with Manitoba? A cablegram, supported by a following letter, from Sir Charles Tupper in London to his son on June 21, indicated the direction in which opinion was running within the cabinet: 77

Do not think postponement although indefensable [sic] should under circumstances involve resignation. Three Provinces having at bye-elections supported remedial order, position completely changed. Strongly advise you to support remedial legislation in present House as Manitoba has refused, and resign i f that policy not adopted by Government. Only defensible course. Commission of Judges now would stultify Cabinet passing Remedial Order. 78

I f Sir Charles was advising that the proposal to defer a remedial bill should at least be countenanced, the same was not true of the FrenchCanadian bishops. Even the most avid Conservative partisans in the cleri­ cal ranks were ready to threaten condemnation of the federal government i f the Manitoba reply were not met immediately with a remedial bill. A promise of things to come was reflected in a letter from the Quebec chancery office to Langevin, written as soon as the first news of the contents of the Manitoba reply had filtered through. Abbe L . Lindsay, acting as secretary while Archbishop Begin was on pastoral visitation in the country, wrote on June 17 that he was helping Monsignor Marois send out a large number of letters prompted by the disturbing news from Winnipeg and Ottawa. Thomas Chapais of the Courrier du Canada and minister without portfolio in the Taillon government in Quebec and his friend, Alphonse Charlebois, had hurried to see Marois on receipt of the report. These gentlemen, self-professed representatives of les craintes et les desirs des francs conservateurs, mais amis de la religion et de la Patrie,' although unwilling to go as far as having their own names mentioned as initiators, wanted une action commune de l'episcopat vis-a-vis du gouvernment au sujet du "Remedial O r d e r . " ' Significantly, the visitors' 4

4

77 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , ' R e s o l u t i o n o f the G e n e r a l A s s e m b l y o f P r e s b y t e r i a n C h u r c h , ' J u n e , 1895 78 P A C , T u p p e r P a p e r s , T u p p e r to C . H . T u p p e r , J u n e 2 1 , 1 8 9 5

Remedialism and clerical action 97 argument was that only the bishops could effectively counter the pressure which was being exerted on the cabinet to again stall for time. 'On connait la signification de ce que les Anglais appellent "the six months h o i s t , " ' Lindsay went on. 'C'est la mort et l'enterrement du "Remedial Order," et le "finis Poloniae" des ecoles du Manitoba.' The urgent request of Chapais and Charlebois was, therefore, that the bishops should confront the gov­ ernment and firmly state:' " N o n , vous n'ajournerez pas ainsi le reglement de cette question vitale. Prolongez la session de quelques semaines, et rendez-vous justice." ' A second letter on the same subject also involved Vicar General Marois, but this time referred to the hierarchy as the initiator o f pressure to be brought on the federal government. H . Adjutor Turcotte, a Quebec Con­ servative lawyer, wrote to his brother Arthur Turcotte, M P , i n Ottawa, on June 18, and reported some strong statements from Marois about the bishops' position. ' l i s ne veulent plus, disent-ils, etre leurres,' Marois insisted. ' I I y a cinq ans and plus qu'une criante injustice, reconnue par le Conseil Prive, existe ... Remettre la loi remediatrice a une autre session leur parait un leurre nouveau. l i s admettent la difficulty de la situation, mais il y a longtemps qu'elle est prevue; le Gouvernement a du s'y preparer; s'il n'est pas capable de la dominer, qu'il disparaisse. I I y a des limites pour les catholiques a faire les chiens couchants.' Turcotte continued to quote Marois; then, in the same vein reflected by Lindsay the day before, he reported the equally strong opinion of Thomas Chapais, especially noting the ironic importance of Bowell to 'la bonne cause': 7 9

II est a u s s i c a r r e m e n t pour u n reglement a cette session; il pretend que differer, c ' e s t t r o p r i s q u e r - le i e r m i n i s t r e peut etre r e m p l a c e p a r u n a u t r e m o i n s

bien

dispose; des c a u s e s peuvent e m p e c h e r une autre session sans loi remediatrice, & a l o r s l a d e f a i t e e c r a s a n t e e s t c e r t a i n e p o u r l e s c o n s e r v a t e u r s d a n s le p r o v i n c e , le clerge unanime contre eux & c , & c .

Turcotte then added his own opinion, inserting an even stronger dash o f political advantage and strategy against Laurier: C e sont l a les v u e s q u ' o n m ' a e x p r i m e e s ; j e ne d i s c u t e pas l e u r m e r i t e . M a i s si le gouvernement a des des

raisons;

raisons

p o u r ne pas p r o c e d e r a cette s e s s i o n , il faut que ce soit

qu'il les fasse connaitre a u m o i n s a u x e v e q u e s ,

& a des

hommes

c o m m e M g r . M a r o i s ! ! D a n s t o u s les c a s , m o n o p i n i o n p e r s o n n e l l e e s t q u e le m i e u x

79 A A S B , L i n d s a y to L a n g e v i n , J u n e 1 7 , 1 8 9 5

98 Priests and politicians est d'en finir avec cette damnee question au plus vite. A quoi bon retarder, prenez done le taureau par les comes en braves, et vous le dompterez infailliblement ... L'Electeur de ce soir promet l'appui de Laurier & des liberaux catholiques. Vous devez etre capables de faire votre procedure de maniere a forcer Laurier a voter pour le gouvernement, ou a l'ecraser a la prochaine election. 80

Nothing was more remarkable in these two letters than the almost compulsive desire to have the hierarchy take the initiative. There could hardly have been a more revealing proof of increasing conservative depen­ dence on the bishops for effective political action. One practical result o f these discussions involving the clergy was that episcopal letters pressing for a remedial bill were sent to many cabinet ministers and members of Parliament. Characteristically, Bishop Lafleche's letters were first, most numerous, and most emphatic. A June 21 note from Abbe Beland, chancellor of the diocese of Trois-Rivieres, to Marois, indicated that a hard-hitting statement had been sent by Lafleche to the following ministers, senators, and members at Ottawa: Angers, Caron, Ouimet, Costigan, Ross, de Boucherville, Landry, Montplaisir, Bernier, Sir Hector Langevin, Carignan, Desaulniers, and Legris. Beland enclosed a copy of the letter, and the main points were trenchant: Le refus de la Legislature Manitobaine de donner suite au 'Remedial Order' peut etre un mal a plusieurs points de vue; il aura du moins cet avantage d'amener une legislation que le pouvoir provincial ne pourra attaquer ... Permettez-moi de vous dire, Monsieur le Depute, que pour ma part - et je suis sur d'exprimer ici le sentiment du plus grand nombre - je trouve qu'il n ' y a nullement a retarder, et que c'est a la presente session que le Parlement du Canada doit faire cette loi reparatrice des torts causes et des injustices perpetrees, laquelle seule peut ramener la paix dans notre Confederation. Qu'y a-t-il a gagner en retardant? Absolument rien. Q u ' y a-t-il a r i s q u e r ? T o u t . . . C'est tout de suite, et non dans quelques semaines ou quelques mois, Mons. de Depute, qu'il faut repondre a ce refus provocateur et revolutionnaire de M M . Greenway et Sifton, par un acte d'autorite calme, prudent mais energique, qui sera la fin du trouble et l'eloignement du danger par le retablissement du droit.

Lafleche concluded by assuring his recipients that he was expressing the opinion of all the episcopate. 81

80 P A C , C a r o n P a p e r s , H . A d j u t o r T u r c o t t e to A r t h u r T u r c o t t e , J u n e 18, 1895 81 A A Q , L a f l e c h e to m i n i s t e r s a n d d e p u t i e s , J u n e 2 1 , 1 8 9 5

Remedialism and clerical action 99 Whether all the bishops would have agreed to send such a strong letter to the legislators was a question which Lafleche did not discuss; in any case, Archbishop Begin followed suit by sending a much briefer and milder letter on June 24 to Bowell, Angers, Caron, and Ouimet, simply insisting on remedial legislation during the current session. Begin also wrote to Archbishop Fabre, whom his secretary, Abbe Lindsay, had referred to as a possible stumbling-block in the June 17 letter. 'L'irresolution de Mgr. Fabre, si expose a se laisser circonvenir' had been seen by Lindsay as equally unsure in dealing with the Conservatives as w i t h the Liberals in the A p r i l by-elections. The Begin letter reinforced the impression of the divi­ sion of cabinet opinion reflected in C . H . Tupper's message from his father; it also illustrated the much gentler approach of the Quebec archbishop compared to that of Lafleche. Begin wrote in part to Fabre: 82

D ' a p r e s m e s i n f o r m a t i o n s le M i n i s t e r e F e d e r a l serait porte a r e n v o y e r a u n e a u t r e session l a presentation d'une m e s u r e legislative en faveur des catholiques

manito-

bains. N e c r o y e z - v o u s p a s , M o n s e i g n e u r , qu'il serait utile d'ecrire a u m o i n s

privement

a nos principaux ministres F e d e r a u x p o u r les p r e s s e r de regler sans retard cette q u e s t i o n si i m p o r t a n t e ? J e l e u r e c r i r a i a u j o u r d ' h u i m e m e . D e s lettres d a n s le m e m e s e n s , v e n a n t de tous les e v e q u e s o u a u m o i n s d ' u n b o n n o m b r e , ne peut-etre sans

demeureraient

efficacite.

Je me permets de suggerer cette idee a V o t r e G r a n d e u r ; E l l e en fera ce voudra.

qu'elle

8 3

A similar request was sent to Archbishop Duhamel of Ottawa by Lange­ vin on June 25, along with a worried note about the relative weakness of the Manitoba representatives who should have been the Catholics' greatest hope. Once again it seemed a case of episcopal strength being required to shore up political impotence. There is no record of letters to deputies from either Fabre or Duhamel, although they may have made private verbal efforts. I n any case, the really strong clerical ultimatums did not come until early July. Meanwhile, in late June an embarrassing element was added to the already complicated church-state picture, by the publication of a letter 84

82 A A S B , B e g i n to L a n g e v i n , J u l y 2 , 1 8 9 5 ;

P

A

c , C a r o n P a p e r s , B e g i n to C a r o n , J u n e 2 4 , 1 8 9 5

83 A A M , B e g i n to F a b r e , J u n e 2 4 , 1 8 9 5 84 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to D u h a m e l , J u n e 2 5 , 1 8 9 5 . N o t k n o w i n g that the Q u e b e c a r c h b i s h o p h a d a l r e a d y d o n e s o , L a n g e v i n a s k e d for a s i m i l a r i n t e r v e n t i o n o n the part o f B e g i n ( A A Q , L a n g e v i n to B e g i n , J u n e 2 5 , 1 8 9 5 ) .

ioo Priests and politicians from Bishop Gravel of Nicolet to his clergy. The circular included two documents: the March letter from Cardinal Ledochowski to all Canadian bishops, and a memorandum prepared for the same Ledochowski by Gravel in 1894. This memorandum, after reviewing the legal and historical case of the Manitoba school controversy, made a suggestion on the manner in which the Vatican Secretary of the Propaganda Fide might assist in settling the case. Whether it was meant as an object lesson for the Nicolet clergy in influencing politicians in the current crisis was not made clear, but Gravel implied that influence had been attempted and had had some effect on the Privy Council decision of January 1895. The key section of the memorandum had posed the question of how the Roman tribunal might exert influence. The answer was not calculated to improve the image of either ecclesiastical lobbyists or an impartial judicial decision. 85

It might perhaps, through the intervention of His Eminence Cardinal Vaughan, represent, among other things, to the Colonial Minister in London, that his pre­ decessor L o r d Carnarvon, had given, i n his own name, and in the name of Her Majesty the Queen, the assurance to the Catholics o f Manitoba that they would have their separate schools, that consequently, the Crown is bound in honour to fulfil these solemn promises, i f it does not wish to alienate the heart of the Catholics of Canada. A n intimation of this nature might have a good effect in reference to the judgment, which the Privy Council will render within a few months upon the question, which the Canadian Government has submitted to i t .

As a comment in the letter to the clergy, Gravel had added that Ledochowski 'at once placed himself in communication with Cardinal Vaughan, and it may be reported that his intervention has contributed on his part to create in English official world an opinion favorable to the Catholics of M a n i t o b a . ' Bishop Gravel certainly did not contribute to favourable opinion in 86

85 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , J u n e , 1895. B i s h o p G r a v e l to the clergy o f N i c o l e t . T e x t s o f the G r a v e l letter a n d L e d o c h o w s k i m e m o w e r e p u b l i s h e d by the Montreal

Star,

June 19,1895,

and q u i c k l y a p p e a r e d in n e w s p a p e r s a c r o s s the c o u n t r y . 86 E m p h a t i c d e n i a l o f a n y effective e c c l e s i a s t i c a l influence o n the P r i v y C o u n c i l d e c i s i o n c a m e f r o m one o f the p r e s i d i n g j u d g e s , L o r d H e r s c h e l l , v i a S i r C h a r l e s T u p p e r . W r i t i n g to his s o n o n A u g u s t 6 T u p p e r s a i d , ' L o r d H e r s c h e l l told me in the p r e s e n c e o f S i r D o n a l d S m i t h that there w a s not the slightest g r o u n d for the statement that the J u d i c i a l C o m m i t t e e had b e e n a p p r o a c h e d b y a n y b o d y re the M a n i t o b a S c h o o l Q u e s t i o n . H e said he h a d n e v e r e x c h a n g e d a w o r d o n the question before the j u d g e m e n t w a s d e l i v e r e d e x c e p t w i t h the c o u r t & c o u n s e l in o p e n c o u r t . ' ( P A C , T u p p e r P a p e r s , C . T u p p e r to C . H . T u p p e r , A u g u s t 6, 1895.)

Remedialism and clerical action i o i Canada. The appearance o f this ready-made grievance during the tense days following the Manitoba government reply gave the anti-remedialist forces an added weapon. On June 29 Clifford Sifton wrote to D ' A l t o n McCarthy for a 'copy of Bishop Gravelle's [sic] letter which has been causing so much c o m m o t i o n . ' Several of Archbishop Langevin's corres­ pondents mentioned the trouble being caused by the Gravel publication, but LaRiviere added that it could be somewhat offset by an article by the Reverend Dr George Bryce o f Winnipeg, in which the latter boasted of influencing the Privy Council in their 1892 decision on the Barrett case. Langevin saw something almost diabolical in the way things seemed to be combining against a favourable school solution. ' L a publication de la lettre de Mgr. Gravel et du Card. Ledochowski fait du mal, mais j'espere que tout va bien tourner. Evidemment l'enfer est en furie,' he wrote to B e g i n . Bishop Lafleche added his contribution to the tension. Several Conser­ vative newspapers reported with approval that the Trois-Rivieres prelate was again blaming Laurier and the Liberals for making the school question a political issue. I n turn the Liberal press made its counter-attack, cul­ minating in L'Electeur s unflattering remarks: 87

88

89

D i r e au p u b l i c que M g r . L a f l e c h e a plus de c o n f i a n c e en l'orangiste B o w e l l que d a n s le c a t h o l i q u e L a u r i e r p o u r l a p r o t e c t i o n d e n o s d r o i t s r e l i g i e u x , c ' e s t t o u t s i m p l e m e n t f a i r e s o u p c o n n e r q u e l e p r e l a t e s t a f f a i b l i p a r 1'age, e t i n v i t e r l e s c a t h o l i q u e s a se c h e r c h e r d ' a u t r e s g u i d e s que c e u x que l ' E g l i s e l e u r d e s i g n e .

T H E

J U L Y

C A B I N E T

C R I S I S :

H E A V Y

9 0

C L E R I C A L

S H A D O W S

Meanwhile the question burned at Ottawa: would a remedial bill be pre­ sented or not? A s T . M . Daly put i t , somewhat ungrammatically, in an urgent note to Bowell, confusion and vacillation dominated the public image being presented to the electorate, and this was losing supporters 87 P A C , Sifton P a p e r s , Sifton to M c C a r t h y , J u n e 29,

1895

88 A A S B , L a R i v i e r e to L a n g e v i n , J u n e 29, 1895. G e o r g e B r y c e ( 1 8 4 4 - 1 9 3 1 ) w a s a m o n g the most prominent Presbyterian clerics of Manitoba, having organized several congregations in W i n n i p e g a n d in r u r a l a r e a s after his a r r i v a l f r o m O n t a r i o in 1871. H e w a s the

principal

f o u n d e r o f M a n i t o b a C o l l e g e , a n d took part in the c r e a t i o n o f the U n i v e r s i t y o f M a n i t o b a in 1877. H e s e r v e d as W i n n i p e g s c h o o l i n s p e c t o r in the 1870s, a n d w a s the a u t h o r o f s e v e r a l h i s t o r i c a l w o r k s on M a n i t o b a a n d the n o r t h w e s t . O n s e v e r a l o c c a s i o n s he e n t e r e d into j o u r n a l i s t i c d e b a t e against T a c h e a n d E w a r t on the s c h o o l q u e s t i o n . 89 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to B e g i n , J u n e 25, 90 J u n e 28,

1895

1895

102 Priests and politicians every day: I t is the repudiation of the O.C. or failure to do anything in the face of that O.C. having been passed in March, that in combination with the other matters is going to be so hard for us to justify and get our friends to rally. I can assure you that i f the position was not so serious I would not be so urgent.' The first indications that Langevin received from Ottawa after the Manitoba reply had arrived were that a remedial bill would indeed be attempted during the current session. A June 20 telegram from LaRiviere said that he believed the cabinet was ready to move almost immediately. On June 24, J. S. Ewart wrote Langevin that he had submitted a preliminary draft of a remedial bill to Ouimet and C . H . Tupper, and Langevin in his note to Duhamel on the following day indicated that he was satisfied that the proposed bill gave sufficient control of schools to the church. Ewart took a somewhat different approach in the letter he sent to Tupper along with the bill, and which the latter passed on to Caron. Ewart urged that the compromise nature of the proposed statute should be stressed, and that in fact such compromise features did exist. I n his somewhat diffuse style, Ewart wrote that he had 'paid special attention to the removal o f such features of the old system as really constituted difficulties and defects in its operation.' Ewart admitted that he was 'very little o f a politician,' but felt that great advantage could be gained by stressing the aspects of the bill that did not completely meet Archbishop Langevin's demands. As late as July 3, Langevin was receiving some encouragement that the bill would indeed be presented at the current session of Parliament. A r c h ­ bishop Cleary of Kingston wrote that he had been to Ottawa and had seen several ministers and members. Although he did not mention the date on which the statement was made, Cleary quoted Costigan in particular to the effect that a bill would come within the week. Cleary added some of his own views on what the bill should contain, concluding that the Ontario system plus compulsion on the Catholics to support their own schools should be sufficient. On July 4 Langevin wrote to Ewart with further suggestions on details of the bill, still presuming that it was the nature and not the fact of legislation which was in question. 91

92

93

94

95

96

97

91 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , D a l y to B o w e l l , J u n e 2 4 , 1 8 9 5 92 A A S B , L a R i v i e r e to L a n g e v i n , J u n e 20, 1895 93 Ibid.,

E w a r t to L a n g e v i n , J u n e 2 4 , 1 8 9 5

94 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to D u h a m e l , J u n e 2 5 , 1 8 9 5 95 P A C , C a r o n P a p e r s , E w a r t to C . H . T u p p e r , J u n e 23, 1895 96 A A S B , C l e a r y to L a n g e v i n , J u l y 3 , 1 8 9 5 97 Ibid.,

L a n g e v i n to E w a r t , J u l y 4, 1895

Remedialism and clerical action 103 Even during the last week of June, however, there were many signs pointing in the opposite direction. Begin's note to Fabre on June 24 men­ tioned a private but strong doubt. The following day, Dr Severin Lachapelle, M P , one o f Langevin's Ottawa sources o f information, wrote the archbishop that he had seen C.H. Tupper, who had informed the doctor that at least it had been decided that there would be no election in 1895. ' L a dissolution du Pari, qui devait se faire au printemps dernier est done remise a Tan prochain,' said Lachapelle, and concluded that this probably meant the bill was being postponed, although he did not quote Tupper to this effect." Even the enthusiastic LaRiviere was troubled by contradictory reports about happenings within the cabinet. Still hopeful about 'le projet de loi prepare par M . Ewart et soumis au gouvernement,' LaRiviere wrote on June 29 that Ouimet was making suspiciously uncertain statements. Several sources revealed that some forty'English Conservative M P S led by Chief Whip George Taylor were threatening to abandon the government i f a remedial bill were presented. On July 2, Begin informed Langevin that Ouimet and Angers had an­ swered his plea o f the previous week with brief statements that they were not going to turn back from doing j u s t i c e . Within little more than a week, however, they were to take very different roads in putting that promise into practice. O n July 6, Bowell informed L o r d Aberdeen at Quebec that the cabinet had decided to postpone legislation and requested authority to announce a special January session to present a remedial b i l l . On July 8, Finance Minister Foster read a brief statement on the floor of the House of Commons. He began by saying that the government had given 'careful deliberation' to the M a n i t o b a reply o f June 19. Foster's summary of the current state of the question tried to dispel trouble with dispassionate language. He promised a further 'olive branch' communication with Man­ itoba, but stated categorically that i f the Greenway government failed to make 'a satisfactory arrangement,' the federal government would, in January, 'introduce and press to a conclusion such legislation as will afford an adequate measure of relief to the said m i n o r i t y . ' But the fire in the heather, as Bowell had called i t , was far from extin98

100

101

102

1 0 3

104

98 A A M , B e g i n to F a b r e , J u n e 2 4 , 1 8 9 5 99 A A S B , L a c h a p e l l e to L a n g e v i n , J u n e 2 5 , 1 8 9 5 100 A A S B , L a R i v i e r e to L a n g e v i n , J u n e 29, 1895 101 C f . R u m i l l y , Histoire,

v u , p. 222.

102 A A S B , B e g i n to L a n g e v i n , J u l y 2, 1895 103 L a d y A b e r d e e n , Journal,

J u l y 13, 1895

104 C a n a d a , H o u s e o f C o m m o n s , Debates,

1895, p.4062

104 Priests and politicians guished. As soon as the official policy of the government had been an­ nounced, the Castor representative in the cabinet, A . R . Angers, resigned. He was soon followed by the two other French ministers, Caron and Ouimet. O n July 10 the situation looked so desperate that Bowell informed the governor general, now back in Ottawa, that his government would be in a minority in the House and would have to r e s i g n . Before this happened, however, Caron and Ouimet withdrew their resignations. Angers stead­ fastly refused to return, but the government regained sufficient equilibrium to survive the debate on Foster's official statement of policy. The reasoning within the cabinet which led to their official decision, and that which impelled Angers, Caron, and Ouimet to act as they did, re­ mained far from clear. There were several versions of the genesis and propriety of the decision to postpone legislation, but there was no doubt that ecclesiastical pressure had entered anew and tougher phase. When the first report of the cabinet decision became known, two of the strongest examples o f clerical pressure on politicians during the entire school con­ troversy were thrust at the French ministers. The first came from Monsignor Marois on July 6. The Quebec vicar general stated that the Conserva­ tives could and would lose clerical support i f remedial legislation did not come during the current session. 105

106

Les

liberaux nous

crient depuis

le c o m m e n c e m e n t

que

nous

assistons a

une

c o m e d i e m o n t e e p a r le parti c o n s e r v a t e u r , et n o u s o n t m i s e n g a r d e c o n t r e tout c e qui a r r i v e a u j o u r d ' h u i . l i s ont ete p r o p h e t e s , et n o u s ne p o u r r o n s j a m a i s e x c u s e r les c o n s e r v a t e u r s . I I f a u d r a d o n e e t r e c o n t r e e u x , e t nous

le

serons.

Puis, qu'ont-ils a gagner a v e c tous ces atermoiements, tous ces retards, toutes c e s f a i b l e s s e s ? ... I I se tressent u n fouet p o u r se faire

flageller,

et ils t i s s e n t l a c o r d e

q u i les p e n d r a . I l s r e f u s e n t d e se c o u v r i r d ' h o n n e u r et d e gloire p o u r r e v e t i r le m a n t e a u de l ' i g n o m i n i e , d e l a d u p l i c i t e , d u m e n s o n g e et d e l a t r a h i s o n ! N o u s a v o n s fini d ' e t r e l e u r r e s . Je t'en prie, fais c o m p r e n d r e a A r t h u r qu'il doit tout faire p o u r urger T a c t i o n des cette s e s s i o n , o u e'en est fait de notre c o n f i a n c e a u p a r t i .

105 L a d y A b e r d e e n , Journal,

1 0 7

July 13,1895

106 T w o u n d a t e d notes in the B o w e l l P a p e r s indicate that a shift took p l a c e i n m a j o r i t y o p i n i o n w i t h i n the c a b i n e t i n the meetings b e t w e e n J u l y 3 a n d J u l y 6, w i t h S m i t h a n d C o s t i g a n b e i n g b r o u g h t to a c c e p t a further a p p r o a c h to M a n i t o b a a n d , i f n e c e s s a r y , a January session. 107 P A C , C a r o n P a p e r s , M a r o i s to L a n d r y (or H . A . T u r c o t t e ) , J u l y 6, 1895. T h e letter i n the C a r o n P a p e r s is i n c o m p l e t e ; A r t h u r is c l e a r l y A . T u r c o t t e , M P .

Remedialism and clerical action 105 I n the face o f such an ultimatum, it is hardly surprising that Caron and his colleagues were moved to go as far as resignation. A similar statement was contained in an uncompromising letter from Bishop Lafleche to Angers and Ouimet on July 7. The essence o f the bishop's letter might be summarized as follows: pass the law or go down fighting. I n a fiery conclusion, Lafleche stated: O n pourrait succomber dans cette tache que le fanatisme rend a la verite difficile, mais au moins, s'il le fallait, que Ton ne soit pas dupe et que Ton tombe avec honneur comme les Rois qui recoivent un coup d'epee en pleine poitrine et se relevent toujours, et non point comme ceux qui tombent d'un coup de pied ailleurs, et ne se relevent jamais, ainsi que le disait Louis V e u i l l o t . 108

I t cannot be known for certain just how much this clerical pressure helped to bring on the cabinet crisis. I t surely strengthened Angers in his resolu­ tion, and may well have been the reason that Caron and Ouimet at least went through the motions o f resignation. When it came to a defence o f the various lines o f action, each o f the Roman Catholic principals involved Angers, Smith, Costigan, Caron, and Ouimet - made significant state­ ments. Although not making a public pronouncement immediately after his resignation, which might have precipitated the fall o f the government, Angers later explained his stand in the Senate. Echoing C . H . Tupper's arguments on how to treat political fires, Angers accused Bowell o f both fear and foolishness. More detailed and more critical o f the four other Roman Catholic ministers was the defence of his resignation sent by Angers to Bishop Lafleche. I n a letter not unlike a report o f a subordinate officer to a commanding general, Angers began with an admission of defeat and a straightforward accusation of the architects of that defeat. Referring to Lafleche's strong letter of July 7, Angers stated, 109

Je n'ai pas repondu avant aujourd'hui a votre lettre du 7 courant. J'ai fait tout en mon pouvoir pour faire accepter la legislation remediatrice a cette session, mais je me suis rompu a la tache. Si mes quatres collegues catholiques avaient persiste jusqu'a la fin dans la resistance, vous auriez v u triompher vos opinions.

Angers then moved to a description o f the sequence o f events. Smith and 108 A A Q , L a f l e c h e to A n g e r s , J u l y 7 , 1 8 9 5 ; L a f l e c h e to O u i m e t , J u l y 7 , 1 8 9 5 109 C a n a d a , S e n a t e , Debates,

1895, p p . 6 5 8 - 6 4

io6 Priests and politicians Costigan were the first to buckle, Angers reported: 'Deux de nous ont abandonnes presqu'au premier instant,' he said. Then came the descrip­ tion of Caron and Ouimet, w i t h a detailed condemnation o f the policy o f delay which they were now supporting: Deux autres apres s'etre demis, se sont rallies a politique qui porte, je crois, le coup fatal aux ecoles separees, et qui consiste a reouvrir les negotiations avec le gouvernment Greenway, non obstant le refus de la Legislature de Manitoba de se conformer a l'ordre remediateur. Ces nouvelles negotiations, suivies de reponses evasives, ou de promesses peu sinceres, augmenteront la mauvaise volonte du parlement d'Ottawa. Dans l'intervalle entre la presente et la prochaine session l'excitation ira croissant. Le Parlement, qu'on a represente comme hesitant aujourd'hui, en Janvier prochain aura peur. L a politique d'inaction du ministere a, j e crains, mis en peril pour toujours la solution favorable de cette question des ecoles. Si la legislation avait ete adoptee a cette session, celle-ci suivie d'une autre l'hiver prochain, avant la dissolution du parlement qui a lieu en avril, le fait accompli aurait ete accepte par la majorite bien pensante des Protestants, et la question serait sortie du domaine de la politique, avant meme que nous fussions alles aux elections generates. Ces vues, Monseigneur, n'ont pas prevalu, et je n'ai pas voulu accepter la responsabilite de mettre ainsi en peril les droits des Catholiques. Je regrette que les evenements des deux derniers jours soient venus me donner raison. L a presse d'Ontario, au lieu de preparer l'opinion publique a adopter la legislation necessaire en Janvier prochain, est entree en campagne sur tous les points pour empecher cette legislation d'etre presentee. 110

Perhaps most interesting about Angers's accusations was their similarity to the charges of procrastination which would be used by Laurier, Tarte, and L Electeur in the spring o f 1896. L i k e Angers, Sir Frank Smith defended his action in the Senate debate. His main argument was that it was the clear desire o f the representatives o f all the provinces except Quebec to once again attempt conciliation w i t h Manitoba. He insisted that his motive was not to dodge responsibility for remedial action, but to avoid i f possible a fight on racial and religious lines. y

111

110 A S T R , A n g e r s to L a f l e c h e , J u l y 1 4 , 1 8 9 5 . L a d y A b e r d e e n felt that B o w e l l h a d d e c e i v e d A n g e r s a n d h a d m i s l e d the g o v e r n o r g e n e r a l i n the m a t t e r o f c a b i n e t u n a n i m i t y about deferring legislation. S h e d e s c r i b e d A n g e r s as ' a g o o d true s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d little m a n s o m e w h a t u l t r a m o n t a n e in his v i e w s but quite s i n c e r e . H e is o f c o u r s e , quite s o r e , ' she a d d e d {Journal,

July 14,1895).

111 C a n a d a , S e n a t e , Debates,

1895, p.665ff

Remedialism and clerical action 107 John Costigan's account was written some four years later, at the time when he transferred his allegiance from the Conservative to the Liberal party. I n an apologia apparently destined for several English-speaking bishops, Costigan made several startling statements concerning the cabinet session where delay o f the remedial bill had been decided upon. He de­ fended the delay for the same reasons Smith had given, but he accused Foster and others o f double-dealing, and stated that Angers had in fact agreed to postponement during the cabinet meetings. The most concise expression by Caron of his reasons for returning to the cabinet was a speech given about a month after the crisis at Baie-des-Peres in Pontiac county. Without saying anything about his reasons for resigning in the first place, Caron defended his own course o f action and that o f Ouimet as compared with that of A n g e r s . A more personal apologia for his action was sent by Caron to J.S. Ewart. This was a letter asking for an endorsement of the course o f action taken by himself and Ouimet, and revealed the degree of sympathy for the Angers' s position which was being generated in the province o f Quebec: 112

113

I f y o u believe that O u i m e t a n d m y s e l f w e r e right in a c c e p t i n g the pledges a s s u r a n c e s given us in the m o s t positive

manner by our colleagues,

with

and the

k n o w l e d g e of the G o v e r n o r G e n e r a l , w h a t w o u l d y o u think of writing m e a letter stating that y o u c o n s i d e r that the a c t i o n t a k e n b y m y c o l l e a g u e a n d m y s e l f is i n the interest o f the settlement o f that v e x e d question a n d m u s t meet w i t h the a p p r o b a ­ tion of the m i n o r i t y ?

Caron gave the assurance that the letter would be used only privately, if Ewart so desired, and then returned to a resume o f his argument. T am firmly convinced,' he said, 'that if we had not taken the stand which we did, the school question o f Manitoba was relegated to oblivion for years to come.' I n direct contradiction to the line of argument used by Angers in his letter to Lafleche, Caron stated his conviction that January would bring a solution i f Manitoba did nothing. He was very sorry to see Angers go, Caron said, and he regretted splitting the French-Canadian ministers, but Angers would agree to nothing except immediate legislation. I n any case, concluded Caron, 'we can do in January what he has done n o w . ' Caron 1 1 4

112 P A C , C o s t i g a n P a p e r s , C o s t i g a n to ' Y o u r L o r d s h i p , ' n . d . ( c . M a y , 1899). C o p i e s o f this d o c u m e n t , w h i c h has the strengths a n d w e a k n e s s e s o f a p e r s o n a l defence a n d w h i c h c o n t a i n s s e v e r a l i n a c c u r a c i e s p e r h a p s attributable to the p a s s a g e o f t i m e , m a y be f o u n d i n s e v e r a l c o l l e c t i o n s i n the P u b l i c A r c h i v e s o f C a n a d a i n c l u d i n g the L a u r i e r P a p e r s . 113 S e e R u m i l l y , His Wire,

v u , 232-3.

114 A A S B , C a r o n to E w a r t , as r e l a t e d in E w a r t to L a n g e v i n , J u l y 1 8 , 1 8 9 5

io8 Priests and politicians seemed conveniently to overlook the fact that he and Ouimet had in fact resigned as had Angers, and thus gave further evidence that their brief journey into political limbo had been little more than a quick bow to ecclesiastical pressure. Ouimet's defence, much like that of Caron, was outlined in the par­ liamentary debate on the school question which followed the cabinet crisis. Lady Aberdeen had an interesting comment on the interplay among the three French-Canadian ministers during the crisis, particularly on the unhappy position o f Alderic Ouimet. 'One could not help being sorry for poor Ouimet,' she wrote. 'He looked so battered and torn with the conflict. I t is said that Sir Adolphe stayed out so as to be sure of ultimately bringing Ouimet in and not leaving him to Angers' influence.' T o what degree money and promises of money had to do with the reconciliation was, in July as it had been in A p r i l , not certain. Lady Aberdeen was convinced that C P R funds constituted more than a minor factor when she referred to Senator Drummond as 'peace-maker and purse-bearer.' 115

L I B E R A L

R E A C T I O N

A N D

P A R L I A M E N T A R Y

D E B A T E

I n the Liberal camp, Laurier managed to maintain the noncommittal policy which he had defended against Archbishop Langevin in May. With the debate under way in the House and Senate, John Willison followed up his hard arguments of March and A p r i l with a message of gentler tone to Laurier, revealing the editor's awareness of the pressures the Liberal leader was facing from the French and Catholic side. T don't want to preach to y o u , ' Willison wrote, 'but I cannot refrain from telling you that if you can avoid any declaration in favour of remedial legislation it will be an enormous advantage in Ontario. Be sure that this province will destroy any party that attempts arbitrary interference with Manitoba and the feeling has grown enormously strong.' The Globe editor assured Laurier that 'the Liberals are gaining in Ontario steadily and that nothing can save the Tories if you c^n maintain your present ground, and all depends on y o u . ' Willison concluded by quoting Ontario Provincial Secretary A . S . Hardy, who had strongly opposed the Globe's stand at the time of the remedial order. I n Willison's words, Hardy was 'amazed at the feeling that has developed ... He is now satisfied ours was the wise course.' For his part, ultra-Protestant Liberal M P John Charlton wanted some116

115 Journal,

J u l y 13, 1895, p.238

116 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , W i l l i s o n to L a u r i e r , J u l y 17, 1895

Remedialism and clerical action 109 thing much stronger than neutrality from Laurier. I n the Orangeman's Day entry in his diary, Charlton told of pressing the Liberal leader for a positive statement against federal interference at any time, in order 'to put an end to all suspicions that now existed against him among Protestant electors.' Laurier's failure to comply provoked a July 16 entry in which Charlton lamented that 'we want a leader of sound principles, courage and iron will at this juncture and we do not have h i m . ' On July 19, however, Charlton claimed that Laurier and Tarte had gone so far as to give private assurances which 'amounted to a pledge that we would oppose the Remedial Bill and remedial legislation.' The conclusion may have been premature on Charlton's part, but it did indicate the direction being taken, however slowly. Many of the later reactions to the mounting crisis, French-clerical in particular, were coloured by what was said during the July debate in the House and Senate. Except perhaps for a violent McCarthy-LaRiviere battle, these 1895 exchanges were more cogent and restrained than the interminable wrangles o f the following spring, although the emotional content was heightened by fiery Orange speeches and parades in Ottawa and elsewhere. The Commons debate came in two bursts. The first was on July 11 and 12 following a Laurier motion to adjourn. The second lasted from July 15 through 17 on the Liberal leader's motion of non-confidence, despite which Laurier managed to be perfectly neutral as to positive action of his own. Each motion was easily defeated, although a few Angers's supporters broke with the government in the d i v i s i o n . French Conserva­ tives as well as Liberals did not hesitate to make hostile remarks about T o r y Whip Taylor's 'forty f r i e n d s . ' I n the Senate, the debate was notably chiefly for the harsh light which Angers threw on the futility o f delay i f the object was to obtain compromise from M a n i t o b a . Perhaps the most interesting aspect of the whole July debate was the ironic fact that the extremists on both sides agreed on one vital point, that the Manitoba government was not going to budge. 117

1 1 8

119

120

121

122

123

117 J o h n C h a r l t o n , Diary, 118 Ibid.,

June 16,1895

119 Ibid.,

J u n e 18, 1895

J u n e 12, 1895

120 C a n a d a , H o u s e o f C o m m o n s , Debates, 121 Ibid., 122 Ibid.,

1895, P P - 4 1 8 7 - 2 5 0

pp.4411-640. p.4242. L . C . C l a r k p r e s e n t s a j u d i c i o u s s u r v e y o f the d e b a t e s , a n d rightly c o n ­

c l u d e s that the c h i e f significance o f the e x c h a n g e w a s the ' d i v i s i o n s it r e v e a l e d in the C o n s e r v a t i v e ranks' [ T h e Conservative Administrations,' (thesis), p.394]. 123 C a n a d a , S e n a t e , Debates,

1895, p p . 6 5 8 - 6 4

i i o Priests and politicians Along with a dramatic illustration of the impact o f ecclesiastical pres­ sure, the French bloc in the July crisis had once more demonstrated a basic fact o f Canadian politics: the French could not push through a major point of policy without help from outside the fold. The outcome differed, but there were overtones clearly reminiscent o f the dilemma faced by Caron, Langevin, and Chapleau after the Riel hanging almost ten years earlier. On the other hand, i f the July experience had demonstrated the impotence o f an isolated French contingent, it had even more graphically revealed the weakness o f an administration which failed to hold them together. The vacillating government, which had left a flank open to clerical coercion, could and would become an entity which depended on clerical support for survival. From the point of view of the clerics, i f it was their pressure which had been in part responsible for the cabinet resignations, the abortive outcome o f that protest had left them in the middle o f the arena holding a broken sword. They had little choice but to make the best o f a bad situation. I n contrast, and however easier his task may have been, Laurier had kept his restive team manageably united. The federal follow-up to the July session did little to change the situa­ tion. On July 27 a 'pipe of peace' was held out to Manitoba in the form o f a statement which maintained the federal power to pass remedial legislation, but begged the province to make it unnecessary. I t threatened by citing Foster's promise o f a January session, but suggested that Manitoba could avoid the thunderbolt. Unfortunately, the federal statement presented no additional facts or reasons such as any variation of an investigation, which might impel Manitoba to change the position adopted in its June reply. Moreover, admirable as it might be in its restraint when compared with the remedial order of March, the message conveyed the unmistakeable impres­ sion o f federal retreat in the face o f the p r o v i n c e . Time, instead o f healing wounds, seemed to be aggravating them. 124

124 C a n a d a , Sessional

Papers,

1895, n o . 39

4 Between the sessions: a narrowing of choices

T H E

E A R L Y

R E S P O N S E

T O

D E L A Y I N G

T A C T I C S

The events o f July left Bowell's 'fire in the heather' more than ever out o f control. Clifford Sifton, modestly avoiding reference to his own contribu­ tion to the crisis, saw the development of factors as clearly as anyone. I n a letter to D ' A l t o n McCarthy shortly after the resignation crisis and the government promise o f a special January session for remedial legislation, Sifton thanked McCarthy for his telegram announcing the postponement of the bill, and said he was gratified to hear 'public sentiment in the East has grown much stronger o f late against any proposed interference with our school laws.' Sifton felt that the open discord among the Conservatives was a great boon and would 'present a very strong temptation to the Liberals to vote against any Bill that the Government may bring in.' The news that Caron and Ouimet had returned and that legislation had been explicitly promised in January i f Manitoba did not move, had, i n Sifton's view, made Manitoba's defence much easier. 'The Government,' he said, 'has made a much more serious blunder than any of the numerous ones which they have made hitherto.' Such a specific pledge, Sifton be­ lieved, 'would have a very strong effect in arousing sentiment in Ontario, and the Government would have stood a much better chance o f getting a Bill through before adjournment or prorogation than they will at any time in the future. What should be particularly noted in Sifton's cool analysis is 1

i P A C , Sifton P a p e r s , Sifton to M c C a r t h y , J u l y 12, 1895

H 2 Priests and politicians that he thoroughly agreed with the Angers position on one point - that delay made remedial legislation unlikely - and thoroughly disagreed with him on another - that a split in the Conservative ranks would be a crucial factor in wrecking remedial hopes. The opinions of French-Canadian journalists during and after the July crisis reflected the confusion produced by the government's temporizing. Liberal papers called the session useless, generally ignoring Angers while condemning the capitulation of Caron and Ouimet. Conservative journals were deeply divided in their reaction to the drama involving the three French ministers. Predictably, the ultramontane Le Moniteur de Levis and La Verite were outspoken in their support of Angers. Writing on July 2 0 , J.P. Tardivel called the quick return to the cabinet o f Caron and Ouimet 'une humiliation nationale,' and insisted that, 'sans la fermete de M . Angers, qui rachete quelque peu la faiblesse des deux autres, nous serions la risee du monde civilise.' Abbe David Gosselin, editor of La Semaine Religieuse de Quebec and generally considered to reflect the opinion o f Archbishop Begin, spoke openly of the possibility of a substantial Quebec shift to the Liberals. Gosselin clearly favoured Angers's action over that of Caron and Ouimet. But this was not the main issue. Much more serious in Quebec eyes was the report of the threatened bloc opposition by Ontario Conservatives to any remedial measure. I f this were true, Gosselin stated, 'alors il ne restait plus qu'a briser 1'alliance de 1854 pour en contracter une avec d'autres elements.' I t might well be time to remind Ontario Tories of some hard political facts: 2

C e s m e s s i e u r s sont a u pouvoir, depuis quarante a n s , grace au parti c o n s e r v a t e u r de l a p r o v i n c e d e Q u e b e c , et ils l ' o u b l i e n t , q u a n d c e d e r n i e r a le p l u s g r a n d b e s o i n

de

l e u r c o n c o u r s . E h b i e n ! dit-elle, p u i s q u e c ' e s t l a tout le b e n e f i c e d e c e t t e a l l i a n c e , s o n utilite a c e s s e !

3

Even the normally pro-Government La Presse reacted at first in favour of Angers, expressing disgust at the power-hunger of Conservatives as well as Liberals. By the end of the session, however, La Presse modified its position, accepting the argument of La Minerve and others that, had Caron and Ouimet remained out with Angers, the subsequent forced election would have been faced without French representation in the government. 4

2 La

Verite

3 La Semaine

Religieuse

4 July 12,1895

de Quebec,

S e p t e m b e r 7, 1895

Between the sessions 113 Such an event, La Presse admitted, could only be seen as 'le premier acte d'un conflit de races, dont i l est impossible de calculer les resultats.' Significantly, since it clearly would not espouse a position opposed to Bishop Lafleche, Le Trifluvien sided with the government rather than the ultramontanes. Above all, it rejoiced that the crisis had been resolved in time to thwart Liberal schemes for grasping power. Like the comments o f most of the French journalists, the initial reac­ tions of the bishops to the crisis favoured the strong stand taken by Angers. On July 16, Bishop Lafleche wrote a brief letter of congratulations in reply to Angers's apologia sent two days earlier. On the same day, Archbishop Begin, once more on pastoral visitation in a rural area of his diocese, wrote back to Monsignor Marois at the chancery to say that he was pleased with Angers's action and dismayed by that o f Caron and Ouimet; he added that he was not particularly surprised at Caron. Efforts were made immediately, however, to get a kinder ecclesiastical reception for the ministers who had returned to the cabinet after leaving. On July 12, Dr Severin Lachapelle, M P , implying that he feared a strongly worded outburst from St Boniface, wrote to Archbishop Langevin to ask that he study both sides of the question. As for himself, Lachapelle said, he believed Caron and Ouimet were more to be praised than was Angers: 'Je suis d'opinion que les ministres qui nous sont revenus, ont plus fait leur devoir d'hommes d'etat catholiques que celui qui est parti, malgre que je ne doute pas de la sincerite de ce dernier.' Lachapelle concluded with a rather hollow sounding optimism. 'Nous avons arrache des concessions nouvelles,' he stated, 'qui assurent le succes de notre cause, a moins que le gouvernement et ceux qui le composent ne consentent a un deshonneur sans nom ... Accentuer la division est le seul danger du moment.' As already seen, Caron took up his own defence in a letter to Ewart which the lawyer then passed on to Langevin. Ewart replied to Caron that he felt the returning ministers were in good faith just as much as was Angers, and hoped that the archbishop could give Caron the letter he desired, which Ewart as a lawyer felt he could n o t . Whatever his initial feelings about the July crisis in Ottawa, Langevin seemed to have been 5

6

7

8

9

10

11

5 Ibid.,

J u l y 18, 1895

6 July 26,1895 7 A A Q , L a f l e c h e to A n g e r s , J u l y 16, 1895 8 Ibid.,

B e g i n to M a r o i s , J u l y 16, 1895

9 A A S B , L a c h a p e l l e to L a n g e v i n , J u l y 12, 1895 10 Ibid.,

C a r o n to E w a r t , e n c l o s e d in E w a r t letter to L a n g e v i n , J u l y 18, 1895

11 Ibid.,

E w a r t to C a r o n , J u l y 18, 1895

114 Priests and politicians somewhat convinced by the arguments advanced by Lachapelle and Caron. Trying to maintain a noncommittal position, however, the arch­ bishop did not reply to Caron directly; instead Ewart was again the inter­ mediary. A letter from the Winnipeg lawyer to Caron on July 30 pointed out how difficult it would be for Langevin to praise explicitly the line of action of either Caron and Ouimet or Angers. 'He feels sure,' Ewart wrote, 'that you have all acted to the best of your judgment for the best interests o f his people here, but you will at once see that he could not take upon himself to reflect in any way upon Mr. Angers for the course which he thought proper to take, by commending that which you t o o k . ' Langevin's letter to Begin on August 2 combined an acceptance o f the situation with a hope that the delay would not be disastrous. A s indicated in the letter from Ewart to Caron, the archbishop was disposed to interpret kindly the good will of each of the French cabinet members. Speaking o f ' l a cause,' Langevin said: 12

E l l e est e x p o s e e aux vicissitudes confiance.

Nos

d'un long r e t a r d . Q u i d q u i d sit, j ' a i e n c o r e

ministres canadiens ont v o u l u , j e crois, nous aider c h a c u n a s a

m a n i e r e . I I faut b i e n a c c e p t e r l a p o s i t i o n faite et e n t i r e r le m e i l l e u r p a r t i p o s s i b l e . L e g r a n d p o i n t est q u ' i l n ' y ait a u c u n e agitation m a l s a i n e et q u e n o u s a t t e n d i o n s

en

toute p a t i e n c e d a n s l a tranquille c o n v i c t i o n de notre droit, le m o i s de J a n v i e r . C ' e s t alors qu'il faudra frapper un grand c o u p .

1 3

Letters between Langevin and Lafleche further indicated that, by the end of July, Bishop Lafleche had either argued himself or been argued into accepting the good faith of both sides of the French bloc division. I n a note of August 7, Lafleche wrote that he had received Langevin's letter and, like Langevin, was not disposed to condemn either position in the crisis. Using the Old Augustinian dictum ' I n necessariis unitas, in dubiis libertas, in omnibus caritas,' Lafleche said he agreed with Langevin that the most important thing for the moment was to heal hard feelings and to restore unity. I t had been, Lafleche admitted, a question o f choosing different means to the same desired end. 'Si l'un avait raison,' he wrote, Tautre n'avait pas t o r t . ' 14

12 P A C , C a r o n P a p e r s , E w a r t to C a r o n , J u l y 30, 1895 13 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to B e g i n , A u g u s t 2, 1895 14 A A S B , L a f l e c h e to L a n g e v i n , A u g u s t 7, 1895

Between the sessions 115 A N G E R S

A N D

T H I R D - P A R T Y

R U M B L I N G S

Movements were attempted within clerical ranks to bring the warring factions of French Conservatives back together. Archbishop Begin men­ tioned such an attempt in a letter to Archbishop Duhamel on August 1. Referring to an unnamed plan of action of Caron and Ouimet, Begin said he would try to get Angers to cooperate. The archbishop expressed his doubts about this or any other scheme short of divine intervention. Begin also found it necessary to try to bring influence to bear on Ouimet. A reply from Archbishop Fabre to his Quebec colleague referred to a request made by Begin to help pressure Ouimet into a certain compromise, again unspecified. As seen earlier in the treatment of the Vercheres election, Fabre doubted his ability to influence Ouimet, since the latter in particular had felt let down by the Montreal prelate. Archbishop Langevin, too, had little reason to believe that a reconcilia­ tion would be effected, particularly from Angers's point of view. Although he had been quoted by La Presse as being against agitation, the former minister of agriculture soon seemed intent on burning bridges rather than mending them. I n a quick reaction to a critical article from the pro-Angers Le Moniteur de Levis, Langevin wrote in bewilderment to Begin: 15

16

17

Q u e v e u t d i r e M . A n g e r s ? I I e s t c e r t a i n q u ' i l s ' e s t c o n d u i t e n v r a i c h e v a l i e r et e n h o m m e de c o e u r , et j e regrette q u e s o n j o u r n a l ait c r u d e v o i r m ' a t t a q u e r a i n s i q u e M g r . G r a v e l ( L e M o n i t e u r de L e v i s ) C u i b o n o ? ... C e n'est pas ce qui fortifiera la p o s i t i o n d e M . A n g e r s et d e s o n p a r t i . J e s a i s a u s s i q u e les a u t r e s m i n i s t r e s ont agi e n vue du b i e n .

1 8

By September, rumours and reports indicated that Angers was indeed moving in the direction of a third party. H o w serious this was, and how much a matter of political blackmail on the part of Angers, Senator Landry, and others, remains uncertain. Probably something of both elements was involved, as indicated in a disturbing communication received by Langevin from Ottawa on September 18. The writer was Abbe Corbeil, an old friend of Langevin's. Corbeil reported that he had met Landry on the train coming from Montreal to Ottawa, and that the senator had been quite talkative: 15 A A Q , B e g i n to D u h a m e l , A u g u s t 1, 1895 16 Ibid.,

F a b r e to B e g i n , A u g u s t 4, 1895. S e e a b o v e , p.80.

17 J u l y 24, 1895 18 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to B e g i n , A u g u s t 1 1 , 1 8 9 5

u 6 Priests and politicians C e m o n s i e u r intrigue pour d e v e n i r ministre. A v e c l'ex-ministre A n g e r s , B e l l e a u , etc., il a assiste a u n c a u c u s a u St. L a w r e n c e H a l l , pour l a formation immediate d ' u n troisieme parti politique dans l e q u e l o n c h e r c h e r a a entraine r le clerge.

Corbeil said that he had tried not to be too communicative, since there seemed to be several things which the senator 'semblait trop desirer connaitre.' I f practical steps for a third party did not gain great impetus, Angers's prestige and influence after his resignation was evidently an important factor in preventing his replacement. Letters received by one of Angers' s chief supporters in the Commons, Flavien Dupont, made this particularly clear i n the case of L.P. Pelletier, provincial secretary of the province of Quebec. With at least as much suggestion of hurt dignity as of high princi­ ple, Angers described the effort to acquire Pelletier as an affront to himself. 'On croit entrainer le clerge,' he remarked darkly, and 'on nous traiterait comme une quantite negligeable.' As suggested by Corbeil, Senator Landry was prominent in the manipulations. Landry and, according to later reports, Monsignor Marois of Quebec brought pressure to bear first against Pelletier and then against Desjardins, the man who finally filled the vacancy in January. When Desjardins was first rumored as a possible successor to the resigned minister, Landry asked Dupont to impress upon the Montreal senator the importance of maintaining Angers's abdication as a protest u n t i l the c a b i n e t h o n o u r e d i t s promise to i n t r o d u c e remedial legislation. That efforts to have Chapleau return to Ottawa were meeting the same stubborn resistance from Angers and his group was equally clear in Dupont's correspondence. Finally, the ancient rivalry between Montreal and Quebec City was not absent from the impasse. O n the whole, while the performance of the government that he had left can hardly be praised, the ultramontane 'strike' conducted by Angers to defend the school rights of the Manitoba minority failed at least in perspicacity, if not in integrity. 19

20

21

22

23

19 A A S B , C o r b e i l to L a n g e v i n , S e p t e m b e r 18, 1895 20 D u p o n t , ' L a Q u e s t i o n S c o l a i r e M a n i t o b a i n e , ' v m , n o . 5 , p p . 3 6 8 - 7 9 ; A n g e r s to D u p o n t , O c t o b e r 2, 1895 21 S e e b e l o w , p. 153, n.62. 22 D u p o n t , ' L a Q u e s t i o n S c o l a i r e M a n i t o b a i n e , ' i x , n o . 1, p p . 3 3 - 4 1 ; L a n d r y to D u p o n t , D e c e m b e r 17,1895 23 Ibid.,x,

n o . 3 , pp. 1 6 8 - 7 7

Between the sessions 117 C O N S E R V A T I V E

D I S A R R A Y

I S C H I S M S

W I D E N

That the general political situation was going from bad to worse was evident from many sources in the summer o f 1895. A s devoted a Conserva­ tive as Joseph Pope, Sir John A . Macdonald's former secretary, could write that Bowell was 'a man whose sudden and unlooked-for elevation had visibly turned his head,' and that 'public business during that unhappy summer was well-nigh paralysed.' Lady Aberdeen's Journal reported one near-disaster after another. Among other events, there was the threatened resignation of A . R . Dickey, minister of militia, before the sessions ended. N e x t was the fact that a cabinet minister, C . H . Tupper, had to be established as a quite extraordinary listening-post for the gover­ nor general and his wife on holiday in British Columbia. Finally, Lady Aberdeen reported strong opposition stirred up in Winnipeg over the rumoured appointment of J.C. Patterson to replace John Schultz as lieutenant governor of Manitoba. But the enduring disaster was clearly the prime minister himself. I n Lady Aberdeen's view, although Bowell 'wants to be perfectly straight and as an Orangeman is undoubtedly plucky in his determination to do what in him lies to do justice to the R . C minority of Manitoba,' he was characterized by 'weakness and consequent shifti­ ness.' Furthermore, he was 'altogether in the seventh heaven at being Premier and fancies that he can emulate Sir John Macdonald's genius in managing his party.' Unfortunately, Lady Aberdeen concluded, the only result was to create 'universal mistrust both amongst the Members of his Government and the party generally.' 24

25

26

27

28

That Bowell lacked sureness and even a grasp of some basic factors was illustrated in an exchange of letters with Ewart at the same time that the 'olive-branch' reply was on its way to the Manitoba government in late July. On July 24, Bowell sent Caron a note that he had received from Emerson Coats worth, the Toronto M P who had been so outspoken with Bowell before the debate in the House. Coatsworth stated that the emphasis in the Ontario opposition to remedial legislation had shifted from outright opposition to separate schools to the argument that Manitoba Catholics no longer wanted such schools, an opinion apparently based on 29

24 Public 25 Journal, 26 Ibid.,

Servant,

p p . 109-5

J u l y 19, 1895, p.248 J u l y 18, 1895, p.246

27 Ibid.,

J u l y 28, 1895, p p . 2 5 4 - 5

28 Ibid.,

J u l y 18, 1895, p.245

29 S e e a b o v e , p . 9 5 .

118 Priests and politicians John O'Donohue's testimony. Coatsworth was insistent that what the public thought was true was at least as important as the truth itself. ' I f the general feeling prevails,' Coatsworth pointed out, 'that the Manitoba Catholics as a whole or in the main are satisfied with their public schools it will make remedial legislation so much more difficult.' I n a covering note Bowell asked Caron for reassurances for Coatsworth. 'Would it not be well to put your people in Manitoba on the qui vive, and get them to make a general demand for Remedial Legislation?' Bowell wrote. Caron had sim­ ply forwarded both letters to E w a r t . On July 30 Ewart somewhat wearily answered Caron and returned the two letters. With the implication that Caron and particularly Bowell should have known these facts for themselves, Ewart pointed out that Coatsworth had 'entirely overlooked the fact that the petition upon which the Govern­ ment has proceeded in granting the remedial order is signed by 4267 Roman Catholics in Manitoba.' Ewart added that since the total Catholic popula­ tion was at most twenty thousand, 'this proportion is as large as anyone could reasonably require, and at all events as large as could by any reason­ able exertion be obtained.' The strongest proof of the government inability either to direct a na­ tional policy or to keep its own house in order was the case of Clarke Wallace, controller of customs. Though not o f cabinet rank, his position was ' o f the Ministry,' thus important enough to make his outspoken criti­ cisms of the government's remedial policy a point of great embarrassment. His dissent was well known during the parliamentary session, but it was his pronouncements at later public meetings that paraded government divi­ sions most graphically. On July 30 several newspapers reported a state­ ment by Wallace at an Orange convention in Halifax in which he con­ demned the restoration or maintenance of separate schools as 'wholly incompatible with that absolute divorce of Church and State which we hold to be essential to the well being of the community at large. ' C.H. Tupper lost no time in sending a strong protest against Wallace to Prime Minister Bowell. I t was unmistakeable, Tupper said, that Wallace was 'opposed tooth and nail to that feature o f our policy formally declared in Parliament. I f M r . Wallace longer remains a member o f the Govern­ ment,' Tupper went on, 'our position will be everywhere discredited and in 30

31

3 2

30 P A C , C a r o n P a p e r s , C o a t s w o r t h to B o w e l l , J u l y 2 3 , 1 8 9 5 ; B o w e l l to C a r o n , J u l y 24, 1895 31 Ibid.,

E w a r t to C a r o n , J u l y 30, 1895

32 M o n t r e a l Gazette,

J u l y 30, 1895

Between the sessions 119 the end I fear will become intolerable. Intelligent Protestants in common with our Catholic friends will lose all confidence in our sincerity while we dare to allow even one "enemy" within the gates.' Tupper also wrote to Finance Minister Foster, who was then in Prince Edward Island. Foster agreed that the island province, like other parts of Canada, showed that a political explosion was not far off, and that a cabinet meeting was needed as soon as Manitoba's answer to the second federal message was officially received. As for Wallace, Foster tried to be non­ committal and said that it was 'undoubtedly a question for the Premier to deal w i t h . ' Predictably, the prime minister was not prepared to deal with such a burning problem. His reply to Tupper was that the news reports were too meagre to be fully trusted. Bowell said he understood Tupper's annoyance in view of the latter's speech in Parliament, adding that 'the most serious feature, to my mind, is the fact o f his [Wallace] putting the resolution, condemning the Government of which he is a quasi-member. ' But Bowell gave no indication o f willingness to censure Wallace in any way. The late summer correspondence between C . H . Tupper and his father in London was revealing. The senior Sir Charles was more articulate than ever in his ambition that his son should profit from the existing confusion eventually to become prime minister. The younger man was less sanguine, in particular because of the unresolved Wallace situation and the increasing virulence of the Ontario T o r y press. C . H . Tupper had in fact struck a tender and crucial point. A radically different direction was being pursued by Ontario Conservative papers from that espoused by other party jour­ nals, notably the Montreal Gazette. The Mail and Empire was inconsis­ tent, but never accepted remedial legislation as a genuine possibility. The more extreme papers such as the Toronto World simply enlarged on the Sifton-Wallace thesis of hopeless incompetence in past or potential Catholic schools. 33

3 4

3 5

36

37

33 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , C . H . T u p p e r to B o w e l l , J u l y 3 1 , 1 8 9 5 34 P A C , C . H . T u p p e r P a p e r s , F o s t e r to T u p p e r , A u g u s t 7 , 1 8 9 5 35 Ibid.,

B o w e l l to T u p p e r , A u g u s t 1 6 , 1 8 9 5

36 P A C , T u p p e r P a p e r s , C . T u p p e r to C . H . T u p p e r , A u g u s t 6, A u g u s t 15, S e p t e m b e r 20, O c t o b e r 22, 1895; C . H . T u p p e r to C . T u p p e r , S e p t e m b e r 5, S e p t e m b e r 8 , 1 8 9 5 37 E n l a r g i n g o n his e a r l i e r treatment of this s u b j e c t , L . C . C l a r k p r e s e n t s r e p e a t e d e v i d e n c e o n the g r a v i t y o f the T o r y j o u r n a l i s t i c s c h i s m , ' T h e C o n s e r v a t i v e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s ' (thesis), pp.403-7.

120 Priests and politicians L I B E R A L S U N N Y

T E N S I O N

W A Y S

A N D

A N D

C O M P R O M I S E !

T O R R E S

V E D R A S

Meanwhile, the Liberals were not without their share of difficulties. During the parliamentary session Laurier wrote to Willison protesting an article which had appeared in the Globe , The letter, also dated July 17, said that t h e Globe was within its rights to claim liberty o f action, but Laurier felt that the article was as much an attack on the Liberal Party as on the Conservative Party.' I n an unusual burst of sarcasm, Laurier complained that 'the Globe seems to be of the opinion that the whole of Canada is composed of one province.' He reminded Willison of the absolute neces­ sity in Canada of accepting diversity and of 'an honorable acknowledge­ ment of those differences with the view of effecting a compromise of the same.' The Globe article, Laurier concluded, could only be regarded as 'a very serious reflection on me personally, and it has been a most painful surprise to m e . ' By July 24 Laurier had calmed down. He assured Willison of his friend­ ship and said that he realized that his policy of remaining uncommitted until the government made a definite step was not enough for many. T am not satisfied with it myself,' he said, yet insisted that 'under the circumstances it was impossible to take a bold and well defined attitude without breaking the unity o f the party.' Laurier frankly admitted that such a rupture might eventually come, 'but to exhibit at this moment the spectacle of a divided opposition would have been simply playing the game of the government.' Laurier assured Willison of his continued esteem, but, in this and in a letter a week later, showed that he could not accept the unqualified provincial rights stand adopted by the Globe . Further strong voices pressed Laurier to oppose remedialism. A spokesman for Premier Blair of N e w Brunswick stated that a visit by Laurier to that province would do 'more harm than good' until a satisfac­ tory statement could be made. A similar warning regarding a proposed Ontario tour came from J.D. Edgar. But Laurier first had to placate Quebec. The Toronto Mail and Empire printed the statement made by the Liberal leader at Sorel and elsewhere in Quebec, that some substantial 38

4

39

40

41

42

38 J u l y 1 7 , 1 8 9 5 39 P A C , W i l l i s o n P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , J u l y 17, 1895 40 Ibid.,

L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , J u l y 24, A u g u s t 2, 1895

41 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , M i t c h e l l to L a u r i e r , J u l y 27, 1895 42 Ibid.,

E d g a r to L a u r i e r , J u l y 26, A u g u s t 1, 1895

Between the sessions 121 concessions had to be offered to Catholics by the Manitoba government. William Mulock quickly wrote Laurier that such a position could never be acceptable to Liberals in Ontario, insisting that the only compromise possible was the application of the Public Schools A c t worked out in Manitoba itself. Mulock quoted the Mail and Empire article, and warned Laurier against any further statement that could be interpreted as favouring federal interference. Sir Richard Cartwright's approach was cast much more in terms of pure political strategy. Writing to Laurier on September 16, Cartwright said that he feared 'work it how we w i l l , we will lose something in Manitoba. The only consolation is that our opponents will probably lose more.' Sir Richard then outlined what he felt was the best course as far as Ontario was concerned. 'We should,' he said, 'state frankly that the perverse folly of Government had so complicated matters that nothing remained but to negotiate and that you had no doubt you could arrange a satisfactory settlement.' Cartwright's suggestion would surely not be well taken by the Quebec hierarchy, but the defensive strategy he proposed would help to confirm Laurier's own inclination. A further actor in the piece in the autumn of 1895 was Principal Grant of Queen's University. Grant visited Manitoba in the late summer, and a long report of his tour appeared in a series in the Toronto Globe during Sep­ tember. I n this account and other statements, Grant was clearly of the opinion that the Catholic minority had grounds for complaint against the Manitoba government. 'They are little comforted on being assured by people who live thousands of miles away, that they have no grievances,' he said. A t the same time Grant strongly held that, for the good of all con­ cerned, an investigation was a prime necessity. Grant's effort earned him, among other reactions, the title of 'enemy of the national system' in F.C. Wade's pro-Manitoba booklet on the school question. I n any case, the widespread publicity of Grant's sympathy for the minority, combined with his pre-eminence as an educator who had had several well-known clashes with Archbishop Cleary of Kingston, would give his support of an inquiry weight with both Catholics and Protestants. The point was not lost by Laurier. 43

44

45

46

47

43 S e p t e m b e r 7, 1895 44 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , M u l o c k to L a u r i e r , S e p t e m b e r 10, 1895 45 Ibid.,

C a r t w r i g h t to L a u r i e r , S e p t e m b e r 16, 1895

46 T o r o n t o Globe, 47 The Manitoba

letter by P r i n c i p a l G r a n t , S e p t e m b e r 21, 1895 School

Question,

p p . 110-11

122 Priests and politicians Laurier well knew that he would need all the support he could get. Despite the conflicting advice he had received and the increasing tempo of newspaper controversy over his position or lack of position as leader of the opposition, he scheduled a speaking tour o f Ontario for October. A s a preliminary, Laurier sought to enlist in a more vocal form the support o f Senator Richard Scott, whose reputation as a moderate Catholic diplomat in school problems went back to the act o f 1863 which bore his name. After discussing several other party problems, Laurier moved on to the core of his letter, a clear adoption o f Grant's inquiry proposal. Pointedly referring to Scott's clerical connections, Laurier begged the senator to have his 'voice heard in high quarters.' N o t ignoring the question of political advan­ tage, Laurier reminded Scott that 'even from that point o f view there is everything to be gained, by insisting at this juncture, that the true solution is by the joint investigation o f the whole subject under the auspices and action o f the two governments.' I t was at Morrisburg, Ontario, on October 8, that Laurier proposed the two happy images which would serve him well for both present and future policy. For his future treatment of Manitoba, if he were to come to power, Laurier used the familiar fable from Aesop of the contest between the wind and the sun to remove the traveller's coat: 48

Well,

sir, the

government

are very windy. T h e y have

blown

and raged

and

threatened, but the m o r e they h a v e threatened a n d raged a n d b l o w n the m o r e that m a n G r e e n w a y h a s s t u c k t o h i s c o a t . I f it w e r e i n m y p o w e r , I w o u l d t r y t h e s u n n y way.

As a rationale for his immediate policy o f not presenting a detailed plan of action, Laurier seized on an even more appealing precedent, that of the Duke of Wellington against Napoleon's armies. He was not responsible for the current battle, Laurier stated, but neither did he want to shirk it. He reminded his audience that 'war has to be waged in a certain way': W h e n the D u k e o f W e l l i n g t o n w a s in P o r t u g a l , a s t h o s e o f y o u will r e m e m b e r w h o h a v e r e a d that part o f the h i s t o r y o f E n g l a n d , h e w i t h d r e w at o n e t i m e w i t h i n the lines o f T o r r e s V e d r a s , a n d there for m o n t h s he r e m a i n e d , w a t c h i n g the

movements

o f the e n e m y . T h e F r e n c h at that time w e r e c o m m a n d e d b y M a r s h a l l M a s s e n a , a n d M a s s e n a s a i d : ' I w a n t that m a n to c o m e d o w n f r o m h i s l i n e s ; let h i m c o m e d o w n i n t o the plain a n d I will t h r a s h h i m , but I c a n n o t a s s a i l h i m w i t h i n the lines.' G e n t l e m e n , I

48 P A C , S c o t t P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to S c o t t , O c t o b e r 1, 1895

Between the sessions 123 a m w i t h i n t h e l i n e s o f T o r r e s V e d r a s , I w i l l g e t o u t o f t h e m w h e n it s u i t s m e a n d n o t before.

4 9

Glossing over the fact that there might be some difficulty in the exact application o f the military metaphor, Laurier had found in the 'lines of Torres Vedras' a slogan to arouse sentiment from Ontario British hearts and, if nothing more, grudging acceptance of the strategy from the French. A s had been the case in March, David Mills took up a position quite different from that o f most o f Laurier's influential Ontario supporters. On October 12 Mills wrote Laurier a long and worried letter. He said that he very much regretted not being able to join Laurier for at least a few o f his Ontario speaking engagements, but was restricted by his law lectures, of which he was giving twelve hours a week until Christmas. Moreover, he wanted to be free for meetings during the holidays and be ready to take his seat at the January session, should it come. Obviously the Manitoba school question loomed large in Mills's mind, and he was afraid that party strategy might have taken over from principle in Ontario. Mills was not prepared to accept all the claims of Archbishop Langevin, but he was convinced that federal action was necessary. He confessed to 'great uneasiness' about the school question, yet he had 'no doubt whatever in regard to the Constitutional right o f the minority in Manitoba, nor o f the Constitutional duty o f Parliament to protect that minority.' Worse still, Mills added, 'every hour's delay increases the difficulty of obeying the law and keeping faith.' As to the proposed strategy of 'Torres Vedras,' Mills was very frank. T can't help but feel,' he said, that the course taken is not one dictated by prudence but by timidity. Every day prejudice is more and more settling into a conviction o f right, and the time must soon come when, looking at the course taken by the press, that it will be impossible for any Government in Manitoba to keep faith and live.' Characteristically, Mills derided the position taken by the Globe and ridiculed its publication of the booklet on the school question by F.C. Wade as 'most discreditable.' As a final ironic comment on party advantage, Mills stated that only the presence o f Wallace had prevented the Irish Catholics from going over in a body to the Conservatives. The tour and the policy of'Torres Vedras' nevertheless went on, though not without continued controversy within the Liberal ranks. A particular irritant was the presence of J. Israel Tarte on the Laurier team. Laurier felt 4

50

49 T o r o n t o Globe,

O c t o b e r 9, 1895

50 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , M i l l s to L a u r i e r , O c t o b e r 12, 1895

124 Priests and politicians that the Ontario Liberal attitude to Tarte was both unfair and unwise, and said so in a letter to Willison on November 3: O n t h e w h o l e it w a s f a r b e t t e r t h a t T a r t e s h o u l d c o m e t o O n t a r i o . I t d o e s g o o d h e r e , e v e n if the result w i l l be nil in O n t a r i o . I do not h o w e v e r u n d e r s t a n d the

sensitive­

ness of our friends. T a r t e has done good, excellent service since he has j o i n e d us, and

e v e n if he be n o w c h a r g e d w i t h h a v i n g d o n e w r o n g w h i l e he w a s in the high

c o u n c i l s of the c o n s e r v a t i v e p a r t y , he d e s e r v e s all the m o r e credit for h a v i n g b r o k e n away from them.

Laurier in the same letter took the opportunity to discuss the case o f Honore Beaugrand of La Patrie, the radical Rouge Montreal journalist whom Laurier had recently felt obliged to reject as a spokesman for the Liberal party. Laurier said that he realized his action gave the Tory press a chance to cry that he was playing for the clerical vote. On the other hand, the Liberal leader told Willison, it would have been much worse to have ignored Beaugrand's statement that La Patrie, while returning to the principles of VAvenir of the old Rouge party, was still the voice of the Liberals in Quebec. Laurier was sure that had he not disavowed Beaugrand, cries o f anti-cleric and pro-annexation would have been raised against him perhaps beyond c o n t r o l . Either not being conscious of or choosing to ignore the criticisms of his presence on the Ontario tour, Tarte wrote a cheerful letter to Willison on November 4 i n which he dismissed Beaugrand even more thoroughly than had Laurier. Beaugrand had sent a letter to the Hamilton Times, accusing Laurier of being led by men of the Mercier tradition o f over-deference to ecclesiastics. On this Tarte commented that 'Beaugrand has been for years a source o f trouble and weakness for the Liberal party, as everyone in Montreal will tell you. He is a radical and a fool,' Tarte went on. ' A more selfish man you have never met ... Believe me, it is better to have Beau­ grand against us than for us,' Tarte concluded, and asked Willison to refute the Beaugrand letter by a statement in the Globe. That there was no serious breach over the Tarte role was shown by the fact that both Laurier and Tarte continued to call on Willison for support on various matters during November. Whatever private apprehensions Willi51

52

51 P A C , W i l l i s o n P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , N o v e m b e r 3, 1895 52 Ibid.,

T a r t e to W i l l i s o n , N o v e m b e r ^ 1895. T h e situation i n v o l v i n g B e a u g r a n d w a s c l e a r l y

the r e a s o n for establishing Le Soir

as a m o r e official L i b e r a l v o i c e in the M o n t r e a l a r e a in

A p r i l 1896. T h e n e w j o u r n a l , h o w e v e r , s u r v i v e d only four m o n t h s .

Between the sessions 125 son may have had about Laurier's Ontario trip, the Globe was publicly confident that the results were all to the good for the Liberals. T h e Liberal party was never more united than at the present time,' the newspaper declared. ' F r o m the chief down to the humblest man in the ranks there is permeating the party the spirit that presages v i c t o r y . ' A t the same time as this controversy developed over personalities and immediate policy, Laurier tried to meet a more important long-range prob­ lem. I f he was to enter a national electoral struggle with the school question threatening to ruin him in Quebec, Laurier had to be sure o f a solid team to carry the rest o f the country. Thus, on November 5, the Liberal leader wrote to Premier Fielding o f N o v a Scotia, offering him a portfolio in the government he hoped to form. After summing up the confusion and uncer­ tainty resulting from the school question about as well as anyone ever did 'it may break the opposition, or break the government, or break both the opposition and the government' - Laurier offered these comments on election prospects: 53

I t is n o w e v i d e n t t h a t t h e g o v e r n m e n t a r e g o i n g to m a k e a s t r o n g b i d to c a p t u r e t h e R o m a n C a t h o l i c v o t e , b y i n t r o d u c i n g r e m e d i a l l e g i s l a t i o n , t h a t is to s a y

setting

aside the s c h o o l law o f M a n i t o b a , a n d substituting a l a w of their o w n . T h a t they will c a p t u r e t h e R o m a n C a t h o l i c v o t e is n o t at a l l c e r t a i n , f o r I k n o w f o r a c e r t a i n t y t h a t the m o s t intelligent a n d far seeing a m o n g the R o m a n C a t h o l i c s - both clergy a n d laity - d r e a d t h e a c t i o n o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t as l i k e l y to c o n d u c e n o t to the r e e s t a b lishment of separate schools

in M a n i t o b a , but to agitation f o r the a b o l i t i o n

of

separate schools in all the p r o v i n c e s .

Defending his own position calling for an investigation, Laurier said he felt it ultimately would be accepted. Yet it had to be admitted that 'when you come to deal with those questions, in which religion is concerned, it is always safe to look to unforeseen consequences.' Probably expressing more confidence than he felt, Laurier added that ' I do not apprehend them in this case, but I just point out the situation such as it is, with its advan­ tages, and its possible dangers.' Fielding's cautious reply, sent on November 25, indicated his consent to j o i n the Laurier team, presuming the concurrence of'other leading N o v a Scotia L i b e r a l s . ' During the struggle at Ottawa, members o f the Manitoba government 54

55

53 O c t o b e r 2 9 , 1 8 9 5 54 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to F i e l d i n g , N o v e m b e r 5, 1895 55 Ibid.,

F i e l d i n g to L a u r i e r , N o v e m b e r 25, 1895

126 Priests and politicians were far from idle. Premier Greenway continued to receive many com­ munications urging him to stand firm against federal interference, but the pressure on him was by no means from one direction only. Several of the letters he received from people in high places urged moderation and com­ promise. For instance, on November 27, 1895 Senator Charles Boulton o f Manitoba urged 'some mode of negotiation by which a conciliatory attitude on both sides may be brought about.' The senator, a man with more impeccable anti-Riel credentials than even Schultz, added that he feared complete intransigence on Manitoba's part would mean playing into Mack­ enzie Bowell's hands. However, as had been clear during the aftermath of the remedial order of March, Greenway was not the one who was making the binding decisions in Manitoba. Clifford Sifton, as acting minister of education (his primary cabinet post was that of attorney general), carefully avoided inflammatory statements and actions, but used many expedients to publicize a 'nocompromise' position on the part of the Manitoba government. O n A u ­ gust 9 Sifton sent a copy of his own outline of the case to D r Albert Shaw, editor of the Review of Reviews in N e w York and on August 17, sent another copy to the London editor of the same r e v i e w . More sig­ nificantly, Sifton was active in circulating the booklet by F.C. Wade on the school question. This highly partisan, sometimes scurrilous, booklet, was published in full in the Toronto Globe , and many o f Sifton's subse­ quent 1895 letters mentioned his enclosing the work to his corre­ spondents. The extent to which the booklet was being used, as well as the degree o f collaboration between Sifton and D ' A l t o n McCarthy, was illustrated by a long November letter. Referring to McCarthy's request for speakers for the December by-elections in Ontario, Sifton regretted that no one could be sent from the Manitoba government. Literature, however, was another matter. Five hundred copies o f Wade's booklet had already been shipped, and ' i f any more can be made use of to advantage they will be forwarded immediately.' 56

57

58

59

60

C O N S E R V A T I V E

A N D

C L E R I C A L

M A N O E U V R E S

Rents in the Liberal fabric, however, were minor compared to those in the 56 P A M , G r e e n w a y P a p e r s , B o u l t o n to G r e e n w a y , N o v e m b e r 27, 1895 57 P A C , Sifton P a p e r s , Sifton to S h a w , A u g u s t 9, 1895; Sifton to S t e a d , A u g u s t 17, 1895 58 S e p t e m b e r 176°, 1895 59 P A C , Sifton P a p e r s , Sifton to A l f r e d H u n t e r , T o r o n t o l a w y e r , D e c e m b e r 1 1 , 1 8 9 5 ; Sifton to Rev. T h o m a s Webster, N e w b u r y , Ontario, December 23,1895 60 Ibid.,

Sifton to M c C a r t h y , N o v e m b e r 2 7 , 1 8 9 5

Between the sessions 127 Conservative. On September 26, Fred L . Jones, parliamentary correspon­ dent for the Toronto Globe, delivered a few items of Ottawa gossip to Laurier, still at his home in Arthabaska. Jones reported that Ouimet had said that Angers might still be invited and persuaded to return. He quoted an unnamed Conservative cabinet minister in praise of Laurier for his tact thus far in handling the Manitoba question. Jones's comments on Bowell were, as might be expected, not flattering. The prime minister had recently made a brief trip through Manitoba and the Territories. There was no doubt, said Jones, that the object o f Bowell's visit had been to see Green­ way. I t was equally clear that Bowell had made no headway with the Manitoba premier. The Conservative view of their own situation was, if anything, even less congratulatory than that painted by their Liberal opponents. I f strength had been looked for from the Conservative provincial government of Quebec, a loss in a Montreal by-election in October dampened any possible optimism from that direction. Arthur Dansereau commented, as only he could, on the Montreal reaction against Premier Taillon in a letter to Lieutenant Gover­ nor Chapleau in Quebec: 61

C e s o i r , g r a n d e e x c i t a t i o n d a n s les r u e s d e M o n t r e a l . L e v o t e anglais a ete

presque

g e n e r a l c o n t r e le g o u v e r n e m e n t . N e c h e r c h e p a s d e m i d i a q u a t o r z e h e u r e s . O n v a te d i r e q u e c ' e s t l a n o m i n a t i o n d e C u r r a n : e r r e u r . C e p e u t e t r e l e p r e t e x t e ; m a i s n o n la cause. C'est un vote personellement ceux qu'il a

fidelement

hostile a T a i l l o n . P o u r c o m b l e de m a l h e u r ,

s o u t e n u s e n c h a m b r e c o n t r e le s e n t i m e n t de l a ville

M o n t r e a l , tels que B o n d , G . W . S t e p h e n s ,

de

H a g u e , T h o m a s , ont tous, c o m m e u n

seul h o m m e , enregimente leurs forces dans cette election contre lui. C e qu'il a de flair!

E t n ' o u b l i e p a s q u e c ' e s t a p e u p r e s l a m e m e c h o s e p a r t o u t . C e t t e b o n n e et

h o n n e t e n a t u r e c r o i t q u ' o n p e u t c o n d u i r e le m o n d e a v e c d e s p r i e r e s .

6 2

Needless to say the Dansereau report was not calculated to prompt Cha­ pleau to return to the active Conservative team, federal or provincial. Perhaps the most scathing description o f French-Canadian Conserva­ tive leaders, particularly of the moderate or Bleu persuasion, came from the pen of Colonel Audet in a letter to Archbishop Langevin on October 10. Audet began his litany of condemnation with Laurier, saying that the Liberal leader was left with only two choices, to be un radical ou un lache.' But Audet then lashed out even more violently in the opposite direction. D u cote des conservateurs, notre marchandise est-elle de meilleure 4

4

61 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , J o n e s to L a u r i e r , S e p t e m b e r 2 6 , 1 8 9 5 62 P A C , C h a p l e a u P a p e r s , D a n s e r e a u to C h a p l e a u , O c t o b e r 2 2 , 1 8 9 5

128 Priests and politicians qualite?' he asked. His answer was not very hopeful. 'Si les principes sont meilleures, l'applaitissement et la venalite sont les memes,' he complained. Audet felt that Angers was an exception, but, whether one looked to Ottawa or Quebec, the rest of the Conservative picture was black indeed: Caron, Ouimet, Chapleau, Beaulieu, Nantel, Pelletier, et le reste, qu'avons-nous sous ces noms? On ne peut repondre a ces questions en public, en presence des etrangers, mais entre nous, en petite comite, les portes bien fermees, tout bas, i l faut bien nous avouer que ces hommes ne sont pas honnetes ni de sentiments, n i d'actions; qu'ils s'entourent de voleurs et de crapules; que ce sont tous des goinfres et pour la plupart des vulgaires ivrognes; qu'ils exploitent le pouvoir, le parti et les amis du parti comme des brigands le feraient d'une foret impenetrable. Et ces admissions, ces aveux, nous couvrent le front de honte, nous noient le coeur dans le degout et le decouragement. 63

Whatever can be said for or against Audet's political and personal insight, his sweeping condemnation o f the French Conservative leaders would hardly dispose his friend the archbishop to trust the fate of the Manitoba schools to the exclusive care o f such a group. Rumours flew thick and fast in early November about the quickening o f a revolt within the cabinet. The practical outcome of the anti-Bowell movement was a scheme whereby Sir Charles Tupper, Senior, could return from England to replace the prime minister. Bowell was persuaded to invite Tupper to return to Canada to discuss plans for a fast N o r t h Atlantic steamer line. But the camouflage was at best flimsy. So unsettling was the cabinet 'palace intrigue' that even C . H . Tupper's formerly adamant stance on remedial legislation began to waver. A t least he tried his hand at convincing the Manitoba Catholic party to press for a compromise which would make remedial legislation unnecessary. I n a November 12 letter to Ewart, then in Ottawa, Tupper put into writing what he had apparently stated in conversation the night before. ' I n my opinion,' Tupper wrote, 'any fair settlement of the School question now is in the interest of the minority rather than a reliance on the Federal Parliament.' Tupper cited several compelling reasons: the bill's details had not yet even been discussed in cabinet despite the proximity of a session; the actual presentation o f a bill would probably bring on a cabinet crisis, despite his own wish to avoid that if possible; it did not seem that the vacancy in the cabinet was going to be 63 A A S B , A u d e t to L a n g e v i n , O c t o b e r 1 0 , 1 8 9 5 . I t is interesting to note that b y the time o f the J a n u a r y c a b i n e t c r i s i s , A u d e t w o u l d i n c l u d e A n g e r s i n his list o f a c c u s a t i o n s ( A A S B , A u d e t to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 6 , 1 8 9 6 ) .

Between the sessions 129 filled; finally, Laurier, in opposition, was pledged to further delay. T o r this and many other reasons,' Tupper concluded, 'pray carefully consider any compromise before insisting on the full enactment from us as all may then be l o s t . ' Unhappily, the prospect of substantial accommodation was decreasing on all sides. For one thing, the one Quebec bishop whom outsiders seemed to consider as a possible ambassador between Catholic forces and the Manitoba government was unwilling to thrust himself into such a thankless and probably fruitless task. Bishop Emard of Valleyfield, in a revealing reply to Father Wagner, dean of Windsor, Ontario, said that he would not have any official status if he did go to see Greenway, as Wagner and others had suggested. I n Emard's view, such a visit would have been looked upon with disapproval by other bishops because of the national repercussions of the Manitoba question and of everything done to try to solve it. I n a remark clearly aimed at Angers and other ultramontanes, Emard reminded Wagner that the problem was 'singulierement complique par les exigences de la partisannerie politique, et elle a ete rendue bien difficile a resoudre par les indiscretions tapageuses de certains hommes qui etaient le plus tenus au calme et a la prudence.' Finally, said Emard, he would be leaving himself open to charges of Tingerence etrangere,' a commodity which seemed to be increasing on all sides. Even further reducing the likelihood o f compromise, Archbishop Langevin continued to receive strong journalistic support from Conserva­ tive newspapers in Quebec. That he appreciated and continued to reinforce this support was shown by his correspondence with several editors in early November. T o L . Z . Joncas of UEvenement, Langevin wrote to recom­ mend an article in Le Manitoba condemning the 'enquete' proposed by Laurier. The archbishop insisted that 'Greenway n'a rien fait et ne veut rien faire - proposer une enquete c'est faire le j e u de nos plus implacables ennemis.' Langevin added a postscript with exclamation marks that left little room for adjustment, with or without an inquiry. ' I I n'est nullement question d'un compromis!' he proclaimed. Letters in a similar vein went to T . Chapais of Le Courrier du Canada and J. Royal of L a Minerve. A capsule assessment of Laurier's motives left little room for accommoda­ tion. ' L e malheureux Laurier nous trahit pour arriver au pouvoir,' Lange­ vin concluded. 64

65

66

67

64 P A C , C . H . T u p p e r P a p e r s , C . H . T u p p e r to E w a r t , N o v e m b e r 1 2 , 1 8 9 5 65 A E V , E m a r d to W a g n e r , O c t o b e r 3 1 , 1 8 9 5 66 A A S B , L a n g e v i n to J o n c a s , N o v e m b e r 2, 1895 67 Ibid.,

L a n g e v i n to R o y a l , N o v e m b e r 2 , 1 8 9 5

130 Priests and politicians Joncas's November 6 reply to Langevin reflected the solemn tone of the Quebec right-wing journals and certainly encouraged the archbishop to remain adamant. But i f it was true that the Conservative spokesmen were willing to support Langevin's no-compromise policy, it was equally clear that they expected a return. A t least they did not want any weak links in the ecclesiastical chain. Royal made this quite clear to the archbishop in a letter concerning a Father Page o f St Boniface who apparently had advised his family in Quebec to support Laurier. Worst of all, Royal complained, Page had quoted Langevin as authority for his position: 68

C e t t e lettre fait le t o u r de l a f a m i l l e P a g e q u i est tres c o n s e r v a t e u r et est e x p l o i t e e par les a u t r e s ... V o i l a u n m o n s i e u r p r e t r e q u i est b i e n i m p r u d e n t p o u r n e r i e n d i r e d e p l u s et j e s u i s s u r q u ' e n p o r t a n t le fait a l a c o n n a i s s a n c e de V o t r e G r a n d e u r le d o m m a g e fait aux freres de M . Page p a r u n tel a v i s s e r a repare en t e m p s o p p o r t u n .

6 9

As for actual negotiations on a possible negotiated settlement, news o f several attempts to devise an acceptable formula came from Ottawa to Langevin in late November. J.S. Ewart reported his contact with C . H . Tupper and said that he had delayed leaving Ottawa in order to be available for consultation. Commenting on various plans that he had thus far heard proposed, Ewart said they were 'not at all such as Your Grace would sanction and I am inclined to think that they will not be much improved.' On the one hand, it was certain that Greenway would not make 'sufficient advances.' On the other, Ewart's confidence in the federal government was disappearing. 'Whatever may be given to the public, I feel assured that there is the very greatest difficulty and disagreement in the cabinet,' he observed. ' N o t only about the school case but upon other points, the relations o f the ministers seems to be very much strained and I am ap­ prehensive that it may be impossible for them to agree upon a bill giving relief to the minority. ' 7 0

68 Ibid., 69 Ibid.,}. 70 Ibid.,

J o n c a s to L a n g e v i n , N o v e m b e r 6, 1895 R o y a l to L a n g e v i n , N o v e m b e r 2, 1895 E w a r t to L a n g e v i n , N o v e m b e r 1 8 , 1 8 9 5 . A n interesting sidelight o n E w a r t ' s c o n t i n u ­

ing role in the s c h o o l c a s e w a s the fact that he h a d a r a t h e r s u b s t a n t i a l bill for legal fees w h i c h h a d not b e e n p a i d a n d yet he w a s u n w i l l i n g to p r e s s A r c h b i s h o p L a n g e v i n for the s a m e . E w a r t h a d sent his bill to A l e x F e r g u s o n , w h o w a s h a n d l i n g the finances o f the c a s e for the federal g o v e r n m e n t . F e r g u s o n f o r w a r d e d it, though after a m o n t h ' s d e l a y , to C a r o n , a n d suggested a total p a y m e n t f r o m the federal g o v e r n m e n t o f $1000 to c o v e r E w a r t ' s bill a n d F e r g u s o n ' s o w n e x p e n s e s . E w a r t ' s letter w a s a l s o i m p o r t a n t b e c a u s e it

Between the sessions 131 Beginning with an attitude quite different from Ewart's near-pes­ simism, Senator Bernier, on his arrival at Ottawa, wrote that he would do his best to insist on existing gains rather than consent to any com­ promise. O n November 17, Bernier told Langevin that Ewart was inclined to give in too easily. A week later, Bernier reported that although no detailed proposal had come to light, ' i l parait toujours qu'il y a quelque raison de croire a un mouvement de rapprochement de Greenway et de son gouvernement.' A third letter o f November 28, however, showed that Bernier was now inclined to share Ewart's unhappy v i e w . Alphonse LaRiviere held out the hope that, while the first Greenway offer was not enough, it might be amended satisfactorily. He asked if this was possible from Langevin's point o f view, but then gave a strangely accurate prophecy based on his estimate of public opinion: 71

72

73

L ' o p i n i o n generate ici, est que L a u r i e r s'opposera a la loi reparatrice en proposant u n e n q u e t e , et q u ' i l a u r a l ' a p p u i d e t o u s l e s l i b e r a u x et d ' u n n o m b r e s u f f i s a n t d e conservateurs anglais pour e m p e c h e r l'adoption de la m e s u r e . A d v e n a n t ensuite son arrivee a u p o u v o i r nous n'attendrions pas plus que ce qui nous est a u j o u r d ' h u i , a v e c le r a p p e l d u ' R e m e d i a l O r d e r . '

offert

7 4

LaRiviere and Bernier, however, were not the major source o f worry. On November 30 C . H . Tupper stepped up the pressure he had begun three weeks earlier with Ewart. The specific prelude was a note from Langevin r e v e a l e d the difficulties e n c o u n t e r e d in financing the s u r v i v i n g C a t h o l i c s c h o o l s . B o m p a s , B i s c h o f f a n d C o . o f L o n d o n h a d a p p a r e n t l y r e d u c e d their c h a r g e s by $250 after E w a r t ' s o b j e c t i o n . I n p a r t i c u l a r , h o w e v e r , E w a r t s t r e s s e d that L a n g e v i n w a s i n no p o s i t i o n w h a t e v e r to b e a r o u t s t a n d i n g c o s t s : T w o u l d further p r e s s u p o n y o u not to a s k for a n y further r e d u c t i o n b e c a u s e the o n l y effect o f it w o u l d be to m a k e us c h a r g e it up against the A r c h b i s h o p h e r e . P e r h a p s y o u are a w a r e o f the e x t r e m e l y straightened c i r c u m s t a n c e s i n w h i c h he finds h i m s e l f at p r e s e n t . F o r the last five y e a r s he has h a d to s t r a i n e v e r y n e r v e a n d a p p e a l not o n l y to his flock h e r e , but to s e e k v e r y largely outside a s s i s t a n c e i n o r d e r to k e e p up his s c h o o l s in this P r o v i n c e . H i s e x c h e q u e r is c o m p l e t e l y d e p l e t e d , a n d a s y o u m a y h a v e k n o w n , he is e n d e a v o u r i n g to r a i s e s o m e m o n e y i n Q u e b e c b y m e a n s o f a lottery. T h e s m a l l i t e m o f $794 i s r e a l l y nothing at all to the m e n w i t h w h o m y o u d e a l , w h e r e a s it w o u l d be a m a t t e r o f v e r y great i m p o r t a n c e to o u r people h e r e . I m a y s a y confidentially that the e m b a r r a s s m e n t for f u n d s is h e r e so great that I h a v e h a d to c o n t r i b u t e , a s w e l l a s s o m e o t h e r P r o t e s t a n t friends v e r y c o n s i d e r a b l y t o w a r d s the W i n n i p e g s c h o o l s ' ( P A C , C a r o n P a p e r s , E w a r t to F e r g u s o n , N o v e m b e r 8 , 1 8 9 5 ; F e r g u s o n 71 A A S B , B e r n i e r to L a n g e v i n , N o v e m b e r 1 7 , 1 8 9 5 72 Ibid.,

B e r n i e r to L a n g e v i n , N o v e m b e r 2 3 , 1 8 9 5

73 Ibid.,

B e r n i e r to L a n g e v i n , N o v e m b e r 2 8 , 1 8 9 5

74 Ibid.,

L a R i v i e r e to L a n g e v i n , N o v e m b e r 2 9 , 1 8 9 5

t 0

C a r o n , D e c e m b e r 4, 1895).

132 Priests and politicians congratulating the N o v a Scotian on his continued statements favouring relief for Manitoba Catholics. Langevin had not, however, confined him­ self to compliments. He pressed Tupper for continued vigour and warned that episcopal support for the Conservative party was not automatic. Langevin urged that 'surely ... we will not be delivered up into the hands of our enemies with a simple concession of detail ... A nominal settlement would be worse than a fiat denial of justice,' he went on, 'and it would expose us to lose for ever faith and confidence in a party that have assumed the noble mission of protecting what the H o n . Lords of the H o n . Privy Council o f England call the Parliamentary Compact.' Tupper replied to Langevin that negotiations were still going on at Ottawa and thanked the archbishop for his compliments. Echoing his words to Ewart, however, Tupper stated that he was now 'favourable to compromise i f the essential elements of equality and justice were secured for the minority.' Tupper's rationale for his change of position was strongly tinged with complaint: 75

I am drawn to this by the evident apathy of Catholics. Our Government ever since the espousal of their cause, has had no accession o f strength. We lost a Catholic county in N . S . A Catholic candidate is now found fighting us in an Ontario consti­ tuency and a Catholic deserted us in the Cabinet. A catholic leader (from Quebec as well) dares to advocate a commission for further delay and enquiry, and to argue (at Renfrew, Ont.) that after all, the grievances o f the Manitoba minority are simply those which every minority has, and which are redressed only when under the condition it becomes a majority.

I n view of these facts, Tupper believed, the alternative to a negotiated compromise would be 'defeat in Parliament and afterwards in the country,' which would 'leave the minority without any redress, and our constitution dishonoured and ignored.' Tupper assured Langevin that Bowell, i f pressed to the limit, would not back down from his formal pledge, 'but it is hard to realize, as I am doing, the faint support he is obtaining from Catholics in the face of desperate efforts to wean from him the strength of his quondam Protestant friends.' Tupper dramatically revealed the prob­ lem caused by the identification of the church with one party's program; there could be no mistaking the pressure he was putting on the archbishop. With this letter before him, Langevin seems to have sent out warning 76

75 A A S B , L a n g e v i n to T u p p e r , N o v e m b e r 27, 1895 76 Ibid.,

T u p p e r to L a n g e v i n , N o v e m b e r 3, 1895

Between the sessions 133 signals that there was danger o f LaRiviere and Bernier capitulating; a December 6 letter from L a Riviere was profuse in assurances to the con­ trary. ' M . le senateur [Bernier] et moi, nous accordons parfaitment avec vous, Mgr., a refuser quoique ce soit qui ne serait qu'un compromis, et non une restitution des nos ecoles separees.' Meanwhile, Archbishop Begin had some significant news in Quebec. He was much happier with Tupper's performance than with that of Caron and Ouimet, and not all sure of Angers's current state of mind. ' L ' H o n . Angers a, dit-on, tantot des esperances, tantot des craintes,' Begin wrote. 'On me tient au courant de ses fluctuations d'idees.' More interesting, however, was Begin's account o f important meetings with Laurier: 77

J'ai eu deux longues

entrevues

avec M . Laurier; la derniere m'a un peu

plus

reconforte que la premiere. I I a toujours son projet d'enquete a mettre en avant pour f o r m e r , dit-il, l ' o p i n i o n p r o t e s t a n t e o u plutot p o u r l a r e f o r m e r et l a p r e p a r e r a a c c e p t e r de b o n c o e u r u n e legislation r e m e d i a t r i c e . I I m e dit q u e M g r . W a l s h , A r c h , de T o r o n t o , tout e n n e se liguant p a s a v e c le parti l i b e r a l , e p o u s e c e p e n d a n t

ses

idees, m e m e celle d'une enquete. J ' a i toujours c o m b a t t u cette idee qui m e parait e t r e p r o p r e a r e m e t t r e e n q u e s t i o n e t a c o m p r o m e t t r e n o s s u c c e s o b t e n u s d e v a n t le C o n s e i l P r i v e ; il p r e t e n d q u e les C o n s e r v a t e u r s , m e m e s'ils font a d o p t e r u n e loi remediatrice, ne pourront pas la faire fonctionner, p a r c e qu'on suscitera toute e s p e c e d ' e n t r a v e s . I I m ' a dit c l a i r e m e n t , ' M g r . , c ' e s t n o u s q u i r e g l e r o n s l a q u e s t i o n , et n o u s l a r e g l e r o n s d e m a n i e r e a d o n n e r s a t i s f a c t i o n a u x c a t h o l i q u e s d e M a n i t o b a . ' M . C h o q u e t t e , s o n b r a s d r o i t , m ' a dit la m e m e c h o s e , il y a q u e l q u e s j o u r s . M . L a u r i e r a ajoute qu'il pourrait obtenir du gouvernement G r e e n w a y plus facilement que les C o n s e r v a t e u r s u n a b a n d o n des m e s u r e s injustes prises vis-a-vis de m i n o r i t e . J e le c r o i s b i e n - I I r e c o n n a i t p a r f a i t e m e n t q u e l a m i n o r i t e a d e s

la

griefs

f o n d e s et q u e le G o u v e r n e m e n t F e d e r a l doit i n t e r v e n i r . J e lui a i c o n s e i l l e d ' a i d e r les c o n s e r v a t e u r s a r e g l e r l a q u e s t i o n si e p i n e u s e d u M a n i t o b a afin qu'il n'ait pas a s ' e n o c c u p e r , s ' i l finit p a r a r r i v e r a u p o u v o i r ; l e f e r a - t - i l ?

7 8

Clearly, the Liberal leader was not yet ready to emerge from his 'lines of Torres Vedras,' and the July predictions o f both Sifton and Angers that delay would bring little change were being borne out. The position or confusion of position to which Langevin had been brought by these various influences was amply reflected in two long letters 77 Ibid.,

L a R i v i e r e to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 6 , 1 8 9 5

78 Ibid.,

B e g i n to L a n g e v i n , N o v e m b e r 26, 1895. I n this letter, a s e l s e w h e r e , B e g i n s h o w e d

that he w a s h a r d l y the a c t i v e p r o - A n g e r s p a r t i s a n suggested by A u d e t .

134 Priests and politicians which he sent at the end o f November to episcopal colleagues, Begin in Quebec and Cleary in Kingston. T o begin with, Langevin told Begin, the Manitoba government itself had admitted that its schools were Protestant when, by way of compromise, the offer had been made to suppress 'tout ce qui est sectarian dans leurs ecoles publiques ... et de permettre rinstruction religieuse dans les ecoles apres trois heures.' Langevin then spoke of Ewart's refusal to consider the Manitoba proposal and expressed renewed confidence in the hard-working lawyer. The archbishop also discussed the evident obstacle caused by the division within the cabinet. He then posed the problem o f alternatives if the federal cabinet did not bring forth a bill. What, for instance, should the Catholic ministers be advised to do? Should they resign? Langevin showed that he was not yet a Lafleche; he at least wondered what was the best method o f proceeding. ' Y aura-t-il lieu de lancer la sorte de manifeste dont parlait Mgr. Lafleche?' he asked, ' Y aura-t-il lieu de faire un programme pour le presenter a l'electorat et le faire signer par les candidats?' The question of the impending by-elections was then discussed, Lange­ vin asking Begin i f he could exert influence, particularly in Charlevoix. Finally, Laurier's noncommittal position, even as reported by Begin, was again criticized. I f Protestants were not already prepared for the law by the delay from the previous session, he said, they would hardly be more prepared by further delay. A t the end o f the letter came a few dash notes added on December i : P r e n d e r g a s t , notre depute i c i , m e disait en confidence qu'il est degoute de L a u r i e r , 'que ce grand c h e f a perdu s a meilleure carte en ne prenant pas en mains la cause de n o s e c o l e s ... L e L i e u t e n a n t - G o v e r n o r P a t t e r s o n n o u s est f a v o r a b l e i c i , m a i s il ne peut rien ... L o r d A b e r d e e n m ' a d e m a n d e s'il p o u v a i t n o u s aider ... C e qu'il n o u s faudrait, ce serait au moins u n h o m m e p a r m i nos ministres c a n a d i e n s .

7 9

From the beginning Langevin was clearly concerned that the struggle for school restoration be not a 'French-only' effort. During the crisis o f the previous summer, he had written Begin of his hope to involve the 'Irish' bishops (a racial classification which would have interested, if not amused, at least Bishop Cameron). 'Je tiens a avoir l'appui entier et formel de l'episcopat irlandais,' Langevin stated. ' A ce dessein, j'ecris a Mgr. Cleary de Kingston et je lui envoie une copie du petit resume dans lequel M . Ewart 79 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to B e g i n , N o v e m b e r 29, D e c e m b e r 1, 1895

Between the sessions 135 indique comme introduction au bill un sommaire des concessions faites.' W i t h the same purpose in mind, Langevin sent another message to Cleary immediately after his letter to Begin at the end of November. The first part of Langevin's letter discussed the remedial measure supposedly being prepared in Ottawa. Langevin spoke as if he were in constant contact with Ewart in the capital, and seemed to feel confident he could accept certain details and reject others in the proposed bill. He spoke of the danger of the lieutenant governor's nomination to the proposed school board o f 'nominal Catholics, bad Catholics, like the freemason John O'Donohue of Winnipeg.' He said that he would insist on Catholic inspectors, since 'in the North-West our people are ill-treated by protestant inspectors who are altogether unfair toward the C. schools.' Regarding the problem of Catholics in districts where they were too few to have separate schools, Langevin said he had agreed that Catholic taxes should go to the public schools. 'Some find it too lenient on my part,' he added, 'because there is no vice-versa for the Protestants who will never pay taxes to the Sep. Schools. But M r . Ewart, our legal advisor, told me that this concession would appear very liberal and give satisfaction to many people.' Then came an excited postscript, added on December 2. ' T w o great events' had taken place since the first part of Langevin's letter. 'First, the Greenway Government have communicated with the Federal Cabinet about some kind o f a compromise by which we would be left entirely to the good will of our Protestant friends of the majority.' The 'compromise' Langevin found almost ludicrous. The only concession proposed was a permission to be granted to clergy of all faiths to teach religion after 3 -.30 P M in the existing schools. 'Evidently, we cannot even entertain the idea of adopting such a poor scheme,' the archbishop said. 'The second event,' Langevin added, 'is the mission given to V . Rev. Father Lacombe by your humble brother and his suffragants [sic], to go and see Our Rev. Brothers o f the H i e r a r c h y . ' Ironically, the conditions outlined with such care by Langevin in the early part of his letter turned out to be quite unrealistic; the briefly mentioned mission given to Lacombe proved to be o f major significance. 80

81

82

80 Ibid.,

L a n g e v i n to B e g i n , A u g u s t 2 , 1 8 9 5

81 A A S B , L a n g e v i n to C l e a r y , N o v e m b e r 29, D e c e m b e r 2 , 1 8 9 5 82 A l b e r t L a c o m b e (1827-1916) w e n t w e s t as a m i s s i o n a r y i m m e d i a t e l y after his 1849 o r d i n a ­ tion at the age o f t w e n t y - t w o in M o n t r e a l . H e s o o n c a m e to k n o w the youthful B i s h o p T a c h e , j o i n e d the O b l a t e o r d e r , a n d w a s sent d i r e c t l y to F o r t E d m o n t o n w i t h the t r a d e r s of the H u d s o n ' s B a y C o m p a n y . N o t only d i d he e v a n g e l i z e , but he b e c a m e k n o w n as the

136 Priests and politicians The five months between July and December had not greatly changed the argument or policy of either federal party. Strategically, however, the passage of time and events was clearly in the Liberals' favour. Laurier had found a way to prolong his refusal to take a positive stand on remedialism, thus allowing his party to remain at least externally united. The Conserva­ tives , on the other hand, had only narrowed their choices and reduced their hopes o f success under a leader they neither respected nor were willing to support. A s Angers bitterly remarked about the team he had abandoned, ' L e gouvernement depuis juillet dernier n'a converti personne.' 83

friend o f b o t h C r e e a n d B l a c k f o o t in the w h o l e territory b e t w e e n the B o w a n d P e a c e r i v e r s . A l l h i s life h e p r o m o t e d I n d i a n training s c h o o l s to e a s e the h a r d t r a n s i t i o n brought about b y the w h i t e c i v i l i z a t i o n . T h e y e a r 1874 s a w h i s c o m p l e t i o n o f a r e m a r k a b l e C r e e d i c t i o n a r y a n d g r a m m a r . O n at least t w o o c c a s i o n s his w a s the c r u c i a l influence in p r e v e n t i n g s e r i o u s trouble b e t w e e n I n d i a n a n d w h i t e , first i n 1883 w h e n the C P R w a s being r u s h e d through B l a c k f o o t t e r r i t o r y , t h e n i n 1885 w h e n he p e r s u a d e d the m a j o r i t y o f the I n d i a n s not to j o i n the N o r t h w e s t R e b e l l i o n . N o t least a m o n g t h o s e w h o r e g a r d e d L a c o m b e as the W e s t ' s most important missioner, Catholic or Protestant, w a s W i l l i a m V a n H o m e , builder and later p r e s i d e n t o f the C P R . W h e n the first train a r r i v e d i n C a l g a r y i n 1883, L a c o m b e w a s h o n o u r e d b y P r e s i d e n t G e o r g e S t e p h e n a n d V a n H o m e b y being n a m e d p r e s i d e n t o f the C P R for o n e h o u r d u r i n g a d i n n e r i n the official dining c a r . N o r w a s h e a n o v i c e at dealing w i t h g o v e r n m e n t officials. B e t w e e n 1893 a n d the fall o f 1895 he h a d b e e n in O t t a w a no l e s s t h a n four times to d i s c u s s the s c h o o l p r o b l e m s , first o f the M e t i s a n d I n d i a n s , later o f the C a t h o l i c s o f M a n i t o b a a n d the N o r t h w e s t . T h u s the legate c h o s e n b y L a n g e v i n l a c k e d n e i t h e r prestige n o r p r a c t i c e i n the art o f l o b b y i n g . L a c o m b e ' s f o r t y - s i x letters to h i s a r c h b i s h o p d u r i n g his stay i n the E a s t , p r o v i d e d a c o n s t a n t , i f highly p e r s o n a l a n d s o m e t i m e s b i a s e d , insight into the p o l i t i c a l e v e n t s o f the p e r i o d b e t w e e n D e c e m b e r , 1895, a n d M a r c h , 1896. M o r e significantly, L a c o m b e b e c a m e the m a j o r s o u r c e o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d attitude being fed to the b i s h o p s ( e s p e c i a l l y L a n g e v i n ) , a n d thus a n important f a c t o r i n the f o r m a t i o n o f their p o l i c y . F u r t h e r b i o g r a p h i c a l details o n L a c o m b e m a y be f o u n d i n H u g h e s , Father The Black

Robe

Voyageur,

a n d J . P h e l a n , The Bold

Heart.

Lacombe:

A treatment o f L a c o m b e ' s

O t t a w a s o j o u r n f r o m h i s p e r s o n a l point o f v i e w is g i v e n i n C r u n i c a n , ' F a t h e r L a c o m b e ' s Strange M i s s i o n , ' p p . 5 7 - 7 2 . 83 D u p o n t , ' L a Q u e s t i o n S c o l a i r e M a n i t o b a i n e , ' v m , n o . 5 , p p . 3 6 8 - 7 9 ; A n g e r s to D u p o n t , D e c e m b e r 14, 1895

5

December by-elections and the January crisis: re-alignment without revival

E L E C T I O N

P R E P A R A T I O N S

Whether or not remedial legislation was actually to come after the new year, the Conservatives' immediate political objective o f the last weeks of 1895 the winning of several key by-elections, two in Ontario and two in Quebec, all formerly held by the party. Ontario N o r t h was to be contested on December 12, Cardwell, which included the Orangeville-Caledon area, on December 24; and the two Montreal ridings o f Montreal Centre and Jacques Cartier, vacated by the judicial appointments o f J.J. Curran and Desire Girouard, were set for December 27 and 30 respectively. The two Ontario ridings were considered as significant tests of the English-speaking Catholic vote, but both parties sensed that the key battles would be in Quebec. A month before the elections, Laurier was already confident that the two Montreal Conservative strongholds were safe for us beyond question.' On the other side of the political fence, Caron was appealing to Archbishop Langevin to use all possible influence in the Quebec contests. Caron called the situation 'tres grave' in Judge Curran's former riding o f Montreal Centre, and insisted that the crucial factor was to get the right candidate to run. The man in question was Dr Sir William Hingston, 'catholique fervent, professeur a l'Universite Laval, bien vu des Anglais-protestants, Irlandais lui-meme, ay ant le confiance des w

a

s

1

4

2

1 P A C , C o s t i g a n P a p e r s , C o s t i g a n to W a l s h , D e c e m b e r 2 0 , 1 8 9 5 2 P A C , W i l l i s o n P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , N o v e m b e r 1 9 , 1 8 9 5

138 Priests and politicians Irlandais et universellement respecte par tous.' Caron stated that Arch­ bishop Fabre had agreed to approach Hingston to enter the contest. N o w the minister of militia wanted Langevin to exert pressure as well, and drew in bolder lines the political syllogism which he seemed to forget had been used in Vercheres in A p r i l : Je

n'ai pas besoin

de v o u s

expliquer que,

si n o u s

perdons

Mont. Centre,

les

protestants qui nous appuient sur la question des E c o l e s nous diront: L a province de Q u e b e c ne se p r e o c c u p e pas de cette question o u point que v o u s

pretendez,

p u i s q u e , a l a veille de l a lutte q u i doit regler cette q u e s t i o n p o u r t o u j o u r s ,

ou

r e t a r d e r s a s o l u t i o n p e n d a n t d e s a n n e e s , v o u s n ' e t e s p a s c a p a b l e d'elire d a n s le metropole de la p r o v i n c e de

Quebec, plus inter essee que

a cette question, u n h o m m e pour combattre ce

combat.

toutes les autres p r o v i n c e s 3

Langevin was prompt in answering Caron's letter and showed himself more than willing to aid the government in persuading Hingston. A t the same time, he did not hesitate to prod the cabinet to stick to its promises. ' I I n'a plus a reculer, les vaisseaux sont brules,' he insisted. 'L'opposition elle-meme, au moins la partie catholique si elle comprend son interet et son devoir, votera avec le Gouvernement.' By a long and effusive declaration that the Conservatives could never dream o f considering 'cette lache resource' o f an inquiry, Langevin revealed apprehension that the cabinet might indeed be thinking o f adopting Laurier's avenue of escape. The archbishop took special care to mention the duty of Costigan and Smith, 'les membres irlandais qui ont appuye le retard dont nous souffrons tant et qui permet a nos ennemis de dresser leur batterie.' Langevin also wrote to Fabre to reinforce the pressure brought on Hingston. Fabre was prompt but much less optimistic than Langevin in his reply concerning the doctor's candidacy, stressing Hingston's age and the unwisdom o f the judicial appointments. Fabre made a further knowing lament about the difficulty and importance o f the by-elections. 'Ces differentes elections partielles donnent plus d'embarras que les elections generates,' he commented. 'Tout le camp en meme temps se jette sur un quartier et cree de grands embarras.' Langevin's November 27 reply 4

5

6

3 A A S B , C a r o n to L a n g e v i n , N o v e m b e r 2, 1895, (italics C a r o n ' s ) 4 Ibid.,

L a n g e v i n to C a r o n , N o v e m b e r 7, 1895

5 A A M , L a n g e v i n to F a b r e , N o v e m b e r 5, 1895 6 A A S B , F a b r e to L a n g e v i n , N o v e m b e r 9, 1895

December by-elections and January crisis 139 simply expanded his argument on the duty of Montreal Catholics to support their Manitoba brethren by voting Conservative. The resignation of Clarke Wallace as controller of customs on De- , cember 12 was clearly a relief for the rest of the government. Certainly the French Conservatives did not hesitate to interpret the incident in their own favour. 'Voila qui prouve,' a cabinet minister told Father Lacombe, 'que nous voulons coute que coute, aller jusqu'au bout dans les promesses que nous avons faites.' W i t h or without Wallace, however, and despite the immediacy of the by-elections, it was evident that the rifts in the Conserva­ tive team were widening. A squabble between two Quebec province cabinet members, J.A. Ouimet and W . B . Ives, acutely pointed up the problem. Ives, deputy from Sherbrooke, walked out o f a cabinet meeting dealing with the elections, and told Bowell that any active role by Ouimet would be a distinct liability, particularly in Montreal Centre. 'The English people will have nothing to do with Mr. Ouimet,' Ives insisted, 'and the less he appears, the better, so far as they are concerned.' A t the same time, the continued activity o f Angers was doing further damage. The former minister of agriculture was proclaiming that the pas­ sage of time had proven correct the decision he made in July. T o Bishop Lafleche, who had not favoured his action as much as he had hoped, Angers wrote on December 14 that Wallace's resignation did not represent a purification o f the government but a proof of political failure. 'Depuis le huit juillet dernier a ce j o u r , ' Angers stated, 'le Cabinet n'a fait aucun progres pour amener ses partisans protestants orangistes a favoriser l'adoption d'une loi reparatrice.' Angers was not content to make his position known only in private. On December 13, Lacombe reported a speech by Angers at Quebec City in which the ex-minister charged the government with treachery, and insisted that no real relief would be forth­ coming. 'C'est serieux,' the missionary admitted, 'la chose ne parait pas brilliante pour nous, dans la province de Quebec' The spectacle of Angers's activities brought Lacombe's w r y conclusion: ' A b amicis nostris libera nos, D n e . ' On December 24 Lacombe reported that he had seen Angers personally 7

8

9

10

11

7 A A M , L a n g e v i n to F a b r e , N o v e m b e r 2 7 , 1 8 9 5 8 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 1 2 , 1 8 9 5 9 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , I v e s to B o w e l l , D e c e m b e r 1 4 , 1 8 9 5 10 A S T R , A n g e r s to L a f l e c h e , D e c e m b e r 1 4 , 1 8 9 5 11 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 12 a n d 1 3 , 1 8 9 5 ( ' F r o m o u r friends d e l i v e r u s , O Lord')

140 Priests and politicians and that the ex-minister had been, i f anything, even more violent against the Conservative ministers: Hier je voyais longuement

VHon

conservateurs

bande

comme

ble

une

Mr. Anger de

[sic],

qui maudit les

Ministres

chanapands, qui seront toujours prets

a

sacrifier les C a t h o l i q u e s de M a n i t o b a , si 9 a fait l e u r affaire. P o u r tout a u m o n d e , i l ne voudrait retourner a u milieu d'eux; cependant il fera tout en son p o u v o i r , p o u r a i d e r , afin q u e le B i l l r e p a r a t e u r soit v o t e .

1 2

As for Laurier, while he refused to announce a specific Liberal remedy beyond an inquiry, he had no choice but to become more vocal on the school question during the by-election campaigns. His address in Montreal on December 8 promised to both 'do justice' and 'settle the question,' but equally insisted on the need for Protestant as well as Catholic support. Laurier stressed the point that he, with the support of Premier Mowat, was in a far better position to obtain a moderate attitude from Ontario than were the Conservatives. Glossing over the fact that such promises would hardly be endorsed by Willison and many other Ontario Liberal spokesmen, Laurier's conclusion was, once again, the need for an i n q u i r y . His reward from the Quebec Conservative press was, as before, denunciation as a traitor. 13

E L E C T I O N

R E S U L T S

The first o f the constituencies to be contested, Ontario N o r t h , had been held by the Conservatives in 1891 by a margin o f 254 votes. On December 12,1895, the riding gave the government an even more impressive victory. J.A. McGillivray, who had been an unsuccessful candidate under Meredith in the provincial election o f 1886, received 2085 votes against 1289 for the Patron candidate and 1096 for Gillespie, the L i b e r a l . The Conservatives 14

12 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 2 4 , 1 8 9 5 . L a c o m b e s p e l l e d A n g e r s ' n a m e w i t h ­

out a n V throughout his letters 13 Montreal

Star,

14 T o r o n t o Mail

D e c e m b e r 9, 1895 and Empire,

D e c e m b e r 13, 1895. T h e thrust o f the P a t r o n s o f I n d u s t r y

c a n d i d a t e s into rural f e d e r a l ridings w a s a n a d d e d c o m p l i c a t i o n for b o t h m a j o r parties. A d e p r e s s i o n - b o r n p h e n o m e n o n not u n l i k e the P o p u l i s t m o v e m e n t in the U n i t e s S t a t e s , the P a t r o n s w e r e e i t h e r c o u r t e d , i g n o r e d , o r o p p o s e d b y the L i b e r a l s a n d C o n s e r v a t i v e s a l i k e a c c o r d i n g to the a d v a n t a g e o f the m o m e n t . G r a n t e d the strong free-trade e m p h a s i s o f the m o v e m e n t , the L i b e r a l s w e r e m o r e e n d a n g e r e d b y the P a t r o n s t h a n w e r e the C o n s e r v a ­ t i v e s , but s o m e t i m e s m a n a g e d a modus

vivendi

w i t h the third p a r t y . F o r e x a m p l e , i n the

December by-elections and January crisis 141 thus retained a seat in rural Ontario, increasing their margin in a threeway fight. But their winning candidate, McGillivray, opposed his party's remedial policy, and gave a foretaste o f the radical T o r y schism which would grow during the subsequent months. T w o problems were obvious from the point o f view of the Liberals: the split in the anti-government vote, because of the appearance of the Patrons, and the fact that the Liberal candidate, a Catholic, had run third. Tarte's analysis of the outcome, plus some revealing information about develop­ ments in the Montreal by-election picture, went out to Willison on De­ cember 13. Tarte admitted that no one had really expected the Liberals to win in N o r t h Ontario, but called the 'crushing defeat o f the Liberal candi­ date ... a damaging blow for us.' He was convinced that half of the normal Liberal vote had gone to the Patrons, while the Tories had maintained party loyalty. ' W i l l you tell me privately,' Tarte asked Willison, 'why we cannot have more control over our friends?' Laurier's reaction was even more pessimistic than Tarte's, especially over the margin of the Conservative w i n . He complained to Willison that Ontario did not seem willing to approve the stand that he, Laurier, had taken against the T o r y press in Quebec. T am now in terror as to this province,' the Liberal leader wrote. T have taken great risks on the school question ... I f my views had been endorsed in Ontario, I would have been thereby greatly assisted in this province but i f the coercive policy o f the government is adopted by your people, what else than disaster am I to expect here?' Laurier concluded, however, that he had no regrets and that his stand on an inquiry was simply what he thought was right. ' I t was the only course consistent with reason and justice,' he said, 'but reason and justice may cut a poor figure, i f battered between the prejudices o f Quebec and the prejudices of O n t a r i o . ' Significantly Just as Tupper was complain15

16

17

1896 g e n e r a l e l e c t i o n , the L i b e r a l s did not r u n in ten ridings w h e r e there w e r e P a t r o n c a n d i d a t e s ; o n l y i n three ridings d i d the C o n s e r v a t i v e s fail to o p p o s e . T h e p r i n c i p l e e n u n c i a t e d b y R i c h a r d S c o t t a s a l e s s o n f r o m the O n t a r i o N o r t h defeat w o u l d thus s e e m to h a v e b e e n a c c e p t e d b y the L i b e r a l strategists: ' A b o v e all things a P a t r o n a n d a G r i t m u s t b o t h be defeated w h e n pitted against a G o v e r n m e n t c a n d i d a t e . ' T h e origin a n d fate o f the P a t r o n s o f I n d u s t r y a r e briefly d i s c u s s e d in W o o d , A History in Canada,

M o r t o n , The Progressive

Party

in

of the Farmers'

Movement

Canada.

15 T h e a c t i v e s u p p o r t a n d s p e e c h e s o f N . C . W a l l a c e p r o m o t i n g M c G i l l i v r a y d u r i n g his c a m p a i g n w e r e strong e v i d e n c e o f this fact. M c G i l l i v r a y v o t e d for the s e c o n d r e a d i n g o f the R e m e d i a l B i l l i n M a r c h , but w a s c l a s s e d a s a n a n t i - r e m e d i a l i s t in the s u b s e q u e n t e l e c t i o n c a m p a i g n (see La Minerve,

June 8,1896).

16 P A C , W i l l i s o n P a p e r s , T a r t e to W i l l i s o n , D e c e m b e r 1 3 , 1 8 9 5 17 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , D e c e m b e r 1 7 , 1 8 9 5

142 Priests and politicians ing to Langevin about Catholic apathy in Quebec, Laurier was now saying the same thing in the opposite direction about Ontario. Before the next by-election, in Cardwell, a particularly interesting ex­ change took place between Laurier and his old friend, Senator Richard Scott. Scott felt that the Ontario N o r t h contest had demonstrated 'an old feeling long dormant in Ontario that a considerable element of the Grits dislike voting for a Catholic.' A s to the government remedial proposals, 'their determination to carry the s.s. A c t must w i n over a considerable number o f co-religionists who on all other issues would vote Liberal.' Scott's conclusion was that the quick passage of a remedial bill might be the only politically viable solution for the Liberals. Laurier's reply on December 24 agreed with Scott's objective, but not with the means suggested. Laurier agreed that if the school question could be taken out of the political arena 'from every consideration it would be a blessing to the party and to the country.' Yet his conclusion showed how far he had come from the position he had taken in his correspondence with Willison earlier in the year. Whatever he was to promise in public later on, Laurier at least in theory rejected remedial legislation, Conservative or Liberal, with or without an inquiry: 18

I f the leading R o m a n C a t h o l i c s in the c o u n t r y , w h o s i n c e r e l y w i s h the r e s t o r a t i o n of S e p a r a t e S c h o o l s , w o u l d only reflect, they w o u l d s o o n c o n v i n c e t h e m s e l v e s that o n the v e r y d a y w h e n they w o u l d h a v e their Separate S c h o o l s restored b y the p o w e r o f the F e d e r a l P a r l i a m e n t , they w o u l d be further than e v e r f r o m the a c t u a l restoration of those schools.

Laurier conceded that the Liberals would lose Cardwell, but reaffirmed that 'we are sure to w i n Montreal Centre and Jacques Cartier, unless they are bought away from u s . ' Laurier in fact spared no effort in the Montreal campaign. Mowat and Ross, with their pro-separate-school credentials, came from Ontario. Pre­ mier Fielding supplied a touch of Maritime prestige. L'Electeur goaded Archbishop Fabre into a declaration o f neutrality by accusing him of partiality for the Conservatives. La Presse, somewhat perversely playing the 'independent,' chose this moment to accuse Caron of doing nothing to prevent the bankruptcy o f L a Banque du Peuple because o f that 19

20

18 P A C , S c o t t P a p e r s , S c o t t to L a u r i e r , D e c e m b e r 2 1 , 1 8 9 5 19 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to S c o t t , D e c e m b e r 2 4 , 1 8 9 5 20 L'Electeur,

D e c e m b e r 24, 1895, cf. R u m i l l y , Histoire,

v n , pp.258-60

December by-elections and January crisis 143 establishment's Rouge directorate. The newspaper even charged that Caron 'a tout fait pour transformer la crise en desastre.' These charges simply culminated the combination of bungling and misfortune which plagued the Conservatives during the Montreal by-elections. The unpopu­ larity of the judicial appointments which had opened up the seats, the Ives-Ouimet squabble, the Castor attacks of A . R . Angers and Caron's immediate problems, all converged to provide the Liberals with easy targets. A s for the school question, with the Liberals offering, realistically or otherwise, the hope of abetter solution for the Manitoba minority, it was evident, as it had been in Vercheres, that the Conservative handling of the problem was not generating any new sources of support in Quebec. The result was that on December 27 Montreal Centre gave a majority of 346 to McShane over Hingston; on December 30 Jacques Cartier went to Charbonneau of the Liberals by a margin of 574. I n Ontario, meanwhile, Cardwell fell to the McCarthyite candidate William Stubbs. The vote was Stubbs, 1503; Willoughby (Conservative), 1296; Henry (Liberal), 544. Trying to assess this shocking Ontario result for the Liberals, Laurier and Willison exchanged reflections before the year ended. Laurier was shaken by the 'stampede from our ranks to McCarthy's' ; Willison was deeply concerned about the absence of leader­ ship among Laurier's Ontario lieutenants. The Liberal leader naturally was gratified by the Montreal victories, but he warned Willison not to be misled by the result. On the one hand, while the clergy had generally abstained from intervention in the current con­ tests, they might well interfere ' w i t h fatal effect' in a general election. More important, Laurier emphasized that the Liberal message which had triumphed in Montreal was the very opposite to anything that would be acceptable in O n t a r i o . On the Conservative side, too, there were several significant reactions to the by-elections. Prior to the Cardwell vote, John Costigan had tried 21

22

23

24

25

26

21 La Presse,

December 21,1895

22 R u m i l l y , Histoire,

v n , p.261. T h e u n t i m e l i n e s s o f the a p p o i n t m e n t s o f G i r o u a r d a n d

C u r r a n w a s reflected b y s u c h d i v e r s e v o i c e s as F a t h e r L a c o m b e ( A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 2, 1896), a n d R . D . M c G i b b o n , p r o m i n e n t C o n s e r v a t i v e l a w y e r , w h o s a w C u r r a n ' s s e l e c t i o n as a b l o w to h i m s e l f a n d to E n g l i s h M o n t r e a l ( M o r g a n , Men

and Women

of the Time,

p. 737).

23 P A C , W i l l i s o n P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , D e c e m b e r 2 6 , 1 8 9 5 24 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , W i l l i s o n to L a u r i e r , D e c e m b e r 2 7 , 1 8 9 5 25 P A C , W i l l i s o n P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , D e c e m b e r 3 0 , 1 8 9 5 26 Ibid.,

L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , D e c e m b e r 31, 1895

Canadian

144 Priests and politicians unsuccessfully to enlist Archbishop Walsh's intervention for the Conservatives. Despite the spectacular McCarthyite sweep in the largely Protestant riding, Conservative analyses were certain that the small Catholic vote had gone solidly to the Liberals. Archbishop Langevin's reflection was that 'les Catholiques irlandais ne peuvent pas croire que le parti de Meredith qui a cherche a leur ravir leurs ecoles soit sincerement decide a donner des ecoles separees aux Catholiques de Manitoba.' On the Montreal results, Langevin was equally interesting, i f perhaps less accu­ rate. 'C'est une victoire pour Angers, et non pour Laurier,' Langevin wrote Begin. The remark did less than justice to Liberal efforts, but accurately diagnosed the Castor-Bleu poison in the Conservative body. Colonel Audet, with the evidence of the La Presse attack on Caron to support him, added more precision to Langevin's conviction about who had won and lost in Montreal. Saying that he had just returned from the Montreal campaign, Audet agreed that Caron and Ouimet had been the direct targets of a negative vote. Yet he reflected ruefully that it would be the idea o f remedial action rather than the ministers personally that would suffer most in the long run. Audet's assessment o f blame for the Montreal disaster was significant. I n a letter which included the initial stage o f the cabinet revolt, Audet first attacked the lieutenant governor o f Quebec. 'L'histoire tiendra responsable de ce desastre national Chapleau qui a voulu rester a Quebec,' Audet insisted. Then came 'Angers et sa clique qui ont persiste dans une greve insensee,' despite pressing appeals to the contrary. Finally, charged Audet, there was the clergy, guilty, not o f too much interference, but o f too little. Audet did have praise for two influences on the side o f Hingston in Montreal, the Redemptorist Fathers and the superior o f the seminary, but criticized 'les predilections de Mgr. Begin pour M M . Angers et consorts,' and Tinaction de l'eveche de Montreal.' Audet's rationale for clerical intervention in politics led in his view to a clear case o f support for the government in the current crisis: 27

28

29

II est evident que le clerge ne doit pas s'infeoder a un parti politique: mais lorsqu'il s'agit comme dans les dernieres luttes de Teducation confessionelle de Tenfance et de la delivrance d'une minorite catholique, l'abstention de sa part me parait une faute enorme et comme ministres de l'Eglise et comme membres de l'Etat. 30

27 P A C , C o s t i g a n P a p e r s , C o s t i g a n to W a l s h , D e c e m b e r 2 0 , 1 8 9 5 28 A A S B , O u i m e t to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 2 6 , 1 8 9 5 29 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to B e g i n , J a n u a r y 2, 1896 30 A A S B , A u d e t to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 6 , 1 8 9 6

December by-elections and January crisis 145 I t seemed to escape Audet that Angers and his clerical supporters were using the identical argument in opposing the government. The results of the December by-elections left a mixed impression on both parties, more negative than positive in each case. Each seemed to have more cause for worry than for optimism. The crucial facts in the unforgiving political balance sheet were that the Liberals had made no headway whatever in the two rural Ontario ridings and, by Laurier's own admission, had gained in Quebec only by projecting an image which would be political suicide in English Canada. The Conservative picture was even darker. Their one victory, out of four seats formerly in their grasp, was in a solid Conservative riding by a former Meredith man who was clearly anti-remedialist. More significantly, they had seen valuable ground slip away in Quebec, losing two traditionally solid seats. The Liberal wins in Montreal were, of course, a gratifying portent for that party's future, but the only unmistakeable advance in the December skirmishes was that scored by the McCarthyites. T H E

S P E E C H

T H E

N E S T

O F

F R O M

T H E T H R O N E

A N D

T R A I T O R S

It was against this disintegrating background that the government moved to fulfil its fateful promise of the previous July. Manitoba's formal reply to the federal message sent after the summer session had been dispatched to Ottawa on December 2 1 . I n a briefer form, the reply was a more unbend­ ing version of the one which had been sent in June. Clearly helping Laurier and hurting Bowell by supporting an inquiry and re-emphasizing the danger to Confederation of coercive federal action, the Manitoba statement left the federal government little choice. I n the January 2 Speech from the Throne, L o r d Aberdeen added the prestige of the vice-regal office to a straightforward announcement o f remedial legislation. The words were brave; but never had the decorous phrases of a governor general masked so unconfident a government. T w o days after L o r d Aberdeen gave voice to the cabinet intention of bringing in a remedial law, seven ministers re­ signed. The seven - Foster, Haggart, Montague, Tupper, Dickey, Ives, and Wood - English Protestants all, gave as reason for their action the prolonged failure o f Bowell to fill the vacancy created by Angers's resignation. 31

32

33

31 C a n a d a , Sessional

Papers,

1896, n o . 3 9 , p.6

32 C a n a d a , H o u s e o f C o m m o n s , Debates, 33 Ibid.,

pp.9-10

1896,1, p . i

146 Priests and politicians I t is true that Bowell had re-shuffled the cabinet late in December. After Wallace's resignation, the position o f controller o f customs was raised to cabinet rank and given to J.F. Wood. Wood's former office, controller o f inland revenue, was also raised to cabinet standing and conferred on E.G. Prior. On December 21, W . H . Montague was appointed minister of agricul­ ture, and J. A . Ouimet took Montague's former position of secretary of state on December 27 as acting minister. None o f these moves, however, compensated for the absence of a third French Canadian in the cabinet. For Bowell, the ten days from January 3 to 13 say an amazing ebb and flow of fortune. A s if the prime minister did not have enough problems, a new and almost unrelated squabble within the cabinet, the CaronMontague affair, came to light just after the resignations were presented. T w o anonymous letters accusing Caron o f taking bribes had been sent to L o r d Aberdeen. Caron had received these through Bowell and had engaged a handwriting expert to attempt to discover their source; the culprit seemed to be none other than Caron's cabinet colleague, W . H . Montague. The press got wind o f the story, and Montague wrote two vehement letters to Bowell to deny authorship o f the letters and to criticize the prime minister both for giving any credence to the charges and for failing to inform him earlier. Bowell sent Montague a lame and confused r e p l y , and the authorship of the letters as well as the accuracy of their contents remained a mystery. Like the Ives-Ouimet crisis in December, a petty quarrel again revealed Bowell's incapacity as a leader, as well as profound trouble in the cabinet with or without him. According to Lady Aberdeen's Journal, the first news o f the cabinet revolt reached the prime minister on Friday evening, January 3, at Gov­ ernment House, where Bowell was conferring with Aberdeen. Haggart, spokesman for the rebels, had come to inform the governor general of their intention, and arranged for the senior Tupper to meet B o w e l l . Bowell met with Sir Charles on Saturday and received the seven resignations that same afternoon, but refused to accept without a fight the alternative offices held out to him. The 'Memorandum of the Seven' for L o r d Aberdeen stated that 34

35

36

37

38

39

34 Guide

to Canadian

Ministries

Since

Confederation,

pp.22-4

35 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , C a r o n to B o w e l l , J a n u a r y 6 , 1 8 9 6 36 Ibid.,

M o n t a g u e to B o w e l l , J a n u a r y 3, J a n u a r y 6 , 1 8 9 6

37 Ibid.,

B o w e l l to M o n t a g u e , J a n u a r y 6 , 1 8 9 6

38 B o t h C a r o n a n d M o n t a g u e e x p r e s s e d the d e s i r e to k e e p the matter f r o m o p e n d i s c u s s i o n in the C o m m o n s w h e n M c C a r t h y tried to stir it u p o n J a n u a r y 15 (cf. C a n a d a , H o u s e o f C o m m o n s , D e b a t e s , 1896, p.68). 39 L a d y A b e r d e e n , Journal,

J a n u a r y 5 , 1 8 9 6 , p.298

December by-elections and January crisis 147 Foster, Montague, Tupper, Jr, and Dickey had each tried to persuade Bowell to give way to 'another member of the Conservative party,' and that it seemed to them that the prime minister had decided to resign. But Bowell changed his mind despite further urging even from Daly, who had not threatened revolt, and, after the conference with Tupper, Sr, proceeded to accept the seven resignations. Bowell lunched with the governor general on Sunday, and Lady Aber­ deen reported that the prime minister was 'making an effort after recon­ struction & says if he could get Chief Justice Meredith, he would snap his fingers at all the rest. He has sent Welldon [sic] down to Toronto with carte-blanche offers to Meredith o f the Premiership & all, but is not hopeful.' I t was also clear that the Conservatives who wished to replace Bowell were not unanimous in favour of Charles Tupper, Sr, as his succes­ sor, with dissent coming from both extremes o f the remedialist spectrum. Like many others trying unofficially to get the ear o f the governor general, the anti-remedialist Alexander M c N e i l l , M P , visited Lady Aberdeen on January 7, and suggested Meredith or Weldon as leader. For the time being at least, the sympathies of L o r d and Lady Aberdeen were clearly on Bowell's side. Lady Aberdeen described the action o f the bolters as 'a most extraordinary exhibition o f treachery, when one thinks that these very men sat round the council table over the Queen's speech and amended it a few days ago.' On Sunday the Aberdeens urged Bowell to make every effort to reconstruct, and in particular to disappoint the plans of Tupper, Sr, - 'not to throw the country into the hands of one who would doubtless deal with it only in such a way as would suit himself.' Despite the vice-regal encouragement, Bowell was unable to form a new team and on Monday sent a despairing note to Aberdeen. T see no change in the aspect of the situation,' he wrote, 'and fear that there [is] no solution of the present problem than for me to resign. I shall, however, defer final action until Wednesday n e x t . ' The likelihood o f either reconciliation or reconstruction was hardly increased by the events o f Tuesday, January 7. Taking the lead for the seven rebels in his statement to the House, Finance Minister Foster denied 40

41

42

43

44

40 C f . W a l l a c e , The Memoirs

of the Rt. Hon. Sir George

Foster.

F u r t h e r details o f the role in

the c a b i n e t c r i s i s o f G o v e r n o r G e n e r a l a n d L a d y A b e r d e e n a r e r e l a t e d b y S a y w e l l in h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n to The Canadian 41 Journal,

Journal

of Lady

Aberdeen.

J a n u a r y 5 , 1 8 9 6 , p.299

42 Ibid.,

January 7,1896

43 Ibid.,

J a n u a r y 5 , 1 8 9 6 , p.300

44 P A C , A b e r d e e n P a p e r s , B o w e l l to A b e r d e e n , J a n u a r y 6 , 1 8 9 6

148 Priests and politicians both personal dislike for Bowell and personal ambition on his own part. He recalled his misgivings over Bowell's succession at the time of Thompson's death; he stated that all possible effort had been made to get the prime minister to complete the cabinet after Angers's resignation. Yet, said the minister of finance, 'we found ourselves face to face with Parliament having a Government with its numbers incomplete, and with no assurance that the present Premier could satisfactorily complete.' Foster was particu­ larly careful to point out that the crisis did not concern remedial action. 'There is no disagreement between ourselves and the Premier,' he insisted, 'upon any question of public policy, trade or constitutional, with regard to which action has already been taken, or in respect to which an attitude has been assumed by the Government under the present Premier.' Bowell's reaction to Foster's statement in the Commons was to approach the Liberal benches, shake hands with the leaders, and say for all to hear that it was 'such a comfort to shake hands with honest men, after having been in company with traitors for months.' A Conservative caucus scheduled for Tuesday afternoon was cancelled because o f Bowell's refusal to have anything to do with the bolters. L o r d Aberdeen contributed to the frustration o f the rebels by refusing to accept Bowell's resignation on two occasions on January 8 and 9. I n a formal statement on January 8, Aberdeen insisted that it would be 'unfitting that the head of the administration responsible for the preparation o f that speech [from the throne], should not have full opportunity to review the situation, and should he so determine, to test the feeling o f Parliament thereupon.' Bowell's speech in the Senate on January 9 showed that he had not been able to surmount the obstacles. Just how much of what Costigan described as the 'tactics of stevedores' strike' had been employed by the bolters is not certain, but a deep sense o f betrayal pervaded Bowell's words. The prime minister stated that he would resign i f he could not form a government within three days, and re-emphasized that he would not back down in regard to remedial legislation. Yet, while Lady Aberdeen and others 45

46

47

48

49

45 C a n a d a , H o u s e o f C o m m o n s , Debates,

1896, p p . 9 - 1 0

46 L a d y A b e r d e e n , J o w r ^ a / , J a n u a r y 7 , 1 8 9 6 , p.301. A c c o r d i n g to H e r L a d y s h i p , B o w e l l h a d b e e n w i t h h e r i n the H o u s e w h e n F o s t e r m a d e his statement. 47 A P Q , C h a p a i s P a p e r s , H . L a n g e v i n to C h a p a i s ; V Electeur,

January 7,1896. L a d y

A b e r d e e n ' s d e s c r i p t i o n w a s that the p a r t y w a s so d i v i d e d 'that t h e y dare not c a l l a c a u c u s ' (Journal,

p.303).

48 P A C , A b e r d e e n P a p e r s , A b e r d e e n to B o w e l l , J a n u a r y 8 , 1 8 9 6 ; cf. L a d y A b e r d e e n ' s Journal,

304-5.

49 C a n a d a , S e n a t e , Debates,

January 9,1896

December by-elections and January crisis 149 believed that Bowell's speech would be his last gasp before giving a third resignation which, according to her, would have been accepted, within less than a week the prime minister had managed to reconstruct. 50

B O W E L L

A N D

L A C O M B E :

F I R S T

R E C O N S T R U C T I O N

F A I L S

Various accounts o f the cabinet crisis present a remarkable disparity, not to say contradiction, of factors and decisive pressures operating through­ out the episode. Certainly a significant role at several key points in the crisis was played by Father Lacombe. Early in his mission Lacombe had attempted to define his own and the episcopal position in relation to the government with a nonpartisan proposal of policy to Langevin: 51

D o n e ... I I e s t e n t e n d u c h e z v o u s , a O n t a r i o et (je s u p p o s e ) a Q u e b e c , q u e s i le G o u v e r n e m e n t c o n s e r v a t e u r , fidele a s e s p r o m e s s e s , e s t d e f a i t , e n v o u l a n t d o n n e r l a l o i r e m e d i a t r i c e e t finale, i l d e v r a e t r e s o u t e n u p a r E v e q u e s , p r e t r e s , & , & , q u a n d il e n a p p e l e r a a u p e u p l e . S i a u c o n t r a i r e il a b a n d o n n e n o t r e c a u s e o u n e v e u t n o u s donner [que] c e que nous ne p o u v o n s accepter, alors nous ferons notre possible p o u r a i d e r a le r e n v e r s e r ? C ' e s t b i e n c e l a , n ' e s t - c e p a s ?

5 2

The impartiality of the manifesto was admirable, but Lacombe quickly found it difficult to maintain his detachment. After initial visits to bishops in Ontario and Quebec, Lacombe in late December was plunged into a much thornier matter. He was approached to serve as intermediary in the attempt to fill the Angers vacancy in the cabinet and described his acceptance i n a December 30 report to Archbishop Langevin: H i e r , v o t r e a m i , le c o l o n e l A u d e t , v e n a i t i c i , p o u r m e s u p p l i e r d ' a c c o m p a g n e r le m i n i s t r e C o s t i g a n , afin d ' a l l e r offrir a L ' H o n ^ . M r . M a s s o n le portfeuille d e M r . A n g e r . V o i l a e n c o r e u n e autre affaire s c a b r e u s e p o u r m o i . J ' a i r e p o n d u a u colonel: T e l e g r a p h i e z a M r . C o s t i g a n que j ' a c c e p t e r a i cette m i s s i o n si delicate, si o n m ' a s s u r e que m o n n o m ne s e r a pas mentionne a u d e h o r s . ' 50 Journal,

5 3

January 10,1896

51 N o t e , for i n s t a n c e , the o p p o s i n g interpretations g i v e n b y C . H . T u p p e r i n his letter to F a t h e r B u r k e ( P A C , C . H . T u p p e r P a p e r s , T u p p e r to B u r k e , F e b r u a r y 3 , 1 8 9 6 ) , a n d b y J o h n C o s t i g a n i n his a p o l o g i a ( P A C , C o s t i g a n P a p e r s , C o s t i g a n to ' Y o u r L o r d s h i p , ' n . d . ; see a b o v e , p. 139, n . 112). L a d y A b e r d e e n ' s Journal

c o n t a i n s a d e t a i l e d n a r r a t i v e o f e v e n t s as

s e e n f r o m R i d e a u H a l l . A m o n g m o d e r n a n a l y s e s , the best a c c o u n t s are those f o u n d in S a y w e l l in his i n t r o d u c t i o n to L a d y A b e r d e e n ' s Journal, Administrations' (thesis), pp.421-42. 52 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 1 2 , 1 8 9 5 53 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 3 0 , 1 8 9 5

a n d in C l a r k , ' T h e C o n s e r v a t i v e

150 Priests and politicians Quite evidently Lacombe sensed the embarrassing publicity which would attend the sudden prominence he had been given. Yet the condition he stated was certainly not very realistic, and hardly lessened the responsi­ bility of the step he was taking. For good or i l l , Lacombe felt that he had no alternative but to push on. A second letter of December 30 was full of doubt and incredulity at his own position: Je pars a Tinstant pour aller offrir a M r . Masson le portefeuille de M r . Anger, et cela au nom de Bowell qui vient de m'ecrire - O temporal O mores! O u sommesnous? O u suis-je? Est-ce que je reve? Demain je partirai pour Ottawa. Costigan vient me rencontrer demain matin ... Je loue a gros j e u . Qu'est-ce que la Congregation va faire de moi, sur mes vieux j o u r s ? 54

Masson refused the plea of Father Lacombe on grounds of ill health, and the third letter from Montreal on December 30 showed that the die was being case even deeper for the old missionary: Ma pauvre tete est bien fatigue ... Masson ... ne veut pas accepter a cause de sa sante, qui certainement est tres precaire et tres inquietant pour sa famille. M r . Costigan arrive ce matin pour me rencontrer. Que va-t-on decider? Hier soir je telegraphiais au gouvernement de m'attendre aujourd'hui, avant de prendre aucune decision. I I faut que je sois ce soir a Ottawa et presse M r . Bowell d'ouvrir ainsi la session, sans s'occuper de remplir la vacance d'Anger; car i l me menace de prendre un Anglais et un protestant, puisque les catholiques se montrent si apathetiques. 55

It may have been unconscious on his part, but Lacombe's involvement was now so direct that he wrote as i f it were he himself who was being threatened by the vacancy. Lacombe's arrival in Ottawa did anything but relieve the pressure. ' L e gouvernement parait epouvante de ce qui va arriver,' Lacombe reported. 'Ses amis d'Ontario menacent de l'abandonner, puisque les catholiques de Quebec et d'Ontario semblent se tourner contre le passation de la mesure.' Thus Lacombe felt that he was obliged to do everything in his power to shore up the sagging French side o f the government and proposed another candidate for the vacancy. ' M . M . Caron, Daly & [sic] venaient me rejoindre chez leur premier ministre,' he wrote. 'Masson ay ant refuse a cause 54 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 3 0 , 1 8 9 5 , no.2

55 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 3 0 , 1 8 9 5 , no.3

December by-elections and January crisis 151 de sante,je propose le Senateur Desjardins qui va arriver ici de Montreal, dans quelques instants, et que j'accompagnerai chez M r . Bowell. Vous voyez quel commerce je mene!!' Well might Lacombe describe his activ­ ity as 'quel commerce,' since it seemed clear that it was he who was promoting Desjardins. Yet in this as i n many other political steps he felt obliged to take, Lacombe in effect had asked himself what else he could do and had answered by stepping into the breach left by weak or disgusted compatriots. He would find it very hard to get out, even i f he wanted to. Lacombe's final sentence in his first letter from Ottawa on December 31 went so far as to promise full ecclesiastical support at election time should the government be beaten over the presentation of a remedial bill; the letter equally contained a straightforward government directive to Archbishop Langevin not to come to Ottawa: 56

Ici au gouvernement,

o n v o u s dit d e n e p a s p o u r le m o m e n t , v o u s e l o i g n e r

de

M a n i t o b a , de s u r v e i l l e r les a g i s s e m e n t s de G r e e n w a y , e n v o u s priant de tout faire p o u r aider the g o u v e r n e m e n t , q u i c e r t a i n e m e n t veut s i n c e r e m e n t faire p a s s e r la loi. J e d i s a i s a u x m i n i s t r e s , h i e r s o i r : ' S i v o u s e t e s b a t t u s , e n p r e s e n t a n t f r a n c h e m e n t et loyalement,

devant

les

ramenerons au pouvoir.'

c h a m b r e s , la

loi,

aux

elections

generates,

nous

vous

5 7

I n his second letter of December 31, Lacombe took more time and care than in the one written earlier in the day. He reviewed the events at Bowell's house on the previous night and the pathetic little scene of Desjardins' near-refusal: De

la j e telegraphie a l'Honble. A l p h o n s e D e s j a r d i n s de venir. A u j o u r d ' h u i apres

d e u x h e u r e s , i l a r r i v a i t : S i r B o w e l l , C a r o n , O u i m e t et m o i n o u s le r e n c o n t r o n s . O n lui offre le f a m e u x portefeuille. P a u v r e D e s j a r d i n s ! ! I I est tout t r e m b l a n t ! I I ne sait vraiment comment

s ' e x c u s e r - I I a d e s e m b a r r a s p e r s o n n e l s , et p u i s , et p u i s ! !

D e m a i n il d o n n e r a de M o n t r e a l u n e r e p o n s e , q u i s e r a s a n s d o u t e n e g a t i v e . tout p r o b a b l e m e n t u n a n g l a i s et p r o t e s t a n t v a p r e n d r e l a p l a c e d ' A n g e r .

Done

5 8

Lacombe returned to Montreal on N e w Year's Day and made another 56 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 3 1 , 1 8 9 5 , n o . 1. S e n a t o r A l p h o n s e D e s j a r d i n s w a s a M o n t r e a l b u s i n e s s m a n , a f o r m e r m a y o r o f the c i t y , a n o r g a n i s e r o f the P a p a l Z o u a v e s a n d o f the ' P r o g r a m m e C a t h o l i q u e ' o f 1871, a n d h a d r e p r e s e n t e d H o c h e l a g a riding at O t t a w a f r o m 1878 until r a i s e d to the S e n a t e in 1892. 57 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 3 1 , 1 8 9 5 , n o . i

58 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 3 1 , 1 8 9 5 , n o . 2

152 Priests and politicians attempt to bring in Desjardins. But this too failed, as did his proposal to consider Bernier for the vacancy. I n his letter of January 2 the missionary came close to bitterness over the universal weakness he was encountering: Vraiment je perds confiance dans mes compatriotes. II y a comme un vertige, qui entraine nos hommes et nos populations, dans raberration. Que voulez-vous? Nous n'avons pas d'hommes. C'est decourageant. Que voulez-vous qu'on fasse avec Bernier et LaRiviere? Sans energie et la capacite voulue-quelle lutte peuventils soutenir? 59

Once again the strong impression was conveyed o f a vacuum which Lacombe felt he had to fill or lose everything. A t the same time, his temperament leaned toward taking the centre of the stage; at least some of the statements he reported were hardly those of one seeking obscurity. For instance, in this same letter o f January 2, Lacombe spoke o f strongly reproving the government for political blunders during the previous year. T a i reproche bien gros au gouvernment,' he reported, 'd'avoir sans necessite nomme pour le moment les juges Girouard et Curran et ouvrir ainsi des elections qu'on perd. Et puis commier Shortis, ce qui exaspere nos gens! C'est une fatalite contre nous.' Thus, despite his occasional qualms over the propriety o f his position, Lacombe had very quickly become an ambassador taking a great deal of discretion into his own hands. I n any case, it seems clear from his December letters that Lacombe had been given a major role by Bowell and had been unable to produce the vital replacement for Angers. Furthermore, Lacombe's entry into the picture added to the credibility of the 'official' explanation of the bolters, since the prospect o f his eleventh-hour success may have postponed their revolt, and his failure may have confirmed it. N o matter what their ultimate motives may have been, the seven dissentient ministers could point to the hard fact that, even with clerical influence brought to bear, Bowell had failed in a major effort to complete his cabinet. Once the cabinet revolt became a reality, Lacombe re-entered the scene to help upset the plans o f the bolters. On January 6, Colonel Audet wrote 60

59 Ibid., 60 Ibid.

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 2 , 1 8 9 6 I n M a r c h 1895, V a l e n t i n e S h o r t i s , a n I r i s h i m m i g r a n t f r o m a well-to-do f a m i l y , k i l l e d

t w o m e n in V a l l e y f i e l d . T h e r e w a s strong e v i d e n c e o f i n s a n i t y i n the c a s e , but S h o r t i s w a s c o n d e m n e d to be h a n g e d o n J a n u a r y 3, 1896. A f t e r c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e , L o r d A b e r d e e n , o n his o w n d i s c r e t i o n , c o m m u t e d the s e n t e n c e to life i m p r i s o n m e n t o n D e c e m b e r 3 1 , 1 8 9 5 . T h e r e a c t i o n against this d e c i s i o n w a s p a r t i c u l a r l y u n f a v o u r a b l e i n B e a u h a r n o i s a n d V a l l e y f i e l d a n d w a s a further w e a k e n i n g factor for the g o v e r n m e n t in Q u e b e c ( R u m i l l y , Histoire,

v m , pp.51-2).

December by-elections and January crisis 153 Archbishop Langevin that he had wired the missionary in Montreal to return immediately to Ottawa. ' A son arrivee demain,' Audet said, ' i l pourra peut-etre sauver la situation en reunissant tout le parti conservateur francais, pourvu que Bowell n'ait pas encore cede.' But Lacombe's initial prospects were not very hopeful. First of all, in his attempts to help Bowell find a replacement for the departed Angers, Lacombe could not and did not get anything like united clerical support, largely because o f the continued sympathy in Quebec city for the stand Angers had taken. Lacombe's January 6 letter, written immediately after his return to Montreal from the provincial capital, summarized the matter with dismay: ' M r . Anger a une foule d'amis, dans Quebec.' Colonel Audet also viewed the Angers position and the support it received from the clergy as little less than disaster. 'Angers reviendra-t-il au sens commun?' Audet wondered. 'J'en doute, i l semble frappe de folie,' he told Langevin. Langevin in turn was equally pessimistic, but wanted Lacombe to bring even more pressure to bear on the Conservative leaders. Langevin fol­ lowed with a wish which was easier to make than to accomplish: 61

62

63

D o n e , q u e le c a b i n e t soit f o r m e a n e u f et q u ' i l s p a s s e n t o u c h e r c h e n t a f a i r e p a s s e r u n e l o i s c o l a i r e a v a n t les e l e c t i o n s . S i le v i e u x S i r C h a r l e s T u p p e r v o u l a i t p r o m e t t r e d e n o u s r e n d r e n o s e c o l e s et si B o w e l l c r o y a i t p o u v o i r lui c e d e r l a p l a c e ! m a i s tout c e l a est de l ' i n c e r t a i n .

6 4

How uncertain things were in Langevin's eyes was reflected in a note sent the following day to Fabre, in which Langevin showed himself willing to consider turning even to Laurier: 'Laurier voudra-t-il et pourra-t-il faire quelque chose?' he asked. ' L a conduite des ministres lacheurs justifie l'attitude de l ' H o n . Angers. Nous sommes entre le mains du Bon D i e u ! ' Lacombe's return to Ottawa on January 7 brought from him his strongest statement of dissatisfaction with the government and its factions. He said 65

61 A A S B , A u d e t to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 6 , 1 8 9 6 62 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 6 , 1 8 9 6 . T h a t the m o s t f o r m i d a b l e s t u m b l i n g - b l o c k

to the c o m p l e t i o n of the Q u e b e c w i n g o f the c a b i n e t c o n t i n u e d to be a c o m b i n a t i o n o f A n g e r s a n d important c l e r i c a l s u p p o r t e r s , in p a r t i c u l a r V i c a r G e n e r a l M a r o i s o f Q u e b e c , w a s suggested in the c o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f L a c o m b e , A u d e t , C a r o n , F l a v i e n D u p o n t , a n d M o n s i g n o r J . O . R o u t h i e r o f O t t a w a . S e e in p a r t i c u l a r A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 4 , 1 8 9 6 , a n d R o u t h i e r to L a n g e v i n , J u n e 2 8 , 1 8 9 6 . 63 Ibid.,

A u d e t to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 6 , 1 8 9 6

64 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to L a c o m b e , J a n u a r y 7 , 1 8 9 6 65 A A M , L a n g e v i n to F a b r e , J a n u a r y 8 , 1 8 9 6

154 Priests and politicians that he was completely bewildered by the events which were taking place. He had just come from dinner at Bowell's house, and reported on the prime minister's follow-up to his 'nest of traitors' statement that afternoon. T l est degoute de la conduite du grand nombre de ses collegues. I I n'y a pas a s'etonner, quand on a entendu ce qui s'est dit cette apres-midi, dans la chambre. L a declaration de Foster est indigne d'un gentilhomme envers son chef.' Lacombe expected Tupper to be called but was apprehensive about the policy the latter would adopt and, once again, echoed Chapleau's importance. 'Pour moi, je pense qu'il [Tupper] n'en viendra pas a bout, s'il ne gagne pas Chapleau a venir le joindre,' the missionary stated. 66

A

B A R E

S U R V I V A L

Bowell's January 9 address to the Senate, however, seemed to turn the tide. Lacombe's report to Langevin was ecstatic: J e l u i d i s a i s : ' C ' e s t l a p l u s belle et l a p l u s n o b l e p a g e de v o t r e v i e . ' I I s ' e s t a c q u i s , p a r son discours au Senat, des m a s s e s de sympathie. J'etais pres de lui, q u a n d il a prononce, a v e c energie, son discours,

pro vita sua.

I I a ete a d m i r e et a p p l a u d i p a r

les d e u x cotes de l'auguste auditoire. Je v o u s assure que c'etait

solonnel.

Lacombe's practical reaction to Bowell's statement was to return to Montreal that same evening and again to approach Desjardins. His report of success on January 10 was straightforward. 'Je pense que A l p . Desjar­ dins aujourd'hui prend la place d'Anger,' Lacombe wrote. 'On a toute confiance que le cabinet va se reorganiser. Alors tant mieux pour nous.' I n the tortuous process leading to Desjardins's decision to answer Bowell's plea and enter the cabinet, a further important influence beyond that of Lacombe was brought to bear. This was Lieutenant Governor Chapleau, presumed by many to be the only hope for a solid Quebec wing for either Bowell or Tupper. Chapleau had been visited several times by Lacombe, and, according to the missionary, continued heartily to support the principle of remedial action. He successfully resisted all attempts to have himself drawn back to Ottawa from the haven of Spencer Wood, but sent some revealing words o f advice and encouragement in Desjardins in pressing the latter to enter the cabinet. Chapleau commended the federal government's intention, despite its confusion. 'Si cela manque de sanction finale,' he wrote, '[il] ne manque pas de clarte sur l'intention de votre 67

66 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 7 , 1 8 9 6 67 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 1 0 , 1 8 9 6

December by-elections and January crisis 155 gouvernement.' A t the same time, the lieutenant governor clearly echoed the image of unreliability projected in Quebec by the bolters: II ne v o u s reste q u ' a surveiller l'attitude de v o s a m i s politiques d ' O n t a r i o . S i v o u s etes s u r s de leur loyaute a d o n n e r m a i n forte a l'acte de j u s t i c e r e p a r a t r i c e q u e v o t r e loi p r e s c r i t , tres b i e n ! S i v o u s a v e z r a i s o n de c r o i r e que v o t r e legislation ne l e u r impose

qu'une

treve jusqu'aux elections,

avec

le d r o i t d e

recommencer

les

hostilites a p r e s l a s e s s i o n o u a p r e s les e l e c t i o n s , a l o r s v o u s n ' a u r e z q u ' a r e p e t e r le mot de N a p o l e o n a M e t t e r n i c h : ' D e s traites c o m m e c e u x - l a , ne sont bons

qu'a

dechirer.'

As for himself, Chapleau concluded with a little political catechism which he felt had been learned the hard way. 'Quant a moi, mon cher ministre,' the lieutenant governor wrote, 'je suis dans reserve, et je vous verrai triompher de loin ... je vous souhaite la paix, la foi et l'esperance. [En politique la charite bien ordonnee commence par soi-meme et ne finit pas par les autres.]' A t the same time that Desjardins was being persuaded to accept office, the Aberdeens were given a new and more acceptable version of the cabinet revolt by C . H . Tupper. More specifically, the younger Tupper succeeded in shaking the Aberdeens' earlier assumption that the accession of his father to the leadership would spell the end of remedial legislation. I f the vice-regal prejudice against the elder Tupper was not entirely removed, it was changed enough to prepare for subsequent events. Bowell balked for a time against taking back Foster, Haggart, and Mon­ tague, whom he considered the ringleaders, but the prospect that Laurier would be called to form a government forced his hand. 68

69

70

71

72

68 A C S M , D e s j a r d i n s P a p e r s , C h a p l e a u to D e s j a r d i n s , J a n u a r y 1 0 , 1 8 9 6 69 L a d y A b e r d e e n , Journal, 70 Ibid.,

J a n u a r y 10, 1896

J a n u a r y 7, 1896. E v i d e n c e o f the A b e r d e e n s ' p r e j u d i c e against S i r C h a r l e s T u p p e r ,

S r , m a y be found in L a d y A b e r d e e n ' s Journal T h o m p s o n ' s cleath i n 1894, {Journal, {Journal,

d e s c r i b i n g e v e n t s following S i r J o h n

D e c e m b e r 12, 1894) a n d d u r i n g the c a b i n e t c r i s i s

J a n u a r y 5, 6, 7, 1896). T h e q u e s t i o n is dealt w i t h at s o m e length in C l a r k , ' T h e

C o n s e r v a t i v e P a r t y in the 1890s,' a n d in his ' T h e C o n s e r v a t i v e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , ' pp.439-40. 71 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , D a l y to B o w e l l , J a n u a r y 12,1896. A c t u a l l y , a c c o r d i n g to a p o s t s c r i p t , this letter w a s m i s l a i d before being sent by D a l y . D a l y d i s c o v e r e d it u n d e r a blotting p a d F e b r u a r y 2 , 1 8 9 6 . I t w a s sent on to B o w e l l , h o w e v e r , s i n c e 'in light o f s u b s e q u e n t e v e n t s it might interest y o u . ' T h u s the letter did not a c t u a l l y p l a y a part in B o w e l l ' s d e c i s i o n , but D a l y ' s r e a s o n i n g s e e m s to h a v e b e e n the line o f argument w h i c h p e r s u a d e d B o w e l l to accept T u p p e r ' s plan. 72 T h a t L o r d A b e r d e e n s e r i o u s l y c o n s i d e r e d s u m m o n i n g L a u r i e r is c l e a r f r o m L a d y

156 Priests and politicians Once again it was a near miss. So narrow was this particular escape from disaster that Lacombe could write to Langevin on Monday morning, January 13: 'Quand vous recevrez ces lignes, deja le telegraphe vous aura annonce sans doute la chute de notre ami, Sir Bowell et du M i n i s t e r e . ' Yet the government did not fall and Bowell took back his 'traitors.' The agreement was that Tupper, Sr, would lead the House in attempting to pass a remedial law, then take over as prime minister for the elections. Officially, L o r d Aberdeen would not accept 'any sort of arrangement or understanding about a change of Premiership,' and refused to promise a dissolution i f the Conservatives were defeated on a remedial b i l l . Tues­ day, January 14, found Bowell in his office in the presence o f Daly, Smith, Caron, and Ouimet, giving a formal promise to Desjardins that a remedial bill which met the approval o f Lacombe and 'autres amis autorises de la cause de la minorite du Manitoba' would be introduced. Equally, Bowell had to guarantee that the accession of Sir Charles Tupper, Sr, and the return of the bolters would not mean any essential changes in the law, and finally that the remedial measure would be put through even i f the govern­ ment of Manitoba passed a law giving the separate schools back to the minority. More than anywhere else, the floor of Parliament was the arena in which the government situation during the cabinet crisis was vulnerable to attack. When the seven resignations were first announced, a stormy two-day debate followed Caron's motion to adjourn until January 21 'to allow time to consider the gravity of the circumstances.' A compromise adjourn­ ment until January 14 was achieved, but not without repeated charges by Quebec Liberals of government treachery toward Manitoba Catholics. The exchange over the reconstructed cabinet on January 14 and 15, and the later debate on the reply to the Speech from the Throne, filled more than eight hundred pages of Hansard. The bulk of what was said simply covered 73

74

75

76

77

A b e r d e e n ' s Journal.

T h e g o v e r n o r general w e n t so far as to c o n s u l t D r B o u r i n o t o n the

constitutional p r o p r i e t y of the step (p. 305), a n d L a d y A b e r d e e n c o n c o c t e d a skating-party i n t e r v i e w b e t w e e n L a u r i e r a n d C a p t a i n S i n c l a i r , a v i c e - r e g a l aide ( p p . 3 0 7 - 8 ) . L a u d e r ' s e x c i t e m e n t o v e r the p o s s i b i l i t y of being c a l l e d w a s r e v e a l e d in the c o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f J . D . E d g a r ( P A O , E d g a r P a p e r s , E d g a r t o M r s E d g a r , J a n u a r y 6 , 1 0 , 1 8 9 6 ) , a n d in L a u d e r ' s o w n J a n u a r y 11 letter to his f r i e n d a n d c o n f i d a n t e , M m e L a v e r g n e (quoted f r o m p r i v a t e s o u r c e s in R u m i l l y , Histoire,

v m , p. 16).

73 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 1 3 , 1 8 9 6 74 L a d y A b e r d e e n , Journal,

J a n u a r y 13, 1896, p.310

75 A detailed a c c o u n t o f these stringent c o n d i t i o n s c a n be found i n a long m e m o r a n d u m w r i t t e n J a n u a r y 15 b y S e n a t o r D e s j a r d i n s ( A C S M , D e s j a r d i n s C o l l e c t i o n ) . 76 C a n a d a , H o u s e o f C o m m o n s , Debates, 77 Ibid.,

pp.7-9,

53-55

1896, p.7

December by-elections and January crisis 157 familiar ground of charges and counter-charges. Probably the most significant speech on either side in the debate was that given on January 23 by J . I . Tarte. Despite his several utterances, Laurier was in effect still refraining from a definitive statement on the school question. Yet his shock-troop leader, Tarte, was now prepared to use the argument which would serve the Liberals well in face o f the expected but still mysterious bill. This was the thorny problem of insuring finances for any restored schools in Manitoba. The speech was especially significant because it marked a shift of emphasis in Tarte's pronouncements from berating the government for its delay in coercion to warning of the dangers of such coercion. This shift may have helped pave the way for Laurier, but it earned Tarte irate reactions from Quebec clerics such as Canon Paul Bruchesi, the future archbishop of Montreal. 'Revoltant!' wrote Bruchesi to Begin. For the reconstructed government, the final impression left by the long debate was one of profound vulnerability. The odour o f venality and the tone of desperation in the 'reconciliation' were impossible to escape. Perhaps most ominous of all from the Conservative point of view was the accusation of 'la trahison du parti tory d'Ontario' on the matter of remedialism by the normally Conservative La Presse of M o n t r e a l . I f the purpose of the revolt had been to seek renewed strength by reinforcing the Quebec section of the cabinet, the result had been precisely the opposite. The sequence of events in the January crisis was reasonably clear. The motives and the inside picture of the influences at work remained, even after the spate of explanations which came in the debate and elsewhere, complex and confusing. Official statements of reconciliation watered down the bitterness o f the break, but too much had been said and done to be patched over except in a very surface manner. After a great deal of uneasy manoeuvering over having to 'eat his own w o r d s , ' Bowell gave a formal note o f exoneration for the rebel ministers to C . H . Tupper. The prime minister said that new facts brought to his attention since his harsh speech in the Senate had shown that he had been hasty in his accusations. He admitted that up to the day Parliament met it still appeared that he might fill Angers' s position; thus he accepted the failure to do so as the reason for the resignations. The statement sounded, and was, more than a little hollow. Almost ten years later, when the expression 'nest of traitors' which became 78

79

80

81

78 A A Q , B r u c h e s i to B e g i n , J a n u a r y 27, 1896 79 J a n u a r y 23, 1896 80 L a d y A b e r d e e n , Journal,

J a n u a r y 14, 1896

81 P A C , C . H . T u p p e r P a p e r s , B o w e l l to T u p p e r , n . d . , but p r o b a b l y c . J a n u a r y 15, 1896

158 Priests and politicians the by-word for the crisis, was brought up in the Senate, Bowell showed that his opinion of the crisis had never changed. ' I do not remember having used the expression "nest o f t r a i t o r s , " ' he said, 'but i f I did not use i t , I ought to have used i t . ' As for the view of the bolters after cabinet reconstruction, C . H . Tupper, the one minister who was left out in the re-shuffle (because o f his father's entry), felt that the whole episode had concluded with nothing gained and much lost. Tupper had little good to say for the new arrangement except that the remedial bill would at least be presented. I n a letter to a clerical supporter, he did not hesitate to lay the blame for the 'stalemate' on the ministers who had stuck with Bowell: 8 2

F e r g u s o n , C o s t i g a n & D a l y (not to m e n t i o n C a r o n & O u i m e t ) o r a n y o n e o f t h e m a r e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r B o w e l l ' s l u n a c y & the great i n j u r y d o n e to o u r p a r t y d u r i n g the ' c r i s i s . ' H a d it n o t b e e n f o r t h e m , B o w e l l w o u l d g r a c e f u l l y h a v e g o n e . S i r C . T . would have been Prime Minister & our victory would have been certain. T h e s e men h o w e v e r h a v e p l a y e d T u r k ( I r e f e r to F e r g u s o n & D a l y ) a n d h a v i n g a c t e d w i t h u s u p to ' r e s i g n a t i o n ' e n c o u r a g e d B o w e l l to p l a y the f o o l u n t i l the c a r t w a s n e a r l y u p s e t .

8 3

Sir Charles Tupper, Sr, described his version of the crisis in his au­ tobiography some years later and made the process sound almost amicable: W h e n a m a j o r i t y o f the m e m b e r s of the B o w e l l C a b i n e t h a d r e s i g n e d a n d the party h a d b e e n b r o k e n into p i e c e s , I w a s r e l u c t a n t l y i n d u c e d to c o m e to t h e r e s c u e o n the m e e t i n g o f P a r l i a m e n t i n 1895.

A s k e d b y the r e c a l c i t r a n t m e m b e r s o f the C a b i n e t

to a s s u m e l e a d e r s h i p , I r e f u s e d , d e c l a r i n g t h a t I w o u l d n o t d o s o e x c e p t at t h e r e q u e s t o f the P r e m i e r , S i r M a c k e n z i e B o w e l l . I t w a s not until all efforts o n his part at r e c o n s t r u c t i o n h a d f a i l e d that h e r e q u e s t e d m e to b e c o m e l e a d e r o f the p a r t y . I t o l d h i m I w o u l d do so i f h e w a s p r e p a r e d to r e c e i v e b a c k all his c o l l e a g u e s , to w h i c h h e assented.

8 4

T o say the least, Sir Charles's version did not reflect the complexity and violence of the eruption. Bishop Lafleche's interpretation, like the initial reaction of the Aberdeens, was categorical; the basic motive for the resignations could only have been a plot to scuttle remedial legislation. 'Les defections,' the bishop 82 C a n a d a , S e n a t e , Debates,

January 11,1905

83 P A C , C . H . T u p p e r P a p e r s , T u p p e r to F a t h e r B u r k e , F e b r u a r y 3, 1896 84 Recollections

of Sixty

Years

in Canada,

p. 308, c o n f i r m i n g the a c c o u n t g i v e n to S i r W i l ­

l i a m V a n H o m e ( T u p p e r P a p e r s , T u p p e r to V a n H o m e , J a n u a r y 6, 1896)

December by-elections and January crisis 159 wrote to Marois, 'tout tristes qu'elles soient, auront l'avantage de separer le mauvais grain d'avec le bon, et de demasquer les hypocrites et les traitres de maniere a ouvrir les yeux aux aveugles volontiers eux-memes.' John Costigan and the Liberal opposition had joined in the same sweeping indictment o f the motives o f the bolters. I n retrospect, these simplistic interpretations can hardly be maintained for all those involved in the revolt, particularly the Tuppers. A more probable view, and one which allows for a wide spectrum o f motives among the bolting ministers, is that they were simply searching for a viable combination which would give them a chance for political survival, with or without remedial legislation. A t the same time, the revolt was more than a stratagem that failed. Irrespective o f the motives o f the various actors in the piece, remedial legislation had been delayed, and the team required to carry it through, even when re-assembled, was a suspect and shaky one, headed by a prime minister without credibility or authority. The event that dominated all else during early January was not, as Bowell had promised, a remedial bill, but an internal revolt involving more than half o f his cabinet. I t is true that Bowell had inherited a situation that was not o f his making. He was pleasant, and anxious to be just, especially to the Catholics despite his Orange background. But he was clearly out of his depth. He either deliber­ ately misled the Aberdeens about the circumstances of the revolt, or was so obtuse or vain that he did not or would not understand what was happening. Above all he failed where it mattered most for a prime minister, as a leader of men; in brief, he attempted to play Macdonald*s 'old tomorrow' game without John A . ' s ability to calculate what was coming or to command loyalty when it was most important. Nonetheless Bowell was back, perhaps revealing as much about the weakness o f the party which had not been able to get rid o f its inadequate leader, as about Bowell himself. The church, i n the person o f Lacombe, had been deeply involved, and the involvement was not likely to lessen. A s a prelude to the attempt to pass the most explosive piece o f legislation in Canadian parliamentary history, a worse preparation than the January cabinet crisis could hardly be imagined. 85

W A I T I N G

F O R T H E

B I L L

One o f the factors that strongly conditioned the course o f thought and action at Ottawa immediately after the cabinet crisis was the emphatic vote 85 A A Q , L a f l e c h e to M a r o i s , J a n u a r y 4, 1896. E v e n the faithful C o n s e r v a t i v e La ( J a n u a r y 7 , 1 8 9 6 ) initially s u s p e c t e d t r e a s o n o n the parts o f those resigning.

Minerve

160 Priests and politicians of confidence given the Greenway government in the Manitoba provincial elections on January 15. The standing in the forty-seat legislature after the election was: Liberals, 32; Patrons o f Industry, 2 (committed to support Greenway's school policy); Conservatives, 6, of whom two, Marion and Pare, were French. That the school question was the central issue of the election was more than evident in Greenway's own election address to his constituents in the riding of Mountain. The premier spoke of the 'menacing attitude assumed by the Dominion Government' as the main reason for the election being held. A t the very least, he insisted, the proposed federal action required a thorough formal investigation. Showing the degree to which the Conservative as well as the Liberal candidates, except in the French ridings, were committed to a maintenance of the status quo on schools, Sifton and Cameron felt compelled to issue statements denying any hint of collusion with Laurier and the federal Liberal party or of prospective compromise with the Catholic authorities. Besides giving emphasis to Liberal warnings against coercing a clearly expressed provincial majority, the feature of the election which most affected the federal picture, especially on the clerical-political level, was the victory of J.E.P. Prendergast in the riding of St Boniface. Prendergast, although he had resigned in protest from the Greenway cabinet during the early days of the school crisis, had remained within the party, and again ran as a Liberal in the 1896 election. I t was clear from Langevin's letters to various correspondents in Quebec that he had continued on good terms with Prendergast, and that the latter remained something like an ambas­ sador between Langevin and the provincial government. But Prendergast was nonetheless a Liberal, and Conservatives who viewed their efforts to promote a remedial bill at Ottawa as a quid pro quo deal with the church, expected Langevin to work actively against Prendergast and were angered when he did not. The repercussions coming back to Langevin from Ottawa after the election were emphatic and were continued evidence of the price of political involvement by the church. LaRiviere's reaction was moderate but still complaining. 'J'ai beaucoup de mal,' he wrote Langevin from Ottawa, 'a faire comprendre ici la raison de l'election de Prendergast, lequel ayant fait partie de la conference liberate, a Ottawa, avec Sifton et autres, est considere comme un liberal avance, ami du gouvernement local.' 86

87

88

86 P A M , G r e e n w a y P a p e r s , E l e c t i o n A d d r e s s , J a n u a r y , 1896 87 M a n i t o b a Free

Press,

J a n u a r y 4, 1896

88 A A S B , L a R i v i e r e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 2 1 , 1 8 9 6

December by-elections and January crisis 161 Senator Bernier was both more vocal and more bitter. He protested against Prendergast's candidacy on January 10 and complained about Langevin's failure to oppose the Liberal candidate in a letter of 21 January. Writing on the matter on January 17, Lacombe told of a meeting with Bernier where the latter was so extreme in his criticism o f Langevin and Prendergast that Lacombe could only say, 'Vous savez qu'on ne raisonne pas avec ce senateur.' But Lacombe himself was hardly less critical. I n a second letter, January 17, Lacombe reported that many other Conservatives were loud in their displeasure over Prendergast's election, and let his own feelings show rather clearly: 89

A u gouvernement,

o n m e le r e p e t e

avec amertume,

on regrette ces elections

de

g e n s , ' q u i a u j o u r d ' h u i v o t e r o n t a v e c le G o u v e r n e m e n t , a u m o i n s d ' a p r e s c e qu'ils p r o m e t t e n t , m a i s d e m a i n s e r o n t c o n t r e ! ' S o it i s f o r P r e n d e r g a s t , q u i e s t u n t r a i t r e e t travaille a v e c G r e e n w a y . H i e r u n ministre, S i r A d o l p h e , m e disait: ' N o u s regrettons l'election de P r e n d e r g a s t qui est e l u a l a porte de l ' A r c h e v e c h e et sous l a p r o t e c t i o n de M g r . L a n g e v i n ... M g r . se c o m p r o m e t a v e c n o u s ! ! '

9 0

Once again, an ecclesiastical goal in the political field was showing itself to have a substantial price tag; even neutrality on Langevin's part was being viewed as betrayal by the Conservative party command. T H R E E

B Y - E L E C T I O N S * .

T W O

E P I S C O P A L

R U B I C O N S

Three federal by-elections took place during this same period. The first, West Huron, was made necessary by the appointment of the Conservative, J.C. Patterson, as lieutenant governor o f Manitoba. I n the voting on January 14, the Liberal candidate M . C . Cameron won the seat, which he had held briefly in 1891, by a majority o f 180. I n contrast with the December by-elections, this represented an encouraging gain for the Liberals in Ontario. A t the same time, because o f the high degree o f confusion at Ottawa while the seat was being contested, the West Huron election passed without great commotion over the school question. The case was far different, however, in the remaining two by-elections. The first o f these, Charlevoix, scene o f the celebrated 'influence indue' case o f 1876, lay mainly within the diocese o f Chicoutimi, and deeply involved the head o f that diocese, Bishop Labrecque. The seat had been 89 Ibid.,

B e r n i e r to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 1 0 , 1 8 9 6

90 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 1 7 , 1 8 9 6 , letters 1 a n d 2

162 Priests and politicians carried by the Liberals in the 1891 election by a majority of 307 out of a total vote o f 2777. The new Liberal candidate, Charles Angers, was a lawyer and an exemplary Catholic from L a Malbaie, but the Conservatives were determined to w i n the seat back at all costs. Sir A . P . Caron sent seventy-five dollars expense money to Father Lacombe to encourage the missionary to go north and take an active part in the crucial campaign. 'Si nous perdions Charlevoix,' Caron wrote, 'je crois reellement que le sort des ecoles est tout a jamais scelle.' The minister o f militia failed to mention that his own fate might well be sealed along with that of the schools; in any case he put Lacombe in an embarrassing position. I n the wake of the two Montreal by-elections in late December, Lacombe had told Archbishop Langevin that he probably would go to Chicoutimi, 'pour m'entendre avec Mgr. Labrecque, au sujet de d'election partielle de Charlevoix, qui aura lieu bientot. S'il faut encore perdre ce comte!' I n a second letter, after taking Desjardins to see Bowell, Lacombe referred to further government pressure to enlist him and was more hesitant. On January 2, Lacombe indicated that he would consult Archbishop Begin and would follow the archbishop's advice. Begin was not in Quebec when Lacombe arrived, but the missionary was persuaded by others not to go to Chicoutimi. His January 6 letter to Langevin described the influences which had dissuaded him: 91

92

93

94

V o u s s a v e z q u i le g o u v e r n e m e n t m ' a v a i t p r e s s e d ' a l l e r d a n s le c o m t e d e

Char­

levoix, a C h i c o u t i m i , afin d'obtenir la m^jorite d u cote c o n s e r v a t e u r . . . A p r e s a v o i r c o n s u l t e n o s a m i s , N o s s i g n o r s M a r o i s , H a m e l , L a f l a m m e et le L . G o u v e r n e u r C h a p l e a u , j ' a i c r u n e p a s m e r e n d r e a l a p r e s s i o n d u G o u v e r n e m e n t : 5a a u r a i t e t e m e c o m p r o m e t t r e et le c l e r g e d e l a P r o v i n c e . L e s e s p r i t s s o n t si e x c i t e s .

9 5

Whatever Lacombe's decision was going to be, Bishop Labrecque felt that he himself had to get into the battle. On the one hand he showed that he was not blind to the possible repercussions of excessive episcopal action. 'Les evenements sont tellement precipites,' he wrote to Langevin, 'que vraiment les eveques ont besoin d'user de la plus grande circonspection, s'il ne veulent pas faire plus de mal que de bien a la question des ecoles que 91 Canadian

Parliamentary

Guide,

1891, p. 187

92 A A S B , C a r o n to L a c o m b e , J a n u a r y 1 , 1 8 9 6 93 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 3 1 , 1 8 9 5 , letter 1

94 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 3 1 , 1 8 9 5 , letter 2

95 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 6 , 1 8 9 6

December by-elections and January crisis 163 nous avons tous a cceur. ' This did not, however, bring the conclusion that he should stay out of the election. O n January 6, Labrecque reinforced Caron's plea that Lacombe should come to Charlevoix. B y January 20, Lacombe gave the impression that he was being prevailed upon from all sides, but still refused to comply: 9 6

97

M r . Pelletier, le secretaire p r o v i n c i a l de l a P r o v i n c e , est v e n u m e r e j o i n d r e a l ' A r c h e v e c h e et m ' a s u p p l i e d ' a l l e r a u s e c o u r s d u C o m t e d e C h a r l e v o i x , q u e le gouvernement v a probablement perdre. J ' a i refuse de me meler a la chose politique j u s q u ' a c e p o i n t . J e m e fie s u r M g r . L a b r e c q u e p o u r a i d e r n o t r e c a u s e , e n a u t a n t q u e s a s a g e s s e et p r u d e n c e 1 ' i n s p i r e r o n t .

9 8

The 'sagesse et prudence' which Bishop Labrecque decided to use came in the form of a pastoral letter sent out on January 24. He knew it was a serious step. 'J'ai tenu conseil avec les meilleures tetes de la cure et du Seminaire,' he wrote to Begin, 'et j ' a i franchi le Rubicon.' The heart of Labrecque's mandement, supposed to be read without comment, was as follows: N o u s ne v o u l o n s pas faire de politique, ni n o u s p r o n o n c e r p o u r u n parti plutot que p o u r 1'autre, m a i s i l y a a r e g i e r u n e q u e s t i o n r e l i g i e u s e , fort i m p o r t a n t e , l a q u e s t i o n des ecoles d u M a n i t o b a . N o u s regardons c o m m e u n grave devoir de

conscience

p o u r les electeurs de ne d o n n e r leur vote q u ' a u n candidat qui s'engagera formellem e n t et s o l e n e l l e m e n t

a voter, durant la presente session, pour une

legislation

r e p a r a t r i c e q u i a u r a ete a g r e e p a r l ' a u t o r i t e e c c l e s i a s t i q u e , V e u i l l e z r e m a r q u e r , j e le repete, en cette circonstance, d'un grave devoir de c o n s c i e n c e . "

Clearly, the 'no commentary' rule was inserted to prevent variations of interpretation by individual cures. Labrecque tried to present his interven­ tion as nonpartisan. His justification of his action to his metropolitan, Begin, was that he had remained 'strictement sur le terrain religieux sans acception de personnes ou de partis. Que tout candidat, bleu, rouge ou independent, fasse la declaration que je demande et que j ' a i droit de demander, et il peut beneficier de ce document tant qu'il v o u d r a . ' The 100

96 Ibid.,

L a b r e c q u e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 13, 1896

97 Ibid.,

L a b r e c q u e to L a c o m b e , J a n a u r y 6 , 1 8 9 6

98 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 2 0 , 1 8 9 6 99 Ibid.,

L a b r e c q u e ' s Pastoral Letter, January 24,1896

100 A A Q , L a b r e c q u e to B e g i n , J a n u a r y 24, 1896

164 Priests and politicians difficulty, of course, was that the Conservatives had pushed for the state­ ment and, once made, interpreted it as the clear and obvious sanction of the church in their favour. I t was not enough, however. On January 27, the Liberal candidate, Charles Angers, apparently having taken the declara­ tion required by the Labrecque letter, was elected by a majority of 176, a reduction of 131 from the Liberal majority achieved in 1891. The election brought two significant repercussions, beyond the fact that it had elicited the first official episcopal volley in a federal election involv­ ing the school question. The first result was predictable, a war o f words between Liberal and Conservative newspapers. Tarte contributed to the ammunition available to both sides by his charge in Parliament of 'influence indue' by Bishop Labrecque. Once the result was known, L'Electeur's headline trumpeted: ' L e Candidat Liberal elu par une majorite de 176 sur l'argent, le whiskey, les orangistes et les cures!' So violent was the Liberal paper's tone that Laurier felt obliged to at least mildly reprove the editor, Pacaud, for his excessive attacks on Bishop Labrecque. Naturally enough, L'Electeur's pugilism brought a sharp reaction from church authorities, particularly those in Chicoutimi. The newspaper got the best of a somewhat maladroit effort on the part of Bishop Labrecque to discipline editor Pacaud for the attack o f January 28. On February 6, the bishop's secretary, Abbe Frenette, sent a threat that L'Elect eur would be banned in Chicoutimi unless Pacaud printed a retraction which Frenette spelled out word for word. L'Elect eur gleefully printed the retraction, without comment, along with the full text of Frenette's heavy-handed d e m a n d . La Mi nerve felt compelled to come to Frenette's defence, styling Pacaud's manoeuver a 'supreme inconvenance' carried out 'dans un esprit de defis et d'insolence.' UElecteur assumed an air of injured innocence in its reply on the following d a y , and L a Mi nerve was obliged to admit that Frenette 's'etait expose a la mesaventure dont i l a ete la victime.' Nonetheless, the Conservative paper insisted, Pacaud had been guilty of a 'subterfuge indigne.' ' I I a voulu,' La Minerve concluded, 'avoir l'air de se retracter, quand de fait i l se moquait audacieusement de l'injonction episcopate. Paralleling the squabble over the Frenette letter was a philosophical and 101

102

103

104

105

106

107

101 L'Electeur,

J a n u a r y 28, 1896

102 J a n u a r y 28, 1896 103 P A C , P a c a u d P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to P a c a u d , J a n u a r y 3 0 , 1 8 9 6 . S e e a l s o b e l o w , p. 177. 104 F e b r u a r y 1 9 , 1 8 9 6 105 F e b r u a r y 21, 1896 106 F e b r u a r y 22, 1896 107 F e b r u a r y 27, 1896

December by-elections and January crisis 165 theological discussion concerning the right of the ecclesiastical authority to interfere as Labrecque had done. The pro-clerical apologist was Abbe L . Paquet of Quebec City. Once again, L'Electeur seemed to get the best of the exchange, suggesting that the extremely solemn Paquet was extending to Le Courrier and other Conservative journals 'la meme foi qu'aux encycliques.' A second repercussion of the Charlevoix affair, beyond the journalistic one, concerned the vicar general of the Chicoutimi diocese, Abbe Bruno Leclerc, cure o f L a Malbaie, pastor and personal friend of the successful Liberal candidate, Charles Angers. I n a circular marked 'strictement confidentielle' for his diocesan clergy only, Labrecque stated that he had issued the mandement only when convinced that the election was far more than a purely political contest, and that he had several times tried and failed to get a declaration in favour o f remedial legislation from Angers. Instead, according to the bishop, Angers had declared in favour of Laurier's 'enquete.' Labrecque stated he would still have kept silence had not his vicar general, Leclerc, openly come out in favour of Angers, 'meme en chaire (du moins c'est ainsi qu'on l'a compris) pour un homme que se declare pret a trahir la cause religieuse et nationale, un homme dont le premier pas dans la carriere politique est un acte de liberalisme catholique bien caracterise.' Labrecque insisted that only after the report of Leclerc's statements had he taken the very serious step of publishing the mandement. The bishop's conclusion was curt. ' L e mal est fait, j ' e n laisse la responsabilite a son auteur,' he said, and added that Leclerc was now a man 'en qui i l m'est impossible a l'avenir de reposer aucune confiance.' 108

109

108 F e b r u a r y 17, 1896. T h e r e w a s no l a c k o f a c a d e m i c o p i n i o n brought to b e a r o n the ' i n t e r v e n t i o n ' q u e s t i o n . E v e n before the C h a r l e v o i x c l a s h , A r c h b i s h o p L a n g e v i n sought e x p e r t t h e o l o g i c a l a d v i c e f r o m at least three s e p a r a t e s o u r c e s . A b b e L . C o l i n , s u p e r i o r o f the G r a n d S e m i n a r y o f M o n t r e a l , r e p l i e d that C a t h o l i c s w e r e o b v i o u s l y b o u n d to s u p p o r t j u s t l a w s , i n c l u d i n g , i n his o p i n i o n , the p r o p o s e d r e m e d i a l m e a s u r e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the obligation 'ne pourrait g u e r e , p r e s e n t e m e n t , etre r a p p e l l e e a u x c i t o y e n s p a r l'autorite e p i s c o p a t e , s a n s de g r a v e s p e r i l s ' ( A A S B , C o l i n to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 1 6 , 1 8 9 6 ) . P e r e F r o c , O M I , o f the U n i v e r s i t y o f O t t a w a , g a v e s u b s t a n t i a l l y the s a m e o p i n i o n as C o l i n ( A A S B , F r o c to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 5, 1896). B u t P e r e F i l i a t r a u l t , S J , l e a n e d m o r e to the possibility o f obliging C a t h o l i c s in c o n s c i e n c e to s u p p o r t the g o v e r n m e n t , 'si le s e u l m o y e n v r a i m e n t efficace d'obtenir c e resultat c o n s i s t e a faire a d o p t e r p a r les c h a m b r e s d ' O t t a w a une loi r e p a r a t r i c e , r e c o n n u e suffisante p a r i e s e v e q u e s ' ( A A S B , F i l i a t r a u l t to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 9 , 1 8 9 6 ) . L a n g e v i n m a y h a v e b e e n m o r e i m p r e s s e d b y the latter ' h a r d - l i n e ' o p i n i o n , but the e x h o r t a t i o n s to c a u t i o n o n the part o f the a c a d e m i c s u n d o u b t e d l y p l a y e d a role in the d e c i s i o n not to s e n d a letter to C a t h o l i c deputies before the debate o n the bill. S e e b e l o w , pp.212-20. 109 A E V , L a b r e c q u e ' s c i r c u l a r to D i o c e s a n C l e r g y , F e b r u a r y 10, 1896. A m a r g i n a l n o t e , p r o b a b l y b y B i s h o p E m a r d , o n the c o p y o f this letter f o u n d in the V a l l e y f i e l d a r c h i v e s ,

166 Priests and politicians A t least one prominent Quebec Conservative was convinced that the most significant aspect o f the Charlevoix election was not the attempt at clerical intervention, but the fact that the Liberals were able to convince the voters that the Conservative government would delay remedial action out o f existence. This was L.P. Pelletier, the pro-ultramontane provincial secretary of Quebec. I n a letter to Caron shortly after the Charlevoix contest, Pelletier stated that, against his w i l l , he was afraid that there might be something to L'Electeur s charges that the Conservative wall was far from mended, and that the Ontario members o f the cabinet were indeed conspiring to assure that remedial legislation, though presented, should not go through. He said that he would not accept the charges until proven, yet several recent private letters had sown grave suspicions in his mind. Pelletier believed that the life of Parliament could be extended; above all he was convinced that the government could quickly bring the issue to a vote. I f they could not, or felt they could not win when the vote came, the federal cabinet ministers ought to resign; they should refuse to contribute to a 'comedie impardonnable.' Next Pelletier came to the reasons for taking his position. Je suis pour le reglement de la question des ecoles avant d'etre ami de parti et avant d'etre conservateur,' Pelletier insisted. The 'farce' had gone on for six years; Charlevoix had been lost because the Liberals had with justice been able to point the finger at continued inaction. The best o f ultramontane indepen­ dence came out in Pelletier's tough conclusion: 4

S i j e s u i s t r o m p e , j e n e c o n t r i b u e r a i p a s a a v o i r t r o m p e le p e u p l e . J ' a i c o m b a t t u L a u r i e r e n disant q u ' a u f o n d , il etait c o n t r e les e c o l e s c a t h o l i q u e s ; j e ne s o u t i e n d r a i pas u n gouvernement conservateur qui a u fond serait dans la m e m e position. J ' a i r e u s s i a c o n v a i n c r e n o s e v e q u e s q u e le g o u v e r n e m e n t etait d a n s l a b o n n e v o i e . C o m p t a n t s u r l ' e n g a g e m e n t d ' h o n n e u r q u e j ' a i c o n t r a c t e e n v e r s e u x p o u r le parti, ils ont p r i s u n e position qui l e u r a v a l u d e s i n j u r e s b r u t a l e s ; j e ne p e r m e t t r a i jamais

qu'ils

croient

que

j ' a i contribue

a

les

tromper

r e s p o n s a b i l i t e de m a n i e r e a c e qu'ils le c o m p r e n n e n t .

et j e

degagerai

ma

1 1 0

i n d i c a t e d that L e c l e r c e s c a p e d the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l l i m b o to w h i c h L a b r e c q u e w a s a p p a r ­ ently c o n s i g n i n g h i m : ' M . l ' A b b e L e c l e r c , V . G . , ' the note stated, 'n'eut p a s de m i s e r e a refuter des c a l o m n i e s dont les politiciens l ' a v a i e n t a c c u s e a u p r e s de S a G r a n d e u r ; S . G r . r e c o n n a i t 1'innocence de s o n G R . v i c . et lui rendit s o n c o n f i a n c e , sans v o u l o i r toutefois retirer cette lettre - : " C a s e r v i r a a v o u s p u n i r de v o s p e c h e s p a s s e s . ' " I t s h o u l d a l s o be noted that C h a r l e s A n g e r s , although he r e f u s e d to a p p r o v e a r e m e d i a l bill in a d v a n c e o f its a p p e a r a n c e , w a s one o f the six Q u e b e c L i b e r a l s w h o v o t e d for the bill a n d against L a u r i e r w h e n the test c a m e in M a r c h , i i o P A C , C a r o n P a p e r s , P e l l e t i e r to C a r o n , F e b r u a r y 3 , 1 8 9 6

December by-elections and January crisis 167 A further note from Pelletier on February 6 indicated that he had received Caron's letter assuring him that the duration of Parliament could and would be extended until June, and that the government staked its life on remedial legislation. Pelletier replied that his remarks on February 3 did not mean that he believed treachery would succeed, but that he was convinced that a scuttling scheme was being actively p r o m o t e d . The Charlevoix affair showed that the lines were tightening still further. Labrecque had well illustrated the dilemma o f the churchman trying to be nonpartisan, yet directly supporting one party's policy. Pelletier's misgiv­ ings indicated that the gravity o f direct episcopal interference was begin­ ning to be appreciated at least in some quarters. More important, Pelletier brought into sharp relief the most evident political lesson o f the byelection: the Liberals could w i n in Quebec in the face of a hostile episcopal mandement, or at least could neutralize such a document through some clerical support, and by charging the Conservatives with treachery and promising a better settlement under Laurier. The lesson would not be lost in the hectic months ahead. The Cape Breton by-election was arranged to obtain a seat for Sir Charles Tupper, Sr., and added its own fuel to the fire. The offer to make way for Tupper came from the sitting member, D . MacKeen, on January 8 . The Liberal candidate was George Murray, who resigned his seat in the N o v a Scotia legislature in order to oppose Tupper. The first major reference to the school question during the campaign was made by Tupper at Boiesdale, N o v a Scotia, on January 12. Sir Charles insisted that he had supported the Thompson procedure of exhausting attempts to deal with the matter through the courts. Since, however, the Privy Council had declared that a grievance existed, and since the Manitoba government had refused to rectify the situation though given every opportunity, he now believed that it was the duty of the federal government to enact a remedial law in order to uphold the c o n s t i t u t i o n . Tupper's continued concentration on justice and minority rights seems to have been at least acceptable to his con­ stituents; on February 4 he was returned with a majority of 820 v o t e s . 111

112

113

114

111 Ibid.,

C a r o n to P e l l e t i e r , F e b r u a r y 5 , 1 8 9 6 ; P e l l e t i e r to C a r o n , F e b r u a r y 6 , 1 8 9 6 . T h e

suggestion that the life o f P a r l i a m e n t c o u l d be e x t e n d e d w a s b a s e d o n the fact that the final w r i t for the A l g o m a e l e c t i o n o f 1891 w a s not r e t u r n e d until J u n e 11. A p p a r e n t l y L o r d A b e r d e e n w a s not i m p r e s s e d , a n d after c o n s u l t i n g B o u r i n o t , the g o v e r n o r g e n e r a l a d v i s e d the c a b i n e t that the c a s e w a s not w o r t h t a k i n g to the S u p r e m e C o u r t ( L a d y A b e r d e e n , Journal,

M a r c h 19, 1896).

112 P A C , T u p p e r P a p e r s , M a c K e e n to T u p p e r , J a n u a r y 8 , 1 8 9 6 113 H a l i f a x Morning 114 T o r o n t o Mail

Chronicle, and Empire,

J a n u a r y 23, 1896 F e b r u a r y 4, 1896

168 Priests and politicians By far the most exciting aspect of the Cape Breton campaign, however, came on February 3 with the report of a letter from Bishop Cameron of Antigonish, in which his coreligionists who supported Laurier's proposal were described as 'hell-inspired hypocritical Catholics.' Although no great commotion over the letter was evident in the news reports of the campaign itself, the bishop's inflammatory phrase received more than a little atten­ tion in the immediate wake of the election. On February 4 the Halifax Morning Chronicle and on February 5 the Toronto Globe stressed the influence of the Cameron letter and expanded on its possible consequences. Even Father Lacombe was upset by the furore.' Je crains bien,' he wrote to Langevin, 'que l'intervention du clerge (pourtant legitime) dans cette election ne fasse du mal a l'eglise. M r . Laurier me menace d'une terrible reaction de la part des protestants et des liberaux de Quebec.' Archbishop Walsh was no happier about the possible reper­ cussions in Ontario. 'S.G. [Sa Grandeur] regrette enormement la maniere de Mgr. Cameron,' Lacombe reported to Langevin after a personal inter­ view with the Toronto archbishop. ' E n effet c'est serieux de se servir de cette expression contre les liberaux: "hell-inspired hypocrites." That's a great mistake in the circumstances - I I craint bien que Mgr. Cleary n'en fasse autant a un moment d o n n e . ' A week later Lacombe was able to write that the private nature of Cameron's letter had become known, and that the excitement, at least in Ottawa, was dying d o w n . When Tupper was introduced as a new member to the House on Feb­ ruary 11, there were a number of references to Cameron's role in the by-election. Cartwright, for instance, called the bishop 'the gentle and pious prelate to whom he [Tupper] owed his e l e c t i o n . ' But no one seemed inclined to press the issue with much vigour; the basic reason for Tupper's presence in the House was clear to all. He was to provide an effective head for a government committed to federal legislation on the 115

116

117

1 1 8

119

115 F u r t h e r details o n the c l e r i c a l f a c t o r in this b y e l e c t i o n m a y be f o u n d in M c L a u g h l i n , ' T h e C a n a d i a n G e n e r a l E l e c t i o n o f 1896 i n N o v a S c o t i a ' ( t h e s i s ) , p p . 4 5 - 5 5 . 116 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 4, 1896 117 Ibid., 118 Ibid.

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 7 , 1 8 9 6 t

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 1 3 , 1 8 9 6 . L a d y A b e r d e e n , in h e r Journal

of

F e b r u a r y 11, c a s t doubt o n the authenticity o f the C a m e r o n letter, although she o b s e r v e d that 'the e x p r e s s i o n is not w i t h d r a w n . ' T h e r e s e e m e d to be s o m e doubt e v e n about the p r e c i s e p h r a s e u s e d , L a d y A b e r d e e n reporting it as ' h e l l - b o u n d h y p o c r i t e s . ' A statement a u t h o r i z e d b y C a m e r o n h i m s e l f in the A n t i g o n i s h Casket Chronicle's

o f F e b r u a r y 6 c a l l e d the

report a 'garbled e x t r a c t f r o m a private letter m a r k e d a s s u c h . '

119 C a n a d a , H o u s e o f C o m m o n s , Debates,

F e b r u a r y 11, 1896, p. 1526

December by-elections and January crisis 169 Manitoba school question. Sir Charles was reminded o f this hard reality in a note o f congratulations on his election received from Langevin on Feb­ ruary 7. 'Your manly declarations ... afford us great hopes and almost a certitude about the favourable issue of this much-vexed question,' the archbishop wrote. Tupper could only reply that he was 'deeply anxious for a satisfactory settlement,' based on 'the rights of minorities and the maintenance of the C o n s t i t u t i o n . ' The polite rhetoric on both sides only thinly disguised the obstacles which lay ahead. The newspaper reports of Tupper's first caucus can hardly have restored Langevin's confidence; even the presence of a forceful new leader left a substantial block of Ontario Conservatives adamant against remedialism. 120

121

120 P A C , T u p p e r P a p e r s , L a n g e v i n to T u p p e r , F e b r u a r y 7 , 1 8 9 6 ; A A S B , T u p p e r to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 14,1896. 121 T o r o n t o Mail

and Empire,

F e b r u a r y 12, 1896

6 'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe': a missionary as diplomat

T H E

B I L L

A P P E A R S

Proof of Tupper's intent was the immediate introduction of bill 58, entitled T h e Remedial A c t (Manitoba)' by the new minister of justice, A . R . Dic­ key. Both Lacombe and LaRiviere had reported that the reason for the last of many delays in placing the bill before the House had been to await Tupper's election and arrival in Ottawa; dramatically, both Tupper and the bill were presented on the same day. I n his elaboration, Dickey stressed that framing the bill had been 'a matter of very great difficulty,' and expressed regret that copies were not yet available for distribution. Dickey then outlined the main provisions of the bill, beginning with the somewhat apologetic statement that it had been 'found impossible to restore to the Roman Catholic minority in Manitoba those rights which it was thought they were entitled to under the constitution without establishing a system of separate schools.' There was to be a board o f education for separate schools, containing nine members, like the Catholic section of the pre-1890 board. The lieutenant governor was to make the appointments, or, i f he did not, the federal government would. Trustees would be able to tax all Catholics for the new schools, except those who preferred to support the public schools. Teachers would have to meet provincial standards ' i n secular matters,' and there was to be a double system of inspection, Catholic for day-to-day matters, a second by the government from time to time to check efficiency. The book clause had been extremely difficult to settle, Dickey said, with the decision finally being left to the separate-

' Le s malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 171 school board to choose from among books used by the Manitoba public schools and Ontario separate schools. T o McCarthy's question on the financial arrangement, Dickey pointed out that the details of the provincial grant to separate schools would not be dictated. I t would simply be stated that the Catholic schools had a right to such a grant, 'taking it for granted... that the province o f Manitoba itself w i l l , after the system is established, supply that fund to the separate schools.' After Dickey's comments on the provisions o f the bill, Liberal P.A. Choquette immediately asked i f the measure had been 'approved by the religious authorities'; Ouimet interjected that Choquette should find that out for himself. Dupont asked for a French translation, and Caron replied that none was yet available. Laurier wanted to know i f the date for the second reading o f the bill had been fixed. I f anything, the Liberal leader gave the impression of favouring delay, insisting that 'some time would be needed for the study o f the Bill before the second reading.' T o Mills's inquiry whether a copy of the bill would be sent to the Manitoba govern­ ment, Dickey replied that he saw no objection although he did not consider it necessary. ' I f it is considered more courteous it shall certainly be done,' Dickey concluded. Although there were a number of questions during the succeeding ten days which seemed to reflect an unusual delay in getting copies of the bill circulated, there was no major discussion on remedialism until February 21. O n that day Foster moved, with Laurier's agreement, that debate on the second reading o f the remedial bill be made the first business of Tuesday, March 3, and that discussion continue 'on the follow­ ing days until the debate thereon be completed. ' The relatively mild exchange that accompanied the presentation of the remedial bill respected the tradition o f Parliament for a first reading, but it barely hid the heavy infighting which involved both federal parties in late January and all through February. Once again, the focus o f much o f the 1

2

3

1 C a n a d a , H o u s e of C o m m o n s , Bills,

1896, N o . 5 8 ; D e b a t e s , F e b r u a r y 1 1 , 1 8 9 6 , p p . 1 5 1 2 - 1 4 .

D i c k e y ' s s t a t e m e n t about C l a u s e 74, the s e c t i o n d e a l i n g w i t h the p r o v i n c i a l - e d u c a t i o n grant a n d w h i c h w a s to c a u s e p r o l o n g e d c o n t r o v e r s y d u r i n g the d e b a t e , c o n t a i n e d m o r e t h a n a little official m e n d a c i t y . F a t h e r L a c o m b e a n d S i r A d o l p h e C a r o n , a m o n g o t h e r s , w e r e obliged to a s s u r e e c c l e s i a s t i c a l authorities that a n y p r o v i n c i a l r e c a l c i t r a n c e o v e r the s c h o o l grant w o u l d be c o m p e n s a t e d for b y a n a m e n d m e n t to the D o m i n i o n L a n d s A c t , w i t h the federal g o v e r n m e n t giving part o f the l a n d s a l e s ' f u n d d i r e c t l y to the s e p a r a t e s c h o o l s ( A A Q , C a r o n to B e g i n , F e b r u a r y 22, 2 4 , 1 8 9 6 ; A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , February 19,1896). 2 C a n a d a , H o u s e o f C o m m o n s , Debates, 3 Ibid.,

F e b r u a r y 2 1 , 1 8 9 6 , p.2095

1896, p.1514

172 Priests and politicians tension was Father Lacombe. Although he managed to stay out of the Charlevoix fight, the role of the ambassador-missionary became more and more important. I t is true that Lacombe himself was not unmindful o f the anomaly of his position. ' A h ! mon Dieu!' he wailed to Langevin, 'est-il possible que sur mes vieux jours de sauvage, i l m'etait reserve d'etre mele a de semblables questions de politique! M o i , pauvre missionaire du pauvre et l'ignorant, traitant et discutant aujourd'hui avec nos hommes d'etat, les avisant et leur servant d'interprete ... Ca me parait comme une comedie.' Whatever else the settling o f the cabinet crisis may have accomplished, however, it assured that a remedial bill would be forthcoming; and it assured that Lacombe, who had worked so diligently to help patch the cabinet in order to have such a bill presented, would leave no stone unturned to help the government put the bill through. His most irrevocable step came on January 20 in the form of a dramatic letter to Wilfrid Laurier. Here the old missionary seemed at one stroke to go beyond the limits of his commission and to demand what the Liberal leader would be almost certain to refuse. Without reservation, Lacombe claimed to speak ' i n the name of our bishops, of the hierarchy and the Catholics of Canada,' and without qualification he asked 'the party of which you are the very worthy chief, to assist-us in settling this famous question, and to do so by voting with the government on the Remedial B i l l . ' N o r was Lacombe content to leave the matter as a polite request; he moved on to a black-and-white ultimatum: 4

I m u s t tell y o u that w e c a n n o t a c c e p t y o u r c o m m i s s i o n o f e n q u i r y o n a n y

account,

a n d s h a l l d o o u r b e s t t o fight i t . I f , w h i c h m a y G o d n o t g r a n t , y o u d o n o t b e l i e v e it t o b e y o u r d u t y to a c c e d e to o u r j u s t d e m a n d s , a n d i f the g o v e r n m e n t , w h i c h is a n x i o u s t o g i v e u s t h e p r o m i s e d l a w , i s b e a t e n a n d o v e r t h r o w n w h i l e k e e p i n g firm t o t h e e n d o f the struggle, I i n f o r m y o u , w i t h regret, that the e p i s c o p a c y , like one m a n , united w i t h the c l e r g y , w i l l r i s e to s u p p o r t t h o s e w h o m a y h a v e f a l l e n i n d e f e n d i n g u s . P l e a s e p a r d o n the f r a n k n e s s w h i c h l e a d s m e to s p e a k

thus.

5

From the Liberal point of view at least, Lacombe might well excuse himself for his 'frankness'; frankness was a mild term for what they considered the letter to contain. I t must be remembered that the public furore over Lacombe's ultimatum to Laurier did not come until a month later, when the text of the supposedly private letter was published in L'Electeur. Furthermore, Lacombe clearly believed, at least in January, 4 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 1 0 , 1 8 9 6 5 A A Q , L a c o m b e to L a u r i e r , J a n u a r y 2 0 , 1 8 9 6

'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 173 that he had retained enough independence to be able to approach Laurier without fear o f having prejudiced his position. Even i f Laurier were to become prime minister, Lacombe wrote, 'je me conduirai avec lui, comme j ' a i agi avec les conservateurs, c-a-d, franc et loyal, avec tout pouvoir dument constitue.' Whatever possibility this impartiality might have had before the January 20 letter, the ultimatum opened the breach between Lacombe and the Liberal leader almost beyond repair. From the missionary's correspondence it was evident that the i m ­ mediate influence in the composition and sending o f the letter to Laurier was none other than Bishop Lafleche. Lacombe included Begin with Lafleche when quoting to Langevin the authorities he had consulted before speaking in the name of all the bishops. But Lacombe's own letter to Begin on the same day as the ultimatum to Laurier, went to some length to inform the Quebec archbishop of his just-finished visit to Trois-Rivieres, and o f the language he would use with the Liberal leader. I n particular, Lacombe cited Lafleche's approval of trying to put Laurier in a 'yes or no' position. I f it cannot be said that the ultimatum to Laurier was Lafleche's, i t clearly was Lafleche-inspired. Moreover, although it spoke in the name o f all the bishops o f Canada, the letter was unknown at least to one, Bishop Emard, until it became public in mid-February. In any case, Lacombe's subsequent letters showed that the ultimatum letter was the pretext for the growing barrier between the church hierarchy and the Liberal leader during the next month. A s many as five meetings took place between the two men. Each time the gap seemed a little wider. Each time, according to Lacombe, Laurier took as his point o f departure that the January 20 letter was a declaration of war. This was summed up in a conversation which Lacombe reported on February 15: 6

7

8

G r a n d e e n t r e v u e d e n o u v e a u a v e c M r . L a u r i e r , q u e j e r e n c o n t r e d a n s les c o u l o i r s et qui

m ' e n t r a i n e d a n s s a c h a m b r e . N o n , il n ' y a p a s m o y e n de le c o n v a i n c r e d e n o u s

s u i v r e . C ' e s t l a g u e r r e q u ' i l n o u s d e c l a r e , p u i s q u ' o n le p o u s s e a c e l a . M a lettre e s t s o n g r a n d c a u c h e m a r . I I l a m o n t r e a ses p a r t i s a n s et les c o n s u l t e , s u r l a p o r t e e d e c e d o c u m e n t . 'Je l'ai toujours devant m o i , sur m o n b u r e a u , ' m e dit-il. ' D o n e c'est la g u e r r e ! - E t b i e n , v o u s l ' a u r e z , ' l u i a i - j e dit. ' L ' E p i s c o p a t et le c l e r g e v e u l e n t n o u s e c r a s e r ! ' a-t-il c o n t i n u e a r e c l a m e r . . . A u m o i n s il p e r s i s t e a se d e c l a r e r c o n t r e n o u s . Que

fera-t-il a u dernier m o m e n t ?

9

6 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 1 3 , 1 8 9 6 7 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 2 0 , 1 8 9 6

8 A A Q , L a c o m b e to B e g i n , J a n u a r y 2 0 , 1 8 9 6 9 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 15, 1896

174 Priests and politicians It should be noted, however, that Lacombe could never bring himself to dislike Laurier personally, even though their differences over policy grew irreconcilable. A s late as February 19 the missionary wrote o f the Liberal leader: 'Pourtant c'est drole, je suis porte a vouloir estimer cet homme. C'est bien regrettable qu'il ait embrasse cette ligne de conduite. I I est probable qu'il va encore chercher a me rencontrer. Que puis-je faire plus pour l u i ? ' Even after Laurier's March 3 speech, with which Lacombe could not have disagreed more profoundly, a spark o f attraction still remained. 'Que c'etait triste et regrettable d'entendre une si belle eloquence defendre une si mauvaise cause!' Lacombe lamented. But as an indicator of the way the tide was running, Lacombe's admiration for and confidence i n Bowell grew as his ability to find common ground with Laurier decreased. Shortly after the cabinet crisis, Lacombe spoke o f Bowell as 'toujours le meme, sincere et fidele,' and on February 4 the missionary described a chance meeting with the prime minister which revealed a good deal about their increasing friendliness: 10

11

12

C o m m e t o u j o u r s , j ' a i e t e t r e s c o n t e n t et t r e s s a t i s f a i t d e m o n e n t r e v u e a v e c

mon

v i e i l a m i , q u i , q u o i q u ' o r a n g i s t e , m e t e m o i g n e tant d ' i n t e r e t et m e m e d ' a f f e c t i o n . C e m a t i n , d e s i r a n t le r e n c o n t r e r , j e m ' e n allais d a n s u n e belle v o i t u r e c o u v e r t e , q u a n d j e le v i s q u i s'en allait a p i e d v e r s les b a t i s s e s d u p a r l e m e n t . J e d e s c e n d i s de m a v o i t u r e et j ' a l l a i l ' i n v i t e r a m o n t e r a v e c m o i , e n l u i d i s a n t : ' C ' e s t l ' E g l i s e q u i v i e n t c h e r c h e r l ' E t a t . ' ' I n d e e d y o u are too k i n d , m y good F a t h e r confessor!' reponse. E t nous nous dirigions vers son

office.

fut

sa

1 3

I n any case, the problem was far deeper than a question of personal likes and sympathies. Inevitably, it was the still-awaited remedial bill which drew the bulk o f attention and energy in late January and early February. On January 25, Honore Beaugrand o f La Patrie accused Lacombe o f having obtained a secret copy o f the bill, and of manipulating the measure to suit the Quebec bishops, Lafleche in particular. According to his January 6 letter to Langevin, Lacombe had indeed seen a 'draft statute' based on Ewart's proposal o f the previous summer, and would try to get a copy for Langevin when he got to Ottawa the next d a y . The cabinet crisis 14

15

10 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 1 9 , 1 8 9 6

11 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , M a r c h 4 , 1896

12 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 1 7 , 1 8 9 6

13 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 4 , 1 8 9 6

14 La Patrie,

January 25,1896

15 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 6 , 1 8 9 6

'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 175 pre-empted all attention for the subsequent week, but the Desjardins memo of January 15 posed, as a condition of the senator's entry to the cabinet, that Lacombe see and approve the proposed bill. According to the same memo, Caron stated that Lacombe had seen the draft, although Bowell was not clear on the p o i n t . On January 17, Lacombe himself indicated that he had not been shown the latest version of the bill and was worried about it. ' I I parait que ce bill que je n'ai pu voir encore in toto est pas mal altere depuis l'original de l'ete dernier,' the missionary w r o t e . Again on January 20 he stated that as yet he did not have a copy, but ' j ' a i pu apprendre que probablement c'est la meme chose que l'ete dernier, tel que elabore par M r . E w a r t . ' Regarding Beaugrand's charge o f January 25, Lacombe's reaction was that 'heureusement que, a part l'effrontee " L a Patrie," aucun journal n'a ose me toucher ni meme me supposer quelque chose.' He was not blind to the growing sensitivity of his role - 'Mon Dieu! que va-t-il arriver? Dans quelle position delicate je me trouve! Je suis watche de tous cotes,' he wrote - but he felt he had no alternative but to push on. Once more Lacombe said that he did not yet possess a copy of the bill, but that he had had a long discussion with Ouimet and had been satisfied with the details outlined by the minister. Ouimet had indicated that the final draft should be ready that same day (January 28), and, although presentation would have to await Tupper's election and return to Ottawa, Lacombe hoped that 'ce soir ou demain matin avoir en secret une copie de cette l o i . ' Lacombe clearly did obtain a copy of the law before it was presented in Parliament, and John Ewart, receiving a copy from the minis­ ter of justice, immediately returned to Winnipeg and delivered it to Lange­ vin on February 4 . There is no evidence that the bill was changed before first reading at the behest of either Lacombe or Langevin, but it was equally clear that approval from St Boniface was a prime objective. 16

17

18

1 9

2 0

L I B E R A L

R I F T S

During the lull before the appearance of the bill, all was not orderly within the Liberal camp. I n Parliament on the day on which Tupper was elected, February 4, Lavergne of Drummond-Arthabaska, Brodeur of Rouville, 16 A C S M , D e s j a r d i n s C o l l e c t i o n , D e s j a r d i n s M e m o r a n d u m , J a n u a r y 1 4 , 1 8 9 6 17 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 1 7 , 1 8 9 6 18 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 2 0 , 1 8 9 6

19 Ibid.,

J a n u a r y 28, 1896

20 A A S B , E w a r t to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 4 , 1 8 9 6

176 Priests and politicians and Choquette o f Montmagny all fired broadsides at the government for delaying the bill. Brodeur quoted Caron during the Vercheres election as calling upon God that a bill would be introduced during the 1895 session. I n 1896, Brodeur insisted, the opposition should not be left with the blame for obstructing a bill which would appear too late to be passed. ' N o t only am I willing to have a Remedial Bill brought up, but introduced as soon as possible, and not indefinitely postponed, as the Government are trying to do,' Brodeur proclaimed. A l l three French Liberals pointed to Foster and the other bolters as the real obstruction, and all attacked the government for not being decisive enough in the direction of effective restoration. 'What is the reason why the Bill has not yet been introduced?' Brodeur asked. ' I t is because certain Ministers have insisted upon the Bill being altered ... They intend, M r . Speaker, to bring up a mutilated B i l l . Cho­ quette claimed that he would support a really effective measure, but did not believe that one would be forthcoming. He therefore still supported Laurier's plan for 'a commission of arbitration between interested parties.' Brodeur's remarks indicated, however, that at least some Quebec Liberals were not satisfied with the noncommittal stand their leader was taking. According to Lacombe and other observers in Ottawa, the focus o f disaffection was Cleophas Beausoleil, member for Berthier. Notable among the reasons for the rumblings was the increasing promi­ nence of former Conservative J. Israel Tarte. Tarte's speeches of January 23 and 28 had not only disturbed Liberals with pro-clerical sensitivities, but had marked him further as an upstart over old-line party members. I n his February 1 letter to Langevin, LaRiviere attributed some o f the weaning process to Father Lacombe, and on February 6, after the Charlevoix affair had grown in excitement, elaborated on the situation. 'Beausoleil est a la tete d'un mouvement en faveur de notre l o i , ' LaRiviere wrote. 'Dans le fond, on jalouse Tarte et l'influence que ce dernier exerce sur Laurier, et Ton veut le releguer a 1'arriere-banc.' The reported disaffection from the Liberals and adhesion to the reme­ dial bill was not quite what LaRiviere had portrayed. On February 14, the reportedly 'bolting' Liberal member sent one o f the still rare copies o f the bill to Canon Bruchesi at the episcopal chancery in Montreal. Beausoleil said that his first impression was that the measure was 'incomplet dans une partie essentielle,' specifically because of the absence of any guarantee that 2 1

22

23

21 C a n a d a , H o u s e o f C o m m o n s , Debates, 22 Ibid.,

1896, p p . 1 1 6 4 - 9

p.1178

23 A A S B , L a R i v i e r e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 1 , 1 8 9 6

'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 177 the Catholics would get the grants to which the bill said they had a right. Furthermore, said Beausoleil, there was no provision for the restoration of the property of Catholic schools confiscated by the 1894 amendments. 'Quand les Eveques ont demande le desaveu du bill de 1894,' he observed, 'le gouvernement a refuse sous pretexte que la loi reparatrice ferait justice sur toute la ligne. Je ne vois dans le bill aucune trace de l'accomplissement de cette promesse.' Finally, Beausoleil feared the implications of what Bishop Labrecque had done in the Charlevoix by-election. Did it mean, he asked, that deputies had to support any measure approved by the church, no matter how ineffective the members judged it to be? ' I I y a beaucoup de deputes qui trouvent la loi projetee presque nulle,' he wrote, 'et ils prefereraient laisser la question ouverte plutot que de lui donner une solution aussi peu satisfaisante pour l'avenir. Beausoleil in fact ended in March by voting for the bill and against Laurier, but he had raised the key question for a deputy faced with an ecclesiastical mandement in a political matter. I n any case, the revolt was hardly as enthusiastic as LaRiviere, indulging in some wishful thinking, had suggested. Laurier was not unaware o f the budding trouble within his party. N o t only did he continue to see Lacombe, but he went to the extent of rebuking the excessive criticism o f the hierarchy current in the Liberal papers over the Charlevoix election. Laurier at least made the gesture and made sure that the right people knew about it. On February 5 Archbishop Begin was able to assure Lafleche that many Liberals were looking for a pretext to support the remedial measure, and that 'on m'a montre hier deux lettres de M . Laurier qui deplore et reprouve les exces de langue de ses partisans dans la presse contre l'autorite religieuse.' Nonetheless, the steadfast­ ness of his Quebec supporters continued to be a major worry for Laurier. 24

25

26

24 A A M , B e a u s o l e i l to B r u c h e s i , F e b r u a r y 14, 1896 25 S e e a b o v e , p. 164. 26 A S T R , B e g i n to L a f l e c h e , F e b r u a r y 5, 1896. T h e letters r e f e r r e d to w e r e a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y the t w o letters f r o m L a u r i e r to P a c a u d o f J a n u a r y 30 a n d F e b r u a r y 5. T h e F e b r u a r y 5 r e p r i m a n d s e e m s to h a v e b e e n c a l c u l a t e d b y the L i b e r a l l e a d e r for d i s c r e e t p u b l i c a t i o n . I f s o , it w a s e x t r e m e l y c l e v e r , s i n c e it a p p e a l e d to p r i n c i p l e w i t h o u t indulging in a n e x c e s s o f d i p l o m a c y . U n l e s s s o m e v e r y u n l i k e l y c h a n g e took p l a c e , L a u r i e r w r o t e , ' i l n ' y a plus de doute que le clerge v a p r e n d r e fait et c a u s e p o u r le g o u v e r n e m e n t a u x p r o c h a i n e s e l e c t i o n s ... N o u s a l l o n s a v o i r u n e n o u v e l l e g u e r r e e c c l e s i a s t i q u e . ' A s a c o n s e q u e n c e , the L i b e r a l l e a d e r i n s i s t e d , L i b e r a l s p o k e s m e n w o u l d be putting t h e m s e l v e s in the w r o n g i f t h e y initiated q u a r r e l s ' p a r des e c a r t s de langage . . . I I faut a u c o n t r a i r e , faire a p p e l a l a c o n s c i e n c e des v r a i s c a t h o l i q u e s et l e u r faire c o m p r e n d r e que s u r cette q u e s t i o n c o m m e sur toutes les a u t r e s , n o u s n ' a v o n s a u c u n e hostilite c o n t r e le c l e r g e . I I faut a r r i v e r a l ' e c l a i r e r e t n o n a le f r o i s s e r ' ( P A C , P a c a u d P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to P a c a u d , F e b r u a r y 5 , 1 8 9 6 ) .

178 Priests and politicians On January 31, the Liberal leader wrote at length to C E . Pouliot, the probable Liberal candidate for Temiscouata, and developed a quite de­ tailed rationale for his inquiry proposal. Significantly, Laurier stressed that the main purpose would be to satisfy Protestants rather than to uncover unknown facts. Protestants, Laurier pointed out, 'ne veulent d'ecoles athees, mais ils ne veulent pas non plus, d'enseignement dogmatique ... en imposant aux catholiques les memes restrictions qu'ils s'imposent a euxmemes, ils ne se rendent pas compte qu'ils sont coupables d'un acte d'in tolerance.' Thus a prime requirement was that Protestants be shown that a Protestant system was in fact being imposed upon Catholics. Laurier stretched credulity when he said that this had been his consistent position for four years, but there was an air of urgency about the letter which could hardly be dismissed as mere diplomacy. A v o w i n g his sincerity in working for the restoration of Catholic school rights, Laurier told Pouliot that he would try every argument to bring the whole party to accept this as a constitutional necessity, but that it could only be done by free inquiry and without clerical pressure. ' A toute evenement, j ' y mettrais mon orgueil,' Laurier concluded, 'et si je ne reussissais pas, je briserais volontairement ma carriere.' A further demonstration o f Laurier's concern for a negotiated and unspectacular settlement was a letter he addressed to Clifford Sifton on January 28. Sifton had apparently written to alert the Liberal leader that federal government activity in the West pointed to an immediate election, possibly before the remedial bill was presented. Laurier agreed that Sifton's observation 'confirms the news which comes to us from all sides,' and stated that the government was 'uncertain as to the fate of the Remedial B i l l . ' But the Liberal leader hastened to reject any optimism which Con­ servative difficulties over remedialism might encourage. 'We are not any more certain than they,' he wrote. 'Moreover, whatever may be the result, that is the last question on which I would like the Liberal party to come into power. Unless this question can be settled by Manitoba itself, we will have it in federal politics for ten years at least, and it will be a perpetual thorn in 27

27 G r o u l x , VEnseignementFrangais

au Canada,

11, p p . 117-19. L e t t e r f u r n i s h e d f r o m p r i ­

vate c o l l e c t i o n by J . F . P o u l i o t , M P , later S e n a t o r . G r o u l x finds the rationale for a n i n q u i r y g i v e n b y L a u r i e r i n P r o u l x , Documents Ecoles

du Manitoba,

in ^Documents

pour

Servir

a VIntelligence

de la Question

des

p p . 1 7 0 - 1 , m o r e c o n v i n c i n g t h a n that g i v e n to P o u l i o t . T h e a r g u m e n t w a s that a n y r e m e d i a l bill w o u l d get e m b r o i l e d in i n t e r m i n a b l e legal

w r a n g l i n g . M o r e o v e r , G r o u l x feels that e v e n the r e a s o n for i n q u i r y g i v e n to Pouliot w a s preferable to that suggested in the r e m e d i a l debate i n the H o u s e , w h i c h i m p l i e d that there w e r e still u n k n o w n facts i n the c a s e .

'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 179 the side o f any government.' Laurier then asked Sifton to 'let me know frankly if you are prepared to make any concessions to the minority, and, if so, to what extent.' Laurier said that he believed public opinion in the East was showing 'a strong current of sympathy in favor o f the minority,' although this current had been 'to a large extent stemmed by the harsh action o f the Government.' I n any case, Laurier concluded, 'any conces­ sions which you would make to the minority would be welcome,' and he added the ominous refrain which he had coined the year before: 'The School question is an unknown quantity; it may break the Government; it may break the Opposition; it may break both the Government and the Opposition.' Sifton was unable or unwilling to offer any satisfactory compromise, either at the beginning o f February or later in the month when Laurier wrote to him again. Concerning an unspecified suggestion made by Laurier in the latter correspondence, Sifton's reply was that 'my own view remains as it was, namely that the change referred to would in no way meet the views o f the minority & would simply add another complicating factor to the already complicated p r o b l e m . ' 28

29

E N T E R

T H E

A B E R D E E N S

While these tensions were building up within the parties, the efforts made by the governor general and his wife to head off the direct federalprovincial clash involved in remedial legislation were numerous and extra­ ordinary. I n a report to Colonial Secretary Chamberlain on January 25, L o r d Aberdeen expounded forcefully on the futility of compulsion. ' N o measure compelling Manitoba to act can possibly satisfy in any permanent manner the two parties (Protestants and Catholics)' he wrote. Moreover, he added, in a perceptive summary o f the gravest danger o f the case, 'the controversy will no more be confined to Manitoba than the Home Rule Controversy had been confined to Ireland. ' I n December Lady Aberdeen had written to Archbishop Langevin imploring him to investigate every possible avenue toward a negotiated settlement. During January both the governor general and his wife were in discreet contact with Laurier on the subject, and the Liberal leader's letter to Sifton on January 28 used argu3 0

31

28 P A C , Sifton P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to S i f t o n , J a n u a r y 2 8 , 1 8 9 6 29 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , Sifton to L a u r i e r , F e b r u a r y 2 0 , 1 8 9 6 30 P A C , A b e r d e e n C o r r e s p o n d e n c e , A b e r d e e n to C h a m b e r l a i n , J a n u a r y 2 5 , 1 8 9 6 31 A A S B , L a d y A b e r d e e n to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 2 2 , 1 8 9 5

180 Priests and politicians ments which, even in phrasing, were remarkably like those used by Lady Aberdeen in a letter of the same day. O n January 23, at a reception held at Rideau Hall in honour o f Father Lacombe, the vice-regal couple valiantly tried to enlist the support of the missionary for a conference of all the principals involved in the controversy. A s Lady Aberdeen reported in her Journal, she and her husband stressed the long-range danger involved in the quarrel. ' I f this Bill is passed by the votes of the French Members from Quebec of both parties,' they argued, 'the cry against French ascendancy will become a yell & then what hope will there be for their schools in the other English p r o v i n c e s ] ? ' Both Her Ladyship and Lacombe, however, indicated in their reports o f the discussion that the missionary had re­ mained convinced that it was too late for such a conference to have any hope o f success. A further important auxiliary whom Lady Aberdeen tried and failed to enlist was H . Joly de Lotbiniere. Her most extraordinary effort, how­ ever, was directed toward Archbishop Walsh of Toronto. Conscious of the prelate's interest and influence, Her Ladyship sent Walsh a long and carefully worded entreaty on January 28. She stated that the governor general would like to go to Toronto to discuss the problem with Walsh, but could not do so at the moment without suspicion. She wondered i f Walsh might come to Ottawa, and asked him to write Langevin again to propose an 'eleventh hour' meeting of federal, provincial, and ecclesiastical au­ thorities, 'without of course mentioning His Excellency.' She repeated the arguments used with Lacombe on the danger o f religious strife involved in remedial legislation. Then came an even more startling proposal. I n a request which clearly involved the governor general, Lady Aberdeen ven­ tured a suggestion which not a few Canadians would have found incredible: 32

33

34

35

And

m a y w e a l s o v e n t u r e to a s k i f H i s H o l i n e s s the P o p e c o u l d n o t i n t e r v e n e at t h i s

time in the interests o f the C h u r c h a n d o f p e a c e ? C o u l d not a m e s s a g e c o m e f r o m R o m e o r t h r o u g h e v e n C a r d i n a l S a t o l l i , w h i c h w o u l d at l e a s t p r e v e n t the C h u r c h i n Q u e b e c f r o m so openly e x e r c i s i n g political influence & thus irritating the people e l s e w h e r e ? F o r g i v e m e if I h a v e w r i t t e n too freely ... w e k n o w y o u w i l l u n d e r s t a n d His

E x c e l l e n c y ' s motives in this c o m m u n i c a t i o n .

3 6

32 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , A b e r d e e n to L a u r i e r , J a n u a r y 2 5 , 1 8 9 6 ; Sifton P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to S i f t o n , J a n u a r y 2 8 , 1 8 9 6 ; A A T , L a d y A b e r d e e n to W a l s h , J a n u a r y 2 8 , 1 8 9 6 33 J a n u a r y 2 4 , 1 8 9 6 34 Ibid.,

J a n u a r y 29, 1896; A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 2 8 , 1 8 9 6 ; see a l s o A A S B ,

A b e r d e e n to L a c o m b e , J a n u a r y 2 4 , 1 8 9 6 ; h e r e the g o v e r n o r g e n e r a l s e e m e d to be t r y i n g to s m o o t h o v e r the m o s t h e a t e d part o f the p r e v i o u s night's d i s c u s s i o n . 35 P A C , A b e r d e e n C o r r e s p o n d e n c e , J o l y to L a d y A b e r d e e n , F e b r u a r y 3 , 1 8 9 6 36 A A T , L a d y A b e r d e e n to W a l s h , F e b r u a r y 3 , 1 8 9 6

'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 181 There is no record o f Walsh's reply to Lady Aberdeen. I t seems clear that he did not make the request to Rome, but did write to Lacombe and Langevin to urge moderation. More significantly, Walsh also wrote to Laurier, opposing the latter's plan for an inquiry in Manitoba and suggest­ ing instead the meeting o f all principals. The same suggestion was sent by Walsh to Lacombe, Begin, and Langevin. T o Begin he recommended the Ontario separate-school arrangement as the goal to be worked for in Manitoba. Such a compromise would not be wholly satisfactory, but in his opinion was 'the most feasible when the immense difficulties and embar­ rassments of the case are taken into account.' Predictably enough, Walsh's proposal satisfied neither side. Alerted by Langevin's apprehensions, Lacombe hurried to Toronto. Showing exhaus­ tion even in his letters, Lacombe reported on February 7 that he was very satisfied with Walsh's reaction. 'C'est un frere pour nous,' Lacombe wrote, although 'je ne pense pas que son plan d'une conference amicale avec les differents partis puissent [sic] s'effectuer.' Lacombe was even more emphatic in his rejection of the suggested meeting when he got back to Ottawa, particularly because Caron and Ouimet were strongly against the idea. 'Pas d'affaire! disent-ils,' wrote Lacombe.' " N o t r e bill est pret! I I a ete promis - Et bien qu'il soit presente. Cette conference ruinerait la cause." - " V o i l a ce qu'on a d i t au conseil," me dit O u i m e t . ' Even when L o r d Aberdeen again pressed him to support the conference proposed by Archbishop Walsh, Lacombe remained adamant. 'Je lui ai dit franchement,' the missionary told Langevin on February 13, 'qu'on ne devait pas y penser, que la chose n'etait plus possible, que personne n'en voulait, ni Archeveque de St. Boniface, ni conservateurs ni L a u r i e r . ' Laurier was angered by Walsh's proposal and letter because it seemed to him that the Toronto archbishop had reversed the position he had taken only four months earlier. Lacombe's account of Laurier's reaction was dramatic. T l a contenu son emotion,' Lacombe wrote, 'et m'a dit que malgre le respect qu'il avait pour l'Archeveque Walsh, i l soutenait et soutiendrait que S.G. avait oublie, parce que certainement, en octobre 37

38

39

40

41

37 A A Q , W a l s h to B e g i n , F e b r u a r y 4 , 1 8 9 6 ; A A S B , W a l s h to L a c o m b e , F e b r u a r y 3 , 1 8 9 6 ; W a l s h to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 7 , 1 8 9 6 . T h e letter to L a u r i e r is not f o u n d in the L a u r i e r p a p e r s , but a c o p y w a s e n c l o s e d in W a l s h ' s letter to B e g i n . 38 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 7 , 1 8 9 6 39 Ibid.,

F e b r u a r y 9, 1896

40 Ibid.,

February 13,1896

41 A letter f r o m B e g i n to W a l s h o n J a n u a r y 3 1 , 1 8 9 6 , m a d e it c l e a r that P . A . C h o q u e t t e , L i b e r a l M P , h a d b e e n quoting W a l s h in support o f the i n q u i r y p r o p o s a l ( A A Q , B e g i n to Walsh, January 31,1896).

182 Priests and politicians dernier, Elle lui avait dit qu'Elle approuvait son projet A'enquete ou com­ mission ... En parlant du projet d'une conference telle que entendu par Mgr. Walsh, " j e n ' a i rien a proposer au Gouvernement," i l m ' a r e p o n d u . ' Despite the failure o f the proposal for a high-level meeting in February, the vice-regal couple's efforts were not yet exhausted. Lady Aberdeen indicated in her Journal that as early as January 24 she and the governor general had discussed the matter with Sir Donald Smith, and that the latter had agreed to go west 'to confer privately and on his own responsibility with the leaders on both sides.' Despite illness, Smith, who, in Lady Aberdeen's view, had 'more influence in Manitoba with all parties than anyone,' departed in mid-February without the knowledge or at least without the official sanction o f the cabinet. Smith's reaction as reflected in Lady Aberdeen's Journal and newspaper interviews was quite optimistic. Editorially, however, the Liberal papers saw the move simply as a new Conservative diversion. The Globe called the mission 'an attempt to adopt Mr. Laurier's policy without seeming to do so. ' VElecteur saw it as another 'reculade' on the part of government to avoid doing real justice to the Catholic m i n o r i t y . More significantly, Smith's optimism was not at all evident in the reaction of either of the protagonists in Manitoba. Lange­ vin was by now clearly committed to getting an effective remedial law rather than a compromise settlement which would depend upon the good will o f the provincial government. T o Begin, Fabre, and Walsh, Langevin wrote that 'quelque ait ete la mission de Sir Donald Smith (si mission il y a eu) il a echoue completement. Nos gouvernants ont trop excite les passions populaires pour etre libres de faire un pas en avant.' T o Lacombe, the St Boniface archbishop dismissed Smith's efforts in brief and sarcastic fash­ ion. 'Donaldus venit, vidit, nihil fecit,' he w i r e d . On the other side, a telegram from Greenway to Smith indicated that the latter had indeed interpreted the Manitoba reaction too optimistically. 'Must have misun­ derstood me,' Greenway telegraphed. ' D i d not suggest conference. A m willing to consider proposition for conference i f received from Dominion Government.' 42

43

44

4 5

46

47

48

49

42 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 9 , 1 8 9 6 43 F e b r u a r y 3, 1896 44 Ibid.,

F e b r u a r y 25, 1896

45 F e b r u a r y 2 6 , 1 8 9 6 46 F e b r u a r y 2 6 , 1 8 9 6 47 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to B e g i n , F e b r u a r y 22, 1896; A A M , L a n g e v i n to F a b r e , F e b r u a r y 2 2 , 1 8 9 6 ; A A T , L a n g e v i n to W a l s h , F e b r u a r y 2 2 , 1 8 9 6 48 A A S B , L a n g e v i n to L a c o m b e , F e b r u a r y 2 2 , 1 8 9 6 . ( ' D o n a l d c a m e , s a w , a n d did nothing.') 49 P A C , B o w e l l P a p e r s , S m i t h to B o w e l l , F e b r u a r y 2 5 , 1 8 9 6

'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 183 Despite the ineffectiveness of his overtures, Smith's 'unofficial' mission did pave the way for the much more official delegation which went to Winnipeg in late March. Perhaps the most interesting aspect o f the inter­ lude was the constitutional problem it raised. The very evident role played by L o r d and Lady Aberdeen in the February exploratory trip later gave the Liberals the opportunity to protest a violation o f responsible government. Tupper had no choice but to somewhat lamely accept responsibility for the vice-regal action. I n retrospect, the unconstitutionality of the governor general or his wife actively working to scuttle or at least parallel the announced policy of the government can hardly be denied. O n the other hand, whatever may be said of the impropriety of their actions, L o r d and Lady Aberdeen could not be accused of sitting 'with hands folded while bitter strife is fostered.' 50

51

L A N G E V I N ' S

O B J E C T I O N S ,

L A C O M B E ' S

U L T I M A T U M S

Although La Patrie could not substantiate its charges that Lacombe had been dictating the main lines of the remedial bill, there was no doubt that the government was counting heavily upon approval from St Boniface and upon Lacombe to insure that such approval was forthcoming. The lack of capacity of those who might have taken some of the burden off Lacombe's shoulders, notably LaRiviere and Bernier, was evident both from their own less than penetrating letters to Langevin and from Lacombe's re­ marks. LaRiviere lacked influence and Bernier lacked both tact and influence. The missionary's January 28 comment was revealing: 'Pauvres Bernier et LaRiviere, quoiqu'ils si croient se importants, que font-ils? LaRiviere ... au moins on peut lui faire des remarques ... mais l'autre! A t t e n t i o n ! ' Thus, for good or i l l , the main burden o f intermediary con­ tinued to fall on Lacombe. Furthermore, Lacombe was quickly moving to the position that the alternative to accepting the proposed Conservative bill would be to get nothing at all. Laurier's objection might well be that Lacombe's 'diplomacy' would result in arraying ecclesiastical thunder on the side of a quite inadequate solution - ' " A h ! mes amis," me disait Laurier,' Lacombe reported, 'Mgr. Langevin criait partout qu'il n'accepterait pas de compromis et qu'il voulait ses ecoles et rien que ses ecoles ... Et voila que votre bill vous en fait avaler en masse ! ' But as early 52

53

50 C a n a d a , H o u s e o f C o m m o n s , Debates,

1896, p p . 4 i 3 2 f f

51 A A S B , L a d y A b e r d e e n to L a n g e v i n , D e c e m b e r 2 2 , 1 8 9 5 52 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , J a n u a r y 2 8 , 1 8 9 6

53 Ibid.,

February 9,1896

184 Priests and politicians as January 17 Lacombe was writing that 'le succes de notre question se dessine de plus en plus. I I faudra voter pour ou mourir; car c'est une question de vie ou de m o r t . ' By February 11 when the bill appeared the position o f 'half-a-loaf-is-better-than-none' seemed to have been accepted as an indisputable fact of life by the old missionary. I n point o f fact, however, Langevin was not prepared to accept the half-loaf. So much was this so that the subsequent barrage of Lacombe's letters revealed a near rupture between the archbishop and his delegate. The letters of February 13, 15, 18, 19, and 21 developed like a suspense novel; each made the existing remedial bill a less negotiable ultimatum. The note o f February 13 set the stage. Lacombe reminded Langevin that the linchpin o f ecclesiastical support for the bill in the East was Langevin's approval. 'Les Eveques d'Ontario et de Quebec,' Lacombe wrote, 'm'ont assure qu'ils seraient satisfaits du Bill et le soutiendraient une fois que l'Archeveque de St. Boniface et les autres interesses auraient exprime leur satisfaction et acceptation. The first of two letters on the 15th stated that 'j'ai dit quasi-officiellement que nous acceptions le B i l l , ' despite its evident imperfections. 'Ne vaut-il pas mieux ceder,' he argued, 'sur certains points de details, qu'on pourra regler plus tard, que de ne rien avoir du tout? ... Le Gouvernement et l'Episcopat du Dominion attendent cette declaration de votre part. ' A second dispatch went out the same day, after Lacombe had received Langevin's objections to the book clauses of the bill in particular. The missionary stated that he would suspend action i f so ordered, but warned that delay in approval might prove fatal. O n 18 February Lacombe was in Quebec City, so far committed to the bill that he had taken the liberty to leave the following statement for the absent Begin in Langevin's name: 'Que nous acceptons, en principe, le Bill remediateur, dans la prevision que des amendements y seront ajoutes, lors de la discussion.' Apparently Begin had not remained sufficiently in line to suit Lacombe, going so far as to give Choquette a letter which left room for conscientious objection to the b i l l . T o bring pressure on the Quebec archbishop, Lacombe seems to have presumed Langevin's approval and thus drafted the statement of acceptance. Having thus burned his bridges at Quebec, Lacombe's reaction to Langevin's next move could only be one of 54

V55

5 6

57

58

59

54 Ibid.,

January 17,1896

55 Ibid.,

F e b r u a r y 13, 1896

56 Ibid.,

F e b r u a r y 1 5 , 1 8 9 6 , L e t t e r no.1

57 Ibid.,

F e b r u a r y 1 5 , 1 8 9 6 , L e t t e r no.2

58 Ibid.,

February 18,1896

59 Ibid.,

F e b r u a r y 1 5 , 1 8 9 6 , L e t t e r no.2

'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 185 consternation. Shortly after Lacombe had posted the report of his Quebec declaration, both he and Begin received an outright veto of the bill from the western prelate. 'Legem ignoramus,' Langevin wired. 'Primae editiones de libris et taxatione displicent. ' I n a letter following the telegram, Langevin poured out a litany of misgivings. Although he possessed an earlier draft of the bill, Langevin complained that ' i l paraitrait qu'ils l'ont modifiee encore, et si les resumes des journaux (car on me laisse completement dans les tenebres et on ne m'a rien communique) sont exacts, i l y a lieu de s'inquieter.' The accumulation of doubts and objections, Langevin con­ cluded, 'me rendent actuellement presqu impossible Vacceptation du bill ... Je veux bien reconnaitre le bon vouloir (un peu interesse) du gouverne­ ment d'Ottawa, mais qu'il nous donne une loi acceptable et pratique.' N o t that the Liberal alternative was any better. 'Sous pretexte de nous aider ils ten tent de nous etouffer,' Langevin wailed. 'Mais les conservateurs ne sont pas sans tache. O! comme politique que tu es meprisable!' One of the major influences on Langevin's hesitation at this point was Colonel Audet. During this crucial February period, at least two significant exchanges took place between the archbishop and his confidant at the Secretariat of State. O n the 13th Langevin wrote that he had received Audet's 'declaration de principes en matiere scolaire,' in which the colonel had expressed grave misgivings about the Conservative party. 'Vous dites que les ecoles vous retiennent seules au parti,' Langevin replies. 'Cela dit enormement.' Langevin's own comment was that, 'tout en louant un parti qui est au pouvoir et pourrait y etre longtemps, et qui defend nos droits en ce moment, i l ne faudrait pas nous imaginer que tout conservateur est franc catholique.' As for Laurier, Langevin told Audet that he wished at least to leave a door open. Tl ne faudra pas le provoquer,' Langevin wrote, 'afin de lui laisser une issue pour revenir au bon sens,' even though it seemed likely that the Liberal leader's final position would be 'jouer a la Papineau.' Within a week, Audet stated that he had irrefutable evidence to the effect that Chief Whip Taylor had again tried to overthrow Bowell. He added that Costigan was more convinced than ever that the motive for these' conspira­ tions permanentes' was to wreck the remedial bill. I t was not that Audet, any more than Langevin, had rekindled confidence in Laurier and Tarte. 6 0

61

62

60 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to B e g i n , F e b r u a r y 1 7 , 1 8 9 6 ( ' W e do not r e c o g n i z e the l a w . T h e first drafts c o n c e r n i n g b o o k s a n d taxation d i s p l e a s e u s ' ) . T h e m a j o r i t y o f L a n g e v i n ' s direct m e s s a g e s to L a c o m b e are not e x t a n t , but they c l e a r l y d u p l i c a t e d the statements sent to B e g i n . 61 Ibid.,

F e b r u a r y 17, 1896

62 G r o u l x , ' C o r r e s p o n d a n c e L a n g e v i n - A u d e t , ' p.276; L a n g e v i n to A u d e t , F e b r u a r y 1 3 , 1 8 9 6

186 Priests and politicians 'Pauvres hommes ceux-ci,' said Audet, 'esclaves des grits ontariens qui les forcent a combattre la loi remediatrice ... C'est la repetition de l'enchainement de Dorion et de sa petite clique rouge au char de George B r o w n . ' What Audet feared was that Ontario Tories were imposing the same kind o f bondage on their French-Canadian colleagues; thus even at this late date he was prepared seriously to propose forming a new alliance. 'Si done aujourd'hui,' Audet wrote, 'encourages par notre petit nombre (depuis 1887) les tories veulent nous faire faux bond sur cette loi remediatrice, ils rompent par la la pacte qui nous unit a eux, et nous chercherons d'autres allies que nous trouverons facilement parmi les A n ­ glais de la nuance Blake.' A t the very least, Audet insisted, such a threat should be used in editorials and in conversations with English-speaking Conservatives, i n order to bring wavering party men back into l i n e . W i t h a rather different goal in mind, Audet's formula sounded not unlike that o f J. Israel Tarte. The net effect o f Audet's opinions could only have been to convey a deeper suspicion of Conservative double-dealing than Langevin had yet faced. A t the same time, Lacombe's letters were accumulating, demanding immediate approval. The message of February 19 acknowledged the 'Legem ignoramus' telegram and somewhat wearily explained how the objections concerning books and the method o f financing might be m e t . Finally, on February 21, the missionary was driven to a complete spellingout of the case for an immediate and unqualified approval of the bill. The letter was accompanied by two urgent cipher telegrams, unblushingly paid for by J.A. O u i m e t . Lacombe had just returned from a tension-filled meeting with Caron, Ouimet, LaRiviere, Bernier, and others, and pre­ sented the situation as an open and shut case: 63

64

65

C'est fini - Prenez votre parti - Voulez-vous tout ou rien? Si vous adoptez cette derniere resolution, alors la question est perdue et notre esperance s'en va. Rappelons-nous que nous ne commandons pas. Nos adversaires sont legions ... Pour moi, Mgr., malgre ce qui m'est reserve dans l'avenir de responsabilite, devant Dieu et devant les hommes, voici mon ultimatum: et cela apres bien des reflections et des consultations avec ceux qui s'interessent a notre cause. - Je vous dis, que nous devrions accepter le Bill, tel qu'il est, franchement, dans la prevision et l'esperance, que si le Gouvernement remporte le vote, alors on pourra facilement 63 A A S B , A u d e t to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 2 0 , 1 8 9 6 64 Ibid.,

L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 1 9 , 1 8 9 6

65 Ibid.,

F e b r u a r y 21, 1896

'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 187 a m e n d e r c e r t a i n s d e t a i l s , q u i d e v i e n d r o n t f a c i l e s a v e c le t e m p s . P o u r le m o m e n t , il faut a c c e p t e r cette loi, telle quelle, s u p p o s e qu'elle soit a c c e p t e e p a r l a m a j o r i t e , a l a s e c o n d e l e c t u r e o u b i e n n o u s a l l o n s j o u e r n o t r e d e r n i e r e c a r t e et n o u s a b a n d o n n e r au p o u v o i r des l i b e r a u x , a v e c l e s q u e l s l ' e p i s c o p a t est e n g u e r r e e n c e m o m e n t , s u r p r e s q u e tous les points d u p a y s . S i nous voulons courir ce risque, c'est

votre

affaire.C ' e s t t r e s b i e n et t r e s b r a v e d e

dire: 'Je ne v e u x

pas de

telle

clause, je

m ' o p p o s e r a i ; il n o u s faut telle c h o s e , o n doit c h a n g e r telle d i s p o s i t i o n & ' - m a i s s i n o u s p e r d o n s ce que n o u s etions loin d'esperer des les c o m m e n c e m e n t s de la lutte, ne n o u s e x p o s o n s - n o u s pas a tout p e r d r e ? q u a n d n o u s allons v o i r les c o n s e r v a t e u r s v a i n c u s et s ' e l o i g n e r ( u n g r a n d n o m b r e d e c e u x d e s n o t r e s ) d e l ' a r e n e p o l i t i q u e p o u r t o u j o u r s ? J e v o u s conseille done d'ecrire de suite a tous les E v e q u e s de Q u e b e c , des P r o v i n c e s M a r i t i m e s , d ' O n t a r i o et d e v o t r e p r o v i n c e d ' a c c e p t e r , a v e c v o u s , l a loi r e m e d i a t r i c e , telle q u e f o r m u l e e d a n s le p r e s e n t B i l l , et c e l a m a l g r e l ' o p p o s i t i o n d e s l i b e r a u x , q u i v e u l e n t f a i r e d u z e l e . - P l u s q u e j a m a i s c ' e s t le m o m e n t c r i t i q u e . S o y e z s u r q u e m a m a n i e r e d ' a g i r n'est p a s d i c t e e p a r m e s s y m p a t h i e s p o u r le parti c o n s e r v a t e u r , m a i s pour la c a u s e de nos ecoles, qui m e p r e o c c u p e n t j u s q u ' a me rendre malade.

6 6

To Lacombe's barrage o f letters and telegrams was added, on February 20, LaRiviere's threat to resign from the Conservative party if the bill were not approved, and, on the following day, Ewart's acceptance o f the measure as 'very fairly satisfactory.' The combination o f pressures had the desired result. On February 22, Langevin wired a clear, i f somewhat less than classic Latin message, addressed to Lacombe at Ottawa Univer­ sity: ' L e x applicabilis, efficax, et satisfactoria. Probo illam. Omnes episcopi et veri catholici approbare debent. Vita in lege. Optima littera tua. N i h i l vero de conciliatione. ' T o Begin the message was ' M i h i et advocato [Ewart] videtur applicabilis et efficax, pugna pro n o b i s . ' O n the same 67

68

69

7 0

71

66 Ibid.,

February 21,1896

67 A A S B , L a R i v i e r e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 20, 1896 68 Ibid.,

E w a r t to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 21, 1896

69 T h e C P R r u n n i n g time b e t w e e n O t t a w a a n d W i n n i p e g in 1896 w a s forty-nine h o u r s ( C P R P u b l i c R e l a t i o n s D i v i s i o n , T o r o n t o ) . T h u s , w h i l e L a n g e v i n w o u l d h a v e r e c e i v e d the F e b r u a r y 21 t e l e g r a m s , L a c o m b e ' s strong letter o f that date w o u l d not h a v e a r r i v e d before the a r c h b i s h o p a s s e n t e d . 70 A A S B , L a n g e v i n to L a c o m b e , F e b r u a r y 22, 1896. ( T h e l a w is w o r k a b l e , efficacious, a n d s a t i s f a c t o r y . I a p p r o v e it. A l l b i s h o p s a n d true C a t h o l i c s ought to give a p p r o v a l . T h e r e is life in the l a w . Y o u r letters are e x c e l l e n t . B u t let there be no c o n c i l i a t i o n . ' ) 71 A A Q , L a n g e v i n to B e g i n , F e b r u a r y 22, 1896. ( ' [ T h e l a w ] s e e m s to m e a n d to o u r l a w y e r [ E w a r t ] w o r k a b l e a n d efficacious - fight for u s . ' )

188 Priests and politicians day, February 22, letters went out to Fabre, Walsh, Lafleche, and Emard, all expressing Langevin's consent to the bill, but all containing the proviso that certain amendments be made when the measure went into committee after the second reading. Langevin's approval of the bill, however, did not equal canonization. There was no effective way to cover up the misgivings which had preceded his acceptance. While it could not be proven conclusively that the govern­ ment had delayed the printing of the bill until ecclesiastical approval was forthcoming, L'Electeur did not hesitate to make such a charge. I n fact there had been a remarkable delay while the Langevin 'fiat' seemed so doubtful. I t may at least be concluded that the growing panic in Lacombe's letters reflected not only fear that he had gone too far in his position as ambassador, but, more basically, fear within the Conservative party itself. Having staked its survival in power on a measure designed to satisfy Catholics, the last thing the government could afford was disapproval or even silence from the church. Mutual dependence and over-identification were growing quickly. 72

73

L I B E R A L

O V E R T U R E S

A N D

A

B O M B S H E L L

Naturally enough, the Liberals were not prepared to accept the remedial bill simply because Archbishop Langevin had finally given it his blessing. More than a little effort continued to be spent in mending their own ecclesiastical fences. Senator Richard Scott wrote to Archbishop Walsh on February 18, begging the Toronto prelate to consider the weaknesses o f the remedial bill. T am satisfied that the cause of the minority will be in­ jured rather than benefited by the proposed enactment,' Scott stated. He stressed that Walsh's contribution could be very great, 'not only in advis­ ing a reasonable consideration of this question, but in preventing very many exhibitions of Catholic dissentions in the coming elections.' On February 22, P.A. Choquette wrote to Lacombe at Ottawa, thanking the missionary for an earlier interview, but insisting on his serious objections to the bill. I n particular, Choquette objected to the inefficacy of the provincial-grant clause, and the failure to provide an alternative in case the 74

72 A A M , L a n g e v i n to F a b r e , F e b r u a r y 2 2 , 1 8 9 6 ; A A T , L a n g e v i n to W a l s h , F e b r u a r y 2 2 , 1 8 9 6 ; A E T R , L a n g e v i n to L a f l e c h e , F e b r u a r y 22, 1896; A E V , L a n g e v i n to E m a r d , F e b r u a r y 22, 1896 73 F e b r u a r y 17, 1896 74 A A T , S c o t t to W a l s h , F e b r u a r y 18, 1896

'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 189 province refused such a grant. Were the government to include such a clause, Choquette said, ' i l ... me mettrait presque dans l'obligation de l'approuver ... Ceci prouverait la bonne foi du Gouvernement et ferait disparaitre de mon esprit l'idee que ce bill n'est qu'un trompe l'ceil et n'est mis devant la chambre que pour passer les elections. ' On February 22 a delegation of seventeen high-ranking Liberals of the Quebec district, led by Sir C.A.P. Pelletier, Francois Langelier, M P , and Mayor Parent of Quebec City, paid an official visit to Archbishop Begin to plead the Liberal cause. This visit was clearly connected with the publica­ tion of Lacombe's letter to Laurier; in any case, L'Electeur gave a very rosy account, even though it admitted Begin's criticism of its own recent campaign against Labrecque and Abbe Paquet. 'Mgr. a parle de fagon a rassurer completement les catholiques qui appartiennent au parti liberal,' the report ran. More than that, L'Electeur continued, Begin had insisted that to him it was 'tout a fait indifferent que ce soit un parti plutot qu'un autre qui gouverne pourvu que le pays soit bien gouverne.' The delegation left, the newspaper concluded, 'enchantee de la reception qui lui avait ete faite et des paroles si conciliantes du distingue prelat.' Predictably enough, other versions of the interview were less sanguine. I n an attempt to clarify the situation and 'pour mettre fin aux differentes versions que la presse donne de la reponse faite,' Begin's secretary sent a letter which appeared in L ' Elect eur and La Mi nerve on the 26th. The letter outlined five points, the last of which was that the Quebec Liberal papers might be denounced officially i f their tone did not improve. Moreover, the letter indicated that the principle of remedial legislation ought to be accepted. On the other hand, it reserved judgment on the merits of the actual bill coming up before the House and repeated Begin's refusal to be identified with any political p a r t y . 7 5

76

77

T w o days after the visit o f the Liberal delegation to Begin, Laurier reinforced their presentation of the case with a long and careful letter to the Quebec archbishop. He enclosed Senator Scott's critique of the bill, and hoped that the same freedom to oppose episcopal desires in a political 75 A A S B , C h o q u e t t e to L a c o m b e , F e b r u a r y 22, 1896 76 L'Electeur,

F e b r u a r y 2 2 , 1 8 9 6 . O n e o f the d o c u m e n t s w h i c h the L i b e r a l s a p p a r e n t l y relied

u p o n in the i n t e r v i e w w a s C a r d i n a l (then A r c h b i s h o p ) T a s c h e r e a u ' s 1872 c i r c u l a r on the N e w B r u n s w i c k s c h o o l dispute. T a s c h e r e a u ' s d i r e c t i v e left C a t h o l i c s free to c h o o s e the m e a n s they j u d g e d best to a c h i e v e separate s c h o o l s without disrupting religious p e a c e . P A C , T a r t e P a p e r s , unsigned letter to B e g i n , 18 F e b r u a r y , 1896. 77 La Minerve,

F e b r u a r y 2 6 , 1 8 9 6 . B e g i n ' s statement a l s o took p a i n s to d e n y the r u m o u r that

a c o l l e c t i v e e p i s c o p a l letter w o u l d be sent to all C a t h o l i c M P S . S e e b e l o w , p p . 2 1 2 - 2 0 .

190 Priests and politicians matter would be extended to the Liberals as had been given the Conserva­ tives in the case of the disallowance of the 1894 amendments. I n particular, Laurier argued that the surest proof of the necessity of an inquiry, which he now called an 'etude preparatoire,' was the 'inefficacite absolue' of the bill which was being attempted without one. The most effective Liberal move o f the period between the first and second reading o f the bill was, however, a counter-attack against Father Lacombe. The weapon was none other than Lacombe's own January 20 ultimatum to Laurier. A s seen in the missionary's accounts of his meetings with the Liberal leader, Laurier had, during early February, used the letter with his inner circle o f advisers and as the hard core of his objections to Lacombe's entire approach. On February 20, the first public rumblings about the letter were heard in L'Electeur; the full text was published the following day. L'Electeur challenged Lacombe's right to speak as Tagent diplomatique de l'episcopat canadien,' and stated that an archbishop (either Begin or Fabre) had privately but strongly objected to the authority the missionary had assumed. Calling the letter 'insolente et pleine de menaces,' the Liberal newspaper particularly criticized the threat o f 'des foudres de l'Eglise' over a bill yet unpublished. On February 22, one o f L'Electeur's correspondents signing himself ' U n Membre de Parlement' (probably Dr Rinfret, deputy for Lotbiniere) excused Lacombe somewhat on the grounds o f inexperience, but nonetheless insisted that the mission­ ary was 'absolument incapable de jouer le role politique qu'on lui a confie.' The article even suggested recourse to Rome to check Lacombe's activities. La Patrie and Le Cultivateur enthusiastically joined the pro­ test. Beaugrand concentrated on the clerical pretensions involved, Tarte on the manner in which Conservative politicians had been able to use Lacombe as a puppet. T l s'est fait jouer de la plus incroyable des fagons,' Le Cultivateur proclaimed. ' I I a servi d'instrument a des hommes qui se moquent de sa credulite.' More significant was the measured but stern rebuke which appeared in the usually pro-Conservative and widely read La Presse: 78

79

80

81

82

L e s m a l h e u r s c h e v a u c h e n t e n t r o u p e , dit le p r o v e r b e . A u m o m e n t o u n o u s p e r d o n s le d e r n i e r e s p o i r a u M a n i t o b a , le R . P . L a c o m b e , m i s s i o n n a i r e a u N o r d - O u e s t , 78 P A C , L a u r i e r P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to B e g i n , F e b r u a r y 24, 1896 79 L'Electeur, 80 Ibid.,

F e b r u a r y 20, 1896

F e b r u a r y 22, 1896

81 La Patrie,

F e b r u a r y 21, 1896

82 F e b r u a r y 2 1 , 1 8 9 6

'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 191 adressait d ' O t t a w a , a l'hon. M . L a u r i e r , u n e lettre publique qui est, -

comment,

diable! e x p r i m e r c e l a ? - o n ne peut p l u s inopportune. I I est digne de r e m a r q u e que, c h a q u e fois que des m e m b r e s individuels d u clerge veulent diriger les politiques, ils c o m m e t t e n t

evenements

des e r r e u r s de tactique i m p a r d o n n a b l e s ; la lettre d u

devoue missionnaire ne deroge pas a cette c o u t u m e . E l l e v a rendre la position de M . L a u r i e r b i e n p l u s difficile et d o n n e r d e s a r m e s a n o s e n n e m i s . C e n ' e s t p a s a v e c d e s menaces

d'opposition

q u ' o n peut esperer faire quelqu'impression sur u n esprit

a u s s i i n d e p e n d a n t et a u s s i d e s i n t e r e s s e q u e c e l u i d u c h e f de l ' o p p o s i t i o n ; c ' e s t a v e c u n e n g a g e m e n t d ' h o n n e u r q u ' i l fallait de lier. L e langage d u P e r e L a c o m b e peut se r e s u m e r a c e c i : ' A p p r e n d s b i e n tes d e v o i r s et t u a u r a s d u s u c r e ; s i n o n , t u a u r a s u n b o n fouet.' C e l a peut etre de m i s e a v e c les petits s a u v a g e s des e c o l e s d u N o r d O u e s t q u e le R . P . d i r i g e a v e c t a n t d e z e l e et d e d e v o u e m e n t , produire des resultats malheureux a O t t a w a .

mais ne peut

que

8 3

On the following day, February 22, La Presse added that Lacombe's letter had placed many more than the Liberals in a difficult position, and was causing 'une penible impression chez tous les partisans de la loi reparatrice.' The Montreal paper went to some lengths to demonstrate that Lacombe could not possibly have spoken in the name o f all the bishops. Finally, it was pointed out that the inevitable result of such a threat was the kind of gathering of all anti-remedialists that was in fact being called on that very day in T o r o n t o . La Minerve's first reaction was to defend Lacombe's action. J. Royal's ministerial paper stated that the distinctive characteristic of the letter was 'la franchise qui ignore les sous entendus et va droit au but.' Lacombe's plea to Laurier was called 'un appel touchant... a la foi, au patriotisme et a l'esprit de justice d'un autre homme, son compatriote et un catholique comme lui. ' But La Minerve soon found itself obliged to shift emphasis to accusing Laurier of breaking confidence in allowing the letter to become public. Even on this point there seemed to be some doubt, with the Liberal delegation to Begin and L'Electeur blaming 'un collegue du Rev. Pere Lacombe' for releasing the letter. La Minerve had little patience with such suggestions. ' L a verite est,' the Bleu newspaper insisted on February 24, 'que M . Laurier a laisse trainer cette lettre sur son pupitre durant quinze jours et Fa communiquee a tout le monde.' More serious was the question 84

8 5

86

83 La Presse, 84 Ibid.,

February 21,1896

February 22,1896

85 La Minerve, 86 L'Electeur,

F e b r u a r y 22, 1896 F e b r u a r y 22, 1896

192 Priests and politicians of motive. ' L e but de cette indiscretion est evident,' La Minerve con­ cluded. ' I I s'agissait de soulever les ultra protestants contre la loi reparatrice et Ton a assez bien reussi.' Once again, La Presse seemed to strike the best balance. Replying to La Minerve's criticism and Lacombe's own defence published in the minister­ ial organ, La Presse reminded both the missionary and La Minerve that the onus for making the letter public was not the key question. I t was the merit of Lacombe's letter and of the obligation which it sought to impose that was the main issue. La Presse redoubled its assurances of respect for Lacombe as a missionary, but begged him to consider the result o f his 'diplomacy.' 'L'adoption du projet de loi qui semblait assuree est devenue problematique depuis cette publication,' the editorial stated. 'Les adversaires ont redouble d'ardeur et les amis sont devenus vacillants.' Worst o f all was the narrow corner in which Lacombe had managed to place the bishops. They could neither disavow him nor openly support him without great danger. Once more La Presse could only conclude that 'son interven­ tion ... a ete des plus malheureuses.' Not unexpectedly, English-Canadian reaction, both Liberal and Con­ servative, was highly critical of Lacombe's attempt to pressure Laurier. The Toronto rally o f February 23 at Massey Hall, already planned to protest the remedial bill, reflected ominous signs of the feelings which had been aroused. I n their reports of the assembly, both the Globe and the Mail and Empire pointed out that well-known leaders o f both parties had at­ tended, giving unmistakeable evidence of cleavage on the lines of race and religion. The Mail and Empire named twenty-three Ontario Conservative M P S who had resolved now to vote against the remedial b i l l . The Globe, generally adopting the same attitude as had La Presse, rejected Lacombe's complaint that confidence had been violated. 'The letter from beginning to end is political,' the Toronto paper observed, 'and he cannot complain i f the discussion upon it has followed those l i n e s . ' I t should be noted that the language of Ontario Liberal news comment, apparently at Laurier's request, was sufficiently restrained to prompt La Minerve to compare it favourably with the virulence o f the Quebec Liberal press. Nonetheless, the impact o f the Lacombe letter was unmistakeable in English Canada, 87

88

89

90

91

87 F e b r u a r y 24, 1896 88 F e b r u a r y 27, 1896 89 T o r o n t o Mail

and Empire,

90 T o r o n t o Globe, 91 La Minerve,

F e b r u a r y 24, 1896

F e b r u a r y 24, 1896

F e b r u a r y 27, 1896

'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 193 and the result was anything but favourable to the result the missionary had hoped to produce. The February 26 solemn resolution of the Manitoba legislature protesting the 'futile though unjustified attack' o f the remedial bill, and the similar protest o f the Ontario government o f March 4 , were clearly linked to the reaction against Lacombe's manifesto. Obviously crucial in terms of the significance of Lacombe's mission and of its long-range impact on the fate of the remedial bill, was the clerical reaction to the publication of his letter. Bishop Emard first learned o f the letter from the newspapers and immediately wrote to Archbishop Fabre in consternation: 92

P u i s - j e d e m a n d e r a V o t r e G r a n d e u r si q u e l q u ' u n a ete, p a r qui de droit, c h a r g e de r e p r e s e n t e r l ' E p i s c o p a t a u p r e s d u g o u v e r n e m e n t , et s i l ' a c c e p t a t i o n faite p a r l u i d e la L o i R e m e d i a t r i c e consequences

telle que proposee

doit reellement lier tous les E v e q u e s ? L e s

s o n t si g r a v e s q u e , s'il y a e u a u t o r i s a t i o n d o n n e e et e n g a g e m e n t p r i s

au n o m de l ' E p i s c o p a t , j ' a i ete p e r s o n e l l e m e n t tout a fait i g n o r e .

9 3

Fabre, attempting to calm Emard's apprehensions in his reply, merely confirmed the conclusion that Lacombe's action had been very much on the missionary's own initiative. ' L a lettre de Votre Grandeur est un mystere pour moi,' Fabre wrote. 'Je n'ai jamais entendu parlerd'adhesion de la part des Eveques a Facte du gouvernement.' Begin's position was uncertain. La Presse and others quoted him in criticism of Lacombe's letter, and his interview with the Liberal delegation of February 22 showed that he was not prepared to endorse the remedial bill as Lacombe had done. O n the other hand, the same interview revealed that Begin was far from repudiating Lacombe, and the missionary's own letter to Langevin from Trois-Rivieres on February 29 reported a very reassuring visit which he had just finished with the Quebec archbishop, currently in hospital: 94

95

S . G . m ' a recu avec sa bonte ordinaire. A p r e s une longue explication, qu'on voulait a v o i r de m a b o u c h e , os a d o s , plutot q u ' u n e lettre, M g r . m ' a d e c l a r e , c o m m e il a d u d e j a le faire d a n s

une

lettre

a V . G . , qu'il acceptait

votre

l'approuvait, promettant de nous supporter j u s q u ' a u bout. Mgr.

maniere

Sur mes

d'agir

et

remarques,

M ' a r a s s u r e m e disant qu'il n'y avait rien de vrai d a n s ce que les liberaux

92 W i n n i p e g Tribune,

F e b r u a r y 27, 1896; T o r o n t o Globe,

M a r c h 5, 1896

93 A A M , E m a r d to F a b r e , F e b r u a r y 21, 1896 (italics E m a r d ' s ) 94 A E V , F a b r e to E m a r d , F e b r u a r y 2 2 , 1 8 9 6 95 La Presse,

F e b r u a r y 22, 1896; L'Electeur,

F e b r u a r y 22, 1896

194 Priests and politicians avaient publie, affirmant que S . G . desapprouvait m a conduite. ' N e craignez pas u n s e m b l a b l e a c t e d e l a c h e t e et d e t r a h i s o n d e m a p a r t / m e d i s a i t - E l l e .

9 6

Abbe J.B. Proulx shared the general affection shown towards Lacombe, but also joined the critics. 'Que diable ce cher Pere allait-il faire dans cette galere?' he asked his friend Abbe Payette o f Trois-Rivieres. ' I I demand a un homme de signer pour une loi qui n'etait pas encore redigee; et s'il ne le fait pas, il le menace de l'opposition du clerge et de l'episcopat; i l se dit le representant des Eveques du pays ... En sacrifice, c'est un heros, mais un enfant en d i p l o m a t i c ' Even Abbe Langis, vicar general of Rimouski, and Abbe Corbeil o f the French-Canadian immigration agency, normally staunch clericalists, were quite perturbed by the all-inclusive nature o f Lacombe's statements. Comparing the letter to an earlier celebrated faux pas, Corbeil told Langevin that 'elle sera le pretexte ... pour faire voter plusieurs deputes contre la loi, comme celle de Mgr. Gravel a ete pour le mois de juillet dernier.' Colonel Audet and Lacombe himself, in their comments on the sequel, were reduced to protesting the public release o f the letter rather than defending its contents. Whatever the exact sequence o f events surrounding the publication o f the Lacombe letter, the ultimate responsibility for bringing it before the public eye must be placed with Laurier. Yet, as La Presse and others continued to point out, it was not Laurier who had created the occasion. I t was Lacombe, with Bishop Lafleche prominent in the background. I t is clear from Laurier's notes to Willison and John Dafoe, then with the Montreal Star, that the Liberal leader had decided to oppose the remedial bill well before February 2 0 . But the uproar that followed the letter's release confirmed Laurier's resolution. He would not yet allow himself great optimism, but the reaction to Lacombe's demand gave him at least long-range political hope. O n February 22, Laurier wrote Willison that his course was 'plainer yet to me perhaps than it ever was.' Laurier went on: 97

98

99

100

96 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 29, 1896 97 A S S T , P r o u l x P a p e r s , P r o u l x to P a y e t t e , F e b r u a r y 2 3 , 1 8 9 6 98 A A Q , L a n g i s to B e g i n , F e b r u a r y 2 5 , 1 8 9 6 ; A A S B , C o r b e i l to L a n g e v i n , n . d . 99 A A S B , A u d e t to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 27, 1896; L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 25, 1896 100 P A C , W i l l i s o n P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , F e b r u a r y 18, 1896; U n i v e r s i t y o f M a n i t o b a L i b r a r y , D a f o e P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to D a f o e , F e b r u a r y 17, 1896. E a r l i e r in F e b r u a r y , D a f o e had w r i t t e n a letter to the editor o f The Week

in praise o f L a u r i e r , a n d the L i b e r a l l e a d e r

w a s w r i t i n g to t h a n k h i m a n d to e n c o u r a g e D a f o e ' s political j o u r n a l i s m . S e e C o o k , The Politics

of John

W. Dafoe

and the Free

Press,

pp. 12-13. I n his o w n b i o g r a p h y o f L a u r i e r ,

D a f o e a s s i g n s to h i m s e l f a n important role in the ' c a l c u l a t e d i n d i s c r e t i o n ' o f r e l e a s i n g the letter ( D a f o e , Laurier,

p.38).

4

Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 195

I f w e a r e to h a v e a c o u n t r y at a l l , w e m u s t put d o w n the t h r e a t s o f all f a c t i o n s ,

&

a p p e a l w i t h g r e a t e r c o u r a g e t h a n e v e r , to the n o b l e r s e n t i m e n t s o f a l l C a n a d i a n s . I f u l l y e x p e c t t h a t t h e a c t i v e h o s t i l i t y o f t h e c h u r c h m a y c r u s h u s j u s t n o w ; it w i l l v e r y soon m a k e us stronger. A t all events,

it m u s t h a v e t h a t e f f e c t , i f t h e r e b e

any

m a n h o o d left i n C a n a d a . I do not disguise that I a m passing through a v e r y s e v e r e ordeal. T h e thought that m y a c t i o n is to c o s t t h e p o l i t i c a l life o f m a n y o f the n o b l e f e l l o w s w h o s u p p o r t m e s o l o y a l l y i s r a t h e r p a i n f u l a n d e v e n d i s t r e s s i n g - b u t t h e r e i s o n l y o n e w a y o p e n , & it is v e r y p l a i n .

1 0 1

There were many signs that the current in French Canada was indeed turning toward Laurier and the Liberal position, perhaps more quickly than the Liberal leader suspected. Even Lacombe's intense emotion did not prevent him from seeing the trend. The missionary tried to get Begin to proscribe L'Electeur, with the Quebec archbishop cooperating to the extent of the warning found in his public letter of February 24. Lacombe's greatest concern, however, was the erosion taking place in clerical sym­ pathies. I t was disturbing enough to hear a good Catholic lawyer warmly supporting Laurier's point of view, Lacombe told Langevin on February 18, but 'je suis epouvante de voir tant de pretres (haut places) pensants comme les l i b e r a u x . ' The publication o f his letter to Laurier evidently did anything but stem the tide. Despite the 'bienfaisant soulagement' which Lacombe felt as a result of Langevin's long-awaited approval of the reme­ dial bill, the missionary could only lament that 'c'est a ne pas y croire combien l'esprit du peuple est fausse! Quand je dis le peuple, j'entends plusieurs de nos bons citoyens et de plusieurs pretres et Cures qui marchent avec la politique de L a u r i e r . ' Ironically too, from Lacombe's standpoint, during the furore which followed the publication of his letter, ultramontane voices were heard, i f not in support of Laurier, at least in criticism of the efficacy of the bill and of the unqualified support Lacombe was giving it. I n his Moniteur de Levis, Senator Philippe Landry expressed strong opposition to the proposed system which would leave the Catholic school board under the sway o f the Greenway government. Such 'aid and comfort to the enemy' given by Le Moniteur and L a Verite prompted Colonel Audet, despite his own recently expressed suspicions of the Con102

103

104

105

101 P A C , W i l l i s o n P a p e r s , L a u r i e r to W i l l i s o n , F e b r u a r y 2 2 , 1 8 9 6 102 A A S B , L a c o m b e to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 1 8 , 1 8 9 6 103 Ibid.,

F e b r u a r y 18,1896

104 Ibid.,

February 25,1896

105 F e b r u a r y 22, 1896

196 Priests and politicians servatives, to recall bitterly 'le zele pharisaique des programmistes de 1871' and 'la venalite haineuse des castors de 1883.' I n their efforts at winning over ecclesiastics, the Liberals were probably not as successful as they had hoped, particularly in the case of Begin. A t the same time, combined with the reaction against Lacombe, they had made substantial inroads. Moreover, it must be concluded that, in the sequence of events Laurier and the Liberals played their cards well. Was the release of the Lacombe threat timed to coincide with Langevin's expected accep­ tance o f the remedial bill? Or was it to counter the rumour o f a more formidable ecclesiastical move, following upon Abbe Paquet's highly pub­ licized defence o f the right o f episcopal interference? However calculated the publicity decision, and although Laurier's moves may have contained more high dexterity than high principle, the timing contrived to take much of the impact out o f Langevin's approval, and to focus attention on a clerical move which was highly vulnerable to attack. I t was not that the Liberals were less given than the Conservatives to burning the candle at both ends. I f La Minerve, La Courrier du Canada, La Monde, and VEvenement varied all the way from saying that the Lacombe letter was private to insisting later on that it be accepted as the most official of public documents, L'Electeur and Le Cultivateur treated Lacombe's manifesto, depending on the occasion, sometimes as the insignificant statement o f an unauthorized person, sometimes as the formal challenge o f the entire hierarchy. The important fact was that many signs indicated that the Liberal strategy was beginning to work. Without the Liberal leader being at all sure o f it at the time, the brief period between the appearance of the Lacombe letter and the debate on the remedial bill must be viewed as a turning point in Laurier's political fortunes in Quebec. Whether the deci­ sion to oppose the remedial bill as directly as Laurier did on 3 March had been taken before the letter's publication is a moot point; Lacombe's own account o f his 15 February meeting with Laurier suggests that this was at least under discussion. The broadcast o f the Lacombe threat can thus be seen either as a trial balloon to test reaction, or as a move to get sympathy for a decision already taken. Either way, the response gave grounds for Laurier's increasing confidence. Reading over what the Liberals and others had to say about h i m , Lacombe often said that he wished to be back among the Indians where they said he belonged; at least he could understand their savagery better than that encountered at Ottawa. I n fact, with the exception o f a brief but important part in the story of the projected letter to the deputies, 106

106 A A S B , A u d e t to L a n g e v i n , F e b r u a r y 2 4 , 1 8 9 6

'Les malheurs chevauchent en troupe' 197 Lacombe's role soon became that o f a bystander, although a very excited one. Nonetheless, he had plunged deeply into the political cauldron o f the country. Many times he repeated that he did not want to be a party man; his political creed was to support the government in power as long as that government was working reasonably for justice and equity, in this case the restoration of the lost school rights. But, whether he wanted it or not, in late December and early January Lacombe had been in the middle of patching a shaky Conservative cabinet. He had become the government's chief in­ strument in pushing Archbishop Langevin to the acceptance on February 22 o f a bill against which the prelate had violently protested less than a week earlier. Finally, the missionary was the one through whom Laurier definitively broke with the episcopal position, or with what Lacombe said was the episcopal position. Willing or not, qualified or not, Lacombe had become at least as much a voice and arm of the Conservative government as he was of the bishops. I n many ways, the letter to Laurier may be taken as the symbol o f both the strongest and weakest points o f Lacombe's diplomatic mission. U n ­ questionably, it revealed courage and forthrightness; no one could ever accuse the missionary o f a lack o f energy or devotion to the cause o f the schools. Moreover, i f blame must be attached to the letter, Lacombe was not the only one involved. Lafleche, Langevin, and, to a lesser extent, Begin, all had some responsibility. Yet the letter was Lacombe's, first and last, and its approach, like its author's entire attitude to the political situation, must at least be called naive. T o attempt to exert the kind o f pressure which the letter implied, and at the same time to insist that the letter be kept private, was obtuse and unfair, if not actually impossible. The conclusion cannot be avoided that Lacombe did not in fact grasp the implications o f the situation into which he was plunged, particularly o f the complexities o f the party system. His support, and through him the some­ what checkered support o f the bishops for the Conservative remedial bill, involved upholding not only a bill of uncertain value, but the total program of a government which was crumbling under its own weight. As Abbe Proulx put it in his letter to Payette, 'on courrait risque de se lier imprudemment avec un corps qui, par son vice interieur, avant longtemps deviendrait cadavre.' Sixty-nine years old in February, projected, al­ most to his disbelief, into a world that was not his own, Lacombe spared nothing during his Ottawa mission. He was above all a man o f action, who would far rather have been accused o f having tried and failed than o f not having tried at all. But the price o f his decisive action came very high. 107

107 A S S T , P r o u l x P a p e r s , P r o u l x to P a y e t t e , F e b r u a r y 2 3 , 1 8 9 6

7 Debate on the remedial bill, the Smith mission, and the great filibuster

T U P P E R

A N D L A U R I E R

IN T H E H O U S E

The debate on the second reading o f the remedial bill which began on March 3 added little to the already overworked arguments for and against remedial action. Yet much was added to the strategy and the tension involved, both for the contesting political parties and in the church-state interplay which was so close to the core of the problem. There could have been no clearer sign of the leadership that Tupper had assumed than his moving the second reading of the remedial bill. Like others who were to follow, Tupper voiced the feeling that this was the most important debate in Parliament since confederation. A review of the events and compromises which preceded confederation formed the first part of Tupper's address. He spoke of the conviction of the delegates to the Quebec Conference that the proposed scheme 'afforded the means of removing that antagonism of race and religion which had been found to act so fatally in reference to the interests of Canada.' Tupper's argument was built around the clear intent o f section 93 o f the B N A A c t and laid heavy stress on Alexander Gait's sponsorship o f the clause in order to protect Protestant school rights in Quebec. Tupper reconstructed the scene at the Westminster Palace Hotel Conference in London and called upon the 1

1

L . C . C l a r k , in ' T h e C o n s e r v a t i v e Administrations' (thesis), pp.454-79, has devoted an e x t e n s i v e r e v i e w to the m a i n s p e e c h e s o f the d e b a t e . C e r t a i n k e y s t a t e m e n t s , h o w e v e r , d e s e r v e p a r t i c u l a r attention i n this s t u d y .

Remedial bill, Smith mission, and filibuster 199 still-living members (Sir Hector Langevin was the only one in the House) to witness that there would have been no Confederation without the dele­ gates' bowing to Gait's insistence on this limitation to provincial powers in regard to education. Tupper reviewed the familiar arguments about the obligation imposed on the federal government by the second Privy Council decision and quoted 'eminent divines' of many Protestant churches as 'ready to endorse the action of the Government of Canada.' Tupper cited especially Sir William Dawson, longtime superintendent of education for N o v a Scotia, 'not only a Protestant but a Presbyterian of the sternest sect,' as having given a 'most clear and emphatic' signed declaration of his support for the proposed remedial bill. As he had in his election campaign, Tupper emphasized that the issue was 'not a question of separate schools,' but 'a question of the constitution of the country,' that the federal govern­ ment proposed to interfere in the least degree possible, and that the Man­ itoba government was still invited to take action. He admitted that there had been great division and difficulty in drawing up the bill and that the government was still open to suggestions of means which might remove the necessity of going through with the measure. The point, Tupper con­ cluded, was to end, not to begin, religious wrangling on the question. Laurier's turn came next. Just as surely as Bishop Labrecque had done a month earlier, Laurier now crossed his own Rubicon. Instead o f simply opposing Tupper's motion for the second reading of the bill, Laurier in an amendment called for a six months' hoist. Both the tone of defiance and the arguments used in developing the Liberal leader's amendment were significant. Laurier claimed that there was no help for the minority in the government bill. Yet ' i t would be a most violent wrench of the principles upon which our constitution is based.' Laurier took Tupper to task for his analysis o f the history o f Confederation. He suggested that the separatism which Tupper had encountered in N o v a Scotia in 1866-7 had been focused more against coercion than against the idea of confederation itself. Turning to the later period, Laurier traced the recurring friction within the Canadian framework to attempts by one section to force another, giving as an example the N e w Brunswick school agitation and the Jesuit estates' case. Much more emphatically than he had in previous statements during the remedialist controversy, Laurier dwelt on provincial rights. 'The danger is all the more to be apprehended,' he stated, ' i f , searching further on for the causes which have brought about this commotion, you find that on every occasion there abridges the independence, the sovereignty of the provin2

2

C a n a d a , H o u s e o f C o m m o n s , Debates,

1896, p p . 2 7 2 1 - 3 6

200 Priests and politicians cial legislatures.' Commenting on Tupper's remarks on section 93, Laurier contended that this feature o f the constitution which granted one legisla­ ture power over another was 'perhaps a great error.' The government clearly had the power to coerce, but this did not answer the question of how the power should be used. Thus Laurier recommended a 'full and ample inquiry ... conciliation ... coercion only as a last resort.' He insisted that a chief failure all along had been the lack of proper investigation; even with the decision of the Privy Council at hand there was still need for publication of facts. T o Foster's impatient interjection asking what needed to be investigated, Laurier replied that he would inquire precisely into the main points of the petition of the Roman Catholic minority, that is, that there had been a compact between the Catholics and England at the time of Manitoba's entry, that the system o f common schools was repugnant to their consciences, and that the Manitoba schools were in reality Protestant schools. A s for the Donald Smith mission, Laurier felt that it had been a year too late, and that even now the government was disowning responsi­ bility for this one measure of conciliation which had been tried. Instead, they were insisting on a highly offensive yet ineffective bill. I t was in the peroration, almost as an 'obiter dicta,' that Laurier made his most startling move and effectively shifted the ground of the battle. 'Not many weeks ago,' Laurier stated, T was told from high quarters in the Church to which I belong that unless I supported the School Bill which was then being prepared by the government and which we have now before us, I would incur the hostility of a great and powerful body.' Calling this 'too grave a phase of this question for me to pass over in silence,' Laurier nonetheless insisted that 'no word of bitterness shall ever pass my lips against that Church.' As he had many times during his career, Laurier dissociated himself with the continental brand o f anti-clerical liberalism, reaffirming his identity as a 'Liberal of the English school,' who believed that it was 'the privilege o f all subjects, whether high or low, whether rich or poor, whether ecclesiastics or laymen, to participate in the administra­ tion of public affairs, to discuss, to influence, to persuade, to convince.' Then came Laurier's most memorable, and in the eyes of some, most vulnerable statement: I am here representing not Roman Catholics alone but Protestants as well, and I must give an account of my stewardship to all classes. Here am I , a Roman Catholic of French extraction, entrusted by the confidence of the men who sit around me with great and important duties under our constitutional system of government. I am here acknowledged leader of a great party, composed of Roman Catholics and

Remedial bill, Smith mission, and filibuster 201 Protestants as w e l l , as Protestants m u s t be in the majority in e v e r y party in C a n a d a . A m I to be t o l d , I , o c c u p y i n g s u c h a p o s i t i o n , that I a m to b e d i c t a t e d the c o u r s e I a m to t a k e i n this H o u s e , b y r e a s o n s that c a n a p p e a l to the c o n s c i e n c e s o f m y

fellow-

C a t h o l i c m e m b e r s , b u t w h i c h d o not a p p e a l as w e l l to the c o n s c i e n c e s

of

Protestant colleagues? N o .

my

S o long as I h a v e a seat in this H o u s e , so long as I

o c c u p y t h e p o s i t i o n I d o n o w , w h e n e v e r it s h a l l b e c o m e m y d u t y t o t a k e a s t a n d u p o n any question w h a t e v e r , that stand I will take not u p o n grounds of R o m a n C a t h o l i c i s m , not upon grounds of Protestantism, but u p o n grounds w h i c h c a n a p p e a l to the c o n s c i e n c e

of all m e n , irrespective of their particular faith, upon

grounds w h i c h c a n be occupied by all m e n w h o love justice, freedom and toleration.

Having made his daring thrust, Laurier did not attempt to soften its impact by any summary or further argument. He simply renewed his call for an inquiry and moved the amendment that 'the Bill be not now read the second time but that it be read the second time this day six months.' It can hardly be overemphasized that the stand adopted by Laurier did not affect the logic but only the tactics o f the debate on remedialism. His introduction of the Lacombe threat, praiseworthy or otherwise, was a deliberate and significant political move, only indirectly related to the merits or demerits of the bill at hand. Laurier's close personal friend, L . O . David, confirmed that the step was taken only after careful forethought, and with more than a little apprehension. Precisely how much Laurier personally regarded the Lacombe letter as official church policy cannot be known with certainty. Laurier's communications with Begin, the known misgivings o f Emard and Fabre, and the emphatic reaction against Lacombe after the publication of his letter, suggest that the Liberal leader felt that there was sufficient doubt in the matter for him to risk the danger in French Canada against the obvious gains which could be made in English Canada. Laurier's letter to Willison thanking the editor for the Globe's praise showed confidence that the gamble had been justified. T understand that this speech has been well received in Ontario,' Laurier said with proper reticence. ' I n Quebec it has made the Bleus mad with rage, but I never saw our friends in better fighting condition. ' Inside Parliament, John Charlton, the N o r t h Norfolk Liberal member who had long been known for his emphatic Protestant and Anglo-Saxon outlook, exulted that Laurier's amendment was 'the most pronounced form of hostility to the Bill which 3

4

5

3 //>/