Praying for Power: Buddhism and the Formation of Gentry Society in Late-Ming China 0674697758, 9780674697751

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Praying for Power: Buddhism and the Formation of Gentry Society in Late-Ming China
 0674697758, 9780674697751

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Praying/or Power

HarvardYenching Institute Monograph Series 38

Published by the Council on East Asian Studies Harvard University and the HarvardYenching Institute Distributed by Harvard University Press Cambridge (Massachusetts) and London

Prayingfor Power BUDDHISM AND THE FORMATION OF GENTRY SOCIETY IN LATE-MING CHINA

Timothy Brook

Copyright 1993 by The President and Fellows of Harvard College Printed in the United States of America The Harvard-Yenching Institute, founded in 1928 and headquartered at Harvard University, is a foundation dedicated to the advancement of higher education in the humanities and social sciences in East and South­ east Asia. The Institute supports advanced research at Harvard by faculty members of certain Asian uni­ versities, and doctoral studies at Harvard and other universities by junior faculty at the same universities. It also supports East Asian studies at Harvard through contributions to the Harvard-'Venching Library and publication of the H arvard Journal o f A siatic Studies and books on premodern East Asian history and literature. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Brook, Timothy, 1951Praying for power : Buddhism and the formation of gentry society in late-Ming China / Timothy Brook. p. cm. — (Harvard-'Vfenching-Institute monograph series ; 38) Includes bibliographical references and index. i s b n 0-674-69775-8 1. Buddhism —Social aspects —China. 2. Gentry— China. I. Title. II. Series.

BS641.B7

1993

3o6_6’943’095i—dc2o

93-54°7 C IP

Photographs from Shim bukkyd shiseki tosaki (1972) by Tokiwa Daijo reprinted by kind permission o f Kokusho Kankokai, Tokyo. Glossary-Index by Tim othy Brook

In memory o f my teachers Holmes Welch and Joseph Fletcher

Contents

List of Tables

x

List of Maps

xi

List of Figures Preface

xii

xiii

Translation Conventions

xvii

Introduction: Monastic Patronage and the Gentry: The Problem T h e Historiography of G entry Studies Buddhism and the G entry

5

15

G entry Society and the Public Sphere

23

T h e Ch anging Social Context o f the Buddhist M onastery

2g

Part 1: The Culture of Buddhism 1

The Passionate Lifeof Zhang Dai

2

Like a Lid

37

to aBox, Like Iceto Ash: Accommodating Buddhism

T h e Relationship o f Buddhism to Neo-Confucianism T h e N eo-Confucian Absorption T h e N eo-Confucian Reaction Accommodation

83

63 74

57

viii

5

Contents

Holding a Cup of New Tea and Listening to Sutras: Buddhism in Gentry Culture 8g Assessing Buddhism’s Presence in G entry Society Buddhist Observances and Rituals g6 T h e Organization o f L a y Associations io j Tourism and Cultural Pursuits wy Gentry Uses o f M onastic Space 114. Gentry Becom ing M onks ng

Part 2: Monastic Patronage 4 5

The Patrons of Dinghu Mountain

137

How the Gentry Patronized Monasteries

J^g

Financial Patronage 160 T h e Acquisition o f Lan d 165 G entry Supervision o f M onastic Affairs Literary Patronage rj6 Temporal Trends o f Patronage

181

6 Why the Gentry Patronized Monasteries Gender-Based Patronage Kinship-Based Patronage Religious Appeals ig6 Social Appeals 202

172

185

188 igi

Cultural Appeals 208 Social Networks 213 Publicizing G en try Identity 2/5 M erchant Philanthropy in Contrast

217

Part 3 ; Patronage in Context 7

The Patronage of Gentry in a Small County: Zhucheng County, Shandong 227 Zhucheng Environm ent and Social Structure T h e Zhucheng G entry 2^6 Zhucheng Religious Institutions 238 Zhucheng M onastic Patronage

8

242

The Patronage of Gentry in a Large County: Yin County (Ningbo)} Zhejiang 249 Y in Environm ent and Social Structure Y in Religious Institutions 253 T h e G reat M onasteries o f Y in 255 T h e Y in G entry 264 Buddhism and the Y in G entry 266 Y in M onastic Patronage 27/

250

228

Contents

g

Patronage and the County Magistrate: Dangyang County, Hubei Buddhist Patronage and the State 279 D angyang Environm ent and Social Structure D angyang Religious Institutions 288 Buddhism and the D angyang G entry 2go T h e Patronage o f Yuquan M onastery 295 G en try Patronage and the M agistrate

300

Conclusion: The Separation of State and Society T h e Ideal o f W ithdrawal in the Late M in g Buddhism and the L a te -M in g G entry 316 T h e Late M in g and the L ate Song T h e Late M in g and the Late Q ing

Notes

335

Bibliography 393

373

284

321 32 5

311 312

2j8

Tables

1

Local Gentry Patrons of Guangming Monastery

2

Patronal Activities of Elite Gentry Lineages of Yin County: 1500-1644 274

5

Gentry Patronage of Yuquan Monastery in the Seventeenth Century

x

243

296

1

Zhucheng County

2

Yin County

5

Dangyang County

251

Figures

ia

The front monastery of Putuo Island in the ig^os

47

ib

The back monastery of Putuo Island in the ig^os

48

2 to y A Pilgrim’s Progress: Approaching Tiantong Monastery 8

The reliquary at King Asoka Monastery

9 JO

King Asoka Monastery in the 1930s

xii

Yuquan Monastery

2Q2

201 260

128 to 133

Preface

Two slabs of marble lay stretched on the convent courtyard, half shaded by a long plastic tarpaulin of blue and white. In the shade sat the carver, bent over the face of one of the stones, chiseling out the characters brushed on the surface as neatly as beads on an aba­ cus. They were names. Several dozen were already incised in two rows across the top of the slab. M any more waited for his chisel. I did not have to ask him what this list of names signified, for under each was inscribed a sum of money. Jim ing Convent was under restoration when I was in Nanjing in the spring of 1989, and these were its benefactors. Once completed, the two steles would stand in the courtyard to publicize their generosity. The patrons’ names would be there for all to see. Yonghe Gong, the Lam a monastery in Beijing, had been restored earlier in the decade, and when I visited it later the same year, I found a benefactors5 stele already standing in the courtyard in front of the main hall. Over one hundred and fifty names were arrayed in ten rows down the front of the stone. From the mouth of an ornate carving of a dragon on the top of the stele issued a four-character inscription declaring that the “fragrance” of their good deed would linger on for ten thousand years. For those who had missed this opportunity for public recognition, it was still possible in the fall of 1989 to make a donation toward the refurbishing of the Buddha statue inside the hall. Visitors were asked to make a donation and sign the patrons’ register set out on a table on the other side of the xiii

xiv

Preface

courtyard, with the assurance that their names would be duly inscribed in stone when the project was completed. In China, erecting a stone stele to publicize the good names of patrons is a recent revival of an old practice. A new surge of patron­ age in the 1980s, released by a change in political climate, has un­ leashed a small wave of texts in stone. This new generation of steles belongs to a much altered environment, the social meaning of ben­ efaction having changed immensely between the late sixteenth cen­ tury and the late twentieth; yet the stele continues to serve as the standard public form for commemorating donations and the pro­ jects they fund. The stele is not a simple financial record. It docu­ ments not wealth alone, but status and power as well. By recording who gives, a stele announces who is capable of giving, who wishes to be known as having given, and who seeks to be known as having given in whose company. As such, it testifies to the structure of the social world of patrons and non-patrons alike. The form remains the same from one century to the next, but the implicit content changes as the social reality embedded in the text shifts over time. This book is about the social world described by steles four centur­ ies old. It asks about the social structure of monastic patroi^age in late-Ming China focusing on the local gentry, who were the princi­ pal source of financial patronage of that time. The gentry were the elite of late imperial China. Their formal status derived from perfor­ mance in the state system of examinations and degree titles. During the sixteenth century, this group, both degree-holders and their larger circle of male agnates, affines, and associates, greatly ex­ panded both in size and in the power to dominate local affairs. They engaged in many types of public activity to give expression to that power, and the patronage of Buddhist monasteries was perhaps the most significant type. At first glance, Buddhism would seem to represent a world apart, a folk-based devotional realm from which the gentry might prefer to distance themselves. Orthodox Confucians, after all, despised Bud­ dhism as a superstition of the people; officials suspected it was a ground from which sectarian activity could arise to threaten the security of the state; and scholars in the twentieth century have declared M ing Buddhism to have been in decline. To find the names of county gentry consistently recorded on monastic patrons, steles between the mid sixteenth and late seventeenth centuries, as I did, came as a surprise. To see the institutions of a supposedly moribund

Preface

xv

religion come back to life through the efforts of an elite trained to treat it antagonistically posed the puzzle that prompted me to write this book. This study of monastic patronage began as a doctoral dissertation at Harvard University under the supervision of Philip A. Kuhn. His high standards of scholarship and analysis were inspirational, if at times intimidating, and I continue to strive to meet them. Most of the primary research was conducted in Japan with the support of the Sheldon Fund of Harvard University, the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science, and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. During my two-and-a-half years’ stay in Japan, I was privileged to be a research associate at the Institute of Oriental Culture (Toyo Bunka Kenkyujo) at Tokyo University. The friendship and intellectual sympathy of Saeki Yuichi and Kishimoto (nee Nakayama) Mio are cherished memories of my time there. In addition, the advice of Tanaka Masatoshi at the University of Tokyo and Chikusa Masaaki at the University of Kyoto contri­ buted substantially to the direction of my work. I would also like to acknowledge the help given to me by the staff of the Institute library, as well as by the staffs of the Toyo Bunko, the National Archives (Kobun Kokan), the Sonkeikaku Bunko, the Seikado Bunko, and the Institute of Humanistic Studies (Jimbun Kagaku Kenkyujo) at the University of Kyoto. While writing the original dissertation, I received major support from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Can­ ada, the Whiting Foundation, and the Committee on Degrees in Social Studies at Harvard University. I am particularly grateful to the Committee’s chairman, David Landes, for placing me in an in­ terdisciplinary context that has had a lasting influence on how I look at history. The slow work of revision has dogged my footsteps from the University of Alberta to the University of Toronto, both of which generously provided research funds to carry the task forward. Over successive drafts, Jean Baechler, Peter Bearman, Cynthis Brokaw, Valerie Hansen, Jonathan Spence, and Alexander Woodside provided the critical readership I needed to give this study shape and direction, and the encouragement to think that I might be able to bring my work up to their standards. Two of the case stud­ ies were presented in different form at two conferences, one on Chi­ nese local elites and patterns of dominance held in Banff in August

xvi

Preface

1987, the other on schooling, law, and the reproduction of social order in early modern Eurasia held at the University of Minnesota in M ay 1991. I am grateful to their organizers, Joseph Esherick and M ary Rankin, and Edward Farmer, as well as to the other partici­ pants for the constructive criticism these papers received. M y deep­ est thanks, however, are reserved for my colleague and friend Bin Wong who, throughout the entire process of research and writing, criticized and guided this project in a way that has profoundly shaped its outcome. I f I send this book into the world with any regrets, they are that Holmes Welch did not live to see what his work and personal exam­ ple inspired and that Joseph Fletcher could not once again be my most critical and most enthusiastic reader.

Translation Conventions

Buddhist institutions and structures: an cangjingge chansi ge jingshi niyuan si tang yuan

chapel library Chan monastery pavilion hermitage convent monastery hall cloister

Other institutions of worship: ci gong guan miao

shrine temple (Daoist) monastery temple

Praying fo r Power

Introduction Monastic Patronage and the Gentry The Problem Between a religion and its institutions lies a wide terrain choked with the circumstances channeling the course of everyday life. The prevailing relationship between church and state, for one example, imposes political constraints on the organization of religious activ­ ity. Economic resources and labor relations, for another, determine the feasibility of funding religious undertakings. Social structures, for a third, shape religious constituencies and their internal rela­ tions. And, for co- and non-religionist alike, cultural perceptions determine which institutional forms make sense and which are patently absurd. Such circumstances affect the content of religious doctrine and belief, though in heavily mediated ways. To believe in the Buddha is to know oneself in a profoundly personal fashion, but this is a knowledge anchored in psychological influences too com­ plex for this study to disentangle. To build the Buddha a monastery, however, is a different matter. It is to know what mortar costs, for instance, and what income can be projected from agricultural land, and what state regulations have to be accommodated or got around, and what religious functions need to be housed, and what the neigh­ bors think. In other words, building a monastery is knowing what a monastery is and what it means on the circumstantial terrain of one’s cultural position. The social essence of a monastery (or of any religious institution) is determined by that terrain. The belief systems of the religion to which a monastery is dedicated may dictate the activities conducted

2

Introduction

within its walls. But the walls themselves —and the land they stand on, the labor to raise them, the funds to pay for them —are social facts. Social facts rather than religious beliefs specify their existence and determine the significance they hold for members of that soci­ ety. It is for this reason that religious institutions can furnish the his­ torian with windows in the wall of silence that separates us from the social life of the past. This book is about neither religion nor its institutions. It is about a. universaj mode of interaction between religious institutions and society. Patronage —the funding of religious activity, personnel, or institutions by lay supporters —is a relationship that arises in all reli­ gions, though its scale varies with the degree to which religious pro­ fessionals are d ivo i^ d from productive labor. In China, where the elite scorned manual labor, the Buddhist abbot modeled himself on the, coujtier rather than on the peasant, and his residence on the lofty halls of the imperial palace rather than on the peasant hut. Such expectations regarding Buddhist sites were firmly rooted in Chinese culture by the fifth century, when Luoyang, the capital of the Northern Wei dynasty, in the words of the contemporary author Yang Xuanzhi, boasted luxuriously appointed monasteries that “in size and magnificence no prince’s house could match.” Monastic establishments of this grandeur necessitated sources of funding from outside the ecclesiastic community. Monks rarely controlled the economic resources necessary to operate large institutions inde­ pendently of outside support. Wealthy benefactors had to be solic­ ited for generous donations in order to maintain the physical fabric of Buddhist religious life. Thus in Luoyang, according to Yang, “princes,dukes, and ranking officials donated such valuable things as elephants and horses as generously as if they were slipping shoes from off their feet. The people and wealthy families parted with their treasures as easily as with forgotten rubbish.” 1 The elite, will­ ing to share wealth and authority with Buddhist monasteries, dominated~the lijit^orgairons. Elite patronage would continue to play a large role in the life o f Buddhist monasteries in China down to the twejatietH century. If elite patronage was a relatively constant fact of Chinese Bud­ dhism, the groups who patronized monasteries shifted over time, as the structure of the elite changed in relation to larger forces. This study is about patronage by the local gentry during a unique period in China’s history, from the middle of the sixteenth century to the

M onastic Patronage and the G en ry

3

middle of the seventeenth. This period I shall loosely refer to as the late^lillg- It was a time of broad changes in the structure of social life, fed in large part by the commercialization of th^economy. The shift from limited to large-scale circulation of commodities was already underway by the turn of the sixteenth century and was accel­ erated by the inflationary impact of silver imports after mid­ century.2 Since the rise in land prices and the increase in the volume and circulation of money through the century favored those who controlled land and credit^ the upper stratum of wealthy gentry, landlords, and merchants grew in numbers and resources^ As more of their wealth took the form of silver, which was much easier to accumulate and conserve over time than stocks of grain, the rich could mobilize andjnvest it more easily. That wealth often went into the building^tphysj^Lstm ctures, monasteries among them.3 The late M ing is not to be characterized solely as an age of greater wealth dispensed from the hands of the wealthy. Commer­ cialization also aided families of l^se^^aln s, improving their access to the necessary means to gentry status: literacy and education. As more and more families could affo^t^rwesTlTrtHeTchoIar?s career for their more promising young males, the number of titled gentle­ men within local arenas grew. Cultural as well as economic activi­ ties increasingly set the local gentry apart. Poems were written, books published, shrines built, painters patronized, gardens laid out, tea savored and celebrated. A unique body of attitudes and plea­ sures emerged out of these activities to shape the cultural world of th^Jal^JSilmg-ggntry.. Chapter 1 offers a brief portrait of this world. The late M ing was also a period of^reviv^ for institutional reli^gion. Buddhist monasteries on the brink of financial dissolution were reestablished; an impoverished and undertrained clergy was revitalized; and an orthodox lay movement took root and expanded dramatically. The chief context of this revival was the foy^iatipn and ^gpansion of the local gentry. It was they who paid for the monasterie^ sponsored^ie^Iergy, and took up Buddhist devotions on a scale not seen for centuries. The connection between the Buddhist revival and the gentry was toointimal^jLnxi-widespread to be merely instrumental. It was formative. As the biographer of the noted Bud­ dhist patron Lu GuangzxTpHrased it in 1596, monasteries were flour­ ishing because “noted gentry and great Confucians were extending benevolent assistance to Buddhist transformation.’’4 Rather than just reflecting the development of the late-Ming gentry, the Buddhist

4

Introduction

revival was part of that development. That is the pasic assumption ^ ~ ^ ^ The object of the gentry’s patronage under study is the institution known in Chinese as si3 conventionally translated as “monastery.” A si signifies a place of residence for Buddhist clergy, though the num­ ber of residents could range from one to several hundred. Si were ubiquitous in M ing China. A smaller county might have two dozen such institutions, a larger county a hundred. The term was generic for residential Buddhist sites before the M ing dynasty, but the Ming ban on the private founding of new si5 meant that most Buddhist establishments founded during the M ing were known as^an (trans­ lated herein as “chapel”) rather than si. As the late-Ming author Feng Menglong explained in the one county gazetteer he wrote, pub­ lished in Fujian in 1637, the distinction had primarilyJ3ureaiicgatu:_, Si were institutions that had received official authoriza■significance: — * tion and on that basis had a right to expect the magistrate’s protec­ tion, whereas an were privately founded and hence of dubious legality.6 In practice the distinction was also one of scale. Being newer than si3 chapels were smaller and housed only one or two monks. They also tended to be located outside the main nodes of a count/s religious topography, where the older si, often enjoying his­ tories going back to the Tang or Song dynasties, predominated. Many chapels in fact were built in the M ing purely for the religious uses of private families. is to explore ^the~gentr.y*s™eollective .support for-tke4 argeiv mor-e The gentry’s patronage of major Buddhist monasteries in the late M ing should be distinguished not just from their funding of small, private chapels, but also from the support that villages and urban neighborhoods commonly extended to the smaller temples or shrines in their vicinity. The 上wo systems ofg^jy^nage were akin to the extent that they served as associational al foci for their 1 respective social circles, yet each rested on a different-compos 细 ■stricture and served different ends. Smaller temples and shrines received support from a narrowly circumscribed area. The temple associations that raised such support were oriented to the needs of the village community and served as sites for community organiza­ tion; they constituted an arena of parochial leadership th a tja y -beneath the social and cultural sphere of the elite. Larger monasteries, on the other hand, drew support from the elite of a larger area, often an entire county. Culturally constructed as elite institutions, -

1

■-

Historiography o f G en try Studies

5

monasteries were harnessed to serve the needs of county elites. They were a focus less often of a community than of a class. T he H isto rio g ra p h y o f G entry Stu d ies Th^dogonjexrtation in gentry and Buddhist writings regarding mon­ asteries in the late M ing is reasonably ^good, particularly with respect to the gentry’s involvement. This record, hitherto largely neglected, allows a more historical approach to the late-Ming gentry than characterizes the work of earlier generations of scholars. The Chinese gentry emerged as a major topic of research, partic­ ularly among exiled Chinese scholars, in the 1950s.7 The study of the Chinese gentry before 1975, however, tended to investigate the gen­ try as a generic category rather than as a concrete historical forma­ tion. The^ concenTmotivating scholars of this first wave of research on the gentry was to excavate the solid lode of conservatism in Chi­ nese society that appeared to hamper China’s renovation in the mod­ ern world. Exploring the internal dynamics of Chinese society, it was hoped at this time, would e玉 to adapt more effectively to the onslaught of Western imperialism in the nine­ teenth and twentieth centuries. It was China’s failure in this regard that fueled the radical solution of Communist revolution, and forced many of these scholars into political exile. Rather than blame the West for China’s predicament, as Commu­ nist historiography did, exiled scholars turned to the subject of rural elites and searched for the roots of the problem on home ground. Gentry studies fitted nicely with modernization theory, then becom­ ing current in North American academic circles. According to the modernization paradigm, countries like China failed to respond posiTivelyto the Western challenge not because of imperialism’s inter­ vention from the outside, but because of inflexible native social structures that hampered the introduction of modern Western insti­ tutions. The gentry came to be identified as a major component of domestic social and^political ronser似十ism' an^uTXp^dlmenr tolnodernization that led to what exiled scholars regarded as the aberra­ tion of Communist rule. As a result of these concerns, the analysis of the gentry that emerged from the scholarship of the 1950s and early 1960s tended to be essentialist rather than historical: identifying key features characteristic of gentry society rather than investigating the process by which the

6

Introduction

gentry responded to specific historical conditions to generate that society. This^cssfintjalist^approach, as C_ K . ^ n g notedin 1964, fit well with the model of Chinese society favored by^vVeberi^i sociol­ ogy,8 Like the other founding figures of moderiT^bcietegy, ^/lax Weber was preoccupied with understanding the origins and charac­ ter of European capitalism. The link he established between the rise of capitalism in Europe and the Protestant ethic formed a central hypothesis in his sociology and guided his method. Weber argued thatj^tion^lit^ihe spirit of initiative, and restraint within Calvinist Protestantism favored the development of what he called the ca^ital= js t spixjt, which was in turn conducive to the rise of capitalism. Contra Karl M arx, Weber did not believe that-XDateriaJ conditiofi^ alone were sufficient to explain why capitalism developed. He turned to the major non-European civilizations for verification and found his best comparative instance in China. China intrigued Weber. China had not produced capitalism, yet it had developed many of the features he associated with capitalist society. He concluded, in keeping with his interpretation of the Prot­ estant ethic in Europe, that capitalism had not developed in China because a religious spirit conducive to it was missing. In exploring this comparison, he directed his attention to a feature of apparent modernity in China, its hm^aucrac^ During Weber’s lifetime, bureaucracy emerged in Europe as a central element of the capitalist state. Capitalism strove to maximize the use of labor and resources on a large scale, and bureaucracy provided it with an ^ppm pria^1 _ 1 for efficiently m^nafflrxgJargQ mimbei^s-eC-p^gol a long history of bureaucratic organization, Weber queried why bureaucracy there had not served to propel China in the direction of capitalism. A significant limiting factor, according to Weber, was China’s unificgjiQ33^a& a geographically extensive realm under a single em­ peror. He argued that the “pacification of a unified empire,” a course that failed in Europe, denied bureaucracy a positive role in the development of modern society in China.9 Going back two mil­ lennia, Weber noted that bureaucracy in both China and the West first took form b^forejmpcrial uaificatipn, to serve the monarch. In China, the fierce struggle of militarized competitors during the War­ ring States period (475-221 b .c .) prompted the need to maximize the levy of manpower and strategic distribution of resources, and so non-personal taxation (of land) was differentiated from personal tax-

H istoriography o f G entry Studies

7

ation (through corvee). Bureaucracies took form to handle these new and enlarged tasks for the patrimonial ruler.10 Once China was unified in 221 B .C ., however, the rivalry of autonomous states disap­ peared, and with it1 the pressures for “the central administrative rationalization of the empire.” 11 Imperial China thus came to be ruled not by a “rational” bureaucracy of the modern European type, but by what Weber called a “patrimonial” bureaucracy. In a patrimonial bureaucracy, individuals may enter officialdom and receive promotion on the basis of impersonal bureaucratic pro­ cedures, but they also “are charged, in addition to their administra­ tive tasks proper, with attendance on the person of the ruler and with representational duties.’’12 The evolution from patrimonialism to bureaucratism, with its “increasing functional division and ra­ tionalization, especially with the expansion of clerical tasks and of authority levels through which official business must pass,” 13 re­ mained incomplete. As a result, the Chinese bureaucracy was a sys­ tem of “authoritarian and internalized bondage” in which the rela­ tion of officials to their superiors was “very precarious.’’14 M ax Weber concluded that the ijnaperial mongpoly, oLpower that brought the Warring States period to an end in 221 B .C . rendered the Chinese bureaucracy impervjoys to^rationalization, the evolution­ ary process at the heart of Europe’s modern capitalist states. The impediment, in Weber’s opinion, was4 ack_g£^g©mpetitimi. “Ju st as competition for markets compelled the rationalization of private enterprise, so competition for political power compelled the rational­ ization of state economy and economic policy both in the Occident and in the China of the Warring States.” B^t this healthy competi­ tion was not possible within the ir^erid^ framework. “Among states, power monopoly prostrates rational management in administra­ tion, finance, and economic policy. The impulse toward rationaliza­ tion which existed while the Warring States were in competition was no longer contained in the world empire.” 15 By attributing China’s stasis to its bureaucratic organization, Weber was implicitly reject­ ing Karl M arx’s general thesis that the low level of economic and political development in imperial China was attributable to the tena­ cious survival of the primitive village community and the concentra­ tion of private property rights in the person of the emperor.16 M arx and Weber represented the two main theses within Euro­ pean thought regarding the “ stagnant” character of Chinese society. The economic thesis (Marx) saw that stagnation as emanating from

8

Introduction

the lack of economic initiative deriving from the absence of private property in land. The political thesis (Weber) focused instead on the stultifying effect of a monopolistic bureaucracy subservient to the emperor’s wishes and bent on unauthorized extraction rather than efficient administrative performance. The economic thesis goes back at least to the seventeenth century with I^ n go isB erru er^ comments on Moghul India, which both M arx and Engels quoted approvingly, but out of context.17 The political thesis developed later. It had first to neutralize the positive assessment, prevalent in the eighteenth century, of the Chinese bu­ reaucratic system as a remarkable achievement of administrative organization. This was how it was painted by the Jesuits who were Bernier’s contemporaries and further amplified by sinophiles like Vol­ taire. Whereas M arx regarded the weakness of property rights as the basis for “Oriental despotism,” Voltaire approved of what he under­ stood of the Chinese system of government, seeing the bureaucracy not as an “arbitrary administration,” but as a guarantee against just that. Europe gradually came to reject Voltaire’s favorable evaluation. The Scottish Enlightenment scholar Adam Ferguson feared that the Chinese system of government allowed no scope for “ the exertions of a great or liberal mind.” 18 Other censorious commentators consis­ tently cited the bureaucratic structure of government as a particular cause of China’s “backwardness” in comparison with Europe. It was not until the turn of the nineteenth century, however, that the political thesis for Chinese stagnation was fully articulated by G. WT F. Hegel. Although Hegel conceded that the Chinese state “has been often set up as an Ideal which may serve even us for a model,” he was disturbed that the administration of the empire did not simultaneously embody a constitution, something that “would imply that individuals and corporations have independent rights — partly in respect of their particular interests, partly in respect of the entire State.” they did not. Rather, “ the government proceeds from the Emperor alone, who sets it in movement as a hierarchy of officials or Mandarins.” These officials lacked a basis for acting in the political realm apart from the emperor (“in this Spiritual Empire no secular political life can be developed”) and were vulnerable to being used as implements of the emperors despotic control. Hegel’s characterization of the Chinese state as “determined and arranged by the one all-absorbing personality” 19 carried great weight among nineteenth-century intellectuals, and although M arx was more con­

Historiography o f G entry Studies

9

cerned with analyzing economic factors, his observations regarding “Oriental despotism” reflect Hegel’s image of the Chinese polity.20 Weber may have employed more temperate language to express his belief that the patrimonial character of the Chinese bureaucracy hin­ dered the development of rationality and the growth of civil society, but he nonetheless ^lloweiiiegel^sJead. The failure of the Hundred Day Reforms advobated by Kang Youwei in 1898 only confirmed Weber’s sense that the patrimonial character of the Chinese bureau­ cracy rendered it too vulnerable to corruption to engage in self-reno­ vation. The reform movement was doomed from the start “because of the vast material interests opposing it, and because there were no dis­ interested executive organs independent of those interest groups.”21 Weberns negative assessment of this modern-seeming institution has served in turn as the basis for the generally critical account of the Chinese bureaucracy that dominates contemporary sinology. The political thesis is triumphant. This study takes issue here, not of China shaped its ability to respond to change, but rather with the tendency to accord the-hur; reaucratic system a determining rnip,QXtaaee4 n explaining Chinese history. Twentieth-century sinology has fetishized the bureaucracy as the distinguishing characteristic of imperial Ghina’s sociopolitical structure. (Etienne Balazs even cited Hegel in prefacing his observa­ tions on the influence of bureaucratic government on Chinese social structure.)22 We have come to see it as dominating all levels of soci­ ety: both facilitating and constraining the emperor’s actions at the top, providing simultaneously the career focus and the career re­ straint of elites in the middle, and determining the boundaries of economic and social life among the people at the bottom. Bureaucracy was indeed a feature of Chinese sociopolitical life. It channeled the public operations of government administration, and it served as a critical resource for those in positions of power to manipulate its opportunities and rewards. But how elites are organized into government service is only one element for understandine:how power is~3 istributed and mobilized in an_ijpxu^xiaLo^der, even^wtflnn the realm oFpoIItics. What tends to be missed is a rec­ ognition of how the manipulation of power in the bureaucratic con­ text was socially based and culturally configured. As this study will show, the daily processes of social and political life below the rarefied stratum of court politics out-maneuvered the obstacles im­ posed by the bureaucratic system.

io

Introduction

Mounting what I regard as a parallel critique of the Western his­ toriography of India, Nicholas Dirks has recently challenged the widely shared notion that caste is the foundation of Indian society. This vision of India as lacking a dominant state formation and hence dependent upon caste to hold society together has become a basic tenet of Weberian sociology. The trick of making Indian state formations disappear is an effect of Orientalist discourse, nostalgic for spirituality and prone to explain the non-European world on the basis of nonrational, otherwordly principles. The Weberian explana­ tion of Indian society stopped at caste, rather than going on to inves­ tigate the power relations on which caste was dependent. This simplification occurred, Dirks maintains, because a caste-based con­ struction of Indian society favored colonial control. Colonial inter­ vention “removed the politics from colonial societies. It was not merely convenient for the British to detach caste from politics; it was necessary to do so in order to rule an immensely complex soci­ ety by a variety of indirect means.’’23 As the British expanded their control across the Indian subcontinent at the turn of the nineteenth century, they decapitated indigenous state power. Once they had dis­ mantled the political systems of India, they then elevated caste as that society’s sole organizing principle and imposed it on India through the censuses. They tied India to an antique religious past and denied the possibility that an India ossified by the pernicious influence of caste could enter the modern world except under Euro­ pean tutelage. The Brahmins, whom the classical texts placed at the top of the caste order, were at the same time constituted as the arbi­ ters of that order. A sociology of caste thus justified collaborative colonial rule over natives who were incapable of ruling themselves. By the end of the nineteenth century, caste was an intellectual fetish among Europeans seeking to “explain” India. Weber is a prime example. In his study of Indian religion, he rested his analy­ sis entirely on the concept of caste. “Without caste,” he declared, “there is no Hindu.” 24 His principal evidence regarding the impor­ tance of caste came, significantly, from the three censuses for 1881, 1901, and 1911 carried out by the British colonial administration. Weber did note that the 1901 census occasioned much “excitement and discontent” among Indians who contested the status ratings im­ plicit in the census’ caste categories and “attempted to exploit the census for stabilizing their position.” 25 Weber thus stumbled onto the fact that caste was permeable to political influence within the

Historiography o f G entry Studies

n

colonial order. But he saw this manipulation only from the side of the colonized, not the colonizers. He did not recognize that the atomization of Indian society into caste particularities justified a for­ eign colonial regime, the natives being generically incapable of erect­ ing one themselves. In larger terms, Weber was unprepared to in­ quire into the social contradictions that sprang up in the course of imposing a European state structure on a non-European society. Weber’s failure to probe past the assumptions of the colonizers,cen­ suses meant that he never questioned the validity of the principle of caste as the key to understanding the nature of Indian society. The image of India as a realm in which politics is not fundamental to the constitution of society stands in stark contrast to the image of China as a tightly controlled, centrally organized bureaucracy work­ ing under the supervision of an autocratic emperor. The visions are opposed: In the one, the state is barely visible; in the other, it blocks everything else from view. The model’s simplicity had great appeal for nineteenth-century Europeans seeking ways to summarize the differences that they felt between themselves and non-European soci­ eties. Hegel for one conceived of China and India in this fashion, con­ trasting “the immovable unity of China” to “the wild and turbulent unrest of India.” One was organized according to “a perfect civil machinery,” whereas in the other “the several powers of society appear as dissevered and free in relation to each other,” resulting in the “differences of Caste.’’26 These caricatures of China and India shared a common foundation, for the sociology that constructed both operated from the single premise that non-Western cultures lacked the dynamic interaction of state and society that appeared to uniquely characterize the modern transformation of Europe. If China was differently diagnosed from India, this occurred in large part because China was not colonized. Western sociology was not burdened with having to account for or justify a colonialist project there, only to provide a plausible explanation for its not having occurred. But the impulse to reduce a foreign society to a simple sta­ tic principle —whether a total state or no state —was the same. What caste has come to explain in the conventional wisdom on India, so I would argue has bureaucracy come to serve in our knowl­ edge of China: the canonical distinguishing feature that prefigures and anticipates all other analyses of society. In the Chinese case, bureaucracy defines and simplifies the character of Chinese society in a fashion that contrasts Ghina,s imperial constitution with Europe’s

is

Introduction

feudal past, just as caste does for India. If I link the sociologies of caste and bureaucracy in this critique, it is because they have been invoked for the same analytical purpose for each society: to explain social cohesion and control in the absence of the sorts of mecha­ nisms, such as personal fealty and the rule of law, that were opera­ tive in European society. Thus Weber in his great comparative work, Economy and Society) was able to speak in the same breath of “the Chi­ nese bureaucracy or the Hindu Brahmins’’27 who as the highest level of the caste order “can be understood only in connection with caste.’’28 Weber regarded both as central to understanding the ethi­ cal and structural distinctiveness of Chinese and Indian civiliza­ tions: each furnished a structural explanation for the resistance of its society to capitalist transformation.29 Among Western political theorists, the concepts of caste and bureaucracy continue to be in­ voked as determining factors in comparative analyses of Indian and Chinese society.30 Research on the Chinese gentry in the 1950s and 1960s basically accepted the sociology of bureaucracy to explain the nature of power relations in Chinese society. Fei Hsiao-fung and Hsiao Kungch’亡an, among others, did turn their attention to the gentry’s local social context as well as their relationship to the political structure of the central state, yet little attempt was made to construct aji etiolthe gentry as an historical formation. The gentry was princi­ pally a category defined in^relation to the state, rather^-th^ to society or the economy. It was seen as consisting of those who held state degrees and mediated the state-society relationship on the state’s behalf. The great debates within gentry studies of that era thus revolved around 碍 扣 加 迅 Relying almost exclu­ sively on ^legrees, each scholar constructed a slightly different model of stratification for the gentry. Some argued that any state degree was sufficient qualification for gentry status; others insisted that only the highest and second highest examination degrees of jinshi and juren conferred full gentry status; yet others sought to distin­ guish distinct strata according to level of degree.31 Degrees were crit­ ical indicators of status and influential in shaping the social structure of a county, as we shall see in the case studies in Chapters 7 to 9, but they are largely meaningless in the absence of social con­ text. Gentry studies tlitf^TiewetK^hina more spci^^ty^perpetuating thk Weberian bureaucracy paradigm?7 This essentialist and ahistorical view of the gentry, and indeed of

Historiography o f G en try Studies

13

Chinese society as a whole, began to shift late in the 1960s at the hands of Jaganese4 iistoricins, most notably Shigeta Atsushi. Work­ ing from* a M a rS ^ d e riv e d historiography, Shigeta went beyond the Weberian emphasis on participation in the bureaucratic system and recognized the need to examine gentry hegemony in relation to the and social bases of gentr^JLjfe.32 Western scholars by con­ trast In the 1970s, most scholars considered the subject of the gentry a dead end for new research and assumed that the work of the previous generation had answered all the interesting or important questions. It seemed that further inves­ tigation could provide only footnotes to that work. Hilary Beattie in her 1981 study of the gentry of Tongcheng county in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Land and Lineage in Chiruij proved other­ wise. By examining the gentry of one county in relation to patterns of landholding and kinship organization, Beattie showed that partici­ pation in the bureaucratic system was only a part of a wide reper­ toire of social and economic strategies by which the local gentrycreated and ensured elite status. The concern with contextuaJi^irig the gentry in relation to society as well as to the state generated a new initiative in gentry studies in the late 1980s. This new approach has been to examine the gentry as a localized elite providing essential extrabureaucratic services within loc^JL^ociety rather than as a reserve army of bureaucrats.(Max WcberjAfritinff in the context of Greek history referred to such ser­ vices, rendered for the benefit of the public community at private expense, as “liturgies■” In China, where the state’s budget could not adequately fund infrastructural needs, the gentry were expected to iif^ b l^ ^ o d s ^ n ^ ^ e r v ic e s that were considered necessary for social T ^ ^ o d u cn o ru G ^ ^ 3^ status was understood as entailing such liturgical responsibilities for all sorts of matters, from dikes to soup kitchens. M ary Rankin has demonstrated the breadth of litur­ gical services that the gentry undertook during the period of recon­ struction following the Taiping Rebellion in the late nineteenth century.33 M y own brief study o f the Ningbo gentry published in 1990 com­ bined both Beattie’s concern with gentry kinship strategies and Rankin’s interest in their public liturgical functions in order to ana­ lyze how the gentry were successful in maintaining family continu­ ity through the Ming-Qing period. In that essay, I linked both elements within the larger unifying concept of gentry culture, con­

14

Introduction

ceived as a repertoire of activities by which the gentry created and maintained networks of personal ties with each other and set them­ selves apart from those who had not mastered the nuanced language p Ld iteJife.34 Infused with elite values and organized around exclu­ sive skills and activities, gentry culture expressed and reinforced the gentry’s vision of lacaUsjad^J^ieraxdiy and J h dxojiXQiinaaL— pl^ce -within- it. It also furnished opportunities through which the local gentry, though politically inactive, could associate with each other in densely tied networks, excluding those who did not belong. This sort of environment discouraged socjaLjnQibility, since it required several O generations for the upwardly mobile to master the cultural signs of s^ood breeding, without which they could not hope to move m m e^ ipper levels of elite society, even if they possessed degrees. The cultural packaging of gentry liturgies, represented as Jbenevolent activities performed by men of the highest moraldiscernmentT meanTtEat gentry investments in public goods were under clos^cultural scrutiny and likewise contributed to gentry dominance in local society. As Craig Clunas has deftly illustrated, gentry investment in prio^onds was similarly subject to careful peer scrutiny and precise valorization in the late Ming, and for the sam^ceason: tcunark off •

- -■I

^3-ted.^ The collection or appreciation of hugely expensive cultural commodities was one of the mysteries the upper levels of the elite were able to c-oiivejrtja^er^^ealtn into symboHc^cagitai, and thereby demonstrate and reinforce^status hierarc^'^The possession of cultural commodities unvalued by the relatively closed coterie of the cognoscenLi 'was1 nothing but useless ostentation. Having the right things, like being involved with the right places, distinguished the true elite from those outside their circle. Clunas observes in this vein that “social distinction expressed through things was at its sharpest among the different sections of the elite, where the need to emphasize distance from that which threatened to be most close was particularly acute.” 35 In other words, the elite were anxious to^set^ them selves more from those socially^ ngarjhem "(nlceTesser gentry) than from shopkeepers); from the latter they felt^lo real^threat. The present book continues this line of approach to the gentry as a social elite that sustained its dominance through the mobilization of cultural and social, as well as economic and political, resources in

Buddhism and the G entry

15

/n the local context. It is broader than previous studies in its search for a structural logic guiding the gentry’s undertakings in the local con­ text, but it is narrower in /treating only one undertaking, their patronage of Buddhist mona^erfe^>Although there is much still to be done in the study of gentryJjj: urgie^ I focus on monasteries alppe t^caus^, among all the gentry’s local pursuits, monastic patronage had™^uached to it a unique cultural signification that expressed what I regard as a charactenstic orientation late-Ming gentry society toward ^utonor B u d d h ism a n d the Gentry At first sight, Confucian-trained gentry and Buddhist monks would appear to inhabit distinct,even-muU^ally exclusive, realms. T h in k ' ing about the intersection of these realms has led me to reflect on four distinct but related tensions in late-Miog society that set the framework^jjpr analyzing gentry patronage^Confucianism versus Bu^hisrrijCBpolitical versus economic pow er^tate versus locality, anorpublic versus private. By education, law, and commitment, the gentry embraced Confu­ cianism. It was their ideology, their ritual corpus, and their world view. Buddhism on the other hand proposed different models of reality and social intercourse in all three areas: less exclusive, less hier­ archical, possibly less elitist. As long as a division of labor between the ethical and the metaphysical was respected, Confucianism and Buddhism could co-exist on parallel tracks. But it wasn’t. The divi­ sion of labor began to be compromised on theConfucian side dur­ ing the ^Son^ dynasty. Beginning with the speculative explorations of NortnernSong thinkers like Shao Yong and progressing much further with the exhaustive intellectual inquiries of Southern Song thinkers like Zhu X i and Lu Jiuyuan, Confucian doctrine grew in complexity and extended its reach bevonjrfThis-worldlv ethics by con­ structing a metaphysical basjs for its m Q ^. teachings. Confucians absorbed some of Buddhism?s intellectual agenda to challenge the latter’s authority in areas previoy^Y^ beyond rfae~reach of Confucian -^jphjlosophy. The creation of what is now called Neo-Confucianism /^ccurred in the context of, and in turn further fed, a doctrinal hosrfility loward Buddhism that had only weakly existed prior to the Song. With the rise of Neo-Confucianism, the notion that Confucian

i6

Introduction

and Buddhist world views were iq opposition grew stronger. This notion eroded the harmonious pre-Song ( ^ y is io iio fla ^ r between Confucianism and Buddhism and prepared the way for philosophi­ cal inroads into Buddhism’s authority in other-worldly matters. As Song Neo-Confucianism came to demand exclusive adherence among certain sectors of the elite through the Yuan and early Ming, it drove a small wedge between Confucian literati and the Buddhist establishment, a split that grew larger over time. This estrangement between Neo-Confucianism and Buddhism generated an awkward legacy for^Mipg intellectuals, who were acutely sensitive to the tensionbetween the two teachings and spilled m uctriirirTrying to ^ re^ ce it, as we shall see in Chapter 2. The trend of most M ing phi­ losophy was away from the anti-Buddhist hostility that had crept into pre-Ming Neo-Confucianism, though the continuing authority of Zhu X i was a powerful impediment to abandoning it. A popular concern among thinkers of the sixteenth century was to recapture the possibility pf ^oexistenre between the schools' sometimes by arguing that they were complementary, sometimes by attempting to reconcile their differences at a doctrinal level and to place both together on higher common ground. The late-Ming enthusiasm for a condominium among the Three Teachings of Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism was a direct expression of this desire to surmount the contradiction inherited from the Song. The attempt by M ing Neo-Confucians to work out _cal r e s o lu t io n hetw^en Enddhist and Coniiieiftfr-world viewslpa^^leled in tiffle^pij^content the increasing absorption of gentry interest in Buddhist ins^jtutions in the latter half of the Mrn^Tlt does aot --explamit, howp^er. Well educated gentry patrons found themselves obliged at timeTTo provide philosophical formulae to being involved with Buddhist institutions. Such justification was needed to fend off criticisms that local Confucian institutions or practices were being allowed to decay, which zealots might portray as evi­ dence that Buddhism flourished locally at the expense of Confucian­ ism. B进 the discourse to justijy-Ratronage —as indeed to condemn it —operatea at a second leveiraften the fac^of patrons g£^Th at fact was a social fact, not a philosophical one. The contribution of the philosophers was not to promote monastic patronage, but to create a hermeneutic to which patrons could appeal when others chose to ^ i t their 1^ aT1 -p^fcssion against their Buddhist avocation. For the majority of gentry, who were monastic patrons, there was no

Buddhism and the G entry

17

contradictigxi between Buddhist and Confucian worJd_id£wsj_ not because they were given a convenient formula to wish the contradic­ tion away, but because they did not experience it as a conflict in their daily lives. The second tension in late-Ming society bearing on the topic of monastic patronage projected the distinction between Confucian­ ism and Buddhism out onto the realm of action. This was the ten­ sion between political and economic power. Confucianism was a rhetoric of politics to which the gentry were tied by education and vocational_a3)y Nanlei zazhu gao zhenji, p. 261. • 84. H uang Zongxi, “ Zh an g Ren’an xiansheng mu zhiming” (Epitaph for M aster Zh ang Ren’an),Nanlei wending, houji3 p. 53. H uang was particularly critical o f Zhenke and Deqing for failing to restore the integrity o f their intellectual lineages within Buddhism. See his 1665 text, “ Suzhou Sanfeng H anyue Z a n g chanshi taming*’ (Epitaph for C h an M aster Hanyue Fazang o f Sanfeng, Suzhou), Nanlei zazhu gao zhenji} pp. 227-228. 85. For references to H an Yu from North Zhili alone, see Huairou xianzhi (1604),1:43b; Qingymn xianzhi (1677),12:13a, quoting from the W anli-era gazetteer; Ningjin xianzhi (1679), 2:19a; Luanzhou zhi (1810), 98:1a. 86. T h e texts o f H an Yu’s memorial and Yuan dao are translated in de B ary et al., Sources of Chinese Tradition, pp. 372-379 . 87. J F Z 3 16:10b. 88. Yudin sizhi (1687), 4 : 4a-6 a.

Notes to Pages 8 3 -9 5

345

89. From an appended com m entary in G u Yanw u,Rizhi lu} 30:27a. Zhao’s comment comes in a reference to Christianity as the second greatest delu­ sive heterodoxy. 90. T h is idea is touched on in passing in Elm an, From Philosophy to Philology, pp- 48-4991. Song ska (1612), 9: 34 b -35a . C oncerning Yuan’s visit, see YHD, pp. 1477, 1481. 92. For material on W ang Hongzhuan’s life, see Huayin xianzhi (1788), 10:39b40a, i4: 5^b-55b. G u "V^nwu’s essay on the W ang shrine is in Gu Tinglin

93. 94. 95. 96. 97.

98. 99. 100. 101.

shiwenjij pp. 108-110. G u ’s friendship with W ang is referred to in Peterson, “ T h e Life o f K u Yen-w u,” pt. 2 ,p. 216. G u Yanwu cites the memorial in his Yuan chaoben rizhi lu, p. 540. W ang Hongzhuan, Shan zhi) 1:29a. " Ibid., 4:12a. T h e supposed meeting between L a o Z i and Confucius is dis­ cussed in Kaltenm ark, Lao Tzu and Taoism, pp. 8-9 . W ang Hongzhuan, Shan zhi, 4:15a. T h e charge, like m any made against L i Zhi in the seventeenth century, is unfair when one reads L i’s own admonition that gentry not become monks unless they have fulfilled all o f the duties incumbent upon them by virtue of their social position. See his Fen shu} p. 52,trans. Ebrey, Chinese Civilization and Society) p. 172; and Xu Jen shu, p. 76. G ao Panlong, Gao zi yishu, 1:6a, 2:11b. E.g., “ Suzhou Sanfeng H anyue Z a n g chanshi tam ing,” Nanki zazhu gao zkenyi, pp. 227-231. Quoted in Chen Yuan, Mingji Dian-Qian fojiao kao, p. 108. Araki, “ Confucianism and Buddhism ’” p. 54.

Chapter

Holding a Cup of New Tea and Listening to Sutras: Buddhism in Gentry Culture

1. See Chapter 2,n. 60. 2. For Tang examples o f activities undertaken in monastic contexts similar to those discussed in this chapter for the M in g, see M ichibata, Chugoku bukhyo to shahaifuknski jigyo} pp. 220-225. 3. Yu Jid e n g , Diangu jiwens p. 226. 4. Huian xianzhi (1803), i: 77a-b , quoting the author o f the 1530 edition. 5. Ninghai xianzhi (1632), i2: 7a-b, quoting the 1592 edition. 6. Huairou xianzhi (1604), 1:43a. 7. Ningjin xianzhi (1679), 2:19a. 8. Niuskou shanzhi (1579), 2:ia. 9. X u Yikui, Shifeng gao (1894), 2:23a; J F Z y 16:27a, 28b. 10. J F Z 3 2:26b. 11. E.g., Ningde xianzhi (1591), 6:48b. 12. Panshan zhi (1696), 2:25b. 13. Jinling da baoen sita zhi (1937), p. 39. 14. Qixia xiaozhi (1884), I7a-b. 15. Sengni niehai, 77a. 16. Yu X iangdou, Wanyong zhengzong, 39 :4 a-7a . T h e chapter, entitled “ Sengdao men” (Buddhist and Daoist clergy), includes letters for offering con­

346

Notes to Pages 95-100

gratulations on becom ing an acolyte, on receiving ordination, on taking a Buddhist studio name, on becom ing an abbot or monk-official, on founding a monastery, and on obtaining independent fiscal status for one’s m onastery— to mention only a few. T h ere are also forms for invita­ tions to friends to go together to a Buddhist master to seek religious

17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

22.

instruction and to travel to sacred mountains. T h e almanac includes other materials relating to Buddhism o f interest to lesser-gentry readers: a short history o f the line o f transmission o f the Buddhist patriarchy, brief descriptions o f basic concepts and practices, a do-it-yourself guide to med­ itation, and short texts suitable for reciting at Buddhist fam ily rituals. Yunqi Zhuhong, “ Zhuchuang suibi,’’ Yunqi fahui, 24:29b. Quoted in Chen Yuan, M ingji Dian-Qian fojiao kaof p. 107. Lihn sizhi (1762), 6:11b. X ianchen g Ruhai, Canxue zhijin, 2:18b. Ye M engzhu, Yueshi biant p. 228, mentions a monk in Songjiang known as H em p Robe whose skill in predicting the future made him for a time a favorite am ong the Songjiang gentry. X u H ongzu, Xu Xiake youji} pp. 167, 531.

23. Huayin skanzhi (1865), 17:2b. 24. Gaocheng xianzhi (1698),2:10a; Xinhe xianzhi (1679),2:21a; Wanxian zhi (1732), 2:27a. All three examples happen to be from rural North Zhili, where con­ servative influences were strong. 25. Zh ang Chao, Yu Cku xinzhi} p. 175 26. J F Z j 27:6b. 27. Luochuan zhi (1545), 2:43a. 28. Yongfu xianzhi (1749), 1:19b. 29. G u Yanwu, Rizhi lu zhi yu, p. 77. 30. See Brook, “ Funerary Rituals and the Building o f Lineages,” regarding N eo-Confucian objections to Buddhist funerals and their ineffectiveness. 31. C h en g Duan, “ Dushu fennian richeng,” in C hen H ongm ou, Yangzheng yiguij 3:9 b , in his Wuzhong yigui. 32. Shen Bang, Wanshu zaji, p. 194. 33. Popular attitudes insisted on this responsibility. W ang Fuzhi’s father, a man opposed to gentry involvement with Buddhist monks, recruited some in 1644 to bury corpses in the wake o f fighting between government forces and the troops o f the rebel Zh an g X ian zh on g in southern H unan; W ang Zhichun, Chuanshan gong ntanpu, 1:20b. In 1673, when the governor of H ubei province took up his post, he found that corpses from 1644 could still be seen in the W uchang area and gave funds to repair Wuchangfs Yunyan- M onastery on the understanding that the monks there would finish the jo b of disposing of them; W an Yan,Guancun wenchao, 2:52a. 34. W riting at the turn o f the twentieth century, de Groot observed that the wealthy deposited unburied bodies with Buddhist monasteries to hold until a propitious date for burial had been determined. Candles and incense were burned daily, and the fee for this service was very high; de Groot, The Religious System of China} I ,128. 35* E -g*> YZ> 16:17b.

Notes to Pages 100-105

347

36. E.g., L u W an, a Zhangzhou gentryman who rose to the rank o f minister o f personnel, went to die in that city’s K aiyu an M onastery in 1526; Longxi xianzhi (1762), 21:12b. T h e Suzhou poet W ang C h o n g in 1533 chose Baique M onastery and moved there a month before he died; W eng Fanggang, Wang Yayi nianpu, p. 5. A n d early in the seventeenth century, ajinshi named Sun G h angyi died at Fuzhou’s H uaiqing Monastery, having retired there several years previously; Wushi shanzhi (1843), 7:^a 37. In medieval Europe, a monastery possessing a saint’s grave was similarly sought after as a burial site. Burial ad sanctos — interment in the presence o f a saint—was regarded as facilitating entrance into heaven. T h is belief greatly benefited monasteries with saints’ graves, allowing them to impose high burial fees for the privilege; the closer to the saint, the higher the fee. In China, the concept o f burial ad sanctos is found only in Lam aism. Both Lam aist clerics and laymen aspired to be buried on the slopes o f Shanxi’s W utai M ountain, the largest Lam aist monastic complex within C h in a proper. Devout M ongols would spend up to a year on pil­ grimage to bring the bones o f their parents for burial there, certain that interment at this location would affect the salvation o f the soul o f the departed. In the nineteenth century, burial plots on W utai were said to be almost worth their weight in gold; Miller, Monasteries and Culture Change, p. 83. W hile this concept is not explicitly present in Chinese Buddhism, Q ian Qianyi^s remark suggests that the gentry did recognize a Buddhist place as an appropriate site for burial. I f there is an institution in the C h i­ nese context that resembles burial ad sanctos, it is the tomb monastery (fenst) o f the So ng dynasty (see Chapter 6). T h e arrangement was the reverse o f the European: rather than burying the corpse near a m onas­ tery, one built a m onastery near the burial. 38. Rebuilt after its destruction by Taiping forces, Baolin M onastery contin­ ued to be used as a repository for coffins waiting for an auspicious date for burial; Shicheng shanzhi (1918), 10a. 39. Dengwei shertghi sizhi (1644), Shen’s preface, ib. 40. 41. 42. 43.

Poshan xingfu zhi (1642), Qian’s preface, ib. L u Shusheng, Lu Wending gong j i } 25:18b. Zh an g Chao, Yu Chu xinzhi, p. 111. Quoted from the writings o f H u a n g Jia o q i in W u Zhihe, “ M ingdai sengjia ,” p. 20. 44. Jia n yu e Duti, Yimeng manyan, p. 10. In the following decade, Duti would become a lecturer much sought after to lead lecture sessions and lay ordi­ nation ceremonies in Jian gn an ; see p. 52. 45. YHD, pp. 527-528, trans. Chaves, Pilgrim of the Clouds, p. 42.

4647. 48. 49.

Ibid., pp. 476-477. L a n g Y in g , Qixiu leigao, p. 833. Shen Bang, Wanshu zaji3 p. 193. See, e.g., Schipper, “ Neighborhood Cult Associations in Traditional Tai­ nan/* pp. 651-676; Shiba, “ N ingpo and its H interland,” pp. 4 22-424.

50. Sheshan zhi (1790), 3:7a. 51. Hanshan sizhi (1911), 2:29a.

34 »

Notes to Pages 105-111

52. T h e rules o f the T iau d u Society are preserved in Huangskan zhi din怎 ben (1679), 3 : ioia-io3b. 53. Fum a Susum u, “ Zenkai, zento no shuppatsu,” pp. 202-203. 54. U p per T ian zh u Monastery, popular with the gentry o f Hangzhou, was the home o f the Vegetable and Bam boo Shoot Society (Shusun she) founded there in 1603; Shang tianzhu jiangsi zhi (1897), 6:6b-9b, 15:13b. Th e noted dramatist Tang X ian zu wrote o f his desire to form a Lotus Society in Jiu jia n g , Jia n g x i, in 1614, though the death o f his mother intervened; Tang xianzu ji, p. 1161. 55. Yu, The Renewed of Buddhism, pp. 85,91-92; Sakai, Chugoku zensho, pp. 30 3-30 4 . For the regulations o f the Luxuriant Lotus Society, see Yu Ch unxi, Shenglian sheyue. 56. YHD, p. 1576. 57. Yan Yuan, Cunren bian, 2:8a. A Local M erit Association (X iangshan hui) was founded in the 1580s at a medium-sized m onastery some sixty kilo­ meters east o f Beijing by a monk whose lay followers numbered in the thousands. O f the social background o f its members, the monastic gazet­ teer mentions only that one was a “ Confucian student;” Panshan zhi (1696); 3:29a. A G reat Com passion society (Dabei hui), active in the 1690s but founded earlier, was affiliated with another medium-sized monastery thirty kilometers east o f Beijing; Tanzhe shan xiuyun sizhi (1883),1:18a. 58. Such recognition is entirely absent in the analyses o f Fum a, “ D 5 zenkai shoshi,” pp. 6 6 -73; and Lia n g Q izi, “ M in gm o Qingchu minjian cishan huodong,” pp. 68-69. 59. Smith, “ Benevolent Societies,” p. 317, does note in a general way that ben­ evolent societies were set up as alternatives to Buddhist charitable activi­ ties, but without noting the Buddhist precedents for these societies. 60. Rankin, “ T h e Origins o f a Chinese Public Sphere,” pp. 30 -31. 61. X ie Guozhen, Ming-Qing zhi j i dangshe yundong kao, p. 119, referring particu­ larly to literary societies (wenshe). 62. Jiangpu xianzhi (1684), 7:3a. 63. Shouning xianzhi (1686), 7:21b, from a text o f the early 1650s. 64. Xiangshan xianzhi (1750), 8:19a. 65. T h e appreciation for mountains throughout Chinese history is outlined in M unakata,Sacred Mountains in Chinese Art. 66. Shanxi tongzhi (1682), 5:1a. 67. Hongci guangji si xinzhi (1684), Zhanyou’s preface, 5a. 68. YHD} p. 1138. 69. Shen Bang, Wanshu zaji, p. 243. 70. Zhu Yi^un, Rixia jiuwn, supplement to juan 11, ib. 71. YHDj p. 164.. 72. Kaizhou zhi (1674), 2:33a. 73. Jinshan zhilue (1681),1,tiandi jiue) 4a. 74. E.g., L u Shusheng, Lu Wending gong j i s 3:21a, 25:7a; Zhao Jish i, Jiyuan j i — 】I ,33. 75. Zhao Jis h i,Jiyuan j i suoji, I I ,275; Zhang D ai, Langhuan wenji, p. 45; YZ} 25:14a.

Notes to Pages 111-118

349

76. YZ, 18:25a. 77. Qanghmg xiaozhi (1696),1:19b. 78. Quoted in Chen Yuan, M ingji Dian-Qian fojiao kao/’ pp. 107-109. 79. Ibid., pp. 101-102. 80. Jia n yu e Duti, Yimeng manym} p. 17. 81. L u Shusheng said his “ tea companions” included “ writers and calligra­ phers, Buddhist monks and Daoist adepts, recluses living in retirement, and bureaucrats in office.” A contem porary spoke o f his “ tea friends” as “ inebriates, great drinkers, mountain monks, and recluses”;quoted in W u Zhihe, “ M ingdai sengjia,’’ p. 5. 82. W u Zhihe, “ M ingdai sengjia,” provides m uch o f the information on which the following discussion o f tea is based, 83. Zh ang Dai, Taoan mengyi, p. 24. 84. These poems, by H u K u i and G u Q iyuan, are quoted in W u Zhihe, “ M ingdai sengjia/1 pp. 17, 20. 85. Chen Yuan makes this same point in M ingji Dian-Qian fojiao kao) p. 120. 86. Zh u Y iz u n ,Rixiajiuwen (1688), supplement to juan 12, 3b. 87. W ang H ongzhuan (see Chapter 2) mentioned receiving a letter from a jin shi friend that the latter wrote in a “ monk’s residence”;Shan zhi, 4.27a. 88. H uang, A Complete Book Concerning Happiness and Benevolence, p. 73. 89. E.g., Baoying xian tujing (1848), 1:24a, referring to a scholar fam ily that used the same room in a m onastery over four successive generations. 90. L i Yu, Zizhi xinshu, 14:6a. 91. In a poem written at the turn of the nineteenth century, the noted scholar H o n g Liangji observed that one o f the pleasures o f studying at an acad­ emy in the mountains was that when he wanted to take a break from his studies and read religious texts, he could go over to a nearby Buddhist monastery and borrow them; Yuwen shuyuan zhi (1804), 7:18b. 92. Yunju shengshui sizhi (1892), 4:15a. 93. Quoted in JF Z , 20:5a. 94. E.g., W ang Hongzhuan, Shan zhi (1788), 3:24a. 95. Beijin^s Baoen M onastery in 1476 housed the ten-year reunion o f th cjin shi class o f 1466, an event attended by a third o f the graduates; Zh u Yizun, 96. 97. 98. 99.

Rixia jiuwerif 12:24a. Cited in Tatsuike, “ M in g taizu de fojiao zhengce,” p. 10. E.g., Jia n yu e Duti, Yimeng manyan, pp. 36 -3 7. X u H ongzu, Xu Xiake youji, p. 1030. Handlin, Action in Late M ing Thought- pp. 86-88.

100. E.g., Jinjiang xianzhi (1765), 15:15b. 101. A N anjing county gazetteer noted that C hen lectured and wrote poetry in two different monasteries there; Jiangpu xianzhi (1579), 5:20a, 21b. Th e same gazetteer also noted that W ang Yangm ing taught at one o f these monasteries. 102. W ang Yangm ing, Instructions for Practical Living, p. 245. 103. Sun Chengze, Chunming mengyu lu} quoted in Zh u Y izu n , Rixia jiuwen, 11:7a. 104. Meskill, “Academies and Politics in the M in g D ynasty,” pp. 137-138, 巧2-153.

350

Notes to Pages 118-124

105. E.g., Kuribayashi, Rikosei no kenkyu, pp. 257, 274; Huayin xianzhi (1614), 7:31a; W en ju n tian , Zhmgguo baojiazhidu,p. 189, sum m arizing L ii Kun's proposals. 106. E.g., Fuqing xianzhi (1747), jiuxu, ib. 107. E.g., the prefect o f Fuzhou arranged for the gentry to gather in a monas­ tery to perform obsequies on the death o f the Shunzhi emperor in 1661 because the Confucian temple was only big enough to accommodate in­ cumbent officials; H aiw ai Sanren, “ Rongcheng jiw en ,” p. 16. 108. Jianning Juzhi (1541), 19:17a; Ye Chunji, Huian zhengshu, nga-b. 109. A n instance o f a shuymn being made into a gongguan is mentioned in pass­ ing by H a i R ui; Hai R u iji, p. 489. no. E.g., Ningbo fuzhi (1846), 23:7b, concerning a bureau director and a censor serving the Jianw en em peror in. E.g., Dongbai Shanqi from a Suzhou gentry fam ily was made abbot of Songjian^s Yanqing M onastery in 1409, held the post o f Assistant Prefectural Buddhist Registrar in 1410, and was called to the capital to work on the two large editorial projects o f the Yongle era, the Yongle dadxan (Yongle encyclopedia) and a new edition o f the Buddhist Tripitaka; Louxtan zhi (1788),30:8a. 112. Yii, Renewal of Buddhism) p. 99. For another Wanli-erajMn?n-turned-monk, see DM Bt p. 1406. 113. Biographies of Sixin are found in Jian^ling xianzhi (1794), 56:10b, and Dabie shanzhi (1874), 3:2a. Chaves, Pilgrim of the Clouds, p. 119, translates a poem that Yuan Zongdao dedicated to Sixin. 114. TiarUong sizhi (1811), 2:20b. 115. Luoju yesheng (1639), 1.23a, from a fund-raising appeal by C h en Zizhuang. 116. Ghaoying Fang, D M B, p. 492, is mistaken in claim ing that H anshi was the first juren to become a monk. 117. Yeju shanzhi (1936), 3:14a, i6a-b, 5:4b. 118. Qujiang xianzhi (1876), 6:34a. 119. E.g., J i Liuq i, M ingji betliie, 2:25a. T h e term comes from juan 14 o f Chuandeng lu) in which a monk asks an exam candidate w hy he would “choose” officialdom rather than Buddhism. 120. E.g., Tiantai shan youktn zhi (1937), 3:57. 121. ECCPy p. 102. 122. C h en Yuan, M ingji Dian-Qian fojiao kao, pp. 200 -237, furnishes biographies o f twenty-seven gentrymen from Yunnan and Guizhou who became monks shortly after 1644. 123. Quoted in W akeman, “ Romantics, Stoics, and M a rtyrs,” p. 642. 124. E .g .3Jiangnan tongzhi (1737), 168:10b, 174:7a; Ruian xianzhi (1809), 8:19b; Fushan zhi (1873)^ 3 :8a, 4:20b; Luoju yesheng (after 1644), 4:37a. 125. E.g., G u Yanwu, Gu Tinglin shiwen ji, p. 302. 126. Zeng Yuwang, Yiyou biji} p. 5. 127. Zhucheng xianzhi (1764), 34:1b. 128. Peterson, “ T h e Life o f K u Yen-w u,” pt. 1, p. 144. 129. Shao Tin gcai, M ingyimin suozhi lu, quoted in C h en Yuan, M ingji Dian-Qian fojiao kao, pp. 237-238.

Notes to Pages 124-162

351

130. Yunnan tongzhi (1572), 13:1a, from an editorial text by L i Yuanyang. 131. Clunas, Superfluous Things, esp. pp. 159-165.

Chapter 4 : The Patrons of Dingku Mountain 1. Except where otherwise indicated, the material for this chapter has been taken from the m onastery’s two gazetteers, Dingku waiji (ca. 1690) and Dinghu shanzhi (1717); the county gazetteer o f 1826, Gaoyao xianzhi; and the prefectural gazetteer o f 1833 in its 1876 reprint, Zhaoqing fuzhi. 2. Yangjiang xianzhi (1822), 1:19a, 6:42b. 3. Xinhui xianzhi (1840), 11.24b. 4. Gernet, China and the Christian Impact, pp. 74, 178; Spence, The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci, p. 96. 5. Panyu xianzhi (1871), 24:17b. 6. Dingku shanzhi (1717), 2:7b. 7. X iancheng Ruhai, Canxue zhijin, 1:50b. T h e author, a monk, was baffled as to how Q ingyun m anaged to not only survive but prosper without land. 8. Zh ao Jish i, Jiyuan j i suoji, II, 245. 9. W an Yan, Guancun wenchao, 1:58b. 10. Caoxi tongzhi (1672), C hen’s preface (1598), 3a. 1:12b;M atteo R icci, Fonti Riccianij N 340 ; Fuzheng, Hanshan dashi nianpu skuzhu, p. 78. 11. Yingde xian xuzhi (1931), 5:31a一32a. 12. Dinghu shanzi (1717), 5:31b. 13. Dinghu waiji, 1:15a. “ Eastern grove” {donglin) was a common poetical term for a place o f seclusion, though it also echoed the name o f the academy with which the Donglin faction identified itself. 14. H is collected works were later published under the literary title o f Tuyaji (Collected writings o f a goose in the mud). 15. Xiangshan xianshi (1920), 7: 6a-b. 16. Gaoyao xianzhi (1826), 2i: 39b~4ob. 17. Q ingyun M onastery continued to print religious tracts into the twentieth century. T h e Asian L ib ra ry at the University o f British Colum bia has a copy o f an annotated edition o f the H eart Sutra, dated 1920, that was printed at Qingyun. 18. Dinghu shanzhi (1717), 1:26b.

Chapter 5 : How the Gentry Patronized Monasteries 1. From a story by L u C iyu n , reprinted in 1683 in Zh an g Chao, Yu Chu xinzhi> p. no. 2. See the Introduction, n. 5. 3. Prip-M 0ller, Chinese Buddhist Monasteries, p. 295; Da zhaoqing liisi zhi (1882), 1:8a; Wvlin fanzhi (1799), 1:37b; Zh an g Dai, Langhuan wenji, p. 61; Yefu shanzhi (1936), 2 : ib-2b. 4. Jinshan zhi (1762), 9:12b; J F Z t 4:18a; Ningkua xianzhi (1684), 2:22b. 5. L i Yue, Jianwen zajis ii: 43b~44b.

352

Notes to Pages 163-170

6. Panshan zhi (1696), 3:37a; Huqiu shanzhi (1767), 23:26b; Huangshan zhi dingben (1679),3:82b; Yang Shiyuan’ ywroT^jYTW^ ji, 8:3b. 7. E .g ., a H enan monastery in 1556 used its own trees for the pillars o f a new bell tower, though the rest o f the building materials had to be purchased; Xiangyan liieji (1746), 1:12b. 8. Xiangyan liieji (1746), C h ao gu’s preface, 3b. 9. Yanshan zhi (1601), 4:89b. 10. YHDj p. 1207. It is impossible to date this comment. Yuan was living in Gongan county from 1600 to 1606, but agricultural conditions in that part o f H u guan g were favorable throughout the decade up to 1606. 11. Huafeng shanzhi (1900), 1:9a. 12. Xiangyan liieji (1746), Zh en ^s preface, ib. 13. Huangshan zhi dingben (1679), 3:77b; Putuo shanzhi (1704.), 4:5a. In the latter case, the project was facilitated by a thousand-tael donation from the emperor himself. 14. A county student in H aiyan county, Zhejiang, had to sell thirty mu of land in order to make good his promise to support the reconstruction of a local monastery in the mid-Wanli era; Haiyan xian tujing (1624), 3:69b. 15- J F Z > 2 7:2b. 16. Zhaobao shanzhi (1847), 2:6a; Tailao shanzhi (1889), 2:19b. 17. H uang Liuhong mentioned in his 1699 handbook for magistrates that “ the land belonging to local shrines, the district academy, and other reli­ gious and educational institutions was mostly bought with the contribu­ tions made by officials and gentry in the past,” which he adduced as the best reason to see that such land was protected from encroachment; H uang, A Complete Book Concerning Happiness and Benevolence, p. 221. 18. Lihn sizhi (1762), 4:9a. 19. Sheshan zhi (1790), 3:14a. 20. J F Z } 34:13a, mentions a gift o f 40 mu; Qixia sizhi (1704), 2a : 5gb, cites a gift o f 34.6 mu. 21. E.g., Jingci sizhi (1888), 7:9a; Helin sizhi (1600), ib. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

TS} 9:28b. Dengwei sheng’en sizhi (1644), 7 : 9b-iob. Ye M engzhu, Yueshi bian, p. 79. Gernet, Les aspects economiques3 pp. 134, 297. Ningkua xianzhi (1684), 2 : 24b -25a. Zhutang sizhi (1917), 3 : i5a-i6b. Fangguang yanzhi (1885), 4 :3a -4a . T h e donor, Zh an g Shirong, cannot be positively identified, though the W anli-era gongsheng Zh an g Shijin was almost tertainly his kinsman; Yongfu xianzhi (1749), 7:17b. 29. YS, 3:32b. In English law, according to the Second Statute o f Westminster (1285), a patron could repossess land he had given to a monastery if the monastery had improperly sold it or if the monks were no longer render­ ing religious services whose provision had been required as a condition of the original gift; Knowles, The Religious Orders of England, II, 286. Chinese law included no such arrangements, to my knowledge, though customary law would have respected this logic.

Notes to Pages 170-178

353

30. Wvlin Janzhi (1780), 5:36b. 31. Shanghai bowuguan, Shanghai beike ziliao xuanji, p. 65. For a similar prohi­ bition against the selling o f monastic land by lineal descendants from 1695, see Xianxia zhilue (1695), 46a-b. 32. Com m endation o f land to clerical households is mentioned in the 1573 gazetteer o f Zhangzhou prefecture, Fujian, although not as occurring behind the facade o f patronage; T JL y 26:86b. 33. X u X ueju, Guochao dianhui, i34 : i3a-b . 34. L i Yu, Zizhi xinshu erji, 20:58b. 35. Jingci sizhi (1888), 7:4a. 36- Prip-M ^ller, Chinese Buddhist Monasteries, p. 121. 37. TS, 8:18a, 9:25b. 38. Shang tianzhu jiangsi zhi (1897), 12:11a. T h e monastery had already suffered losses o f land to gentry buyers in the Wanli era (ioa-b). 39. Xiushan z 2),7 : 24a -25a. 40. Dengwei 1 sizhi (1644), 7: 9a-i6b. 41. For example, when Yu Chunxi, one o f Zh uh on^s lay disciples, built Lianju Chapel in H angzhou in 1578 at his own expense, he chose the monk who took charge o f the chapel and gave public lectures there; Wulin Janzhi (1780), 1:17a. Similarly, Jia o H ong appointed the abbots to his pri­ vate chapel in Nanjing; J F Z 3 20: 4b~5a. Even patrons o f private chapels faced constraints in their choice. W hen a lower-degree holder in Suzhou in the W anli era gave his land and villa to be made into a memorial cha­ pel for a deceased abbot o f Shen^en Monastery, he ended up appointing a dharm a descendant o f an earlier Sheng*en abbot — someone who already had certain claim to the position; Dengwei sheng^n sizhi (1644), 7:14b. 42. TSt 2:16b. Tiantong M onastery changed from sect transmission to the sys­ tem o f public abbotship in 1464. T h e monastic gazetteer records this switch as a sign o f decline in the religious integrity o f the monastery. 43. E.g., Longxing xiangfu jtashan sizhi (1894), 1:13a, concerning the appointment o f G uangtai to the abbotship of Jia sh an Cloister about 1610 at the request o f So ng Yingchang. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48.

Huiyin sizhi (1627), 3 : 7a-b. Yii, The Renewal of Buddhism, pp. 205-206. Zhao Jish i, Jiyu a n ji suoji, II, 30 8-30 9. Lingyin sizhi (1672), 6:1a. L i Zhi, Fen shus p. 167. T h e disciple was Tanran, daughter o f Circuit C e n ­ sor M ei Guozhen.

49. Tiantai shan youlan zhi (1937), 3:23. T h e three patrons did not even have to visit the monastery; their work was printed in Suzhou, and a copy sent to the monastery for inscription. D ong Q ichan^s calligraphy was much sought after in monastic circles in the early seventeenth century. 50. For a fuller description o f these gazetteer genres, see Brook, Geographical Sources, pp. 49-64. 51. Yuan Hongdao and his brothers were credited with having compiled a gazetteer for the monastery where they studied as young men; YSt shout 10a. T h e Fuzhou author X ie Zhaozhe compiled two monastic gazetteers,

354

Notes to Pages 178-189

Gushan zhi (1608) and Fangguangyanzhi (1612), and one mountain gazetteer, Tailao shanzhi (1609). T h e renowned scholar Ch en Renxi revised Jingkou sanshan zhi for publication in 1611 while studying for his jinshi exams and wrote a mountain gazetteer, Yaofeng shanzhi (1638), later in life. T h e scholar-turnedmonk Fang Y izh i completed the gazetteer o f the m onastery where he was liv­ ing in Jia n g x i in 1669 {Qingyuan zhilue) and assigned a disciple to compile one for the leading monastery in his home county in Anhui, Fushan zhi (1670). 52. Lingyan zhi (1696), L i’s preface, 2a. 53. Hmngtang longdao gongzhi (1840), fanli, ia. 54. Dengwei sheng3en sizhi (1644), L u ’s preface (1536), ib. 55. E .g ., the 1896 gazetteer of Zhaojue M onastery in Chengdu, Sichuan, lists A b bot Zhongxun as compiler, though Zhaojue sizhi was actually the work o f Lu o Yonglin, a student entrolled at the prefectural school. 56. X i tianmu zushan zhi (1876), Jijie ’s preface (1804), 4a. 57. E.g., the author o f Bianli yuanzhi published this gazetteer o f a Hangzhou cloister in 1830 specifically to attract patronage; Shen’s preface, ib. 58. E.g., Jingkou sanshan zhi (1512), Sh i’s preface. M ost often, Buddhist books of quality in the M in g were printed at the expense o f wealthy individuals; Sasada M izuho, Hokan no kenkyuy p. 51. 59* Qingliang shanzhi (1661), 1:20b, 2:14b, 3:12a,8:26b. 60. Jiukua shanzhi (1900),shou} 13b; Guichi xianzhi (1883), 18:8b, 27: 6a~7a, 30:11a; Dongliu xianzhi (1818), 5:15a—b; Jiande xianzhi (1825), 16:7b; Qingyang xianzhi (1891), 3:6a, 35a; Tongling xianzhi (1930), 7:12b, 10:7b. 61. YSS, following the table o f contents. 62. Nan Tongzhou wushan quanzhi (1751), fanli} 2b. 63. Qixia sizhi (1704), J i n ’s preface, -12a. 64. Jin g d sizhi (1888), juan 28; Qixia shanzhi (1962), pp. 91-99. 65. T h is sample is based on the entries in m y Geographical Sources; Table 1 (p. 51) provides a similar time profile o f all types o f institutional and topo­ graphical gazetteers. 66. Eberhard, “ Temple-Building Activities.” pp. 264-318. 67. Shanghai bowuguan, Shanghai beike ziliao xnanji, p. 58. 68. Zh an g Lixian g, Yangyuan xiansheng quanji} 27:12, quoted in Wakeman, The Great Enterprise, p. 10061541.

Chapter 6: Why the Gentry Patronized Monasteries 1. Shanghai bowuguan, Shanghai beike ziliao xuanji, p. 61. 2. Yu Ch unxi, Shenglian sheyue^ 4 a-b . 3. T h e only named wom an patron I have found is Zheng G uangxin, a dis­ ciple o r M aster Zhuhong who in the Wanli era founded a chapel in H angzhou by canvassing support from women; X ixi fanyin zhi (1651), 2:11b. T h e same text (2:11a, 4:5b) records another W anli-era chapel built under Zhuhong*s influence by a W oman (probably W idow ) Chen. 4. R egarding the use o f gender to signify power, see Scott, Gender and the Pol­ itics of History, pp. 4 2-4 9 .

Notes to Pages 189-193

355

5. Zh an g N ong, Jiaxun, chujia3 11a; note that this text dates to the late Qing, although its models were undoubtedly earlier. 6. Zhou T ian d u , Tbngsu bian, 20:15a. 7. 8. 9. 10.

E.g., YZ} 1:18b, 11:23b, 24b. E.g., Songjiang fuzhi (1512), 4 ; 3a; Boluo waiji (1805), 2:7a. H uang, A Complete Book Concerning Happiness and Benevolence, p. 608. Sengni niehai, a W anli-era collection o f stories about licentious clergy, is rep­ resentative o f the genre. “ Nun-prostitutes” are mentioned in W ang Weide, Linwu minfeng, 7:12b. 11. Yuan ski, p. 4222. 12. Huoshan zhi (1824), 2:30b, 33b, 3:11a, 15b. 13. Lushan zhi (1915), 14:80b.

14. For instance, Qian Shisheng o f Jia sh an county, Zhejiang, who rose to the post o f grand secretary in 1633, paid for the construction o f a small build­ ing at Jiash an ’s D asheng M onastery in the 1620s. H e also composed a declaration o f ownership for the monastery’s landholdings in the 1630s. H is great-uncle, Q ian W ude, had earlier given land to the monastery. Q ian Shisheng^s younger brother Shijin also built a library at Dasheng and paid for the copy o f the Tripitaka housed there. Two generations later, Q ian Y in g rebuilt the M editation Hall. T h e grand secretary did not restrict his philanthropy to Dasheng, but also patronized Jin g d e M o n ­ astery, establishing a land endowment for it and in 1636 building Dabei Pavilion there in m em ory o f Buddhist M aster Zibo Zhenke. Eight gen­ erations later in 1868, Q ian Qikun rebuilt this pavilion. DM B} pp. 2 37 239; Okuzaki, ChUgoku kyoshin jinushi, pp. 127, 297-298; Jiaxing fuzhi (1840), 59:18a, 20a. 15. Ye Zhoufu, Shexian jinshi zki, 121a, 140a. 16. E.g., G uoqing M onastery in Shangyu county, Zhejiang, was originally the residence o f X ie A n , a Jin -d yn a sty official, and subsequently served as a shrine for the X ie fam ily; Dongshan zhi (1576), 2:ia-2a. 17. O ne such graveyard is noted by Ebrey, “ T h e Ea rly Stages in the Develop­ ment o f Descent G roup O rganization,” p. 26. 18. Chikusa, “ SCdai funji ko,” pp. 3 5 -3 6 ; see also H u ang M inzhi, Songdai fo ­ jiao. M erit cloisters are mentioned in H ym es, Statesmen and Gentlemen, pp. 1 0 7 ,1 7 9 ,183. 19. Krieder, English Chantries, p. 5. 20. E.g., Putian xianzhi (1757, repr. 1926),4:44b. 21. Q uan Z u w an g,Jieq i ting ji, p. 727. Q uan Z u w an ^ s great-grandfather in the Wanli era and another kinsman in his own generation had the chapel restored; the great-grandfather also edited the lineage genealogy. 22. Ibid., p. 727. Lineages subsequently came to pay for the expenses at their lineage halls through the same sort o f arrangement, putting land into “ tomb estates” (muzhuang) and directing the rental income to the shrine or chapel where the rites were being performed. O n the evolution o f mutian in the M in g , see Chikusa, uSodai funji ko,,> p. 62. Denis Twitchett has pointed out that the original model for these estates was Buddhist; Twitch­ ett, “ T h e Fan Clan’s Charitable Estate,” pp. 102-104.

356

Notes to Pages 193-196

23. W hen one o f the resident monks at Dongshan Chapel, which had been built beside the A n lineage cemetery in the Yongle era, sold off some of its land, the A n s succeeded in having him expelled from the chapel in 1670 by order o f the county magistrate, who reaffirmed their right to supervise the chapel’s affairs; Ninghua xianzhi (1684),2:24b. 24. A man who had designs on the land owned by the M a lineage’s Baoyan M onastery in Jin h u a, Zhejiang, in the mid-seventeenth century was able to use the charge o f failing to keep the graves in repair as a pretext to force the abbot out; L i Yu, Zizhi xinshu erji (1667), 20:44a_45a. 25. Fourteenth-century examples: S u Boheng, Su Pingzhong wenji, 6:16b; Eberhard, Social Mobility, p. 209. 26. E.g., a small “ monk’s cottage” {senglu) outside the gate o f Nanjing's N iushou M onastery served as a fam ily shrine for an official; Niushou shanzhi (1579),1.18a. 27. E.g., Dongshan Chapel in N inghua county, Fujian; Ninghua xianzhi (1684), 2: 24b -25a. 28. E.g., Jia n yu e Duti, Yimeng manyan, p. 8. 29. Zhu Tin gli, Jialijieyao (1536), 33a, emphasis mine. T h e author in this pas-sage has borrowed the language o f the early-M in g philosopher C a o Duan. 30. E.g., two o f the leading gentry lineages in Jia n ’an county, Fujian, the Yangs and the Leis, maintained chantries through these centuries; Jia n ­ ning Juzhi (1541), 19:3a; Jianhn xianzhi (1713), 1:21b,5:32a, 42a. 31. Makino, uSoshi to sono hattatsu,” p. 193. 32. X u H ongzu, Xu Xiake youji, p. 142, referring to a monastery in Y ih u an g county, Jia n g xi. 33. E.g., Sim ing M onastery in Ningbo was made over into the H u ang fam ­ ily shrine by a twenty-fifth-generation descendant o f the fam il/s Tang founder; Yinxian tongzhi (1937), 1:399b. C h antry origins for Sim ing are not specified, but they are probable. For another example o f a take-over for the purpose o f founding a shrine in the Q ing, see X u Daoling, Beiping miaoyu tongjiant p. 32. 34. E.g., Fang Yizhi, Fushan wenji koubian, pp. 51-52 ; cf. Putian xianzhi (1926), 35. E.g., Lushan zhi (1719), i4: 8ob-8ia. 36. E.g., Ningbo’s H aihui Monastery, which had been the intercessory insti­ tution for three elite families in the Song, by the seventeenth century had become a place where the sons o f other gentry families studied for the exams; W an Yan, Guancun werwhao, 1:52a. 37. Shouning daizhi (compiled by Feng M englong), p. 111; Shouning xianzhi (1686),

2: i4a-b, 7、2ib-22b. 38. Yangshm sheng (1611), 3:9b, I2a-b, 5:3b_4b. 39. It was common to declare that one’s involvement in the affairs o f a mon­ astery was due to the patronage o f a Song ancestor, e.g., Huiyin sizhi (1881), 4:9a; Fanggmng yanzhi (1885), 4:6b. In the latter case, the continuity was reinforced by the fact that the So ng patron's fam ily continued to live in the immediate vicinity o f their monastery “ generation after generation”; Yongfu xianzhi (1749), 8:17a. Such references could simply be a way o f steal-

Notes to Pages 196-205

357

ing hoary authority for a personal decision, but they could also imply that the monastery was founded as a Song chantry. 40. Abbots from wealthy families tended to attract kin support at least for themselves and probably for their institution as well; see Eberhard, Social Mobility, p. 235. 41. Benefactors’ Halls were variously known as W angsheng tang, Shuilu tang, and X ig u i tang; Welch, The Practice of Chinese Buddhism, pp. 203-204. 42. Appeals written by the gentry were known usually as shu (submission), sometimes as yin (introduction) or xu (preface); those by local magistrates were generally called shi (notice). 43. Yangshan sheng (1611); 5 : 2a~3a. 44. Luofu shanzhi huibian (1717), 13:8a. 45. YHDj p. 1202, in his appeal for support for Zhutian Monastery. A s a Bud­ dhist N eo-Confucian, Yuan was occasionally critical o f other aspects of Buddhist doctrinal convention. In the same text, he objected to the use of the term tian (heaven) in the name o f the monastery for which he was seek­ ing support, since he felt this to be a concept to which Confucians had exclusive right. 46. L i Zhi, Xu fen shu, pp. 96-97. T h e original text is not dated. T h e fund­ raising appeal by L u Guangzu that L i mentions is not preserved in any o f Q jxia’s gazetteers, though a text by L u com memorating the comple­ tion o f another hall there is dated 1592; Sheshan zhi (1790), 4:24a. 47. O n Yungu’s reputation am ong the gentry, see Brokaw, The Ledgers of Merit and Demerit} pp. 77-85. 48. The Threefold Lotus Sutra, p. 76. 49. Yu, The Renewal of Buddhism, pp. 238, 249-250. 50. Huian xianzhi (1530), 10:11a. 51. L u K un, Xu xiaoer yu3 in Yangzheng yigui, 2:9b. 52. Colophons in Buddhist books provide a similar body o f evidence, for those who paid for such books declared that they did so either to win merit for ancestors or because o f their own health problems, illness being attributable to bad karma; see Saw ada, Hokan no kenkyUj p. 70. 53. Huiyin sizhi (1881), 4:7b; Lingyin sizhi (1671), 8:78b. 54. Xiangshan zhi (1853), I: 33a» 43b. In a motivating dream reported by Zhang Dai, the agent o f inspiration was not a Buddhist deity but the eminent So ng Gonfucian and Buddhist patron,.Su Shi; Zh an g D ai, Xihu mengxun, 1:14a. 55. AWSj 4b:8b-ioa. 56. Fuqing xianzhi (1747), 14:41a. 57. ATVSj 4b:i2a-i4a. 58. YHD, pp. 1195-1196. 59. Huqiu shanzhi (1767), 22:4a. 60. Yii, The Renewal of Buddhism, p. 240. 61. M aterial regarding Deqingfs activities in Jim o has been taken from Fuzheng, Hanshan dashi nianpu shuzhu, pp. 50 -6 5; Jim o xianzhi (1764), 2:4a,5:18a; Jim o xianzhi (1872),11:15a, 12:11a; Laizhou fuzhi (1939), 6:40b; Laoshan zhi (Shunzhi era), 5:18b; H su, A Buddhist Leader, pp. 76-81.

358

Notes to Pages 207-218

62. T h is connection has been suggested by Yu Songqing, “ M in g -Q in g shidai minjian de zongjiao xinyang,” p. 122. 63. M ican g Daokai, Zhangyi jingshu, iia-b. 64. Yunqi Zhuhong, Yunqifahui (1899), 27:19b; this passage is quoted in Over65. 66. 67. 68.

myer, Folk Buddhist Religion, p. 37. • H u a n g Zhengyuan, Yinzhi wen tushuo (1801), hengbu, 82a. G ao Panlong, Gao z i yishu (1848),6:6a. Zhapujiushan buzhi (1757), 4:1a. Yanshan zhi (1601),4 : 89a~9ib; Guang yandang shanzhi (1790),9:3a.

69. Qiuxian zhi (1576), 3:14b. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74.

JF Z , 4 : 25b-26b. Nan Tongzhou wushan quanzhi (1751), 8:4b, 8a; n:i4a-iyb. Huili sizhi (1895), i:i6a-i7a, Linjinag fuzhi (1871), 4 : ib-2b. Brook, Geographical Sources, p. 153.

75. YHDt p. 1207. 76. Qingyuan zhilue (1669), 7 : 3a -i2a; see also Meskill, Academies in Ming China, p. 90. T h e senior sponsor o f this plan was G uo Zizhang, the eminent offi­ cial, writer, and Buddhist patron who was then in his seventies. Ju st before his death two years later, G u o would compile the gazetteer o f K in g Asoka Monastery, which preserves the fund-raising appeals by Tu Lo n g and L u G uangzu translated in this chapter. 77. T h e sociological literature on network analysis has expanded rapidly in the last decade and a half. For a useful survey o f this approach, see Berkowitz, An Introduction to Structural Analysis. 78. E.g., Yuan Hongdao mentioned in a fund-raising appeal that he was approached to write it by “a monk o f the monastery who was a traveling companion o f mine in the old days”;YH D , p. 1208.

79. Guang yandang shanzhi (1790), I3: i2a-b. 80. Qingliang shanzhi (1661), 5:29b. L u G uangzu took the studio name o f W utai in the mountain’s honor. 81. Jiangxin zhi (1707), 7:27b. L iu K angzhi was the patron. 82. Louxian zhi (1788), 10:9a. 83. E.g., X u H ongxu, Xu Xiake youji, p. 1139; Nanping jingci sizhi (1615), 6:30b; Bochi shanzhi (1920), 71b; Caoxi tongzhi (1672), 3:13a; Changqing sizhi (1800), 6:22a. Zaiguan was usually reserved for officials above the county level. We find this manipulation o f status terminology in a seventeenth-century biography o f Hanshan Deqing. W h en a hundred copies o f a collection of Deqing*s essays were printed in the spring o f 1599, they were circulated, we are told, to “ knowledgeable Buddhists and lay o伍cials” 一 when gentry, not office-holders, was meant; Fuzheng, Hanshan dashi nianpu shuzhu, p. 75. Note that the term guan could be used to indicate status in other contexts; for example, a man who lived to a great age could be called a shougmn (“official enjoying longevity*’). 84. Qingyuan zhilue (1669),7 : 6a-b. 85. Zh an g H aip eng and W an g T in g yu an , Ming-Qing Hui shang ziliao xnanbian, PP. 30 3-317. T h is impression o f Huizhou merchants’ indifference to Bud­

Notes to Pages 218-221

359

dhist objects o f patronage coincides with Zurndorfer, Change and Continuity, 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91.

P. 97_ Feng M englong, Zhinang bu, 12:21a. Zh an g and W ang, Ming-Qing Hui shang ziliao xuanbian3 p. 315. Yangshan sheng (1611), 1:47a. J F Z 3 4:30a. Yangshan sheng (1611), i; 48b~49a. Yurdin sizhi (1829), 4:1b.

92. Other examples testifying to the personal piety o f merchants: Zhao Jish i, Jiyuan j i suqji, II, 250, told o f a merchant who was so impressed b y the reli­ gious devotion o f a monk he met by chance on a boat that he contributed to the rebuilding o f the monastery for which the monk was raising funds. Feng M englong, Xingshi hengyan} p. 67, recounted the story o f a successful H angzhou oil merchant who gave three months’ supply o f oil to all the city’s prominent monasteries in gratitude for having succeeded in busi­ ness. A monastic gazetteer records that the piety o f a Hunanese merchant in Guizhou induced him not only to provide oil for the lamps of his fav­ orite monastery but to decide eventually to retire there as a lay devotee, dying in the monastery in the year 1700; Qiatding shanzhi (1705), 10:2b. 93. E.g., a Guangdong merchant in 1689 donated gold to have a statue o f G uanyin cast and placed in a m onastery on Putuo Island after he and his cargo were saved in a storm; Putuo shanzhi (1704), 5:6b. Shen Y ig u a n observed in the gazetteer o f Baotuo M onastery in the coastal town where boats to Putuo embarked that the cult o f G uanyin was popular among merchants and fishermen; Zhaobao shanzhi (1847),2:53a. 94. T h e gazetteer is Pingshan knsheng zhi (1742). Pingshan H all was favored more for its scenic location than for its Buddhist aura. T h e patronage of Shaanxi salt merchants in 1493 ls recorded in the later Pingshan tang tuzhi (1765),6:12a. 95* Nanping jingci sizhi (1615),1:37b, 2:43a, 3:39a, 5:61b,6:46a, 8:56b,9:32a, 10:27b. Curiously, the name o f one o f the X in ’an donors, W ang Youlong, has been struck off the woodblock o f the fifty-sixth page o f juan 8 in the copy at the Lib rary o f Congress. 96. Ibid., 1:36b. 97- For other instances o f contributions made to monasteries by salt m er­ chants in the eighteenth century, see Tianning situ (ca. 1783), vol. i, “ T ian ning si,” concerning Yangzhou salt merchants in 1783; and Wushan chenghuang miaozhi (1878), 1, gongdie, concerning H angzhou salt merchants. 98. Piaoskui xianzhi (1579), 5:9b. O ne o f these temples was dedicated to the spirit o f Tai Shan. 99. Weberns concept o f liturgy is examined in M an n , Local Merchants, pp. 12-13. 100. Zhao Jinsheng, Zhao Zhongyi wenji3 quoted in F u Y ilin g, Ming-Qing shidai shangrens pp. 29-30. 101. Songxi M onastery in southwestern H enan, dedicated to Guanyin, was restored by the N eixiang county magistrate in 1481 “ because from the m onastery roads lead down to Baonan and on into the Ju nzh o u region [northern Hubei], m aking it a rather important transportation route.

36°

Notes to Pages 221-232 . . . Since then it has become a convenient place to stay for government messengers and itinerant merchants passing through”;Neixiang xianzhi

(1485),4:7m. 102. X ie Guozhen, Wan Ming shiji} 16:2b, recounts the story o f a H u guan g mer­ chant who stored a crate o f tung oil at a certain m onastery in the 1630s. T h e price o f tung oil rose over the next five years. W ith no sign that the merchant would ever return to collect his crate, a monk there sold it through a local broker. 103. Qinghuan C h am ber at H uqiu M ountain served as the huignan for mer­ chants from Y ich en g county, Shanxi; Huqiu shanzhi (1767), 5:6b. In gen­ eral, merchant hostels and guilds adopted non-Buddhist deities like C a ishen, the G od o f Wealth, as their patrons, though G u an Yu was the patron o f Shaanxi merchants, and Wenchang o f booksellers, to name two

104.

105. 106. 107.

others. For texts regarding the corporate worship o f non-Buddhist deities by Jia n gn a n guilds, see Jiangsu sheng Ming-Qing yilai beike ziliao xnanji. E.g., “ the lofty gates o f Sanskrit palaces and lotus halls rising each beyond the next,” as one poet described Suzhou, were regarded as a sign o f the good health o f its commercial economy; M o Zhao, “ Suzhou fu,” quoted in Fu Y ilin g, Ming-Qing shidai shangrerij p. 93. A Fujian writer similarly con­ nected commercial prosperity and Buddhist monasteries when talking about the city o f Quanzhou, where commercial activity generated great wealth, as a result o f which “ surplus resources have gone into bridges and roads and its Buddhist and Daoist monasteries are the finest in Fujian”; see G uo Zaoqing, “ M in zhong jingliie yi” (Recommendations concerning communications within Fujian), in T JL, 26:11b. Fuzheng, Hanshan dashi nianpu shuzhu, p. 78; the incident is mentioned in H su, A Buddhist Leader} p. 88. Zhu Shilu, “ X iu qixia si fatang duanyin** (B rief appeal for the restoration o f the D harm a H all at Q ixia M onastery) (ca. 1602),J F Z } 4:25b. W ang Weide, Linwu minjeng} 7:12b.

Chapter y: The Patronage of Gentry in a Small County: Zhucheng County 1. Qingzhou Juzhi (1565), 6:17a. T h e founding Qin emperor also climbed Zhucheng^s Bailong (W hite Dragon) M ountain, named because o f the dra­ gon he claimed to have seen from its summit. 2. T o a Dobunkai, Santo oyobo Koshuwan} p. 414. 3. T JL , 15:6a. T h e same products are mentioned in Linqu xianzhi (1552), 1:5b. Linqu is a hundred kilometers northwest o f Zhucheng, also within Q ing­ zhou prefecture. 4. T h e 1603 county gazetteer notes that fiscal ratings o f agricultural land could be readily determined for only one o f the eight cantons (xiang) of the county; those in the southwest and southeast were extremely resistant to rational assessment; quoted in T JL , 16:38a. 5. T h e official population figures show a decline between the beginning and end o f the sixteenth century from 200,000 to 154,000, a decline that, in the view o f the editor o f the 1764 county gazetteer, reflected a real population

Notes to Pages 2 32 -2 3 7

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drop. Population at the turn of the twentieth century was h alf a million; Zhucheng xian xiangtu zhi (1906), 2:3a. 6. T JL , i6: 38a~4ob. W ill, Bureaucratie etfamine, pp. 69-70 , observes that the rate o f tenancy was higher in Shandong than in other northern provinces; ten­ ancy in Zhucheng seems to have been lower than elsewhere in the province. 7. Yuan Ghangji et al., “ Q ingdai Shandong shuihan ziran zaihai,” pp. 1508. Qingzhou fuzhi (1565), 5:29a-3ib. 9. ZXj 2: 24b ~3: 5a, 7:13b. Peasants turning to banditry are mentioned in the gazetteer o f the neighboring county to the north; Anqiu xianzhi (1589), 9:70a. Zhucheng was victimized by the same set o f climatic and human catastrophes that Jonath an Spence has described for Tancheng, the bor­ ders o f which lay some 130 kilometers southwest o f Zhucheng’s; see Spence, The Death of 'Woman Wang, esp. pp. 9- 21, 3 3 -3 4 . 10. Shandong shifan daxue, Qing shilu Shandong shiltao xuan} I, 5-6 . n. Z X j 9: 2a~4a; Zhucheng xian xiangtu zhi, ir^ a-b , 2ia -b ; I Song-gyu, “ Shinsho chiho tochi no kakuritsu to kyOshin,” pt. 1, pp. 29 -35. 12. Z X 3 5 : 3 b -4 a , i2:ia-5b. 13. Qingzfwu Juzhi (1565), 11:13b. 14. T h e reference to the landless meeting their corvee duties by producing jars comes from Lin q u county to the northwest; other methods included cutting wood and m aking charcoal, presumably for the use o f the local magistrate’s office; Linqu xianzhi (1552), 1:5b. T h is gazetteer also notes that the poor could survive by weaving mats and baskets. 巧. 5: 5a, 9:1b; Qingzhou Juzhi (1565), 11:13b. 16. Linqu xianzhi (1552), 1:5b. 17. Anqiu xianzhi (1589), 9:70a. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

Z X 3 3:4a. D in g Yaokang, Chujiejilue, p. 152. Z X , 41:4b, 45:i4b-i5a. Z X t 39:8a. References to single-surname villages: Z X f 32:1a, and D in g Yaokang, Chujiejilue, p. 164; to lineage land: Z X } 32:21b, 36:11a, 39:3a, 45:9b; to a lineage

school: Z X } 33:11a. 23. Littrup, Subbureauaratic Government, p. 32.

24- zx ,32:5b. 25. Z X } 45:10a. 26. D in g Yaokang, Chujiejtliie, pp. 139, 154; Zhucheng xian xiangtu zhi, 1:21a. 27. L i ski zupu (1740), L iu ’s preface, ia. T h is genealogy o f the G ucheng Lis is preserved in the T o y o Bunko. 28. Qingzhou Juzhi (1565), 6:51b, 9:29b. 29. Ibid., 45:6b. 30. Zhucheng xian xiangtu zhi, 1:26b. 31* Z X , 7 ; g a -b , from Z an g Erquan to L iu Q i. These seven lineages all appear in a list o f twenty prominent lineages included in the local gazetteer of 1906, which judges prominence in part on a lineage’s ability to survive into the present; Zhucheng xian xiangtu zhi, 2:ia-2a. W ith the possible excep­

362

Notes to Pages 237-251 tion o f the G ucheng Lis, all o f the other lineages listed there enjoyed prominence significantly before or after the century under study.

32- z x , 2 4 : 3b -7b . 33. Zhucheng xian xiangtu zhi, 1:17b. 34. Z X j jiu xu, 7b -8a, xiuzhi xingmingj ib~3a, 21:17a, 22:3b. 35. D ing Yaokang, Chujiejtlue, p. 148. Ch apter 37 o f Dongfs novel Xujinping mei {Golden Lotus continued) deals with disputes over a fictional T h ree Teach­ ings H all, discussed in Brook, “ Rethinking Syncretism .” 36. Z X , 7:4b. T h e gazetteer editor o f neighboring A nqiu county mentioned specifically that he was leaving out the smaller shrines o f the county from his list o f monasteries; Anqiu xianzhi (1589), 5:31a. Underutilized urban and suburban areas elsewhere in C h in a were frequently occupied by smaller religious establishments during this period. 37. Z X , i:8b -i3a, 7 : i3b -i5b ; D in g Yaokang, Chujie jiliie, pp. 148-149. T h is pat­ tern also holds for other counties in the region; e.g., Lingu xianzhi (1552), 3: 22a -24a , includes only two M in g dates for monastic construction or restoration. 38. Reported in Z X , 7:15b. 39. Zhucheng xian xiangtu zhi, 2:3a. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44.

Fuzheng, Hanshan dashi nianpu skuzhu, p. 52. Qihe xianzhi (1737), 10:23a. Yanzhou fuzhi (1596), 4:7a; T JL } 15:149a, 150a, 158a. Yanzhou fuzhi (1596), 4:12b. Qingzkou fuzhi (1565),1:4a, 9a, 11:66a, 13:46b.

45. Z X , 6:na, 41:3b; Wuiian shanzhi (1681), 1:14a,18a. Other mountains in the southern hills also provided safety during the invasion; Z X } 6:10b. 46. Wuiian shanzhi3 2:1a,4a-b, I4a-i6b. 47. D ing Yaokang mentioned that plans for carving three monumental Bud­ dhist statues were suspended after the troubles o f the 1640s because funds could not realistically be solicited; D in g Yaokang, Ckujiejilile, p. 150. 48. Ibid., 2:5, ioa-b, iga-b , 22a, 3:6a. In addition to H aiche there was at least one other monk at G uangm ing surnamed Jin . T h e use o f Liaodong C h i­ nese bannerm an to administer Shandong has been noted by I Song-gyu, "Shinsho chiho tochi no kakuritsu katei to kyoshin/7 pt. 2, p. 61. 49. T h e information on the C an g m a Dings has been taken from D in g Yao­ kang, Chujie jiliie, pp. 145-165; and Zhucheng xian xiangtu zhi, 1:17a, 2ia-b. 50. D in g Yaokang*s biography o f M ingkong is in Chujie jilue3 pp. 149-150. 51. Ibid., p. 139.

Chapter 8 : Ths Patronage of Gentry in a Large County: Yin County (Ningbo)t Zmjiang 1. YZ, fanli, ia-b. 2. Aspects o f the history o f N ingbo in the Tang and Song dynasties are given in Davis, Court and Family, pp. 21-31. 3. Q uan Zuw ang, Jieq i ting ji, 8:671, 695. 4. Zhuhong, based in H angzhou, drew northern Zhejiang laymen into his Buddhist activities from as far away as Ningbo. Gernet, China and the Chris­

Notes to Pages 251-257

363

tian Impact,p. 79, mentions a lay disciple o f Zhuhong who was a gobetween in a theological dispute between the Christian com munity in H angzhou and the Buddhist master Yuanwu in Ningbo in the late 1620s. A sense o f the separation o f H angzhou and N ingbo as cultural centers m ay be inferred from Zh an g D ai’s anthology o f poems on Hangzhou, Xihu mengxun. Zh an g included dozens o f authors from all over Jiangnan. Shaoxing, his home prefecture immediately to the west o f Ningbo, was heavily represented, whereas he included only one Ningbo native, Tu Long. 5. Tsur, Forms of Business, pp. 14-15. 6. Shiba, “ N ingpo and its Hinterland,” p. 396, observes that the basic hydraulic structure o f the Yong drainage basin was in place by the thir­ teenth century. Even so, m ajor improvements and refinements continued to be made on that structure into the eighteenth century; see YZt fanli, 2b; Yongshang shuili zhi (1848), passim. 7. T h e Jia jin g -era quota o f taxable land, retained by the Qing, was slightly over one million mu; YZ, 6: 4b~5b. Even with the reclamation o f marsh land south o f the city through the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, culti­ vated acreage did not expand at the rate o f population increase. 8. T h is precentage is for the county’s eastern cantpns; YZt 29:34b. 9. YZj Chen’s preface (1787), ib. 10. Shiba, “ N ingpo and its Hinterland,” p. 401. 11. YZf 26:25a; Ningbo Juzhi (1733), 36:53b. 12. YZ, fanli, 2a. 13. YZ} 2 5: ia-b , referring to Luoyang qielan j i (Record of the monasteries of Luoyang) and JF Z . 14. Yinxian tongzhi (1937), 1:295a. 1516. 17. 18. 19.

Y z> 27:50b. Shiba, “ N ingpo and its H interland,” pp. 422-4 24. YZ3 1:18b. YZ} 7:1a. T h e following information about Yanqing and Shouchang monasteries is taken from YZ} 7:10b, 21:57a, 25:1b, 3a -b . 20. Tokiwa, Shim bukkyo shiseki tosaki, p. 435. 21. L i 及 si,Yongshang gaoseng shi, i: 44a~45b. 22. L i Yesi, Gaotang wenchaOj 2:21a, 3:32a. 23. Ibid., i:38b_39b; the gazetteer is lost, according to H o n g H uanchun, Zhe­ jiang Jangzhi kaot p. 645. 24. For an example o f Wen Xingdao’s activism, see his recommendation call­ ing for a levy to maintain the main bridge on the east side o f the city, pre­ served in Yongshang shuili zhi (1848),6:6a. In addition to the T iantong and Shouchang gazetteers, Wen X in gdao produced two others, according to H o n g H uanchun, Zhejiang Jangzhi kaot p. 645. 25. TS, shou, ia~4b; YZy 29:32b. 26. T h e information about Tiantong M onstery has been taken from Tiantong sizhi (1633),2: 2b-i4b, 5 : nb-2oa; TSt 2.i6b-44b, 3:33b, 8:i7a-i8b, 9 :2 3 3 -3 0 ^ 27. TSt 2:18b.

364

Notes to Pages 258-267

28. Zh an g Dai, Taoan mengyi} p. 61; Zh an g Dai, Langkuan wenji, p. 51. 29- yZs 29:34a. 30. T h e same exemptions were arranged by the county magistrate for Songyuan Monastery, sixty kilometers southwest o f the city, when it was being rebuilt early in the K an gxi era; Siming shanzhi (136),8:24b* 31. T h e information about K in g Asoka M onastery has been taken from YZ, 6:4a_5b,2 5: i3a-i4a, 27:50b; X iancheng R uhai,Canxue zhijin, 2:27b; AW S} Deqing^s preface (1619),ib, 4a:i9a-b , 4*b:3a, 4b, 21b, 6:4a, 7 : ia-i2a; Zhang D ai, Taoan jmn^yi, p. 75. 32. AW S, 8 a : 5a-6a. 33. T h e information concerning Putuo, Baoyun, and Puan monasteries is from Y Z 5 : 3 b -5a , 25: 4b~5b, ioa, 32a, 29:17b; for Putuo in particular, Qita sizhi (1937), 1:1b, 7:1a. Tokiwa, Shim bukkyo shisekt tosaki} p. 439, notes that Q ita was the most flourishing monastery in N ingbo in the 1920s. 34II:22a, 25:29b, 40a. 35. Y in monasteries escaped spoliation when the invaders arrived in Y in county. B y contrast, the famous Xuedou M onastery in neighboring Fenghua county was ravaged during the dynastic transition, but restored dur­ ing the next decade; Dongchu, “ Sim ing diyi shan,” p. 176. 36. T h e Y in gentry is analyzed in Brook, “ Family Continuity and Cultural Hegem ony.” Concerning the Lous, see Walton, “ Kinship, M arriage, and Status.” Regarding the Shis, see Davis, Court and Family. 37. YZ} 29:31, quoting from an anthology o f local verses collected by L i Yesi. 38. YZj 16:1a, 29:32a.

39 . Quoted in YZ, i:i4b-i5a. 40. Brook, “ Family Continuity and Cultural H egem ony/’ p. 35. 41. YZ3 2:i9b -2ib (arches); 5 : n a-i2a (sacrifice); 27.42b (honors list). T h e list of those eligible for sacrifice names 167 individuals from the M in g and early Q ing. O f those who were active in the period 1500-1644, I have been able to identify 77 individuals belonging to 41 lineages. O f those on the prefectural honor role for the same period, I have identified 3 3 individuals in 27 lineages. O f men for whom arches were built, 51 can be identified as mem­ bers o f 29 gentry lineages. 42. AWSj ioa:6a. T h e Gaoqiao Zhangs were not averse to expressing criticism o f Buddhism in the fifteenth century. In the next generation, Zh an g Y i submitted a memorial at court complaining about the influence o f a cer­ tain Buddhist monk am ong members o f the imperial fam ily; YZt 15:10b. T h e contrast with Zh ang H u i expresses a difference, not o f change over time, but o f context. Buddhist influence was deemed inappropriate at court while being regarded as acceptable in the local context.

43. Ningbo-fuzhi (1733),2 4 :32a* 44- Ibid.,36:51b. 45. YZ, 26:23b. 46. YZ} 18:30a; A W S, 4 b : 2oa. T h e Q ingfeng L is were a reasonably prominent fam ily at the turn o f the sixteenth century that fell into relative obscurity for the rest o f the M in g, resurfacing only in the early Qing, hence their lineage does not appear in Table 2.

Notes to Pages 267-270

365

47. TSt 2:20b; YZj 16:57b; Yinxian tongzhi (1937), 1:424b; L i Gaotang wenchao, 2:19b. According to lineage tradition, the Zhuzhou Shaos (middle gentry) produced C h an M aster Puan, who succeeded in winning sufficient notice from the court to obtain a copy o f the Tripitaka and arrange fiscal exemp­ tion for Putuo Island; Yinxian tongzhi, i: 5i4a-b. T h e story is not dated, but appears to come from the W anli era. Puan enjoyed extensive contacts with the gentry. 48. L i Yesi, Gaotang wenchao, 2:19b. 49. YZ> 16:25a,28a; Q uan Zuw ang, Jie q i ting ji, 8:152, 283-224 . Erem itism did not always succeed loyalism. X u Q irui, an accomplished m em ber o f a lesser X u lineage, abandoned the examination treadmill in the Chongzhen era after several failed attempts to gain a.juren degree. N ot only did he become a monk, but he went into religious isolation (his wife also took orders). W h en N anjing fell in 1645 and the fate o f the M in g house hung in the balance, he recovered his old clothes and weapons and went to fight with Q ian Suyue, eventually dying in the cause; Jieq i 1:101. Another monk, Jiq i H ongchu (from X in g h u a county, Jia n gsu ), had been active in the Ming-loyalist cause and every year on the anniversary o f the fall of Beijing to the rebels conducted a rite o f commemoration for the fallen dynasty. H e was imprisoned for a time in the early 1650s for alleged involvement in an anti-Q ing conspiracy in the Suzhou region; Jieq i tingji} 8:159. Religious eremitism could pose unique problems for the families o f gentry turned monks. Q ian Zhongjie, a younger brother o f the loyalist com m ander Q ian Suyue, fought valiantly for the cause o f M in g loyalism and reportedly died in 1649 at the age o f twenty-eight. Thirty-seven years later, however, a monk turned up in Y in claim ing he was Zhongjie — and presum ably also claim ing both Zhongjie’s reputation and his share o f the lineage property; Jieq i ting j i ,8:105. 50. A Songjiang native named H o n g Y in g yu an retired to Baocheng Chapel there under the ecclesiastical nam e o f X ingch eng W ufan after the col­ lapse o f the loyalist regim e in Fujian, for which he had been a fund-raiser am ong the Songjiang gentry. In danger o f execution when the last resis­ ters on Putuo were captured in 1651, H o n g so impressed his captors with his complete devotion to the com m ander under whom he had served in the loyalist cause that he was spared and permitted to stay on Putuo as a monk. Q uan Zuw ang, Jieq i ting j i ,8:558, 758. 51. Zhou R ong, Chunjiu tang yishus 1:48a, 57a. 52. X ie Guozhen, Ming-Qing zhi j i dangshe yundong kao} pp. i84fF. 53. AYW } 10:1a. 54. YZy i6:ib, 18a. T h e other was Sun Y i, from a lesser-gentry fam ily o f m od­ est reputation. 55. Ibid., 17.11a. 56. L i Yesi, Gaotang tvenchao, 2:20b. 57. Peng Jiq in g , Jushi zhuan, 38:1a. 58. D U B , p. 1338. 59. AW S} 12:1a. 60. ECCP, p. 802. T h e son's nam e was H u a n g Baijia. R egarding H u ang

366

Notes to Pages 270-282

Zongxi’s role in Y in county, see X ie Guozhen, Ming-Qing z h iji dangsheyundong kao, pp. 189-190. 61. W an Yan, Guancun wenchao, i: 49a -5o a, 52a-b , 2:8b_9a, 3:17a. 62. AW S} i6:i5a-b. T h e other seventeen patrons included a H eyi Zhou and a Zhuzhou Shao (who together with a Q uan made up the Y in county jinshi cohort o f 1736), three o f the ubiquitous C h engxi Fans’ two Houtong Chens, a Fushi Zhou, and a Qingshiqiao Zhang. T h e one X ie on the list was a 1729 gongsheng from neighboring Zhenhai county; the other seven I have not been able to identify. 63. AW S, 14:20a. 64. T h e poetry o f ten local monks from the early M in g was reprinted in an anthology compiled in the K an gxi era by L i Yesi (of the Q ijie Lis) entitled Yongshang gaoseng shi. For a noted poet-monk o f the Yongle era, see YZ3 27:29a. 65. Sirmng shanzhi (1936), 8:23a; YZt 25:5b; Xianjue si zhilue (1705), ib; T St 9:28b. 66. YZt 2:25b, 20:19b, 25:7b; TSt 2:21a. 67. Q uan Zuw ang, Jieq i ting ji, 8:727, referring to the chantry o f the H uanxi Quans, set up in the So n g and restored in the Wanli era. 68. AW S} 4b : 22b-27b. 69. Tiantong: Zh an g T in gbin (Chahu); Putuo: Zhou Y in g b in and Zhou Yingchen (Fushi), Shen Taifan (Nanhu), Tu L o n g (Jiangbei), G uan Wanli, and Zh ang Zaidao (Gaoqiao); K in g Asoka: Tu Long, W en L o n g (X ihu), and X u Shijin (X ihu); Yanqing; Yang Dezhou (Jingchuan). I have been unable to identify the lineages o f Yang M in g , editor o f the 1535

70. 71. 72. 73.

Tiantong gazetteer, and o f Yu Yong and C hen Jiu si, who were both con­ tributing editors to the 1607 gazetteer o f Putuo. T h e editor-in-chief o f the 1619 K in g Asoka gazetteer was G uo Zizhang from J i ’an prefecture in Jia n gxi. H e was assisted in this project by three other J i ’an natives. T h e elites of N ingbo and J i ’an appear to have formed ties in other arenas as well: X u Zhiyuan struck up a friendship with Zo u while serving as a county magistrate in J i ’an, and Zh ao Shilu (Junziying) developed close ties with both Zou and G uo while serving as surveillance vice-com m is­ sioner o f Jia n g x i; YZ3 16:16a,28a, 29b. Q ian Qizhong, Qingxi yigao, 1:44a-45a; Q uan Zuw ang, Jieq i ting ji, 8:629. Sh iba, “ N ingpo and its Hinterland,” p. 422. YZt 2:4a. E.g., the restoration o f the county school, as one might expect o f an insti­ tution that promoted gentry skills, was funded entirely by the gentry alone; YZ} 5:6b.

Chapter g : Patronage and the County Magistrate: Dangyang County, Hubei 1. Lu o Guanzhong, Sanguo yanyi, pp. 66 2-663 (ch. 77); abridged and trans­ lated by M oss Roberts in L o Kuan-chung, Three Kingdoms, pp. 242-244. T h e cover illustration on the Roberts edition is none other than Guan ■Yu’s ascent to heaven at Yuquan. 2. Minglu jijie fuli, 11:9a,iob-na.

Notes to Pages 28 2 -2 8 9

367

3. For instance, the Tianshun emperor in 1458 conferred an edict o f protec­ tion for monastic properties on Shanxi’s W utai M ountain on the grounds that “ for m any years the monks have prayed for the fortunes o f the state above and the people below”;Qingliang shanzhi (1661), 4:12a. But it is danger­ ous to read into such declarations any formal congruence between B ud­ dhism and the state, for particular political interests usually lay just below the surface. In the case just cited, W utai was a Lam aist site revered by the Mongols, and in 1458 Tianshun had only recently retaken the throne from his emperor-brother who ruled while the M ongols held Tianshun (then Zhengtong) captive. T h e vision o f Buddhist monks buoying up the state with their prayers masked a diplomatic initiative. 4. H u ang Liu-hung, A Complete Book Concerning Happiness and Benevolencej p. 508. 5. The Ming Code assigned a punishment o f one hundred strokes for o伍cials who failed to perform a rite on its specified day: Minglu jijie fuli, 11:6b. 6. These three duties are specified in W u Zun’s handbook for M in g m agis­ trates, Chushi lu, 9a, 27b, 29a. 7. Qiuxian zhi (1576), 3:14b. 8. Song shu (1612), W ang Lihe’s postface, ib. 9. T h e following information on D angyang county has been drawn from T JL } 25:39b; D X} i: 5 a -b , 2: 24a-29 a, 4 : 3b -2 5a , 5:8a_9b, 9 : 3 a -b ; io:i3b-i4b, 17:30a; Dangyang xian buxu zhi (1889; repr. 1935), 4:5a. 10. T h e Q ing subsequently recognized Jin gm en ’s anom aly b y elevating Jin g men to the status o f an independent department (zhou). 11. Aside from monastic landholdings, the evidence for fiduciary land (yitian) in D angyang comes only from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, e.g.,D X} 13:8, 10b, 16:51b; Dangyang xian buxu zhi, 1:6b. 12. T JLj 25:44b, quoting from the gazetteer o f X iao gan county. Concerning landholding conditions in the Ghengtian region, see also T JL , 25:37b, 41a, 47a. T h e failure o f the Single W h ip reforms to resolve fiscal inequalities in D angyang is discussed in D X} i7: 39a-b . 13. T h e 1866 county gazetteer lists hostels for merchants from H unan and W uchang in both H erong and the county seat, as well as a hostel for mer­ chants from Fujian, but does not note when they were first built. 14. T h e county^s ding assessment (the nominal unit o f adult taxable males) after the Single W h ip reforms was 4,936; for 1646, it was a mere 145; DX, i:i5b-i6b, 4 : ib -2a . Perdue, Exhausting the Earth, p. 67, points out that post­ w ar ding figures in the region were adjusted in order to ensure that dis­ aster relief was forthcoming, and hence overstate the actual loss o f popu­ 15. 16. 17. 18.

lation. D X ,2: 22b -23a , 7:32b,i6: 3ib -46b. Ibid., 12:5b; YSS, 1:22a; YSf 2:49a. D X3 13:1b, 4b, 8b,17:3a; Jingmen zkouzhi (1754), n: 2a, quoting the 1602 edition. Story and stele are discussed in D uara, “ Superscribing Sym bols,” pp.

778-779. 19. Ibid., pp. 7 83-785. 20. Wei R an g, Guan sheng lingmiao jiliie, 3:46a. None other than L i Hongzhang

368

Notes to Pages 289 -29 4

sponsored the temple’s restoration in 1878-1879; Dangyang xian bttxu zhit

4: 3a * 21. Dangyang xian buxu zhi} 4:7b. 22. Ibid., 4:6b, from a 1679 commemorative text by Piao Yinzhi. 23. D X} tu, 36 a,6:6b, 9:2b; YSS} 1:10a. K angxi-era Buddhist patron Yang Zhouyan wrote that D angyang had “no less than several tens o f Buddhist monasteries in M in g times”;Dangyang xian buxu zhi, 4:5b. 24. Yu Jid e n g , Diangu jiwen, p. 183. 25. D X, 12:34b. 26. Ibid., 18:37b; eight prospects: 9:4a. 27. Jiangling xianzhi (1794), 57:9b. 28. D X3 12:20a. 29. Yuan Hongdao recalled in 1610 that Zhenghui, whom he refers to as “ a monk from m y native region” {xiang seng), had lectured at Beijing^ Biyun M onastery in the 1590s; YHD} p. 1561. 30. YSSf 1:5a; D X, 13:35b. 31. In its list o f patrons, the Yuquan gazetteer o f 1885 names only two county magistrates before 1602, but five from the next four decades; KS1, 2 : 4 0 a-b . T h e existence of a connection between the monastery and the magistrate’s office is suggested in 1615, for when an old pillar in C h aizi Chapel put forth blossoms, it was monks from Yuquan M onatery who submitted 丑 report to the magistrate; DXt i8: 54-b-55a. T h e magistrate was to some extent responsible for the financial health o f Yuquan. W hen assets were being misappropriated in 1622, for instance, it was the local magistrate who investigated the illegal granting o f property rights to some o f the abbot’s disciples and had several o f the clergy removed from the monas­ tery; YS} 18.54b, i7,46a-b. 32. D uara, “ Superscribing Sym bols,” p. 783, suggests that the courts’s patron­ age of Yuquan signaled the M in g state’s interest in promoting the G uan Yu cult, though I find no specific evidence for this. A s I have already noted, the dowager made the same sort o f gift to Zhucheng’s Guangm ing Monastery, am ong numerous other Buddhist institutions. 33. YS} shou 6b, 2 : 46 b -47a; also YSSf 2:64a. 34. YS, 2:42a; YSS, 1:34a. . 35. YSj 2:42a-4*8b. 36. YSSj 1:33a. D XS 18:54b, attributes the thunderstorm story to D atong M o n ­ astery, a cloister affiliated to Yuquan.

37^aob, 2:51b; YS} 3:31a, 4:3a. 38. YSS, 1:21a, 29a. 39. Ibid., 2: 6rb. T h is grant was recorded as being the amount o f land 210 taels would buy. Lacking comparable land prices in this region, I have esti­ mated the purchase at 300 mu on the strength o f a 1637 reference to land prices in northern Anhui, directly east o f Hubei, o f between 1 and 1.8 taels per mu for less than top-quality land; Langya shanzhi (1925), 4:22b. T h is rate probably underestimates the size o f the purchase, since land prices in Hubei in the 1680s were likely lower than in A n h u i in the 1630s. M u ch depends, o f course, on the quality o f land purchased, which is not indi­ cated. Other donations in the 1680s included a 50-mu grant to the mon­

Notes to Pages 29 4-30 7

369

astery’s G uanyin H all, and a cumulative donation o f five grants o f land totaling 212.5 mu for a new Vairocana Hall. 40. YSS3 2:58a,64 b -65a; D Xy 5:8b. B y the nineteenth century, Yuquan had only 172 mu o f land, though this figure probably reflects not loss o f land so much as the devolution o f landownership to separate accounting units within the monastery. 41. 42. 43. 44.

YSS, 1:25a. Ibid., 1:29a. YSj shou 12a. KSS;i:ib -3b, 2 2a -2 3b ,2 : 6ib-62b; KS;2: 4ob-4ia, To this data I have added N ie Dengdong, whose nam e does not appear on any o f these lists

but who contributed to Yuquan in the 1580s; YS} 3:26a. 4.5. YSS} 1:29a, 3:64a. 46. D Xf shou, 23a -b , 13:11b; KSIS* 1:2a. 47. In YS} 2:47a, M agistrate W ang Jin k u i is listed as giving land to the mon­ astery, though this seems to refer to his sponsorship o f a land-grant pro­ ject in the 1680s, undertaken after he had left his post; YSS3 2:64a. 48. D X, 18:5b. 49. R egarding L i Yao, see Suizhou zhi (1693), 5:36a; D X} io:i6a-b, i7: 43b~45a. L i repeated his characterization o f the Confucian W ay in ibid., 16:40a. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57.

D X3 io:z6a. Ibid., 12:5b. Ibid., 16:41b. Ibid., 16:44b. Ibid., i6: 39a-42b . Guangping xianzhi (1676), 1:28b. Lingskou xianzhi (1685), 2:6b. Dangyang xian buxu zhi, 4:5a. References to Yang Zhouyan^s patronage of Yuquan M onastery m ay be found in YSSt 2:64a; 2:49a; and Dangyang xian buxu zhi, 4:4a. A s a young man, Yang spent at least a year living at Yuquan while studying for his exams; D X, 16:37a. R egarding his ties to other monasteries, Yang in the K an gxi era spearheaded the restoration at Zigai o f the m ain hall, which had been built by a relative o f an earlier gen­ eration. H e also wrote an appeal for funds from the county gentry to rebuild Yunbei M onastery destroyed in the M in g -Q in g transition.

58. 59. 60. 61. 62.

D Xt 16:35b. Ibid., i6: 40a-b. Wei R an g, Guan sheng lingmiao jiliie, 3:46a. D uara, “ Superscribing Sym bols,” pp. 778-795. In 1699, H u ang Liuhong did not yet refer in this chapter on rites in his handbook on county administration, A Complete Book Concerning Happiness and Benevoknce} ch. 24, to the maintenance o f G u an Yu temples as a respon­ sibility o f the local magistrate. W h en H u ang was active as a magistrate in the 1670s, the cult o f G u an Yu was not yet under full state sponsorship.

63

.风 i 7 4 3 a -4 5 a 64. L u Zhan, Guan dx shengji tuzhi, 4 : 44a~45a; Zh an g Zhen, Guan di zhi, 2:10a12a.

370

Notes to Pages 313 -3 2 2

Conclusion: The Separation of State and Society 1. Yu Jid e n g , Diangu jiwen, p. 300. 2. According to his biography in the M ing shi} pp. 53 23 -53 2 4 , Liao J i tried to walk the fine line between holding to his own principles and accom modat­ ing the views o f the young emperor. T h e biography also notes that Liao attempted to bring W an g Yangm ing out o f retirement, a move the em­ peror blocked. 3. Ming shi, p. 5362. L i Zhong was rescued from professional oblivion by W ang Yangm ing during his military campaign in southern Jia n g x i and northern Guangdong in 1517-1518. 4. See Tsurum i, “ R ural Control in the M in g D ynasty,” pp. 250-254; also Shigeta, “ T h e Origins and Structure o f G entry R u le,” pp. 35 7-358 . 5. E.g., DMBj p. 314, links the deterioration o f the Zhengde administration to the expansion, o f gentry landlordism. 6. H e Liangjun, Siyou zhai congshuo, 3:n b -i2a , quoted with slight emendations from Shigeta, “ T h e Origins and Structure o f G entry R u le,” p. 369. O n the influence o f his foster father’s experience on H e’s assessment, see DM B, p. 517. 7. Quoted in de Bary, Self and Society, p. 178. W ang Shizhen, despite his com ­ plaint about Taizhou’s lecturing, was himself a student o f Buddhism and faced impeachment in 1581 for jo in in g the cult o f W ang Daozhen. See Ch apter 2. 8. Shim ada, Chugoku ni okeru kindai shii no zasetsu, pp. 242ff. 9. Qingliang shanzhi (1661), 5:30b. 10. YHD} p. 1207. 11. Sm ith, “ Benevolent Societies,” pp. 330 -331; Brokaw, The Ledgers of Merit and Demerit, pp. 153, 214-216. T h e characterization o f this wave as small is m y own. 12. AW St 4b:13b. A n earlier passage from his fund-raising appeal is translated in Chapter 6, p. 203. 13. Brokaw, The Ledgers of Merit and Demerit, p. 153. 14. Wakeman, “ T h e Price o f Autonom y,” p. 55. 15. Brokaw, The Ledgers of Merit and Demerit} p. 24, notes this limitation to the proposals o f Donglin reformers. In Academies in Ming China, pp. 124-125, Jo h n Meskill rightly advises caution regarding the degree to which aca­ demies were seen as a threat to the state’s monopoly o f political power, for private initiative in founding an academy was nearly always entwined with official patronage. H e concludes that the suppression o f the acade­ mies h adniore to do with political factionalism at court than with any per­ ception that the academies were causing a redefinition o f public authority. 16. See, e.g., G en g Dingxiangfs arguments against L i Zhi’s defense o f si in Geng Tiantai xiansheng wenji, 4:43a. 17. Brokaw, The Ledgers o j Merit and Demerit,p. 153. M odern scholarship has tended to sympathize with Donglin sensibilities, respecting their claims o f moral righteousness above their opponents’ charges o f factionalism. 18. Hartwell, “ Dem ographic,Political, and Social Transformations,” p. 416.

Notes to Pages 32 2 -3 2 8

371

l 9- Ibid., p. 421. 20. Hym es, Statesmen and Gentlemen, pp. 119, 175. H arriet Zurndorfer’s study of Huizhou, the next prefecture but one northeast o f Fuzhou, appears to confirm H ym es’ view, for the num ber o f families winning degrees more than doubled between the Northern and Southern Song. (In the two lead­ ing counties o f W uyuan and X iu n in g, it almost quadrupled.) T h e twelfth century was, in addition, a period in which Huizhou displayed remark­ able growth in lineage organization, the localist strategy par excellence. Zurndorfer does not present her material in order to draw this conclu­ sion, however. She chooses to distinguish Northern and Southern So ng in terms o f cumulative degree success to show continuous development, rather than in terms o f fam ily success to chart a shift. See her Change and Continuity, pp. 3 5 -3 8 . 21. Eberhard, “ Tem ple-Building Activities,” Table 9, p. 298. 22. H ym es, Statesmen and Gentlemen, pp. 178-191. 23. Wenxian zhi (1876), 7:26a. 24- N aquin and Rawski, Chinese Society in the Eighteenth Century, p. 45. 25- E.g ., W ill, Bureaucratie et famine,demonstrates the effectiveness o f state

intervention to alleviate famine in north China. 26. W ong and W ill, Nourish the People, pp. 25-28. 27. H u a n g Zhengyuan, Yinzhi wen tushuo (1801), hengbuj 82a. 28. Rankin, “T h e Origins o f a Chinese Public Sphere,” p. 54. 29. See particularly K uhn, “ Local Self-Governm ent under the Republic,” pp.

269-275; Rankin, Elite Activism, pp. 93-106; M in , National Polity and Local Power, pp. ii2fF.

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(Gazetteer o f Gaoyao county). 1826.

Guang yandang shanzhi 廣 雁 蕩 山 志 (Gazetteer o f the greater Yandong Moun­

tains). 1790. [M95] Guangping xianzhi 廣 平 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Guangping county). 1676. Guangxiao sizhi 光 孝 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Guangxiao M onastery). 1935. [O4] Guichi xianzhi 貴池縣志、(Gazetteer o f Guichi county) ,1883. Gushan zhi 鼓 ii] 志、(Gazetteer o f Drum Mountain). 1608. [N i] Haiyan xian tujing 海 鹽 縣 圖 經 (Gazetteer o f H aiyan county). 1624. Hanshan sizhi 寒 寺 吉 、(Gazetteer o f Hanshan Monastery). 1 9 1 1 . [B52] Helin sizhi 鶴 林 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Helin M onastery). 1600. [B i 13] Hongci guangji si xinzhi 弘 慈 廣 濟 寺 新 志 (New gazetteer o f Hongci Guangji

Monastery). 1704. [A 10] Huafeng shanzhi 華 蜂 \ll 吉、(Gazetteer o f Huafeng Mountain). 1900. [O 13]

//iwirow

之/ti 懷 柔 縣 志

(Gazetteer o f Huairou county). 1604.

Huangskan zhi dingben 黃 山 志 定 本 (Standard gazetteer o f Huang M ountain).

1679. [C20] Huangtang longdao gongzhi 黃 堂 隆 道 宮 志 (Gazetteer of Huangtang Longdao

Temple). 1840. [I2] //«明 《 jA肌 咖 華 銀 山 志 (Gazetteer o f H uayin Mountain). 1865. [H i 1] Huajin xianzhi 華 陰 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f H uayin county). 1614. Huayin xianzhi. 1788. Reprint, 1928. Huayin xianzhi. 1865. Huian xianzhi 惠安縣吉 、 (Gazetteer o f H uian county). 1530. Huian xianzhi. 1803. H u ilisizh i 慧 力 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Huili Monastery). 1895. [I42] Huiyin sizhi 慧 因 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Huiyin Monastery). 1627. Reprint, 188 1. [L io ] Huoshan zhi 霍 山 志 (Gazetteer o f Huo Mountain). 1644. Reprint, 1824. [O38] Huqiu shanzhi 虎 邱 山 志 (Gazetteer of Huqiu Mountain). 1767. [B77] Jia n 3an xianzhi 建 安 縣 志 (Gazetteer of Jia n ’ an county). 17 13 . Jiande xianzhi 違 德 縣 志 (Gazetteer of Jia n d e county). 1825. Jiangling xianzhi 江 陵 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Jian glin g county) * 1794.

Gazetters

38 9

Jiangnan tongzhi 江 南 通 志 (Provincial gazetteer o f Jian gn an ). 1737. Jiangpu xianzhi 江 浦 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Jian gp u county). 1684. Jiangxin zhi 江 'II、志 (Gazetteer o f Jian gxin Monastery). 1707. [M 83] Jianningfuzhi 違 寧 府 志 (Gazetteer o fjian n in g prefecture). 15 4 1. Jiashan xianzhi 嘉 善 縣 志 (Gazetteer of Jia sh a n county). 1677. 君/ 叹 况 嘉 興 府 志

Jfmo

幻•肌

eAf 即 墨 縣 Jim o xianzhi. 1872.



(Gazetteer o f Jia x in g prefecture). 1840. (Gazetteer o f jim o county). 1764.

jin g ci sizhi 淨慈寺宏 、 (Gazetteer of Jin g ci M onastery). 1888. [L75] Jingkou sanshan zhi 京 口 三 山 志 (Gazetteer o f the three mountains at the

approach to Nanjing). 15 12 . [B106] Jingkou sanshan zhi. 16 12 . [B108] Jingmen zhouzhi 荆 門 州 志 (Gazetteer ofJingm en department). 1754. Jinjiang xianzhi 晉 江 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Jin jia n g county). 1765. Jin lin g da baoen sita zhi 金 陵 大 報 恩 寺 塔 志 ^Gazetteer o f Nanjing’s Great

Baoen M onastery and Pagoda). 1937. [B 17 ] Jinlin g fancha 之hi 金 陵 梵 刹 志 (Gazetteer o f the monasteries o f Nanjing). 1607.

Reprint ,1936. [B i] Jinshan zhi 金 山 志 (Gazetteer o f J in Shan M onastery). 1762. [ B 12 1] Jinshan zhilue 金 山 志 略 (Abridged gazetteer o f J in Shan M onastery). 16 81.

[B 119 ]

*

Jiuhua shanzhi 九 華 山 志 (Gazetteer o f Jiu h u a M ountain). 1900. [C 15 ] Kaizhou zhi 開 州 志 (Gazetteer o f Kaizhou subprefecture). 1674. Laizhou fu zh i 萊 州 府 志 (Gazetteer o f Laizhou prefecture). 1939. Langya shanzhi 鄉 挪 山 志 (Gazetteer o f Langya M ountain). 1925. [G34] Laoshan zhi 老 山 志 (Gazetteer o f Lao Mountain). Shunzhi era. [D29] L i ’an sizhi 理 安 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f L i’an Monastery). 1762. Reprint, 1878.

[L i 5]

_

Lingshou xianxhi 靈 壽 縣 老 (Gazetteer o f Lingshou county). 1685 Lingyan zhi 靈 巖 志 (Gazetteer o f Lingyan M ountain). 1696. [D5] Lingyin sizhi 靈 籩 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Lingyin Monastery). 1672. [L ig ] Linjiangfuzhi 臨 江 府 , 志 (Gazetteer o f Linjiang prefecture). 18 7 1. Linqu xianzhi 臨 朐 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Linqu county) • 1552.

(Gazetteer o f Longxi county). 1762. 龍 興 祥 福 或 壇 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Longxing, Xiangfu, and Jiesh an monasteries). Reprint, 1894. [L78] Louxian zhi 婁 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Lou county). 1788. Luanzhou zhi (Gazetteer of Luanzhou subprefecture). 1810. Luochuan zhi 羅 川 志 (Gazetteer o f Luochuan county). 1545. Luofu shanzhi huibian 羅 浮 山 志 會 編 (Combined gazetteer o f the Luofu M oun­ tains) . 1 7 1 7 . [O 31] Luofu yesheng 羅 浮 野 乘 (Unofficial gazetteer of the Luofu M ountains). After 1644. [O29] Lushan zhi 盧 山 /志 (Gazetteer o f the Lu Mountains). 17 19 . Reprint, 19 15 . 龍 溪 縣 志

Longxing xiangfu jieshan sizhi

[19]

39°

Bibliography

Nan Tongzhou wushan quanzhi 南 通 州 五 山 全 志 . (Complete gazetteer o f the five

peaks in southern Tongzhou). 17 5 1. [B43] Nangong xianzhi 南宮縣宏 、 (Gazetteer o f Nangong county). 1559. Nanping jingci sizhi 南 屛 淨 慈 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Jin g ci Monastery at Nanping

M ountain). 16 15 . [L74] Neixiang xianzhi 內 鄕 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Neixiang county). 1485. Ningbo fazh i 寧 波 府 志 (Gazetteer o f Ningbo prefecture). 1733. Reprint, 1846. Ningde xianzhi 寧 德 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Ningde county). 15 9 1. Ninghai xianzhi 寧 侮 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Ninghai county). 1632. Ninghua xianzhi 寧 化 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Ninghua county). 1684. Ningjin xianzhi 寧 津 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Ningjin county). 1679. Niushou shanzhi 牛首 iU 志 (Gazetteer o f Niushou M ountain). 1579. [B ig ]

Pfl/wAfln M i 盤 山 志 (Gazetteer of Pan M ountain). 1696. [A 17] jcf肌 cA!■番 禹 縣 志 (Gazetteer of Panyu county). 18 7 1. Piaoshui xianzhi 操 水 縣 志 (Gazetteer of Piaoshui county)■ 1579. Pingshan lansheng zhi 平 山 攬 勝 志 (Sightseeing gazetteer o f Pingshan Hall). 1742- [B35] Pingshan tang tuzhi 平 山 堂 圖 志 (Illustrated gazetteer o f Pingshan Hall). 1765.

[B37] 平 原 縣 志

(Gazetteer o f Pingyuan county). 1748.

Poshan xingfu zhi 破 山 興 福 志 (Gazetteer o f Xingfu M onastery on Po M oun­

tain) .16 4 2 . [B85] Putian xianzhi 莆 田 縣 ;志 (Gazetteer o f Putian county). 1757. Reprint, 1926. Putuo shanzhi 普 貌 lh 志 (Gazetteer o f Potaraka Mountain). 1704. [M50] Qianling shanzhi 齡 靈 山 志 (Gazetteer o f Qianling M ountain). 1705. [R2] Qfhe xianzhi 齊 河 縣 志 (Gazetteer of Qihe county). 1737. Qingliang shanzhi 淸 涼 山 志 (Gazetteer o f Qingliang Mountain). 1596. R e­

prints, 16 6 1, 1755. [E2] dingyang xianzhi 靑 陽 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Q ingyan 含 county). 189 1. 似 wi 幻 肌 C如 淸 遠 縣 志

(Gazetteer o f Qingyuan county). 1677.

Qingyuan zhilue 靑 原 志 略 (Abridged gazetteer o f Q ingyuan M ountain). 1669.

[139] (Gazetteer of Qingzhou prefecture). 1565. (Gazetteer of Qita Monastery). 1937. [M 36] 丘 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Qiu county). 1576. 棲 霞 山 志 (Gazetteer o f Q ixia M ountain). 1962. [B 12 ] Qixia sizhi 棲 霞 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Q ixia M onastery). 1704. [P4] Qixia xiaozhi 棲 霞 小 志 (Short record o f Q ixia Monastery). 1884. [Bg] Qujiang xianzhi 曲 江 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Qujiang county). 1876.

Qingzhou fuzhi

◎ te



Af

七 塔 寺 志

Ruian xiatizhi 瑞 安 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Ruian county) • 1809. Shang tianzhu jiangsi zhi 上 天 竺 講 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f U pper Tianzhu Doctrine

M onastery). Reprint, 1897. [L28] Shanxi tongzhi 山 西 通 志 (Provincial gazetteer o f Shanxi). 1682.

•SAwAtzn

攝 山 志

(Gazetteer of She M ountain). 1790. [B io ]

Gazetters

39 1

Shicheng shanzhi 石 城 山 志 (Gazetteer o f Shicheng Mountain). 19 18 . [B 15 ] Shouning daizhi 壽 寧 待 志 (Provisional gazetteer o f Shouning county). 1637.

Reprint. Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1983. Shouning xianzhi 壽寧縣志 、 (Gazetteer o f Shouning county). 1686. Siming shanzhi 四 明 山 志 (Gazetteer o f the Siming Mountains). 1936. [M 30] Song shu 嵩 書 (On the Song M ountains). 16 12 . [F 13] Songjiang fu zh i 松 江 府 ;志 (Gazetteer o f Songjiang prefecture). 15 12 Suizhou zhi 睢 州 志 (Gazetteer o f Suizhou subprefecture). 1693. Tailao shanzhi 太 姥 山 志 (Gazetteer o fT a ila o M ountain). 1889. [N33] Tanzhe shan xiuyun sizhi 潭 柘 山 岫 雲 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f X iuyun M onastery on

Tanzhe M ountain). 1883. [A 12] Tianning situ 天 寧 寺 ^ (Pictures of Tianning M onastery). Ga. 1*783. [B38] Tiantai shan youlan zhi 天 台 i l l 遊 覽 (Touring gazetteer o f Tiantai M oun­

tain). 1937. [M70] Tiantong sizhi 天 童 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Tiantong Monastery). 1633. [M 38] Tiantong sizhi. 1 8 1 1 . [M 39] Tiantong si xuzhi 天 童 寺 續 志 (Supplementary gazetteer o f Tiantong M onas­

tery). 1920. [M40] Tongling xianzhi 銅 陵 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Tongling county). 1930. Wanxian zhi 完 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Wan county). 1732. Wenxian zhi 文 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Wen county). 1876. Wulian shanzhi 五 蓮 山 志 (Gazetteer o f Wulian M ountain). 16 8 1. [D28] Wulin fanzhi 武 林 梵 志 (Gazetteer o f Buddhist monasteries in Hangzhou).

1780. [L2] Wushan chenghuang miaozhi 吳 山 城 隍 廟 志 (Gazetteer o f the C ity God Temple

on Wu M ountain). 1878. [L32] Wushi shanzhi 烏 石 山 志 (Gazetteer o f Wushi M ountain). 1843. [N6] X i tianmu zushan zhi 西 天 目 祖 山 志 (Gazetteer o f West Tianm u M ountain).

1876. [L99] Xiangshan xian之hi 香 [U 縣' 志、 (Gazetteer o f Xiangshan county). 1750. Xiangshan zhi 湘 山 志 (Gazetteer of X ian g M ountain). 1708. Reprint, 1853.

[P6] Xiangyan liieji 香 巖 略 紀 (Abridged record o f X iangyan M onastery). C a. 1746.

[F16] Xianjue si zhilue 先 覺 寺 志 略 (Abridged gazetteer o f X ianjue M pnastery).

1705. [M44] 办 仙 霞 志 略

(Abridged gazetteer o f X ian xia Ridge)• 1695. [M 74]

Xihu shanzhi 西 湖 山 志 (Gazetteer o f X ihu M ountain). 1924. [O40] Xingguo zhouzhi 興 國 州 志 (Gazetteer of Xingguo subprefecture). 1554.

Zfn 知









(Gazetteer of*Xinhe county). 1679.

Xinhui xianzhi 新 會 縣 志 (Gazetteer of*Xinhui county). 1840. Xiushan zhi 秀 \U 志 (Gazetteer o f X iu M ountain). 1772. [C io] X ixi fanyin zhi 西 緩 梵 隱 志 (Gazetteer o f monastic retreats in West V alley).

16 5 1. [L49]

39 2

Bibliography

Yangjiang xianzhi 陽江縣、 志 (Gazetteer o f Yangjiang county). 1822. 客 仰 山 乘

(Gazetteer o f Y an g M ountain). 1 6 1 1 . [C29]

Yanshan zhi 雁 山 志 (Gazetteer o f the Yandang Mountains). 1526. Reprint,

16 0 1.

[M 87]

Yanzhou fuzhi 竞 州 府 志 (Gazetteer o f Yanzhou prefecture). 1596. 堯 峰 山 志

(Gazetteer o f Yaofeng Mountain). 1638. [B68]

Yefu shanzhi 冶 父 山 志 (Gazetteer o f Yefu Mountain). 1936. [G2] Yingde xian xuzhi 應 德 縣 續 志 (Supplementary gazetteer o f Yingde county).



_

Yinxian tongzhi fp 縣 通 志 (Comprehensive gazetteer o f Y in county). 1937. Yinxian zhi HP縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Y in county). 1788. Yongfu xianzhi 永 福 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Yongfu county). 1749. Yongshang shuili zhi 甬 上 水 利 志 (Gazetteer o f the water resources o f the Yong

River system). 1848. [M 41] 汝 A*• 岳 林 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Yuelin M onastery). 1687. [M47] Yunju shengshui sizhi 雲 居 聖 水 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Yunju-Shengshui M onas­ tery). 1892. [L57] Yunlin sizhi 雲 林 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Yunlin M onastery). 1744. Reprint, 1829. [L20] Yunnan tongzhi 雲 南 通 (Provincial gazetteer o f Yunnan). 1572. Yunqi jishi 雲 棲 紀 事 (Gazetteer o f Yunqi Monastery). 1624. Yunqi fahui 雲 棲 法 彙 edition, 1897. [L58] Yuquan shan sizhi 玉 泉 山 寺 志 、 (Gazetteer o f the monastery on Yuquan M oun­ tain). 1694. [ Jg ] 玉 泉 山 志 (Gazetteer o f Yuquan M ountain). 1885. [ J i o ] Yuwen shuyuan zhi 豫 文 書 院 志 (Gazetteer o f Yuw en Academ y). 1804. ZA伽 化 0

招 寶 山 志

(Gazetteer o f Zhaobao M ountain). 1847. [M 56]

Zhaojue sizhi 昭 覺 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Zhaojue M onastery). 1896. [H5] Zhaoqing fuzhi 肇 慶 府 志 (Gazetteer of Zhaoqing prefecture). 1833. Reprint,

1876. Zhaoyin shanzhi 招 隱 山 志 (Gazetteer o f Zhaoyin Mountain). 1925. [B 12 5 ] Zhapujiushan buzhi 乍 浦 九 山 補 志 (Emended gazetteer o f the nine mountains

at Zhapu). 1757. Reprint, 19 16 . [M6] Zhucheng xian xiangtu zhi 諸 城 縣 鄕 土 志 (Parochial gazetteer o f Zhucheng

county). 1906. Zhucheng xianzhi 諸 城 縣 志 (Gazetteer o f Zhucheng county). 1764. Zhutang sizhi 奶 堂 寺 志 (Gazetteer o f Zhutang M onastery). 19 17 . [B82]

Index

Abbots, appointment of, 1 4 1 ,17 4 176, 1 8 1 - 1 8 2 , 272; systems o f abbatial succession, 17 4 - 17 5 , 257, 353^4 1 Academies [shuyuan 書 院 ),1 1 7 - 1 1 9 , 2i8 , 3 19 A iN a n y in g 艾 南 英 (1583- 1646) ,6i Amitabha Buddha, 46, 157, 289 Antiques and cultural artifacts, 3 9 40, i l l Araki Kengo 荒 木 見 悟 , 54 Architecture, 1 1 i s 2 12 Associations (hui 會 ) ,4 ,1 0 3 - 1 0 7 , 140, 2 6 1 ,3 2 1 ,3481157. See also Recitation o f the Buddha’s name; Releasing living creatures; Societies Autonomy, gentry, 15 , 1 7 - 1 8 , 29, 55> I0 3, I0 7, 12 5 - 12 6 , 3 0 6 -3 12 , 3 ! 9- 320 Baechler, Je a n , 3261130 Balazs ,fitienne, 9, 3361122 Baoji Gude 寶 積 古 德 , 270 baojia 保 甲 (mutual security units), 118 , 302 Beattie, H ilary, 13

Beijing: and attitudes to Buddhism, 5 5 -5 6 , 75; and Buddhist estab­ lishments, 104, 1 io, 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 ,120, 1 7 1 , 263 Benefactors’ Halls, 145, 158, 196 Bernier, Francois, 8 Bondservice, 3 15 Books, Buddhist, 6 1 ,3541158; destruction of, 84, 240. See also Libraries; Tripitaka Bourdieu, Pierre, 19 Brokaws Cynthia, 3 18 - 3 19 Buddhism: attitude to wealth of, 3 18 ; criticism of, 58-60, 74-83, 91 一92, 14 7 -14 8 , 239—240, 281 290; early-M ing toleration of, 5 9 60; late-M ing gentry interest in, 34, 38- 39, 55- 56, 6 4-74, 79-8o, 140; place o f in elite culture, 91 — 13 3; relationship to Confucianism, d ,54-88, 269-270, 316 . See also Three Teachings Bureaucracy, 20; historiography of, 6 -g , 12 ; relationship to social power, 9, i 1 - 1 2 Burial, 10 0 - 1 0 1, 16 8 -16 9 ; ad sanctos, 347n37- ^ also Tom b monasteries

394

Index

C ai Chengzhi

蔡 承 植 ( > .1 5 8 3 ) ,

56,

34on3 C ai Wuyue 蔡 五 岳 (fl. 1598), 56 Calligraphy, 1 1 1 , 178 Cangxue Duche 蒼 — 讀 徹 , 1 12 Cao Duan 曹 端 (丨376—1434) ,6o,

3561129 Central Buddhist Registry, 94 Chan 禪 (meditation), 58, 60; Buddhist sect, 57, 59, 62-67, l 0 l f 105, 256, 26 1; “ Yangm ing C han,” 80. See also “ M ad infatuation with C han” Chang Ghung-li 張 中 立 (Zhang Zhongli), 335117 Changru Zhijue 常 如 智 覺 (Chen Ju ey u , d. 1662) ,13 9 -14 6 , 150, 156 Chantries, 16 8 ,1 9 2 - 1 9 5 , 2 7 2 Chapels (仰 庵 ),4 ,i 6 i , 1 6 7 - 1 6 9 ,

W3一丨94, 2 i8 , 238, 3531141 Chen Ju e y u 陳 覺 餘 . See Changru Zhijue Chen Jir u 陳 繼 儒 (1558—1639), 178 Chen Longzheng 陳 龍 正 (15 8 5 1645) ,io6 Chen Renxi 陳 仁 錫 (15 7 9 -16 3 4 ),

214

Chen Xianzhang 陳 獻 章 (14 2 8 1500) ,6o, 1 17 , 3 4 in 7 i7 Chen You 陳 猷 (gs. 1524), 1 11 Cheng Y i 程 毅 (10 3 3 - 1 io8), 57 -6 0 , 81 Chongzhen era ( 1 6 2 8 - 1 6 4 4 ) , 1 2 1 124

dhist sites, 289; correspondence with gentry, 95-96; cultivating ties with gentry, 66, 87-8 8, 93— 95; studying Confucianism, 1 55 , 2 7 1; training in gentry skills, 1 1 1 112 Clunas ,C raig, 14 Commendation, 1 7 1 , 3 14 Commercialization, 23 3 -2 3 4 , 252, 276, 3 1 4 - 3 1 5 ; and Buddhism in the Song, 3 1 - 3 2 ; and gentry socie­ ty, 27, 3 16 ; and monastic patron­ age, 3, 90, 2 2 1, 3 17 Confucianism, attitude to wealth of, 3 18 ; gender orientation of, 189; gentry attitudes toward, 55; and public service, 73; relationship with Buddhism, 1 5 - 1 7 , 5 4 -8 8 ,3 0 3 306. See also Neo-Confucianism; Three Teachings Confucius (5 5 1-4 7 9 B.C.), 68, 7 1 ,77, 2 3 9 ,288 Consumption, conspicuous, 28 Convents, 263 Crem atoria {putong 普 同 塔 ), ioo Culture. See Gentry culture D aguan 達 觀 . Zi bo Zhenke D ai X u n 戴 洵 (js. 156 5), 209 Daodu. See Zongbao Daodu Daoism, 77, 88, 114 , 206-207, 239 , 270 ;and gentry, 74, 80, 1 1 3 , 124, 3 0 1 ,3421134. See also Laozi; Three Teachings Daoqiu. See Liji Daoqiu Dean Zhiyi 德 安 智 顗 (538- 597), 2 I 3 Dejie 德 介 (fl. 16 8 1) ,256, 258 Democracy Movement (1989), 25 Deqing. See Hanshan Deqing Diamond Sutra, 44 Ding Weining 丁 惟 寧 (Js. 1565, d_ 1609), 244 Ding Yaokang 丁 耀 亢 (I599- i 6 6 9 ),

“ Choosing Buddhism” (xuanfo 選 佛 ), 122, 319 , 350n I I 9 Christianity, 3451189, 362114 C h ’ii T ’ung-tsu 瞿 同 祖 (Qu Tongzu), 315117 Cisheng 慈 聖 (Empress Dowager, 15 4 6 -16 14 ), 79, 18 8 -18 9 , 206 , 2 4 1 ,2 6 1, 291 Clergy, 238—242, 253, 290; alleged 244-247 sexual promiscuity, 95; begging, Dirks, Nicholas, 10 204-205; as a career for gentry, Dong Q ich an g 董 其 昌 3 1 ,59; as caretakers at non-Bud­ 1 1 1 , 122, 178, 244

(丨555—丨 幻 句 ,

Index

Donglin 東 林 Academy/faction, 75 , 80, 83, 87, 10 1 ,10 6 -10 7 , 237 , 3 l8 —3 :9 , 32 1 ,34on5, 3 5 11113 D ongqiaoChengjiu 東 樵 成 駕 ,15 5 -

! 57

Duan Youran 段 幼 然 (fL 1598), 56 D uara ,Prasenjit, 306 Dumen 度 門 . See W uji Zhenghui Durkheim, fimile, 338054 Eberhard, Wolfram, 182, 323 “ Entering worldly affairs” (rushi 入 世 ),70. See also Statecraft Eunuchs, 76, 118 ; monastic patron­ age by, 30, 79 Europe, comparison with, 6 -7 , 2 4 27, 2 9 -3 0 , 1 9 2 -1 9 3 , 329, 3 4 7 ^ 7 ,

3521129 Factionalism, 73, 3 14 , 3701115 Fahui 法 會 (fl. 1549), 94 Fam ily Rituals {Jia li 家 禮 ) ,19 3 -19 4 Fang 房 (monastic subcorporations), 1469 257

Fangsheng, See Releasing living

creatures Fang Yizhi 方 以 智 (1 6 1 1 —16 7 1 ), 35 例 i Fei Hsiao-t’ung 費 孝 通 (Fei Xiaotong), 12 , 335117 Feiyin 費 隱 (d_ 1652), 258-259 Feng Congwu 馮 從 吾 (I556—i6 27 ?), 117 Feng Menglong 馮 夢 龍 (15 7 4 -16 4 6 ), 4, *95» 218 Feng Mengzhen 馬 夢 賴 (15 4 6 1605), n o Feng Taiqu 馬 泰 衝 ,1 2 。 Fu M ei 傅 梅 (fl. 16 12 ) ,84, 86 Fu she. See Restoration Society Fujian province, 92, 99,108, 16 5 , 168, 182, 194, 199 Fund-raising, 146, 150; texts, 19 6 197, 219, 222, 270, 272, 3571142 Gao Panlong 高 87, io6, 208

攀 龍 (15 6 2 -16 2 6 ),

39 5

Gazetteeers, 118 ; monastic, 152, ^ 5 5 ~ l 5ly 17 8 -18 2 , 2 12 , 220 , 256-258, 263, 2 7 2 -2 7 3 , 283 , 295, 298, 3401114; treatment o f monasteries in, 29, 240, 3381161 G e Yinliang 葛 寅 亮 (fl_ 1607), 199 G e n g jim a o 耿 艇 茂 (d. 16 7 1), 14 4 -

145 Geng Y ilan 耿 義 蘭 (fl. 1594), 206 Gentry (jin s 矜 , shen 紳 , W 士 ), 3, 2 i, 2 17 , 2 3 4 -2 37 , 286-287, 337 n3 ! ,337»42 ;adopting clerical tonsure, 64, 12 2 - 12 3 ; anxiety re­ garding social order, 202-208; be­ coming monks, 52, 119 - 1 2 4 , 267— 268, 29 1; and Confucianism, 16 17; family continuity, 19, 265; hegemony, 24, 34, 90; historiogra­ phy of, 5 -8 , 1 2 - 1 5 ; living in monasteries, 50 ,1 1 4 - 1 1 6 , 2 1 5 , 294; and local magistrate, 18, 280, 309; localist orientation, 18 - 2 3 , 3 1 9一3 2 1 ,324- 325 ; military backgrounds, 244, 269; and polit­ ical power, 17 —20, 26 -2 7 , 30 8 310 , 3 19 —3 2 1; social networks, 2 14 —2 15 , 298-299; social struc­ ture, 242—247, 267-266, 273, 287; status consciousness, 28, 12 4 -12 6 , 2 16 - 2 17 , 22 2 -2 2 3, 246. See also Autonomy; Gentry culture; Gen­ try society; Liturgical services; Patronage o f monasteries; Pub­ licity Gentry culture, 1 3 - 1 4 , 4 0 -52, 176— 18 1, 222, 237-2 38 , 254 -255, 265, 276, 327; and Buddhism, 89—126, 2 0 8 -2 13 , 2 17 , 268, 3 1 6 - 3 1 7 , 320; and court politics, 73; and gender, 18 9 - 19 1; polarization within, 3 1 1 - 3 12 Gentry society, 23-29 , 34, 321 Geom ancy, 80, 2 1 0 - 2 12 Gernet, Jacqu es, 16 7 -16 8 Gu Xiancheng 顧 憲 成 ( 1 5 5 0 - 1 6 1 2 ), 8o

39 6

Index

G u Y anw u 顧 炎 武 (16 13 - 16 8 2 ) ,20 , 22, 4S, 8o. 85, QQ. 207, 328 Guan Y u 關 羽 (God o f W ar), 279; cult of, 76, 279-280, 28 8-29 3 , 306-308 Guangdong province, 108, 12 1, 13 7 — 158, 1 9 1 ,197, 221 Guangxi province, 180, 199 Guanyin 觀 音 ,46, 49, 53, i8g, 250 , 359 1110 1; “ Guanyin’s flour” {Guanyinfen 觀 音 粉 ),253; Guan­ yin halls, 219, 289; “ Guanyin vegetarianism” {Guanyin su 觀 音 素 ),189; paintings of5 112 ; statues of,178, 267; Sutra o f Guanyin, 42 Gui Youguang 歸 有 光 ( 1 5 0 7 - 1 5 7 1 ), 33 Guo Zizhang 郭 子 3581176, 3661169

章 (1543—16 18 ),

Huang Jia sh a n 黃 嘉 善 (Js, 1577), 206 Huang Liuhong 黃 六 鴻 (fL 1694),

115, 190 Huang Shenxuan

黃 慎 軒 ( fl.

1598),

Huang Zongchang 黃 宗 昌 (js. 1622 , d. 1645), 206 Huang Zongxi 黃 宗 羲 (16 10 -16 9 5 ), 22, 64, 80—82, 84, 87, 1 15, 270 , 326, 328 H uayan school, 175 Huayan Sutra, 51 Hue, Evariste-Regis, 52—53 Huiguang Zhenyuan 慧 廣 真 緣 (15 5 4 -15 9 8 ), 261 Huineng 惠 能 (Sixth Patriarch, 6 38 7 13 ) ,62, 78, 13 8 - 13 9 , 142, 149 Hymes, Robert, 3 2 1- 3 2 4

India, 8, 10—11 Haberm as, Ju rgen , 24—26 Inexhaustible Treasury (wujin cang H an Y u 韓 愈 (768-824) ,82-83 無 盡 倉 ) ,32 — Hanshan Deqing 惑 山 德 淸 (15 4 6 Innate knowledge (liangzhi 直 知 ), 6 i ,70, 104 16 2 3) ,56, 66, 82, 94, 143, 206208, 2 2 i, 239, 344n84 Irrigation, 167 Hartwell, Robert, 3 2 1- 3 2 2 He Liangjun 何 良 後 (15 0 6 -15 7 3 ), Jian gn an 江 南 (Lower Yangzi) re­ gion, 42 ,182, 234; Buddhism in, 68, 3 15 Heart Sutra, 3 5 11117 94, 106; culture of, 63 ,148 ;gentry of, 60, 1 io, 122 Hegel, G . W. F . ,8 -9 , 11 Henan province, 164, 352117 Jian yu e Duti 見 月 讀 體 (16 0 2 -16 7 9 ), “ Heterodox shrines,” suppression of, 102, 112 Jia o Hong 焦 竑 5 4 1- 16 2 0 ) ,69, 72, 302 Ho Ping-ti 何 炳 棣 (He Bingdi), 75, 98, 104, 165, 289 J in Shan 金 山 monastery, 3 7 -3 8 , 44 325«7 Jin g tai emperor (r. 14 5 0 -14 5 5 ), 91 Hong Liangji 洪 亮 吉 (174 6 -18 0 9 ), 3491191 jin gw en 靜 聞 (d. 16 37), 91 Hong Tianzhuo 洪 天 擢 O 1637), K an g Youwei 康 有 為 (18 5 8 -19 2 7 ), 9 150 ' ~ Kangxi emperor (r. 16 6 2 - 17 2 1 ) , 327 Hong Yingm ing 洪 英 明 (fl. 1590), 69 Hongwu emperor (Zhu Yuanzhang, Karm a, 18 6 -18 7 , 19 7-202, 267, 270, r. 13 6 8 -13 9 8 ) ,59, 93, 116 , 1 6 1 , 3 18 K in g Asoka M onastery 阿 育 王 寺 313 Hongzan. See Zaisan Hongzan (Ningbo), 43, 45, 5 1 ,66, 153, Hsiao Kung-ch’ iian 蕭 公 權 (Xiao 200-203, 2 15 , 253, 256, 259-262, Gongquan), 12 267-273 Kinship. See Lineage Hu Ju re n 胡 居 仁 (14 3 4 -14 8 4 ) ,6o

Index K ongshi C h u an yi

空石傳意( 16 52-

1707),U 3—I54 Kuhn, Philip, 25 Lam aism , 3 13 , 347n37 Landownership. See Monasteries, landholdings of Langm u 朗 目 (fl. 1598), 56 Lankavatara Sutra, 12 1 Laozi, 63, 68, 7 1, 77, 86 Lawsuits, 115 , 16 8 - 1 7 1 , 1 go, 235 ,

239

Lecturing. See Public lecturing L i Tianpei 李 天 培 (js. 1604 , d_ 1606), 138 L i Y ao 李 邊 (js. 1659) ,3 0 0 -3 10 , 326 L i Yesi 李 鄴 嗣 (fl. 1678), 256 , 3^37 L i Yuanyang 李 元 陽 (1497—G 8 0 ), 3 5 I n I 3° L i Zhi 李 贄 (15 2 7 -16 0 2 ), 22, 34, 4 1 , 56, 64, 67, 70, 72, 102, 104, 115 , 178, 19 7 -19 8 , 289, 3 2 1 ;condem­ nation of, 74 -75, 85, 86, 89-90, 96 L i Zhong 李 中 (js, 15 14 ), 3 13 L i Zuosheng 李 佐 聖 (gs. 1636), 123 Liang Qichao 梁 啓 超 (18 7 3 -19 2 9 ), 5^ Liang Rugao 梁 如 高 (fl. 1633), 14 0 142, 156 Liang Tingfang 梁 挺 芳 (Shaochuan 少 川 , 七 1603), 140 Liangxin 良 心 (“ moral mind” ), 61 Liangzhi. See Innate knowledge Liao J i 廖 紀 (14 5 5 -15 3 2 ) , 3 1 2 - 3 1 3 , 3 ! 5- 3 16 Liaodong region, 39, 123 Libraries, in monasteries, 43, 1 1 5 , 3551114. See also Tianyige Library Liji Daoqiu 離 際 道 丘 (15 8 6 -16 5 8 ), 1 4 1—157, 1 65 Lin Zhaoen 林 兆 恩 ( i 5 1 7~ l 59Q)^ 7 1 —72 Lineage (之m族 ) ,40, 45, 1 6 8 - 1 7 0 ,

191 —196, 235- 236, 269, 272, 287; shrines, 194 Literary societies {wenshe 文 社 i i 5 - i i 6, 156, 253, 3481161

),107,

39 7

Littrup, Leif, 235 -236 Liturgical services (rendered for benefit o f community), 1 3 - 1 5 , 19 , 23, 28, 34, 2 2 i, 276, 280, 326 -327, 337^ 3, 359n99 Liu Zongzhou 劉 宗 周 (15 7 8 - 16 4 5 ), 8o Lotus societies {tian she M fit), 10 4 105, 1 4 1 , 290 Lotus Sutra, 88, 104, 150, 198 Lou Liang 婁 諫 (14 2 2 - 14 9 1) , 6o Loyalism . See M ing loyalism Lu Guangzu 陸 光 祖 (1 5 2 1 - 1 5 9 7 ), 19 8-202, 2 15 , 2 6 1—262, 3 17 L u jiu y u a n 陸 九 淵 (1 1 3 9 - 1 1 9 3 ) ,15, 58—59, 6 1 Lu Longji 陸 隴 其 (16 3 0 -16 9 3 ), 304,

326 L u Shusheng 陸 樹 生 (js. 15 4 1), 1 0 1 , 112 Lu K un 呂 坤 (15 3 6 - 16 18 ) , 199 Luo Hongxian 羅 洪 先 0 5 o4—b Q ), 1 17 Luo 羅 sect, 207-208 “ M ad infatuation with C han” (kuang chan 狂 禪 ) ,6 i, 75, 1 1 1 , 147 M agistrates, 278; and local gentry, 119 , 280, 282, 308-309; and monasteries, 28 2-28 3, 2 9 1 ,293 , 302—3 10 , 3681131 M anjusri, 83 M arx, K a rl, 6 -8 , 3361122 M encius (3 7 1-2 8 9 B.C.), 2 1 - 2 2 , 6 1 62 Merchant hostels (huiguan 會 館 ), 2i8j 286 Merchants, 27, 2 17 -2 2 2 , 2 3 3 -2 3 4 , 276, 326, 3591192 M erit cloisters {gongdeyuan 功 德 院 ), 30, 192—193. See also Chantries; Tom b monasteries Meskill, Joh n , 3701115 M icang Daokai 密 藏 道 開 (fl. 1605), 207, 262, 267, 272 M ilitary officials, 284, 293 M ilitary temples (wu miao 武 廟 ), 288, 306

39 8

Index

M ind, 72; School of, 63 M ing loyalism, 4 1 ,49-50, 12 3 - 12 4 , 268, 365nn4 9 -5 0 M ing-Qing transition, 49 -50 , 76, 12 0 -12 4 , 1 44—1 45, 18 3 -18 4 , 2 3 3 236, 2 4 1—242, 245-248, 264, 2 6 7268, 286, 291, 294-295, 365n49; destruction o f monasteries during, ! 8 i , 3641135 M ingkong 明 空 (fl. 1637), 245-246 M iyun Yuanw u 密 雲 圓 (15 6 6 1642) ,82, 257-2 5 8 Monasteries, 4; before M ing dy­ nasty, 3 0 -3 3 ; construction, 1 6 1 - 1 6 5 ; deterioration, 16 0 -16 3 , 257; income ,10 0 -10 2 , 143, 14 6 147, 154, 17 2 - 17 4 ; landholdings, 146—147, 1 5 1 , 154, 16 5 -17 4 , 196, 204, 2 1 1 , 2 15 , 258-263, 293-294; location, 2 5 3 -2 5 5 ; naming ,282 , 357n45 ;as places o f refuge, 12 2 124, 14 4 -14 5 , 2 4 1 ,268; public (skifang 十 方 ),17 5 ;as public in­ stitutions, 29; as sites for nonreligious activities, 44, 49, 10 7 119 , 2 13 , 290; as student resi­ dences, 1 1 4 —116 , 2 7 1 ,290 , 3^9n57 ;suppression of, 3 1; van­ dalism, 49. See also Patronage o f monasteries Monks. See Clergy Mountains, as sacred places, 108; as sites for monasteries, 1 0 9 - 1 1 1 Needham, Joseph, 3361122 Neo-Confucianism, 15; formation of, 54—55, 57; M ing reformulation of, 6 1-6 8 , 90. See also Confucianism Ningbo (Yin county), 13 , 66, 76, i l l , 1 1 5 , 120, 24 9-277. See also K in g Asoka Monastery; Tiantong M onastery Northern Wei dynasty, 2, 30, 33 Ordination certificates, 3 1 - 3 2 Oriental despotism, 8—9, 3361120 Orientalist discourse, 10

Ouyi Zhixu

溝 益 智 旭 (1599 - 丨655 ),

121 Patronage o f monasteries, 2 - 3 ’ 3 0 3 1 ,14 2 - 14 7 , i5 7 _ l6 。,2 7 1-2 7 2 , 3 17 -3 x 8 ; declining in Qing dy­ nasty, 326 -329 ; and economy, 142, 16 3 -16 4 , 2 2 1; financial, 16 0 165; by imperial family, 3 0 - 3 1 , 29 1; as individual undertaking , 33; and intellectual currents, 16— 17 . 3 3 -3 4 , 88; literary, 1 5 6 - 15 7 , 17 6 - 1 8 1 , 244, 2 7 2 -2 7 3 ; by local gentry as a whole, 3 3 ,164, 2 15 — 2 1 6 , 22 2 -2 2 3; as localized prac­ tice, 2 1 , 242; by merchants, 2 1 8 222; by nonnatives, 299; opposi­ tion to, 302—304; and social struc­ ture, 242-248, 2 7 2-27 7 , 295-299, 323—324; supervising monastic affairs, 17 2 - 17 6 ; temporal trends, 93-96 , 18 1 - 18 4 , 263-264, 323 Peterson, Willard, 123 Philanthropy, Buddhist, 106—10 7 , 185, 192, 202 ;reasons for, 18 5 217 , 2 2 1- 2 2 3 . See also Liturgical services; Patronage o f monasteries Piao Yinzhi 栗 引 之 (fl. 1670), 294295, 298 Pilgrimage, 4 1-4 6 , 5 2 -5 3 , 1 2 7 - 1 3 3 Platform Sutra o f the Sixth Pa­ triarch, 78, 138 Poetry: about monasteries, 93-94, 1 io, 1 1 3 ,152, 156, 177; written at monasteries, 10 4 -10 7 , 1 1 5 , 268269, 349 1110 1; written by monks, H 2, 152, 15 6 - 15 7 . 256, 270 “ Presenting incense” (jin xiang 進 香 ) ,43- 44, 97 Prince o f Lu. See Zhu Y ih ai Prip-M 0ller, Johannes, 173 Private (si 私 ),2 1 - 2 3 , 33—34, 59 , H 9, 3 i i ,3 19 - 3 2 1 Prospects (jing 景 ),110 , 132, 290 Public (gong 公 2 1 —23, 3 3 -3 4 , 58, H9, 3 “ ,3 1 9 - 3 2 1 , 328 Public institutions, 28, 29, 118 , 126

Index

Public lecturing, 1 0 1 - 1 0 2 , 1 1 7 —119 , 143, 3 i6 s 347 叫 4 , 34 9 1110 1, 3531141 Public opinion, 29, 100 Public sphere, 23-29 , 338111153- 54 Publicity, o f gentry identity, 28, 2 15 , 217 , 222—223, 247-248, 320, 324 Publishing, commercial, 15 3; cost of, 17 9 -18 0 ; monastic, 15 7 - 15 8 , 3 5 1m 7. See also Gazetteers, monastic Pure Land school/practices, 65, 10 2 ,

104, 157

Putuo Shan 普 陀 山 island and monasteries, 42, 4 5-4 9 , 52- 5 3 , i i i ,x64, 2 12 , 267, 270, 273 Qian Qianyi

錢 謙 益 (1582—1664 ) ,

101, 112 Qian Qizhong 錢 啓 忠 (js. 1628), 273 Qian Shisheng 錢 士 升 (i 575—l6 52j , 3551114 Qian Suywe 錢 肅 樂 ( 1 6 0 7 - 1 6 4 8 ) , 268, 3651149 Qian W eiqiao 錢 維 喬 (jr. 1762),

249, 253-255

39 9

Ren Ghengzhou 任 乘 舟 (15 4 0 1 620), 294 , — Restoration Society (Fu she 復 社 ),

75, I22, 237

Ricci, Matteo ( 15 5 2 - 16 10 ) , 13 9 140, 14 8 -14 9 Rituals (li 禮 Buddhist, 98-99, 282-283; Confucian, 98; funerary, 9 9 - 10 1; intercessory, 158, 19 2 196; state-mandated, 280-282 Rowe ,W illiam ,25—26 Ruggieri, Michele (15 4 3 -16 0 7 ), 139 Ruxuan 如 暄 (fl. 1567), 19 5 -19 6 Sakai Tadao 酒 井 忠 夫 ,io6 Sanskrit, study of, 148 Schoppa, Keith, 25 Schools, 194, 218, 235 -236 , 262 , 286-287 Sectarianism, 205—208, 239 Shamanism, 99, 282 Shandong province, 205-209, 2 2 8 248 Shang K exi 尚 可 喜 (1604■-1676 ), 150 Shanhui Xingw an 山 暉 行 淀 ,87, 95 ,

Qingxu 淸 虛 (fl. 1598), 56 iii Qiru Yuanqu 契 如 元 渠 (16 2 6 -17 0 0 ), Shao Tingcai 邵 廷 采 (1 6 4 8 - 1 7 1 1 ), 124 153-154 Shaolin Monastery 少 林 寺 ,84, 269 Qiu Shun 邱 椟 ( > .1 5 5 0 ) , 237 Shaoxing prefecture, 39, 5 0 - 5 1 ,80 , Qiu Zhaoao 仇 兆 截 , 1 1 5 105, 176 Q ixia M onastery 棲 霞 寺 (Nanjing ), Shen Taihong 沈 泰 鴻 (fl. 1605), 2 6 1 , 49, 94, l 8 1 ,1 9 7 - 198, 209—2 10 , 272 219, 222 Shen Yiguan 沈 一 貫 (1 5 3 1 - 1 6 1 5 ), Q uan Zuwang 全 祖 望 (17 0 5 - 17 5 5 ), 165, 261 ,289, 3591193 193, 270 Shiba Yoshinobu 斯 波 義 信 ,252 , Rankin, M ary, 13 , 25—26, 107, 328 254, 2?6 Shigeta Atsushi 重 田 德 , 13 Recitation o f the Buddha’ s name Shimada Kenji 島 田 虔 次 , 316 (nianfo 念 佛 ),96, 102; association Shouju 壽 具 (fl. 1657), 50 for,10 4 -10 5 , 153 Shrine to Local Worthies (XiangReleasing living creatures (fangsheng xian ci 鄕 賢 祠 ),237, 265 放 生 ):association for, 10 4 -10 5 ; Shun regime (1644), 233 pond for, 4 2-4 3, I 57> 267 Shunzhi emperor (r. 16 6 4 -16 6 1), 97, Religious subjectivity, 42-46, 5 1- 5 3 , 35011207 66-67, 98,102 〜103, 1 8 6 - 1 88 , Sichuan province, 147 19 6-202, 219, 227. See also K arm a

400

Index

Sima Qian 司 馬 遷 (16 3 -8 5 B .C .), 41 Sixin 死 心 , 120 Sixth Patriarch. See Huineng Societies {she 社 ),10 4 -10 6 , 268-269, 3481154. See also Associations; Literary societies; Lotus societies; Restoration Society Song dynasty, 15, 2 3 -2 4 , 3 0 -3 2 , 54, 57 一59, 192- 193. 250, 254, 264,

321-325 Song Lian 宋 濂 (1 3 1 0 - 1 3 8 1 ) ,6o, 261 Spence, Jonathan, 229 State: and Buddhism, 29—30, 33, 93, ioo, 2 8 1-2 8 2 ; and economy, 27; and local gentry, 20—23, 26-27, 28 0 -2 8 1, 324—329; separation from society, 3 12 -3 3 0 ; use o f monasteries, 1 1 8 - 1 1 9 . See also Magistrates; Taxation Statecraft (jingshi 經 世 ),7 0 - 7 1, 7374, 79, 270; as Confucian preoc­ cupation, 106, 205, 302 Steles, xiii-xiv, 1 io 3 170 ,17 4 -17 8 Strand, D avid, 25 Su Shi 蘇 軾 (1 0 3 6 - 1 1 0 1 ) ,50, 57, 6 i , 236, 255 S u n jia g a n 孫 嘉 涂 (16 8 3 -17 5 3 ) ,g8 Symbolic capital, 14 ,19, 23 T ai Shan

泰 山

(Mount T ai), 4 1- 4 2 ,

45- 46, 359n98 Taiping Rebellion, 13 , 25, 182, 3 10 , 328 Taiyu Haiche 泰 雨 海 徹 (fl. 1644 ), 2 4 1, 248 Taizhou 泰 州 school,22, 39, 4 1 ,64— 65, 69—75, 3 J 9;reaction against , 78, 80 T an g X ianzu 湯 顯 祖 (15 5 0 - 16 16 ),

348n54

' 、

T ang Y in 唐 寅 G 24) ,^7^ T ao Qian 陶 潛 (365-4:27) ,6i Tao Ting 陶 挺 (js. 16 10 ) ,56, 340113 T ao Wangling 陶 望 齡 (l?_ 1562,7^. 1589), 56, 82, 105 T axation ,284, 302, 3 X4■-3 ^5, 328; of

monasteries, 3 1, 1 7 1 —174, 258—

, . , - ,

;

259 270 280 294 295 3641147

relative to rent, 308-309 T ea: connoisseurship of, 4 1, 46, xo8, 1 1 2 —1 1 3 , 268; cultivation of, 176, 259 Three Teachings, unity o f (sanjiao heyi 三 教 合 一 ) ,i6 , 6 8-74, 78 Three Teachings Hall, 238, 3621135 Tianran Hanshi 天 然 函 是 (i6 o 8 .16 8 5 ) ,I2X, 145 Tiantai Mountain 天 台 山 (Zhejian g) ,44, 122, 178 ^ Tiantong Monastery 天 童 寺 (Ning­ bo), 120, 12 7 - 1 3 3 , 148, 153, 16 6 — 167, 173, 253, 256-259, 264, 267,

271-273 Tianyige 天 一 閣 Library, 265, 269 Tomb monasteries {fensi 填 寺 , fe n ’an 墳 庵 ),192—193, 3 4 7 ^ 3 7 . also Chantries; M erit cloisters Topography: "auspicious places” (fudi 福 地 ) ,io8; “ Buddhist places” (fodi 佛 地 ) ,263; “ caves to Heaven” (don办 ian 洞 天 ),io8 Tourism, 1 0 7 - 1 1 1 Trangportation, infrastructure ,186, 2 1 8 - 2 2 1; routes, 2 2 1 ,299 , 359n I01 Tripitaka (Buddhist canon), 84, 206 2 4 1 ,255, 272, 2 9 1 ,3 5 0 m l ! ,

364047 T u Long 屠 隆 (15 4 2 -16 0 5 ), 64, 6 6 67, 6 9 -7 1, 74, 76, i i 2 , 202- 2 。4 , 2 15 , 2 6 1-2 6 2 , 267, 272, 3 18 Vim alakirti, 289 V inaya (lit 律 )Buddhism, 89, 14 3 144, H 9 Vipasyin, 263 Voltaire, 8 Wakeman, Frederic, 17, 3 19 Wan Biao 萬 表 (1498—1556) ,269 ,

271 W a n jin g

萬 經 (16 5 9 - 17 4 1) , 270

Index

Wan Sitong

萬 斯 同 (1638—170 2 ),

2J0 W an Y an 萬 言 (16 3 7 -17 0 5 ) , 270 Wang Daokun 汪 道 昆 (!525—r593 ) , 27, 219 W ang Daozhen 王 燾 貞 (1558—1580 ),

66 Wang Fuzhi 王 夫 之 (丨6 19 -16 9 2 ), 8o, 3461133 Wang Gen 王 艮 (1483—15 4 1 ), 3441182 Wang Hongzhuan 王 弘 撰 (fl. 1663 ),

85—87, 349«87 Wang J i 王 幾 (14 9 8 -15 8 3), 63, yo, 8 1- 8 2 , 3441182 Wang Shizhen 王 世 貞 (1526- 1590 ) ,

112, 144, 316 Wang Shouren 王 守 仁 . See W ang Yangm ing W ang Sishi 王 嗣 奭 (1566?—1648 ),

76—79

W ang X inghai 王 性 海 (fl. 1598), 56 W ang Yangm ing 王 陽 命 (Wang Shouren, 14 7 2 -15 2 9 ), 39, 5 5 -56 , 6 1- 6 3 , 69- 70, 117 , 343n56 , 349m 0 1, 370113; criticism of, 78 , 326; influence of,9 0 -9 1; school of, 4 1 ,6 3-6 5, 72-74, 80-82, 88, 104, 1 ” , 3 16 Wang Yinggeng 汪 應 庚 (d. 1682 ), 2 19 -2 2 0 W ang Yuanhan 王 元 翰 (1565— 1622) ,5 5 -5 6 Wanli emperor (r_ 15 7 3 -16 2 0 ), 74 , 79, 188—189, 241 Wanli era ( 15 7 3 -16 2 0 ), 2 1 ,42, 6 4 74s 82, 88, 94-95, 103—104, 120 , 165, 1 8 1 - 1 8 2 , 264, 268 Wansong Huilin 萬 松 慧 林 (14*82! 557),

Weber, M ax, 6- 13 Wen Xingdao 聞 性 道 ,256, 258 Wen Zhengming 文 徵 明 (1470—

1559). 1 1 1 289 White Lotus sect, 207, 286 “ W ithdrawal from worldly affairs” {chushi 出 世 ),34, 7 0 -7 1, 7 3-74 ,

401

79, io8, 114 , 118 , 12 4 - 12 6 , 222, 270, 3 U - 3 H ,3 16 , 320 Wittfogel, K arl, 3361122 Women, as monastic patrons, 188— 191 ,3°3 Wu, Pei-yi, 44 W u Yizhong 巫 以 忠 ( ft_ 16 17 ), 19 1 Wu Y u bi 吳 與 弼 (1397—1469) ,6o Wuji Zhenghui 無 跡 正 識 (fl. 1602), 75, 291, 294 Wunian Shenyou 無 念 深 有 (!5 5 4 -

1627), 102 W utai Mountain 五 臺 山 ( Shanxi ), 179, 206, 2 15 , 347n37 X ia Y an 夏 言 (14 8 2 -15 4 8 ), 194 鄕 約 (village covenant sys­ tem), 118 X ie Guozhen 謝 國 楨 , 107 X ie Sanbin 謝 三 寶 、 j s . 16 25) ,2 5 5 256, 264 X ie Zhaozhe 謝 肇 潮 (15 6 7 -16 2 4 ), 1 1 2 , 353n5I X ilin Yongning 西 林 永 寧 (14 8 3 1565), 94 X inglang Daoxiong 星 朗 道 雄 (15 9 8 1673), 12 1 X ingru 行 如 (fl. 1677), 18 6 -18 7 , 197 Xinkong M ingkai 心 空 明 開 (15 6 8 1629) ,24 1, 291 X u Hongzu 徐 弘 祖 ( 15 8 6 - 16 4 1) ,97, 116-117 X u j i e 徐 階 (15 0 3 - 15 8 3 ) ,n 7- I l S X u Ruhan 徐 如 翰 ( fl. 16 14 ), 51 X uelang 雪 浪 (fl. 1598), 56 X u n K u an g 荀 况 (298—238 b .c.), 69 Y an Ermei 閻 爾 梅 , 122 Y a n Y u an 顏 元 (16 3 5 -17 0 4 ) ,8o , 106 Y an g, G. K .,6 Y an g Dongming 楊 東 明 (15 4 8 1624), io6 Y an g Xuanzhi 楊 街 之 (fl. 547), 2, 30 Y an g Zhouyan 楊 州 彥 {js. 1659 ), 3 0 3 - 3 05, 3 0 8 - 3 1 0

402

Index

Y ao Guangxiao 姚 廣 孝 (1 3 3 5 - 1 4 1 8 ), Zhanci Ghuanyuan 湛 慈 傳 課 ( 1 6 2 1 6o 16 9 1) ,I 5 i - i 53> r57 Y ao Ruxun 姚 汝 循 (fl. 1592), 83 Zhang D ai 張 岱 (1597—1689) ,3 7 Yezhu Fuhui 野 竹 福 慧 (fl. 1660 ), 53, 67, 93, i n - 1 1 3 , 117 , 12 3 , Yian Rutong 易 ‘ 如 通 (fl. 1560), 176 1 88, 193, 258, 2 6 1, 3571154 Yin county. See Ningbo Zhang Han 張 瀚 (1 5 1 1 - 1 5 9 3 ) , 27 Y in ’ an Rujin 隱 庵 如 進 (fl. 1598), 56 Zhang H ui 章 繪 (j5. 1439), 267 Yongle emperor (Zhu Di, r. 14 0 3 Zhang Juzheng _ 居 正 (15 2 5 - 15 8 2 ), 1422) ,60, 120 79, i i 8 , 200 You Tong 尤 侗 (16 18 -17 0 4 ) , 97 Zhang Lixiang 張 履 祥 ( i 6 i 1 — 1674 ), 183 Y u Chunxi 虞 淳 熙 (> . 1 5 8 3 ) ,io6, Zhang Tingbin 張 廷 賨 (fl. 1633)5 178, 187, 353n4i Y u Shenxing 于 慎 行 (15 4 5 -16 0 8 ), 257 Zhang Wenda 張 問 達 (Js. 1583, d. 69 Y u , Chiin-fang, 10 5 -10 6 1625), 75, 89-90, 96 Y u ’an Defang 愚 庵 (15 7 9 -16 6 5 ) ,56, Zhang Yuanbian 張 元 f卞 ( 15 3 8 2JI 1588) ,39, 42 Y u an dynasty, 3 2 -3 3 , 59-60, 68 , Zhang Yaofang 張 耀 芳 (fl. 1627), 120, 193 39-40 Y u an Gai 袁 采 (js. 116 3 ) , 59 Zhang Zai 張 載 (10 2 0 -10 7 7 ), 59 Yuan Hongdao 袁 宏 道 (15 6 8 -16 10 ), Zhanran Yuancheng 湛 然 圓 澄 ( 15 6 1- 16 2 6 ) , 82 56, 6 4-65, 75, 84, io2, ro6, 10 9 110 , 120, 163, 178, 197, 204-205, Zhao Y i 趙 翼 (17 :2 7 -18 14 ), 83 2 13 , 216 , 289—290, 3 17 Zheng Chenggong 鄭 成 功 (16 2 4 Y uan Huang 袁 黃 (15 3 3 -16 0 6 ), 1662), 46 Zheng Guangxin 鄭 廣 信 ,354113 343n6° Y u an Wenwei 袁 文 緯 . See Sixin Zhengde era (1506—15 2 1 ) ,73, 3 12 — Y uan Zhongdao 袁 中 道 (156 0 313, 315 i6oo 〉,56, 65, ago Zhenke. See Zibo Zhenke Zhichang 智 常 (fl,8th century), 139, Y u an Zongdao 袁 宗 道 (15 7 0 -16 2 4 ), 142 65, 103 Yuanjie Y iji 圓 捷 一 機 (1630 〜1708 ), Zhijue. See Changru Zhijue 15 4 -15 5 Zhiyi, See Dean Zhiyi Yuankui 圓 魁 (fl. 1586), 209 Zhou Dunyi 周 敦 顔 ( 10 1 7 - 10 7 3 ) , 57 Yuechuan 月 川 (fl. 1598), 56 Zhou Rong 周 容 (16 19 -16 7 9 ) , 268 Yungu 雲 谷 (15 0 0 -15 7 9 ), 198 Zhou Rudeng 周 & 登 (15 4 7 -16 2 9 ), Yunkong Zuneng 蘊 空 祖 能 (140:282 Zhou Yingbin 周 應 賓 (Js. 1583), 14邠 ),93 Yunnan province, 9 1, 97; monks 2 6 1, 268 from, 87, 112 , 1 1 6 , 124 Zhu Shilu 祝 世 祿 (js. 1589) ,209— Yunqi Zhuhong 雲 棲 株 S ( 15 3 5 2io , 216 16 15 ), 43, 6 5-66, 94-95, 10 2 Z h u X i 朱 熹 (113 0 - 12 0 0 ) ,1 5 - 1 6 , 105, 1 2 0 - 1 2 1 , 143, 198, Q05, 208 34, 54—55, 5 7 -6 。,74, 78, 8 1, 86 Zhu Y ih ai 朱 以 海 (16 18 - 16 6 2 ) ,49, Zaisan Hongzan 在 慘 弘 贊 (Zhu 122 Ziren, 16 11- 16 8 6 ) , 13 7 - 14 3 , 14 8 Zhu Yizun 朱 彝 尊 (1626—1709), 1 10 Zhu Youlang 朱 由 掷 (1623—1662 ), 叩, 直 5 3 一 15 7 Zang Weiyi 臧 惟 一 (js. 1565), 241 144, H 6

Index

Zhu Yuanzhang 朱 元 導 (13281398). See Hongwu emperor Zhu Ziren 朱子仁 . See Zaisan Hongzan Zhuhong. See Yunqi Zhuhong Zibo Zhenke 紫柏▲ 可 (1544-1604) 56, 82, 257, 267, 276, 3441184, 355叫

403

Zongbao Daodu 宗寶道獨( 1600i66 i), 121

Zongfu Zhihua 宗符智華,144-145, 153 Zou Xi 鄒 襲 ( > . 1 4 6 6 ) , 6i Zurndorfer, Harriet, 3711120

H arvard Y e n c h in g I n s t it u t e M o n o g r a p h S e rie s

(titles now in print) 11. Han Shi Wat Chuan: Han Ying’s Illustrations o f the Didactic Application o f the Classic of Songs, translated and annotated by James Robert Hightower 18. A History o f Japanese Astronomy: Chinese Background and West' em Impacty by Shigeru Nakayama 21. The Chinese Short Story: Studies in Dating, Authorship, and Compositioriy by Patrick Hanan 22. Songs o f Flying Dragons: A Critical Reading, by Peter H. Lee 23. Early Chinese Civilization: Anthropological Perspectives^ by K. C. Chang 24. Population^ Disease, and Land in Early Japariy 645- 900, by Wil­ liam Wayne Farris 25. Sbikitei Sanba and the Comic Tradition in Edo Fiction^ by Robert W. Leutner 26. Washing Silk: The Life and Selected Poetry o f Wei Chuang (834?- 910)3 by Robin D. S. Yates 27. National Polity and Local Power: The Transformation o f Late Imperial China, by Min Tu-ki 28. Tang Transformation Texts: A Study o f the Buddhist Contribu­ tion to the Rise o f Vernacular Fiction and Drama in ChinOy by Victor H. Mair 29. Mongolian Rule in China: Local Administration in the Yuan Dynasty, by Elizabeth Endicott-West 30. Readings in Chinese Literary Thought,by Stephen Owen 31. Remembering Paradise: Nativism and Nostalgia in EighteenthCentury Japan, by Peter Nosco 32. Taxing Heaven’s Storehouse: Horses>Bureaucrats, and the Destruc­ tion o f the Sichuan Tea Industry, 1074- 1224, by Paul J. Smith 33. Escape from the Wasteland: Romanticism and Realism in the Fic­ tion o f Misbima Yukio and Oe Kenzaburo, by Susan Jolliffe Napier 34. Inside a Service Trade: Studies in Contemporary Chinese Prose, by Rudolf G. Wagner 35. The Willow in Autumn; Ryutei Tanebiko, 1783- 1842, byAndrew Lawrence Markus 36. The Confucian Transformation o f Korea: A Study o f Society and Ideology, by Martina Deuchler

37. The Korean Singer o f Tales, by Marshall R. Pihl 38. Praying fo r Power: Buddhism and the Formation o f Gentry Soci­ ety in Late-Ming ChinOy by Timothy Brook 39. Wordy Image, and Deed in the Life o f Su Shi, by Ronald C. Egan