Power of Place: The Religious Landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue 南嶽) in Medieval China 0674033329, 9780674033320

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Power of Place: The Religious Landscape of the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue 南嶽) in Medieval China
 0674033329, 9780674033320

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Power o f Place The Keligiom Landscape ofthe Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue 南 獄 )in Medieval China

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Power o f Place The Religious Landscape ofthe Southern Sacred Peak {Nanyue 南獄 )in Medieval China

James Robson

Published by the Harvard University Asia Center and distributed by Harvard University Press Cambridge (Massachusetts) and L o n d o n 2009

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1. M ( > i i n t a i n s - - > l i s Asju.cts—BuiJiJhism . 2. M o u n t a in s —R e lig io n s iis p c c fs —"l';i< >ism. 3.

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B u d d h i s m — ( ^ h i n a - - l l i s r o r y . 5. ,i ' a o i s n i - - R c l ; iri7/^ as the Four Sacred Peaks {siyue 四 嶽 ).A s was appropriate for his time, M a o naturally mentioned only four sacred mountains and not the later system o f five, but his gloss on yue contains the oldest ex_ Unt identification of the specific mountains associated with the regional “Y m r e fe r s to the Four Sacred Peaks. T h e Eastern Sacred Peak is Dai [Tai],the Southern Sacred Peak is Heng, the Western Sacred Peak is Hua, and the Northern Sacred Peak is H e n g , ,嶽 四 嶽 也 . 東 獄 洛 • 南 獄 衡 . 西 獄 華 . 北 微 位 .18 This grouping of the sacred peaks is nearly identical with the mature version of the Five Sacred Peaks system, with the missing element being the Central Sacred Peak, Songshan. This commentary is significant since it demonstrates that一 at least for this c o m m e n t a t o r ~ N a n y u e was situated in the far south and associated with Hengvshan prior to the ritual changes introduced by H a n Wudi. T h e “Shutuiian, ,section of the Book of Documents mentions Nan)oie but gives n o precise location. It merely records that “in the fifth m o n t h [the emperor] u n d e r t o o k an imperial inspection tour (or hunt) {xunshou 巡守 or 狩 ),arriving at N a n y u e [he performed the same] rites as those performed at Dai [Taishan]”五 月 南 巡 守 至 于 南 獄 如 低 禮 , T h e dat­ ing of the various layers of the Documents is notoriously difficult, but one of the major commentaries on the text, the Shang^m da^huan 尚書

大傳 b y F u S h e n g 伏 勝 (third to se c o n d century

b c e ) ,

dates to the sec­

o n d century bce.2" F u s h e n g , s c o m m e n t a r y clearly locates N a n y u e at

Hengshan 南 嶽 衡 山 .21 F;usheng,s commentary, therefore, tallies nicclv with M a o Heng's roughly contcmporaty gloss. T h e Kites of 7Jmu ~like the Odes and Doctments—~gives n o specific names for the mountains designated sacred peaks. A s mentioned in Chapter 1,however, the n a m e Hengshan does appear in the ‘ ‘ Zhifang.’ , 22 T'lie “Zhifkng” circumscribes the Chinese imperium and in­ cludes a detailed explication of the “nine precincts.” It is within the context of that imperium-vvide set of mountains that Hengshan is m e n ­ tioned. T h e passage states that “true south is called Jingzhou; its garri­ son mountain is called Hengshan”正 南 曰 荆 州 其 山 鎮 曰 衡 山 Since the passage does not mention the Five Sacred Peaks, all w e can be cer­ tain of at this point is that Hengshan was considered an important “ protector/garrison, ,mountain in the southernmost part of the imperi­ ally imagined empire. l\vo relatively early commentaries survive for the

Rites of Zhou, the ^hu 注 by Z h e n g Xing 鄭 興 (fl. 30 ce) and the sbu 疏

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by Jia Kui 賈 逵 (30—101 c e ). Z h e n g Xing's gloss on the n a m e H e n g ­ shan describes the location of that mountain: “Hengshan is located to the south of the Xiang [River], ,衡 山 在 湘 南 , which points to a location in the vicinity of the m o d e r n mountain bearing that n a m e along the Xiang River in F^unan province.24 Hengshan is not identified as a sa­ cred peak in that text, but the note is significant since later c o m m e n t a ­ tors tried to sidestep the problem of the dual location of Na n y u e by saying that Hengshan is another n a m e for H u o s h a n (in Anhui). That solution to the problem is not credible, since all early sources clearly posit that the mountain n a m e d Hengshan was located in the far south rather than to the north of the Yangzi River, Therefore, in the earliest commentaries the Southern Sacred Peak is connected with Hengshan. This is not a surprising conclusion. If N a n y u e had not been located there, what need would there have been for W u d i to m o v e the South­ ern Sacred Peak from the “too distant Hengshan, ,to Huoshan? Let us n o w shift from texts to contexts for a m o m e n t and take a closer look at the historical circumstanccs surrounding the decision to m o v e the Southern Sacred Peak.

Changing Places: W udt x Movement oj Nanyue Given the historical importance of E m p e r o r W u 7s m o v e m e n t of Nanyue, I would be remiss not to try to arrive at a deeper understand­ ing of his actions— — surely m o r e was at stake than the mere inconven­ ience of distance. N u m e r o u s questions arise in relation to that e m ­ peror's modification of imperial ritual protocol. H e is traditionally depleted as a strong emperor w h o embarked on an expansionist policy. Michacl L o e w c has, for example, written: Wucii’ s reigti (141-87 b.c.e.) marks a new departure in H a n history. The work of consolidation gave way to expansion and active initiatives; constructive policies were adopted to strengthen China and to solve its problems. ... By 108 b.c.e. H a n armies had achieved their greatest advances, and new colonial ventures w e r e b e i n g s p o n s o r e d ; religious c e r e m o n i e s o f 105 b.c.e. d e m o n ­ strated the pride of achievement that the H a n house could boast.25 V

S

•彼 o ^

southeast, and southwest, where lie was a\\eged\y a\>\e to H a n authority. This image of W u d i as a great expansionist forces us to

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try to understand the vexing question of w h y he m o v e d N a n y u e from its position demarcating (at least symbolically) the southern extent of

the Chinese imperium to a location north of the Yangzi River. H o w do w e m a k e sense of this m o v e ? W a s it a sign of a weakened h e ge m o n y over the south? If not, h o w d o w e reconcile H a n W u d i ’ s image with the reality o f this shift n or th wa rd ?

Considering the symbolic importance of the feng and shan sacrifices a n d the ritual inspection tour, w h i c h w e r e p e r f o r m e d b y successful

consolidators of n e w dynasties, W u d i , s withdrawal from Hengshan is not the type of action w e would expect from him. F r o m early on, the sacred peaks w e r e conceived as delineators o f the i m p e r i u m a n d the

guardians of its borders irnarche^). W e are forced, therefore, to speculate w h e t h e r the region a r o u n d H e n g s h a n ~ w h i c h w a s located within the

powerful Changsha k i n g d o m w a s still as intractable to central rule as it had been w h e n the first Qin emperor tried to visit it o n a ritual in­ spection tour a century earlier. T h e Shiji records, for example, that dur­ ing the twenty-eighth year of the Q i n dynasty (219 b c e ) the emperor embarked on an imperial tour to the south and, while crossing D o n g ting Lake on his w a y to flengshan, was stopped by heavy winds caused by unquiet spirits. T h e emperor had to call off the rest of his journey.26 Considering W u d i ’ s well-known superstitiousness,is it possible that he w a n t e d nothing to d o with a volatile site c o n n e c t e d with an inauspi­ cious event?

Th e textual record does not (as far as I have been able to discern) m e n t i o n a ny m e m o r i a l s to the throne concerning the decision to m o v e

Nanyue, something one might expect for such a significant change in imperial ritual protocol. W u d i , s shifting of N a n y u e from the hinterland served as a harbinger o f subsequent c hanges in imperial ritual obser­ vances. Under the influence o f K u a n g H e n g 匡 衡 (d. 68 bce), w h o ar­ gu ed that the emperor's ritual visits to distant sites o f w o r s h i p “in­ volved he av y expenditure a n d popular hardship, w h i c h s hould be relieved, ” m a j o r reforms w e r e subsequently m a d e in the degree a n d

scope of imperially sponsored rites.27 Therefore, even if there had been resistance to I Ian W u d i ?s move, there was n o rush to return the venera­ tion of N a n y u e to Hengshan after K u a n g H e n g ’ s reforms were enacted. Wudi’ s m o v e m e n t o f N a n v u e was not a temporary ritual substitution of one site for another. Rather, it set a precedent for considering

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H u o s h a n the Southern Sacrcd Peak that was followed by his successor, Xuandi 宣 帝 (r, 73—49 b c e ), and subsequent emperors. H u o s h a n would hold the title “Southern Sacred Peak”for seven m o r e centuries. C o n ­ firmation that the m o v e m e n t of Na n y u e to H u o s h a n had a wider i m ­ pact beyond the limited confines of the imperial cult is found not only in the Shiji but also in the H a n apocrypha entitled lj)ngyn hetu (uncertain date), in the Baihu tong 白 虎 通 (Comprehensive discussions in the White Tiger Hall; ca. 32-92 c e ), and in the Ihngsu tongyi 風 俗 通 義 (The comprehensive meaning of customs; ca. 140—206).28 For instance, one Vengsu tongyi passage on the Five Sacred Peaks says: “In the south­ ern direction is Hengshan. O n e of its names is Huoshan. H u o 霍 pit. 'sudden5] means that w h e n the myriad things prosper and mature, they let their branches hang d o w n and spread out their leaves so that they ‘ suddenly’{!nw 霍)enlarge. [Huoshan?s] shrine is located at Lujiang in Qian district., , 29 This citation is significant for showing that during the late second and early third centuries c e N a n y u e was considered to be at H u o s h a n in Lujiang (the site where H a n W u d i had m o v e d it), but it also demonstrates at this time the names H e n g and H u o were con­ flated. Although there is strong evidence that W u d i ’ s m o v e m e n t of N a n y u e was accepted in m a n y official sourccs, remarks in the commentarial lit­ erature suggest that for contemporary observers the m o v e m e n t of N a n y u e to H u o s h a n was perceived as a temporary transgression of rit­ ual protocol and was already being questioned in the first century c e . It is understandable that the most chaotic phase in the m o v e m e n t of N a m o i e would fall during the disjointed period between the H a n and the Sui dynasties. It is also understandable, given the disunited state of the imperium,that official recognition of Hengshan would c o m e slowly, Without a strong emperor to claim consolidation of the e m ­ pire, there would have been n o reason to change the affiliation of Na n y u e back to Hengshan. Indeed, after 317 ce— and the loss of north China— there were other reasons for keeping N a n y u e closer to the h o m e of the n e w southern capital in Jiankang (modern Nanjing). Therefore, with the political context of the fall of the H a n in mind, I turn to an examination of sources that date to the period between the end of the H a n and the beginning of the Sui reunification in order to assess which mountains were affiliated with N an y u e during that period.

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T h e commentaries that fall within the temporal frame of the South­ ern Dynasties (386—589) pose a n u m b e r of difficulties since G u o P u , s 郭 破 (styled Jingchun 景 純 ;276—324) relatively early 注 commentaty to the E[ja and the later shu 疏 commentary by Xing Bing 邢禺 (93i—ioio) began to be combined s o m e time in the Southern Song dy­ nasty.31 T h u s ,although G u o P u , s commentary alone would be particularly useful, it requires special effort to tease out the early strata that c o m e from G u o P u , s hand. G u o P u ’ s third-century commentary on a line in the Er}'a simply states: “Hengshan is the Southern Sacred Peak” 衡 山 南 獄 .W e k n o w that this c o m m e n t is from G u o P u since the later

shu commentary by Xing Bing cites it as such, and it is also cited in K o n g Yingda?s 孔 穎 達 ( 574—648) commentary to the Odes. G u o P u , s commentary does not, however, address the problem of the dual loca­ tion of Nanyue; he simply glossed the n a m e H u o s h a n with the follow­ ing note: “[Huoshan] is Tianzhu shan, the source of the Qian River” [霍 山 ]即 夭 柱 山 潜 水 所 出 f Here it is worthwhile to present s o m e speculations about the extent of G u o P u , s commentary as it is identified in the Shisanjlng edi­ tion of the Er)'a. Large portions of text identified as the shu c o m m e n taty, allegedly compiled by Xing Bing in the So n g dynasty, were most likely written by G u o Pu. Therefore, G u o P u , s gloss was available to K o n g Yingda w h e n he wrote his c o m m e i m r y to the “Songgao, ,ode, which includes direct citations from G u o V u s Er)'a commentary. K o n g Yingda cited a major portion of the E^ya commentary, introducing those sections with the phrase: “G u o P u , s Erya commentary 注) says I will, therefore, provide a translation of K o n g ^ quotation of Guo Pu, s commentary, since it reflects a third to fourth ccntury un­ c

e

derstanding of the “place”of N a n y u e and is the first text that confronts the issue of the dual location of that sacred peak. According to the Sbit^man 詩 傳 [i.e., M a o H e n g ’ s commentary to the Shijin^ list of the Four Sacred Peaks: Dai is the Eastern Sacred Peak, Heng is the Southern Sacred Peak. [But] numerous canonical texts and commentaries write that Taishan is the Eastern Sacred Peak, and that Huoshan is the Southern Sa­ cred Peak. Many mountains [seem, therefore, to] have had two names. The Yengsu tong[yi] says, “ Taishan is the most respected of [all] mountains. [It is] called Daizong and Daislii, the first ancestor {^png^i)ang 宗長).”At the beginning of the ten thousand things, yin ^ndyang handed responsibilities over

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7〇

to it, and therefore it is called the most Venerable’of the Five Sacred Peaks. W h e n an emperor receives the [heavenly] mandate, he should perform regular feng and shan [sacrifices] there. Hengshan is also called Huo, which is to say that the myriad things prosper. . . •This explains that Heng is also called Huo, that Tai is also called Dai. Each is a single mountain with two names.”Accordingly, above it was written that Hengfshan] is south of the Yangzi (Jiangnan 江南)• The ''Monograph on Geography”( “ Dili zhi”地理志)[in the Hamhu] says, “ Hengshan is in Changsha prefecture, south of the Xiang [River]/* Zhang Yi, s 張 搏 [fl. 3rd century c e ] Guangya 廣 雅 ( Expanded Erya) says, “ Tianzhu is also called Huoshan.”The “ Monograph on Geography, ,says, “ Tianzhu shan is in Lujiang in Qian prefecture,and it is therefore north of the Yangzi. It also says, “Hengjshan] and Huo[shan] are a single mountain with two names. From earlv on Hengshan was referred to in other sources as Huoshan. H a n Wudi moved the [southern] sacred mountain’ s deity to Tianzhu, and he gave Tian­ zhu the name Huo.”[Therefore],from the time of H a n Wudi on Heng and H u o referred to separate mountains. Today Huoshan is in the southwest part of Lujiang in Qian prefecture, and its other name is Tianzhu shan. Since H a n Wudi considered Hengshan too dis' tant, he moved its deity [to Huoshan]. N o w the commoners in the area all call it the Southern Sacred Peak. [They say] the Southern Sacred Peak originally had two mountains associated with its name and is not a recent [development]. M o s t scholars

{xue^ije 學者 ),however,

d o not consider H u o s h a n to be the

Southern Sacred Peak. They explain that [Huoshan] first received the name [Namaie] from H a n Wudi. T o place H a n Wudi before the Er)'a like this is in­ correct.34 In this critical appraisal of the location of N a n y u e ,G u o P u reviewed the main problems that hindered acceptance of the n e w location by those in contemporary intellectual circles. His commentary also clarifies that by the fourth century c e there w a s still confusion over the location of

Nanyue, but that scholars (xue^/ye), those identified as knowing the commentarial tradition, considered the original location to be Hengshan.

Imperial Rituals M eet Local Cults G u o P u wrote his commentaries around the time of the loss of north China in 317 . Subsequent stages in the mo v e m e n t s of Na n y u e mir­ rored that politically unstable time. A s northern emigres began arriving in southeastern China, n e w ideas about the location of N a n y u e also be­ c

e

gan to proliferate. During the Six Dynasties period (220-581), N a n y u e ?s

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7^

status rose to n e w heights because it was the only one of the Five Sa­ cred Peaks that remained within the (now-limited) Chinese domain fol­ lowing the loss of the territory north of the Huai River. N a n y u e was, therefore, the only site at which the imperial rituals to the sacred peaks could be maintained. N o w that the capital was located in Jiankang, it m a d e sense to have the numinous p o wer of N a n y u e readilv available. O n e clear sign of the political and religious pow e r that this sacred mountain c o m m a n d e d for the northern emigres was the renewed focus on Na n y u e soon after the Eastern Jin dynasty (317—420). During this period of increased atten­ tion, however, changes in the location of N a n y u e c a m e to be intimately linked to the development of Daoism. A n y resistance to the idea rhat N a n y u e was located at Huoshan, had b e c o m e mu ted by 317 . A surviving fragment from G a n B a o , s 干寶 (fl. 317) Soushenji 搜 神 記 (Record of the search for spirits) titled “T h e Four Cauldrons,”for example, says: c

e

H an Wudi moved the rituals for the veneration of the Southern Sacred Peak to the summit of Huoshan in Lujiang commander}' in Qian district. Yet, there was no source for the water needed for the rituals. Figuring they needed about 40 hu of water for the rituals, they moved four large cauldrons to the site of the temple, and those were filled with water at the time of ritual. W h e n the rituals were completed, the cauldrons dried out,but they did not fill with dirt or leaves. After fifty years, when the four yearly rituals were changed to three per year, one of the cauldrons was destroyed.35 This passage was intended to portray the miraculous nature of the caul­ drons, but it also attests that during the fourth century the ritual c

e

veneration of N a n y u e had taken root at Huoshan. In the centuries following H a n W u d i ’ s m o v e m e n t of N a n y u e to H u o ­ shan, the chaotic political situation began to take a toll on the institu­ tional maintenance of rites to that sacrcd peak. Although the modifica­ tions detailed in the Soushenji m a y seem minor, in other sources there is evidence that those concerned with performing imperial rituals to Nanyue were having to fight off encroachments from local cults and that gaps in the ritual knowledge needed to carry out the imperial rituals were forming. During the reign of E m p e r o r M u 才 0'帝 (r. 357—61) of the Eastern Jin dynasty, for example, H e Qi 何 倚 submitted a memorial to the throne

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entitled “Qingxiu wu yue ci, ’請 f多 五 獄 祠 (A request for reinstating rituals [at] the nmyiie temples).36 Fhe text of that petition provides a fas­ cinatingly detailed glimpse of the decline in the imperial veneration of Nanyue. H e Q i 5s appeal to restore the main shrine and reinstate its offi­ cial veneration affords us an intimate picture of the ways that important issues regarding imperial ritual protocol were negotiated, h o w ongoing battles with cxccssivc local cults were fought, and the difficulties of maintaining traditional rituals during times of social and political chaos. H e Q i’ s petition said— — to paraphrase a rather long text— — that from the time of the ancient sages Ta n g and Yue, emperors had gone on i m ­ perial hunts once every five years, determining the direction in accor­ dance with the time and season. Burnt sacrifices {Had) were offered at the Five Sacred Peaks, and imng rituals were performed to the lesser mountains and rivers. During the Yongjia disturbance (311—17), the cen­ tral plains were lost, and the rites to the Five Sacrcd Peaks were no longer maintained. Only 1 'ianzhu shan (Huoshan) in Qian prefecture was still within the ruler’ s domain. O f old, officials of the ccntral gov­ ernment had paid revercnce to Tianzhu shan, but during the height of the Eastern ]in dynasty those officials were n o longer appointed, and officers were dispatched from Lujiang to carry out the seasonal w o r ­ ship. However, even those forms of veneration soon died out. W h a t had arisen in their place were rites to “d e m o n s of excessive cults”{jin~

hun 隹 昏).讯 11c Qi requested that once the violent oppressors had b e e n destroyed, the ancient official rites should be revived. Yet, as H e Qi discovered, there w a s n o textual record for determining the correct per-

formance of the rituals or what should be offered. Therefore, he ap­ pealed to the Bureau of Rites to issue a [new] set of ritual protocols. Unfortunately, the “heterodox”(jaonk 妖 孽 ) cults persisted, and local people still w o r s h i p p e d them. T h e s e excessive practiccs. H e Q i insisted,

must be eradicated based o n the laws and ordinances.39 Apparently none of H e Q i ’ s suggestions were ever officially actcd upon. \Vhv did H e Qi take such a strong interest in reviving the imperial veneration of Nanyue? H e is described as a m a n interested in the reli­ gious sclf-cultivation practices and ideas swirling around in southeast­ ern China during his day. Despite H e Qi's elite pedigree, he was a re­ cluse w h o avoided the world of politics and an adept in methods of

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self-cultivation, and it is claimcd he did not suffer from old age.4'1 Whatever his precise religious beliefs and practices, the motivating force behind lie Q i , s petition to reinstate the worship of H u o s h a n was— — in addition to wanting to quell local excessive cults— a matter of self (or perhaps family) interest. Indeed, H e Qi was the elder male cousin of the powerful prime minister H e C h o n g 何 充 (fl. 344). That is to say, he belonged to the extremely powerful H e clan of Qian in Lujiang, which T a n g Changru has identified as one of the great contempomry family lineages.41 Since H e hailed from the H u o s h a n region, it does not take m u c h imagination to see that by reviving the imperially spon­ sored veneration of H u o s h a n and emphasizing the high rank of an i m ­ portant mountain in their h o m e area, the H e clan could enjoy a variety of tangible and intangible profits. Local interests could figure impor­ tantly in the politics of mapping out an imperial sacred geography. T h e “excessive”cults H e Qi identified were not a recent introduc­ tion to the H u o s h a n region. During the Later H a n dynasty (25—220) Huos h a n was already a center for local cults, and by H e Q i , s time that mountain already had a long history of being controlled by local reli­ gious leaders w h o founded m o v e m e n t s around the mountain. In the chapter o n the f a m o u s H a n general M a Y u a n 馬 援 (14 b c e —4 9 ce) in

the Hoif [ianshu 後 漢 書 ( History of the Later Han), for instance, there is evidence of trouble around N a n y u e (Huoshan) caused by the Great Master of N a n y u e (Nanyue dashi 南 歡 大 師 ).42 T h e Great Master was a title held by a certain Li G u a n g 李 廣 ,one of the hundreds of disciples of a powerful sorcerer n a m e d W e i Si 維 >’ 巳( fl. 4 0 ce). After W e i Si at­ tracted quite a large following, he was tried and executed by the gov­ ernment for his destructive actions. His disciplcs, however, claimed he had not been killed but had “transformed , ,(hua 化 )himself, and the m o v e m e n t was reconstituted w h e n they began to once again draw on his powers. In 41 c e Li G u a n g led an attack on W a n c h e n g 院 城 (in m o dern Anhui near Huoshan), killed its Marquis Liu W e n 劉 閣 ,and proclaimed himself Great Master of Nanyue. W e i Si and his disciples such as Li Guang, D a n C h e n 丹 臣 ,and F u Z h e n 傅 鎮 have been iden­ tified by Fang Shiming 方 詩 銘 as key figures in what m a y be one of the first Daoist mass mo v e m e n t s in Chinese history, predating the betterk n o w n Celestial Masters (Tianshi dao 天 師 道 )in Sichuan and W a y of Great Peace (laiping dno 太 平 道 ,184 c e ) in northeastern China.43 T h e

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Moving Mountains

similarities between this first-century cultic activity and that con­ d e m n e d by H e Q i m a n y years later suggest the resilience of the local c

e

cults around Huoshan. E v e n though imperial control of the H u o s h a n area fluctuated, official rites to N a n y u e continued~in theory at least— — at this site u p through the mid-fifth century. Almost a century after H e Q i , s petition, w e again find evidence that the imperial veneration of H u o s h a n had ended. In 463, E m p e r o r Xiao W u ♦ 武 帝 ( r. 454-64) of the Liu S on g 劉 宋 dy­ nasty (420—78) undertook an imperial progress to N a n Y u z h o u 南 豫州 and N a n Y a n z h o u 南 冗 州 in Jiangbei (the northern part of m o d e m Anhui province). During that trip, he issued an edict that said: “H u o shan is the Southern Sacred Peak, truly serving as the garrison/ protector of the country. Its numinous [power] reigiis, and it exhibits auspicious omens. F r o m the beginning it has illuminated the w a y of the [Liu] S o n g dynasty.”44 lie then dispatched an envoy to m a k e offerings to the Southern Sacred Peak at Huoshan. It is unclear from the texts what rites were supposed to be carried out, but records dated just four m onths later reveal that the institutional m e m o r y of h o w to perform those rites had not been maintained and those in charge of earning out the rituals were at a loss for what to do. T h e “Lizhi” 禮 志 (Monograph on the rites) scction of the Songshu 宋書( History of the Song) records that during the sixth m o n t h of 463, the emperor received a report from an ofheial that asked: “Y o u decreed that rituals should be carried out for Huoshan. W h a t kind of envoy should be sent to carry out the rites? W h a t should the sacrificial offer­ ings be? O n the day the rites are performed, what vessels should be used in making food offerings to the deity?”A palace attendant n a m e d Qiu Jingxian 丘 景 先 then offered a detailed response to those ques­ tions. H e based his explanation of general information about sacrifices to the mountains on the Kites of Zhou^ and his explanation for rites to H u o s h a n in particular o n the Classic ofMountains and Rivers. T h e Rifes of Zhou enumerates the rank of official that should carry out the sacrifices and specifics that in undertaking rites to the rivers and sacred peaks blood offerings should be submerged or buried, respectively. A s for the utensils used for the alcohol, dried meats, and ox {lao 牢),cach of the peaks has a different custom, and each of the famous mountains has different jade tablets (gui J圭)and ceremonial jade disks ibi 幣 )that

Moving Mountains

75

should be worn.45 According to Qiu (ingxian, the Classk ofMountains and PJpers specifies that in venerating Huoshan, the chamberlain for cere­ monials (takhang 太 常 )should be sent as the envoy, and the sacrifice should be in accordance with the Great Sacrifice {tailao 太 牢 ) .46 Offerings of alcohol, dried meat, and seasonal grains should be made, and propriety should be demonstrated by [wearing] a red ceremonial jade [chit^)ang 赤 緯 )and a crimson jade disk {xiwbl 練 幣 )• A s for beverages, offerings were to be m a d e of alcohol derived bv fermenting millet and fragrant herbs, and the utensils and containers should, the text stipu­ lates, be m a d e of pottery or calabashes.47 A s valuable as this passage is for providing a detailed glimpse of the ritual veneration of one of the sacred peaks, it also demonstrates that the regular performance of i m ­ perial rituals to N a n y u e at H u o s h a n was not continually maintained during the volatile Six Dynasties period. Nonetheless, the questions forwarded by local officials about the revival and proper performance of those rites are a rare w i n d o w onto the ways a specific imperial ritual fell out of practice and the precise ritual protocol needed for it to be re­ instated. Indeed, the interruptions in the performance of those rites were at times so prolonged that institutional m e m o r y of those sacrifices and offerings was lost. Ritual specialists had to be consulted in order to reinstate the proper form of veneration. These fleeting glimpses of problems in ritual protocol suggest that although it w as deplorable enough that n o one k n e w h o w to carry out the imperial rites to N a n y u e ,the problem was c o m p o u n d e d by the fact that H u o s h a n was the center for local cxcessivc cults that began in the H a n with the Great Master of the Southern Sacred Peak and continued up to the fourth and fifth centuries. This case of ritual demise and re­ vival in the face of popular religious practice also furnishes clear evi­ dence that during the fourth and fifth ccnturies N a n y u e was sccurcly located at H u o s h a n (Anhui).

Ijocating 'Nanyne in Daoist Sources Scholars of early D a o i s m have also grappled with the problematic ques­ tion of where Na n y u e was located, since the history of that mountain was closely tied to fundamentally important figures in nascent forms of Daoism.4H E d w a r d Schafer, for example, explicitly addressed this issue:

76

Moving Mountain.

The location of Huoshan, whether the “Greater”or “ Lesser, ,mountains of that name, was highly unstable. Michel Strickmann believed that the secret Southern Sacred Peak [Nanyue] to which Lady Wei was assigned, named “ Greater Mount H u o , ”was at Luojiang township, near Zayton [Quanzhou] in Fujian,and that it remained there until the fifth century. Tao Hongjing accord­ ingly took the old Mount Huo~that is, “Heaven’ s Post NlouiUain”(Tianzhu shan 天才主山) in Anhui— — to be the Lesser Mount Huo.49 Michel Strickmann later published his o w n views on the location of N a n y u e ,which he posited was at a site in present-day Fujian province.50 Schafer took H u o s h a n to be Tiantai shan, and Strickmann thought there was a Lesser H u o s h a n in Anhui and a “secret”N a n y u e associated with Greater H u o s h a n in Fujian province. Is it possible to adjudicate between these different views? Is there one “correct” location of N a n y u e in early Daoist sources? H o w do these sites relate to the previ­ ous locations in H u n a n and Anhui? These questions resist a simple an­ swer, but the research necessary for their consideration helps to s h o w just h o w complex and shifting early Daoist conceptions of sacred space were and, at the same time, demonstrates the dependence of any an­ swer to that question on texts consulted. W h e n a larger sample of sources is taken into account, however, the multiple geographies of the Southern Sacred Peak c o m e m o r e clearly into view. If it were not difficult enough to have two different mountains con­ sidered to be the Southern Sacred Peak— Hengshan (in Hunan) and H u o s h a n (in Anhui)— — in Daoist sources from about the fourth century on, the picture is further complicated by the introduction of entirely different mountains onto the scene. T h e main problem with the loca­ tion of N a n y u e in early Daoist sources is that the n a m e became associ­ ated with three mountains: Qianshan, Huoshan, and Tianzhu shan. W h e n W u d i m o v e d N a n y u e in 107 , the mountain honored with b

c

e

that title was called Huoshan. But, place-names, as should be clear by now, are rarely unequivocal or static. Huoshan, as G u o P u 5s fourthcentury commentary to the Efya stipulated, was located in Lujiang in Qian district (Anhui). That mountain was, however, also referred to as Qianshan. Recall that the “ Fe/^ and SkarT chapter of the Shiji states: “In the winter of the next year [107 ] , [Wudi] m a d e an imperial tour b

c

e

to the Southern C o m m a n d e r y (Nanjun) and, o n reaching Jiangling, went east. H e ascended and offered rites to Tianzhu shan in Qian and

Moving Mountains

77

called it the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue).”Thus, w e k n o w that at that time Huoshan/Qianshan also went by the n a m e Tianzhu shan. H o w could these multiple names refer to a single site? In short, Qian­ shan, Huoshan, and Tianzhu shan designated parts of the Dabie m o u n ­ tain range, which runs east to west in the region tucked between the Yangzi River to the south and Huai River to the north. A d u e to the difficulties that await us in working through these di­ verse names is found in a Daoist source included in the corpus of Wuyue ^enxing tu texts.51 Although most of those texts are attributed to D o n g fang Shuo 東 方 朔 ( H a n dynasty) and Z h e n g Yin 鄭 隱 ( 5/Siyuan 思 遠 ; Western Jin, 265—316), they n o doubt postdate the Sui unification and the earliest version m a y date to the early Tang. A full discussion of these problematic sources is provided later in this chapter. Suffice it to say here that in those texts N a n y u e is clearly designated as Hengshan in Hunan, and it has two “assistant”mountains, H u o s h a n and Qianshan.52 N o w , if, during the H a n and into the early Six Dynasties, all three names referred to the same mountain, h o w was it that by the late Sui and early T a n g dy­ nasty the names referred to three distinct mountains? C a n w e m a k e any sense of this confusing historical and geographical question? W e can begin by noting that during the fourth century the designa­ tions H u o s h a n and Tianzhu shan became u n m o o t e d from the m o u n ­ tains they had traditionally been associated with and began to refer to two different mountains. G e H o n g , s Baopu^i contains a n u m b e r of valuable references to H u o s h a n and its connections with important fig­ ures in early Daoist history, but it also presents (or perhaps instituted) a complicated and at times contradictory vision of Daoist sacred geogra­ phy that forces us to reconceptualize the nature of Chinese sacred ge­ ography during the fourth and fifth centuries. T h e names and locations of mountains in the Baopu^i appear to be idiosyncratic, and I still d o not k n o w h o w to account for all its alternative locales. It seems clear, h o w ­ ever, that the confusion over the locations of mountains claiming the title N a n y u e can be traced in part to G c H o n g , s unique vision of the Chinese sacrcd landscape. The “ Jindan, ,chapter of the Baopu^I, for example, says: Now, because of the chaos of war, the famous mountains of the central pkius portion of China are inaccessible. The mountains that are accessible in Jiang-

78

Moving Mountains

dong []iangiian| are the following: Huoshan is located in jiiVan commandery, both C^hangshan and l aibo shan are located in Dongyang commandery, and Xiwang shan (Simiag shan), Greater and Lesser Tiantai shan, Gaozhu shan, a n d K u a z a n g s h a n arc all loca t ed m

K uaiji c o m m a n d e r y . ”

According to the Baopu^j, Iluoshan was loeated in Jin’ ati (in present-day I'ujiaii), although it is unclear precisely what mountain is meant.54 In lo­ cating I luoshan in distant Fujian, Strickmann appears to have followed Ge Hong’ s lead. Strickmann accordingly considered that site to be the h o m e base of W e i Jiuacun, where T a o Hongjing went with his disciple Z h o u Ziliang 周 子 良 ( sixth century) on an t4eschatological pilgrimage,” an interpretation followed bv Stephen B o k e n k a m p in his translation of the 7J)oushi ??nngduccd trom the Cbongsiit X(wpte ^h/ (1883)

were conflicting reports about w h e r e the alleged inscription— — with its distinctive tadpole script [kedou iven 绰(■ 虫牛文)一 wa s located. T h e three sites m o s t c o m m o n l y mentioned arc G o u l o u Peak, Y u n m i Peak, and Tianzhu Peak. There are a n u m b e r of references to the location of Y u , s inscription at N a n y u e in the writings of T a n g dynasty poets w h o traveled to Nanyue. T h e best k n o w n is H a n Y u ’ s p o e m entitled “G o u l o u shan , ,山句

山婁山,which describes h o w H a n Y u set off to N a n y u e in order to sec the Y u stele for himself. Oil the summit of Goulou Mountain is the stele of the divine Yu, emerald characters in red marble, marvelously shaped: tadpoles beading their bodies, leeks spread upside down, simurghs soaring, phoenixes resting, tigers and dragons contending. So grave was the text, so hidden its form, even the spirits espied it not;

Imagining Nanyue

xo8

yet once a Daoist ascended alone and saw it by chance. I came sighing in admiration tears swelling into ripples, looking, searching, seeking everywhere for the place it might be— in thick forests of green trees gibbons wail.76 This evocadvc description of the Y u Stele ngrees with X u Lingcji’ s ear­ lier description— — and seems to even allude to X u Lingqi’ s (the Daoist mentioned in the p o e m ) chance sighting of the stele— but this p o e m merely represents H a n Y u ’ s preconceived notions about the stele since he never actually located the inscription o n G o u l o u Peak. T h e exacti­ tude of H a n Y u ’ s image of the Y u Stele allows us to infer that precisc images of this elusive stele circulated widely. H a n Yu's contemporary Liu Yuxi also alluded to the presence of a Y u inscription at Nanyue, and his description of the esoteric script resonates well with H a n Y u ’ s po e m : ‘ ‘ I have heard that o n the top of Z h u r o n g Peak there w a s an in­ scription by Yu. A n old stone of beautiful reddish jade. A secret script in the shapes of dragons and tigers., ’ 77 In addition to these famous

1 'ang dynasty poctic refcrcnccs to an unseen Y u inscription locatcd at Nanyue, a m o d e r n gazetteer for N a n y u e includes an account of a cer­ tain T a n g m o n k n a m e d Y o n g T a n 永 曇 ,allegedly a disciplc of the fa­ m o u s T a n g C h a n Buddhist m o n k Shitou Xiqian 石 頭 希 遷 (700—790), w h o spotted a fiery light shooting u p to the sky from G o u l o u Peak, which turned the entire mountain red. W h e n the light subsided, Y o n g asccndcd the peak and found a stone grotto. O n the wall inside the cavern w a s an inscription with unintelligible characters that looked like tadpoles {kedou shu 料+ 虫 + 書 ),whi ch he surmised m u s t be the Y u Stele he ha d heard about. These accounts arc followed in subsequent dynasties by a variety of stories and legends of encounters with the inscription. T h e Collected

Highlights^

f o r e x a m p l e , relates a s t o r y a b o u t a f i r e w o o d c o l l e c t o r w h o

c a m e across a large stone with w h a t looked like t w o entwined horn­ less (young?) dragons o n its face. T h e stone emitted a flash of light so bright that he could n o longer look directly at it, a nd so he fled. N o one, this passage claims, has seen the inscriptions since then.79 Despite

Imagining Nanyue

109

the final claim, fr om the Jin dynasty through the Q i n g dynasty a n u m ­ ber of reports circulated about those w h o searched for (but rarely found) the Y u Stele. O t h e r records tell of those w h o allegedly found and m a d e copies of the inscription. O n e of the m o r e interesting accounts of the Y u Stele is found in the Southern S o n g 1 ^ouhuanjimn 游 官 紀 聞 ( Anecdotes of an officiars life), a travel record of the provincial official Z h a n g Shinan 張 世 南 (fl. 1230).811 Z h a n g recounted the story of a m a n f r o m S h u (Sichuan) n a m e d H e Zhi 何 致 ,w h o traveled to N a n y u e in 1212.81 U p o n his arrival, he w a s led by a woodcutter to a spot near Y u n m i Peak, wh e r e the Y u Stele inscription was covered in vegetation. After uncovering the stele, he m a d e t wo rubbings of it, but due to inconsistencies in the ink and the depth of the inscription the copies we re largely blurred. Later, he collected information f r o m other sources to complete the text and carved a reproduction of it o n a large stone, whic h w as subsequently set up behind the Yuelu A c a d e m y (Yuelu shuyuan 獄 麓 書 院 ).82 Whatever the precise nature of H e Z h i , s transcription, his inscription w a s lost u n ­ til the M i n g dynasty, w h e n it w as found and transcribed. Jam e s Legge reported that during the Z h e n g d e reign period (1501—21) a provincial of­ ficial in H u n a n n a m e d Z h a n g Jiwen 張 季 文 found H e Z hi , s inscrip­ tion, which he copied a n d disseminatcd.H3 Ot h e r reports claim that dur­ ing a renovation of the Yuelu A c a d e m y in 1533 the prefect of Ch angsh a P a n Yi 潘 蕴 {jinsbi 1521) found H e Zlii’ s inscription in s o m e ov ergrown brush, copied it, a n d disseminated it. Indeed, P a n Yi, s transcription and the report of its discovery were printed in the Gazetteer of Changsha Pre­

fecture (Changshafu^n 長 沙 府 志 )published in 1534.84 Thereafter the text spread rather quickly throughout China, and during the M i n g and Q i n g dynasties n o fewer that nineteen different sites claimed to have a Y u Stele inscription (Yu bei 為 碑 )of their o w n . 85 N o n e of those w h o m a d e these discoveries, however, tried to interpret the unintelligible characters o n the stele. B y the mid- to late sixteenth century, at least three scholars and anti­ quarians, namely S h e n Yi 沈 盜 (fl. 1530s), Y a n g S h e n 楊 慎 (1488—1559), and Y a n g Shiqiao 4易8寺 喬 (1531—1609), transcribed the stele into legible script.86 Their transcriptions h ad discrepancies, and w e d o not k n o w which version of the Y u Stele they had access to. W e do, however, have an account of h o w S h e n Yi c a m e to understand the script of the stele.

iio

Imagining Nanyue

S h e n Yi, w c arc told, w a s able to decipher the stele only because of a d r e a m revelation.87 It should c o m e as little surprise to find that later in­ terpreters of this divinely inspired transcription labeled it a forgery. In recent times, the Y u Stele inscription b e c a m e fodder for a sino­ logical controversv that raged during the mid~ninctecnth and early twentieth century in E u r o p e a nd China, engaging the minds of Ja m e s Lcg gc,G u Jicgang, and L u Xun. M u c h of that scholarly dispute— — as it played out in E u r o p e a n languages— — is chronicled in James Legge's “P r olegom ena”to his translation of the ShujingP' In that extended note, L e 媒 e introduced the theory of a scholar of Arabic a n d Egyptian his­ tory n a m e d Bar o n Bunsen, w h o w a s also the Prussian ambassador to Lo n d o n . B u n s e n h a d based his arguments in support of the antiquity of the “Y u g o n g ” chapter of the Shujing o n the existence of an ancient stone with an inscription found o n Nanyue. W e have Y u ’ s o w n unquestionably genuine account of the labor employed upon the great work bv which he saved the country in the inundation. After the Egyptian m o n umen ts there is no extant coiitcmporarv testimony more au­ thentic, and none so old as the modest and noble inscription of the extraorclinary man. It is true that it has n o w become illegible, but a copy was made of it about 1200 in the time of the Sung, which has been presented in the high school of Si-an-fu, and in the imperial archives at Pekin. Hager has given a tracing of it. Only those w h o are unacquainted with the subject can entertain any doubt as to its originality.89 Leggc was not persuaded bv Baron B u n s e n ’ s argument and had little patience for the loose historical connections d r a w n by that interloper into sinology. Leggc dismissed B u n s e n ’ s theory with the terse c o m ­ ment: "Perhaps, if the learned writer had m a d e himself m o r e fully acquainted with the history of this tablet, he w o u l d have expressed himself as strongly against its genuineness.”9" Leggc w as particularly forceful in his rejection of evidence suggesting that the Y u Stclc had been o n N a n y u e since at least the Eastern I Ian dynasty. Yet, Le g g e ’ s grounds for rcjccting that account— — like those in the Wuyue chunqlu^ the T a n g accounts, and the report of H e Zhi— — were that all the spurious reports about the stele were in s o m e w a y connectcd with Daoists or found in Daoist texts. T h e Wuyue chunqtu^ for example, was a text that “abounds with ridiculous stories . . . w e can put little crcdit in anything

Imagining ^sanyue

in

wh i c h it r e l a t e s . I n dismissing the version that H e Zhi evidently found, h a d copied, and set u p in a Daoist abbey, Lcggc wrote: “A Taouist brain first conceived the idea of the m o n u m e n t , a nd TaouLst hands afterwards fashioned it. A n ordinary forger w o u l d have left gaps in the inscription to tell their o w n tale of its ancient date; but it w as supposed that posterity w o u l d believe that this spirit-like thing had bid defiance to the g na wing tooth and effacing fingers of time.”92 Despite L c g g e 5s l o w opinions of the Y u Stele inscription and the rubbings of it that were in circulation— — connected as they were in his m i n d with untrustworthy D a o i s t s B a r o n B u n s e n w as not the only one to accept the antiquity of the stone inscription at Nanyue. T h e contemporary scholar C a o jinyan5s 曹 錦 炎 research, which is repeated nearly verbatim in the Naqyue

s p a w n e d interest in (and arguments about)

the Y u Stele that continue today.93 Although these n e w reports d o not resolve the conflict over the antiquity of the Y u stele, they d o provide insight into the active life that interpretations of the stele have had fro m the S o n g through the M i n g and Q i n g dynasties. O f the nineteen Y u inscriptions that appeared in the M i n g a n d Q i n g dynasties, four were reported to be within the N a n y u e area. T w o of the inscriptions were those at G o u l o u P eak and the Yuclu A c a d e m y and the other

two

were at the Stone D r u m A c a d e m y (Shigu shuvoian 石 鼓

書 院 )and a site o n N a n y u e called the Gazing at the S u n Platform (N^angri tai 望 日 台 ).After recounting the history a nd lore associated with the Y u Stele, and perhaps inspired by a find in Fujian in 1984, the editors of the recent Nanyue ^hi decided to search a n e w for the inscrip­ tion o n the peaks of Nanyue. In O c t o b e r 1986 they claimed to have found surviving fragments of the Y u Stele o n the Wa ng r i tai. T h e y turned this information over to the regional m u s e u m authorities, and during the excavation of the site three fragments of the inscription with seventy-seven characters were found. Investigations at G o u l o u Peak also turned u p a Y u inscription, but it w as so weathered it w a s impossi­ ble to read. Fragments of a Y u inscription are presently o n display in a m u s e u m dedicated to N a n y u e ’ s history within the N a n y u e Temple. T h e editors of the Nanyue

dearly following the research of C a o

Jinyan, concluded that since the stele wa s mentioned in the Xiang^hong

ji it m u s t have been set u p prior to the Jin dynasty. T h e y also report that since its discovery m a n y archaeologists have studied the fragments

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Imagining Nanyue

and concluded that,based o n the tadpole script, the stele dates to the Warring States period— around 456

b

c

e

— and that it w a s probably the

product of the state of Y u e 越 .94 Legge, however, in support of his contention that it w a s a forgery, cites the c o m m e n t s of W a n g T a o 王韋§ (1828—97), w h o reportedly wrote an entire m o n o g r a p h o n the inscrip­ tion that claims that “the m a k e r of it was clever in imitating the ancient for m of writing/595 C a o jinyan favored an earlier date for the inscrip­ tion but proposed that there w a s n o connection between the stele with its admittedly archaic script and Y u ’ s efforts to quell the flood. W e are in n o position to resolve the ongoing disputes about the au­ thenticity of the Y u Stele or arrive at a confident dating of its “ancient” tadpole script. I11 spite of all the questions that remain about this in­ scription, there is little doubt— unless on e wants to dismiss the earliest references to a Y u Stele as themselves the product of later forgers— that f rom as early as the Eastern H a n a stele connected with the m e m o n 1 of Y u w a s firmly linked with N a n y u e ^ “historical”past. This lore was then passed d o w n and inspired searches for those traces. What e v e r the provenance of the Y u Stele, these myths served to furnish a layer of antique associations with the heroic actions of a distant sage-hero. In the formation of N a n y u e as a sacred landscape, the stories connected with figures like S h u n a nd Y u reveal that part of the moun t a i n ’ s sacred character w a s constituted by connections to those sage-heroes w h o s e traces left an indelible m a r k o n the landscape of Nanyue.

T.hurong: The G od of Fire Zhurong, the G o d of Fire, has a special connection to Nanyue: the highest peak within the N a n y u e range is n a m e d after him. Although not of the s a m e national stature or as well k n o w n as Y u or Shun, Z h u r o n g has attracted s o m e attention for his ties with early C h u culture.96 Z h u r o n g was a c o mplex deity— — a sun and fire god, a trainer of dragons, iind the originator of trade.97 Within C h u culture, Z h u r o n g w a s consid­ ered an ancestral spirit of the royal house and o ne of the “Three Hig h G o d s of C h u .”% Before turning directly to Z h u r o n g a n d his connection to Nanyue, w e need to understand something about the C h u cultural region, within which N a n y u e is located. T h e southern state of C h u began as a vassal state of the Z h o u during the C h u n q i u period (770-476

b

c

e

),

expanded an d contracted during

Imagming Nanyue

H3

the Warring States period, and finally collapsed in 223

b

c

e

only to re­

surface intermittently (mainly in the imagination) during the H a n . " C h u is, however, a notoriously difficult cultural entity to describe in terms that are not prejudiced by w h a t has been called a “northern bias., , lm Recent attempts to rethink the nature of this significant southern cul­ ture have led to an enhanced understanding of the political, litemry,and religious importance of Chu. A n u m b e r of important archaeological discoveries over the past few decades have m a d e available an extensive material record fro m sites located in the C h u cultural region,101 Constance C o o k and G o p a l S u k h u note that in the B a o Shan b a m ­ b o o divinatory manuscripts (third century

b

c

e

)

Z h u r o n g figured as on e

of the ancestors of C h u called u p o n in divination and w as the object of sacrifice a nd prayer、 1112 T h e Shiji section o n the C h u royal house also provides a glimpse of Z h u r o n g ^ elite pedigree. The ancestors of C h u originate from Zhuanxu G a o Yang. G a o Yang was the grandson of Hviangdi, and the son of Chang Yi. G a o Y a n g begat Cheng. Cheng begat ]uanzhang. Juanzhang begat Z h o n g Li. Z h o n g Li occupicd the office of G o v ernor of Fire for Di K u G a o Xin and had very great acc om­ plishments. H e was able to light and w a r m (ron^) the world. Di K u nam e d him Zhurong. W h e n G o n g G o n g rebelled, Di K u sent Z h o n g Li to punish him but he [Zhong Li] did not complete the mission. So Di K u punished Z h o n g Li 011 a day, m ade his younger brother W u Iiui his descendant, and appointed him to the post of Governor of Fire, and he [ W u Huij became Z h u r o n g . 1㈦ T o judge f r o m this passage and another in the Guoyuy Z h u r o n g (like G a o Yang) referred to both a fire g o d a n d an office.104 T h e fact that Z h u r o n g w as a title as well as a n a m e has caused m u c h confusion for those w h o have tried to pin d o w n precisely w h o he was. In the ZuoZ h u r o n g is described as presiding over the office of fire in the system of five offices, an association that remains an important part of his identity in later myths.105 Z h u r o n g has been variously rendered as “Invoking Melter, ”‘ ‘ The Smelter/7 and “Brilliance of the Forge.” H e w as also referred to as H u o z h e n g 火 政 ,“Fire Regulator.” According to W o l f r a m Eberhard, “Z h u r o n g ’ s connection with fire is indicated, first, by his name, “the meltcr/? an d second, by being identical with [Zhong] Li. His relation to fire is d o c u m e n t e d in the Li myth: Li w a s the regulator of fire., , 1116 Michel Soym ie and E d w a r d Schafcr concur o n this interpretation, and

n

Imagining Nanyne

4

both identify Z h u r o n g as the ancient g o d of fire.u'7 Considerations of the identity of Z h u r o n g are complicated, however, by the fact that m a n y early mythical figures were equated with Zhurong. A s Constance C o o k has remarked, “T h e w o r k of W e n Yiduo, W o l f r a m Rbcrhard, and others has s h o w n that the descendants of G a o Y a n g (or Zhuanxu), Zhong-Li, L u Zhong, and W u JIui were all n a m e s for a single fire god, Z h u r o n g / ,,0H Although Z h u r o n g is still the object of m u c h speculation a m o n g mythographers, his m o s t prominent association is with foe, and so it ma k e s g o o d sense that Z h u r o n g w a s also considered to be an as­ sistant, or perhaps even equivalent to, the Flaming Thearch, Yandi. In the C h u silk manuscript, for example, Yandi c o m m a n d s Z h u r o n g to “m a k e the four gods descend to set u p the Three He a v e n s and with •.. [?] distribute the four poles., , 10iu, there w o u l d be lit­ tle else \vc could sav about him, but the Collected I: -Ughlights contains a long biography for a Jiu Y u a n q i n g 髮1J元立竒,that is actually for Liu X u a n j i n g . L i u , that rccord informs us, took a certain "SVang D a o z o n g

王 道 宗 (d.u) as his tcachcr, fro m w h o m he received the Zhengyi Regis­ ters, whic h are the d o c u me nts conferred during the initial level of D a o ­ ist ordination. I^cforc W a n g D a o z o n g died, he gave texts to all his dis­ ciples. Liu received Wan g^s collcction of diagrams/charts {tushii). O n e night, after W a n g w as buried o n East M oun t a i n (Dongshan), a p n e u m a emitted fro m his grave rose quite high into the air. Liu Xuanjing went to look into the casket a n d found only the master7s outer clothing.1 Liu k n e w f rom this that his master had attained the Wa y , a nd with that realization Liu w as himself awakened. Liu then traveled to Dongt ing Lake and eventually rcached Nanyue, where he took master Tian Liangyi as his teachcr and ascended Lady Wei’ s Altar in order to divine a place to live.1"1 lie eventually Cook up residence in a cave and built a pavilion in front of it. T h e prefect of Ilcngzhou n a m e d it the Meeting Perfected Pavilion (Huizhen ge 會眞

閣 ) . Later, during the Baoli reign period (825—27), E m p e r o r Jingzong (r. 824—27) was searching for a "master of recipes”{Jangshi)^ and Liu was s u m m o n e d to the c o u r t . H e answered questions from the emp eror about longevity, but his responses displeased the emperor, an d he was immediately sent back to Nanyue. Liu Xuanjing was later called back to the capital during the Huichang reign period (841—47) of E m p e r o r W u z o n g (r. 840—46), since the n e w em p e r o r wan ted to rcccivc the transmission of Daoist registers from Liu. T h e Zt-bi (on^Juin reports that in “the fifth year of the I luichang reign period [845], the em p e r o r rcceivcd the M e t h o d s and Registers of the 1 'lirec Caverns {sandong falu 三 同 法 錄 )fr om the Daoist trom I long-

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shan n a m e d Liu Xuanjing.”lu3 T h e Short Record, wh i c h provides m o r e information about this imperial invitation, reports that Liu practiced the W a \ T at N a n y u e for fifteen years without anyone knowing.104 Then, the grand astrologer {taishi) performed a divination and said, “A perfected being star w a s spotted, and 1 s a w that there w as a hermit at [Nanyue] w h o has attained the W ay and a response (j^£) has been seen in the stars.,M(I: S M e presented this information to E m p e r o r W u z o n g , w h o or­ dered the a r m y supervisor to dispatch an env oy to N a n y u c to search out this perfected one. After arriving at the mountain, the imperial commissioner w e n t about three li southwest of the Middle Palace and passed through dangerously steep terrain by climbing vines until he fi­ nally s a w a stone cave. Following the bends and turns into its depths, he c a m e across a residence and found the master sitting there. T h e commissioner transmitted the imperial decree to Liu, but he feigned madness. Later he relented and acccpted the invitation to the imperial palace. liu w a s enfoeffed as the imperial teacher (dishi 帝 師 )and was hon ored with the n a m e Master G u a n g c h e n g ( G u a n g c h e n g xiansheng)J116 There has also been s o m e speculation that he w a s involved in the H u i c h a n g persecution of Bu ddhi sm, but just h o w involved is a m a t ­ ter of s o m e question. T h e Fo^u to^gji 佛 祖 統 記 ( A general record of the B u d d h a and other patriarchs), for example, records the surprising information that Liu w a s executed for supporting the persecutions, but based o n other corroborating information this appears to be wishful thinking o n the part of the Buddhists.107 In the s a m e year, Liu also re­ ceived a request fro m the em p e r o r to ass u m e the leadership of the S u b ­ lime Mystery A b b e y (Ch o n g x u a n guan 崇 玄 觀 ),but he declined an d re­ turned to Nanyue, which appears to have served as a safe haven a way from the volatile political environment of the capital.11,8 Liu later returned briefly to the capital under the next emperor, X u a n z o n g (r. 846—59). Liu received honorific titles, presented talismans to the emperor, and persuaded h i m to halt the slaughtering of animals for ten days during the tenth-month Daoist observances.1,19 In 851,Liu was back at Nanyue, and it w a s reported that a crane repeatedly de­ scended to the mountain, a sign that Liu was about to leave the world. O n the day of his death, heavenly music wa s heard wafting through the sky. A liitcr check of his coffin found only a staff and sandals, a. sure sign that he had attained corpse-liberadon, just as h a d his o w n

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master.1111 His disciple Lii Zhizhen 呂 志眞 wa s the one designated to obtain his W a y . ]11 T h e vice director of the Bureau of Nlilitary A p ­ pointments {Inngbu shiiang) wrote his stele inscription, and the vice direc­ tor of the Bureau of Appoint men ts wrote his “inner biography” [nei-

^ma n 内 傳 ),which is preserved, along with his spirit tablet, inside the H e n g y u e guan.

I J M i and Daoism: Between the Tang Court and Nanyue Li M i 李 必 (722—89) wa s a significant— yet little studied— political and religious figure of the mid- to late T a n g dynasty.112 Despite falling into and out of favor at the sometimes volatile T a n g court, Li M i served in various capacities under E m p e r o r s X u a n z o n g (r. 712—56), S u 2 o n g (r. 756—62), D a i z o n g (r. 762—79), a nd D e z o n g (r. 779-805).113 While young, Li M i spent time at various mountains searching out longevity techniques a nd practicing Daoist forms of self-cultivation. Li M i played an active role at court during the reign of D e zong , due to that e m p e r o r ’ s proclivities toward D a o i s m a nd alchemy. T h r o u g h o u t Li M i 5s political career, w h e n e v e r he sensed political danger, as he did w h e n the powerful eunu ch Li F u g u o 李 輔 國 ( d_ 762) wielded p o w e r and influence at court, he took refuge at Nanyue. It was during o ne of those retreats, as dis­ cussed in Chapter 8,that Li M i established a close relationship with the C h a n Buddhist thaumaturge M i n g z a n 明 積 (eight century)— — otherwise k n o w n as L a nc an 懒 殘 (Lazy Leftovers). Although Ii M i ^ Buddhist re­ lationships are well k n o w n , it is significant that he also had a Daoist m a s ­ ter at Nanyue. Despite being a scholar-official, Li M i ’ s biography is placed in the “Biographies of Transcendents”section (“Shenxian z h u a n , ,神 仙 傳 )of the Taiping guangji. Ilie reasons for that classification are not entirely dear, but w e k n o w that w h e n Li M i traveled to Nanyue, he received Daoist registers fro m a ccrtain Master Z h ang .114 Sincc the Taipingguanoji biography goes o n to say that Z h a n g later received the title X u a n h e xiansheng 玄 和 先 生 fro m E m p e r o r D e z o n g himself, w c can identify Li M i ’ s teacher as Z h a n g Taixu 張 太 虛 ,also k n o w n as Z h a n g Taikong

張 太 空 .115 This is corroborated by Li M i , s biography in the Collected Highlights. That biography says that Li M i secluded himself at N a n y u e during the

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reign of Suzong. T h e em p e r o r decrced that he rcccive gold, silver, and bronze {sanpin hi 三 品 祿 ) to provide the anchorites o n the mountain with resources to repair their abbey.116 T h e entry says that during his stay at N a n y u e Li M i received the sccrct teachings of Z h a n g l aixu and that he w as also a w a k e n e d {kaifa 開 發 )by the irreverent C h a n Buddhist master Lancan.117 F r o m these accounts w c

k n o w that JJ M i was

enlightened bv both Buddhist and Daoist teachings [daoye liangquan

道 業 兩 全 ) during his sojourns at Nanyue.

X u e Youxi and ihe L i n g b a o d u r e n jing M u c h of the preceding discussion has focused o n Daoist figures at N a n y u c associated with the important Shangqing lineage descending fr om Sima Chengzhen. Yet, it was not only Shangqing Daoists w h o lived at N a n y u e during the T a n g dynasty. Indeed, one of the major Daoist figures at N a n y u c during the T a n g w a s X u e Youxi 薛 幽 樓 (fl. 7 40 —54)— — or X u e Y o u q i — w h o wrote an influential Lingbao c o m ­ mentary that has survived to the present day.118 During the Kaiyuan reign period, X u e attained the jimhi degree, the highest in the imperial examination system, and then traveled to Q i n g ­ cheng, Emei, and H e m i n g mountains. During the Tianbmo reign period, he m o v e d to N a n y u e and divined a place to achieve perfection. In the

Collected \r\ighlights X u e is mentioned in the contcxt of altars located o n the mountain, including o n e site that b e c a m c k n o w n as Xue's Altar for Worshipping the Dipper {lldou tan 禮 斗 植 ).That site appears to have been a particularly special place bccause of the strange and n u m i n o u s types of plants that g r e w around the altar; s o m e of these conferred spe­ cial powers and granted long life w h e n ingested.119 T h e m o s t significant information about X u e is given at the e n d of his biography. Shortly b e ­ fore he attained corpse-libera tion, he wrote n c o m m e n t a r y to a lingbao text at a site called the Heavenly I;ragrance Platform (Tianxiang tai

天 香 臺 )within the Lingxu gong. According to the entry for the Lingxu g o n g in the Collected blighlights^ after traveling f rom western Sichuan to the twenty-four parishes

治 ),X u e eventually m a d e his 'vay to

N a n y u c to venerate the Vermilion Lo rd (Chijun 赤 君 ) ■A t N a n )oie,X u e wrote his c o m m e n t a r y o n top of a stone platform, w h e r e fra­ grant clouds encircled him. W h e n he completed writing it, the clouds dispersed.121* T h e emphasis o n the fragrant clouds around X u e was

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intended to signal that X u e w a s cloaked in an aura of sanctity while he c o m p o s e d his commentary. This account led to the site being called the

1 Icavenlv Fragrance Platform. Xue’ s c o m m e n t a r y was o n the seminal Lingbao text k n o w n as the

Ungbao nmliang duren shangpin miaojing 靈 寶 無 量 度 人 上 品 妙 經 ( Won­ drous scripture of the upper chapters o n limitless salvation of Ling­ bao).i2i His c o m m e n t a r y is found, along with those of Y a n D o n g 嚴 東 (fl. fifth century),and t w o other T a n g Daoist scholastics— — Cheng Xu anying 成 玄 英 (fl. 631—50) and Li Shaowei 李 少 微 (d.u.)— in the

\'nanshi urnHang duren shangpin miaojing sit^hu 元 始 無 量 度 人 上 品 妙 經 四 i主 (Four commentaries o n the Wondrous Scripture of the Upper Chapters on Umitkss Salvation oflJngbao).]22 Y a m a d a Toshiaki has provided a brief synopsis of the context of Xue's commentary: Under the Sui and the Tang, the recitation and worship of the Durenjing flour­ ished greatly, as can be seen from its extensive commentary by X u e Youqi (fl. 700). I'he latter however reinterprets the text to the effect that it is less about the attainment of cosmic powers than about benefits in this world and the salvation of ancestors. This reinterpretation is placed in the text itself in the “explanations”by the Lord of the Dao, which were, however, not part of the early scripture. They sho w a trend in the development of the scripture away from the heavenly and towards the worldly and practical. The “ expljmations” also praise the benefits gained from reciting the text,the manifold forms of good fortune it will bring and the formal methods of h o w such recitation is to be practiced. In essence they propose that one can attain immortality and save one’ s ancestors by mere recitation, showing h o w the Durenjing from a scripture outlining the origins of the cosmos had grown into a sacred mantra-like work with serious supernatural effects. These effects, then, m a d e the text the basis for a widespread popular worship and general representative document of the Lingbao scriptures.123 Xue, s influential c o m m e n t a r y sent a n u m b e r of different shock waves through T a n g Daoist communities. It signaled an important shift from the “cosmic”to the “this worldly/5 a nd the “talismanic”use of the text paralleled contemporary developments within Buddhism, X u e Y ou x i was, therefore, a key figure in the l a n g Daoist intellectual environment, particularly in relation to Lingbao developments. T h e Lingbao tradition wa s connected with N a n y u e f r o m an early date, as w e s a w above, since X u Lingqi w a s listed as o n e of the figures privy to the transmission and dissemination of those texts fr om the Jiangnan region.

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The Opposing Faces of Shen Tai^hi Biographies for a T a n g Daoist at N a n y u e n a m e d S hen Taizhi 申 泰芝 (fl. 713) are preserved in a n u m b e r of biographical collections, but a. Y u a n dynasty biography also circulated independently in the Daoist ca non under the title Ytmfii shat? shen xiamveng ^huan 雲 阜 山 申 仙 翁 傳 (Biography of Shen, the transcendent old m a n from M o u n t Yunfu), which immediately precedes the Biographies of the K i m Perfected a nd Short

Record in the D a o z a n g . 124 Th ese sources detail Slien’ s early career and the development of a cult devoted to him, which flourished until the Y u a n dynast\T, but the picture they paint is rather different fr om the one found in T a n g official histories.125 Indeed, one w o u l d be hard-pressed to imagine m o r e diametrically o p pose d presentations of a single person. Shen Taizhi is the figure that m o v e d T, H. Barrett to c o m m e n t that it was n o doubt easier to write a history of Daoist institutions than of Daoist personalities.126 This example reinforces just h o w different a re­ ligious figure can be presented in Buddhist, Daoist, or local sources, as op p o s e d to their presentation (if any) in official histories. This is not to say, however, that the first group of sources is entirely unbiased. E a c h of the sources has its o w n f o r m of bias, with one intent o n propping up the legacy of the figure a nd o ne intent o n downplaying or discrediting it. In the Daoist versions of the biographies, w e learn that S h e n ’ s style was G u a ngx iang 廣 祥 and that his family w a s f r o m Luoyang. E v e n t u ­ ally Sh en traveled to N a n y u e to take u p residence a nd search out the traces of the deities and transcendents at that mountain. O n e evening atop Z h u r o n g Peak, S hen encountered a perfected w h o transmitted to h im the Art of the G o l d e n Elixir a nd Fire D r a g o n (Jindan huolong ^f)i shu

金 丹 火 龍 之 術 )■H e then returned to Y u n s h a n in S h a o z h o u 邵 州 (Hunan) to complete the elixir, whi ch he w as able to d o after m a n y years. In the twenty-sixth year of the Kaih uan g reign period (738), E m ­ peror X u a n z o n g s u m m o n e d his ministers and said, ''Yesterday I h ad a dream in whi ch a divine being appeared and said to m e that at Y u n s h a n in S h a o z h o u in H u n a n there is a m a n of the W a y w h o h a d refined an elixir and attained transcendence. If y ou treat h i m with rcspcct, he can serve as a national teacher {^guoshi 國 師 )., , 127 Despite the hints (or perhaps because of them) found in S hen Taizhi^ “Daoist” biographies about being discovered by E m p e r o r

i8o

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Xu anzong, the official history presents an entirely different picturc of him. In those accounts S hen is d e m o n i z e d (literally) for his cxccsscs and accused of taking advantage of the people in the process of amassing a huge fortiine.,::8 In all the biographies in the official histories, S h e n Taizhi is described as a wizard {jaoren 妖 人 )w h o deluded the masses. T h e thrust of the account in the official histories is that S h e n Taizhi w a s held in such high esteem by Xuanzong's succcssor, S u z o n g — w h o m

he

served as a master of rccipes (Jcw'gshf)— that w h e n local officials brought chargcs against Shen, the e m p e r o r b e c a m e enraged and dismissed them. But, in the face of mo un t i n g evidence against S h e n 1 'aizhi, the charges were reinstafed, and he was ultimately convicted a n d executed. Despite this foil f rom gracc, to the compilers of the Collected Highligi)ts^ Shen m ust have remained an attractive figure to include under the umbrella of fig­ ures associated with Nanyue. In Daoist sources the dark side o f Shen Taizhi remains hidden. A s noted above, a cult devoted to h i m flourished fr om the T a n g into the S o n g and Y u a n dynasties.

ile"gp,e Zhen^i and Hh' Buddbo-Daoist Commenlmy M e n g y n c zhenzi 衡 歎 眞 子 (ninth century), a historically elusive T a n g Daoist figure associated with Nanyue, w as the author of an influential c o m m c n t a n ' to a set of poems, entitled

shying ^bn 玄 珠 心

鏡言主(Annotated mysterious peal of the m i n d mirror), revealed in the 'lang by Jiao Sh aox uan 焦 少 玄 .129 )iao Sha oxua n is presented as a tran­ scendent fr om the [ Icavcn of Highest Clarity (Shangqing) w h o attained corpse-libcration, but after her hu s b a n d L u Chui 盧 唾 bcsccched her to instruct h i m in the \X ay, she returned to the p h e n o m e n a l world and issued these poems. Thes e philosophical p o e m s (dated to 817) and Heiigvuc zhen^i\s c o m m e n t a r y are related in significant ways to the Buddho-Diioist concept of “guarding the o n e , ’{shonyi 守 一 ),but they have also been noted as key examples of the M a h a y a n n Buddhist color­ ing of Daoist practice during the lang.130 Thes e p o e m s “present the process of salvation, ascension into heaven and attainment ot the D a o in a philosoplncal diction inspired bv M a h a y a n a Bud dhi sm.1,131 A s w e will see in a subsequent chapter, by the eighth and ninth centuries N a n y u c had b c c o m c the primary residence of niiiny eminent Buddhist m o n k s affiliated with Northern C h a n and O x h e a d C h a n movements, prccisclv the traditions within which the practicc ot ‘ ‘ guarding the one”

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w as conflated with “onc-pmctice samadhi.”132 G i v e n m i d - T a n g C h a n doctrinal developments and claims about inherent awakening— and the challenges that doctrine presented to Buddhist practice— — it is interesting to note that Hengyue* zhenzi^ c o m m e n t a r y o n these p o e m s also e m p h a ­ sizes that “guarding the o n e ”did not entail an activc cultivation practice (read gradual cultivation)^ but w as something to be realized as inherent (read sudden realization). A s o ne scction of his c o m m e n t a r y notes: llirough guarding the one in all affairs, all efforts and merits return to the one original energy. T h e n the entire self bccomes one with emptiness, nonbeing 、 and the spontaneous flow of life. Shapeless, this one original energy exists permanently. Vet, it is not really there to be grasped. Thus w e use the term “ guard”to describe the practice. Guard emptiness, nonbeing,and the sponta­ neous flow of life, let youf body and spirit bccome one with the Dao, and you can live forever as an immortal.1 Sakauchi Shigeo has also c o m m e n t e d o n possible connections b e ­ tween H e n g y u e zhenzi’ s c o m m e n t a r y and the developments in Inner A l c h c m y during the Tang.134 This is an interesting suggestion, particukrlv in the context of other evidence that points to the role N a n y u e p b y e d as a key site during the formative period of Inner A l c h e m y ,and the fact that the first uses of the term ne'tdan can be traccd to Daoist and Buddhist figures w h o lived o n that mountain. Before w e can say m o r e about the possible mutual developments between B u d d h i s m and D a o ­ ism, however, w e will need to first present a thorough history of Nanyue’ s Buddhist history,but given the co-presence of Buddhists and Daoists o n N a n y u e throughout the Tang, it is not surprising to e n c o u n ­ ter a figure like H e n g y u e zhenzi w h o s e thought represents an amalga­ mation between B u d d h i s m and Daoism.

Concluding Comments: Beyond the Tang A s w e look fr om the T a n g into the Five Dynasties a n d Song, w e see that the mountain remained a significant Daoist site. T a n Q i a o (fl. tenth ccntury), the famous Five Dynasties author of the Huasbi/ 4匕 書 (Book of transformation)— — which contains a fascinating mixture of Buddhist 、 Daoists, a nd Confucian elements— — h ad an important connection with Na nyue.n5 Tan, w h o is afforded a biography in the mid-tenth-century

X u Xkui^huan 續 仙 傳 ( Further biographies of transcendents), “refined

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and perfected his elixir of immotrtality at N a m n a e . ^ 1V) 丁here are m a n y textual fragments mentioning T a n Q i a o in connection with different sites at Nanyue. A passage in the Collected I \ighlights, for instance, has h i m refining an elixir at Zigai Peak, long an important site o n N a n y u e associated with Daoists w h o attained the W a y a n d ascended into the sky.137 T h e Zigai Cloister w a s locatcd just to the west of Zigai Peak, and it w a s here that 1 an Q i a o lived and carried out his elixir-refining activi­ ties.138 I h e entrv for Tilted S w o r d Peak (Zhaidao feng 側 刀 察 )also notes that it was the site whe re I an Q i a o collected natural ingredients to assist in m a k i n g his inner mcdicine {neiyao 内 藥 ).1V) A final passage in the Collected Highlights identifies S u n Deng's Altar as the auspicious site wh e r e T a n Q i a o ingested his elixir and attained corpse-liberation.!4n N a n y u e attained special importance as a Daoist site under the reign of S o n g Huizong, w h o took a special interest in the N i n e Perfected of Nanyue. T h e N a n y u e local sources evincc an increase in patronage and abbey construction during his reign. All this is perhaps best understood in relation to the fact that it w as during the reign of Pluizong that the north was lost to the Jurchens. W i t h the subsequent shift to the south, N a n y u e w a s once again the only sacrcd peak within the borders of the ( n o w restricted) imperium. W i t h this renewed imperial interest and support, a n u m b e r of interesting a nd significant S o n g Daoists flour­ ished at N a n y u e . 141 B y the time the Collected bUghlights w as compiled in the twelfth century, there were records for s o m e thirty-one Daoist religious institutions, bi­ ographies for over thirty Daoists, and thick layers of mythological— and particularly Daoist— — associations m a p p e d onto the terrain of Nan\oje. T h e image in the Collected Highlights a nd Short Record of D a o i s m at N a n y u e in the T a n g is on e of a vibrant a n d diverse community, established and well-supported institutions (with s o m e continuity with the pre-Tang sites), eminent practitioners (with local a nd imperial support), and c o n ­ tinued access to texts and techniques via transmissions f r o m deities. Although T a n g Daoist sources o n sacred geography, such as D u Guangting’ s Dongian fudijuedu mingshanji, included N a n y u e in the net­ w o r k of sacred sites around the realm, the perspective in those kinds of texts is ^ distant view s o m e w h a t r e m o v e d from the site itself. VClien w e turn to the N a n y u e local sources, however, the site c o m e s under closer scrutiny, a n d evety remarkable or magical plant, stone, or spring is noted.

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Within Daoist conceptions of sacred space, all these spccial elements w er e tangible evidence of a site, s efficacious or n u m i n o u s quality. 11 was believed that the local site could have a profound effect o n those w h o lived there. I his is n o doubt o n e of the reasons that the local sourccs, as noted above, are filled with so m a n y biographies/hagiographies. Ihcrc was, in other words, a kind of circular relationship between people and places in wh i c h an efficacious site could serve as the catalyst to transform a person fro m a m e r e mortal into a transcendent, and the stories of those transcendents later served to add another layer of sacrality to the sire. A t the s a m e time that the me mo r i e s of the previous perfcctcd were kept alive at sifes associated with them, appearing m s o m e cases to be memorial shrines with images, there w a s also a continued emphasis 011 writing biographies about them. 丁hose biographies served to confirm the efficacious nature of Namnae, sincc the site is depicted as being per­ fectly suited to refining elixirs, ascending as a transcendent, or achieving corpse-libcration. Indeed, the Short Record and Collected \~\ioj)lights are filled with entries about sites m a r k e d as spccial due to nn association with corpse-liberarion.142 It w a s precisely in those accounts that the sa­ cred nature of the site and biography b e c a m e fused.

丁he site itself could also function as m o r e of a veil than a w i n d o w onto the religious history of the time. T h e local sources, particularly the

Collected IMghlights, s e e m to d r a w within rheir grasp any figure with even the m o s t minimal connection (if any) to the site. W e might refer to this as the assimilative nature of those texts. There are n n u m b e r of cases that reveal just h o w opportunistic local historians could be in associat­ ing certain figures with N a n y u e based o n the m e r e reference to a deity or particular symbol emblematic of the site (for example, red or fire). Rather than reject these assimilated figures as elements of bad local history,however, it is important to recognize that they later b c c a m c inte­ gral parts of the religious landscape and in m a n y cases have been l*cm e m b e r e d “as if”they were always connccted with that site.14' \X7e will see on e m o r e particularly dramatic example of this kind of imported history in the following chapter o n L a d y Wei, which also affords us the opportunity to consider in detail o n e aspect of T a n g Daoist history that has received scant attention, namely, the rise in importance of cults of female Daoists at N a n y u e during the T a n g dynasty.

SIX

Lady Wei and the Female Daoists o f Nanyue

T h e historical sketches of D a o i s m at N a n y u e during the pre-Tang and T a n g periods provided in the previous chapters give little sense of the important role that female Daoists played at Nanyue. O n e of the diffi­ culties in fully accounting for those Daoist w o m e n a n d goddesses arises fr om the paucity of studies o n the history and position of w o m e n in Daoism. T h e study of w o m e n and Daoi sm, like studies of w o m e n and religion m o r e generally, has been ncglected in Chinese religious history.1 This dearth of studies is surprising given the important role that w o m e n have played within D a o i s m fro m its inception, not to mention the relative abundance of textual resources for the study of w o m e n and D a o i s m in medieval China. Despite the publication in the 1990s of a trickle of articles o n w o m e n and Daoi sm, A n n a Seidel remarked in a re­ view of the field that “immortal w o m e n , their role in Taoism, their leg­ ends and their specific practices of inner alchemy are a rich field of study awaiting the attention of intelligent feminist scholars,, , 2 M o r e re­ cently, a diverse range of scholars working in a variety of disciplines has begun approaching the topic of w o m e n in Daois m, although the fruits of that research are only n o w beginning to be published."5 W e have k n o w n for s o m e time that, despite the rather negative images associated with w o m e n within Daois m, they in fact played a substantial role within the Shangqing developments of the fourth century

C E .

B y the T a n g — if

w e can take D u Guangting at his w o r d — w o m e n were perceived to be pursuing the s a m e religious goals as their male counterparts.4 T h e eighth century witnessed an increase in aristocratic Daoist nuns and

184

J^ady Wei and the Yemale Daoists of Nanyue

185

support for female Daoists f r o m T a n g Xua nzon g. Recent scholarly at­ tention has also been directed at self-cultivation and sexual practices a m o n g female Daoists, Daoist hagiographical collections devoted to w o m e n , and literature written by female Daoists.5 In s o m e later tradi­ tions (particularly in Inner Alchem y) w o m e n w ere even understood as innately capable of attaining the W a y m o r e easily than males due to their childbearing capacitics— — male practitioners first needed to develop a w o m b to host the i m m o m l e m b r y o and facilitate its gestation/' Despite these recent advances, there have been few studies of female Daoist cultic centers or communities of female practitioners. S o m e re­ cent scholars have, however, alluded to the importance of certain places w he r e the history and legends of goddesses and female transcendents first began to take root o n the Chinese landscape.7 O n e of the sites re­ peatedly pointed to as an important center for female Daoists is N a n yue. This chaptcr seeks to detail and anatyze the historical development of connections between Daoist goddesses and N a n n i e — a story that has s o m e rather surprising twists— — as well as the c o m m u n i t y of female Daoists there.

Establishing I foundations: The A n iva l o f Daoist Goddesses at JSany?te O n e of the best-known Daoist goddesses is, of course, the Q u e e n M o t h e r of the immortals, X i w a n g m u , w h o s e origins can be traced to the early ccnairics

b

c

e

.

Rather than attempt to review her religious bi­

ography in tull here, I focus o n cultic centers established to her throughout the Chinese imperium.8 B y the beginning of the Later Han, X i w a n g m u was venerated at a n u m b e r of cultic sites. 丁he m o s t i m p o r ­ tant were H u a s h a n (near X i , an, a natural location for her cult since H u a s h a n is the Western Sacred Peak), W u y i shan (in Fujian), and N a n yue (Hengshan).9 It is, of course, not surprising that the foundation of female Daoist cults at N a n y u e w o u l d be traced back to X i w a n g m u , since this goddess w as also considered to be the ancestress of all female Daoists.iu X i w a n g m u first appears in the records for NIanyue in the context of the lore surrounding H a n Wudi , with w h o m she had a rather hot and cold relationship. W u d i reportedly ordered the construction of a Q u e e n Moth er A b b e y ( W a n g m u guan 王 母 觀 )o n the mountain.11 According

\S6

l^aciy Wei and the Ykmak Daoists oj Kanyue

to a story that purports to be fr om the Han Wudi mailman 漢 武 帝 外 傳 (The outer story of E m p e r o r W u of the I fan), during the F o r m e r H a n (202

b

c

e



23 ce) tw o perfected n a m e d W a n g and Bi erected a Metal

M o t h e r Hall ( )inmu dian 金



at Namaie; jinmu is a clear reference

to X i w a n g m u . 12 1 'hc Collected Highlights also cites the / \an Wudi nei^man

漢 武 帝 内 傳 (The inner story of E m p e r o r W u of the Ha n) as saying that s o m e three hundred palaces throughout China were converted into Daoist abbeys and that o ne w a s built o n each of the Five Sacrcd Peaks.13 T h e Collected \ \ighlights also mentions unattribntcd c o m m e n t s that the Western Magnificent A b b e y (Xihua guan 西 華 觀 )at N a n y u e had been the A b b e y of Great Perfection (Taizhen guan 太 眞 觀 ), erected in anticipation of a visit by X i w a n g m u . u T h e entry for the H e n g y u e guan also mentions that it w a s first built during the eighth year of the Taikang reign of the Jin dynasty (287) o n the foundations of the old Q u e e n M o t h e r I lall ( W a n g m u dian 王 母 殿 ).15 W ha t e v e r w c m a k e of these early references to sites associated with the veneration of X i w a n g m u , a Western N u m i n o u s A b b e y (Xiling guan 西 靈 觀 )was crccted at N a n v u c during the early sixth century, with Xiling being an explicit reference to X i w a n g m u . 16 T h e Short Record notes that “according to the Tujing^ the abbey w a s built during the fifth vcar of the Tianjian reign of the Liang dynasty [506]. Originally [the ab­ bey) had a female perfcctcd as its head. After a destructive fire, [they] w o r k e d withc>ut resting to rebuild it., , 17 T h e presence of an abbess at the Xiling guan serves to highlight the existence during the pre-Tang period of different institutions at N a n y u e dedicated to Daoist g o d ­ desses a nd inhabited by female Daoist practitioners. T h e cxistcncc of sites dedicated to X i w a n g m u has led s o m e scholars to suggest that N a n v u c w as an intensely activc site for female DaoLst cults between the fourth and eighth centuries.18 It is unlikely that X i w a n g m u w as the onlv mythical female Daoist of importance at Nanyue. T h e entry for the Dcscent of the Perfected Peak (]iang/hen fcng 降 眞 秦 )in the Collected l~\(ohlights cites a passage purportedly fr om D u Guangting, s )'oilQchefig^jixian lu 塘 城 集 仙 綠 ( Reco rd of the assembled transcendents of Yongchcng): “In the past the princcss of the M a m i n g Thearch c a m e here to fast a n d pray to the perfected. She m o v e d the Mysterious Lord (Xuanjun 玄 君 ) to descend and transmit the W a y to her. After several years she was able to change her fo rm and re fine her bones. S h e then

LMciy Wei and the Female Daoists of Nanyue

187

flew u p to heaven., , iy This passage o n a primordial female princess pre­ figures the important role of D a o i s m for T a n g princesses, but unfortu­ nately n o further information is given about the princess of the Flaming Thearch and her Daoist proclivities.

The Na^j'ue f^hi also includes a biography of a certain W a n g Miaoxiang 王 妙 想 ,an early Daoist female of mythic proportions. Evidently the complete ) 'ongchengjixian lu contained a biography of her, but little information about her survives.20 In her extant biography in the Ushi

^Jpenxian tidao tongjian houji 歷 世 眞 仙 體 道 通 鑑 後 禁 (Supplement to A Comprehefisive Minvr on Successive Generations of Perfected, Transcendents, and Those Who Embody the Dao, hereafter Supplement)^ an important collection of Daoist biographies/hagiographies dedicated exclusively to female practitioners, w e learn that she w as a reciter of the \-\uangtingjing

經 (Scripture of the Yellow Court), forswore grains, ingested ^/, and as­ cended in broad daylight f rom the Huangting A b b e y (Huangting guan

黄 庭 觀 ).21 Curiously, however, the biography in the Supplement locates the Huangting guan at a different mount ain site. This detail is studi­ ously ignored, however, in the N a n y u e sources. Although Huangting guan w a s the original n a m e of the Purple Vacuity Pavilion (Zixu ge

紫 虛 閣 ),a Daoist institution at N a n y u e that b e c a m e a center for fe­ male Daoists, neither the Collected Highlights nor the Short Record m e n ­ tions W ang Miaoxiang.22 Apparently the compilers of the T\anyue ^]: )ias­ similated her history to N a n y u e based (consciously or not) o n her atfiliation with an abbey at another site that h app e n e d to have a n a m e ­ sake o n Nan\aie. \\ra n g , s biography illustrates the tendency to incorpo­ rate into N b n y u e ’ s history figures w h o s e biographies contain details that could suggest a connection with that site. Despite W a n g IMiaoxiang’ s tenuous link to Nanyue, this story implies that fr om early o n that mountain w as associated with X i w a n g m u a n d over time c a m e to be h o m e to other female Daoist practitioners and goddesses. O n e fe­ male Daoist w h o s e connection to the mountain raises a n u m b e r of problematic questions is L a d y W e i (Wei furen 魏 夫 人 ).

l^ady Wei, Pefjected o f Nanyue During the l a n g dynasty the attention of Daoists at N a n y u e shifted from X i w a n g m u to Lady Wei, the deified incarnation of W e i H u a c u n

德 華 存 (252-334). H e r primary cultic sites o n N a n y u e were the Purple

i88

Lady Wei and the Female Daoists of Nanyue

Vacuity Pavilion (Zixu gc) and the Western N u m i n o u s A b b e y (Xiling guan), both of wh ich were located at the base of Heavenly Pillar Peak in the central section of the N a n y u e range. T h e original n a m e of the Zixu ge w a s the L a d y W e i Pavilion (Wei ge 魏 閣 ),which w a s built dur' ing the T a n g to venerate La dy Wei.23 Just beiow the Zixu ge and due west of the Xiling guan, w a s the Altar to the Transcendent L a d y W e i (VC7ei furen xian tan 魏 夫 人 仙 壇 ),an important center for female D a o ­ ists wher e the m e m o r y of L a d y W e i w as kept alive over the centuries. Although these sites suggest a strong association between Lad y W e i and Nan^oie, o n e fundamental question remains to be asked about that relationship. W h y does m o s t of the evidence for a cult to L a d y W e i at this site date to the T a n g dynasty and not earlier? Giv e n her earlier a p o ­ theosis within the Shangqing Daoist tradition as L ady W e i of Nanyue, w h y are there so few references in the sources to that earlier history? T o answer these questions, it is necessary to provide s o m e back­ groun d information about the historical W e i H u a c u n and the circum­ stances surrounding her apotheosis as the goddess L a d y Wei. Since La dy W e i is o ne of the m o s t significant figures in early D a o i s m in­ delibly associated with Nanvue, as earlier scholars— mvsclf included— — have been quick to point out, w e m u s t provide a robust account of her biography/hagiography a n d the rise of cults dcdicatcd to her in order to account for particular problems in that seemingly natural conn ec­ tion.24 T h e storv of her association with N a n y u e is not as straight­ forward as o n e might expect. It is natural that n e w cultic sites for eminent religious figures arise an d proliferate over time, but Lad y W e i , s connection to N a n y u e pre­ sents s o m e particularly intriguing questions. Rather than merely be­ c o m i n g n e w centers dedicated to her veneration, specific sites at N a n yue have been tethered to specific details found in her biography/ hagiography. A m o d e r n visitor to Nanyue, for instance, encounters a n u m b e r of sites o n the mountain that claim to be places wher e events in her life occurred.25 A local guidebook provides the following intro­ duction to the Huangting Abbey, for example: Th e Huangting Abbey is connected to the m e m o r y of Ladv Wei. ... In the second year of the jianwai reign [318 c e ] in the Eastern Jin Dynasty, she came to Nanyue and took up residence at the Zixu ge. . . . At the age of 84, she at­ tained the W a y and ascendcd to heaven. Therefore,to the side of the abbey is

L^ady Wei and the Female Daoists of Nanyue

189

a Flying Transcendent Stone that marks that ascent. . . . Lady Wei was an originator of w o m e n ’ s Daoist practice in China, and the Huangting Abbe y is the first place associated with that practice.26 This m o d e r n w o r k identifies L a d y W e i as the founder of female Daoist practice and anchors her securely to particular sites o n Nanyue. T h e story of her ascent as a transcendent is localized to o ne distinct rock near the Daoist abbey dedicated to her m e m o r y . Yet, h o w are w e to square this passage with the history presented in Chapter 2; u p to the end of the Sui dynasty, all elements of L a d y W e i , s biography/ hagiography were associated with sites o n the eastern seaboard, in the Tiantai shan region, and tlrat her investiture as a Daoist goddess initially occurred at a site in that mountain range? H o w ,in other words, did La dy \Vei, s activities b e c o m e transposed to N a n y u e ? It might be tempting to resolve this pr o b l e m by dismissing the m o d ­ ern guidebook as a conjunction of fantasy, local pride, and boostcrism, but w e should resist that urge. In accounting for texts with similarly disparate data regarding a E u r o p e a n mountain cult to St. Bcsse, Robert Hertz asked the following question: “Should w e severely c o n d e m n t h e m for having d o n e violence to the local traditions u p o n which they w o r k e d and for having substituted a ‘ fiction,,which suited t h e m better, for the ‘ true’image of a saint?”27 It is difficult to dismiss the m o d e r n accounts of L a d y W e i ?s associations with Nanvuc, sincc those connec ­ tions can be traced to the T a n g dynasty. 1 'hc Shori Record, for instance, contains the following entry for Heavenly Pillar Peak: “T h e shape of this peak is like a pillar, and from this it takes its name. A no the r n a m e is Z h u k u o Peak 柱 括 峰 [this could also be read as Zhugvia Peak]. B e ­ low it is the location of the Stone Altar of I.adv \X ei (Wei furcn shitan

魏 夫 人 石 壇 ).It is said that it w a s at this site wher e L a d v W e i attained the W a y . ’ ’ 28 B y the time the Short Record w a s compiled 111 the late lang, a site o n N a n y u e w a s already identified as her altar and the place wh ere she had ascended to heaven. H o w should w c trciit these medieval ac­ counts, wh i c h clearly conflict with her earliest biography? T o dismiss those seemingly incompatible texts w o u l d s e e m — as it did for Hertz— — to be precisely the w r o n g w a y to approach rhis historiographical p r o b ­ lem and w o u l d deprive the local historian of an opportunity to observe the development of a tradition. Rather than discard the claims in the contemporary sourccs as the product of bad history, the m o r e fruitful

19。

Lady Wei and the Female Daoists of'Nanjue

approach is to follow the lead of Hertz. H e did not attempt to identify a “true, ,account; rather, he recognized that “f r o m the m o m e n t that all the essential elements of the cult find themselves transposed to an ideo­ logical level wh ich suits the intelligence a n d the emotions of the believ­ ers, it does not matter that the t w o legends contradict each other or di­ verge; they are equally legitimate for the different milieux whic h accept them.”29 Although w c m a y therefore be studying shadows, those virtual images took o n a life of their o w n a n d b e c a m e realities. I will, therefore, carefully follow L a d y W e i , s biograph)T in order to discern h o w it b e ­ c a m e m a p p e d onto N a n y u e (following the official return of that title to H e n g s h a n in the Sui) and then took o n n e w life there as La d y W e i was “reborn”in female Daoist cults that for med o n the mountain and v e n ­ erated her associations with specific sites. T h e story of L a d y W e i provides an important opportunity to follow the transformation of a historical figure into a goddess and, at the s a m e time, serves as a w i n d o w onto the historical evolution of Celestial M a s ­ ters D a o i s m into Shangqing Daoism. W e i H u a c u n received the Celestial Masters D a o i s m revelations f rom Z h a n g Daoling a nd conveyed the Shangqing revelations to Y a n g Xi 楊 義 (330-86) in the guise of L a d y Wei. In the apt wo r d s of Isabelle Robinet, tcL a d y W e i is clearly the key link between the Celestial Masters m o v e m e n t and that of Shangqing.”30 Scholars trying to piece together information o n W e i H u a c u n en­ counter the s a m e frustrations c o m m o n l y m e t w h e n trying to recon­ struct accurate biographies of early Chinese figures. T h e m o r e recent the edition of her biography, the m o r e facts an d specific details about her life it gives. T h e oldest fragments are sketchy at best. G i v e n this troubling fact, w e should proceed with caution as w e try to construct, f ro m the earliest biographies and biographical fragments that survive in other sources, an accurate portrait of W e i Iluacun and her religious ideas and practices.31 W h a t can w e say about the provenance of the ear­ liest biographies of W e i H u a c u n and w h e n d o w e first find connections to N a n y u e ? T a o Hongjing, in o ne section of his interlinear commentaries o n the

Zhen'gao 眞 語 ,stated that “W a t c h Officer Fan, w h o s e n a m e w a s Miao, w as the author of a text entitled Nan^hen ^huan 南 眞 傳 (Biography of the Southern Perfected).”32 T h e contemporary scholar of D a o i s m C h e n G u o f u has pointed out a different passage:

lu /d y W ei a n d the Female D aoists o f N a n yu e

191

In the ninth year o f the X ianhe reign o f [Eastern [in] E m peror Chengdi jr. 326—43], the Lady o f the Southern Sacred Peak (Nanyue furen) transfonned as a rccluse o f the vacuity, was given the rank o f G rand Sovereign o f the P u r­ ple 、 Tacuity (Zixu yuanjun 紫 虛 元 君 ) , and the office o f U pper Perfected D irector o f D estinies Lady [Weij o f N anyue (Shangzhen sim ing N anyue furen

上眞 司命 南歎 夫人 ).In the Xingiiing [363—66] reign period she descended to Lord Yang (Vaiigjun) and thereafter descended to him regularly. Clear \ Tacuity W a n g ordered his disciple Fan Miao to write a biography {nei^Jman 内傳) to be released throughout the world. G e I long wrote in the Sbenxicw ^}man 神 仙 傳 ( Biographies of divine transcendents) that the “U p p e r Transcendent W a t c h Officer F a n M i a o has Dushi as his style, a nd his old n a m e w a s Bing. H e ingested the R a i n b o w P h o s p h o r Elixir {jwnojing dan 虫工景丹) and attained the W a y ; [later] he wrote the Biography ofl^ady Wei^M If w e can trust these early statements, a biography of \Xrci H u a c u n attributed to F a n M i a o ap­ peared shortly after her mortal death. This information attests to the fact that a biography for Lady W e i w a s circulating during the later years of the Jin dynasty a nd that it wa s k n o w n to T a o Hongjing w h e n he compiled the Zhe^gao. W e should remain cautious, however, in giving too m u c h credence to the historical existence of the purported author F an Miao. E d w a r d Schafcr has noted that F an M i a o w a s a “mythical or serru-mvthical per­ sonage of the later H a n period”w h o , given his dates, “m u s t therefore have written L ady Wei's biography after the end of his enrthly life.’ ” 15 Rather than think of this /".biography of L a d y W e i as an “official”biogfaph\\ w e w o u l d be wise to follow Isabelle Robinet in viewing it as a “revealed” biography later attributed to the transcendent F an Miao. Nonetheless, by the fourth or fifth century there w a s a text in circula­ tion cailcd the Wei furen ^haan^ or T\ant^J)en

with F a n Nliao’ s name

attached to it. T h e goddess L a d y W e i is traditionally understood as the apotheosis of W e i Huacun, w h o during her terrestrial existence was a libationer

jiu 祭 >'酉) of s o m e r e n o w n in early Celestial Masters D a o i s m . v> She hailed fr om R e n c h e n g 任 城 (in m o d e r n S h a n d o n g province) a n d w as the daughter of W e i Shu, w h o served as minister of education under the Jin dynasty.37 W h e n young, her heart w as already set o n the true W a y and the pursuit of immortality. K n o w i n g of the chaos in the

192

luidy Wei and the Female Daoists oj Nanyue

central plains in the north, W e i H u a c u n and her sons m o v e d to the southeast. S h e devoted herself to the practice of perfection and lived for 83 years. In fhc ninth year of the Xianhe reign period (334) of Jin e m p e r o r Chengdi, she ingested the n u m i n o u s medicine given her by the transcendent W a n g B a o 王褒 a nd the Az u r e L a d and left the world. She did not die a normal death; rather, she attained “s'vord corpselibcration/' leaving behind a sw o r d in her coffin. Following W a n g Bao's instructions, she secluded herself at Yan gluo shan 陽 洛 山 (111 m o d e r n Zhejiang province), fasted for 500 days,read the Dadong ^)enjing 大;同

眞 經 (Authentic scripture of the great cavern), and eventually received instruction dircctly from Z h a n g D ao l i n g ~ w i d e l y venerated as the founder of D a o i s m — a n d various other perfcctcd ones. W h e n those practices were completed, she visited various sites and, after receiving instructions f rom the deities there, rose to the heavens and visited the Shangqing Palace. There she received m o r e texts, and her title b e c a m e G r a n d Sovereign of the Purple Vacuity U p p e r Perfected Director of Destinies La dy [\X ei] of N a n y u e (Zixu yuanjun shangzhcn siming N a n ­ yue f u r c n 紫 虛 元 君 上 眞 司 命 南 微 夫 人 which corresponds with the official rank of “duke transcendent^ ixiangong 仙 公 )• She wa s gi'x'n the governance of the caverns and tcrraces o n the Greater M o u n t H u o (Da Muos h a n ) in the Tiantai range. This final detail is important since it stipulates that L ady Wei's p o s t h u m o u s duties were connected to H u o ­ shan, whi ch at that time was located in the Tiantai range. T h e careful editing and annotations of the p r e m o d e m bibliophile T a o Hongjing, coupled with the research of contemporary scholars, have m a d e accessing the fragments of W e i H u a c u n ’ s biography and teachings in the

登 眞 隱 诀 (Concealed instructions for

rhc ascent to perfection) a n d Chisong^l T^uingli 赤 松 子 章 歷 ( Master R e d Pine’ s almanac of petitions) m u c h easier.39 Thes e sources provide early information o n W e i } Juacun and practices associated with her during her tenure as a libationer in the Celestial Master tradition. Robinet has identified four main features of W e i H u a c u n that emerge out of the

Deng^)en ywjue.M'First, VC ei H u a c u n is associated with a specific m e t h o d of rcciting the \ \uangtingjingy whic h consisted of visualizing o n e ’ s cor­ poreal spirits.41 Sccond, Z h a n g Daoling transmitted the ritual of enter­ ing the omto ry to W e i Huacun. Robinet points out that the deities in­ vo k e d in this ritual arc not, however, the s a m e as those found in

hady Wei and the Female Daoists of Nanyue

193

Shangqing texts; rather, they are deities of the Taiqing realm. Third, W e i H u a c u n is connected with rules for submitting petitions

章)to the

Celcstial Master spirits.42 Finally, the Deno^henyinjue includes information o n W e i H u a c u n and the s u m m o n i n g of various celestial deities to curc illnesses a n d chase aw ay malevolent influences. Robinet has g o n e a long w a y in identifying important aspects of W e i H u a c u n ’ s early practices as presented in the Deng^i)en yinjm and has convincingly demonstrated that those practices were fundamental to the Celestial Masters m o v e m e n t (as w c w o u l d expect given that L a d y W e i was said to have been a libationer), but there are s o m e other important issues regarding the early picture of W e i H u a c u n that emerg e out of those biographical fragments. Menti on has already been m a d e of the importance of the ritual for entering the oratory (rujing 入 靖 ),but it is useful to extend those c o n ­ siderations to include issues of ritual purity and protocol. T w o frag­ ments in the 7J)en’ gao, whic h m a y be part of W e i IIuacun, s early biogra­ phy, mention derails of L a d y W e i ’ s practice: O n the second day o f the seventh m onth, Lady [Wei] o f N anyue explained, “ VClien burning incense, do n ’ t look backwards. This disturbs the true qi and provokes a m alevolent response?,43 W licn about to eat, do n o t discuss m atters pertaining to death. VCTien bathing, constantly retain the six ding spirits, facing whatever direction you wish. While arranging one's hair {Ufa 理髮 ) face in the direction of “ascending pneumas” {ivangdi 王地 ) .“ W h e n combing the hair,silently intone an incantation.... W lien the incantation is finished, swallow liquor [saliva] three tim es.45 Similar concerns for ritual purity are also addressed in the citations of her early biography in the

衫训無上秘要( T h e essence of the

supreme secrets), which repeats the passage o n “not looking back” w h e n burning incense and adds the following: Lady [Wei] o f N anyue said, “O n entering the oratory, first p u t your right foot in front o f oneself and then bring the left foot beside it. W hen the fast is com ­ pleted, then leave in the same way. T his causes one to com m unicate w ith the gods and announce one’ s presence.5,46 A n o the r important aspcct of W e i H u a c u n ^ practice is her repeated emphasis o n bathing. The Lord Azure Lad said, “ 1'hose w h o aspire to become transcendents by es­ tablishing their wills, studying within, and fostering their spirits, should bathe

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often. (This] will result in numinous qi and jade women/girls descending to them. Those w h o do not bathe pollute the three offices {sanguan 三官 ).”4/ This entry is from The Biography ofLady [W'eJ] ofNanyue.^ Lady [Wei] of Nanyue said, “[I am] conccrned that people are unable to take their time in bathing. [If one bathes] m a n y times, then the stench of the body/ corpse will be cleansed and refined and the perfected pnexima {cji) will enter., , 49 W e i H u a c u n is presented here as particularly concerned with m a kin g the b o d y a purified rcceptaclc of the W a y . That is, the b o d y should be something thnt does not offend the heavenly guests that arc to descend. W h e n w e turn to the Chisong^

which probably dates to the

fourth or fifth centurv, it is dear that Wei I Iuacun?s emphasis o n ritual purity and protocol w as part of a m u c h larger ritual p rogr am and m n y be o n e reason behind her r e n o w n as a libationer in the Cclcstml IVlaster tradition. Your servafit,rehing completdv on the Protocols oj the Tmive fhmdreci 0(ficiais {Oicffi erhiiguanh |千二 百 官 儀 ]) and the rituals for curing illness and extin­ guishing evil bestowed o n the Primal Sovereign of the Purple 'Acuity [Wei fiuacun] bv the Perfected of Upright Unitv’the Ritual Master of the Three Ifeavens [Zhang D aoling], rcspcctfully invites his superiors: . . . .5(l This passage is significant for aligning Lady W e i ’ s practices with those of the Celesda 】Master tradition and demonstrates that her importance m a y be related to her reception of the revelations dircctly fro m Z h a n g Daoling. W h a t is also significant in this passage is that it is presented as an addition to an earlier Celestial Master’ s ritual manual, namely the Pro­

tocols of the Twelve Hundred Officials^ and that W e i w a s prominently c o n ­ cerned with ritual protocol and purity in healing rituals.51 In th e se frag m en ts o f W ei F Iu acu n 7s early b io g rap h y an d o th e r frag ­ m e n ts a p p e n d e d to it, a strikingly c o h e re n t p ic tu rc o f a figure actively as­ so c iated w ith C elestial M aster p rac tic es em erges. In th e su rv iv in g frag ­ m e n ts fr om the De^gt^her} yinjue^ 7J :)en[gao, Cbiso/p^i ^hangH, an d Washang

Inyao, W e i H u a c u n is primarily described as concerned with ritual purity, which involved detailed instructions for “entering the oratory,”bathing, and lighting the inccnse burner. Similar concerns for ritual arc evident in the petitioning rites, where she is invoked as a legirimator of the ritual practitioners p o w e r to heal. In addition to healing through petitioning rites, W e i H u a c u n w a s associated with the transmission of an effective



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medicinal recipe. Together these different glimpses of VC ei fluacun?s early career m a y help to account for her elevation to a key position in the Shangqing celestial hierarchy within 150 years of her earthly death. She was, in short, a (ritually) clean choice capable of serving in the n e w dis­ pensation. Although all the preceding discussion sheds light o n W e i Huacun's early religious concerns, what— — if anything— does it have to say about her relationship to N a n y u e ? T h e answer to that question is, nothing. Indeed, in all these early sources there is absolutely n o mention of any connection to N a n y u e (except in n a m e onlv). T h e connection be­ tween W e i H u a c u n and N a n y u e wa s not initiated until after her apotheo­ sis as the Daoist goddess L a d y Wei.52

W ei H itacifn VApotheosis in the Z h c n ?gao In T a o Hongjing’ s Tables of Ranks and Vunctions in the Pantheon {Dongxmn lingbao ^henting weiye "/),a text compiled at least 150 years after W ei H uacun, s mortal existence ended, the second female transcendent listed— — following the illustrious Q u e e n M o t h e r of the W e s t — is L a d y Wei.53 In Tao, s better-known Zben’ gao、L ad y W e i appears as a high-ranking celes­ tial figure w h o is the first deity to tell Y a n g Xi to pick u p his brush and write d o w n the revelations. H e begins by noting the dramatis persona of the Zhengao and their titles. O n this list, L a d y W e i has a significant title that w a s to stay with her through the tenth-century biography found in the Taipingguang/t U p p e r Perfected Director of Destinies L a d y [ W d ] of N a n y u e (Shangzhen siming N a n y u e furen).54 T a o Hongjing’ s commentar\T notes that this is n o n e other than L a d y Wei, w h o s e personal n a m e (Wei Hu a c u n ) has been omitted. In the early sections of the Zbengao^ L a d y W e i serves as Y a n g X i , s teacher and advises h i m o n h o w to deal with his patrons.55 In o ne pas­ sage she issues a stern warning. Lady W ei also said to [Yang Xi], “D o you abhor blood?” He responded, “Yes, I truly abhor it.”She then asked, “ If you encounter blood on the road and you abhor it, h o w will you proceed?”H e responded, “I would go arovmd it.”She replied, “G oing around it [avoiding it] is good, b u t is not as good as not even seeing This passage appears to signal s o m e tension over having a w o m a n serve in the m o s t important role in the Shangqing revelations. B v the time the

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Lady Wei and the Female Daoists of Nanyue

7J)en\gao w a s compiled, there were already explicit critiques of the equalitv that w o m e n had enjoyed in the Celestial Masters tradition. B y high­ lighting L a d y Wei's emphasis o n purity, the tradition w a s able to head off criticism of the part played by a fonner Celestial Masters libationer in the n e w revelations. T h e early sections of the Zhengao are concerned primarily with presenting L a d y W e i as a “pure”celestial figure w h o has transcended her “biodegraded, ,female condition.57 N o t long after the warning about blood, the Perfected Consort A n showers praise o n La dy W e i a n d reaffirms her exalted status. T h e Per­ fected Consort tells Y a n g Xi, “Y o u r master is the Perfected L a d y of Nanyue, w h o holds p o w e r as the Director of Destinies. H e r W a y is ex­ alted a nd wondrously complete., , 58 Following this passage, L a d y W e i addresses Y a n g Xi in a post-betrothal warning: You have repeatedly m oved the unseen to m eet w ith you. It is this mystic fate that brings the two o f you together. In response to your destiny, I have com e to betroth vou and to construct for the first time this destined m atch. This joining o f Perfected persons is a joyous event. T hough you are announced as m ates, this only establishes your respective functions as inner and outer. Y ou m ust not recklessly follow filthy practices o f the w orld by perform ing w ith her base deeds o f lew dness and im purity. Y ou are to join w ith the holy consort through the m eeting o f your effulgent inner spirits. I betroth this daughter o f a noble Perfected being to you so that, in vour intim ate conjoinings, there will be great benefit for your advancem ent and no w orries that you will injure or deplete your spiritual forces. H ereafter, you may com m and the myriad spirits. T here will be no further trials o f your mystic insight. Y our banner o f perfection will now overcom e all in its path and you may together pilot a chariot o f the clouds.59 This warning looks like a further attempt to pre-empt any possible cri­ tique of W e i H u a c u n 7s prior association with the Celestial Masters, which had been criticized for its use of sexual rites. Here, however, Lady W e i is presented as the prime upholder of a prohibition of those prac­ tices. Within the Shangqing Daoist tradition, the important coupling of male and female, yin a nd yemg, w a s raised to an ethereal level, a “holy m a r ­ riage/5 which wa s actualized through the union with a divine— — rather than h u m a n — partner/1" T h e 7J)eny gao provides glimpses of h o w W e i [Iuacun whs incorporated into the Shangqing pantheon as precisely such

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a divine spouse. H e r earlier emphasis o n purity and correct protocol m a d e the job of cleaning u p her image m u c h easier. L a d y W e i appears later in the Zhen'gao in the context of a discussion about achieving w h a t might be referred to as a “clean, ,death, namely corpse-liberation {shijie).(A T h e Zhengao account begins by quoting L a d y Wei: “In attaining the W a y and leaving the world, s o m e [do it] visibly and s o m e [do it] secrctly. Trust the b o d y to not leave a trace. [This is] the hidden w a y of the D a o . ”W e arc then presented with a resume of previous seekers of transcendence a nd the details of her o w n corpseliberation.r>2 That account w o u l d b e c o m e a major part of L a d y W e i 5s later biographies. Although La dy W e i is portrayed as knowledgeable about corpse-liberation, this section of the text also includes a thinly veiled critique of the practices of m e r e transcendents {xian)^ or “earthb o u n d slan^ as o p p o s e d to the Shangqing perfected

There is a

palpable shift in L a d y VTei, s biography awa y f r o m an emphasis o n her earlier Celestial Masters career to distinctly Shangqing practices. 丁his trajectory b e c o m e s further e la b o ra te d in texts such as the Shangqing

daolei shlxiang 上 清 道 類 事 相 ( Classified survey of Shangqing D aoi sm) in' which she is explicitly associated with the important Shangqing text

Dadong Retying, wh ich later biographies claim was revealed to her by the Azure L a d and his celestial attendants.64 T h e Dadong ^joenjing remains in­ timately connected with L a d y VC ei and, as w c will see shortly, was highly regarded by her female devotees at Nanyue. B y the time the Zhengao w a s compiled, W e i H u a c u n h ad already been transformed into a celestial deity and a key figure in the revelation of the m a i n Shangqing textual corpus. 1 'hc m o s t important detail for our purposes here, however, is that the Shangqing pantheon charged her with governance of the caverns an d terraccs o n N anyue. Namaie, which is specified as being the Greater M o u n t H u o (Da Huoshan), here refers to a site located either in the Tiantai range or in Fujian. T h e lack of a connection to H e n g s h a n underscores h o w the early biographies and lore about L a d y W e i d o not associate her with the mo unt ain in s cult out of the eastern seaboard Hunan. T h e diffusion of Lad y W e i ’ did not begin in earnest until the seventh century, precisely the time w h e n w e begin to find evidence of the formation of n e w cultic ccnters dedicated to her.

198

Lady Wei and the Female Daoists ofNcmy“e Tang Dynasly Cults to l^ady Wei 0) Nanjne

B y the advent of the Fang dynasty, Lad y W e i had achieved an important position in the Daoist religious pantheon, and a n u m b e r of cults were dedicated to her in both northern and southern China. In analyz­ ing the nature a nd spread of the cult to L a d y VC ei at N a n y u e in particu­ lar, I a m not working o n entirely untilled terrain. I d o hope, however, both to problemstize and to add s o m e clarity to the history of the foundation of cults to L a d y W e i that have been discussed— — usually in isolation— — by other scholars.65 T h e cult that form ed to L a d y W e i at N a n yue cannot be treated in isolation from cults that for med at other sites.66 S o m e time ago E d w a r d Schater noted that in the Tang the most important places where the m e m o r y of the Lady Wei was revered were in Linchuan 臨 川 in the county of Fuzhou 撫仲| in Jiangxi ... and Hengshan in Hunan, the holy mountain of the south (having superseded the various mountains called Huoshan in central China in this role), whose spiritual guardian or emanation the Lady had become.6; At the site in Linchuan there w a s a shrine erected in Lad y W e i ’ s memoiy, whi ch by the T a n g dynasty w as 111 disrepair and o n the verge of be­ ing reclaimed by nnturc. A t the e n d of the seventh ccntury, the shrine was rediscovered by the T a n g Daoist priestess H u a n g Lingwei 黄 靈 微 (ca. 6 4 0 —721), w h o eleared the site and charged tw o other female D a o ­ ists with tending to its maintenance.r,s Reports of auspicious occur­ rences at the site, including the ascents to heaven of other transcen­ dents, began to circulate. A s these accounts spread, the site c a m e to the attention of local officials. Wlicn Y a n Z h e n q i n g took u p office in the region, he further restored the site a nd then wrote a memorial inscrip­ tion that included a (rather sanitized) biography of L a d y Wei/'9 Otagi I Iajimc has directed attention to other cultic centers dedicated to L a d y Wei, focusing particularly o n a shrine at Mujian 木 ; 間,located in IIuaizhou 懷 州 (in the vicinity of Luoyang). In addition to the better-known inscription detailing the history of L a d y \\,ei, s shrine at Linchuan in the south, there is an inscription for a shrine in the north dedicated to L a d y Wei, whi ch demonstrates the geographic extent of L a d y Wei's veneration during the T a n g dynasty. T h e inscription, enti­ tled Mujian Wei furen ci beiming 木 i間 魏 夫 人 祠 碑 銘 (Stele inscription for the L a d y W e i shrine at Mujian), w as completed in 689, m a k i n g it about

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o ne hundred years earlier than the Linchuan inscription by Y a n Zhen qing.7(1 1 'his inscription incorporates sections of W e i Huacun^s biogra­ phy and elements f rom the developing hagiography of L a d y W e i that w o u l d later constitute significant portions of the standard biographies in the 7'aipingguangji and Taipingjulan. Since on e of the goals of the M u jian inscription w a s clearly to m a k e an explicit connection between L ad y W e i and the site near Luoyang, w e might w a n t to ask w h a t was significant about that site? Mujian’ s location near the place whe r e W e i H u a c u n ’ s h u sban d held office m a y suggest that sites dedicated to the deified L a d y W e i had s o m e connection with her real life biography. A s Otagi points out, however, the JMujian altar w a s erected precisely a year after a major drought in the region an d that La dy W e i , s intercession h ad been in­ v ok e d in the prayers for rain. Indeed,it is L a d y W e i ’ s role as a rain goddess that carried o n into the future and is emphasised in S o n g dy­ nasty cults to her.71 A n equally plausible hypothesis for her connection to the Mujian re­ gion is based o n associations with E m p r e s s W u Zetian 武貝丨!天 (625— 705). N e a r the e n d of the Dayunjing shenhuang shonjiyishu 大 雲 經 神 皇 授 i己 義 疏 ( C o m m e n t a r y o n the me a n i n g of the prophecy about Shenhu ang in the Great Cloud Sutra) is a passage that reads: “In the W e n m i n g year [27 February—18 O ct obe r 684] at H u a i z h o u 懷 州 ,a cloud of five colors suddenly arose f r o m the Yellow River. O n the cloud there w as a person w h o proclaimed herself a Xuannii 玄 女 a nd she a n n o u n c e d that she w a s delegated by H e a v e n to send the divine cinnabar [refined] nine times and present it to the E m p r e s s Mother., , 72 These events took place on the site of L a d y W e i ’ s future shrine. F r o m the recent research of Kamitsuka Yoshiko, w e n o w k n o w m u c h m o r e about the Daoist side of W u Zetian7s religious behavior. Kamitsuka suggests that there m a y have been a connection between the Mujian stele inscription a n d W u Zetian.73 It appears that just as the empress found legitimation for her reign in an apocr\*phal Buddhist text, she also d r e w inspiration f rom a high Daoist goddess, w h o s e relies she had earlier acquired fr om the Linchuan site.74 There is, finally, a suggestive connection between the Mujian stele and information found o n a different stele fro m the s a m e area. T h e Jian^hon

IkenfinggHan 丨

;間 州 仁 靜 觀 魏 法 師 碑 ( Stele inscription for the

ritual master W e i of the Rettjing A b b e y in jianzhou), w a s set u p in 677

zoo

Lady Wei and the Female Daoists of Nanyue

to c o m m e m o r a t e a certain W e i fashi 魏法自币 for his efforts in the renovation of the Rcnjing guan 仁 *争觀.Otagi has reasonably suggested that this W e i fashi is a m e m b e r of the s a m e W e i clan as W e i H u a c u n — m a k i n g this cult site something of a family affair.75 This stele inscription is of particular interest due to the detailed list of over 500 donors o n its backside. In addition to s o m e fifty prominent officials, the donors list consists primarily of religious figures: four “ritual masters^ {Jashi 法昏币), eighty-diree Daoist priests (daosbi 道 士 ),134 Daoist nuns {niiguan 女 官 “female officers”or niiguart 女 冠 “female hats”),eight Buddhist m o n k s and nuns [seng nl 僧 尼 ),and 231 private individuals.'6 Wliat is striking about this list, besides the joint presence of Buddhists a n d Daoists,is the large n u m b e r of female Daoists. This suggests that this stele, which w as located in the s a m e area as the other Mujian stele, was connected with the cult dedicated to L a d y Wei. It is important to keep in m i n d the cult sites at Linchuan and Mujian sincc they are essential for understanding the diffusion of cults to the m e m o r y of L a d y W e i at sites that w o u l d c o m e to dot the Chinese land­ scape during the l a n g dynasty. T h o s e sites have been less c o m m o n l y discussed, whereas the connection between Lad y W e i and N a n y u e has, o n the other hand, been prioritized and considered the least pr o b l e m ­ atic. Indeed, there has been a general tendency to perceive a natural conncction between L a d y W e i and N a n y u e based o n the affiliation of her p o s t h u m o u s title and Hengshan, the mountain that has since the Sui dynasty enjoyed the title Nanyue. Yet, there is something qualitiitively different about the veneration of L a d y W e i at N a n y u e and the other sites. T h e site at N a n y u e does not so m u c h represent an attempt to institute a n e w cult to this famous Daoist goddess (for rain or whatever reason), as a claim to be the precise location whe r e m a n y o f the events in L a d y W e i ’ s b i o g m p h y took placc. In light of the research pre­ sented above, this seemingly unproblematic relationship needs to be re­ considered if w e are to attain a clearer view of the ways that L a d y W e i w as imagined at Nanyue.

luidy Wei af Ncwyr/e {l iengshan) O n e of the first d o c u m e n t e d appcaranccs of La dy \\,d, s n a m e at N a n y u e (Hengshan) w a s her miraculous descent to the Daoist master D e n g Yuzhi (2) at s o m e point prior to his ascent as a pcrfcctcd one in

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515, but her prccisc connection to H e n g s h a n was not established until m u c h later.11 Following L adv Wei's appcarance ro D e n g Yuzhi there is a gap of a few ccnturies before she reappears in the textual rccord for Nanyue. This “silence”is not surprising given her association with H u o ­ shan in the Tiantai range. T h e title “N a n y u e ” w as not returned to H e n g s h a n until the Sui dynasty, an d it is understandable that the next mention of L a d y Vv ei at H e n g s h a n postdates that m o v e m e n t . W h e n the title N a n y u e was reinstated to H e n g s h a n in 589,however' all the lore about Lad\' W e i w as carricd over from H u o s h a n and m a p p e d onto Hcngshan. T h e Collected Highlights allows us to witness that m o v e m e n t and track the precise connections established between L ad y \X7ei and N a n y u e (Hengshan). 7 lie Collected Highlights includes a long biography that claims to c o m e f rom the no-longcr-extant "Inner Biography” [nei^huan 内 傳 )• That biography closclv parallels the ac­ counts found in the other sources discusscd above. Although there is n o explicit attempt in this text to establish a conncction between Ladv W e i and Nanyue, that was unnecessary since the text presents the biog­ raphy ccas if” all the references to N a n y u e refer unproblcmaticallv to Hengshan. In the transcription of her full title and list of her responsi­ bilities in the Collected Highlights^ w e see an attempt to solidify Her c o n ­ nection to Hengshan. All of L a d y W e i , s other biographies clearly state that she was given the ‘ ‘ governance of the caverns and tcrraccs o n the Greater M o u n t H u o ( Da Huo s h a n ) in the I'iantai range/' 7 ]ie designa­ tion of the location ot her office at Greater M o u n t H u o is edited out ()f the passage in the Collected Highlights. T h e fact that L a d y W e i initially had n o conncction to M e n g s h a n did not hinder efforts to give her a strong mythical and institutional pres­ ence there. T h e first mention of a site o n N a n n i e associated with Lady W e i appears to be a reference in Li C h o n g z h a o ’ s late T a n g Short Record to a Purple Vacuity Pavilion, which was related to L a d y W e i ?s exalted title: "Primal Sovereign of the Purple Vacuity U p p e r Perfcctcd Director of Destinies L a d y [Wei] of N a n y u e ” (Zixu nianjun shangzhen 7iming N a n y u e furen). N e a r the Zixu ge, as noted above, there w as also a plat­ form and pavilion (taige 臺 閣 )with a dignified image of L a d y \X ci and also the Altar to the Transcendent L a d y W e i , T h e Purple Vacuity Pa ­ vilion w a s built in the Tianbao reign period (742—56) of the Tang; the date for the construction of L a d y W d ’ s altar is not k n ow n.

202

Lady Wei and the Female Daoists of'Nanjue

T h e entries for the Purple Vacuity Pavilion in both the Short Record and Collected Highlights describe L a d y W e i ^ altar, which is also sugges­ tively called the Flying Altar (Feiliu tan 飛 流 壇 ).T h e Short Record’ s de­ scription says that the altar w a s at least ten feet high a nd the top was circular; it w a s called the Flying Altar because “L a d y \Wei] w o u l d Ely to this spot f r o m F u z h o u riding o n a dragon/,?cal \Mstories, L o s/ M o n k s

established in the Xi C h o n g f u si 西 崇 福 寺 to w o r k o n translations of the Dabao jijing 大 寶 積 經 [Mahdm 丨 tmkHtd) and other sutras.1"3 A m o n g his colleagues w a s Right Assistant Director of State Affairs and M a n of the Eastern Sea (Shangshu y ouc hen g donghai nan 尚 書 右 丞 東 海 男 ) L u Cangyong; along with others, L u w as again listed as a “polisher., ,

]m C a n g y o n g m u s t have m a d e quite a n a m e for himself as a calligra­ pher within the contemporary Buddhist c o m m u n i t y sincc his n a m e is mentioned in o ne other important context. Iriya Yoshitaka 入 谷 義 高 discovered a note at the end of the diary of the M i n g dynasty poet Yuan Hongdao 袁 弘 道 ( 1568—1610) concerning the influential T a n g scholar-official Z h a n g Y u e ’ s 張 説 stele inscription for Shcnxiu 神 秀 (606—706?). According to Y u a n H o n g d a o , the text of Datong bei 大 通

碑 (Stele o n the great penetration) w as written by Z h a n g Y u e and the calligraphy {bafen shu 八 分 書 ) w as d o n e by L u Ca ngy ong .1114 T h e subject of scholar-officials attached to the different sutra trailsktion centers is a c omp lex topic. Sufficc it to say here that the role plavcd by prominent T a n g scholar-officials and poets in Buddhist trans­ lation centers often goes u n mcnt ion ed in studies by scholars of both Chinese literaUirc and Chinese Buddhism. Despite this mutual silence, it is clear f rom the rccords and catalogues in the Taisho canon that prominent scholar-officials and writers served in various capacities on Buddhist translation projects and were influenced to s o m e extent by rhat Buddhist environment. This leaves unanswered the question w h y L u C a n g y o n g wrote a prcfacc for Iluki’ s biography of m o n k s at Nanyuc. It is possible that he had a personal conncction with the well-connected I Iuiri. Anot her pos­ sible reason for 1>u's interest in N a n y u e can be inferred fr om a brief note in his biography in the Tangshu. L u apparently ascended N a n y u e at s o m e point while undertaking various sclf-cultivation practices at Z h o n g n a n shan. T h e extraordinarily intimate knowledge of N a n y u e ’ s Buddhist history a nd its special flora and fauna displayed in L u , s pref­ ace docs suggest a personal acquaintance witli the site. T h e Prcface begins with an introductory section steeped in sophisti­ cated Buddhist philosophical speculation regarding principle (// 理 ), karma, and release from delusion. Lu's writing clcarly demonstrates that he was conversant with contemporary Buddhist technical vocabulary,a familiarity he presumably gained while working in the translation b u ­

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reaus. L u next addresses N a n y u e , s Buddhist history a n d focuses o n a few of the eighteen eminent m o n k s and sites o n the mountain associ­ ated with their practices. T h e Prcfacc says, for instance, that those like [PIuijsi and [Huijhai of Hengyue reached a level that is worthy of praise. As for the Ilcngyue Monastery, it was built in the third year of the Tianjian reign of the Liang dynast}' [504J. Its original n a m e was Shanguo 善果, and in the Chen dynasty [the name] was changed to Darning 大明 .During the Sui, it was given the n ame Hengyue Monaster}. It was the center of [Buddhist activity at] Hengyue .10', Then, in a rather surprising change of subject, L u refrains f r o m ex­ patiating o n the virtues of rhc eighteen eminent m o n k s and instead fo­ cuses his literary flourishes o n the beauty and numinal efficacy of the terrain at Nanyue. “O f the Twenty-eight Luna r Mansions [in the sky] above, the brilliancies of Yi 翼 [Wings] and Z h e n 幹 [Chariot Cross­ board] fly above [Hengshan]. . . . There are myriads of resplendent pines with tree tops reaching into the sky. ■• . I h e waters are azure and the cliffs arc frosty white, nourishing pure clouds and m u s h r o o m s . ,Ml)6 Following this e n c o m i u m of the natural beauty a n d auspicious location of the place, J.u writes that it is precisely the magnificence of the site that attracts spccial or u n c o m m o n people. N o t only are they d r a w n to it, but “those w h o live there will absorb its purity and have deep and peaceful spirits•”

1ai's Preface gives a sense of the nature of the lost T^m'inent Monks oj Nanyue. Although L u ’ s skctch of the contents of the liminetit Monks of Nanyue is significant, it is important to highlight the fact that he does not detail the practices or relationships (for example, describing t h e m as

or a

of these eighteen eminent monks. Rather, L u focuses o n

N a n y u e as contributing to the eminence of the m o n k s w h o resided thcrc% aiding their practice of meditation, and uniting t h e m by virtue of their mutual conncction with this special site. A s the Prefacc continues, L u shifts fr om local to translocal concerns and links the Buddhist c o m m u n i t y at N n n y u e with the transmission of the esscncc of the B u d ­ d h a ^ teaching from India. T h e eighteen eminent m o n k s at N a n y u e arc singled out as exceptional heirs to that tradition. Although the eighteen eminent m o n k s were b e y o n d compare, L u also acknowledges that in the intervening years their teachings have b e c o m c difficult to access, which m a y account for the paucity of information

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available for s o m e of these monk s. 1 he previous period of exceptional m o n k s “is n o w past, the old teachers and their teachings arc n o longer available, and since that time is gone, their disciplcs have n o w a y of passing o n their teachings,” Fortunately, L u informs us, Huiii paid close attention to different teachings, “respected those w h o had prac­ ticed before,” and “used his literary techniques to write about these musters’abilities.”L u further asserts that Huiri’ s “writings have nothing that is false or exaggerated, and his material is m o s t trustworthy. Start­ ing with Huisi, he wrote biographies for a total of eighteen m o n k s . ” llierefore, thanks to IJuiri,s efforts, the special nature of the teachings a nd practices of the eighteen eminent m o n k s of N a n y u e were preserved. Since Huiri's biographical collection n o longer survives intact, the Prcfacc is an important source for gaining a sense of w h a t it m u s t have been like. T h e Biographies o f the E i g h t e e n E m i n e n t M o n k s ; Title and Text T h e terms that constitute the title, Nanyue shiba gaoseng

allow us to

m a k e s o m e inferences about the nature of that lost text. First,the last part of the title clearly situates this text within the genre of biographies of eminent m o n k s [oaoseng ^u an 高 僧 傳 ).Ul—T h e compiler of the col­ lection of that name, Huijiao, explained that ucompilations fro m earlier times have spoken mostly of ‘ famous m o n k s / . . . Iliosc w h o are fa­ m o u s but not eminent are not recorded here; those w h o arc eminent but not famous are fully treated in the present work.”U18 This distinc­ tion was likely not lost o n the author of the Eminent Monks of l^ianyue. His w o r k attempted to give voice to wha t he perceived to be a group of eminent practitioners w h o , though not necessarily f a m o u s ,were worthy of notice. T h e other noteworthy part of the title is the n u m b e r ‘ Ceiglitcen” ( W / w 十 八 ).It m a y simply represent the n u m b e r of important m o n k s w h o lived between the time of Huisi and that of liuiri, but the n u m b e r m a y possess greater significance as a marker of group identity associ­ ated with a particular place. O n e early precedent for the group of eight­ een m o n k s at N a n y u e is that of the m ount ain c o m m u n i t y led by Huiyuan at L u s h a n 獻 山 . That c o m m u n i t y has been treated in detail by

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m a n y m o d e m scholars. W h a t is pertinent here is a m i d - T a n g elabora­ tion and patent fabrication of the “history”of that c o m m u n i t y . 109 It is unclear f r o m the early sources precisely h o w m a n v followers were in Hu i y u a n ’ s c o m m u n i t y o n Lushan, but as T a n g Y o n g t o n g 湯 用 形 has pointed out, during the m i d - T a n g the n u m b e r eighteen began to be cir­ culated, and they were referred to as the Eighteen Notables [shiba xian

十 八 賢 ;also shiba gaoxian 十 八 高 賢 )-u " Later, an a n o n y m o u s w o r k with the title Biographies of the Eighteen Notables (Shiba xian^man 十 八

賢 傳 )appeared, which w as later incorporated into the eleventh-ccnturv

Yjishan ft by C h e n S h u n y u and into the

tongji.]11 Although Erik

Ziircher dismissed the value of this w o r k for reconstructing the earlv history of H u i y u a n , s community, since it contains biographies of p e o ­ ple w h o clearly were not m e m b e r s of the group, it docs highlight the importance of establishing associations with that site. T h e title and fo rm of the Eminent Monks ofKanyue bears s o m e resemblance to the w o r k o n L u s h a n and leads us to speculate further o n the significance of the n u m b e r eighteen during the inid-lang w h e n lists of these groups began to be formulated and their precise n u m b e r s set. During the T a n g dynasty the n u m b e r eighteen took o n a spccial meaning, perhaps because it was seen as a graphic p u n for the n a m e of the T a n g ruling house, Li 李 ( 十 + 八 = 木 + 子 = 李 ).丨 丨 2 A number of imperial colleges, for example, had eighteen scholars, w h o held highranking offices a nd w o r k e d closely with the e m p e r o r . I t is dear that groups of eighteen m e m b e r s were a prominent organizational feature of scholarly groups around the time that the Fjnlnent Monks of Ncwyiie was composed. G i v e n the elite scholar-official pedigree of the author of the Fiminent Monks ofNanjue^ the choice of the n u m b e r eighteen to rep­ resent the group at N a n y u e wa s likely n o m e r e comcidcncc. T h e E m h m f Monks of Nanjrne is not an isolated example of a text that applied the n u m b e r eighteen to the retrospective enumeration of a sodal­ ity of local Buddhists. In addition to H u i y u a n 7s c o m m u n i t y at Lushan, there are other eighteen-member groups later in Chinese Buddhist history. Daniel Getz has, for example, contributed a study of Shcngchang's

省 常 (959—1020) eighteen-member Pure Co n d u c t Socicty (fingxing she 淨 行 社 )at W e s t Lake in H a n g z h o u , which wa s for med around 99 0 in conscious emulation of H u i y m n ’ s Whi te Lotus Socicty.114 It appears that the T a n g enumeration of a set of eighteen eminent m o n k s at N a n y u e

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reflected a contemporary organizational structure used to identify B u d ­ dhist clerical as well as scholarly lay communities. Turning to the character of the text, w e m u s t first acknowledge the necessarily fragmentary nature of the evidence. There is little w e can say directly about the content of that lost work. Based o n the surviving quotations, however, it seems that the text consisted of short bio­ graphical entries o n each of the eighteen m o n k s as well as detailed pas­ sages o n the institutional histories of selected sites o n the mountain. A fragment of the Yiminent Monks of Nanyue quoted in the Collected

\ \ighlights provides us with the m o s t important information— a list of the n a m e s of the eighteen eminent monks . T h e entry for the Huishan Monastery 會 善 寺

in the Collected Highlights relates that “during the

T a n g a $ra?nana [Buddhist m o n k ] n a m e d Huiri wrote the Shiba gaoseng

分)1讀 ”and then lists all eighteen names. Huisi 慧思 of the Chen [515-77], Huihai 惠海 of the Liang [fl. 510], Zliiying 智潁 /Zhiyi 智額 of the Sui [538-97]/15 Dashan 大 善 [fl. mid-sixth century], Seng^hao 僧 照 [fl. sixth century],Huicheng 惠 成 [fl. mid-sixth centuiy], D a ­ rning 大 明 [fl. mid-sixth century], ffuiyong 惠 勇 [515—83],Huichou 惠祠 ffl. early seventh century], Huicheng 惠 誠 [fl. late sixth centuiy]’Huitan 惠亶 [fl. early seventh century丨 ,Shanfu 善 伏 [d. 660], Tanjie 憂 措 [d.u.], Yiben 義本 [fl. 689], Yihao 義 顥 [d.u.], Wushi 悟 實 [d.u.j,Daolun 道 儉 [d.u.], and Zhiming 智 明 [fl. late seventh century].116 N o further details about the m o n k s ’precise relationships are pro­ vided. A m o n g those n a m e d are s o m e important disciples of Huisi, listed in roughly chronological order. M o s t of the early n a m e s o n the list arc, as discussed below, given biographies in the “branch hereditary house” lineage following Huisi 111 the F o ^ ton^i and Shimen but other key disciples are excluded from the list. In addition to providing the eighteen m o n k s ' names, the entry in the

Collected Highlights helps to locate the institutional base for this group. According to this passage, the area below Huishan P e a k 會 善 篆 was k n o w n as the “place at [Nan]yue wh e r e the eighteen eminent m o n k s practiced dbjdna”(^yue^hong shiba gaoseng chanhui ^joi 谓 徵 中 十 八 高 僧 襌

會 之 所 ).117 T h e entry for Huishan Peak further relates that “below is the Huishan Monastery and the meeting place of the eighteen eminent m o n k s [of Nanyue]. It is the perfect spot for enjoying the practice of meditation {chanyue 襌 '[毛),lecturing, and practice. F or this reason it has

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this n a m e . , , " 8 This is significant sincc, in addition to emphasizing that all eighteen figures were associated with the s a m e site of practice, it also m a k e s an explicit connection between the natural site at N a n y u e and the type of Buddhist practice for which it is suitable, namely dhyana. In­ deed, as discussed below, o ne of the mai n threads— perhaps the main thread— — uniting this group of eighteen practitioners is their specializa­ tion in dhycnia practice. A s mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, D a o x u a n identified N a n y u e as o ne of the key dhyana centers of his day. F r o m these brief accounts, it appears that the m e m b e r s of the N a n y u e c o m m u n i t y functioned like a group meditation asscmblv with a distinct institutional setting. Indeed, these fragments, w h e n used in conjunction with passages in the N a n v u c local histories and other later Buddhist biographical sources, give us s o m e sense of the social context and insti­ tutional m a k e u p of the c o m m u n i t y of practitioners at Nanyue.

The Eighteen Em inent M onks o f Nanyue Given the fmgmentary nature of w hat survives of the limineni Monks of Nanyue^ w e m u s t piece together w h a t w c can about the eighteen m o n k s from a variety of other sources. It is n o surprise that the text begins with Huisi, the founding patriarch of Tiantai B u d d h i s m and, as is ap­ parent from the preceding discussion, a central figure in the Buddhist history of N a n y u e .U ' J I'hc sccond figure o n the list, the Liang dynasty C h a n Master liuihai,actually preceded Huisi at Nanyue. According to the Collected h\igh-

Hghts, Huihai w a s the first Buddhist to build a residence at the site of w ha t w o u l d b e c o m e the influential H e n g y u e D y a n a Monastery (Hengyue chansi 衡 獄 禪 寺 ) ,a site significant for the early Buddhist meditation specialists at N a n y u e a n d for later C h a n practitioners. T h e entry for the H e n g y u e D y a n a Monaster)7 in the Collected \-\ighlights says that it was situ­ ated “northwest of the [Nanyue] miao by 1 li, at the base of Collecting Worthies Peak (jixian feng 集 賢 峰 ).In the second year of the Tianjian reign period of the Liang dynasty [504 ce], a hodhimanda {daochang 道 場 ) was built for Huihai.”1211 M o s t of the information w e have o n IIuihai, however, is found indi­ rectly in the context of his meetings with another Buddhist m o n k c o n ­ nected with N i m y u e n a m e d X i d u n 希 遁 (d.u.). T h e compiler of the Col­

lected Iiighlights had access cither to the complete text of Yiminent Monks

240

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of Nanyue or to m o r e extensive fragments, since the entry for H i d d e n Sage Peak (Qiansheng feng 潛 聖 峰 )says: “O f old there w a s an e mi ­ nent m o n k n a m e d Xidun,■*w h o traveled to N a n v«■u e and searched for the P'angguang Monastciy 方 廣 寺 to call o n Master Muihai. After m a n y vears of searching, he could find n o trace [of it). Suddenly one day he s a w a monastery that w a s n a m e d Fangguang. W h e n he m e t the master jHuihai), he w a s asked w h y he w as so late in arriving. H e lodged for the night and then was told to leave., , 121 1 'his story about Huihai and X i d u n is presented in m o r e detail later in the Collected Highlights^ with a direct quotation from the Hmhient Monks o) Nanyue. That entry adds that the k n d around the F a n g gua ng M o n a s t e n r wa s flat and confained a n u m i ­ nous spring. Ghosts and spirits helped to transport provisions for the monastery o n carts dr a w n by golden oxen.122 T h e special nature of this site is elaborated in the entry for Lotus Peak in the Collected Hi^h/igh/s. 1'hat entry not only mentions the supernaairal delivery of provisions but also emphasizes the sitc^s special sa­ crcd topography, perfectly appropriate for a c o m m u n i t y consisting of

Lo/us Sf4tra devotees. According to the entry, the Fan ggu ang Monastety is located be l o w J.otus Peak, and eight mountains and four waterways encircle it. A p o e m for the site says in part, “T h e monastery is within a lotus flower. / T h e collcction of peaks is like flower petals.” T o the north arc the origins of the n u m i n o u s cart tracks. “T h e ]iji 迹 "I己 [Ilecord of traces] says, 'Previously arhats lived here. Ghosts and spirits brought provisions. [Their] cart ruts are [still found] o n the road.”’ 123 Although the list of the eighteen eminent m o n k s cited in the Collected / \{ghlights gives the n a m e of the third patriarch as Zhiying 智 I頁,there is compelling evidence that this is an error for the fa mo u s Tiantai patri­ arch Zhiyi 智豈員.124 T h e m a i n p ro ble m in corroborating this is that the only surviving list of the eighteen m o n k s is the one found in the Col­

lected Highlights. T h r o u g h o u t that text, however, the second character in Zhiyi's n a m e is regularly written with different graphs. W e d o k n o w that Zhiyi called o n Huisi at N a n y u e and stayed there for a brief time. T h e Collected Highlights also records, as mentioned above, that Huiri re­ sided at the site of Zhiyi’ s old hut. Biographies for the fourth m o n k , Dashan, survive in both Fo^u ton^ji and Shimen \j.m\gtong)25 There is also an earlier mention of D a s h a n in one of M a o Xi, s 毛 喜 (d.u.) letters contained in the Guoqing hatlu 國清

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百 錄 ( O n e hund red d o c um ents related to the G u o q i n g [Monaster^T]). M a o Xi's letter says that, during his visit to Namaie, D a s h a n w a s lectur­ ing o n the Da^ln dulun^ a text fundamentally important to early Tiantai philosophy often cited as a scriptural authority by Zhiyi.126 Dashan's in­ volvement with the Da^hi dulun is confirmed in the Fo^u tongji, whi ch says he w o u l d often gave talks o n it in the mountains for whic h the c o m m u n i t y praised a n d admired him. Although the post-Huisi/Zhiyi “branch hereditary house” [pangchu

shijia 旁 出 世 家 )biographies In the Vot^i tongji start with Sengzhao (fifth o n the list of eighteen monks), in the Eminent Monks of Nanyue^ Dashan, s n a m e precedes Sengzhao. In the Shimen ^joengtongy o n the other hand, D a s h a n heads a series of five “attached”/ “a p p e n d e d ” biogra­ phies that follow the entry o n Huisi. T h e convention of attached/ ap pend ed biographies w a s adapted, as w a s the structure of the Shimen

v^hengiong and

tongji generally, f r o m secular official histories. 丁here

these tended to be reserved for sons and grandsons of the principal subject, suggesting an explicit lineal relationship. Arthur Wright, for ex­ ample, argued that the term fh 附 w a s used in Huijiao, s Gaoseng ^huan to link the supplemental subject to the principal subject either by “the disciple-master relationship, by s o m e c o m m o n

activity, or by g e o­

graphical propinquity/5127 This appears to be the sense of the usage in the F.jmnent Monks ofNanyue. In the

tongji a nd Shimen vJ〕 engtong biographies, D a s h a n is also

identified as a dhydna master (chanshi 禪 師 )and a reciter of the Lotus Su­

tra w h o w e n t to N a n y u e to study with Huisi and had an awakening ex­ perience there. Later, through practicing the lotus samadhi {Jahua sanmei

法 華 三 昧 ),he attained a deep understanding. D a s h a n ^ practice and teaching ability rcached such a high level that these biographies rate h i m with Zhiyi. A s the Fo^u tongji recounts it, the area commander-inchicf (da dadu 大 都 督 )、W u M i n g c h e 吳 明 微 ,once asked Huisi, “H o w m a n y [ mon k s have attained] the true virtue of the d h a r m a gate of the Lotus?”Huisi replied, “I hree thousand are worthy of esteem {xin^pong

信 重 ),four h undr ed have elevated k a r m a {jegao 業 高 )_ Sengzhao has attained the deepest samadhi {ding 定 ),and Zhiyi, s preaching/exposition ability (shuofa 説 法 )is without hindrances. T h e o ne w h o c o m b i n e d these t w o [abilities] is Dashan,”Later, D a s h a n died in the d h a r m a hall sitting cross-lcgged. T h e biography also reports that, befitting of a

242

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m o n k of such eminence, o n his death certain miraculous signs were re­ ported. T h e passage then shifts to a story of Dashan's miraculous ability to save sentient beings. T h e magistrate of Hcngyang, C h e n Z h e n g y e 陳

正 業 ,heard of D a s h a n ’ s great w a y and virtue a n d paid his respects o n a regular basis. D a s h a n eventually gave C h e n the essentials of the w a y

[jayao 法 要 ) . Later, C h e n sang the praises of the master’ s virtue to Chamberlain of the Capital [neishi 内 史 )Z h e n g Senggao 鄭 僧 杲 . O n e day, w h e n the t w o of were hunting, they surrounded a group of deer. Z h e n g turned to C h e n Z h c n g y c and said, “Y o u have often claimed that the dhyana master S h a n has attained the p o w e r of the samddhi of c o m ­ passion {ciheisanmei 慈 悲 三 昧 ).W ell, w h a t can he d o about these poor deer?”C h e n Z h e n g v e then immediately cailcd out: “Hail to the dhyana Master Dashan!” All the deer ascendcd into the sky and vanished. Z h e n g w as amazed.128 This storv bears a certain resemblance to Tiantai release of life {^fan^sheng 放 生 )practices,which Michihata R y o s h u 道 端

良秀 has discussed in relationship to the cultivation of compassion and the rise of vegetarianism within Chinese B u d d h i s m . 129 Although this connection m a y s e e m overdrawn, it gains significance w h e n w e observe that D a s h a n ’ s disciple H u i y o n g w as promoting both the doctrine of the non-harming of life and vegetarianism at about this time. Despite being relegated to a branch house, or collateral branch, in later Tiantai histories, D a s h a n wa s clearly one of Huisi’ s major disciplcs and, as Huisi himself said, c o m b i n e d the samddhi of Scngzhao an d the preaching and teaching abilities of Zhiyi.13" This statement has not re­ ceived the attention ir deserves in studies of early Tiantai Bu ddhism, wh ich tend to focus o n Huisi's praise of Zhiyi: “E v e n should an as­ sembly of one-thousand masters of written scripture seek to get the better of your eloquence they could never exhaust it. A m o n g the preachers of the d h a r m a y ou are foremost., , 131 Since this encoinium for Zhiyi is found only in a text authored by Guanding, it might have been part of G u a n d i n g 7s concerted attempt to elevate the stamrc of Zhiyi. This statement should be juxtaposed with another of Huisi’ s remarks. According to the 'Ku gaoseng t^huan^ Huisi said that Zhiyi w as his “child in the doctrine,” but regrettably “his powers of contemplation were meager/?I'12 T h e m o d e r n Japanese scholar of early Tiantai B u d d h i s m Shimaji Daito 島 地 大 等 also singled out D a s h a n as worthy of atten­

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tion, since the high level of Dashan's doctrinal studies, Shimiiji asserts, puts h i m one step ahead of Zhiyi.133 In Shimaji7s formulation, Zhiyi was famous, but other m o n k s such as D a s h a n were m o r e learned. This de­ stabilizing of Zhiyi, s r e n o w n in favor of a less-well-known figure is in line with other rccent research that questions the tendency to focus 011 Zhiyi to the exclusion of other significant early Tiantai figures.134 T h e fifth m o n k listed in the Fiminetit Monks of Nciq)嘗,is Sengzhao, w h o s e biography follows Huisi’ s in the “branch hereditary house”scc­ tion of the Fo^u tongji.m There is also an early mention of h i m in the

Guoqing baihi, where he is m o s t often referred to as X in zhao i t -136 Sengzhao w as particularly k n o w n for his a c u m e n in dhyf则 practice. H e heard of Huisi’ s subtle skill in m i n d contemplation (xinguan 心 觀 )and m a d e a special trip to visit Huisi. While studying with Huisi, he report­ edly impressed the master by grasping everything that he w a s taught. Later he w as directed by Huisi to practice the lotus samodhi^ and he completely erased his previous karmic barriers (su t^ldang 宿 障 ).1V Just as he w as o n the verge of perfection, he had a vision— — which testified to his religious attainments— — of Puxian 普 賢 (Samantabhadra) riding o n a white elephant and giving off a radiance.1兇 H e also had a vision of G ua nyi n (Avalokitesvara), w h o preached the d h a r m a to him. W i t h that he suddenly aw a k e n e d to the mysterious unobstructed cloqucnce {bian-

cai wuai 辯 才 無 礙 ).nst M onks

c o m m u n i t y at N a n y u e in the Huisi a nd post-Huisi generations. Regret­ tably, the nature of the surviving textual record forces us to deal with fragmentary information about these monks . In six cases, w e k n o w nothing m o r e than the n a m e s o n the list of the eighteen eminent m o n k s in the Collected Highlights, T h e biographies of m a n y of the figures o n the list do, however, reveal an emphasis o n meditation practices and the Fo ur Samadhis. T h e Collected Highlights also provides a description of the institutional setting of those practices at Fu y a n Monastery: [Tlie site is located] to the n o rth o f the [Nanyue] m iao, fifteen li up the m oun­ tain. This is the site o f forem ost m editation m onastery on the m ountain. D u r­ ing the T aichu reign period o f the C hen dynasty, H uisi led a large group o f his follow ers from D asu shan to this site. H e built a hodhimanda^ and the m aster continually taught the samadhi practices o f fahuay ban^hou^ nianfo, and the fangdeng repentance. Therefore, this place became called the Bore Monastery 般若 寺 .【78 D uring the Taiping xing guo era [976—84] o f the Song, it was honored with its present n a m e plaque.179 There was also the Tang dynasty dhyana master I luairang 懷 讓 [677—744] w h o built a hut on the site of Huisi's old foundation. [Mazu] Daoyi 馬祖道一 [709—BS] also practiced seated meditation at a site next to this monastery.咖 A s this entry (and others found in the Collected Highlights) su路 ests,u p o n his arrival at Na nyue, Huisi established a n u m b e r of different centers of practice throughout the range. It is also clear that this c o m m u n i t y w as involved with the practices of the F o u r Samadhis. It is b e y o n d the scope of this chapter to provide a detailed description of these practices, but Daniel Stevenson refers to t h e m as the “true pillars” of Tiantai practice a nd suggests that these rites were perhaps first instituted by Huisi and his followers before they were systematized in the writings of Zhiyi.181 Although Stevenson did not include a study of Huisi’ s Nanyue c o m m u n i t y in his research, the material found in the biographies of s o m e of those o n the list of eighteen eminent m o n k s should leave n o doubt as to the prevalence and systematized institutional structure of the practice of the Fou r Samadhis within the c o m m u n i t y at Nanyue. S o m e of the biographies of the eighteen eminent m o n k s of N a n y u e contain other textual evidence that links those m o n k s with practices that w e k n o w were also c o m m o n in other developing Tiantai centers. T h e sutras mentioned in the biographical entries— — namely, the Sutra^

\]uayany ]ingming, and Shengtian wang~ a n d the

dulun were standard

Local Histories, Lost M onks

151

wo r k s that received m u c h attention in Zhiyi5s writings a n d a m o n g other developing Tiantai communities. There are also systematic connections between the c o m m u n i t y at Tiantai shan and that at Nanyue. Fragments found in the Guoqing bailu attest to the fact that m e m b e r s of that c o m ­ munity traveled to N a n y u e to assess its status following the death of Huisi. In a letter to the center at Tiantai shan, M a o Xi affirmed that the c o m m u n i t y at Nanjoie w as carrying o n its practices just as before the master’ s death and that the m o n k s were n o w led by Sengzhao (Xinzhao).1^2 S o m e of the figures o n the list of eighteen eminent m o n k s also turn u p in collections of miracle tales or tales that reflect the efficacy of de­ votion to the l^otus Sutra^ such as the Yahua ^uanji.^ T h o s e sources, and other local material for Nannie, contain tales about the attainment of magical abilities, such as walking o n water, a n d various other

samadhis, such as the p o w e r to understand the language of animals or to save those facing death. Th ese biographies and tales display a strong sense of retribution for transgressions, the barriers to practice that past ka r m a can effect o n the practitioner, and the efficacy of repentance.184 T a k e n out of context, the references to m o n k s ’attaining the ability to preach eloquently m a y s e e m trivial or ancillary to other, m o r e religious goals. Yet、w h e n interpreted in the context of the Mohe ^hlgnan passage “O n e m u s t be well versed in the sutras a nd commentaries so that one can turn outward and teach and reveal [to others] w h a t they have not heard before,”w e begin to see the reason that the biographies focus o n public preaching to the masses.185 N o doubt it w a s the combination of Huisi5s prominence, the prac­ tice of the F o u r Samadhis, training in dhyafia^ and the strength of the early c o m m u n i t y at Nan\aie that caught the eye of the Tiantai systematizers w h o compiled the lineages a n d biographies in the Fo^u tongji and Shimen ^engtong. It is not surprising, therefore, that the biographies of m a n y of the early m o n k s o n the list of eighteen eminent m o n k s are pre­ served in the “branch hereditary h ou s e ” sections following Huisi in th o se so u rce s. M o st o f th e b io g rap h ies in th e

tongji are fo u n d clus­

tered in th e n in th juan as first- an d se c o n d -g e n e ra tio n d iscip les o f H u isi and, in s o m e cases, Zhiyi. In Shimen ^en^tong^ Huisi is classified under a section entitled “Tiantai zufu Beiqi N a n y u e er zunzh e shi jia” 天 台 祖

父 北 齊 南 獄 二 尊 者 世 家 ,which identifies h i m in familial terminology

252

\j)C dl I \htoneSs \j) s t M onks

us the "patriarchal father”[t^ufu 才 £L父 ).1K6 This type of genealogical rela­ tionship is extended to his disciples, w h o arc listed later in a scction headed / " 附 . 1'he convention of “attached”/“a p p e n d e d ” biographies was adapted, as w as the structure of the Shimen v^Hngtong and Vo^ii ton办 generally, from sccular official histories, in which this heading tended to be reserved for sons and grandsons of the principal subject. A s noted above, Arthur \\ right averred that the term fu w a s used in Huijiao's

Gaoseng ^i.man to link the mi n o r subject to the major subjcct bv either “the disciplc-master relationship, by s o m e c o m m o n activity, or by g e o ­ graphical propinquity*.751ST All these attributes are reflected in the list of the eighteen eminent monks , wher e there is an emphasis o n the mastcrdisciplc relationship, the practicc of meditation, and the location of this sodality of m o n k s at Nanyue. Sufficc it to sav that, by the time the S o n g universal histories ap­ peared, there was a dear conception of a branch lineage descending fr om Muisi m a d e u p primarily of a group of m o n k s connected to Nanvue, m a n v of t h e m o n the list of eighteen eminent monks. Yet, to describe the N a n v u c c o m m u n i t y as a “school”ot Tiantai B u d d h i s m (as s o m e have done) is an example of h o w the lens of sectarian Japanese scholarship has eolored the interpretation of the medieval Chinese reli­ gious kndscapc.)SH N o t only is that description anachronistic, but the eighteen eminent m o n k s engaged in a diverse array of practices. If this collcctivity of m o n k s is not necessarily a Tiantai “school, ”might somefliing else link the group? O n e of m v working hypotheses w a s that this lost source w a s evidence of an important rival Tiantai lineage that had been all but edited out of Chinese Buddhist historv. A s m y research proceeded, however, I c o n ­ cluded that this set of eighteen m o n k s w as not m e a n t to represent a sec­ tarian I'iantai lineage. In m y reading of this material, the m ain threads that join these eighteen figures are their practice of meditation and the af­ filiation to a particular place (Nanyue). It is worth asking if group reli­ gious identities in China could be constituted by association with a par' ticular place, without serving a larger function within a sectarian lineage. Consideration of the iiminent Monks of'Nanyue leaves us with the impres­ sion that the text w a s above all of local conccrn and encourages us to consider the possibility of another type of group expression— — namely,

Ijocal His/ones, Lost M onks

253

collectivities based o n localc or placc. D o e s this type of organrzing prin­ ciple have a precedent in other sources? T h e local sodality of Daoists at N a n y u c expressed in the biographies of the Nine Pofec/ed was held together by the fact that all the perfected {t^henren 眞 人 again not explicitly related to any formalized Daoist lineages (such as Shangqing or Lingbao), asccnded to heaven from Nanyuc. 1 'hat type of association appears not to have been unique. T i m o t h y H. Barrett discusscs a different set of seven perfected, in which uninterrupted transmission f r o m master to disciple w a s not of concern since they were “connected by place rather than time., , 18') F o ­ cus o n associations with particular places m a y help us m a k e sense of the often perplexing lists of m o n k s ’n a m e s that appear ( m u c h like local lineage lists) in the variety of cpigraphical sources that survive for Buddliist monks. T h e Yimineni Monks of Nanyue appeared in the late seventh century , which, as 1 ’ h o m a s Wilson and Dav i d )ohnson have demonstxated, was a time of heightened concern for the production of genealogical works within both the secular world of officialdom and the Buddhist world of historiographic writing. Daoxuan's Ihaiher Biographies of Eminent Monks appeared in 645, the bibliographies in the T a n g official histories are filled with the titles of genealogical writings, and, as J o h n Jorgensen has noted, ‘ ‘ the traditional pseudo-history of C h a n w a s stated in terms of genealogy at a time w h e n the study of genealogy w as at its peak., , 11)" T h e author of liwinent Monks ofNanyue, Huiri, and the author of the Prcface, L u Cangyong, were both well connected a m o n g the elites of their day and m u s t have been deeply involved with— — a nd well versed in— — the other varieties of genealogical writings that appeared in the Tang. Although the evidence for the eighteen m o n k s in the Imminent Monks of Nanyue is too fragmentary to reach definite conclusions, m u c h of wh at w c k n o w about the figures o n the list is apparently colored by Song-period Tiantai histories, which incorporated m a n y of t h e m and m a d e t h e m part of Tiantai’ s own

extended family. Stevenson has

s u m m e d u p the situation in reference to the lineages expressed in the S o n g Tiantai histories. Strict lineal representation is responsible for the tendency am ong m odern scholars to construc T iantai history prim arily as the evolution o f a fixed body o f ideas and treatises at the hands o f a sclect group o f patriarchal figutcs. Its

254

Local Histories, Lost M onks

discursive significance notw ithstanding, there is no evidence that the notion o f a central patriarchal prelacy ever becam e an institutional reality for Chinese T iantai follow ers (although, at the regional level, attem pts may have been m ade in this direction from time to time). N o r do w e find that M o u n t Tiantai— — the peak from which the school takes its n a m e ~ e v e r exerted unchallenged au­ thority as the geographical center for Tiantai tradition at large. Even during the Song period— the heyday of patriarchal genealogies such as the Fo守 tongji~ Tiantai rem ained a dispersed tradition organized around a plurality o f semiautonomous master-disciplc dharma successions {sifa). As best as w e can tell, this state o f affairs was typical o f earlier periods as w ell.191 M y sense is that the Eminent Monks of Kanyue is representative of the type of s e m i a u t o n o m o u s local or regional entity described by Steven­ son. Yet, in the case of Nanyue, the emphasis appears to be as m u c h o n affiliation with a particular (or particularly efficacious) place and the joint focus o n dhyana practice as it is o n d h a r m a transmission d o w n through the ages. H i e liminent Monks of Nanyue m a y be precisely the type of text, along with other sources like epigraphic records, that w as the basis for the later S o n g histories. T h e compilers of those histories omitted elements that did not serve their purposes and opportunisti­ cally incorporated items that they could reframe to fit their n e w c o n ­ cerns. T h e diversity of the N a n y u e c o m m u n i t y is n o doubt m o r e in­ dicative of the full complexity of the medieval Chinese religious landscape (or at least o ne site within that landscape) than the neat and systematic picture provided by the S o n g universal histories. O n e aspect of the Nan}oie c o m m u n i t y that stands out clearly in the biographies of the eighteen m o n k s is the focus o n dhyana specialization. T h e emphasis o n the N a n y u e c o m m u n i t y ’ s a c u m e n in dhyana practice— reflected both in the local sources a nd in Daoxuan's assessment in the

X u gaoseng ^hmn — is not surprising given I Iuisi, s stress o n meditation practice. A s noted above, in his youth Huisi c a m e across the Zui miaosheng dingjlng, a text that identifies dhyana as the m o s t efficacious prac­ tice, particularly during the age of the decline of the dharma. After en­ countering this text, Huisi shifted the focus of his practice f r o m a m o r e devotional style coupled with sutra recitations to meditation. A t this point, in a m o m e n t of questioning and despair, Huisi heard a voice fr om the sky directing h i m to g o to N a n y u e if he w a n ted to practice meditation well. That account is not dissimilar to that of the Daoist

Local I listones, Lost Mo^iks

255

VC7ang Lingyu, w h o w as advised by celcstial transcendents to m o v e from L u s h a n to Nanyue, In Huisi's case, something about N a n n i e w as pcrccived to be particularly conducive to meditation. U p o n his arrival at N a n y u c ,Huisi transferred his o w n emphasis o n dhyiwa practice to his disciples. T h e records of the eighteen eminent m o n k s are replete with references to these m o n k s being skilled dhyana practitioners. Indeed, it seems that it w as precisely becausc of this lineage's focus o n dhyana that it w a s identified by D a o x u a n not onlv as a meditation center but nho as a“ dby(hm lineage^ {chan^ong 禪 宗 ).192 This, incidentally, is the earliest at­ tested usage of that m u c h debated c o m p o u n d , a detail that attracted the interest of Yanagida Seizan 柳 田 聖 山 in his study of early C h a n history.193 Therefore, early on, Huisi a n d his disciples were pegged not as a narrowly defined llantai lineage but as a lineage of dhyana specialists.194 Nanyue’ s r e n o w n as a meditation ccnter also spread quicklv to Japan. A n u m b e r of Japanese rcfcrenccs to the site as a significant meditation centcr c a m c to be connccted with the lore of I Iuisi being reborn in ja­ pan as Shotoku Taishi.195 Perhaps another telling lcgacy of the eighteen eminent m o n k s of N a n y u e is that the monasteries with which thcv were affiliated contin­ ued to specialise in dhycuia practice over the agcs.!% T h e s a m e sites as­ sociated with the eighteen eminent m o n k s b e c a m e the institutional bases for later dhyatm practitioners like Muairang ^nd M a z u — mentioned in the quote above— — w h o took over IIuisi,s I'iiyan Monastery during the eighth ccntury. It is clear fro m the tone of the Prcfacc that the lim 'inent Monks o( Nanyue w as written at a time of declining fortunes for M u isi’ s descendants at Nanyue. If, as the Prcface ro the \h?iineti{ Monks of Nanyue urges, N a n y u e wa s considered a sire well suited for meditation , w c might cxpcct that it attracted other dhyana specialists. W e might surmise, then, that the dramatic rise of different C h a n lineages at N a n y u e during the early T a n g helps account for die declinc of the nas­ cent Tiantai c o m m u n i t y at Nanyue, or it m a y suggest that this c o m m u ­ nis w a s absorbed into the n e w dhycb?a m o v e m e n t . W e find a distant echo of the latter theory m a historical assessment found in the travel record of a Q i n g scholar n a m e d P a n ]xi )喬 束 (1646—1708), which savs that because Huairang a nd Shitou earned o n I kusi, s special m a n n e r

宗 風 )of dhyana practicc, Daoist abbeys h a d declmcd a n d C h a n monasteries had prospered at Na n y u e . 197 It is, therefore, perhaps not

256

l^ocal Histories, host M onks

coincidental that at the time the Preface w as written, C h a n B u d d h i s m w a s beginning to flourish at Nanyue. O n e question pursued in the next chapter is, therefore, the relationship between the early dhyana special­ ists at M a n y u e a nd the later development of C h a n B u d d h i s m within precisely the s a m e monasteries connected with m a n y of the eighteen eminent m o n k s of Nanyue.

EIGHT

Regional Buddhism During the Tang

Historians of China often refer to the T a n g as a “G o l d e n A g e ”because of the political, technological, and cultural heights reachcd during its roughly thrce-hundred-year existence. Scholars of Chinese B u d d h i s m have traditionally characterized the T a n g as an age of seminal develop­ ments, including the elaboration of traditional Buddhist philosophical schools (Faxiang a n d Huayan) a nd the birth of n e w indigenous forms of B u d d h i s m (Tiantai, Huayan, Chan, and Pure Land) bolstered by i m ­ perial patronage.1 Chinese B u d d h i s m during the T a n g can accurately be characterized as a “period of independent growth.”2 T h e T a n g has also been described as marking the high tide of Daoist influence o n Chinese religious a n d political life, not least because the imperial family claimed descent f r o m Laozi himself.3 H o w e v e r w e view the c o mple x character of the T a n g religious landscape, it is clear that the historical vicissitudes that m a r k e d T a n g history affected both the dynamics of central political control a n d the historical development of Chinese B u d d h i s m in fun­ damentally important ways. A s is well k n o w n , the T a n g G o l d e n A g e was punctuated by three major disruptions: the A n L u s h a n 安 祿 山 re­ bellion (755—63), the H u i c h a n g 會 昌

persecutions (841—46), a n d the

H u a n g C h a o 黄 巢 rebellion (875—84). Until the A n L u s h a n rebellion, imperial patronage w a s part of the lifeblood of Chinese Buddhist insti­ tutions. W i t h the realignment of the relationship between B u d d h i s m and the state a nd the termination of access to state resources following the rebellion, those institutions dependent o n imperial support suf­ fered.4 S o m e

scholars have suggested that the uprising effectively

257

258

Keoiona! llnddhism During the Vang

eroded the viabilihT of the older schools of textual exegesis while en­ hancing the sur\4val)ilitv of Pure L a n d and C h a n becausc of their p o p u ­ lar appeal.5 C o n t e mpo rar y scholars continue to h o n e our understanding of the development a nd character of T a n g Buddhism, but here, rather than propose a n e w general theory about the nature of T a n g Buddhism, I will instead ask what that landscape looks like w h e n viewed troni a c o m b i n e d gcaolin t^juan 寶 林 傳 (Chronicle of the Baolin [Monastery]), an important ninth-century C h a n text in which each figure is attributed a dharma-transmission p o e m . This is a big topic dcserving of a m o nogra ph. Wliat is relevant here are s o m e suggestions that the Baolin vjpnan was written at Nanvue. T o k i w a I^aijo 常 盤 大 定 , one of the first scholars to study the kaolin ^huan using lost fragments of the text found in Japan at the Shoren-in 青 蓮 院 in Kyoto, suggested in 1935 that the text w as compiled at Natiyue. This theory hiis recentlv been revived and argued m o r e systematically by both Suzuki Tctsuo

铃 木 哲 雄 and Y a n g C e n g w c n 楊 曾 文 .i()5 These scholars point out that the colophon to the text says that it was “compiled bv a ccrtain person n a m e d Zhiju 智 炬 (or Huiju 慧 炬 )at Zhuling 朱 暖 Yanagida Scizan has, however, suggested that the colophon should be e m e n d e d to read Jinling 金 陵 (present-day Nanjing), and finhua )ia has proposed that the text was authored by a disciple of Mazurs.196 Zhuling, as w e have seen in previous chapters, is the n a m e of the Daoist grotto heaven

{dongtian 洞 天 )o n N a n y u e that Shitou frequented. G iv e n Yanagida^ view that the kaolin ^huan w a s the kevJ text that substantiated the C h a n V transmission lineage fro m N a n v u c Huairang to Ala^u, it remains u n ­ clear w h y he wa s reluctant to acccpt the reference to Zhuling as it stood in the text. Yanagida appears to have placed m o r e weight o n other ref­ erences within the Zutang ji that suggest increasing connections between the text and Jinling. In light of the possibility that the Baolin

w as

compiled at Nanyue, however, I w o u l d also point out that Shiina Koyu's reccnt identification of fragments of the all-important missing sections of that w o r k have demonstrated that the full text included a biography of Shitou Xicjian. That discovery tempers the claims that, as

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Kegional Buddhism During the Tang

s o m e have argued, the Baolin ^huan w a s exclusively devoted to solidify­ ing the Huairan g-Mazu lineage.197 Further textual and contextual evidence m a k e s the connection to N a n y u e even stronger a nd provides s o m e suggestive evidence about the proximity of C h a n a nd Daoist practitioners at Nanyue. T a n a k a R y o ­ sho 田 中 良 昭 ,in a study of possible connections between the Baolin

^huan a n d D aoism, suggested that it reflects a m o r e amicable stance to­ w a r d Daoists than the contemporary Udai fabaoji a n d S hengzhouji 聖胄

集 (Collection of the Sacred Heir).198 For example, the polemical story in the \r\an faben nei^huan about the besting by Buddhists of the hapless Daoists from the Five Sacred Peaks at E m p e r o r M i n g ’ s court (see C h a p ­ ter 1) w a s incorporated into the Udai fabaoji a nd the Shen^houji~ t w o C h a n texts that temporally frame the Baolin t^huan but the story is not included in the Baolin ^huan. A n entry in the Collected Highlights notes that during the T a n g dynasty there w a s an imperially sponsored library at the site of the Zhuling Grotto Heaven, wh i c h w o u l d have facilitated the compilation of a comprehensive record like the Baolin ^huan.W) It is also noteworthy that a later m o n k in Shitou’ s lineage n a m e d Weijing

惟 勁 ( fl. 907) wrote a text entitled X u Baolin ^huan 續 寶 林 傳 ( Further chronicle of the Baolin [Monastery]) in four sections while living at Nanyue. Weijing initially lived as an ascetic a nd studied with the C h a n master X u e f e n g Yicun 雪 峰 義 存 ( 822-908). H e arrived at N a n y u e around 9 0 0 CE. Durin g o ne of the Buddhist persecutions, he is k n o w n to have taken refuge within a Daoist abbey.200 Weijing m u s t have been quite familiar with the Buddhist history of N a n y u e since he wrote a text entitled 'Nanyuegaoseng ^huan 南 獄 高 僧 傳 ( Biographies of the eminent m o n k s of Nanyue), wh i c h is unfortunately n o longer extant. H e was later ho n o r e d with a purple robe by the Five Dynasties C h u king n a m e d M a Yin 馬 殷 ( r. 896—930). O n e concern that complicates any attempt to pin d o w n whe r e the

kaolin ^huan w a s compiled revolves around the identity of the author of the Prcface, w h o w a s n a m e d Lingche 靈 徹 (d. 817). T h e identity of that figure is the subject of m u c h debate because of the similarities between his n a m e and that of a figure n a m e d Lingche 靈 ;敉.2"】T h e latter is the subject of a biography in the ''clarifying the Vinaya”{minglii 明

sec­

tion of the Songgaoseng ^huan^ which situates his activities primarily at the Y u n m e n Monastery in Kuaiji.202 T h e m o s t striking piece of evidence

Regional Buddhism During the Tang

299

for a connection between h i m a nd N a n y u e is found in an inscription by the poet and essayist Liu Yuxi entitled “ Ji N a n y u e Lingche shangren”

寄南獄靈徹上人( Sending off the N a n y u e m o n k Lingche).203 Yet, this connection is not as u n a m b i g u o u s as it might s e e m since Tozaki Tetsuhiko 户 崎 哲 彦 has s h o w n that in Liu Y u x i ’ s collected works that in­ scription appears under the title “S o n g seng Z h o n g z h i d o n g y o u jian Send­ song cheng Lingche shangren”送 僧 仲 制 東 遊 兼 送 呈 靈 澈 上 人 ( ing off the m o n k Z h o n g z h i traveling to the east a n d sending off the m o n k Lingche), has little relationship to Nanyue, an d is primarily about Z hon g z h i 仲耑1J.204 Ichihara Kokichi 市 原 亨 吉 has, however, cited evi­ dence of a p o e m about Lingche returning to H u n a n , although it m a k e s n o explicit reference to N anyue .205 There are still m a n y questions re­ maining regarding the identity of the author of the Preface, but it ap­ pears that the t w o Lingche are a single figure w h o spent s o m e time at Nanyue. I have already mentioned the significance of the Qianfo song as a compelling example of the conjoining of C h a n a n d poetry a m o n g m o n k s associated with Nanyue. That association need not be estab­ lished merely through the lineage represented in that t e x t ~ w h i c h in­ cludes, s o m e even say prioritizes, M a z u 5s line— — rather, it is forcefully suggested in the opening lines of the Preface by H u i g u a n 慧 觀 :“A t the time Master Tai of N a n y u e ’ s five praises a nd ten eulogies were regarded as [works of] beauty.”2116 Master Tai from N a n y u e refers to the late T a n g Buddhist author and m o n k N a n y u e Xuantai 南 獄 玄 泰 ( fl. 880s), a distant heir to the lineage of Shitou traced through Y a o s h a n W e i y a n to his o w n master, Shishuang Q i n g z h u 石 霜 慶 諸 ( 807—88).207 A pas­ sage in the Collected Highlights says he h ad a “deep understanding of C h a n doctrine and excelled at poetry., , 208 Xuantai's biography in the

Song gaoseng t^huan records that he wrote a n u m b e r of inscriptions for various C h a n masters, as well as gathas a n d songs. T h e biography notes that his writings were considered to be excellent a nd had been gathered and arranged in a collection that circulated widely.2119 Xuantai wa s a close friend of a m o n k n a m e d N a n y u e X i n g m i n g 南 歡 行 明 (fl. 900), who, according to his biography in the Songgaoseng ^huan^ visited h i m at the Q i b a o Monastery (Qibao si 七 寶 寺 ).2丨 " After X i n g m i n g fulfilled his v o w to be eaten by a pride of tigers, Xuantai c o m p o s e d a eulogy in praise of his friend.211 Xuantai also wrote a stupa inscription for a self-

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immolator n a m e d Q u a n h u o 全 絡 (828—87).2,2 Later, w h e n Xuantai passed awav, he w as cremated, his relics were collected, and he w as interred in a stupa to the left of (I luineng^s disciple) jiangi^s stupa.213 Nishiwaki Tsuneki 西 胁 常 記 has noted that the location of Xuantai’ s stupa next to that of ]ianguJs is a g o o d example of h o w traditional Chi­ nese burial practiccs, that is to say burial with o n e ’ s “family,”were in­ corporated into Chinese Buddhism. 2,4 T o judge f r o m the n u m b e r of mentions of N a n y u e Xuantai in the writings of important 1 'ang C h a n poet-monks, such as Qiji 齊 己 ( fl 881) a nd G u a n x i u C h a n y u c 貫 休 襌 月 ( 832—912),he w as part of an extensive network of poets— — rrmnv of w h o m also h ad deep connections with N a n ­ nie.215 Like Xuantai, both Qiji and Guiinxiu were associated with the line of transmission from Shitou to Shishuang Qingzhu.216 N a n y u c Qiji was a native of I Iunan and had a particularly close association with Nanyuc. M e even stvlcd himself “the iramana of Ilengshan.5,2,7 M e wrote m a n v epitaphs for eminent monks. O n e of his p o e m s ’entitled “Zic]i;m, ,自 遣 (I^ntcrtataing myself), provides glimpses of Qiji^ inter­ est in transiencv as well as of the popular veneration that Shitou c o n ­ tinued to attract a century after his death. K now ing that know ledge is just a dream , after aw akening w hat is there to search for? U pon death one enters the lonely peak, ashes fly as fhe fire dies out. W hen the clouds disappear, the blue sky appears, w hen the skv is d ear, the m oon flows bv. I hope I can avoid the throngs o f disciples, such as those w ho always com e to m ourn Sliitou.2!K G i v e n w h a t w c n o w k n o w about the religious environment at N a n ­ yue, it is understandable that this p o c t - m o n k ,s writings “refer repeat­ edly to Buddhist mon ks, Daoist recluscs, and ghosts and tell of visits to monasteries, highland retreats, sacrcd mountains, and the h o m e s of de­ ceased w o r t h i e s . Q i j i 5s poetry is a g o o d reflection of N a n y u e ’ s reli­ gious histotT and capaircs the environment that inspired m u c h of his highly reflective poetry. Yet, Qiji is, as w c have seen,just on e of a long line of C V m n poet-monks connectcd with that site— — including Shitou, Mingzan, Lingche, Weijing, and Xuancai. For this reason Yanagida Seizan posited that “the fact that m a n y of these poe t-mon ks and C h a n

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poets lived at N a n y u e should attract our attention., , 22nceprualr/cd. During the T a n g dynasty, the practice of nianfo 念 佛 (Bviddha mindtulness or recitation of the B u d d h a 7s na m e ) w as not the sole preserve of an institutionally distinct Pure L a n d school.221 A s one scholar has put it, ‘ T h e Pure L a n d m o v e m e n t is an old o ne in the Chi­ nese Buddhist tradition. T h e Pure L a n d school^ with an established line­ age of patriarchs、is not.”222 It w as not until the post—A n L u s h a n era that the T a n g court recognizcd as legitimate Pure L a n d practices.223 Pertinent to rhc discussion in this chapter, however, is the fact that key tigurcs in the spread of Pure L a n d practices during the T a n g were closcly tied with Nanyue. Furthermore, the religious history of that site supports the conclusions of other rccent studies that an independent Pure L a n d school w a s form ed s o m e w h a t later than the Tang. A s Stanley Weinstein has noted,“Pure L a n d services were intro­ duced into the T a n g court by the m o n k I;azhao w h o wa s later d u b b e d a reincarnation of S h a n d a o because of his succcss in popularising the Pure L a n d faith., , 224 According to the hagiography o n Fazhao 法照、 (fl. eighth ccntury), he completed a practice of ban^hou sanmei 身泛舟三眛 (Skt. pratyutpanna-samadhi) while at L u s h a n wh e r e he h ad built a hut af­ ter m a king a pilgrimage there in 765. T h e r e u p o n he h a d a visualization in which he s a w an old m o n k attending to Amitabha.225 “W h e n in­ formed by A m i t a b h a that the m o n k was n o n e other than Chengyuan, a well-known Pure L a n d devotee rhen living in the N a n y u e mountains, Fazhao immediately departed for N a n y u e to join the c o m m u n i t y of m o n k s around Chcngyuan,”226 This account is structurally similar to the story of the Daoist W a n g Lingyu, w h o , while at Lushan, also had a di­ vine visitation that instructed h i m to g o to N a n y u e (see Chapter 4). While at N a n y u e in 7 6 6 ,Fazhao had another visualization, this time of

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a direct encounter with Amitabha, w h o taught h i m the “practice of in­ toning the n a m e of A m i t a b h a in five different rhythms called wuhui

nianfor121 While at N a n y u e ,Fazhao had yet another vision of a not-yetexisting grand monastery at Wutai shan, “but Fazhao took the vision to m e a n that he w a s charged to build it,”and he m o v e d f r o m N a n y u e to Wutai shan.228 E v e n after m o v i n g to Wut ai shan, however, Fazhao ap­ parently retained a close connection with Nanyue. T s u k a m o t o Zen ryu

士冢本善隆 a nd Sasaki Kosei 佐 々 木 功 成 have suggested— based o n the evidence found in D u n h u a n g manuscripts— — that Fazhao returned often to N a n y u e to participate in Tiantai-style practices, such as the “constantly walking samadhi {changxing sanmei 常 行 三 眛 ),whic h lasted for a period of ninety days., , 229 Later, T a n g e m pe ror Da i z o n g (r. 762—79) invited Fazhao to lecture at court a n d was impressed by his rhythmic style of chanting. A t that time Fazhao reported his master C h e n g y u a n , s great virtue to the e m ­ peror and requested an imperial favor, wh i c h involved the granting of the n a m e B a n z h o u 身史|

to C h e n g y u a n , s hodhimanda {daochang

T h e em p e r o r w a s so impressed with Fazh ao that he wa n ted to search out his teacher, a nd the em p e r o r traveled to N a n y u e to pay his respects to Chengyuan.2^0 T h e em p e r o r also acknowledged the great virtue of Cheng)oxan an d granted a n e w imperial n a m e plaque to his site, or­ dained twenty-seven n e w monk s , a n d held a t h o u s a n d - m o n k feast, wh ich imperial delegates and local gov e r n m e n t officials also attended.211 Chengyuan’ s imperial recognition is corroborated in an entry in the Col­

lected Highlights for the Mit u o Monastery. That passage says that the temple is “located below Mitxio Peak. It looks like it is in the midst of a painting. T a n g X u a n z o n g bestowed an imperial plaque n a m i n g it the B a n z h o u daochang.”232 W h o w a s this “attendant of A m i t a b h a ,? at N a n ­ yue that set Fazhao o n his path a n d gained such r enown ? C h e n g y u a n deserves m o r e than passing mention here since he w as at N a n y u e at the s a m e time as the key C h a n masters of the period. T h e

Collected Highlights contains a glimpse of Chengxuan, whic h appears to have been based o n inscriptions by Liu Z o n g y u a n and Lii W e n 呂溫 (772—811) but has not been noted due to the poor editing of the Taisho version of the manuscript.233 B o t h of these well-known literati left fu­ nerary inscriptions for Chengyuan: “N a n y u e Mituo si C h e n g y u a n heshang bei” 南 獄 彌 陀 寺 承 遠 和 尚 碑 (Stele inscription for the m o n k

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C h e n g y u a n of the Mituo Monastery at Nanvue) by I-ii W en and 4tN a n yue Mituo heshang bei bingxu” 南 獄 彌 陀 和 尚 碑 並 序 ( Stele inscrip­ tion for the N a n y u e Mituo m o n k , with preface), by Liu Zongvuan.2;4 Prior to his arrival at Nanyue, C h e n g y m n studied with the T a n g Vi­ naya master Hu i z h e n ( w h o is called Z h e n g o n g 眞公 in the inscriptions) at the Y u q u a n Monastery. According to a curious line in J_,ii W e n ’ s stele inscription, Z hengong directed [C hen^u an] south to H engshan, w hich caused a factional split (Jenfapui 分 法 派 ) . [He] crossed D ongting [Lake] and floated dow n the Y uan and Xiang [rivers], and cam e to rest on the south side o f T ianzhu Peak. He first follow ed M aster T ongxiang 通 相 , w ho he studied w ith and from w hom he received the teaching o f the Minavana prcccpts, the teachings o f the sutras o f the three vehicles、 the four-part V im ya, the essentials o f the eight perfected ways,233 the root of the six paramitaspG . ■. and he transmitted the m ethod o f returning the inind {guixiti shu I f U p o n his arrival at Nanyue, C h e n g y m n received the full preccprs from the Vinaya master Tongxiang. T h e last practice mentioned in Lii \\,cn, s stele inscription, the m e t h o d of returning the mind, a practicc that C h e n g y u a n w as supposed to have transmitted, is particularlv interesting in light of the discussion above of contemporary developments in C h a n meditation techniques, which also “returned”the m i n d 二 's C h c n g y u a n later c a m e under the influence of Cimin Muiri.2'19 Huiri was profoundly m o v e d by the example of Yijing's trip to India in search of the dharma. S o he took Yijing as his m o d e l and traveled to India by sea. During this journey, he arrived at the belief that “if one wants to use o n e ’ s o w n benefits to benefit others, there is nothing like the teaching of A m i d a Pure Land; the d h a r m a gate of Pure L a n d sur­ passes all other practices.5,240 After returning to Chinn, he devoted h i m ­ self to the Pure L a n d path and wrote U k ^j m jinglun nianfo fa men wang-

shengjingtuji 略 諸 經 論 念 佛 法 H 往 生 淨 土 集 ( 了he colkction outlining various scripturcs a nd treatises regarding me t h o d s of contemplating the B u d d h a an d rebirth in the Pure Land; hereafter IX7a}\^sheng^jingtuji).241 In the seventh year of the Tianbao reign period (748), he died in Luoyang. Ci min Huiri w a s at the heart of the growing antagonism between C h a n and Pure L a n d during the eighth century. I Iis IVangsheng jing-

tuji was a counterattack against C h a n criticisms of Pure L a n d prac­ ticcs.242 Huiri, s criticism of C h a n wa s inspired— — at least in part— — by the

3〇4

Kegional Buddhism During the Tang

developments (or debasements in his view) in C h a n practice at Nanyue, and it w a s this perspective that he transmitted to C h e n g y u a n w h e n he later called C h e n g y u a n off the mountain. Huiri taught C h e n g y u a n that the salvation of the masses w a s the m o s t important objective for a fol­ lower of the Buddha. T o aim at transcendental self-perfection, as the C h a n practitioners at N a n y u e were doing, and to forget about convert­ ing the rest of society w as to a b a n d o n one's proper role as a disciple of the Buddha. According to the (Larger) Sukhdvatwjuha sutra (Wuliang shou jing 無 量 壽 經 ),o ne should practice the samadhi of recollect­ ing/ reciting the B u d d h a ’ s n a m e with the h o p e of being reborn in the Pure L a n d a nd spread the teaching of the recitation of A m i d a , s n a m e to the masses for their o w n salvation. T o his dismay, Huiri observed a strong tendency a m o n g followers of C h a n and Vinaya to retreat deep into the solitude of the mountains. In their pursuit of their o w n individual practice, they completely dissoci­ ated themselves fr o m society. T h e solitary practitioners at N a n y u e were clearly o ne of the m a i n targets of Huiri’ s ire. Huiri did not, however, re­ ject the observance of precepts, nor did he even reject C h a n /dhyana contemplation. Rather, he w a s critical of Buddhists w h o turned exclu­ sively to C h a n at the expense of other Buddhist practices, such as B u d ­ dha recollection/recitation, the intoning of sutras, rituals, practice, exe­ gesis, and explication of the dharma.243 T s u k a m o t o Z e nryu has insisted that Huiri a nd C h e n g y u a n thoroughly m i x e d Chan, Pure Land, a nd V i ­ naya in their Buddhist practice.244 Their co m p l e x Buddhist a m a l g a m is not an exception that proves the rule of Chinese Buddhist sectarianism; rather, they are representative of other contemporary Chinese m o n k s w h o were equally c o mplex in their lived experiences as Buddhist clerics. Lii W e n ’ s stele inscription informs us that by the beginning of the Tianbao reign period (742—56), C h e n g y u a n w a s back at Nanyue, where he erected a separate temple, appropriately called the Mitu o Terrace (Mituo tai 彌 陀 臺 ).O n c e settled o n the mountain, C h e n g y u a n i m m e d i ­ ately cut off all connections with society and focused o n the practice of the recitation/recollection of the B u d d h a Js n a m e a nd the propagation of Buddhist teachings. Lii W e n Js stele inscription gives a sense of the kind of C h e n g y u a n ^ austere lifestyle at that time: “Cutting grass and binding reeds, [he made] a small shelter to house sutras a nd an image, and lived without y o u n g servants. His r o o m did not have a single peck

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[of grain] in storage a nd he didn5t eat a single meal, surviving o n grasses and herbs., , 245 A similar characterization of C h e n g y u a n is found in the

Collected Highlights entry for Mituo Peak, wh ich mentions an old record that says “people used to always hear the sound of sutras being intoned here, and it w as said that an eminent m o n k lived at the base of the cliff, did not eat, and only recited the n a m e of A m i m b h a , ”246 If C h e n g y u a n ’ s retreat started out as an isolated and remote site, it quickly b e c a m e less so as his fame attracted followers. Liu Z o n g y u a n ’ s inscription—*wh i c h echoes the Collected Highlights a nd Lii W e i ’ s inscrip­ tion— — reports that C h e n g y u a n first lived in the western part of the mountain at the base of a stone escarpment. If people brought h i m food, he w o u l d eat; if they did not bring food, then he w o u l d m a k e d o with dirt, grasses and herbs, and trees. T h e clothes that he w o r e were also crude. F r o m the southern border a n d f r o m the capital in the north, people c a m e in search of his W a y . O n e day s o m e people encountered an emaciated m a n with a dirty face carrying firewood and took h i m to be a temple servant. Later, w h e n they realized that he wa s Chengyuan, they gave h i m cotton an d silk clothing an d cut w o o d a nd gathered stones and piled t h e m u p at the entrance of his cave. Chengyuan, it is said, used all the donations he received to further the B u d d h a ’ s w o r k or gave t h e m to the elderly and orphans. lii W e n 5s inscription gives the clearest picture of the growth of Chengyuan’ s community. “Because the great master’ s virtue m o v e d others, those far and near heard of his reputation. T h o s e w h o put c o n ­ fidence in h i m filled the road. Therefore, a large d h a r m a hall w as built at his disciples behest.”247 B y the T a n g this monastery was mentioned on a stele inscription listing the five m o s t important monasteries at Nanyue. O n e of the m o r e striking statements in Lii W e n ^ inscription is that while C h e n g y u a n w a s at the Mituo Monastery, he never stopped lecturing, a nd he encouraged people in manfo practice by setting u p tab­ lets all over the mountain to remind people to always keep the B u d d h a in mind. T h e practice of using visual representations and erecting what a m o u n t to Pure L a n d billboards is, as far as I a m aware, unattested in other sources. C h e n g y u a n had over a hundred disciples that “received the pearl of the Vinaya a nd secret transmission of the m i n d seal” {de lu^hu mkhuan xinyin 得 律 珠 密 傳 心 印 )• In addition to the f a mous Fazhao, other

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m o n k s such as H u i q u a n 惠 論 ,Z h i m i n g 知 明 ,D a o z h c n 道 偵 ,and C haoran 超 然 carricd o n his teachings at Nanyue. C h e n g y u a n had an­ other important disciple n a m e d Rirni 日'f吾 (736—804). Ri\vu was a Vinava specialist w h o took u p C h e n g v u a n ’ s practicc of manfo sanme^ and therefore he serves as a particularly apposite figure for transitioning into a discussion ot Vinaya developments at N a n y u e during the lang.

Y ixi ed l la//g Scholar-Ojficials and Their Reflections on /he Vinaya Movement at Nanyue Defining the prccisc contours of the l ang Vinaya m o v e m e n t is a diffi­ cult undertaking.248 l'\vcnt\r years ago, Stanley Weinstein observed that f rom the fifth and sixth centurics o n there was a Vinava cxcgctical tra­ dition, but the question of whether there w a s a \rinava school in the l ung w as an o p e n question.249 Although that question continues to vex scholars today, w c k n o w that 丁ang em p e r o r X u a n z o n g (r. 712—56), in an effort to maintain control over the clcrgy, pressed Buddhists to abide by Vina 口 proscriptions. Yet, there were also efforts in China to reform the Vinava and institute a shift from the obscrvancc of HTnayana prccepts to a torni of Vinaya m o r e amenable to Mahayanists. Al­ though r cannot resolve these issues here, I d o h o p e to demonstrate that by the 7 ang dynasty N a n v u c was a key ccntcr in Vinaya study and pracdcc and that there is also cvidcncc of an important local Vinaya lineage (or lineages) at that site. Nanyue^s Vinaya history is reflected in local sourccs, such as the Coliected 11/oMo/j/s^ and in standard Buddhist historiographical works, but is stated m o s t clearly in 'Fang inscriptions, especially in the writings of Liu Yuxi and Liu Zongyuan. A rich b o d y of literature o n IManyue’ s Buddhist history survives in the writings of T a n g scholar-officials, since m a n y of t h e m were exiled to the N a n y u e region. M o s t of those writings have, however, remained b e y o n d the purview of scholars since there has been little interaction a m o n g scholars of literature and scholars of religion— — although that situation is slowly being rectified.250 During Liu Zongvuan's exile in Y o n g z h o u 永 州 、for example, he developed a elose relationship with Buddhist m o n k s at Nanyue. Al­ though s o m e literary historians have touched o n Liu Z o n g y m n ’ s Bud­ dhist affiliations, his n u m e r o u s stclc inscriptions for Buddhist m o n k s

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have remained largely undiscusscd by literary historians a nd untapped by historians of Chinese religions.251 Literary historians often mention that Liu Z o n g y u a n lived in a Buddhist temple o n his arrival in Y o n g z h o u and that he wa s critical of C h a n Budd hism, yet nothing has here­ tofore been written about w h a t those inscriptions have to say about his perspective o n T a n g Buddhist history. Before considering w h a t the tw o Lius,stele inscriptions reveal about the history of Vinaya at Nanyue, I will first fill in s o m e of the back­ gro und nccessan- for understanding those developments. I have already discusscd Huisi's impact o n early Buddhist history at Nanvue, but in those preliminary remarks I deferred the discussion of Vinaya until later. There were, however, a n u m b e r of tantalizing glimpses of Muisi in c o n ­ ncction with larger Vinaya developments. O n e reason Huisi gave for his retreat to N a n y u e w a s that he wan ted to repent his o w n Vinaya in­ fractions. Mis biography in the X u gaoseng ^jman contains a passage in which lie urges the “following of the w a y of compassion and the u p ­ holding of the bodhisattva precepts {J'eng pusa jie 奉 菩 薩 戒 ).”252 “Bodhisattva precepts”refers to those discussed in the apocryphal ¥amvang

jlng 梵





Scripture of B r a h m a ^ net).253 Although

I luisi^ prccisc role in the development of Vinaya is as yet not well u n ­ derstood, w c d o k n o w that his works, such as the Fahuajing anlexing )i

法華經安樂行義( T h e m e a n i n g of the Lotus Sutra ?s course of ease and bliss), b c c a m c rather influential in Vinaya circles. Sato Tatsugcn 佐 藤 達 玄 ,Paul Groner, and Bernard Paure have s h o w n that I Iuisi also turned u p early o n in Japanese records in the context of Vinaya developments there. I Iuisi is mentioned in conne c­ tion with Saicho and his attempts to replace the traditional HTnayana Vinaya with the IMahayana bodhisattva preccpts.234 A passage in the Japanese scholar-official M i n a m o t o T a m e n o r i ’ s 源爲憲( 941—ioii) San-

boe 三 寶 續 ' 〔rhe three jewels) says that “the Bodhisattva Precepts are the first stage in b e c o m i n g a Buddha. I described t h e m in the foregoing sections of the Convocation and the Ordination. T h e Masters of Tian­ tai and N a n y u e p r o m o t e d this ordination; Ganjin and D e n g y o fostered it here.”255 下lie

daishiden 叙 山 大 師 伝 ( Biography of the great

master of Nfount I lici), completed around 825, also says that “the great teachers N a n y u e and Tiantai (i.e. I Iuisi and Zhiyi) both heard the Lotus Siltra preached and received the three-fold bodhisattva precepts at

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Vulture’ s Peak. Since then, these precepts have been transmitted from teacher to teacher., , 256 A s G r o n e r explains, the “three-fold precepts”re­ fer to w h a t were k n o w n as the ‘ ‘ three collections of pure precepts, ,

{sanshujokai 三 聚 ;爭 戒 ).257 In short, the three pure precepts were (i) the precepts that prevent evil {liiyijie 律 儀 戒 ,Skt. samvara-hld)\ (2) the pre­ cepts that p r o m o t e g o o d [sbesban fajie 攝 善 法 戒 ,Skt. kusalasamgraha-

sild)\ a nd (3) the precepts that benefit sentient beings (she^hong sbengjie 攝 眾 生 成 ).258 T h e precise nature of these precepts requires further study, but it is possible that they represented s o m e f o r m of intermediary position between Hlnayana an d M a h a y a n a precepts, since the first category included the earlier sravaka precepts, Thus, the set of three en­ capsulated elements of both systems. G i v e n the brief glimpses of Huisi’ s connections to Vinaya develop­ ments, it is pertinent to note that Huisi, s n a m e is also found o n an in­ scription by Li H u a that includes a lineage list leading u p to Huizhen, an important Vinaya master w h o resided at the Y u q u a n Monastery.259 H o w e v e r w e chose to interpret that lineage, it is clear that by the T a n g dynasty Vinaya concerns were part of the religious landscape at N a n y u e and that the tradition attempted to grou nd its legitimacy in earlier e mi­ nent Buddhist m o n k s f r o m Nanyue. In an often-cited inscription by Liu Yuxi entitled 4tT a n g g u H e n g y u e liidashi Xiangtan Tangxing si Y anj u n bei”唐 故 衡 徵 律 大 師 湘 潭 唐 興

寺 慑 君 碑 (Stele inscription for the T a n g dynasty H e n g y u e Vinaya m a s ­ ter f r o m the Tangxing Monastery in Xiangtan), different mountains in China are identified with different forms of Buddhist specialization. N a n y u e is the mountain singled out as a prominent Vinaya center. T he Buddha dharma within the Nine Regions [i.e., China] changes in accor­ dance with each place (佛 法 在 九 州 間 ,隨其 方而 化 ).The people of central China are deluded by glory and profit. For destroying [attachment to] gloty, there is nothing [as great as] the Buddha's awakening. Therefore, those w h o speak of Chan quietness take Songshan as ancestor {^png 宗).People of the north excel in military force; for controlling this nothing is equal to the mani­ festation of buddhas and bodhisattvas in this world {shixian 示現,Skt. sanidarsand). Therefore, those w h o speak of supra-normal powers (shentong 通 , Skt. abhijna) take Qingliang shan ;青凉'山 [i.e.,Wutai shan] as ancestor. The people of the south are lighthearted and do not take things seriously. For con­ trolling this, nothing is better than following the dignified deportment of the

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Buddha (jveiyi 威儀,Skt. bya-pathd). Therefore, those w h o speak of the I^'inayapitaka take Ilengshan [Nanvuc] as ancestor. These three famous mountains are dignified terrains (^l.mangydn 莊嚴 )26" that will ncccssarilv also have people of the highest attaimnents comparable to the mountains associated with them (必 有 達 者 與 山 比 崇 ).261 The Nanyue \Tinaya lineage {?\anym lumen 南嶽 律門 )has Jingong 津公 as founder. Following Jingong is Zhcnggong from Yunfeng 雲 萘 證 公 ,followed by Yangong from Xiangtaa 湘 潭 慑 公 .262 This inscription is significant for a n u m b e r of reasons. In addition to the creative juxtaposition of the loftiness of these mountains and their special terrains with the eminent or “iofly” m o n k s {gaoseng 高 僧 )and the sense of the regional nature of Chinese B u d d h i s m m a p p e d out by the author, this text testifies to the existence of a local Vinava lineage at N a n y u e that included the m o n k s Yuanjin 援 津 , I;azhcng 法 證 (d. 801), and Y a n g o n g 傲 公 .263 Liu Y u x i ’ s assessment of N a n y u e as an imporrant Vinaya ccntcr is corroborated by a n u m b e r of other texts and inscriptions,particularly those of Liu Zongyuan. Liu Y u x i ’ s c o m m e n t s about Vinaya at N a n v u e can, therefore, be understood as rcfleeting a rather long— and often hard to interpret— — road of Vinaya developments at Nanyue. WT1 0 were all these little-known figures mentioned in conncction with Vinaya de­ velopments at N a n y u e ? In the inscription for C h e n g y u a n discusscd above, I Iuizhcn w as sent to N a n y u e fro m the Y u q u a n Monastery, in order to revive the Vinaya school there, causing a “factional division in the tcachhig.”264 Although the last line of that passage remains something of a mystcrv, the in­ scription for C h e n g y u a n was only one of m a n y written by T a n g literati relevant to a discussion of Vinava developments at Nanyue. Indeed, it is impressive to note that of the roughly fifteen inscriptions dircctly re­ lated to T a n g B u d d h i s m

Nanyue, nearly half of t h e m are for Vinava

specialists. 1. “T a n g gu H e n g y u e ludashi Xiangtan Tangxiiig si Yanjun bci”唐 故

衡歡律大師湘潭唐興寺嚴君碑( Stele inscription for the l a n g dy­ nasty H e n g y u e Vinaya master from the langxing Monastery in Xiang­ tan). A memorial stele inscription by Liu Yuxi for a Vinava master on N a n y u e n a m e d Y a n f r o m Xiangtan.265 2. “N a n y u e Darning si lii hcshang b d ” 南 獄 大 明 寺 律 和 尚 碑 ( Stele for the Vinaya m o n k of the Darning Monastery at Namxie). B y Liu

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3 io

Zongyuan. Inscription for a Vinaya master n a m e d Huikai 惠 開 ( 733— 97) .266 3. “Beiyin” 碑 陰 (Reverse side of stele). This is the reverse side of the preceding stele. It is for a female Vinaya master at N a n y u e n a m e d

W uran 無染 4. “H e n g s h a n Z h o n g y u a n daliishi taming” 衡 山 中 院 大 律 師 塔 銘 (Stupa inscription for the great Vinaya teacher of the Middle Hall o n Hengshan). B y Li Zongyuan. This is an inscription for the Vinaya m a s ­ ter Xicao (Xicao liishi 希 操 律 師 ),otherwise k n o w n as Xishen 希 深 .2如 5. “N a n y u e Y u n f e n g si heshang bei” 南 徽 雲 秦 寺 和 尚 碑 ( Stele for the m o n k of Y u n f e n g Monastery at Nanyue). B y Liu Zongyuan. Writ­ ten for the Vinaya master Fazheng.2f)(J

6. “N a n y u e Y u n f e n g heshang taming” 南 獄 雲 秦 和 尚 塔 銘 並 序 (Stupa inscription with preface for the m o n k of Y u n f e n g at Nanyue). B y Liu Zongyuan. Written for the Vinaya master Fazheng.270 7. “N a n y u e b a n z h o u heshang di, er bei, ,南 獄 般 舟 和 尚 第 二 碑 ( Sec­ o n d stele for the N a n y u e pratjutpanna monk). B y Liu Zongyuan. Written for the Vinaya teacher Riwu.271 8. “Y u a n liichanshi bei” 援 律 禪 師 碑 ( Stele inscription for the

dhyana master Yuan). B y H u a n g f a Shi 皇 甫 漫 (777-830).272 Six of these eight inscriptions for Vinaya m o n k s (and o ne nun) were written by Liu Zong}uan. The se writings constitute the bulk of his Buddhist inscriptions. F r o m these texts, it is clear that Liu Z o n g y u a n held Vinaya m o n k s in particularly high regard a nd disdained C h a n m o n k s . 273 Liu’ s thoughts o n the relationship between Vinaya and C h a n arc expressed, for example, in the first lines of his inscription for H u i ­ kai (no. 2 above). Through rites, Confucianism establishes humanity and righteousness; without rites, Confucianism will deteriorate. Through the \Tinaya, Buddhism retains meditation and wisdotn; without the Vinaya, Buddhism will perish. Therefore, it is not worth talking about Confucianism with those w h o separate rites from humanity and righteousness; it is not worth talking about Buddhism with those w h o differentiate the \rinaya from meditation and wisdom.274 This quotation m a k e s explicit Liu Z o n g y u a n ^ feelings about w h a t he s aw as the deleterious effects of the contemporary C h a n m o v e m e n t , of whi ch he n o doubt had firsthand knowledge given his familiarity with

Kegonal Buddhism During the Tang the Buddhist c o m m u n i t y at Nanyue. Liu’ s critique of the antinomian turn within Chan, which h ad eliminated seated meditation out of its o w n practice and therefore failed to retain a balance a m o n g ethics, meditation, a nd w i s dom, wa s not all that different f r o m Huiri’ s nearly c o n t e m p o m r y critique of C h a n f r o m a Pure L a n d perspective. A l ­ though Liu was suspicious of the C h a n practices at Nanyue, he clearly admired the Vinaya practitioners active o n that mountain during the eighth an d ninth centuries. In on e of his inscriptions, Liu seems to of­ fer a c o m m e n t a r y o n what appeared to be a tension a m o n g those w h o supported the M a h a y a n a bodhisattva precepts and those w h o contin­ ued to use the Hlnayana four-part Vinaya, A t the end of the inscription for Huikai, he wrote: “W h e n you return to the source, there is n o greater or lesser vehicle.’ , 275 This line appears to be an attempt to m e d i ­ ate between those two approaches to Vinaya. I return to Huikai shortly after considering s o m e of the other Vinaya specialists in the epigraphical record in order to provide a better sense of the degree and scope of the Vinaya developments at N a n y u e during the Tang. Riwu, a disciple of C h e n g y u a n ’ s, is the subject of Liu Z o n g y u a n ’ s “N a n y u e b a n z h o u heshang di, er bei”(no. 7 in the preceding list), which the Collected Highlights reports w a s written in Liu’ s o w n h a n d and housed at the Shengve chansi 勝 業 禪 寺 .276 In addition to his connection with the Pure L a n d figure C h e n g y m n ,R i w u is k n o w n to have been the lead­ ing disciple of Yuanjin, a Vinaya master at the H e n g y u e Monastery on the list of Vinaya masters at N a n y u e in Liu Y u x i ’ s inscription.277 R i w u w as b o m in 736 into the Ling family in Lujian. In 748 he “left ho m e , ”and in 757 he received the full precepts. Although there are a n u m b e r of questions associated with the stele by Liu Zongyuan, R i w u was k n o w n to have ascended the Vinaya platform at N a n y u e every year for thirty-seven years and conferred the precepts o n a total of over a thousand monks. R i w u w as also invited to lecture o n the Vinaya u p o n the establishment of the Bini zang 比 尼 藏 in 756 by another Vinaya master from N a n y u e n a m e d Huikai. It is unclear precisely w h a t the role of the Bini zang was, but it m a y be related to T a n g S u z o n g , s (r. 756—62) placing of seven masters of great virtue in twenty-five temples through­ out the realm to lecture o n the Vinaya.27H R i w u died in 804. F r o m w h a t w e k n o w of R i w u , s other practiccs, it appears that he was a Vinaya master at N a n y u e w h o took u p C h e n g y u a n ’ s practice of

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nianjo sanmei?~K)T h e inscription mentions only o ne of Ri'vu’ s disciples, a ccrtain ]ingxiu 景 秀 ,w h o commissioned the stele and w a s particularly intent o n highlighting that R i w u carricd o n the Vinaya teachings of Yuanjin, Perhaps the m o s t significant connections between N a n y u e and the Vinava m o v e m e n t ^re established through the disciples ot Muizhen, the important Vinava specialist w h o w a s long activc at the Y u q u a n M o n a s tcry. O n e of [luhdien’ s main disciplcs at N a n v u e w as Xicao (Xicao liishi).2K" A n inscription for Xicao d o n e by Li Z o n g y u a n ,entitled ''Heng­ shan Z h o n g y u a n daliishi taming” ( no, 4 in the preceding list) reveals that after his arrival at N a n y u e ,Xicao w as activc at the H c n g v u c I\Ionastcn*, a site also connccted with the Vinaya master Yuanjin.2si T h e in­ scription for Xicao presents h i m as a restorer of what is referred to as the Southern BiksunT Vinaya m e t h o d {jiannijiefa 南 尼 戒 法 )and that he wa s responsible for the renewed flourishing of the H e n g y u e Mona s -

tcr\\2H2 Xicao w as also o n e of the distinguished specialists invited to lec­ ture 011 the Vinava u p o n the establishment of the Bini zang. Xicao, s in­ scription is of particular significance sincc it also lists a n u m b e r of his teachers and disciplcs.283 Xicao conferred precepts cm a n u m b e r of significant C h a n masters at the H e n g y u e Monastery, including— — as w e s a w above— — Danxia Fiann m and Y a o s h a n VC eivan. Danxia initially studied under the O x H e a d tcachcr Faqin and then b e c a m e a disciple of Shitou Xiqian. I lis biogra­ p h y in the Songgaoseng 吵!細 、lioxvevcr, says he received Vinaya precepts from Vinaya master Xi (Xi liishi) at the H e n g y u e Monastciy, which m u s t refer to Xicao.2K4 T h e Song gaoseng T^man also records that in 773 Y a o s h a n \X7civan w e n t to N a n y u e and received precepts from the \rinaya master Xicao at the H e n g y u e Monaster\T.2S5 Finally, Baizhang I luaihai 白 文 懷 海 (720-814) also received precepts at N a n y u e in 767 from a ccrtain Vinaya master n a m e d Fachao 法 朝 ,but I have been u n ­ able to track d o w n anv m o r e information o n him.286 A n intriguing passage in Liu Z o n g y u a n ^ stupa inscription for Xicao savs Li M i w as

ji

lav disciple of his and a m o n g his Buddhist m o n k fol­

lowers w as one k n o w n as Shilin Z a n g o n g (i.e., Mingzan). I have already discusscd the elose relationship between Li M i and Mingzan, but this is the first mention of an affiliation with the Vinaya master Xicao. Liu Zong)'uan,s inscription also notes thnt o ne of Xicao’ s mai n disciples

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w as a certain jieying 誠 盈 (d.u.).287 There is little historical material available o n Jicving, but he m e t H a n Y u o n his visit to N a n y u e and be­ c a m e the subject of on e of H a n Y u ’ s poems: “Parting fr om the M o n k Ymg, 、 The mountain m o n k loves his mountains and will not c o m e out again. Fhe worldly m a n is tied to the world and will not be back again. Belay. This shift is particularly evident a m o n g scholars of late imperial to modern China. See, e.g., four recent publications: Chau, Miraculous

Notes to Pa^es 8 -ip

333

Respome; DuBois, The Sacred \/illage\ fing, The Temple of Memories', and Xiaofci Kang, The Cult of the Fox. 24. See, a m o n g others, Zurndorfcr, Change and Continuity in Chinese Lacal tilstoty\ von Glahn, The Country of Streams and Grottoi% and Hvmcs, Statesmen and

Gentlemen. 25. For an indictment of static notions of space, see Massey, Space, Place and

Gender,2—3. 26. For a general account of premodern religion in Ilunan, see Zhang Songhui, Shi shijiqian de H/man ^ongjiao. 27. Seidel, ‘ ‘ Chronicle of Taoist Studies in the West,’ ,306. 28. I adapt tins image from m y earlier article “Buddhism and the Chinese Marchmount System,”366.

1. I'here is an extensive bibliography of works in European languages, Clunese, and Japanese that treat the sacrality of Chinese mountains. See, e.g., Kaltenmark, “ Sky and Earth” ;Demidville,“La montagiic dans l’ art litterairc chinois” ;Chavannes, Le Tai chan\ Soymie, “Lc Lo-feou chan ” ;Sullivan, The Birth of landscape Painting in China\ Munakata, Sacred A loNtifains in Chinese Art; Klecman, ''Mountain Deities in China ” ;Brasliier, “The Spirit Lord of Baislii Alountain, , ;M o n Mikisabviro, “Kazan ” ;Morrison, /\ua Shan\ Miyakawa, “Sangaku bukkyo no seiritsu” ;Zheng Guoqian, Shan wenhiui; Xie Ninggao, 7J)ongguo de mingshan yu dachmn\ and Y o u and Liu, Shanyue yu xiang^j)eng. 2. For a general discussion of these texts, see Eugene Wang, Shaping the Lotus Sutra, 206-12; and Lewis, The Constmclion of Space in Bar/y China、 284-303. O n the D u n h u a n g version of the Bai^e jino^jiai tu、sec Harper, “_A Chinese Demonograph}rof the Third Century B.C.” 3. Demieville, “La montagne dans Fart litterairc chinois, , ,15. 4. Clm ci bu^hu^ 234; trans. from Hawkes, The Songs ofthe South, 244-45. 5. Eugene Wang, Shaping the IjoiusS///n/y 183. 6. Tuan, ]_Mndscapes ofFear,73. 7. Baopu^/ neipian jiaoshi^ 299—314. All page references are to Maopu^i neipian jiaoshi, e d W a n g A ling. 8. O n mountains as the locations of monumental inscriptions, sec Marrist,

The luindscape of Words. 9. Lunyu 6.23; see Yang Bojun, Yjniyu 66. Translation, with minor changes, from Lau’Confmm ':The Analects^ 84. 10. Yervoorn, Men ofthe Cliffs and Caves-, Berkowitz, Patterns ofDisengcigement. 11. Y a n Gengxvang, “Tangren xiye shanlin siyuan zhi fcngshang” ;Walton, Academies and Society in Southern Snng China.

334

No/es to Pages 2 0 -2 ^

12. See, e.g., the entry o n sacred mountains in Smith, ed., HarperCoiiins Dic­

tionary ofReligion' 735. 13. For a discussion of the changing discourse o n Chinese landscape paint­ ing in relation to imperial concerns, see Powers, “ W h e n Is a Landscape like a Body?” 14. Nicolson, Mountain Gloom and Mountain Glory. See also Budd, The Aesthetic

Appreciation ofNature. 15. In addition to Nicolson’ s Mountain Gloom and Mountain Glory, see also Schama, Landscape and Memory、 449. 16. Nicolson, Mountain Gloom and Mountain G/or}\ 50. 17. Miller, Heavenly Cams、5. 18. Cited in Foucault, The Order of Things, 31. 19. Translation from Owen, The E n d of the Chinese Middle Ages, 34,which in­ cludes an extended discussion on changes in the way the Chinese landscape was read. 20. U u Yuxiji、628. 21. See also Lewis, The Construction ofSpace in Ear/y CJuna^ 289,on the impor­ tance of the contents of mountains as reflected in the Shanhai jing. 12. Ktoll, Meng Hao-jan^ 95. 23. Merleau-Ponty, The Phenomenology of Perception、Stevens, Coiiected Poems. See also the general comments in Feld and Basso, “Intirodiiction” ;and Friedland and Boden, “Now Here,”23. 24. Tilley, A Phemmemlogy ofLandscape,27. 15. Berger, Ways ofSeeing 15. 26. Certeau, The Writing ofHistoiy, zyi. 27. For a discussion of the origin and evolution of the term fengsu, see Chittick, “ Pride of Place, , ,13. 28. Cui An, “F11 donglin si bei” ; trans. from Halperin, Out ofthe Cloister, 49. 29. W a n g Tao, Zhongguo chengyu da cidian、459, 121. 30. Hymes, W a y and Byway, esp. Chaps. 2-3. 31. T he translation of the term ym as “sacred peak”requires some c o m ­ ment. In earlier publications on Chinese sacred mountains, I adopted Edward Schafer's neologism “marchmount” to translate yue. T h e reasoning behind Schafers choice is articulated in his Pacing the Void^ 6, where he states; “‘ Alarchmount’represents yiieb (M.C. ngauH)^ often translated as 'sacred m o u n ­ tain/ a somewhat awkward equivalent, especially w h e n translating poetry. M y version is based on the ancient belief that these numinous mountains stood at the four extremities of the habitable worlds the marches of m a n ’ s proper do­ main, the limits of the ritual tour of the Son of Heaven. There was, of course, a fifth— a kind of axial mo u n t in the center of the world. T he concept shows a

Notes to Pages z6 ~ 2 j

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certain affinity with landmark/ ‘ march , , 'terminus/ and 4herma., ”After reflect­ ing on the applicability of “murchmount, ”I ultimately decided to translate yue as “sacred peak”in order to err on the side of clarity, while still signifying that these mountains were considered to be set off as a special set of sacred m o u n ­ tains. T he one limitation with the translation “sacred peak,51 however, is that it gives the sense that each of these mountains consisted of a single peak, w h e n in fact m a n y of the Five Sacred Peaks comptise a moxmtain range m a d e up of m a n y peaks. 32. For brief accounts of all five sacred peaks, see the work of Nin, The Five Sacred Mountains' Xie Ninggao, Zbongguo de mingshan yu dachuan\ Tokiwa Daijo, Shina Imkkyo shiseki tosa ki\ Zheng Shiping, Daojiao mingshan daguan\ Zhongguo lishi xiao congshu, Wuyue shihua\ and the missionary-colored account by Geil, The SacreJ f ofChina. For accounts of individual sacred peaks, see the following: Taishan\ Ayscough, “Shrines of History” ;Dwight Baker, T ’ ai Shan', Chavannes, Le T'ai chan\ idem, “ T he Cult of Mt. T ’ ai” ;Dott, Identity Reflections^ Kroll、“Verses from on High ” ; idem, “In the Halls of the Azure Lad ” ; Liu Hui, Taishan ^ngjiao yanjm\ Mullikin, “Tai Shan, Most Revered of the Five Sacred Mountains of China ” ;and idem, “ 丁ai Shan, Sacred Mountain of the East■ ” Huashan: Andersen, “A Visit to Hua-Shan ”;Eberhard, Hua Shan; Mori Mikisaburo, “Kazan ”;Morrison, Hua Shan\ Vervoom, “Cultural Strata of H u a Shan ” ;Dudbridge, Re/igious Experience and lujy Society in T'ang China. Songshan’ . Faure, “Relics and Flesh Bodies, ’ ;Hers, “The Sacred Mountains of China” ; Shiina、4 566—68, for the complete lists.

Notes to Pages 36-44

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73. Shangshu 6 ,“ Yugong,”152b; Karlgren, The Book ofDocuments、17. 74. Zhouli 33, “Zhifang”862b. 75. See Morohashi, Dai kamvajiten, 1: 5〇od. 76. ZhouH 33, “Zhifang”863b. 77. Allan, The Shape ofthe Turtle, 75-79. 78. Graham, Yin~Yang and the Natim of Correlative Thinking. S o m e of that dis­ cussion is carried over into the chapter on cosmologists in Graham, Disputers of the Tao, 315—69. See also Major, “T h e Five Phases”;and Henderson, The Devel­

opment and Decline ofChinese Cosmology. 79. See, e.g., the chapter entitled “T h e Myth of the Naturalists,^ in Shin, Medicine, Philosophy and Keligion in Ancient China\ and Aihe Wang, Cosmology and

PoliticalCulture in Ear/y China. 80. Major, Heaven and Earth in Ear/y Han Thought. 81. For a list of categories of “five,”see Hihara, Chugoku shisopen、131. 82. 7J)ouli 18, “D a zongbo”758a. 83. Erya 7.2617c. 84. Ibid., 2618b. 85. T his thesis agrees w ith the conclusion arrived at independently by X u Zhaohua {Erya jimjm, 238). 86. Aihe Wang, Cosmology and PoliticalCulture in llarly China、210. 87. O n the Five Sacred Peaks as guardians, see Morohashi, Dai kamva jiten、 1: 500, s.v. ivu^en 五鎮 . 88."Vervoorn,‘ ‘ Cultural Strata of H u a Slian, ”12. 89. See Uji ^!)engyi 12.1336a. The correlation between the Five Sacred Peaks and the Three Dukes is also made in Shiji 28.1357. 90. T . 51.1058C.7.

91. Mitchell, landscape and Power. 92. Translation based on Seidel, “Traces of H a n Religion,” 30. Seidel amended the character sheng 生 (gives birth to) to vjm 主 (govern). 93. Ibid., 30. 94- Ibid., 47. 95. See Yasui、Jsho no sem/su to sono tenkai\ Yasiii and Nakamura, Jsbo no kisotek 'tkenkytl\ Yasui and Nakamura, eds., Isbo shilsei\ Seidel, “Imperial Treasures and Taoist Sacraments, , ;and also Dull, “A Historical Introduction to the Apocryphal [ch'an-mi) Texts of the H a n Dynasty.” 96. Yasui and Nakamura, eds., Isho shuseiy 6: 91; Seidel, “Imperial Treasures and Taoist Sacraments,”322. 97. Yasui and Nakamura, eds., Isbo shmei, 6: 91; Seidel, “Imperial Treasures and Taoist Sacraments, ”322. 98. Yasui and Nakamura, eds., Isho shfisei, 5: 65.

Notes to Pages 44—47

339

99. For an analogous case regarding the making of miniature versions of sa­ crcd sites in Europe in order to retain access to their pcrceivcd powers, see Smith, “Constructing a Small Place.” too. Eaoput^i neipian jiaoshi 4.85. 101. O11 the dunjia system of calendrics used to determine the proper times for entering mountains, see Sakade, “ Divination as Daoist Practicc,”547-49. 102. Baopu^/ neipian jiaoshi 17.299. The translation here is based 011 Kroll, ‘ ‘ Verses from on High, ”224,with some modifications. 103. Baopu^J neipian jiaoshi 17.299. O n the W^uyue ^henxing tu^ see Inoue, “ Gogaku shinkei ^ m tsuite” ;Scliipper, “Gogaku shinkei no shinkc")” ;and Ogawa, Shim rekishi chiri kenkyth O n the close connection between G c H o n g and the transmission of the W ru)'ue s^benxing tu、see Koininami, ChMgoku no shin胸 to monogata’ i、335. 104. Seidel, “Imperial Treasures and Taoist Sacraments, ”327. O n the charts of the Wuyue ^henxing tu as protectors of the home, see Baopu^i neipian jiaoshi 19-337105. For a study of the concept of “ garrisoning”space in China, sec T ao Siyan, Zhonggm s^henmt. 106. O n the different versions of the Wuyue T^)enxing /",see Kominami, Ch/h

goku no shimva to monogatari. 107. Eaopu^i neipianjiaoshi 19.336. 108. Ibid. 109. Ibid., 19.337. no. O n the W u y u e and oath taking, see Schipper, ‘ ‘ Ciogaku shinkei 7/ 110 shink(V, ;and D o u b ,"Mountains in Early Taoism , , ,134. This practice may date to the 7jto^)ttan^ where the Five Sacred Peaks are the witnesses to nn oath. hi. See Seidel, “Imperial Treasures and Taoist Sacmmcnts ” ; and Stein, "Re­ ligious Taoism and Popular Religion., , 112. O11 the prevailing view that the Sacred Peaks ace “Daoist”mountains, see, a m o n g others, Robinet,Taoism^ 139; and Hahn, “ I’ he Standard Taoist Mountain,,5 148//13. 丁he strict dichotoinization of the categories of mountains along sectarian lines has made its way into more popular studies that include discussions of sacred mountatns in China; see, e.g., Schama, l^jndsaipe and Memory, 407. It is not, however, only Western scholars w h o classify these mountains along sectarian lines. N ot surprisingly, modern Japanese secondanT sources also perpetuate these distinctions; see, e.g., Noguchi et al., Dokyo jikn、 161—62; and Mochizuki, Bukkyo daijiten^ 1121. A n d an otherwise excellent re­ source published in China,titled Mountain Culture、sticks to these categories; see Zheng Guoqian, Shan wenbua. See also Johnston, J^idddhist China^ 133—34.

340

Notes to Vages 47—50

113. For studies on the relationship between D a oism and sacred mountains, see, e.g.,Andersen, “ A Visit to Hua-Shan ” ;D e Bruyn, “Le W u d a n g shan” ; D o u b ,"Mountains in Early 丁aoism ” ; Hahn, “T he Standard Taoist Mountain^; Lagerwey, "The Pilgrimage to Wu-tang shan” ; Ziegler, “Entire terre et ciel” ; and idem, “ The Cult of the Wuyi Mountains.” 114. Schipper, The Taoist Body, 91. 115. Bokenkamp, “Sources of the Ling-Pao Scriptures,”437. 116. Naquin and Yii,“Introduction, , ,17. 117. Schipper, Uempereur Wou des Han dans la legende taoiste, 274—76. 118. Hahn, “Daoist Sacred Sites,”692. 119. O n the Han Wudi nei^huan^ see Schipper, U m p m u r Wou des Han dans la legende taoiste; and Li Fengmao, Uuchao Sui Tang xiandao leixiaoshuoyanjm, 21—122. 120. For Lingbao texts of the Wuyue %henxing tu、see Schipper, “ Gogaku shinkei no shink6, ”138—50. izi. K leem an, “M ountain D eities in C hina , , ,237. H e also refers to a ^Wuyue ^penxing tu fa, ,五 嶽 眞 形 圖 法 ( Rite of the Chart ofthe True Forms ofthe Five Sa­

cred Peaks) cited in Yunji qiqian in. Pregadio, “T he Book ofthe Nine Elixirs and Its Tradition,”588—90. 123. Li Xiaoshi, 7,bongguo daojiao dongtian fudi lansheng, Hahn, “ T h e Standard Taoist Mountain ” ; Verellen,“ T he Beyond Within.” 124. Dongtian )Mt yuedu mingshanji, 3b-4b. O n the dongtian zndfudi in general, see Miura, “D6ten fukuchi sh6k6 ” ; and Kaltenmark, “Caves and Labyrinths in Ancient China.” 125. Taipingyulan^ 678.3025b. O n this text, see Robinet, La revelation du Shang-

qing, 2: 397. 126. Taipingyulan 678.3025b. 127. Verellen, “ Th e Beyond Within, ”275. 128. Ibid., 276. 129. The Han faben nei^huan 漢法本内傳 is quoted in the Xuji Gujinfodao

lunheng, T. 52.398b. 130. This story appears in m a n y places, including Guang bongmingji 廣弘明集 (T. 52.980-993), and later Chan texts like the Udai fabaoji 歷 代 法 寶 記 . See Yanagida, Shoki no sanshi, 2: 39. 131. O n Xuanzong’ s Daoist ideology,see Charles Benn, “ Religious Aspects of Emperor Hsiian-tsung’ s Taoist Ideolog}', ’The most complete study of these events and the n e w institutions is Lei Wen, ‘ "Wuyue zhenjun ci fu Tangdai guojia jisi.” 132. O n the problem of assigning a definite date to these decrees, see the discussion in Barrett, Taoism Under the T ’ ang、54—55. 133. For a discussion of “throwing the dragon slips/,see Chapter 5,

Notes to Pa^es f i —f4

341

134. O n the iMyiji ( H Y 591),see \Terellen, D u Guangting, 206. 135. See Lewis, Sanctioned Violence in Ear/y China', and Bilsky, The State Religion

ojA.ndent China. 136. Zhouli 18, “D a zongbo” 758. 137. Shiji、 “Fengshan.” See B urton W atson, Records of the Grand Historian of China. 138. See, e.g., Stein, “Religious Taoism and Popular Religion.” 139. I'he phrase “cuisine of sacrifice”is adopted from Detienne and Vernant, The Cuisine o f Sacrifice Among the Greeks. O n the D aoist condem nation o f bloody offerings, see Kleeman, “Feasting Without the Victuals,”148. 140. Charles Benn, The Cavern-Mystery Transmission^ 36. 141. See the Zhenxi passage cited above and N Y X L 3b. 142. Robson, ‘ ‘ Buddhism and the Chinese Marchmount System , , ;Chen Jin­ hua, Monks cmd Monarchs^ 51—108. For further background on Sui Yangdi, see Xiong, Emperor Yang o f the Sui Dynasty\ W right, “The Form ation o f Sui Ideology, , ;and idem, The Sui Dynasty. 143. Robson, “Changing Places., , 144. Zurcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, 207. This is not to sav, h o w ­ ever, that there were no mountain monasteries in India. Here I a m referring to systematically arranged sets of mountains. 145. Naquin and Yii, “Introduction, ”15. 146. See, e.g., references to the four mountains in Williams, Mahdydna Bud­ dhism', and Sen, Buddhism, Diplomacy and Trade, y 6 . O n e work that covers all four mountains is Kamata, Chngoku shidai rei^an no tabi, but he does not provide a study of the formation of the sida mingshan set. For studies of some of these in­ dividual “ Buddhist”mountains, see 〇no Katsutoshi and Hibino Takeo, Godai^an\ Gimello, “Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t’ ai Shan ” ;Birnbaum, “The Manifes­ tation of a Monastery , , ; idem, “Secret Halls of the Mountain Lords ” ; Y u y“ P’ ut,o Shan ”;Powell, “Mt. Jiuhua ”;idem , “Chiu H ua Shan , , ;idem , “Literary Diversions on M o u n t Jiuhua, , ;and Lii Guangchun, Jiuhua Mountain. Johnston, Buddhist China, discusses the four mountains in a chapter titled “Pilgrimages and the Sacred Hills of Buddhism,”and in the same book provides chapters on Alts. Jiuhua and Putuo. 147. Zheng Guoqian, Shan mnhua. I subject this theory to a more complete critique in Robson, “Buddhism and the Chinese Marchmount System ., , 148. Johnston, Buddhist China, 144; and Yii, Kuan-yin, 353. O n the Buddhist term of art sida、see Nakamura Hajime, Bukkyogo daijiten^ 526. 149. Yu, Ki4an-yin^ 353-406; Hargett, Stairwqy to Heaven^ 158. 150. These is no entry on sida mingshan in Morohashi, Dai kanwajiten\ Hanyu daicidian bianji weivuanhui, Hanyu da ddian, . Nakamura Hajime, 私ukkydgo daiji-

No/es to Paoes 54—63

342

tcn\ O da, Bukkyo ddijiten\ or M ochizuki, Bukkyo daijiten. T here is an entry, how ­ ever, in Xingyun , Fogruing du cidian^ 2: 1652-54, but it m crelv contains a short

history of each of the four mountains and docs not discuss the earliest uses of the term . 151. See Yii, Kmn:yin, 353. 152. (ohnstou, Bmidhhi China, 147; B redon and M irhophanows The Moon Year, 475-76. 153. T . 9.5890-590^. 154. T. 10.241b—241c. 155. See, e.g., the com m entaries by Fazang 法 藏 (643—712) (T. 35.471c) and Chengguan 澄 觀 (738-839) (T. 35.860b).

Chapter 2 1. O n this type of methodological problem in the context of Tibetan sacred geography, see I luber, '"VClicrc Exactly Are C antra, D cvikota and H im avat?” 2. Bloch, The HisU)rkm’s 71. 3. M orohashi, Dai kanwajiten^ 2: 568. 4. Qjnding Gujin tushu jicheng^ 836. T ianzhu shan was also know n as I luoshan,

which today is Iocatcd in Anhui province, in Anqing dao, Qianshan count}7, and refers to the D abie 大 另 m ountain range that extends from Q ianshan, also

called Wanshan, up to I luoshan 111Huoshan county.

is the old name for

A nhui province; it can also be pronounccd huan.

5. Sec the map labeled “Topography of China,” 111Locwe and Shaughnessy, The Cambridge I iis/o/y ofAncient China, xxx-xxxi. 6. I laiAxy, The Condition of Postmodernit)\ 205. 7. Shiji、 28.6.1400. 8. Sovmic, “Le Ix)-fcou clwn.” 9. Sm ith, "C onstructing a Small Place,” 18. See also the chaptcr entitled “T o Rcplace” in Sm ith, lo Take P/tia, 74-95. 10. Sm ith, “C om tructing a Small Place,” 18. 11. Ibid., 19. 12. Miyakawa, RikkMcho shi kenkyi^ 242; H ahn, “D aoist Sacrcd Sites.” For

brief mentions of the instability of other sacred peaks, see Tang Xiaofeng, “Wuyue dili shuo, , ; Yervoorn, “ Cultural Strata of Hua Shan, , ; and Stcinhardt, ‘The Temple to the Northern Peak.” 13. C havannes, I^e T'ui chan, 419, Inoue, ^Gogaku shinkei ni tsuite ”;idem, “T enckizan ni okeru dokvo to bukky6 ”;K oniinam i, CMigoku no shinwa io monoga1ari\ Schafer, “T he R estoration o f the Shrine o f \ \ ci I hui-ts’uii,” 134; Strick-

maun, “The Mao-shnn Revelations” ; and idem, “ On the Alchemy of l ’’ao \ luiig-cliing.”

Nofes to Pages 63—72

343

14. N iao M feng, Tiant^im shan ^j)i. 15. Ibid., 3. 16. Ibid.

17. G ardner, "C onfucian Com m entary and Chinese Intellectual H istory ”; and m o r e recently Alakeham,

TransmiUers and Creators.

O n the commentarial

tradition, see H enderson, Scripture, Canon, and Commentary^ van Z oeren, Poetty und Personality^ and K ieshnick, ^Analects 12.1 and the Com m entarial T radition.” 18. Shijing, “Songgao,” 18.3.1a. 19. K arlgren, The Book o f Documents^ 4—5, cited in W u H ung, “T he C om pet­ ing Y uc,” 20, w ith som e m inor changes. 20. See the entry 011 the Shmgshu in Loewe, llarly Chinese Texts, 385. F or a

more precise dating, see Brooks, “Review Articlc,” 9, where he dates it to the fou rth ccntury BCE.

21. Shangshu ^engyi 3.127c. 22. Z/ 暦/人 “Z hifang,” 33.862b. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid. 25. L oe've, “T he l;orm er Plan D ynasty,,’ 152. O n the presentation o f H an VCudi as an expansionist, see also Bilsky, The Stale Keligion ofAncient China’287. 26. Shiji, 6.6.248. 2.7. Locwc, “T he Form er H an !>m asty , , ,208. 28. See Yasui and N akam ura, h'ho sh/h'ei, 6: 92; Tjan, Po Hu T ’mig, 502; and b'cngsn U”!gyi、10.77— 78.

29. Uengsu tongyi^ 10.77—78. 30. O n the period follow ing the fall o f the H an, see the essays in Pearce et ai., Culture and Poiver in the KecomiitMtlon o f the Chinese Realm. 31. C oblin, “llrh )%,, 97. 32. h/ya, “Shishan,” 7.2618b. 33- ()n the term ^onuchang 宗 長 , see M orohashi, Dai kamva jiten, 3: 960. 34. This passage is found in the com m entaries to both Shljing 18.3.3a and I v j a 7.

35. Soushenfu 248-49. It is unclear precisely what all the water stored in the four huge cauldrons was used for. Presumably much of it was used for ablu­ tions and/or libations, but some may have been used to drown animals used in sacrifices. O n the drow ning o f anim als in im perial sacrifices, see Bilsky, The State Wciigwn oj Ancient Chinay 179. T he standard procedure was to drow n o ffe r'

ings to rivers and bury offerings to mountains. 36. jinshi“ 19.598. T his petition is also found in the Songshu and Quan shanggu sandai Oin \-\an Sanguo Uitchao m n, 2: 1641.

N o tes to Pages 7 2 - / 8

344

37. H e Q i's biography is found in Jinshu 88.2292, w hich serves as the basis for the account related below. F or further inform ation on H e Q i, see Tail Q ixiang et al., Zhongguo lishi da ddian, 372. F or m ore on the H e clan in general, see Z hou Yiliang, W/ei]in Nanbeichao shilunji, 84. 38. O n the term yinhun 淫 昏 , see Hanyu da ddian, 5: 1392. 39. Q m n shan甥4 sandaiQin Uan Sangm U?4chao n, m 、32.i64iff. 40. Jinshu 88.2293. 41. T ang Changru, “Clients and B ound R etainers in the Six D ynasties Pe­ r i o d , 120. For m ore on this im portant clan, see the notes on the H e relatives in M ather ,trans., Shih-shuo hsin-yuy 522; and Strickm ann, “T he M ao-shan Reve-

lations/? 42. O n Ma Y uan and his subsequent deification, see Schafer, The Vermilion

Bird, 97—99. 43. Fang Shum ing, “Hiumgjin qiyi xianqu yuwu ji yuanshi daojiao de guan-

xi” ; and Hendrichke, “ Eady Daoist Movements, , , 137. 44. Songshu 6.130-31. 45. O n the different types o f jades used in sacrifices, see Bilsky, The State Re-

llgwn ofAncient China, 86,123,179, 254. 46. T he G reat Sacrifice {tejiho) traditionally involved the sacrifice o f a bull, a sheep, and a pig. See Bilsky, The State Religion ofA ndenf China、 117; and B odde, Festivals in Classical China, 253, 47. O n the offering o f w ine libations, see Bilsky, The State Religion of ^Indent

China, 123. 48. I thank Chang C haoran for his suggestions o n this section, w hich led m e to revise my earlier argum ent about the location o f H uoshan and its con­ nections to Nanyue. 49. Schafer, “T he R estoration o f the Shrine o f W ei H ua-ts’im ,” 134^54.

50. Strickmann, “ The Mao-shan Revelations” ; and idem, “ 〇n the Alchemy o f T a o H ung-ching.”

51. See Yunji qiqian 79.588. For an interesting discussion of these talismaiiic representations, see Eugene W ang, Shaping the Lotus Sufra, 212—19. 52. F or a useful study o f “assistant m ountains” {^uoming 佐 命 ), see Y okote,

“Sameisan sanjo shisan 53. Baopu^i neipian^ “Jindan , , ,85. 54. O n the confusion over the m ention o f Jin ’an and Luojiang as the site o f

Huoshan, see Strickmann, “On the Alchemy of T’ao Hung-ching,” As Luojiang fell out of currency, the mountain was reassigned to Jin an, which is on the coast.

N o /es to Pqoes /8 ~ 8 6

345

55. Strickm ann, “T he M ao-shan Revelations,” 41; idem , “O n the Alchcmv

of T,ao Hung-chmg,” 152; and Bokenkamp, “Ans'vcnng a Summons.On this text, see also Doub, “A Daoist Adept’s Quest for Immoirtalitv., , 56. Sec Strickmaan, “The Mao-shan Revelations,” 41; idem, “ On the Al­ chemy of T,ao Himg-ching,” 151—52; and Bokenkamp, ^Answering a Sum­ mons,55191. 57. Zhen'gcio 13.8a.4ff. 58. Ibid., ii.i6b.3 ,9.21I3.10. 59. See M aspcro, “R apport som m airc sur unc m ission archcologique au T ch6-K iang” for references to C hicheng shan at T iantai shan. See Tdishcmg !ingbao nmfn xu 2.22a for a reference to a I luoshan chicheng 霍 山 赤 成 . 60. Schafcr, “T hree D ivine W om en o f South China,” 32—33. 61. See T. 51.1054b.9—10. 62. All these entries are found in Zhen'gao 14.7. 63. Ibid., 9.2ib-22a. 64. O n M ao Ymg, see Bokenkam p, Bar/y Daol\'/ Scriptures^ 2027/34. 65. Strickm ann, “T he M ao-shan R e v e la tio n s,41. 66. I have used the version o f this inscription in Chen Yuan, cd., Dao/ia jinshi luey 26—28. 67. T. 51.1052c.1-3. 68. Inoue, kiTcndni?,m m okctu dok\T) to bukkvo/5 624. 69. Taiping gmngji^ 58: 356; }in ^ixu yuanjun lingshang、 !)en siming Nanyue fim n Wei furen xiantan helming, 768. See also Schafcr, “The R estoration o f the Shrine of W ei Hua-ts’ uii.” 70. T he fact that Lady W ei's son took up a post in K uaiji mav ha\*e influ­ enced the establishm ent o f a cult to her at Tiantai. 71. O n these oth er cultic ccntcrs, see O tagi, “N angaku G ibujia shinko no

hensen., , 72. T. 51.1054b.9. 73- See Inoue, “T endaizan ni okeru dokyo to bukkyo,” 623, citing the

Zhang 'an chanshi xiaoji 章 安 禪 師 小 記 .

74- This theory was first proposed by Inoue Ichii, in his “ Tendaizan 111 okeru dokyo to bukkyd” 75. T . 51.1054b.11.

76. Taiping yulan 39.188—89. See also the entry in Han Tang dili slmchan^ 440a. 77. I discuss the religio-political aspect o f this m ove 111 R obson, “Buddhism

and the Chinese Marchmount System.” 78. See, e.g., Dongxuan lingbao ivuyuegithen ^enxing tu (HY 441), but this pas­ sage is included in a num ber o f different locations. 79. Ibid,,12b.

Nofes to Pa^es 86-p2

346

80. Ibid., 13b. 81. This text is preserved in Yunji qiqian 79.18b—19a. See also Kominami, Chilgoku no shimva to monogatari^ 336. 82. T. 51.1055c.i2-92b.28. 83. T. 51.1056c.

1. Scham a, luindscape and Memory, 61. 2. O n the problem atic issue o f the relationship betw een m aterial culture

and the archaeological study of sacred sites, see Ucko, “Foreword.” 3. IJY 606; T. #2097. O n other sources that have the im print o f b o th B ud­ dhism and D aoism and the issues related to studying them , see Z urcher, “B uddhist Influence on Early T aoism ”;M oilier, buddhism and Taoism Face to Face\ and B okenkam p, Ancestors and Anxiety. 4. T. 51.10563.17-18. 5. O n these different C hen clans, see Songshu, 284. 6. F or a study and translation, see R eiter, “D er Bericht tiber den Berg L // (LuShan chi') von C hen Shun-Y u.>5 See also K oichi Shinohara, “Literary C onstruc­ tion o f B uddhist Sacred R aces ”;Inoue, “R ozan bunka no reim ei”;and idem , “R ozan bunka to E ien.” 7. T he three m onographs for W utai shan, all o f w hich refer to that m oun­ tain by the nam e Q ingliang shan, have been the object o f a num ber o f studies by Raoul Birnbaum : Studies on the Mysteries o f M aftjusri; “T houghts on 丁’ang

Buddhist Alountain Traditions and Their Context” ; “The iSlamfestation of a A lonastery ”;and “Secret Halls o f the M ountain L ords•”

B. Parts of this text are translated in Stevenson, “Visions of Alanjusrl on Mount Wutai.” See also the comments on this text in Bimbaum, “Thoughts on T’ang Buddhist Mountain Traditions and Their Context.” 9. O n this text and its author, see G im ello, “C hang Shang-ying o n W u-fai

Shan,” 126—27«i 6. 10. T he title o f the T aisho text is given as

shan ^huan 補 陀 洛 迦

山傳 . 11. See Y ii, Kuan-yin. ii. T his is not m eant to be an exhaustive survey o f all the texts in the Dao^ang that concern specific m ountains. 13. Strickm ann, Le Taoisme du Mao chan\ Schafer, Mao Shan in Tang Times. For a short description o f this text, see Cedzich, “Maosban 分/., , 14. F or a short description o f this text, see K w ong, “DaishL” 15. F or a short description o f this text, see A llistone, ^'Kiyue Huashan 咖 .”

I\lo/es to Paoes 92—95

347

16. T his text will be discussed at length below . F or a short description o f this text, see Schm idt, CiNanyue xiaolu^ 436. 17. F or a short description o f this text, see Schm idt, ^Nanyue ^ongsbeng/j'7; and for a discussion o f the various versions o f this text, see the extensive com ­ m ents in M o Boji, Wushi wan juan boucangshu mulu chubian^ 877-84. 18. See B oltz, A Survey of Taoist Uteralure^ n i; and for a short description, Allistone, ^Tiantai shan 办 •” 19. F or prccis o f this text, see B oltz, A Survey of Taoist Uterature^ 112; and Allistone, ^Siming dongtian danshan tuyongjir 20. F or a short description o f this text, see Schm idt, ^'Kiandu 访 L” 21. B oltz, A Survey of Taoist Uterature^ 115. F or a short description o f this text, see x\llistone, ^Jinhua Chisong shan 句 )L”

22. F o r a short description o f this text, see K offler, “Dadi dongtianji.” 23. F or a short description o f this text, see Schipper, ^Wudang fudi ^png^hen jtP See also Lagerwey, “T he Pilgrim age to W u-tang shan ”;B oltz, A . Survey of Taoist Literature^ 119; and D e Bruyn, “Le W ndang shan.” 24. O n Sun X ingyan, see Tu, “Sun H sing-yen.” 25. B oltz, A Survey o f Taoist Uterature^ no. 26. T he U lou congshu version o f the Nanyue ^pngshengji is a copy o f the Song

version of the text, which was reprinted during the Ming dynasty. It contains a preface dated to the thirty-second year of the Guangxu reign period (1907) w ritten by Ye D ehui 葉 德 輝 o f Changsha. T his version o f the text is also in­ cluded in the Song Yuan difan^hi congshu xubian^ w hich for som e reason was not

included on the list of Song gazetteers in Hargett’s “ Song Dynasty Local Gaz­ etteers,Perhaps this omission was due to the fact that it is not explicitly titled a gazetteer {difang

i 也方 •杏) . T he U lou congshu version is, how ever, the best

version of the text, and I have used it to check the other versions throughout this study.

27. In addition to the version o f the text in the D aozang (HY 606), see also the same text in the Daot^angjiyao、 25: 10995—1004. 28. B ourdieu, The Logic o f Practice, 210. 29. T he use o f “lost” sources has been facilitated by such collections as Han Tang dili shuchao and Liu Weiyi, H a n Tang fang功 ijiyi. A good example of the type of scholarship that can be done using lost local sources is Bumbacher,

Fragments o f the D aoxue zhuan. 30. Yhven leiju^ juan 7. O n the Jing^hou ji、 see Liu Weiyi, H m Tang fang^hijiyi, 208-23. T he Xiang^hongjiis also referred to as the Xiang^bongshanshuiji 湘 中 山 水 i 己(R ecord o f the m ountains and w aterways o f the X iang region).

31. F or m ore biographical inform ation on Luo H an, see H u Shouwei,

Zhongguo Ushi da ddian: W u Jin Nanbei chao shi, 437.

34§

No/es to Pages p j - i o i

32. I luang \ \ ci, 14'ang^}.)i 128. 33. 1 ' 51.1065a.10. 34. T. 51.1068b.1. 35. T his question is best approached by using T ong \ \ rei, Yirshi er ^i)ong Da ^angjing tongj'um. 011 the \jtsl)an ji, see 407; on the Q ingliang m onographs, 478; on the 11untai shan ji 、 577; and on the Nanyne ^ngsheng ji, 439. T here is no entry

for the Putuo monograph. The mountain monograph titles are also not found 111 N anjio Bunviu, A Catalogue oj the Chinese I ransiation o f the Buddhist I'ripitaka.

Oil the different versions of the Buddhist canon, see Mizuno,

B/Mhisf Sutras.

36. O n the history o f the com pilation o f the m odern T aisho canon, see

\ rita, ''Printings of the Buddhist 'Canon' in Modern Japan.” 37. Ian, “B uddhist I Iistonograpliy 111 Sung C hina.” 38. See M urck, Poef/y umi Painting in Song China, on the conception o f this

area as a despicable region and the laments of those who were exiled here. 39. 1'he num ber seventy-tw o is rich 111 sym bolism ; see W e 11 Y iduo, 4tQ i shi

er.” Both Wudang shan and Uuangshan are also said to have seventy-t\vro peaks. ScveahT-t\vo is also the number of “blessed terrains” in the Daoist net­ work of sacrcd sites. 40. Liu W eivi, Wan I cing femg^pijiyi、 215. 41. T. 51.1057a.4. 42. T. 51.10560.18—19. 43. T. 51.1057a.24. 44. T. 51.1057a.25. 45. 1'. 51.1058c.746. A // is approxim atelv a third o f a mile (IXvitchctt, \:incuu'hii Administraiion

Under the T\m g Dynasl)\ xiii). 47. A ^hang is approxim ately ten feet (ibid.). lliis m easurem ent is problem ­ atic, but may refer to rlic distance o f the highest peak from the N anyue 1'em -

plc (Nannie mino). In most sources, however, that distance is stipulated as 9 ,0 0 0 \hungi

48. All this topographical inform ation agrees w ith the inform ation found 111 a Southern D ynasties local record for Changsha titled Changsha ^hi 長 沙 志

(Gazetteer of Chnngsha), which differs slightly from the comprehensive list of topographical elem ents in T. 5i.io62b-63b. See the entry for Changsha rjn in Liu \ \ reiyi, Hun Tun叉 jewgt^hijiyi, 333. 49. Chitxue ji、jtmn 5. 50. R obson, “Polym orphous Space: T he C ontested Space o f Mt. N anyue. 51. See W alter, Plaanmys^ 21. 52. See, e.g., the opening paragraphs o f the Tiantai shanj i y T. 51, #2096. For

a detailed study of cclestial and terrestrial correspondences in relation to the

No/es to Pages io i—6

349

field allocation system {jenye 分 野 ), see Pankcnicr, “C haracteristics o f Field Al-

locati(m.” C)ti the correlations between astrological phenomena and the Daoist T w cnU -four D iocescs, sec \ rcrellen, “T he T w eaty-four D ioceses and Zhang

Daolmg.” 53. Sec the Prefncc to Nanyne shiba gaoseng tjman. 54. See I Io, U y O i and Shu, 133; and K alinow ski, Cosmologie et divination dans la Chine uncienne^ 72—73, 413. 55. T. 51.1059c. 56. T. 51.1057a.27. 57. Schafcr, The Vermilion B/Vv/’ 261. 58. Li (:h i , The T rave! Diaries of Hs/i I isla-k 184. Based on inform ation in the “ A stronom ical D ivisions” chapter o f the Kanyue ^fn. 59. J i Clii, 1'he Travel Diaries o f H si/ [ Is/a-ko, 184. 60. Ia coining these term s, I have adapted two o f Allen Feldm an's form ula­ tions (“historicizing space” nnd “spatializcd history”). Feldm an (formations of Vioknce, 27) explained these form ulations by saying th at they were wavs o f in­ vesting “topographic detail w ith prccise historical m eanings and narrative

sediment. 61. T his is sim ilar to w hat D eborah P orter (From Deluge to D/sto/me, xv) has

called a "strategic manipulation of signs.” 62. See G car\\ I'uria Sacra, foi an exam ple o f how thus process w orked in

the ease of European saint cults. 63. P orter, Vmm Deluge to Discourse, xv. 64. O w en, “Place: M editation 011 the Past at C hin-ling.” 65. F or consideration o f sim ilar issues on the difficulties involved w ith

separating out mvtluc layers, see )flmcs Watson, “Standardizing the Gods,” 296. 66. li u Weiyi, Wan Tangjang^l)ijiyi, 124-26. 67. See the sourccs translated in Birrell, Chinese Mythology^ 76; and the summary 111 M urck, Poefty and Painting in Song China, 9. 68. Shm/ing 咖 ! 38.3124. 69. T. 51.1065b. 70. Ibid. 71. Shangsim ^jjengyi 6.151a.

72. Wbiyjw dmnqitt、 143-47. Tlie plncc-nam es given 111 the Wuyue chunqiu arc difficult to sort out, and the mention of the mountain called Wanwei (Yuanwei) in this passage is particularly problematic, sincc later sources associated with Nanyue say that Wanwei was another name for Nanyue, but other sites conncctcd with the name Hengshan claim that the name Wanwei applies to their mountain. It has been argued, for example, that the Hengshan mentioned

No/es to Pages 106-12

350

in this passage does not refer to the site in Hunan but was another name for Kuaiji shan. 73. T. 51.10593.3. 74. Taipingyulan 39.189a. Sec also Z eng X ianghu, Nanyue 94; and Legge, The Chinese Classics、 3:68, w hich says a sim ilar passage was found in the Wuyue

chunqiu. 75. Han Tang dili shuchao^ 440—41. T he same passage is cited, w ith the correct title noted, in the entry for G oulou feng in the Collected Highlights (T. 51.1061b.7— 9) and in the Biographies ofthe Nine Pefjected ofNanyue (HY 4 5 2 ^ .3 -4 -5 ). T here is also a m ore com plete description from the Hen^'ue ji that is cited in the Col­ lected Highlights (T. 5r.1072a.21ff). A lthough all later citations o f this passage lo­ cate this stele at Y unm i Peak, X u Lingqi’s biography in the Biographies of the Perfected oj l^anym situates those activities at T ianzhu Peak. 76. T ranslation, am ended, from H artm an, Han Yii, 66. 77. U u Y u x iji, 376. 78. Z eng X ianghu, Nanyue ^/)/\ 514—15. I have been unable to locate the

source of this story, which the author says comes from a record by the Tang w riter X u Y an 徐 彥 , entitled Wu^ong chaniinguankong / " 五 宗 禪 林 觀 空 錄 . 79. T. 51,105811.17—20. 80. O n this text, see Balazs and H ervouet, A Song Bibliography, 339—40. 81. C ited in Songsbi 39.762. 82. Z eng X ianghu, Nanyue 469. 83. Le 路 e, The Chinese Classics, 3: 70, 84. Z eng X ianghu, Nanyue 95. F or a m ore com plete version o f this story, and a copy o f the inscription from the Gazetteer of Changsha Prefectre, see Rusk, “A rtifacts o f A uthentication•” 85. See Z eng X ianghu, Nanytde (hi、 95—96, for a list o f sites claim ing to have

a Yu Stele in the Ming and Qing. 86. All their transcriptions are given in Z eng X ianghu, Nanym ^!u, 96. 87. X inxin Yueiu shuyuan ■^inshu^ 4.5a—b. Sec also Rusk, “A rtifacts o f A uthentication,” 15; and G eil, The Sacred f o f China, 135. 88. Legge, The Chinese Classics^ 3: 66. F or a review o f the debates am ong

Chinese scholars about the inscription, see the thorough discussion in Rusk, “Artifacts of Authentication’” note 51. 89. B unsen, E^gypfs Place in Universal History、 394-95. 90. Legge, The Chinese Classics^ 3: 66. 91. Ibid.,67-68. 92. Ibid., 70, 93. Cao Jinyan, “G oulou bei yamjiu”;Z eng X ianghu, Nanyue ^/:>l 94. Z eng X ianghu, i^anym %hi^ 96.

No/es to Pages 112—16

351

95. Lxggc, 1'he Chinese Classics^ 3; 71. 96. For studies oti the god Z hurong, see M ori Y asutaro, "Shukuvu k6,?;

Henricks, “Hre and Rain” ; Kaltenmark, “The Alythology of Smelters and Pot­ ters in Chhia” ; Ha'vkes, “The Heirs of Gaovang” ; \'nng Kuan^ “Zhmigguo shanggii shi daolun,” 302; Sukhu, ''M onkeys, Shamnns, E m perors, and P oets”;

and Wen Chongyi,

d m m n l m a yanj'ut^ 130— 34.

97. A good sourcc for general inform ation 011 Z hurong is M itarai, Kodai

Chiigoku no kumigami. 98. Cook, " llire e H igh G ods o f C hu.” 99. 1'o r recent rethinkings o f the role o f C hu in Chinese history and eulrure, see the articles collected in C ook and M ajor, Defining Chu\ and Law ton,

Perspectives on Chu Culture. 100. O n the “ northern bias,” sec C ook and Blakeley, ^Introduction,^ 1-2. 101. See K w ang-cliih Chang, “Alajor A spccts o f C li,u A rchaeologv,” w hich updates the section 011 Chu in C hang's Archeology of Ancient China. See also Law ton, Nen> Perspectives on Chu CiiltNre\ and Cook and M ajor, Defining Chu. 102. Cook, “T hree H igh G ods o f (:h u , , ,1; Sukhu, 'M onkeys ,Sham ans, E m perors, and P oets,” 212/7^. 103. Shiji 40.1689; translation (m odified) from Sukhu, “M onkeys, Sham ans,

Emperors, and Poets,” 211—12^55. See Cook, “Three High Gods of Chu,” 1, for variant lists found in other Han sources. 104. See also the Guoyu passage citcd in H enricks, “ Fire and Rain,” 120-21. 105. Zuo^iman 16.1811c. See also Cook, £•, see also T, 51.1062a. T he lost Dong^ben ji was w ritten by an im portant Tang D aoist at N anyue nam ed Xiao Linghu 请 靈 護 (fl. seventh ccnturv), w ho is discussed in the next chapter. 25. For a very general introduction to the N ine Perfected, see H uang Shouhong, "N anvue jiuzhcn ren vu (iuxian guan.” 26. , \ r X L 2b. ' ^ 27. In the follow ing section, I m ention only essential inform ation about each o f the N ine Perfected. F or further inform ation on them , see R obson, "Im agining Nianyue,” 212-44. Alain biograpliics/ hagiographies: N Y JZ R Z ib.S; N YZSJ , T. 5i.i072c-i073a; IJtZ X T D T J 33.1a—2a; and Sandong qunxian lu 16.8a. Fragm ents: T^YZSJ, T. 51.1058c.6; N Y X L 8a.4 -5 ,i2a-3ff. O n testing the resolve o f a student w ithin D aoism , see Penny, “ Im m ortality and T ranscendence,,’ 123. 28. Sec Sandong qunxian hi 16.8a. F or further inform ation on the need to un­ dergo hardship before receiving transm ission o f texts, see Strickm ann, “The Mao Shan Revelations,” 20. 29. O11 transforining the body, see Pcnnv, “Im m ortality and l^ranscendence,,’ 125. 30. See M ajor, Weaven and lia tih in Ecir/y Han TbmghU 4 ;and the translation o f the Shenxian T;huan hagiography o f Liu A n in K ohn, ed., The Taoist Expenence, 296. 31. M ain biographics/hagiograpliics: J ^ Z X l'D l'j 33-4a-b N Y JZR Z 3I3.3-6; and N Y Z S], T. 51.107Bb.28. Fragm ents: N Y Z SJ, T. 51.1078b.23; 1N Y X L 2b.103a.2; Dongxuan lingbao tjjen/ing iveiye tu, 19b; W'ushang hiyao 83.10b.3; and Zhengao

356

No/es to Pa^es 137-38

14.15a.1—4. T he Wushang hiyao (83.10IX3) says he was also called H ugong 產 公 o r W an Penzi 婉 盆 子 . H e obtained the Way and transform ed. H ugong also has a biography in the Shenxian see Cam pany, To Uve as Long as Heaven and Earth、 161—68. N one o f those accounts, how ever, m entions an explicit relation­ ship to N anyue. O n the D aoist uses o f the title xiansheng, see Strickm ann, “T he Mao Shan Revelations,” 37;and C hen G uofu, Dao^ang yuanI'm kao^ 2: 279. 32. O n H uang Luzi, see Witsi)ang biyao 83.16b. In that passage, it says H uang Luzi was the D uke o f the W estern Sacred Peak, was surnatned G e 葛 , and had the nam e Yue 越 . H e was a person from Jin 禁 . H e could sum m on dragons and control tigers. It is said that he later rode a dragon and ascended to heaven. H is b rief biography also states that he transm itted his talism an m ethod to his disciples. For further inform ation on tigers and leopards in the context o f D aoism , see H u Fuchen, TJmngbua daojiao da ddicm、 692, for story o f a D aoist being helped by them and riding them at H uashan. I’. 51.1078b.28, also m en­ tions a “m ethod o f controlling tigers and leopards^ (jiyu huhao ^j:)i shu 役 御 虎 豹 之 術 ) as part o f Shicun’s repertoire. 33. T. 51.1078b.23—24. 34. T he Sanhuang nehven are m entioned in a num ber o f different places in the Baofiu^/. See, e.g., the fam ous passage about their pow ers in hdoput(i 17.300. 35. Penny, “Im m ortality and T ranscendence,,’ 125. 36. U nlike other animflls such as the crane, the leopard is n o t a w ell-know n sym bol o f transcendcnce in D aoism , but there is a popular tale about how a leopard leaves its skin w hen it dies, w hich sounds very m uch like accounts o f D aoist “corpse-liberation.,, F or other im portant anim als and sym bols, see Penny, “Im m ortality and T ranscendence,” 127. O n the charactcr o f the leopard, see V\anyu da ddim , 10:1329. 37. H Y 167.19b. The Dongxuan lingbao ^henling miye tu surveys the nam es, ranks, and adm inistrative duties o f all residents o f the celestial and terrestrial spiritual realm s. O n this text, see Cedzich, “Dongxmn lingbao 咖 nling miye tu :’ 38. M ain biographies/hagiographies: jSIYJZRZ 3b.7; N Y Z S] , T. 51.1069a—b; and LSZX TD TJ 33.2a-4a. This account is the same as the account in the N Y Z SJ and was probably draw n from there. See also 'Nanyue # /. ,287—88, w hich cites a biography that evidently was included in the U exian ^huan. Frag­ m ents: N Y ZSJ, T. 51.1059c.n; N }^X L iza.7-8, io a.io -b .2 . O n the talism ans m entioned in connection w ith Y in, see R obson, “ Im agining N anyue/^ 218—23; R obinet, La revelation du Shangqing^ 2: 207; idem , Taoism\ Schipper, yempereur Wou des him dans k legende (aoiste\ and Cahill、 Transcendence and Divine Passion^ 86, on this set, w hich also appears in the Yongchengjixian lu 1.173.7. T hus, this may be precisely the D aoist associated w ith the transm ission o f the Ungfei liujia tal­ ism ans given on the chart in R obinet, I^a nvelation du Shangqing^ 1: ly —iS. For

Notes to Pa^es 1^8-41

357

general inform ation 011 the spirits o f the tim e cvclc, see Campanv, To U pc us hong as Heaven and E aff/j, 72, w hich includes a discussion o f the six jia spirits; and M ollier, “Les talism ans du Buddha et dc L aozi,, ,172—79. 39. IIV 452.3b.7- I have corrected the reign year from y11cmjia to yongjia^ w hich is how the date is listed in other texts aiui is the onlv reign vear o f H uaidi,s reign. 40. T he JSYZS] entry for Zixiao fcng says, for exam ple, that “below is the Q uande Abbey. A bove is the Riding Crane Pavilion and rhe foundation o f [the perfected] Y in’s hut. In the past dunng the J^astern Jin dvnastv on the dav that the pcrfccted Y in ascended to heaven there w ere w hite clouds that envel­ oped the peaks and valleys and for three davs they did not disperse. Later his disciples built a W hite Cloud H all, w hich is todav inside the A b b e ''” See T. 51.1059c.n-14. 41. T. 51.1059c.n-14. 42. JSIYXL io a.io —b.2. 43. M ain biographies/hagiographies: N YJZR Z 4b.3; J^YZS] 51.1072a.17; and L S Z X 1 DTJ 33.5b-6b. See also N anyue 、 hi' 288. Fragm ents: N YZS'J T. 51.1068c.11—12;jV } X L 4b.i- 2,5a.5, 5I3.5. _For m ention o f the / iengyite//\ see HY 452.4b.344. M aspero, Taoism and Chinese Keligion^ 268, 457. 45. T. 51.1072a.17-11. 46. O n these types o f “exudations,” sec the interesting m aterial presented in Cam pany, To \Jve as l』 ng as \r\eaven and Bar/h, 25—30. 47. T. 51.1072a.z1-b.248. T. 51.1072b.z-6 49. T he date given 111 the N Y Z S j and N Y X L for X u and D eng's construc­ tion o f the I lengyue A bbey, how ever, arc clearly problem atic. I he date that is given, the eighth year o f Taikang reign o f the fin, does not exist; sec 丁. 5i.io68c.ii—12 and A7i ^XL 4I3.1—2. I'h e date given for the construction o f the Beckoning I'ranscendents A bbey is equally problem atic for the same reason. The texts citc the X ianhcng 咸 亨 reign era o f the ]in dvnastv, w hich does not exist; see T . 51.1073c.13 and N F X L 53.4. T he issue o f problem atic reign year titles is not lim ited to just these two figures, but seems to be a 11 endem ic prob­ lem w ith these sources. In many cases the com pilers were just sloppv. 50. K obavashi, RJkmho dokyoshi kenky/i, 23. O n this line, see also Bokenkam p, ‘‘Sources o f rhc Ling-Pao Scripturcs,” 440. 51. HY 1121, 2.6b. Sec K obayaslii, RJkj/cbo ddkydshi kenkyi\ 22; Bokenkam p, “Sources o f the Ling-Pao Scripturcs,” 4417/26; and idem , Liarfy Daoist Scnptim \\ 377. 52. HY 1121 2:6b; trans. from Bokenkam p, har/y Daoisl Scnptiires^ 377.

Notes to Pages 141—42

358

53. T he Zbenyi ^iran jing m ost likely refers to the Taishang wuji dadao 々 ran ^jjenyi wucheng fu shangjing太 上 無 極 大 道 自 然 眞 一 五 稱 符 上 經 ( H Y 6ji). K obayashi (BJkm'hd dokyoshi kenkyu^ 23) rejects the attribution o f authorship to the first and accepts the latter. 54. H Y 452.4b. 55.

5 L 4 -5 .

56. M ain biographies/ hagiographies: I^Y JZ R Z 53.3; N Y Z SJ T. 51.1078b.6; LSZX TD TJ 33-7b-8b. See also the entry in Nanyue 办 ’ 288. Fragm ents: JSJYXL 12b.1-2. 57. O n oath taking at the tim e o f com pounding an elixir, see Pregadio, “ Elixirs and A lchem y,” 187. Pregadio w rites that “according to the N ine Elixirs, the disciple throw s golden figurines o f a m an and a fish into an eastw ard flow ­ ing w atercourse. G old, silver, hem p fabric, silk, o r a jade ring shaped as a dragon are m entioned in other texts am ong the pledges offered by the disciple to the m aster. T he tw o sm ear their m ouths w ith blood or cinnabar to seal their alliance.” 58. T his line recalls a fam ous one in the Huainan^i 淮 南 子 ( 8, 116—17): “O f old w hen Cangjie originated w riting, H eaven rained dow n grain and the de­ m ons how led at night.” See also A cker, Some T yang and Pre-Tang Texts on Chinese Painting 63/71. 59. H Y 452. 5a . 3-

60. T. 51.107813.5; LSZX TD TJ 33.7b—8b. N Y X L iz .b i-2 has: “Perfected Chen H uidu lived at the old Jade Clarity Palace (Yuqing gong 玉 清 宮 )• O n the thirteenth day o f the fifth m onth o f the second year o f the Y ongm ing reign o f the Q i dynasty [484] o f E m peror W udi, he ascended.” 61. See Pregadio and Skar, “Inner A lchem y (N eidan)'' 465—66, 472-73. 62. M ain biographies/ hagiographies: N ^lJZR Z 5a.6; N Y Z SJ T. 51.1073c; and LSZX TD TJ 33.8b-9a. See also Nanyue 續/,288, w hich cites from the U exian Fragm ents: Sandong qunxian lu 1.13b. H ere his nam e is given as Z hang Y unling 張 雲 靈 , but the story m atches that in T. 51.1073c.13. 63. O n “G rand N ullity,” see B okenkam p) Rarly Daoist Scriptures^ 191. T his may, represent, an affiliation w ith the reform ulation o f Celestial M asters D ao­ ism reflected in the Santian neijie jing. 64. See Hanyu da ddian, 8: 263. 65. T his may be short for hmbe haishen\ see R obinet, La revelation du Shang­ qing, x: 234. O n m erging o f phosphors, see ibid.,1: 232. 66. HY 452.53.6 and N Y X L n b .3 record that the “P erfected Z hang Tanyao lived at the Beckoning T ranscendents A bbey. O n the third day o f the seventh m onth o f the first year o f the Y angxing reign o f the Q i dynasty [494], he as­ cended.

No/es to Pa^ex 142—44

359

G-j.NYXL^. 68. T. 51.1073c. 69. M ain biographics/hagiographies: ?\Y JZ R Z 5b.1; LSZX TD TJ 33.9a-ioa; and N Y ZSJ T. 5i.io74b-c. See also (hi, 289, w hich cites from the U exian 咖 an. Fragm ents: N Y X L yb.6; Sandong qunxian lu 2 0.i6a-b. T he passage in this text, w hich is close to that in NYZJRZ^ is draw n from the Gaodao 过 m m 高 道 傳 , a lost w ork by Jia Shanxiang 賈 善 翔 ( fl. 1086). O n the Gaodao ^jman and the surviving fragm ents, see Yan Y ipitig , Daojiao yanjiu and Chen Guofvi, Dao^mgyuanliu km 、 241. My treatm ent o f Z hang Shichen as a female D aoist follows H uang Z hi’an' “N anyue daojiao shuliie,” 109. 70. We have already encountered this practice above. See K aniitsuka, RJku^ cho dokyo shiso no kenkyii、 127,57-59; and W are, Alchemy, Medicine, Religion in the China oj a. d. 320, 306. T he practice o f the Bright M irror allows the practitioner to m ultiply his or her body and appear in many places at once. 71. F or inform ation on Changsang gongzi, see Zhen’gdo 14.L4I3.8; Dongxuan lingbao ^benling )peiye tu 11; and T. 51.1074c. O n G rand Tenuity, see Bokenkam p, E “r/y Daoist Scriptures^ 314. O n attaining a penetrating gaze, see R obinet, Taoist Meditation^ 178. 72. N \ J Z R Z 5b.i. 73.

N Y X L

7 b .6; H Y 452.5b.1.

74. T. 5i.io74b-c. 75. M ain biographies/hagiographies: N Y JZ R Z 614; and LSZX TD TJ 28.15a—b . S ee a lso

N a n y u e ^ j) i,

289. F ra g m e n ts:

N Y Z S ]

T . 51.1089C.5, 1 072b ,

i075b.26, 10793.22; N Y X L 8a.iff, izb. W ang was from Jiujiang 九 江 , w hich is located in m odern Jiangxi province, w here Lake Boyang joins the Yangzi River and not far from Lushan. Stephan Bum bacher has identified a fragm ent (#208) in the Daoxue 句 m m 道 學 傳 concerning W ang Lingyu, w hich he con­ nects to Nanyue*. “T he Abbey o f the N ine Perfected was w here W ang lin g y u , styled Shanbao, a native o f Q u’a in jiiiling, dw elt and w holly devoted [him self] to cultivating the highest dao- A n im perial order granted [him] m onasterypeople, tw o hundred m onasten-households, gold, silk fabrics, incense, and [medicinal] herbs, everything enough and to spare.” It is clear from this pas­ sage that the native place given for W ang is different from that in previous sources, although the reference to an A bbey o f the N ine Perfected could very well refer to the one at Nanyue. In spite o f this— perhaps coincidental— similarity, there are no references in the previous m aterial on W ang Lingyu that connects him in any way w ith the abbey at N anyue, and the entry for this establishm ent in the N anyue local sources does n o t m ention W ang. Is it possi­ ble that sources for different W angs were com bined? See B um bacher, 1'he Fragments of the D aoxue zhuan. 312—13. See also Chen G uofu ,Dao^angyuan/it4 kao、

Notes to Pages 144—46

360

496. Bum bachcr proposes the connection to I lengshan in a different articlc using the same m aterial; sec his “O n Pre-T ang D aoist M onastic I Establish­ m ents at M a o s h a n ,152. 76. This is m eant literally. 1'hat is to sny, the body is light o r has been transm uted and is light. 77. O n this peak and the blessed terrains there, see the entry in 'Y. 51.1057c. 78. 丁. 5i.1089c.6-7 . 79. ,r. 5j.1075b.26. O n the practicc o f absorbing the essence o f the D ipper, sec the Wufu xu 1.26a. 80. See also T. 51.1075c.23. 81. FIY 452.6a.4. T he entry for Z hong gong at T. 51.1072b is similar. 82. 1 refer to him as D eng Y uzhi (1), since below it is dem onstrated that there has been m uch confusion over this figure and another contcm poran' D aoists nam ed D eng Yu 鄭 郁 o r D eng Y uzhi 鄉 欲 之 , w hom I refer to as D eng Yuzhi (2). M ain biographics/hagiograpliies: j \ Y jZ R Z 6b.3; ) ZSJ 7'. 51.1060a.8, 1075b—c; and U Z X T D T J ^ .6 b -y h . Fragm ents: N Y Z S ) T.51. 1060C.13; N Y X L 12b; and Sandong ^jm'nan^ 2.3b. 83. T. 51.1075b; see also T. 51.1060a.8: “Lmgymg feng: In rhc past [there was] D eng W izhi, w hose stvle was W ianda. I Ic w^is a native o f X inre in Nanvang. I Ic had n rnlisman anti seal that could drive o ff noxious influcnccs, cut o ff poi­ sons, and curc illiicsscs•,’ O n healing bv cnsiggalatkm , see Stricktnaau, Chinese i\ Id g ica!M ed iciesp. chap. 4. Stephan B um bachcr ( /'he Fragments oj the D aoxue zhuan, 281//835) suggests that these practiccs were connectcd w ith the Celcstial M asters and therefore this passage mav indicate an attem pt to distance them ­ selves from those practices. 84. T. 51.1075b. 85. The entrv above for X u Lingqi has: “O n the ninth dav o f the ninth m onth o f the second vear o f the Yuanwei reigii o f the [Liuj Song dynasty l474j.” 86. Shaowci refers to four stars in the im p o rtan t Faiwci enclosure (taiw ei y u a n ).

See

I iu n y u d a c id ia n

2: 1655; a n d H o ,

U y O i and S hu , 146.

87. T. 51.1060a.8. 88. We will see below that this refers to the site that he selected at Linglu Peak. T he line from this passage has been the objcct o f som e controversy since it is possibiv the earliest m ention o f the term neidan in China. T he en tn r for Nviminovis Hill Peak (lin g lu fcag) ia the Collected \r\ighli^j)ts also contains the follow ing note: “The Xiangtjm ngji savs: W ithin there is an E m bracing Yel­ low Cave (Baohuang dong 抱 黄 洞 ) . Below there is the Cavern Pcrfccted A b­ bcv (D oiigzhen guan 洞 眞 觀 ) . This is the site w here in the Hastern )in dynasty D eng Y uzhi cultivated the inner and outer elixirs (\iu nehvai dun dm 内夕卜

Notes to Pc/^es 146-^0

361

丹 處 ) . }lvcr\' year in the autum n transcendent cranes gather at the m outh o f the cave, and tins has carried on up to the present” ( T . 51.10600.13—16). 89. B aldrian-H ussein, “Inner A lchem y,” 163—90. 90. Ibid., 169.

91. U ntil the passage is identified in 011c o f the Xiang^hong ji collections, it is unclcar from the text w here the citation o f the w ork stops and the N Y Z S j

resumes its account. 92. 12b has the tenth year (511). 93. Sec T 51.1075c.16 and T^YX L 7b.9. 94. Sec T w itchett, “Chinese Biographical W riting ”;Catnpanv, Strange W rit­ ings 294-306; juicl, m ost recently, Penny, “ Im m ortality and T ranscendence.” O n the last two texts m entioned, see K alteiim ark, trans., l^e lie-sien tchouan\ and Cam pany, To \Jve as \j)ng as Weaven and Rarib. 95. Strickm ann, “T he M ao Shan R e v e la tio n s,9.

96. Seidel, ^Post-Mortem Immortality” ; Robinet, ^Metamorphosis and De­ liverance from the C'orpse ill Taoism” ; Yoshikawa, 4ng as \~\eaven and liarth^ 52—60; and Ced^ich, "Corpse Deiivenuice.” 97. O n rhe different hierarchy o f styles, see Y oshikawa “NitchG m uei,” 190. 98. Seidel, ^Post-M ortem Im m ortality”; R obinet, “M etam orphosis and D e­ liverance from the C orpse in T aoism .” 99. Bciop/^i 2.19-20. 100. Penny, “Inim ortalitv and TVansccndence,^ 124; M aspero, Taoism and Chinese Religion^ 278. I'o r an interesting reflection oil why the transform ation in broad daylight is o f a higher order, see Y oshikaw a’ "N itchu m uei,” 204. 101. Penny, “Im m ortality and T ransccndencc/5 124. 102. See also Cam pany, Strange \Yrriling^ 302—3. 103. Ibid., 303. 104. See B olt/, A Survey of Taoist Uletvtnre^ 58 105. T. 51.10680.12-13, 106. Seidel, “Chroniclc o f T aoist Studies in the W est,” 247. 107. Flym cs, Way and B)W )\ 56-57. 108. Nunslij 76.1896. 109. ) ^unji qiqian 27 has him living at one o f the blessed realm s at N anyue:

“The twenty-sixth is Dong Lingyuan; it is located to the west of the Zhaoxian Abbey on Nanvuc. This is the site where Deng [Yuzhi] lived in seclusion.” no. 1'his was one of the key Shangqing texts revealed by the perfected from the Shangqing heaven. See R obinet, ha revelation du Shangqing^ 1: 224, for a m en­ tion o f him in relation to the Dadong ^henjing^ w hich he received from Lady Wei.

See alst) the comments in Strickmann, “The Mao Shan Revelations,” 44, for

No/es to Pa^es ip -S 3

362

inform ation found in the Zhengao about this text, recitation o f w hich can make

one an immortal without the use of elixirs. On why he chanted this text, see m ore inform ation in R obinet, lu i revelation du Shangqing, 1: Z24. M ention o f his devotion to the Dadong jing is also included in the short biography in the Col­ lected Highlights and is perhaps further evidence (in line w ith w hat we have w rit­ ten above) that suggests the early diffusion o f im portant Shangqing scriptures

to Nanyue (T. 51.1066c—67a). h i. Nanshi 76.1896.

U2. On the matter of Lady Wei descending to Deng in 502—19, see the comments found in Otagi, ‘‘Nangaku Gibujin shinko no hensen,” 395//41. On the similarities of this biography and the descent of Ladv Wei to Yang Xi to transm it scriptures, see Eskildsen, Asceticism in Ear/y Taoist Keligion^ 69. 113. Black birds are usually associated w ith the Q ueen M other o f the W est,

who is depicted as having one as her companion. 114. This is, o f course, a com m on m o tif in the death accounts o f em inent

Buddhists and Daoists. 1x5. Nanshi 76.1896. O n that passage, see also B erkow itz , Patterns of Disengagement^ 234. A sim ilar account o f D eng is found in U shi ^l)enxian tidao tongjian 33.5a and in T. 51.1066c—67a, b o th o f w hich appear to be based on D u GuangtingTs lost Xian 句m a n shiyi, except in that account Lady Wei descends to him after being m oved bv his recitation o f the Dadong jing. In som e sources his death is described as a “transformation that delivers” {Jiekua 角 竿 ^(匕 ).O n jiehm 、

see Robinet, ''Metamorphosis and Deliverance from the Corpse in Taoism,” 59. ]ielma is therefore a kind of shijie. 116. F or standard treatm ents o f Liang W udi as a B uddhist em peror, see W right, Studies in Chinese Buddhism^ 14-15; and Z urcher, 44"Beyond the Jade G ate,’” zoo. See also M ori M ikisaburo, Ryd no ImteL F or a recent treatm ents o f

Wudi and Buddhism, see Janousch, “The Emperor as Bodhisattva” ; and llan, Beacon Fire and Shooting Star、 52-67. 117. Grnng hongmingji, T. 52.112a; trans. from Strickm ann, “Liang W u T i’s

Suppression of Taoism,” 467. 118. See the references to these opposing theories in Strickmann, “Liang Wu T i’s Suppression of Taoism,” 468^2. 119. O n Liang W udi’s support o f D eng Y uzhi (1), even after his supposed turn to B uddhism , see Q ing X itai et al., Zhonggm daojiao, 530. Q ing X itai seems

unaware of Deng Yuzhi (2), however, and mixes in certain parts of that other figure’s biography. 120. T. 51.1068c.15; N Y X L 4b’i-3. 121. T. 51.1068c. 15-18. O n the investiture o f D aoist m onastic heads, see Bum bacher, The Fragments of the D aoxue zhuan, 439.

No/es to Pages

363

122. T. 51.10783.23-24. 123. Sec 5t.1068c.17—18 and A ^^X L ^ .3 —4. O n the significance o f the in-

formation about this land grant and on the economic history of Buddhist m onasteries and D aoist abbeys at N anyuc, sec Xiao Pinghan, “H engshan si-

vuan jingji shitan,” 97. 124. Bum bachcr, The FragmetHs of fhe D aoxue zhuan, 435—36.

Chapter / 1. O n o ther surviving quotations from the lost I leugshati tptjing^ sec Liu Weiyi, \~\an Tang fang^n jiyi, 430. 2. B arrett, Taoism Under the T'ang^ Suivavama, 7jti To dokyo s/moshi ke/iky/]; Charles Benn, The Cavern-Mystety Transmission. 3. K irkland, “T aoists o f the H igh T ang ”;\ rerellen, Du Gmngting, R obinet, Taoism; Sakauclii, “0 K ika to sono jidai”;Q ing X itai et al., 7Jmnggm) daojiao sl>/; and Schafer, Mao Shan in T'ang Times. O ne oth er valuable w ork that includes essays 011 various aspects o f Tang D aoist history is Y osliikawa ,ed., Todai no

shfikyo.

4. 1 wo foundational efforts along these lines includc Schafcr, AL10 Shan

in

Tang Times', and Soymie, “Le L o-feou chan.” 5. Sec Yoshikawa, “G ogaku to saislii,” 276. 6. T he m ost com plete study o f these events and the new institutions is Lei W en, “W uyue Z he 11junci yu Tangdai guojia jisi.” 7. jiu Tangshu 24.934; Tang huijao 47.834-35. See also the useful surveys o f

the evidence in Yoshikawa, “Gogaku to saishi” ; and Kroll, “ Verses from on High/, 236-37. 8. T he translation o f this passage from the Zbenxi 眞 系 , w hich is preserved in the Y m ji cfiqian (HY 1026), 5.15b, is by K roll, “Verses from 011 H igh,” 237/753. 9. T. 51.1063b. 28-29. 10. See T. 51.1068a—b and N Y X L 3b—4a. 11. 丁his rite is the object o f a m asterful stud)' by Chavannes, “Lc jet des

dragons.” 12. See Chon Yuan, cd., Daojia jinshi Iik\ 122. T he translation given here is by

\7ereUen» “The Beyond Within,” 279. Sec also Chavannes, “Le jet des drag­ o n s,56-57. 13. T. 51.1074a.21. 14. T. 51.10743.22-24. 15. N Y X L 8b.5—6. F or siinilar entries, see also N Y X L 10b.9—1113 and n b .io for entry 011 Z huling dong, w hich is the dongtian and a site for throw ing the dragon slips.

364

Notes to Pages iS9~^3

16. Charles Benn, “D aoist O rdinations and Z hai Rituals in M edieval China,”

319-20. Sec also Alaspero,Taoism and Chinese Religion, 292—97. 17. Chavannes, ‘‘Le jet des dragons,” 57. 18. T. 51.x074b.25. 19. Charles Benn, “Daoist Ordinations and Zhai Rituals in Medieval China,” 320. 20. Ibid., 320— 21; Yamada Toshiaki, “The Lingbao School,” 249. n.NYXLih.

22. Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji、 PIY 599. 23. T he first character is difficult to read, and my transcription is tentative.

24. The Collected Highlights (e.g., T. 51.1072c.8, io82b.i6) usually writes his name as D o n g Fengxian 董秦仙 or Dong Lianshi 董練師 . 25. One version of the text has Yuanhe Zhang xiansheng. 26. One version of the text has Yuanjing. 27. This is a term used for a lesser Daoist priest, of which there were four ranks: (1) lianshi (highest class, most exalted, devoted to meditation); (2) fashi\ (3) iveiyi shi; (4) Imhi. 28. On their distinctive titles, see Schafer, M a o shan in Tang Times, 79; all were important status markers. 29. This is a situation similar to that encountered by Schafer in his study of Tang Maoshan Daoists; see ibid., 78. 30. T. 51.1058c.10-n.

31. The following biographical account is based on T. 51.1081 and supple­ mented by Ushi 过)enxicm tidao tongjian 33.11a—12b and the fragment in T. 51.1062a. 32. O n “em bryonic respiration” {taixishu 胎 息 ), see B aldrian-H ussein, 'I n ­ ner A lc h e m y ,180; and M aspero, Taoism and Chinese Religion, 459. See also the entry in Z hang W enjiang and Chang Jin, TMnggm chuantong qigong xue cidian, 493.

33. The Southern Palace refers to a particular location in the sky, on which see Iio, U , Q i and 133. Within Daoism the Southern Palace is the place where one’s cloud soul is refined. See, e.g., Robinet, L a revelation du Shangqing, 1: 209; and Bokenkamp, “ Death and Ascent in Lingpao,” 10—11. 34. On the “ Fire Tripod” as an External Alchemy technique, see Chen Guofu, Dao^ang yuanliu xnkao, 46—52. 35. On “Huangbai shu,” see Noguchi et al., Dokyojiteny 157; and Needham and Lu, Science and Civilisation in China: Chemistry and Chemical Technoiog)\ 251, which notes that huangbai ultimately came to refer to an Inner Alchemical process and not to the manipulation of metals and minerals. Xiao’s fundraising campaign is further detailed in the entry for the Zhaoxian guan in the N Y X h 5a.3- 5b.

No/es to Pages 16^—66

365

36. ]\rr X L 5a-b.

37. T. 51.1081a.23—b.7, 1073c.20-26. 38. I'here are, of course, a number of texts entitled D o ng^en jing、 but to my knowledge this title is unattested in bibliographic catalogues. We saw in Chap­ ter 4 that Xiao’s text was also cited in relation to Zhang Daoling’s alleged con­ nection with Nanyue. 39. T. 51.1062a. 40. The 4b.6 entry for the Hengyue guan has Zhang Huilang, but the same entry in the N Y Z S J writes the name as Zhang Huiming. Later in the N Y Z S J there is also preserved (as we will see shortly) a biography for Zhang Huiming. On emperors designating the heads of Daoist temples, see Bumbachcr, The Fragments of the Daoxue zhuan, 439. 41. L S Z X T D T J 33.12b—13a; T. 51.1081b. See also Nanyue 办 ' 290. 42. On the performance of offering rituals [Jiao 雖) at the Tang court, see Charles Benn, “ Daoist Ordinations and Zhai Rituals in Medieval China” ; idem, The Cavern-Mystei-y Transmission and Dean, “Daoist Ritual Today,” 667. 43. On Lady Youying^ importance in the Zben’ gcio, see Hyland, “ Oracles of the True Ones,” 93, ni/?i22. Bcioyi is an Inner Alchemy practice and is often used together w ith shou^ben 守 眞 , w hich is also an Inner Alchemv term (Zhang

Wenjiang and Chang [in, Zhon^gm

chmntmg qigong xue cidian^ 319, 405).

44. T . 51.1068c.22—23 m istakenly has the hom ophone hongdao 宏 道 as the reign period; N Y X L 4I3.8 has the correct hongdao 仏 道 , w hich corresponds to

683-84. 45. T. 51.1068c.22; N Y X L 4b. On Ye Fashaa, see Kohn and Kirkland, “Daoism in the Tang,” 342—43. 46. Rideout, “The Rise of Eunuchs During the T,ang Dynasty.” 47. On Gao Lishi, see Twitchett, “ Hsiian-tsung,” 371; and Dalby, “ Court Politics in Late T’ang Times’” 571. See also Rideout, “The Rise of Eunuchs During the T’ang Dynasty,” 68. On Gao’s support of religion, see Pulleyblank, The background of the Rebellion ofA n lat-shan, 242. 48. Biographies of Li Siinu are preserved in the T. 51.1082b.16—27 and L S Z X T D T j 33.13a— b, which is the same as that in the N Y Z S J . 49. l he Shigu shuyuan was considered the foot of the Nanyue range. 50. See Tang sbu 207; jiu Tangshid 184; and 7J^hi tongjian 213.6793. 51. HY 620. The full title of this text is Taishang laojun shuo chang qingjing miaofin g 太 上 老 君 説 常 清 靜 妙 經 . O n this source, see K ohn and K irkland ,"D ao­ ism in the 丁ang,” 363. See also Sakauchi, ‘“ ShiLshin’ to ‘naitan , ’, ,302; and

Schmidt, “Taishang laojun shuo chang qingjing miaojing:, 52. T. 51.1074c.26-28.

366

Notes to Paoes 16 6 -6 8

53. T. 51.1075a.io-ii. C hen Shaowei, a la a g alchcm ist involved w ith refining m ercury from cinnabar, that is to say, a form o f E xternal A lchem y based on the Cantong is also m entioned in oth er N anyue texts. See, e.g., T. 51.1067a, w here he is cailcd the P erfcctcd o f N anyue. For further background inform a­ tion 011 him , sec Prcgadio, “ Elixirs and Alchemy,” 170; and idem , "C hen Shao\vei, ’,256. 54. T. 51.1075a.13—14. T his passage is clarified further in the entry for the jiangsheng Abbey in the Cofiected f Ughlights. T hat site was initially called the W liite C loud Mut (Baiyun an 白 雲 疮 ); Sima C hengzhen putportedly practiced there for som e time. Because his disciple W ang X ianqiao m em orialized the throne, this text savs, the hut was converted into an abbey, and the em peror ordered that Xue ]i(chang) o f the jiuzhcn guan should serve as the abbot along w ith W ang (T. 51.1075b.22-25). 55. JMYXL 5b.5-6a.5- H is nam e also appears, as m entioned above, on the list o f figures w ho attained the Way during the T ang (ibid., 133.8). I'u rth e r bio­ graphical inform ation on W ang can be found in the N anym 、 hi, 291—92, w hich has a particularly nice rendition o f this story. 56. O n Li M anguang, sec K irkland, “T he Last G rand M aster at the T^ang Im perial C ourt., , 57. For the o ther M aoshan lineage, see Schafcr, Mao Shan in Tang Times, 68— 69. T he lineage at M aoshan is the onlv one shoukJ properly be called the “M aoshan lineage” or “M aoshan pfltiriarch)-’” and this is not synonym ous with the Shangqing lineage. Yet, even using the term "M aoshan liiu'age” to describe the form er is a m isnom er since many o f those figures had no explicit connec­ tion w ith M aoshan; sec ibid., 82—87. 58. O n this issue, see the illum inating study by Sakauchi, “(_) Kika to sono jicki., , 59. See, e.g., K roll, “Szu-ma C h , cng-chcn in T ’ang V erse ”;idem , “N otes on T hree la o is t Figures o f the T ’ang D ynasty ”;K irkland, “I'ao ists o f the High ■I’ang ”;and K ohn, Sere/i Steps to the J'cio. 60. In his study o f Sim a’s biographies, Russell K irkland (“T aoists o f the High T ang,” 257) pointed briefly to the possible im portance o f the fragm ents found m the Coiiected Highlights. 61. HY 968. O n this text and the question o f the last character m the au­ th o rs nam e— w hich is Ping in the D aozang and either Ping 憑 o r Jing 辨 in other sources— see Schipper and \'erellcn , The Taoist Canon, 434-35’ w hich also notes that the Zhengyi 正 一 in the title should read Zhenyi 貞 一 , 62. Sec Tang Wangmi shan 7J)ongyan tai ^hengyi xiansheng miaojk (HY 968), w hich is also found in G TW 206.6a—10a. tran slatio n from K irkland, “Taoists o f the H igh 1'an g /' 268.

No/es to Pages i68~ 7 /

367

63. Chen G uofu, Dao^ang yt4anliu kao, 55, 58. 64. W X L ioa.6-9. 65. This is confirm ed in a poem by Z hang ]iuling; see K roll, “Szu-ma C h'eng-chcn in T ’ang V erse.” 66. T. 51.1074c.18—24 (a parallel passage is found in N Y X L 6b-4). 67. See Sakauclii, “O Kika to sono jidai.” 68. H V 444. 69. See Yoshikawa, “(_) G enshi k6.” 70. Dongxuan lingbao sanshi ji 6b.1—4. T his text was purportedly w ritten by a certain G uangcheng, but som e scholars have argued that D u G uangting was the author; see Ren Ji\Ti, Dcto^ang //yao, 328-29. O n this issue, see also Sunayama, 7jti To dokyo shisdshi kenkyiu 440. 丁he connection w ith D u G uangting makes good sense, as we will see below, since this lineage is nothing m ore than a tracing by D u G uangting o f his ow n lineage, w hich passed through Nanvue. 71. \ rercllen, Du Guangting^ 20; Svmayama, Z;-// To dokyo shisdshi kenkyfi、 411. 72. T. 51.1082a.1—14. Sec also U Z X T D T } 39.1a—b and the biography in Nanyue &/".,291. 73. T. 51.1082a. 3-4. 74. O n the status o f the Daode jing at the Tang court, see B arrett, Taoism U/ider the T ,c?n 41—42 and passim. X ue,s Dao^e jing com m entary is no longer extant. 75. i \ ) 7 CL 6 a .6 -8 , 76. See entries for bo th places in T. 51.1074b and 1075b、 77. For reference to the Kuamvei /"", w hich has not survived intact, see T. 51.1074c.25—26. There seem s to be som e confusion in the N anyue sources about its attribution, sincc it is also credited to X ue Youxi (on him see below); see T. 51.1082c.878. T. 51.1081a.14. 79. T. 51.1073a.18- b.4, io82a.27~bi5. See also J^S'ZX l'D T] 4 0 .ib -z b and Dongxuan lingbao sanshi ji 2b.i. 1'he accounts in the Collected Wighlights may be based 011 a stele inscription since an inscription about him was extant at the Hengyue A bbey up until at least the Song; see T. 51.1069C.5. Nanyue 293, merely reports that at the Y inzhen van there was a stele inscription for Tian xiansheng. 80. ]\;Y X L iob.3—5. See also the entry for the lia n z h e n vuan, w hich was named after him , in the Collected Highlights (T. 51.1073a.18—b.4). 81. T. 51.1082b.282. Yinhua lu 4.92—93. 83. Dongxuan lingbao sanshi ji 2b.i—3b.4. 84. Lii W ei is listed as the prefect o f T anzhou and surveillance com m is­ sioner o f Ilunan. F or Lu W ei,s biography, sec J/u Tangshu 137.3768; see also

Nofes to Pages 172—74

368

13.396 and, on his death, 13.393. I have been unable to find further inform ation on Y ang Ping. 85. N Y X L 13b.5—6. See also ibid., 4b.10, for H engyue guan entry, w liich says that the site w here M aster T ian obtained the W ay, called the D escent o f the Perfected H all (jian g zh cn tang 降 眞 堂 ), was located inside the Hengyue A b­ bey. 86. O n the discipleship o f Liu X uanjing under Tian Xuying, see Sunayama, Zui To dokyo shisdshi kenkyn, 411-12. A ccording to T. 51.1082b.14, they attained corpse-liberation at Tiantai. O n Liu X uanjing being a teacher o f the em peror, see N Y X L 14b.ro. 87. See Dongxuan lingbao sanshi ji 4a,4 and 6b for the relationship w ith Sima C hengzhen. Similar biographies for Feng also survive in the Collected Highlights and LSZX TD TJ (see T. 51.1086a—b and LSZX TD TJ 4o.2b-3b). O n his con­ nection to the Z hong gong, see T. 51.1072c.10. 88. O11 the term yanxia )wy, see Wanyu da ddian, 7: 185. 89. See Dongxuan lingbao sanshi ji 4a—5a; Sunavama, Zm To dokyo shisdshi ken­ kyu \ Sakauchi, “O Kika to sono jicki”;B arrett, Taoism Under the Tung, 96; and \ Terellen, Du Guangting^ 23. 90. See L S Z X T U r j 40.413-53, 40.2b.7-8; and T. 51.1082b.13-15,1072:1.4 91. See T. 51.1055b.26. 1'he la is h o entry is full o f m istakes, how ever; the cntrv sh o d d read; “In the fenfh vear o f fhe Y uanhe reign, X u Lingfu m oved from H engshan to take up residence in the [Tianjtai range.” 92. T. # 2096, vol. 51. 93. fTY 746. Sec T. 51.1072a.5. I have corrected the entry to read Tongxmn j'mg from Tongyuan jing. For a short description o f this text, see C edzich, “Tong-

xuan ^henjingr 94. O n the last tw o w orks, see their m ention in the Tiantai shan fangwai 381. 95. HY 732 and 398, respectively. Sec also B oltz, A Sum y of Taoist Uteraturey 204—5,213. 96. See also the account in Q ing X itai et al., 7J)ottggm) daojiao 成 403. See also Nanyue ^jn, 297. 97. T. 51.1072b.10-12. O n bugang^ sec A ndersen, “T he Practice o f bugang^ T he says he practiced “W alking the guideline o f the three and five”

{samm bngan自. 98. See N Y X I— 13b.7, n b .io . 99. Liu X uanjing’s nam e is often printed Liu Y uanjing 劉 元 清 or other variants. T he follow ing account is based on T. 51.1084b.14—1085a.12. Liu also has a biography in LSZX TD TJ 40.5a-6b, w hich is based in large part on that

m NYZSJ.

N o fes to Pages 1 7 4 -7 7

369

100. Tliis is the standard description for corpsc-libcration {shijie). 101. H ere I follow Sunayam a M inoru's (Z/// To dokyo shisdshi kenkyn^ 411) sensi­ ble em endation o f the passage to read “Shi Tian xiansheng.” T he Taisho editing o f this passage is incorrect. L SZ X T D T j is in line w ith the interpretation pre­ sented here. Actually the J^IYZSJ passage is corrupt in a num ber o f o ther re­ spects, and the LSZX T D T] reading is helpful in m aking sense o f the biography. 102. O n the context o f jin gzong and his inviting many dubious types to court for consultation, see B arrett, Taoism Vnder the 83. If correct, this in­ vitation and visit to the capital predates L iu^, w hich B arrett (ibid., 90) savs likely occurred after 845. 103. tongjian 248. 8028. 104. The follow ing account is based 011 N Y X L 8b.7—9b.1. 105. Ibid., 9a.1-2. 106. Ibid., 8b—9a. T his m ust refer to the earlier m entioned invitation to take up a post at the C hongxuan guan. 107. I;o^/-/ tongji^ T. 49.386b.n-12. 108. Zit^hi tongjian 248.8020. I'he image o f N anyue as a place to wait out chaotic political tim es is a recurring m otif throughout its history. 109. See W einstein, BNcJdhism Under ihe T'ang^ 117. 110. O n this form o f shijie、 see R obinet, "'M etam orphosis and D clivcrance from the C orpse in T aoism ”;Seidel, “Post-N Iortcm Im m ortality ”;and Yoshi~ kawa, “NitchG m uei.” in . See also T. 51.1075a.n-12. 112. See jiu Tangshu 130 and X in Tangshu 139 for his official biographies. The m ost com plete general sketch o f Li Mi\s role at the Tang court is found in D alby, “C ourt and Politics in Late T 'ang T im es,” 592-94. See also D icn, “The Use o f the Yeh-hou ch ia -ch u a tf \ and idem , al'u rfa n Funereal D ocum ents,” . 113. See Y oshikaw a , ^Keibi sanho shinroku no shCihcn.” 114. Taiping guangji 38.238-44. This biography was based on the Yehou ivai-

^jman 鄴侯外傳 . 115. Ib id ., 38.242.

116. Sanpin lu appears to refer to a gift (/") o f gold, silver, and bronze. See M orohashi, Dai kanwa jiten^ 1: 178a. 117. T . 51.10843.13-21.

118. T. 51.1082b.29—c.12; LSZX TD TJ 39.io b -n b . See also Nanyue vjn、 298, on a H ua Y ouxi 華 幽 棲 , w hich we can tell from the context refers to the same 119. T. 51.1058c. 120. T. 51.1073b.16-2。 .

370

N o tes to Pqges iy B ~ 8 i

121. F o t a study and translation o f this text, see B okenkam p, Sarly Daoist Sc'/7pfures\ 373—438; and Yamada Toshiaki, “T he Lingbao School•” See also Sunavama, 7m'i To dokyo shisdshi kenkyfi' 273, 275; and Ren Jiyu, Zhongguo daojiao shi,

371. 122. I IY 87.

123. Yamada Toshiaki, “The Lingbao School, , ,241. 124. HY 451. F or the oth er biographies, see LSZX TD TJ 33.13b—14, T. 51.1082c, and Nanyue ^/?/, 292. 1x5, For official accounts o f Shen Taizhi, see ]iu Tangslm 185.4825; X in Tang­ shu 140.4650,145.4727-8; and jg T IF 344.17b. 126. B arrett, Taoism Under the T'ang^ 75. 127. I have corrected the N Y Z SJ account to read guosht rather than guogui.

IJiZXVDTjh^gmshi. 128. See ]iu Tangslm 185.4825; X in Tangshu 140.4650,145.4727-28; and Q T \V 344.17b. See also the sum m ary o f Shen T aizhi in B arrett, Taoism Under the Tang, 75-

129. H Y 574.

130. T hese poem s are translated and discussed in K ohn, “G uarding the O ne.” Hengyue zhenzi's com m entary to the poem s is translated in part in K ohn, The Taoist Experience^ 215. 131. K ohn and K irkland, “D aoism in the T ang , ’,363—64. 132. O n the role o f shouyi w ithin Buddhism , see Faure, “T he C oncept o f O ne-Practice Sam adhi in Early C h’an.” 133. HY 574; trans. from K ohn, The Taoist Experience^ 219. 134. Sakauchi, ‘“ ShUshin, to ‘naitan , , , ,302. 135. Jo h n D idier (“M essrs. T ’an, C hancellor Sung, and the Book oj Transfor­ mation^ 114) points out th at som e parts o f a biography for a different D aoist figure nam ed T an Q iaoyan 譚山肖嚴 becam e m ixed in w ith that for T an Q iao, particularly by the editors o f the Collected Highlights. H e cites T. 51.1073 as the location o f a biography for T an Q iaoyan that actually contains elem ents o f T an Q iao’s biography, but the actual location is T. 51.1072a.2-4. T o com plicate m atters even further, T an Q iaoyan^ biography in LSZX TD TJ m entions that he, like T an Q iao, has a connection w ith N anyue. A lthough no explicit con­ nection betw een T an Q iaoyan and N anyue is given in his biography, the ac­ count ends w ith a line that says he ascended from N anyue in the K aicheng reign period (836-41) o f T ang W enzong (r. 827-40); see LSZX TD TJ 38.15a—b. 136. See Yunji qiqian 113. O n the problem atic identity and dating o f Tan Q iao, see D idier, “Way T ninsform ation ’ , ;and idem , “M essrs. T , an, C hancellor Sung, and the Book of Transfomation•” T he glim pse o f T an Q iao’s connection w ith N anyue provided by this biography is also corroborated in the N anyue

Notes to Pages 182—84

371

local sources. Indeed, a short citation from X u Xiam J)m n in Nanyue (hi 296 is m ore explicit in saying that T an Q iao lived at the D ongtian guan at Nanyue. I am n ot sure w hat this site refers to since there is no abbey by that nam e in other sources for Nanyue. 137. T. 51.1058^.6. 138. T. 51.10710.7. 139. 1. 51.1058c.19—20. In his recounting o f these passages, John D idier mixes up the locations o f the sites. It is the Zigai yuan that is to the east o f Zi­ gai fcng, n o t Z etao feng. 140. T. 51.10590.7. Sun D eng was discusscd in C hapter 4. It is interesting to find that 丁an Q iao attained corpse-liberation at an altar dedicated to Sun D eng, since it shows that the connections established betw een Sun D eng and N anyue took root and his m em ory was kept alive there into the late T ang at least. 141. This patronage did not end w ith the end o f I luizong^ reign. O ther in­ teresting D aoist figures that were active at N an n ie in the tenth and tw elfth centuries include: Cha C hongqing 差 沖 靖 , w ho was ordered by E m peror Z henzong to live at the Hengyue guan; and La 11 Fang 藍 方 , w ho attracted the attention o f the H m peror R enzong (r. 1023—63). T he em peror sum m oned him to the inner hall, aw arded him the title Nnnyue Y angsu xiansheng 南 歎 養 素 先 生 , and sent him o ff to reside -M the Z haoxian guan at N anyue. O n Cha Chongjing, see T. 51.1068c.29; on Lan Pang, see 丁. 51,1089b and LSZX TD TJ 48.18b. See nlso the accounts in Sandong qunxian lu 7.3b and 'Sanyue ^/:>/\ 302. A ccording to a particularly interesting passage in the LSZX TD TJ (48.20)3.8) biography o f L aa, later a m um m y (mushen 肉 身 ) and clay im age o f him were still visible on the m ountain.

142. In a survey of those references in the

NYZS],

I have found no less

than tw enty-one such passages. 143. T his approach is sim ilar to that suggested in H ertz, “St. Besse: A Study o f an A lpine C ult,” 76.

Chapter 6 1. This is not to say, how ever, that the topic o f w om en and Chinese reli­ gions has been entirely overlooked. For two different interpretations o f the status o f w om en and religion in China, sec O verm yer, ctW om en in Chinese Religions”;and Sangren, “Fem ale G ender in Chinese Religious Sym bols.” F or re­ cent surveys o f the role o f w om en in D aoism , see D espeux, Immortelles de la Chine andenne、 idem , “W om en in D aoism ”;and D espeux and K ohn, Women in Daoism. R ather m ore studies are devoted to w om en and popular religion in later periods; see, e.g., G rant, “T he Spiritual Saga o f W om an H uang ”;Boltz,

372

No/es to Pages 184—8 /

“ In H om age to 丁, ien-I'ci”;Jam es W atson, "Standardizing the G ods ”;Baptandier, “ 丁he Lady Linshui”;and B erthier, La Dame-dit-bord-de-rea/4. 2. SeidcJ, “C hronick o f T aoist Studies in the W est.” 3. Earlv w orks 011 w om en and D aoism include Caliill, Transcendence and Diuine Pass/o/f"; D cspcux, Immortelles de la Chine ancienne\ Schafer, “T hree D ivine W om en o f South C hina ”;and Z han Sliichuang, Daojiao yu mixing. For the m ost

rccent work, sec Despeux, “Women in Daoism, , ; Despeux and Kohn,

Women

in Daoisnr, and Cahill, Divine Traces of the Daoist Sislerhood. 4. See C ahiirs com m ents in Transcendence and Divine Passion^ 214—15, on the Preface to D u Giiangting^s Yongcheng jixian lu. 5. O n these developm ents, see D espeux, “W om en in D aoism ”;and on the w ritings o f w om en, including D aoists, see Idem a and G rant, The Red Brush. 6. D espeux, “W om en in D aoism ’” 402. 7. O n female cultic sites, see Schafer, “T he R estoration o f the Shrine o f \X ei JIua-fs , un,” wJiicli is, ho\ve\rer, m ore nbout the literary evidence on that shrine than it is about its religious history. T here is also m ention o f a few kev sites in D espeux, hnmortelles de la Chine ancienne and the study o f a shrine dedi­ cated to Xiwang m u in Cahill, “Beside the T urquoise P ond,” w hich was re­ printed as chap. 3 o f her Transcendence and Divine Passion. 8. T here is an enorm ous literature on the early history o f X iw ang mu; see, e.g., Cahill, Transcendence and Divine Passion; K om inam i, Seiobo to tanahata densho\ Locw e, \\yays to Paradise-, and Fracasso, “ Holy M others o f A ncient China.” 9. D espeux, “W om en in D aoism ,” 386—87. 10. Caliill, Transcendence and Divine Passion, 213. 11. T. 51.1065c.5-6. 12. 7\anym [/". 14.1b.8-2a.3. linm u is the term used for Xiw ang m u 111 her biographv m D u G uangtingys Yongdm ^Jixim h . 13. T. 51.1065a.10-11. 14. T. 51.1065a.11—12. O n the Y\an Wudi neit^man^ see Schipper, L 'empereur

Won des Han dans !a legenck taoiste. 15.1'. 51.1068c.11-12. 16. O n Xiling as an alternative nam e for Xiwang m u, sec D espeux, Immor­ telles de ia Chine ancienne^ 58. A ') X L 7a.5-10. The Tujing m entioned here refers to the Hengshan tujing 衡 山 圖 經 , 'vhich is cited in the Preface to the N Y X L as being one o f the sources used bv Li Z hoagzhao for his history. 18. D espeux, Immortelles de la Chine ancienne^ 56-60; C hen Y aoting and Liu Z hongyu ,Dao-xian-ren^ 278-79. 19. T. 51.1059,1.22-23. 20. See Kanyue 14.3a, w hich cites \ Tongchengjixian lu.

No/es to Pages' 187—9 0

373

21. U shi ^henxian tidao tongjian houji 3‘iob5. 22. Sec T. 51.1079 entry for Zixu gc, w hich show s this was an im portant site on N anvue for female practitioners, but has no m ention o f W ang Aliaoxiang. Sec also N Y X L 8b.i-6. 23. T. 51.1079b.6-1079C.2. The nam e Zixu is short for Zixu yuanjun 紫 虛 元 君 , another appellation for W ei H uacun. 24. See the statem ent 011 Lady W ei’s attaining the Way at N anyue in D cspcux, “W om en in D aoism ,15 388; and R obson, “Polym orphous Space.” 25. O n W ei H uacun in genem l, see Schafer, “T he R estoration o f the Shrine o f W ei H ua-ts’un ”;C hen G uofu, D ao^ngyuanliu kuoy 31-32; R obinet’ La revela­ tion du Shangcfing^ 399-405; and DespciLx, Immortelles de la Chine ancienne^ 51-67. 26. Slii Youyi, 7'he \ lengshan Mountain^ 32—33. A lthough this source gives an English translation o f the Chinese entrv, I have retranslated it here due to a num ber o f problem s and oversights in that translation. Sec also the sim ilar coim nenrs in Z heng Cnioqian, Shu?? 50. 17. I Icrtz, “St. Bcsse: A Study o f an A lpine C ult.” 28. N Y X L 2b.8—9. 29. H ertz, “St. Bessc: A Study o f an A lpine C ult,” 76. 30. R obinet, revelation du Shangqing, 2: 405. 31. I base som e o f the follow ing inform ation on C hen G uofu, Dao^ang yuanliu kao、 13;and Schafer, “I he R estoration o f the Shrine o f W ei H ua-ts’un’” 127. C hronological List o f Lady W ei Biographies and Fragm ents: Texts A n asterisk 十 m arks those sourccs referred to, or studied, in R obinet, La revela­ tion du Sbcingcfing, 2: 400. In that w ork, R obinet traces the sources and other evidence for the lliography of luidy W ei {Nanyue m i furen tjntan). Brackets [ ] around titles indicate works that are no longer extant. This list, although repre­ sentative o f m ajor w orks, may be incom plete.

'Y[Kun^jjen ^iman 南 眞 傳 .j A ttributed to I;an Miao. (Fan M iao, also called l;an Z honghou, was one o f the im m ortals w ho appeared to Yang Xi, see Zhengao 8.8a and 9b. H e may have lived during the late I Ian o r Jin dvnasty, but is m ost likely a m ythological figure. O n this figure, see R obinet, I^a revelation du Shangqing, 2: 399.) +Deiig^hen yin/m 登 眞 隱 诀 (IIY 421). R cdactcd by T ao Ilongjing b u t contains earlier m aterial (Deng^!)enyinjue 3.nb.3-i2a). ^Zhen'gao 眞 語 (HY 1010). Com piled and w ritten by T ao H ongjing in 499 (the first image o t her is at 7J)engao 1.2A.10, but there arc references throughout; see M ugitani, Sliinko sakitin for quick rcfcrence to oth er passages).

Dongxuan lingbao t^)enling weiye in 洞 玄 靈 寶 眞 靈 位 業 圖 (HY 167). W ritten by Tao I longjing {Dongxuan lingbao ^hen/ing miye tu 5b.3ff).

Note to Page ip o

374

7J)oushi mingtong ji

周 氏 冥 通 記 (HY 302). W ritten by T ao H ongjing after 516 (translation in B okenkam p, ''A nsw ering a Sum m ons”).

Chisong^i ^angli 赤 松 子 章 歷 (HY 615). Sixth-century redaction {Chisong^i ^fjangh 5.i9b.8, 5,3ib.2; see N ickerson, “T he G reat P etition for Sepulchral Plaints,” 262; and Seidel, “Earlv T aoist Ritual,” for issues o f dating the relevant portions o f this text). y \X/Mshang biyao 無 上 秘 要 ( 1TV 1130). A non.; edited during the reign o f Z hou W udi (r. 561-78) {SX^ushang biyao 66.2a.4 -6 and elsewhere).

Yiwen ki^hu 藝 文 類 聚 . D ated 620 (Yiwen ki^m 87.1487). [JVt/z/j/zc furen nei^iman 南 歡 夫 人 内 傳 , i pleted 656.

N o author given. Suishu 33. Com ­

vShangqing daoiei shixiang 上 清 道 類 事 相 (HY 1124). Com piled by W ang Xuanlie 王 懸 河 (fl. 683).

'Sandong

三 洞 珠 囊 (I IY 1131). Com piled by W ang X uanhe {Sandong

tjm ’ncmg 8.22b.4, 3.28a.ff).

Mujian We/ fim n ci beiming 木 ;間 魏 夫 人 祠 碑 銘 . D ated 685. A n inscription in Daojiao jinshi !ue (Chen Yuan, ed., Daojiao jinshi //», 77). \Zixu yuanjun nanyue furen nei^l)Man 紫 虛 元 君 南 獄 夫 人 内 傳 , i jit an\. A ttributed to Fan M iao, jiu Tangslm^ com p. 720 (although the }iu Tangshu was not pre­ sented to the throne until 945, the bibliography was based on the Gujin shulu 古 今 書 錄 com plied by W u Jiong 毋 贤 [fl. 722], the basis for its placem ent in this list).

\7Jxu yuanjun Wei furen nei^jman 紫 虛 元 君 魏 夫 人 内 傳 , \ juan}. A ttrib. to Xiang Z ong 項 宗 . X in Tangslm^ after 720.

]in

yuanjun lingshang ^ben siming Nanyue furen Wei fim n xiantan beiming 晉 紫 虛

元 君 領 上 眞 司 命 南 嶽 夫 人 魏 夫 人 仙 壇 碑 銘 . I n 分似" 全 唐 文 . In ­ scription by Yan Z henqing 顏 眞 卿 (709-84), dated 768. (A lthough many ver­

sions o f this inscription arc undated, the Ym lugongmnji 镑 、 •%'乂 文 务 version says that it was w ritten 111 the third year o f the D ali reign period [768] during the reign o f E m peror D aizong. O il this inscription, see Y oshikawa, Sho to dokyo no shnben, 107—122.)

Gushi mnfang xiaoshm 顧 氏 文 房 小 説 . D ated to no earlier than 789 (cited in C hen G uofu, Dao^ang yuanliu kao、 13). Nanyue xiaolu 南 嶽 , ! 、 錄 . W ritten in 902 by Li Chongzhao. Xianym n bian^m 仏 范 編 珠 . By W ang Songiiian 王 松 年 ( fl. 920). Daojiao Hngyan ji 道 敎 靈 驗 記 ( HY 590). By D u G uangting, before 933 (Daojiao

lingyanji, H Y 590). f } 7ongchengjlxian lu 墉 城 禁 仙 錄 (HY 782). By D u G uangting, before 933.

Nofes to Pages ipo~p2

375

^T aipingguanoji 太 平 廣 記 . D ated to about 981. (T aipinggmngji 58.356. R obinet, La revelation du Shangqing^ 2: 399 has studied som e aspects o f this biography. Particularly helpful is her location o f all the Zhen'gao citations in this w ork and her description o f the differences betw een this biography and that in the Taip­ ing yulan. She has also proposed that the }ixian lu cited as being used in this bi­ ography may refer to a w ork o f that title w hich predates D u G uangting1s Yongchengjixian lu. O n this question, see R obinet, Lm revelation du Shangqing, 1: 401.)

^Taipingyulan 大 平 御 覽 . D ated to about 982. ^Yunji qiqian (1026) 雲 复 七 籤 . D ated to about 1100. ^Sandong qunxian lu 三 洞 群 仙 錄 (HY 1238). Com piled by Chen Baoguang 陳 孫 光 in 1154.

Nanyue ^ongsheng j i 南 歎 總 勝 集 . By C hen I'ian fu , dated to about 1163 (T. 5i.io66a.i8-c.4). 32. Zhengao /.io b .io . See also C hen G uofu, Dao^angyuanliu kao, 13. 33. C hen G uofu, Dao^ang yuanliu kao, 13. 34. Ibid. 35. Schafer, “T he R estoration o f the Shrine o f Wei H ua-ts , un,” 127. 36. The follow ing is based on Taipinggt^angji and T. 5i.io66a-c. 37. H is biography can be found in jlnshu 41, and there is also a biography in Quan shanggu sanded Q in Han Sanguo Uuchao wen 2.1708. 38‘ This title appears in her biography in Taipingguangji 58, and in 7J)en'gao 1.4A.6. 39. F o r a thorough treatm ent o f the relationship o f Lady W ei,s biographical inform ation 111 the DengtJjen yinjue to practices in the 7J)en,gdo、 see R obinet, revelation du Shangqing, 2: 403—4; and Cedzich, “D as R itual der Him m elsm cister•” F or a sum m ary o f C edzich’s findings, see the review o f her dissertation in Seidel, "Early T aoist Ritual.” 40. T he follow ing account is based on R obinet, h a revelation du Shangqing, 2: 403—4. 41. R obinet has proposed that the entire third juan o f the DengtJ)en yinjue is an extract o f W ei H uacun’s early biography. O th er scholars like P eter N icker­ son, follow ing the w ork o f C edzich, have also proposed that part o f the third

juan is from W ei H uacui^s biograph}r, since the section ends saying it was de­ rived from a “W eizhuan,” w hich resem bles the early titles o f the biographies attributed to W atch O fficer Fan. N ickerson and C edzich, how ever, isolate her biography as beginning w ith Dengt^ien yinj/ie 3.5b, since that section presents it­ self as an oral transm ission {k/niji-ie 口 缺 ) from Z hang D aoling (Zhengyi zhenren) to the Lady o f N anyue, rather than w ith Deng过 )enyinjm 3.1a. It may seem problem atic to argue for the early provenance o f these sections w hen we find Wei H uacun m entioned here as Lady o f N anyue (Nanyue furen), since this

37/fe \M ns Teachings. 110. See Tang Y ongtong, I W e i Uangjin Nanheichao fojiaoshi>262-65. in . T. #2095. T he Biographies of the Righteen Notables {Shiba xian^lman 十 八 賢 傳 ) begins at T. 51.10393.2. The ¥0^14 tongji version appears at T. 49.265b—68c. O n the Vo^jt tongji version, see O no C^enmyo, cd., Bussbo kaisetsu (iciijiten, 8: 215.

Notes to Pages 237—42

388

112. M cM ullen, State and Scholars in T ’ang China, 16. T his supposition perhaps ta k e s o n e v e n m o r e im p o r ta n c e c o n s id e r in g th a t H u is i’s fa m ily n a m e w a s a ls o L i.

113. See ib id ., 267^32. 114. S e e G e tz , “ S im in g Z h ili a n d T ia n ta i P u r e L a n d in th e S o n g D y n a s ty ,” 275. W e s h o u ld a ls o p e r h a p s n o t r u le o u t a c o n n e c tio n b e tw e e n th e n u m b e r e ig h te e n a n d th e g r o u p o f e ig h te e n a r h a ts , p a r tic u la rly s in c e o n e o f th e e n tr ie s

in th e

N a n y u e ^ o n g s h e n g ji

fo r a n im p o rta n t site a sso c ia te d w ith m a n y o f th e fig­

u re s o n th e lis t said th a t “ p re v io u s ly th e a rh a t(s) liv e d h e re ” (T . 51.1061b.25—29). W e a ls o k n o w th a t th e c u lt o f e ig h te e n a r h a ts , r a th e r th a n th e m o r e c o m m o n c o lle c tio n o f s ix te e n , to o k o f f to w a r d th e e n d o f th e T a n g . O n th e e ig h te e n a r h a ts , s e e L e v i a n d C h a v a n n e s , “ L e s se iz e A r h a t p r o te c te u r s d e la L o i” ;a n d

F a u re ,

T h e R h e to r ic o f Im m e d ia c y ,

266 —272.

115. This is m ost likely a copyist’s erro r and should read Zhiyi. 116. T. 51.1077c.7-10. 117. T. 51.1077c.5_ u 8 . T . 51.1061b.

119. See M a g n in ,

L a

v ie e t l ,o e u v re d e H u /s i;

a n d K a w a k a tsu , “ C h iig o k u te k i

s h in b u k k y o k e is e i e n o e n e r u g ii.”

120. T. 51.1070a.9-10. 121. T . 51.1061b.14—16. 122. O n th e a p p e a ra n c e o f g o ld e n o x e n , se e M o ro h a sh i, 452a—b ; o n sp irits a ssistin g m o n k s, see K ie sh n ic k ,

D a i k a m m jite n ,

T h e E m in e n t M o n k 、107;

11:

and

K o ic h i S h in o h a r a , “ L ite ra r y C o n s tr u c tio n o f B u d d h is t S a c re d P l a c e s / ’ 9 45. 123. rT. 5 1 . 1 0 6 ^ . 2 5 - 2 9 .

124. T . 51.1077c h a s Z h iy in g ra th e r th a n Z h iy i, a n d T . 51.1060b h a s a m o n k n a m e d Z h iy in g

智顆 .

125. T . 4 9 .1 9 5 3 .1 9 ^ .3 ; Z Z , 130: 734. 126. T . 4 6 .80 1 b.

D a ^ b i d u lu n

大 智 度 論 {^M

a h c jp r a jH d p d r a m itd id s tr d ) 、a ttr ib ­

u te d to N a g a rju n a , C h in e se tra n s la tio n b y K um arajT va (350—4 0 9 ); T . # 1 5 0 9 , v o l. 25. O n th e im p o rta n c e o f th e

D a ^ h i d u lu n

in Z h iy i’s

M oho

^ h ig u a n ^

see

Sw anson, Foundations o fT ien -t’ai Philosophy, 21. 127. W right, Studies in Chinese Buddhism、 So. 128. T . 49.195a.19—b.3. A tru n c a te d v e rsio n o f th is sto ry is re c o u n te d in th e V a h u a ^ jm a n ji

(T . 51.59b). O n th e m ag ical a sp e c ts o f

c o n c e n tr a tio n d e la m a r c h e h e ro 'iq u e ^

s a m d d h i,

se e L a m o tte ,

L a

31.

129. M ichihata, Chug>ku bukkydshi ^enshu^ 3: 407—516. O n the presence o f s to r ie s r e g a r d in g in ju n c tio n s a g a in s t k illin g a n im a ls a n d h u n tin g in C h in e s e

B u d d h ist m ira c le tale s, see G je rts o n , 130. T . 49.1095H .23-24.

M ir a c u lo u s R e tr ib u tio n ^

127.

Notes to Pages 242—44

389

131. D onner and Stevenson, The Great Calming and Contemplation^ 39. 132. T . 50.564b.

133. Shimaji, Tendai kyogaku shi, 252. 134. S ee, e .g ., H ira i S h u n ’e i’s d isc o v e ry o f m an y o f Jiz a n g ’s q u o te s in Z h iy i,s te x t in h is

H o k k e m o n g u n o s e ir its u n i k a n s u r u k e n k y u

a n d th e d isc u ssio n in C h e n

Jinhua, M aking and Remaking History, 3. 135. S o m e o f th e in fo rm a tio n o n S e n g z h a o in c lu d e d in th e ra p h y a p p e a rs to b e a d a p te d fro m th e

G u o q in g b a ilu

to n g ji

b io g ­

、 b u t su rp risin g ly th e re is n o

biography for Sengzhao in the Shimen 咖 ngtong‘ 136. Guoqing bailu^ letters # 7 (T. 46.799a), # 2 0 (46.801b), # 4 0 (46.806a), and # 5 0 (4 6 .8 0 7 c ).

137. S ee N a k a m u ra ,

B u k k y o g o d a ijite n

、6 6 9 . O n th e th e ra p e u tic ro le o f ritu a l

a s a n a n tid o te to im p e d im e n ts b r o u g h t o n b y d e m o n s o r k a r m ic in f lu e n c e s , se e

Donner and Stevenson, The Great Calming and Contemplation^ 83. 138. O n th e c o n te x t o f v isu a liz a tio n s o f S a m a n ta b h a d ra in th e p ra c tic e o f th e lo tu s

sa m a d h i

a n d its u sa g e o f th e

G u a n P u x ia n p u s a x in g fa jin g

觀普賢菩薩

行 法 經 (Sutra 011 the visualization o f Sam antabhadra), T. #277, vol. 6, and

chaps. 14 and 28 of the Lotus Sutra, see Donner and Stevenson, The Great Calm­ ing and Contemplation^ 28,249. 139. N akam ura, Bukkyogo daijiten, 1127. 140. T . 49.1 95 a.9-1 8. I a p p re c ia te D a n ie l S te v e n so n ’s a ssista n c e in in te r p r e t­ in g th e sig n ific a n c e o f th is p a ssa g e .

14】 . See H uicheng’s biography in Vot^/4 tongji (T. 49.195b), Shimen ^engtong (ZZ, 130: 735), and X u Gaoseng tjduan (T. 50.557a). 142. Miaofa lianhua jing 妙 法 蓮 華 經 adharm dpt^arika sfitrd)y T. #262; Wetmojie suo shuo jing 維 摩 詰 所 説 經 (yim abkhii-nirdeh-sfitrd)、 T. #475; and S h e n g tia n w a n g b o re b o lu o m i jin g 勝 天 王 般 若 波 羅 密 經 、 S u v ik r d n ta v ik r a m ip a iip r c c h d s n tr d ) ^

T . #231. T h e la s t w as c ite d by Z h iy i in h is

F ahm xuanyi

(S w an so n ,

Foundations ofV 'ien-t'ai Philosophy、 315—16). 143. Chengshi T. #1646. 144. O n th e p ra c tic e o f m e d ita tin g w ith th e ey es o p e n , see S e k ig u ch i, s h ik a n

no

ken kyu ^

340; a n d B ie le fe ld t,

D o g e n 's M a n u a ls o f

7m

T endai

i M e d ita tio n ^

113.

T h e re se e m s to b e a v a lo riz a tio n o f m o n k s w h o m e d ita te w ith o p e n eyes a n d a c ritiq u e o f th o s e m o n k s w h o c lo s e th e ir e y e s d u r in g m e d ita tio n a n d e n te r th e “g h o s t c a v e o f b l a c k m o u n t a i n ” (f)eishan gu iktd

黑山鬼窟)•

145. T . 50.557a. A lth o u g h I h av e b e e n u n a b le to tra c k d o w n a n y th in g m o re on

^w n g sh en g yu ya n ^

B u k k y o g o d a ijite n ^

th e re is a n e n try o n

y u y a n sa n m e i

語言三昧 in N a k a m u ra ,

384, w h e re th e te rm is e x p la in e d as re fe rrin g to w o rd s th a t are

freely spoken o r w ritten. T his is thus a fruit o f samadhi rather than a technique fo r c u ltiv a tin g it.

390

Nofes to l\o es 244—47

[46. T, 50.557b.5-7, 147. The fourth, an influential m aster nam ed D arning, was associated with Sanlun at Sheshaa (I Iirai, CI)i'igokji hannya shisdshi kenkyf“ 324). 148. r. 51.1071a. and i077b.2i—23. 149. T his invitation to the Iiu iri daochang is repeated in Nanyue ^ongsheng ji^ 1058c.20. O n the im portance o f the f Iuiri daochang, see \ , am azaki,Z ui-lo bukkyo shi no kmky“ 、90—95. 150. T. 51.1068a.13-17. 151. O n the A tnitiibha trinity in relation to the qing Gi-tanyin repentancc, see Stevenson, “The Four K inds o f Sam adhi in Early T ien-t,ai Buddhism ,” 72—75. 152. T here is, for exam ple, a biography, for the w ell-know n m onk H uiyong 慧勇 in X u Gaoseng 咖 cw、 juan 7 (F. 50.478a.21—c. 5), b u t this H uiyong was a M adhyamika m aster living in the She m ountains w ho was know n as one o f the “four com rades o f M aster Q uan” (Ouangong siyou 證 公 四 友 ) . O n these disci­ ples o f Sengquan 僧言全, see I Iirai, Chilgok/t hannya shi.wshi kenkyfi^ 275-81; idem, ed., Sanrnn kyogaku no kenky/i, 224, 324; Y oshikawa, “Roku seiki to ho enkai chiiki to bukkyo,^ 406; and M ing-w ood Liu, Madhyamaka llm tght in ( 'J)ina' 83— 88, and Q icn (inhua, M onks and Moncnrhs^ 165, Sekigiichi Shindai has pointed our thnr this 1luh-ong was a elose relation o f Zhiyi’s. H uiyong has also been studied bv Suwa Cujun (C7v/^/v/ bukkydshi no kenkyii^ 122, 248, 270) in conncction w ith the spreading o f vcgctariaiiism at the tim e o f Liang W udi. 153. 51.61c.18-20. 1'herc are tw o interpretations o f the samadhi o f the radi­ ance o f fire. O ne suggests that it is the effect o f a kind o f deep m editation in w hich fire is em itted from the practitioner’s body. T he o th er suggests that the prnctitioner enters into deep m editative concentration w hile engulfed in flames. O11 these two interpretations, see N akam ura, Bukkyogo daijiten, 144. 1'he locus classiais for this samadhi seems to be the i\ Ifilasawdstivdda-vina}'a T. # 1450, see T. 24.131b. 154. V. 49.195c—96a. 155. T. 51.61c.21-23. 156. Shimen ^heng/ong, in ZZ, 130: 782—83. 157. T. 49.199b.18-20. 158. T. 51.1070b.4-8. 159. 1'he im portance o f the \-\uayen Sutra for Zhiyi has been noted by D onner nnd Stevenson, The Great Calming and Contemplation^ 6. 160. I have been unable to loeate any further inform ation on H uitan, Tanjie, Y ihao ,W'ushi, D aolun, or Zhim ing other than the m ention o f their nam es on the list o f eighteen em inent m onks. H uitan, the eleventh (m the list, has no ex­ tant biography though there are som e glim pses o f him in the Collected Highlights. The enrn- for the Slm angfeng chansi 雙 秦 禪 寺 , for exam ple, has: “In the old

Notes to Pages 247-48

39i

days there was nn em inent m onk nam ed H uitan w ho lived a t/o n the cliff and always gathered grains for his sustenance (^iji 自 給 ) . T herefore, this site is called CTathcnng G rains Crag (Shisui yan 拾 穗 嚴 ) . H e often had tw o tigers nam ed G reat H m ptiness and ]x sser E m ptiness as his com panions. W henever he w ent ro gather grains, chop w ood, and draw w ater, the tigers w ould carry them back to his c liff” (T. 51.1079a). A nother entry in the Collected Highlights also has a suggestive, if not fleeting, glim pse o f this m onk. U nder the entry for the Chcngtinn chansi 7兵 天 禪 寺 , it savs that there was a stone cliff w here wild m en {jeren 野 人 ) lived. H ere there was a stupa for the M onk W ho G athered C}rains (Shisui heshang ta 拾 德 和 尚 塔 ) that was still intact. A lthough these entries give little detail about H uitan, they do leave the im pression that he was an ascetic m ountain anchoritc and that he had attained sufficient renow n that a stupa was built in liis honor. D aolun is m entioned on one o f the lineage lists in the Shimen ^hengong (ZZ, 130: 787). A lthough a figure by the nam e o f Zhim ing also appears am ong a list o f disciples 011 a stela inscription w ritten for Chengyuan 承 遠 (712-802) that was w ritten by Lii W en 呂 溫 (772—811), a com plex B uddhist figure w ith ties to Vinaya, T iantai, and P ure Land B uddhist practices w ho had m oved to N anyue from the Y uquan M onastery, dating issues suggest that he is not the m onk m entioned 011 the llm inent M onks ofNanyue. See Nanyue AXituosi Chengyuan heshang bei 南 歡 彌 陀 寺 承 遠 和 尚 碑 (Stele inscription for the m onk Chengyuan o f the Mitvio M onastcn- at N anyue), by Lii W en (in juan 630). 161. T. 51.61c.15—18. O n ^l.)onoshen_g yuyan^ see the discussion above. For the case o f a D aoist perfecting the language o f birds and beasts, see N eedham , Sci­ ence and CivUhafmn in China, 5: 115 and recall the fem ale D aoists at N anyue who could speak to birds. 162. I'. 49.196a.5—8. The tongji rccord for Iluiw ei says: “ He was a per­ son from Jianglu w ho bccam e a disciplc o f N anyue [Huisi] and practiced the lotus samddhi. H e attained the understanding o f the samddhi o f the language o f sentient beings and listened to the sounds o f people, anim als, and birds and always knew their m eaning. Later he proved his supernatural pow ers {shentong 洋申通) by flying into the sky and walking 011 w ater just as if it w ere flat ground.” 163. See, e.g., Sekiguchi, Tended shikan no kenkyfi、 224; M asunaga, C4D oshin K orun no shidcn to sono shudan seikatsu/,268—78; and McRae, The 'Northern School, 35. 164. T. 50.602c.22—3b.10. 165. T. 50.603b.5-10. 166. McRae, 1 he Northern Sdmo!’ 35. O n Shanfu,s Pure Land proclivities, see Liu Changdong, Jin Tang mituo jingtu xinyang yanjiu, 435.

392

Notes to Pages 248-^2

167. M cRae, The Northern School, 262. 168. Yanagida, Sboki no 1: 415. 169. Faure, The WU! to Orthodoxy, 49. 170. Shimen ^hengtong (ZZ, 130:735); Sekiguchi, Tendai shikan no kenkyfi、 224. 171. Suwa, Chugoku Nam'hd bukkyosbi no kenkyfi、 131. 172. Jan, A Chronicle of Buddhism in China, 35. 173. 丁. 51.807b.1-12. I have adopted the translation o f this title from Jinhua C hen, Philosopher^ Practitioner, Politician^ 21, w here he also discusses Ibuki A tsushi,s theories on the problem atic dating and authorship o f the text. Ibuki p ro ­ poses that H uaixin 懷 信 is the same as H uixiang 慈 祥 (d. after 706) and that the Shimen yijing lu was com pleted betw een 698 and 704 (see Ibuki, “T 6 so E sho ni tsuite”). 174. T. 51.807^3. 175. T. 51.807b.9-10. 176. T. 51.807b. See the m ention o f the Bore Platform in T. 51.1067c.24. 177. For a discussion o f T iantai repentance rituals, see Stevenson, “T he T, ien-t’ai F our Form s o f Sam adhi,” 336,401. O n confession and repentance m ore generally, see K uo Li-ying, Confession et contrition dans le bouddhisme chinois. 178. T he nam e was later changed to the Fuyan M onastery. 179. O n the im perial bestow al o f nam e plaques, see Foulk, “ M yth ,Ritual, and M onastic Practice in S,ung C han B uddhism ,” 164—65. 180. T. 51.1070c. 14-19. 181. See Stevenson, “T he F our K inds o f Sam adhi in Earlv ,rie n -t,ai Buddhism .” 182. See Guoqing hailu^ T. 46.80^.13-14. T he fact that this fragm ent m en­ tions Sengzhao as the leader o f the com m unity raises certain questions about the structure o f the Rminent M onks of Nanyue list. If Sengzhao took over the com m unity from H uisi, we w ould expect to find his nam e im m ediately after H uisi's on that list instead o f in the fourth spot. T his suggests that the orga­ nizational principle o f the list was n o t that o f a lineage list. 183. T. 51.59b. 184. O il the therapeutic role o f repentance, see D onner and Stevenson, The Great Calming and Contemplation^ 83, w here they discuss the psychologically therapeutic role o f these rituals. See also Stevenson, “ lh e T , ien-t,ai Four Form s o f S a m a d h i,401—18. 185. This Mohe 对 、igmn quotation is cited in Penkow er, “T , icn-t,ai D uring the T ’ang D ynasty,” 187. 186. ZZ, 130: 713. John Jorgensen, w ho has probably gone the furthest in detailing the C onfucian underpinnings o f the B uddhist tradition, has pointed out how “ familial term inology had been used alm ost from the inception o f

N o /es to Pages 2 /2 -y /

393

Chinese Buddliism . Leaders w ere callcd (grandfather or patriarch), pupils di^i (younger brothcr-son), and theoretical schools jia o r chouscs, ,, ("The ‘Im ­ perial,Lineage o f C h,an Buddhism ,” 96). 187. W right, Studies in Chinese Buddhism、 80-81. 188. T here have been a num ber o f studies in recent vears thnt hn\re begun to detail the problem s o f reading back contem porary [apancse sectnnan concerns o n to prem odern Chinese religious realities. See, e.g., the reccnt w ork o f T. G riffith Foulk and Bob Sharf. 189. B arrett, “Kill the P atiiarchs,” 93. 190. Thom as W ilson, Genealogy of the \\vay\ D avid (olinson, The Medieval Chi­ nese Oligarchy^ 45; and Jorgensen, “T he ‘Im perial, Lineage o f Q i’an Buddhism ,” 90. 191. D onner and Stevenson, The Great Calming and Conkmphifion、 42. 192. T. 50.564a. 193. See Y anagida, Sboki sbisho no kenkyn, 447-48; and Sengoku, “N angaku no shuzenso iii tsuite.” I;or a further discussion o f the historv o f the term chan^ng^ see 1'oulk, ‘‘T he ‘C h’an School, and Its Placc in the B uddhist M onastic T radition,” 109. 194. W e should not overlook the fact, how ever, that Ilu isi is also dcpicted as part o f a Vinaya lineage. In Li IIu a's 李 華 inscription for M uizhcn 慧 眞 , H uizhen is presented as the sLxth-gencration heir to Huisi. f Iuizhcn is know n for having dispatched Chengyuan to N anvuc to revive the Vinava studv on that m ountain. N onetheless, H uizhen is him self a com plex figure w ho is also listed as a disciple o f Zhiyi. 195. T he stories regarding H uisi and Shotoku are studied in Furuta, tcK angaku E shi koshin setsu,” For a b rief sum m ary o f these legends and their (apancse sources, see Faure, The W'iH !o Orthodoxy, 112-13; and Com o, “Silia Im m i­ grants and the Early Shotoku C ult,” 258, w liich discusses the Shidudaiki 七 代 1己 accounts. See also D ykstra , Isliraathus Tales of the \.j)tus Sitlra^ 103-4, for an account from the Dainihonkoku H okekyokenki 大 日 本 国 法 華 經 驗 記 . I discuss these issues in m ore detail 111 R obson, ''B uddhism and the Chinese M arch­ m ount System ’” 364—65. 196. A close reading o f the entries for these m onasteries in the A ?) ^ZSJ shows that these nam es were granted 111 the Song, but in m ost cases wc are not told the previous nam e o f the m oaastcrw This conclusion seem s to further support the pioneering rcscarch done 011 the history o f Chan m onasteries bv T. G riffith F oulk, but at the same tim e it does not ncccssarilv call into question the im portance o f those sites as early dhyana centers. See i ;oulk, “T he ‘C h’an School, and Its Placc in the B uddhist M onastic T radition ”;and idem , "M yth, Ritual, and M onastic Practice in S’ung Chan B uddhism .”

394

Notes to Pages 2 ^ —60

197. Chongxiu Nanym 又 hi、 421. O n Pan Lei, see the biography in H um m el, llm inent Chinese of the Ch’ing Period, 606.

Chapter 8 1. W einstein, Buddhism Under the T'ang. 2. T he phrase is from W right, Buddhism in Chinese History^ chap. 4’ 65—85. 3. B arrett, Taoism Under the T ’ang, 19; Seidel, La divinisation de Lao Tseu dans le iaoisme des Han. 4. W einstein, “Im perial P atronage in the F orm ation o f T ang B uddhism .” 5. W einstein, Buddhism Lhder the Tang, 149-50; Sharf, Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism^ 6; and K am ata, Chugoku kegon shisdshi no kenkyu, 6. B ielenstein, “C hinese H istorical D em ography, a.d, 2—1982^; H artw ell, “D em ographic, Political, and Social T ransform ations o f China, 750—1550^; Aoyam a ,tcZui-To-S6 sandai ni okeru kosu no chi-ikiteki kosatsu ”;Li Y inghui, Tangdaijojiao dili yanjiu, 313. 7. Jorgensen, Inventing Hui-nengy 474. 8. Li Y inghui, Tangdai fojiao diliyanjiu, 311-21. F or a study o f Buddhism in the H unan region generally, see Liu G uoqiang, Hunan fojiao siyuan ^hi. 9. Suzuki T etsuo, To Godai no ^enshu: Konan, Kosei hen、 x—19. 10. T here is a grow ing body o f literature on this topic; see, e.g.,W einstein, “The Schools o f Chinese B uddhism ”;Foulk, “M yth, Ritual, and M onastic Practice in S’ung C han B uddhism ”;and, m ost recently ,Sharf, Coming to Terms

with Chinese Buddhism. 11. F or a review o f the m ajor recent w orks in this field, see M cRae, “Buddhism ”;and the m ore recent Faure, “C han and Z en Studies.” T he m ain w ork that accom plished m uch o f the rethinking o f early C han was, o f course, Yanagida5s Shoki ^enshii shisho no kenkyu. F or an E nglish sum m ary o f the m ain sec­ tions o f that book, see McRae, “Yanagida Seizan’s Landm ark W orks on Chi­ nese C h’an.” See also Faure, The W ill to Orthodoxy, and M cRae, The Northern

School. 11.

Ishii, “K ung-an C h’an and the Tsung-men / 'ung-yao chi^ 114. T he same p oint is m ade in McRae, “Shen-hui and the T eaching o f Sudden E nlighten­ m e n t , 230. T he one exception to this is perhaps the Quanzhou qianfo xin^fm song 泉 州 千 佛 新 著 諸 祖 師 頌 (Newly com posed verses at the [Caves] o f the T housand B uddhas in Q uanzhou o n the various patriarchs and m asters) by Shengdeng 省 燈 (Stein #1635, T. 85.13200-220), w hich is discussed below. 13. Z urcher, “B uddhism in China,” 139: Suzuki T etsuo, To Godai no ^enshu: Konan, Kosei hen; idem , To Godai no t^ensbusbi; and Faure, “C han and Z en Stud-

Notes to Pa^es 260-64

395

14. Yam azaki, Shim chusei (rnkkyo no tenkai\ Yan Shangw en, Sui Tang fojiao ^pngpaiyanjiu^ 299-344; Suzuki T etsuo, To Godai no t^nshu\ Lee K it-W ah’ “Tang Song chanzong zhi dili fenbu.” A sem inal study o f one region has also been w ritten by Y anagida, "T o-m atsu G odai no K ahoku chiho ni okeru Z enshu k(3ki.” These types o f details reveal, how ever, one lim itation o f Suzuki T etsuo’s m ethodology. A lthough he has provided the m ost detailed research to date on the history o f C han at N anyue— as part o f his im portant w ork that approaches Chan history from a geographical perspective 一 he tends to see the Chan fig­ ures in isolation and fails to note continuities w ith o ther traditions. 15. O n N iutou shan, see D alia, “Social Change and the N ew B uddhism in South China.” O n the Sichuan m ovem ents, see G regory, Tsung-mi and the Siniftcation of Buddhism; A dam ek, “Issues in Chinese B uddhist T ransm ission ”;and idem , The Mystique ofTransmission^ 290—92. 16. See Jia, The Hong^hou School o f Chan Buddhism-, and Poceski, Ordinary M ind

as the 丨 17. Foulk, “T he C h’an T sung in M edieval China,” 26; idem , “T he ‘C h,an School’ and Its Place in the B uddhist M onastic T radition,” 364. 18. K ojim a, ‘“ H igashi Ajia bukky6gaku’ ni yoru C hugoku zenshisoshi no saik6chiku.” 19. O n this, see Yanagida, Shoki t^nshil shisho no kenkyn\ and Foulk, “The C h’ati T sung iti M edieval C hina,” x\. 20. ll ie study o f stele inscriptions at the Shaolin M onastery further solidi­ fies this point; see Tonam i, The Shaolin Monastery Stele on M ount Song, 21. W einstein, “ 1'he Schools o f Chinese Buddhism ,” 261. 22. See also Sengoku, “N angaku no shuzenso ni tsuite.” 23. Sekiguchi, "Z enshu to T endaishu to no k 6sh(3,” 23. 24. T. 50.606b. See also Sekiguchi, iSZ enshu to T endaishu to no k6sh6,,’ 12. 25. Faure, The W ill to Orthodoxy, 49. 26. O n D aoxin going to N anyue, see Sekiguchi, Tendai shikcin no kenkyfi, 220. 27. T. 50.603b. The title for Shanfu's entry at the beginning o f the section reads “T ang Ilengyue sham en shi Shanfu zhuan” 唐 衡 岳 沙 門 釋 善 伏 傳 (T he biography o f Shanfu the Tang dynasty m onk from Hengyue). 28. Y anagida, Shoki no ^e/irh\ 1: 415. 29. See Song D an 宋 儋 , Songshan Huishan sign dade Daoan chanshi beiming 嵩 山 會 山 寺 故 大 德 道 安 禪 師 碑 銘 (Stele inscription for the D hyana M aster o f G reat V irtue D aoan o f the H uishan M onaster}7 on M ount Song), in GTW^ 396.123-14)3; and T. 50.823b, 829c. 30. F or the im portance o f H uian, see Faure, The W ill to Orthodoxy^ 29. 31. T. 50.823b.20—21. O n the tw elve-part dhuta-guna asceticism , see N aka­ m ura, Bukkyo^o daijhen, 803. W ithin Chan this practice seem s to be associated

Notes to Pages' 264—67

39^

w ith the line o f Lankavatara m asters descending from Huike 慧 可 ( ca. 485— ca. 555), through M aster N a 那 禪 師 ( d.u.) and f fuim aii 慧 滿 ( 589-642); see C happell, “The Teachings o f the F ourth C h’an Patriarch T ao-hsin , ’,92. 32. Sec M cllae, I'he Northern School, 57—58. Further testim ony to the fact that N anvue was a peaceful placc to flee the discord o f the age is found in the fact that Z hanran 湛 然 (711—82) is know n to have take refuge in the region during the A11 Lushan rebellion. See Penkow er, “T ’ien-t,ai D uring the T ’ang Dyiif ls r v , ” 7 6 —8 0 .

33. 'Y. 50.874b.9-10. C hen jiuhua, “ Im ages, Legends, Politics and the O rigin o f the G reat X iangguo M onastery in K nifcng.,> 34. McRae, The Norfhern School, 70. 35. T . 5 0 . 7 6 4 a . i o - i i .

36. M,. 51.1083b.25—c.26. O ther biographies for Afingzan survive in both B uddhist and non-B uddhist sources, including the Song sciosen^ ^hitan (T. 50.834a.7-b.17) and 7'aipingguangji (96.640-41). 37. O11 Yuan |iao , see Yang Zliijiu, 71wngg!'io lishi du cidian: S!,ti Tang Wudai shi' 595. Yuan )iao was the son o f one o f X ianzong (r, 805—19) m inisters nam ed Yuan Zi 袁 滋 . Yuan jiao senx'd as governor o f G uozhou 號 州 (in m odem I Ienan province). 1he nine stories in rhe Gan-^e yuo arc preserved in full in the

Taiping gnanoji, 38. *r. 50.834a.7-b.17. 39. T. 51.1071a.29-b. 40. T. 51.1083c.14. 41. T. 51.1083c.25. 42. l;or one theory on the relationship betw een B uddhist m onks w ith thaum aturgical pow ers and the com m unities thcv lived in, see W atanabe, “ Zcnshu to m inshu to 110 tsuite.” See also K icshnick, I'he llminentM onk^ 67—111. 43. For an 111-dcpth study o f the biographical sources available for Li Mi, see D icn, “M’hc Use o f the \^eh-hou d)ia-ciman^\ and idem , “T urfan Funereal D ocum ents,5> 25. 44. O n Li Mi’s relationship to D aoism , see D alby, “C ourt and Politics in I>atc T ’ang T im es,” 592-93. 45. O n the antagonism betw een I i Mi and Li Fuguo, see ibid., 592. 46. See Faure, The W ill fo Or/lmlo.\}\ no. 47. O n tricksters and Chan m onks, including m ention o f M ingzan, see Faure, The RJjefo/ic of Jmmedkhy, 115-25. O n the topos o f dirt, see also Stein, “La lcgendc du foyer dans le m ondc clim ois.” 48. Strickm ann, "Saintly Fools and Chinese M asters’” 49. See also the dis­ cussion o f a sim ilar case in C erteau, The Mystic l;abk\ 1: 32—33. 49. M alam oud, Cooking the \V7or!d, 7.

Nofes to Pages 267—71

397

50. O n Rudra, sec ibid., zG im o. 51. Schm idt-G lintzer, “B uddhism in the T ang P eriod , , ,191. 52. T . 49.379c.10-16. This account is translated in ]an, A Chronicle o f Bud­ dhism in China^ 73—74. 53. Songgaoseng 过man, T. 50.83^.16-17. 54. I;aure, 1'he Rhetoric o fImmediacy^ 116—17. 55. T. 51.1083c.25. O n corpse-liberation in general, see the illum inating article by C t'dzich, “Corpse D eliverance.” F or an exam ple o f a D aoist w ho died an apparent death while in prison, see R obinet, ''M etam orphosis and D eliverance from the C orpse in T aoism ,” 61, w hich cites a case from YJjen'gao 14.18b. 56. T. 50.410a.15-16. 57. O n B odliidharm a, see I;aure, The KJjetonc of Immediacy^ 105; and 011 Pu H ua, see F. 47.504b, translation in B urton W atson, The Zen Teachings o fMaster L Z //-0/,102-3. 58. So^{g gcioseng 咖 mn, T. 50.816a.21. Sec also Suzuki Tetsuo, To Godai no ■^ensh/t: K(wcm、 Kosei /叱" ,50; and T sukam oto, Chilgoku jodo kyoshi kenkyu, 547. 59. \Ju 'Aongyuan /./, 173. 60. O n the w ider context o f Chan m onks residing in \ Tinnva tem ples, sec Shiina, “Sh()t(3zensha no ritsu,iii kvoju iii tsuite.” 61. Sliima, "H okushu zca ni okcru kairitsu no m ondai”;Foulk, ‘T h e ‘C h’an

School, and Its Place in the Buddhist Monastic Tradition” ; and Fflure,\^a vo­ lante (1'orfhocioxie dans le homldhiswe chinois, 98. 62. See T. 51.1083c.19 and 51.461b. 1'his poem is also included in Ui, 7』 nshfishi kenkyn 1: 516—17. M ore is said about the poct-m oiiks below. 63. Sec the vise fvil chart 111 Suzuki T etsuo, J o Godai no ^nshir. Konan, Kosei ben、 341. 64. O n the dying out o f the N orthern School after the H uichang persecu­ tions, see 'i'am polsky, The Platform Sfitra of the Sixth Patriarchy 37. 65. T. 50.765b.19. 66. This tem ple is m ost likely the X ingshan A Ionaster\r located in C h a i^ ^ n . T his tem ple was w here disciples o f M azu later resided; see K om azaw a daigaku zengaku daijiten hensanjo, Zengaku daijiten, 317b. 67. Rccnll the arrival o f I luisi at N anyue, w hen he also referred to the m ountain spirit as his dihiapati. 68. ITiis appears to be a slight tw ist 011 m ore com m on talcs about B uddhist m onks converting m ountain spirits; see Faure, “Space and Place in Chinese Religious T raditions ., , 69. Reading yuedu 越 度 for v^)aodiL jo. T. 50.778b.8-20.

398

No/es to Paoes 2 /1 -/ f

jx . O n this tem ple and its connection to Sui Y angdi, see the notice in Chen J inhua, M aking and Remaking History, 50. O n Tanguang, see T. 51.224a, 225c. 72. It is unclear w hat peak A ngtou refers to, since no peak o f that nam e is identified in the Collected \-\ighlights. 73. 丁. 50.893^15-26. 74. A lthough the jingde chuandeng lu asserts that C hengxin was Puji’s disciple, at the tim e that he becam e a m onk Puji had already been dead for som e time. M ore likely, he studied under one o f Puji’s disciples. 75. Faure, I^a voionte d’ortbodoxie dans le bouddbisme chinois, 97; M cRae, The Northern School、 242. M ingzan, we should rem em ber, arrived at N anyue in 742. 76. See, e.g., the studies by D alia, “Social Change and the N ew B uddhism in S outh C hina ”;M cRae, ‘T h e O x-H ead School o f Chinese C h’an B uddhism ”; and Sekiguchi, Zensfm shisdshi. A lthough D alia (“Social Change and the N ew B uddhism in South China,” 383) localizes the O x H ead school to the vicinity o f N anjing, th at assertion is no longer inadequate in accounting for later O x H ead developm ents. O n the ]ueguan /"”, see Tokiw a and Yanagida, Zekkan ron: FJhurt yakuchu, genbun kotei, kokuyaku. 77. M cRae, “T he O x-H ead School o f Chinese B uddhism .” 78. T he stele inscription is preserved in Q T \\ \ juan 721. See also Sekiguchi, Zenshu shisdshi、 284—86; and Suzuki T etsuo, To Godai no ^nshii: Konan, Kosei hen, 14. 79. Suzuki T etsuo, To Godai no ^enshft: Konan, Kosei ben、 15; M cRae, “T he OxIIead School o f Chinese Buddhism ,” 188, 244/747. 80. ^2 T\l^yjuan 817. T his inscription is also found in U u Zongyuanj i 、 159. 81. Sekiguchi, Zenshu shisoshi\ M cRae, “The O x-H ead School o f Chinese Buddhism ,55 194. 82. T . 50.764a. T he translation given here is from Yam polsky, The Platfomj Siitra of the Sixth Patriarchy 55. O n Liu K e, see Yoshikawa, 4'Ryu K a den ”;and Pulleyblank, “I」 u K ’o, a F orgotten Rival o f H an Y ii.” 83. In the spacc available here, it will not be possible to provide a thorough critical evaluation o f all the textual m aterials available on these figures. I h e best concise treatm ent o f that history is Ishii, Sddui t^nshnshi no kenkyii, 123—46. See also A be, Chugoku ^nshiishi no kenkyfi^ 7—35; and the detailed geo-historical studies by Suzuki T etsuo , To Godai no ^enshu: Konan, Kosei hen\ and Ix e K it-W ah , “Tang Song chanzong zhi dili fenbu.” 84. Jorgensen, Inventing Hm-neng、 485. 85. M cRae, “Shen-hui and the T eaching o f Sudden E nlightenm ent, , ,233—34. 86. Ui, Zensbftshi kenkyft、 248; McRae, “Shen-hui and the T eaching o f Sud­ den E nlightenm ent, , ,162/114. 87. Suzuki T etsuo, To Godai no ^enshft: Konan, Kosei hen、 16.

No/es to Pa^es 27 / - /p

399

88. Studies o f H uairang include Ui, Zensh/h'hi kenkyu^ 382; Nakagawa, "N angaku Kaijo zenji no zenh(V ’ 74-76; and H uang Lijin, '"N angaku Kai jo no dcnki to shist3.” 89. See Songgaoseng tjm an 9 (T. 50.761a.11-b.12) and Tj'ttangji 3 (1.142 o f Yanagida Seizan^s Sodoshn saku'ui). Q uotations from H uairang’s lost biographv in the Bao///? ^m an can be found in Shiina, ^Horinden makikvu mnkiju 110 itsubun.” 90. F or an interesting look at the history o f the Y uquan M onastcty, see B arrett, “D evil’s Valley to O m ega P oint.” 91. Faure, “T he C oncept o f O nc-Pntcticc Sam adhi in Early C h’an,” 121. 92. T. 51.10700.18-19. 93. Yanagida, 7」 en no sanga, 94—95. 94. T. 50.761b.995. Suzuki T etsuo, To Godai no ^enshfs: Konan, Kosei ben、 14. 96. T. 51.1071a.13; Suzuki T ctsuo, To Godai no Konan, Kosei hen^ 14. 97. Jorgensen, Inventing \~\ul-neng. 98. 7j4tang/>' 3.115.9-13. 99. O n these various affiliations, sec W elter, Monks, JW o ',a/u! U fenif^ 77— 78. 100. T. 50.563^.22—23; M agnin , vie et I'neiwre (k 37. \ \ 7udaag, o f course, refers to the m ountain well know n in D noist lore for the cult to Z heavai; sec Lagerway, "T he Pilgrim age to \ \ u-tang Shan.” W udang’s D aoist im portance should not occlude the fact that W udang was also a destination for Chan m onks. In addition to this m ention o f M uizhong's connection to the m ountain, as we will see below, H uairang also visited W udang shan before proceeding to Nanyue. 101. T. 50.763a.15; Sekiguchi, Zenshil shisdshi^ 373. 102. Zutang ji 1.132.1-138.14. 103. T. 50.7580.13-25. 104. O n his participation in debates, see Suzuki 1'etsuo, To Godai no xp!sh/i:

Konan, Kosei hen' 8.

105. On the history of rhc saying “This volt mind is the Buddha; no-mmd is the W ay,” sec Iriya and Koga, •人 engo/ife/u 273. 106. Suzuki T etsuo, I d Godai no ^ensh/'i: Konan, Kosei hm 、 8 107. Faure, “The C onccpt o f O ne-Practice Samadhi in Karlv C h’an , , ,121; and T sukam oto, Chngoku jodo kyoshi kenkyn. 108. F or general overview s o f the Sichuan Chan B uddhist com m unities, sec G regory ,Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism^ 27-52; and A dam ck, “Issues in Chinese B uddhist T ransm ission/7 109. Yanagida, Shoki no ^enshi^ 2: 189. n o . B roughton, ''E arly (:h,an Schools 111 T ibet.”

400

Notes to Pages 2 /^ -8 ^

h i. Studies o f Tvlazu include Ishikaw a, “Baso zen no keisei”;Yanagida, “Baso zen no shom ondai”;N ishiguchi, “Baso no denki”;Jia, The Hongf^hou School o f Chan Buddhism,' and Poceski, Ordinary M ind as the Way. 112. Ui, Zenshilshi kenkyu, 386. It should be noted, how ever, that the antece­ dent to Afazu’s phrase is found, as w e have just seen, in the phrase jix in shifou by another N anyue C han m onk nam ed Sikong Benjing. 113. See T. 51.1070C.21-24 and the retelling o f the story in Faure, The W ill to Orthodoxy, 73. 114. Q 1W 501.10b. See also Zutangji 4.69-70; Jingde Chuandeng /«, T. 51.252b— c; and Song gaoseng ^huan^ T, 50.7670—7683. F or further inform ation, see B arrett, IJ Aoy 86; and Sharf, Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism、 33. 115. B arrett, U y lo , 86 116. T ang Y ongtong, Han Wei U angjin Nanbeichao fojiaoshi, 235. 117. Y anagida, “The U -Tai Fa-Pao Chi and the C h,an D octrine o f Sudden Awakening,” 29. O n the relationship betw een W eikuan and Bai Juyi, see Waley, The U fe and Times o f Po CIm-i, 99. 118. T. 50.768a. 119. T. 50.83^.16-26. 120. T. 50.839^18-19. T his is the Bore si G uanyin daochang 般 若 寺 觀 音 道 場 associated w ith H uairang. 121. T. 51.10760.28—773.2. 122. O n T anzang, see T. 5i.io8rb.i6~24, 50.7743.9^.6. 123. A lthough the third section o f the Collected Highlights consists solely o f biographies, m ost o f those are dedicated to D aoists. 124. Biographies for Shitou are contained in Songgaoseng ^huan^ T. 50.763c64a; and Zutangji 147-55. record o f his teachings can be found in the Jingde Chuandeng /" ,T. 51.309b. In addition to these records, his long poem “C antong qi” 参 同 契 (The harm ony o f difference and equality) and the shorter "C aoan ge” 草 淹 歌 (Song o f the grass hut) are preserved in the T aisho Canon; see T. 51.459b.7-21 and 51.461c. Shitou is also m entioned in several places in the Nanyue ^ongsbengji (see, e.g., T. 51.1070b.25). 125. O n Liu Ke, see Pulleyblank, “Liu K , o, a F orgotten Rival o f H an Yii.” 126. T. 51.1070b.27-c.6127. T. 51.1070a.19—20,1070b.25_c.13, 128. T. 51.1070b.25—27. 129. T. 5i.io67b.2C)-22. 130. T he follow ing account is based primaril}7 on Z utangji 4.147—55. F or a useful sum m ary o f the Zutang ji biography, see W elter, M onks, Voders, and U terati, 79—81.

Notes to Pa^es 283—87

401

131. T he G uoen si 國 恩 寺 , w hich was in X inzhou, is w here the Sixth P atri­ arch evidently returned to in 713. X inzhou is located in m odem G uangdong province. 132. Zuhingji^ 4.148.2-3. 133. F or these lines, see T sukam oto, C horon kenkyfi、 86. T he translation used here is found in D um oulin, Zen Buddhism^ 1: 73. See also the translation by L iebenthal, Chao L///;, 126. 134. H u Shih, ‘‘C h’an (Zen) B uddhism in C hina/' 12. 135. Studies on Q ingvuan X ingsi and his thought include Shiina, “Seigen G yoshi ko,J; and Nakagawa, “K isshu Seigen g\roshi zenji to sono shis6.” 136. 丁he follow ing account is based o n 7j4tangji 4.147-55. 137. O n Shitou’s interactions w ith H uairang, see Ishii, Sodai ^ensbushi no kenkyuy127—28. 138. T anzhou is located near m odern Changsha in H unan province. 139. Suzuki T etsuo, ‘‘K onan no zenshu no tokuch6.”

140. T. 51.1078c.21—22. This information, of course, argues against specula­ tion that Shitou was mummified and that his mummy is presently housed at Sojiji tem ple in Japan. O n this question, see R obson, “A T ang D ynasty Chan M um m }'” 141. T his section is a revised and extended version o f a section o f R obson, “Polym orphous Space,” 258—64. O n the "C antong qi” and its different ver­ sions see Shiina, “Sm ddkai no seikaku to g en b u n /'

142. The following translation of the Cantong qi is the one that was arrived at by the S oto-shu Liturgy C onference at G reen G ulch Farm in 1997 and repro­ duced in Shunryu Suzuki, Branching Streams \:loiv in the Darkness、 20-21, although I have slightly m odified a few phrasings. Iliere is an enorm ous body o f litera­ ture on S hitou,s Cantong particularly in Japanese. T here are also num erous translations o f the Cantong qh see, am ong others, Sheng Y en, The Infinite Mirror、 5. T here is also a useful annotated Japanese translation in Yanagida, “Sun-

dokaL” 143. Fukvii, “A Study o f the Chou-i Ts'an-fung~ch'ir 19—32; and idem , ^Shftekj Sanddkai^ 261—284. 144. O w en, The Great Age o f Chinese l)oefQ!, 41—46, 262-63; on W ang W ei’s problem atic dates, see ibid., 28. 145. B arrett, U A oy 26. H ere he is draw ing on the im portant w ork o f M ori Alikisaburo, Joko yori Kandai ni itaru seimeikan no tenkai. 146. See I;ung, A Short Histoty o f Chinese Philosophy^ 19. T he Zhouji Cantong qi is also found in num erous editions in the Dao^ang, including H Y 999, 1000 , 1001, 1004, 1007, 1008. See also the Japanese translation by Suzuki Y oshijiro, Sbneki Sanddkai. O n the history o f the different versions o f the Zhouyi Cantong

402

J\ofes to Pa^es 287-91

cji and its com m cntancs, sec Pregadio, “ I he R epresentation o f Tim e in the Zhouyi Cantong OiT 147. R obinet, “O riginal (^contributions o f A eidan to Taoism and Chinese T hought, , ,303. 148. Stein, The World in AUniature^ no, 149. Ibid., 311//242. It should also be noted that cm bryonic respiration (taixi) seems fo have been a practicc transm itted at the Bore si; see R obson, "Poly­ m orphous Space,” 251. 150. \ \ fc find, for exam ple, the use o f the charactcrs fu 復 歸 , and hm 回 . 151. Buswell, “C hinul’s System atization o f Chinese M editative Techniques in K orean Son Ikiddhism .” O n the D aoist contcxt o f the phrase hniguang (an^an^ see R obinet、7'aoist /\ ledifation^ 112-13; and N oguchi ct al., Dokyo jiten^ 33-34. It is interesting to note that in C-hnn the phrase l)idgHan^ fan^hcio was also used bv later Soto lineage m onks; see especially D oge 11 道 元 , /;ukan 不勸坐 禅 儀 , w here it says "study the backw ard step o f turning the light and shilling it back” (Bielcfeldt, Dogen VAiamtais o f Zen Medifafion^ 176). 152. Buswell, “C hinul’s System atization o f Cliinese M editative Techniques in K orean Son B uddhism ,” 213, 237/769. See also Schippcr, L 'empereur \l ou des thw s dans la legende hioistt\ 48//1. 153. T. 51.461c.8—21. See Kom azawa daigaku zengaku daijiten hensanjo, Zengdku dai/ik'iu 9 5-96. 154. T. 51.461c.8-2i. F or the D aoist usage, see ) ^uqing nmji ^ong^hen Wend)ang D adong xianjing v^hu玉 清 無 極 總 眞 文 晶 大 洞 仙 經 往 (Com m entary on the Great Cavern Scripture according to W enchang), HY 103.5.10b.!. 155. T he Xindcin jue is quoted in the Zongjing ///,T. 48.946c. See the brief dis­ cussion in A ram aki, lohi^anmkN no tachiba to ‘NIanshCizeti’ izcn no N ^nshCizen,” 31. F or other possible connections betw een neidan and Q ian, see the im portant w ork o f Sakauchi, ‘“ ShQshin’ to ‘nahaii., , , 156. Buswell, “The 'S hort-cut5 A pproach o f K ^n-hua M editation ”;see esp. P- 327157. T. 51.1080a.17-18. 158. O n these tw o im portant D aoists, sec C hapter 5; see also V erellen , Du CiNungtin^ 17—18.

159. Sec Cjiaham , The Book oj U eh-t^i^ 112—13; and Yanagida, ^Sandokai^ 128-31. 160. R obinson, I U/rfy AIcuihyumiku in India and Chinu、 17. 161. Sharf, “「lh c ‘T reasure Store T reatise,’” 144. 162. I'. 5r.459b.8-9. 163. T . 48.944b, translated 111 M cRae, “T he O x-IIead School o f Chinese C h’an B u d d h is m ,203.

N o tes lo Pages

403

164. McRae, Seeing 1'hrongh Zen、 58. 165. Vjitangf^ 4.148-3-5; M mg-wood Liu, Aladhyamaka Thought in China、 242— 57.

166. T. 48, #2015. O n this text, see B roughton, “ rsung-m i’s Z en Prolegom cnon.” 167. K am ata, 7,engen shosenshff fojo^ 48, 91. 168. Ibid., 91. 169. 1'hc problem o f the “ string o f pearls” fallacy in C han studies was first discusscd in McRae, The Northern School^ 7—8, 252—53; and m ore recentlv in idem, Seeing I'hrough 9—11. 170. For a recent treatm ent o f the historical elaboration o f the Chnn history descending from Slutou, sec W elter, Monks, Ru/ers, and U terati, 82. T o give a sense o f the need to lim it our concerns to the earlv strata o f texts, consider the follow ing statistics: the Zntang ji lists a total o f 103 disciples in S hitou’s line through eight generations. T hat num ber expands to 886 disciples through eleven generations ia the j inode Chnandeng lu. 171. T. 50.764118-19. 172. Y.ntangj i 4.167.9-68.3; 1'. 51.311a.28-b.10. 173. T, 49.380b.14—16; W einstem , Buddhism Vnder the T'ang, 99. 174. 1'. 50.769b.14. I'ianhunng D ao\vu,s stele inscription, entitled “]ingzhou chengdong Tinnhuarvg D aow u chanshi bei” 别 州 城 東 天 皇 道 悟 禪 師 碑 , is preserved in G Y\V 691.8973a.3-13. 175. Suzuki T etsuo, To Godai no ^enshfr. Konan, Kosei hen、 301. 176. O il I)ao\vu, see A be, Chugoku ^enshnshi no kenkyfi、 35—38. 177. F or the Tianw ang D aow u stele inscription, entitled “Tiam vang I)ao\vu chanshi bei” 天 王 道 悟 襌 師 碑 , see 01 W 713.9274a.9~b.8. O n the story o f the tw o D iunvus, sec Ui, Y^nshfishi kenkyfi, 408-9; and W elter, M onks' \htkrs cwd Uterati^ 87-88. 178. T. 50.767c.8-10. 179. B arrett, U A o, 48. 180. For a com plete account o f this interaction, see H artm an, \ia n Yii, 93-99. 18 1.

7. i ( t c i n o

5 .1 -4 .

182. 'i'hc m ost com plete account o f Man Yu and Dadian^s relationship bv a scholar ot Buddhism is Yanagida, “Bukkotsu no h y o /5 183. Suzuki T etsuo, To Godai no ^ensb/1: Konan, Kosei hen, 42. 184. C h a n g z i h a s ail en t rv in VAttang j i 5.4—6.

185. T. 50.773b. 19—21; Sekiguchi, Zenshfi shisdshi, 378. For a cogent summarv o f D anxia's and Y aoshan,s places in Tang C haa history, see W elter, Monks, Krders, and IJfera/i, 8 2 -8 5 .

186. T. 50.773b; Z "A "W 4.157—67.

Notes to Pages 2p6-pp

404 187. T. 51.10700.4.

188. O n this story, see N ishiw aki, Todai no shiso to bm ka 、 271; and Faure, The

Rhetoric o fImmediaty, 171. 189. T. 51.1070C.3.

190. R uth Sasaki et al, A Man of Zen、 40, 191. T. 51.1061c.21. T he com pound nmsheng literally refers to that w hich is not

bom; by extension it means that which is not subject to birth and death and can be translated variously as referring to “emptiness”or “nirvana” ;see N a k a ­ mura,

Bukkyogo daijifen、1330.

192. Alizuno, “D enbdge no seiritsu iii tsuite,” 22—41; Yanagida, Shoki ^enshfi shisho no kenkyii 、 c h a p . 5; Is h ii, 4tD e n b 6 g e n o s e irits u n o h a ik e i” ;a n d id e m , “ D e n -

b6ge_” 193. Yanagida, liSandokai^ 163. 194. Quanzhou qianfo xin^hu song、 T. 85.1320c—22c. 195. Tokiw a D aijo, H orinden no kenkyfi', Suzuki Fetsuo, To Godai no ^enshn: Konan, Kosei hen、 7; and Yang Cengwcn, Tang Wudai chan^ong shi, 577-78. 196. Yanagida, Shoki qnsM shisho no kenkyt}、 351; Jia, The h\ong^}mu School of Chan Buddhhm, 83-89. 197. Shiina, ^Horinden makikyu m akiju no itsubun ”;see also idem , ^Horinden

no ibon.” 198. See Tanaka, Tonko ^enshu hunken no kenkyfi、 530-32. 199. Suzuki T etsuo , To Godai no ^ensh/1: Konany Kosei ben、 7. 200. T. 50.8i8b-c. T his story attracts particular attention since it also says that inside the abbey he saw a num ber o f B uddhist 4tm irror lam ps55 {^jiandeng 鑑燈),a statement suggesting that there were some shared Buddhist and D a o ­ ist ritual objects. Kamata Shigeo (4tShumitsu vigo no kegonshd” )has suggested that the jiandeng was a kind o f lam p used by H uayan B uddhists to express the

unlimited nature of the dharma realm. 201. T h e b e s t stu d y o f th e id e n titie s o f th e s e fig u res is T o z a k i,

“ H d r im ie n

no

josha Reitetsu to shiso Reitetsu,” which raises the possibility that the two names refer to the same figure. See also the important comments in Yanagida, Shoki ^enshu shisho no kenkyu^ 351; and N ishiw aki, Todai no shiso to bm ka, 145. 202. T. 50.802b.i203. Tokiw a D aijo, I lorinden no kenkyil、 8. 204. F or “Song seng Z hongzhi dongyou jian song cheng Lingche shangren” 送 僧 仲 制 東 遊 兼 送 呈 靈 澈 上 人 , see U u Y u x i 391. See also Tozaki, ^Horinden no josha R eitetsu to shiso R eitetsu,” 35. 205. Ichihara, “C hijto shoki ni okeru kosa no shiso ni tsuite,” 245. 206. T. 85.1320c.

No/es to Pages 2pp-302

405

207. Biographies for X uantai can be found in Zutang ji 9.28—29; Songgaoseng rjman 17,T. 50.818a.4-18; and Jingde chuandeng lu 16, T. 51.330c.13-31a.i208. T. 51.10763.26-27. 209. See Suzuki T etsuo, To Godai no ^enshfc Konan, Kosei hen^ 315, for a list o f

his stele and stupa inscriptions. 210. T. 50.857b.23-26. 211. For the full account of their relationship,sec James Benn, “Burning for the B uddha,” 159-61; and idem , burning for the Bnddha, 139-40. 212. See Jam es Benn, “Burning for the B uddha,” 150—51; and idem , for the Buddha^ 142-43. 213. T. 50.8183.15-17, 51.1071a.13, 51.1076b.1-2. 214. N ishiw aki, Todai no shiso to bitnka^ 214. 215. See Y anagida, Shoki shisho no kenkyfi, 398 and 403//10, for a list o f

the mentions of Xuantai in the writings of other 1'ang poets collected in the 216. Y anagida, “‘W dj加 kaidai,” 1586. 217. See his biography in the Songgaoseng ^l)iian 30, T. 50.8970.11-8983.3. For

a concise summary of Q ij’s career and poetry, see Schafcr, “ Ch’i-c h i,” 249-51. 218. Quan Tangshi 841.9497. 219. Schafer, “C h’i-chi, , ,250. ii o . Y^nagid^, Shoki -^enshif shisho m kenkyf、 398. 221. For a succinct discussion of the evolution of the binome nianfo^ see Stevenson, “ Pure Land Buddhist Worship and Meditation in China,” 359. See also Sharf, “ 〇n Pure Land Buddhism.”

222. W elter, The Meaning ofM yfiad Good Deeds. 223. W einstein, Buddhism Under the Ta/ig, 66. 224. Ibid.’ 73. 225. A p ra c tic e la s tin g fro m se v e n to n in e tv days th a t is su p p o s e d to m ak e

the Buddha appear in front of one’s very eyes. 226. W einstein, Buddhism Under the T'ang, 73. 227. Ibid., 73, 175/728. 228. H is m ove to W utai shan m ust have been in about 770; see G im cllo,

“Chang Shang-ving on Wu-t’ai Shan,” 112, 140^69. 2 2 9 . T s u k a m o to , “ N a n g n k u Sh( 3e n d e n to s o n o jo d o kv(V , ;se c a ls o S a sa k i

Kosei, ^Joen Mosho no jiseki iii tsuite/574, 011 his being at the Yunfcng si at Nanyue in 767; and 74—75 on other times he was at Nanvue or vicinity, 230. W einstein, Buddhism Vncler the T ’cmg、 74. 231. “N anyue M ituo si C hengyuan heshang b d ” 南 獄 彌 陀 寺 承 遠 和 尚 碑

(Stele inscription for the monk Chengyuan of the Mituo Monastcn' nt Nanvue), by L ii W en S 溫 ( 772-811) in Q11V\ juan 630.

406

Notes to Pages 302-5

232. T. 51.1076b.24—26. 233. See T. 51.108713.6, w here som e o f Chengyuan’s biography is em bedded in a different entry. 234. F or the inscription by Lii W en, see Q TW , juan 630. F or Liu Z ongyuan’s inscription, see U u Hedongji and U u Zongyuanji, 152. See also T su­ kam oto, Chilgoku jodo kyoshi kenkyu, 518—19; and W einstein, Buddhism Under the Tang, 174—15. O n the intellectual background o f these figures during the Tang dynasty, see Bol, “This Culture oj'O im .” 235. N a k a m u ra , B u k k y o g o d a ijite n 、i i 〇9 .b , e n try fo r b a ^ h e n g d a o . 236. K om azaw a daigaku zengaku daijiten hensanjo, Xengaku daijiten、 1319. 237. Lii W en, “N anyue M ituo si C hengyuan heshang bei/ > j uan 630. 238. F or a discussion o f this im portant m ovem ent w ithin C han and Pure Land, see Suwa, Chugoku chusei bukkyoshi kenkyu^ 3. Suwa stresses that Chan and Pure L and came to find the locus o f aw akening w ithin the w orld around us and in our ininds. It is interesting to note in this regard th at as C han m onks w ere proposing that “this very m ind is the B uddha” {jixin jifo 即 心 即 佛 o r jixin shifo 即 是 佛 ) , Pure Land figures like H uiri w ere using the phrase “original nature is A m ick, the Pure Land is on e’s fnind.,> O n this topic, see also the discussion in Liu Changdong, Jin Tang Mituojingtu xinyang yanjiu、 434. 239. Chappell, “F rom D ispute to D ual C u ltiv a tio n ,172. Chengyuan’s new teacher H uiri was m entioned by the Japanese Pure Land m onk H o n ,en as a representative o f one o f the three branches o f Pure Land. H e divided the tradi­ tion into the lineages o f (1) L ushan H uiyuan (2) D aochou and Shandao, and (3) Cimin H uiri. See also Nakayam a, “Jim in sanzo no zenshu hihan ”;and O no G ernnyo, “O n the Pure Land D octrine o f T z , u-m in.” 240. C ited in T sukam oto, “N angaku Shoen den to sono jodo ky6,” 229. 241. T, 85, # 2826. O n this text, see Chappell, “F rom D ispute to D ual Cultivation,” 169—74. 242. Nakayam a, “Jim in sanzo no zenshu hihan.” 243. O n this point, see also Faure, The W ill to Orthodoxy^ 5. Chappell (“From D ispute to D ual C ultivation,” 170), how ever, suggests the possibility that H uiri came into contact w ith H uineng and Shenhui’s disciples w hen he m oved to G uangzhou. Follow ing the genealogies o f his disciples and corroborating evi­ dence in local records, it seems m ore likely that H uiri encountered these Chan disciples at N anyue rather than in G uangzhou o r perhaps in bo th places. It should also be rem em bered here that Cim in's attack was n o t against Chan, as dhyana^ but against the antinom ian characteristics o f certain C han lineages, usu­ ally represented by M azu and Shitou, bo th o f w hom had lived at Nanyue. 244. Tsukam oto, "N angaku Shoen den to sono jodo ky6 , , ,247. 245. Lu W en, “N anyue M ituo si C hengyuan heshang b e i/' QTW ^ juan 630.

Notes to Pa^es 305—8

407

246. T. 51.1061C.26-29.

247. Lii W en, “N anyue dashi Y uangong tam ing ji, ,南 歡 大 師 遠 公 塔 i 名記 (Stele inscription for the great m aster from N anyue [Cheng]yuan); in U i Heng-



ji, 52_ 54248. Some o f the best w orks on the history o f Chinese Vinaya are Sato, Cimgoku bukkyo ni okeru kairitsu no kenkyfr, Lao Zhengw u, Fojiao jielu xue; Cao Shibang, “Z hongguo fojiao shizhuan yu m ulu yuanchu liixue sham en zhi tantao ”;and M ichihata, Chugoku bukkydshi t^nshu. 249. W einstein, “T he Schools o f Chinese B uddhism ,” 263. 250. The benefit o f this type o f interaction has been dem onstrated in effec­ tive ways in the w ork o f Edw ard Schafer and Stephen Bokenkam p in the case o f D aoism and by R obert G im ello and M ark H alperin in the case o f Song Buddhism . Japanese scholars have also been actively engaged w ith this type o f research. A prom ising recent w ork is N ishiw aki, Todai no sbiso to bunka^ w hich has sections on poets like l i u Yuxi and Liu Zongyuan. T here have also been a few o ther fine articles, including Fujiyoshi, 4"Todai bunjin no shQky6kan,,; T suda, uT 6shi ni arawate iru bukkyo to d(_)ky6”; A rai, “Sho T o no bungakusha to bukky6 ” ;Ichihara, “C hiito shoki ni okeru kosa no shiso ni tsuite ”;and G uo Shaolin, Tangdai shidafu yu fojiao. See also N ienhauser, cang ching and M onastic D iscipline in Japanese T endai.” I'aira Ryosho (“D en-E shi-hon ]uhosatsukaigi ni tsuite”) has show n that the Shou pusa jie iven 受 菩 薩 戒 文 ordination m anual attributed to H uisi was actually w ritten m uch later by Fluiwei •慧 威 (fl. seventh century). 254. Satc3, Chiigoku bukkyo ni okeru kairitsu no kenkyii、 375; G roner, Saicho\ and Faure, 11/e W i!! to Orthodoxy, 108. 255. K am ens, The Three Jem Is, 321. 256. T ranslation from G roner, Saichd、 114. 257. Ibid., 114/724. O n the “three collections o f pure precepts,” see also the discussion in M ichihata, Chugoku bukkydshi gnshii, 7: 100. 258. See K uo, Confession et contrition dans k bouddbisme chinoh' and G roner, “T he Fan-mmg ching and M onastic D iscipline in Japanese T endai,” 269. 259. See the “jingzhou N anquan D ayun si gu lanruo heshang bei” 荆 州 南 泉 大 雲 寺 故 蘭 若 和 尚 碑 (Stele for the late preceptor o f the herm itage o f the

408

Noles to Pa^es jo p -n

D ayun M onasten- o f N ant]uan in Jingzhou), O l'W 319.6. See the synopsis o f the inscription in “Li Hua and B uddhism ,” ro8—9. 260. In B uddhist texts, this com pound refers to “;idonim eiits.” See the range o f exam ples in N akam ura, Bukkyogo daijiten^ 717. 261. In a B uddhist contcxt, the com pound da^be 達 者 refers to a practi­ tioner w ho has attained a penetrating understanding, or is awakened; see ibid., 936; and the usage in the Gaoseng ^hnan, T. 50.342a.22. 262. “ l ang gu I Icngvuc liidashi X iangtan Tangxing si Y anjun bei” 唐 故 衡 嶽 律 大 師 湘 潭 唐 興 寺 嚴 君 碑 by Liu Yuxi; in U u ) //.\v//, 53-54; 01 W , juan 610; and Wenyuan yinghua 文 苑 英 華 867.4. 263. 7he them e o f the com parison o f a m oiik,s virtue to the loftiness o f the Five Sacrcd Peaks [miyite) is also found in the Vjttang ji\ see Y anagida, Sodosbff-

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7J)oushi mingtongji 周 氏 冥 通 "I己 (M aster Z hou ’s records o f his com m unications w ith the unseen). By T ao H ongjing 陶 弘 景 ( 456—536). H Y 302. Z hou Y iliang 周 一 良 . IF 乂Jin Nanbeichao shilun j i 魏 晉 南 北 朝 史 論 集 ( Collected essays on the history o f the W ei, Jin, N orth ern and Southern D ynas­ ties period). Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1997. Zhouyi cantong 周 易 参 同 契 (Token for the agreem ent o f the three according to the Book of Changes). By W ei Boyang 魏 伯 陽 (second c. ce). HY 999— 1001,1004,1007-8. Z hu Y aoting 朱 耀 廷 et al. Gudai xianshan daoguan 古 代 仙 山 道 觀 (D aoist ab­ beys at ancient m ountains o f the im m ortals). Liaoning: Liaoning shifan daxue chubanshe, 1996. Ziegler, D elphine. “T he Cult o f the W uyi M ountains and Its C ultivation o f the Past: A T opo-cultural Perspective.” Cahiers d^Rxtreme-Asie 10 (1998): 255—86. ---------- . “E ntre terre et del: le culte des £bateaux-cercueils' du M ont W uyi.” Cahiers dyE xtreme-Asie 9 (1996—97): 203—32. 7J^bi tongjian 資 f台 通 鑑 (Com prehensive m irror for aid in governm ent). Comp. Sima G uang 司 馬 光 (1019-86). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1971. Zongjing ltd 宗 鏡 錄 (Records o f the source m irror). By Y ongm ing Y anshou 永 明 延 壽 (904-75). T. 48 ,#2016. Zuimiao shengdingjing 最女少勝定.經 (Sutra o f the m ost profound concentration). See Sekiguchi Shindai, Tendai shikan no kenkyu. 7ji0^m an 左 傳 (M aster Z uo,s com m entary on the Spring and Autum n Jinnals). Shisan jing f^hushu edition (q.v.). Z urcher, Erik. “ ‘Beyond the jade G ate , :Buddhism in China, V ietnam and K orea.” In The World of Buddhism: Buddhist M onks and Nuns in Society and Culture^ ed. H einz B echert and Richard G om brich. London: Tham es and H udson, 1984,193-211.

W orks Cited

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---------- . “Buddhism in China.” In Buddhism and A sian History^ ed. Joseph M. Kitagawa and M ark D . Cum m ings. N ew York: M acmillan, 1987,139-49. --- -------. The buddbist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Ear/y Medieval China. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1972. ---------- . “B uddhist Influence o n Early Taoism : A Survey o f Scriptural E \ideuce.” T'oung-pao 66 (1980): 84—147. ---------- . “Perspectives in the Study of Chinese B uddhism .” journal ofthe Royal A siatic Society 2 (1982): 161-76. Z urndorfer, H arriet T. Change and Continuity in Chinese bocal Hisfory: The Devel­ opment oj'Hui-chou Prefecture, 800-1800. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1989. Zutangji 祖 堂 集 (R ecord o f the Patriarchal Hall). K yoto: C hubua shuppansha, 1984.

Index

Abbev o t the N ine Perfcctcd at N au v u c 丨〖 e u g sh a n 南 獄 衡 山 九 眞館' iZ9, 141, 143, i^6, 359 Altar to the i'ransccndcnt I,ad '’ Wei (\X ci furen xian tan 魏 夫 人 仙 壇 ),174, >88, 201, 202-3 A m itabha, 216, 245, 301-2, 305, 390 An L ushan 安 祿 山 rebellion (75563), 257 - 58. 271, 396 (Scripture o f massage and pen*asion o f csscnce), 133 Aovama Sadao 青 山 定 雄 ,258 A pocryphal texts (t.AfV潰 y— 識 緯 ), 42-45, 49, 68, h i Arravcd biographies {he^huan 歹1H 專), H7 Art of the l;irc T ripod [j.utoding t^lji 火 鼎 之 術 ),iG} Art o f the G olden Hlixir and l;irc D ragon [^jindcin huolong《 ./Vsh// 金 丹 火 龍 之 術 ) , 179 Ascetic disciplinary rechniques (fo/i-

頭陀行, Skt.

245 Avatamsaka sutra {\-\i(ayan jing 華 嚴 經 ) ,55, 24 \ 250 lia iJ u y i

白居易( 7 7 2 -8 4 6 ), 280-

8 i, 4 0 0

Bni Yuchan 白 玉 碎 (1194-1227?), 1 2 9 , 353

himo fono/ino jing 按 摩 通 精 經

tuo xin g

A valokitesvara (Cnianyin), 53,243,

dhnfu-g!md)'

264 A ssistant m ountains, 84—89 A trached/A ppcudcd (/// 附 ) biog­ raphies, 241, 252

Ba/h// fang 白 虎 通 ( Compirehensivc discussions 111 the Wliite Tiger 1Iall)、 68

jinggnai lu 白 澤 精 怪 圖 (Illustrations o f the spectral prodigies ot W lntc M arsh), 17,333 Bakhtin, M ikhail, 8

Ba//ac/ of fhe Sweet A hirsh {Gan^e yao 甘 澤 謠 ) ,2 6 5 - 6 6 ,

396

han^})oi( sanmei 般 舟 三 眛 ( Skt. pmtyiitpanna-sarnddhi), 301 Baolin ^Irnan 寶 林 傳 (Chronicle o f the Baolin fM onastcn'j), 27476, z8i, 289,297-99, 399;th e o ries about location o f author­ ship, 297-98 队相/),/^/才包朴子(The m aster w ho em braces sim plicity), 48 ,138,

In d ex

4B2 140, 220 ; list o f m o u n tain s, 44,

B ourdicu, P ierre, 4—5, 94

54; beliefs ab o u t m o u n tain s, 44—

B r a n c h hereditary h o u s e (^pangclm

45; locatio n o f H u o sh a n , 7 7 -7 8 Bao^ang lun 寶 藏 論 (T reasu re store

shijia 旁出世家 ),238,24i, 243, 巧1

B redon, Juliet, 54-55

treatise), 280, 290 B axandall, M ichael, 324, 410

B rook, Tinioth}^ 325

B arrett, T im othy, 156, 179, 253, z8o,

Brooks, E. Bruce, 336, 343 B u d d habhndra (359-429), 55

286-87, 294, 340, 369

B uddhism , 180, 233-34, 257-59,

B asso, K eith JI., 322, 332 B enn, C h arles’ 156, 158, 340, 365

308; and sacred m o u n tain s, 1,3,

B enn, Jam es, 405

52-56,

B erger, John, 23

C han B uddhism ; P ure L and

B iclcnstcin, H ans, 258

B uddhism ; T iantai B uddhism ; \ rinava

B icrce, A m brose, 14 B iographies o f em in ent m on k s {gcioseng '^}.man

高僧傳)genre,

24,

IMographies of the Jiighteen \'m in e n t M o /ik s o f N a n yu e, see X a n y u e shiba

B u d d h o -D ao ism , 3,13-14, 180—81, 2 8 6 -9 0 , 322-25, 410

Bugang 步 圼 (walking the guide­ line), 174 B um b acher, S tep h e n , 153, 347, 359—6 0 , 362, 365, 379

gaoseng ^huan biographies oj the FJghteen X o fa b /e s [Shiba xia n ^ h u a n

213, 22 2-23. See also

十八賢傳 )' 237,

B u n sen , R aron, n o —n Busw ell, R o b e rt, 288

387 B /ographks o f fhe N h ie Pojecfed oj

Nunyne, see Nanym jiu ^henren

4 )mn

參 同 契 (The

harmony

o f d ifferen ce an d equality), 282, 284-89, 290, 324, 366 , 4 0 0 -4 0 1 C ao |in)Tan 曹錦炎, m -】2

Blakeley, B m y , 【 15 B lessed terrains

C antong q i

福地 ) ,48 ,93,

222, 220, 360

400

B loch, M arc, 57, 59

Bodliidhamia 普 提 達 磨 ( fl. fifth century), 213, 261, 268 B odhiruci 菩 提 流 志 ( ?一7 2 7 ), 之 33 Bodhisattva precepts

“Caoan gc” 草廢■歌 (Song o f the grass hut), 282, 284, 288, 2 90,

{pusa jie 菩薩

戒 ),307, 3 1 1 , 4 0 7 Boli 波 利 (d.u.), 292, 294 B oltz, Ju d ith , 149, 347

Caoxi Ling 曹 漢 靈 (d.u.), 276 Casey, E d 'v a rd , 6, 23, 125, 410

Celestial Heart (Tianxin 天 心 ), 150 C elestial M asters (T iam h i dao 天 師 道 ) ,73,

133,190-97

passim^ 358, 3 6 0

50,275-77, 2 8 o -8 i, 315, 40 0 , 402,

Peak ( S o n g s h a n 嵩山),26,30-33 p a ssim , 44, 65,

409. See also Fuyan M onasten7

156-57, 308; C han B ud d h ism

Horc M onasten-般 若 寺 ,217, 249-

Central S acred

I/ulex of, 260-61, 271, 276. See also S ongshan

483

G ic n g ' uan 承 遠 (712-802), 279,

}o i-6 , 309-13 passim, 391, 393,

(lertcau , M ichcl dc, 24, 101, 125, 316 (:hm i B uddhism , 180-81 , 255-56, 259-301; i'last M ountain 東 山 ,

406 C:hi 赤 (verm ilion): svm bolism of, 83,114,121, 139

174, 26o, 262, 264; O x H ead

C h icheng shan 赤城山, 7 8 -8 6 pus-

C hnn, 260, 262, 270, 272-74,

册,345 C hm cse religions (studv o f) , 9 ,

277- 78, 280, 2 9 0 -9 2 , 295,312;

Jin ji 臨濟 school, 260, 288; Y unm cn 雲門 school, 260, 294; J;ayan 法眼 school, 260, 294;

94 一95 , ^ 6 , 307, pasdm^ 371; noiiscctarian ap p ro ach es to, 2, 4, 13-14

S o u th ern S chool 、 274-301 passii?i\

C hm ul 知 1内(ii^ S -iz io ), 288

N o rth e rn S ch o ol 、 262—65,2.69—

Chisong^i ■-ihinoii 赤松子章歷

72

(M aster R ed P in e's alm anac o f

C han g C hao ran , 344 C hang, Iv. C:.,

115

C hatig/.i 長 说 (d.u.), 192, 295

Chanyiatn ^LuicjManji dusu 禪 源 諸 i 全 集 都 序 (PixfAct to the Collected on the Sm im of Chan), 291

p etition s), 192, 194

Cho>ito\jn Nanyue T;bi 重修南嶽志 (R evised gaxctrccr o f N anvue), 231

CJjom^xN ^i.iide sh/D'en 沖虛 至 德 眞 經 釋 文 ( Kxcgesis on the classic o f chon^xn ^bidc), 173

C^h^or-an 超 然 , 306

C hu 楚, 97, H 2 -i6 , 122, 145, 351;

(-h avan n es, K d o u ard ,5—6 , 19, 63,

J Iigh ( jf)ds o f, 112, 321 O m anJabaoji 傳 法 寶 紀 〔 \nrm ls o f the riau sm issio n o f the

159 C hen G uayan 陳 寡 言 (fl. n inth century), 172 C hen G u o fu , 168, 190-91 C hen lluiclu 陳 慧 度 (?~484) ,129,

141-42, 35§ C hen Jm h u a, 213-14, 264

Chen Shnowei 陳 少 微 (fl. 712), 166, 366 C hen X ingm ing 陳 興 明 ( ?-265),

129, 136—37’J4 2

dharnm treasure), 248, 26r, 264

Chiici 楚 辭 (Songs o f the south), 18 C'huji 處 寂 (669^736), 279 C im in I Juiri 滋 敏 慧 日 ( 680—748 ), 231,3。3- 4 ,

386, 4o6

Clussic of lo/tnfains and Rivers ( S b c w k u j i n g ) ^ 17, 7 4 - 7 5

C hen Z i'a n g 陳 子 昂 ( 6 6 i—702), 233

C.oHeded iiioli/ights^ see Kunyne \onoshcng ji

C heng J longzlu 盛 弘 之 (d.u.), 95

C .'om m entancs, 64—66 、69—70, 190,

C heng X uaiiying 成 玄 英 (fl. 631— 5。 ), 178

Chengshi hm 成 實 論 (Ja ”vdsiddl.)i

siisira), 244

326 C onstantly w alking scimadhi

{ii.Kiu^xin^ sanmei 常{亍三 fl未), 302

Index

484 (:(>ok,C onstance 、113—14 C^oipse-liberation (shijie 广角早) ,105, 182-83, 268, 356, 397; w ithin D aoism , 134, 148,163-64, 172-77 passim^ 209, 362;female D aoists and, 180,197, 205; B uddhist ex­ am ples of, 268—69, 368 Cresswell, I'im , 320 C m A n 崔 黯 {Jinshi 24 Cui Shu 崔 述 ( 1740-1816),29, 3i Cvpress Abbey (Tongbo guan 桐 柏

觀 ),I7W

3

Dabao jijing 大 寶 積 經 [MabiinUnukilhi), 234 Dadian B aotong 大 顚 寶 通 ( 732824),292, 294-95

Dadong ^enjing 大 洞 眞 經 ( A uthentic scripture o f the great cavern), 150, 191,197, 361 Da I luoshan 大 霍 山 ,78 ,8i, 192, 197, 201 D am ao shan 大 茅 山 ,55 D arning 大 明 (fl. m id-sixth cen' tuiy) ,238, 244-45 D ashan 大 善 (fl. m id-sixth century), 238-43, 246 Datong bei 大 通 碑 (Stele on the great penetration), 234 Da X m gshan si 大 興 善 寺 , 271

Dayu// jing sbenlmang shouji yistm 大 雲 經 神 皇 授 記 義 疏 (Com m entary on the m eaning o f the prophecy about Shenhuang in the Great

Chnd Siltra), 199 Da-^hi dufun 大 智 度 論 、Mdb冲 rqjmparamitd sdstra), 227, 241, 250, 388 D aishan 位4山 , see E astern Sacred Peak D aizong (r. 762-79), 176, 277, 302

D aizong 低 宗 ,挪 E astern Sacred Peak D anxia T ianran 丹 霞 天 然 (738-823), 274, 0 2 ,295-96, 312 Daode jing, 168,170’ 367 D aoism , 3 ,14,43,45,138,148,156, 355-56; and N anyue, 12,71, 75, 9 6 ,122,129-83 passim^ 224, 286, 290, 298, 319-24 passim 、 353; and the Five Sacred Peaks, 43, 46-52,156-58; taking over im ­ perial rituals, 50—52,158—59;and Liang W udi, 150-54; and Tang eunuchs ,165-66; Shangqing lineages, 167-73, 190; and w om en, 184-212, 371—72; G o d ­ desses, 185-87; biography/ hagiography, 187-90; lineage, 253. See also Celestial M asters; Shangqing

Daojuw iingyanji道 敎 靈 驗 記 (Evidential miracles in support o f D aoism ), 202-3, 207, 378 Daojiao yishu 道 敎 義 樞 (Pivot o f m eaning for the teachings o f the D ao), 140 D aolun 道 倫 (d.u.), 238, 390-91 D aosong 道 嵩 ( d.u.), 314 D aoxian 道 統 (d.u.), 292, 295 D aoxin 道 信 ( 580-651),248,2636 木 2 7 2 , 395

D aoxuan 道 宣 (596-667), 213-14, 139, 253-55 D aozhen 道彳貞,306 D arnton, R obert, 5 D em icville, Paul, 17, D eng Yuzhi 鄧 部 之 (i) (?一5!2), 129、13^, 140-41,145-50 passim, 152- 53,i63, 289, 360, 362

Index

485

D eng Y uzhi f p 欲 之 ( 2) (?_5i5), 150-52, 200-201, 360, 362

Dottgsnan lingbao \iran jiulian shengshen咖 ngjing洞玄靈寶自然九

Dengyo daishi shorai Y'^sshnroku 伝 敎 大師將來越州錄( Saiclid’ s

天 生 神 章 經 (Stanzas o f the life spirits o f the nine heavens),

V uezhou catalogue), 226

Dengyd daishi shorai I'aishuroku 伝 敎 大 師 將 來 台 州 錄 (SaidKVs T aizhou catalogue), 226 Deng咖 n yinjue 登 眞 隱 缺 (Con­ cealed instructions for the asccnt to perfection), 192-94, 375 D harm a-transm ission verses {chuanfajie 傳 法 偶 ),296-97 Dhydna lineage (chanzong 禪 宗 ), 255 Dhyima practice, 11, 13,215-16, 23846 passim, 251, 254—56,259-62, 276, 282 D ing Shuying 丁 淑 英 (d.u.), 204,

378 D ong Q iiixian 董 秦 仙 (d. 767), 161 Dongsha 丨 1 Liangjie 洞山良价 (807-69), 288

Dongtian fndi yiteclu mingshan ji 洞 天 福 地 歎 ;賣 名 山 記 (Record of grotto heavens, holy spots, sa­ crcd peaks, rivers, and fam ous m ountains), 49,161,182

Dotioxuan lingbao sanshiji 洞玄靈寶 三 師 記 (R ecord o f the three m asters, o f the D ongxuan 】」ngbao canon), 169, 171-72, 367

Dongxuan lingbao ivuyue gidben ^jjenxing 如洞玄靈寶五嶽古本眞形圖 (O ld version o f the Charts of the Tn■經 四 t 主 (I1our com m entaries 011

the \Vondrons Scrip!uve of the I 'pper Chaplers on \jm iikss Salva(ion oflJngbao), 1/8 Yugong 為 貢 ( Tribute of Yu), 36,

41,89, 105, tio W ijing 余 靖 (1000-1064), 293 \ iiquaa A loiiastcn1(Yuquan si

玉泉寺) ,2 2 9 —3 〇, 2 7 6 , 2 7 9 , 3。3, 3。8- 9,3i2, 399 Yuelu Acadcmv (Y udu shuyuan 嶽 麓 書 院 ) ,109, in Yuclu Peak 歎 麓 峰 ,9 8

) 'unfa shan sl)vn xiamveng ^h/icin 雲 阜 山 申 仙 翁 傳 (Biography o f Shen, tlie rnin^ccndcnr old m ail from M o u n t Yunfu),

179 ) 'unji qiqiun 雲 笑 七 蕺 (Seven lots

) 'inb/ici lit 因 話 錄 (N ofes made troni conversations), 171 } 7yj)oitsi)ii 逸 周 書 (Rem aining /.h o u docum ents; , ]6

frotn the bookbng ot the clouds), 211, 378 Y untai shan 雲 台 山 , 44, 55

) 'on^iheno jixian hi 塘 城 集 仙 綠 (Rc-

Zhang D aoling 張 道 陵 (d.u.), 135, 190,192,】 94, 355, 365, 375

cutd o f the assem bled transcen­

In d ex

/hang H e n g 張 衡 (^/Pingzi 平子; 78-139)^24 Z hang I riulang 張 惠 朗 (also re­ ferred to as Zhnng H uim m g

張惠明 ),164-65, 208, 365 Zhangjiweii 張 季文 ,109 Z h a n g Sliman 張 世 南 (fl. 1230), 109 Z h a n g Shizhcn 張 始 珍 (sometimes /Jiang R u yh c n 張 如 珍 ; ? —504), 129, [43—44, 204 Z h a n g Faikong 張太 2

(also

k n o w n as Z h a n g Taixu 張 太 虛 ; d. 773), 162, 176

Z h a ag la n y a o 張 曇 要 (P-494), 129, i 仏 358 Z h a n g Zhengfu 張 正 甫 (752-83),

275- 76,d o Z hao Lin 趙 瑪 (fl. 844), 171 Z hao \'c 趙 释 , 105

yjkmhai 肇 論 (The discourses of |S cng|/hao), 283 Z h a o U 1 luilang 招 捉 慧 朗 (738-

820) (also referred to ns D alang

大朗 , Big J,ang), 292-94 yjn-u'giio 眞 語 (D eclarations o f tlie p crfccted ), 47 , 7 8 -7 9 , 144, 164,

505 Z hnvci 智 威 ( 646- 722),272, 278,

291 Zhiyi 智 額 (538-97), 213-14, 217,

228—32 passim, 238-51 passim^ 263,

机 3 0 7 , 313, 315, 3U , 384-93 passim Zhiying 智 顧 , see Zhiyi Zhizhou 智 周 ( d.u.),280 Zhizhou 智 舟 ( d.u.),292, 295 Zhon^hitci chuanxindi chanwen shi^i chengxi tu 中華傳心地禪門師 資 承 H: 圖 (Chart o f the mastcr-disciplc succession o f the Chan gate that transm its the m m d-groiind in China), 292 Z hongsun 重 異 (fl. late eig hth-

earlv ninth century), 313—14 /h o n g z h i 仲耑J ,299, 404 Z h o u Iluibian 周惠 4 t, 205, 207 Z h o u I funyu 周 混 汙 (d. 842 )、 162 Z h o u [mgzhcn 周靜眞 , master of

] .iang W udi, 153 Z hou Z ilkng 周 子 良 (sixth cen­ tury), 78

J)ouli 周 禮 (Rites of Zhou), 36—41 passim, 51, 65-66, 74—75 VJmiislu mingono ji 周 氏 冥 通 記 7

(Master Z h o u ’ s records of his

190-97 passim, 373, 376 Z hcn g \ i R egisters, 174

com m iuucations w ith the un­ seen), 78

/h c n la n g 振 朗 ( d.u.; also referi'ed ro ns Xinolang 小朗 ,Little J.ang), 292-94

Jjo//yi cantong f 周易參同契,

7

286—yo, 401-2

Zhicui 智 璀 (?一after 577), 213

Zh/iuno^i, 1 7 U 287, 381

/ h i j u 智 炬 (or I Iuiju 慧炬 ) , isf]

Z huanxu 顯 現 113-14, 134 ZhuUng G ro tto H eaven (Z hu­ ling dongtian 朱 陵 洞 天 ) ,130,

/.liik ai 智 錄 ( 533—610), 263 /Jukong Daojin 制 空 道 進 ( d.u.), 27 夂277

Z him ing 智 明 (fl. late seventh ccntm y), 238, 262 , 271, 390-91

Zhim ing 知 明 (d.u.), 306

144,

163, 2〇 4 ,289, 2 9 7 -

98,363 Z hulong 獨 龍 (Mnnung D ragon), n6

In d ex

506

/h u o Sou 拙 变 ,93

Zou Yan 觸行(305-240 B(:!■;), 35,

Zhurong 祝融(God of Fire), 105,

38 7j(tangji 祖 堂 荜 ,274-78 passim,

112—22,132—35,H U ^^U 2-2.3, 32-i,

35I-52

Zhurong feng, see under Southern Sacrcd Peak 7Amslmjm’ mn 竹 書 紀 年 ( Bflmboo

annals), 34

282-84, 292—97 passim, 403, 408 7m.i miaosheng dingjing 最 妙勝定經 (Sutra of the most profound concentration), 216, 254, 381

Zhuyang Abbey 朱陽館,129-30

Z u o Si 左 思 ( #Taizhong 太沖)

Ziyu Daotong 紫 玉 道 通 (fl. 786), 292, 294

Vjw^huan 左 傳 (Master 7」 uo,s

Z o n g Bing 宗 炳 (375- 443),之 】 4_ n

Zongmi 宗 密 (780-841), 291-92, ^95

(ca. 250-ca. 305), 123 commentary 011 the Spring and A u t u m n Annals),

33, 113,117,

339 Zurcher, Erik, 52’ 151, 237’ 346, 410

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