Power of Intellectuals in Contemporary Germany

Table of contents :
MICHAEL GEYER
Introduction: The Power of Intellectuals in Contemporary Germany
PART 1: Intellectuals and the Politics of Culture in the German Democratic Republic
DIETRICH HOHMANN
An Attempt at an Exemplary Report on H.
FRANK TROMMLER
German Intellectuals: Public Roles and the Rise of the Therapeutic
DOROTHEA DORNHOF
The Inconsequence of Doubt: Intellectuals and the Discourse on Socialist Unity
SIMONE BARCK, MARTINA LANGERMANN, AND SIEGFRIED LOKATIS
The German Democratic Republic as a “Reading Nation”: Utopia, Planning, Reality, and Ideology
KATIE TRUMPENER
La guerre est finie: New Waves, Historical Contingency, and the GDR “Rabbit Films”
DAVID BATHRICK
Language and Power
PATRICIA ANNE SIMPSON
Syntax of Surveillance: Languages of Silence and Solidarity
LOREN KRUGER
Wir treten aus unseren Rollen heraus: Theater Intellectuals and Public Spheres
ALEXANDER KLUGE
It is a Mistake to Think That the Dead Are Dead: Obituary for Heiner Müller
PART 2: Intellectuals in Transit: Toward a Unified Germany
DIETRICH HOHMANN
The Consequences of Unification According to H.
PATRICIA ANNE SIMPSON
Soundtracks: GDR Music from “Revolution” to “Reunification”
ANDREAS GRAF
Media Publics in the GDR: Unification and the Transformation of the Media, 1989-1991
KONRAD JARAUSCH
The Double Disappointment: Revolution, Unification, and German Intellectuals
MITCHELL G. ASH
Becoming Normal, Modern, and German (Again?)
ANDREAS HUYSSEN
Nation, Race, and Immigration: German Identities After Unification
JOHN BORNEMAN
Education After the Cold War: Remembrance, Repetition, and Right-Wing Violence
MICHAEL GEYER
The Long Good-bye: German Culture Wars in the Nineties
ALEXANDER KLUGE
The Moment of Tragic Recognition with a Happy Ending
List of Contributors
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

POWER INTELLECTUBLS

IN

CONTEMPORPRY GERMPNY

Edited by Michael Geyer

THE POWER IN

OF

INTELLECTUALS

CONTEMPORARY

GERMANY

THE POWER OF INTE LLE CTU A LS IN CONTEMPORARY GERMANY

Ed1tetll)'\1 Michael Geyer

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO AND LONDON

M I CHA EL

G E Y E R 1:-. prufl'ssur I if Ct H1temr\lrary Eur, )pean

h r,tury

at the Unrversrty \lf Ch rcagu.

I le 1, l..'1)l'drt11r , 1! /\esi,cw1cl' agaimc the Third Reich, 1933-1990 ( 1994, with J. Buyer), ,ds,1 pul--,lish1:d

hy thl' Unr\'l'r-,tty \ll C:h1Lai..:,1 Pr1::-.s. The Un1n·r,1ty 111 C'h1l'.1gn Pre,s, ChictL:. ll 606�7 The Unr,·er:-.1tyofl'h1c,1i..:,1 Pres,, Ltd., L\lnd11n t 2001 P) The Un1wr,11y

All

ut Ch1cag11

right, rL''-L'f\'L•,I. Puhl1,hed 2001

Pnrnnl 111 thl' United Sr.ire, 111 An1l'r1ca

ISHN: o-226-2K(Jl:'\f1-9 (Ll11th) l�RN: 0-22()-21',>07-7 (p;q1L' r )

1 It,· 11, ,wn,ii llltl·llcL111.d, 111 c,1ntL'llll11l1.1ry l�n111.111) / l'drtc,I h) ;-d 1d1,1cl l ;eyer.

p.

l I 11.

l11L l11dl', h1hl1,1gr.q1h1l,rl rl'IL'rl·t1LL'" .111LI 11111l'x. l"-.HN o

22fiie

,

Folitik, ed.

(Berlin, i()84), 7-61, here 61.

Krauss, “Der Stand der romanist ischen Literaturgeschichte an der

Leipziger Uiiiversitiii,” iheorie, Fhilosol>hie

43. Krauss,

ot

i

Krauss, “Literal urgeschichte als geschichtlicher Auftrag,” in Werner

Naumann

Werner

1

one opinion too many: the opinion

Krauss: Das wissenschajtliche Werk, vol.

Manfretl

John (6 June), and larri Jiinger ( the Institute for C lerman Literary History,

,

iii

Werner Krauss: Das

Folitik, eil.

Manfreil

wissenschaftliche

Naumann

Werk,

(Ik-rlin, 1984),

vol.

i.

Literature

62-66, here 63.

“Der Stand der romanist ischen Liteniturgeschichte,” 64.

THE INCONSEQUENCE OF DOUBT 44.

Werner

8 7

Krauss, “Literaturgeschichte als geschichtlicher Auftrag,” 57.

45. Typescript of letter,

Werner Krauss

der Berliri'Brandenhmgischen 46. Typescript of letter,

December 1958, Archiv Werner Krauss papers.

to Kurt Hager, 28

Akademie der Wissenschaften,

Werner Krauss

to Dr. Schrickel,

1

7 July 1956, Archiv der

Berliri'Brandenhurgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Bestand Akademieleitung

1

15.

Werner Mittenzwei, “Brecht und die Probleme der deutschen Klassik,” Sinn und Form 25, no. (1973): 135-68. 48. Michail Lifshitz, Karl Marx und die Asthetik (Dresden, i960), 5. 49. A new “inter-philological” orientation was exhibited by the Neue Beitrdge zur Literaturwissenschaft established in 1955 by Werner Krauss and Hans Mayer (and 47.

i

1

,

continued

after Mayer’s

expulsion by Krauss and the Germanist and Vormdrz special-

Walter Dietze). This series produced about forty volumes. A similar orientation 1955) informed the Arbeitsstelle fur Geschichte der deutschen und franzosischen Aufkldrung, ist

which Krauss had organized in Berlin in 1955. Representative volumes of the former 1956) include vol. i: Werner Krauss, Grundposition der franzosischen Aufkldrung (Berlin, ;

vol. 2:

Hans Mayer,

Studien zur deutschen Literatur (Berlin, 1955): vol. 3:

Ernst Schumacher, Die dramatischen Versuche Bertolt Brechts 1918-1933 (Berlin, ;

Beitrag

vol. 4:

zum

Marian Szyrocki, Marfm Opitz

(Berlin, 1956); vol.

Sprachheu’ufitsein in der spanischen Literatur des 16.

(Berlin, 1956).

A

Festschrift published in

honor of Werner

Literaturgeschichte als geschichtlicher Auftrag (Berlin, 1961

by his colleagues and students.

The

research of the

forschung der deutschen Literatur concentrated on

),

5:

und

Werner Bahner, 17. Jahrhunderts

Krauss’s sixtieth birthday,

contained contributions

Weimarer Gedenkstatte

German

zur Er-

classicism, neglected the

Enlightenment, and was caught up in the notion of a “philological nationalism” in the construction of an alternative, socialist national philology

(cf.

Leo

Spritzer,

Eigene und das Fremde: Uber Philologie und Nationalismus,” Die Wandlung [1946]: 576-94).

Germanistik

Zeitschrift fur

50.

Compare

Hans

also the series of interviews with

2,

no.

i

(1982) to

5,

i,

GDR Germanists

“Das

no. 7 in the

no. 3 (1985).

Peter Kriiger, “Riickblick auf die DDR-Philosophie der 7oer und 8oer

Jahre,” in Demission der Helden: Kritiker von innen, 1983-1992, ed.

Hans

Peter Kriiger

(Berlin, 1992), 79-103.

“Ankuntt der Utopie,” 936. “Verordnung iiber die Forderung und Intensivierung der an den Universitaten

51. Irrlitz,

52.

und Hochschulen der

DDR betriebenen

Forschungen,”

ZK der SED IV2/904/373: SAPMO-BA, ZPA IV2/904/225: 353. SAPMO-BA, ZPA IV2/904/225: 327. SAPMO-BA, ZPA IV2/904/225: 324.

Abteilung Wissenschatt beim 53. Ibid.,

54. Ibid., 55. Ibid.,

SAPMO-BA, ZPA,

Bestand

36-37.

Wolfgang Thierse and Dieter Kliche, “DDR-Literaturwissenschaft in den 7oer Jahren; Bemerkungen zur Entwicklung ihrer Positionen und Methoden,” Weimarer 56.

Beitrdge 31, no. 2 (1985):

267-308.

57. Geschichte der deutschen Literatur:

Von den Anfdngen

his

zur Gegenwart, ed.

Hans-Giinter Thalheim, Gunter Albrecht, Kurt Biittcher, Hans jiirgen Geerdts, Horst Haase, Hans Kautmann, Paul Gunter Krohn, and Dieter Schiller. 12 vols. (Berlin, 1965-83). 58. Thierse 59.

sion

Hans

um

and Kliche, “DDR-Literaturwissenschalt

Peter Kruger,

in

den 7oer jahren.”

“Ohne Versohnung handeln, nur

DDR-lntellektuelle,” Sinn und Form 44, no.

i

nicht leben: Zur Diskus-

(1992): 40-50, here 49.

SIMONE BRRCK, MRRTINR LRNGERMRNN, RND SIEGFRIED LOKRTIS Translated by Michael Latham and Devin Pendas

The German Democratic Republic

“Reading Nation”:

as a

Utopia, Planning, Reality, and Ideology

The

GDR as a “Reading Nation”?

In early 1991

we came

across a text

montage

in the literary journal

Deutsche Literatur. Formerly the othcial magazine of the East ers’

Union, the

titled

“The

NDL had

Politics ot

reprinted the

Housing

passage from Brecht’s exile

tlip

side of

Neue

German Writ-

an East Berlin brochure

& Squatting.” The reproduction showed a

poem

“Resolution ot the Ct)mmunards,” spray'

painted on the wall ot a squat. In Erwiigung, dali da Hauser stehen

Wahrend ihr uns ohne Rleibe lalk Hahen wir heschlossen, jetzt dorr einzuziehen Weil

es

uns

in

unseren Lochern nichr inehr palk.

[Considering that houses stand there while you leave us without shelter

we have since we

The

move

resolved at this time to are

no longer

editors ot the

ing'Nation

NDL

home

at

in

into

them

our hovels,

j

ironically titled this reproduction ot grathti

Some

jLc.se'Lutulj.”'

readers

may have

“Read-

smirked, while others

monexperiences. Con-

frowned, catchicig the scent ot nostalgia, hi any case, this sort ot text

memories and

rage called forth vivid

associateLl personal

ceptions ot a reading tiation” or ot a literary society

(

IJteraturgesellschaft)

represented a point ot intellectual contention within the CR')R, in which identities

were articulated

was because the notion ot tor a

a

iti

oj'tposirion to or

reading nation was

new and communal nation and

ot reality in the

Immediately

defense ot the concept. This at

once an imaginary design

the reference point tor the (.lescription

CR)R. atter

1989-90 some spectacular disputes arose concerning

the way in which the readitig nation was to he interpreted. 8 8

Some

declared

it

an outright myth, pointing to the changes

to be

reading behavior after 1989. But

gant to reproach East self'help

cultural

Germans

it

seems rather sardonic and a

political

The demise

is

hardly mentioned.

literature,

a culture that trea-

remains unsaid that

It

arro'

of the entire socio-

environment that had supported

sured art and literature

little

wanting to buy “travel

for only

books and non-fiction works.

and

book'huying and

in

many

former East Germans are suffering from severe economic and psychological hardships

—conditions

tural

Changes

life.

that

make

it

in infrastructure

particularly in rural areas.

As

difficult for

them

to

have an active

have limited their access

cul-

to literature,

a result, cuts in the well-established

GDR

system and the very high level of unemployment in some regions

library

have disrupted the customary ways of getting books through bookstores

and

libraries.

Access to books by the so-called average reader has changed

dramatically.^

NDL

The

GDR

intervened in this running debate on the

as a reading

culture in a most provocative manner, raising intriguing questions. its

ironic

montage the journal highlights young

squatters

priated Brecht in an everyday and matter-of-fact this

a trace of the former reading culture.

is

understanding of

specific

literature,

now

Is

who have

With

appro-

way and wonders whether

this

not an indication of a

a matter of the past

—

a literature

The editors use these questions in question: Which of the attitudes, literary

that insisted the world could be changed?

order to pose a more interesting

ambitions, and practices that originated in the

work

in

GDR

would continue

to

contemporary Germany?

The Reading Nation In

time, the ability of East

its

of the

German

market had been a source

including Western intellectuals.

vironment

in

culture to develop independently

of fascination for

The country seemed

which the old dichotomy

overcome and

in

which

“a culture

many

of culture

encompassing

intellectuals,

an en-

to provide

and market could be

all of

society” could arise.

Certain groups in West Germany, such as the Kulturhund zur demokratischcn

Erneuerung (The Cultural Alliance for Democratic Renewal of Germany),

had demanded similar programs into the

early

sixties."^

In the

GDR,

concept of the Lese-Land (reading nation) was rather more typical seventies and even the eighties. Previously, the notion of the literary society

had been more common. This term

illustrates

clearly the utopian horizon that the cultural politics of the

aged.

It

was coined by Johannes R. Becher

Congress in January 1956.^ Becher used

harmonious pan-German communion of

at the

it

art

Fourth

the

for the

GDR

as a

much more

GDR

German

envis-

Writer’s

to sketch out his vision of a

and people, to be

dex’ek'iped

SIMONE BARCK, MARTINA LANGERMANN, AND SIEGFRIED LOKATIS

90

on new

social foundations

valued above literature,

He

all.

and based on the German

classics,

which he

developed the notion of the ensemble character of

extending this to the notion of community. “To the extent that

literature has a social character

.

.

.

particularly suited to further the

it is

,

process of the development of social beings [Gesellschaftlichwerden] and of

association-building ISich'Asso^iieren] in a transitional socialist society.”^ Literature was for Becher “the most highly developed organ of a people in

the service of forming their selLunderstanding and developing consciousness. In literary

feeling

works people have

and touch; through

at their disposal the subtlest

literature

empathy can penetrate

organ of

to the deepest

levels of their being, revealing the least irregularities in heartbeat, able

to feel

way toward the

its

possibilities that

might serve

tor

good or

ill.”^

In order for a “collective organism of literature” (Kollektivivesen Literatur)

Becher believed,

to develop,

social groups, including those previously

all

excluded, needed to partake in the cultural process and develop a

democratic understanding ot their role in

this process.

The

new

ultimate goal

was an “educated nation,” an association ot educated readers. This agenda appealed to many intellectuals not

least

because

it

Germany. The attraction wherein the idea degree of

—

dream

retained the

and

in the titties

sixties,

a ot democratic renewal tor all ot

ot Becher’s ideas lay in their systematic nature,

despite

its

tocus

The

allegt)rical validity.

on

literature

socially

—could acquire

a high

encompassing pursuit of art thus

became an agent ot democratization. Becher held

that thinking

and writing

about the social torms that democratization would take in an era ot mass

How are

culture was a worthy undertaking.

they develop democratically? I

What

is

opinions tormed, and

the role ot the arts in these processes?

low do societies organize knowledge about themselves?

retlexivity?

These questions have

lost

none of their

Nonetheless, the idea ot a literary society

was never merely

a utopian project.

cultural politicians in the

existing reality.

becoming

a

The whole

“concept

GDR

It

is

What

about

self-

validity.

problematic, because

was, rather,

it

employed by leading

as a description ot a

supposedly already

idea congealed into a cultural-political cliche,

tor ideological struggle.””

tives inscribed into the

how can

program mutated with

Thus, the moral imperaa sleight ot hantl into

an

instrumental description ot existing circumstances that entailed a great deal ot wishtul thinking. as outlined

ot

The

by Becher, got

necessary precondition tor a literary society,

lost in

the process; that

is,

that this society

educated readers couki only exist democratically and that

from the convictions ot citizens

as readers rather

it

developed

than trom tollowing the

orders ot a literary apparatus. Becher saw in this the Achilles heel of the literary society.

/

THE GDR AS A “READING NATION”

9

1

In the later canonization of the concept, this important aspect retreated

Hans Koch elaborated the concept in 965, for exampie, in his treatise on literary society.*^ Other more differentiated treatments of the concept ot literary society, like the one by Dieter Schiller, emphasized the metaphoric meaning of the idea. Schiller underscored the “model into the background.

1

quality” of Becher’s idea

and

rightly pointed to the

mass communications

angle of Becher’s work.*° In the 1973 hook Gesellschaft'Literatur'Lesen,

which founded

GDR,

in the

( angestrebte

tunctionahcommunicative approach

to literary history

literary society appears as the “desired

working relation”

a

Funktionsweise) between literature and society.*'

In contrast, the idea of a reading nation, while resembling the notion

of a literary society, reflects a

less

normative and more pragmatic'political

understanding. Erich Honecker was the

Tenth Party Congress the “Book-Nation cliche, the

of the

GDR.”

In

SED its

first

to endorse the idea at the

in 1981, replacing the earlier slogan of

subsequent career as a convenient political

concept was more often misappropriated

for

propaganda than

used as an analytic tool. But the notion carried a certain understanding of the

GDR that was to become quite common.

We

can, with complete justification, describe the

tion.” Publishers,

book

stores

and

libraries

GDR

as a

“Reading Na-

have done a great deal to increase

the reading pleasure of our citizens. In 1970, our readers received nearly

5000 titles with a total production of 122 million copies and in 1980, there were 6100 titles and a production run of 148 million copies (9 volumes per person). In the last five years, the more than 700 people’s bookstores increased their turnover by 32%. Every citizen has spent roughly 40 marks on books. ... In the past year, the number of volumes in our libraries reached 80 million. More than 100 million volumes were borrowed. Two thirds of the children and young people in our country are regular borrowers at the library.'^

Apart from such

statistical exercises

painting the

GDR

nation, there were other formulations, like the one by

as a reading

“Book Minister”

Klaus Hopcke (1981), which superinscrihed the notion of an “educated nation” upon the statistical literature on readership in the state

is

GDR. “Our

appropriately characterized as a ‘Reading Nation’ because

it

con-

—from pre-school, kindergarten, elementary and high school, into retirement — with augthrough the professional and working

cerns

itself

years,

menting the

level of culture of

regular contact with hooks terials.”'^

The problem

is

hookworms hut had some might

he.

its

citizens by

encouraging an ever more

and an ever broader circulation

that

Hopcke

of reading

ma-

did not simply cherish a nation of

rather specific ideas about what the ideal reader

SIMONE BARCK, MARTINA LANGERMANN, AND SIEGFRIED LOKATIS

92

The “New Reader” The “new reader” was

the point of mediation between program and

Becher was concerned. This new reader exhibited a “fundamen-

as tar as

tally altered relationship to literature.” In

referred to the large

new

social

Literature

ments.

.

.

is .

number

He

figures tor books.

that a

reality,

order to prove his case, Becher

newspapers and to the high

of letters to

took the existence of the

and cultural

was

reality

new

He

argued:

not simply a house with an infinite number of separate apart-

who

All the people

are truly interested in literature partake in

the social linkages, as they are created in literature. editors,

reader as an indication

making.

in the

sales

.

.

.

Neither publishers,

nor booksellers should be excluded from this process, nor especially

the reader. Readers are not simply consumers, hut the silent partners of the writers.

They do not stand opposite

a never ceasing voice,

the writer, hut are

an invisible corrective

— the

immanent

an educated reader,

ideal of ity

assumed the

programmatic

was granted the author-

actual readers were encouraged to place

and to formulate commissions

requests with

as

literature.'**

yet correspond to the

in practice the reader

Thus

of this ideal construct.

them

writers’ better halt, their

conscience. This literary society reaches tar beyond actual

Although the “new” reader did nor

to

role of a “democratic censor”

The new

tor artists.

and thus was meant

reader to take

over the role of the administration of literature from the state apparatus.

This could be done with the help of

letters to

the editor or as the result

of active participation in literary circles or, indirectly,

to conscience,

fashion

—

if

which demanded self-censorship from the author.

one

trusts cultural policy

makers and

accompanied authors through the process

larly in

the period of the Bittcrjeldcr

access to authors as in daily

much

literary scholars

In this

—

a high

would be achieved. Read-

level of the “socialization of the artistic process” ers

through the appeal

of

producing

Weg 1958-65), when (

as they introduced authors to

texts, particu-

they were given

work

sires.

Previews

papers and pt)pular magazines served not merely as information

about upcoming work, as they did

were considered provisional. recjuired “public

It

and

Rather, the prepuhlication texts

was generally understood that the author

opinion” feedback

Literary circles

later.

in

order to complete his work.'^

letters to the editor

were strongly encouraged during

the early sixties. All of the resulting discussions were intensely politicized atid principled. Politicians

to

would repeatedly

acknowledge the opinion

find

of the “masses” or, alternatively,

lenged by some provocative literary statement. activating society and in bringing

was impossible unless

themselves

all

a public Sjdiere

The SEl)

in

the position

would he chal-

hatl

an interest

social groups into the process.

was created and legitimated

individual voices would and coukl he heard.

The

Brigade

in

in

This

which

movement

of

/

THE GDR AS A “READING NATION”

1959-60 was one of these

sites tor a public literary debate.'^

law of 1961, according to which

letters to

was another aspect

like petitions,

ot the

The

93

petition

the editor were to he handled

same movement.'^

The political leadership quickly appropriated these discussions for its own ends, interpreting them as the expression ot a new habitus (neues Lebensgefuhl) Whatever they thought this new habitus might he, many readers held onto the very real experience that these literary circles and

debates had generated a political public that had something to do with their in

own

lives.

which the

reality,

and

questioned

This kind of

literary publicity

critique of art not

which the official

in

— although

it

provoked vigorous debates

uncommonly stood

in for the critique of

criteria used to evaluate art

remains quite unclear

why

certain literary works

actually gained public attention while others did not.'^ to particular

taboos.

It

Loud reactions

books were not necessarily due to authors’ addressing public

might he said instead that readers, inasmuch

in these debates, either put forth their

tions or

were repeatedly

made

as

own fiercely held

they participated

ideological convic-

occasionally denigrating comparisons between art and

usually at the expense of the

artist.'*^

Literature

had a way

life,

of not getting

things right, as letters and discussions pointed out. Literary works were either not realistic

enough or not

ideological enough. Still, the

and participation of diverse segments of the population process

made

a great deal of sense in the early sixties.

It

engagement

in the literary

was the very power

of popular opinion, and the rather ambivalent consequences that

it

had

for

authors as well as for politicians, that led to the curtailment of the literary debate. Readers spoke their minds, and that was difficult for both groups to take.

There was an ongoing shifts in defining and,

battle over whe')

hence, authorizing a “new reader” suggest changes in

the cultural-political program and more or situation. Implicitly, they also indicated society.

During the

was empowered to speak. The

“classic”

less subtle

ways of handling the

changing notions

phase of the

Bitterfelder

Weg

of

how

to order

the proletariat

stood at the center of attention. This meant that the educated worker, the

“advanced worker-reader,”^® was

at the

pinnacle of

erary society. But already in the mid-sixties this focus

attenuated; indeed,

it

was

tacitly adjusted.

The new

became

form a

lit-

increasingly

reader increasingly lost

the authority that derived from a particular social location. of being a

to

all efforts

The

very fact

worker no longer quite authorized intervention into the

literary

process, although the writers were not necessarily the beneficiaries of this process.

The

political elite did their best to

proletariat that they themselves

undermine the authority

had empowered only

of the

a few years earlier, in

order to authorize themselves as the ideal readers of the republic.

94

SIMONE BARCK, MARTINA LANGERMANN, AND SIEGFRIED LOKATIS Starting with the seventies, the entire dehate and the very notion of a

were no longer supported by the SED. Literary

literary society

their authority, as did readers.

Where would

it

end, Walter Ulhricht had

asked at the famous Eleventh Plenum in December 1965,

determined

of the party

politics?^^ Also,

circles lost

if

writers instead

other media, such as television,

began to compete with the hook market and with

literary circles as sites for

negotiating interests and articulating public concerns. In spite of considerahle excitement surrounding

some

literary

debates during the seventies

— the debate over Die neuen Leiden of young W.) good example — these

and eighties sufferings

viewed

as a

By the created.

a

is

continuation of the debates of the

new

early seventies, ever

Terms such

new

Jungen W. (The

discussions can hardly he

sixties.

definitions of the

as the “appropriate,” “intervening,”

pathetic” reader were in circulation. stand/g)

des

The notion

new

reader were

“engaged,” or “em-

of a “duly qualified [zu-

and mature reader” (D. Schlenstedt) using some of Becher s

conceptions, took hold. These were reader models that were

less

earlier

concerned

with what was happening in society and at the workplace than with the creation of a its

new

type of literature. “This literature

most outstanding works

at large to a

demanding

—

concept

as well as the

which

sets out to

this

if

one takes

from society

engender a process of

Taking up Bechet’s vision

of “cultural socialism”

democratic tradition, gave

at least

links a literary public originating

literature

social self-understanding.”^^

—

of a literary society,

coming out

of the social

understanding of literature (as opposed to

the reader) a distinctly critical and, indeed, normative and correcting role

Above

within society.

all

it

much

reflected a desire not so

to strengthen

the association of individual citizens hut to further the vision of an edu-

cated and relatively homogeneous society, achieved through literature as

an agent of emancipation.

Literary Politics If

Between Censorship and Planning

the desire to inculcate a love of hooks in the masses was the general

interest in the

CjDR, there was always

and the supply

of hooks.

While

a large

There was

a great difference

hooks to speak of

a preclusion

between the perceptions

the idea of “reading nation” meant, what it

for

politicians spoke of generous support for

literature, their critics used the shortage of

of literature.

gap between the demand

it

of

what

never embodied, and what

revealed or covered up. In any case, Becher and his followers were far

more interested

in

the

new

reader than they were concerned with the

actual production and distribution of hooks. But ultimately production

and

distribution mattered in a situation that was characterized by persistent scarcities.

There were never enough hooks

— hooks

that readers actually

/

THE GDR AS A “READING NATION” bought

—even though

statistics

show

9 5

that lots of hooks with remarkably

high production runs were published. This discrepancy leads us to a reconsideration of censorship and, above and beyond, to the ever-present issue

of planning hook production

The

GDR’s Ministry of Culture stretch more than a mile. These records document more than forty years’ work by the central censor’s office, the Main Administration for Publishing and Booksellers (Hauptverfiles

waltung

of the

und Buchhandel) within the Ministry of Culture, which was

Verlcige

geared to the systematic planning of the literature of an entire

These

files

form an incomparable

set of data, offering a

state.

tremendous oppor-

tunity for research into the conditions, instruments, difficulties, successes,

and

limits of a literary-political

an experiment

experiment of unique proportions.

was

It

CDR that would be

to create a “national literature’’ in the

completely separate from that of West Cermany.^^

The state’s efforts questions texts.

to manipulate texts

on

this scale raises

—and not simply about the notorious

Which

texts

new and

urgent

issue of suppressing certain

can be assigned to their authors

in the traditional sense

of the word and which texts, due to their complex production process,

including the contributions of editors and literary

deemed

collective products?

The

more or

archives contain

The

dossiers that detail the production of literary works.

numerous

indicate the

and reports ipated.^^ officials,

in

which

What

have to be

officials,

less

extensive

individual dossiers

deletions, revisions, correspondences, evaluations,

and individuals

a multiplicity of institutions

emerges

is

partic-

a book-writing “combine’’ of writers, editors,

and censors of unprecedented dimensions.

From very

early on, the efforts of the censors far

exceeded their original

They

task of preventing the production of Nazi or militaristic literature.

contributed to the elimination of critics of the regime and the preservation of

more or

less clearly

defined social and political taboos. Thus, rapes

com-

mitted by Soviet soldiers could not be mentioned in any publication.^^

regime could not be criticized publicly and the

full

consequences

forced erasures,

we do

for the credibility of literature of

one thing to

such

understand

officially

en-

well to study not only criteria for censorship in their

historical context but also the is

directly. In order to

The

way

in

which

this apparatus

establish clear-cut prohibition, but

it is

worked. For

it

an entirely different

matter to subordinate an entire national literature to censorship. In reality, the latter resulted in quite extraordinary difficulties.

There

who were both ideologically reliable and profesdo the job. The administration of literature needed

were not enough cadres sionally qualified to

specialists in the various areas of scientific

books, children’s books,

art,

and music,

and technical

literature, political

as well as literary texts.

Since the

SIMONE BARCK, MARTINA LANGERMANN, AND SIEGFRIED LOKATIS

96

number

ot manuscripts submitted to the various offices could hardly be

mandated, some censors would be swamped with work while others had scarcely

enough

to do.

Depending on circumstances, censorial interven-

tion could be heavy-handed or perfunctory.

censors were constantly modified. classics differently

from music

It

also

The

proved to be necessary to evaluate

from contemporary novels, or

literature. In general,

jurisdictions of various

one can see

books differently

political

a learning curve in

which

They became more effective, more expeditious, and less conspicuous as they went along. The censors read a lot and learned a great deal in the process. They also became less capricious the work of the censors “improved.”

and more predictable.^®

The whole system was

predicated on a complex set of checks and bal-

Main Admin-

ances because, ultimately, the individual censors and the

whole were

istration as a

one book that seemed

A

in a precarious position.

to the

SED

single slip, that

is,

leadership to be insufficiently censored,

could cost the censor his job. In turn, his hard-won experience would be

lost to

in disrupting

common

Main Administration, which had no interest whatsoever bureaucratic routines. Under these circumstances, it became

the

practice for various individual censors to distribute responsibility

in critical cases in order to

Politburo. For this reason,

in

The

and

much

Office tried to unKiad as possibly could.

guard against the Central Committee and the in order to limit their

preliminary work onto the publishers as they

publishers were supposed to submit the manuscripts

exemplary condition and to provide abridged

As

dations.

and

officials

intensively.

workload, the Censor’s

a result, censorship

was not

a

versitins

and recommen-

one-shot deal. Rather, editors

often supervised the whole development of a manuscript quite

They

suggested themes,

language rules and,

in

many

cases,

knew and counseled

the prevailing

had entire chapters rewritten.

One

should not forget that working-class authors were particularly encouraged to write.

Such authors were often

editors. In certain cases

it

is

especially

dependent on help from

their

not easy to determine whether ideological

or stylistic considerations lay behind interventions. Editing

and censoring

were, in any case, ongoing processes.

The

publishers themselves handled their responsibilities in an

one

manner,

if

than the

officials of

in

trusts the

Main Administration. Some were

the censorship office

—or so

terms of the publishers’ relations with writers,

publishers to justify rejecting

the eyes of the

use censorship as

it

stricter censors

appeared. This

was

(.piite

even when

this

is

because

convenient

unwanted manuscripts or asking

revisions citing censorship as the reason, in

it

uneven

for

for repeated

was unwarranted

Main Administration. Publishers, in short, tended to an excuse. By the same token, publishers that were

/

THE GDR AS A “READING NATION”

deemed

politically reliable often

were known to be

a greater flexibility

The

close scrutiny by the authorities.

A

to overcompensate.

than those that

such as denominational publishers,

politically unreliable,

which were under relationships

had

97

latter

tended

depended on informal, personal

great deal also

between individual censors and publishers.

Publishers could also be subordinated to the State Security Service

growing tendency in the

GDR.^^ This looks

late years of the

like a general

stepping up of surveillance and a tightening of state control. But, in Stasi control

was a

result of the increasing decentralization

ers,

what

The

Main

delegation of censorial responsibility to the puhlish-

officials called

the “democratization of assessment,” led to the

increased use of informers of

all

kinds.

If

censors controlled literary produc-

attempted to keep the writers under control.

tion, the Stasi

fact,

and relaxation

of censorship procedures, at least as far as they were exercised by the

Administration.

—

If

the literary

scene was permeated by con men, this was not least a result of the overall fraying of the apparatus of censorship and literary administration in the

context of the redefinition of the role of literature during the seventies and eighties.

manner.

Altogether, censorship functioned in a very diffuse and erratic It is

difficult to find

unequivocal

therefore, were the “scissors in the

of censorship.

The

criteria.

mind”

All the more important,

of the authors, the anticipation

study of bureaucratic procedures and the interplay of

responsible apparatuses and their presumed and real, anticipated and actual interaction with the authors concerned

seem

to be

more important

for

an

understanding of censorship in the GDR.^*^ “The role of self-censorship was judged differently from one author to author.

more

a

Some

considered

it

much

West German phenomenon.””

The Control

of Publishing

Actual censorship was supplemented by a system

of literary control that

included the recruiting and education of writers, the determination of

how many books were copies,

to be printed, support through reviews

and the channeling

of sales.

and advance

This work was also done hy the Main

Administration, which supervised the book and magazine production of the nearly eighty publishers (the ter the mid-fifties) in the

capacity, the central

SED

af-

and their printing of people’s

of literature.

censorship mixed with

all

book-

Within

this

kinds of other

Economic constraints and bureaucratic bargaining shaped

the reading nation

the

and the import and export

literary apparatus, political

considerations.

their supply of paper

book wholesaler LKG, the network

stores, public libraries,

huge

GDR,

number remaining roughly constant

no

less

than did the cultural-political considerations of

or even the antagonism between writers and censors.

A

book

is

SIMONE BARCK, MARTINA LANGERMANN, AND SIEGFRIED LOKATIS

9 8

only a book once is

it is

and

advertised,

if

published in sufficient numbers, once

and when

it

is

publication

its

actually available in the bookstores.

None of this was guaranteed, even after a book had undergone censorship. The reading nation suffered, above all, from a bad case of production and circulation problems. In principle, for publishing

though clearly not always

worked

in practice, the

every publisher was assigned a certain

as follows:

The

of work and a corresponding production profile.

drew up

lishers

of

each planning year that

of copies to be printed.

listed

and proposed the number or not

each individual book and established the

to be printed within the limits of the overall paper supply

each publisher.

for

titles

beginning

at the

The Main Administration decided whether

to authorize the publication of

numher of copies

working

field

nearly eighty pub-

Thematic Plan (Themenplan)

a so-called

planned economy

Its

main guiding

principle was the usefulness of the

literature.

Main Ad-

Individual thematic plans of publishers were collated by the

ministration into an overall thematic plan that sought to “profile” the various publishers as clearly as possible, although

achieve

its

goal. Profiling established

it

never quite managed to

each publisher

functionally consolidated system, an overall plan.

and differentiating the various publishing plans

It

as a

working part of a

aimed

coordinating

at

in order to avoid overlap

and duplication. This principle applied to the various specialized publishers,

which produced technical, economic, medical

Verlag, scientific texts.

or, like

the A/codemie-

also applied to the military, farmer’s,

It

and church publishers; and

naturally,

women’s,

was also supposed to apply to the

it

publishers of literary texts.

As

far as

Soviet

the latter were concerned, terminology borrowed from the

Union was employed

in

between what was considered and

critical

of profiling,

and

socialist

many

literary

order to classify literature, distinguishing

to be the “classical heritage”

contemporary

and

literature

tm the

fine arts publishers in the

on one hand

other.

As

a result

GDR gained a rep-

utation that was the envy of any bourgeois publisher. Profiles were evident in the very

(('ulturc

names

of publishing

companies. Thus, Kultur und Fortschritt

and Progress) published Soviet

and World) published contemporary

literature;

Volk und Welt (People

critical literature frtaii

abroad; the

Aufbau-Verlag (Reconstruction Publishers) guarded the singular legacy of the emigration as well as classic and bourgeois literature.

Volksverlag (The

Weimar

Goethe, Fulenspiegel was tective literature

(New

People’s Publishing House) put out editions of in

and science

Life) published

The Weimarer

charge of fiction,

satire,

Neues Berlin produced de-

and the FDJ publishers Neues Lehen

adventure novels

for

young people. The

list

goes on.

THE GDR AS A "READINU NATION”

Contemporary

came mostly from

socialist literature

Dietz, the trade

9 9

union

publishers Trihiine, and the Mitteldeutscher Verlag.

As

a result of this system of thematic planning,

to gain

an overview of the working

However, things were

less settled

parts, as

it

appears easy enough

were, of the reading nation.

it

than meets the eye. There were always

idiosyncrasies that undercut the planning process, hut most of

dividual publishers had their

own

interests to

expand and

differentiate,

The

only to increase their paper contingent or to mute censorship. a publisher, the

more powerful

it

was, the better

it

the in-

all

bigger

was able to adhere to

the planning process, the happier the bureaucrats in the Literature ministration, the better the

fix

on the thematic plan

if

Ad-

for the following year.

Publishers had every reason to expand, even though profitability was not

an

issue.

As

a result, publishing in the

GDR

was continuously

in flux.

Take the

example of the Mitteldeutscher Verlag. After 1959, the Mitteldeutscher Verlag, which had been a minor publisher of administrative pamphlets and amateur writing

Weg with

in 1950,

became the leading publisher

for the Bitterfelder

authors such as Volker Braun, Gunther de Bruyn, Erik Neutsch,

and Christa Wolf. Such steep ascent would have been unthinkable, were it 1

not for the dwindling reputation of the Aufhau Verlag.^^ In the early

950s, the Aufhau- Verlag had been the showpiece for the

had

all

of the prominent authors from the emigration period.

a serious setback with the

1956.^^ shift

GDR,

A

few years

apprehension and

after the

became evident.

demise of the

trial of

It

since

suffered

Walter Janka

Bitterfelder

Weg

it

in late

yet another

In the late sixties, the Hinstorff Verlag,

which had

previously specialized in regional literature from Mecklenburg, began to dispute the Mitteldeutscher Verlag’s leading role.^^

Because of profiling, the politics of literature was always also the politics of publishing.

The

shifting political preferences of the

tion were either challenging or infringing

upon the

Main Administra-

interests of individual

publishers. In turn, publishers used policy shifts in order to

upgrade their

own profile. What

advance or

appeared to he highly political turnabouts

boiled down, in practice, to tough negotiations over the allocation of paper.

The

latter

was the single most important practical means of

political control.

literary-

There was an intense competition between publishers

the best quality paper that was as inventive as intrigue, flattery, hypocrisy,

and denunciation.

which assumed the function

it

for

was unpleasant, leading to

The Main Administration,

of regulatory arbiter in this struggle,

had no

choice hut to take into account the publishing system’s actual hierarchy

when making evident

if

decisions.

we look

The way

in

which

this

system worked becomes

at the situation in the late fifties.

At the

time, the

1

SIMONE BARCK, MARTINA LANGERMANN. AND SIEGFRIED LOKATIS

0 0

roughly five thousand tons of paper

seventeen

literary publishers received

per

After the allocation of paper for contemporary socialist

yeard'-^

litera-

1958 (in conjunction with the Bitterfelder Weg), there naturally had to he a corresponding decrease in the share given to critical ture

was tripled

in

and

foreign literature

paper

left for

East

By the

classics.

Goethe, Heine, or

German

was hardly any

Schiller.

publishers were by

gle over paper allocation.

early sixties, there

no means

helpless victims in the strug-

The most powerful

of

them were

certainly in

a position to influence the policies of the ministry in their favor. In any

were considerable differences between publishers, and not

case, there

hooks they produced. The

in terms of their profiles or the status of the

way

actual hierarchy of publishers was, in fact, quite different from the

appeared, especially

we

if

just

it

take the notion of a reading nation as a yard-

stick.

Publishers normally had to rely

on

their export revenue to acquire the

hard currency that was necessary in the competition for paper. However, the so-called organizational, that tionseigene) publishers

sequence of the

assumed

fact that they

tion to the publishers

a

mass-organization-owned (organisd'

is,

more or

less

prominent position

were exempt from

mentioned above, almost

and mass organizations had their own publishers, institutions

as a

con-

this provision."*^ In addi-

all

of the political parties

as did state

and scholarly

and the churches, which, taken together, constituted

a public

sphere of social and cultural powers quite distinct frt)m the reading nation.

Moreover, organizations such (Tra^le

Union), and the

NVA

as the

FDJ (Free German Youth), the

(Armed

FDGB

Forces) were in a position to guar-

antee their publishers every possible privilege, because they had direct

ties

to the Politburo.

As

the

official

organ of the SEH, the Dietz Verlag was undoubtedly

the most prominent aiul most privileged publishing house in the

GDR.

Dietz was directly subordinate to the CAntral C>ommittee of the SEl') and therefore higher in rank than even the Ministry for Gulture and

its

Main

Administration, (kinsequently, Dietz was not even subject to censorship by the Ministry.

It

also received as

year,

approximately

T

means

1

lis

that

had

tion by Dietz

shortages of

much

as five

thousand tons

of

paper every

as all of the literary publishers combined."*’

that the jiaper shortage that served as the justification for the

entire system of

none

as

much

economic planning had

to

do with censorship per

distinctly political origins se.

The

persistent overproduc-

and other mass-organization publishers automatically

all

other kinds of hooks.

‘*‘*

In fact,

— but led to

one might well argue that

the paper shortage was a result of the structural exigencies of this system of

hook production

in

the

GDK.

/

THE GDR AS A "READING NATION"

10

1

The distribution system faced similar problems. B(xTs were in high demand in the GDR. Reading was encouraged. A network of people’s bookstores was created. Every effort was made to provide for the rural population, which was organized through machine and tractor stations into agricultural cooperatives. Booksellers cooperated with mass organizations

and

tised in the press

and on

groups and

hook

as

bo(')k

table

bazaars

also adver'

Even the state railway made announcements

radio.

in the trains about the publication

a

Books were

factories to facilitate the distribution of hooks.

became quite

lists

of various publishers. Reading

popular, and a political rally without

was the exception. Books were given

as productivity bonuses,

tokens of appreciation for the regular attendance of meetings, as prizes

at the lottery,

and

at festivals

such

as the

Youth

Fairs.

But there was a permanent shortage of hooks, and not simply because of the preeminence of Dietz.

Among publishers

and booksellers, there was

widespread consensus that the responsibility for the persistent hook

with the mismanagement of the

lay

the

GDR. The LKG

come

to

was a

large

LKG, which acted

as the

party-owned bookstore

deficit

wholesaler for

in Leipzig that

had

monopolize hook distribution. This monopoly quickly destroyed

well-established distribution routines that had previously facilitated the flexibility of the

had severed

hook market. Many publishers complained that the

their ties with bookstores

major complaint. For many years the

and

had

readers. Bookstores also

LKG

would not allow

LKG a

a functioning

system of used bookstores or provisions for the remittance of unsold hooks, factors that is

would have minimized the economic

where the Dietz overproduction came into

were hard to

sell.)

risks for booksellers.

(This

because Dietz hooks

play,

Bookstores therefore refused to order hard-to-sell hooks

outright.

Not wanting the hooks they could

that they

would get what they did

order, they

had no assurance

order.

enough desired hooks being

In part, this was because there were not

produced. But the distribution system of the

LKG

further exacerbated the

structural shortcomings of the publishing system.

A

significant portion

of the yearly book supply went to army bookstores, another portion to

many

of the

more

desirable works were reserved for

libraries,

and,

export.*^^’

This meant that barely half of the

marked

finally,

for regular bookstores.

ct^pies of a

Hence, even

if

given work were ear-

a particular

hook had

a large

production run, there were often only one or two copies for each bookstore,

whether they had ordered more or not. To further complicate matters, the distribution system tried to cover the whole country in an egalitarian fashion.

The

bookstores in Berlin, although they served as windows to the

West, did not get the number of copies they actually wanted or needed. Yet there might he numerous copies of a hook languishing in

some remote

1

SIMONE BARCK, MARTINA LANGERMANN, AND SIEGFRIED LOKATIS

0 2

bookstore in Mecklenburg or in the enormous Typically, tens of thousands of books in improvised storage facilities

What matters was a structural in

is

and

LKG

warehouse system.

were discovered in 1989, stashed away

left

to the elements.

that in addition to the political crisis of publishing there

crisis

of distribution.

the

It

led to a situation

first crisis

which masses of hooks were produced that the people did not care

read, the

second

crisis

exacerbated the problem in that the people could

LKG

not even get the books that might have entered the system. In a country that prided a

major problem. The

to

on being

itself

SED generated

distribution

a reading nation this was

an image the nation could not hope

to actualize.

A

brief look at the

party-owned Dietz Verlag may help illuminate

system of double jeopardy. likely set in

The

significant reform effort of the 1950s

motion by the fortunes of

which found

Dietz,

itself in

this

was the

midst of a sales slump. Although book sales had increased sixfold after the recession of 1950-56, for the Dietz Verlag sales shrank in 1956 to 30

percent of their 1952 level. Unsold inventory

The most

that year’s production.

found

itself

shut out of the general

made up

nearly 90 percent of

powerful puhlishing house in the

hoom

in

GDR

book publishing.

This turn of events led to disturbing conclusions about the outlook of the people that could hardly leave the ideological hardliners in the

SED

began

SED

indifferent. In 1957,

a cultural-political offensive in

reaction to the Hungarian uprising and, in this context, dedicated themselves to

remedying the Dietz

Committee formed vestigation of

all

a Cultural

sales crisis.

The

Politburo and the Central

Commission and ordered

a systematic “in-

institutions involved in the distribution of literature.

During subsequent meetings, bookstores were admonished to

sell

more

Dietz literature. People’s bookstores were expected to reach a fixed quota in their sales of Dietz publications.

Until that time, the bookstores’ ability to

been measured solely success.

in

fulfill

their sales quotas

quantitative terms, with rewards being given for

The main emphasis was on

LKCPs warehousing capacity was

a rapid turnover in inventory, since the

limited.

However,

in

1958 a more elab-

orate subvention system was developed, with “qualitative reference bers’’ to

indicate the literary and ideological quality of the works.

numbers were used litical slant.

to give bookselling

Also, a

new

had

and publishing plans

These

a distinctly pt)-

pricing policy was implemented in order to

ideologically desirable literature

more

and journals were also improved. Dietz

affordable. literature

Reviews

num-

in

was not alone

make

newspapers in profiting

from these measures. Soviet books and, more notably, the hard-to-sell con-

temporary

socialist literature (but also poetry!) profited.

These and

similar

/

THE G DR AS A “READING NATION" infrastructural measures, designed to control

on the

Bitterfelder

Weg

as a large-scale

demand, shed

experiment

also a

means

its

was motivated by

It

that of creating a literary society. But

all

to get readers to

(and, not least,

buy the works that the

publisher, Dietz)

deemed

useful

it

was

political leadership

and therefore published

numbers.

in great

None trol

above

a peculiar light

in creating a reading

nation focused on “contemporary socialist literature.” a variety of concerns,

103

of this helped Dietz, and

it

did not really advance the party’s con-

over popular taste and popular opinion, either.

toward the Dietz Verlag could not he

rectified.

The

general animosity

Hence, the Mitteldeutscher

Verlag was pushed into the foreground. In April 1959, the Mitteldeutscher Verlag organized the programmatic

The

Conference.

Bitterfeld

criteria for

publishing and distributing books, created between 1958 and 1965 for cultural-political steering in place

even

for selling

and

for the control of

after the Bitterfeld

demand, remained

experiment had

and distributing books outlived the

started.

The

largely

structures

literary-political

program

they were designed to support. This system never really changed until 1989, making desired hooks extremely scarce and highly prized ties

commodi-

while generating a huge output of unwanted books.

The “Real” Reader It

was one thing to

set “qualitative reference

was an entirely different matter when these of

hook buyers. Not that party

officials

numbers”

for bookstores.

with the desires

criteria clashed

and bureaucrats

It

really considered

giving in to those wants, hut in order to influence readers’ tastes, one first

had to get to know them. Only then could

tastes

the success of these pedagogical efforts evaluated. This

is

he changed and

when

the era of

reader discussions and of reader research began, which in turn facilitated

the notion of the

The

GDR as a reading nation.

research results of East

German

literary sociologists

entists provide a quite different picture of the

and

library sci-

GDR as a reading nation from

the one envisioned either by Johannes Becher or by the party bureaucrats responsible for book production and distribution. Empirical studies of the

reading culture in the

GDR,

of the hook supply, of the reading climate,

of the development of readers’ wants and reading interests, and of reading sophistication and reading behavior are available for periods from the

seventies onward.'^'^ In order to deduce reading habits from these statistics

we

should, however,

cannot be

remember

that reading

and publishing imperatives

easily separated.

The core of the literary canon was “contemporary socialist literature.” The fact that this canon was not as widely accepted as had been desired in

— SIMONE BARCK. MARTINA LANGERMANN, AND SIEGFRIED LOKATIS

104

the early sixties^^ remained largely unnoticed both by the literary sociolo'

comments during the seventies and eighties. This omission became the main hone of contention of a West German and

gists

in culturabpolitical

Richard Albrecht,

literary scholar,

who

set

out to critique the study Funk-

und Wirkung (1978), which had set the standards of reader research the GDR. Although the reception of contemporary socialist literature

tion

in

was made the

test case tor

the

of the basic level of literary

GDR analysis and

interpreted as a measure

competence, the relatively low reputation of

GDR,

the genre was passed over by reading researchers in the argued.

They had accepted

the

Albrecht

of important works and authors of this

list

genre cited by survey subjects as proof ot the high level of prestige accorded to

without further reflection. That

it,

which

was

literature

“politically correct,” hut this did not

to Albrecht, that they

what extent the as a

whole or

the readers obviously

is,

had come

to like

it.

The

readers’ responses entailed

of specific

works within

well

mean, according

surveys did not inquire to

an appreciation

The

it.

knew

fact that

of the genre

some hooks were

well received was taken as proof that the genre of socialist contemporary

was an overall

literature If

success.^*

such dubious methods suggest

rary socialist literature as a genre easily

—

as

Albrecht notes

was not

in very

—

that

contempo-

high demand, one might

conclude that conditions were hardly favorable to the kind of

debate the regime wanted to generate with

its

literary

appeal to the reading nation.

However, irrespective of their weaknesses the surveys demonstrate that there was a general readiness for literary debate. Dislike for the genre did

not necessarily

mean

that the readers actually dismissed literature or, for

that matter, the socialist caiion. For

one

thing, the school system

tablished a relatively stable literary canon, to respond to the polls in the to the

canon

also pt)ints

first

beyond

which

place. But the

why

is

readers

commonality

had

es-

knew how

of references

political correctness to a situation to

which

Ncuc Deutsche Literatiir had alluded. The widely shared kni>wledge of a literary canon led to a situation in which the expression of one’s aspirations

the

and opinions through

literary references

Peoide not only identified with their used literary references in everyday thus

made

possible.

public’s interest

The

1

literary

life.

A

heroes and antiheroes hut

vernacular literary debate was

vernacular, however, was politically charged.

was focused on relatively few works,

we have described. new hook appeared

the publishing practices

when an

could become a general practice.

interesting

It

this

was due

If

the

largely to

was almost always possible

— to get

a public

debate going.

lowever, such discussions were not generally spontaneous developments.

Whether

this or that

on predeterminations

hook would he the subject of varying sorts

of elehate

— the number

was contingent

of copies printed, the

/

THE GDR AS A “READING NATION”

105

decision to issue advance copies, public signals regarding the acceptabib of the author or the book’s theme, interviews with literary critics and

ity

scholars

—and

very few cases there was

all this

when

more of

contemporary

There was

could launch a book and a debate. There were only

this

kind of predeterminatit^in was absent. In any case,

a reading nation than the disinterest in the genre of

socialist literature

also less of a genre

would suggest. than meets the eye. Readers named the

“correct” socialist or bourgeois-humanist literature in the surveys, but a

more subtle evaluation of their preferences seemed strongly oriented toward perennial

reveals that, in ranking, they literary tastes

action, romance, regional (Hehnat) literature,

surveys

show the

such

and detective

canon

decisive impact of the scholastic

as travel,

The

stories.

as well as the

public appreciation, even adulation of specific authors. These tended to fit

But when

socialist categories in a general way.

books and not

came down

it

much more conventional

real authors, a

to actual

picture emerges.

It is

forms prevailed within the socialist genre; the

just that traditional

novels that every student read in school generally employed exceedingly effective

and long-established techniques of moving the

reader.

Their

rel-

can be traced, primarily, to the combination

atively widespread effect

of

compelling moral questions and traditional aesthetic forms. Within the genre of contemporary socialist literature, then, readers had distinct preferences, although not entirely of their

own making

had more to with long-standing conventional

—and these preferences

tastes

than with the dictates

of cultural policy. If

the readers’ interests proved to be more traditional than the genre

of sozialistische Gegenwartsliteratur would suggest, this insight

is

only one

aspect of the necessary deflation of the vaunted reading nation.

presumes that the people

more important, read be wrong. In the

in the

as a nation.

GDR’s

GDR

were, in fact, avid readers

It

still

— and,

This presumption, however, proved to

final year,

the previously scattered publications

of literary sociologists were collected in the volume Buch, Lektiire, Leseii,

with the intention of providing an “overview of nearly two decades of literary sociological research in the

GDR.”^^ This volume shows that the

development of reading habits had proceeded visioned in the sixties and seventies.

The

differently than

had been en-

detailed surveys suggest a process

of differentiation between groups and indicate the multifaceted structure of reading tastes.

In June

1

989, Dietrich Loffler, researcher for the literary

sociology project, went so far as to argue that a

it

was necessary to abandon

major thesis that he and his colleagues had held that “the social and

cultural

development of the Republic

will generally

assumed that reading would necessarily increase

support reading.

We

as a result of the steady

10

SIMONE BARCK, MARTINA LANGERMANN, AND SIEGFRIED LOKATIS

6

growth

in general education

accompanying the implementation of the

ten-year polytechnic schools, the further integration of rural and urban life-styles,

the creation of a cultural infrastructure and of the publishing

system.

They had expected

that the people of the

GDR

would grow

together into a reading nation, but found instead an ever more differentiated readership.

The

central assumption of the

program proved to he untenable.

It

GDR’s

cultural-political

had been one of the axiomatic

beliefs of

the regime that scientific and technical progress would alter the character of

work and create more

would

leisure

time in a relatively short period, which

by implication, create a nation. This was the basic

profit reading and,

enormous educational and

justification for the

political efforts to raise the

general level of education. Reading was supposed to serve as the measure of

and

cultural attainment

to provide a

new impulse

for

encompassing social

development. Despite unquestionable progress, however, the “new reader” as part of a reading

As with

nation remained a

fiction.

the conceptualization of the reader and the theories about

the nature of literary publics. East

uncertainty

when

it

came

German

literary scholarship

to claiming that the

betrayed

GDR “represented a single

reading people.” By the end of the 1970s, literary sociologists conceded that various social groups spite all educational

common

and

had very different communicative

political efforts, there

cultural basis uniting classes

habits.

De-

was nothing resembling a

and groups. Some 1982 data sub-

stantiate the fact: In 1971, 25 percent of adults were nonreaders; in 1979

the

number had shrunk

to 19 percent. Rut by far the

most active readers

were schoolchildren, students, and members of the intelligentsia. workers, 30 percent were nonreaders;

among

farmers, 50 percent.

Among To

fur-

ther illustrate differences between griiups, only 10 percent of workers and

4 percent of farmers belonged to the group of active readers. There were,

on average, 143 books per family in the GDR (not counting schotilbooks), but this average neglects tremendous differences in the size of family libraries.

Moreover, the writers whose books were most often borrowed from

libraries (in

whom

1979) were not exactly the authors one might expect (or

Johannes Becher or the

Bittcrfeldcr

Wcg had come

to expect).

They

included Jules Verne, Marry Thiirk, Jack London, and Stanislaw Lem.^^ Despite the

all

educational and political

homogeneous

efforts,

there was nothing resembling

national-cultural foundation that would have unified

diherent social classes in the reading nation, and what there was did not necessarily reflect the cultural attainment that Becher

had once envisaged

with his literary society.

The

literary sociologists resjionded to this

stunning discovery with a

most peculiar argument. Artistic communication, they

now

said,

should

THE GDR AS A "READING NATION”

10

7

not he viewed as a special instance of social communication hut rather categorized as a “normal” part, nication. Literary dehate

among

others, of general social

commu-

would no longer he an exclusively postrecep-

process mediated hy a specific work or genre of literature. “In

tive

communication about

socialism, public licly

art

as the phrase implies,

is,

oriented and will fundamentally address everyone

“Briefly, neither a

commonalty

pub-

This was to

in literary experience,

say:

nor ... a specific

literary interest are prerequisites to participation in literary discussions.

The

may

distinctive desire or, as

ine reality

is

more important.

far

he,

experience for this can generally he

With

readers.”^®

minimum of literary found even among the so-called non-

.

.

need of each individual to exam-

.

The

requisite

kind of absurd-sounding formulation,

this

literary soci-

attempted to salvage the reading nation in the face of a limited

ologists

integration of citizens into the

GDR

as a republic of letters.

The

literary

sociologists simply declared nonreaders to he part of the reading nation,

because they could he assumed to adhere to the cultural standards deed, they would only read.

concept of

It

was hoped that the very incantation

nation would hy

a reading

itself

Whatever people

identity-forming element.

if,

in-

of the

provide an integrating and actually did, the

GDR

as a

nation read. It

split

was strenuously argued that

between the

was untenable “to

it

on the one hand and

‘masses’

infer a wide-spread

a small, literary elite

on

the other” from the different cultural behaviors of the social classes and groups.

“The ‘uniformity of hooks’

available under socialism precluded the

Behind the formulation

necessary conditions for such a division.

of the

“uniformity of hooks” in socialism there hid the inconspicuous admission of a mass reception of entertainment literature.

The notion tising the

of a reading nation thus could

GDR. The

very insistence that the

become an image

GDR was a nation of readers

and the resulting emphasis on cultural values

GDR

became a means particularly Western ones. the

that the

to

for adver-

as a particular heritage of

demarcate the country from other nations,

Just at the

moment when

it

became apparent

GDR was not going to be a homogeneous reading nation,

to distinguish itself from the to distinguish the

it

began

this image. In the end, the effort

GDR from “philistine imperialism” was the one element

of the reading nation that

Thus,

West with

it

remained

was the proudly cited

intact.

statistics,

which

in fact

concealed an

overproduction of unwanted books, that provided the main indicator

what the But

it

GDR

was

anywhere

a

was not

—

a reading nation as envisioned in the

for

fifties.

nation in which more people read more books than most

else.

Under

certain circumstances, specific books could generate

1

SIMONE BARCK, MARTINA LANGERMANN, AND SIEGFRIED LOKATIS

0 8

and

a public literary debate that reflected social tensions

The

aspirations.

problem was that the hooks that people read or liked to read were not usually those that were produced

censorship. Therein also

lies

—and therein

the main problem of

lies

the main frustration of

so avidly supported the concept

and continued

those

all

to adhere to

who had long after

it,

surveys suggested that the future of the worker’s and peasant’s state rested

on nonreaders. They realized after

all,

firmly believed

and hoped that the concept could he

whereas the people had come to associate the regime with

a tyranny of books:

books they coveted but could not have and books they

could have had hut did not want

—and books they had standing on

their

shelves while watching Western television.

The

distinct aftereffects of the ambitious reading nation

program can

be found in an opinion survey conducted after 1990 by the Mainz Stiftung

According

Lesen.

of the West

to this survey, the East

Germans with

number of books they

Germans were considerably ahead

regard to book buying, library

read. In our opinion, this doesn’t

contribution to the “uniform”

German

visits,

seem

and the

at all a

bad

Kulturnation.^^ 1

996- 998 1

Notes 1

“Lcse-Land," Nenc Deutsche Literatur 39, no.

.

I'tm

den Anfdngen

his

zur

Cjt’j^R’nw'art

,

(

PPR,"

Woltf»an^ Eininerich, “Pie Lireratur der

2.

i

1991 in

):

1

72.

Deutsche Literaturgeschichte

ed. Wolt^anj’ Bciilin er

al.

(Sturt^art, 1992),

462. Petra IV)hine, “Otteittliche l^ihliotheken in

3.

t.ien

teilungen aus cLr kidlurwissenschaftlichen Forschung 32

Kultur

Deutschhinds

in

4. Josr

1

5.

I

95 n

at the

Institute

KATIE TRUMPENER

118

“Forbidden Films,” the films of 1964-65 have gained a

as a series titled

strong retroactive coherence.

At

the same time, as a group of artistic texts

almost completely deprived of audience or influence during the period of their creation, they continue to pose a central

GDR aesthetics.

historiography of

The poignance

of these films for present-day Eastern and Western view-

ers alike lies in the

way they

suggest alternative historical, political,

aesthetic paths not taken by the else

of the

GDR:

its

GDR — and

now know

than to what we

where

problem for the retrospective

that might have led some-

have been the

to

and

final

outcome

spectacularly sudden collapse as a state, the long-term

economic impoverishment and psychic disorientation of

German Question more dangerous than ever. The post- 1989 the reemergence of a

its

citizens,

and

apparently more unsolved and reception of the Kaninchenfilme

has emphasized their status as uncompromising, uncompromised records of the

GDR’s

history of political

Yet these films

crisis.

as well as a retroactive reading.

demand

a

synchronous

Seen within the context provided by con-

temporary international filmmaking

as

by the existing tradition of

DEFA

cinema, these films look very different than they would in isolation, and

we may be able them and what loyalty to

more accurately what

to assess is

is

genuinely daring about

thoroughly typical, their radicalness and their ultimate

what they

criticize so searchingly.

The

recent release of the

GDR

Kaninchenfilme from the mid-1960s has, on one level, strengthened the retroactive criticism of socialism as

an opposite function

fulfill

as well,

But these films might

reminding us of the noninevitability of

the present

moment and

tradition in

which commitment and

and stand

really existed.

it

giving critical contours, once again, to a socialist critique battle each other constantly

side by side.

For the state-controlled cinemas of Eastern Europe, the official deStalinization initiated by

Khrushchev

in

1956 also signaled the begin-

ning of a short period of political liberalization, economic restructuring, sticial

And

reform, and aesthetic experiment that lasted into the early 1960s.

in virtually

itself, this brief

new

aesthetic

precise dates

every country in Eastern Europe, as in the Soviet interval of cultural “thaw,”

which saw the emergence of

movements and cinematic New Waves, was followed

(the

and triggering causes varying from country to country) by

coiintermovements

of political reaction arid

serious consec|iiences for the

of aesthetic and intellectual

School”

Union

of socially crii ical

cinema life.

government

as for every

repression, with

other national institution

In Poland, for instarice, a

new

“Polish

filmmaking flourished between 1956 and 1962,

winning international acclaim. This cinema was catalyzed,

in large part,

by the dramatic political developments in Poland: Wladyslaw Gomulka’s

LA GUERRE EST FINIE rehabilitation

and return

Communist accord with

the

Home Army

the Catholic Church; the rehabilitation of

non'Communist

(the nationalist,

of reassessment and

debate began to create a

new kind

new kind

A slackening of censorship enabled

of public sphere in Poland, as well as a

ences to see a larger and more diverse body of foreign

burgeoning film societies fostered film.

And

which had

Resistance,

The ensuing atmosphere

fought the Nazi occupation).

contemporary

9

to power; the dissolution of the collective farms;

the

of film culture.

1 1

films,

Polish audi'

while Poland’s

political as well as aesthetic discussion of

the Polish film industry

itself

underwent a major

economic restructuring and administrative decentralization;

after 1955,

the studios were divided into semiautonomous production units, each with its

own

ified

directors

and production crews. This restructuring was an unqual-

success from a financial as well as from an artistic standpoint.

The

new autonomy enjoyed by the production units encouraged the growth of new filmmaking styles and genres. And with the critical success of Andrzej Wajda’s Karial (Canal) at the 1957 Cannes film

and

to receive international attention

new

productivity under the

distribution.

The huge

its

encouragement

given way to a climate of retrenchment, and for the the cinema was repeatedly criticized for

still

a significant degree of

came under official

after the

increase in

productions.

early 1960s, however, the official

And despite

began

studio system led in turn to an equally huge

expansion in the scale and scope of

By the

festival, Polish films

its

of reform

rest of

the decade,

pessimism and “revisionism.”

preemptory self-censorship, the cinema

attack during the period of government

widespread social unrest of

had

1

clampdown

968. Accused of “commercialism” and

of a failure to reflect socialist values, the cinema was forcibly reorganized

once again, and the formerly autonomous production units were reassembled to ensure tighter government surveillance and control. Yet already in

1970, the studio underwent renewed decentralization, and by the middle of the decade, the

new cinema was hack

worth detailing both because of the development of a it

makes

clear, in

autonomy and Both

its

The

Polish case

is

represents an early and paradigmatic case

New Wave cinema

comparison, the

in Eastern

Europe and because

GDR cinema’s relative

lack of aesthetic

political resilience.

in the political

ferent, slower,

it

in full swing. ^

and

in the aesthetic realm, the

GDR

had

a dif-

and more encumbered path to de-Stalinization than any

of

Warsaw Pact, the GDR was Whereas communists saw the

neighbors. Unlike other countries in the

self-evidently not an integral nation-state.

GDR

as the logical successor to the defeated

Third Reich, the

political

concretization of “das andere DeutschLmd” (the alternative Germany, the

Germany of antifascist

resistance), the

Western European states questioned

1

KATIE TRUMPENER

2 0

GDR,

the legitimacy of the

seeing

it

more

an accidental by-product

as

on the defensive, and autonomy and integrity, the

of regrettable historical circumstances. Continually

GDR’s

continually worried about

SED government ical

in

political

was strongly predisposed against the large-scale

histor-

reassessments, reform debates, and structural changes that took place

surrounding Warsaw Pact countries in the late 1950s. Their anxieties

assumed a different form during the 1960s, allies

as the

GDR’s Warsaw Pact

began to condone various forms of cultural and economic Westerniza-

showed an open

tion and ties to

economic and diplomatic

interest in developing

the newly rich Federal Republic as well as to other countries in

SED

Western Europe. The

government,

communist isolationism and

On

program.

several fronts

alluring proximity

continued to preach

to polemicize against the dangers of

even from the midst

influence,

in contrast,

of

its

own

Western-style modernization

and over several decades, then, the perilously

and prosperity

of

West Germany reinforced the SED’s

belief in the necessity of continuing a hard-line course for the

Within

Western

GDR.

months of Stalin’s death in 1953, furthermore, the attempt new economic course for the GDR had catalyzed a large-scale

a few

to initiate a

workers’ uprising, which was crushed tmly by military force and govern-

ment

Although

repressions.

in the short

term the “17th of June” actually

initiated a brief period of eccMiomic reassessment (and with

reorientation),

it

remained

also

Later in the decade, the

nouncing the

trauma

about

its

for the

aesthetic

SED government.

followed Nikita Khruschev’s example in

Stalinist cult of personality. Yet

style self-criticism era.

SED

a lasting

it,

own

it

re-

refused to engage in Soviet-

actions or policies during the Stalinist

Khruschev’s 1956 denunciation of Stalin catalyzed a bloc-wide thaw,

with reform eliscussions and initiatives, historical revelaticMis, and rehabilitations continuing in

some countries

the CR)R, the thaw lasted

less

for as

long as six or seven years. ^ In

than a year and ended,

the Hungarian Uprising, with the

show

trial of

in the

aftermath of

Wolfgang Harich

(as

with

the public denunciation of “dissident” academics such as Ernst Bloch and

Robert Havemann). From within the tion with Walter Ulbricht of political reform in

would have been

wake

of

impetus

I

SED

itself

— and

— Harich had atremprei

.1

in opei'i consulta-

to outline a

program

which the (Tntral Ckanmittee’s monopoly on power

rej^laced by a new, broad-based party organization. In the

larich’s trial

(and

in

view

of his teii-year prison sentence)

any

for political reform, as for the reevaluation of the political legacies

of Stali nism, was effectively forced underground.^ This was the political

context first

in

wave

which the of social

to political loyalty

SED called

prohlem

their 1958

films, aiui

Kcunpfhmfcnmz, denounced a

demanded

from the state film studios.

a

renewed commitment

/ LA GUERRE EST FINIE

As less

GDR

a result, the

than

a decade.

DEFA

Between 1950 and 1953,

for the third

time in

had embraced

social-

realism and participated fully in the political campaigns of the cold

ist

war.^

The more open “new

also

the

course” followed after 1953 gave individual

and responsibility

directors greater choice it

cinema changed direction

121

in their selection of subjects;

encouraged international co-productions, a large-scale increase

number

of films produced,

meet the actual

tastes of

and

GDR

a greater effort to

The 1958

audiences.

turned against such “new course”

make

films that

in

would

film conference

then

films, criticizing their general political

indecisiveness. In the case of the films of

Gerhard Klein and others of

his

generation, party officials complained particularly of a “misapplication”

show the neorealism was em-

of techniques from Italian neorealism: developed in order to

fundamental contradictions within

capitalist society,

phatically unsuitable to suggest the existence of parallel contradictions and

From 1958 onwards, DEFA therefore reafcommitment both to socialist realism and to “socialist

alienations within socialism.

firmed

its

explicit

filmmaking.”*^

With the 1959 proclamation a kind of cultural revolution, to working-class culture

of the Bitterfelder Weg, the

which realigned

and realigned

artistic life to

socialist realism

SED attempted production and

with the production

The 1963-64 inauguration of the economic modernization program known as the “New Economic System” (Neues

aesthetics of the late twenties.*^

Okonomisches System) implied a similar realignment of ideological ties

and

political alliances.

The

1961 erection of the Wall (and the ensuing

SED campaign against “ideological border-crossing”) to shut the

West

priori-

out, to lock the

GDR

into

itself,

had worked

explicitly

and to increase

SED

control over the country’s political, economic, and social development. Paradoxically, however, the establishment of firm territorial boundaries also

made

it

possible for the

to intellectual influences

GDR to reconsider

its

long-standing resistance

from the West and to the economic strategies of

capitalism.

Placing a

new emphasis on

profit as well as productivity,

mestic consumption as well as export manufacture, the

System introduced a modified version strategies into the its

of

and on do-

New Economic

Western market and managerial

GDR, decentralizing, reorganizing, and rotating much of

economic coordination. With

a parallel rhetoric of modernization, the

SED called on GDR universities to take up

(often long-forhidden)

Western

research fields and research methods, from cybernetics to systems theory,

and to adapt their research programs to the current needs the realms both of production and of research, then, a

of industry. In

new

liberalization

was accompanied by an increasing emphasis on functionalization.

A similar

,

,

1

KATIE TRUMPENER

2 2

paradox became visible ot

as well in the public sphere

realm

political

GDR life. For as the state began to support the development of consumer

culture,

it

was forced also to condone the emergence of new

subcultures, particularly ot

and the

consumer,

The youth

social,

among young

was perhaps most

which

choices and their

to

own

work out

They needed

less

own

their

to be permitted

beliefs, to

make

their

mistakes. Their critical challenges to authority as the best defense against

complacency and hypocrisy. Noting the obvious

anti'authoritarian

more or

GDR youth should be addressed as already

needed to he encouraged rather than punished,

public,

critical citizens rather

as Erziehungsohjekte

moral, often deeply idealistic individuals. a private sphere in

SED’s new

visible in the

education was to produce constructively

intractable objects of education,

official

arenas

1963 and 1964, which argued that the goal

policy, formulated in

than conformists. Rather than being seen

own

new

people, and to permit

and aesthetic choice.

shift in official attitude

of socialist

“lifestyle”

movements then gaining momentum

some recent commentators have read

this

parallels to the

in the Federal

youth policy

as the

Re-

GDR’s

most important opening to a new democratization. Others, more cynically,

have read

it

uniquely market-driven epoch, of increasing

as a sign, in a

government indifference

to real social consensus.

Unsurprisingly, substantial groups with the

nomic System and the changes

it

catalyzed in

SED opposed

the

won to

political

new

of the

new system were

only two months after Khruschev’s

to

condemn some

deemed unable removed from their In December 1965,

either

fall

from power in the Soviet Union, the

to decelerate the modernization

of the undesirable social effects

Among the principal

targets of their

plenum,

youth-oriented films

made

very

much

program and

had helped produce.

of course,

were what members the 1965 wave of

in the spirit of the SEl")’s

youth directives, ("aught out by a change

in

Kaninchcnjilrnc inadvertently confronted the last

it

Ckimmittee dubbed the Kaninchcnfilmc

of the (AMitral

policies

(for officeholders

positions or forced to undergo extensive retraining).

SEDOntralCc immittee met

life

economic principles and the country’s hard-

autonomy) and pragmatic

meet the elemands

Eco-

GDR social and cultural

during the early 1960s, on grounds both idealistic (for the threatencxl to dilute socialist

New

own

1963

governmental direction, the

SED

with

its

own

next-to-

rhetoric.

In the

wake

of the

SED’s previous 1958 crackdown on CjDR cinema,

the political reinstrumentalization of film had led to an evident loss in t|uality.

Then,

in

the early sixties, after the erection of the Wall and a series

of critical public discussions

room

its

for so-called

about the future of

DEFA, Ch)R cinema made

ncuc Icndcnzcn (new tendencies), while jirominent di-

/ LA GUERRE EST F/N/E rectors argued that the

GDR

public he allowed to see a

much

123 broader

selection of contemporary world filmmaking." Already in the late a

new

generation of directors had begun to

and

styles

subjects.

The

move

fifties,

new

the cinema into

early films of Wolf, for instance, manifest the

influence both of visual Expressionism and of existentialist philosophy.

And

the early films of Klein, which in

many ways belong

new

to the

international “youth problem” genre then developing simultaneously in

many

different cinematic contexts,

also

filmmaking a documentary neorealism

work

GDR

to reintroduce into

— including the use and and milieus — which had been of lay actors

an acute attention to the texture of locales programmatically absent from

was denounced anew 1960s,

new

DEFA

in

GDR

filmmaking since 1946 (and which

1958 together with Klein himself).'^ By the mid-

show the direct impact not only of Hungarian, and Czech filmmaking hut also of

films quite consistently

trends in Soviet, Polish,

the contemporary Western European art film and of Western mass culture.

They

on the

some directors, to align GDR filmmaking with the new “progressive” him movements emerging in the West, or to adapt various Western critiques of capitalism, whether suggest an attempt, at least

contained in pop

art or in

pop culture

part of

itself,

to the critique of industrial

society in the GDR.'"^

Beginning in 1961, the institutional structures of DEFA

many

itself (like

other sectors of industrial and agricultural production) had undergone an

important modihcation, with production reorganized and decentralized in several phases. Initially proposed by Maetzig, the changes were

modeled

on the highly successful restructuring of the Polish him studios hve years earlier. Under the new dispensation, seven Arheitsgriippcn (teams of directors, scriptwriters, technicians,

empowered

to design

and cultural functionaries) were each

and produce hlms with

virtual

autonomy. Arguably,

the impact of this reorganization was equivalent to the concurrent restruc-

him subsidy system in West Germany. There, pressure from the signatories of the 1962 Oherhausen manifesto and the subsequent reorganization of government funding proverbially created the conditions for the New German Cinema, a cinema preoccupied, throughout the 1960s, turing of the

with the critique of West

German

similarly, the reorganization of

institutional structures.'”’ In the

DEFA

GDR,

appears to have redirected and con-

centrated the critical energies of the cinema, and by the mid-sixties, to

have turned them ism,

(fatally, as

on major contradictions

it

proved) on the political legacies of Stalin-

in really existing socialism,

and on the ossihed

power structure of GDR schools, workplaces, and government. Already

at the

emergence of new

beginning of the

sixties, a

number

political sensibilities. Klein’s

of

i960 Der

hlms suggest the Fall Glekvitz

(The

1

KATIE TRUMPENER

24

Gleiwitz affair) presents history, political power, and the Nazi prise'du'

pouvoir in analytic terms clearly influenced by structuralist Marxism and

devoid of the redemptive optimism that had traditionally accom-

utterly

panied DEFA’s antifascist

Spanish Civil recast

War

films. In a

very different register, Beyer’s i960

drama, Fiinf Patronenhiilsen (Five empty cartridges),

Henri-Georges Clouzot’s 1953

Peur (The wages of fear)

Salaire de la

to rederive socialist solidarity out of existentialism. Despite the obvious

new French filmmaking and new French thought on

influence of

they continue to retain the narrative and political transparency of

films, 1

950s

realist

filmmaking.

The advent ed

these

GDR

New Economic System,

of the

access to contemporary

GDR

filmmaking. By 1965,

films

Western European and even American had become often dizzyingly eclectic

their range of intertextual references

even

a few years earlier, a

however, somewhat increas-

and

suggest, in contrast to films

in

made

much more thorough and profound reconception

of received socialist plot forms and visual styles, under the pressure of in-

Opening with an homage to Fellini’s La Dolce Vita, and with a plot derived in equal part from the Czech New Wave (Vojtech Jasny’s 1963 The Cassandra Cat), Jerry Lewis movies, and Hollywood musicals, Egon Gunther’s Wenn du groj^ hist, lieher Adam (When you’re grown ternational influences.

up, dear

Adam, produced

1965, immediately Fanned, and released in 1990)

many alternative worldviews, each with their and their own ethical rules: what the film itself tries to

suggests the coexistence of

own

epistemologies

develop to

is

a fairytale logic, at

once whimsical and stringent, through which

view and judge the moral and political landscape of the

Under the very French

New

GDR.

different hut equally strong influence of the British

Waves,

and

45 (Born in ’45, produced and Fanned 1966, released 1990) presents a remarkaFle verite-style portrait of

GDR

youth culture,

Biittcher’s Jahrgan^

itself

strongly influenced by the icons and the philo-

American popular culture. The the way they slouch in their Levis,

sophical stance of contemporary

film’s a^lo-

lescents express themselves in

in the

they

title

their motorcycles

around

a desertetl courtyard to a rock-and-roll

song playetl on a portable record player, parlor, pick

around

each other up

in the

at Fig frenzied

a guitar in a deserted

way they

site.

incursion of

named

American music, and

production-oriented world

nominal concessions to an understanding of

of

a

in

an

ice

cream

Popular music, from folk

hallads to Fossa nova, serves as the crucial hackground is

flirt

puhlic dances, or sing together

construction

everyone’s moot!; even the tlog

way

Elvis, as

if

to

and motivation

for

mark the complete

music-hased youth culture, into the

the miel-sixties CjDR.

socialist thematics: its plot

socialist responsibility

and

The movie does make moves

a final

its

hero toward

symbolic embrace.

/ LA GUERRE EST FINIE in the maternity ward, of a responsible

and emphasis of the

and better future. Yet the

film are elsewhere, as

documents and

it

1

real

2 5

energy

participates in

the dreamy, narcissistic presentism of sixties youth, seeking adventure, sen' sation,

and authenticity, amid

a high-tech socialist landscape of prosperity,

consumption, and high-rises. As the film suggests to Saturday Night

UK, between

its

closing

homage

and Sunday Morning (Karol Riesz, Britain, i960), there

are strong congruities

the

in

between

sixties

working-class

youth culture in the

GDR

and

under socialism and working-class

life

in life

under capitalism.

The

mid-sixties also saw a parallel critique, in East and West, of bureau-

cratic calcification. Probably

without direct influence in either direction,

Kurt Maetzig’s Das Kaninchen bin

ich (1

am

released 1966) shares both key visual motifs

with an exactly contemporaneous West

and central

German

political

concerns

him, Alexander Kluge’s

produced 1965, premiered 1966), the international breakthrough him of the New German Cinema. Al-

Abschied von Gestern (Yesterday hrst

the rabbit, produced 1965,

though each him

girl,

literally takes a different

of analysis, both understand the division

Germany as of Germany

its

primary object

as a

determining

him follows a young refugee from East Germany as she tries, and fails, to hnd a place for herself in the West. Maetzig’s him centers on a young East Berliner denied entrance to the university because on the eve of the building of the Wall, her brother made critical remarks about the GDR and was sent circumstance for

life

on

either side of the Wall. Kluge’s

defaming the

to prison for

from the calmer

state;

political

atmosphere

of

the post-Wall period, the harshness of his sentence becomes ever clearer in retrospect.

Both hlms

call attention to the chilly architecture of state,

which individuals hnd themselves reduced to bureaucratic traces. Disillusioned by their treatment at the hands of ostensibly benevolent state in

institutions, future.

both heroines eventually

Walking

in circles

Kluge’s Anita G.

of the

him she

is

moves

aimlessly across

West Germany,

until at the

her,

end

hnally caught and “institutionalized” once more. Battered

begin her studies at

down

break away toward a different

and pulling her earthly possessions behind

by her brother, Maria Morzeck leaves

optimism

try to

last.

Yet her

own

home

at the

end

of Maetzig’s

him

to

sense of purposefulness and renewed

in the hnal shot of the him, as she pulls her personal possessions

the streets of Berlin toward a

new

life, is

undercut both visibly (as

obstructed by a long succession of leering

her passage through the scene

is

and jeering men) and audibly

(as

we

hear, in voiceover, a

“processing” her for admission to the university). In her old, she will he subject at

once

bureaucratic depersonalization.

to “personalized” sexual

male bureaucrat

new

life

as in her

harassment and to

1

KATIE TRUMPENER

2 6

Surveying West Germany as an institutional landscape, Kluge’s film

West German education and cultural life, most famously in a sequence in which a bureaucrat observes dog-obedience classes after a request for government support of dog trainrepeatedly satirized the conformist goals of

ing as a cultural activity, enjoyed by trainers and animals alike. Maria

Morzeck’s account of her schooling, in Maetzig’s Kaninchen, suggests a similar critique of

GDR education: “Went to secondary school and learned

everything one needs:

why The

Why

when the hell rang; swamp of revisionism

Pavlov’s dogs drooled

the Second International sank into the

.’’

.

students themselves are conceived of as Pavlovian dogs, trained to

recite

memorized

on command.*^ Even the school’s ataesthetic experience seem compromised by

political formulas

tempts to expose students to

underlying interest in fostering conformity.

its

.

variety of private reasons, to

Maria continues,

If

for a

remember the concerts she attended with her

Berlin school class (and the music of Bach’s Brandenburg Concertos in particular) as the beginning of her initiation into adult emotional

reminded by the soundtrack’s subsequent deployment

are

that they were literally, as a

composed not only

for aesthetic

life,

we

of the concertos

enjoyment hut

also, quite

music of state for a previous absolutist government of Bran-

denburg. In zig’s

its

very emphasis

the sufferings of an individual character, Maet-

t)n

Kaninchcm underlines the authoritarian

of the institutional structures in

Maetzig’s film was singled

(.)ut

which

all its

rigidity of the

citizens are caught.

for special critique at the

what unites the so-called Kaninchcnfihnc

of

GDR state and

1965-66

is

Although

Eleventh Plenum, their attempt at a

belated de-Stalinization and institutional reform, their wish for a society

which individual voices

in

Cjerhard Klein’s

/3

cr/m

wn

— and conscience— might

die

banned before completion

in

Prom which was

really matter.

Ecke (Berlin around the corner),

1966 and released

Zschoche’s KarLi to Frank Vogel’s

in

Hermann

1990, and

I)e7ik hlop nicht ich heule (Just

don’t think

banned 1965 and released in 1990, and Beyer’s Slmr der Steine (Traces of stones), releascxl and banned 1966 and re-released 1989, these I’ll

cry),

films consistently criticize the calcificatie)n of

CR)R

political life

standpoint of their ceiural characters, impatient young to

make

their peace with the status ljuo. Despite

forms, these films argue, the is

new

its

iilealists

from the

who

refuse

often commodified

international youth culture of the sixties

underpinned by genuinely utopian

tlesires.

Tbe

prophetic vision and

the energies of youthful reformers need to he harnessed, not crushed by tbe state is

—

anel tbe

constant failure of the system to hnd a place for them

a self-indictment, a sign of structural inflexibility, of the system’s

inability to

reproduce and to improve

itself.

acute

/ LA GUERRE EST FINIE

What these films ultimately argue for, of course, many

the replacement, of a state socialism. In

is

the radical reform, not

ways, these films work with,

as well as against, the tropes of a socialist realism itself usually

with figuring

—

in order to solve

movement. Where

cialist

—contradiction and

socialist realism often

crisis

worked

experiment with

Even

so,

to suspend crisis

a telos or terminus) of

rewrite

so that

it

its

its

underlying critical tendencies.

a

time,

socialist realism.

standard plot of disagreement, reform, and reconciliation

And

new

At the same

—and Westernizing—of

reflects that quintessential

eration gap.”

and on

and visual forms.

tradition but also a logical extension (even perhaps

they also represent an updating

They

logic, these

they represent not only a break with or challenge to the estah'

GDR aesthetic

lished

looser, less authoritative narrative

concerned

within the sO'

and contradiction within an inclusive and directive narrative films

127

phenomenon

of the 1960s, the “gen^

they rethink the problem of reform

scale, using the structural

pects of Western institutional thinking.

functionalism of the

1

itself in

new terms

models that then pervaded

The

all as-

systems theory and structural-

950s and 1960s emphasized that a system’s cardinal

goal was self-maintenance and self-preservation.

Under the

influence of

this thinking, the socialist realist plot of ostracization, belated recognition,

and reintegration

(in

which

progress of socialist ideals)

all

suffering

rethought as a plot of martyrdom, as the

is

system succeeds (for the moment, at the expulsion or destruction of

As

if

was eventually rewarded by the

least) in restahilizing itself

through

its critics.

to prove the accuracy of the analysis, the

SED reacted to these films

with an unprecedented crackdown on cinema and other cultural forms.

Although convoked primarily

to discuss a partial retraction of the

New

Economic System, the Eleventh Plenum of the SED Central Committee actually opened with screenings of the two most “objectionable” recent DEEA films (Das Ka unche i bm ich and Denk hlofi vcht ich heule) and de7

7

voted

much

of

recent

—and

as yet unreleased

its

7

public energies to a denunciation of the tendency of

—CDR

films,

decadences of Western “heat” culture and to

which

it

linked

Knh

to the

specific incidents of youthful

“Rowdytum” and political protest within the CDR itself. The CDR’s new filmmaking was sociologically very different from virtually all of the other New Waves (including those in other parts of Eastern Europe), and this magnified the repressive effects of the plenum. Elsewhere,

new cinema by introducing new aesthetic. Here, a new cinematic

a rising generation of filmmakers catalyzed a

into filmmaking a

new

ethos and a

movement was inaugurated primarily by well-established older directors. Many of them had started making films during the “new course” of the midfifties,

and a few had helped build up

DEEA

from

its

very beginnings.''^

1

KATIE TRUMPENER

2 8

As both

DEFA

detractors and defenders of

noted during the polemics of

the 1965 plenum, most of the directors under attack had previously been

awarded every possible recognition

many were

for their

work on behalf of the

N ationalpreistrdger (recipients ot the National Prize, the GDR’s

highest civil honor). Against this background, the sixties

state;

New Wave

of the mid-

has to he seen as an effort to achieve aesthetic and political renewal

from within the system, and one that accompanied a parallel

The

tion within film journalism.

withdrawal of the

critical films

DEFAs most prominent permanent blow

As most

to

post'

1

reform movement, the

failure of this

and the suhsee|uent muffling of many of

directors,

GDR film

liheraliza'

was therefore a particularly serious and

life.

989 assessments

DEFAs

of

history agree, the feature film

studio never fully recovered, aesthetically or politically, from the 1965

clampdown. Most of the 1965 directors were eventually allowed to work again, and they stood behind several subsequent bursts of cinematic innO' vation, in particular a revival of the social problem film in the late 1970s

and

early 1980s.

Compared

to the films of 1965, however, these later films

are deliberately, defensively, small in scale, presenting their social critique

only on a micro-level, as individual

(if

perhaps exemplary or emblematic)

case histories, the chronicles of individual failures and despairs.^' In

Germany, the voluntary turn

of the early 1970s

toward a more subjective analysis of social dent

movement and

usually taken to is

much If

political

(after the failure of the stU'

gcwernment clampdowns on

after

mark the ultimate victory

radical activities)

of reaction. Here, the

is

tendency

the same, under pressures far more direct and far more prolonged.

the artistic and political horizons of feature filmmaking thus con-

tractetl visibly in

mentation and at

life

from the overtly

West

the wake of the Eleventh Plenum, the aesthetic experi'

political questioning of the 1960s

DEFAs documentary

found some continuation

studios: over the next twenty-five years, the

mentary and short-film units not only sponsored the work

of a

docu'

number

of

innovative documentarists but even harbored a few “material” filmmakers

wbo were engaged and medium of film itself. as well

in

experimental manipulations with the surface

Under

(.lifferent political

cumstances, this reabsorption of socially

critical,

and institutional

cir-

documentary, and avant-

garde impulses back into the genres from which they had originally arisen

might be read simply

as the natural life cycle of a

Similar tendencies, in

New (dnemas a

as well:

if

documentary approach

verite

camera

style

commercial feature

fact,

were observable

New Wave. in

many

of the

Western

by the mid-sixties experimental narrative forms, to character, avant-garde visuals,

began to appear films as well as in

ciuite regularly in

independent

films,

and cinema-

mainstream and by the end of the

/

LA GUERRE EST FINIE

129

seventies most feature filmmaking had reverted to a pre-sixties “realism” in

However

narrative and visual techniques.

its

critical

one might he of

the integration, appropriation, or cooptation of experimental and “inde-

pendent” techniques by mainstream feature him industries in the West, the unquestionable effect of the brief period, in the mid and late 1960s, of rapprochement between “art” cinema, nonnarrative, and mainstream feature

hlmmaking was

to unfamiliar

to expose tens of millions of “ordinary” hlmgoers

and “difhcult” kinds of hlms. The 1970s, however, saw an

almost complete return, in studio-based feature hlmmaking, to the old visual

and narrative “realism.” The renewed ghettoization of

art

him and

experimental him spelled not only the end of their mass impact hut also the aesthetic and intellectual impoverishment of the average movie-goer,

now

left

without easy or regular access to the new modes of visual and

conceptual stimulus that even the most mainstream hlms had provided so routinely during the preceding decade.

was equally true of consumer and

What was

true of the

political life as well, as the

movies

expansive

climate of the 1960s gave way to the economic retraction and the renewed authoritarianism of the 1970s. In

its

futurism,

its

techno-euphoria,

and openness to new

social forms, the

reminiscent of the 1920s: indeed

it

its

utopian striving,

its

optimism

decade of the 1960s was deeply

saw not only the

critical

reclamation

of the art and aesthetic theory of the 1920s hut also sustained attempts to

mimic

its artistic,

intellectual,

and

and constructivism were thus reincarnated in

new

Dada, futurism,

political revolutions. in Fluxus, in

pop

art, in lettrism,

movement and for the new

kinds of collage and montage; Wilhelm Reich’s Sex-Pol

was rehabilitated

as a

movement for sexual

model

for the

new

antipsychiatry

liberation, while Frankfurt

School analyses of fascism,

mass culture, and the alienations of modernity fed a new

and student and

social

movements

all

explicit relation to the revolutionary

critical sociology,

over Europe situated themselves in

movements and heroes

of the early

twentieth century, from the Russian anarchists to Rosa Luxemburg.

Within the twenties

GDR, and

on the

sixties

DEFA

within

hlmmaking, the influence

of the

was more subtle but nonetheless ubiquitous. At the

famous 1963 KafLa conference at Liblice, most of the GDR delegates had watched the socialist rehabilitation of an alienated modernism with stiff disapproval or silence.

Yet the early sixties had actually seen the emer-

gence of a new

modernist literature in the

socialist

GDR

(as represented

by Johannes Bobrowski, Christa Wolf, and Volker Braun) whose formal

innovations and relativization of of socialism

itself as

more mainstream

realist

forms

historically contingent.

reflect

an understanding

At the same

tradition of committed realism began to

time, even the

show

clear signs

,

1

,

KATIE TRUMPENER

3 0

of the rediscovery

and Communist

and reassessment

political culture of the

Spain ot the 1930s,

set in the

Patronenhiilse

Communist political struggles Weimar Republic. In Beyer’s Funf

ot the

it is

thus the spirit of an old

Spartacist revolutionary that presides over the rebirth of political ideals.

And

in

Hermann

Zschoche’s 1965 Karla, the high point of joyful

between Karla, the

darity

young teacher (soon to he driven out

idealistic

ot the school system tor her resistance to institutional hypocrisy),

her rebellious but equally idealistic students

dancing that explicitly

festive

making

ot

tails in

tt)

pertorm the

fumblingly, to

tall

marching

feet) begins to

all

of

its

I

lere, at

film’s all

how

steps,

show

and

as

in step

tt)

move

to the

from

life

rhythm

ot

theirs,

once respects their teacher

she attempts,

showing

heroine joins

is

composed not

ot party

committed despite

young

members, committed despite opponents of the

party persecutions to honesty

all

and conscience. In Mutter Krausen, the

socialist collectivity

formed

the act ot marching and in shared dreams ot a better future.

marching torwanl but moving instead Karla organizes

itself

to

form a

in the fluid

circle,

No

itself

longer

the collective in

nonteleologically and nonhierarchically, finding

utopia (at least temporarily) contained within

of the

a

an even younger generation.

political persecution, but rather ot idealistic youthful

ami

with

the other end ot a socialist revolution, the collectivity that the

socialist status quo,

in

dance

at

camera

with their dance, the dance lesson undermines the

hierarchical distance that separates her

authority figure

1929 Mutter

(as the

march

way that

terms. For as the students

latest rock-and-roll

in

trim'

hnd symbolic resolution as the

life

them.^'^ Zschoche’s KarLi restages this scene in a

how

of

to happiness), the

rhythm ot the other marchers, and

in closeup the lines ot

and overturns almost

moment

with a Communist protest march, fumbles for a few

paces, begins to catch the

shows

ot Piel Jutzi’s

and

him of the Weimar Republic, the contradic-

realist

and tragedies ot daily working-class

hlm’s heroine

a

and rethinks the committed

(Mother Krausen’s journey

ins Gliick

paradigmatic socialist tions

recalls

marked by

is

Weimar. In the famous closing shot

Krausens Fahrt

soli-

rhythms

itself, in

of the elance step rather

its

the here and now,

than the regimented pace

march.

A socialist collective that encouraged

individual expressiveness; like the

other Kaninchenjilme Karla both represents and expresses a ,

moment of crit-

name of a more regulated and predictable progress, then did its best to suppress. Now, after the fall of the SHI) government and the re-release of the Kaninchenfilrne amid new ical

utopianism that the Eleventh Plenum,

efforts to reconstruct the historical

1965

moment

that) before

of critical

in the

context of the Eleventh Plenum, the

utopianism seems

and irrevocably

lost.

at

once much more tangible

Indeed, as the post- 1989 revelations of

/

LA GUERRE EST FINIE

GDR

profound corruption within the the

1

and

literary

131

political leadership of

970s and 1980s lead to generalizing Western denunciations of an “aes-

thetics of commitment”

and of utopian rhetoric

as the alibi of collaborators,

might seem that the lessons of 1965, and its mode of historical thinking, had all been forgotten completely. Yet what the explosive political it

developments

Germany over

in

the past decade have called into question

pronouncements

are not only the fatuously confident 1989 teleological arrival “at the

thought among West particularly in

its

end of history” hut

German

both of “history” and of the intellectual distance. litical

At

a

“real world,”

moment

an explanatory model

on the

discursive construction

enabled a stance of increasing

Germany

world as an eerie replay of the 1930s, there

is

perceived in the rest of

is

a pressing need to recover the

modernism

optimistic energies of the Enlightenment and indeed of

both in

its

1920s and in

In twentieth-century

its

that,

which continuing, xenophobic po-

in

violence in a tenuously united

Germany’s

also the status of postmodern

intellectuals, as

Baudrillardian emphasis

of

itself,

1960s incarnations.

Germany,

cultural renaissances

seem

to be built

not only on changes in material conditions, but even more important, on the ability of intellectuals to develop an expanded sense of possibilities, to

recover a sense of contingency as well as of teleology, and thus to stretch the

temporal limitations of their moment. Bleak and crisis-ridden for those actually living

them, the years of the Weimar Republic nonetheless appeared

in retrospect to the intelligentsia of the 1960s as

and of ical

tragically unfulfilled promise.

Both the aesthetic

reform movements of the 1960s derived

their sense of a looping return to

modernist

we may

an era of enormous

much

life

vitality

and the

of their strength

polit-

from

and reconnection with the interrupted

we work now to understand the Kanmchenfilmc from them both the spirit of their utopian energies

past. Perhaps, as

in turn derive

and their vivid sense

of historical possibility.

Notes The research

for this essay

lin), the (rrinciFal film

staff for their

und Femsehen

own

and documerit

collection

at the Filmarchiv'Bundesarchiv (Ber^

from

generous hospitality and assistance.

Academic Exchange

I.

was conducted Inimarily

My

DEFA; many

thanl8os. First,

i

it is

clear, at

one

it

emerged

level, that

in the

way

to

that Miiller, Wolt,

which the

any torm

ot

1

lein,

elecay ot ideology

Marxism

(

to the

GDR

ot the

what the Prenzlauer Berg

poets were able to see and thematize in both their theory in a

and

to our staged debate

an(.l

and others were not

Ideologiet’erfall)

their poetry

— was the extent

had severely

as a positione(.l tliscourse ot opposition.

discrcxlited

This

is

not

to underestimate the important role ot the socialist literary oppcxsitica'i historically,

nor

(.loes it

ignore the significance ot their

as a locus ot authentic alterity. Rather,

it

own

“poetic speech”

recognizes the extent to

which

the ultimately symbiotic relationship ot this inner opposition to the ceritral

powers substantially

even

1

lein

actively calling tor

such as Wolt,

modes

1

leym, Braun, and

ot retorm that lay outside or at

variance with the normative

(.liscourse ot socialist institutional

tor the abolition ot censorship, tor a

multiparty system, tor a genuinely

i(.leological lite:

trom

inhibite(.l writers

LANGUAGE AND POWER

15

5

representative parliament, for total freedom of speech, tor the institution of civil society.

As

second point,

a

it is

also the case that the linguistic turn within the

“Prenzlauer Berg connection” (Endler)

made them

more

far

sensitive to

the bipolar deep structures of a classically articulated, dialectical discourse

and

potential tor

its

what

it

thinks

it

is

communicating heyond or even

in contradiction to

communicating. Schedlinski’s essay “The Dilemma

of the Enlightenment” presents us with an elaborate critique of what he calls

an “enlightenment discourse

Diskurs),

which

in his

view

is

of protest” (der aufkldrerisch protestierende

always limited to articulating what the

ing discourse has always already been silent about is

—and

rul-

for that reason

always contained as a mirror reflection of a higher discursive power.^^

The young

poet offers an incisive, indeed brilliant linguistic variation on

Marcuse’s somewhat shopworn theory of repressive tolerance, turning

now

it

against socialist as well as capitalist forms of discursive control. Sig-

nificantly,

he

fundamental dislocation

also reveals in his rhetorical turns a

lying at the heart of the younger poets’ credo.

What

intrigues

me

about the Prenzlauer Berg poets

claimed to he the only real opposition in the

some

of their leadership

of this

some

was consorting with the

group was not involved

journalists

GDR,

in

IM

activities,

It is

is

clear that

most

there evidence, as

were wont to argue, that the Stasi completely controlled

or corrupted the poets’ activities.

Of far greater importance

diction at the very basis of their notion of what position in the

while simultaneously

Stasi.

nor

not that they

is

first

place.

On one hand,

it

means

is

the contra-

to launch

an op-

they ridicule the older generation

for believing in confrontational dialogue and,

employing a discourse theory

rooted in French poststructuralism, present a “radical” critique of the “encrastic” (Barthes) language

status

quo and

its

power

and metanarratives (Lyotard)

to subvert any potential resistance. In accordance

no such thing as dominant discourse

with this position and in agreement with Foucault, there a linguistic

archimedean point outside or marginal

from which to speak the “truth.” or political gesture, It is

is

Any

to a

The

is

discourse, regardless of

its

intention

situated necessarily within the interstices of power.

through language and language alone that one

the system.

of the socialist

is

interpellated into

poet Stefan Doring makes this abundantly clear

when

“Durch die Sprache wird Person erzogen, hat man die Sprache if gefressen, dann auch die Ordnung.” (People are formed by language he

says:

—

one has devoured the language, then one has eaten the order as well.)^''^ Yet as much as these poets go heyond the linguistic innocence of the older generation

—which

in their eyes

still

clung to the possibility of an

,

DAVID BATHRICK

1 5 6

“enlightened discourse of protest”

—

their

own

to he asserting nolens volens the viability of a selhconscious,

SLibject'Centered, indeed,

Erh,

both

autonomous,

archimedean locus outside of the dominant

course within which to develop an “authentic” language.

Wolf and Hike

them

selhstylizations reveal

When

Gerhard

GDR poet'Critics from the older generation, wax

euphoric about this “second culture,” which “as an independent

movement” (G.

tic

SED power

structure, they are not just prO'

jecting themselves as an older generation that has

own

starts,

failure to resist.

who,

They

been worn down hy

represent as well the illusions ot the up-

in stylizing their poetic struggles into the status of the

have repressed the basic insights

cast,”^^

artiS'

Wolf)^' had seemingly transcended the confines of

a feckless clinch with the

their

diS'

experience: that there

is

no such thing

ot their

own

“Out'

highly theorized

as the absolute outside, spatially

or linguistically.

For

if

we examine the

actual function ot the Prenzlauer Berg poets,

see that the forms ot revolt are positioned in

an obvious contextual

we

rela'

tionship to the prevailing discourse, as well as to the institutionalized tor-

mations of power

modes of

in the

distribution

GDR.

For example, as a result ot their proliferating

and pertormance, these poets were able

to create a

counter public sphere, which, though tolerated and even infiltrated hy the Stasi, nevertheless

a response to

marked out

a powertul cultural articulation precisely as

what they viewed

ing discourse” in the nals as Mikudo,

as “the

GDR.^^ The publication

UNO, SCHADEN

an emerging network

one dimensionality

and

ot

such underground jour-

Arkiclnefahrik

were integrated into

ot semipuhlic (unothcial) readings, exhibitions, film

showings, concerts, cabarets, and pertormances, that saw sion ot a

new

kim.! ot “autarkic

“authenticity,” and “critical

and

at

urban

lite

teeling’V**

practice” that

itselt as

an expres-

an assertion ot “autonomy,”

became

“a resistance against

the same time a contradictory product ot a centralized, administered,

anti increasingly alienatetl Public Sphere.”’'’ is

ot the prevail-

important. Cdearly these poets’ sense ot

This contradictory dimension

autonomy

provitled an important

impetus to an organizational tormation, which, while thoroughly under the surveillance ot the security apparatus, nevertheless was able to tletine a cultural position

whole.

was

Tbe

regime to

within the breakdown ot cultural legitimacy as a

othcial decision to tolerate (that

simj')ly

not repress) such activities

at

on the

part ot the

negotiate satistactory monies ot productive culture within a

deteriorating state

But even

is,

the other side ot a growing helplessness

itselt

selt-

aj'iparatiis.

the level ot poetic utterance, the Prenzlauer Poets were

in dialogue, regardless ot their

what they ilisparagingly called

disavowal ot any participatory role within a (jeslmichskultur.

Despite CR‘rt Neumann’s

LANGUAGE AND POWER

15

7

a “language of non-power,”

articulated refusal to speak, his call to

all for

a “voice of silence” spoke nevertheless

from within and against a culture

in

which “conversations take

place, in order to

numh

thought.”^^ Michael

Thulin’s insightful analysis of a “critique of language” as “counter-culture”

catalogues a manifesto of the various “intentions” driving what he would

even

call

the “language critical school of Prenzlauer Berg Berlin/DDR”:

these poets are against “the false appearance ot linguistic continuity,” “the

everyday language of power,” “the authoritarian institution of meaning,”

and so ond' Even a language of

silence,

self against the distorted discursive

would seem, must define

it

system that has necessitated

and ultimately

failure to accept the essentially contextual

lationship

between poet and

part ot those

state has led to

who would want

it.

it-

The

political re-

dangerous naivete on the

to resist the state hy claiming to ignore

Conversely, the aggression ot a Sprachkritik that understands the ex-

it.

tent to

which

(240) has

“all social

much

norms

are at the

to ofter a generation of writers

in Christa Wolf’s terms, “a language

my

same time norms of language”

which

is

still

struggling to reach,

my

there in

ear,

hut not on

tongue.”

Our image

of the Stasi as Krake at the outset served metaphorically to

GDR body politic released from the grasp of a dying

conjure up a post-Wall

organism and subject to the slow, painful process ot social and

political

renewal. For the present analysis, what was important about such a reading

was

less a

in the

notion of the Stasi as evil incarnate, as was often enunciated

Western

press,

than what such an image communicated about the

all-embracing, thoroughly internalized nature of social control under the

conditions of a modern society. vastly outdone,

it

The Foucauldian panoptic

would seem, hy a

social organization in

society has

been

which there can

he no pristine, “outside” subject whose body and mind might elude the grasp (or the gaze?) of political involvement. dissident writers,

many

of

whom

The

fact that oft-proclaimed

saw themselves

at

varying “odds” with

the status quo, were nevertheless found implicated discursively contains

an important lesson about the immanent nature

any relationship

of

in

that society.

The the

activities of individual oppositional writers of

GDR

must he judged

they spoke.

The

in light of the historical

pt:)wers of their

any generation in

context from which

speech were always part of a double-edged

evolutionary process: on one hand, they were the enabled voice of a

self-

on the other, they sought to articulate, from within language and power relationships, the challenge to a repressive

legitimating status quo;

the

official

system. Like language

itself, this

system will release

its

hold not through a

single act of revolutionary rupture or conscious renewal, hut hy

means

of a

.

.

1

DAVID BATHRICK

5 8

gradual working through over time of

GDR

its

forty-year experience. Certainly

any such

writers of all generations will continue to play a role in

process.

Notes

An

earlier version

rure in the

of

GDR

this

of Speech:

(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995),

©

1995 by the University of Nebraska Nebraska Press. Christa Wolf,

1.

The Powers

essay appeared in

Was

bleibt

The

Politics of

Cul-

2ig-42. Copyright

Press; reprinted by permission of the University of

am Main,

(Frankfurt

Erzdhlung. All subsequent quotes from this

work

1990).

will

The hook

is

subtitled

be cited by page number in the

text.

For anthologies of articles dealing with the debate that erupted around Wolf

2.

and the book, see Karl Deiritz and Fiannes Krauss,

Der deutsch'deutsche

eds.,

Litera^

oder "Freunde, es spricht sich schlecht mit gebundener Ziinge” (Frankfurt

turstreit

Main, 1991

);

Thomas Anz,

ed.,

dreas Huyssen, “After the Wall:

AnNew German

Es geht nicht urn Christa Wolf (Munich, 1991

The

Failure of

German

Intellectuals,”

am );

Critique 52 (winter 1991): 109-43.

The German term

3.

and

for this

is

“Inofizicller Mitarbeiter” (lit.: unofficial

often signified by the initials “IM,” which

is

1

shall use in

my

co-worker)

subsequent

dis-

cussion.

Frank Schirrmacher, “Verdacht und Verrat: Die Stasi-Vergangenheit veriinderr

4.

die lirerarische Szene,” Frarrkfurter Allgerneine Zeiturrg, 5

November 1991

5.

Jiirgen Flabermas, Vergangerrheit als Zukurrjt (Zurich, 1990),

6.

“Der lange

7.

For an excellent discussion in English of the Anderstin and Schedlinski

Arm

der Stasi,” Der Spiegel 44, 26

see Jane Kramer, “Letter from Europe,”

The

New

March

Yorker, 25

1990.

May

Lutz Rathenow, “Operativer Vorgang Assistent: Stasi,”

8.

45-46.

affairs,

1992, 40-62.

Sterrr,

no.

3,

9 January

1992.

Fuchs and Klaus llenscl, “Heraus aus der Liige und Ehrlichkeit her-

9. Jiirgen

Der

stellen: 1

99

Schriftsteller

und die

Stasi-Spitzel,” Frankfurter Rundschau, 21

l\‘cember

1

10.

Rainer Schedlinski,

“

‘Dem Druck, immer mehr sagen

zu miissen, hielt ich

nicht stand’: Literatur, Staatssicherheit und der Prenzlauer Berg,” Frarrkfurter AllgC' rneine Zeitung, 14 I

I.

See Manfred

K nirt ilk 12.

January 1992.

t

err, "

For

Jiiger,

“Auskiinfte:

1

leiner Miiller

und Christa Wolf

Deutschlandarchiv 26, no. 2 (February 1993): 142—46.

full

documentation

of Wolf’s Stasi files

between 1959 and 1962

the d iscussions subsec|uent to their revelation in January of 1993 see ed., Akteneinsicht Christa Wolf: Zerrspiegel I

3.

zu Stasi-

und Dudontrol Council and the intentions of the government.

hecame more

virulent

when on June

i

3,

This conflict

1990, the council refused to con-

firm Minister President Lothar de Maiziere’s choice for for

of the Federal

the Distribution of Media Materials in

the CjDR, which was finally released

Media

model

General Director

Radio and Television, C}ero Hammer, thereby thwarting the

interference in the media.

The manner

in

party’s

which the Law Ckincerning the

Transformation of Radio Broadcasting came into existence

is

an indication

MEDIA PUBLICS that,

IN

THE GDR

by this time, the conflict of interest between the state and the

2 5 7

MKR

had reached an alhtime highd*

The tion

MKR

was an honest project, a mixture of resolution and ambi-

on one hand, inexperience and

lack of professionalism

on the

other.

down in the new era that followed the when the grass-roots democratic elements of

This project very quickly broke

March

elections of

i8, 1990,

back, once again, in

Wende were pushed favor of administrative methods. As long as the MKR

existed, this setback

was not quite

the revolutionary days immediately subsequent to the

as evident.

The

chair of the

MKR

was

the former consistory president of the Protestant church of the province of Saxony, Martin Kramer, whose expertise Minister President de Maiziere

had already hoped

to use within his advisory circle.

Kramer chaired the

interminably long public meetings; he gathered, encouraged, summarized, arranged, and advised. fact that

MKR

development was considered

a

genuine political authority, a in the

West

—but

a threat.

process of democratization in the

extralegal arenas of activity, fall

became

was remarkably, yet revealingly, noticed only

there, this

The

The

GDR

had created

which were exploited

a

number of

intensively. After the

managers and directors of Western publishing houses traveled

of 1989,

with their judicial councilors to the

GDR, where

contracts, promised technical assistance,

and looked

they signed preliminary

exchanged technical know-how,

for likely objects for cooperation.

These Westerners acted

as

they had landed in the “Wild East,” but their can-do mentality meant

if

success.

The first case of such

a conquista appeared early in

1

990

in

an improbable

The act itself suggested the impatience of most prominent West German publishing houses (together Bauer,

but significant area of business. the four

in

& Jahr,

and Springer controlled 70 percent of the market the Federal Republic) to stake their claims in the East. By means of a

Burda, Gruner

covert alliance, the Big Four publishers and a monopolistic postal service

succeeded in establishing a distribution and advertising joint venture that, if

successful,

would have put them

in control of all deliveries of

newspapers

German newsstands. Under the leadership of this faction’s main West German competition, the Hamburg-based Jahreszeiten and magazines

to East

publishing house, approximately twenty other publishing companies, along

with

GDR

politicians, the

protest against the Big Four.

were broken

off.

MKR, As

and the Round Table,

led a storm of

a result, the no-longer-secret negotiations

In early March, the four publishing giants, after having

among themselves, began independently marketing their own newspapers and magazines in the GDR. The

carved up the East

and distributing fight for

an open and comprehensive distribution system

for the press,

with

ANDREAS GRAF

2 5 8

tree

competition and independence from publishing houses, had begun.

Apparently, the various machinations of the Big Four had a far-reaching

They were intended

goal.

established balance of

power

Since October 1989, the

new plane

GDR regulations to overthrow the

to use novel

in the Federal Republic.

GDR print media have also been driven into a

The Western

of existence.

publishers followed three different

which were directed toward the same

strategies, all of

conquering

goal:

German market with the intent of shaping the order of things in the West. Some offered unaltered West German editions of their publications to the East German market (others began publishing East German editions). A very few founded new newspapers. More commonly, however, the East

the publishing giants took over elements of businesses or entire enterprises

from Eastern publishers, especially those of the high-volume papers of the

SED

and the minor bloc

district

parties. In April 1991,

it

news-

was noted

that the “control of ownership interests in the very attractive market of

regional newspapers in the

Eleven former

went

SED papers,

new German provinces

with a total publication of three million

issues,

mammoth

enter-

from the West.

to publishers

has been sown up.”’^

It

was not only the

gathered booty; even mid-sized Western publishing companies

prises that

claimed their share.

Two

of the largest Eastern

newspapers were not even

offered in a public tender by the Treuhand: the Freie Presse of

Ghemnitz,

with a print run of 600,000, was curiously taken “out of the competition”

and handed over to the K/icmp/a/^ newspaper, based Kohl’s

home town

of Ludwigshafen,

run 530,000), which appears in .scher’s

birthplace,

I

lalle,

FDP

and the

fully

a

chancellor Helmut

Kiitteldeutschc Zeitung (print

foreign minister Hans-Dietrich

kncwn

to be sympathetic to the

rogue would cry foul. At the (.lenouement, which cannot be

described here,

we

are

left

watching the expansionist drive of the big

(West) Cjerman media enterprises shifting the balance of power th emselves

expansion

and the various branches

two and

even

the former

(

diversified

market

jDR.

the monopolies.

a half years after the structural

if

their eastward

upheavals began, the

was more strongly concentrated than

press in the East

and

of the media,

among

failed to fulfill all their elreams.

In 1992,

sale of

Gen-

was, by coincidence, absorbed by the publisher

of the Kulncr Suidtanzcigcr, a publication

FDR Only

in

Insteatl of rationally for

newspapers, the

)

district

had ever been

in

ordering competition and creating a

new

The Treuhand had been

former SEl

it

leaders

had simply reorganized

piloted only by concerns with

its

newspapers, and as a result had been completely

fatally oblivious to the political situation of the

media. Cuven this

experience with the concentration of the press and regional monopolies, the atrophied diversity of information and the monopolization by publish-

MEDIA PUBLICS ers,

THE UDR

IN

should one not have given some thought to alternative models such

as collegial solutions, cooperative enterprises, puhlicly legislated

communal

organization, and

biggest

media deal

notice.

It

in postwar

German

was carried out not

mundane concepts Republic. As a result, the

history occurred practically without

as a public hut as a private venture.

mind, one can begin to understand the growing sense

of the press in the

new German

states, a

monochrome

as

was before the Wende, only

it

With

ex-GDR

this

this

of alien control

matter that prompted the

observation in the Spiegel: “The media-landscape in the as

forms of

responsibility? But these

never stood a chance even in the old Federal

in

2 5 9

time

it

fitting

remains is

black

instead of red.”^^

Yet the noisiest campaign on the media-political battlefield was con-

ducted with regard to the electronic media, particularly radio and television broadcasting. Edginess and anxiety characterized not only the debates

about the future of the

German

broadcasting landscape hut also the un-

folding events. All media politicians saw

as their

it

mission to transform

the centralized bureaucracy of party-sponsored broadcasting into a puhlicly legislated, decentralized federal system.

tion of a dual broadcasting system

— the

They

favored, moreover, the no-

parallel coexistence of public

private broadcasting stations. Accordingly, Minister of the

and

Media Muller

(who, incidentally, worked in the same building that had housed not only Goehhels’s Ministry of Reich Propaganda hut also the Press and Information

Department

of the

GDR

government)

felt

that

it

stipulate the conditions of the decision-making process as

On May

6,

1990,

Antenne Brandenburg had

(provisional) provincial broadcasts in East

Sachsen-Anhalt, Thiiringen

lowed on July

Lander

I

.

i,

Radio

a

soon

as possible.

expeditiously aired the

DDR

II

fol-

frequency for decentralized

and Deutschlandsender, previously 16 to form

was thus created. All the

ticipants insisted that legislation

first

Germany. Sachsenradio, Radio

GDR-wide

Stimme der DDR, merged on the June federal radio structure

his duty to

and Radio Mecklenburg-Vorpommern

To accommodate

(state) stations.

was

DS Kultur. A

provisional

politically responsible par-

was required posthaste. Yet

this legislation

fundamentally scrambled the steps of the reorganization of the media sector that

had

initially

affairs, stating:

have drafted will

a

been envisioned. Minister Muller

“Actually,

it

would have been very convenient,

comprehensive media

not take place

now

create a law to govern sition

we decided it,

law.

because there are

for decisive action in certain areas.

endless controversies,

justified this state of

.

.

.

if

one could

But such an arrangement

much more

urgent demands

Thus, under the pressure of sometimes to privilege radio

and television

— and

so that the cornerstone of our efforts, the tran-

from a centralized broadcasting network

tc')

a federal, to he exact.

ANDREAS GRAF

2 6 0

to a regional radio

and television network, could be secured.”^® Yet the

new changeling, devised as a draft (Referenten-Entwurf) by civil servants who had been “borrowed” from the West under the direction of MiniS' ter Muller’s media'political secretary, Manfred Becker, retained so many aspects of statC'Controlled radio that the public found

The

it

unacceptable.^^

invective “apprentice’s draft” (Referendar- Entwurf) circulated.

again,

all

game

plans began to

Once

because this draft got nowhere.

falter,

It

vanished in the parliamentary committee on press and media until the end of the parliamentary

summer

holiday.

Act ( Rundfunkuherleitungsgesetz) was was repealed by

When

finally

The Era of “the Institutional Entity” The Ministry of the Media, marooned in fast.

The

handed down

in

September,

36 of the Unification Treaty only two weeks

article

and means, had

Network Reform

the Radio

effectively achieved

— more

minister

a

man

its

it

later.

the contradiction between ideal getting

initial goal of

nowhere

of promises than a pragmatic spirit

—gave

interviews here and there; he even held press conferences in Goebbels’s Steinsaal. But by

and

large his administration

remained amorphous and he

noncommittal remarks designed

increasingly hid behind

to avoid injuring

anyone, while his state secretary was noted mainly for his absence during periods of crucial decision making.

on October

Unification, Einrichtung,

and with

And

so began, with the

the era of Miihlfenzl.

it

did not elect an East

radio network. This fact

is

matter

is

German

last

parliament of the

bniadcasting commissioner for the

especially puzzling since candidates such as

director Michael Albrecht of the

of the

1990, the era of the institutional entity, the

3,

This leads right away to the question why the

GDR

Day

DFF

and Konrad WeiB were considered. The truth

simple enough.

The

parliament wanted to

act, but

was not

At the appointed hour. Minister President de Maiziere heeded the word of his master in Bonn and stepped on the brakes of his own party; the sparsely attended plenary session provided a welcome pretext. The au-

allowed

to.

thors of the Unification Treaty had very wisely prepared for this eventuality in the

many

rules

and regulations

that

made up

the treaty:

“The Broadcast-

ing C.-ommissioner will be elected by the parliament under tion of the Minister President

vote

is

t)f

the Cjerman Democratic Republic.

not taken by the parliament, the Broadcasting

Gommissioner

be determined by a majority

and the tnayor

of Berlin.

the newly created states

—

a

If

will

among the representatives from the states The state executors ( Lcinddssl)rcchcr) leading who would hold office in the new Cjcrmaii states .

until the election of minister presidents

constituencies for the

recommenda-

coming events

—

.

.

and were currently preparing their fulfilled, at least

temporarily, very

MEDIA PUBLICS important political functions.

Among

again, the electors, with the exception of

on October

2 6 1

No one questioned

members

Berlin,

of various

was un-

their legitimacy; hut this

necessary. For the chairman. Federal Minister

Then

15.

Tino Schwierzina from

really duly elected representatives hut simply

state administrations.

THE GDR

these functions was the election of

the broadcasting commissioner, which took place

were not

IN

—soon

Gunter Krause

—

after

dubbed the “scandal minister” of 1993 it was enough if someone just said, as one delegate did: “1 am Mr. Jones from Saxony. And will participate in 1

the vote” (Ich bin der Sachse Schmitt. Ich mache die Wahl mit ) Miihlfenzl .

won

the election with four ayes; Brandenburg dissented, and Berlin abstained.^'

The restructuring of radio and television broadcasting was, on compromised by deadlock this election.

It

a situation inseparable from the

outcome of

was well established that radio and television

domain of the

the

—

newly established

states.

states,

the whole,

fell

within

months of existence of the problems with administration, personnel, and But during the

first

structural organization prevailed. In addition, the political system

was un-

der pressure from the mounting social and economic dislocations that

came with 1989, was

unification.

now

Media

politics,

relegated to the

both the Eastern

activists

having been a central concern of

bottom of the

priority

and the old professionals

list.

Furthermore,

in the broadcasting

business were suddenly shut out. After Miihlfenzl took office, neither the

new

directors of the provincial broadcasting networks nor the East Berlin

business directors from NalepastraBe and Adlershof were allowed to act

on

their

own

mandate on taking

initiative. Miihlfenzel’s first

office

was a

muzzling order.

With the exception

of his press spokesperson, Miihlfenzl selected per-

sonnel from the West. Only Wernfried Maltusch functioned as a quasiEast

German

“advisor,”

though

it

was never

IM

tusch happened to he a Stasi agent,

officially

Maser.

the envoy cultivated a kind of hunker mentality

himself almost never

left his

main

office, so as

his subordinates in-house or of gaining

location. His staff invaded the

troopers enter

enemy

territory

or documents. Issuing orders

life

admitted

But most

among

not to run the

—and Mal-

significantly,

his people. risk of

meeting

knowledge about urgent needs on

of this “institutional entity” as

—charging and

seemed

deputy director of the radio network

He

storm

retreating in search of data

The Hildehrandt (whom

to completely satisfy the envoy. at the time, jorg

Miihlfenzl fired due to an improperly fitting muzzle), described his experi-

ence

as follows:

“Arguments that opposed

him, because those

man

his convictions did not disturb

who thought differently, especially those from East Ger-

bolshevik radio and television, didn’t have any say to begin with.

Rudolf Miihlfenzl did not have an easy

job. Probably

.

.

.

any other envoy faced

—

,

ANDREAS GRAF

2 6 2

with the

of overseeing these chaotic circumstances would have

difficulties

been equally unsuccessful.

.

.

and extended

political level

.

The

far

actual points of conflict resided at the

beyond personal misunderstandings.

.

.

.

Miihlfenzl misunderstood his assignment from the Unification Treaty, be-

cause he believed, as did the crew he had flown into the annexed

terri'

he had carte blanche to operate above and beyond the means

tory, that

of his constituency (listeners, audience, provincial politicians, program directors)

and act merely

at his

In the melee involving the

peaceful revolutionaries hility

own

discretion.

media

—who had,

industries, public officials,

in the

and demonstrated their expertise

the latter were

left

and the

meantime, assumed responsi'

in the restructuring of the

media

out in the cold. Although Miihlfenzl declared that he

was ready to “cooperate with the existing apparatus,

depended entirely on

West German advisory

his

he nevertheless

staff, all of

whom

had

earned their stripes as supporters of private radio and television. This would

minimum

not necessarily have resulted in disaster, as long as there was a

knowledge about the old the

new

East

German

GDR broadcasting system and an appreciation of

situation, or at least a willingness to get to

them. After a few weeks

it

upon

really

a

demonstrates.^'’

To he

never really got a chance.

label,

it

seems to

Cjerman unification also applies to the sphere Publicly Legislated Sisyphus and

For better or worse,

unpleasantness so

When

1

have been

far.

The

me

Its

ohligei.1 to

balance sheet

GDR that preceded

of the media.

Consequences

dish up is

that Lothar Spiith’s

thus

manner of nit-picking the more surprising:

all

all

the lights went out at Adlershof and Nalepastralk' exactly at

midnight on December its

opening

a marriage of political patronage

nasty remark about the unconditional surrenLler of the

The

in the

media

A sobering disillusionment. Scenes of

German-CA'rman marriage? Or simply

and nepotism? Whatever the

he was no

GDR

sure, the old

had no “substance,” hut what was created from scratch

after iy 8 y

know

was apparent that the balance had already

shifted toward Miihlfenzl’s staff, as Albrecht’s assertion that

longer heiitg called

of

^i,

iqqi, and the “institutional entity” ended

broadcasting activities, the State Treaty C?oncerning the Broadcasting

System

in

Unified Ciermany (Stmlsi’crtnif^ uhcr

PeutschLmd) into effect.

Runellunk burg,

which had been signed In

in

clcu

Rimdjunk im vcreintcn

Bonn on August

31

,

lyqi, went

Saxony, vSaxony-Anhalt, and Thuringia the Mitteldeutsche

(MDR) embarked on

the Gstdeut.sche

its

broadcasting enterprise. In Branden-

Rundfunk Brandenburg (C')RB) was launched. Mecklenburg-Vorpommern was now served by the Non.ldeut.sche Rundfunk (NDR). Gnly the private radio and television stations had to wait for

MEDIA PUBLICS

The

their opportunity.

IN

THE GDR

federal broadcasting system gained

its

2 6 3

footing as a

sort of “limping dualism.

Given the

short period of time, this was an extraordinary organizational

Many had been

questioning the possibility of dismantling

a centralized radio system that

had served approximately sixteen million

achievement.

people and of building a

ground up

in only a

new

federal broadcasting organization

few short months. But while

in the East

from tbe

everything

was undergoing radical transformation, in Western Germany nothing was

new

affected by the

All remained quiet on

organization of the network.

the Western front.

At

the beginning of the unification process, the outlook was quite

Back then many observers were

ferent.

still

recommending

dif'

that people

take advantage of the fortuitous turn of events in the East and reconsider

the

West German

radio system as well. In this context, they pointed to the

perseverance of political parties in attempting to gain influence over the broadcasting system with the help of control commissioners, the continLied

expansion of the administrative apparatuses, the confusion resulting

from the admission of private stations, the (missing) quality control

programming, and the lack for the spirit,

media. This

was evident,

critical

for

of a thoroughly

in

developed European vision

undertone, usually expressed in an idealistic

example, in the formulation of the sixth decision

on the broadcasting network by the Federal Constitutional Court. In this document, the chief justices emphatically recalled that the radio freedom secured by article

5 of

the Basic

Law

Republic

of the Federal

oriented freedom” (dienende Freiheit ) meaning that ,

of responsibility

it

dom

from the state was emphasized

from

political parties

was placed

at a

in several passages,*^'

premium. The

an “service-

maintains a “position

The

with respect to the general public.

is

principle of free-

and the distance

“socially representative

control committees” are ordained as “administrators of the interests of the general public” and are “therefore not called upon to align programming

according to specific interpretations or goals thereby promoting the concerns of specific interest groups. of quality in

The

judges also expected a high degree

programming^^ even the private stations were not exempted

from the responsibility of providing information, education, and cultural diversity for the public.

At the end

of 1991, there

critical reflections

few

and

was precious

of the judicial

articles in professional journals

little

warnings

remaining

— there

of these self-

were, at best, a

whose significance only

judge. All this, despite fundamental revision of the

German

history can

Broadcasting

System, despite the state governments’ agreement for the establishment of public radio and television stations, despite four

new

laws concerning

.

ANDREAS GRAF

2 6 4

and

private radio

television,

and despite

concerning the

six state treaties

broadcasting system in unified Germanyd^ the influence of the parties

First,

ish,

The

hut rather grew stronger.

for East

Germany

—the

three'State

Anhalt,

and Thuringia,

90-ruled

Brandenburg,

the

on

radio and television did not dimin-

triadic

the

ORB

in the state elections of

partisan assault

MDR

on

marriage

SPD-FDP-Biindnis

for

between CDU/FDP-ruled

Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and the SPD-dominated have occurred without the

finally settled

MDR for CDU'ruled Saxony, Saxony-

one-state

and

arrangement

NDR — would

never

political constellations created by the voters

October 1990. The

on the networks

in the

result

was an uncontested

new states. The forty-three-member

broadcasting commission alone contains twelve party politicians,

and of the

ORB

broadcasting commission’s twenty-five members, five are

delegates of political parties. affiliations

The

appeal to members to leave their party

behind while participating

in the control

commissions was

su-

perseded by the world of everyday politics.

Second, the unification

mushrooming

of the radio

of bureaucracies;

and television network

two new directors were added

led to a

to the ex-

West German Arheitsgemeinschaft der RundDeutschLmds (ARD), along with an additional series of new

isting administration of the

funkanstalten

deputy directors, division leaders, and so on.

directors,

The

fact that the

ARD was hurdling headlong into an economic abyss leads one to question this centralized administration’s organizational expertise.

ble that the

ARD with

its

It is

very proba-

administrative maneuvering had lost out in the

very real competition with the private stations.

The solvent

that will finally

erode the conflict between publicly legislated and private providers C')wing to a dearth of creative personnel

no new programming

who

and the exigency

acid.

of prior debts,

ideas were developed in public broadcasting.

stiught to alleviate the

is

Those

economic stagnation, domestic predicaments,

and inherent structural weaknesses by enlarging administrations

will

soon

be f aced with the cjuagmire of a bankrupt system. Private commercial competition

is

marching

all

over Germany’s public broadcasting.

Third, the provincialism that was evi(.lent in the

manner

vate radio aiul television providers were authorized has to the East. Private radio

tions

(

was and

iMndesmedicnanstaltcn) Four

is

in

which

pri-

now been extended

supervised by state media institu-

more

state

media

institutions, those in

Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt, Thuringia, and Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, were

appended faileei

to the eleven

in its efforts to

hence, to expand

managed

its

to escajie

West Cierman ones. Private radio and

break into the

as

it

multistate frequencies and,

Only Brandenburg merged with Berlin. These new media

competencies to

— inasmuch

field of

television

a national level.

MEDIA PUBLICS institutions are by as

no means “impoverished”

IN

THE UDR

2 6 5

agencies, at least financially,

they receive 2 percent of the tees generated by public radio; yet, there are

few frequencies to go around. Stubbornly imitating the practice in the old

—giving guarantee of land'based broadcasting exchange the general support the government —quickly dead end the new

(Western) states ties in

state

a

of private stations tor

for

led to a

broadcasters circumvented

all this

capabili'

respective

states. Private

in

using the Astra satellite, which fultilled

70 percent of their needs without the complicated agreements required

tor

land'based transmission. But satellite broadcasting notwithstanding, they did not escape the constraints ot the state-based media institutions.

Fourth, debates about the quality of radio and television programming

were a never'ending saga

in the

West, yet the subject of quality was scarcely

broached in the endless discussions on the restructuring of broadcasting

The now

in the East.

subscriptions, people

passe media forums debated matters of finances and

and

parties, but ignored the subject ot

audiences and

programs. Evasion of quality-related issues occurred despite their apparent timeliness.

avowed European spirit remained obscured behind the wave of national anticipation that overwhelmed the Germans. They Fifth, the frequently

remained

in a state of nearly total self-absorption.

people are reality

is

still

ahead

far

from adept

It

would seem that most

at conceptualizing a unified

Europe. But

of the people in this particular case. Psychology

behind technology

in

an age

forms of telecommunication

of information, is

where the spread

no longer impeded by

still

lags

of diverse

limitations of time

and space.

“One could have thought

this

matter out, but one didn’t want

to,” writes

the director of Saarland radio, Manfred Buchwald. “Neither in the West,

where the

status

quo

is

worshipped

nor in the East, where there was and

The new beginning of

East

German

like is

an

idol by

a lack of time

its

many

supporters

and peace

of mind.”"^^

broadcasting might have been such an

The

fall

chance

for

opportunity, but the media politicians were not ready for this task.

of the Berlin Wall was beyond their ability to

comprehend

as a

new beginning. They had not developed an agenda to handle a German' German media unification. Instead, they chose the path of least resistance. Hence, the entrenched West German media organization became the order of the day. Those on one side now feel and act like victors; those on a

the other side lack self'Confidence and allow themselves to be treated accordingly.

It

to maintain

its

would have been

own

voice, so that

particularly important for East

West and

East

German

Germany

differences could

have been reconciled. Some such solution might have required that East

German

journalists not only

had

a say but also

had some

respcn'isibility for

ANDREAS GRAF

2 6 6

programming beyond the mere veto power that came with obstinacy. The result was a process of colonization, although it is well understood that any such process requires a considerable degree ot selhcolonization.

These

may

are crazy times.

we have come to know them but we treat them as permanent fix-

The mass media

well turn out to be a passing fad,

tures of the social landscape. In

as

contemporary Germany, discussion

is still

focused on the multiplication of radio and television channels, video

demand, or computer games

—

on simple forms of entertainment. much more invasive electronic technologies

But the future may well entail

in short,

that will permeate every aspect of

or of wired cities have

Nohody can be mediatization, that

come

sure is,

life.

Notions of an information society

embody this expectaticin. which way the electronic media are heading. But to

the advancement of the electronic media markets,

continues with uncanny velocity. offers a

on

unique market. With

its

For those

who

are not timid

Germany

32 million television-viewing households

and, except for the United States, the world’s best infrastructure, including

and substantial buying power, the Fed-

a cable network, satellite reception, eral

Republic

is

Europe’s television market of the future.

If

one counts the

German-speaking neighbors, an investor could reach 100 million people in

one

British

most potent areas

of the

for business

on

media haron Rupert Murdoch chose one

business

when he began

a partnership

assets include 18,000 feature films

earth.

The

of the best

Austral ian-

minds

in the

with Leo Kirch, whose programming

and video material

for

another 50,000

television hours. Together they are forerunners of the future of digital tele-

vision in Europe. Digital information could

and lucrative market industry.

The

become the most important

of the twenty-first century,

comprising a hillion-dollar

television of the not-so-far-off future will

no longer he under

the jurisdiction of broadcasting agencies but rather of telecommunications services,

companies that

function as data hanks.

will

They

are completely

outside of the media architecture that has been created in the process of unification

warehouse

— and

digital,

now would

future

“So

is

come. The.se enterprises

will

time-compressed films and reports that can be retrieved

by the customer for a to

are a sign of things to

fee.

be useless.

The The

restrictive C

jerman media laws operative up

was over radio and television, hut the

fight

with the electronic media.

We Were

Where were

Allowed

to Believe

the intellectuals.^

That

What

We Were

Fighting”

role did they play in these

momentous

transformations'’*^” In a grandiose act of nostalgia cal itlealists

— the prominent

C

—

as political missionaries

jDR authors appeared

and impracti-

before the masses

on

MEDIA rUBLICS

November

IN

THE GDR

2

67

1989, and announced the happy news of democratic social-

4,

ismd^ Spirit and power seemed to have once again magically converged.

Authors such

as

Heym, and Christoph Hein were

Christa Wolf, Stefan

suddenly reveling in the communitarian utopias of Holderlin, Schelling,

and Hegel,

they had been sketched out in the “oldest systems program

as

German

when the call of thousands (“We are staying here!”) rang in everyone’s ears. The experience of the demonstrations in the early fall of 1989 when a democraticof

idealism,” that of 1795. True, this was the time

socialist future

this

seemed

realistic

—

—was

fresh in everyone’s mind. But

still

was also a peculiarly one-sided view

of the

GDR

that was flawed by

the effort to prove a point while overlooking the realities of intellectuals

had long disregarded the

in fact, “the people”

had long begun

people depended on themselves

social

predicament of the masses;

to feel

abandoned. In the end, the

—and, now, were taken

worked hard with old machines and

had reigned over them.

The

life.

seriously.

They had

A hierarchy of

in decrepit buildings.

When

more and more people joined the Monday demonstrations, the newcomers were mostly disenchanted work-

parasites

They suppressed their own feelings of shame and disgrace and called, “Helmut, Help!” As Helmut Kohl announced the election on February ers.

huge sign floated over the masses: “Helmut, take

12, 1990, a

us by the

hand, lead us into economic wonderland.” This sounds pathetic, but

The

it

West Germans, while those who had long abandoned the Volk now suddenly wanted to was meant

behave

seriously.

like self-conscious

Volk surrendered

and deliberating

of their earlier ignorance, these It

good

seems to be practically a law

Germany’s

citizens

itself

to the

GDR.

citizens of the

Because

were condemned to obscurity.

of culture that the less political influence

intellectuals have, the

more elevated and wrong-headed

their

opinions become.

The Broadcasting Advisory Board

(Rundfimkheirat ) which was attached ,

to the “institutional entity,” proved itself to be surprisingly inert. a collection of “18 recognized personalities of public

of socially relevant

—not

groups”^*-^

life

It

representative

Media

to be confused with the agile

Control Council. This board should have envisioned

was

itself as

a corrective

to Muhlfenzl, a supervisory agency, or a type of controlling organization,

that possessed “a right to advise to collaborate tions.”^'

to

Many

have any

that way.

Its

on

all

on

all

programming questions and

essential personnel,

economic and budgetary ques-

expectations and hopes rested on this board, but

significant impact

on developments. Nor was

chairman, the poet and

CDU

Member

Griining, contributed substantially to this outcome.

was not well-versed

in these matters.

a right

of

it

failed

meant

to be

Parliament

Uwe

As he

it

said himself,

he

Thus, the media expert Muhlfenzl

ANDREAS GRAF

2 6 8

sat opposite a self-proclaimed

amateur

who

posed no great challenge. Me-

Germany. So why

dia experts were in fact very rare in East

didn’t they

on someone who had taken a crash course in the algebra of the post1989 media? In June 1991, Gunter Gaus, the media expert who had been a delegate of the Brandenburg State, threw in the towel. He wanted nothing rely

more

to

do with

this

“impotent organization,” he explained.” In forging the

new broadcasting system in the GDR, the Broadcasting Advisory Board did more harm than gcx')d. But its complacent resignation to the inefficacy, incompetence, and lack of creative direction in the remaking of East German broadcasting had serious consequences.

And

GDR

the broadcasters themselves?

A banner at the demonstration in the

October 1989 proclaimed: “Halt of the truth is the best means of diverting attention from the whole.” In a GDR-Television program in

on January

22, 1990, titled “Plain

Mempel gave

his interpretation:

mation that was the worst

Speaking on Our

“Perhaps

of the

many

it

Own

was the

Affairs,” Horst

politics of disinfor-

crimes against the people. This

disinformation was a two-edged sword; the rape ot the truth not only concealed

the other failures ot the former leadership,

all

blunders of the current power-elite.””

muted

—observation voiced by one

One might

also obscured the

it

also cite a hitter

ot the producers ot Aktuelle

the central news program ot GDR-Television: “Politicians sentations

on

television.

cheer, obliged to tive,

whether

We

were transfixed by them.

do everything they wanted.

moved anybody, whether

it

it

.

.

was

.

.

.

.

—

yet

Kamera,

made

pre-

We were obliged

Whether

this

giH)d, these

was

to

effec-

were not the

deciding factors.

Paraphrasing the Lord’s prayer, the tured the

CR^R

OUR SUCCESS,

der

srehsr in der Zeirung

You stand

Geheiligr werde dein Wortlaut

I

Your

Wi e

ini

newspaper

in this

On

Also

aiicli

Und

fiih re tins

figures are received

Your optimism blooms

Rundfunk Eernsehen

that

lallowed be Your wording

Deine Zitfer inekle Dein Gpriinisnuis hliihe

ill!

.

.

.

niclu in Versuchung

radio

As on

And

television

.

.

.

lead us not into temptation

sondern erlose uns

But release us

Von alien Zweiteln Denn Dein ist C jenehinigung

From all doubt For Tbine is the permission

Und

And And

d ie Karriere

Also aiich der in I

Ewigkeir

lurra.

carica-

media’s proselytizing ot false optimism:

ERFOLG UNSER, Du

Wolfgang Hinkeldey

pcx't

Ik-ifall

the career therefore the applause

F'orever 1

and ever

looray.^^’

MEDIA PUBLICS

The

IN

THE GDR

2 6 9

limited viewing audience of Aktuelle Kamera, estimated at a constant

5 percent ot the

viewing public, ensured that the lack of realism in news

programming disturbed very few

souls. Besides, the

country had effectively

been unified by the spillover of West German media into the before the Wende.

One

But the of the

long

could have lived easily with these differentials in

and the West,

publicity in the East

GDR

it

only information had been the

the East was forfeited.

critical potential of

The

issue.

structural inability

GDR media system to discuss the need for social reform blotted out

any potential

for a critique of the system.

It

generated a series of monads

that were incapable of creating a strategy for the overhaul of the whole

system. Therefore, a transformation from within never took place, or did

it

was decidedly too

The media

late.

did not call for demonstrations in Berlin

1989, but rather Berlin artists

sembly.

the

Even

GDR

demanding freedom

at this late hour, the

(Staadiches Kommittee fur

—according

to

its

name

Rundfunk heim Ministerrat der

“It

would be

a

dio.

Becker, to Heinz Geggel, the director of the de-

SED on November

This would serve the listeners in the Berlin area.

channels of the Berlin network

—

also in Berlin

On

of Berlin

sports show. ... I’m asking for your opinions

Ra-

the remaining

—we could broadcast the

normal program of the Berlin area with such mass-appeal programs

as the

and must remind you once

again most emphatically that the entire collective this

DDR)

compromise solution,” wrote

announcement on the FM-channel

1989, “to carry the

aS'

Oversight Committee for Radio of

partment Agitation in the Central Committee of the I,

speech and of

4,

GDR— was debating whether to broadcast the

demonstrations nationwide.

Achim

of

on November

the top coordinating agency, but more aptly the

top censorship organ of the

the chairman,

if it

e')!

Berlin Radio supports

demand.

know many prominent people who happily placed themselves at the service of the state. know of no cases of open, that is to say public, rebeh lion. know only a few, only a very few, who abstained. Naturally there were some dissidents in the media who worked together on useful, respectable 1

I

I

tasks

—but

a resistance with the necessary resolve or planning did not exist.

— much of

The protesting of the managers in the media sector hindsight in order to look good in the pubic eye

— remained

they were unable to join forces in any useful way.

problem.

A stratum

cabal.

That

no one was

is

much

so general that

this was, in fact, the

rites

so that they were prepared to take part in

all

some clandestine worked. Everyone knew what

of self-improvement and even in

an unofficial model of how

told

invented in

of semi'protesters evolved, convinced of their critical

self-consciousness, so

kinds of socialistic

And

it

and everything stayed

as

it it

always

v/as. It

is

not analysis

ANDREAS GRAF

2 7 0

but despair that sows the seeds of resistance. For the majority of people in the

GDR,

no reason

there was

The

tolerable amounts.

to despair. Daily

life set

the norms in

preparations tor minor emergencies precluded a

major one. The practice of confession necessarily became more attenuated in a

country that clapped a hand over the mouths of the talkative.

hand, the short-sighted machinators did not care what on, and 1

on the

don’t do

it,

other, there

then someone

it

On one

was they worked

was that questionable yet irrefutable maxim:

If

else will.

—

With such compromising much was despoiled too much, as became clear with hindsight. Compromises of this kind left too much unsaid. This lack of publicity affected the audiences. They remained in a perpetual state of unhappiness and dissatisfaction, unable to name or precluded from naming their predicament. They were themselves cogs in the machine that had engendered them. Drawing the

line

of the system

and genuine personal

in discussions

about the

restrictions

weight.

on speech

Now

“And No

prevail,

guilt will

media

Saviors, in

No

time to come.

Where

words are intrinsically endowed with greater

Knights

in

fall.

Shining Armor,

Sight”

Intellectuals of the unified

Germany

and unahle

lines, indifferent

remain a running theme

for a long

remains to be seen where they

it

No Redeemer

GDR

between the inherent impotence

the “mediatization” of social

are

once again standing on the

side-

to devote themselves to the secular trends of life.

Walter Jens reached

this verdict:

“The

so-called ‘broadcasts’ of the private stations (and, unfortunately, of others as well) are

same

pot;

becoming ever more

it

again.”'’” Yet,

is,

1

is

like

commercials.

It all

comes out of the

can only repeat, the same flagrant cynicism again and

this

not just a populist rendititm of a state of

affairs in

order to voluntarily renounce the role of spirited opposition.^ “Television is

the imperial agent of culture, that devt)urs everything in

it

is

not an isolated phenomenon.

It

path;

its

.

.

.

the flagship of a whole armada

is

of de-realizations, the instigator of the great

motto ‘pretend

machinators actually sht>uld have grown suspicious

as

if.’”^‘^

The

when Bernd Cniggen-

berger presented this and other theses in September 1993, '**^*^ they swept these doubts under the rug. The anticipated “genera/ airival of data and 1

pictures” will, according to Paul Virilio, for

tnankind” as “the generation of the

anything to do with

/

mean

“as

fundamental

lorno crcctus. C')nly

a ‘positive evolution’

it

of a

/

lorno catuionicus.''^^

no longer has

which culminates

the germs of a jxithological immobility: the generation of a

even worse,

change

towards a new kind of mobility,

but rather a ‘negative behavior-related convolution,’

or,

a

I

{omo

in

incrtus

MEDIA rUBl.lCS

Who

watches the warden?

defenses are put to the

trials’

test. It

becoming ever

clearer,

The

holds television’s reins? is

The shape

intellectuals

1

intellec'

activists

of this

2 7

up against the

their challenge to act

‘acted upon.’

and

THE ODR

body into the few ubiquitous

“disintegraticrn of the social

amorphous mass of the

Who

IN

and an

development

is

must take a stand.

Notes “BloBe

1.

Ubernahme oder Neugriindung: Medienexperten

Funk und Fernsehen,” Neues DeutschLmd

lo,

iihcr die Ziikuntr

von

12-13 January 1991.

In 1991 Miihllenzl was a seventy-one-year-old former editor-in-chief of the

2.

Bavarian Broadcasting Corporation.

Union

He had been

a

member

of the Christlich Soziale

since 1965 and a close friend of the late Franz Josef StrauB.

He was

repeatedly

attacked for political cronyism. After his retirement he became a leading spokesper-

son for the privatization of the media.

Contract Between the Federal Republic of Germany and the

3.

German Demo-

Concerning the Attainment of German Unity (the Unification Bulletin des Presse- und Informationsamtes der Bundcsregicrung 104, 6 Sep-

cratic Republic

Treaty), in

tember 1990, 886.

The

4.

chief

GDR negotiator for the unity accord, Giinther Krause, offered a

prime example of

this

nications specialists 1/n/urmafiker] systems,

we can

Gunther Krause

when he said: “We engineers and commuwe know the circuitry IRegelmechcinismen] tif

kind of thinking .

.

.

,

analyze their manageability iBeherrschhirkeit].”

Probleme der Einigung,” Der

iiber

Spiegel, 13

“DDR

Unterhiindler

August 1990, 25-28,

here 27. 5.

Paul Virilio, Geschwindigkeit und

6.

40 Jahre DDR-TschuSSED:

.89” im

4.1

Museum

fiir

4.

1 1

Em

Politik:

Essay zur Dromologie (Berlin, 1980).

.89, Katalog zur Ausstellung der "Initiativgruppe

deutsche Geschichte, Berlin-Ost, und im

der Bundesrepuhlik Deutschland

Bonn (Bonn, 1990),

Haus

der Geschichte

36.

7. Ibid.

8.

Constitution of the

of the law to

German Democratic

amend and add

Republic, 6 April 1968, in the version

to the Constitution of the

Getman Democratic

Republic

of 7 October 1974 (Berlin, 1974)1 29. 9. Rolf Henrich, Der voiinundschafdiche Stoat (Reinbek, 1989). 10. See, e.g., hei

Herm

Ulrich

Biirger,

Das sagen wir

so naturlich nicht!

Geggel (Berlin, 1990); Stephan Pannen, Die Weiterleiter: Fitnktion und

Selhstverstandniss ostdeutscher Jourrialisten (Koln, 1992); Giinter

Aus den Notizen 1

1.

Donnerstag' Argus

eines Chefredakteurs igSi his

See Jurgen Wilke, “Medien DDR,”

Simon,

Tisch'Zeiten:

1989 (Berlin, 1990).

in Fischer Lexikon Puhlizistik'Massenkoni'

munikation, ed. Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, Winfried Schulz, and Jurgen Wilke (Erankfurt

am Main,

1989), 156-69; Rolf Geserick, 40 Jahre Presse, Rundfunk und

DDR

(Munich, 1989); Heike Riedel, Horfunk und Fentse' hen in der DDR: Funktion, Struktur und Programm des Rundfunks in der DDR (Cologne, 1977). For information regarding the “Samisdat” papers see Luise von Flotow, Kommunikationspolitik

in

der

“‘Samizdat’ in East Berlin,” GrosS'Currents:

A

Yearbook of Central European History 9

(1990): 197-218; Wolfgang Riiddenklau, “Behorden und Unternehmerunfreundlich:

27

ANDREAS GRAF

2

Zum

5'jahrigen Bestehen des ‘telegraph’: Ein Blick in die Vorgeschichte unserer

Die ‘Umwelthlatter,’” telegraph 9 (1994): 10-18; Tom Sello, “Von den Umweltblattern zum Telegraph: Medien im Untergrund,” in Stattbuch Ost: Adieu Zeitschrift. Teil

i:

ddr oder die Liebe zur Autonomie. Ein Wegweiser durch die Projektelandschaft (Berlin,

1991

),

12.

85-88.

Quoted

“Entwicklungsetappen des Deutschen Demokratis-

in Ernst Richter,

chen Rundfunks,”

Schrifterireihe des

Deutschen Demokratischen Rundfunks

4,

no. 2

(1970): 13. 13.

Decision of the Volkskarnmer on guaranteeing freedoms ot opinion, infor-

mation, and the press on 5 Fehuary 1990 in Gesetzblatt der DDR, pt. i, no. 7(12 February’ 1990). On the laws concerning the media see also Wolfgang Hoffmann-

Riem, “Die Entwicklung der Medien und des Medienrechts im Gehiet der ehemaligen

DDR,”

Archiv

Vorhereitung 39; Heinz

jiir fiir

Presserecht 22, no. 2 (1991

ein Mediengesetz der

):

472-81; Wolfgang Kleinwachter, “Die

DDR,” Media

Odermann, “Der Umbruch und

Perspektiven 3

(

1990): 133-

die Mediengesetzgehung in der

DDR,”

Rundfunk und Femsehen 38, no. 3 (1990): 377-84; Walter Schiitz, “Der (gescheiterte) Regierungsentwurf fiir ein Rundfunkiiherleitungsgesetz der DDR: Chronik und

Dokumente,” Rundfunk im Wandel: Festschrift fiir Winfried B. Lerg, ed. Arnulf Kutsch, Christina Holtz-Blacha, and Franz R. Stuke (Berlin, 1993), 263-303; Karola Wille, “Medienrecht

in der Dl'iR

— Vergangenheit und Gegenwart,”

Urheber'

Zeitschrift fiir

und Medienrecht 35 (1991): 15-20. 14.

15.

Quoted in Kleinwachter, “Vorhereitung,” 136. Ute Thon, “Medienkontrollrat ein Wolf ohne Zahne,”

—

die tageszeitung, 3

April 1990. 16.

Tape-recorded protocol of the meeting of the Media Control Commission on

18 April 17.

1990 (copy

I

in the ptissession of the author).

“Fundamental Principles on the Free Market System

for the Press” IPressever-

March 1990 (copy in po.ssession of the author). Statement of the Media Control Commission to the Government, 28 March

mVhssystt’rnl of 7 18.

1990 (copy 19.

CDR,” 20.

in posse.ssion of

See “Ruling on the in GesetzbUitt der

The

the author). trade of media materials IPresseer^euguhsel in the

retail

DDR,

pt. i, rn). 26, 15

original intentions of the

Media

May

CA)r>trt)l

1990.

Council to establish a

wholesale distribution .system independent of publishing houses after the West Ger-

man model was

contraLlicted by Article 2 of the ordinance.

Ministry for Media Politics can

.

.

.

upon

channels

for

media

lIo

lere

one

reads:

“The

retiuest grant participation |of publish-

ing housesl in the wholesale market of newspapers trihutit)n

1

not meet the

and magaziites,

demand

if

available

i.lis-

in a particular area.” Ibid.

Only wholesalers operating independently of publishing houses could meet demand, since all others could not rely on large publishers K)r distribution. And this fact

was well known to the minister,

who was

heavily influenced by large publish-

ing houses. 21.

An

account that acce|Ms the legend of “borrowed” West

German media

ad-

ministrators can he found in Schiitz, “Der (gescheiterte) Regierungsenwurf,” 267.

See he obituaries: Katharina Bluhtn, “Itvstrumente der (^ffentlichkeit als vierte Gewalt,” Frankfurter Rundschau, 18 September 1990; Jens Briining, “Fin ‘ha22.

t

Wende’ Icist sich auf,” Suddc’ut.sc/ie Zeitung, “Beim Abscbiedstrunk kam eiti wenig Wehmut

sistletiiokratisches Relikt der

19

1990; Reinbart Biinger,

auf," Frank'

September

MEDIA PUBLICS

THE GDR

IN

Rundschau, 21 September 1990; Ute Then, “Medienkontrollrat

furter

September 1990. “Dokumentation zur Kontroverse

tritt

2 7 3

ab,” die

tagezeitung, 21

23.

um

den Pressevertrieb

DDR

in der

(Doc-

umentation concerning the controversy about distribution systems),” updated

as

of February 16, [i9]90. Media Perspektiven Basisdaten. Daten zur Mediensituation

in

Deutschland (1991): 42-58. Deposited with the Fond Medienkontrollrat des Instituut

voor Sociale Geschiedenis, Amsterdam. 24. See, e.g., Mar^'ellen Boyle,

Germany,” Media, Culture, and landschaft der

DDR

“The Revolt

Society 14

(

ot the

Communist

Journalist: East

1992): 133-39; Jurgen Gruhitzsch, “Presse-

im Umbruch: Ausgangspunkte,

und Perspek-

erste Ergebnisse

Media Perspektiven 3 (1990): 140-55; Klaus Michael, “Neue Verlage und Zeitschritten in Ostdeutschland,” Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 4 October 1991, 33 45 tiven,”

-

25. “Zeitungsverkaut steht bevor:

Treuhand

will

Entscheidung

iiber

Ost-

Regionalblatter fallen,” Saarbriicker Zeitung, 9 April 1991. 26. For overviews see Horst Roper, “Die Entwicklung des Tageszeitungsmarktes

Wende

ehemaligen DDR,” Media Perspektiven 7 (1991): 421-30; Horst Roper, “Daten zur Konzentration der Tagesspresse in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland im I. Quartal 1991,” ihid., 431-44; Media Perspektiven. in

Deutschland nach der

in der

“RuB aus der Hose,” in Der Spiegel 7, 8 April 1991. Insel der 28. Quoted in Andreas and Heike Graf, “Der Medienkontrollrat Stabilitat im medienpolitischen Schlachtenlarm,” in Medien-Wende /Wende 'Medieri^ Dokumentation des Wandels im DDR'Joumalismus Oktober ’89 -Oktober ’go, ed. Werner Claus (Berlin, 1991), 7-15, here 13. 29. See Uwe Kammann, “Dialektischer Pragmatismus der treuen Hand: Das DDR27.

1

—

Rundfunkiiberleitungsgesetz

— ein Wechselbalg,” epd [Evangelischer

Kirche und Rundfurik 53 (7 July 1990): 3-4; Peter Leudts, “Nicht zu

Zum

DDR,”

Rundfunkiiberleitungsgesetz in der

Pressedienst];

Ende gedacht:

FunCKorrespotidetiz, 13 July 1990,

1-2. 30.

See note

3.

31. Reinhart Biinger,

Wahl

mit’:

“

‘Guten Abend, ich bin der Sachse Schmitt, ich mache die

Wie Rudolf Miihlfenzl zum Rundtunkbeaultragten

bestellt

worden

ist.

Protokoll der Wahlmanner-Sitzung im Wortlaut,” Frankfurter Rundschau, 22 October

1990. 32. Wernfried

mer of 1990

Maltusch agitated from the

as the

deputy director ot the Radio Network. Before

league of Hubert Sydow, a

member

of the State

Cabinet. See Erich Schmidt-Eenboom, liche

Macht im

V^'ende until his discharge in the

Committee

Schniiffler

tor

this

Radio

ohne Nose: Der

he was a ot the

BND

:

sumcol-

GDR

Die unheini'

Staate (Diisseldorf, 1993).

33. Jorg Hildebrand, “Eine Lektion in Demokratie:

Vom Ab-

ostdeutschen Rundfunkanstalten,” in Die Abuncklung der

Arnold and Frauke Meyer-Gosau (Gottingen, 1992), 64 34. “‘Ich, Miihlfenzl, die Einrichtung’: Gespriich mit

DDR,

—

und Aufbau der

ed.

Heinz Ludwig

70, here 68.

dem

Beauftragten

tiir

den

ehemaligen DDR,” Siiddeutsche Zeitung, 30 October 1990. 35. See “Neues Programm wackelt: Will Miihlfenzl den verbleibenden DFF-Kanal teilweise den Privaten zuschanzen, ”Junge Welt, 30 November 1990. 36. See “Staatsvertrag iiber den Rundfunk im vereinten Deutschland,” Media

Rundfunk

in der

Perspektiven: Dokumentation no. 3a (1991): 105-72.

.

ANDREAS GRAF

274

Wolfgang Kleinwachter, “Deutsche Rundfunkneuordnung: Riickblick auf eine

37.

verpalke Chance,” Funk'Korrespondenz, 2 January 1992,

1-14, here

1

1

1.

To be more exact; one more deutschmark in fees for the construction of the networks in the new provinces and 7 percent of the programming in the ARD sched38.

ORB and MDR — there was an

ule reserved for

See “Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts

39.

spektiven: Dokumentation, no.

40. Ibid., 3

41

impact, after

vom

5.

all.

Februar 1991,” Media Per-

(1991): 1-48.

i

1

Ibid., 29, 44.

.

42. Ibid., 45. 43. Ibid., 6-7.

44. Ibid., 29-30, 37-39-

One example would

45. 1

he Kleinwachter, “Deutsche Rundtunkneuordnung,”

2-14. 46.

Manfred Buchwald, “Bestandsaufnahme eines Neuheginns,”

gbuhen zu kdmpfen

.

.

.

in

So durften wir

Erfahrung mit DDR'Medien, ed. Edith Spielhagen (Berlin

1993), 165-75, here 172.

more on

47. For in

Winfried Schulz, “Die Transformation des Mediensystems

this see

den Achtzigern: Epochale Trends und modifizierende Bedingungen,”

in

Rundfimk

im Wandel: Festschrift fur Winfried B. Lerg, ed. Arnulf Kutsch, Christina Holtz-Blacha,

and Franz R. Stuke (Berlin, 1993), 155-71. 48. The subheading refers to a sentence by Gislinde Schwarz that the

book about the

title of

ticklish history of the East

German

also provided

media. See her “Im

Dienste der Frauen.^ Kiihnheit und Anschmiegsamkeit der Frauenzeitschrift

DICH,”

So durften wir gkiuhen zu kiimpfen

in

.

.

.

Erfahrung

rnit

FUR

DDR'Kiedien, ed.

Edith Spielhagen (Berlin 1993), 191-200, here 195. 49. See

40 Jahre DIJR, supra

50.

See note

5

Ibid.

1

.

3.

52. Feature, DS-Kultur, 53.

38-39, 55-57.

n. 6, 36,

9 January 1991, 6:05 p.m.

“Gaus verkilk Rundfunkbeirat,"

Gaus, “Abrechnung,”

Berliner Zeitung

i

June 1991: see also Giinter

i

June 1991.

Freitag, 21 “

Quoted in Peter Ludes, ‘Von mir hiitten Sie immer nur die halbe Wahrheit bckommen’: Interviews mit Journalisten des Deutschen Fernsehfunks der F)l')R,” Am 54.

Politik

mid

Zeitgeschichte: BeiLige zur

21-51, here 29. See also Stefan

1

Wochenzeitung "Dies Parlament

leym, “Je voller der Muni.

19 April 1991,

destti leerer die Spriiche:

1 ,

Leben mit der Aktuellen Kamera,” Situi und Form 42, no. 2 1990): 417-25; Peter Ludes and Georg Schiitte, “C^st-westliche Begegnungen: Wie TV-Journalisten der (

DDl^ sich auf neue Arbeitsbedingungen einstellen," Funk'Korrespondenz, 15 CXtobcT 1992, — 5. 55. Quoted in Ludes, “Interviews,” 29-50. Bernd Okun presents a general perspective and sketches some of the relat iiinships between media arn.! “Wende.” See “Medien und “Wende” in der DDR,” (Jorn/iaratti’ 1, no. 5 (1991): 1-25. altcn

1

his

1

56. deti

Quoted

Land,”

I

in

llans-Peter Klausenitzer, “Konkrete Prosa aus einem real existieren-

)eutschland Archiv

57. “Staatliches

Rundfunkarchiv/(

)st,

Komitee

i

fiir

1,

no. 2

(

1979): 185.

Rundlunk beim Ministerrat der DDIC”

Berlin (in posession of the author), n.p.

in Deutsches

MEDIA PUBLICS 58.

March 59.

IN

THE GDR

Walter Jens, “Und hleibe, was ich bin: Ein ScheiB-Liberaler,” Die

Zeit, 5

1993.

Bernd Guggenberger, “Vom Burger zum Zerstreuungspatienten: Zehn Thesen

Macht des Fernsehens,” in Kongrefidokumentation: Reden und Beitrdge, Med ien- Forum Berlin-Brandenburg (Munich, 1993), 348-50, here 348-49.

zLir

27

sozialen

60. Paul Virilio, Rasender Stillstand: Essay 61. Guggenberger,

“Vom

(Munich, 1992), 124-25.

Burger zum Zerstreuungspatienten,” 349.

ed.

5

.

KONRAD JARAUSCH

The Double Disappointment: Revolution, Unification, and

The

German

Intellectuals

process of unihcation has profoundly disappointed the

The educated had spearheaded

lectuals.

public during the exciting

of the

SED

fall

But the popular turn toward the

German Democratic Remany academic supporters

in the

of 1989. Ev^en

had been caught up

intel-

the demonstrations and dialogue

awakening

that propelled the democratic

German

in the drive

toward renewal and reform.

German mark and

the vote for unity with

the West during the winter of 1990 disenchanted proponents of a Third

Way. Swinging from hope into depression, many

intellectuals lost their

hearings and began to doubt their sagacity as well as their legitimacy.

unexpected disappearance

and

of the

a narcissistic nostalgia for the

As eyes.

GDR

prompted acute self-questioning

had idd

a result, intellectuals suffered a

days.*

(.Irastic loss

At the beginning, the leadership

The

of

of authority in the public’s

educated dissenters

in the civic

revolution had lived up to the heroic image, and newspaper editorials had

he en

full of

quent

praise for the civic courage of the dissidents. Rut their subse-

reform socialism and their rejection of unification spurred

effort to

widespread condemnation in the media. Revelations of Stasi complicity uiileashed a

wave

that elisparaged

all

of anri-intellectualism

forms of

leftist

among

the general population

engagement. Forgetting their

contribution, pragmatic critics fastened

on the

initial

“failure of the explana-

tory class.

The

vagaries of intellectuals defy easy analysis.

about the educated

The ample

literature

marked by conceptual fog and emotional hyperbole because commentators are in effect writing about their own group. Exis

aggerated expectations of superior insight and morality betrayals

seem

particularly poignant.

More

Benda’s classic indictment Im trahison dcs 27

6

make

intellectual

often cited than read

clcrcs

1

lis

is

Julian

charge of selling

t)ut for

THE DOUBLE DISAPPOINTMENT practical advantage has inspired a raft of warnings against

intone, “Beware

[of]

intellectuals.”

2 7 7

conformism that

Fewer impassioned voices have rushed

to their defense in order to argue that “the presence of intellectuals in the

modern

How

state

is

crucial for democracy.”^

can one escape the vicious cycle of eulogizing or hashing inteh

lectuals? Perhaps transatlantic distance

identification with internal

German

can help break down the partisan

concerns.

A

flecting about discourse instead of thinking within

meta-perspective of it is

also essential.

re-

As an

antidote to oversimplifications, distinctions are equally imperative: Speaking in a babble of contending voices, the educated fracture along ideological,

geographic, gender, and generational lines. Judgments also have to

he contextualized.

The same

critics

can he

brilliantly correct

and obtusely

wrong, depending on circumstances. Explaining the post-unity depression requires looking at the intellectuals’ general structure specific

and analyzing their

German development.

Meanings of “Intellectual”

The

sociocultural formations of the educated have varied in

content throughout history. In the

German

name and

context, their evolution has

followed a particular sequence: During the eighteenth century, the notion of a Gelehrter, which referred to a private scholar, steeped in knowledge

and preoccupied with other-worldly concerns, predominated. In the nineteenth century, the concept of a Gehildeter gained prominence. Trained in

neohumanist

classics, this

often sought to attain

stratum became

it

known

person pursued cultivation as a

life

goal and

through systematic scholarship. Collectively as the Bildungsburgertwn

a

this

product of secondary

education in the Gymnasium After 1900, the term Akademiker came into

vogue

in order to

denote graduates from universities and technical

numbers and confidence,

tutes. Reflecting greater

insti-

this designation sep-

arated the educated from the propertied bourgeoisie and lower whitecollar groups.^

In the twentieth century, the evolution of the educated took a surprising turn.

The

survival crisis of the

stesarheiter.

Weimar Republic produced

This was a Marxist neologism,

well, that likened “workers of the

disasters of World

popular.

It

War 11

,

mind”

later

the slogan Gei-

picked up by the Nazis as

to “workers of the hst.” After the

the self-consciously neutral word Experte became

referred to technical or scientific expertise,

the lack of a special designation for “professional” in the

compensating

German

for

language.

These succeeding conceptions suggest that self-images and structures of the educated strata have changed dramatically over time. But the superseded formations have left behind remnants that created cleavages and debates.^

27

KONRAD ARAUSCH

8

J

label of the cultured, the

As the

term

intellectual suggests a radical

narrower sense, the notion originated in the Dreyfus Affair

stance. In

its

in France.

The

who

literati

joined in protest against the scandalous anti'

Semitism of the military establishment considered themselves “intellectuals.”

When

universalized, the concept designated the critical, progressive

outlook (T a self-selected group of educated engages. In imperial Russia,

became known

the intelligentsia similarly

beyond

liberal z^tnstvo (local

this historical origin has

than a structural base.

as the revolutionary

vanguard

self-government) professionals. In the West,

given the term

an attitudinal rather

intellectual

committed posture (Haltung) has acquired

Its

a

certain cachet.'

For some sociologists, the notion of intellectuals has the entire group of educated persons. Karl cept of freischwehende

come

to designate

Mannheim coined

the con-

intelligence) as the desig-

Intelligetiz (free-floating

nation for the entire knowledge-based stratum. Marxist-Leninist theoreticians similarly included anyone working with his

mind

in the intelligentsia.

In the East, die Intelligenz was not confined to a certain political point of

view but referred to a structurally defined stratum, comprised of the

educated, that had clear statistical boundaries. But echoes of the radical origin of the term lingered in the implication that intellectuals ought to

provide the leadership of the proletariat.^ In literary circles, the

concept

of intellectual refers to yet

another group,

the critical writers. This connotation tends to conflate engagement with structure by focusing

on the producers

or their essays, these literati are

dience. Unfortunately, this criteria

somehow supposed

common

works

of fiction

to speak for a larger au-

usage elaborates neither membership

nor clear boundaries.'^ These shifting (.lehnitions result in concep-

tual chaos.

If

the meanings were identical,

educateei or write, anel cists

of ideology. In their

literati

all

all

would need

leftists

on the

to be

abet the confusion since they like to tar

all

would have to be Left.

Polemi-

and sundry with the

same brush. All these conflicting usages proceed from the premise that the social

stratum iti

of intellectuals

symbols and

is

based on cultural capital.

It

lives

by words,

ileals

produces meaning, explanation, and guidance.

signs, aiul

Therefore, intellectuals are the guardians of tradition and of collective

As core

noneconomic middle class, they are ensconced in education, the media, or the church. These particular livelihoods produce identity.

a curious

of the

combination

In contrast to

of sj'iiritual

Mannheim’s

freedom and institutional dependence.

theory, intellectuals are not really free-floatii'tg

but possess distinctive group interests. In claimitig to rej'iresent collective social goods, they tend to

advance their own sectoral concerns.

THE DOUBLE DISAPPOINTMENT

2 7 9

In political terms, intellectuals often play a paradoxical role. Idealist

engagement spurs them

to

become regime

and to speak on behalf

critics

disenfranchised groups. Their moral authority

on

primarily based

is

of

repre^

sentation of fundamental values such as health, justice, or enlightenment.

accommo-

Yet the practical selfdnterest of university graduates counsels

dation to the existing government in order to he rewarded with a share of

power and certain

Since their collective well-being derives from

privileges.

acceptance of their superior authority, they cannot stray too

far

from public

sentiment. This ambivalent position produces possibilities for disinterested dissent as well as the temptations of self-serving complicity,

no matter what

the regime.^* In

Germany,

were

intellectuals

Bildungshurgertum

late to

Although there were

emerge

as critics of the

dominant

single precursors before

and dur-

ing the 1848 revolution, a group of educated radicals only arose around

the turn tT the twentieth century. Artistic bohemians formed a small hut

protean counterculture by seceding from the academy, writing shocking plays, or attacking the bourgeoisie in cartoons. In Peter Gay’s felicitous

phrase, public.

many of With the

these outsiders

became

insiders during the

support of Socialists and Communists,

captured the cultural establishment and founded the Bauhaus, the Hochschule

fiir

Politik,

denounced decadence.

Only

in the

new

postwar period did the majority of the educated begin

Bildungshurgertimi in

Opposing the restoration

West Germany, the

critique of the Nazi past

and the

ERG

literati

of feminism,

styles

of the

formulated a powerful

present. Triggered by the student

revolt, the cultural revolution of the late 1960s

academic

von Salomon, and the

breed of anti-intellectual intellectuals.'^

to identity themselves as intellectuals.

movements

institutions such as

intense rightist backlash

In Ernst Jiinger, Ernst

Tat circle, the right created a

leftist intellectuals

and the Theater am Schiffhauer-

damm. But such experimentation provoked an that

new

Weimar Re-

spawned the new

social

environmentalism, and pacifism that changed

and overturned the

classical

canon. During the 1970s,

the reforms of the social-liberal cc)alition remade educated youths in a postnationalist and postmaterialist image.

Even the neoconservative turn

during the 1980s could not reinstate the remaining traditionalists to cultural

hegemony. In the West,

intellectuals

on public

salary

were negatively

integrated \da their critique of the capitalist system.'^

The GDR consciously broke with bourgeois traditions and created a new type of working-class intellectual in order to fashion a loyal sozicdi' stische Intelligenz- With emigres and Marxist partisans, the SED worked hard to make its brand of antifascism mandatory for the entire gnuip of the educated. Because of mass emigration, the

initial resistance of

the

KONRAD ARAUSCH

2 8 0

J

The Aufbaugeneration (rebuilding gen^ eration), which built the East German state, constructed a new social formation that even forced religious opponents to come to terms with the Bildungsburger eventually waned.

GDR. Only during

the 1980s did “conspiratorial avantgardism” reduce the

certainty of party intellectuals, while a

new cohort

of dissidents emerged to

challenge the regime from within. In the East, a subservient intelligentsia received a great deal ot government support as a reward for

its

prescribed

radicalism.*'^

Civic Revolution Leadership Different strands of intellectuals contributed to the democratic in the East. Least involved

were the Western

who

leftists

existence of two states as a precondition for peace. Since

awakening

accepted the

many

radicals

GDR as a better alternative, only a tew Greens such as Petra Kelly

saw the

or Social Democrats such as Erhard Eppler helped the emerging opposition. In spite of practical frustrations, most of the Eastern intelligentsia also

believed Socialism to be a morally superior social system. But the politically

involved envied Soviet perestroika and wanted to reform their system in

make

order to

on the need rapidity

it

for

function better. Although the educated generally agreed

change,

when

it

actually

came they were

surprised by

its

and extent.'^ improve

Critical writers sought to

“real existing Socialism.” In contrast

to official celebrations of heroic workers, realistic portrayals of everyday conflicts intended to

humanize the

in Kassaj'iclra, Chinter

De Bruyn

Hein

in Ritter der Tafelrunde

rhetoric

and repressive

in

GDR. Authors

such as Christa Wolf

Mdrkische Forschungen, and Christoph

pointed out the difference between progressive

practice.*^ In a system with a controlled public

sphere, their tolerated critique worked as a safety valve. By holding print

runs

much

smaller than those of the popular media, the

SED

tried to

keep

subversive ideas from reaching the masses. But the party hoped to gain intellectuals’ loyalty by permitting a limited circles.

The

debate in carefully selected

authentic language of literature was therefore enormously

portant, since

it

created the only mirror that reflected

some

ini'

of the less

pleasant sides of East (ierman realities.'^

These

literati

helped prepare the ground for the October

rising.

Fob

lowing authors’ readings, public discussions allowed the articulation of

some complaints. Such gatherings sometimes had the unwanted encouraging

real

opposition to the regime. During the democratic awaken-

ing prominent writers served as opinion leaders in

and

civil rights.

result of

Well-known

demanding

novelists, theater actors,

free

speech

and rock musicians

signed countless petitions and organized (.lemonstrationssuch as the

memo-

THE DOUBLE rahle mass gathering at the Alexanderplatz

I')

SA P

1

PO N T M EN T

2 8

1

on November

1

Later Western

4.

Of

attacks during the Literaturstreit were largely beside the point.

course,

some sense the court jesters ot the regime. But open dialogue, since wanting more freedom tor

privileged literati were in

they did also press for

themselves also required greater liberty for

society.^^

Party intellectuals wanted to remodel rather than abolish socialism. In contrast

tc/

the image promoted in

monolithic hut

rife

SED

propaganda, the

its

was not

with internal tensions between apparatchiks and ed-

ucated reformers. Gorbachev’s daring example increased internal debates, especially

on the grass'toots

SPD-SED

tant milestone was the ideologies, since

it

among artists and

level

Streitpapier,

was published

in the

academics.

One

which concerned

GDR

impor^

itself

with

and provided alternative

Another impetus was the prohibition of

visions of democratic socialism.

the magazine Sputnik and of Soviet films. Keeping perestroika out meant

Abgrenzung not against the West hut against the

East,

and

it

contradicted

the slogans that urged learning from the Soviets. Such repression triggered protest resolutions

and resignations from the

ferment, the prohibition of factions kept the

party. In spite of lid

growing

on and prevented the

internal discussions from reaching the outside.'*^

During the civic revolution,

SED

reformers helped destabilize the

regime from within. Already in the spring of 1989, theory groups

at

Hum'

holdt University had begun to discuss alternative models of socialism.

The

product of these debates was a series of interesting papers on rebuilding society that tried to persuade the party leadership to reform less intellectuals

within the

Stalinist leadership

During the

ity.

critie|ue

fall,

renewal hut clinging to

PDS

in order to regain

its

credibil-

confrontations in early October, functionaries

critical

Leipzig. In the late

toward the

state. Rest-

to get rid of Honecker’s post-

and democratize the party

sympathized with their

and

SED wanted

its

who

decided on a peaceful course in Dresden

separate “platforms” emerged, calling for radical

SED leadership. They contributed

to the transition

hut failed to achieve their goal of developing a radical hut

democratized socialist

party.^*^

Opposition dissidents instead intended to construct

a

new, freer version

of democratic socialism. Beginning in the early 1980s, circles of pacifists,

environmentalists, and feminists had formed in the shelter of the Protestant Church.

tion in

Many

of these critics had been mobilized by

Czech repression and by the expulsion

of

GDR participa-

the popular

satirist

and

performer Wolf Biermann. They were not necessarily religious, hut they

sought church protection since

An

it

provided the only quasi-puhlic space.

ambivalent church hierarchy both controlled and shielded dissent.

The opponents were

products of the

GDR

in their thirties or forties

who

KONRAD ARAUSCH

2 8 2

J

lived at the margins of official cultural institutions

alternative lifestyle.

Though

continued to forge ahead.

and often espoused an

the Stasi penetrated the dissident groups, they

When

protest

became too

loud,

its

leaders were

shipped to the West, decimating dissent. But persecution failed to stop the

growth of a small opposition milieu. In the

months fifty

fall

of 1989, once-marginal dissidents took the public lead.

earlier,

groups.

A few

there had only been a loose network of one hundred and

The

were a few hundred commit-

Stasi estimated that there

ted opponents, supported by a couple of thousand sympathizers. But these activists

had started an underground press and developed a

on international media support

tactics that relied

By risking their tions

lives,

set of peaceful

to counter harassment.

these dissenters provided leadership for demonstra-

and gradually attracted mass support. Though unable to unite, they

penned the founding manifestoes

new groups such

of

as the

Neue Forum,

Demokratie Jetzt, SDP, and the Demokratischer Aufhruch. Their central aim of creating a civil society sought to restore bourgeois civil liberties.

the opposition programs also incorporated

many

socialist aspirations

But

and

moved forward toward postnational and postmaterial aims.’^ The intellectual reform effort culminated in the discussions of the Runde Tisch (Round Table) during the winter of 1989-90. Borrowed from Poland and Hungary, this institution promoted an apolitical means of building consensus for change. Technically, by the disintegrating the

new

social forces.

groups with

SEP

Modrow

it

represented a reluctant concession

gcivernment that

it

would share power with

Since the Round Table carefully balanced dissident

affiliates

and bloc

parties, the debates

were dcMuinated

by party reformers and opposition intellectuals. However, the government

SEP apparatus often dragged

and the

their feet in

implementing decisions.

Broadcast on television, the debates turned into something like a national

town meeting. They focused not so much on mental decisions power, the

The

for a restructuring the public realm.

Round Table

state socialism

supervised reform.'^’

and rampant capitalism.

terparts in other Eastern countries,

on socialism hut sought elements

blend

in a

of socialism

I

CR^R

to reinvigorate

communism and

double negation of

on funda-

Rather than seizing

goal of these rebuilding efforts was a Drittcr

between

best

practical pcditics as

it.

Weg

—

a third

In contrast to their

intellectuals

way

coun-

had not given up

The Third Way

capitalism that would

appeale^l as a

combine

their

legelian synthesis. Theoretically intriguing, this vague

and democracy unfortunately lacked

practicality.

Even

Sweden was an attractive model, there was little understanding of the economic and political underpinnings of Scandinavian success. Though if

THE DOUBLE DISAPPOINTMENT the

Round Table conquered

the Stasi hydra,

deficits or tor the collapse of the

it

had no remedies

2 8 3

for

planned economy. Intellectuals

GDR

failed to

provide a convincing alternative to the combined introduction of parlia-

mentarianism and market competition. In the end, deep-seated

between party reformers and opposition dissidents blocked an

distrust

effective

renewal of the GDR.^*^

The ers,

civic revolution of

reformers,

1989 was high drama

for the intellectuals. Writ-

and dissidents openly rebelled against the dictatorship of

the hated nomenclatura. Previously marginal critics gained power through citizen’s

committees and suddenly found themselves

deputies, or

even

ministers. But formulating plans for a

simultaneously cleaning up intentioned.

As

city

SED

new

debris severely overtaxed

intellectuals, they preferred to rely

on

councilmen, society and

even the

rhetoric

authority rather than grasping control and seizing government. celled in restoring authentic language, drafting resolutions,

public debates. In

many

hest-

and moral

They

ex-

and leading

ways, intellectuals had their finest hour in under-

mining the old regime and debating the course of renewal. Split into

contending groups, the educated were therefore ineffective

managing the ensuing

transition to democracy. Marxist reformers

in

and op-

position dissidents could not agree with previously silent technical experts

and nationally minded Bildungsburger on which direction and what measures to take.

The broader group of the

intelligentsia

hoped

civic rights while maintaining their Eastern privileges.

popular mobilization hut abhorred chaos and had bling

on

futuristic visions.

At

little

to gain

Western

They joined

the

patience for gam-

the same time. Western intellectuals were

strangely perplexed by these unforeseen events. Instead of being gratified

by the civic ferment,

many had difficulty cutting their established SED ties.

Unwilling to intervene, these radicals largely contented themselves with cheering from

afar.^^

Rejection of Unification

As

a result of their sympathies for reforming socialism, most intellectuals

opposed unification. In the West, only remnants or previous refugees clamored for tearing

down

the

of the Bildungshiirgertwn

GDR as a separate state,

dismissed these advocates of unity as unreconstructed national-

hut

leftists

ists

and cold

warriors. In the East, the refusal of writers, party reformers,

dissidents to confront division

left

and

the masses without a voice. Because of

this reluctance, national aspirations of the East

could only he articulated by

the just barely transformed bloc parties of the old regime or by politicians

from the West. The conservative victory in the March 1990 election there-

KONRAD ARAUSCH

2 8 4

j

fore triggered a double disappointment:

While

intellectuals resented the

repudiation of their previous leadership, the people were incensed about the lack of sensitivity of the educated.

Deep-seated opposition to the search for a

German

national identity

complicated intellectual responses to unity. Perhaps the educated had learned the lessons of repudiating the hypernationalism that had prevailed

during World Wars

man

identity,

1

and

too well. In order to escape a troubling Ger-

11

they had tied after 1945 into other causes such as Euro-

pean integration or communist internationalism. Some intellectuals had even developed an inverted nationalism

hope of im-

ot selt-hatred in the

munizing German culture against the possible recurrence ot nationalism. In the West, Adenauer’s support for

European integration and economic

success had created a substitute pride. cratic

The economic

miracle and demo-

cosmopolitanism avoided troubling questions about the Nazi

past.

In the East, the SED’s internationalism sought to leave the old nation-

behind in Communist

ality

the

GDR

German

solidarity.

To cope with

the identity deficit,

propagated a socialist patriotism that annexed

all

progressive

traditions.

Ingrained elitism also

made

the educated insensitive to popular aspira-

Though socialists claimed found them repugnant in actual tions.

to speak tor the people,

They had an

life.

most academics

instinctive antipathy

toward beer-drinking soccer fans, narrow-minded hobby gardeners, and cake-devouring matrons of the lower

much

class.

Western

intellectuals

rather have settled in a restored villa in Tuscany or participated at an

interesting conference in Prague than travel to the drab Gl')R.

sophisticated lifestyle and postmaterialist values, elites

would

were ignorant of

or,

many

With

of the

a

more

educated

indeed, condescending toward the feelings of

the deprived East C;erman people.

The democratic awakening

in the fall

reinforced the intellectuals’ sense that they deserved to lead. Dissidents

could not imagine that the same masses that had cheered them in October

would desert them

Such

in

March.

political naivete contributed to a

The same

fundamental

failure of foresight.

earnest idealism that motivated dissidents to oppose the post-

Stalinist regime tical transition

made

it

hard for them to compromise in solving the prac-

problems. While the

Round Table debated

the principles

model constitution, professional politicians were busy campaigning oreler to win the election. Intellectuals’ expectations that a rapproche-

of a in

ment between the German to be utterly wrong owing

states

would take years

to achieve turned out

to (diancellor Kohl’s success in speeding

up

the timetable. Unification critics were convinced that (jcrman neighbors,

most notably the Soviet Union, woukl never agree to an actual union.

THE DOUBLE DISAPPOINTMENT

2 8 5

When the Kohl-Gorhachev breakthrough resolved the “two'plus'four” dis' among

putes

the four World

War

and the two German

states,

the

diplomatic support for a slow transition coupled with neutralization

dis-

appeared. Even

if

they

made

lar

allies

mistakes, those

outmaneuvered those who only

These

II

dared to act continually

criticized.^®

sympathy

intellectual blinders blocked

sentiment toward unity.

who

When

popu-

for the shift in

Easterners crossed the former Wall,

they were dazzled by the material prosperity and the political freedom of the West.

Whereas

GDR

saw a model

drugs, the populace

Heym

writers such as Stefan

sumerism

intellectuals

state that they

finally

to join. Privileged

our country,” Eastern

as base materialism. In frantic appeals “for

them

of

wanted

disparaged public hopes for FRG-style con-

intellectuals tried to plead for the

some

warned against unemployment and

embraced

maintenance of

unity, they

still

a separate state.

wanted

to slow

When

down

the

merger through confederation schemes. Because during the winter they

began to

lag

behind popular aspirations,

writers, reformers,

and dissidents

gradually lost their mass following.^* Frantic warnings by Western intellectuals were of ther.

The

socialist novelist

to argue against

no more

avail, ei-

Gunter Grass invoked the Auschwitz trauma

any resurgence of German strength. The

social moralist

Jurgen Habermas denounced the popular deutschmark nationalism that

was leading to a currency union. The postmodern novelist Patrick Siisskind found the French vastly more appealing than ugly East Germans baggy

suits

as Karl as

and stinking

little

Trahi cars.

Heinz Bohrer, novelists such

Monika Maron dared

as

Only some neoconservatives such Martin Walser, and emigres such

to support unity in public statements.

any reference to a unified nation

in their

as a turn

Reading

toward neo-Nazi sentiment, the

hulk of the Western educated class lacked empathy for the Eastern choice of union with the

ERG. Because they

critical intellectuals

instinctively

opposed unification,

squandered the opportunity to shape

its

course.

The defeat of the Social Democrats and the dissidents (Biindnis 90) in the March election was the intellectuals’ Waterloo. Mirroring the wishful thinking of many commentators, polls had predicted an SPD victory all through the campaign. It seemed plausible that the East German people would prefer a moderate

shift

from a repressive to

socialism to a complete reversal of course.

When

a

democratic form of

the conservative vic-

some dissidents could only fall hack on conspiracy theories. Either they blamed PDS foot-dragging or exaggerated CDU promises. The educated also found it easy to lampoon popular hopes tory proved the pundits wrong,

for a better

life.

When

interview, the former

asked for the reasons for the defeat in a television

Western Green Otto Schily simply pulled

a

banana

KONRAD JARAUSCH

286

out of his pocket. This disparaging of consumerism betrayed the impotent

who

arrogance of the educated cause their

many lost

own

needs were

could afford to reject

satisfied.

Out

of tune

blandishments be^

its

with national sentiment,

and began

intellectuals marginalized themselves

to grieve for their

hopes.

The

shrillness of their criticism

their credibility.

The March

election

robbed such intellectual critiques of

meant quick accession

Republic, giving article 23 of the Basic

Law

to the Federal

priority over article 146,

foresaw a constitutional assembly as a prerequisite for unification.

which

Though

technically correct, economists’ warnings against a precipitous currency

union

failed to take popular pressure for a rapid

demand

not clear the

meet halfway was

that both systems

GDR

how

merger into account. The

also impractical, since

it

was

democracy could compromise with dictatorship. With

a

crumbling further every day, the negotiating partners

unification treaty were hardly equal.

Although

a

in the

drawn-out constitutional

convention might have been more democratic, the collapse

of the East

required quick action to establish an orderly process of transition with

the rules spelled out in a detailed document.

The dream

disarmament

of

and neutrality disappeared because Eastern neighbors preferred

Germany through

NATO

eventually turned

t)ur to

rendered their strictures

membership. Though many

have merit, the

irrelevant.^"*

authority and public esteem. of

later.

The

As long

ers to articulate

as the

a disastrous loss of

in

October ig8q were

popular demands and

CR)R

lie in

in the

lacked a public sphere,

it

was up to writ-

prii)rities,

media

a glorious

mo-

reestablishing

rendered the intellectuals superfluous. By restoring

free speech, they lost their coritrol

transf()rmei.l

the intellec-

broader social aspirations. In the revolutionary phase the

civil rights, in a sense,

have different

virtually

changing context

demands of reformers and dissidents therefore coincided for ment with the wishes of the majority. But their success in

to

had brought

a result, critical voices that

reasons for this repudiation

tuals’ shifting relations to

of debate.

As

thousands out into the streets

ignored a year

of their objections

intellectuals’ rejection of unity

By opposing unification, the intellectuals suffered hundreds

to control

once

it

over public opinion, which turned out could articulate them.

aiul the politicians

who

hai.1 pressei.1

The

revived and

for uiiity

began to

(.lominate the public debate.**’

Huring the urufication process, intellectuals more and more

lost

touch

with the feelings of their popular supporters. Idealistic Eastern planning for a distant

Third

Way could

not satisfy the hopes of

GDR citizens for im-

mediate prosperity. Moreover, Western j^references for postnational values could not appeal to people who saw unity as the most effective strategy

THE DOUBLE DISAPPOINTMENT for

improving their

lives.

During the heady winter 1989-90 the public no

longer wanted to hear predictions of

Western

and

parties

2 8 7

doom

but craved messages of hope.

their Eastern allies therefore took over the role of

articulating popular desires, pushing critics unceremoniously aside. Instead of following reformers or dissidents, the East

Bildungs burger or

newer experts

disaster.

The shutdown

people elected older

to lead the transition to the West.^^

German

For the intellectuals

German

unification therefore turned into a triple

of Eastern institutions threatened their previously

assured livelihood, since

it

many

cost

their jobs.

The disappearance

of

the separate state removed the need for duplicating Western institutional efforts in culture or research.

The

dissolution of the

Academy

of Sciences,

the purge of the universities, and the collapse of industrial research drastically

reduced employment of academic personnel. Politically inspired

liquidation of

(

Ahwicklung) dissolved entire institutions, such as departments

Marxism-Leninism, tarnished by the previous regime. Lack

of finances

stripped the disproportionately large stratum of the educated of privileges

and economic

its

prior

security. In desperate attacks, critics railed against

the “intellectual decapitation” of the East.^^

Moreover, unity threatened the identity of GDR intellectuals, whether they were conformist writers, socialist reformers, or civic dissidents. rapid imposition of a different

Western system devalued much

of their

cultural capital, since expertise in citing the Marxist-Leninist classics

now become

useless.

The unexpected

collapse of the

SED

The had

state destroyed

the focus of their creativity, because the regime, which intellectuals loved to hate,

was gone. Suddenly there was nothing more to defend or to criticize

that was particularly theirs. Falling hack

on

reflex

condemnations

of a

Western capitalism that they did not understand was only a poor consolation. Because it seemed that many a life work had become pointless, cultural disorientation was profound. Responses

among

those concerned

ranged from hyperadaptation to stubborn resistance. Expressed in the term Besserwessi, resentment against intellectual colonization

Finally

dreams.

and perhaps most

The

an alternative

life.

saw their theoretical and

many hopes for With the collapse

political

mourned the evident refutation of Socialism. They could only fume impotently radicals

talist apologists.

When

strong.’^

intellectuals lost their utopian

Eastern collapse destroyed

a different future, idealists

painfully,

was

moorings

a better society, of

Communism,

cut,

and Western

their alternative project of at the

triumphalism of capi-

public appeals and vitriolic tracts failed to stop the

merger, intellectuals shifted to proving that they had been right

all

along.

In rehabilitating their critique, they took perverse pleasure in the veracity

of the dire prophecies they had

made during

the transition

crisis.

In the

KONRAD ARAUSCH

2 8 8

J

East, the bureaucratic

and

of victimization that fed a Left redoubled

its

merger renewed a sense

capitalistic nature of the

GDR

efforts to

nostalgia. In the West, a disappointed

defend

its

previous agenda of cosmopolitan

enlightenment.^^

Implications of Unity

To many

intellectuals, the irresistible trajectory

cation seemed like a trick of history.

from revolution to

The Hungarian

Konrad had predicted during the 1970s that the

way

to achieving class power. In

unifi-

theoretician Gyorgy

intelligentsia

was on the

an influential hook he argued that tech-

nocrats were supposed to reform the post-Stalinist system gradually from

within and that bureaucratic compromise would open space for intellectual critique.

With

its

speed and extent, the East European upheaval validated

and superseded these in bringing result.

The

down

brilliant forecasts. Intellectuals did play a

post-Stalinism, hut the rapid change had an unexpected

restoration of parliamentary politics

and market economics

turned their intellectual promoters to a subsidiary

role.

which the educated occupied center

interlude, in

Western expectations Marxist theories of the

for the future

new classes and

re-

After an important

new group

stage, a

pragmatic politicians and capitalists took over once

industrial society

major role

of

again.'^''^

were equally mistaken. Both neoliberal

prophecies concerning post-

had envisaged increasing intellectual power. Inspired by

the experience of 1968, the former talked about a

common

proletarianized intellectuals and the working class.

might describe the alliance that overthrew

Although

Communism,

pate the return of capitalist Llemocracy. Based

it

between

front

this forecast

did not antici-

on impressions

of

advancing

technology, the latter predicted the triumph of a revived professionalism.

who expected

But those

the renewed ahoiit the

the ascendancy of the experts failed to foresee

commitment

fall

of

Communism

the Western victory.

Marxist hopes

to a civil society. Therefore capitalists

The

crowing

does not understand the actual reasons for

rehuilding of the East

iior postindustrial rhetoric into

is

taking neither neo-

account.

implications of this rupture have yet to he worked

The

theoretical

out.*^'

The unification shock has in effect marginalized Cjerman intellectuals. The unexpected swing from revolutionary elation to unification depression has turned the etlucated inward upon themselves. All they have

memory of the

of the elation of the

left is

the

democratic awakening and a deep-seated fear

prohlems of a united Germany. For the moment, the collapse of

the socialist utopia and the rejection of unification have discredited their public critie|ues.

made both

The profound

policy makers

failure of

perception and of empathy has

and the general public

less

responsive to intel-

THE DOUBLE DISAPPOINTMENT lectual warnings.

Among

the educated themselves, the surprising result of

the civic revolution has resurrected old selhdouhts.

much from

lectuals are therefore embattled as

Wallowing discover a

2 8 9

At

present, the inteh

within as from without.

in self-pity, various kinds of intellectuals are struggling to

new

role.

Eastern writers have been slow to recover their voice,

largely in opposition to the West.

Hemmed

by neo-Stalinist hard-liners,

in

make

reform Marxists are agonizing about whether to

the

PDS

a radical

opposition within or against the capitalist system. Former dissidents sent their reduced impact

on parliamentary

politics within a hybrid

Party dominated by the old states. Western intellectuals are

out

how

still

re-

Green

figuring

to deal with their surprise at finding themselves in a national

state that they

had long thought

being able to fight for

past. Instead of

European integration or Third World concerns, they are now confronted with their backward, nationalistic cousins.

A minority of neoconservative

thinkers tries to use unification to restore their intellectual ascendancy. In heated controversies such as the

on communism,’’ the educated the universe, to

come

are

Goldhagen debate or the “Black Book mounting a confused effort to reorder enormous

to grips with the

changes.'*'^

Coping with the unexpected present is complicated by the recurrence of an ugly past. After unification, Germans have had to come to terms with a double history of Nazi and Stalinist oppression. Discoveries of Soviet reuse of concentration camps and tales of persecution by regime victims have

reopened the old question of totalitarianism. abound: Both the Third Reich and the

On

GDR

the face of

were police

it,

similarities

states that sup-

pressed opposition and destroyed civil society. But there are nonetheless

considerable differences as well; Marxism preserved elements sive

humanitarian legacy. Since the

rulers of the

GDR

eif

a progres-

had four decades

to shape mentalities, they eventually shifted to less violent means. East

Germany never unleashed

a

world war or a holocaust. Yet the voluntary

support of intellectuals for the

GDR

poses the question of intellectual

complicity with greater urgency.

Shocking revelations of Stasi collaboration are only an extreme case of this problem of complicity. Historians of the Third Reich have shown how nationalist academics, especially doctors

with the SS. Hence the surprise of the

and engineers, voluntarily worked

literary

community

at Stasi betrayals

somewhat difficult to understand. It was predictable that an organization in which hundreds of thousands of members who ceaselessly collected information would also target intellectuals. In some ways the attention of the secret service to dissidents and writers was a backhanded compliment is

from the regime. Unlike the oblivious West, the with the intellectual potential for opposition.

SED

was preoccupied

The Third Reich analogy

.

KONRAD ARAUSCH

2 9 0

J

suggests that motives of collaboration were a mixture of idealism interest.

The

Stasi hysteria has fractured intellectuals

groups: moralists

rather

who

and

self'

once more into two

on punishment and pragmatists who would

insist

torget."^^

How can adjustment

intellectuals regain their critical authority? ditticulties,

many

As

a result ot their

Eastern observers recall the vanished

GDR

with a rosy sense ot nostalgia and are beginning to develop a defensive iden' tity (Trotzidentitat)

But some postunification developments are offering a

fresh opportunity for

more constructive

criticism, since they are disproving

conservative claims of success. For instance, the creative destruction of the Eastern

on

attack

economy

capitalism.

is

beginning to rehabilitate a traditional Marxist

Widespread unemployment and the

driven

fiscally

dismantling of parts of the welfare state are gradually restoring a mass base for leftist appeals. Similarly,

an abhorrence

xenophobic attacks on foreigners are reviving

of the potential dangers of a revival of nationalism.

The

anti-asylum hysteria has in turn been fostering a renewed dedication to multiculturalism and immigration reform. By proving the correctness of

some original

criticisms, the postunihcation

to restore to intellectuals

some public

problems are gradually starting

credibility."*^

Instead of pouting, intellectuals need to recover their nerve by reflecting

more

dispassit)nately

on

their role in the

German

The

upheaval.

cating democratic awakening of October 1989 does

intoxi-

show the enormous

power of critics when they represent broader aspirations

for civil rights.

The

ferment of ideas during the winter of 1989-90 did produce the outlines of a postindustrial civil society that

In order to help give

it

own shadow and

their

would transcend the present

direction, the intellectuals

now need

accept unification, however

little

ERG

order.

jump over they may have to

They should also probe the reasons for their own misperceptions, which put them at such odds with the aspirations of the majority of the people. Only when they have understood the causes for their own failure wanted

it.

in leadership will intellectuals regain their public

authority and recapture

the initiative in social debates. presetu,

and uricertain

their critical

With such a troubled past, prcd-ilematic the united Germany desperately reciuires

future,

voice."*'*

Notes I.

will

Since

he

hirihcit

ke|'>i

this css;iy

only hej^ins to cxjdorc the role of the intellectuals, the t^otes

to a minitniitn. f'or the context see (fTankfiirt, i(;u 5

),

Konrad

1

1.

Jarausch, Die unverhoffte

and After Unity: Reconfi^urhifrUerman

Identities

THE DOUBLE DISAPPOINTMENT (Providence, 1997). See also Jan- Werner Miiller, Ariothcr Country Unification,

als,

2.

and National

Heym

Stefan

Identity

and Werner Heiduezek,

Wolt Lepenies, Folgen

versus

(New Haven, eds..

:

German

The

Future of

IntellectU'

2000).

Die sanfte Revolution (Leipzig, 1990)

einer unerhorten Begehetiheit (Berlin, 1992).

dreas Huyssen, “After the Wall:

2 9 1

German

Intellectuals,”

See also An-

New German

Critique 52 (1991): 108-43. 3.

Julien Benda, La trahison des clercs (Paris, 1927, rev. ed., 1947), and Paul John-

The

son,

Intellectmls

(London, 1988) versus Bernard-Henri Levy, Eloge des

intellectuels

(Paris, 1987). 4.

For the methodological orientation see Michael Geyer and Konrad H. Jarausch,

“The Future

ot the

German

Past: Transatlantic Reflections for the 1990s,” Central

European History 22 (1989): 229-59. 5.

Rudolf Vierhaus, “Umrisse einer Sozialgeschichte der Gehildeten

land,” Quellen

395

ff.;

und Forschungen aus

Werner Conze and

jiirgen

italienischeti

Kocka,

in

Deutsch-

Archiven und Bibliotheken 60 (1980):

eds., Bildungshiirgertum in ig.

Jahrhundert

(Stuttgart, 1985).

6 Konrad H. jarausch. The Unfree Professions: German Lawyers, Teachers, .

Engineers,

1900-1950 (New York, 1990), 4-8; Charles

E.

arid

McClelland, The Germari

Experience of Professionalization (Cambridge, 1991), 15-20. 7.

Christophe Charle, Naissance des

Vladimir Nahirny, The Russian

1880-1900

"Intellectuels,”

Intelligentsia:

From Torment

(Paris, 1990);

to Silence

(New Brunswick,

1983).

Karl

Mannheim,

(New

York, 1955);

8.

edge

(New

Gesellschaft

Ideology

and Utopia:

An

Introduction to the Sociology of

Theodor Geiger, Aufgahen und

Stellungder Intelligenz in der

York, 1975, repr.); and jiirgen Kuezynski, Die Intelligenz: Studien zur

Soziohgie und Geschichte ihrer Grofien (Berlin, 1987), 9.

KnowL

Nahirny, Russian

Intelligentsia,

1

1-30.

35-36. See also the essay by Frank Trommler in

this collection. 10. Pierre

(Frankfurt

Bourdieu, Die feinen Unterschiede: Kritik der gesellschaftlichen Urteilskraft

am Main,

1987); Pierre Bourdieu, Les Heritiers: Les e'tudiants

(Paris, 1964); Fritz K. Ringer, Education

and Society

in

Modem

et la culture

Europe (Bkximington,

1979)1

Konrad H. jarausch, “Die Krise des deutschen Bildungshurgertums im ersten

1.

Drittel des 20. jahrhunderts,” in Bildwigshurger

und

hiirgerliche Gesellschaft

Jahrhutidert. Deutschland im europdischen Vergleich, ed. jiirgen

im ig.

Kocka (Munich, 1988),

3:124-146.

The Decline of the Gennan Maridarins: The Gewian Academic Community, 1890-1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1969); Michael Stark, ed., Deutsche 12. Fritz K. Ringer,

1910-1933 (Heidelberg, 1984). 3. Hauke Brunkhorst, Der Intellektuelle im Dind der Mandarine (Frankfurt, 1987), 94-1 1 1; the research project by Hannes Siegrist on postwar professions in West Intellektuelle 1

Germany; and jarausch. Unfree Professions, 202-16. 14. Rainer Land and Ralf Possekel, ’’Intellektuelle aus der DDR: Kulturelle Iden(199-2): Rainer Land and Ralf Postitat und Umhruch,” Berliner Dehatte INITIAL i

sekel,

der

'Namenlose Stimmen u'arcn uns voraus’:

DDR

(Bochum, 1994);

tische Diktatur:

1999).

see also

Politische Diskurse

Ralph jessen, Aktidemische

Die ostdeutsche Hochschidlehrerschaft

in

von

Elite

Intellektuellen aus

und Kommunis'

der Ulhricht^Ara (Giittingen,

1

KONRAD ARAUSCH

2 9 2

1

:

J

5.

Jiirgen Kuczynski, Schwierige Jahre

—

mit einem hesseren Ende? Tagehuchhldtter

1989 (Berlin, 1990); Markus Wolf, In eigenem Auftrag: Bekenntnisse und Einsichten (Munich, 1991 ); Fritz Klein, Drinnen und draussen: Ein Historiker in der igSy

his

DDR

(Frankturt, 2000).

16. Christa Wolf, Kassandra (Berlin Ost, 1983); Gunter de Bruyn, Mdrkische 1989) Forschungen (Halle, 1978); Christoph Hein, Die Ritter der Tafelrunde (Frankfurt, :

Stefan Wolle, Die

heile

Welt der Diktatur: Alltag und Herrschaft

in der

DDR

1971-1989. (Berlin, 1998). 17.

Christiane Lemke, Die Ursachen des Umhruchs igSg: Politische Sozialisation

DDR

Antonia Grunenberg, Aufhruch der inneren Mauer (Bremen, 1990); Simone Barck, Martina Langermann, and Siegfried Lokatis, Jedes Buck ein Ahenteuer: ZensurSystem und literarische Offentlichkeit in der DDR bis in der

End

ehemaligen

(Opladen, 1991

);

der sechziger Jahre (Berlin, 1997).

18.

Annegret Hahn

and Hannes Krauss,

et

al.,

eds., 4.

November

Der deutsch'deutsche

eds.,

’89 (Frankfurt, 1990); Karl Deiritz

Literaturstreit oder “Freunde, es spricht

gehundener Zunge” (Hamburg, 1991

sich schlecht mit

SED

1990) 19. Heinrich Bortfeldt, Von der

).

PDS: Wandlung

zur

zur Demokratie? (Bonn,

1992), 13-43-

Das Umbaupapier (DDR): Argumente gegen

20. Rainer Land, ed..

gung (Berlin, 1990); Gregor Gysi and

Thomas

die

WiedervereinP

Falkner, Sturm aufs grosse

Haus

(Berlin,

.

21.

Gerhard Besier and Stephan WoU,

eds., "Pfarrer, Christen

Das Ministeriurn fur Stmtssicherheit der ehemaligen

DDR

und

und

Katholikeri"

die Kirchen,

2d ed. (Neun-

kitchen, 1992); Wolfgang Riiddenklau, Storenfried: DDR'Opposition 1986-1989 (Berlin, 1992); Erhart Neuhert, Geschichte der Opposition der

DDR

1949-1989

(Berlin,

1997)-

Annin Mitter and Stefan Wolle, eds., "Ich Hebe Euch doch alle”: Befehle und Digeberichte des MfS Januar-November igSg (Berlin, 1990); Helmut Miiller-Enhergs 22.

et al., eds..

Von

der

llL’galitdt ins

ParLiment. Werdegcing und Konzepte der neuen Burger'

bewegungen, (Berlin, 1991). 23.

1990); 24.

gramm Europe

I

lelmut

Uwe

1

lerles

and Ewald Rose,

Thaysen, Der Runde

Gregor Gysi,

ed.,

Tisch.

PDS (1 lamhurg, 1990): (New York, 1990), 58-60. German Ckmimunisrn and the End

25. Jarausch, Crisis of

Rush

)der:

(

Wir brauchen einen

der

to

Vom Runden

eds.,

Wo

Tisch

zum Parlament (Bonn,

blieb das Volk.^

dritten

Weg:

Selbstverstiindnis

Unity, 33-1 14; Charles S. Maier, Dissolution: of East

und

die

Macht (Berlin,

Gennan

Opposition

Legacy (Minneapolis, 1995).

27. Interviews in Dirk Phillipsen, ed.,

(jcrmany’s Revolutionary jarausch, igg'^,"

The

Cjcrmany (Princeton, 1997).

1992); John Torpey, Intellectuals, Socialism, and Dissent: The East Its

und PrO'

Ralf Hahrendorf, Reflections on the Revolution hi

26. Jens Reich, Abschied I'on den Lebensliigen: Die Intelligenz

and

(Opladen, 1990).

1

1

“1 )ie

Autumn

“We Were

the People": Voices

from East

1989 (Durham, 1982). C'ompare Konrad postnatiotiale Nation; Zum Identitiitswatidel der Deutschen, 1945of

1

.

istoricum (s|uitig i(>95): 30-35.

28. (diaries S. Maier,

The UnmasterabL’

National Identity (C'amhridge, Ma.ss., i(>88);

Erbe und Pradition

in

der

I

)l

Past: I

listory,

I

I

lolocaust,

and German

lelmut Meier atid Walter Schmi».lr, eds.,

)R: Die Diskussion der

I

listoriker (Berlin,

1988). See also

THE DOUBLE DISAPPOINTMENT Bernd Giesen,

and

Intellectuals

Germari Nation:

the

Identity in

2 9 3

a German Axial Age

(Cambridge, 1998). 29. Reich, Ahschied

von den

Lehetisliigen,

50-67.

30. Klaus Hartung, Neunzehnhundertneunundachtzig: Ortbesichtigungen nach einer

Epocheniuende (Frankfurt, 1990); Ulrich Albrecht, Die Ahwicklung der

(Opladen, 1992); Philip Zelikow and Condoleeza Rice, Gennnn)i Transformed:

A Study in Statecraft

DDR

Uriified

and Europe

(Cambridge, Mass., 1995).

John Borneman, After the Wall: East Meets West in the New Berlin (Berlin, 1991). For some of the texts see Konrad Jarausch and Volker Gransow, eds.. Uniting Germany: Documents arid Debates (Providence, 1994). 31.

32.

As examples

see Giinter Grass, Deutscher Lastenausgleich: Wider das durnpfe

and Jurgen Habermas, Die nachholende Revolution (Frankfurt, 1990) versus Martin Walser, Uber Deutschland reden (Frankfurt, 1989). and Peter Schneider, Extreme Mittellage: Eine Reise durch das deutsche Nationalgefiihl (Hamburg, Einheitsgebot (Berlin, 1990).

1990). See also Muller, Another Country, 64 33. Russel the

J.

Dalton

New German

,

ed..

The

ff.

New Gennany

Votes: Unification

and

Party System (Providence, 1993); Jarausch, Rush to

the

Creation of

German

Unity,

115-34. 34.

Wolfgang Schauble, Der

Vertrag;

Wie

ich iiber die deutsche Einheit verhandelte

329 Tage (Berlin, 1991). 35. Compare Helga Konigsdorf, 1989, Oder ein Moment der Schonheit (Berlin, 1990) with Helga Konigsdorf, Adieu DDR: Protokolle eines Abschieds (Hamburg,

(Stuttgart, 1991); Horst Teltschik,

1990). See also Rainer

Bohn

et

al., eds.,

Mauer Show: Das Ende

der

Medien (Berlin, 1992). 36. Gert'Joachim GlaeBner, Der schwierige Weg zur Demokratie: zur Deutschen Einheit, 2d ed. (Opladen, 1991). Einheit

und

DDR,

die deutsche

die

37. Jurgen Kocka, “Folgen der deutschen Einigung

fiir

Vom Ende

die Geschichts-

der

und

DDR

Sozial-

1990) Deutschkmd Archiv 25 (1992): 793-802; Kristie Macrakis, “Wiswissenschaften,”

and

senschaft ed.

Political Unification in the

Humboldt

creatrice:

Transformer

2000-2001

le

ff.;

in

From Two

One,

systeme universitaire est-allemand,” Civilisations (winter

).

;

;

Johannes M. Becker, Ein Land

39.

to

Konrad H. Jarausch, “La destruction

Hans-Jaochim Maaz, Der Gefuhlsstau: Ein Psychogramm der Hans-Jaochim Maaz, Das gesturzte Volk oder die imgliickliche

38.

1991

Stiftung (Bonn, 1992), 72

New Germany,”

Heinz Kallabis, Ade,

(Berlin, 1990);

Wolfgang

DDR!

Fritz

geht in den

DDR

Einheit (Berlin,

Westen (Bonn, 1991

).

Tagebuchblatter, 7. Oktober 1989-8.

Haug, Versuch beim

(Berlin,

Mai 1990

tdglichen Verlieren des

Bodens unter

den Fiissen neuen Grund zu gewinnen: Das Perestrojka Journal (Hamburg, 1990). See also Erhard

Crome,

“DDR

Perzeptionen: Kontext und Zugangsmuster,” Berliner

9 (1998): 45-58. 40. Gyorgy Konrad and Ivan Szelenyi, The IntelL’ctiuils on the Road to Ckiss Power (New York, 1979); Gyorgy Konrad and Ivan Szelenyi, “Intellectuals and Domination

Debatte.

in

Initial

Post-Communist

Bourdieu and James

Societies,” in Social Theory for a Char.gbtg Society, ed. Pierre S.

Coleman (New

York, 1991

).

Alvin W. Gouldner, The Future of huellectuals and the Rise of the New Ckiss (New York, 1981 ); Daniel Bell, The Coming of PosOndustrial Society (New York, 1976); Arnd Bauernkamper and Petra Styckow, “Entwurf fiir die Konzeption eines 41

.

1

,

KONRAD ARAUSCH

2 9 4

J

sozialwissenschaftlichen SFB: Umbruchsgesellschaft. Bestimmiingsfaktoren

von

Kontinuitat und Kontingenz des Systemwandels in Ostmittel und Osteuropa” (Berlin, 1998).

Wolt Lepenies, “Deutsche Zustande zwei Jahre nach der Revolution: Grenzen der Gemeinschaft,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Germanistenverbandes (December 1991 ), 4-16; Ulrich Wickert, ed., Angst vor Deutschland (Hamburg, 1990). 42.

43. Peter Glotz,

Der Irrwegdes Nationalstaats

Schmid, Staatshegrdhnis: Von

ziviler

(Stuttgart, 1990), or

Thomas

Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1990) versus Arnull Baring,

Deutschland, was nuni' (Berlin, 1991

);

Michael Stiirmer, Die Grenzen der Macht.

Begegnungder Deutschen mit der Geschichte (Berlin, 1992). Compare Konrad H. Jarausch, “Normalisierung oder Re-Nationalisierung. Zur

Umdeutung

der deutschen

Vergangenheit,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 21 (1995): 559-72.

Make Lehming, “Das Goldhagen Phanomen,” Der

44.

Reinhard Mohr, “Die Wirklichkeit ausgeptiften,” Der

Stephen Brockmann, “The Gt)od Person

Phenomenon,” Germnn

of

Germany

Tagess[)iegel,

Spiegel 27,

26 June 1998;

29 June 1996;

as a Post-Unification Discursive

and Society 15 (1998): 1-25. 45. Eberhard Jackel, “Die doppelte Vergangenheit,” Der Spiegel 52, 23 December 1991: 39-43: Ernst Nolte, “Die fortwirkende Verblendung,” FAZ 45, 22 February Politics

“Bemerkungen zu einer vervvorrenen Diskussion,” Die Zeit April 1992; Konrad H. Jarausch, ed.. Dictatorship as Experience: Toward a Socio-

1992; Jurgen Habermas, 1

5, 3

Cultural History of the

GDR

(Providence, 1998).

im vereinigten Deutschland,” Utopie

46. “Politische Kultur

Katja Schmidt and Martin Ottmers, “Zu Tisch mit

gen

um

die Integritat

von

Literatur

und Kirche

dem

in der

kreativ (January 1992);

Teufel”: Auseinandersetzun-

DDR

(Hagen, 1992);

issues

of Zwiegesprcich: Beitrdge zur Aufarheitung der SkuussicherheitS'Vergangenheit (Berlin,

1991-); Albrecht Schonherr, ed., Ein Volk

nach einer 47.

politischert

As examples

am

Pranger^ Die Deutsche}} auf der Suche

Kultur (Berlin, 1992). of recent responses, see

Daniela Dahn,

sen: Vorn Unhehagett in die Einheit (Berlin, 1996);

dem

iiesicht

und

nicht verges-

Misselwitz, Nicht Umger mit

nach Westen. Das neue Selhsthewujksein der Ostdeutschen (Bonn, 1996);

Richard Schroeder,

Vom

iiehrauch der Ereiheit: Gedankert

Vereinigung (Stuttgart, 1996). Ck)mpare Politics?” in

Hans

V^oru'arts

The

Crisis of Socuihsi}\

(Durham, 1992),

m

Konrad

.

Deutschkmd nach der

Jarausch, “Toward a Postsocialisr

Europe, ed. Cdiristiane

Lemke and Gary Marks

228-:jt;.

48. Reich, Ahschied von deti Iwhensliige}}

A. Perger, Richard

1

iiher

I’un

1

54-76; Gunter

1

lofmann

an*.!

Werner

Weiszdcker im Gesprdch (Frankfurt, 1992), 54-57. See also

Miiller, Arjother C(}untry,

266-85.

MITCHELL

flSH

G.

Becoming Normal, Modern, and German (Again?)

There

is

much talk ot normalization in Germany today. That

exactly what

that

is

way.

The Western it.

ironic, since

not happening. Admittedly, some signs point that

is

allies

have

left

have

Berlin, the Russians

Germany, and ordinary people do not seem

much, about

is

eastern

left

even care very

to he very sad, or

Tempelhof Airport has been converted from American

commuter flights with

itary use to civilian

little fuss.

The

mil-

“Palace of Tears,”

formerly a busy border checkpoint at Friedrichstralk' station in East Berlin,

where many couples and families were once forced has become a pop concert venue. In

“normal.”

The xenophobic

fact,

to separate at midnight,

the situation

is

anything hut

violence in Rostock, Hoyerswerda, Molln, and

elsewhere in the 1990s was the worst that postwar Germany, East or West,

had seen; numerous gruesome attacks on foreigners since then have shown that such violence was not a temporary flare-up hut an

of postunification

German

society.

The

endemic feature

willingness of East

Germans

to

endure a de facto unemployment rate of more than 30 percent without protest would not ordinarily he considered “normal,” either. Whatever the

word could possibly mean

in the circumstances

is

part of

what needs

to

he discussed.

“Normalcy” in

domestic

talk implies a peculiar

affairs,

it

combination

suggests that the political, social,

stitutions of the former Federal Republic,

people, constitute

At

of perspectives.

norms

to

Used

and cultural

and even the mentalities

which the East Germans should

in-

of

its

strive to adapt.

the same time, talk of becoming a normal nation in foreign policy, most

obvious in the debate on Germany’s present and future military that in this context the

West German

past

is

not regarded as a

continuing hut rather as a state of clientage to he possible.

Is

this ordinary intellectual

confusion

—

left

role,

means

norm worth

behind

as

stxm

or a double game.^

as

A new 2 9 5

— MITCHELL

2 9 6

discourse

is

G.

ASH

emerging in which multiple meanings of words such

as normal,

German are combining in peculiar ways. has become clear even to casual observers that the

modern, and even

By now

it

tion treaty was only the beginning of a

complex process that

unifica'

will take

considerably longer, cost far more, and have further-reaching results than

most politicians originally thought. In place in the character of social

and cultural

eastern

life.

German

politics,

Although the

Germans have been

fundamental change

fact, a

taking

is

with obvious implications tor

living standards

even of unemployed

payments and

raised with the help of transfer

extensive government subsidies from the West, in the “old” Federal Repub' lie

a rich, self-satisfied people

starting to realize that the future

is

a struggle over the distribution of relative scarcity, rather

Wolf Lepenies accurately depicted West Germans’

new circumstances

in his

now

may hold

than of surpluses.

initial

response to their

widely cited formulation, “the non-results

of an extraordinary event” (die Folgenlosigkeit einer unerhorten Begehenheit) d

This phrase describes many West Germans’ tendency, and wish, to go on as before, as

though the accession

(Beitritt) of

new German

the

states will

and

should lead only to an expansion of the old Federal Republic and not to a new, fundamentally

hind

talk of

changed national

entity.

normalcy and normalization

German

not only ordinary West

lies a

According to Lepenies, be-

new

restoration mentality

Germany

ignorance of East

hut willful

ignorance, feelings of self-righteousness and superiority, and rigid negation of

any alternatives to the

fastest possible

thing in the riew states. This analysis has first

Westgermanification of everylost

none

of

its

force since

it

appeared.

In the

new

states of eastern

Germany, the

cation after deutschmark euphoria for a great of (.lestruction

and

way

As

of living.

have come to

loss,

initial

experience of

many people

unifi-

has been one

not only of social institutions and jobs hut of a

a result, differences

light that

between East and West Germans

were there before

for

anyone willing

to look,

hut had been studiously overlooked by wishful thinkers claiming that this was, after

all, still

one people with

a

common

culture. Ironically, precisely

that mutual ignorance, or mutual self-delusion,

Wir

sind ein Volk

worked because so many

of

in the

cki.s

Firm of

Beitritt

Volk really believed

have the deutschmark ’s purchasing power and freedom to

travel while retaining the social welfare

what made the slogan

and the resulting rapid unification

possible. In the East this

that they could

is

advantages and apparent security of the

network. In the West some politicians, at

lieved they could finance

it

all

GDR’s

least, really

on the cheap, thus preserving and even

extending Germany’s wealth while achieving equal living standards five years.

be-

in

BECOMING NORMAL, MODERN, AND GERMAN

The logical

size

and complexity of the economic,

social, cultural,

changes involved should have made

2

97

and psycho-

talk ot rapid normalization

seem wildly utopian even in 1990. That so many people shared such hopes anyway bespeaks the motivating power ot wishful thinking. Ot course politicians were

warned by economic experts

German economy ot suddenly

East

ot the potential

danger to the

introducing the deutschmark; ot course

they ignored those warnings tor reasons ot short-term political advantage.

But the reason they thought they could get away with deluded themselves

as well, in particular

about the costs and the time

needed to recover trom deutschmark shock. Such

been necessary for the

illusions

may even have

much done in so little time. new political force, now the most

in order to get so

Nevertheless,

and

was that they

it

Germany

time being

still

and central Europe, with would he strange

is

a

one of the more prosperous, nations

tull

sovereignty tor the

first

populous, in

western

time since 1945.

leaders did not seek ways of expressing their

if its

It

new

potency, the problems of unification notwithstanding. Despite talk in the

United States of burden sharing, the in

initiative tor

Germans

to participate

United Nations peacekeeping or peacemaking forces, or to take

a seat

on

came primarily from the German government. The Germans to push for what they call a “normal” in tact,

the Security Council forces driving

more prominent

—

—

re:>le

in world affairs are primarily domestic.

German

actionism, and hesitancy to act, abroad cannot he understood without

considering the multiple difficulties and deficits ot unification at home.

As both

the asylum debate ot the early 1990s and the immigration debate

since then show, in the

ever was

home

—

new world economy

to separate domestic

and foreign

directly affects their country’s

credibility of

German

on the perception

image abroad. Moreover, the practical

initiatives for a

that the

—

no longer possible if it policy. Germans’ behavior at it is

normal

new Germany’s

role abroad

depends

in part

become what is hap-

political elite will not

overly self-ahsorhed in unification’s problems. But that

is

just

pening; and those problems are not going away. 1

want

to discuss three issues that impinge in

the current reshaping

—

one way or another on

or the struggle to resist a reshaping

—

ot

German

political culture:

1.

the

new

or renewed discourse ot modernization that was initially of-

fered as part of the intellectual justification tor institutional normalization after unification; 2.

the transformation in higher education, which illustrates the prob-

lematic character ot normalization understood as the uncritical importation or imposition ot status cjuo ante

West German

structures;

and

MITCHELL

2 9 8

3.

the impact ot modernization and normalization discourse

construction of the

ASH

G.

German

German

on the

re-

competing images of

identities, as exemplified in

past.

Normalization and the Discourse of Modernization Modernization talk was prominent in social unihcation.

Initially,

such talk appeared in conjunction with discussions

human

of unification as a sort ot

demics to write all,

the

German

“experiment.”^ Tempting as

it is

tor aca-

more than a little irony involved. Atter went the way they did because so many East

this way, there

March 1990

scientists’ early analyses of

elections

is

becoming “experimental

voters vehemently rejected the idea ot

animals” (Versuchskanincheri) tor peacetul revolutionaries’ utopian hopes ot a better

GDR. What

no one has put

to

it

they have received

them

such terms

in

an experiment, too, only

is

—an experiment

guided social transtormation and integratit)n on a scale

in

more or

tar larger in

less

scope

than that attempted in the Federal Republic with the incoming Germans

trom Pomerania and Silesia

Modernization talk

in the 1950s.

a variety ot

is

such technocratic

disceuirse.

It is

some-

thing ot a shock tor an American child ot the 1960s to hnd this term being used with such impunity. Thirty years agi\ such talk had a political tunction in

American

social science

— legitimating the imposition

ot

power and technological models on the developing world. Use with regard to

German tl

ot the

term

unitication implied, intentionally or not, that the

Eastern Cjermans are not “modern” the Third World,

American

ley are in

—

that, like “primitive” inhabitants ot

need not only

skills

t)t

training or retraining

hut ot a behav ioral and mental overhaul.

One ot

ot

many examples

is

Siegen sociologist Rainer

ion, ten characteristics ot

an essay published Cjeiljler, in

GDR

the case ot

which he

1992 by University

textbook tash-

in

lists,

social structure, eight ot

which he

status ot

level ot

starts”

women, he acknowledges

that

one

t)t

social structure also has

need

balance, modernizat ion

means “adapting the

ot

modernization.” But he

West German model” and that

mans change

their “social mentality” by

to ind ejx'ndent initiative

is

—

in this case.

insists that,

this will

showing

work

it

is

on

East Cw'r-

“a greater willingness as in older ver-

the emphasis on proper attitudes.

are not forthcoming, a cover story

nighted tiatives

West German

East Cw'rman social struc-

and criticism.” Important here,

sions ot modernization talk,

In

these head starts has

already turned into a deficit and that in this respect “the

ture to the

labels

— the women and the —“modernization head (Vorslmingc)

“moelernization deficits” and two

occupational c|ualiticarion

in July

It

these

already in place, blaming the be-

Eastern Cjermans too accustomed to the

BECOMING NORMAL, MODERN, AND GERMAN seeming security of a planned economy and society

—

2 9 9

tor the experiment’s

failure^

This marks a rather sudden transformation in talk about an area that

had been agreed to he the most advanced few years

earlier. In

in the socialist world only a

another paper that appeared in 1992, Stefan Hradil,

a recent president of the

German

Sociological Association,

makes

more

a

sophisticated distinction between “objective” and “subjective” modernization, at least grudgingly

society after all

conceding that the

GDR was some kind of modern

and that the current transformation needs to he considered

Manichean terms. Hradil acknowledges, for example, that in both East and West German societies technological innovation was believed to be the motor of higher production and social progress. But he in rather less

^

two

notes, correctly, that the unification.

The

GDR

were quite different by the time of

societies

followed, with

some

variations, a Soviet

classical industrial society, including a fixation

roles despite the

and 1980s, the

on

model of

gender-specific family

high participation of women in production. By the 1970s

ERG had developed the more decentralized production pat-

terns, lifestyle pluralism,

and subjective

“free spaces” (Freirdume) allegedly

characteristic of “post- industrial” society.

Hradil makes no mention of the niches that to

have created

for

many

East

Germans claim

themselves under socialism, or of the

ne-

flexibility,

may have acquired in the East Germans can or wish to become

gotiating ability, and improvisation skills they process.^ Instead of asking

whether

all

West German-style consumers, or questioning the extent of the “subjective control” some West German imagine they have over their lifestyles, he presents advancement to the lifestyle “paradigm” as a goal for eastern

Germans

to achieve.

of progress in

The

persistence of linear thinking and of the idea

what was supposed

to he the age of

postmodern

plurality

is

remarkable.

A man

brief look at the transformation in higher education in the

how inappropriate, indeed dysfunctional, can he when it is translated into policy.

states indicates

tion discourse

new Ger-

moderniza-

Normalization in Higher Education and Science Policy

The fundamental

issue in

intra-German relations since unification

the

is

apparent contradiction between the supposed priorities of rapid technocratic administrative reorganization itary,

and the democratic, or rather plebisc-

legitimation of the results. Higher education and science policy are

important examples of the problems involved in reconciling these ities,

since both the training of future technocrats and

east,

supposedly

— the formation

of a

new generation

—

of

pritir-

at least in the

democrats

is

at

,

MITCHELL

3 0 0

ASH

G.

Stake. Initial discussions of this

Hahermas

As

called

and related

elites (Elitenwechsel) J

an “exchange” or replacement of

he shown helow, the term

will

case; moreover, vast personnel

at best

is

on what Jurgen

issues focused

only partially accurate in this

changes have occurred together with the

elimination and reshaping of institutional structures, which

powerful long-term

may have more

effects.

The development of higher education and science policy in the new German states since unification can he divided intc^ three overlapping stages.® The first might he called the “heroic” stage, lasting from unification Predominant

to early 1991.

in this period

were attempts to restructure

the entire higher education and research landscape of the former

with a few spectacular measures, including the dissolution of the of Sciences and the abolition and selective refounding

Neugriindung) of specific university departments,

(

GDR

Academy

Abwicklimg und

undertaken either in

all

ignorance or in dismissive disregard of efforts at reform from below. In the universities, the ostensible legal basis for these measures was an at best questionable application of provisions in the Unification Treaty that

mandated either the closing or the takeover tions by

Decemher

31, 1990.*^

Ahu'icklung was based in part

The

German

of East

state institu-

selection of particular departments for

on two

populistic, wishful,

and misinformed

assumptions about science in general and about the social system of science in the

GDR:

(

1

that whereas disciplines such as philosophy, law, history,

)

pedagogy, and the social sciences were thoroughly “tainted” ideologically, others were not; (2) that moral or political probity and scientific

compe-

tence go together.

The

result

was confusion and inconsistency. Few objected to the elim-

ination of Marxism-Leninism institutes,

But

the

lists

of

Ahwicklimg differed

other in

departments

which occurred before and

unification.

designated

institutes

the various states for no obvious reason. Apart from

certain exceptions, the “cultural sciences” (Kulturwissenschaften)

anthropology, tory,

for

German and

ft)reign

such as

languages and literatures, and art his-

were generally spared from Ahwicklimg

even though Marxist-

lists,

Leninisr dictates were as firmly established there as in history or philosophy. In addition, the naive

assumjnion that the natural and medical sciences are

necessarily value-neutral gave an initial reprieve to

known SED

internationally

party loyalists in those disciplines.

In the second,

more “prosaic” or

spring of 1991, attempts were

coherent

many

legal basis

In this period, the

made

“legalistic” stage,

to put policy

on

which began a

in the

more detailed and

than that provided by the Unification Treaty alone.

new

states passed provisional,

higher education laws, while Berlin

amended

its

and

later

permanent,

existing law,

mandat-

BECOMING NORMAL, MODERN. AND GERMAN

3 0 1

West Germany’s framework higher education

ing conformity with

(Hochschulrahmengesetz, or

HRG)d^This

statute

created, temporarily, a two-class

professoriate consisting of “professors according to

new

law” (Professoren

neuen Rechts) and “professors according to previous law” (Professoren

hish-

erigen Rechts). Ironically,

by mandating majorities of full professors on uni-

versity committees, the

new

East

German

faculty

and students

Although the mandate

to

many

laws also overrode

earlier efforts by

to democratize university governance.

conform with the

the guidelines for doing so differed

among

HRG

was accepted, however,

new

the

At

states.

the level

of structural change, state governments responded to local pressures by retaining cil

more

of the older institutions

(Wissenschaftsrat)

three

new

than the Federal Science Coun-

had recommended. Brandenburg’s law even founded

universities,

combining and upgrading existing

Potsdam and Cottbus while creating

a

new European

institutions in

university in Frank-

furt/Oder. This was clearly a political act in a poor state.

Stage three

is

often presented as a straightforward institutional and per-

sonnel “renewal” based primarily on West

by the laws just described. In

German

reality, institutional

patterns, as

mandated

and personnel

restruc-

turing and the passage of the higher education laws designed to legitimate

the results proceeded in parallel, while financial constraints simultaneously forced deep cuts in Lander huiigets in this as in other areas. that, contrary to still-current

either with the Stasi or the

emphasis on political

SED,

Two

firings for

results are

collaboration

dismissals of otherwise positively evalu-

ated staff for budgetary reasons greatly outnumber dismissals for political or moral reasons, and that in

many

academics are forced to compete with West Germans

number

German

cases the remaining East for a greatly

reduced

of positions. Nonetheless, contrary to talk of wholesale elite re-

placement, the percentages of eastern Germans

now

in the professorial

rank varies widely by type of discipline. Predictably, the highest ratio of

West Germans exists in disciplines already singled out for Ahwicklung in the first months after unification, such as philosophy, history, and law, whereas the lowest

is

in the natural

A

and medical sciences.

relatively

high percentage of Eastern Germans, however, has also been retained in the humanistic disciplines not previously singled out for Ahwicklung, the “cultural sciences” as

much an

mentioned above.'* In

artifact of stage

this respect, the results are thus

one policy decisions

as of essential truths

about

the moral or political corruptibility of science as such under socialism.

The and

this

potential of transitions for producing innovations

one

is

no exception. All of the new states have moved

cialized training

academies ( Fachhochschulen)

enrollment pressure on the universities.

Many

well

is

to found spe-

in part to ease

universities,

known,

some

of the

most notably

,

MITCHELL

3 0 2

ASH

G.

Halle and Potsdam, have established cooperative relationships with nearby

Max

Planck institutes and other extrauniversity research centers. Saxony’s

minister tor science and

art,

HanS'Joachim Meyer, has announced ambi-

tious plans to establish a multiversity resembling the

American model by

adding medicine and humanities to the technical faculties University in Dresden.

The new European

at

the Technical

University “Viadrina” in Frank-

though small and by no means tinancially

furt/Oder, already mentioned,

ways to Germany’s eastern neighbor

secure, has reached out in innovative

by enrolling hundreds ot Polish students and has promoted particularly

promising interdisciplinary Finally, at the

a

new

efforts in its

new

Faculty ot Cultural Studies.

University ot Erturt in Thuringia, rector Peter Glotz,

tormer Social Democratic parliamentarian and higher education expert,

appointed well-known scholars to constitute a

“Max Weber

advanced study and research

social sciences before

in history

and the

Kolleg’’ for

he

suddenly departed in 1999 to take a professorship in Switzerland. Nonetheless, the complications and contradictions ot present policy are evident;

The

eas.

some

ot these could easily he generalized to other policy ar-

strongest driving torce behind the imposition ot

structures

and norms,

as well as the real or

perceived pressure to accept

the recommendations ot the Wissenschaftsrat,

dependence of the new Lander on the the constitutional principle ot state heit

der Uinder)

is

is

is

the continuing tinancial

tederal

government. The threat to

autonomy

in cultural attairs (Kidturho'

autonomy

obvious. Rut the selt-assertion ot Lander

the primacy ot local politics

—

West German

in the tace ot

—and

extreme hnancial constraints

equally evident. Examples include the ettort

t('>

retain tull universities,

including taculties ot medicine and dentistry, in both Rostock and Greif-

swald in Mecklenhurg/Lower Pomerania, despite contrary recommendations trom the Wissenschaftsrat or in the tounding ot three in

universities

Brandenburg, already mentioneel. Equally tundamental

is

the tension hetween science or higher education

policy (WissenschajtS' or IlochschidlMditik)

(SoziaL und

ities

Sciences rat.

The

statt

members who were

results

have been mixed

grated into existing

have been placed

and

.

positively evaluated by the WissenschaftS' at best.

Some

West Cjerman research

in

social or labor policy prior-

The most obvious examples ot this some ot the tormer C^jDR Academy ot

Beschdftijij;imfj^s()()litik)

are the ettorts to “salvage” at least

itt

new

new Max Planck

scientists

irisrirutions,

institutes

have been

inte-

and many others

and research groups or

other jointly tunded tederal-state research operations. But the so-called

WIP

program, designed to integrate tormer academy researchers into the

universities, has

been

a nearly

complete

tailure.'^

The

point

is

that

it

is

unclear whether salvaging research jobs or cusbionirig the socioeconomic

BECOMING NORMAL, MODERN, AND GERMAN blow

for the less fortunate

schemes

3 0 3

with short-term projects and work-creation

produce high-quality science or scholarship. By the same

will

token, though

it is

often asserted that the universities in the

new states were

no one dares to predict what effect the personnel reductions now under way there will have on the quality of instruction, particularly

overstaffed,

same time.

since enrollments are increasing at the

A tension with broader implications for political culture

is

that between

the urge to achieve what appear to be politically desirable and morally “clean” solutions and the norms of the legal state. This was the stone over

which the

initial

Humboldt

University, an administrative court ruled that the Unification

Ahwicklung stumbled

Treaty did not allow such a step,

if

from

in Berlin. In response to a suit

nothing more was intended than the

refounding of university departments under their old names but with personnel.

The Abwicklung

as

new

such was not challenged in court outside

Berlin, but lawsuits against dismissals of individuals in other universities

continued to occupy university and state administrations ing innovation.

The mixed

results of legally

for years, block-

mandated personnel “renewal”

reported above suggest that neither legislative nor juridical instruments are designed to yield the kind of political

and moral

clarity that

was evi-

dently desired.

The most

significant short-term impact of all this

new Germany

a negative

one

on the emerging po-

—the often-remarked

litical

culture of the

loss of

the opportunity to reexamine and reform the scientific and scholarly

is

landscape in the West as well as in the for critical

East.'"^

reexamination was not actually

Of course,

but was stoutly resisted

lost

who

by science and university leaders in West Germany,

competition in some cases and also worried, quite

mechanisms now being tried out uation of university and research

in the East, for

the opportunity

are fearful of

rightly, that

some

policy

example systematic eval-

institutes, will eventually

be turned back

on them. This, along with financial pressure from Bonn,

is

surely the primary

reason for the rigid emphasis on what Saxony’s Minister Meyer once

sar-

donically, but appropriately, called a “transvaluation of values” (Umu’c?-

He meant by this the sudden transformation West German system, widely acknowledged as

tU7ig aller Werte).'^

in the

evaluation of the

late as

1988 to be in deep as a gift

difficulty

and then presented

to the East quite literally

from on high. This began to change by 1992,

as

major media began

more than

to revive talk of a crisis in higher education.

It is

to read complaints about overfilled seminars

and lecture

slightly ironic

halls in the

West

while teaching personnel are being dismissed “for lack of need” in the East.

But the term “transvaluation of values” also

refers to the

experience of East

— 3

MITCHELL

04

German in many

Th is

G.

ASH

scholars, as standards, goals,

and even methods suddenly change

disciplines.

leads to questions about the impact of these transformations

the political culture of academic

and West German personnel,

community of

tioning

life.

largely

scholars,

on

Will the emerging mixture of East

unintended

much

in this form, yield a tunC'

provide a living example of

less

“democratic” political culture? Reviews of results thus

far

have been mixed,

The most extreme case of near-total conflict is that of the historians at Humboldt University, where newly appointed West Germans confronted their court-reinstated East German predecessors headto say the least.

on.*^ Natural scientists,

on the other hand

— those with Some hope

appear to he more optimistic about the future.

jobs, at least

to participate in

coming innovations, perhaps even leapfrogging over Western competition by acquiring the

technologies with financial help from Bonn.

latest

With the imposition of West German models of higher education on the new states, it is fair to say that West German problems, as well as West German debates over such issues as university governance, are also being introduced, for better or for worse. Paradoxical as normalization in this case has meant the importation of ich calls

tions

is

power

it

evident, and

it

Cjerman

of the

crisis;

Jens Re-

the norm.

would be unwise to underestimate the integrative But an impression of improvisation,

social state.

frustration, remain.

a high level of careful

of arbitrary

may sound,

“the cloning of a dinosaur.”'^ Potential for significant innova-

and widespread

is

it

What

planning

Perhaps

it

is

inappropriate to expect

in transition periods,

induces cynicism

is

when

improvisation

the contrast between the impression

guesswork or rough and ready improvisation and the techno-

cratic rhetoric of rational control.

When

those adversely affected hear

these changes being called “modernization” or “renewal,” that cynicism

can only grow.

Reconstructing Historical Identities

Those who

are aware of the varied pace

European and world history should for

and

results of iuLlustrialization in

realize that

it is

people with a social and cultural history of their

impossible in principle

own

simply to repeat

all

the stages through which another society has already passed. Nonetheless,

modernization talk appears to be on the way to becoming important in postwar ( w*rman social and political history as well. In this case, the status of

nonmodern “otherness”

regime.

an

I

Ians

Mommsen,

for

illusory (vorji^elduschtc)

rational planning

is

accorded to both the CjHR and the Nazi

example, claims that Nazism exemplifies only modernization,” despite

and technological organization.'”

its

prominent use

lie

and others refuse

of

BECOMING NORMAL, MODERN, AND GERMAN to call the Nazi regime institutions

“modern” because

and moral

Mommsen

it

305

lacked both liberal-democratic

restraints.

and other West German

historians, like the social scientists

already mentioned, apparently want to identify modernization as Westger-

manization and give

make to

it

an unambiguously positive connotation. This would

move from thinking of Nazism as “illusory” modernization comparing the Nazi and East German systems and classifying the latter, easy to

it

too, as in

on the

some sense not

quite modern.

social history of the

GDR

One example comes from an

that uses the term “de-differentiation”

(Entdifferenzierung) to contrast the politically ciety of the

GDR

dominated economy and

so-

with Western pluralistic societies, while avoiding the

word

politically loaded

essay

“totalitarian.”''^

An alternative to such awkward formulations would he to consider the ERG and the GDR, perhaps even the Nazi regime, as different though not entirely incompatible structurings of modernity that existed not

as

no opposites, but in definable historical relations with one another. It would then he necessary to examine continuities from Nazism in both Germanies, and also the ways in which East and West German societies yes or

interacted with

one another.

And

it

would

also he necessary to break

with cold war imagery and teleological models of history, to reconsider not only

German

consciousness,

Here fully.

is

if

where

Many

historians’ but also ordinary

anything

like a

politically

writers

and

common

Germans’

identity

is

historical self-

to emerge.

formed discourses currently clash most force-

politicians agree

on the importance

of history in

new Germany. Usable pasts are being created for public consumption at a remarkable rate in the memoir literature coming both from leading Western actors and the former East German leadership. Amusing as it might he to dissect the apologist mythologies instantiated in many of these texts, want instead to consider an issue that will surely he the political culture of the

1

of greater importance in the long run. That

is

the transformation in the

meaning of “mastering” or “dealing with the past” (Vergan^ genheitshewdltigung) marked hy a subtle change in both its subject and its object. Whereas West Germans constantly were and still are being dunned discourse and

never to forget the Nazi

past. East

Germans

are

now

being pressured to

confront both the Nazi and the Stasi pasts. It is

now common

to speak contemptuously of the “compulsory antifas-

cism” (verordnete Antifaschismus) of the rightly, that

the East

German

GDR

regime. This acknowledges,

state’s historical

claim to legitimacy as the

on German stdl had lost much of its force hy 1989, degenerating into empty rituals and street names evoking heroes few remembered any longer. Rut at the same time, users of this political incarnation of antifascism

MITCHELL

3 0 6

G.

ASH

phrase generally give no clear idea ot what should have happened instead;

should antifascism not have been ordered, or should there have been no

Nor do they

antifascism?

show any awareness

or

what should replace those

suggest

more

ot the

rituals

now,

and memory'shaping

subtle coercion

involved in the constant focus on the White Rose and the Twentieth ot July conspiracies and the consistent downplaying ot working'class resistance

Westd^ The

in the

issue here,

nota bene,

ettectiveness ot the various resistance

is

not the actual importance or

movements

as

debated by historians,

but the contemporary use of historical imagery tor political education.

Embedded

amined claim: that

on the

othcial standpoints

itive” experiences, tor

Girls,

add that

is

is

a largely

and propaganda had

is

impact

little

Alexander von

true ot both Germanies. Instead,

he argues, “pos-

memories

example,

in the Hitler

Youth or the League of Ger-

were “banned to the Staiimuischc” or Kaffeekrdnzchen

this

unex-

ot ordinary people.

historical views or

Plato suggests that this

man

“compulsory antifascism”

in reterences to

also true ot

many West and

East

1

would

Germans’ most powertul

negative experiences, those ot Allied bombings, torced repatriation, and rape. told

The

hrst

two

ot these lived

one another, and maybe

on

their children; the rapes

deeper recesses ot wounded women’s memories. analogous process tor

Von

were banned to

“GHR

occurring now, as positively remembered experiences,

nostalgia.”

It

German

result,

emerge

and

in historical

a

new community otselt-styled

memories

a corresponding

to accentuate the positive aspects ot

My own

claim,

one that

is

Youth, are

unitication continues to take the torm ot

West C A'rman conquest, he warns,

could

still

Plato argues that an

example, in the Young Pioneers or even the Free

dismissed as a

is

grandparents

in stories parents or

lite

also relevant tor

that the sorrowtul poses ot regret that

in the

victims

tendency would

GHR.

Germany’s image abroad,

have served

to

is

maintain the Federal

Republic’s credibility as a civilized nation tor two generations will not

work

tor ordinary East

CA*rmans. huleed, here “normalization” will

reworking the historical imagery

man images on

East CA*rmans.

Such

that the penitent sinner stance

They were indeed incapable deny

responsibility tor the

ot all a

Germans, not

reworking

will

mean

West Gerackm)wledge

imposii'ig

need to

was toreign to most West CA'rmans, too.

ot im)urning, not only

murder

ot the jews, as

because they wanted to

Alexander and Margarete

Mitscherlich claimed decades ago, hut because the subjective legitimacy of their

own

largely

experiences ot massive death and

denied to them

in otficial rituals

loss at

the end ot the war was

and discourse. Many West Cjerman

historians have attached themselves to the noble j'tedagogical project of

“working up the past,” because they ot

a.ssutue that the results attirm the

detuocracy over dictatorship. By making this

commitment

value

historians

and

BECOMING NORMAL. MODERN, AND GERMAN

3 0 7

Others have too often lost sight ot a fundamental pedagogical principle: the

need to meet prospective pupils on their own ground, starting with their

knowledge and experiences. Instead, teachers, when they have dealt with the Nazi period at

have often suhstituted

all,

Nazism’s victims. This

Imposing

is

morally legitimate, hut pcdagogically questionable.

West German modus on East Germans and adding a re' mourn the “Stalinist” past as well will fail, if what is wanted is

this

quirement to

and behavioral change and not only proper responses

a genuine attitudinal

on survey questionnaires. Of hut even

if

for these experiences those of

that

is

course, the latter

may he

infinitely extendible.

It

may he

regret for the Nazi past

East

as

(pseudo) victims

already; for East

if

the

not deeply problematic, for young

Germans,

it

will

seem

all

too similar, its

if

emotional

“compulsory antifascism” they already encountered under the

previous regime. Perhaps this of East

is

Germans, and they may go along

not in outward appearance and political content then in thrust, to the

wanted,

many West Germans have done. But

becoming empty and boring,

West Germans

is

possible to impose the rituals of sohersided

on the

either sincerely or for show, as is

that

the case the prospects for such a strategy are not good.

Perhaps the capacity of Germans to see themselves

ritual

all

Germans from

Willing Executioners

is

one reason

for the

neat'Complete absence

the recent debates over Daniel Goldhagen’s

Hitler's

and the construction of a central Holocaust memorial

in Berlin.

The leading current candidate to replace compulsory antifascism in East German hearts and minds is talk of Vergangenheitsheivdltigung in a new connotation facing the Stasi past. The Stasi issue has served a multitude

—

some of them out of synch with the others and none of them without problems. Thanks in part to sensational media reports, accusations

of functions,

of collaboration with the Stasi appeared at for getting rid of political

first

and other competitors

ambiguous outcome of the

affair

to he a convenient lever in the

new

states.

But the

surrounding Brandenburg’s prime min-

Manfred Stolpe, the exposure of some West German academics as “informal cooperators,” and the recent controversy o\'er whether to puhister,

lish Stasi

records of telephone conversations involving former chancellor

Helmut Kohl regarding

possibly illegal contributions to the

CDU

indicate

the probable limits of that particular function.

The

Stasi issue

is

also the last refuge of the otherwise defeated peaceful

revolutionaries of 1989. a

The

Stasi archives are the only place in

which

former dissident, Joachim Gauck, and his co-workers have been able to

acquire both political influence and moral authority in the

Yet here, despite the best efforts of Biindnis 90 like cold warriors,

leftists to

new Germany. avoid talking

an uncomfortable convergence looms between former

,

MITCHELL

3 0 8

ASH

G.

dissidents from the East clinging to this vestige of

power and legitimacy

and equally self-righteous arch-conservatives from the West anxious to clear the decks for their own reasons. Last hut not least, the opening of

on

Stasi files

individuals to those

who were

observed and persecuted and

the resulting exposure of “informal cooperators”

education unprecedented not only in

This event has had results so far. Yet

and

and

pc)sitive,

for

even here, there

German hut

some is

A

German

on the

focusing

through of the

Unity

modern

a danger that once-active dissidents

an exercise

in navel-gazing

historian, Rainer Eckert, rightly argues that

Stasi alone

insufficient

is

and that an adequate working

and

party, state,

Stasi apparatuses

insists that

and

their interconnections.^'^

all

even such an analysis must begin with individ-

West German

personal involvements with the regime. Quoting the

uals’

Ralph Giordano, he warns that East Germans

publicist

guilt” alongside that of suppressing the

errors

and

Humboldt

his

Nazi past

But he notes,

sins of the past.

pening among

history.

GDR past must include a functional analysis of the Socialist

Nonetheless, he

at

in all of

impact further defused.

political or cultural

critical East

a venture in political

unexpectedly nonviolent

at least,

their former friends will he fobbed off with

and their

is

will incur “a

they

if

to confront the

fail

sadly, that this

is

second

not what

is

hap-

former teachers. Instead, the court-reinstated historians

University, like

many

others

the past, indulge in an all-too-imaginahle

immunization and exculpation

who had

— and

influential positions in

utterly

normal

—

variety of

strategies, including stonewalling, silence,

and denial.

Work that

in progress

common

more

by Werner Weidenfeld and Felix Philipp Lutz suggests

general accounts of East CA'rmans’ experiences are actually

valid for single generations.’^ Thus, they write,

“founder generation,” and ncu

maintains that the 11.

CiDR alone

Eckert claims that

nia”

(

all

life

von Plato

CjHR induced

a

suggests, that

organizations with later suppression this

t)f

World War

“permanent schizophre-

combining positive experiences

Weidenfeld and Lutz attrihute

primarily the

is

paid for CA'rmany’s defeat in

in the

Paucrschiz()l>hrenic)

East Cjermans, as

it

in party

youth

individual identity and criticism.

mentality to Eckert’s

own

generation,

the one horn after the founding of the CR^R.

Such generational

differences complicate attempts to forecast

future historical identities.

An

ence

the t)lder generation’s antifascist

will I’tecome typical as

becomes

a

to their

is

that Eckert’s experi-

commitment

shibboleth interfering with a deeper personal confrontation

with the past. In

and th ird

obvious prediction

Germans’

GDR

resj'ionse to

the need to justify their

lives,

the second

generations, too, could join the search for positive sides

CiPR experience and

pass

on these

reconstructeel tnemories to

BECOMING NORMAL. MODERN, AND GERMAN their children.

309

One report about the children of former activists enrolled

historic Schulpforta

Gymnasium

suggests that this

is

at

already happening.

In the younger generations, lack of credible role models or perspectives for

the future could lead to rejection of

Needed

authority.

all

new terminologies with different moral loadings. These are not likely to come from the current West Get' man political class. If Eckert’s experience is typical, we cannot expect them to come from those among the younger generation who were persecuted by the former regime, either. The reconstitution of Germany’s historical selfimage is a long-term project. One hopes that it will become a joint venture here, as elsewhere, will he

by older and younger East and West Germans, together with sympathetic foreigners. In the current climate,

that East and

West Germans

one can only wish, but cannot guarantee,

will eventually

go beyond cold war dualisms

of good and evil, free and unfree, and begin to acknowledge the

complexity of one anothers’

human

pasts.

Conclusion: Normalcy, Germany, and Europe

Can its

craziness be normal? Talk of sick or healthy politics or societies has

problems, but for those inclined to detect ironies in

human

affairs

the

current situation has the look and feel of a classic double bind in both

domestic and foreign

affairs.

Inside the

new Germany,

East

Germans

are

constantly being told to stop being so passive, to show more initiative, and to learn the rules of

West German

they hear, sometimes from the very same administrators

around

earlier,

what

this or that

At

political Streitkultur.

the same time

who ordered them

law or regulation does not permit (for ex-

ample, repairing your own apartment because there are conflicting property claims on the building). Family therapists would call this a double bind.

A from

parallel its

double bind can be observed in Germany’s

efforts to

emerge

new role for itself in world affairs. the German government’s alleged

former client status and create a

Textbook symptoms were criticism passivity

of

and many Germans’ pacifism

by equally touchy reactions to

in the

German

Gulf conflict of 1991, followed

actionism in Europe, such as Hans-

Dietrich Genscher’s push for recognition of Slovenia and Croatia,

now

widely depicted as one of the proximate causes of the war in the former Yugoslav federation. Surely there ally or a

nothing wrong with

European Community partner, but

mixed messages ought not or unreasonable.

What

is

meaning plenty of action

to be surprised

critics if

NATO

who send such seemingly

the reaction appears confused

wanted, apparently, as well as

criticizing a

is

German

“responsibility,”

money, but under the careful observa-

—

non-Germans a continuation of sovereignty by other means. Whether that is what will result from

tion and,

limited

is

if

possible, also the control of

3

1

MITCHELL

0

the inclusion of

he seen.

The

role gradually

ASH

G.

German

troops in

current strategy in

U.N. peacekeeping

Bonn

is

forces remains to

evidently to expand Germany’s

beyond checkbook diplomacy, hut within the framework of

extraterritorial organizations

and on the condition that Germany has more

to say in the policy decisions of just those organizations.

The

historian Christian Meier has called the

new Germany

Will or should

that refuses to he one” (eine Nation, die keine sein

Germany become

a

“a nation

“normal” nation state with an ordinary European past

and a bright European future? Caution and skepticism are clearly

justified.

David Blackhourn and Geoff Eley argued effectively years ago that Get'

many could not have become 1871, because there

example, Britain,

state

no such thing

is

as a

state after the unification of

normal nation

state; differences

circumstances offset any attempt to present a single country,

in national

for

normal nation

a

as

such a norm.^^

Some might

ask whether the nation

obsolete anyway and whether a new, united Europe will not over'

is

come such antiquated

human

That

notions.

is

what Robert Schuman dreamed, hut

beings live primarily in villages, neighborhoods, or regions, only

secondarily in nations, and at best tertiarily in continents.

whether

at all,

longer

still

in the

than

If

form

German

of a

Europe of nations or of regions,

of

it

will take

unification.

“Europe

is

an immunization strategy to

avoid focusing too sharply on local issues and

on the other hand, helps Lander

paradoxically, also to put the

European C?ommuniry. Talk

new

of

difficulties.

Talk of region-

politicians place themselves in

opposition to Bonn, hence to sharpen their

own

political profiles, and,

states in line for regional aid

Europe

impression on rowdies in Rostock, Mc’illn.

only

such an overarching European identity emerges

In current debates, invoking

alism,

far

and businesspeople think

a tiny minority of intellectuals, politicians,

themselves as Eurt^peans.

Thus

I

is

make much of an Magdeburg, Guhen, or

not likely to

loyerswerda,

Even the most optimistic scenario

from the

for

European integration

ftiresees

long-term unemployment for millions of East Ck'rmans and the export of lower-paying jobs to the cheaper parts of the European

What ever happens to Germany and thus the

yond. in

—

domestic tensions into

Union and

be-

the Maastricht Treaty, the current dilemmas

current pressures or temptations to channel

foreigti policy or its

domestic counterparts, such

as

the .so-called asylum issues and immigration arid the inability to develop a

common

likely to

political culture

cotuinue

capable of con.sensus rather than conflict

—

are

for .some time.

Talk of normalization puts the desired state of normalcy .some time in the future. But confusion, contradiction, and improvisation are preci.sely

what

is

normal

in

rimes of transition. Even the built land.scape one

.sees

BECOMING NORMAL, MODERN. AND GERMAN while traveling through the

new German states creates a mixed

Many facades are newly renovated, some

are

still

11

impression.

with well-kept gardens indicating their

owners’ striving for at least the image of West existence;

3

in a pre-iQSg,

if

German

petty bourgeois

not pre'1945, state of decay. Be-

hind many unrenovated facades, however, are new businesses and service firms of every stripe, with high-tech software

and Deutsche Telekom’s best

switching equipment.

The

and West Germans

equally mixed. “Normality” in these circumstances

is

situation in the hearts

and minds of many East

remains a mixed marriage of past and future; such relationships only look

abnormal to more conventional It

would be better

eyes.

to cast aside such coercive frames of reference

and

convert the vocabulary of normalization into a more neutral terminol-

ogy of reconstruction and renewal.

would

It

definitely he better to stop

making the transformation now under way look more orderly and than

it

is

with terms such as “modernization” and to acknowledge with

some humility

that not only politicians hut also the self-styled experts,

academics included, are in over their heads.

whether the (that

is,

rational

result in Eastern

Germany

a mixture of high modernity,

will

It

is

by no means certain

he a permanent Mezzogiomo

deep poverty, and out-migration

of the most productive younger workers) or something slightly better. In

any case the

much

new Germany

political culture of the

like that of the old Federal

will

not he nearly as

Republic as terms such as “normalization”

suggest.

Notes 1.

Wolf Lcpenies,

Folgen eincr uncrhorten Bcgeheriheit: Die Deiitschen nach der

Vereinigimg (Berlin, 1992), esp. 25-28. 2.

Wolfgang Zapf, “Der Untergang der

DOR iind die soziologische Theorie der

— Ein

M(')dernisierung,” in Experiment Vereinigimg

and Claus Leggewie 3.

Aus

soziciler

Grojiversueh ed. R. Giesen

(Berlin, 1991), 38-51.

Rainer GeiBler, “Die ostdeutsche Sozialstriiktur unrer Modernisierungsdruck,”

Politik

und

Zeitgeschichte: Beilage zur

Wochenzeitung ‘Das Parlament

,

B 29-39/92

(10 July 1992), 15-28. 4.

For the most prominent version of that

German der

DDR

story, presented, ironically,

by an East

psychotherapist, see Hans-joachim Maaz, Der Gefuhlsstau: Ein Psychogramm (Berlin, 1990);

Hans-joachim Maaz, Das

gestiirtze Volk, oder:

Die xingluekliehe

Einheit (Berlin, 1991). 5.

Stefan Hradil, “Die ‘ohjektive’ und die ‘suhjektive’ Modernisierung: Her

del der westdeutschen Sozialstriiktur Zeitgeschichte: Beilage zur

3-14.

und die Widervereinigung,”

Ails Politik

Wan-

und

Wochenzeitung ‘Das Parlament’, R 29-39/92 (10 July 1992),

3

1

MITCHELL

2

6.

ASH

G.

ern” lifestyle capabilities

Modeme 7.

—Ost'West Passagen (Frankfurt am Main, 1995).

See,

e.g.,

Vergangenheit 8.

Germans have brought just such supposedly “postmodinto the new Germany, see Wolfgang Engler, Die ungewollte

For the claim that East

Jurgen Habermas, “Die normativen Defizite der Vereinigung,” in Zukunft, ed. Michael Haller (Zurich, 1990).

als

Mitchell G. Ash, “Higher Education in the

German

or the Importation of Crisis?” in

newal^ ed. Mitchell G.

Ash

New German

Universities Past

Renewal

States:

and Future:

Crisis or Re'

(Providence, 1997), 84-109. See also Renate Mayntz,

Aufhruch und Reform von oben: Ostdeutsche Universitdten im Transformations'

ed.,

am

Main, 1994): Gertraude Buck-Bechler and Heidrun jahn, eds., Hochschulemeuerung in den neuen Bundeslandem: Bilanz nach vier Jahren (Weinheim,

prozefi (Frankfurt

Gunnar Berg

1994);

et

al.,

Zur Situation der Universitdten und aufieruniversitdren

eds.,

Forschungseinrichtungen in den neuen no. 220 (1994):

n.s. 71,

zum et

Ldndem,

Nova Acta

Leopoldina,

Wolfgang Schluchter, Neuheginn durch Anpassung? Studien

ostdeutschen Obergang. (Frankfurt

Die Hochschulen

al., eds..

special issue of

in

am Main,

1996); Gertraude Buck-Bechler

den neuen Ldndem der Bundesrepublik Deutschland:

Fin Handbuch der Hochschulemeuerung (Weinheim, 1997): Alfons Sollner and Ralf

Walkenhaus,

eds., Ostprofile: Universitdtsentu’icklungen in

den neuen Bundesldndem

(Opladen, 1998). 9.

Peter Quint, The Imperfect Union: Constitutional Structures of German Unification

(Princeton, 1997), chap. 13.

Karl-Heinrich Hall, “Die Hochschulgesetzgehung der neuen Lander

10.

menhedingung der Neustrukturierung,”

in

als

Rah-

Mayntz, Aufhruch und Reform von oben,

165-90: Quint, Imperfect Union. 1

For data supporting these statements,

1.

German I

Ash, “Higher Education

.see

New

States.”

2. C')n

Frankfurt/Oder,

hesonderen

Profil

.see

Hans N.

Weiler, “Wissenschaft an der Grenze:

der Europa-Universitat Viadrina in Frankfurt/Oder,”

iii

Universitdtsentu’icklungen in den neuen Bundesldndem, ed. Alfons Sollner

Walkenhaus

(C')pladen, 1998),

80-100; on

Erfurt, .see

Klaus D. Wolf,

“

39; Peter Glotz,

“Die Erfurter Idee: Hochschulpolitik

in

Zum

Ostprofile:

and Ralf

‘Universitat

heginnt im Kopf’: Zur Cjenesis der Universitiiten Bayreuth und Erfurt,”

1

in the

in ibid.,

den neuen Landern,”

124-

in ibid.,

40-43.

“WlP-Mcmorandum: Verwirklichung des Wis.senschaftler-lntegrationsprogramms (WIP) im lochschulerneuerungsprogramm (1 lEP),” Dm Hochschulwesen 2 I

3.

1

(1995): 95-100. Dieter Simon, “Die Quinte.ssenz

14.

desliintiern:

—der

Wissen.schaftsrat in

Eine vorwiirt.sgewandte Riickschau,” Au.s

zur Wochenzeitung 'Das Parlament'

,

B 51/92

(i

Politik

December

1

imd

den neuen Bun-

Zeitgeschichte. Beilage

1992); Dieter Simon,

und verschludert,” Die Zeit, no. 15 (7 April 1995), 49. Ians Joachim Meyer, “1 ligher Education Reform in the New CR'rman

“Ver.scheudert I

5.

1

paper pre.sented to the

German

States,”

Studies A.ssociatioit, Los Angeles, California, 24

September 1991. 16.

Kurt Piitzold,

(iennun

/

History

at

Mitchell I

lisurry

t

the j.

10

(

“What New

Start

?

The End

of

1

listorical

1992): 3(>2-404; Ca'rhard A. Ritter,

Humboldt University:

A

Study

in

the

GDR,”

“The Reconstruction of

Reply,” C/emutu History

i

i

(1093): 339-45;

Ash, “Ge.schichtswi.ssenschaft, Ge.schichtskultur und der ostdeut.sche

listorikerstreit,” Geschichte

und

Gesellschaft 24

(

1998): 283-304.

BECOMING NORMAL, MODERN, AND GERMAN

3

1

3

Jens Reich, “Die Einheit: Gelungen und gescheitert,” Die Zeit 38, 15 Septem-

17.

ber 1995, 58.

Hans Mommsen, “Nationalsozialismus

18.

Der Nationalsozialismus und

als vorgetaiischte

die deutsche Gesellschaft:

Modernisierung,” in

Ausgewdhlte Aufsdtze (Reinbek,

1991), 405-27.

Ralph

19.

jessen, “Die Gesellschaft

DDR,”

geschichte der

im Staatssozialismus: Probleme einer Sozial-

Geschichte und Gesellschaft 21 (1995): 96-1 10, esp. loi; for the

term Entdifferenzierung jessen

cites Ilya Surbar,

Kolner

und

Zeitschrift fur Soziologie

“War

Sozialf>sychologie

43

Pollack, “Die konsritutive Widerspriichlichkeit der

24 (1997):

1

der reale Sozialismus modern?” (

1991

DDR,”

10-31; Konrad jarausch, “Realer Sozialismus

Einordnung der

begrifflichen

DDR” Aus

Politik

und

):

415-32. See also Detlef

Geschichte und Gesellschaft

als Fiirsorgediktatur:

Zeitgeschichte

B20-98

(8

Zur

May

1998): 33-46. 20. See,

among many

others,

Wolfgang Schaeuble, Der

Vertrag:

Wie

ich iiher die

deutsche Einheit verhandelte (Stuttgart, 1991); Hans-Dietrich Genscher, Erinnerungen (Berlin, 1995); (Berlin, 1991

Gunther Mittag,

Um jeden

Preis: Irn

Spatmungsfeld

Z'tueier

Systeme

).

21. Jurgen

Habermas, “Was bedeutet ‘Aufarbeitung der Vergangenheit’ heute?”

Die Normalitdt einer Berliner Repuhlik (Frankfuit

am

Main, 1995), 21-46; Klaus

in

Siihl,

ed, Vergangenheitshewdltigung ig4‘)lig8g: Ein umoglicher Vergleich! (Berlin, 1994).

22. For examples, see the special issue

commemorating 20

July 1944 in Zeitschrift

fur Geschichtswissenschaft 44 (1994). 23.

Alexander von

Plato, “Eine zweite ‘Entnazifizierung’? Zur Verarbeitung poli-

Umwalzungen

in

—

Deutschland 1945 und 1989,” in Wendezeiten Zeitenwende: Zur ‘Entnazifizierung’ und ‘Entstalinisierung,’ ed. Rainer Eckert, Alexander von Plato, tischer

and Jorn Schiitrumpf (Hamburg, 1991), 7-32. 24. “Entnazifizierung offiziell und inofhziell: Die SBZ 1945 und die DDR 1989,” Zeitenwende, 33-52; Rainer in Eckert, von Plato, and Schiitrumpf, Wendezeiten

—

Eckert, “Vergangenheitsbewaltigung oder iiberwaltigt uns die Vergangenheit? Oder:

Auf einem Sumpf ist schlecht bauen,” Internationale wissenschaftliche Korrespondez (IWK) zuf Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterhewegung 2 (1992): 228-32. 25.

Werner Weidenfeld and

Felix Philipp Lutz, “Die gespaltene Nation:

Geschichtsbewulksein der Deutschen nach der Einheit,” Aus Beilage zur initial

Wochenzeitung 'Das Parlament’

study

West and

is

East

B 31-32/92 (24

Politik

und

Das

Zeitgeschichte:

July 1992): 3-22. This

based on results from narrative interviews with more than two hundred

Germans and survey data from more than two thousand West Ger-

mans. For a more complete report, see Felix Philipp Lutz, Das Geschichtsheu'ufitsein der Deutschen: Grundlagen der politischen Kultur

in

Ost und West (Cologne, 2000).

26. Peter Meier- Bergfeld, “Als Wessi-Lehrer abgelehnt,”

Der

Tagesspiegel, 3

Sep-

tember 1992. 27. Christian Meier, Die Nation, die keine sein will 28.

1984).

David Blackbourn and Geoff

Eley,

The

(Munich, 1991

Pecidiarities of

German

).

History (Oxford,

,

ANDREAS HUYSSEN

Nation, Race, and Immigration:

German

Identities After Unification

Nationalism today

is

at

once obsolete and current.

—Theodor W. Adorno The

Antinationalist Consensus

Me>re than three decades a^o the existentialist philosttpher Karl Jaspers,

German {^uilt

author of an important though little-known book about Schuldfrage )

claimed that the history ot

and done with. National

German

he argued, was

unity,

(Die

nationalism was finished

ftirever lost as a result of

him the demand for reunification what had happened during the Third Re-

the ^uilt of the CK'rman state, and to

was nothin^' hut

a denial of

was directed against

ich.^ Jaspers’s criticiue

a then-strident conservative

discourse of reunification that was coupled with the bellicose nonreco^nition of the

CjDR and

the demand, especially by the organizations of Eastern

refuf^ees (Vertriehcnenvcrhande)

open.

1

le

was the

first

to

keep the question of the Eastern borders

to articulate

an argument against

a unified

German

nation-state that has sitice been widely adopted in Gertiiatiy, even though at

the time Jaspers

hitiiself

was rejected by the Right

mostly ignored

atid

by the Left.

Although the

1949 itito two states was the cold war superpower confrotitation atid

divisioti of CK'rmatiy

political result of the etiiergitig

had nothitig much to

ilo

iti

with retrihutioti for the crimes of the Third

Reich, a rhetoric of punishment regarding the question of national unity

he came the basis for lic

beginning

in

a

broad

3

1

4

consensus

in the Eederal

the i(/)os, from Jaspers to (jrass and

vast majority of the cultural

coming

left-liberal

I

Repub-

lahermas and the

and academic establishment.

to terms with the past (VfTgangcm/ieit.sheteu/ltgurig)

,

it

Any

proper

seemed, was

NATION, RACE, AND IMMIGRATION predicated

on the end of the German

3

1

5

nation-state. In the 1950s, of course,

the Social Democrats had an emphatically affirmative position on national

and the building of the Berlin wall

unity,

stirred

up a strong wave of

national sentiment. Eventually, however, a strong antinationalism took hold, affecting the political and literary culture in fundamental ways.

and nationalism were

tion, nation-state,

in

Germany was judged

state

for

and their history

short-circuited,

exclusively from the telos they had reached in

the Third Reich and in Auschwitz.

became nonissues

German nationhood and

unification

many. The existence of more than one German

was increasingly accepted across the

political spectrum,

and some

never stopped to point out with glee that in the long wave of history the unified nation-state

When more

the question of

in a cultural

Na-

had only been a

German nationhood

than a

German

brief episode after

surfaced at

political sense: thus the

all,

usually

it

all.

was

debate over whether

German literatures or, and Heym about a German Kultumation

there was only one or whether there were two later,

the debate between Grass

that might transcend the political division. this antinationalist consensus,

with

It

bears

remembering that

thoroughgoing critique of

its

the

all

German traditions (and by no means only conservative ones) that opposed German culture to Western civilization and argued for German exceptionalism ( Sonderiueg) was an essential component in the successful Westernization of the Federal Republic,

its

embrace of

liberal lifestyles,

democratic institutions, and a political identity based on the constitution.

At the same

time, there always was a fundamental contradiction.

The

antinationalist consensus clashed head-on with the reunification clause

of the Basic

German

politics,

day-to-day

of 1949, which remained the normative basis of West

Law

life

even

if its

realization

was pragmatically postponed

of Ostpolitik from Brandt via Schmidt to

1989, before the

fall

in the

Helmut Kohl.

In

of the Wall, reunification was not something anybody

much hope for or even thought possible in the short term. The consensus among all parties in the 1980s still was Brandt’s “policy of small held out

steps,” designed to ease life for the East

Germans and

to build a

network

of

intra-German relations that would outlast any further superpower freezes. When the Greens proposed to do away with the claim to reunification altogether,

it

was

like calling the others’ bluff.

was not successful, but

the East

Germans

(for

a calibrated politics of itself

was

care of

it.

left

course, the proposal

in practice the constitutional

had been reduced to achieving

fication

Of

a

demand

modest measure

of

for reuni-

freedom

for

example, the easing of travel restrictions) through

rapprochement and interdependency. Unification

to the incalculable

whims

of history, and history indeed took

3

ANDREAS HUYSSEN

16

The Return Thus

of

Nationhood

1990 the question of

in

German nationhood

returned with a ven^

SED

geance and took everybody by surprised After the collapse of the

regime the East Germans voted for unification with the Federal Republic,

and the Basic Law provided the

and

political

which was achieved with lightning speed. Hitler’s

are united

in the west. its

Forty-five years after the

end

of

war Germany was again a sovereign nation-state. East and West

Germans of

legal basis tor this process,

on

a territory with stable borders in the east

The western

and

part of the country, confiding in the strength

economy, has shouldered the enormous burden

of currency

union

most economic experts), institutional unification,

(against the advice of

and reconstruction. Since unification, however, the process seems to have gone into reverse.

The

abyss between East

rebuilding of East selfishness,

and

and West Germans seems

larger

than ever. The

Germany, accompanied by much Western arrogance,

insensitivity, has stalled,

of East

Germany running

culties

have emerged

to

as

with unemployment in some parts

high as 40 percent. Structural economic

an extent unanticipated even by the doomsayers of

1990, and the social and psychological integration of the two

seems further away than ever. At

a

time

when

Germanies

the progress of European

unification has slowed significantly as well, to a large measure

economic

difficulties

diffi-

stemming from German

of various nationalist discourses

on the

right,

owing

unification, there

is

to

a rise

accompanied by rampant

violence against foreigners in both parts of Germany: Hoyerswerda, Rostock, Molln,

and

Solingen."^

Often the police seem curiously

ineffective,

the courts indecisive in prosecuting offenders, and the politicians and of the media

less

some

concerned with the victims than with understanding the

Those who promote the slogan “Germany to the Germans’’ count adherents not only on the far right. Indeed, the discourse of nation perpetrators.

Germany man history. in

has fallen back into a register

Nevertheless

xenophobic and

it

all

too well-known from Ger-

would be too simplistic to assume that an inherently

racist

ous candlelight marches against

problematic ways, that there tionalist xenophobia.'’

The numerxenophobia demonstrate, in their own

national character

is

reasserting

at least a strong

But the problem

and

political,

will

continue to run out of control as

and thoroughly

is

of current

of short-term electoral gain, to use

moral opposition to na-

not a moral one.

It is

structural

making. Xenophobia in

Germany

is

loiig as

its

itself.

the state refuses, for reasons

monopoly

of juridical

and police

power against criminal offenders, as it did to great effect against the leftwing terrorists of the 1970s. The nurturing ground of xenophobia can

NATION, RACE, AND IMMIGRATION

3

1

7

only be dried out through a political process that clearly articulates issues of immigration and citizenship as separate from political asylum and in relation to national interest.

Asylum, immigration, and citizenship are the

German

primary discursive terrains on which being rewritten.

The

national identity

is

currently

almost exclusive focus on asylum, however, and the

general oblivion to issues of citizenship and immigration, are reason to

worry about the democratic future of Germany. Thus the manipulative and outright demagogic attacks tionally

grounded

on Germany’s extremely

liberal

and constitu-

asylum law have resulted in a reprehensible and

political

impractical “compromise” that hollows out the individual right to asylum

and may

prove to he unconstitutional.

still

The

insidiously exclusive focus

on the asylum question nurtures the delusion immigration country,” and that

would begin

it

“Germany

that

is

not an

highlights the absence of an immigration law

who

to regulate the influx of foreigners

currently must

claim political persecution in order to gain legal entry.

The

on German nationhood, with few exceptions,

current debate

hardly more promising.

has barely begun to free

It

itself

is

from ingrained

argumentative patterns that are inadequate to the current situation of

Germany

Europe and

in

in the world. In different ways,

nationalists

and the antinationalists

of the past.

The

position at

all,

are heavily

mortgaged to the

reproduce delusions of national grandeur

power

in

politics

have an articulated

nationalists, to the extent that they

central European

both the new

Bismarckian terms or worse

—Germany

— and the adamant

postnationalists and critics of unification remain tied nostalgically to I

would

as a

what

the post-fascist exceptionalism of the old Federal Republic,

call

thus representing what George Orwell in 1945 called “negative nationalism.” Since 1990, these

may he abroad who It

significant that so far

see unification as

(Fritz Stern), as

an

despite

it is

its

to the

it

sides of the

same coin.

has mainly been liberal observers from

Germany’s second chance

in this century

institutional, constitutional opportunity (Ralf

dorf).^ Despite worries

linked as

have been the two

about the

new

damaging

rise of

the

new nationalism

in

Dahren-

Germany,

nationalisms in France and in Eastern Europe, and

effect

on European

integration,

1

tend to share Stern’s

and Dahrendorf’s point of view. My argument is at a time when Germany is again a nation-state and in desperate need of national reconciliation between East Germans and West Germans, and between Germans and their long-time immigrants, the question of

German nationhood must

be

understood as a key political challenge across the ideological spectrum, a challenge to the democratic parties and institutions as well as to the antinationalist cultural and academic Left. Nationhood and democracy, not its

contradiction, nationhood and modernity, not

its

inherent opposite

3

ANDREAS HUYSSEN

18

that

is

the held of political contestation that will determine whether Ger^

many continues on

the path of Westernization or

hack into the anti'

falls

mode that is so prominent in the right-wing Germany have begun to argue, ^ the question of

Western, antidemocratic

As some

discourse.

in

nationhood must not he abandoned to a still-marginal right wing that seeks to

undermine the democratic consensus and that has been successful

so far in exploiting inevitable insecurities

unihcation. Those

who

and

harbor fantasies of a

instabilities in the

wake of

new Bismarckian Reich

as

the major power in central Europe called upon to colonize the East and to

EC

dominate the

two

pillars

threaten a vital political consensus that

of integration into the

built

is

on the

West and reconciliation with the

East.

Westernization and reconciliation in the broadest sense, though never

complete, have functioned as powerful forces of “normalization” in Ger-

many, and

it is

this

kind of normalization, one that recognizes rather than

forgets the crimes of the past tional,

more

and that remains committed to

a constitu-

democratic form of government, that could provide the basis for a

and secure sense

stable

of

German

national identity.

National Identity and European Integration But

how

does one approach this notoriously shifting concept of national

identity?”

Any

ognize that

it

discussion of nationhood and national identity must rec-

moves on extremely

hood never functions alone, hut

The concept

slippery terrain.

in relation to

of nation-

other signifiers in a semantic

ch ain including patriotism and chauvinism, civic

democracy and authoritarianism, constitutional

spirit

and ethnocentrism,

rights

and xenophobic ex-

clusions. Indeed, as Etienne Balihar has argued, the discourses of race

nation are never very

far apart,

and racism

is

not merely a perversion of

nationalism hut “always a necessary tendency in addition,

we have come

to understand

and how nationalism

itself

gender and

The notion

sexuality.'*^

may he enough

|its|

of

of

Tom

nationhood

is

for

ori codifications

of

indeed fundamentally

Nairn has called

an incentive

constitution.”"^ In

racism and sexism are linked

has had a strong impact

amhiguous, a “modern Janus,” as constituents

how

and

it,"

anybody

and

its

negative

to stick with their

antinationalist or postnat ionalisf convictions.

Most

critical observers these (.lays

agree that nationhood, like race,

is

primarily a political construct, not a natural given or essence. Constructs are subject to

change over time, can he contested

political processes.

shaped through

This insight must he constructively exploited by the

democratic Left today suckec.! into nationalist

on

anc.!

if

it

does not want to end up either sidelined or

sentiment as

a lesser scale, in the

it

was

in

1914 and as

it

was again,

asylum compromise, (dearly the move toward

NATION, RACE, AND IMMIGRATION

European unification and internationalism II

in the decades since

has greatly benefited from the cold war. Thus

it

3

1

9

World War

has been argued that the

superpower confrontation put any number of nationalisms into a kind of historical deep-freeze by structures,

imposing bloc

and limiting the

collapse of the Soviet

field

affiliations,

creating international

of action of national players. Since the

Union we have been witnessing an

explosive mix of

old nationalisms revived, both in eastern and western Europe, and

we

are

new power politics nationalisms that threaten to undo the advances toward supranational structures. The violent breakup of Yugoslavia is the case in point. It not only illustrates the paralysis of Europeans when

entering into

a

common

foreign policy toward a murderous conflict in Europe would

be in order.

It

has also resurrected old allegiances between the Germans

and the Croats, the British and the Serbs, thus adding

war on the geographic margins

British animosities that pull this right into the center of

European

politics.

The

Muslims on whose behalf there yet has to be a in

Germany

or, for

fuel to

Germanof

Europe

victims are the Bosnian

single

major demonstration

that matter, elsewhere in western Europe.

The drawn-

out tragedy of Bosnia represents a breakdown of European integration far

more

serious than the

sudden death

of the Maastricht agreement.

Europe

has accepted ethnic cleansing in an area that provided a living example of multicultural integration.

The

difference

between Serbian nationalism,

bent on outward conquest and genocide, and a western European populism that calls for internal ethnic cleansing

racism its

is

on the

basis of a

new

differentialist

only one of degree and direction. Europe in general, not only

eastern “liberated” parts,

is

faced with a resurgence of nationalisms not

thought possible only a tew years ago. In

this situation

it

would be

a serious

political abdication for the

democratic Left not to occupy the questitm of

nationhood, not to

make

try to

use of the potentially constructive side

that builds community, guarantees civil rights, and integrates populations.

Europeanism and regionalism, two alternatives to nationalism that are privileged by the postnationalists, are and have always been not really alternatives at

implied in

it.

all

but necessary supplements to nationalism and always

The emerging

internationalism of the European right wing

should remind us that fascism was not but

itself

for a

just the telos of German

The

decision to opt

Germanness

in question, so

projected a version of European unification.

European identity

in order to avoid the

typical of postwar intellectuals,

nationalism

was always a delusion, necessary perhaps

in the postwar decades but politically self-destructive today.

Europe was

always the privileged space in which modern nationhood took shape. Rather than representing an alternative to nationalism, Europe was always its

very condition of possibility, just as

it

enabled empire and colonial-

ANDREAS HUYSSEN

3 2 0

The mechanisms

ism.

separating the non-European as barbarian, primi-

and uncivilized were ultimately not that different from the ways in which European nations perceived each other. The traditional national tive,

border conflicts that led to intra-European wars have now, ply

been displaced

identities, cultures,

from other continents.

tions

as

seems, sim-

its

divergent national

one meta-nation

vis-a-vis the migra-

to the outside: Europe, for all

and languages,

it

Fortress

Europe

as the

scription of nineteenth-century fictions of national

contemporary

autonomy:

danger of a Europe dominated by the right wing. Bosnia,

at

this

any

reinis

the

rate,

is

already “outside.”

Thus, to prevent further “regression” to a nationalism of megalomania, resentment, and aggression in Germany, ciety

and

those

who

favor an

a potentially alternative of

do well

to

open

so-

and Westernized

identify with the democratic, constitutional,

culture of the Federal Republic might

concept

all

engage in a debate about

and positive notion of nationhexid.

A democratic

nationhood would emphasize negotiated heterogeneity rather

than an always fictional ethnic or cultural homogeneity.

It

would acknowl-

edge the abyss between West and East Germans and devise ways to bridge it,

including for instance the simple acknowledgment that major mistakes

were made

in the process of unification itself.

It

would accept the

of immigration and devise reasonable ways to control as capital,

it

would draw on the strong tradition

on centralism,

build

on the

structures

Republic, and continue on the

and

now more

it.

reality

Even with Berlin

of federalism rather

than

institutions of the old Federal

difficult

path toward a multina-

tional, united Europe.

Blocked Di.scourses

There

is

tion of least in

a perverse

paradox here.

When Germany

German nationhood had become

was divided, the ques-

increasingly theoretical, and, at

the West, the notion that the nation unified in one state had

merely been a short-lived episode

in the

long wave of

German

history had

been thoroughly internalized, especially by the postwar generations. East and West Germans had come to live with rather separate identities. They were even somewhat exotic to each other and acknowledged each other in their elifferences.

unsuccessfully to in

instill a

class-based sense of a socialist

the East Ciermans, whereas the

in a

West Cjermans,

The

identity at stake in the

1982 was, rather, the

seemed

to

many

FRCj

left-liberal ii.lentity of

German

in the iqHos,

debate about national identity that had nothing

East Ciermans. of

C^ne such difference was that the SEl^ regime tried

at all to

nation

indulged

do with the

after the electoral

Wendc

tbe Federal Republic, which

to be threatened by tbe conservative

government. Bitburg,

NATION, RACE, AND IMMIGRATION

German

the historians’ debate, Kohl’s plan tor two

Jenninger

affair,

and the many

official

3 2

1

museums, the

history

memorials marking anniversaries of

key events in the history of the Third Reich (1933/83, 1945/85, 1938/88, 1939/89)

became

all

nation was

issues of national public debate, hut the

the old Federal Republicd'^ October

1990, the day of unification, which

3,

was not celebrated with much nationalist exuberance, primarily marks not the happy conclusion of an

alone jingoism,

let

unhappy national division

but rather the sharpening of the national question, the opening up of

and

fissures

faultlines in the problematic of nation. Before

two German

German what tity

states but

two national

nation-state, but

supposed to he one nation.

is

If in

identities,

FRG

1990 there were

now

presumably one nation. There

and

the 1980s debate

new

is

again one

GDR,

within

on national

iden-

the emphasis was on the word identity and national remained restricted

by political circumstances and featured more of a cultural

emphasis inevitably

falls

on the word

slant,

now

sovereign nation-state

actually might

mean under

has

the

national in the political sense. But

the totally unanticipated, even unimagined unification of fully

now

Germans befuddled

Germany

as to

as a

what nation

current circumstances. Forty years of under-

statement, abstention, or outright taboo are claiming their dues, and the

absence of political vision

among

the political elites

of the kind of retrograde nationalism that the Federal

had

fanning the

fires

Republic thought

it

successfully exorcised.

The

process of rethinking

though in

is

it is

German nationhood

suhterraneously energizing

Germany, from asylum

all

has barely begun,

of the current political debates

to military participation in

and economic policy to Bosnia and European

social

tempt to move beyond the

stifling

U.N. missions, from unification.

and dangerous stalemate

of nationhood must begin by identifying the blockages to a

Here

I

al-

Any

at-

in the discourse

new approach.

distinguish three major forms of inability and unwillingness to deal

German nationhood that look to the future rather The first blockage can be squarely located in the offi-

with the question of

than to the cial

past.

government

discourse. Despite the widespread

and highly

significant

Bonn or Berlin should be the capital of Germany, official discourse in Bonn simply takes nationhood and national unity for granted as if Germany had just been returned to a hesitations regarding the question whether

natural state of things.

That

this

view

is

not limited to the conservatives

is

demonstrated by Willy Brandt’s understandably euphoric statement in the wake of the falling of the Wall: “What belongs together is now growing view forget or repress the

fact

that ever since the building of the Wall in 1961 the existence of

two

together.’’

German

Proponents of

states

this “naturalist”

had become second nature and unification was nothing

,

ANDREAS HUYSSEN

3 2 2

hut a nostalgic phantasm,

conjured up on a West

ritiialistically

German

national holiday such as June 17 (the anniversary of the 1953 uprising in

the

GDR)

far as

hut not thought to he in the realm of the possible or even, as

the younger generations were concerned, the desirable.

tomatic that with

all

on the

the research done

symp'

It is

GDR over the years,

there

never was a single think tank developing scenarios of reunification.

term reunification state,

is

actually

itself,

which suggests

a return to

some

prior,

The

more natural

symptomatic of this forgetting of the enormousness of this

experiment and of the lack of reflection on what separated the two

social

Germanies

for

more than

forty years.

Significantly, the identity of the

new nation was

first

sought in nothing

hut economic strength and high living standards, exactly the element that

West Germany before unification and that presumably Germans wanted. The first things Kohl promised in the

primarily defined

was

all

the East

euphoria of unification in 1990 were identical salary levels and identical living standards in East

necessary

on anybody’s

and West within

part.

a few years with

no

sacrifices

Since unification this discourse of economic

national unity has collapsed under the weight of adverse economic conditions: a national

debt proportionately larger than that of the United States,

on the horizon, dramatically

increased taxes with further tax hikes ing

unemployment, increasing awareness

West, and a weakening of the national not in

all

of

an aging infrastructure

fetish:

stone at the time of unification: the

1

:

i

exchange

in the

Many

the deutschmark.

problems are a consequence of ill-advised

of these

ris-

priorities

but

carved

rate at currency union,

the policy of returning property to former owners rather than compensating

them (Ei^entwn Treuhand

vor Entschadi^unjj^) the often hasty and counterproductive

which

privatizations. In the context of a global recession,

in

CU'rmany was only postponed by the unification boomlet, Helmut Kohl’s house of cards is gone and his failure to make a hard-nosed call for sacrifice and national in

the West in

credibility aiul

Tl le West greetl of the

— which might 1989-90 — now comes

solidarity

competence

have been heeded by to

haunt the

a majority

political class,

whose

ratings are lower than ever.

German chauvinism of prosperity, Kiosted as it was hy 1980s, can now be hidden behind the argument that

the the

taxpayers should not be heki accountable for the mistakes of the politicians. Anxieties about the

economic

future are

on the

rise in

the

still

incredibly wealthy West, and they are heightened by the political instabilities in central

and eastern Europe. As the image

integration has faded, is all

some reasonable

of instant

European

definition of (K'rman nationhood

the more urgently needed to prevent further division between East

and West Germans, Germans and foreigners living

in

Ciermany, East ami

NATION. RACE, AND IMMIGRATION

3 2 3

West German Lander, and communities and the federal government. However strongly bound the EC nations still are into the web of supranational organizations such as

NATO,

the European parliament, and the Helsinki

accords, the nation-state remains a major political force in Europe and will

continue to

agenda

set the political

in the foreseeable future.

European

unification itself will have to be thoroughly rethought. Bonn’s 1990 slogan

about a European

Germany does not do

justice to the current political

constellations.

The second

obstacle to the

new

discourse

is

the refusal to address the

problematic of nationhood altogether (except in order to fight the Right),

along with the conviction that the Germans are beyond nationhood. This mostly liberal and left-wing discourse remains tied hy way of simple reversal

and similar lack conservatives.

It

of reflection to the ritualistic national discourse of the

simply rejects what they celebrate and thus perpetuates an

intellectual stance that

but has outlived

its

made

a lot of political sense in the 1950s

usefulness. In

its

strategies of denial

could be called the Hallstein doctrine of the Left. the

1

950s and

1

The

German state

and evasion,

it

Hallstein doctrine of

960s was a policy of nonrecognition of the

politicians to address the other

and 1960s

GDR that caused

as the “so-called

GDR” or the

“zone” or even “central Germany,” suggesting that the Oder-NeiBe line

would not remain the border with Poland. The current nonrecognition nationhood

as a political

challenge again ignores the East

remains tied nostalgically to the old ERG, except that by

of

Germans and

now

the rhetoric

of punishment for the crimes of the Third Reich has been transmuted into a rhetoric of

German

superiority.

Hallstein doctrine of the Left

is

Thus one could

just

argue, meanly, that the

another version of the claim to German

exceptionalism and comparable to the old conservative Sonderweg thesis in that still

it,

too, claims

German

superiority, in this case over those

adhere to a self-understanding

as nation: the

who

French, the British, the

Americans, and many others. This most recent kind of

German

exceptionalism

is

located primarily

among

a middle-aged generation of intellectuals, journalists,

sionals

whose

political identity

whose work has contributed

and profes-

was defined during the 1950s and 960s and 1

significantly to tbe strength of

West German

democracy over the years. The lived refutation of traditional conservative notions of Germanness was certainly a prerequisite to the successful Westernization of the

ERG. This

generation’s fierce antinationalist stance

has been more than successful in that

it

has denationalized a majority of

Germans to the extent that many of them prefer to feel European than German, a preference that in its own paradoxical way is of peculiar to the Germans.''’

rather

course

,

3 2 4

ANDREAS HUYSSEN Habermas, one of the major proponents of such a postnational

Jiirgen

identity, thus will accept a constitutional patriotism only,

the earlier predominant notions of a Volksnation, with

neous ethnicity, and Kulturnation with

German

of

culture in relation to

its

its

and he

focus

rejects

on homoge-

emphasis on the exceptionality

Western civilizationd^ Understandably

wary of amorphous cultural identity politics and historically aware of the dangers of nationalist discourse altogether, Habermas holds out the idea of Europe and the universalist European ideal of constitutional rights as a

panacea

for the vicissitudes of

question here

not whether Habermas

is

rights are indeed society, hut

it is

nonnegotiahle

is

national identity.

To me, the

right or wrong. Constitutional

as the basis of identity in a

democratic

not negligible that the only legal authority that can guar-

antee constitutional rights stitutions. In the

nation-state

German

is still

the democratic nation-state and

its

in-

absence of functioning supranational political units, the a fact ot

is still

life,

and identity needs that cannot

and

it

will

in all instances he satisfied

universalist principles of the constitution. In

constitutional patriotism,

first

produce forms of belonging by the ahstract-

some ways, the very notion of

coined by Dcdf Sternherger in 1982, remains

tied to the culture of the old Federal

Republic with

its

studied rejection of

the national. Today, at any rate, as the struggle to unify the two parts of the country economically, legally, culturally, and psychologically confronts all

Germans with extremely

role in the world

is

difficult tasks, a

broader vision of Germany’s

clearly called for. All of the current debates

reconstruction of the East, on the uses and abuses of the

on the

German

mili-

on asylum, on policy toward Bosnia, on European integration and, and on the deutschmark do indeed define a sense of German nationhtiod, whether one wants to admit it or not. Forms of national identity will emerge from those debates and from the actions taken or omitted. National tary,

identity will be a field

t)f

contesting discourses, and as long as the political

sphere, parties, and parliamentary representation are organized primarily

on

a national basis,

that

“we

are

it

beyond

is

dangerously short-sighted to keep proclaiming

that,” a position that has understandably

as “postnational arrogance.”

eral internationalism

with

Replacing a

lost socialist

been seen

or progressively

a constitutional universalism

lib-

combined with

a

commitment to Europe does not tlo away with the problem of nation at all. To acknowledge this, however, is not to dismiss the idea of a constitutional patriotism.

It

merely

commitment

to the

the redefinition of

tries to

place

it

in a

broader

field of reference. Patriotic

German constitution, though a founding element in German identities, by itself is not enough to address

the hard questions of cultural identity, historical memory, immigration,

and

race.

NATION, RACE, AND IMMIGRATION

The

3 2 5

new approach to German nationhood is the discourse of the new right-wing organizations, the skin-

third obstacle to a

rabidly nationalist

heads and other disenfranchised segments of the population, both in the eastern and the western Lander

and cowardly nighttime

street violence

autonomy and

of ethnic

With

purity, this

is

anti-Semitism and racism,

its

and

fire -bombings,

its

its

phantasm

of course the revivalist nationalist

discourse that reminds the world of the Nazis and triggers warnings ot a

Fourth Reich. is

grist for

It

new approaches

does not advance

the mill of the postnationalists whose convictions

The

range of potential electoral support of the

wing

parties,

from

street violence,

who

try hard, is

far

—

clearly has

new

it

it

reinforces.

“respectable” right-

though not persuasively, to keep their distance from

clear.

acknowledging cultural difference

body

to nationhood, hut

Their new

differentialist racism

in order to expel

wide appeal, and

it

it

from the national

has parallels in France,

Italy,

and

England. Although the Right has enjoyed some electoral successes in state parliaments, polls taken after the murders of Turks in Molln and Solingen indicate that ever,

much

of that support

have continued unabated

is

The

soft.

in the

in

will

Germany

country.

such

So

depend on how the

will far

as Riihe

is

how-

undiminished.

political, intellectual,

the radical right, aided by conservative

and Schauhle, has scored

legislation.

It is

being redefined. After

a

major

German nationhood

and media

elites

all,

Bonn

politicians

political success in dis-

to the discursive terrain of

indeed in this debate that

German nationhood

is

the rationale for Germany’s extremely liberal

asylum law was the recognition that line for

foreigners,

shape the discourse about the problems facing the unified

placing the debate about

asylum

on

half of this year, and the general

first

dissatisfaction with the traditional parties

Much

attacks

political

thousands of refugees from Nazi

asylum had been the only

terror.

Republic wanted to pay hack Germany’s debt,

life-

The

founders of the Federal

as

were, with article i6 of

it

the Basic Law, which guarantees unlimited political asylum. Dismantling this

law in response to public pressure and prejudice fanned by short-term

party interests

is

thus indirectly a denial of Germany’s past that plays into

the hands of the right-wing revisionists.

which does away with the unlimited success for those

who

claim

Germany

Citizenship, Immigration, and

The new asylum “compromise,”

right to political asylum, clearly for the

is

a

Germans.

Asylum

Perhaps changing the practice of asylum in

Germany was unavoidable

in

expected south-north and east-west migrations and in light of the fact that the extent of the current influx is already larger than that of all other European countries combined. But the practice of asylum could have light of the

ANDREAS HUYSSEN

3 2 6

been changed

The

in a different way.

have been

political pressure could

taken off the asylum legislation by separating asylum from immigration

and moving toward immigration quotas. Although that would not have solved

the practical problems,

all

that the

Germans

would have given

it

a clear indication

abandon the delusion that “Germany

are willing to

is

not a country of immigration,” like the old Hallstein doctrine a denial of reality.

It

definition of

would

have required that the country accept a different

also

German

citizenship,

one that puts the emphasis on length of

residency rather than blood lineage and ethnic descent, ins sanguinis.

and dozens

It

of

Bonn and the media to defines German citizenship via blood

dead and injured still

tor

be repealed or modified to permit at foreigners to claim if

rather than

took two years and several thousand attacks on foreigners

the 1913 law that

be seen

ius soli

German

least

citizenship

if

recognize that lineage should

second- and third- generation they so desire.

It

remains to

much-

the current rethinking of citizenship will result in a

needed further Westernization of Germany or

compromise

as the

if it

will

produce

as foul a

asylum dehate has.

Citizenship, asylum, and immigration are key to current redefinitions of

German nationhood and will provide us with a strong means of judging German politics in years to come. Achieving nationhood will have to be understt)od as a process of negotiating identity and heterogeneity outside of the

parameters of the ethnic myth and including

the foreigners

all

who

Germany and have made Germany their second Hehnat. The 1913 law that defines German citizenship on the basis of ius sanguinis live

and work

in

rather than ius

soli

should be abolished and replaced by a “imrmalized” law

closer to the practice of

Western nations such

is

the task of a democratic Left that

in

France

itself,

is

under pressure on

where the conservatives want

citizenship closer to the

German model. Thus

on citizenship and immigration

in

as France. This, of course,

to

make

this very issue

the rules governing

politically progressive action

Ciermany today may well have

signifi-

cant implications for Europe. At any rate, the absence of a Western-type practice of naturalization in C jermany

dens the search

for national identity

is

a

major

political deficit,

it

constructs this phantasm in the

it

bur-

with a heavy nu)rtgage from the past.

By defining citizenship via blood lineage and descent, gives credence to the jdiantasm of

and

this law

mit only

uncontaminated CA'rmanness. Worse, first

place.

As long

as settleel

second-

and third-generation immigrants, who went to school in CA'rmany, work in Ciermany, watch German television, and have hecome part of CA'rman culture in a multitude of hybrid ways, can be considered less CAainan than

foreign-born ethnic s[')eak

Germans from

the Volga or

Romania who no longer

the language aiul whose ideas of (jermanness are in a pre-modern

NATION, RACE, AND IMMIGRATION time warp, the there

is

fires

of xenophobia will continue to he tanned.

no guarantee

have an immediate

on the

effect

articulate this necessary

Germans perceive

Of course,

that changing the rules governing citizenship will

One

might make things worse. of

3 2 7

radical right wing. In the short run

can only hope that the

change

in policy in

it

political class will

such a way that the majority

the current situation for what

it

a massive deficit

is:

in Westernization.''^

My

political point here

is

simple.

If

the radical Right has been able to

determine the agenda of the debate on Germanness vis-a-vis the asylum issue,

are

it

still

is

because liturgical incantation and an equally

the two major forms the discourse of nationhood takes in

today. But this

is

taboo

ritualistic

Germany

exactly where both the antinationalist intellectuals and

the fumbling politicians in

Bonn

are in danger of repeating that

want

history they both ostensibly

to avoid. For as Rainer

German

M. Lepsius has

shown, the problem with German definitions of nation was

alv/ays the

lack of clearly defined content (contrary to France, England or the United States),

and

this lack threatens again to lead to grave

discourse of nation

is

abandoned

consequences

to the antidemocratic Right,

energized hy racist hatred, resentment, and violence.

if

where

Paradoxically,

the it

is

it is

again (as after 1918) the lack of a stable sense of national identity and

Germany that energizes the violence against those who do not “belong.” The history of German nationalism that has to he overcome is one that always bought national hegemony at the expense of an internal

statehood in

enemy:

in the

Second Reich

it

was the working

class, later

the Jews, today

“German question” tciday is the question of asylum and immigration and why there can he no meaningful political discussion of these matters apart from a discussion of the fissures in German identity and in the German nation. the “foreigners.” That

The Xenophobic If

is

why

the

Triangle

the asylum debate, energized as

heatings,

and German

very obvious sense sidious

is

fears of

about

it

was hy xenophobia, hre bombings,

being “foreignized” (Oherfreiiidimg)

German

national identity,

hidden dimension: the growing intensity

East and

West Germans.^'

My

hypothesis

is

of

it

in

also has

an

one in-

resentment between

that the astonishing levels

of physical and verbal violence against foreigners, including widespread fellow-traveling in xenophobia, result to a large extent from a

complex

displacement of an inner-German problematic that right-wing ideologues are successful in exploiting. At issue is not just the scapegoating of foreigners by the East

Germans who now experience themselves

class citizens, as colonized

as

second-

by the victorious West, or for that matter hy the

— ANDREAS HUYSSEN

3 2 8

West Germans who

an uncertain

in Europe, face

but what

is

at issue

everybody

fear for their living standard and, like

on

non-Germans of forty

These

political future.

a deeper level

is,

rather, the

inner-German

years of an

else

are important factors,

displacement onto the

which another

hostility in

kind of foreign body was identified as the source of most problems: the other Germany.

The whole

this infantilized language,

arate

Ossi-Wessi is

not so

developments since the

split,

much

late 1940s,

current problems with unification.

symptomatically expressed in

a function of objectively sep-

nor

Those

it

is

issues,

only the result of the

one would think, could

be rationally discussed and dealt with. Rather, rhe unwillingness even to

engage in such rational discussions can be attributed to the fact that, on the psychosocial level, the other

other in one’s inability of a

own

German

postwar

to

German

always inscribed as the

German. The belong could always be blamed on that West or an

sense of being either a

other German, the thief of one’s other

Germany was

own

East

German

Left

GDR. And

own side. Thus

dissidents in the

could always be accused of being enemies of socialism or agents

Western revanchism: the internal enemy

of

or,

was always and without differentiation accused

by the conservatives of identifying with the

GDR

that bad,

could be found either on the other side of the Wall

through a complex web of political identifications, on one’s the West

And

potential identity.^^

power that

also

happened

fractured in this way, and

to be it

as

an agent

German. National

of

an “outside”

identity

was always

remains to be explored to what extent the

success of denationalization in both

Germanies was fueled by such sub-

terranean conflicts, which destroyed older forms of national identity as

much

as they addled

another chapter to the history of

Unification, of course, dismantled the external form it

displaced

its

substance onto another terrain.

— thieves of “our”

identity

are the foreigners.

West Cjermans

Only

fully

tax

money, “our”

German

t)f

this

The new

jobs, “our”

self-hatreds.

mechanism, but

thieves of

homes and

this triangulation of foreigners. East

German so

on

Germans, and

explains the intensity of the escalation in xenophobia

since unification.

Such inner-German

GPR

is

show how the

historical identity of the

inescapably intertwincLl with that of the

ERG. Rut Germans have

hostilities

barely begun to understand that, indulging instead in replays of the blaming

game. Thus the West Germans use the Stasi revelations to make the East Cjermans “other” yet one more time, with the abided dimension of using the Stasi to

compare the

C

iPR

to the

Third Reich and thus writing yet another

chapter of a displaced coping with the past.

on

their

GDR

identity

more than ever and

The

East Cjermans in turn insist

transfer their

antagonism from

NATION, RACE, AND IMMIGRATION the

SED

state,

3 2 9

which they and not the Bonn government dismantled

the peaceful revolution, to the

Bonn

Americanization. Indeed, one

state,

keg of conflicts and political

republic, democratic institutions,

in

and

hut two nations, a potential powder

instability. It

this

is

common

heritage and

recent resurrection of cold war attitudes and patterns of thought on both sides,

together with the stubbornly postnational discourse in the West and

the lack of vision of the political

class, that

blocks what

national reconciliation, integration, and solidarity, the political culture of the 1980s did If

is

one major discursive

a

the other. However, the ideological trench warfare over history and

memory

is

about as

stifling as that

for a positive identification

Reich seeks to to

public qualities that

all

new democratic understanding of German national may be shaped today, the question of German history and memory

on which

identity

needed most:

to encourage.

the question of citizenship and immigration

terrain

is

little

is

about nation.

The

right' wing

demand

German traditions that precede the Third period of German history, to isolate it, and

with

relativize that

redeem a German nationalism untainted by the “perversions” of the

Hitler years. This attempt must he opposed with arguments that emphasize

linkages between the specific kind of

German

nineteenth'Century ethnic

nationalism and the Aryan ideology of the Nazis without collapsing the two. But the call for an identification with tradition and historical is

not per se a right-wing enterprise.

to this question of

German

The predominant

traditions

is

left-wing response

too caught up in he rituals of

antifascism that have been recharged by the

The much

memory

new

Right, the latest object

on German

of negative desire.

positions of the democratic Left

tory are actually

better founded than the apocalyptic tone of the

current political debate would lead one to believe.

German

history evolved in the

GDR

New

as well as in the

his-

understandings of

ERG, and

there

is

no doubt that Marxist cultural and literary history, with its orthodoxies and even more with its heterodoxies, has contributed substantially to the emergence of progressive views of the German traditions in West Germany since the 1960s. All of the new social movements in Germany, up to and including the opposition

movement

ditions, constructed alternative for materials that

would support

unification will he

in the

GDR,

have reappropriated

tra-

memories, and searched the national past their political

no exception

will result in a rewriting of history

and

cultural claims.

German

to the rule that all historical upheavals

and

tradition.

The

question

is

not

if

hut

what extent identihcatory memories will he reshaped. It will he interesting to see how eventually an all-German dialogue not mired in mutual recriminations will give rise to a new texture of national memory.

how and

to

ANDREAS HUYSSEN

3 3 0

Postnationalism and Normalization

As

in the

nationhood debate, here too the position of the postnationalists

and constitutional

hampers the emergence of such a dialogue.

patriots

When Jurgen Habermas argues

that citizenship

is

not conceptually tied to not derive

of citizens does

nationhood and that “the nation

its

identity

who

from ethnic or cultural properties, hut from the praxis of citizens

he underestimates the legitimate need

actively exercise their civil rights,’’

of East and

do with

West Germans

cultural properties

good reason) has no use

and national

tor the old

its

anti-Western implications,

its

populist ethnic,

not

if

civil rights as separate

altogether

is

common

to secure a

history.^^ Clearly,

notion of a

German

Habermas

Kulturnation with

from cultural properties or from the praxis of culture

not very persuasive. Exercising one’s

indeed central to constitutional patriotism

civil rights will

The

itself.

always

Memory

very notion of

constitutional patriotism carries political and moral force because

drawn

and

connotations. But to see the exercise of

involve cultural properties, traditions, memories, and language. is

(for

class-based notion of high culture,

its

racist,

history that has a lot to

has

it

from the memory of the uniqueness of the

political conclusions

Shoah, and Habermas himself over the years has proved to he one the most eloquent critics of those tory by excising the

memory

of

who want

to “normalize’’

German

of

his-

Auschwitz either through relativization

or denial.

The emphatic

postnationalism on the Left

keyword: nonnalizcitUm. ig86.^‘’ I

It

is

still

is

of course fired

haunted by the

up by one

historians’ debate of

But the revisionist history advanced by Ernst Nolte and Andreas

hllgruher clearly did not win theday.^^

Its

absurdities were too blatant,

they were effectively exposed in a wiLle-ranging public debate. There

need to he apocalyptic about normalization. Thus

Germans shouLl

these days that

iLlentify

if

and

is

no

one increasingly hears

with other, better traditions, that

they cannot he expected to walk in sackcloth and ashes forever (as

if

they

ever had), and that restitution (Wicdcr^utmaclmn^) has been concluded, this

does not

them

mean

in ig86.

Semi tism

of

Auschwitz’’),

that the revisionists finally achieved the victory denied

After

all,

this type of discourse, often

resentment (“The Germans is

not exactly

hostility since unification

is

new.'^^’

That

it

will is

coupled with an anti-

never forgive the jews for

being voiced with increased

not surprising to anybody

who

is

aware of the

contorted history of anti- and philo-Semit ism in the Eederal Bepuhlic. In order to oppose this kind of discourse, however, one must admit to notions of national responsibility as igqf).

The

and national

discourse of nationhood

guilt, as Karl jaspers is

argued as early

indispensable here too: the crimes

NATION, RACE, AND IMMIGRATION of the Third Reich were not committed “in the

Bonn-speak

all

too frequently has

German

it,

name

3 3

1

of Germany,” as

The Shoah

but by ordinary Germans.

German memory. Curiously, nobody has made the argument that the denial of German national identity is

ineradicably part of

history and

and the emphatic commitment to Europe could itself be seen as from this history. The reason, of course, is that the postnationalists

who

insist

responsibility.

And

the ones

are also

most adamantly on preserving the memory of German yet, there

is

an inconsistency here that pcunts

unbearable nature of a burden too heavy even for those

edge

a flight

to the

who acknowl-

it.

At the same time, we must not forget that it was in the struggles of the 1960s for a more democratic Germany that Auschwitz became part of Ger-

man

national consciousness, although the fierce antinationalism of that

generation would not have permitted such phrasing at the time.

critical

But

why

resist

of the 1960s

did have

its

through the

such a thought now? As international

APO

own

and the

fascist past

ERG

demand to work Holocaust were central to the demands

national elements, and in the

the

Great Coalition, the

in the years of the

(extraparliamentary opposition), and the student movement.

ever problematic some of the

Shoah may have been bly inscribed into

German

they are, vociferously of that inscription.^^ it

German

at the time, the

—

How-

discussions

and treatments

of the

memory

Auschwitz was

indeli-

of

national identity in those years, and even the

current advocates of forgetting

and

movements

were in France, the United States, and Germany, each one

more democratic Germany

for a

as the

—

as

long as they are publicly opposed, and

actually reinforce rather than

Memory, of course,

is

weaken the

a very tenuous

and

legibility

fragile thing,

needs to be buttressed with the help of institutions of documen-

tation, preservation,

intensity of public

and participatory debate. But given the extraordinary

memory and debate

in the 1980s (from the explosive re-

ception of the television series Holocaust via Bitburg, the historians’ debate,

and the Third Reich anniversaries all the way to the Wannsee Conference anniversary of 1992 and the media debate about the new Holocaust mu-

seum

in

Washington),

1

am

not worried that right-wing strategies of denial

have had much of an impact. This fought every step of the way.

them would be

for the

One

is

not to say that they should not be

strategically productive

way

of fighting

democratic Left to reoccupy the discursive terrain

of nationhood and recognize that the democratization of Germany, indissolubly coupled with the recognition of a murderous history, has already

given the

new Germany

building on.

a national identity that

is

worth preserving and

,

ANDREAS HUYSSEN

3 3 2

Notes This essay

appeared

first

Culture of Amnesia

Andreas Huyssen, Twilight Memories: Marking Time in a

in

(New

York, 1995), 67-84. Copyright 1995 by Andreas Huyssen.

Reproduced by permission of Routledge, Inc. part of The Taylor ,

& Francis Group.

Munich, 1987). und Wiedervereinigung (Munich, i960),

1.

Karl Jaspers, Die Schuldfrage (1946; reprint,

2.

Karl jaspers, Freiheit

i

lo-i

i.

On Jaspers

and reunification see most recently Wolfgang Schneider, Tanz der Derwische: Vom Urngang mit der Vergangenheit im wiedervereinigten Deutschbnd (Liinehurg, 1992), 93100. 3.

For a thorough account of unification see Peter H. Merkl,

European. Context (University Park, Pa., 1993).

of 1989-90, written during the events,

am Main,

nundachtzig (Frankfurt 4.

still is

The

politically

German

Unification in

most astute assessment

Klaus Hartung, Neimzehnhundertneu'

1991).

For a thorough analysis of the recent pogroms see Hajo Funke, Brandstifter

(Gottingen, 1993). 5.

For a polemically negative view of the candlelight marches see Hike Geisel,

“Triumph des guten Widens,” 6. Fritz Stern,

Weg in

die

die tageszeitung, 12

um

“Deutschland

Kiodeme:

—und

1900

Politik, Gesellschaft

December 1992.

eine zweite Chance,” in Deutschlands

und Kultur im

19. Jahrhutulert

ed.

Wofgang

Hardtwig and Harm-Hinrich Brandt (Munich, 1993), 32-44; Ralf ITihrendorf, “Die Sache mit der Nation,” Merkur 44 (Octoher-Novemher 1990): 823-34. 7.

See,

e.g., l')ieter

Henrich, Nach dem Ende der Teilung: Uber Identitaten und

Deutschland (Frankfurt

tellektiuiliuit in

am Main,

Im

1993); Christian Meier, Die Nation,

(Munich, 1991 ); Christian Meier, “Halhwegs anstandig iiher die Runden kommen, ohne daB zu viele zuriickhleihen,” in Politik ohne Projekt^ Nach'

die keine sein will

denken

iiber

Braitling

am Main,

Deutschkmd, ed. Siegfried Unseld (Frankfurt

and Walter Reese-Schafer,

Einheit der Deutschen (Frankfurt evirahility of Nation:

German

1991 after the pogrom of

1

eds., Universalismus

am Main,

1991

).

,

1993); Petra

Nationalismus und

See also

my

earlier es.say

Intellectuals After Unification,” written in

die

neue

“The InSeptember

loyerswerda and published in October 61 (spring 1992):

65-82. 8.

Recent works that have proved helpful to

me

in

approaching

this

question

include Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (Londtin, 1985); Ernest Gellner,

Nations and Naticmalism

(New

York, 1985):

Tom

(C.')xford,

1985);

Anthony

Nairn, Fhe lireak'Up

D. Smith, Theories of Nationalism

of Britain: Crisis atid

(Lontlon, 1977); Peter Alter, Nationalismus (Frankfurt

Bhahha,

ed..

Gilead,”

New

Nation and Narration Left

(New

Nationalism: hive ILxuls

to

(New

leschtchtliche

(

Not

Modernity (C'amhridge,

irundbegriffe:

I

al.,

listorisches

and

useful at

all is

Ma.ss., 1992).

Leah Greenfeld’s

For a .semantic history

Lexikon zur

politisch'.sozialeti

Sprache

in Race, Nation, Ckiss:

in

Ambiguous

(London, 1991), 37, 48. “Racism and Nationalism,” 49; George Mosse, Nationalism and Sexual'

ULntitics, ed. E. Ikilihar

ity:

lomi K.

“Volk, Nation, Nationalismus, Ma.sse,”

Deutschkmd (Stuttgart, 1992), 7:141-431. 9. Etienne Balihar, “Racism and Nationalism,” to. Balihar,

1

York, 1990); Slavoj Zizek, “Republics of

York, 1993).

see the article by Reinhart Koselleck et (

1985);

Review 183 (Septemher-Octoher 1990): 50-62; Julia Kristeva,

Nations Without Nationalism

in

am Main,

Neo'Nationalism

I.

Wallersteiti

Mukllc'CTiss Morality and Sexiuil

Norms

in

Modem

Europe (Maiiison,Wis., 1985);

NATION, RACE, AND IMMIGRATION

3 3 3

1.

Andrew and

Mary Russo, Doris Sommer, and

Parker,

Sexualities

(New

Patricia Yaeger, eds.. Nationalisms

York, 1992).

Nairn, Break-Up of Britain.

1

See Michael Geyer, “Historical Fictions of Autonomy and the Europeanization of National History,” Central European History 22 (1989): 316-42. 12.

13.

For a perceptive essay on the problem of migration see Hans

berger. Die grofie 14.

On

Wanderung (Frankfurt am Main, 1992).

FRG

the changing role of the concept of nation in the

Mommsen,

Magnus Enzens-

Nation und Geschichte: Oher

die

Deutschen und

see

die deutsche

Wolfgang

J.

Frage (Munich,

1990). 1

5.

For a historical analysis of intellectuals and their codifications of German

national identity see Bernhard Giesen, Die Intellektuellen und

am

Main, 1993). Paul Noack

offers a

die

Nation (Frankfurt

sharp critique of German intellectuals today in

Deutschland, deine hrtellektuellen: Die Kunst, sich

ins Abseits

zu stellen (Frankfurt

am

Main, 1993). On the breakdown of West Germany’s prevalent left-liberal consensus during and after unification see Andreas Huyssen, “After the Wall: The Failure of

German

Intellectuals,”

Twilight Memories: 16.

New German

Marking Time

in

Critique 52 (winter 1991): 109-43, reprinted in

(New York, 1995). Again: German Identity,” New German

a Cidture of Amnesia.

See especially Jurgen Habermas, “Yet

Critique 52 (winter 1991): Identity:

Some

Reflections

84-101

;

jiirgen

Habermas, “Citizenship and National

on the Future of Europe,”

Praxis International 12, no.

i

(April 1992): 1-19. 17.

Among

the

many

publications

on

this topic see

Hajo Funke,

Brandstifter;

Matthias von Hellfeld, Die Nation erwacht: Zur Trendwende der deutschen

politischen.

Kultur (Cologne, 1993). 18.

See the superb study by Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood

in

France

and Germany (Cambridge, 1992); for a thorough legal comparison of the United “ States with Germany see Gerald L. Neumann, ‘We Are the People’: Alien Suffrage in

German and American

Perspective,” Michigan Joimnal of Intematioruil

Diw

13, no. 2

(winter 1992): 259-335. 19.

For one of the few enlightened discussions of citizenship and immigration in

Cohn-Bendit and Thomas Schmid, Heimat Babylon: Das Wagnis der multikulturellen Demokratie (Hamburg, 1992). See also Bahman Nirumand, ed., Angst wr den Deutschen (Reinhek, 1992); Daniel Cohn-Bendit, et al., Einwander-

Germany today

see Daniel

bares Deutschland (Frankfurt

am Main,

1991

).

good summary see M. Rainer Lepsius, “Nation und Nationalismus in Deutschland,” in Grenzfdlle: Ober neuen und alten Nationalismus, ed. Michael jeis20. For a

mann and Henning

Ritter (Leipzig, 1993), 193-2 14.

and West Germans since reunification see Ulrich Becker, Horst Becker, and Walter Ruhland, Zwischen Angst und Aufhruch 21. For a recent sociological profile of East

(Diisseldorf, 1992).

22.

On

of Gilead,” 23.

blaming the thief of one’s identity see Slavoj Zizek, “Republics Review 183 (September-Octoher 1990): 50-62.

this idea of

New

Left

Habermas, “Citizenship and National

24. For a

good example how the

Identity,” 3.

historians’ debate

can overdetermine reactions

to current events, in this case the asylum debate, see Jurgen

Lehensliige der Bundesrepuhlik: in

Die Zeit

(i

i

Wir

December 1992) and

Habermas, “Die zweite

sind wieder ‘normal’ geworden,” translated in

New

Left

first

published

Review 197 (January-

ANDREAS HUYSSEN

3 3 4

February 1993): 58-66 as “The Second Life Fiction ot the Federal Republic:

We Have

Become ‘Normal’ Again.” 25. For

documentation and discussion

ot

key texts of the dehate see

New German

44 (spring-summer 1988). For a thorough analysis see Charles S. Maier, The Unmasterable Past: History, Holocaust, and German National Identity (Cambridge,

Critique

Mass., 1988). 26. 1

On

940s and

the history of German anti-Semitism and philo-Semitism in the late 1

950s see Frank Stern, Im Anfang war Auschwitz: Antisemitismus und

Philosernitismus im deutschen Nachkrieg (Gerlingen, 1991

reflection

on

unification and

‘German Question,’

”

its

Nete German Critique 52 (winter 1991): 155-72.

Holocaust see the special

issue

New German Critique 19 (winter 1990) and Anson Rabinbach eds., Gennam and Jews Since the Holocaust (New York, 1986).

jews.

and jack Zipes,

See also Frank Stern’s

aftermath in his essay “The ‘Jewish Question’ in the

27. For a critique ot lett-wing discussions ot the

Germans and

).

on

JOHN BORNEMflN

Education After the Cold War: Remembrance, Repetition, and Right-Wing Violence

Measuring Successful Education In 1966,

Theodor Adorno wrote

tor

German

radio a manuscript titled

Erziehung nach Auschwitz (Education After Auschwitz). In this essay

Adorno maintains

that

considerations are secondary to the question

all

about what to do to avoid a repetition of Auschwitz. “The barbarism

[which he identities with “the principle of Auschwitz”) continues,” he writes, “as long as the conditions in their essence to persist.”

Auschwitz possible, and

most supportive intellectuals,

which might produce

His goal

is

to isolate the

in this vein,

tor a revival ...

he maintains,

is,

is

a

a relapse continue

mechanisms that made

he concludes, “the climate that

reawakened nationalism.” The

on one hand,

to educate children,

is

role ot

and on

the other, to engage in a “general enlightenment” that would “create a spir^ itual, cultural,

The single,

and

social

atmosphere that would prevent a repetition.

truthful force against the principle ot Auschwitz,”

“would he autonomy,

if

1

may employ

.

.

.

he continues,

the Kantian expression: the strength

for reflection, for self-determination, tor not-going-along.” In tact, this last

element, the willingness to work against the collective interest,

one that Adorno

singles out as

most important

tor the

is

the

prevention ot a

repetition ot the principle of Auschwitz.* 1

cite

Adorno here because

since the end ot the cold war,

we have been

confronted with a problem similar to the one he faced following World

War

II

and the Holocaust:

How

might one remember without repeating?

How

might one act so that the mechanisms responsible tor particularly barbaric or grotesque episodes in our history do not repeat themselves?

“Never again Auschwitz” indeed may ring

a bit hollow in light ot the kinds

we saw in Cambodia during the cold war and the “ethnic that we witnessed in Rwanda and Bosnia. My comparison ot the

of massacres

cleansing”

Holocaust with other, more contemporary genocides

is

not meant to deny

335

JOHN BORNEMAN

3 3 6

its

singularity

—

words of Saul Friedlander,

that, in the

it

marks “some kind

of outer limit of state criminality.”^ But in order to prevent the operation of

its

“principle,” that barbarism

Adorno sought

to identify,

we should not

And

in the spirit of

wait until barbarism reaches “some kind of outer limit.” racial violence

Adorno’s conceptualization, the 1

think

fair to say

it

and genocide

in

Bosnia

is,

without in any way relativizing or trivializing the horror

of Nazi annihilation policies, the operation of the principle of Auschwitz. In

Germany, the birthplace of the

principle, however,

something has

changed since Auschwitz.^ The argument often made that education

in the

utterly tailed is, 1 think, clearly wrong. say two Germanies since 1945 this not to minimize the significance ot the more than two thousand acts of 1

violence perpetrated against foreigners in both 1991 and 1992, including the

bombing and burning of homes

tor

asylum seekers and the seventeen

whom eight of the victims were foreigners.

murders by right-wing groups, ot

Indeed, the Office of Constitutional Protection estimated at that time that political parties ot the radical right in eastern

whom

about forty thousand members, ot violence."^ Equally

if

six

and western Germany had

thousand were ready to use

not more disturbing than these specific acts ot murder

has been the acceptance, often extending to support, ot this violence by a large

number

Does

this

German

ot

bystanders.

wave of violence

Buhis, chairperson ot the Central Council ot Jews in this violence into a different

of “|not| ot too

Here Bubis

is

many

Germany, recently put

framework, concluding that

right-wing extremists, but

observing from a decidedly West

[ot]

is

it is

an example

too tew democrats.”^

German

maintains that the proper response to fascism official

compulsion? Ignatz

illustrate a repetition

perspective,

which

more democracy. The

position in the Cjcrman Democratic Republic

(GDR) maintained

that the proper response to fascism entailed the elimination ot capitalism

and

antifascist education, especially in the schools.^

we might

Neither perspective,

autonomy and resisrepetition. From Adorno’s

note, emphasized Adorno’s prescription that

tance to “going along” were needed to prevent a perspective, these violent events fied

Ciermany would he

the

tall

of

a

good

and the reactions

test ot successful

1992, several million East and

to

them

in the uni-

postwar education. In

West Germans demonstrated

publicly their unwillingness to go along, organizing peaceful marches

demanding

that politicians

and police take resolute action to stop the

violence. Followirtg these demonstrations, politicians and significant bers of relatively apolitical citizens this

new wave

criticize the

num-

have been spurred into action against

ot right-wing violence.

This action alone did not stop the

did demonstrate an unwillingness to go along.

Gne

kinds and effectiveness ot the various responses, hut

let us

violence, though

may

and

it

EDUCATION AFTER THE COLD WAR

moment remain

for a

with the mass

these demonstrations, with

rallies. It

participants from the East and West, are indicative of a citizenry,

then from what do they

3 3 7

more autonomous

what way did either more

result? In

democracy or the elimination of capitalism and antifascism contribute

to

this result?

Today

many

—

a “repetition compulsion,” a further turn to violence in

at its

Herzegovina

most extreme,

—

is

like the scenes in the early nineties in

extremely

most

This

unlikely.

recent

Get'

Bosnia-

violence

in

Germany was not a repetition of old antagonisms suddenly allowed to resurface hut a new phenomenon, a product not of fascism and World War II

hut of the cold war. Before going on,

I

want

post-unification growth of neonationalist

companying violence tified

is

to emphasize that, despite the

movements

in

Germany, the

ac-

not a product of “nationalism.” Adorno had iden-

nationalism as the single factor most likely to bring about another

Auschwitz. For Serbia and Croatia today, as well as for parts of the former Soviet Union, Adorno’s analysis seems to hold true: the resurrection of

nationalism prepares the way for the principle of Auschwitz.^ In Germany,

by contrast, unification has provoked a spirited debate on nationalism’s nature and history,

become

a

its

dangers and accomplishments. Nationalism has not

mass rallying cry that

hypostatized other, partly,

I

unifies a majority against

when, and

exactly what

is

for

externally

think, because of successful education over the

The

course of the past forty-five years. exactly,

some

question remains, though, where

what reasons has education been

the cause of the renewed violence in

successful?

And

Germany?

Education Oriented to the Past If

we

agree that violence

a cultural predisposition

is

not an individual psychological pathology but

dependent on

ular social milieu for expression,

directed to these social is

social

mechanisms and

a partic-

then our analysis of violence must be

mechanisms and

this milieu.

And

that milieu today

not simply post-Auschwitz but also post-cold war. Hence “education after

Auschwitz” must be regarded

must now add “education

as

after the cold war.”

more modest than was Adorno’s; analysis

and not

its

an ongoing

it

My task, then,

is

which we

considerably

presupposes an extension of Adorno’s

completion.

In order to extend Adorno’s analysis, origins

historical task to

we must

first

recognize that the

and functioning of the cold war cannot he attributed

to national-

ism but, rather, to three factors: a particular kind of supranational ideological, segmentary hloc-huilding; a particular kind of symbiotic relationship between small, dependent client states and superpower, welfare-state

superpowers; and exploitation of the perhaps univ^ersal

human tendency

JOHN BORNEMAN

3 3 8

to create mirror images by projecting one’s

others.

The

division of

Germany and

own

lack or inadequacy onto

the dual organization resulting from

War

were not a planned or necessary consequence of losing World

it

which the

certainly not a penalty tor Auschwitz,

end

to forget within a tew years atter the

was

a

and

11

Allies were only too eager

ot the war.*^ Rather, this division

planned and necessary consequence ot the cold

Resistance to

war.'*^

the cold war would have entailed, following Aeiorno’s critique, reflecting

on these

tactors

and asserting autonomy with regard to the use and abuse

ot

made them possible.*’ For the remainder ot this essay, would like to focus on Adorno’s critique ot behavior tailure to reflect and willingness to go along among East German intellectuals during the cold war, and thereby shed light on the conditions that made possible a cold war and on how one might educate so as to prevent its repetition. Finally, will bring this analysis to hear on the cold war origins ot right-wing violence in the mechanisms that

—

1

—

I

the newly unitied Germany. I

shall begin

with the observation that the two arguably most influential

postwar writer-intellectuals in Germany, the West

and the East German Christa Wolt, have had

November

German Gunter

difflculty reorienting

1989. Both Grass and Wolt,

we might

Grass

them-

became great writers in their personal controntation with the mechanisms that made the Holocaust possible. Die Blechtroymnel (The tin drum) by Grass selves since

and Kindheitsynuster (Patterns

childhood) by Wolt were undoubtedly

ot

essential reorienting texts tor several generations ot

West. They provided a new,

note,

critical

reading ot the

an opening to an alternative tuture.

My

point

is,

Germans

German

in East

past

and

and thus

however, that neither

author was able to tollow his or her insights into the Nazi past with the

same kind (.luring

ot analysis ot either the Fcxleral

Republic (FRG) or the

the cokl war. Bc^th saw CA'rman division tollowing

as a result arul necessary

consequence

ot

GDR

World War

CA'rman tascism and Au.schwitz.

Neither was able to see this division as a product ot the cold war, with

own mechanisms,

strategies,

unification through a lens

an(.l

social logic.

tt)cuse(.l

(.langers ot its repetition; this

I

C

its

(.livision

Jrass

on the horrors

ot the Nazi past

view simultaneously

filtered

if

moral authority from

this past

and the

out analysis of if

the cold

ended.

and Wolf belong to

Workl War

its

lence, both authors viewed

the opportunities for the present aiul future that might open up

war

11

II

and the

1

its

a

generation that oriented

ability to respoiul to

lolocaust, as

were the embodiment of

if

its

itself in

collective past, primarily

they were on the

evil.

Their acute

the past, on >9^^—1945, was not matchcxl by an

e(.|ual

on the present, on 1945-1989, precisely because

and derived

si(.le

ot

good and

ability to reflect

acumen

as

on

in reflecting

their generation did not

EDUCATION AFTER THE COLD WAR

3 3 9

have, and could not create, the distance necessary for the same kind of

From

analysis of their present.

of their work present.

mean

attrihutahle to

is

an unsuccessful distancing

About the present they wrote

loyal to the regime, staatsnah,

who

against Wolf,

fact

By

ideological

1

do not

an accusation often made unfairly

Wolf devoted much of her writing

actually existing socialism in the

of the Federal Republic. Rather, a principle of occultation,’’ as

GDR. And mean

I

in

to a critique of

Grass was a consistent

critic

ideology as thought “organized by

Glaude Lefort

writes, “thereby suppressing

the signs that could destroy the sense of certainty.’’*^ Grass and Wolf

wrote about the present

FRG

—

and the

ohjectifiable

things, not

GDR as

they possessed a knowledge of the

if

and representable

dependent on

histories. In writing

a distance

—

that arose from

its

between themselves and

own order of

their

about the Nazi period their work was

relational, circumspect,

a

ideologically.

admitted to writing reports for the state security

1959 and 1960.'^ In

all

much from their own

today’s perspective, the datedness of

ongoing

much more

and distanced. This distance constantly reinforced

view that their own ideas could supposedly objectify and make

intelligible

the Nazi past as an isolahle period of history. For the majority of Germans,

who are at

least

twenty years younger than either Grass or Wolf, the period

1933—1945 no longer remains the point of orientation. For them, the cold war experience is that point. And for even younger Germans, who seek orientation for

life

after 1989,

Cold War Education

in the

To understand why this is of West and East German

both authors belong to another

era.

German Democratic Republic

so,

one would have

to analyze the interaction

intellectuals as they constructed themselves as

separate S:^cne (milieux).'^ Here

I

will

narrow

my

focus to East

German

and analyze separately three generations who were active in the cold war. 1 follow a typology made hy Rainer Land and Ralf Possekel intellectuals

in a recent

GDR are

is

monograph.*^ The

first

generation of intellectuals in the former

presently of Erich Honecker’s age; in other words, most

no longer

living.

This generation

—and here

1

am

members

limiting myself to

those in or near positions of power, for example, Johannes R. Becher, Seghers, and Stefan Hermlin munists.

Its

members experienced

period, often least

—was composed mostly

worked

of

class conflict at the

in the antifascist resistance,

Anna

committed Coni'

end of the Weimar

and suffered under or

at

encountered and had to make an arrangement with Stalinist repres-

sion either in the

USSR

or later in East

Germany. They returned

to the

Soviet Zone and contributed to the early building of the state. This generation produced very few dissidents (the most well-known being Robert

Havemann, Wolfgang Leonard, and Stefan Heym), because most had been

— 34

JOHN BORNEMAN

0

which was assumed

trained in the habit of obeying party discipline,

who worked

transcend individual or national interests. Those

Walter Ulbricht, and

means effect,

intellectuals,

were

who

Honecker, leaders

later

maximizing the principle of proximity to power

irrespective of the content of this power.

the Kissinger

call

as

an end

Those unwilling remain

repressive apparatuses of the state tended to

close to

themselves were by no

by what we might

afflicted

to

in itself,

to serve the

than

silent rather

disobey the party. Land and Possekel have referred to this arrangement as

one of

taboos,

“

‘communicative’ silence.”*^

was precisely

It

this

atmosphere of

marked by agreed-upon silences, that increasingly characterized the

GDR

behavior of this generation of intellectuals as the

and the cold war

took concrete form.

This generation was the dition of intellectuals.

last to

He

in the

The West German

characterized intellectuals generally

educated before World

work

War

II

—

—

sociologist

would

I

as torn

nineteenth-century

tra-

Wolf Lepenies has

restrict his

schema

to those

between melancholy and utopia.

writes that intellectuals tend to he critical

and

complainers about present conditions. They tend to

dissatisfied,

constant

“suffer, correctly,

on

the condition of the world,” and thus have a basically melancholic tem-

perament.*^ Alternately, writes Lepenies, in order to escape melancholy,

they think up utopias. For this pre-war generation of intellectuals, the

melancholy was replaced with hope

as they

worked

to realize a socialist

GDR. Rut this utopia had already clearly gone adrift by the What held it on ct)urse in the minds of these intellectuals

utopia in the early 1950s.

—

on one hand, party discipline, and on the other, a conviction that they were committed antifascists and thus involved in negating the principle was,

of Auschwitz. Party discipline supposedly steered people in a progressive,

future-oriented direction.

And

the halo accompanying the antifascist

self,

an identification with the Soviets as victims of fascism, sealed one off from having to think ahour the

and identification with the

past.*”

Both mechanisms, party discipline

antifascist Soviet

Union, worked to foreclose

consideration of and reflection about the specific nature of

and about

its

further reproduction in the

the illusion that the

GDR

potential strains of fascism.

and

its

German

fascism

GDR. These mechanisms fostered

people had been inoculated against

The avoidance

of this ultimate evil, in the

eyes of this generation, was sufficient to ground and justify both self and

community. As we know with the benefit of hindsight, party membership and antifascism tendeel to reduce raison d’etre to raison d’etat.

M oreover,

for this

generation of Fast

German

intellectuals, the Fed-

Since the

FRG

never thematizetl capitalism or antifascism, but instead represented

itself

eral

Republic served

as the alter-ego of the antifascist.

EDUCATION AFTER THE COLD WAR as

“democratic,” the

racy”

compared

to

GDR responded by calling

its

own

Meuschel argues that

this

resulting in a “symbiosis

democracy

view made

democratization in the

for a basic

GDR,

as

democ-

Germany.” Sigrid

anti-Western attitude,

between antifascism and

in the 1980s, because, as

improvement

“a merely formal

in the “better

and the party never coalesced into

intellectuals

and

true

it

3 4 1

Stalinism.”**^ Critical

movement

a protest

for

they did in Poland and Hungary in 1956

Meuschel

argues, the possibilities for social

of the disadvantaged classes

were coupled to a subaltern

position vis-a-vis party nomenclatura. Hence, the “strength for reflection, for self-determination, for not-going-along,”

which Adorno had empha-

sized as the “single, truthful force against the principle of Auschwitz,”

displaced onto resistance against an isolahle past, for this

generation to reflect critically on their

making

it

was

unnecessary

own postwar behavior or on

the present.

The second monly

class conflict

new

cessors. Instead, the

interests of its

in the 1950s,

called the Aufbaii (reconstruction) generation.

enced neither

of

members came of age

group, whose

its

youth.

of the

experi-

nor the Communist idealism of their prede-

state,

the

GDR,

youth, to create a “better

Some

They had

com-

is

members

claimed to he founded in the

Germany” through

a reeducation

of this generation had graduated from

the Arbeiter- und Bauern-Fakultaten (worker and farmer faculties) set up to educate children

from working-class and peasant families

of leadership. Indeed most

GDR

intellectuals

for positions

were a new historical

class;

most came not from bourgeois hut from working-class or lower-class whitecollar families. Ultimately, however, they exercised

GDR,

minimal power

in the

Communists of the first generation continued to rule up to one month before the Wall came down. Among polithuro members, for example, only Egon Krenz represented the Aufhau generation. A friend of mine who studied existential philosophy in the early 1980s knew the Krenz family well and told me the following story. He had had many conversations with Krenz, on many different topics. Once in a discussion of Marxism they reached a point where they for the old

were confronted with a direct contradiction between theory and practice in the GDR. Krenz replied to my friend, “When I am confronted with these situations, tight.” Krenz,

it

is

who can

best to

sit

firmly in the saddle

and hold the

reins

hardly he called an intellectual, nonetheless shared

with intellectuals of this generation inherited taboos on public expression of opinion along with a sense of obligation to praise the party in a kind of Orwellian partyspeak in public discourse.

GDR

The

public

domain

in the

shrank over the years, so that by the 1970s the realm of the social had become smaller and had been privatized. Gunter Cans coined the

— 34

JOHN BORNEMAN

2

term Nischengesellschaft to

refer to this retreat to

and elaboration

of the

private sphered^

This second generation of intellectuals also shared with their elders

German

moral commitment to the state and to the East

a

society as a

morally superior model and an alternative to the Federal Republic. In

employed the naive notion that

their service to the state, they frequently

knowledge equals power. Inspired by the idea of “scientific Marxism,” one could supposedly discover the laws of nature and direct them to the benefit of

humanity. Yet the knowledge that they put at the disposal of the state

primarily in economics, demography, education, psychology, administra^ tion,

and

enment,

political science as

—did not

many had hoped,

effective.

more led

Even

much

serve for general enlight'

hut was often put to use by the state and

security apparatus, the Stasi, to

its

so

make

the exercise of authority more

however, this knowledge did not always lead to

for the state,

effective administration. For example, economists consistently mis'

Walter Ulhricht

1950s by propounding a theory that socialism

in the

would he able to uherholen ohne emzuhoLm, overtake capitalism without having to catch up to

Likewise, political scientists misled leaders of the

it.

state by propagating a theory that linked unprohlematically capitalism to

imperialism, and a theory of state legitimacy that assumed a reconciliation of

democracy with the idea

of dictatorship by

an avant-garde

knowledge often did not equal power. Instead

it

party. In short,

more frequently

servcxl to

legitimate faulty theories of order, planning, administration, psychology,

education, and the

like.

And where knowledge

Wisscri (secure knowleelge), in East

was “correct,” or gesichcrtes

CR'rman terminology,

as in the psy-

chology or medicine employed by the Stasi to create fear or destabilize the personalities

i)f

suspected dissidents,

interests of East CATiiian society state stability

and

a ruling elite

The states reaction

it

often worked against the long-term

and merely

short-term

from an older generation.

what the most

to

in the interests of

tion said and wrote was either to isolate

critical intellectuals of this

them within

(RMinany. In exile, intellectuals such as Ruelolf

genera-

them to West Bahro and Wolf Biermann or exile

did not function as diasj'toric intellectuals waiting to return, widely read or heartl in dissident circles in their

matiy exikxl Polish, CYech,

1

country of origin (as was the case with

lungarian, and Russian intellectuals). Instead

they were integrated into certain N?c?tc in West largely cut off

from their

j'lotential

audience

Germany and remained

in the

GDR until

the opening

of the Wall.

In the late

summer of

became increasingly a

few

1

989, as the consec|uences of

clear to the world, this

(

jorhachev’s reforms

Aufhau generation, along with

critical intellectuals of a prior generatioit,

began preparing to take

EDUCATION AFTER THE COLD WAR over power from the old leadership.

was the

flight across

What prompted them

to

34

move

3

quickly

the borders of Hungary and into the embassies in East'

ern Europe, mostly by members of the third generation of East Germans, intellectuals

and nonintellectuals

total lack of loyalty to the “East

who shared a disrespect tor and German project.” The reaction of the alike,

different generations of intellectuals to this flight

Most of the generation

of old

they

demands

to respond

opinion, was the basic reason to opposition

1989 without resorting to a “China The writer Stefan Heym, one of the few dissidents among

in the

solution.”^

my

and continually capitulated

lost their will to rule

summer and

rather telling.

Communists were unable

to this crisis. Their disorientation, in

why

is

^

an audience

his cohort with

of

fall

in the

proclaimed spokesman for the East in particular for

Der

Spiegel.

He

West and the

German “masses”

reacted to events of

East,

in the fall

became

Western media,

1989 by calling

a proper education of the masses concerning the socialist project criticizing East

Germans for their “cannibalistic

lust” after

who had

resettled in

Hamburg,

ex-GDR

and

for

later

consumer goods.

And

Eor this message he found only a tiny audience in the East.

West, he was criticized pointedly by the

a self-

in the

author Monika Maron,

for intellectual arrogance

and “disrespect

of the people.

Members

of the reconstruction generation

who had

organized the mass

demonstration of between 600,000 and one million on November in Berlin also called for a reinvigoration of socialism. Like

4,

1989,

Heym, they

also,

following this demonstration, had problems finding an audience. Lepenies calls these

people “heroes for

of the Wall

thousands

on November

who

from November 4 to the opening The real heroes, he concludes, are the

five days,”

9.^^

embassies and across the Hungarian border.

fled into the

They were the ones who totally destabilized the regime and quickened final collapse, and few among them were intellectuals. Here we

arrive at a controversial question with respect to the role of this

third generation in the collapse of the their lives

its

and

fled

the

GDR

in

GDR. Were

the people

who

risked

September and October 1989, and who

through 1992 continued to flee the ex-GDR at the rate of approximately two thousand per week, heroes or victims of a false seduction? In other words, were they heroes for fleeing the the cold war, or was this

more

a

cowardly

to the seduction of the sirens of

of the people

who engaged

of a third generation of

GDR

and precipitating the end

flight to capitalism, a

of

succumbing

Western abundance ?^‘^The vast majority

in this flight were, as

GDR citizens. And

1

mentioned, members

the intellectuals

among them

were predominantly children of the new social classes that were constituted by the Aufhau generation. They were without personal memory of the two

34

JOHN BORNEMAN

4

world wars or the Third Reich. Instead, one might argue, they are complete products not only of the cold war hut also of education after Auschwitz in the

GDR.

Education After Auschwitz

Land and Possekel divide the intellectuals among this third generation into a group ot non-Marxists and a group that they claim is characterized by a mentality of “conspirative avant-gardism.”^^

formed the to

basis of

what were

work outside and often

to “not go along.”

They

in the

The

non-Marxists,

who

1980s called Basisgrupperiy attempted

in opposition to the state;

criticized the

above

all,

they tried

masses for being totally coopted by

the state, the ruling Socialist Unity Party for being incapable of reforming itself,

the state-recognized artists and intellectuals for being corrupted (in

other words, trading acquiescence in return for travel privileges to the

West), and the society in which they lived for being based on the

GDR’s

domain had been

public

lies.

so dramatically shrunken in

Because the

size,

voice of this group of intellectuals and their critique had a small hear-

among

ing

members

GDR

the people; these critics remained totally marginalized. Most

of the church and other, one might say, “normal”

slang, Stino: stink

critics.

my

During

that time

system

1

critics,

initial fieldwork,

the

GDR

stumbled through

such as Barbel Bohley or Freya

that they

of a “silent majority” in the

CR)R

Klier.

And

more

radical

the few

who

more

radical opposition

felt relatively isolated

and were not part

did express support for am.! solidarity with the

me

a series

with “dissidents” from 1987 to 1989.

rarely heard expressions of support for the

often stressed to

(in

normal) of the society actually disliked social

of highly publicized confrontations

At

members

who thought

often relied on ciaitacts

intellectuals, myself included, for

Hence the younger critics with West German or “Western”

differently.

emotional and moral support,

as well as

to take their “voice” outside the confines of private gatherings in apart-

ments,

artistic

(k*rmans,

1

happenings, or church-supported events. This group of East

might add,

is

the one in which Timothy Garton Ash,

along with Milan Kundera was perhaps the

Europe

for the free

“official

who

voice” on Eastern

West, cultivated an interest, and to

whom

he gave

voice in his reporting on East CRMinany and Eastern Europe for Granta

and

for the

Ncu> York Review

of Books.^^^

The problem with

Ash’s work

is

that he so closely identified with these dissidents that during the heady

days of the collapse of East European regimes he was not able to put their voices in the larger context of a widespread social disapproval of critical positions and thus understand the ultimate weakness of dissidents’ authority

claims.

EDUCATION AFTER THE COLD WAR

34

5

The intellectuals characterized by conspirative avant-gardism agreed with much of the critique of the non-Marxists, hut instead of moving outside the state and the party, they developed a conspirative mentality to

work

mant,

in

is

and around

(Sascha Anderson, the dissident and Stasi

it.

infor-

perhaps the extreme example of such a mentality.) For example,

many worked with was the only

the Stasi as IM, unofficial co-workers, because the Stasi

c;fficial

problems of the

institution willing to address the taboo topics

society.

It

seemed

as

whereas the party and the

in reform,

if

and

the Stasi was genuinely interested

state apparatus

were controlled by an

who categorically refused to acknowledge any problems whatsoThe Protestant Church and many of its members were also involved

aging elite ever.

in this conspirative activity. In the 1960s the leadership of the

made

arrangement with the

a new, cooperative

oppositional role in order to redefine

From 1990

to 1993,

itself as

state, yielding its

church staunch

“the church in socialism.’’

governmental and media investigations of Manfred

Stolpe, the minister-president of Brandenburg and former representative

elected by the church to deal with the state,

question whether

his,

came

around the

to revolve

and the church’s, conspirative attitude actually made

him, to use Lepenies’ phrase, a hero or a betrayer of the

people."*^

To he sure, the flight across the Hungarian border was a heroic as

it

act insofar

quickened the collapse of a nondemocratic regime and the end

cold war.

The

fact that

most people were motivated

for a better material life

should not, as

for this flight

of the

by hopes

I’ve written elsewhere, lead us to

They sought what they imagined could he had hut what they themselves lacked. How are people supposed to know the value of political freedoms before they have experienced them? And even when the nonintellectual masses have experienced political freedom, this is no

condemn

them."^

guarantee that they will grant freedom the value of an absolute.

more willing

to

condemn

individuals

who had

1

would he

already enjoyed bourgeois

freedoms hut then were willing to give them up (a good number of examples

United States come

in the

Germans

for

to

mind) than would he willing 1

to criticize East

not prioritizing freedoms that they had never experienced.

Some German

intellectuals of

what

1

have called the

first

and second

generations have criticized this third generation precisely for fleeing the republic and thus in part being responsible for the negative consequences of unification. Certainly unity

actual

harms

suffered by East

was rushed and many

of the humiliations

Germans could have been avoided. The

and

brain

drain from East to West and the takeover or closing of most publishing

houses and newspapers, for example, have indeed made

more

difficult for

“self-realization’’

most East Germans. East German intellectuals have

felt

singled out by the wholesale delegitimation of entire biographies, often

34

JOHN BORNEMAN

6

on spurious grounds, such

having been a committed Communist. Fut'

as

many

thermore, they have been victimized by what

call Siegerjustiz (juS'

tion, closing,

which has accompanied die Ahtvicklung, the evalua' and dissolution of academies and research divisions in the

universities.

At the same time

tice of the victors),

Abwicklung, this bringing to

this official

completion, has strengthened the Schadenfreude or Besserwisserei of the

West Germans. Current East German

intellectual humiliation

and

loss,

however, are not intended results of the desire by the masses for bananas

and automobiles and the right to

travel in the West.

It is

not as

only

if

workers and youths had an appetite tor bananas and Mercedes; this taste

one they shared with adult

A

more

intellectuals.

interesting question

In

is:

what way did education

contribute to this flight? Specifically, what might

end of the the

GDR

amount

about antifascist education?

of right-wing violence in unified

ucation after Auschwitz limited one. Studies

—

to

in the

GDR

we conclude from

One must

the

grant that, given

Germany, the success of ed-

autonomous, to not go along

to he

seem

is

show an equal percentage

—has been

of youths in

a

West

and East with a positive attitude toward the Nazi period, though the reasons for these attitudes are different.

The West German

rejected the notion of “collective guilt”

and the Wirtschaftswunder

and

affinity

to distance oneself

became

the East, antifascist education

political leadership

had

with American culture

from the Nazi period. In

a pillar of identity. In

1988, for

example, “resistance fighters” held 36,000 discussions with more than

1.6

million in attendance. In the 1980s approximately 200,000 eighth graders in schools visited yearly

one

of three

concentration camps: Ruchenwald,

Ravenshriick, or Sachsenhausen.^'

Many observers have

argued, as does Wilfried Schuharth, that the

discredited anrifascism because olized,

and

ritualized”

mal education? Schooling instrumentalized.

But

ir.^^

To he

is

lIo

not these characteristics hold for

sure, there

is

a

need is

for a

no

more

effective

terms

more

of unity itself,

likely to

such as

loss of

logical props, or dislocations

pedagogy

evii.lence that this

form of administered antifascism has caused right-wing violence. is

all for-

always for a purpose and thus administered and

to educate about fascism, hut there really

of this violence

monop-

“administered, instrumentalized,

it

GDR

clumsy

The cause

he found in the events surrounding the authority due to the end of cold war ideo-

and uncertainties

in life courses expectancies.

Arnl to the extent that millions of people oppose this violence (similar not-

going-along was rare

in

the Nazi

j'leriod), this also

to lessons of the Nazi period hut to

am

achievements

has to he attributed not of postwar education.

I

most inclined to think that the CiDR’s education system, to the extent one can attribute cause specifically to it, produced not fascist behavior hut

EDUCATION AFTER THE COLD WAR cynicism and distance from

3 4 7

authority, therefore precipitating the kind

all

ot flight that occurred in the fall of 1989.

War

Education After the Cold I

would add yet another defense

what was called the “East bloc”

areas of as “the

for those

who for

fled

and are

still

what was and

West.” They reacted, and are reacting, to the

fleeing the

is still

known

finality of personal

mapped out hy the conservative regimes in the East and to re' strictions on freedom of movement of ideas and peoples both central structures of the cold war. The penetration of international borders, by ideas or people or capital, was always especially when achieved hy those destinies

—

in the East

—an ultimate

nation-state system. For

men and

—

heretical act during the cold

many people

in the

war phase of the

West, tourists and business-

being exemplary cases, this penetration was, of course, a privilege “right” of living in the “free world.” This old world order

was an

extension of and particular take on the Westphalian system of indepen-

dent and sovereign, though insecure, nation-states.

It

was concerned with

securing borders and boundaries, with formulating the rule and enforcing

the law. In order to represent

itself as

a

paradigm of security and order,

the most active of the cold war regimes actually fostered instability and

among

insecurity elsewhere, their

own

other peoples, as a mirror and justification for

orderliness. In Europe, the social welfare state

East divide

(NATO

versus

Warsaw

and the West-

Pact) were the pillars of this order of

closed societies, of group identities reassembled in a segmentary lineage structure

where each

side’s self-definition

presupposed the dangerous and

anxious other. These identities were organized as national families in which all

nationals enjoyed certain formal rights and predictable futures as legal

subjects within a particular territory, joined to other nationals in higher-

order coalitions. Although social welfare states characterized both East and

West, the nature of the legal subject and his or her rights privileged those in the West over those in the East. And the West’s system of rights was able to maintain itself only with a basic asymmetry: “aliens”

who

all

nonnationals or

did not have access to these rules, and whose very inability to

express themselves in terms of the rules reassured Western legal subjects of their

own

reality

and

intelligibility,

rights, these territories,

and these

were legitimately excluded from these

futures.

Germans from East to West, constant during the cold war but accelerated since the summer of 1989, was not

The

geographical

movement

largely a response of the

of

poor to their economic plight, nor of the perse-

cuted to their lack of freedom

—

as a large

number

of

American

scholars in

now

being told

various disciplines would like to imagine (and as they are

34

JOHN BORNEMAN

8

by people of the Eastern bloc in radically revised accounts of what “really like” before the opening).

This movement

is

a fairly direct

was

life

and im-

mediate response to the collapsing cold war order, more specifically to the inherent instability at the core of the West’s system of rights and privileges.

The new homelessness and

dislocation throughout the former Eastern bloc

more generalized condition of the new world order being constructed. This emerging order signifies, 1 would argue, the end not is

also indicative of a

of the nation-state but of

its

form and of the East-West

specific welfare state

The

divide as structuring principles of the cold war. principles has unsettled both domestic order

collapse of these

and international

two

relations, as

Warsaw Pact and the disintegration of the set of The decentering of rules and penetration of borders

has the dissolution of the alter egos in the East.

are for

no longer isolated or exceptional acts, as they were during the cold war, they are becoming new generative principles, acted out not merely by

the resettlers from eastern to western Germany, nor merely by waves of refugees and asylum seekers, but also by national

nesses

and

legal regimes.

1

am

and supranational

busi-

by no means original in emphasizing that the

new nomadism, has been long regarded as an adaptive reaction to modernity.’^ As both people and capital increasingly resort to this adaptive strategy, homelessness is perhaps now entering a new stage. It is in this light that see the East German “heroes”: not as asserting condition of homelessness, a

1

autonomy

Kantian sense, nor concerned with reflection or “not

in the

going along” in the manner that Adornt) stressed. They asserted “exit,” to

employ

term from Albert

a

1

lirschman’s much-abused framework of “voice,

This exit caused a welcome collapse of a particular system of

loyalty, exit.”’**

domination. But

it

also

was part of a panic, a massive

self. It

was not

writes,

“depends on the potential

flight frcMn a reflective

a “voicing” in Hirschmaii’s sense, for voice formation, for collective action.”’^

Unlike most

the participants in the demonstrations in Leipzig and East Berlin

he of

who

were intent on reformulating the nature of the collective to which they belongei-l,

those

who

fled

were primarily motivated by

a desire to

assume

an already const iturcLl voice elsewhere, that of the West German.

My

intellectual defense of this flight necessarily

was not only

a rejection of fixity

and cold war order but

consumer culture and escape from Nonetheless

I

by some East

East

Germans

German

criticjue

— the conditions

of

also a seduction by

with one’s historical

intellectuals. ILither, this

we

for this flight

self.

lodged against these reset-

poitits intellectuals in a direction

after the coKI war. birst, fh*d

a confrontation

cannot identify with the

tiers

ends here,

younger generation of

we must go

in

education

tmist rake seriously their criricjiie of

what they

confinement, closure, and exclusion on which the

welfare state depends, the immobility imposetl

on them that was

a

precon-

EDUCATION AFTER THE COLD WAR

3 4 9

dition for the survival of the national insecurity state during the cold war.

And

we must

second,

critique

what they

culture” of the liberal West, with culture.

The

problems.

It

its

tied to

— the phantasmic

elections, private

creation of civic cultures

is

“civic

and consumer

life,

hardly a panacea for the world’s

solves neither intolerance nor poverty. Francis Fukuyama’s

prediction ot an ideological consensus in favor of secular liberal democ-

The

racy has proved to he a liberal conceit. liberal capitalist

idea that

democracy

in

its

form has become an ultimate form of governance serves to

obscure the different understandings and uses being “the people,” “markets,” and “privatization” for

made

illiberal

of “democracy,”

Many

purposes.

of

the liberal regimes that replaced those “actually existing socialist” regimes in

1989 and 1990 have already become footnotes to a continuous history

of displacements. Other than the staging of formal elections,

regimes no longer even pretend to democratic legitimation. ern Germany, the future of liberal capitalism and

open question. Indeed, the

racy remains an

Helmut Kohl

its

some of these Even in eastdemoc-

relation to

sanctification of Chancellor

(until his party finance scandal), his reincarnation as the

Bismarck ian national

father, suggests a conflation of historical authority

structures rather than a simple displacement of authoritarianism into stable

democratic form. Let us return to

my

original question about right-wing violence

education after the cold war.

My

major argument has been that

and

this vi-

olence, in both East and West, must be understood not as a repetition of repressed aggression and traditions rooted in Auschwitz but as generated

by the disintegration of mechanisms of the cold war order. Racist and nationalist thinking in the

GDR, which

Schubarth

identifies

with “an

accentuated ethnocentric superiority claim coupled with a massive fear

and hate of

are not “survivals” of the past but regenerated

foreigners,

forms of group belonging. They are being regenerated because of postunity problems: lost orientation, fear of the future, economic and status insecurities tellectuals

growing out of present concerns. Under these conditions,

have

a responsibility to take seriously insecurities

their real status or origin

regardless of

— instead of demonizing or humiliating

trivializing their concerns.

Since most East

much

not their jobs,

of their authority,

—

if

German

in-

intellectuals

Ossis, or

have

lost

this educational responsibility to

provide orientation during a time of increased insecurity

falls

primarily to

the West Germans.

As the mechanisms ble,

or

that structured authority during the cold war crum-

remembering alone

its

solution

— lead

tures that seek to

will

not

—

in locating either the cause of violence

new authority structures. The new authority strucmanage conflictual and multiple identifications, are, in to

— JOHN BORNEMAN

3 5 0

my

opinion, being created within a

new “regime

of the market,” with

emphases on mobility and exchangeability, where often work in

from which tion)

tandem

classical

German

intellectuals

(Marx

and global actors

local

That

instead ot in opposition.

is,

this

domain

little

to contribute.

is

one

of course, an excep-

have traditionally distanced themselves accounts in part

have had

its

tor

why

they

This leads the sociologist Bernard Giesen to

argue that the compensatory role of Kultur, as formulated by the intellec-

have made up German Bildungs burger turn (educated bourgeoisie)

tuals that

tor the past

two hundred

He concludes

years,

is

no longer necessary

in a united

Germany.

that in the tuture “the field of this national identity will

he determined by the bureaucracies of the ministries, where plans tor the institutional reconstruction are

calculated

anew and more

Giesen’s formulation

drawn up and the

costs ot unity calculated,

or less artificially tinanced.”^^

The problem with

that he assumes that national identity

is

is

solely a

product of intranational torces, whereas national identity has always been

an international

attair,

always constituted partly by (em)migration, inter-

national exchange, and

wars.^'^

By

this,

1

do not mean

to exaggerate the

interconnectedness ot the world, nor to minimize the significance ot the

German-identified actors in

role ot

In

my tary

my

personal encounters with

German

attairs.

West Berlin

intellectuals, as well as in

reading ot essays and viewing ot television talk shows and documen-

and teature

wing violence the other’s

tilms,

one

is

harm

is,

I

ot

have tound the most trequent reaction

to right-

The

joy over

alarm coupled with Schadenfreude.

ot course, nt)r joy

which everyone abhors, hut

over violence against toreigners,

smugness about where the danger

a

elsewhere, particularly in the East, especially

among

German

in

the

Berlin and

West

authors titled Per raseiule Mob. Die Ossis zi^’Bchen Selbstmideid

und Barbarei (The raging moh: Ossis between satire

disaftected nonht)ur-

West

geois youth. For example, in a hoe)k ot essays hy

lies

selt-pity

and barbarism),

employeil to critique rampant hatred ot toreigners and selt-pity

is

East.'*'-^

retuse to

Yet one must ask

engage

in

any

why

the authors (intellectuals?) stubbornly

selt-criticjue,

why

they cannot detine a position for

themselves as bourgeois (West) Cierman intellectuals ot iqg 2

—except

as

empty contrasting (and cool) sign to the abominable (and overheated) Ossis. “The most embarrassing thing about the C jHR,” writes Michael O.R. the

Kn'iher in the opening essay, “is the people to he tunny, hut the cjuestion

though

it

is

perhaps too

between East and West

change would he

a

more

is:

much

Who to

is

still

intellectuals, a

who

live there.

laughing

at

He means

whose expense? Al-

expect a noncoercive exchange

minimal condition

retlexive stance than has

ot tuture ex-

been evident to date

with regard to the mutual constitution ot subjects during and since the

EDUCATION AFTER THE COLD WAR

3 5

1

cold war. Intellectuals can and should regain a voice in this reconstruction hy articulating and hy self-reflectively positioning themselves with

and against what are often misleadingly called the “common

interests of

the market.”

Notes

An

earlier I'ersion of this essay

appeared

in

John Bomeman, Subversions ot International

Order: Studies in the Political Anthropology of Culture (Albany: State University of

New

York Press, iggS)

York Press; the essay

©

was

1998

,

22 1-45. Reprinted by permission

State University of

initially

New

all rights

reserved.

New

A shorter version of

delivered at a Social Science Research Council conference organized

by Susan Gal entitled “Intellectuals

in Political Life,” held

Rutgers University. All translations from the 1.

York;

of the State University of

German

February 12-14, iggs, at

are mine unless otherwise noted.

Theodor W. Adorno, “Erziehung nach Auschwitz,”

(repr.) Die Zeit,

i

January

1993. 532.

Saul Friedlander,

“A

Conflict ot Memories?

The New German Debates About

the ‘Final Solution,’” in Memory, History, and the Extermination of the Jews

in

Europe,

(Bloomington, 1993), 22-41. John Borneman, “Towards a Theory ot Ethnic Cleansing: Territorial Sovereign-

ed. Friedlander 3. ty,

Heterosexuality, and Europe,” in Subversions of International Order: Studies

Political

Bornemann (Albany, November 1992, i.

Anthropology of Culture, ed. John

in the

1998): 273-318.

4.

The Week

in

Germany, 12

5.

The Week

in

Germany,

6.

This position can no longer be articulated because the terms ot unitication

e.g.,

i

May

1995,

threatened or actual unemployment, projected homogenization ot East

tegrity,

of silencing of East

German

intellectuals

2.

loss

of audience, attacks

—

German elites have who expected to have

on

intellectual in-

involved a great deal a career in the unitied

John Borneman, “Time-Space Compression and the Continental DiGerman Subjectivity,” New Formations 3, no. (winter 1993): 102-18 For a

Germany; vide in

see

i

documentation and analysis of an East German exhibit on the “myth of anti-fascism,” Kulturamt Prenzlauer Berg,

ed., see

My thus Antifaschismus

:

Ein Traditionskabinett wird

kommentiert (Berlin, 1992). 7.

I

do not mean to imply that the genocidal war against the Muslims

was the

result of “survivals,” a revival of tribal hatreds. Instead, the

in

Bosnia

antagonisms that

generated and triggered this conflict must he sought in the post-cold war order, where Serbs and Croats asserted and exercised the only going principle of international order: territorial sovereignty through national self-determination. See

“Towards a Theory of Ethnic Cleansing.’ 8. Michael Geyer has made a similar argument

in

Borneman,

an essay on “the stigma of

violence” in twentieth-century Germany. Geyer writes that because difference in Germany “remained rraumatically linked to the violent process of segregation, exclusion and annihilation in the Third Reich, [postwar society was marked by] the inability to distinguish between violent exclusion and the play of difference.” The

1980s mark a

“moment

of rupture” with “the national project as the pursuit of unity

JOHN BORNEMAN

3 5 2

and coherence of the nation,” by which he means the possibilities for “an opening for [either] a nationalizing expansion of the unitary ideal with its resulting exclusion of the unwanted and unht

a

[or]

chance

for the discovery of the play of difference in

German histories.” See Michael Geyer, “The Stigma of Violence, Nationalism, and War in Twenrieth-Centurv' Germany,” German Studies Review special issue (winter 1992): 75-110.

Clemens

9. in

den

vier

Vollnhals, ed., Entnazifizierung: Politische Sduherung und Rehahilitierung

Henke and

Besatzungszonen 1945-1949 (Munich, 1991); Klaus-Dietmar

Hans Woller,

Politische

Sduherung

in

Europa: Die Ahrechnung

dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (Munich, 1991 ). John Borneman, Belonging in the Two Berlins: Kin,

Faschismus und Kolb'

rnit

horation nach 10.

1992); Dietrich Staritz, Geschichte der 1

1.

John Borneman, “Trouble

DDR

State,

1949-1985 (Frankfurt

in the Kitchen: Totalitarianism,

tance to Authority,” in Moralizing States and the Ethnography of Falk

Moore (Washington, D.C.,

12.

einer

Claude

Totalitarianism 14.

meant

am Main,

1985).

Love, and Resis-

the Present, ed. Sally

1993), 93“ i ^8.

For a documentation see Christa Wolf, Akteneinsicht Christa Wolf: Zerspiegel

und Dialog 13.

Nation (Cambridge,

Dokumentation (Hamburg, 1993).

Lefort,

The

Forms

Political

of

Modem

Democracy,

Society: Bureaucracy,

(Cambridge, Mass., 1986), 202-3.

My omission

ot

West German

intellectuals

from

this analysis

is

in

no way

German intellectuals were primarily or more responsible tor war than West German ones. As Woltgang Hang has pointed out, criticism

to inter that East

the cold

since unity has been “an illumination ot a dead order ot rule by a living one” rather

than

in

how both

sides

were caught

war (Wolfgang

in the net ot the cold

“Die Wiederkehr des Unerwarteten,”

in

F.

Hang,

Erinnem, Wiederholen, Durcharheiten: Zur

Psycho'Analyse deutscher Wenden, ed. Brigitte Rauschenhach [Rerlin, 1992], 276-85, here 284).

1

have written elsewhere that East and West Germans during the cold war

were part ot a “dual organization” tormed through the interaction and asymmetrical

m

exchanges between the two halves (Borneman, Belonging

Borneman, After

An

the Wall: East

Meets West

analysis ot the specitic role ot

scope ot this essay. intellectuals.

It

would

ditter

in the

West CwTiuan

New

Berlin

intellectuals reaches

tundamentally trom

my account

Because both generational contlict and torms

structured ditterently in East and West, opportunities tor ftir

change were I

5.

Two Berlins and John [New York, 1991]).

the

tit

beyond the

ot East

ptilitical

autonomy

German

authority were

anti

mechanisms

alsti dissimilar.

Rainer LantI

aiitl

DDR:

Rail Ptissekel, Intellektuelle aus der

Diskurs und Identitdt

(IVrlin, 1992). 16. Ihid., 18. 1

7.

18.

Wtilt 1

Lepen ies, Aufstieg und

shtiultl

Fall der huellektuellen in

note here that the West

German

Europa

itientihcatitin

(Berliit,

1992), 14.

with “America,”

“the West,” anti “American tlemocracy” served a similar tunctitin: that

tit

West Ciermans the

trom their

specitically

illusitm

German

t9. Sigritl

tit

immunity

frtim tascism thrtnigh tlistance

national ctiniext.

Meuschel, “Antitaschist ischer Stalinismus,”

Durcharheiten: Zur Psycho'Analyse deutscher Wenden, (Berliti, t992),

20.

( liititer

156-233.

grantiiig

etl.

in

EVimiem, Wiederholen,

Brigitte

Rauschetihach

t63-7i.

Gaus,

Wo

Deutschland

liegt:

Fine

(

htshestirnmung

(1

latnhurg, t983),

EDUCATION AFTER THE COLD WAR 21. See, e.g., the analysis by Stefan

Security (Stasi), in the period

concludes that

when

3 5 3

Wolle of Eric Mielke, former head of the State

the regime’s authority wasdisiiitegrating. Wolle

August and September 1989, the documents “show [Mielke to he] confused and helpless old man who no longer understands the world. He hangs on stubbornly to his old thought and speech pattern and yet senses that his time has in

run out.” Stefan Wolle, “Operativer Vorgang ‘Herhstrevolution’: des Jahres 1989 eine Verschworung der Stasi?” in Die

Geheimdienste und

Armin

politische Polizei in der

Ohnmacht

War

die

a

Wende

dcr Allmdchtigen.

rnodemeji Gesellschaft, ed. Bernd Florath,

and Stefan Wolle (Berlin, 1992), 234-40, here 238. 22. Monika Maron, “Das neue Elend der Intellektuellen,” in hJach Mafigabe meiner Begreifimgskraft (Frankfurt am Main, 1993), 80-90. Mitter,

23. Lepenies, Aufstieg

Fall der IntelL’ktnellen in

Europa, 56-61

Borneman, After the Wall. Land and Possekel, Jntellektuelle aus der DDR, 22-26. Timothy Carton Ash, The Uses of Adversity: Essays on

24. 25.

26.

(New

Europe in

nnd

the Fate of Central

York, 1989), and The Magic Lantern: The Revolution of’Sg Witnessed

Warsaw, Budapest,

Berliri,

and Prague (New York, 1990).

Ash admits, “[Ejven here my account is largely from inside the opposition movements and from among so-called ‘ordinary people’ on the streets” (Magic Lantern, 21 ). Though he may have had a great deal of contact with “ordinary peo27.

ple” before the

exclusively all

fall

of 1989, his reportage after the

on public

figures, in particular

fall of

1989 concentrates almost

members of the

various oppositions. In

of the former East-Central European countries except East Germany,

these very intellectuals

whom

he knew moved into positions of power

between 1991 and 1993, most had

lost these positions.

For

my own

many

of

in 1990. Yet,

perspective

on

the relationship of dissidents to totalitarianism and authority during the cold war, see

Borneman, “Trouble 28.

The

in the Kitchen.”

an IM and even awarded him a

state security actually listed Stolpe as

bronze medal for service. Stolpe, however,

insists

—and

his colleagues in the

church and by his former contacts

worked

and that

for the Stasi

if

is

supported on this claim by

in the Stasi

—

that he never

he had been an IM, he would have received

for his

service a gold instead of a silver medal. 29.

Borneman, After

30.

On

and

the Wall,

248-54.

John Borneman, “Uniting the German Nation: Law, Narrative, American Ethnologist 20 (1993): 288-31 1 and Settling Accounts:

justice, see

Historicity,”

Violence, Justice,

and Accountability

in Postsocialist

Europe (Princeton, 1997); Lothar

Uwe-jens Heuer, and Michael Schumann, eds., Riicksichten: Politische und juristische Aspekte der DDR'Geschichte (Hamburg, 1993); on intellectuals, see Wolf December 1992, nichts mit rechten Dingen,” Die Zeit, Lepenies, “Alles rechtens Bisky,

—

1

1

on the Treuhand, see Peter Christ and Ralf Neuhauer, Kolonie im eigenen Dind: Die Treuharid, Bonn und die Wirtschaftskatastrophe (Berlin, 1991 ); for a documentation of discrimination, see Wolfgang Richter, Weissbuch: Unfrieden in Deutschland (n.p., 8-7_88;

1992).

A

very vivid example of this confrontation with freedom

is

the case of Horst

Klinkmann, reported by Rainer Frenkel, “Der Riss im Lehen des Horst Klinkmann,” Die Zeit, 2 April 1993, 44- Born in 1935 and raised as an orphan, Klinkmann was an internationally acclaimed researcher in the transplantation of artificial organs.

had been director of the the

GDR,

clinic for internal

as well as guest professor in

medicine

many

at

He

the University of Rostock in

foreign countries. In 1990, he was the

-v

JOHN BORNEMAN

3 5 4

first

democratically elected president of the

Academy

of Sciences of the

GDR, and

thus the official discussion partner in the unification of the sciences in the two Ger-

manies. In that he

May

1992, he was dismissed from his post because of unproved suspicions

had worked

for the Stasi, as well as tor activities as

which supposedly compromised

an

SED party member,

his scientific work, resulting in “Fehlverhalten”

(lit.:

erroneous behavior). 31. Wintried Schuharth, “Antifaschismus in der

DDR— Mythos oder Realitat?”

Erinnem, Wiederholen, Durcharheiten, 172-79. 32. Ibid., 173. 33. Gilles Deleuze

and Felix Guattari, Anti'Oedipus and Schizophrenia,

Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen Lane 34. Albert

O. Hirschman,

Exit, Voice

(New

trans.

York, 1977).

and Loyalty: Responses

to Declines in

Firms,

Organizations, and States (Cambridge, Mass., 1970). 35.

Albert O. Hirschman, Rival View of Market Society (Cambridge, Mass., 1986).

36. Francis

Fukuyama, The End of History and

37. Schuharth, “Antifascismus in der

38.

Bernhard Giesen, Die

Frankfurt 39.

am Main,

Charles

Tilly,

DDR,”

Intellektuellen

und

the Last

Man (New

York, 1992).

177.

die

Nation: Eine deutsche Achsenzeit

1993), 253-54.

Coercion, Capital, and European States,

AD 990-1992

(Cam-

bridge, Mass., 1990).

40. Klaus Bitterman, ed.,

Der rasende Mob: Die Ossis zwischen

Selhstmitleid

und

Barharei (Berlin, 1993). 41.

Michael O. R. Kroher, “Nichts gegen die da driihen,”

in ibid., 12-30, here 12.

MICHREL GEYER

The Long Good-bye:

German

The

Culture Wars in the Nineties

turmoil ot

German

opinions and sentiments during the past decade

stunning and bewildering. Contrary to fication has neither settled

Instead, unification has added

all

led to a state of “normalization.”

an edge of unpredictability. In

ing easterners and westerners into

seemed

expectations, the fact ot uni-

initial

acrimony nor

is

one nation challenged

part, bring-

identities that

but self-evident, although they had remained strangely unartic-

ulated while they existed. after the fact that they

Many

easterners and westerners only discovered

had possessed rather

distinct collective identities.'

In part, establishing normalcy in the emergent Berlin Republic created

novel responsibilities for

Germany

open exercise

particular, the

of

that challenge old self-perceptions. In

power proved

image Germans had made of their country resulted in the breakup of political

on of

a solidity that also

German

became appreciated only

opinions and sentiments

metaphor

telling

If it

was

all

move which parties

is

the

traffic

peaceable kingdom.^ Both

is

after the fact.

The

disarray

the expression of the acrimonious in the process of unification. Its

accident.^

hut evident before 1989 which sentiments and opinions

kinds of Germans in East and West and where the contending

would

fit

in the overall political

individual orientations,

came more

as a

with the

and cultural allegiances that had taken

remaking of German society and identity most

difficult to reconcile

difficult to

much

and

cultural spectrum, after 1989

as the general direction of the nation, be-

pin down.

The

signposts that have guided public

opinion through the long postwar period have begun to disappear. There is no longer a self-evident German “mainstream,” hut a “profound intellectual, moral,

The main part,

and

social disarray of Germans.”"'

cause of this disorientation

is

the unforeseen and, for the most

unwanted discontinuity between the present and the recent

past.

One 355

MICHAEL GEYER

3 5 6

might think that the

change are more readily evident

effects of abrupt

tor

the East, where the collapse of the communist regime and the accession

have

to the Federal Republic

deep rupture of institutional

led to a

economic, and cultural continuities. But there, actually one can

as social,

find a rather stubborn

and tenacious defense,

ways and the old days. This

of the old

not of the old regime, then

if

a highly creative

is

adaptive insistence on a discrete identity that

new

experience that are fused into a is

as well

commonly captured

East (Ostalgie). But

and remarkably

made up from scraps of identity.^ The sentiment

is

collective

condemnation of nostalgia

in the blanket

for the

proves to be an effective mechanism of sheltering

it

identities against the abrupt transformation of outlook

and perception.

In contrast, continuity was proclaimed as official policy in the West. Af' ter all,

it

was the Federal Republic that incorporated the

new

of the sO'Called “five

sanction

when

states.”

It

GDR in the shape

even gave continuity constitutional

the parliament decided to retain the

West German Basic

Law, with minor changes worked out in committee, over and against efforts to elect a

new

constitutional assembly with the intent to constitute

anew

the political nation after unification. However, the public has increasingly realized that

“BRD

nothing has stayed quite the same with unification.

ade!” was undoubtedly meant as a catchy hook

title in

1992, hut

it

proved

an apt prognostication.^ The longer the process of unification was

to be

dragging on, proving that the integration of East and West was a treacher-

ous proposition, the more the Federal Republic was becoming something of the past as well.

capital, the easier

Cdiange

seemed

still

it

The more

Berlin acquired a tangible reality as a

proved to shed the Federal Republic’s

come

does not

to be grinding to a halt.

the ailvocates of the status cjuo

CjDR by

leading East

German

—

past.

For a while, the political process

easily.

The

new

intellectual elites tended to he

best exemplified in the defense

literati

among t)f

the

and by the cautious and, indeed,

reluctant acceptance (as opposed to the active construction) of the image

and

reality of the

mas.^

The call

for

emergent Berlin Republic by someone

change

—and

radical

change

at that

—

like Jiirgen initially

Haber-

came from

the Right, which insisted that a nation had yet to be created where there

had been none before.” tives

would be either

looked for a while as

It

if

the only available alterna-

paralysis or a refounding of the nation

principles. But by the mid-nineties this perturbing scenario

on

nationalist

had begun

to

change. References to 19H9 were increasingly used as license to debate and to visualize a stripes

had

remaking

of

German

society

beyond what nationalists

to offer in terms of national identity.

seemed the country was changing continuity and

stability,

faster

than

At the end

its

of all

of the decade,

it

imagination. Rather than

punctualetl by calls for a nationalist revival,

we

THE LONG GOOD-BYE tind a

tumultuous process of remaking German society that

is

3 5 7

accompanied,

slowly and gingerly, by the production of ever more elaborate ideas and

images to ht this emergent

reality.^

This transformation was and

is

public debates and controversies.

accompanied by

They range from

a stunning array of

the responsibility of

xenophobia and multiculturalism, the culture of memory and

intellectuals,

German national

identity, the out'of-area use of the

Rundeswehr, glohaliza-

tion and industrial competitiveness, to issues of citizenship, to

unemployment and the welfare state, mention just the more politically important ones.

Concurrently, one finds lengthy and controversial disquisitions about the nature of modernity, the meaning of tradition, the powers of capitalism, the illusions of ideology, and a veritable tour d’horizon through twentieth'

century

German culture

—

all this

not as academic exercise hut as (curiously

unacknowledged) media and commercial

culture.

Although each one can

sum is bigger than each individual part. Hence, than concentrate on one or the other public controversy, it seems

he read separately, their rather

a useful exercise to trace the contours of

what

is

an altogether

baffling,

indeed, stupefying progression of public debates. Their rapid'fire intensity

and recurrence as has

in all areas of public life

striking.

is

been argued repeatedly, to think of But

a national identity.

infancy

is

it

may

surely appropriate,

this process as the

well he the case that what

formation of

we

see in

its

not the reemergence or restoration of older identities hut the

formation of a significantly

new

national code in a communicative situation that differs

from the preceding ones.“

Zeitenwende and Beyond

From Wendezeit

to

Any observer will

readily confirm

how quickly and how naturally

it

came

to

990 that the Federal Republic would expand to incorporate, reasonably brief period of time, what had been a separate state,

he assumed in within a

It is

1

German Democratic Republic, and would now become the ''funf neue Lander,” the five new states.*^ This supposition was all the more striking the

since very few had conceived of such a thing prior to October 1989. But

by the spring of 1990 the expectation of unity (Willy Brandt:

zusammenwachsen was zusainmengehmt)^^ was not ,

which the West added

a

touch of caution

the East a sense of urgency

(it

(it

just a

Jetzt

mu/]

popular fable to

shouldn’t cost too

much) and

couldn’t go fast enough). Neither was

it

simply a matter of political boasting during the first all-German election campaign in 1990, when a hapless loser (Oskar Lafontaine of the Social

Democratic Party) was

easily outwitted by a

seasoned federal chancellor

(Helmut Kohl, Christian Democratic Union) who promised wealth and happiness to everybody and a “flowering industrial landscape” (hluheridc

—

Industrielandschaft) within four years (the at

long

from ruins”

line “resurrected

come

true

a

discipline

(

national

anthem

Auferstanden aus Ruinen)

fulfilling,

—with the key

—now seemed

to

under changed circumstances.

Few doubted German

The deutschmark had national symbol of stability. And few questioned the German that was to make the rebuilding possible. The rejection of the

And why become

GDR, whose

the utopia of the

last,

next election), thereby

not?

communist regime and

industry.

peaceful overthrow seemed to indicate the long-

its

The country had had

awaited maturation of democracy in Germany.

its

own homemade democratic revolution, which allayed any fears that West German constitutionalism was merely a matter of the general economic well-being of

its

population

Deynokratie)

As

if

rushed forward

to

outdo

—

and popular opinion,

politics

proclaim that, with a

t(^

The

attainable.'^

delayed modernization.

was to repeat

It

Republic had done for the

modern daily.

hit of belt-tightening

became

East

German

a laboratory for

initial

what appeared

meek and

overcoming

Germany what the make all of Germany

past

—

seemed

perspectives went far beyond

as a

here and

for East

country. Also, the expanse of the East

The

social scientists

was not only possible but also feasible

there, the transformation of the East

and quickly

democracy” (Schonwetter'

a “fair-weather

to be

federal a truly

growing almost

Germany. In contrast

to

American policy, attributed, at the and a decline of American power in

reticent

time, to the softness of the dollar

accordance with the “imperial overstretch” theory of Paul Kennedy,'^

it

appeared well within reach for the Germans to salvage eastern Europe and

even Russia. In the heat a traditional this

to

moment, some even spoke of a return German mission of eastern colonization.'^ There was a lot

kind of talk

any

of this,

it

in the is

of the

heady days of u;8y-yo.

that in

there

If

hese high

complished regime. in

dcr

a

spirits

Wendc,

deeper meaning

limit.

engendered a word game. Protest

in the

a “reversal” resulting in the collapse of

The model Cjermans from

Wende,

a

of

iqbq-yo the German past had been redeemed

through a democratic revolution and the sky was the 1

is

to

the West would

a turn within the reversal.

people of the C;I)R had taken the

GDR had ac-

the communist

now achieve

a

Wende

This was to suggest that,

first ste|'»

I’ly

bringing

down

if

the

their regime,

the West wouLl take the next step and help provide the democracy

and

in this

context, shed the left-liberal tendencies that had dominated

postwar ( ierman culture. This was a piece of crafty politicking that entailed suppressing the eastern dissidents and dreamers way, a reformed and

woukl

humane CjDR

also not be tjuite the

that,

who had hoped

for a third

though no longer communist,

“throw-away” society

of the

West, with

its

crass

materialism and all-pervasive consumerism.'" This strategy also meant to

THE LONG GOOD-BYE challenge

all

because they feared

But above

who

those in the West

3 5 9

hesitated in the face of unification

would bring back a past that had been overcomed'^

it

entailed pushing ahead with the jubilant endorsement of

all it

the majority of Germans.

Whatever the hard edge

of such ideas, a sense of

boundless optimism and a “can-do” attitude ruled the day.

The

oppositional spirit on the Right was not satisfied with a rollback of

GDR. The

Wendc

Wende quickly took on a more programmatic and partisan character. It was no longer simply an issue of bringing the two Germanies together in one nation-state (although the latter proved to be treacherous enough). The slogan became a call for remaking both Germanies, so that a unified Germany would, at long last, “bethe

come

a wholly

slogan of the

normal

country.”^*^

milieu of the Federal Republic, as

culture.^*

as

der

This train of thought about “normalcy”

Germany would

suggested that a unified

anew both

in

it

deliberately leave behind the juste

was now called derogatively, and

an emphatically sovereign nation and

start

as a distinct national

This cluster of ideas and arguments reversed the modernization

agenda that both the

CDU

lishment had pursued.

First,

government and the it

social scientific estab-

involved reasserting what was perceived as

Germany in the middle of Europe postwar German “forgetfulness of power-

the “natural” and traditional position of and, to that end, overcoming the politics.”^^

Europe

Second,

it

assumed a more active and self-interested stance

as well as preparing the

in

domestic political ground for a new mission

—

—

German army both at home and abroad beyond the confines of NATO.^^ Third, it included a reassessment of Germany’s external comfor of the

mitments and dependencies,

in particular, in relation to the

Fourth, a lengthy debate ensued

on the

United

States.

limitations of the constitutional

guarantee of asylum and on immigration.^*^

And

finally, this

unhappiness

with the prevailing defense of the status quo was also the context for the attacks on postwar West of contrition. als^^

and the

The

German

Literaturstreit

parallel debate

culture as an overly moral culture

(mostly directed against

on national

identity (against

“constitutionalists” like Flabermas)^^ were the

might add to

sentimentalism of the youth rebellion of the

first

social

intellectu-

West German

two foremost examples. One

this the charges against the relaxed morals

remnants of the new

GDR

sixties,

movements.’^ The

and the

political

which challenged the

latter

would emerge

as the

grand debate of the new millennium. The most far-reaching revisions,

though, came with the effort to undo the memory culture of the Federal Republic, which had become the cornerstone if not of the popular, then surely of the public

The

and

intellectual identity of

Germany and

its

people.

very profusion of these debates suggests that there was ctnYsiderable

doubt about the

initial

optimism concerning the speed and the scope

of

MICHAEL GEYER

3 6 0

unification. This

doubt mingled, quite manifestly, with the

effort to use

unification as a lever for changing the pre^iqSq status quo. This effort originated, tor the most part, from a right-of'Center establishment that

Germany to clamor for a more nationally self'conscious and power^driven German policy. It satisfied populist desires for an altogether more exclusive Germany for the Germans used the newly gained stature of the unified

and coincided with and

a

mainstream wish

re-

dominant postwar consensus toward the Right. The success of

locate the

these efforts was rather mixed. to the reputation of

GDR

culture such as

do with

literature

and

Gunter Grass.

some

to

However,

abandon the

a great reluctance to

damage the icons of West

did serious though not lasting

It

the center of gravity of the national consensus. to

both individually

This welter of initiatives used unification in order to

collectively.

German

for self-assertion,

of it

The

status

was unable to move

limits of success

have

quo on one hand and

the persistent tendency of these establishment initiatives to he hijacked

by a radical Right on the other.

It

was one thing

for a

Hans Magnus

Enzensherger to worry about immigration, hut a very different thing to have these worries explode in violent

Martin Walser’s doubts about the

riots.

postwar culture of contrition engendered sharp disputes hut were also open to appropriation for

much more

The

radical ends.^^

difficulty of controlling

debates and demarcating boundaries time and again limited the potency of these challenges to the status quo.

Tl lis fluidity of boundaries on the Right

is

particularly evident in the

debate on literature, which had the political and social activism of postwar literature as

its

subject. This ilehate

Fraiikinrter Ai/geine/ite Zeitun^

was launched

and Die

Zeit,

in the

pages of the

picking up and broadening

debates that started in the late seventies and eighties with Karl Heinz Bohrer, the editor of the public culture journal Der Merkur, as one of

main also

prtitagonists.”

had to

famously,

works of of

1

tussle

It

with

ran into an altogether half-hearted defense, hut

much more

distinctly Rightist points of view.

it

Most

lans-Jiirgen Syherherg unleashed his diatribe against all postwar

art as

expressions of materialism, consumerism, and capitalism and

tbe capt ivity of ibe

C

jcrman

spirit,

cowed by defeat and

I

hilocaust guilt.

Syberberg’s all-out debunking of postwar culture gained a siklden lease life,

its

because his utopia of a “genuine” and uuire “existential”

to bv associated with the Hast

—

as the site of a

community-centered, and ultimately more

more

spiritual

art

now came

traditional,

way

of

on

life.’’

It

more took

—

Botho Strauff s famous essay on tragedy to insinuate the goal the pursuit of a more mysterious, sacrificial, and aesthetic existence.’'’ This yearning for a a

more

vital

and, ultimately, a purer

language of “resistance” that captured

life

a

articulated a spirit

and took up

young, “new” Right that looked

THE LONG GOOD-BYE at the older

3 6

1

generation with disdain. But the pervasive debate concerning

StrauB’s quite hermetic piece also suggests that his call tor pathos tapped a sensibility that

extended

tar

beyond the Right

—which

Heinz Bohrer to praise irony and cosmopolitan wit seriousness.^^

The

in turn has led Karl

German

as antidotes to

opposition of an “ironic West” and a “tragic East” has

become canonic. Bohrer has been quite consistent

in his

war therapeutic culture with a vengeance

He

hated the post-

—and trom

all

appearances he

does. In order to he consistent, however, he had to shift weight, as

still it

argument.

were, from his right to his

from German pathos to French

left foot,

But his defense of a more aesthetic culture now confronts a new

irony.

essentialism that seeks out culture as the

Botho StrauB has located himself essentialism.

rather seen.

Whether

more palpable

As

it

the Right

—and

trivial

German

at this is

—

preserve of authenticity.

seam between aestheticism and

concerned with aesthetics or with a

Germandom remains to be has staked a new claim to the

revival of

stands, this fluid field of actors

tradition of the Kulturnation

As long

as the official

optimism and the popular enthusiasm

for unih-

cation prevailed, these debates could be put aside as controversies various kinds of eggheads. But unification proved to he far

than

initially

assumed.

The

more

among

difficult

troubles of unification were hardly a result of

the West Germans’ decision to deliver their democracy and their

economy

wholesale, which was the source of enduring complaints about the arro-

gance of the Besserwessies (Western nitwits) and the alleged colonization of the East.^^ Neither was the difficulty mere griping from

the East

who had

expected more and better things

The German

cation did not go as planned.

modernize

as expected.

done by

socialist

the East

German

parts,

faster.

all

those in

Rather, unifi-

East did not industrialize and

Quite apart from the realization that the damage

economics was more rust belts

seriously than expected

would do no better than

and that

their western counter-

recovery and renewal meant abandoning economic institutions and

disbanding social relations. one’s affairs in everyday

It

life.^*^

entailed changing the ways of going about

With unemployment

rising,

homes

threat-

ened, daycare for children abolished, and pensions and health payments

not catching up with the cost of

was

living, loyalty

difficult to achieve. Solidarity

toward the new nation

and neighborliness (the community

both the Right and the neo-marxist Left saw embodied in the were in short supply under the impact of a new competitiveness

spirit that

GDR)

that soured social

the reaction to

relations.'^'-^

them was

The

drastic.

list

It is

of hazards of unification

not

just that the initial

gave way to a great deal of surliness and petulance,

if

is

long,

and

excitement

not worse. Rather,

MICHAEL GEYER

3 6 2

it

seemed that the

social fabric of

German

society was run

down

rather

than refurbished.

Although the east'west

Germany was not

differential

remained a significant

factor, East

Germans became the exem-

exceptional. Rather, East

and economic

plary victims of a pattern of restructuring social

that

life

evidence throughout the western industrial world since the

had been

in

seventies.

As far as Germany was concerned,

seemed temporarily suspended

this cycle of structural

in the unification

change

boom (which amounted

to a

huge pump-priming process), hut the overall trend was not broken.

The

“flourishing industrial landscape” of

memory

a twentieth-century existential

existence of

had

fled or

the

life

all

literati

who

those

which Helmut Kohl spoke was

that was passing

The

fast.

harsher and more

were dreaming about proved to he the hard-luck lost

who

out in the process of unification or those

immigrated to Germany because

was

it

still,

notwithstanding a

marginal existence and the threat of xenophobic violence, the better and safer place to he.

The margins

widening came the fear that violence

—and predictably

and criminal, though “good society” It is

this

new

widened considerably. With

inequality

would he the source

of

major acts of violence occurred when the

hooligans to patrol the boundaries.^*

rougher climate of the nineties that the left-of-center

intellectuals faced the

denouement

of their convictions. In part, the

right, their insights did

econ-

when

omists and sociologists had to realize that, even in the rare cases

were

this

was presumed that these margins were violent

in fact the

let lose its

much

in this

it

of society

they

not matter in the face of political and social

exigencies. Also, progressive academics soon had to discover that there was a distinct shortage of ideas about reforming

academia

in the East

and that

they were just barely a match for their more conservative colleagues in the

who would

battle over

control the universities. Most important, though,

they approached with great (.iiscomfort a conditioii they had ccweted for a

They now were masters of their own memory and of There was no more cold war framework to hem them in

long time. elestiny.

— no more

protectors to pay tribute to.

abandoncLl

— the

l^olitics.

in

Chill

minor

reserveel for

whether

own

their

The Americans,

War was

the watershed

client states in better days

economic and

The moment

for

one thing, had

— the

all

hut

niceties that they

had

and started

to play hardball,

military relations or, for that matter, in

of truth

by “self-serving” politicians, as

came when American it

memory

lawyers (backed up

was regularly noted) rudely punctured

lerman memory culture and asked the Cjerman government

the artifice of

(

and industry

to put

the troubles with a

money where more

their spirit

had been. Quite

aj^art

from

self-assertive Right, these intrusions of realism

into an intellectual culture that had

seemed

all

but triumpbant in the late

THE LONG GOOD-BYE eighties

(when

it

With

thoroughly.

could claim to have

won

the Historikerstreit) deflated

German

the public controversies about

preservation of peace and order,

entail war.

Th is

is

German memory

it

full circle.

was now acknowledged, might

no guarantee

culture was

it

participation in

the intervention against Serbia this round of debate had gone

The

3 6 3

against violence.

the background for a second cluster of debates and controversies

that swirled around the themes of Orientierungslosigkeit and Unuhersichtlichkeit,

a lack of direction

and purpose

in politics

and

culture. Again, the gyra'

tions of this field of debate are illustrative for the kind of

engendered, for

postmodern

change unification

the themes were brought up in a turn against both

initially,

arbitrariness

and the challenges of

a rationally organized

and

rationally debating society."*^ But in the course of unification, they were

taken over by a diverse array of opinion-makers. There were those

now

argued that the West could not possibly remain the West

no longer was the

East; that

is,

since both

who

the East

if

German postwar histories were so

conditioned by the cold war division, neither could survive the end of the other.

The most extravagant argument

nal crisis of socialism a

Fukuyama “end

Nietzschean and

would only

of this kind insisted that the termi-

initiate the global crisis of capitalism

and so much more flamboyantly

of history” in reverse,

entertaining.'*'^ In short, there

had always been enough

people to argue that things were too good to remain what they were

and hence had to he changed. But now more and more commentators began to argue that the Germans will have to change their ways if they

The assumption now was that “after the end of we live in a period of upheaval” (Ujnhruch) that

want

to persist.

the East-

West

conflict

“requires

we put together (zusammenhauen) and an entirely new economy, state” that

—

similarly to 1945,

an entirely new

a thoroughly reformed society,

and

a revitalized culture.'*^

German

debate has

come

to call this

alyptic overtones, Zeitenwende,

which

is

phenomenon, often with apocto say, in the

first

instance, that

the bottom had fallen out from under the unification process. the notion of Zeitenwende alludes to

much more than

Germany has moved from a unification crisis prisingly, this crisis-talk has liberal center."*^ Industry

is

that.

It

Then

again,

suggests that

to a veritable Kulturkrise. Sur-

been “occupied” not by the Right, hut by the

hound

to

change

in order to stay competitive

the national sense of work and of self-worth defined by work. Politics will have to change in order to cope with the disenchantment and with it a political system with its people’s parties, which of voters and, with

it,

—

had guaranteed

stability for the past forty years. Social welfare will

—

have to

he altered in order to guarantee a minimum of social security and with provided for the security of the nation. But it the welfare state that had

MICHAEL GEYER

3 6 4

crisis'talk

contagious.

is

If

one believes the media, the Bundesbahn, the

Bundesbank, national television, even the local zoos are caught in a of transformation.*^^ In the

new century,

the

Germans would

crisis

learn that they

could not even trust their sausages and their meat.

Throughout the lations

eighties, the

theme of

a profound rupture of social re^

and cultural values had languished on the margins

as a predictable

Christian'conservative theme, but in the wake of unihcation, ticulated

most clearly

Even

upheaval with a grain ol

it

a crucial juncture in

salt

German

is

we

Zeit,

enough and

its

recurrence at

enough

predictable

is

in the black

take this rhetoric of millennial

persistent

history

Thus, the editor ot Die

seriously.

if

ar^

Helmut Schmidt, thinking aloud

two thousand years of Christian values are disappearing

hole of a united Germany.

was

with some eminent and

in the pages of Die Zeit,

quite unlikely commentators, such as that

it

to he taken

Marion Donhott, and her

co^editor,

German chancellor Helmut Schmidt, aimed at capturing this sen^ timent when they endorsed a manifesto that observed that “we Germans remain an endangered people. They feared that the Germans may, yet again, get out of control, because they no longer quite knew where they

former

They were profoundly convinced that this lack of orientation (Orientierwigslosigkeit)^^ derived from a weak and unformed identity.^^ And they deduced that this weakness may cause

stand as individuals and as a nation.

havoc, because

it

always has been that way:

“We

[the

Germans) have

tendency to excessive sentiments, to excitedness and to hubris.”

new

plaining bitterly about the dangers of a

irrationalism,

a

Com-

Donhoff and

Schmidt’s manifesto continues to elaborate on the problems facing con-

temporary Germai-iy:

The

citizens are frustrated.

and

vision.

Government and opposition

are without energy

Most everything is left to happenstance. It is as if history gu.shes Irrtsenl by us like an unchanneled white-water river, while we, standing on the riverhank, raise the alarmed questit)n as to where all this should lead. Everyone has the wish that it he thought about IcLi/.i daruhcr nachgcckicht

u'irdl, h(

)w

tlu‘

world

will look or, in

and what we have to do

in

any case, how the world should look,

order to get

there."’’

C^ne might read this as a particularly cunning piece of politics designed

more

to steal the

thunder from the Right. But

“M anifesto:

Because the Cktuntry Must CJhange exemplifies a widespread

and cultural

it.

which the

i.ssues in

often the

.source of

is

likely that

Donhoff’s

”

sen.se of politics in

is .so

it

ca.se,

which

is

called

upon

to .solve basic social

order not to expo.se the nation to undue danger.

the politics of averting

The “unacceptably

of foreigners

“state”

result in

large

.social

As

panic becomes the very

unemployment, the huge immigration

xenophobia and moral decay

\Zerselz.ung\ at

THE LONG GOOD-BYE

home and a decline of standing and influence in among the pressing political issues to he solved. In case of douht, the state

upon

called

is

3 6 5

the world” are counted

to provide the solution. If

Donhoff and Schmidt packaged this idea in an old-fashioned language of decay and deviance that reminded the reader uncomfortahly of the first half of the twentieth century, a younger generation has formulated the

same programmatic stance into as

Europe

state,

is

a

more palatable language

at least as far

concerned: “In the future, we seek protection not against the

hut wish that the state

may

protect us

—

against private criminality,

against privatized misuse of data, against the excesses of individualization

and the creeping dissolution of

social togetherness that

come with

it,

as

well as against the insatiable imperatives of flexihilization that result from

global capitalism.”^^

This quest a variety of

for

neoregulationism

German

is

a characteristic

if

debates on social, economic, and cultural

the social-liberal response to the structural remaking of unification has

become

of the welfare state

diffuse feature of issues. It

Germany

is

of which

a part. This cluster of debates has the reformation

and the integration of minorities

as

subjects.

its

topics such as protection against globalization, gene technology,

New

and the

information society, because they amount to an “unwanted game which

is

to he played in order to avoid worse,” are replacing older ones.^^ Security,

redefined as shelter against an anarchic world of markets, has

key theme. There are

all sorts

economy, of the individual and feature of

all

these debates

capabilities of society state to

is

of

new

“invasions”

his or her

body

—

—

of the nation, of the

to deal with.

and the presumption that “naturally” society.

Due

to the

justice

The common

it

will take the

tendency (articulated

explicitly in the Manifesto) to think of a society left to if

its

own

devices as

not prone to deviance, the slippage between the quest

and law and order

is

a

a profound distrust of the self-regulatory

maintain a well-ordered

unstable,

become

for social

inadvertent and recurs as a matter of course.

In the nineties, the Staatsnation has returned from the left-liberal center as

agent of regulation and as protector against an anarchic world.

With

the Kultumation coming from the Right and the Staatsnation com-

ing from the Left

German it

is

we have an example

for the confusion that leads

observers to the conclusion that the sky

a recovery of a

more

distant

of roles. These roles, however, are realistically

German still

past,

is it

caving

in.

For though

also entails a reversal

inchoate and highly unstable.

More

we might say that old alliances are falling apart and unexpected

and previously unimaginable coalescences of ideas

are taking shape. All

this points to a “structural transformation of the public sphere” as

emerged

some

in postwar

it

has

Germany. This, of course, presumes that there has

— MICHAEL GEYER

3 6 6

been such

a sphere in the

which

place,

first

a proposition that, ironically,

is

the author of The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere would have

considered highly unlikely,

not outright impossible

if

Then

path'hreaking Hahilitation in 1962.^^

when he wrote

again, in 1962

his

nobody would

have thought that an academic exercise could possibly become

a public

event, promoted by a rapidly expanding culture industry.

The Power It

we

believe an influential strand of opinion in postunification

there if

of

of Intellectuals?

no

is

we

GDR

intellectual culture of the

listen to

worth remembering.^^

another strand of criticism, there may well not be

an intellectual culture

in heavily to the

cultural” intelligence has lost

its

in France, but the

was, and

is,

on the

effect.

The

“literary-

bound to fall.^° perhaps somewhat more muted

is

it

is

would seem a more accurate rendition

state of intellectuals in

to speak of their crisis rather

The

much

notion of a “dusk” setting in upon intellectuals

widespread.^* Hence,

of German thought

same

“function” and, hence,

Germany

tenor of commentary in

than

And

contemporary Germany to contend with.^^

in

Learned opinion has weighed

The

Germany,

contemporary Germany

than their power.

prevailing crisis talk provides us with an opportunity to clarify the

kind of intellectuals we are talking about and, more generally, what tools are required in order to talk about them. For the debate slips

on

intellectuals

uncomfortably between two levels of analysis and their respective

discursive apparatuses.

On

the “modern” intellectual

eighteenth or the

an end.^^

If

this

late

one

level,

it

is

— whether we

nineteenth century

were the case,

it

argued that the very notion of IcK'ate “his” origins in

—

is

the late

exhausted and has come to

would make sense

to put the

thunder and

lightning of a Gotterdlimmerung aside, stop ccMuplaining alx)ut television,

and go on

new “intelligence” of an information age.^^ If, on the other hand, one wants to understand German intellectuals in the nineties, it is

more

to assess the

useful to think

intellectual scene as

The

latter entails

it

about the configuration of the eastern and western

developed over the past

in

is

it

which

good

to

years.

not talking about intellectuals as such, because they

are about as interesting as a sack of potatoes

doubt

fifty

have them).

What

(which

is

to say that in case of

matters are cultural configurations

intellectuals are capable of exerting palpable influence

shaping what people

— not

all,

but

enough

of

them

to

make

and of

a difference

think about themselves and the world, including what they identify as “the nation.”

Such configurations do not

virtue of tradition.^’'* Rather,

it

exist naturally or, for that matter, by

takes, for

one

thing, a certain

cultural institutions, a certain social composition,

and

makeup

of

a consensual mission

THE LONG GOOD-BYE

makes

that

intellectuals part of a

weh

a certain transparency of the public

of interaction. For another,

domain

3 6 7

it

needs

that allows intellectuals to

exert influence. Neither of these conditions was self-evidently present in

Germany

after 1945.

However, there

is

powerful intellectual configurations did

West Germany whose

enough evidence

to suggest that

into place in both East and

fall

become much

respective features have

now

clearer,

that they are in the process of change and, indeed, disappearance.

Not

to

make

too fine a point, the East

pedestal knocked out from under cial” intellectuals

(whether

and expellees inasmuch

them

critical of

German

—and

this

proved true for the “ofh-

the regime or not), the dissidents,

have remained

as they

intellectuals got their

tied to the

GDR. The

pervasive nature of the calamity suggests that the entire configuration of an intelligentsia

was breaking apart rather than that a

ment

conformists and regime supporters) was being removed.

(that

is,

dissolution, build-down,

Abivicklung

—

of cultural

and transformation and academic

—

than the

stars

one thing,

it

summed up

unmaking

remaking

of East

German

hit the bread-and-butter intellectuals

and thus highlights the depth

The term

in the

institutions as well as the

of the media sector figured prominently in the intellectuals.^^ For

all

specific position or ele-

more

of the held of intellectuals. For

made abundantly clear how dependent the entire sphere, including the dissenters, was on access to state-supplied resources and institutions. The autonomy of intellectuals was highly contingent. The build-down further cut into the composition of the intellectual class, another, the build-down

affecting the humanities

more than

erary culture far

The

and

academy and the

social sciences in the

scientihc

knowledge and technical

lit-

expertise.

disqualihcation of a great deal of professional or “expert” knowledge

and business, but also technology) should, however, warn against too clean a distinction between literary-cultural intellectuals and experts. (in law

In any case, the

main point

is

that with the

(GDR)

state-sponsored in-

frastructure curtailed, the entire intellectual configuration unraveled.

The

on the state is striking. It sheds a peculiar light on the claim for autonomy, which was championed most forcefully by the literary establishment. It was an autonomy claimed against the state

dependence of the

by intellectuals difficult

intellectuals

who depended on

the state

time of thinking themselves beyond the

In the end, the decisive factor in the lectuals

East

proved to be the

German

on the

came

loss

it

turns out, have a

of East

German

intel-

of their raison d’etre. For however diverse the

intelligentsia was, the entire cultural configuration pivoted

do remarkably

which formed

as

state.

unmaking

ability of a literary elite to represent

to

—and,

successfully.^^

Germany

—which

The centrality of literary

a distinct sphere in conflict with

is

what they

intelligence,

academy-based metadisci-

MICHAEL UEYER

3 6 8

plines such as philosophy

on one hand and

other,

was a

GDR mass public just barely tolerated But literary'CLiltural intelligence became the capstone of GDR intellect

source of considerable friction. it.

on the

history

tual culture

—and when

it

The

crumbled, the entire cultural setup collapsed. In

hindsight the diversity of the aesthetic visions of a Christa Wolf, Giinter

de Bruyn, Wolf Biermann, or Heiner Muller are emerging very But so

the overarching commonality of their mission or project. East

is

German

intellectuals gained their cultural capital

“other” Germany.

They were

more

tural heroes and,

culture,

clearly.

invested with the traditions of

generally, with the spirit of

which was taken

from representing the

as the

Weimar cub

German Enlightenment

road to recovery and salvation, as an artic-

ulation of the “other” and better Germany.^^

They had come

to represent,

moreover, the ideal of the autonomous intellectual, unconstrained by West

German media capitalism, in opposition to the state, and critical of the cold war. The cultural capital thus accrued was used effectively to capture public sentiment.

Not everyone

read these writers, and they were always

the verge of an interdict by the regime, but socialist currency.

It

became

this artifice of

culture in the to

readily recognized

words and images they had

wake

in

of the war.^^ Aesthetic

form what Germans readily identified

precious and useful.

make

elelivery) to in

who

was

It

a magnificent

other, shaping a public

and cultural reason intertwined

as virtuous art and,

took this compelling

It

and

each other’s value in

common.

which East and West reinforced each

artifice in

humanism gained wide

a key element for the self-identification of eastern

western intellectual publics

on

hence,

at

once

(and the requisite

artifice

literary-cultural intellectuals powerful

— more powerful,

any case, than any number of experts and professionals.

The

plain fact of the matter

Cjermany

betVv'een capitalism

that this bubble burst.

is

and

state socialism

1

lopes for a third

were squashed. The en-

tanglements with the Stasi cast doubt on the autonomous and of intellectuals. Last but

intellectuals

the

more

aura.

not

the collapse of the Ch")R

no other choice than had been

successful ones

What

least,

collapse*.! in

to go to the all

market

along, but

iq8q-qo was the aura

now

left

critical role

the literary

— which

they had

is

where

lost their

of representativeness of East

C^jerman intellectuals that had held the entire configuration in place.

The dominant West German intellectuals articulated many of the same concerns as their East German ecjuivalents. This western group found its identity in recovering an enlightened humanism from the physical, cultural,

and

spiritual destruction of the war.

tarian righteousness off i*.leal,

which has

led

and on,

some

complacent aflluence

ol

it

Although

it

toyed with prole-

ultimately pursue*.! a rather hur^crlich

critics to suspect

them

as repre.sentatives of the

the nineteenth-century French juste milieu. This

THE LONG GOOD-BYE

3 6 9

assessment, however, underestimates the zeal and the mission of West Ger-

man

intellectuals

who emerged slowly and remained embattled

the long postwar yearsd®

They gained

throughout

and their reasoning from

their reason

the effort of undoing the Nazi past.'* Perhaps the most outstanding feature of the entire configuration was

its

interventionist and oppositional zeal,

which contrasted with the altogether more “elevated,” representational quality of East German intellectuals and put them at odds with a liberal governmental group, defenders of constitutionality, among whose members Karl Dietrich Bracher

most prominently

—

or, for

American

that matter, the

Fritz

Stern figured

quite apart from running into the fulhblown opposi-

tion not simply of conservative academics hut

all

Helmut

those who, like

Schelsky, dreaded the fusion of the political, the social, and the cultural as “fascist.”

The

sheer aggressiveness of this intellectual culture can hardly

The

he overemphasized.

interventionist intellectuals

— the most evident

candidates are the writers Heinrich Boll and Gunter Grass, the philoso-

pher and social theorist Jurgen Habermas, the psychologists Alexander

and Margarete Mitscherlich, the historians Wehler, and, perhaps most of nus Enzensherger

—

set

all,

Fritz Fischer

and Hans-Ulrich

public intellectuals such as

Hans Mag-

out to transform society and stylized themselves in

opposition to prevailing politics, which they, in turn, characterized as preserving fascist mentalities. If

The

on in of emergency

their activism caught

concerning the

a state

them were superb polemicists. the context of the debate on a set of laws very best of

(Notstandsgesetze)

it

found

its

most

telling expression in the rebellion against the generation of the fathers (and

mothers), and

had

it

lasting

impact

as a culture of

memory, egged on by an

investigative history.^^

This intellectual activism started out cation before

it

settled into being a

Gunter Grass launched

ary

said things in

and

it

historical provo-

ways that were unheard

of,

he

and when

rattled not just the liter-

political establishment but the nation.^** Fritz Fischer

particular wish to scandalize.

German war

Of course,

When

on what Germans considered

sex, the past, or the “East,”

shocking for his argument concerning

no

and

more learned enlightenment.^’

his aesthetic attack

speakahle and unspeakable, he

he

as literary

it

guilt,

was no

even

if

less

he had

took an audience ready and

eager to accept and reject (and the latter was the majority to spread the

German cultural heroes said to make it the cultural revolution that it was.^^ West German intellectuals depended on this popular support (and on controversy) much as the East Germans fame) what these and other West

depended on the

state.

The “new” intellectuals clearly saw themselves as guardians of the nation when they declared society (Gesellschaft) their domain. They were, in

MICHAEL GEYER

3 7 0

any case, not what Rainer M. Lepsius, one of the most influential West

German

sociologists,

ought to

tellectuals

had

hed*^

down as definition and norm for what inThey aimed not at establishing a consensus of laid

values hut at challenging society and transforming politics; they did not

open up alternate ways

care to of

of interpreting the world, hut

themselves as establishing the truth in a world

thought

of deception that

full

norm and referent for the remaking of society. Fortunately, not know for sure nor could they ever agree on what was good

could serve as they did

for society,

and

finger-wagging.

debate going despite a great deal of

this kept a vigorous Still, this

configuration of intellectuals established

launching into the world and setting prov’iding

who

it

right.

They

leaflets

or

the disaster of nuclear energy or nuclear weapons.

by

constituted a public

models and images (and a smattering of arguments)

stood at factory doors to distribute

itself

for all those

on soapboxes

to explain

They gave meaning and

purpose to teachers and educators and shaped an expansive cohort of public

minor key

intellectuals in a

— the many

and researchers who became a force eighties.

It

in their

own

and freelance writers

right in the seventies

scene

—such

as

Habermas, Grass, or Wehler

and

members

thus seems quite appropriate to characterize key

this intellectual in

journalists

—

of

as princes

an enlightened aristocracy who defined themselves by their service or

duty to society, which they understood as furthering the public education of the people.

The phenomenal success t)f this scene was driven

hy the dramatic expan-

sion of the educaticaial sector, with the goal of a classless higher education,

and the opening up

of cultural institutions with the effect of

coalescence of high and low culture. of particular import. First, the

fissures

what had been

on one hand and

between the two remained, but

common

aspects of this development are

expansion of the educational and cultural

institutions brought into alignment

tional camps: literary elites

Two

an uneasy

traditionally opposi-

aca(.lemics

on the

The made

(.)ther.^'^

their leading representatives

cause in the eelucation of the nation. Second, the expansion of

educational opportunities and the desegregation of high culture created a

constituency of the well-e(.lucated that formed a

less a class

sphere of discussion ami debate that identified

broad-based meritocracy cally,

one could

c|uite that,

gender

it

at

still

tlivisions

its

members

times think of this sphere as a mass culture.

produced something (and

a

tactile

and tangible.

If it

was not

C')lder class

and

much-underrated urban-rural, Protestanr-C^atholic

enlightenment princes but otherwise developed is

as part of a

— and since education was expanding so dramati-

divide) were folded into a tiew social identity that took

that

or stratum than

its

a thick

most cotumonly associated with, but not limited

cues from their

everyday culture to,

the

new

social

THE LONG GOOD-BYE

An

movements.

institutions, a

educated society emerged that had the clout

mass base, and a raison d’etre

—

3 7 1

—an

elite,

to define itself as the public

West German nation.

culture that formed a distinctly

The intellectual and, one might even he inclined to say, spiritual force that moved this diverse group and its audience (and thus made a public sphere happen) was the effort of undoing and overcoming the legacies

and

Third Reich and Nazism.

effects of the

frontal attack

on Nazis and

Initially this

their recrudescence in the

amounted

to a

distinctly

fifties.

enlightening public sphere formed with the intent of not simply blocking Nazis hut overcoming the corrosion of cultural values and moral norms as well as the misuse of its

main

legacy.

The

sense of progress

Nazism and as part of

knowledge that both produced Nazism and was

enlightening activism was endowed with a Whiggish

—configured

all its

in decay.

its

tended into what one might see

tied to the overall

even

it

as a

agenda

German

it

say

and the

“romantic” and “irrational” counter-

movements). The

pacifist

of melioration

gained and exerted

society to

latter re-

and moral improvement,

as this it

enlightening public sphere

in the

form

of a

moral imperative

become aware of and overcome the

cultural legacies of Nazism, war,

stKietal

and

and genocide.

peculiar power of the enlightening public sphere consisted in

ability to

convince a

ular religion.

It

its

number of people that conversion order to overcome the past. The new

sufficiently large

was a good and necessary thing in enlightenment of the seventies and eighties had was

—some would

toyed with and occasionally crossed over into a language of anti-

had an influence,

The

which

very essence. This moral impulse ex-

enlightenment. In any case, inasmuch

for

in

culture because moral reform

environmental and

(like the

mained as

was so distinctly

It

—an enlightening

reconstitution of civility were

movement

—

attending ideological and political formations were seen

an older world

anachronistically

Weberian

as either marxist or

does not

all

the trappings of a sec-

at all surprise that the self-perception of this public

different. In claiming that the

new enlightenment

necessarily followed

from the devastation of war and genocide, its main proponents naturalized what effectively was a competitive situation. They understood themselves as,

spirit that

by necessity, the

could

move Germany beyond

the legacies

of the Third Reich and that, because of the effective destruction of civility and culture, was destined to proselytize a new culture. The missionary fervor of this public,

The

much

as its appeal,

cannot he underestimated.

tensions within this configuration have caught public attention

more than has the

overall thrust to con\^ert

German

society into a better,

postfascist nation. Subcultures of all kinds splintered off from the

C(^nfiguration.

The

dominant

older guard of ratic^nalists fought a younger cohort

c^f

37

MICHAEL GEYER

2

“romantics” tooth and nail over issues of gender, multiculturalism, and

everyday history. Neither can the boundaries and exclusions ot this public culture he overlooked. Despite traditional divisions in

its

German

expansiveness and

society,

it

always remained a meritocratic

culture with a tendency to castigate the masses tion,

ability to cross

its

—

if

not for mass consump-

then tor their craving for security or their lack ot convictions.^^

remained stunningly male.

It

also elicited virulent counterattacks

It

trom a

more conservative camp whose mainstay was initially in the universities hut increasingly also in the “reputable” media for their intrusion into

—

the political realm, tor their heavy-handed enlightenment moralism, tor their celebration ot public as arly values,

and not

opposed to more purely aesthetic and schol-

least tor their “antinational” politics ot contrition.*^^

In short, this cultural contiguration was

enwrapped

in a thick tangle of

controntations and engagements. It

would seem appropriate, then, to recover the ct)mpetitiveness of

The

tempts to capture the public.

new

ability ot this

at-

public sphere to

marginalize alternatives and oppositions and to elide the very issue of

marginalization limits.

is

one

As mentioned,

camp and

ot the best indicator ot it

its

power. But there were

ran up against a more conservative and Christian

vociferous academic detractors ot the

new

clerisy. It

more important, though, that the new enlightenment never t)n to a

much more

is

altogether

really

caught

Catholic, shame- rather than guilt-driven culture ot

memory and stayed aloot trom the transtormation ot popular culture.^’ It never came to grips with a more entertainment-oriented culture. None ot this (.liminished the power of its intellectual elites. But they fell on harder times

in the nineties.

Unihcation and the dithculties

tion in a united CA‘rmany were part ot the issue,

tew ot the princes had important, they

come

out against a united

made no hones about

(diancellor Kohl’s unitication

all

the more since quite a

Germany.

their distaste tor the

policies.^’’

ot orienta-

Perhaps more

new populism

ot

Their visceral opposition seemed

vindicated during the rash ot xenophobic violence that ran like a brush tire

presumption that the intellectuals could speak took to task collapsed.

“the

tiatiott” as

ot cotupet

it

iott.

easy

battle groutid

iti

people

whom

they

by an all-out oftensive by

itistitutiotts, arid tnedia,

the hatmer issue.

The

tor the

The breach was widened

conservative states, public oti

The

through the newly unitied country. But the damage was done.

with cotupetirig claitns

Utiihcatioti operied

up a riew held

iticorporatioti ot East Cjertnat'iy hecatue the sectarian

the tight over change in the West Cjerman balance of

culture and power.

It

was

a battle

over meaning and identity as

was over jobs and media control. Whoever expanded captured (or was capable of defining) eastern

taster

much

as

it

and whoever

German sentiment

better

THE LONG GOOD-BYE

would emerge on

top.

An

editorial of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung,

the national liberal opinion maker,

made no hones about

the

of the post' 1 989 debates over the future of the intellectuals.

were engaged in a Kulturkamf)/.^^ The editorial

tellectuals

cultural struggle as

3 7 3

an opportunity

main

thrust

German

in-

pe')rtrayed this

for a rollback of the left-liberal progres-

sivism of the old Federal Republic, a reversal of fortunes of what the editors

German postwar orthodoxy

considered West and East

Gesinnungsliteratur

(moralizing literature) and Betroffenheitskult (sentimentalism, search for authenticity).^^

won these culture wars. The East German inmauled badly. The old guard of West German intellectuals

In the end, neither side tellectuals got

and counterintellectuals are

still

doing battle and are

which these

a storm.^*^ But the configuration within

rapidly falling apart.

The

institutions that

still

capable of raising

battles

made

sense

is

have formed the backbone of

postwar intellectual culture have been turned upside

down with

the pri-

vatization of radio, television, and last hut not least telecommunications,

the globalization of the publishing industry, and the mass-marketization of culture as is

hound

sity,

commodity and

to change,

if

of

knowledge

The

Higher education

only because the unsolved problems of a mass univer-

vastly aggravated by unification,

dysfunctional.

as intelligence.

have rendered the educational system

mostly municipal and state-centered public cultures of

the stage, of libraries, and of public education are in serious

crisis

due to

massive cutbacks. In short, the entire infrastructure of postwar culture has

come under serious strain.

In their

own way. West German intellectuals had

to discover that they could not rely

on

society in maintaining the fiction

of a public culture the intellectuals thought was their own.^'^

The in

meritocratic ideal and spiritual center of this culture has gone up

smoke even

faster.

Knowledge

still

one the passkey

gives

mobility, hut the presumption that a “critical,” humanist

make

the difference has evaporated. Although

ological reality,

it

now seems

Germany

tend to discuss as the goal has or, for

Not

which German

The

of utopian designs.^^

uncertain, as the debate

vociferous and, indeed,

The most

venomous

zeal

intellectuals

is still

there. But

on asylum and immigration

that matter, the out-of-area use of the

least, a

never actually was a soci-

the inability to sustain the effort

into a better society,

crisis

become

is

upward

knowledge would

that even the belief has vanished.*^*

important indicator of change, though, of remaking

it

to

German

military suggests.

populist opposition has been

forming which has challenged the intellectuals as so many talking heads one can do without. This challenge, in conjunction with the other woes, indicates that the notion of the intellectual as the guardian of society is no longer accepted.

MICHAEL GEYER

374

end of “the

this the

Is

The problem

intellectual”?

of the old antagonists

of the Federal Republic and of the virtuous counterpublic of the former

GDR

is

tions of the old.

off

each other but

now

are

generation that shows none of the compunc-

much younger

faced with a

on the

and fed

that they needed each other

At the same

time,

them depended

of

all

in equal

measure

and imagined constraints imposed by the climate of the cold

real

war on Germany’s

politics

and

With

culture.

(the presumption of) these

constraints removed, the stakes have increased dramatically.

The emer-

gent controversies of the nineties concerned themselves with the norms

and standards of public conduct

who

in

Germany

should police them.*^^ Last hut not

powers ot the

state

common

quite

—who should

least,

articulate

and

they are struggles over the

— how and by whom they should he

used.

It

has

become

to think ot these controversies as identity wars or cultural

them as contlicts over seltdetermination. Atter all, it is now tor the Germans to figure out what they want to do with themselves atter having become sovereign. They now wars. But

it

is

more

have themselves,

to the point to think ot

in the present, to

contend with.

daunting task tor politicians and intellectuals

expunge the memory

turns out that this

alike, a task tor

is

a

which both

them remarkably unprepared. and writing. Not only have all ettorts to

the eastern and the western past had

But they never stopped talking

It

lett

ot the disastrous collapse ot civility in twentieth-

Germany been

memory ot this rupture ot civility is the source ot some ot the mc'tst energetic new thinking and writing that is emerging trom Germany. It is too early to write ahcnit the German “enigma century

ot arrival.’”''*

But

it is

rebutted, hut the

sate to say that

it

pays to watch out tor

it.

Notes 1

Lothar IVohst,

.

Deiuschcn

in

(

Andrei

2.

Power

in (he

und West (Berlin,

)st

S.

Ohcr

die kultundlcy) Untcrschicde der

u>t;c>).

Markovirs and Simon Reich, The iiemum Prediedment: Memory and

New

tnrn/)e (Ithaca,

Den

3.

Diirs

4.

Klaus Scherpe,”The

C

dcr Einhcit:

cd., Diffcrcuz

in'inhein.

Studies Journal 10 (199^):

ic>c;7).

teuren Toten: C

kTiuan

297-^1

i;

Hlutaffhe (Frankfurt

Intelligentsia in a C'l.iudia

Time

am Main,

1994).

ot Cdiange,” Puro[)ean

Mayer-lswandy, “Asthetik mid Macht:

Zur dikursiven Unordnung im vereinten Deutschland,’’ Ljerman Studies Review }

19, no.

(1996): 501-23. 5.

Wolfgang Fngler, Die Ostdeutschen: Kunde

I'un

einem verlorenen Lind (Berlin,

1999)-

6 C')tthein Kamstedt and (jert Schmidt, .

Ansichten (Frankfurt

am Main,

i(>92).

eds.,

PRD ode!

Vierzif^Jahre in Riick'

THE LONG GOOD-BYE 7

-

Jurgen Habermas,

A Berlm

The German

(Lincoln, 1997).

original

was published

jan-Werner Muller, Another Country German Identity (New Haven, 2000). :

8.

Heimo Schwilk and

Germany,

Republic: Writings on

Ulrich Schacht,

in 1995.

Steven Randall

trans.

On

3 7 5

Habermas, see

Intellectuals, Unification,

and National

Die selhsthewusste Nation: “An-

eds..

schwellender Bocksgesang” und iveitere Beitrdge zu einer deutschen Dehatte (Berlin, 1994). 9.

Gabriele Goettle, Deutsche

Erkundungeti

Sitten:

in

Ost und West (Frankfurt

am am

Main, 1991 ), Goettle, Freihank: Kulti^r minderer Giite, arntlich gepriif (Frankfurt Main, 1995), and Goettle, Deutsche Spuren: Erkenntnisse aus Ost urid West (Frankfurt am Main, 1998) trace a distinct progression. 10.

See the special

“One Nation

issue

Identities in the 1990s,” ed. Christhard

1.

Past? Historiography

Hoffmann, GenTuin

Bernhard Giesen,

Intellectuals

and

the

Amos

Axial Age, trans. Nicholas Levis and

Politics arid Society 15,

German

Weisz

Nation: Collective Identity

(New

no.

12.

Konrad H. Jarausch, The Rush

13.

“

to

Gentian Unity

in

an

York, 1998); Peter Glotz, Die

beschleunigte Gesellschaft: Kulturkdtnpfe im digitalen Kapitalisrnus

14.

and German

Another Country

2 (1997); Miiller, 1

— Which

(New

(Munich, 1999).

York, 1994).

was zu-sammengehort.” Reden zu Deutschland (Bonn, 1990). jiirgen Kocka, Die Vereinigungskrise: Zur Geschichte der Gegenwart (Gottingen, Willy Brandt,

.

.

.

1995)I

5.

In the

des Lichts:

politischen

2000 (New York, 1987). Arnulf Baring, Unser neuer Grofenwahn: Deutschkmd

Military Confict 17.

am Ende

Claus Offe, Der Twmel

Transfmnation im Neuen Deutschland (Frankfurt, 1994). Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change arid

Erkundungen der 16.

critical assessment;

first

from 1500

to

ztvischen

Ost und West

(Stuttgart, 1989). 18.

Jens Reich, Riickkehr nach Europa: Bericht zur neuen Dige der deutscheri Nation

(Munich, 1991

);

Lothar Prohst, Ostdeutsche Burgerhewegungen imd Perspektiven der

Dernokratie: Entstehung, Bedeutung, Zukimft (Cologne, 1993). 19.

Christian Meier, Die Nation,

die kerne sein will

(Munich, 1991

).

Hans- Peter Schwarz, “Das Ende der Identitatsneurose,” Rheinischer Merkur, September 1990, and, in contrast, jiirgen Habermas, “Wir sind wieder ‘normal’ 20.

7

geworden,” Die

Zeit,

18

December 1992; Stefan

Berger, “Der

Dogmatismus des Nor-

malen,” Frankfurter Rundschau, 26 April 1996. 21. Karl Heinz Bohrer, “Provinzialismus ( -Vl),” Merkur 44 (1990): 1096-1 102; 45 (1991), 255-61, 34h-5h, 537-45. 710-27, 1059-67. 1

HanS'Peter Schwarz, Die Zentralrnacht Europas: Deutschlands Riickkehr auf die Welthuhne (Berlin, 1994), and Schwarz, Die gezdhrnten Deutschen: Von der Machthe' 22.

sessenheit zur Machwergessenheit (Stuttgart, 1995).

23.

John

S. I3uffield, Political Culture. International Institutions,

Policy After Unification (Stanford, 1998);

German

Predicament:

24. Klaus

j.

Memory and Power

Andrei in the

S.

New

and German Security

Markovits and Simon Reich, The

Europa (Ithaca, 1997)-

Bade, ed.. Das Manifest der 60: Deutschkmd und

die

Einwatiderung

(Munich, 1994)25. Karl Deiritz

and Hannes Krauss,

eds.,

Der deutsch^deutsche

Literaturstreit oder

“Freunde, es spricht sich schlecht mit gehimdetter Zunge”: Analysen und Materialien (Frankfurt

am Main,

1991

)•

MICHAEL GEYER

3 7 6

Konrad H. Jarausch, “Normalisierung oder Re-Nationalisierung? Zur Umdeurung der deutschen Vergangenheit,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 21 (1995): 559-72. 27. Cora Stephan, Der Betroffenheitskuk: Eine politische Sittengeschichte (Berlin, 26.

1993)28. Fritz I,

J.

Raddatz, “Giinter Grass, deutscher Dichter,” Die

Zeit,

10 October 1997,

6.

Hans Magnus Enzensherger, Aussichten auf den

29.

Main, 1993). 30. Frank Schirrmacher, (Frankfurt

am Main,

1999). For a candid reflection

A good summary

31.

on

Martin Walser,

this tension see

flagranter Versuch.” Die Zeit, 13 January 2000, 42-43.

Karl Heinz

is

am

Die Walser'BubiS'Dehatte: Eine Dokumentation

ed..

“Uher das Selhstgesprach: Ein

Burgerkrieg (Frankfurt

B(.)hrer,

“Provinzialismus,” Merkur 44 (1990):

1096-1 102; see also Muller, Another Coimtry, 177-98.

Vom

32. Hans-jtirgen Syherherg,

dem

(Munich, 1990).

letzten Kriege

33. Ihid.,

Ungliick und Gliick der Kiinst in Deutschkvid nach

90-91.

Botho StrauB, “Anschwellender Bocksgesang,

34.

202-7. See also Stephen Brockmann, “The Unification Discursive

Phenomenon,” German

Heinz Bohrer,

35. Karl

GocH

ed.,

“

Der

Spiegel,

Person of

8 February 1993,

Germany

as a Post-

and Society 15 (1998): 1-25. Sprachen des Emstes (Frankfurt am

Politics

Sprachen der Ironie

—

Main, 2000).

Michael Week, “Der ironische Westen und der tragische Osten,” Kurshuch 109

36.

(1992): 133-46.

Heinz Bohrer, Die

(Munich, 1970), and Btdirer, Plotzlichkeit Zum Augenhlick des iisthetischen Scheins (Frankfurt am Main, 1981 ) (Suddenness: On the moment of aesthetic appearance, trans. Ruth Crowley [New York, 37. Karl

gefiihrdete Phantasie

1994I). 38.

Wolfgang Diimcke

an*.! Fritz

Vilmar, eds.. Die Kolonialisierung der

DDR:

Kritis'

che Analysen und Alterruitiven des Einigungsprozesses (Miinster, 1995). 39.

Wie

Kurt Biedenkopf, “Kurt Biedenkopf und der Ahschied vt)n der ‘Aufholjagd’:

sich iler sachsische Ministerpnisident die unterschiedliche (ikonomische

soziale

Entwicklung

in L^st unt.1

West

vorstellt,” Frankfurter RuruLschau,

und

27 March

1992. 40. Barbara Einhorn, (Anderelki kujes to Market: Gitizenship Gender, ajtd Womert's ,

Movements and

in h.astern

Body

the

41. Joyce

Politic

tiurope

(New

(New

York, 1993); Elleii E. Berry, ed.. Postcommunism

York, 1995).

Marie Mushahen, From PostAVar

Attitudes Poward the National Question arid

(Boulder, 1998), 42. Jan Ross, 43.

cs|t.

“1 )ie

Denkens

(I

NAT(

PostAVall itenerations: Ghanging in the

)

Federal Republic of

Germany

315-59. Geisier, die der Krieg riel,” Die Zeit

lauke Brunkhorsi, Der entzauberte

I

to

Intellektuelle:

1

7

Uber

June 1999, die

i

1-4.

neue Beliebigkeit des

lamhurg, 1990).

44. Francis

Fukuyama,

I'he

End

of

I

listory

and

the Last

Man (New

York, 1992);

Der Kollaps der Modemisierung (Frankfurt, 1991 ); Robert Kurz, Der Licht aus: Zur Krise von Demokratie inul Markiwirtschaft (Berlin, 1993).

l^ohert Kurz, rnachi

iLis

45. lArnulf Baring,] “Sind die Eiheralen

March 46.

noch

zu retten.^” Die

Woche

Letzte

|Beilage|, 17

1994.

Thomas

E.

Schmidt, “Die

C'lehurt

konservat iver Biirgerethik aus

dem

Geist

THE LONG GOOD-BYE

377

der Kulturkritik,” Freiheuter 6i (1994): 80—89, speaks of Liberalkonservatismus but overlooks the left-wing strands of the debate on values. 47. For literature proper; Robert dczciten, Zeitenwende

Weninger and

Brigitte Rossbacher, eds.,

Positionsbestimmungcn zur deutschsfnachigen Literatur 1945— 1995

:

(Tubingen, 1997). 48. “Alte Tugenden, neue Werte,” [Roundtable], Die 49. Karl Dietrich Bracher, “Zeitgeschichtliche

Zeit,

1

1

3.

The

24 December 1994.

Anmerkungen zum

1992) von 1989/90,” Neue Zuricher Zeitimg, 20 January 1991. 50. Marion Donhoft et ak, Ein Manifest: Weil das Land ,

Wen-

sich

‘Zeitenbruch’

andem muss (Reinbek,

manifesto was signed by an unusual combination of personalities:

Marion Donhoff

Meinhard Miegel (executive director, Institut fur Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft), Wilhelm Nolling (president. State Central Bank of Hamburg), Edzard Reuter (CEO, Daimler Benz), Helmut Schmidt (former chancellor and

(editor. Die Zeit),

editor. Die Zeit),

Richard Schroder (former dissident, professor of theology,

Humboldt University 1993)

Berlin),

parliament), and Ernst Ulrich

Wolfgang Thierse (former

von Weizsacker

dissident,

(director, Institut

SPD member of Klima, Umwelt,

fiir

und Energie). 51. jorg CallieB, ed., Historische Orientierung nach der Epocheriwende

(Loccum,

-

Werner Weidenfeld, “Identirat,” in Handworterbuch Werner Weidenfeld (Frankfurt, 1992), 376-83. 52.

53.

Donhoff, Manifesto,

zur deutschen Emheit, ed.

9.

54. Ibid.

55.

Susanne Caschke, “Vater Staat und seine Kinder," Die

Zeit, 7

October

1999, 45. 56.

The vox

populi puts

reached a point where we

it

all

this

want

way: “Of course, to be.

We join

it is

strange.

We

the social market

Europeans have

economy with

and have an eye for the environment. This is not the case in the United States which has the consequence that globalization threatens our values. And since only the victor can change the rules, we must, under current conditions, become as efficient as the United States, if we want a world order that reflects Eucultural diversity

ropean values.” “Ein ungewolltes Spiel mitspielen, um Schlimmeres zu verhiiten: Europa und die Veranderungen des Weltmarktes Votrag von BrtTessor Franz Josef

—

Rademacher beim Jahrestag des TOV,” Dannstadter Echo,

3 April 2000, 7.

Habermas, Strukturwandel der Offentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu enter Kategorie der biirgerlichen Gesellschaft (Neuwied, 1962), rev. Cerman ed. 1990. (The 57. Jurgen

structural transformation of the public sphere: society, trans.

58.

Thomas

An

inquiry into a category of bourgeois

Burger ICambridge, Mass., 1989]).

Sabine Brandt, “Wer spricht

vom

Versagen der Brieftrager: ‘Etwas echt

Deutsches’: Die Frage nach den Fehlleistungen der Intellektuellen,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 1 1 December 1992, 35; Thomas Anz, ed., “Es geht nicht wn Christa

Wolf’: Der Literaturstreit im Vereinigten Deutschland (Munich, 1991).

Frank Schirrmacher, “Das Prinzip Handwerk: Zuriick zur Kunst nach Jahrzehnten des Dilletantismus,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 5 March 1995; Eckhard 59.

Henscheid, “Weltwachgeister; Planstellen deutscher Literatur ( ),” Frankfurter A/lgeJanuary 1994, and his “‘Der Softie als Ramho’; Planstellen deutscher meine Zeitung, 1

4

Literatur 60.

(

11 ),”

ibid.,

6 January 1994.

Wolf Lepenies,

Aufstieg und Fall der httellektuellen

in

Europa (Frankfurt, 1992), 63.

37

MICHAEL GEYER

8

ed., Intellektuellenddmmerung: Beitrdge zur neuesten Zeit des

6 1. Martin Meyer,

(Munich, 1992).

Geistes

62. Jean-Frangois Lyotard, 63.

am

I

new

of the

Tomheau de

deliberately speaking of “intelligence,” because

intellect

is

and human

64.

J.

intelligences, the subject

German

example of this kind

as a successful J.

no longer the

is

take the “rediscover^'” ot

1

Mommsen, Mommsen,

one

ot the

1984).

key signatures

the dissolution of the “modern” linking of subjectivity and

knowledge. “Cogito ergo sum” ficial,

I’intellectuel, et autres papiers (Paris,

is

world ot interactive,

issue. In a

arti-

being thought.

intellectuals in the

of analysis.

Wilhelmine Empire

See Gangolf Hiihinger and Wolfgang

am Main,

1993); Wolfgang

eds., hitellektuelle

im Kaiserreich (Frankfurt

Biirgerliche Kidtur

imd kiimderische Avantgarde (Frankfurt

am Main,

1994). 65.

The Ahwicklung

agreement.

is still

consequences, however, were clearly

Its

and Frauke Meyer-Gosau, 66.

which there is little foreseen by Heinz Ludwig Arnold

a highly contested subject about

eds..

Die Ahwicklung der

DDR

(Gottingen, 1992).

Stephen Brockmann, “Literature and Convergence,”

German

Reading

in

Beyond 1989; Re-

Literary History Since 1945, ed. Keith Bullivant (Providence, 1997),

49-67.

“The End

67. Keith Bullivant,

man and

Question’

Change

the

68.

in

West German

of the

Dream

of the ‘Other

Germany’: The ‘Ger-

1870/71-1989/90; German Unifications

Letters,” in

Walter Pape (Berlin, 1993), 303-19. Wir Kollahorateure: Der Westen imd die deutschen Vergangen-

of Literary Discourse, ed.

Cora Stephan,

ed.,

heiten (Reinhek, 1992).

69.

Bernd Hiippauf, “Moral oder Sprache: DDR-Literatur vor der Moderne,”

DDR:

in

Heinz-Ludwig Arnold (Munich, 1991 ); Wolfgang Emmerich, “Affirmarion-Utopie-Melancholie: Versuch einer Bilanz von vierzig Literatur in der

DDR

Jahren 70.

The

Riickhlicke, ed.

German

Literatur,”

critical position

is

Studies Rei’iew 14

(

1991

):

325-44.

marked by Frank Schirrmacher, “Ahschied von der

Literatur der Bundesrepuhlik,” Frankfurter Allgerneine Zeitung, 2

Wolfram

the countercritique as in

Schiitte,

October 1990, and

in

“Aut dem Schrotthaufen der Geschichte:

Zu einer denkwiirdig-voreiligen Verahschiedung der hundesdeutschen Literatur,” Frankfurter Rundschau, 20 CXtoher 1989; Ulrich Cireiner, “Die deutsche Gesinnungsasthetik,” Die “Egalitiire

Zeit, 2

November

1990; Eherhard Rathgeh and

Thomas

Steinfeld,

Bundesrepuhlik: Die politische Asthetik kultureller Ereignisse,” Kierkur 49

(1995): 865-74. 71

.

Jiirgen

mas, vol.

i:

lahcrmas, “Einleitung,” in Geistige Situation der Zeit, ed. Jiirgen

1

Nation und Repuhlik (Frankfurt, 1979), 7-35;

versus Pragmatist.^ the Fast: (jcrmatiy 1

1

Icinrich Boll

and (utter Grass

and Austria After

n)4‘y, ed.

Siegfrie*.!

1

laher-

Mews, “Moralist

as Political Writers,”

Kathy

1

itt

Coping with

lartus et al. (Madisoti, t99o),

40-54. 72. fidgar

Wolf rutu,

(

ieschichtspolitik in der

humlesrepuhlikanischcn Frinnerung 73. Klaus

Stmt

seit

(

etl.,

ig4‘^ (Berlin, 1994):

Schriftsteller

74.

Wagenhach,

und

liinter

(

die Folitik irass.

Bundesrepuhlik Deutschland: Der

Weg

1948-1990 (Darmstadt, 1999).

Vaterland, Muttersprache: Deutsche Schriftsteller utid ihr 1

leltnut L. Miiller, Die literarische Repuhlik: Westdeutsche

(Wiunheim, 1982).

Die Blechtrommel (Darmstailt, i960) (The tin drum, trans.

Ralph Manheiiti |New York, 196 d). 75.

I

ritz l•ischer,

zur

Griff nach der Weltmacht: Die Kriegszielpolitik des luiiserlichen

THE LONG GOOD-BYE Deutschland 1^14-18 (Diisseldort, 1962) (Germany’s aims in the York, 1967]). 76.

Clemens Albrecht

et

al.,

Die

intellektuelle

3 7 9

world war [New

first

Griindung der Bundesrepuhlik: Eine

Wirkungsgeschichte der Frankfurter Schule (Frankfurt

am Main,

77. Again, this becomes most evident in the critique of

1999).

this

populism that

is

the subject of one of the most influential essays of the nineties, Botho StrauB, “An-

schwellender Bocksgesang,” Der the context

is

Jay

Rosellini,

).

Spiegel, 8

“A

Symposium 1993” and Beyond,”

Revival

in

February 1993, 202—7. cif

Rainer M. Lepsius, “Kritik

Beyond 1989; Re-Reading German

Zeitschrift fur Soziologie

und

als Beruf:

The

Conservative Literature?

since 1945, ed. Keith Bullivant (Providence, 1997),

78.

A brief discussion of “Spiegel-

Literary History

109-28.

Zur Soziologie der Intellektuellen,” Kolner

Sozialpsychologie 16 (1964): 75-91.

Hauke Brunkhorst, Der Intellektuelle im Land der Mandarine (Frankfurt am Main, 1987); Wolf Lepenies, Between Literature and Science: The Rise of Sociology 79.

(Cambridge, 1988). 80. Norbert Frei, Vergangenheitspolitik: Die Anfdnge der Bwidesrepuhlik und die

Vergangenheit (Munich, 1996); jiirgen Danyel, ed.. Die

Umgang mit

Nationalsozialisrnus

und Widerstand

1995); Jochen Vogt, “Die Erinnerung

ist

geteilte

Vergangenheit:

NS-

Zum

deutschen Staaten (Berlin,

in heideri

unsere Aufgahe”: Uher Literatur, Moral and

1945-1990 (Opladen, 1991). 81. John Carey, The Intellectuals and the Masses: Pride and Prejudice Among the Literary Intelligentsia 1 880-1 g^g (London, 1992) is the classic example. The issue Politik

is

picked up, somewhat surprisingly, by Peter Slotterdijk, Die Verachtung der Massen: Versuch uher Kulturkdmpfe 82.

Helmut Schelsky, Die

die IntelL’ktuelL’n

Linke Theorie 83.

in

modemen

Gesellschaft (Frankfurt

am

Main, 2000).

Arbeit tun die anderen: Klassenkampf u. Priesterherrschaft Intellektuellen:

(Hamburg, 1976). of Memory in Contemporary Germany,”

der Bundesrepuhlik Deutschland

Michael Geyer, “The

Politics

in

Copjec (London, 1996), 169-200.

Most famously Giinter Grass, Deutscher

Einheitsgehot:

85.

der

(Opladen, 1975); Kurt Sontheimer, Das Elend unserer

Radical Evil, ed. Joan 84.

in

Reden und Gesprdche (Frankfurt

Lastenausgleich: Wider das

am Main,

dumpfe

1990).

Wolfgang Herles, Nationalrausch: Szenen aus dem gesamtdeutschen Machtkarnpf

(Munich, 1990). 86.

Jan-Werner

Miiller,

“Preparing for the Political:

front the ‘Berlin Republic,’”

New German

is,

in fact, talk

of the most interesting and telling texts of this kind

Weg aus

Intellectuals

Critique 72 (1997): 151-76,

important point that the talk about the nation

Deutschbnd: Reflexionen auf dem

German

is

Con-

makes the

about the

state.

One

Dieter Henrich, Eine Repuhlik

der deutschen Teilung (Frankfurt

am Main,

1990).

Eckhard Fuhr, “Ein Kulturkampf,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 26 September 1993. See also John Ely,”The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Contemporary National-Conservatism,” German Polirics and Society 13, no. 2 (1995): 81-121. 87.

von der Literatur der Bundesrepublik: Neue Passe, Neue Identitaten, neue Lebenslaufe: Ober die Kiindigung einiger Mythen des westdeutschen BewuBtseins,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 2 October 1990; 88. Frank Schirrmacher, “Abschied

Ulrich Greiner, “Was bleibt? Bleiht was?,” Die Zeit, 1 June 1990; Ulrich Greiner, “Die deutsche Gesinnungsasthetik,” Die Zeit, 2 November 1990; Karl Hein: Bohrer, “Kulturschutzgebiet

DDR?” Merkur

lo-ii (1990): 1015-17.

3 8 0

MICHAEL GEYER

89. Peter Slorerdijk, Regeln fur den Menschen[)ark: Ein Antwortschreihen zu Heideggers Brief

uherden Humanismus (Frankfurt

against “critical theory”

—and the dehate

am Main,

1999), with a fulsome attack

in Die Zeit 36-40, 2

Septemher-7 October

1999 90.

It is

one

of the fascinating

sideshows that the West

German

cultural sector has

always been a predominantly commercial sector and that the enlightenment public culture depended, to a large degree,

Andreas Johannes Wiesand, “The from a

German and European

on

a

commercial publishing and media

state of the Kulturstaat: Ideas, Theses,

industry.

and Facts

Perspective,” in The Cultural Legitimacy of the Federal

Republic: Assessing the Kulturstaat, ed. Frank

Trommler (Washington, D.C., 1999).

91.1 take Peter Sloterdik, ed., Vor der Jahrtausendwende: Derichte zur Lage der Zukunft, 2 vols. (Frankfurt

compares with (Frankfurt 92.

jiirgen

am Main,

am Main,

Habermas,

1990), as a symptomatic

te.xt

and

ed., Stichworte zur geistigen Situation der Zeit, 2 vols.

1979).

Werner von Bergen and Walter H. Pehle,

eds.,

Verrat von Ituellektuelleri im 20. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt

Denken im

am Main

The Enigma of Arrival (New York, 1987).

Zwiespalt:

Uher den

1996).

93. Heinz Bude, Die ironische Nation: Soziologie als Zeitdiagriose 94. V. S. Naipaul,

that contrasts

(Hamburg, 1999).

RLEXRNDER KLUGE Translated hy Devin Petidas

The Moment

of Tragic Recognition

with a Happy Ending

Why

the Public Sphere Is a

Sold at

Any

Belonging to

Common Good Which Cannot Be

World (Common Good = Personal Property Each One of Us)

Price in the

In the eighteenth century the public sphere had yet to emancipate

from the state and other powers. In his essay “What Does Orient One’s Self in Thought?” Immanuel Kant put

it

It

itself

Mean

to

this way: “[T)he

external power which deprives people of their freedom to communicate their thoughts publicly also deprives

them

of the freedom to think because

the only guarantee for the ‘validity’ of our thinking actually fact that

we

think, as

it

were, in

community with others with

lies in

the

whom we

mutually share our thoughts.”^

Thinking

is

not thinking

acknowledgment thinking. Since

ot I

my

if it is

limited to monologue; the reply, the

thought in the response of others, ahox^e

cannot

live

without thinking (and,

means “the discriminating faculty to have an exchange with others,

as

all,

is

Heinrich von

Kleist said, this also

ot emotions”), the

elementary ability

to create a public

sphere,

is

necessary for living.

It is

not pathos hut praxis that makes a rich

and diverse public sphere a prerequisite trusting myself

1

can then

trust others.

for

my

ability to trust myself,

The production

of this trust

is

and

both

the function and the lifeblood of the public sphere.

Gotthold Ephraim Lessing wanted to expand these ideas even further. He argued that for a thinker it is not sufficient to sit, free and alone, in his study, think something,

the

foil

stage.

and then have

it

published. Rather, he needs

of those actually present, a public sphere that derives from the

As we know, he wanted

to found a national theater in

Hamburg.

This plan created misunderstandings with the city. All that remains of the project is the monument we see in the Gansemarkt: a verdigrised statue of Lessing sitting in a relaxed pose, like an enterprising person, lightly 3 8

1

.

ALEXANDER KLUGE

3 8 2

one hand on

resting

And and

and

his knee,

a finger holding his place in a hook.

so every day he looks out at the hustle

new

strange

its

A

buildings.

and hustle of the Gansemarkt

public that

absent on Sunday, returns

is

again early Monday, and disappears again in the evenings

—

that

is

what

characterizes Hamburg’s inner-city public sphere.

At

this point

would

1

public sphere makes at

like to

pose a rhetorical question:

it

a property as personal as the air

as unsalable as one’s life history? For sell

about the

a kind of personal property that should not he sold

it

any price? that makes

we

What

cannot

I

we breathe and

person, and neither can

sell a

our hopes.

In reality, however, the following happens: In the face of

danger, discussion groups

who

lay

claim to public status develop in niches

provided by the church. After a while, nonviolence,

if

immediate

it

becomes

clear that,

if

they practice

they do not give the state the legitimation necessary to

deploy armed force, then the members of this public sphere have the power

down

to bring

The same fly

the state.

image

side of this

flip

is

that, a

few weeks

later, in

precisely the

place, this public sphere belongs to other people; that these people

other

flags

and propose other slogans; and that

dissolves quite lasts until

January

fast.

As happened

after

shortly after Cdiristmas or

crisis,

this public sphere, too,

November

New

igi8, the upheaval

g,

There follows the

Year’s Eve.

the turn within the turn (die

Wcndc

in

der

Wende)

Back

in

igig, the image of the National Assembly replaced that of the Councils

Round Tables (Runde

(Kate) or the

knowledge

of the catastrophe of

immediate experience

Tische),

both of which sought, in

World War

I,

to mediate

and the entity

of indix ieluals

Very similar concerns emerged after Nt)vemher the

March iggo

elections. In the end, the

and disseminate the events,

g,

between the

of the state.

ig8g, and, again, after

media could endlessly multiply had taken place, to the

as they originally

who were

constituents of an iiulirect public sphere of the Federal Republic not engaged in and directly affected by the events.

was gone with the wind

An

aiul

important figure

Formerly

a scientist,

could no longer he

same

city;

he

is

original situation

sphere was Jens Reich.

in the revolt and, for six

voice was heard by millions of people. raised in the

The

ascertainei.1.

in this short-lived public

he ixirticipated

full

We

weeks, his

are both the sons of doctors,

the son of Dr. Reich and

1

of Hr. Kluge. Yes,

our fathers held themselves to the standard of good physicians, beloved by the peojde, making nighttime house calls and such. their pride.

A

our fathers,

who

good deal

This ethos gives

of

inherited

our persistence comes from the persistence of

visited patients in rise to a

And we sons

emergencies even on C?hristmas Eve.

certain attitude that

we

seek to emulate.

THE MOMENT OF TRAGIC RECOGNITION WITH A HAPPY ENDING

383

The public sphere that remains of what hesitate to call the former German Democratic Republic has today become a marketplace. All kinds I

of opportunities are created to

hand over broad segments of the public sphere to anyone who has the means to invest, so that an immediate and autonomous public sphere is no longer even viable as a project. Heiner Muller, the president of the sian

Academy),

institution

—

as a piece of public life

of the Arts (formerly the PruS'

and hopes that he can rescue

resides there alone

thing hut promoting public it

Academy

But the academy

life.

or enriching

it

with

seems to he burdened with mistrust and a lack of

So what

the use value of the public?

is

Of a

this

is

interested in any-

new

business. Instead,

self-trust.

public sphere whose begin-

nings are short-lived and that seems to he subject to spontaneous processes of disintegration?

Two observations can

he

made about

the weakness of the

public sphere. In the

Hamburg Dramaturgy,

Lessing defends Shakespeare’s themes

against French tragedy’s doctrine of virtue.^

and

his daughters, save one,

Wittenberg sensing that

it

is

she

his father has

who

A

father

dies.

is

deserted by

A man

been murdered;

out from

his step-father has

dishonored his mother. Othello’s uncontrollable jealousy

wager between two men; the deadly conspiracy begins

sets

all

is

as a

speare’s plots correspond to experiences that derive their

spawned by

a

game. Shake-

power from the

sphere of intimacy. These intimate spheres are the great sources of substance in every society. sions of gies its

emotion

when

it

The

public sphere cannot accept these expres-

directly. It prefers diluted expressions

comes

to the

powers

of the intimate.

and evasive

This

is

strate-

one cause

of

weakness.

On in the

the other side,

former

we observe

GDR. The

the current explosion of free enterprise

second great sphere of lived experience obvi-

ously consists of commercial enterprise and the production process. activities in the

commercial sphere

fill

Our

the lion’s share of our lifetime.

This second sphere of experience is also constituted privately. By itself this energy does not strive toward public exchange, understanding with

community. The principle of privatization defines the two most important sources of what people do during their lifetimes. This means that the public must constitute itself from energies that are weaker than

others, or

the forces that derive from the two major private spheres and for the will of the majority counts only to a limited extent.

At

this point,

an antagonism

arises that further

weakens the public

sphere: the authority of the republic (Gemeinweseri) derives from to represent the whole. The public, in turn, which subtends the nity, therefore

cannot admit that

it is

whom

its

claim

commu-

composed of mere fragments.

3

ALEXANDER KLUGE

84

can demonstrate to you the price every public broadcasting and

I

vision station pays to maintain

on everything and

to report

where everything it

cannot do

as

phenomenon

its

high level of legitimation.

an additional window

to provide

essential in the world

is

an institution of public

to void itself

supposed

room shown, hut this is precisely what law. This mandate leads to the in the

that Bert Brecht describes in his table of the laurel tree,

which was trimmed into an ever more perfect shape disappeared.^

It is

tele-

That

and

is

to say that the public sphere has

weaken.

to

in her Lessing lecture

is

an

it

completely

intrinsic

tendency

Hannah Arendt’s point valorizes human feelings

in this respect that

It is

so important: Lessing

that are considered weaker

until

and yet

are also

more continuous and have

their specific quality in a certain stubbornness, as, for example, friendship, hospitality, the

need

to gossip, the

The forms

without any particular purpose.*^ beings

—

as social beings

withdrawn

are

—

that

need to exchange

do not prevail

all sorts

of sociability

among human

in catastrophic situations

like the feelers of a snail in case of

a public sphere.

This relates to the problem that the public sphere cannot by the tools, means, and idioms

exchange

of public

tools of puhlicness

transformation

—

intimacy, for this

it

is

it

needs

in order to

communication. That

—

films,

is

A

where the instruments are

manage and renew the

for the

production of these

is

built that

make

the public in

Lessing’s opinion about the

work

mediation between the immediate, the

and the individual on one hand and the general

the other.

Principle of “Tragic Recognition”

tragedy, says Lessing,

deal with tragedy and last

invent

always necessary to loop hack to subjectivity and

of poetry: the poetic enables the

The

itself

hooks, discourses, public situations and their

the public sphere rich in substance. This

subjective,

is,

and

danger are precisely the

human community and

ones we need in order to found

of intelligence

1

is

poem.” Since Brecht did not

a “dramatic

leiner Miiller does not write theory, Lessing

author to he concerned with drama (that

elementary emotional conflicts in a theoretically

really

in the

grounded fashion,

is,

is

the

with the representation of

form of publicly performed action)

in the Hairihiirg

Drajnaturgy

among

other places. 1

find particularly striking a passage of nearly thirty pages that

to the fourteenth chapter of Aristotle’s

there

is

make

successful tragedy.^’ Every

a

hierarchy of “events that

Aristotle, turn

on

conflicts

one

/kictic.s.^

elicit fear

According

and

pity,”

is

devoted

to Aristotle,

which

is

to say,

of these events, says Lessing, citing

between enemies, between

friends, or

between

people

who

profit”

adequate to the stage, tragic action must occur between friends.

are indifferent towartl each other. In order to yield a “dramatic

THE MOMENT OF TRAGIC RECOGNITION WITH A HAPPY ENDING

A

brother must

mistreat, or intend to mistreat his brother, a son his

kill,

mother her

father, a

son, or a son his mother.

In this sense, according to Lessing, four classes of tragedy istence. In the in

which the

first

act

is

385

class

—one thinks of

Emilia Galotti

committed wittingly and

in full

come

—events

knowledge

into ex-

are reported

of the person

affected, hut not carried to completion. In fact, Emilia Galotti’s father

would have had to overthrow or Instead he killed his

tragedy of the

first

own flesh and

is

when

This

is

person

full

blood, his daughter. This

the act

is

is,

The

is

third kind

undertaken and carried out unconsciously,

knowledge of the circumstances and the actor recognizes the

whom he kills too late.” And the fourth class of tragedy, me

greatly

the highest

—and the reason why am you and which — when an unconsciously undertaken action does

according to Aristotle surprised

so to speak,

consciously undertaken and ac-

the case with every murder plot.

produced “when the act

without

the prince, hut this did not happen.

kind, not the highest according to Aristotle.^ Tragedies

of the second kind arise tually carried out.

kill

this

telling

I

is

not succeed, because “the people entangled therein recognize one another

This

in the nick of time.”

is

the case in the story of Merope, a play by

Sophocles that did not survive the burning Lessing reconstructed

A

king

is

its

is

plot from indirect sources.

attacked by a bandit neighbor.

of his children save one,

of the library at Alexandria.

who

is

The

hidden in a

him and all remote location. The queen usurper

kills

forced to marry the usurper. He, however, cannot feel safe as long as

the

last royal

child of the old regime has not also been killed.

appears at court child.

whom Merope

She wants

is

youth

takes to be the hired murderer of her last

we

to kill this assassin and, as

with her teeth.” As she

A

read, to “rip his heart out

about to plunge her dagger into his heart, she

recognizes the supposed assassin as her son. According to tradition, the

people of Athens were more upset and moved by the tragedy of Merope,

which ends happily, than by the

terrifying

conflict resolves itself in amicability

a reunification. I

call

Lessing’s

And

and good

for a

an exploration of the

will.

There

is

a

A tragic

happy ending,

this occupies Lessing for thirty pages.®

attention to this passage because

demand

ending of any other play.

it

demonstrates the objective of

welLgrounded, theoretical examination of drama

ability of art to express a defense of practical experi'

ence against something that is merely asserted onstage. This concept is at the core of Lessing’s concept of critique. In the nineteenth century, the dramatic tradition founded by Lessing

was continued

in quite a different

manner, resulting

in a rigid abstraction

of value. In a kind of spiritual Bonapartism, enormous masses and colossal

accumulations of both horror and pity were built up, each isolated from

ALEXANDER KLUGE

3 8 6

the other. Thus, every drama

attempt to arrange

act so as to

its fifth

the world of opera. This

became the competitor of every other

how

is

maximize

is

Hamburg Dramaturgy

Lessing’s

at issue. Lessing’s

must

1

fear,

This

also

is

Verdi and Puccini deployed the genre.

This accumulation ot horror and pity

which

effects of pity.

in the

is

not, however, of the sort with

is

concerned, because there balance

concern goes hack to antiquity, to the question, “What

what must

turn introducing the

1

love?’’ It

theme

is

concerned with the

ot pity,

which

is

Socratic question, in

not yet considered a separate

As Hannah Arendt elaborated in her Lessing lecture, in antiquity was no more considered a virtue than was envy. And terror in itself

ideal.

pity

was not seen

as

the ability to

let

anything valuable

that

might

1

trom that which

lose

What

mattered was the balance,

oneself he seized by pity in the midst ot terror and in the

midst ot pity not to relinquish the Pity derives

at all.

my

way, that

1

memory

love and must not lose, fear from the terror

am no

1

ot terror’s bitterness.

longer in agreement with myselt and

therefore go to pieces. In this situation, the hierarchy ot dramatic forms dissolves into a rich world ot reflections, ot balances, ot calibrations

countercalihrations. This

is,

in Lessing’s words, the

and

“education ot senti-

ments,” the core of a pleasurable, public contemplation that connects the intimate with the public.

This draws attention to the tact that no other generation has been able to view

And

yet,

its

own

century as an open landscape ot experience like ours.

our metaphors, our dramatic representations, hut also our news

reports lack the expressive capacity to disseminate this experience. tt)

suggest this discrepancy with

two examples. They

1

want

also illuminate the

explosion ot material power and substance that the classical canon ot forms is

not capable ot dealing with anel that will sooner or later break

canon so 1

that

new forms

will

down

this

emerge.

begin with two observations that are associated with Lessing’s dramatic

poem Nathan

the Wise.'*

Lessing wrote this piece in a period

directly threateneel with censorship. Therefore, of the

drama

remove

it

to the

Near

from actuality.

he transposed the location

East, into a timeless, fairy-tale

One

when he was

realm so as to

look at the television news suggests that, in

the meantime, the subject ot the Near and Middle East has

become

less

suitable tor such magic transposition.

There

is

something

else,

though.

The

classical

drama, with which Less-

ing was concerned, ielentihetl social conflicts with persons. In the ancien

regime, this identification corresponds to the public perception ot the

sovereign as a living embotiiment ot the people. This

is

why

Lessing re-

peatedly gives the impression that humanity could be educated possible to better educate tbe rulers.

It

is,

in short,

considerably

it

it

less

were mis-

THE MOMENT OF TRAGIC RECOGNITION WITH A HAPPY ENDING

387

taken to interpret world events on the basis of individual confrontations in the twelfth century,

which

in the eighteenth century, in

is

the setting for Nathan the Wise, or even

which Lessing wrote, than would he the

case today. If

one

metaphor of “personal entanglement,”

transfers the

intrinsic to

drama, from the stage to the Middle East in the 1990s and attempts, with Lessing’s drama, to it is

name

the three contending forces

unclear which of the three rings of Nathan the Wise

then the Muslims do not correspond to Saladin Hussein, that

is,

to Iraq as a regime.

UN coalition.

It is

abundantly

stage as

if

it

clear,

human

personal hut a systemic conflict, that the

Hussein) stand, as

among which the right one,

Saddam

hut rather to

A heavily armed Israel takes the place

of Nathan. For the Templars, the white knights,

Bush or the

II

is

as

we may choose George

however, that this

Saddam

actors (including

on the

were, beside the events, while acting

not a

is

world’s

they were directing them.

Until this day, the quest for truth, the question of

who

has the

legit'

imating power to judge, awaits the better judges and will do so for the

next thousand years. There seems to be astonishingly the old conflict. But the form in which a dramatic

poem. News systems such

Post report

on

it,

this

poets.

What

is

is

missing

is

that

is

new

in

narrated will not he that of

Der

Spiegel,

the Washington

are gathered here

on the occasion

is

in the classical public sphere,

is

CNN,

why we —and —something missing

but

of the Lessing Prize

as

it

little

in these

news narratives which,

was appended by the composers and the

the element of recognition, the happy turn for

the good, that defines Aristotle’s fourth kind of tragedy. Stated simply, the

news reports lack

potential for a defense I

human interconnectedness, and hence of too much of a good thing.

a sense of

was very happy

that, in their decision, the jury

one of my stories, and that

is

also a

quoted a metaphor from

the concept of a “strategy from below.”^^

1

want

woman, Gerda Baethe, sits in the basement with her children and, in. that moment, can think of no way to protect them. The bomber squadron that for some to briefly recall this image.

During an

air raid in

from her perspective completely abstract

—reason

1945, a

is

bi^nbing the city

is

power of extraordinary effectiveness. Even experienced bomb disposal experts cannot deal with the results of decades of technologi' cal development that rain down from the skies. The bombs have to first arrive before the bomb defuser can defuse them. Even he, as an expert, a systemic

cannot respond any differently than a layman while he is sitting in an air raid shelter being bombed. His professional knowledge is useless. There is no human relationship between those sitting in an air raid shelter and a

bomber squadron.

1

cannot capitulate,

I

cannot defend myself,

1

cannot

3 8 8

ALEXANDER KLUGE

repent,

I

cannot respond,

I

cannot protect that which

not even make sense that

I

am

This For a

what the

is

I

love.

And

it

does

afraid.

teacher, Frau Baethe, said to herself in her basement.

moment she wondered whether praying would

she pray for? That the

help. But

what should

bombs not fall on her and her children hut

instead

on

her neighbors? That would be a very unholy request, depriving the prayer

no plan for action that one might pursue in a linear, logical way. The same situation arises during the occupation of a country, like the one we are currently practicing in our own, of

power. In such micro-dramas there

its

is

or during the trenzy following a world soccer championship.

constitute a systemic totality

of

human

This

Zusammenhang) that dispenses violence out

systemic context; and next to

its

the

(

being I

though;

tragic.

takes the form of

it

it,

who cannot respond

what consider

is

These events

below or inside the abstraction, to

it

whatever he or she might do.

This tragedy cannot be played out

monadic

is

units that

as a

drama,

smash into each other

in

such a way, however, that one unit strikes and the other cannot strike hack.

Dramas

demand an account. Gerda Baethe draws such

of this sort

When

ance when she considers:

was the

last

point in time that

I

a bal-

could, in

cooperation with others, have developed a defense against the powers that

now

me and my children? She comes to the realization that perhaps in 1928 (in the story it is 1945, and now it is 1990) it might have been possible, together with many others, by taking different measures than she actually took, to protect her children in this moment of danger in 1945. threaten to

The

kill

unity of location, time and action,

Hatnhurg Dratnaturgy, conflict a

between

whole network

indirect

and therefore

moments

in

would

is

now

under

time, there

interrelate in

is

an

they refer to completely different

What was once

a

dissolved.

it

metaphor

very important to

is

drama

real conditions,

correctly

of the three rings into yet

me

— because

that you understand the

this stasis

anything ever stands

still.

To

does not imply this end,

1

will

you the story of three men.

rumor that Japanese submarines were nearing the the United States, Therefore, preparations were made to

In 1941, there Pacific coast of

repel the

At the same

and temporal bonds that

like to translate Lessing’s

static quality of stage

briefly tell

logical

relativistic order, as

another form, because

tliat,

another subject of the

time and are situated in different locations.

single location 1

new

is

ruptured as a temporal and logical bond, in the

worlds and system worlds.

life

of

is

which

was

enemy and

a

iieople

were drafted. Los Angeles and the surrounding

areas were under strict blackout orders.

At tbe rime there were three men

whom

1

will describe

more

in

closely. First,

the metropolitan region of the city

Walther Bade. Walther Bade

is

an

THE MOMENT OF TRAGIC RECOGNITION WITH A HAPPY ENDING astronomer, and he sat in his extremely cold room cold so that the lenses do not fog

do

Thanks

this in great detail.

—

observatories are kept

—on Mount Wilson,

were in Siberia, and observed the

stars.

389

all

bundled up

as

if

he

Because of the blackout, he could

to this help,

he studied the

starry

heaven

above us and discovered that the galaxies are actually twice as far away as anyone had thought up to that time. He took the correct measure of that structure in

which we

surrounded by an extremely cold world outside.

live,

In one night in 1941, he took us further from a Ptolemaic worldview

He

than Copernicus had.

an enlightener (Aufkldrer), an enlightener

is

concerned with distance, an enlightener by

At

scientific

means.

same time, there was another man named David Miles, a private detective. He was drafted and was ordered to guard corporate buildings. this

They

dratted the fox to guard the chicken coop. Because he was an exces-

sively curious

to

make

man, he used the telephones he was supposed

long-distance telephone

He

calls.

called the day-side of our planet

and closely followed the progress of the Japanese to telephone of Manila,

exchanges

pushed very

in

to be guarding

He made

offensive.

calls

northern Singapore, to Ceylon, to the vicinity

far into the provinces, into the local.

Much

of

what he learned might have been based on misunderstanding, because he could not speak

all

of these languages; rather, he listened for the tone

make out

of voice or whether he could

gunfire in the distance above the

incomprehensible Spanish.

Thus he oriented

himself,

and the pathos that

He

did so in an unmediated form. or

on

reports prepared for

times,

he worked

him by

did not rely

reports by

that he

news agencies

the newspapers. But, as a witness to these

way by telephone

his

on

lies in his effort is

had wanted to know where they could

into the crisis spots, and

flee to, if

if

people

anyone had asked him, he

would have known.

There was

later

worked

is

a third

we know,

in this curious “unity of place

awarded the Lessing

at night;

wake up

man

again.

he could not

He extended

Prize fall

and time.” He

— Max Horkheimer. At that time, he

asleep.

He doubted whether he would

every day as long as he could and wrote, as

He

the notes that later went into the Dialectic of Enlightenment

had discovered

a

sentence by Karl Marx that reads: “The result of

our discoveries and

been equipped with

all

of

our progress seems to he that material forces have

spiritual life

into a material force.

all

and human existence has been

When human

stultified

beings are nothing hut consumers

anymore, when they are cannon fodder in a war, then they have certainly become a material force, just as dead labor can he accumulated to fill the 1

86th generation of an

IBM computer

countless preceding generations

lies

with spiritual

life,

for the labor of

hidden therein. This accumulated ma-

.

ALEXANDER KLUGE

3 9 0

terial

power has a

hut

capable of striking united.

is

The but

,

latter

spiritual

that marches separately

life

sentence does not appear in any ot Marx’s collected works,

might

a sentence that the Stasi

it is

a spiritual

life; it is

just as well

people recently discovered a manuscript in

have found. The Stasi

London but

it

was not passed on

no one thought that newly discovered sentences them. Horkheimer was of the opinion that one should

to the Politburo because

by Marx could affect

name

not be sadistic in the

of truth (u>ahrheitssadistisch)J^

He

put this

phrase in his notebook every night during the blackout. By “sadistically

he meant that there are

truthful’’

realistically,

which,

realities

would cause such deep

if

they were reported

we have

injuries that

to decelerate

information about them, so that experience can catch up with them. this

With

notion he described what a metaphor does, what poetry produces. In

the face of unbearable experience, poetry shapes the vessels, labyrinths, threads, in

which

can deal with

it

terror decelerates

enough so

without being injured; so that the feelers of the

sense perceptions, remain extended, although are not equipped for experiencing terror.

encing happiness; they want

this

regard, all feelings are antirealist

At the same

human

time,

listed

for

our

beings as a species

feelers are

bent on experi'

fiber of their being. In this terror.

that can decelerate terror so that

it.

here three highly subjective intellects, which represent

They never spoke with one another.

to the standard of verisimilitude,

dramatic scenes, there

is

also

upon which Lessing

no conceivable constellation

they could have met. All they have in total

human

snail,

and directed against experiencing

three fragments of the Enlightenment.

According

The

with every

we must invent forms

beings can deal with

have

1

that our sense experience

common

insisted

in

which

time and place as the

is

context of blindness (Vcrhlendun^szusammcnhang) In other years this

systemic blinding would be triggered by the mass media, hut in this year, in '941,

What

it

was due to

a blackout.

matters here

is

the category of linkage, or relationality (Zusarn-

Tncu/iungh at work both in poetic production and in the shaping of actual

everyday situations. Seen from the perspective of emancipation, subjective qualities appear disconnected. Yet,

television series, or a of

if

they are mobilized by advertising, a

propaganda campaign, that

nonemancipation, the same

is,

cjualities are linked

from the perspective

and

interrelated.

Now,

the chance for a spotitaneous turn toward a happy ending, for autonomy, for tragic recognition

from the perspective

and the project

and of

Lessing’s sobriety (Sachlichkcil)

emancipation.

The

is

only possible

project of the Enlightenment

of poetics are, in this perspective,

necessary

allies,

and the

THE MOMENT OF TRAGIC RECOGNITION WITH A HAPPY ENDING these projects can be realized in practice the

less

3 9 1

more strongly we can sense

this alliance.

“On Humanity

In her Lessing lecture,

in

Dark Times,” Hannah Arendt

offered the following definition: “Tragedy shows the reversal of action into

In this respect, and this

suffering.

has it

left

is

the core of what

want

I

the stage of the theater and has ended up in real

cannot attain any form there

new, open situation form, just as

has

it

arises, for

lost its

—neither

worldwide. But

location, nor time, nor action.

even suffering

loses

for curiosity,

A

ostensibly necessary

its

form of rationalization. In

new possibilities for action,

provides

life,

to say, tragedy

this situation,

and

which

for poetic capacities,

the recognition of the authentic, of the subjective, and of good will has a particular form

at first glance,

it

looks like naivete.

take a sentence from Kant’s essay

I

rights of man

may have six

—

On Perpetual Peace,

must be held sacred, however great

“The the ruling power

Appendix

a sacrifice

1

:

to make.”^^ This attitude took hold in a lot of people’s heads for

weeks

last

autumn.

unleashed a revolution. These people destroyed

It

the image of a closed system that

had taken

I

for a reality.

More than one

hundred years ago, though, when Kant’s sentence was written, it seemed in a word, naive. This is because it was published hut not quite realistic

—

none of

its

describes

promise was

became

fulfilled.

a reality

Suddenly, however, what the sentence

and a power

to he

reckoned with.

In the context of the events of 1989, there was a demonstration in

which people carried signs saying, “We are the people,” the individual who, in the seventeenth century, played sovereign

Leipzig in

just

as

said

of himself, “L’etat, c’est rnoi.” For precisely these absolutist reasons, Bert

The word

Brecht never spoke of the people hut always of the population. “population,” however, would he a lot a population” sounds like a syllogism.

missing.

The sentence would

and we possess

actually

a public sphere in

less attractive as a slogan. It is

also evident that

have to

read:

“We

which autonomy

is

“We

are

something

is

are a population,

possible

—one

in

which we use our capacity to reason without the guidance of others.” Before something new oppresses me, after the demolition of the old, which had pushed me away from myself, there must he a glimpse of that have for the authentic, all humans tragic recognition that we humans

—

—

for the subjective, for the otherness in other persons

Something and

like that

sensibility.

may

trigger catharsis as in

and

Merope.

It

for

good

will.

reunites terror

A population without this vessel of sense-perception, with-

out the real stage of the public, cannot develop self-confidence. This is what Lessing’s optimistic attitude refers to. It is the prerequisite for all rigorous poetics in the twentieth century.

And

this faith

is

tied to

,

ALEXANDER KLUGE

3 9 2

skepticism in the face of closed system worlds that function as

They

real.

they were

are countered, Lessing says, by the antirealism of feeling.

for the sake of this skepticism, for this

It is

if

system of tolerances, that we

need an independent public sphere. The public allows us to manufacture the tools that enable communication and

And

sible.

that

why

is

make mutual understanding pos-

“common good which cannot Therefore, anyone who accumulates

the public sphere

he sold tor any price in the world.”

is

a

possessions for him- or herself in the public sphere, he a public-law institution or as a private entrepreneur,

the people and the public as long as

we keep open

is

it

in the

form of

We

a trustee.

the direct path and the

unmediated communication between subjectivity and community. In lies

the

Editor’s

moment

of tragic,

are

this

happy recognition.

Notes

Immanuel Kant, “Was heisst: sich im Denken orientieren?” in Immanuel Kant, Werke in zehn Banden, ed. Wilhelm Weischedel (Darmstadt, 1981), 5:280, emphasis added. Originally published in the Berlinische Monatsschrift Berlin, October 1786. Kant states: “Der Freiheit 211 denken ist erstlich der hiirgerliche Zwang engegengesetzt. Zwar sagte man: die Freiheit zu sprechen, oder zu schreihen, kiinne tins zvvar dutch ohere Gewalt, aher die Freiheit zu denken dutch sie gar nicht genommen werden. Allein wie viel und mit welcher Richrigkeit vviirden wir wohl denken, wenn wir nicht gleichsam in Gemeinschalt mit Andern, denen wir unsere und die uns ihre Cjedanken mitteilen, diichten! Also kann man wohl sagen, dass diejenige aussere Gewalt, welche die Freiheit, seine Gedanken offentlich mitzuteilen, den Menschen entreisst, ihnen auch die Freiheit zu denken nehme.” 2. Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, Ha/nhmgi.sche Dramaturge, in Werke uns Briefe 1.

Werke 1767— 1769, ed. Klaus Bohnen (Frankfurt am Main, 1985) (1 lamhurg dramaturgy [New Yt>rk, 1962]). 3. Bertolt Brecht, “Geschichten vom llerrri Keuner,” in Bertholt Brecht, Gesanx' mc/te Werke (Frankfurt am Main, 1967), 12:373-415, here 385. The title of Brecht’s in zu'iilj

story 4.

is 1

Banden, ed. Wilfried Barner,

“Form und

Sti)ff.’’

lannah Arendt, Von der Menschlichkeit

(Munich, i960) (“On humanity dark times 5.

|New

Lessing,

/

6. Aristotle,

9. 1

I

chap.

8. Lessing,

I

On

On

Men

in

the fourteenth chapter of Aristotle’s Poetics,

the subject of

1

1

lill,

N.CL, 1987), chaps.

14,

Commentary,

74-78.

trans.

Stephen

45-47.

4.

lamhurff Drarnaturjry; see esp.

7B0, ed. Klaus

667 (Nathan the

pity, see especially essays

he Poetics of Aristotle: Translation axid

Gotthold Ephraim

York, 1989I).

Gedanken zu Lessing

dark times: Thoughts akiut Lessing,” in

lamhurg Dramaturf^.

lalliwell (Cdiapel 7. Ibid.,

in

in finsterexi Zeiten:

York, 1968I), 3-31, here 20.

see especially essays 37-39.

1

vol. 6:

wise:

Le.ssing,

Nathan der Weise,

Bohnen and Arno Schilson

A

74-78.

e.s.says

dramatic poem,

e(.i.

in

Werke und

(Frankfurt

Briefe, vol. 9:

am Main,

1993),

Ellen Frothingham |2d rev, ed..

Werke

483-

New

THE MOMENT OF TRAGIC RECOGNITION WITH A HAPPY ENDING

3 9 3

Alexander Kluge, Neue Geschichten. Hefte i-i8: Unheimlichkeit der Zeit (Frankfurt am Main, 1977), 55-59. The stor>' is part 2 of fasc. 2: Der Luftangrijf auf 10.

am

Halberstadt

8. April ig45. Its title

“Strategy from Below.” See also Alexander

is

Kluge and Oskar Negt, Geschichte und Eigensinn (Frankfurt 1

Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno,

1.

Horkheimer, Gesammelte

Schriften, ed.

in

Marx, “Speech

at the

The Marx-Engels Reader, 2d

ed.

[New

York, 1978), 577-78.

The

turned into sources

the loss of character.

become enslaved

At

am Main, 14, 1856,”

its

contrary.

human

Malabor,

The new fangled sources of wealth, hy some of want. The victories of art seem bought hy

starving and overworking

spell, are

Max

English original

chinery gifted with the wonderful power of shortening and fructifying

weird

787-91.

York, 1972]).

Anniversary ot the People’s Paper, April

(New

),

Dialektik der Aufklarung, in

of the speech states: “In our days, everthing seems pregnant with

we behold

1981

Gunzelin Schmid Noerr (Frankfurt

1987), 5:13-292 (Dialectic of enlightenment 12. Karl

am Main,

it.

mankind masters nature, man seems to own infamy. Even the pure light of science

the same pace that

to other

men

or to his

seems unable to shine but on the dark background of ignorance. All our invention

and progress seem stultfying 13.

human

Max

to result in

life

endowing material

forces with intellectual

life,

and

in

into a material force.”

Horkheimer, “Aufzeichnungen und Entwurfe zur Dialektik der Aufklarung

— 1939-1942,”

in

Horkheimer, Gesammelte

Schriften, ed.

am Main, 1987), 12:250-325. Arendt, “On Humanity in Dark Times,”

Gunzelin Schmid Noerr

(Frankfurt 14.

20.

Immanuel Kant, “Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch,” Writings, ed. Hans Reiss (Cambridge, 1970), 125. 15.

in Kant’s Political

CONTRIBUTORS

Mitchell G.

Ash

is

professor of history at the University of Vienna.

He

has previously

taught in the history department of the University of Iowa, the history of science

department of the University University of Vienna.

of Gottingen,

Among

and the science studies department of the

his recent publications are Gestalt Psychology in

German

Culture, 1890-1967; Holism atid the Quest for Objectivity (1995), as well as two edited

volumes: Forced Migration and Scholars After 1933 (

1997;

German

(

fiir

w'as,

between 1970 and 1991,

sc.phil. in

Most recently she coauthored

Langermann and Forschung

in

DDR

Siegfried Lokatis..

and languages

a researcher at the

Zen-

Jedes

Buch

Ende der

his

She

is

a

GDR

literature,

and women’s

ein Ahenteuer: Zensur'Systern i4nd

sechziger Jahre

(1997) with Martina

member of the Zentrum

fiir

Zeithistorische

Potsdam.

David Bathrick did professor of

literatures

Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR. She 1986. She has written extensively on the literature of the

literarische Offentlichkeit in der

at

Germanic and Slavic

in 1944, studied

Republic, exile literature, theory of literature,

literature.

and

Literaturgeschichte der

completed her Dr.

Weimar

Scientists

1996) and German Universities Past and Future: Crisis or Renewal.^

Rostock and Greitswald and

tralinstitut

Change: German'S peaking Emigre

ed. 1999).

Simone Barck, born in

Scientific

German

his graduate

studies

work

at the University of

Chicago and

is

currently

and chair of the Department of Theater, Film, and Dance

Cornell University. His held of research

is

twentieth-century

German

literature,

and him with special focus on the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich, and the GDR. He serves as editor of the journal New German Critique. His most recent book is The Power of Speech: The Politics of Culture in the GDR (1995). He is currently theater,

hnishing a book on visual culture in the Third Reich.

John Borneman

is

professor of anthropology at Princeton University.

his graduate studies in

anthropology

at

He completed

Harvard University. His early ethnographic

research in Berlin btith before and since 1989 resulted in publication of Belonging the

Two

Berlins: Kin, State,

Nation (1992). His most recent publications include

Accounts: Violence, Justice, and Accountability

in Postsocialist States

Settling

(1997) and Subver'

sions of International Order: Studies in the Political Anthropology of Culture (1998).

scholarly interests

encompass culture and international

and European identihcations, as well rently doing research in Lebanon.

Dorothea Dornhof, born

as the

order, sexuality,

began her career

His

and national

anthropology of memor>’ work.

in Leipzig in 1951,

in

He

is

cur-

as a bookseller, sub-

sequently studied cultural sciences and aesthetics at Humboldt University, worked as doctorate at Humboldt a journalist for the Berliner Rundfunk, and completed her University with a dissertation titled “Baukasten

fiir

kritische Eingriffe: Zur Funktion 3 9 5

CONTRIBUTORS

3 9 6

des Dokumentarischen im literarischen iind theoretischen

which was published

zensbergers,”

Zukimft (1988). She was a

as

member

Akademie det Wissenschaften

Hans Magnus Enzensherger: Erinnerungen an

of the Zentralinstitut

in Berlin

on the

German

East

politics, history,

literature as well as

for aesthetics since the

fiir

die

Literaturgeschichte at the

and subsequently was

Forderungsgesellschaft wissenschaftliche Neuvorhaben. cations focus

Werk Hans Magnus En-

a research fellow at the

Her main

and publi-

interests

and theory of contemporary West German and

on women’s

Enlightenment. She

and femininity

literature

is

as a

paradigm

working on a book. Demons of Modem

FU

Knowledge. She has held teaching positions at the

(German

Berlin

literature),

Humboldt University (theater). University of Chicago (German Studies), and Monash University (German Studies, Melbourne) and is currently assistant professor at the Institut fiir Kulturwissenschaften at Humboldt University in Berlin. Michael Geyer, born of Freiburg. sity

He

is

in 1947, studied history

literatures at the University

currently professor of contemporary' European history at the Univer-

of Chicago. His earlier publications focus

1860-1980 ( 1984). More

Rustungspolitik,

and German

on

military history

recently,

and include Deutsche

he has edited (together with Konrad

Jarausch) a special issue of Central European History (1989) titled

Challenges in Theory, Practice, and Technique" as well Resistance Against the Third Reich, as

On-Going

Society.”

He

“German

as (together

1933-1990 (1994), with an essay

Histories:

with John Boyer) titled

“Resistance

Project: Visions of Order, Obligations to Strangers, Struggles for Civil

currently working with

is

twentieth-century

German

Andreas Graf was born

Konrad Jarausch on

a book-length essay about

history.

in

1952 in Ebersbach/Oberlausitz.

He

studied history at the

University of Rostock and completed his dissertation, “Anarchismus in der Weimarer

Republik: Tendenzen

where he was

a

—Organisationen — Personen,”

member

of the Arbeitskreis Friedens-

Social Science l')ivision.

He

He

also

Council

and

member

a

burg.

1990-91.

in

1

le

is

of the

on the

at

in Berlin,

und Konfliktforschung

in the

served as the managing executive of the Media Control

was a cofounder

Commission

editorial

Humboldt University

of Experts

committee

of the

Unabhiingige Historiker-Verband

on the Memorials

of the State

Branden-

of the journal Internationale Wissenschaftliche Kor^

respondenz zur Ceschichte der Arheiterhewegung. His publications deal with the history of anarchism, the political police, Soviet internment

CiDR,

as well as metlia politics, (.'urreittly

Widerstandsgeschichte

at

he

is

camps

in the

Soviet Zone and the

research fellow at the Forschungssrelle

the Freie Universitat and the CA‘denksratte deutscher Wider-

stand, both in Berliir.

Hohmann, born in Apokla (Thuringia) in 1939, has lived in Werder/Havel 1961. He studied chemical engineering and, between 1961 and 1979, was em-

Dietrich since

ployed in various positions in the chemical industry. In 1978-79 he spent a year at the Institut

fiir

Literatur in Leipzig arid since

1979 has been

a writer.

Among

his

publications are short stories, poems, scripts fot television, and documentary films, as well as translations, including Londoner Skizzen (travelogue, 1973), Bkiue Sonnenhlurnen (short stories, 1982), Crofie Jungen weinen nicht (novel, 1984),

and

Ich,

Robert

Bums

(biographical novel, 1991). Since 1991 he has been the administrative director of

the Sozialdemokratische Gemeinschaft

He

fiir

Kommunalpolitik im Land Brandenburg.

has completed a novel about the 1970s in the

GDR

(“Einer oder das

Schwe-

CONTRIBUTORS dengeschaft”) and trators/victims

is

currently working

on

a novel focusing

3 9 7

on the theme of perpe-

and victors/vanquished.

Andreas Huyssen studied in Munich, Paris, and Zurich and is Villard Professor of German and Comparative Literature and director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University in New' York. He is an editor of New German and the author of hooks, in German, on romantic poetics and the drama of the Sturm und Drang. He coedited The Technological Imagination (1980) with Teresa

Critique

de Lauretis and Kathleen Woodward, Postmodeme: Zeichen eines kulturellen Wandels

(1986) with Klaus Scherpe, and Modernity and (1989) with David Bathrick.

He

is

the Text: Revisions of German

the author of A/ter

the

Modernism

Great Dwide Modernism, Mass :

Culture, Postmodernism (1986) and of Twilight Memories: Marking Time in a Culture of

Amnesia (1995). His most recent collection of essays, on global memory culture, urban space, and the new Berlin, were published in Brazil as Seduzidos pela memoria (2000).

Konrad Jarausch, horn

in 1941,

a graduate of the University of Wisconsin

is

been Lurcy Professor of European Civilization

Chapel

Hill, since

at the University of

1983 and director of the Zentrum

and has

North Carolina,

fur Zeithistorische

Forschung

in

Potsdam since 1998. He has published widely on all aspects of German history. Among his best-known books are The Enigmatic Chancellor: Bethmann Hollweg and the Huhris of Germany, 1856-192 1 (1973), Students, Society, and Politics in Imperial Germany: The Rise of Academic Illiheralism (1982), The Unfree Professions: Cennan iMwyers, Teach' Imperial

and Engineers, 1900-1950 (1990), and Quantitative Methods for Historians (1991), The Rush to German Unity (1993), Uniting Germany: Documents and Debates (1994), and

ers,

After Unity: Reconfiguring

German

Identities

(1997). His latest hooks are Dictatorship as

GDR

Experience: Towards a SociO'Cultural History of the

Der innere

Zerfall der

DDR

(1999),

Weg im dem

Untergang:

(1999), and Versaumte Fragen: Deutsche Flistoriker im Schatten

des Nationalsozialismus (2000).

He

is

currently w'orking

on tw'entieth-century German

history.

Alexander Kluge, horn furt in

in

1932 in Halherstadt, graduated from the University of Frank-

1955 with a doctorate in law and a minor

a writer of prose fiction, a filmmaker, a

in sacred music.

spokesman

for the

He

is

best

known

as

Oberhausen group, which

founded “Young German Cinema,” a media theorist and, since 1983, an independent television producer. His first feature film, Ahschied von Gestem (Yesterday girl, 1986) is based on the short story “Anita G.” from his volume of short stories Lehensldufe (196?); Life Stories, 198X). Since then he has signed his name to at least seven more feature films

Autumn, Strongman Ferdinand, The Patriot, Power of Feeling), eight collections of stories, essays, and scripts, and, in collaboration with Oskar Negt, two theoretical works, Offentlichkeit und Erfahrung (1972 [Public sphere and Experi(including

Germany

in

ence, 1993]) and Geschichte und Eigensinn (History and Obstinancy/Self-Will, 1981), and hundreds of television programs such as Ten to Eleven on the commercial station

Most recently he published tw'o conversations with Heiner Muller: Ich schulde der Welt einen Toten (1995) and Ich bin ein Landvermesser (1996). He is the recipient of prestigious literary awards, including the Lessing Prize of the City of Hamburg, on

SAT

I.

which occasion he gave the speech Loren Kruger was educated

translated here.

at the University of

tut d’etudes theatrales (Paris), the Institut

fiir

Cape Town (South

Africa), the Insti-

Theaterwissenschaft (F.U. Berlin), and

CONTRIBUTORS

3 9 8

Cornell University, where she received a Ph.D. in comparative literature. She teaches

drama and

critical

theory at the University of Chicago and

Journal (1995-99).

Her publications include The National

is

former editor of Theatre

Stage (1992), the translation

of The Institutions of Art: Essays by Peter and Christa Burger (1992), the edition of The

Autobiography of Leontine Sagan (the director ot Madchen

Drama

Uniform) (1996), and The

in

of South Africa (1999), as well as articles in journals such as Diaspora, Frakcija,

Marxism, and Theater der

Poetics Today, Rethinking

Zeit.

Her current research

projects

include an investigation of the theatrical culture of the cold war, of which the essay

published in this volume forms a part.

Martina Langermann, horn

German

received her doctorate in

Germanistik

in 1961, studied

and languages. From 1987

literatures

held a research position at the Zentralinstitut

in Greifswald,

to 1991 she

Literaturgeschichte at the

fiir

where she

Akademie

der Wissenschaften der Hl'iR. Since 1993 she has been associated with the Forschungs-

schwerpunkt Zeithistorische Studien has published on

and most

GDR

Anna

mainly on

literature,

recently, with

Potsdam and with Humboldt University. She

in

Simone Rarck and

Seghers and on the anti-war novel,

Siegfried Lokatis, Jedes

Zensur'Systern und literarische Offentlichkeit in der

Buch

ein Abenteuer:

DDR bis Ende der sechziger Jahre

(

1997).

Siegfried Lokatis, born in Essen in 1956, studied history, philostiphy, archaeology, and oriental studies at the Ruhr-Universitiit

Among

most recently, with Simone Barck and Martina Langer-

bis

Ende der

fiir

Zeithistorische Forschung in Potsdam.

sechziger Jahre

Anne Simpson

Cierman

Kenyon

at

and romanticism, working on

literature in

fall

imder the

C'ollege.

member

1

ler

Zentrum

of the

She

is

currerttly visiting assistant professor

publications include essays on C^erman classicism

contemporary

literature, theory,

of putik

of the Berlin Wall.

The

DDR

1988 from the IVpartment of Germanic

Ph.l'). in

about the politics

title

literarische Offentlichkeit in der

1997). Since 1993 he has been a

at Yale University.

as well as

a project

responses to the

(

received her

Languages and Literatures of

und

Ihtch ein Abenteuer: Zensur^System

jecie.s

Patricia

his doctorate.

his publications are hlanseatische Verlagsanstalt: Politisches Buchmarketing irn

“Dritten Reich" (1992) and,

mann,

Bochum, where he completed

She

the Gl'iR and has edited a

itt

She is volume tm

culture.

also preparing a study of phiK)sophy

is

Poetics of Power,

and popular

The

Ethics of Violence: Theories of

and

Gewalt

Oerman Romanticism.

Frank Trommler, born of

Zwickau (Saxony), received

Munich. Between 1967 and 1969 he taught

has taught

at

literature. In

(

at

1

his Ph.lX frtim the University

larvanl University and, since 1970,

the Utiiversity ol Pennsylvania as a iirofessor of C wMinan and comparative

1980—1986 and

Since 1995 he has also for

in

1995-1997 he chaired the Cw'rtnan department. directed the Humanities Progratu at the Atnericati Institute agaiti in

a)nt(.‘mporary Gertnatt Stmlies in Washingtott, H.CL

He

has published widely in

the areas of nineteenth- atid twentieth-century fjerman literature, theater, and culture; socialist literature;

technology; and the kind: Ein historischer (

(K-rtuan-Americatt cultural relations; motlernism

arts. (

Amottg

Jberblick

1978); Arneriivt and the

(

(

istik in

den

(

/.SA

The Emergence

(

of

his publications are Sozialistische Literatur in Deutsche

iij'jf')};

Kulturder Weimarer Republik, with Jost

lermans, coedited with

ncuc Zeit”: Der Mythos Jugend,

coetliteil

(

lerman

(

J.

McVeigh

(

1985); “Mit

with T. Koebner and R. janz

t98(;); Phematics reconsidered

Postwar

in literature;

(

1995);

dilture, coediteil

(

itn.s

1985);

Revisiting Zero

with S. Brock tuann

(

lermand

I

I

zk’ht die

Oerman'

lour 1945;

1996).

I

le

is

CONTRIBUTORS currently reassessing and comparing literature, technology, arts,

Katie

Trumpener

is

3 9 9

American and German concepts of modernity

in

and design.

a comparatist

who

attended graduate school at Harvard and Stan-

She is professor of Germanic studies, English, comparative literature, and cinema and media studies at the University of Chicago. Her first hook. Bardic Nationalism: The Romaritic Novel and the British Empire (1997), received the British Academy’s Rosemary Crawshay Prize and the Modern Language Association’s prize for a first hook. Her second hook. The Divided Screen: The Cinemas of Postwar Germany ford Universities.

(forthcoming), attempts a synthetic, comparative account of the East and West Ger-

man cinemas. Her new hook project centers on European she plans a future hook on the attempts of

German

GDR

culture in relation to Eastern Europe.

modernists and their nannies;

writers

and filmmakers to

re-situate

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Films 9 Days

in

One

Year

Mikhail

dir.

Romm

(USSR, 1961

Abschied von Gestem (Yesterday’s Girl),

Germany, 1966),

dir.

),

h/w,

1 1 1

mins.

Alexander Kluge (Federal Republic of

90 mins.

b/w,

The Accused/The Defendant (Obzalovany),

dir.

Elmar Klos and Jan Kadar (Czechoslo-

vakia, i960), b/w, 93 mins.

The Apartment,

dir. Billy

Wilder (USA, i960),

color, 125 mins.

Andrej Wadja (Poland, 1958), b/w, 105 mins. Michelangelo Antonioni (Italy, France, i960), b/w, 145 mins.

Ashes and Diamonds, L’ Avventura, dir.

dir.

Ballad of a Soldier (Ballada o Soldate),

dir.

Grigori Chukrai

(USSR,

1959), b/w,

89 mins.

Band a Berlin

Jean-Luc Godard (France, 1964), b/w, 95 mins. die Ecke, dir. Gerhard Klein (German Democratic Republic, 1965), b/w, 88

Part, dir.

um

mins.

Richard Brooks (USA, 1955), b/w, 102 mins. Jahre, dir. Herbert Vesely (Federal Republic of Germany, 1962),

Blackboard Jungle, Brot der friihen

dir.

color,

89 mins. Die Briicke,

dir.

Bernhard Wicki (Federal Republic

Die Buntkarierten

dir.

ot

Germany, 1959),

b/w, 105 mins.

Kurt Maetzig (German Democratic Republic, 1949), b/w, 105

mins.

The Cassandra Cat (Az prijde kocour),

dir.

Vojtech jasny (Czechoslovakia, 1963), color,

91 mins.

The Ceremony,

dir.

Nagisa Oshima (Japan, 1970), color, 122 mins.

The Confrontation (Fenyes Szelek), The Cranes Are

Mikhail Kalantazov (USSR, 1957), b/w, 94 mins. Nagisa Oshima (Japan, i960), color, 96 mins.

Flying, dir.

Cruel Story of Youth,

Denk

Miklos Jansco (Hungary, 1968), b/w, 86 mins.

dir.

dir.

blofi nicht ich heule, dir.

Frank Vogel (German Democratic Republic, 1965), b/w,

91 mins.

La

dolce vita

(The Sweet

Dr. Strangelove: Or,

Life), dir. Frederico Fellini (Italy, i960), b/w,

How

I

Learned

167 mins.

Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb,

to

dir.

Stanley

Kubrick (Great Britain, 1964), b/w, 93 mins. Ehe im Schatten (Marriage in the Shadows), dir. Kurt Maetzig (German Democratic Republic, 1947), b/w, 105 mins. Einheit

SPD'KPD,

dir.

Kurt Maetzig (German Democratic Republic, 1946), b/w, 19

mins. Ernst Thdlmann, Sohn seiner Klasse,

dir.

Kurt Maetzig (German Democratic Republic,

1954), color, 124 mins. Familie Benthin,

dir.

Kurt Maetzig and

Dudow

Slatan

(German Democratic Republic,

1950), b/w, 98 mins. 4 0

1

,

,

,

BIBLIOGRAPHY

4 0 2

The Four Hundred Blows (Les quatre cents coups), b/w,

dir.

Francois Truffaut (France, 1959),

99 mins.

Empty

Fiinf Patronenhiilsen (Five

Cartridges),

Frank Beyer (German Democratic

dir.

Republic, i960), b/w, 87 mins.

Himmel ohne

Helmut Kautner

Sterne, dir.

(Federal Republic of

Germany, 1955),

b/w,

109 mins.

Mon Amour,

Alain Resnais (France, Japan, 1959), b/w, 89 mins. Interrogation (Przesluchanie), dir. Ryszard Bugajski (Poland, 1982), color, 118 mins. Hiroshima

Ivan’s

Judgment

at

dir.

Name

Andrej Tarkovsky (USSR, 1962), b/w, 95 mins. Jurgen Bottcher (German Democratic Republic, 1965), b/w, 94 mins.

Childhood/My

Jahrgang ’45,

dir.

Numherg,

Is

Ivan, dir.

Stanley Kramer

dir.

(USA,

1961), b/w, 187 mins.

Andrzej Wajda (Poland, 1957), b/w, 95 mins. Das Kaninchen hin ich, dir. Kurt Maetzig (German Democratic Republic, 1965), b/w, Kanal (Canal),

dir.

105 mins. Karhid und Sauerampfer,

dir.

Frank Beyer (German Democratic Republic, 1963), b/w,

85 mins.

Hermann Zschoche (German Democratic Republic, 1965), b/w, 128 mins. Legende von Paul und Paula, dir. Heiner Carow (German Democratic Republic,

Karla,

Die

dir.

1979), b/w, 106 mins.

Mutter Krausens Fahrt Night and Fog

ins

Japan,

in

Gluck,

dir. Piel Jutzi

(Germany, 1929), b/w, 12

1

mins.

Nagisa Oshima (Japan, i960), color, 107 mins.

dir.

Jean Cocteau (France, 1949), b/w, 96 mins. Port of Call (Hamnstad), dir. Ingmar Bergman (Sweden, 1948), b/w, 100 mins.

Orpheus,

dir.

Nicholas Ray (USA, 1955), color, 1 mins. White (Csillagosok, Katonik), dir. Miklos Jan.sco (Hungary, 1968), b/w,

Rebel Without a Cause,

The Red and

the

dir.

1

1

92 mins. Rocco and

hlis

Brothers, dir.

Rosen fur den Suuitsanwalt color, Salaire de la

Luchino Visconti

dir.

Wolfgang

94 mins. Peur (Wages of bear),

dir.

(Italy,

France, i960), b/w, 170 mins.

Staiklte (Federal Republic of

Henri-Georges Clouzot

Germany, 1959),

(Italy,

1953),

Ww,

131

mins. SaturcLiy Night

and Sunday Morning,

Karel Reisz (Great Britain, i960), b/w, 89

ilir.

mins.

Die Schauspiclerin

dir.

Siegfried Kiibn

(German Democratic Republic,

1988), color, 87

mins. Schlosser

und Katen (Part

I:

Der krumme Anton; Part

II:

Annegret.s Hemtkehr)

dir.

Kurt

Maetzig (German Democratic Republic, 1956), b/w, 204 mins. Smiles of a Summer Night (Sommarnaitens Leemle), dir. Ingmar Bergman (Sweden, •955). k/w, 108 mins. Sonntagsfahrer,

Spur der Steine,

Gerhard Klein (German Democratic Republic, 1963), b/w, 87 mins. dir. l^ank IVyer (German Democratic Republic, 1966), b/w, 129 mins.

ilir.

.Summer with MotiiHi (Monika), fbrn jone.s, dir. I

Ingmar IVrgman (Swetlen, 1952), b/w, 82 mins,

Tony Richardson (Great

he Fravelling Players 2

dir.

{O

Huassos),

Britain, 1963), color, 121 mins.

ilir.

Theo Angelopoulous

(Greece, 1975), color,

30 mins.

Die Verlohie,

dir. (

ninter Ruckert anil (n'inter Reisch

(German Democratic Republic,

1980), color, 105 mins. Viridiana, dir, Luis

Bumiel (Spain,

i(;6i

),

b/w,

90 mins.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Wenn du

groj] bist, lieher

Adam,

dir.

4 0 3

Egon Gunther (German Democratic Republic,

1965), b/w, 78 mins.

West Side

Story, dir.

The Ybwng

Robert Wise and Jerome Robbins (USA, 1961

Stranger, dir.

John Frankenheimer (USA, 1957),

),

color,

1

50 mins.

b/w, 84 mins.

Audio Recordings Adorno, Theodor W. “Engagement oder Autonomie von Kunst,” Radio Bremen men, March 1962), radio broadcast.

(Bre-

Braun, Volker. “Kahlschlag: Auswertung eines Plenums, oder Paul Verner best ‘Die

von \blker Braun. Aus dem Tonbandprotokoll des 1 1. Plenums des ZK der SED vom 15. bis 18. Dezember 1965,” Studio fur elektro-akustische Musik at the Berlin Akademie der Kiinste (Berlin, 1990), cassette tape. Die Firma. Kinder der Maschinenrepiihlik prod. WYDOCKS Studio, GEM A LC5899, Kipper’

deadhorse (Berlin, 1993). Die Firma, Freygang, and Ichfunktion. Die

LC7896 (Recorded

live

“Im Eimer,”

Deutsche Schallplatten

Freygang. Die Kinder spielen

Records,

GEMA

iveiter,

Tage von Pompeji, Peking Records

Berlin, 1990).

Freygang, Aufhruch, Umbruch, Abbruch: Die land,

letzen

20 of Rock aus DeutscD

letzten Jahre. Vol.

GmbH, PSB

3088-2,

LC

6056, [Berlin] 1992.

prod. Multiple-Noise Studio Seeba

und

Detlef, Flint

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B00000B0K9

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Herbst in Peking. Feuer, Wasser

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Herbst in Peking. Les

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LC5704,

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“The Triumph of the Ordinary: Depictions of Daily Life in the East German Cinema, 1956—1966.” PhD. diss., Stanford University, 1995. jessen, Ralph. “Akademische Elite und Kommunistische Diktatur: Studien zur Feinstein, Joshua.

Geschichte der Hochschullehrerschaft in der Ulhricht-Ara.” Hahilitationsschrift, Freie

Universitat Berlin, 1998.

“Fiauptreferat Buchhandel, 22.5.1954:

desarchiv,

DR

DR

tiir

Bucher durch den Zugfunk.” Bun-

1/1896.

“Hausmitteilung des Amtes sarchiv,

Werhung

tiir

Literatur

und Verlagswesen vom 20.10.1955.” Bunde-

1/1906.

New German

Meyer, Fians Joachim. “Higher Education Reform in the per presented at the

September 1991. “Nachtrag zur Statistik 13. 10. i960.”

German

liher die

Bundesarchiv,

States.” Pa-

Studies Association conference, Los Angeles, 24

Entwicklung der belletristischen Buchproduktion,

DR

1/1275.

“Protokolle der Literaturarheirsgemeinschatt der belletristischen Verlage von 1958.”

Bundesarchiv,

DR

1/1224.

Mtihlberg, Dietrich. “Uher kulturelle Difterenzen zw’ischen Deutschen in Ost und

West.” 1998.

Rossman,

Peter.

“Zum

‘Intellektuellenstreit,’ ”

paper presented

at

the conference on

Ann Arbor, 25-27 October

“Gegenv/artshewaltigung,” [University of Michigan], 1990.

dem Teufel.” In Auseinandersetzun' in der DDR. Fern-Universitiit Hagen,

Schmidt, Katja, and Martin Ottmers. “Zu Tisch mit gen

wn die

hitegritdt

von Literatur und Kirche

1992.

“Stenographisches Protokoll der 30. Tagung des

ZK

ZPA

der SED.” Bundesarchiv,

IV/2/i/252:i09. Ulhricht, Walter. “Beratung mit Genossen Gesellschattwissenschattlern (18 April

1954),”

33

SAPMO-BA, ZPA, Ahteilung Wissenschaft heim ZK der SED, lV/2/904/

-

“Verordnung

iiber die

Forderung und Intensivierung der an den Universitaten und

Hochschulen der

DDR

hetriebenen Forschungen.”

SAPMO-BA, ZPA

Bestand

Ahteilung Wissenschaft 1X^2/904/373:36-37. “Walter Victor’s address to the Ministry of Culture,

10.7. 1959.” Bundesarchiv,

DR

1/1278.

ZK

DDR. Das 15. Plenum des Zentralkomitees der SED I’om 24. Juli his 26. Juli Nun fur den perscmlichen Gehrauch bestirnmt. Ed. ZK der SED Berlin. Berlin,

der

1933: 1953.

INDEX

Ahu’icklung, 287, 300, 301, 303, 346, 367,

Deutschlands

3780. 65

Academic

life,

impact of unification on, 304

Academic mandarins,

Academy Academy

Arbeitsgruppen, 123

franzdsischen Aufkldrung, S^n.

of Sciences. 287, 300 of the Arts,

(ARD), 264

Arbeitsstelle fur Geschichte der deutschen

39, 40, 41

Arendt, Hannah,

Humanity

Institute, Berlin, 193

in

Adorno, Theodor W., 45, 336; critique

Aristotle: Poetics, 384,

385

of Brecht, 2050. 19; Erziehung nach

Arrahal, Fernando: Picnic, 193

Auschwitz (Education After Auschwitz),

Ash, Mitchell, 19

on nationalism, 314, 337; on

self-determination, 335, 338, 341

Ash, Timothy Garton, 344 Association of German Authors, 223

Association of Theater Practitioners, 193

Advanced worker-reader, 93

Astra Advertising, 254, 256

1

265

satellite,

Asylum debate, 297, 310, 317, 318, 327, 359 Asylum law, 325

Aesthetics of moral conviction ,

“On

Dark Times,” 391

Ariadnefabrik, 156, 160, 169

(Gesinnungsdsthetik)

49

384, 386;

4, 139, 186,

Adenauer, Konrad, 284

335;

und

Arendt, Erich, 144

383

Ackermann, Anton, 68 Acting

Arheitsgemeinschaft der Ruridfutikanstalten

86

Aufbaugeneratkm (reconstruction generation),

Akademie-Verlag, 98

280, 341-43

Akademiker, 277 Aktuelle Kamcra, 253, 268, 269

Albrecht, Michael, 260, 262

Aufhau Verlag,

68, 99, 13311. 6

Auschwitz, 10,

19, 213,

Albrecht, Richard, 104

Avant-garde: East

Al/tug, as a site of resistance,

331

Automatic utterance, 165 234

German

intellectuals, 160,

SED opposition

344, 345;

to,

79

“Alte Helden,” 238-39 Alternative theater, in unified Germany,

201-2

AMIGA,

Bahner, Werner, 86n. 40 Bahro, Rudolf, 69, 82, 342; Die Alternative,

235

145

Andersch, Alfred, 44

Baier, Lother,

Anderson, Sascha, 154;

as

an IM,

6, 37, 138,

50

“Bakschischrepuhlik,” 229

140-41, 161, 345; Prenzlauer Berg and,

Balihar, Etienne,

138, 140

Barck, Simone, 13

Antifascism, in the

GDR,

63-70, 305-6, 336,

318

Basic Law, 263, 315, 316, 325, 356

“Basisgruppen,” 344

346-47

Bathrick, David, 13, 14, 234

Antifeminism, 67 Anti-intellectualism,

67-68

Batt, Kurt,

1

ion. 38

Bauhaus, 279

Antimodernism, 73 Antinationalism, 19, 315, 323 327. 33 ^ >

Becher, Johannes R., 36, 52, 64-65, 69, 72,

new

concept

Anti-Semitism, 325, 330

399; concept of

APO

of reading nation, 89-90, 94; Education for

(extraparliamentary opposition), 331

Arheiter und

Bauem

Fakultdt, 341

reader, 92:

Freedom, 65 4 4 5

6

,

1

,

INDEX

4 4 6

Book production and

Achim, 269

Becker,

planning

Becker, Jurek, 36, i37n. 22

distribution, state

95-103

of,

Beckett, Samuel: Waiting for Godot, 190

Book shortage, 94-95, Borneman, John, 19

“Beitrag :ur Wahrungsunion,” 236

Bosnia, 319, 320, 335, 336, 337, 35in. 7

Becker, Manfred, 260

Benda, Julien: Lm trahison des

clercs

Treason of the intellectuals), 37, 47,

98, 101-3

Bottcher, Jurgen, 116, i36n.

(The

12, 35, 36,

(Born

in ‘45),

124-25

Bourdieu, Pierre, 20, 68

276-77

Benjamin, Walter, 63, 144

Bracher, Karl Dietrich, 369

Benn, Gottfried, 44 Berlin, new, 5

Brandenburg, Antenne, 259

Berliner Ensemble, 183, 190, 196, 198, 199,

Brandenburg’s law, 301

Brandenburg

Brasch,

Berliner Rundfunk, 195

Berlin Film Festival,

1

17

Berlin Wall, 44, 50, 53,

1

2

1

,

391; appropriation by state as cold war

187

weapon, 187; attacks on, 187, 205n. to

230, 287

Besson, Tatjana, 245n. 16, 245n. 18, 247n. 37 i

36n. 18, 13611. 19; Fiinf

Patronenhulsen (Five empty cartridges), 1

30; Spur der Steine (Traces of stones),

26

1

Biermann, Wolf, 368; attack on Anderstni, 6;

commitment

SED

cultural policy, 188; contribution

to the discourse of Kidtnrpolitik, 188-89;

Besson, Benno, 189

24,

to

remake

exile, 342; expulsion, 36,

dedication to socialism, 64; fable of the laurel tree, 384: Fatzer material, 195; Die

Massnahme (Measures Taken), 200 Brecht'Schall, Barbara, 199, 20611. 31

Brigade movement, 92-93 Broadcasting, 252-253: advertising, 256; deregulation, 18, 250, 259-62; federal

society, 13; in

69,82, 145, 151,

191, 207n. 37, 281

system, 262-66; private radio and

264-65

television,

Broadcasting Advisory Btiard (Rund-

Bildung, 2

267-68

funkheirat)

Bildungshurger, 277, 279, 280, 283, 330

Bildungsromutt

16;

Berliner Ensemble, 20611. 31; challenge

Berufsverbot, 7, 193

Beyer, Frank, 116,

Thomas, 36

Brecht, Bertolt, 16, 36, 53, 148, 149, 184,

Bernhardt, Thomas, 200

1

225

Braun, Volker, 99, 129; Lenins Tod, 190

Berlin Puppet Theater, 196, 197

,

literature prize,

Brandt, Willy, 315, 321, 357

2o6n. 31

Besseru'essis

jahrgang 45

i8-,

Brunkhorst, Hauke, 20

54

Thomas: Helden wie

Brussig,

Bismarck, Otto von, 7 Bitov, Andrei, 2 3

wir (Heroes like

200-201

us),

i

Bitterfeld

Buhis, Ignatz,

C'onference, 103

Bittcrfelder

Weg, 53, 92, 93, 99, 103,

12

i

Buchenwald,

“Black Book on communism," 289

i

m

Bugajski, Ryszard: Interrogatum,

79,81, 120, 144

White WixKlen Houses, 229

Ibolirowski,

27, 346

Buchwald, Manfred, 265

1

BIikIi, Ernst, 36,69, 73, 77,

Boho

36

Biichner, Georg, 184

Blackhourn, David, 310 [blacklisting,

7, 3

Buck, Lektiire, Lesen, 105

Johannes,

1

Bundeshurger,

1

3711.

21

3

Biindeswehr, 9

29

Biindnis 90, 307

Bohley, Biirhel, 344

Bunge,

I

Ians,

1

49

Bohrer, Karl Heinz, 2H3, 360, 361 Boll, Heinrich, 12, 38, 369; Ansichtcn cincs

Clounis (

(The clown),

42;

/

luus nhncr

I

liitcr

The unguarded house), 42; therapeutic

discourse, 39, 40, 44, 31; einztges

Wo

Wort (And never

warst

dll,

Adam/), 42

AiLnn.'

Und

sagtc kcin

said a word), 42;

(Where were

you,

C/aharel, 194

C.'amhodia, 335 C/arow,

I

leiner,

1

1

5-16

C/astorf, Frank, 201

Gensorshi|i, 95- 97,

non.

31

C/enters tor National Research

(Commemoration

and

of (Classical

German

447

INDEX Literature (hJationale ForschurigS' und

Culture wars, post-unification, 373, 374 Currency union, 227, 228, 229, 236, 285, 286,

Gedenkstatten der klassischen deutscheii Literatur), 72

296-97

Central Council of Jews in Germany, 336 Central Film Administration, Ministry of

Curtius, Ernst Robert, 78

Czech

New Wave,

124

Culture, 254

Christoph Links

Press,

200

Dahrendorf, Ralf, 45-46, 317

Cinema, East German: documentary and

Daimler, 4

short-film units, 128; exposure to foreign

and experimental

films, 124,

New

121;

DEFA

wave, 128; neue

(Deutsche Filrnaktiengesellschaft)

254; Central

New

Tendenzen (new tendencies), 122-23;

51, 54, 99, 192, 368;

Mdrkische Forschungen, 280

I35n. 14;

government intervention, 115-17, innovation after

De Bruyn, Gunter,

1

1

5,

1

Committee

attack on,

120-21; connection to

16,

113,

new

wave, 14, 122-31; return to visual and

developments

narrative realism, 129

documentary’ studios, 128; influence of

Cinema, West German, 116-17,

identity, 317,

the twenties

Classicism, cult of in

GDR,

Closed system, 391, 392 Clouzot, Henri-Georges: fear),

De

1

70, 72,

78-83

Maiziere, Lothar, 256, 257, 260

Democracy, secular

Democracy Salaire de la

Peur

Cold war: collapsing order

Now

liberal,

349 (Demokratie Jetzt), 234, 255,

282 Demokratischer Aufbruch, 282

24

Depth psychology, 41

Coca-Colonization, 53 of,

348, 349; and

concept of treason, 35; education after, 347-51; education during, 339-43! ‘-'ffect on nationalism, 19, 319; origins and of,

337-38; securities

of,

10

Descartes, Rene, 59, 82

De-Stalinization: in Eastern Europe, in

GDR,

1

Deutsche Filrnaktiengesellschaft (

See

.

Collective guilt, 346

Deutsches Theater, 183, 190, 198

Commercial sphere, 383 “Communicative silence,” 340 Congress on Cultural Freedom, 186

Deutschlandserider, 75

Deutschmark: nationalism, 285;

symbol of

DEFA

as national

358; unification,

stability,

296-97; weakening

of,

322

Dietze, Walter, 86n. 40, 8711. 49, loi

Constitutional patriotism, 324, 330

German

18-19;

Deutsche Filrnaktiengesellschaft)

Deutsche Schallplatten, 235

Conspirative avant-gardism, 160, 344, 345

1

19-20

Collage, 129

Contributions on the

of

sixties, 129; loss

Dehler, Peter, 201

Clandestine language, 154, 171-76

functioning

on the

of institutional structures, 123

330

(Wages of

14;

political daring, 13711. 21; reorganization

357

Civic cultures, 349 Civil rights,

world cinema, i34n.

international films on, 123; influence of

^23, 125

Citizenship: defined via blood lineage, 326-27;

and German national

in

Dietz Verlag, 100, 102-3

Classics, 72

266

Croatia, 309, 337

Digital information,

Croats, 35 in. 7

Discourse: of modernization, 298-99; of

Cult bands, 227

nationhood, 65, 321-25; therapeutic,

Cultural capital, generation of in Federal

38-49, 51

Djacenko, Boris: Herz mid Asche, Bd. 2,

Republic, 198, 199-200, 201

300,

Documentary Di Dolce

301

Vita,

theater, 199

124

Domovina, 253

Cultural socialism, 94 Culture, education, and science, offices

10911.

27

Cultural Commission, 102

Cultural sciences (Kulturwissenschaften)

12,

of, 71

Donhoff, Marion, 364, 365 Diiring, Stefan, 155

72

Culture clubs, 194

Culture of memory, in Federal Republic, 8-9,

357 359. 372 .

Dornhof, Dorothea,

1

Double bind, position state,

309

of East

Germans

in

new

1

,

,

,

INDEX

4 4 8

Drama, 384 Dresden State Theater, 190, 191, 197, 198

Federal Constitutional Court, decision

Dreyfus Affair, 278

Federal Republic of

Weg

authoritarian

[Jritter

DS

Kultur,

(Third Way), 282

on the

broadcasting network, 263

Germany (ERG),

movement,

7;

anti-

122; chauvinism

of prosperity, 322; cultural capital

259

generation, 198, 199-200, 201; debate

Eastern Europe: collapsing order of cold war, 348; cultural “thaw” of 1956-1962,

1

18

German Intellectuals. See Intellectuals, East German East Germany. See German Democratic Republic (GDR) East

East Mark, conversion of. See

Currency union

Eckert, Rainer, 308

about national identity in the 1980s, 32021;

and East German publishing market,

257-58; educational expansion, 370-71; film subsidy system, 123;

East

German

indictment of

intellectual complicity,

184-87; intellectuals (See Intellectuals,

West German); memory

culture, 8-9, 357,

mode of dealing with Nazi past, 306-7; new cinema, 116-17, 123, 125; 359, 372;

Education: after Auschwitz, 344-47; after the cold war, 347-51; oriented to the past,

nostalgia, 7; unification and, 3-4,

337-39. See abo Higher education

Westernization

Education for Freedom (Bee her), 65 Egotrip, Eisler,

36, i34n.

301

1

Feeling B, 232

Eley, Geoff,

Fehlfarben, 242

310

“exchange” or replacement

Elitism,

315. See also Germany,

Federal Science Council (Wissenschaftsrat)

Eleventh Plenum, 94

Elites,

of,

300, 301

284

Fellini, Federico,

124

Festschrift, 870.

Emilia Gahtti

49 Die Firma, 228-30, 232, 236, 238-39

385

Emmerich, Klaus, 200

Fischer, Fritz,

Engel, Wolfgang, 190-91; Faust, 200

Fluxus, 129

Enlightenment, 390

“Forbidden Films,”

Enquete Commission, Enzensherger,

44, 45, 360, 369

280

18

1

Foucault, Michel Paul, 155; notion of power, 63; panoptic eye, 151

Erh, Elke, 156, 160; Beruhnotg

ist

HatuL’rscheinung (Touching

is

marginal thing), 15

369

Forschungszentrum populiire Musik, 233

2

Hans Magnus,

Eppler, Erhard,

V.

“I^as

German

nur eine

Fourth

only a

Frankfurt, as gktbal marketplace, 5

Unternehmen

Schreihen” (The writing enterprise),

161-63

Writer’s Congress, 72, 89

Eraitkfurter Allgemeine Zeitung

Frankfurt-fXler, 201

Frankfurt School, 129, 144

Martin, 186; Bertolt Brecht:

A Choice of

187

Franz Mehring Institute, University of Leipzig,

73-74

German Youth

Ethnic cleansing, 319, 335 Europe;in parliament, 323

Free

European unification, 310, 316; and national

Freie Bresse,

258

Freie S^ctu’,

201-2

identity,

6, 360,

Frankfurt exchange, merger with London, 4

Essentialisin, 361

Evils,

(FAZ),

573

Ernst'Busch'Schauspielschule, 199

Esslin,

3

1

K-20

Free spaces

(FDJ), 75, too, 194, 195

Freirciume)

(

299

European University, 302

Freie theater,

Exceptionalism, 323, 324

Freirdume, 24411. 4

Existentiiilism,

Freischwehende Inielligenz (free-floating

1

2

3

Experte, 277

Expressionism, 44-45, 123

X iB (Trade Union), too

EDJ (Eree Cjeriii;in Youth), 75, too, 194, 195

194-95

intelligence),

278

French filmmaking, 124 Freyer,

haihhochschulen, 301 11

296;

unified

247n. 34

Hanns,

of,

5,

1

Ians,

40

Freygang, 228, 229, 252, 236, 239-41, 24711. 37

Friedlander, Saul, 336

INDEX Frings,

Theodor, 74

Fromm,

4 4 9

sphere, 233-34, 243^- 4' 24711. 29, 286;

Erich, 63

publishing, 29-30, 97-103, 253-54; “real

Fuchs, Jurgen, 145

readers,” 103-8; regional literature, 11;

Fiihmann, Franz, 51, 148

regulation of information, 251-52; socialist

Fukuyama, Francis, 349

national literature, 79-83, 102, 103-5,

Functionalization, 121

129; state socialism, 67; Theater Jury,

“Funfneue Lander”

new

(five

states),

193; Theater

357

Workshop, 193; unification

Funktion undWirkung, 104

impacts, 3-4, 296, 383; workers’ uprising,

Furet, Francois, 8, 10, 12

120. See also Socialist

Fur unser Land (For Our Country), 47

State Security Service (Stasi)

German Enlightenment, 368 German language, absence of

Gansemarkt, 381

Gauck, Joachim, 307 Gaus, Gunter, 268, 341

1

277

Gegenuiartsbewdltigung, 10

and irrationalism

GeiBler, Rainer, 298

Gelehrter,

General

74-75

Femsehfunk, or DFF), 249, 253 German thought, juxtaposition of rationalism

Geggel, Heinz, 269

Geistesarbeiter,

in,

Germany, division of

277

Germany,

277

German News

adequate,

German Language Association, 71 German superiority, 323 German Television Network (Deutscher

Gay, Peter, 279 Gebildeter,

Unity Party (SED);

Service (Allgemeiner

Deutscher Nachrichtendienst or

ADN)

,

254

66-67

in 1949,

314

absence of immigration law,

unified:

317; blockages to nationhood discourse,

321-25; consequences of unificarion,

Genscher, Hans-Dietrich, 258, 309

4-6, 221-26; culture wars, 373; debate

German Academy

on national

of Science (Deutsche

Akademie der Wissenschaften der

German Advertising and

Classified

DDR

)

71

,

Ad Society

(Deutsche Werbe- und Anzeigengesellschajt or

DEWAG),

35°' 357' 359! disappointments of unification, 276-77, 361-62; discontinuity

between present and recent 65, 322; discovery of East

past,

355-56;

German

cultural scene, 8; early optimism, 357-59;

antifascism, 63-70, 305-6, 336, 346-47; 14,

316-18, 321-25,

discourse of economic national unity,

254

German classicism, 66, 350 German Democratic Republic (GDR): cinema,

identity,

115-17, 121, 122-23, 124,

efforts to

change

status quo, 360; as

an

“experiment,” 298; higher education,

366-74;

128, 129, i34n. 14, i35n. 14; constitution,

299-304, 373; intellectuals

2o6n. 29; culture, education, and science,

logic of rationalization, 198, 199; media,

offices of, 71, 72; culture in the sixties

and

249-50; quest

in,

for neoregulationism, 365;

seventies, 12; de-Stalinization, 119-20;

reconstruction of historical identities,

education, 337-47; esteem of reading, 53;

304-9, 329; resentment between East

founding myth

and West Germans, 327-29; resistance

of,

63; history of literary

opposition, 143-47; ideological control of

to change, 3, 5-6; right-wing violence,

universities, 73; institutional reorientation

295' 325' 336-37- 346. 349: structural

of humanities, 70-71; intellectuals (See

transformation, 365-66; theater, 197-203.

Intellectuals, East editor,

German);

encouragement of

letters to

the

in 1960s, 92, 93;

link of language to power, 144; literary circles, 92; as literary-political

95-97; media,

7, 18,

105-6; nostalgia

252-71; “new reader,"

for, 5,

200, 288, 290, 306;

notion of reading nation, 107—8; 18, 48,

experiment,

13, 53,

88-91,

November 1989 demonstration, 195. 233' 250~5D 281, 283, 343'

382; Petition law of 1961, 93; public funding for intellectual work, 44; public

See also National identity; Normalization

Germoney, 197 Gesellschafi'Literatur'Lesen

9

Gesellschaftsmssenschaften 62 ,

Gesichertes Wissen (secure knowledge), 342

Gesinnungsdsthctik (aesthetics of moral

conviction), 186

Giesen, Bernard, 350

Giordano, Ralph, 308 Glasnost, destabilizing effects Globalization, 357

of,

237

5

,

INDEX

4 5 0

Godard, Jean-Luc, 216

Hauptmann, Gerhart: Die Weber, 201 HauBmann, Leander, 2 ion. 62

Goethe, Johann, 79, 190

Havel, Vaclav, 145

Goethe

Havemann, Robert,

Glotz, Peter, 302

Institute,

1

17

Goldhagen, Daniel:

69, 82,

1

13, 120, 145,

Goldhagen debate, 289

Hegen, Iduna, 195 Heiduczek, Werner: Tod

Gorbachev, Mikhail, 281, 285, 342

Hein, Christoph, 14, 47, 267;

Executioners

Gotz, Rainald,

307

,

am

Meer, i09n. 27 Ritter der

Round

Tafelrunde (Knights of the

1

Grat, Andreas, 18

190,

Helsinki accords, 323

Gramsci, Antonio, 144 Grunta, 344

Herbst in Peking, 232, 244n. 7 Hermlin, Stefan, 148, 339

Grass, Gunter, 46-47, 86n. 40, 360; Die

Heym,

Blechtrommel (The tin drum), 338;

FRG,

339; locus

Stefan, 47, 184, 188, 189, 229, 230,

267, 285, 343

on the Nazi

338-39; interventionism, 369, 370;

past,

Table),

280

Grat, Roland, i35n. 14

criticism ot

339

Hebbel, Friedrich: Nibelungen, 190

Hitler’s Willing

High

culture, desegregation of,

Higher education,

in unified

370

Germany:

opposition to unification, 285; therapeutic

“heroic” stage, 300; “legalistic” stage, 300-

literature,

301; normalization and, 297, 299-304;

44

Great Coalition, 331

personnel “renewal,” 301, 303; problems

Green

of,

289

Party,

aggravated by unification, 373; tension

with social or labor policy

Greiner, Ulrich, 186, 20411. 14

Greiner-Pol, Andre, 239-40, 244n.

302-3; “transvaluation of values,” 303-4

5, 24711.

Hildebrandt, Jorg, 261

37

GroB, Jurgen: Parteijreund, 191

Hillgruber, Andreas,

Group

Hinkeldey, Wolfgang, 268

47, 41, 43

Die Griinen, 234 Griining,

330

Hinrichs, Reimar: “Patient

Uwe, 267

Cjuattari, Felix, 17,

DDR,” 48

Hinstorff Verlag, 99

Hirschman, Albert, 348

212

Guggenberger, Pcrnd, 270

Historicism, 78

Gull war,

History 0} Gentian Literature:

1

Adam),

I

Wemi du

3611. 18;

Adam (When

lieher

grown

you’re

up, dear

Gregor,

21011. 39;

39

6, 356;

Dercmdere Zerstdrung

Vemunft (The other destruction

on “excluinge”

reason), 50;

300; image of Stasi,

1

38,

i

Unuhersuhtlichkeit

39, 140;

und

die

Weimar,

i

1

3

233

Wewimar, 199

1

loch.schule

fiir

Politik,

Hochschulrahmengesetz

279

(HRG),

301

Hoffmann, Hans Joachim, 190-92

Hohmann,

tieue

at

Dietrich,

1

1-12, 17;

an Fxemplary Report on

“An Attempt 11 ,”

27-34;

C 'onsequences of Unification

According

Mcuht, 1

lager, Kurt, 72, 78,

in

loch.schule der Kiinste, 199

“The

86n. 40 I

on

Wie,s.si.s

I

3

lacks, Peter, 149; Die Sorgen

"1 lallo,”

ot

of elites,

nationhood debate, 283, 324, 330;

1

Mein Kampf, 231

Hitler, Adolf:

Stellvertreter, 21011. 39; Weissis in

labermas, Jurgen, der

the

llochhuth, Rolf: Die Hehamme, 21011. 39; Der

24

2

From

Beginnings to the Present, 82

groji hist,

jymna.sfum, 277

CJysi,

1

362

9, 309,

Giinther, tgon,

(

priorities,

lolocausi, 42,

to 11 ,”

221-26

335-36

Holocaust, 331 1

lolocaust memorial, Berlin, 307

lalisfein doctrine, 323, 32!)

Holocaust museum, Washington, 331

I

lammer,

1

1

l.indke, Peter, 2

I

larich,

I

iiirtling, Peter,

I

laiig,

I

(

lero,

236

1

Wolfgang, 69,79, 120, 188

46

Wolfgang,

332ti. 14

lome Army (Poland), lomele.ssne.ss, as

i

19

adaptive reaction to

modernity, 348 I

lonecker, Krich, 47, 33, 91, 281, 339, 340

11 3, 196,

233,

INDEX Hopcke, Klaus, 91 Horkheimer, Max, 63; Enlightenment,

4 5

1

184-87; language and resistance, 160-76;

media assessment

Dialectic of

389-90

GDR,

of role of in

59-60; newest generation

153-58;

of,

“Hour Zero,” 43

non-Marxists, 344; rejection of unification,

Hradil, Stefan, 299

267-77, 283-88; role in generating a

Huchel, Peter, 144 Humanities, institutional reorientation

language of legitimation, 148-49; role

GDR,

in the

70-71

in

transforming media, 266-71; Stasi

collaboration, 35-39, 289-90; third

Humboldt

University, 303, 304, 308

generation, 145-46, 343-48. See also

Hungarian

uprising, 69, 102, 120, 187

Theater

Huyssen, Andreas, 10

intellectuals; Writers

Intellectuals,

West German, 279, 352n.

14;

activism, 368-70; continuity of elites,

IchFunktion, 228, 229, 230, 232, 236, 241, 24711.

IM

64; enlightening public sphere, 369-72;

opposition to unification, 285, 372;

34

(unotficial informant), 138, 141-42, 223,

postwar attitude of resistance, 43-44;

226n.

reaction to right-wing violence, 350

1,

245n. 16, 345, 35311. 28

Im Eimer, 229, 234, 236, 238

Interiority/inwardness (Innerlichkeit)

Immigration, 310, 317, 320, 326, 359, 364

,

12. 41,

53

“Imperial overstretch” theory, 358

Intimacy, spheres

383

of,

Inchtahokatahles, 232, 24511. 18 Individual psychology, shift to social-

Jahreszeiten, 257

janka, Walter, 68, 69, 99, 1330. 6

psychological analysis, 42-43

November, 183 Frieden und Menschenrechte, 234

Initiative 4

Jarausch, Konrad, 18, 19

Initiative

Jasny, Vojtech:

,

question of

72

Institute for the History of National

,

(

74

Modem German

Institut fur

Intellectuals: history,

74

,

meanings of throughout German

277-80; in unihed Germany, 6-7,

SED,

age),

(Man

German: accommodation

1-2, 8, 61-63, 68-69, 340;

and therapy,

40

John, Hans Rainer, 193

Johnson, Uwe, 44 Joswig, Rex, 227, 228

12;

Jtinger, Harri,

Just,

279

86n. 40

Gustav, 68, 75

Jutzi, Piel:

Mutter Krausens Fahrt

antifascism, 63-70; anti-Westernism,

(Mother Krausen’s journey

341; attempt to balance power with culture, 63-65; Aufhau (reconstruction)

130

generation, 280, 341-43; centrality of literary-cultural intelligence, 2,

367-68;

Kaflca, Franz, 14,

conspirative avant-gardism, 160, 344, 345;

Das Kaninchen

conformity, 15, 73, i44~4‘7. 14^-47; facing the Stasi past, 307-8; first generation of,

339-41; hope

for

utopian socialism, 13,

Soviet 145—47, 340; identification with

Union, 340; implications of unification 35 h. 367-68; for, 4-5, 288-90, 345-46, indictment by West

German

critics.

to happiness),

1

29

Georg, 149

Kaiser,

disparate tendencies of opposition and

ins Gliick

149

Kafka conference,

civic revolution leadership, 280—83;

13,

in the

270

lunger, Ernst, 44, 149,

aesthetics of interiority

314; Zur

John, Erhard, 86n. 40

Literature

neuere Deutsche Literatur)

Intellectuals, East

guilt), 40,

jentzsch, Cornelia, 172

366-74 to the

modern

Jens, Walter, 46,

Institute of Marxism-Leninism, 72 Institute of

German

geistigen Situation der Zeit

Literatures (/nstitut fur die Geschichte der Nationalliteraturen)

(The

Jaspers, Karl, 330; Die Schuldfrage

Institute for Social Sciences (Institui fur

Gesellschaftswissenschaften )

The Cassartdra Cat, 124

bin ich

(1

am

the rabbit),

125-26, 127 Die Kaninchenfibne (“the rabbit films”), 1

17,

1

18, 122,

1

16,

124-31

Kant, Hermann, 46 Kant, Immanuel, 216;

Appendix

I,

391;

On

Perpetual Peace,

“What Does

Orient One’s Self

in

It

Mean

Thought?” 381

Kantorowicz, Alfred, 69, 79

to

1

INDEX

4 5 2

Karge, Mantred, 189

Kulturhrauerei, 202

Karla, 126, 130

Kulturhund zur demokratischen Emeuerung

Karl

Marx

Deutschlands (Cultural Alliance for the

University, 74, 86n. 40

Kelly, Petra,

Democratic Renewal of Germany), 68, 89

280

Kennedy, Paul, 358 Kershaw, Baz, 2 ion. 62

Kulturkrise,

Khrushchev, Nikita, 118, 120, 122

Kultumation, 63-64, 68, 71, 315, 324, 330,

Kulturkampf,

Kinder der Maschinenrepuhlik (Children of the

machinery republic) (Die Firma), 232-33 Kirch, Leo, 266

7,

373

363

361, 365

223

Kulturpolitik, 28,

Kirsch, Sarah, 36

Kundera, Milan, 344 Kunert, Gunter, 36, 144, 148

Kissinger effect, 340

Kunze, Reiner, 36

“Kleehlatt,” 235

Kurella, Alfred, 36, 51, 52, 75, 79, 86n. 39

um

Klein, Gerhard, i36n. 18; Berlin

die

Ecke

Kursbuch, 45, 48

(Berlin around the corner), 126; Der Fall Gleiu'itz

(The Gleiwitz

affair),

Labor movement, 79

123-24;

neorealism, 121, 123; Sonntags fahrer

(Sunday films,

1

drivers), i36n. 19;

Lafontaine, Oskar,

youth oriented

123

16,

Kleinwachter, Wolfgang, 255 Klier, Freya, 185,

4, 357 Lamherz, Werner, 191, 207n. 37 Lammert, Eberhard, 71

Land, Rainer, 339, 340 Lang, Alexander, 190

192-95, 344

Klinkmann, Horst, 3530. 30

Langermann, Martina, 13

Kluge, Alexander, 16, 17, 20; Ahschied von

Langhoff, Matthias, 189, 199

Gestem (Yesterday

125-26

girl),

Language: clandestine, 154, 171-76; German,

KtKh, Hans, 91 Koeppen, Wolfgang, 44

absence of adec]uate, 174-75; and power,

Kofler, Leo,

173; as prerequisite for social critique, 154;

79 Kohl, Helmut,

143, 144-47. 148-49. 155-58, 160-61,

258, 267, 307, 357, 362;

4, 47,

sanctification of, 349; unification and,

3,

284, 285, 322

of silence, 166,

169-76;

split

1

70-76, 340; socialism and,

between public and

234; of treason, 48; truth and, 171, 172,

Kohlhaase, Wolfgang,

3411.

1

Kolhe, Uwe: The Homeland

1

1

of Dissidents:

Afterthoughts Concerrung the

Fhantom of

Kollektivtvesen Literatur,

75;

and uncon.scious, 161-63, 168

Law Concerning

the Transformation of Radio

Broadcasting, 256-57

Le Carre, John, 38

(.jDK Opposition, 145-46

Lefort, Claude, 339

90

Kolner Stadtatizeiger, 2 58

Lehnert, Herbert, 151

Konrail, Gyiirgy, 288

Lehrs tuck, 200

Koonen,

Leipzig, 15

Korff,

KPD.

!

Alissa, 20711. 41

lermann August,

as,

Leipzig School, 79

74, 79

See Socialist Unity Party

Krake, image of Stasi

1

(SKD)

Leitner, Olaf:

“Rock Music

in the

GDR: An

Epitaph," 233

39

Kramer, Martin, 257

Lem, Stanislaw, 106

Werner, 86n. 40

Lenin, Vladimir, 67

Krause, Giinter, 261, 27111. 4

Lennarz, Kniit, 191

Krass,

private,

Krauss, Werner, 73, 76- 78, 79, 82, 8711.

Krawczyk, Stephan, 1H5, 192-95

41;

Lenz, Siegfried, 46

Krenz, Hgon, 341

Leonard, Wolfgang, 339 Lepenies, Wolf, 61, 296, 340, 343, 345 Lepsius, Rainer M., 327, 370

Kroetz, Franz Xaver, 200

LeseLind Ci/ 7 K, 53, 89

Kroher, Michael

Lessing, Cjotthold Ephraim:

Kremer,

Fritz,

3411.

1

1

1

t). R.,

350

Hamburg

Krug, Manfreil, 20711. 37

Dramaturgy, 383, 384-86, 388; Nathan

Kruger, Loren,

Wise, 386-87; on need for public sphere,

Kultur, 350

i

5

381-82

the

INDEX Lettrism, 129

Marxism-Leninism:

Die Letzten Tage von Pomfyeji (The

last

days of

Pompeii), 227-28, 229-30

an education

for

freedom, 64-65; dominance of in scholarship, 72, 74; as integral part of

Lewis, Jerry, 124 Life

as

4 5 3

university curricula, 73; literary theory,

world (Lebensvuelt) 46

70-83; “scientific,” 342; social science, 75,

“Encouragement of the

Lifshitz, Michail:

78-79

and the Disparagement of Decadence,” 79; Marx und Engels iiher

Positive

Marxism-Leninism on

Kunst und

Meaning of Literature and Art, 73 Maschinenrepublik, 238

Literatur,

the Role, the Essence,

the

73

Lindenberg, Udo, 233

Max

“Literary History as Historical Mission”

Mayer, Hans, 73-76, 77, 78; Ansic/iten zur Literatur der Zeit, 86n. 40; defense of

(Literaturgeschichie als geschichdicher

Germany; avant-

garde, 161-76; dominance hy socialist national,

science, 39,

state,

62-63;

79-83, 129; as a social

institutes,

302

69; Leipzig School, 79;

38; expulsion,

Neue

Beitrdge zur

Literaturwissenschaft, 870. 49; reprisals

^^n. 40; revisionism,

against,

81-82

70-78

Literary scholarship.

Planck

Western modernism, 85n.

Auftrag) (Krauss), 77, 87n. 49 Literary scholarship. East

and

West Germany:

rise

of

therapeutic discourse, 39-47

Mecklenburg State Theater, 193 Media, East German: after unification,

Literary societies, 92,

262-66; assessment of intellectuals, 59-60;

Literaturgesellschaft,

destruction of

LKG,

94 88

state, 18;

era of the institutional entity, 260-62;

101, 102

Loffler, Dietrich,

monopoly by the

interest in scandal, 7; legislation, 254-55;

105

266-71. See

also

Lokatis, Siegfried, 13

role of intellectuals in,

London, jack, 106

Broadcasting; Press; Publishing, East

Lukacs, Georg, 36, 66, 79, 81, 144; Geschichie

German

und Khssenheu'ujitsein (History and

class

MKR), 255-57,

consciousness), 52

Media

Luther, Martin, 59 Lutz, Felix Philipp,

Media Control Council Legislative

267, 2720. 20

Comission (Mediengesetzge-

bungskommission)

308

(Medienkontrollrat, or

254-55

Mediatization, 266

Luxemburg, Rosa, 192, 193-94

Meier, Christian, 310

Memoir literature, 305 Memory: of Auschwitz,

Maastricht Treaty, 310

Maaz, Hans-Joachim: Der Gefuhlsstau, 48 Maetzig, Kurt, 115, 116, 123, 125, 1360. 18;

Ehe im Schatten (Marriage in the shadows), 1360. 19, 1370. 21; Das Kaninchen bin (1

am

the rabbit),

1

ich

patriotism and, 330; culture

tor Publishing

and

Booksellers (HaupwerwaltungVerlage und

359, 362, 372

Mempel, Horst, 268

Meuschel, Sigrid, 341 Meyer, Hans-joachim, 302 Michael, Klaus, 163

95-99

Maltusch, Wernfried, 261, 27311. 32

Michnik, Adam, 170

Mandarins, academic, 39, 40, 41

Mielke, Eric, 3530. 21

Mann, Heinrich, 37 Mann, Thomas, 36, 39 Mannesmann, 4 Mannheim, Karl, 278

Mikado, 156

Marcuse, Herbert, 45, 63,

Markov, Walter, 77, 79 Maron, Monika, 49, 204n. Fritz,

8-9, 357,

Merope, 391

Main Administration

Marquardt,

of,

Der Merktir, 360

16

Mahle, Hans, 252

Buchhandel)

331; constitutional

199

Marx, Karl, 144, 389

Minetti, Hans-Peter, 193

Ministry for State Security, 223

Ministry of Culture, 29, 68, 95, 185 1

Ministry of the Media, 260

55

Mitscherlich, Alexander and Margarete, 41, 6,

285, 343

42, 50, 306, 369;

Der Unfdhigkeit zu

(The

mourn), 42-43

inability to

Mitte, 198

trauerrt

8

,;

,

INDEX

4 5 4

(MDR),

Mitteldeutscher Rundtunk

262, 264

dangers of a revival

Mitteldeutscher Verlag, 99, 103

of,

of,

320;

290; debate on in

Germany, 316-18, 321-25, 350, 357, 359; and European integration, 31820; impact on gender roles, 318; Jaspers unified

258

Xiitteldeutsche Zeitung,

National identity: alternative notion

Mitten:vvei, Werner, 79

Modernity: exclusion trom

GDR

literary

scholarship, 79, 82; postwar culture

of,

44

on, 314; negative, 284; obsolescence

of,

Modernization, 298-99, 305, 358, 359 Modrow, Hans, 190, 191, 197

310; as a political construct, 318; and

Molln, 325

self-hatred,

the principle of Auschwitz, 335, 337; of

284

Mommsen, Hans, 304

Nationalpreistrdger,

Monarchic und Alltag (Monarchy and the

National Socialism: failure of

and

everyday), 242

Monday

1

28

intellectuals to resist, 43; as illusory

under, 71; overcoming the legacies

Montage, 129

MuhUenzl, Rudolt, 249-50, 260, 261-62, 267,

NATO,

46, 323

2

Naturalization, absence of in

Muller, Delia, 244n. 4

“Negative nationalism,” 317

Muller, Gottfried, 256, 259

Neo-Nazi organizations, 43

Muller, Heiner, 16, 17, 54, 368, 384;

Neorealism, 12

153; Ban, 201; blocks

and pushes

Neue

to

productivity, 213-15; clash with the party

over The Peasants, 149; criticism ot

artists’

187; ideological nonconformity, 144,

(The wagehuster),

Beitrdge zur Literaturwissenschaft, 87n.

Neue Deutsche Literatur, Neue Forum, 282

Neue

213-14; obituary

Neumann,

of

Academy

212-17; president

of the Arts, 383; protest of

Biermann’s disenfranchisement, 207n.

37;

radio version of Brecht’s Fatzer material, 195; relationship to the

CjDR, 148, 149,

49

88, 89, 104

W, 94

Neues DeutschLmd, 69, 191, 249 Neues Forum, 234

management of Berliner Ensemble, 199-200; “Mommsen’s Block,” 212,

190;

for,

123

1,

Die neuen Leiden des Jungen

Crusade Against Brecht,

Lohrulriicker

Germany, 326

Neubert, Wolfgang, 86n. 40

“autobiographical” works, 147-48,

Der

371

Studies and Poetics,” 71

Miihe, Ulrich, 203n. 3

185;

of,

“National Socialism in Germanic Literary

Morawitz, Silvia, 170

privileges, 184;

writers

modernization, 304-5; literary scholarship

demonstrations, 267

27in.

German

Unuhersichtlichkeit

5

Neugriindung, 300 Gert, 15, 160; clandestine

language, 154, 15^-57. 'hi, 170-?^: Elf

Uhr, 169; “Die Ethik der Satze,” 172;

Die KLindestinitiit der Kesselreiniger (The clandestinity of the boiler cleaners), 169,

150; self-criticism, 150; self-defense,

171-72; Die Schuld der Worte (The guilt of

20811. 49; Stasi connections, 36,

words), 169

1

38-39,

140, 141-42; theory of an “aesthetics of

material,” 149;

Under Two

War Without

iMctatorships,

1

Battle: Life

48-5

Neutsch, Erik, 99

New Economic

System (Neues Okonornisches

System), 121-22, 124

1

Murtloch, Rupert, 266

New Forum, 183, 195 New German C'inema,

Muschg, Adolf;

“New

Multiculturalism, 357

Literatur als Theralne.^

3;

after unification,

229; celebration of curreticy union,

227 28,

22t>

30;

hetweeti the

Reader,” 92-c;4

Newspapers, 255

(Literature as therai^y.O, 46

Music, East German, 227-4

fall

of the

New wave cinema: in Eastern Europe, 18-19; in GDR, 14, 22-3 western, 128-29 New York Review oj Books, 344 1

1

1

Wall and imification, 235-41; iiulefiendent

Nietz.sche, Friedrich,

record labels after

N ischengesellschaft

233, 24611.

2

1

,

fall

of wall, 235; rock,

24611. 22

116-17, 123, 125

66

342

“NM!MMESSITSCH,”2 35 Nolle, Ernst, 10, 330

Nachgeholler Widerstand, 43

Norddeutsche Rundfiink (NDR), 262, 264

Nairn, Tom,

Normalizai ion: and the discourse of

3

1

INDEX modernization, 298-99; of East

higher education and

theater, 201-3;

science policy, 299-304; lack

310-1

1,

German

of,

German, 5, 200-201, 288, 290, 306, 356; West German, 7

Nostalgia: East

November 1989 demonstration,

Plenzdorf, Ulrich, i37n. 22, 185;

Freiheitsherauhung

192; Legend

295-96.

355; and postnationalism, 330-31

18, 48, 195,

233, 250-51, 281, 283, 343, 382

(Robbed of freedom),

vom Gluck ohne Ende,

work

Poetry,

384 Poland; crackdown on filmniaking, 119; crackdown on intellectuals, 47 of,

“Polish School” of filmmaking,

Pop

NVA

Possekel, Ralf, 339, 340, 344

Forces), 100

193; Die

Legend von Paul und Paula, 20711. 39

“Null Bock,” 237

(Armed

4 5 5

art,

18-19

1

129

Postnationalism, 323-24, 330-31

Oherhausen manifesto, 123 October rising, 280

Power, language and, 143, 144-47, 14B-491

Oder-NeiBe

Power

Offentlichkeit

line,

155-5B. 160-61, 173

323

Prenzlauer Berg, 14, 17, 53; alternative

233

Office of Constitutional Protection, 336

“Open

Letter to

relations, 63, 168

German

Artists” (Brecht),

Anderson and,

cultural S^cne, 160;

140; disav'owal of working within the

system, 143; function

188

138,

of,

156;

immunity

of,

Opera, 386

195; poetry of, 161-69; radical critique of

Order 333, 73 Ordinance on the Distribution

the older dissidents, 145, 153

Materials in the

GDR,

of

Media

GDR,

256

Organizational (organisationseigene) publishers,

254-55. See

258-59; freedom of in

Media

also

Prime Time Spat Ausgabe, 20 “Progressive arts” (fortschrittliche Kunst), 188

100 Orientierungslosigken,

Protestant Church, conspirative activity, 281,

363, 364

5,

Orwell, George, 37, 49, 317

345

200-201, 288, 290, 306, 356 Ostdeutsche Rundfunk Brandenburg (ORB), Ostalgie, 5,

Public broadcasting, 264 Public sphere: as a East

262, 264

Oversight Committee (Staatliches

Press: after unification,

Kommittee

Minis tcrrat der

Radio

for

fiir

of the

GDR

Ruyidfunk heim

DDR) 269

common

good, 381-84;

German, 233-34, 243n.

286

German: book

Publishing, East

94-95, 98, 101-3; hierarchy

,

4, 24711. 29,

shortage, of,

100;

profiling of, 98; state control of, 29-30,

“Palace of Tears,” 295

97-103, 253-54; thematic plans, 98; use

Palitzsch, Peter, 189, 199

censorship as excuse, 96-97

Pankonin, Key, 236-38,

24411.

1

1,

2450. 14,

Publishing, in unified

2450. 18; Keynkampf, 230-32, 235, 238,

Punks, 17, 18

241-43

Puppet theaters,

1

of

Germany, 32

95-96

Panopticon, 140

Racism, 325; nationalism and, 318; sexism

Panoptic society, 151, 157 Paper, allocation of as political control,

means of

literary-

99-100

Party University Karl Marx, 73 Pdsse/Parolen (Passports, passwords) (Klier and

Krawczyk), 192, 194

Peking Records, 229, 24411. 9

and, 318

Radio Corporation

DDR),

of the

GDR

(Rundfunk der

249, 252-53

Radio Network Reform Act (Kimdfunkuberleitungsgesetz)

Ramha Zamha,

,

259

202

Perestroika, 237, 280, 281

Rammstein, 229

Peterson, Sebastian, 201

Des rasende Mcb. Die Ossis zvischen

Petition law of 1961, 93

Peymann, Claus, 200 Pfefferherg, 198

Photocopying, 29 Piscator, Ernst, 21011. 59

Selbstrnideid

und Barbarei (The raging mob;

Ossis between self-pity and barbarism),

350 Rathenow, Lutz, 141 Rationalization, logic

of,

198, 199

2

1

,

INDEX

4 5 6

Rauhut, Michael: Beat

DDR'Rock 964

in der

Grauzone:

—

Politik und 972 Alltag and Schalmei und Lederjacke, 233 1

bis

1

and the no), 163-66;

Stasi connections,

140, 14

Schelsky, Helmut, 43, 45, 48, 369; Die

Ravensbriick, 346

Arbeit tun die anderen: Klassenkampf und

Readers: as democratic censors, 92-93; “New,”

Priesterherrschaft der Intellektuellen, 40;

92-94;

“real,”

103-8

Readinjj; nation, 13, 53,

Realsozialismus

indictment of Boll, 40-41; vendetta

88-91, 107-8

against the left-wing intelligentsia, Schiller, Dieter, 91

185

Rebel Power, 2450. 19

Schiller, Friedrich,

Reform

Schiller Theater, 198, 199

socialism, 13, 145-47,

340

79

Regalfilme, 116

Schily, Otto, 285

Reich, Jens, 18, 304, 382; Ahschied von den

Schirrmacher, Frank,

6, 186,

2o8n. 49

Schleef, Einar, 199, 200

Lebensliigen, 54-55, 62

Reich, Wilhelm, 129

Schlesinger, Klaus, i37n. 22

Reichel, Kathe, 199

Schmidt, Helmut, 47, 364, 365

Reisch, Gunther: Die Verlohte (The fiancee),

Schmitt, Carl, 149

i37n. 21

Schneider, Rolf, 2040.

Resnais, Alain,

Retro

1

1

Schnelle, Kurt, 86n. 40

13-14, 117

Scholz, Gerhard, 79

cult, 7

Revisionism, 81-82

Schorlemmer, Friedrich, 250

Revolt of 1989, 48

Schroder, Richard, 49

Revolution of 1989,

18, 48, 195, 233,

250-51,

Richter,

Schroth, Christoph, 190, 193

Schuharth, Wilfried, 346, 349 Schubert, Gcitz, 21011. 62

281, 283, 343, 382 Rheinpfalz,

41-42

258

Hans Werner, 43

Schuhmann,

Riesman, David, 42

Klaus, 86n. 40

Schulpforta Gymnasiutn, 309

Riesz, Karol: Saturday Night arul

Sunday

Schultze, Dieter, 2o8n. 49

Schuman, Robert, 310

Morning, 125

“RcKk aus Deutschland Ost,” 235 Rock music, relation to the state, 253, 2460. 21, 2460. 22. See also Music, East

German

Schiitz, Helga, 1370. 22

Schwierzina, Tino, 261

Science policy: “heroic” stage, 300;

Roloff'Momin, Ulrich, i9g, 2o8n. 55 Romanticism, 66

“legalistic” stage,

Rossman,

and, 299-304

I’eter,

“Rowdytum,”

233

116, 127

institutional

Scientific

and personnel “renewal,” 301; 300-301; normalization

Marxism, 342

Der Ruf, 40 Rube, 325

SDV, 282

Runde Tische (Round Tables), 47, 257, 282-83,

Seghers, Anna, 36, 53, 64, 339

SED. See

2H4, 382

Unity Party (SED)

Socialist

Selt'Cen.sorship, 30

Rwatula, 335

Self-publication, 29 Self-realization, 52

Sachsenhausen, 346 Salomon, Ernst von, Sartre, Jean-Paul, 4

Semprun, 271;

3,

SCllADHN, Schadliih,

1

1

3;

Le ihande Voyage,

I

Serbia, 319, 337, 35111. 7

144

Sex-Pol movement, 129

265

Satellite hroailcastiny,

Jorge,

Shakespeare, William, 200, 383

156 lans'joachim, 36

Schall, hkkeharl, 20611. 31

Shoah, 330, 331 Sign and signified, 163

SchalhJoh anna,

Silence, language of, 166, 170-76, 340

I

20311.

3

Scheillinski, Rainer, 138, 154, 160,

Dilemma

i6i;“The

of the Enlit^htenment," 155;

(etnuil) ("X'tnnes")

,

164; die ratiuncn dcs ja

urul des nein (the r;itios/rations of the yes

Silone, Ignazio, 37

Simpson, Patricia Anne, Skin-heads, 325 Skkivenslrrachc, 197

15, 17

1

3111.

INDEX

4 5 7

Slovenia. 309

Stasidichter,

Social Democrats, 285, 315

State Security Service (Stasi), 390; as agent of

Socialism: cultural, 94; language and, 169-76; reform, 145; state, 67 Socialist

social work, 39; dissolution of, 54; of,

humanism, 368

143

IMs

157;

image

(unofficial informants), 138,

141-42, 223, 22611.

I,

24511. 16, 345, 353n.

Socialist literature, 79-83, 102, 103-5, 129

28; interest in reform, 345; post-Wall

Socialist realism, 127, 187, 188

image

Socialist

Unity Party (SED),

i, 8,

183; attempt

at cultural revolution, 121, 185;

attempt

benevolent despotism, 188-92; campaign

communist

isolationism, 120; control of art

political offensive of 1957, 102;

of Central

Committee and

29; Eleventh

39-40; relations with East

intellectuals, 1-2; surveillance of

Klier, 193; ubiquity of,

System iiber

and

cultural-

dominance

Politburo, 2o6n.

Plenum, 127; elimination

262

“Statute for the Promotion and Intensification of Research at Universities and Colleges in the

GDR,” 80 “The Cleric of Treason,” 38

Steiner, George:

Stern, Fritz, 317, 369 Stern, Kurt, I34n.

campaign against

Sternherger, Dolf, 324

65-66;

1

intellectuals within, 281; Kampfkonferenz

Stiftung Lesen

(battle conference), 115-16, 120;

Stolpe, Manfred, 307, 345, 353n. 28

newspapers, 253; orchestration of public

Stotzer-Kachold, Gabriele, 15, 160, 161;

108

sphere, 234; Reforrnvermeidurigspolitik, 53;

“Das Gesetz der Szene” (“The law of the

use of intellectuals to bolster legitimacy of

scene”), 166-69

state, 187;

and

writers,

54-55; youth policy

of 1963 and 1964, 122 Social science: literary scholarship as

a,

39,

Stotzl, Christof,

199 360-61 StrauB, Botho,

A Streetcar Named Desire, 281

70-78; Marxism-Leninism, 75, 78-79;

Streitpapier,

withering

Streller, Siefried,

of,

46

201

86n. 40

Social welfare policy, 39, 45

Strittmatter, Erwin,

Sociologists, conflict with writers,

Structural-functionalism, 127

39-40

Sonderweg

1 1

in.

46

Student movement, 41, 43, 45. 129, 331 Surveillance, 151, 165, 166, 193, 223, 232

Solingen, 325

323 Sonnenalle, 2 ion. 62 thesis,

Siisskind, Patrick,

285

Sonntag, 68, 75, 86n. 39

Swedish Academy, 41

Sonntags fahrer (Sunday drivers), i36n. 19

“Swords into Ploughshares," 194

Sophocles: Merope, 385

Syberherg, Hans-Jiirgen, 360

Soviet Military Administration

(SMAD),

66,

73, 252,

253 Spath, Lothar, 262

Der

(Staatsvertrag

den Rundfunk im vereinten

ot social-democratic elements, 66; initial intellectuals,

49

Germany

in Unified

Deutschland)

literature, 29; control of publishing, 280;

crackdown on cinema, 127-28;

German

1

State Treaty Concerning the Broadcasting

to repress unauthorized speech, 183;

against formalism, 187-88;

of,

Spiegel, 139,

Spiegel

343

T\\ 142

Spielverbot,

239

Sydow, Hubert,

27311. 32

Systems theory, 127

Tacheles, 198, 232, 239 Tairov, Alexander, 207n. 41

Tat circle, 279

Sprachmacht (language power), 170-71, 172

Technical University, Dresden, 302

Sputnik, 281

Telecommunications, 373

Squat, 229

Television, 9, 94, 215, 24711. 29, 253

Stmtliche Kunstkommission (State Art

Tempelhof Airport, 295

Commission), 68 Staatsnation

365

Staatsoper, 198

Staatsverleumdung, 193 Stalin, Joseph, 120

Theater: after unification, 197-203;

documentary, 199; in the GDR, 15, 183-97. See also Theater intellectuals

Theater

am

Theater der

SchiffRauerdamm, 279 Zeit, 193,

202

,

7

,

INDEX

4 5 8

Theater Heute, igo, 192, 194, 200, 202

University of Erfurt, Thuringia, 302

Theater im Palast der Republik, 192

Unpersonen (nonpersons), 86n. 40

Theater

ambiguity of role in

intellectuals:

Unubersichtlichkeit,

363

social change, 183-86; limited solidarity

by the SED, 194; on the

tor those ostracized

Vergangenheitsbewdltigung, 8, 10, 49

margins of legitimate publicity, 192-93;

Vergesellschaftung

privileged dissent, 189-92, 195-97

Verne, Jules, 106

Theaterpatie, 202

o

“Viadrina,” 302

dem Dach,

Theater unter

1

,

195, 198, 201, 202

Victim

file,

142

Thematic Plan (Themen[)lan) 98-99

Virilio, Paul, 250,

Therapeutic discourse,

Vishnevsky, Vsevolod, 2070. 41; Optimistic

Third Reich,

12,

38-49, 51

146, 289, 315. See also

7,

Third Way, 282, 286 Is

Tragedy, 193

Vodafone, 4

National Socialism

“This

270

Vogel, Frank:

Berlin Speaking” (Hierredet Berlin),

252

Denk

don’t think

I’ll

Volk, 48, 234, 267,

Thulin, Michael (pseud. Michael, Klaus),

cry), 126,

heule (Just

127

296

Volksbiihne, 183, 198, 201 Volksnation, 324

163-64, 197

Von Von

Thiirk, Harry, 106

Tomato, Hans,

blofi nicht ich

24511. 18

Tragedy, four classes

of,

Kleist, Heinrich, 3, 381; Penthesilea,

Plato, Alexander, 306,

308

385

Wdhrungs union. See Currency union

Tragelehn, B. K., 189, 2o8n. 49 Tragic recognition, principle

of,

Wajda, Andrzej:

384-92

Karial,

1

19

Transfer payments, 296

Wal.ser, Martin, 6, 44, 46, 285,

“Trashfoodpunk,” 231, 234

Wannsee Conference anniversary, 331 Warsaw Ghetto, 27 Warsaw Pact, dissolution of, 348

Treason: concept

language

of,

of,

12, 35, 36, 37, 52;

48; paradigm of, 38

Treaty Concerning the Attainment of

German

Treuhand, 258

Trommler, Frank,

49

Weimar Centers

i

3,

language and, 171, 172, 175

of Cla.ssical

German

Oedenkstatten der klassischen deutschen Literatur)

Tschaka, 230

78

Wt’itnurer Beitrdge, 72

of July conspiracy,

Weimarer Gedenkstiitte

306

Twentieth Party Camgress, Soviet CJommuiiist Party,

National Research and

Literature (Nationale ForschungS' und

14

Truth: controlled by power relations, 168;

Twentieth

for

C'ommemoration

290

Trumpener, Katie,

Wajichinsky, Peter, 194

Weigel, Helene, 20611. 31

12, 13

Tnit.sch, 24511. 16 Trotzidentitcit,

360

Weber, Max, 39 Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, 369, 370 Weidenfeld, Werner, 308

Unification, 249

Trolle, Lothar, 20811.

190

68

deutschen Literatur,

Weimar Weimar

“Two'pliiS'four" disputes, 285

zur Erforschung tier 8711.

49

Republic, 130, 131, 279 .scluiol,

40, 79

WeiH, Konratl, 255, 260 Ulbiicht, Walter, 55, 68, 94,

1

1

3,

120, 187,

Wekwerth, Manfreti, 189-90,

188, 340, 342

Unconscious, language and, 161-63

UNI),

I

Weiss, Peter, 44

Oalileo Oalilei, 20611. 30

56

Weltoffenheit,

Unemployment,

9, 295, 322, 357, 361,

UnifKation.

Germany,

.Set'

unifietl;

364

National

United Nations, 297 73, See also

I

ligher etiucation

1

1

Wende, 63, 358 Wendt'

ill

der Wentle, 358, 359, 382

West German

klentity; Normalization

Universities: uleological control of

199, 20611. 31;

intellectuals. .See intellectuals.

West CxTiiian

m

C'iDR,

West Germany. See Federal Republic

Germany (FRG)

of

INDEX White Rose

conspiracy, 306

White Sheep, 2450. 18

Wolf, Friedrich, 53 Wolf, Gerhard, 1 56

Wicke,

Wolf, Konrad,

Peter,

233

Winkekuge oder

nicht vevnutete, aufschlufireiche

Verhdhnisse (Shady

Wir

123

Wolfram, Gerhardt, 191 Wolle, Stefan, 353n. 21

moves or not

anticipated, conclusive relationships), 162

WIP program,

16,

1

4 5 9

Work, writing

173-74

as,

World War 1,213

302

treten aus unseren Rollen heraus

,

1

Writers, 278; conflict with academic

96

mandarins, 39-40; role of in demise of

Wissenschaft, 43, 45

GDR,

Wissenschaftsrat, 302

53-54;

SED and,

German;

Intellectuals, East

Wissenschaftssprache 45

36, 54-55. See also Intellectuals,

West German

Wittenberg Church Conference, 194

Writer’s

Union

(East

German), 69,

88,

1

51

Wladyslaw Gomulka, 118-19 Wolf, Christa,

6, 38, 99, 189, 267, 368;

Xenophobia, 316-17, 327, 357, 364

antifascist identification, 148, 184;

attacks

on by younger generation,

14;

“autobiographical” works, 147-48, 153; critique of

GDR,

142-43, 339; dream

of reform socialism, 145; focus

Nazi past, 338-39; Der

geteilte

(The divided heaven), 50-51,

on the

Youth culture, 125, 126 Youth

policy, 122

Youth

theaters,

195-96

Yugoslav federation, 309

Himmel

Yugoslavia, 319 52;

Kassandra, 280; Kindheitsmuster (Patterns

Zadek, Peter, 199

of childhood), 338; Nachdenken iiher Christa T.

(The quest

51, 52,

in. 46; privileged position

within

1 1

GDR society,

for Christa

Die

T),

Selbstinterview (Interview with myself),

speech

at

November

52-

literature, 129;

1989 demonstration,

47; Stasi connections, 138-39, 140,

141-

42; therapeutic discourse, 12, 39, 51;

Was

hleiht

(What

54, 360,

364

Zinnoher, 195, 202

2460. 24; protest of

modernist

1

Zeitenu’ende, 363

Biermann’s disenfranchisement, 207n. 37;

53, 54; socialist

Zeit,

remains), 47, 138, 154-55

Die

Zitty,

202

Zoger, Hein:, 68 Zola, Emile, 37 Zcirger,

Hein:, 75

Zschoche, Hermann,

13611. 18; Karla, 126,

130 Zweig, Arnold, 36, 53

Zweren:, Gerhard, 36, 51-52

A decade after reunification, with Germany laboring to define a n w national identity, the defunct German Democratic Republic has gained

a second life in the pages of history.

The former GDR, and particularly the fate of its intellectuals, has become the subject of novels, memoirs, and films, and it has also become the backdrop

for general debates over

the power of intellectuals in contemporary media and soci­

MICHAEL GEYER

Is professor

of contemporary Europ an

ety. TI1is new collection of essays considers the demise of

history at the University of

the GDR and its Impact on the place of intellectuals in

Chicago. H is the author of

Germany today. The result is

a timely volume that charts Deutsche RlJstungspolitik.

Germany's rocky transition from one world to another.

1860-1980 and Aufrtlstung

"TI1i powerful collection searches out the jumbled relations of

oder Sicherhe,t· D,P Relchs-

power and resistance during a time when East and West unsettle

wehr in der Krise der Macht·

each other in repeated confrontation, when moral high-m ndedness slips into betrayal, when intellectual complicity invites a kind of

polltil