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Power and Knowledge Nexus: Case Study of Pakistan [1, 1 ed.]

Table of contents :
1.1 General Overview 23
1.2 Power 24
1.2.1 Hard Power 26
1.2.2 Soft Power 27
1.3 Foucault’s Types of Power 28
1.3.1 Disciplinary Power 28
1.3.2 Sovereign Power 28
1.3.3 Bio Power 29

Citation preview

1

POWER AND KNOWLEDGE NEXUS: CASE STUDY OF PAKISTAN

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the award of the degree of MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY in INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

By ZAHID YAQUB Reg. No: 02131711014

SCHOOL OF POLITICS AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS QUAID-I-AZAM UNIVERSITY, ISLAMABAD JANUARY, 2019

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POWER AND KNOWLEDGE NEXUS: CASE STUDY OF PAKISTAN

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the award of the degree of MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY in INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

By ZAHID YAQUB Reg. No: 02131711014

SUPERVISED BY DR QANDIL ABASS

SIGNATURE OF THE SUPERVISOR

SCHOOL OF POLITICS AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS QUAID-I-AZAM UNIVERSITY, ISLAMABAD JANUARY 2019

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Dedicated to

The unsung heroes, my all teachers.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENT I would like to begin with the name of Allah, the most benevolent and compassionate. I thank Him for all His blessings and for enabling me to accomplish this work. This research work is an outcome of utmost, sincere and dedicated efforts of my teachers. I always value their presence for teaching and guiding me with a conviction and zeal. My supervisor, Dr Qandil Abbas is not an exception. His able guidance and professional competence has opened new arena of research work for me. My worthy faculty at School of Politics and International Relations, QAU has put best efforts to guide me about the dynamics of international politics. Dr Nazir Hussain, Dr Zafar Nawaz Jaspal, Dr Farhan Hanif Siddiqui, Dr Mujeeb Afzal, Dr Ahmed Ijaz Malik, Dr Mavara Inayat and Dr Aisha Younus will always be a part of my sweet memories and will be true source of guidance in my academic pursuits, in years to come. I would like to thank my parents, (Haji Muhammad Yaqub and Razia Begum) for their sincerest prayers. My wife Dr Kanwal Mobarak and my dolls Izma, Rida & Adeena deserve for approbation to sacrifice their time and allowing me to do this esteemed task. I would like to thank my class fellows specially Hassan Khan, Mustansar Hussain Taseer , my sister Sobia Andleeb and the staff of SPIR for providing me a conducive learning environment. I bow to Allah Almighty for his countless blessings and bounties and pray for a prosperous, growing and well respected Pakistan.

(Aameen)

(ZAHID YAQUB) Reg. No: 02131711014 MPhil International Relations School of Politics & International Relations Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad Pakistan ([email protected]) 5

ABSTRACT According to Michel Foucault's the power is based on knowledge and it makes use of knowledge to reproduce power by shaping it in accordance with its anonymous intentions. Power (re-) creates its own fields of exercise through the knowledge. Foucault incorporates this inevitable mutuality into his neologism power-knowledge, the most important part of which is the hyphen that links the two aspects of the integrated concept together (and alludes to their inherent inextricability). It is helpful noting that Foucault has a textual understanding of both power and knowledge. Both power and knowledge are to be seen as de-centralized, relativistic, ubiquitous, and unstable (dynamic) systemic phenomena. Thus Foucault's concept of power draws on micro-relations without falling into reductionism because it does not neglect, but emphasizes, the systemic (or structural) aspect of the phenomenon. However, he does not actually define knowledge. The term was initially coined in the later works of Foucault. He replaced his notion of power-knowledge with the term governmentality which points to a specific mentality of governance. The thesis has explained the power knowledge nexus in perspective of Pakistan. As a first step it gives the understanding of power knowledge as a discursive phenomenon and the analyses the notion of govemmentality (Foucault, 1991) to provide a critique of dominant forms of rationality or ways of thinking about Pakistani governance. The next part of the thesis is deliberated with more detail about the concept of 'development' in the discourses of the global powers, World Bank and some of the other multilateral development agencies that have their roots in these dominant rationalities and provide a language, set of motivations and underlying rationale for education policy and practices in Pakistan . Here it will be argued that taken together, discourses around education and development have the effect of rendering populations economically useful and politically submissive in relation to dominant global interests. The thesis is concluded, however, by briefly setting out some ways forward within the discursive field for challenging these dominant discourses and creating space for historically marginalized knowledge and ways of understanding power and knowledge nexus through the Foucauldian lens of “governmentality” in Pakistan.

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LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Caption for Table 1 Table 2. Caption for Table 2

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Caption for Figure 1.

Error! Bookmark not defined.

Figure 2. Caption for Figure 2.

Error! Bookmark not defined.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENT ............................................................................................... 5 ABSTRACT................................................................................................................... 6 LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................... 7 LIST OF FIGURES ....................................................................................................... 8 INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................... 12 Research Questions............................................................................................... 16 Key Literature and its Limitations ........................................................................ 16 Hypothesis ............................................................................................................ 20 Research Methodology ......................................................................................... 20 Scope of the research ............................................................................................ 20 Organization of research ....................................................................................... 21 Chapter one .................................................................................................................. 23 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: POWER KNOWLEDGE NEXUS OF MICHEL FOUCAULT ................................................................................................................ 23 1.1 General Overview ........................................................................................... 23 1.2 Power ............................................................................................................. 24 1.2.1 Hard Power ................................................................................................. 26 1.2.2 Soft Power ................................................................................................... 27 1.3 Foucault’s Types of Power ............................................................................ 28 1.3.1 Disciplinary Power ..................................................................................... 28 1.3.2 Sovereign Power ......................................................................................... 28 1.3.3 Bio Power ................................................................................................... 29 1.3.4 Pastoral Power ............................................................................................ 30 9

1.4 Power and Governmentality ........................................................................... 30 1.5

Knowledge ................................................................................................... 31

1.5.1 Archeological Insight ................................................................................. 31 1.5.2 Genealogical Insight ................................................................................... 32 1.5.3

Discourse Analysis: Language and Practice by Foucault ......................... 32

1.6 Limits and Regulations of Discourse Analysis .............................................. 33 1.6.1 Taboos ........................................................................................................ 34 1.6.2 Madness/Sanity............................................................................................ 34 1.6.3 Institutional Ratification .............................................................................. 35 1.5.4 Conditions of Employment of Discourse .................................................... 36 1.7 Power Knowledge : Knowledge Imperialism Vs Globalization .................. 37 chapter -2 ..................................................................................................................... 39 POWER – KNOWLEDGE NEXUS: LANGUAGE AND PRACTICE IN PAKISTAN ..................................................................................................................................... 39 2.1 Language and Practice : General Overview ................................................. 39 2.2 Language as an Object of Knowledge in Pakistan ....................................... 40 2.3.1 Language and Governmentality in Pakistan ................................................ 42 2.4

Language and Influence in Pakistan ............................................................ 43

2.4.1 Language Imperialism ................................................................................ 46 2.4.2 Language and Power : Institutions in Pakistan ............................................ 49 chapter 3 ....................................................................................................................... 51 POWER AND KNOWLEDGE NEXUS: GOVERNMENTALITY AND PAKISTAN ..................................................................................................................................... 51 3.1 Governmentality in Power and Knowledge Nexus: An Overview................. 51 3.1.1

Governmentality : Economic Policies in Pakistan ................................. 53

3.1.2

Governmentality : Defence and Security Policies of Pakistan .............. 59 10

3.1.3

Governmentality : Educational Policies, Discourse and Pakistan ......... 63

3.1.4

Governmentality : National Narrative in Pakistan ................................. 64

chapter-4 ...................................................................................................................... 70 POWER AND KNOWLEDGE NEXUX: knowledge IMPERIALISM VS globalization IN PAKISTAN....................................................................................... 70 4.1 General Overview ........................................................................................... 70 4.2 Educational Philosophy/Theories ................................................................... 73 4.3 Educational Policies ....................................................................................... 73 4.4 Research ( Journals, Dissertations, Thesis) .................................................... 76 4.5 Course, Syllabus, Curriculum ......................................................................... 78 4.6 Degrees Validation ........................................................................................ 80 4.7 Institutional World Ranking .......................................................................... 80 4.8 Education as 'capacity–communication–power .............................................. 85 4.9 Globalization Vs Testing, Measurement & Evaluation .................................. 87 4.10 Literature ...................................................................................................... 88 4.11 Education/Knowledge VS Economic Power ................................................ 89 conclusion .................................................................................................................... 91 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................ 93

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INTRODUCTION Power and Knowledge are two different phenomenon. In most of the cases, power and knowledge are discussed separately. However, when we discuss the nexus of Power and knowledge, the name of Edward Said and Michel Foucault are very famous. Foucault believes that knowledge and its various forms derive from different representations of power. Hr further argues that different types of power produce different forms of knowledge. For Foucault, power and knowledge are inseparable entities. These are inextricably related. Knowledge is always an exercise of power and power is always a function of knowledge. For Foucault, the most known example of a practice of power & knowledge is that of the confession, as discussed in History of Sexuality. Once solely a practice of the Christian Church, Foucault explains that

it has became the

permanent feature of secular culture specifically the psychology in the 18th and 19th centuries. With the help of confession (a power) people were motivated or provoked to “tell the truth” (produce knowledge) about their sexual desires, feelings and emotions, and temperament. Through the help of confessions, an idea of a sexual identity at the core of the self became familiar. It is again a form of knowledge and as an identity it has to be monitored, refined, and often controlled (, back to power). In the views of Michel Foucault, power/knowledge is productive and constraining at the same time. Power/knowledge not only confines whatever we can do, but it also makes understand the new arena of philosophy and practice about ourselves. Foucault believes that power brings change and transformation in the behavior, conduct and thought pattern of the individuals. When people come in relation of power to each other, they change themselves. The example may be the Teacher, to explain the phenomenon of the relation of power. Teacher is in power to change the mind and thought pattern of the students through his knowledge and conduct. Foucault considers that freedom and liberty is the important aspect or condition of power. The teacher exercises his power with the free will of the students and because of this acceptance the students re changed. There is a contract between the both which ultimately there is no problem in the relation of power. Power changes its pattern and emerge as the domination when it stops or suspends the application of free will. It 12

happens when the transformation of conduct or perception is at the issue. The dominant role of the teacher emerges when he changes his position through threat. Here the most important factor is the knowledge of the teacher which provides him a ground for agreement and necessary component of the relations of power. With compare to modern societies, in old societies power doesn’t heavily depend upon knowledge. In modern societies, power is compulsorily associated with knowledge. In modern societies, the

structure, innovation, disciplines of knowledge, are an

important stake holders of the power. Michel Foucault has widely discussed the in the nexus between power and knowledge. The essential debate of Foucault regarding the nexus between power and knowledge is to question the tradition of the acquiring knowledge and its relationship with power. He emphasis that knowledge is attained through the means of reason and experience. He writes that, “we will have to change the notion that where power and knowledge breaks relationship, the knowledge and power relationship can be

can be explored in various ways. Power should be

subsidiary to the knowledge. Foucault emphasized that how does power mechanisms affect every day lives. This is opposite to discuss the power as a commodity, which may be held or possessed, personified in a person, institution, in a structure, or it may be used for organizational and individual purposes. Michel Foucault says that “Power is not something that is acquired, seized or shared, something one holds on to or allows to slip away.’’ (Foucault, 1981, p.94)

After studying power we come to know that how does power operate and the procedures, practices and techniques which reveal its effect. It is also evident in the way persons or things are rendered visible politically, i.e. ‘power is exercised by virtue of things being known and people being seen’. (Foucault, 1980, p.154)

According to Foucault, all those institutions like hospitals, management schools or clinics where the fields of knowledge are practiced have been transformed into instruments of social control. The institutions which deal with the management do not simply impart knowledge but also change the behavior, conduct

and the 13

perceptions of students as well. It equally effects the conduct of its employees as well. Management institutions are run within the certain networks of power relations. The famous philosopher Edward Said, the epistemic worth of Foucault’s claim is very much limited to European continent or the regions where power and knowledge are linked with each other. He denies it as a universal fact.1 There is a strong connection between knowledge and truth. Knowledge is always about the truth of something. Usually truth is claimed and announced as the property of knowledge. So truth is not outside the relations of (managerial) power. Michel Foucault says that “Every society practices a unique pattern of truth and its its ‘’general politics’’ of the truth., Discourse which are acceptable and are in function as true; the mechanisms and instances that enables the distinguish between true and false statements; all that means by which each is endorsed or certified; the techniques and procedures which deliver value in the acquisition of truth; the status of the people or institution which ratify saying what counts as true.”2 Power cannot be exercised without knowledge. It is not further possible that knowledge can be created without power.” 3 Unavoidable connection of knowledge with power, according to Foucault, neither questions the validity of, nor supports, knowledge. The fact that power produces truth does not turn truth into power. Truth and power are diverse entities. Foucault clarifies his position on power and truth that: “When I talk about power relations and games of truth, I am absolutely not saying that games of truth are just concealed power relations- that would be a horrible exaggeration.” Power & knowledge, support each other. Truth/power never turns into power/truth. In view of Foucault there is no truth independent of power. 4 Truth can

1

Ali, Zulfiqar. "Birth and rise of management science power and knowledge nexus." The Dialogue 7,

no. 1 (2012). 2

Hall, Stuart. "Foucault: Power, knowledge and discourse." Discourse theory and practice: A reader 72

(2001): 81. 3

Nonaka, Ikujiro, Ryoko Toyama, and Noboru Konno. "SECI, Ba and leadership: a unified model of

dynamic knowledge creation." Long range planning 33, no. 1 (2000): 5-34. 4

Foucault, Michel. "The subject and power." Critical inquiry 8, no. 4 (1982): 777-795.

14

not be concealed or repressed by the power. Truth itself is constituted inside power relations. Because of the close and inseparable relation of power with the knowledge, Foucault characterizes power as productive rather than repressive. In the lectures and writings of Foucault, power does not always make things disappear or forces them to silence. It produces, explains , adds meaning to discourse, sciences and governance. During the nineteenth century onwards the productive aspect of power has become predominant specifically in Western political history. In the succeeding chapters (Ch-1) a nexus of power and knowledge is discussed in light of the power knowledge theory of Michel Foucault. The study is primarily focused on the case study of Pakistan. While taking in consideration, the important aspects of discourse analysis, its relevance with the power and knowledge is discussed. How does discourse is given meaning and interpretations through the lens of power knowledge nexus of Foucault. The study is divided into four chapters. Chapter one is the discussion of Power Knowledge nexus under the theoretical perspective of Michel Foucault. Here power and knowledge is discussed separately. Under the main heading, different types of power like disciplinary, sovereign, bio and pastoral powers are discussed. Knowledge is also explained under the archeological and genealogical insight. In power and knowledge nexus, language and practice, governmentality and process of acquiring, imparting and practicing knowledge i-e education is very important to discuss. In the next chapters (Ch-2, Ch-3 and Ch-4 ), all these above mentioned aspects are discussed, criticized and researched with the help of Foucaldian lens of power and knowledge in Pakistan. In an article “Education and the new imperialism” Leon Tikly has exceptionally discussed the concept of Foucault’s governmentality and neo educational imperialism 5 . In last chapter (Ch-4) the same is discussed in the case study of Pakistan.

5

Tikly, Leon. "CHAPTER 2: Education and the New Imperialism." Counterpoints 369 (2009): 23-45.

http://www.jstor.org/stable/42980379.

15

Research Questions The study sets to answer the following research questions: (a)

What is the correlation of Power and Knowledge?

(b)

How does Power and knowledge make a nexus in political and social life of

Pakistan? (c)

How does the Power and knowledge nexus affect language, governmentality

and education in Pakistan? (d)

Why Pakistan is influenced through the nexus of Power-Knowledge by the

developed powers?

Key Literature and its Limitations Power and Knowledge nexus is a widely discussed topic across the globe. Social and political scientists, practitioners, scholars, philosophers and academicians have discussed the power and knowledge in different dimensions. Michel Foucault (19261984) is one of the most cited philosophers in social sciences. Power and knowledge are two inseparable phenomenon. Foucault explains that Power operates at the most micro levels of social relations. Power is omnipresent at every level of the social body. The exercise of power is strategic and war-like. When it comes in procession with the knowledge his thought is different than the others. One of the most important features of Foucault’s view is that interaction of power produces different types of discourse, knowledge and practices which bring together information on people’s practices and existence. The knowledge gathered through this interaction and practices further add force to the exercises of power. Power and knowledge nexus is discussed by different scholars. However in this study the question of power and knowledge nexus is discussed in its relationship to Pakistan. There is a wide range of concepts associated with power and knowledge nexus. However its relevance with language and practice, governmentality and educational imperialism in Pakistan will

16

be discussed. The literature on the particular aspect is inadequate. A broad literature review is done on power and knowledge nexus in Pakistan.

Rafia Zakria in her article “Knowledge, power and Pakistan”6 articulates that west is dominant on the flow, use and practice of knowledge through the influence. She has named this influence as the power. Her most of the part of article is purely focused on the western or developed powers hegemony in research and academic practices for the achievement of their interest. She says that “all these constructs, like those of the British, are erected on grains of truth, furthering the strategic positioning of Pakistan as a country forever in need of imperial disciplining, a virus that can only be controlled by Western intervention. Knowledge as we all know is power, and to construct knowledge and its value to suit strategic purposes, domination and conquest is a tactic more insidious than the usual weapons of war.” This article highlights only one aspect of power i.e dominance or imperialistic design by the west. Zulfiqar Ali in his article “Birth and Rise of Management Science Power and Knowledge Nexus”7 explains that the sciences, especially the management sciences are the byproduct of certain relations of power and knowledge. These sciences generate those networks of power from which they originated. He further argued in the first part that knowledge and power entail each other. In doing so I contest the claim that knowledge derives from a pure desire to know. In the next part of the article author explores the nature of the power providing foundation to the creation of the subjects of management sciences. In the succeeding part of the article the author explains that from a certain representation of power management sciences arises and management sciences produce truths and discourses that may not be stretched to serve the aims that run parallel to them. The article is well written while using the theory of Michel Foucault. However in this article power is shown more dominant over the

6

Rafia Zakaria, “Knowledge, Power and Pakistan” Daily Dawn, April 22, 2015.

7

Zulfiqar Ali, "Birth and Rise of Management Science Power and Knowledge Nexus." The Dialogue 7,

no. 1 (2012).

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knowledge. Foucault has told that both are inseparable from each other. Furthermore, this article is written about a small part of the practice of power and knowledge nexus. Ayyaz Qadeer and Waseema Shahzad have articulated in an article “Language and Power Nexus: A Critical Study of Pakistani Political Discourse” 8 that discourse supported and articulated by the political elite is more influential because of the power behind it. They have given example of the speech by Prime Minster of Pakistan. They have further argued that the political discourse is all insidious and influential due to its strong power to access the public at large. This discourse generates the influence on the public thought pattern and effects their minds. Due to the political endeavors of the system, people presume the power of representing the public sentiments. In this regards, the important events are properly shaped through the political discourse to influence the mind and intellect of the people. This is a comprehensive article about the political discourse in the country. It covers only the political influence and doesn’t explain the power exhibited by the people.

Michael Moore, in an article “Knowledge, power and politics” 9has explained that in 1579, British Scholar Francis Bacon while meditating on religion and unorthodoxy recognized the integral relationship between knowledge and power. He gave a statement that ‘knowledge is power’. The author Michael Moore says that it was a known fact that politicians try to keep people away from the sources of knowledge. It gives them a thought of security from the educated people. He has shown a rivalry between different groups about the use and power of education. With the help of different examples, the author has argued about the role of politicians to use power to keep people away from education. However, as per Foucault power is not always making others to obey unwillingly. It is a relationship to go in parallel.

8

Ayyaz Qadeer & Wasima Shehzad, “Language and Power Nexus: A Critical Study of Pakistani

Political Discourse”, International Journal of English Linguistics; Vol. 8, No. 2; 2018 ISSN 1923869X E-ISSN 1923-8703 9

Michael Moore ,Annette Michaux, Ann Sanson " Knowledge, power and politics", Bridging the

'Know-Do' Gap, ANU Press. (2010), https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt24h8zf.14

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Peter Leonard in his article titled as “Knowledge/Power and Postmodernism: Implications for the Practice of a Critical Social Work Education”10 reasoned that the current debate on the knowledge claims of scientific and professional disciplines - the relation between knowledge and power demands close relevance in the social work education. If professional education reproduces, through its discourse and practices, Eurocentric and androcentric claims to universal truth and objectivity and so defines reality in the interests of normative order, then intellectual and political challenges to professional education are necessary. Author says that Post modernism and critical analysis of the point of view of Foucault is difficult, however, because the debate on modernity is wide ranging encompassing philosophy, sociology, cultural studies, architecture, literary criticism, and other disciplines. A Foucauldian history of social work might begin by showing that, before social work could be established as a modern profession, equipped with institutional ratification and acceptance. This article is a correlation of the Foucaldian thought of power and knowledge and the social work. Author has covered an important aspect of the governmentality under the shade of power and knowledge. Susanna Hannus & Hannu Simola, articulate in their article "The Effects of Power Mechanisms in Education: bringing Foucault and Bourdieu together” 11 is a unique article on the topic. Authors have put reasonable light on the effect of power on education. Education here explains the process, practices and the sources of knowledge. The main question in the article is to discuss the role of schools that how does socio-culturally different areas face new governance and its power mechanisms. The author has further discussed the Pierre Bourdieu’s and Michel Foucault’s approaches to power, capitalizing at the same time on Risto Heiskala’s recent synthesizing theorization of power. The author has concluded the article that Foucault

10

Peter Leonard, "KNOWLEDGE/POWER AND POSTMODERNISM: Implications for the Practice

of a CriticalSocial Work Education", Canadian Social Work Review / Revue canadienne de service social, Vol. 11, No. 1(Winter/hiver 1994), pp. 11-26 11

Susanna Hannus & Hannu Simola, "The Effects of Power Mechanisms in Education: bringing

Foucault and

Bourdieu together",

Power

and

Education,

Volume

2

Number

1 2010,

www.wwwords.co.uk/POWER

19

and Bourdieu both the philosophers have a common understanding on the topic of power and they study if through a network of relations and as a structuring force.

Hypothesis Power and Knowledge are two important phenomenon for discussion which play a significant role in the individual, social and international arena. Power defines knowledge, attaches meaning with knowledge and further shape, manipulate and redefine it. If we talk about a developing country, the power and knowledge are two important factors in decision making, policy formulation and governance of the state. If discourse is attached with power, ultimately its meaning, practice and impact on the life of the masses will be changed. In a country like Pakistan, most of the knowledge is influenced, borrowed and forced by the west because of the status of an erstwhile colonial state and present influence of the developed states on a developing state.

Furthermore, it is also hypothesize that language, governmentality and education are highly influenced by the local and international governmentality. Different language, state governance and educational practices are driven with less coercive and mostly with discursive powers.

Research Methodology All the issues, debates and discussions pertaining to the subject will be thoroughly analyzed. The study will cover the basic components of the research i-e literature review, descriptive, exploratory and prescriptive analysis. In order to fulfill this purpose, primary and secondary sources of information will be consulted. For the said purpose, newspaper, books, journals and relevant online resources will be benefitted. The study would be conducted with the qualitative techniques of research. Scope of the research The research is based on the power and knowledge nexus and its relevance as a case study to Pakistan. This research is a qualitative in nature and covers the power and 20

knowledge nexus under the theoretical framework of famous scholar Michel Foucault. In his lectures Foucault has not defined power and knowledge; however he has explained different types of power and knowledge. In this research, power and its four types are discussed with relevance to the governmentality and discourse analysis.

A country like Pakistan has been an erstwhile colonized state and epistemological bases, discourse analysis, educational practices and narrative building are still influenced by the power. This power is mostly discursive in nature. Most

of

the

research is based on primary and secondary sources of information. This topic is not much discussed in the academic literature of Pakistan. Available sources are thoroughly studied and cited with all consideration of research ethics. This study will cover the role of power knowledge nexus under the topics of power-knowledge nexus with relevance to language and practice in Pakistan, governmentality and Pakistan and Power Education/knowledge imperialism vs globalization in Pakistan. Foucault has explained different type of linkage of power and knowledge with social, political and individual life. It is very vast in its scope and relevance. However, here we

will

only

discuss

three

aspects

i-e

language

(Discourse

Analysis),

Governmentality and Power knowledge and its imperialism/globalization.

Organization of research The research is divided into four main chapters. Each chapter covers the main topic with a comprehensive critical overview of the topic. In first paragraphs of every topic, theoretical framework is discussed and correlated with the study. Chapter No 1 of the research is based on the Power and Knowledge nexus theory of Michel Foucault. Different types of Power and insights of knowledge are discussed in this chapter. Chapter one will provide a theoretical framework for the succeeding chapters as well. Four type of powers ( i-e disciplinary, sovereign, bio and pastoral) are discussed in the chapter. Foucaldian discourse analysis with relation to power is given a comprehensive consideration and on the basis of this three important aspects are taken for the case study of Pakistan. These three important aspects are Discourse

21

analysis and Language practice, Governmentality and Power Knowledge/Education vs Imperialism and Globalization. Chapter No 2 is the first case study discussion on the concept of Power- knowledge, discourse analysis and Language - Practice. This chapter will deal with the existing language practices in Pakistan and their relation with the power. Different language issues, influences, narrative building aspects and practices have been discussed in relation to the power. Chapter No 3 is based on the Foucauldian concept of Governmentality. After necessary deliberation upon Governmentality, its relevance with the economic, foreign policy options, defence and security policies, educational policies and discourse analysis and its relation with the national narrative building practices will be discussed. Chapter No 4 is based on the concept of discourse analysis and its relevance with the power-knowledge and education. It is pertinent to mention that Michel Foucault's work is already well-known in the field of education. His detailed studies of madness, punishment, sexuality, and the human sciences have provided educational theorists with a whole new array of concepts (like discipline, and problematization), analytical techniques (such as archaeology, and genealogy) and arguments (as pertaining to the intimate embrace of knowledge and power, and ways in which human subjects relate ethically to themselves and others). The concept of imperialism and globalization is attached to the power and knowledge nexus in education. This chapter will discuss the associated aspects of educational practice like educational policies, research, curriculum development, literature, university ranking, degree validation , testing, measurement and evaluation are discussed as a case study in Pakistan. At the end, a conclusion is presented with a thorough analysis and some recommendations.

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CHAPTER ONE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: POWER KNOWLEDGE NEXUS OF MICHEL FOUCAULT

1.1 General Overview For the understanding of power and its practice for the creation of knowledge, the understanding of the associated factors is very important which have shaped this nexus between power and knowledge. For that, a theoretical framework is utilized by first looking at the concept of discourse and, more specifically, the colonial discourse that existed in the Subcontinent (Pakistan) during the colonial era. Thereafter, in order to understand the close relationship between the two concepts, an analysis of knowledge and power is provided. To gain deeper understanding, two different techniques and forms of exercising power are explained. Most importantly, the concept of narratives is examined, particularly narratives of societal and political change, and its relevance to the concept of power and knowledge. The starting point for this theoretical analysis is Michel Foucault’s work on power and knowledge followed by an analysis of his concepts of bio-power and governmentality. 12 It becomes apparent through the analysis of Foucault’s work that his theories are applicable to studies of colonization and globalization even though he does not speak of it specifically. Through an analysis of these theories and concepts, a theoretical foundation is set to form the grounds for analysis and nexus between power and knowledge in Pakistan. While authors such as Robert Young (1995) and Gayatri Spivak (2014)13 have linked Foucault’s analysis to European imperialism, this thesis utilizes some of their specific concepts to form the base for an analysis on colonial

12

Michael Peters, "Education, enterprise culture and the entrepreneurial self: A Foucauldian

perspective." The Journal of Educational Enquiry 2, no. 2 (2009). 13

Ambesange Praveen V, "Postcolonialism: Edward Said & Gayatri Spivak", Research Journal of

Recent

Sciences

E-ISSN

2277-2502

Vol.

5(8),

47-50,

August

(2016)

www.isca.in/rjrs/archive/v5/i8/9.ISCA-RJRS-2016-051.pdf

23

power and further studying the contemporary power knowledge nexus in Pakistan.

1.2 Power American author Charles W. Freeman, Jr. described power as the following: Power can be seen as a unique capability which serves the purpose to influence the decision and practices of others. Power is associated with strength and will. Strength is usually emerged from the transformation of resources into capabilities. Strategy marshals its influence and brings them to bear with precision. Statecraft seeks through strategy to magnify the mass, relevance, impact, and irresistibility of power. Power guides, defines and formulates the ways the state deploys and applies its power abroad. These ways embrace the arts of war, espionage, and diplomacy. The practitioners of these three arts are the paladins of statecraft. Political scientists, practitioners and historians, of international relations (diplomats) have used the following concepts of political power: Power as a goal of states or leaders; Power as a measure of influence or control over outcomes, events, actors and issues; Power as victory in conflict and the attainment of security; Power as control over resources and capabilities; Power as status, which some states or actors possess and others do not. Power is usually considered as a concept of relation. It comes into play through social relations. It is omnipresent in the sense that the exercise of power and conflicts over power are aspects of all social relations. Power has a structure and has a fundamental system of existence by the society. 14Max Weber (1978) says that structures of power become systems of legitimate social control. In the Weberian conception, authority is quite different from power and it has a legitimate structure bestowed by an established system. 15 Peter Blau (1964) argued that the social system of drives and attractions

14

Weber, Max. Economy and society: An outline of interpretive sociology. Vol. 1. Univ of California

Press, 1978. 15

Blau, Peter. "Power and exchange in social life." New York: J Wiley & Sons 352 (1964).

24

amongst the human shapes a system of communication with the expectation of any associated reward in the shape of material or symbolic. This exchange process gives rise to the power relations in social life. The element of willingness to follow the will of others in relation to material benefits is a generic social reward of the willingness. This situation of willing obedience arises when one finds no other possibility to obey the will of the one who possesses power. In an exchange or communication, this can be

interpreted that one is rewarding the other with power and control over oneself. While studying the subject of international relations, power can be defined in different ways. Modern discourse defines the power in terms of state power with emphasis on economic and military power. Those states that have significant amounts of power within the international system are referred to as small powers, middle powers, regional powers, great powers, superpowers, or hegemons, although there is no commonly accepted standard for what defines a powerful state. NATO, the G7, the BRICS nations and the G20 are seen by academics as forms of

powerful

governments. As per the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators, during the year 2016, Pakistan was rankedin 29th percentile for government effectiveness, the 27th percentile for regulatory quality, the 20th percentile for rule of law, and the 19th percentile for control of corruption. Pakistan fell from 144th place in 2016 to 148th place in 2018 in the World Bank’s ease of doing business rankings. The latest United Nations Development Program Human Development report, published in 2017, ranks Pakistan 147th. The country improved its position on the World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Index in 2017, though it was still a lowly 115th out of 137 countries, after coming out 122th in 2016.16 This is the level of economic and political power of Pakistan, studied through some indicators. Power cannot be seen independently.

16

World

Bank,

The

Worldwide

Governance

Indicators

(WGI)

project,

1996–2017

http://info.worldbank.org/governance/wgi/#home

25

Michel Foucault explains that power is omnipresent, not because it embraces everything uniformly, but because it comes from everywhere. 17 power is also considered as an instrument of coercion. Even away from the discreet structures in which those actors operate, power is everywhere’, diffused and embodied in discourse, knowledge , practices and ‘regimes of truth’ (Foucault 1991; Rabinow 1991).18 If we further explore the concept of power in the eyes of Michel Foucault, we find that modern society is a “disciplinary society”. It means that power in our time is largely exercised, practiced and applied through disciplinary means in a variety of institutions (prisons, schools, hospitals, militaries, etc.).

1.2.1 Hard Power Hard power is the use of military and economic means to influence the behavior or interests of other political bodies. This form of political power is often aggressive (coercion), and is most immediately effective when imposed by one political body upon another of lesser military and/or economic power. Hard power contrasts with soft power, which comes from diplomacy, culture and history, discourse, education etc. Foucault has given five proposition/schemes regarding power. 19First, Power is not a tangible thing which a person has or doesn’t have. It is always exercised from all stages in any relation. Second, it is not simply applied externally to relationships of economics, knowledge, or sex. It is inside these relationships and determines their internal structure. Third, It does not simply come downwards. Power relationships are formed according to a ruler/ruled model and these relations pop up at all levels of society. Fourth, Designs and strategies in power relationships can be well understood.

17

18

Sawicki, Jana. Disciplining Foucault: Feminism, power, and the body. Psychology Press, 1991. Richardson, Tim. "Foucauldian discourse: Power and truth in urban and regional policy

making." European Planning Studies 4, no. 3 (1996): 279-292. 19

Michel Foucault, "The history of sexuality: An introduction, volume I." Trans. Robert Hurley. New

York: Vintage (1990).

26

Power relationship is based on a rationale. Fifth, There will be a resistance in power relationship . 20 According to Joseph Nye, hard power involves "the ability to use the carrots and sticks of economic and military might to make others follow your will". The meaning of "carrots" is the inducement or incentive like the reduction of trade barriers, to offer an alliance or an agreement of military cooperation or protection. Likewise "sticks" is associated with threats - including the use of coercive diplomacy, the threat of military intervention, or the imposition of economic sanctions. Ernest Wilson describes hard power as the capacity to coerce "and make other to behave or act as he did not intend to do ". Usually it is the control of practices with a coercive power.

1.2.2 Soft Power Soft power is the ability to shape or influence the preferences of others through appeal and attraction. It is non-coercive and it is imposed through culture, political values, and foreign policies. Recently, the term has also been used in changing and influencing social and public opinion through relatively less transparent channels and political and non political organizations are influencing through the soft power. Joseph Nye from Harvard University has explained soft power as “the best propaganda is not propaganda", further explaining that during the Information Age, "credibility is the scarcest resource." Michel Foucault has explained the value role and imposition of discursive power. This definition of power, however, is still incomplete, because it does not explain where power comes from or how power is exercised. How does an individual "exercise" power? The question about the exercise of power is very significant. Foucault has used the word "exercise" very consciously. One the other hand, Foucault has chosen the power as "exercised" in order to distinguish the notion of power from Marxist, pluralist, and functionalist theories of power. These all

20

Gilliam, Christian. "Foucault and the Force of Power-Knowledge." in immanence and micropolitics:

sartre, merleau-ponty, Foucault and Deleuze, 95-130. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2017. Http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctt1n7qj2j.7.

27

theories inevitably reify power and confuse the role of power. Foucault elaborates that power is not an institution and structure. It has a strength that we are gifted with. Power is never localized here or there and not given in the hands of someone. It is neither a commodity nor piece of wealth and it is exercised through a net like organization.21

1.3 Foucault’s Types of Power 1.3.1 Disciplinary Power It is a type of power exercised by those who represent the sovereign authority in everyday transactions by their own or the sovereign's rules. "It is more difficult to ascertain the precise nature of disciplinary power since one of its distinguishing features is the swiftness and lightness with which it acts, thus rendering it substantially less visible than sovereign power. A disciplinary society may not be controlled with direct application of power by the sovereign or his agent, but through an impersonal and invisible gaze. The efficiency of disciplinary power is closely related to its invisibility compared with the visible coercive power. For disciplinary power to be effective, it is the subject, not the power, which must be seen. Disciplinary power is future oriented, replacing backwardlooking rituals with graduated exercises aiming at an optimal future state. In disciplinary institutions, power is de-individualized. Through this power, one warden can replace the another one even by a surveillance camera.22

1.3.2 Sovereign Power Foucault describes in the first part of “Discipline and Punish”, sovereign power is that form expressed in recognizable ways through particular and identifiable individuals. The “nodes” of this form of power are the king, the prince, and the agents thereof. HE

21

22

Foucault, Michel. "The subject and power." Critical inquiry 8, no. 4 (1982): 777-795. Taylor,

Chloë.

"Foucault

and

Familial

Power." Hypatia 27,

no.

1

(2012):

201-18.

http://www.jstor.org/stable/41328905.

28

has named them the visible agents of power, known by others and by themselves. It assesses taxes, enforces the law by exacting penalties for violations thereof, raises armies in time of war, and so on. In all the cases sovereign power is visibly discrete in nature. Sovereign Power acts in response to certain sets of circumstances and through a specific and identifiable agent or set of agents. With sovereign power, there is always a "founding precedence" attached in the past e.g a battle or royal birth and it justifies the sovereign's power. The authority of the sovereign power is reaffirmed by rituals that refer back to this original event of bloodshed or blood-right.23 1.3.3 Bio Power Bio Power (or biopouvoir in French) is a term originated by French scholar, historian, and social theorist Michel Foucault. Bio Power is related to the practice of modern nation states and their regulation of their subjects through "an explosion of numerous and diverse techniques for achieving the subjugations of bodies and the control of populations". First time this term was used by Michel Foucault in his lecture at Collège de France. First time this term was appeared in print in “The Will To Knowledge”, a Foucault's first volume of The History of Sexuality. This term was widely used by Michel Foucault in practices of public health, regulation of heredity, and risk regulation. Foucault has used it with many other regulatory mechanisms with literal physical health. Subsequent thinkers have used the term biopolitics, which exclusively explains the examination of the strategies and mechanisms through which human life processes are controlled through authority over knowledge, power, and the processes of subjectivation. Foucault describes biopower as a technology of power for managing humans in large groups. It is a distinctive quality of this political technology which allows for the control of entire populations. Societal Disciplinary institutions play a vital role to control human body and exercise biopolitics of the population. Foucault argues that modern powers are encoded into social practices as well as human behavior. It is an integral feature and essential to the workings of the emergence of the modern nation state, capitalism etc. In simple words we can say that 23

Taylor,

Chloë.

"Foucault

and

Familial

Power." Hypatia 27,

no.

1

(2012):

201-18.

http://www.jstor.org/stable/41328905.

29

Biopower is literally having power over bodies; it is "an explosion of numerous and diverse techniques for achieving the subjugation of bodies and the control of populations". During the late 1970s, Michel Foucault in his lectures that have only lately become widely available, he changed his analysis the power of the state, first through the development of his concept of 'biopower', and than 'governmentality'.

1.3.4 Pastoral Power Michel Foucault’s concept of pastoral power is an extended form of disciplinary power, and a substitute viewpoint to the sovereign power. It is concerned about the domination and concerned with individuals. Pastoral power is not static; it circulates so that we exercise pastoral power on ourselves and allow it be exercised on us. (Chapman, 2003). This type of power cannot be exercised on one person or group over another. Its technologies are exercised continuously by many groups and organizations e.g schools, churches, and feminist organizations.24

1.4 Power and Governmentality Governmentality is an approach to the study of power. It elaborates the governing of people’s conduct through positive means rather than the influence of sovereign power for formulation the law. Contrary to the disciplinary form of power, governmentality is generally associated with the willing participation and obedience of the governed.25

24

Leona M English, Foucauldian Pastoral Power and Feminist Organizations: a Research Direction for

Adult Education, SCUTREA 34th Annual Conference, University of Sheffield, 6-8 July 2004.

25

Richard

Huff,

"Governmentality",

Encyclopædia

Britannica,

inc,

May

31,

2013

https://www.britannica.com/topic/governmentality Access Date: January 27, 2019

30

1.5

Knowledge

In the Archaeology of Knowledge by Michel Foucault, explains that discourse delegates the linguistic conventions, modes of representation, and rules that produce particular domains of knowledge and it is called ‘discursive formations’. Whilst the Archaeology is a complex methodological and philosophical exercise, intent on revealing the conditions of possibility for ‘knowledge’ and meaning wich can be taught and transfer at a particular time. Foucault has never defined knowledge. However he has given insights about the knowledge. Foucault’s later work makes use of a slightly different kind of discourse analysis i-e genealogy. Genealogy is a mean to investigate the constitution of a given discourse through the rehabilitation of the counter-discourses that have been actively discarded.26 1.5.1 Archeological Insight "The Archaeology of Knowledgeis a methodology used by Michel Foucault for giving meaning to discourse, enunciative modalities, concepts, strategies, statements, enunciative functions and the archive. Later on he used to word "archaeology", initially used in unlike to the discipline of "the history of ideas".

In Archaeology of Knowledge the concept of Foucault about archaeology is focused in discourse and an analysis of the statement. He sees statements as important indicators of the rules and conditions in a larger field of discourse, institution, discipline, or "discursive formation". Instead of searching for homogeneity in a discursive entity, Foucault looks at ruptures, breaks, mutations, and transformations including marginal or forgotten discourses to understand the production of meaning and knowledge.27

26

Philippe Fournier, "Foucault and International Relations", E.International Relations,MAY 12 2014

https://www.e-ir.info/2014/05/12/foucault-and-international-relations/ 27

Garnet Hertz, "Foucault, Michel - The Archaeology of Knowledge", June 5, 2016,

http://www.conceptlab.com/notes/foucault-archaeology_of_knowledge.html

31

1.5.2 Genealogical Insight Genealogy and today’s history were not altogether new concerns in Foucault’s work. For Foucault, Genealogy’ was a method of writing critical history. It was a way of using historical materials to reveal the “values’’ in the present days. Genealogical analysis explores that how contemporary practices and institutions emerged out of specific struggles, conflicts, alliances, and exercises of power. Many of them are nowadays forgotten. It enables the genealogist to suggest series of troublesome associations and lineages which played a role to emerge the institutions and practices. Some of the practices and value we take for granted. The point of genealogy is not to search for ‘‘origins’’28 1.5.3

Discourse Analysis: Language and Practice by Foucault

Discourse analysis (DA), or discourse studies, can be defined as the approaches to analyze written, vocal, or sign language use, or any significant semiotic (relating to signs and symbols) event. As per Michel Foucault, discourses are practices for the enhancement of our knowledge. Everything that represents discourse is consists of three important characteristics: (a) (c)

authorization (enable), (b)

constraint,

and

identity (constitute). These are some practices associated with our social

practices If we take the example of experience, it enables us

to interpret our

surroundings and make understanding of the perspectives others have. Likewise, it limits you to aan extend of ignorance or unawareness, for you might not know something which may others know. IT is pertinent to know that our knowledge is shaped partially by our experiences. There is always a sense of individuality which limits us to be agreed with others and it gives you an identity. Foucault’s discourse produces knowledge, and knowledge is power. Power can be taken as a complex web of “nonegalitarian and shifting relations”. Power has differnt motives and faces opposition (Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, 94-96). If we discuss the idea

28

David Garland, " What is a ‘‘history of the present’’? On Foucault’s genealogies and their critical

preconditions",

Punishment

&

Society

2014,

Vol.

16(4)

365–384,

www.corteidh.or.cr/tablas/r32759.pdf

32

of power, Foucault doesn’t believe that power is absolute and negative, but it can be said that what Foucault means is that power is a struggle.29

1.6 Limits and Regulations of Discourse Analysis Foucault's understanding about discourse revolves around the relationship between truth and power. Foucault argues that truth is not outside of power and doesn’t lack in power and hence cannot be juxta- posed to it30. It explains that power and truth cannot be studies linked with each other. Truth can be produced engaged and merged with power. Foucault explores these power relations which create truth and the power effects truth creates. For Foucault,

discourses are manifestations of a

power/knowledge regime or a regime of truth. In "The Discourse on Language," Foucault identifies three types of procedures for producing discourse. 31 Foucault argues that areas of discourse are not equally clear, open and don’t overlap with each other. For example, rituals, fellowships, and doctrines select qualified people to speak. Through education, one becomes qualified and thereby distributes speakers among kinds of discourse. A variety of constraints are there to explain discourse by which it produces truth. Power affects how discourses produce truth. Truth also has effects of power. Foucault says that definite relations of knowledge joins certain types of powers. In volume one of the book, The History of Sexuality, 32Foucault describes western man as the "confessing animal." He says that Confession, is the characteristic discourse of spontaneous subjects. It is a discourse in which subjects discuss themselves. Confession produces truth in two senses. First, individuals must confess the truth about themselves. Foucault argues that our Christian heritage, now secularized, requires individuals to reveal their desires as well as their transgressions 29

Dinh Quoc Nguyen, “ Michel Foucault, from Discourse to Power: A Struggle”, April 6, 2015,

https://scholarblogs.emory.edu/basicproblems002/2015/04/06/michel-foucaults-power-a-struggle/ 30

Foucault, Discipline and Punish, p. 3

31

Nancy S. Love, “Foucault & Habermas , Discourse & Democracy”, Polity, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Winter,

1989), pp. 269-293 https://www.jstor.org/stable/3234835 Accessed: 08-01-2019 08:36 UTC 32

Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality: Introduction, vol. 1 (New York: Vintage Books, 1980), p.

57

33

in discourse. In The History of Sexuality, Foucault illustrates how the discourse on sex displaces, intensifies, reorients or otherwise modifies desire. He concludes that a multiplication of discourse involves an intensification of interventions of power. When subjects know and control themselves, they are also known and controlled.33 To Foucault, Discourse has some limitations. Three main limitations are discussed in the succeeding paragraphs.34 1.6.1 Taboos The first exclusionary mechanisms Foucault (1981) deals with are the social procedures of prohibition which correspond roughly to taboos, rituals and privileges of the speaking subject. These forms of prohibition seem fairly straightforward and Foucault does not spend much time in elaborating them, noting merely that where the (intersecting) grid of prohibition is tightest is in the regions of politics and sexuality . He talks about the truth and taboos. There are social restrictions on certain truths, which establish the notion of non acceptance or disapproval by the society. The example he uses to unseat an historical sense of the truth is that of the Greek poets, for whom truth was that ‘which inspired respect and terror, that to which one submitted because it ruled, that which was pronounced by men who spoke as of right and according to the required ritual. This was the discourse "which dispensed justice and gave everyone his share; the discourse which in prophesying the future not only announced what was going to happen but helped make it happen" . 1.6.2 Madness/Sanity Discourse analysis of Michel Foucault on madness is very different where madness is considered as neither a subject nor an object. The Subject-object distinction creates a debate in philosophical study in terms of analysis of and discourses on human experiences. Experiences are often divided in terms of whether they are entities in

33

Michel Foucault, "Two Lectures" in Power/Knowledge, Colin Gordon. Brighton: Harvester ,1972,

p. 9 34

Derek Hook, "Discourse, knowledge, materiality, history: Foucault and discourse analysis."

In Foucault, Psychology and the Analyticsss of Power, pp. 100-137. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2007.

34

themselves, or whether they are consist of subjective experiences and consciousness. Foucault rejects the subject-object distinction as outmoded within his discourse on madness. Rather, discourse is to be thought of as entirely positive as well as in terms of relations and shifts. Madness is therefore thought of in terms of how it is continually constructed within discourses of reason; so, it cannot be an object or a subject. For Foucault, madness could be described as separate from any subject-object distinction: a wild state. 35 1.6.3 Institutional Ratification In ‘The Order of Discourse’, Foucault talks of exclusion and exclusionary procedures: in every society the production of discourse is at once controlled, selected, organized and redistributed by a certain number of procedures whose role is to ward off its powers and dangers, to gain mastery over its chance events, to evade its ponderous, formidable materiality. 36 Discourses, institutions and the social power relations and intra-group tensions and agreements are all very interesting in discussion. Why discourses and institutions are important to discuss? Firstly, discourses and the institutions that produce and propagate are very much linked with the flow of power and control in society. Most of the discourses that we come across get dominant positions in society. Conflictive discussion between discourses, such as with smoking in the second half of the 20th century, reveal underlying social tensions between those dominant discourses and newly emerged discourses. discourse and institutions highlight the debatable and silent responses by certain groups, activities or relationships are framed in particular ways. One institution or group of people may frame an individual as a terrorist and for another group or institution he may be a freedom fighter could be revealed by understanding the institutional background or contextual relation and position of the speakers.

35

Rodrigo, "How can Foucault’s discourse on madness describe “madness” as neither a subject nor an

object?" December 8, 2012, The WritePass Journal 36

Michel Foucault, The Foucault Reader. Pantheon, 1984.

35

Second role of the institutions in discourse analysis is to shape the communicative process. Media particularly the commercial media acts institutional policies and restrictions such as policy, copyright, and broadcast practice.

Different type of

language, narrative, and even types of signs are encouraged within particular institutional contexts and other type of concepts and narrative is discouraged. Discourse in context of institution shape our communication, types of texts and establishes a system of understanding the text and messages.37

1.5.4 Conditions of Employment of Discourse As per the lectures of Michel Foucault, delivered at College de France in year 1972, the conditions under which discourse can be employed o Who is qualified to enter into the discourse on a specific subject? o Not all areas of discourse are equally open & penetrable. o Moreover, exchange and communication probably cannot operate independently of complex but restrictive systems.

Ritual defines the qualifications and role of the speaker, lays down the gestures to be made, the behavior, circumstances and a whole range of signs, and the supposed or imposed significance of the words, their effect on those addressed, the limitation of their constraining validity.

Fellowship of Discourse, whose function is to preserve or to reproduce discourse, but in order that it should circulate within a closed community, according to strict regulations, without those in possession being dispossessed by this very distribution. It functions through various schema of exclusivity and disclosure.

37

Mediatexthack.

"Discourse,

Institutions,

and

Power",

BCCampus,

January

19,2019,

https://opentextbc.ca/mediastudies101/chapter/discourse-institutions-and-power/

36

Doctrine (religious, political, philosophical, etc) Doctrine is opposed to fellowship of discourse, which limits class of speakers

Education: the social appropriation of discourse Most of the time these four conditions are linked together, constituting great edifices that distribute speakers among the different types of discourse, and which appropriate those types of discourse to certain categories of subject. These are the main rules for the subjection of discourse.

1.7 Power Knowledge : Knowledge Imperialism Vs Globalization Knowledge is no longer the true reflection of objective reality because of the influence of power; it becomes something non-neutral and powerful. Power exists everywhere, including all kinds of intellectual fields. “On Foucault’s account, the relation of power and knowledge is far closer than in the familiar Baconian engineering model, for which ‘knowledge is power’ means that knowledge is an instrument of power, although the two exist quite independently. Foucault’s point is rather than, at least for the study of human beings, the goals of power and the goals of knowledge cannot be separated; in knowing we control” and in power are something combined, power exists in knowledge, it is the essence of knowledge. Foucault regards knowledge and power as an integration, which shows knowledge on the surface, in fact power is the essence. For him, power has its own special meaning, power is the base, not the product of superstructure. It spreads in all kinds of social relations, won’t be a specific topic, which exceeds the topic between the governor and the ruled. Knowledge is not innocent but profoundly connected with the operations of power. This Foucaultian insight informs Edward Said’s foundational work Orientalism, which points out the extent to which “knowledge” about “the Orient” as it was produced and circulated in Europe. In his opinion, Oriental knowledge is the same as the knowledge Foucault studies, it is not objective reflection of the true Orient, it is full of power.

37

38

CHAPTER -2 POWER – KNOWLEDGE NEXUS: LANGUAGE AND PRACTICE IN PAKISTAN

2.1 Language and Practice : General Overview Practices may be defined as the actions or activities that are repeatable, regular, and decipherable in a given cultural context. In everyday language, practice is often contrasted with theory, ideas, or mental processes. Practices may be discursive (practices that communicate meanings through language), visual (practices that communicate meaning through images), or embodied (practices accomplished through bodily movement and gesture). All these practices may be studied, seen and discussed with a power relation. The concept “discourse” can be seen as multidimensional, broadly perceived and has different meanings, context and definitions. A plethora of literature notes that in the study of language, discourse often refers to the speech patterns and usage of language, dialects, and acceptable statements within a community. Sociologists and philosophers use this term to explain the conversations and the meaning attached with it by the others who hold certain ideas in common. In the simplest way discourse may be defined as conversation or information. For Foucault (1977), it is through discourse (through knowledge) that we are created; and that discourse joins power and knowledge, and its power follows from our casual acceptance of the “reality with which we are presented.38Foucault has done tremendous work about a relationship between power, knowledge , discourse and language.39 In this chapter we will discuss the concept of power-knowledge and its application in language-practice of Pakistan.

38

Michel Foucault, Power/knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings, 1972-1977. Pantheon, 1980. 39

Seumas Miller, "Foucault on Discourse and Power." Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory, no. 76 (1990): 115-25. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41801502.

39

Being an ideologically inspired state, Pakistan gave special importance to Urdu as a part of its ideology. Urdu remained a symbol of Muslim identity throughout the freedom movement in subcontinent contrary to Hindi, that was considered as a symbol of Hindu identity (Brass, 1974: 119- 81) In order to maintain a social distinction, the influential class in Pakistan always tend to support the use of English as an official language. They ensure the access of members of its own class into superior posts, By promoting English as an official medium they enhance the opportunities into international job market. This support often comes “off the record” from unauthorized people in nongovernmental positions and influences the governmental policies.

2.2 Language as an Object of Knowledge in Pakistan It is important to mention that Pakistan like many others nations of the world is a home to multi cultures and languages. However, the population with major language divides are not facilitated with a corresponding multilingual language-in-education policy. Education policy (NEP, 2009:28) clearly states that ‘The curriculum for all classes shall include English, Urdu, one regional language, and mathematics along with a combined subject as compulsory subjects, and for class Four onwards, English will be used as a medium of instruction except Urdu, Islamiat and local languages. However, it is noteworthy that the policy (NEP, 2009:8) though describes that the school language guidelines should be designed in consultation with the both provincial and local governments, but unfortunately the roles of community, school management/teachers and the pupils to build out and implement such a policy hasn’t been given any importance. Currently there is no program for Teacher training and curriculum revision exists. The country’s miserable literacy rate is an indication on the effectiveness of such policies which within the framework of a monolingual language in-education policy for a multilingual population has been adopted. On the other hand a closer look at the schools infrastructure buildings and spaces dispensed to schools show us a miserable state of public schools: about 32.7 percent of basic elementary schools have no boundary walls; 36.6 percent are deprived of the drinking water; No toilet facilities 40

are provided to 35.4percent; and 60percent are without electricity. With the help of these statistics one can comprehend that why only 10percent of the school going children out of 70percent of total enrolled manage to complete their secondary school education. Apart from this, it appears that 23 percent population of Pakistani lives below the poverty line. Now take a look at the status of English in developing countries. English as a popular world language is influencing the local languages in the developing countries. The part of English especially in Pakistan is complex. All the state institutions in Pakistan use English as medium of communication. It is the language of power and the language of dominant groups and classes. 40 • Elite private schools: The elite schools are following the model of the British public school system. In these English medium schools education is extremely expensive with highly criticized fee structure. • Schools run by the armed forces. They also use English as the medium of instruction. • State schools: State schools serve the mass of the population. They provide free education. The medium of instruction in most parts of the country is Urdu and English. although local languages are being used as medium of instruction in some provinces i.e Sindhi in Sindh and Pashto along with other local languages are used in schools in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. In 2010 the Government of Pakistan made it mandatory to teach the science and mathematics only in English in state schools from the beginner level. But only a few primary teachers hold the required language skills. • Non - elite ‘English - medium’ schools: In contrast with the highly expensive elite schools recent years have seen an increasing trend of private English medium schools which are less expensive and charge modest fees. Their main selling point is their claim to be ‘English medium’, but these claims must be treated with care. • Madrassas: This is a very heterogeneous group of institution where variety of languages is being used as medium of instruction.

Hywel Coleman and Tony Capstick , “Language in education in Pakistan: Recommendations for Policy and Practice”, 2012, British Council of Pakistan . 40

41

The country (Pakistan) is facing a state of linguistic confusion. Likewise, people are desperate to be regarded as the proficient English speakers. When they are actually not. People feel ashamed of while speaking their own language though that is the only language they can communicate in. The ambiguity of the language of instruction policy allows schools to make their own choices; ultimately it has contributed to the present crisis in education sector of Pakistan. The demand for English as a trend by the privileged elite has put schools, teachers and parents under pressure. Not many teachers who can teach English or teach in English are available. Resultantly, educational and language standard is declining with confused communication in Pakistan.41

2.3.1 Language and Governmentality in Pakistan Michel Foucault while delivering some lectures at the College de France and other works like History of Sexuality project was being rethought gave special emphasis to the notion of power and knowledge and governmentality. His work provokes us to rethink the narrative told by the both liberalist and Marxist schools of thoughts, through which we knew that the state is the special place of an immense and magical power having special rights, advantages, or immunities, unlike a civil society expected to be away from the power and freedom.33 He called his form of political rationality "governmental" rationality or "governmentality." It explains that "How to govern oneself, how to be governed, how to govern others, by whom the people will accept being governed, how to become the best possible governor-all these problems, were discussed " written by Foucault.42 To protect the national language in Pakistan, the National Language Promotion Department (National Language Authority) was established on Obtober 4, 1979 under Article 251 of the Constitution of Pakistan, 1973. This authority was aimed to establish to remove difficulties and find a way for the adoption of Urdu, the national language, as the official language of the country and make recommendations to the government for its usage as the working medium in all fields of life. It was aimed that

41

Zubeida Mustafa, "Pakistan ruined by language myth", The Guarian, January 10, 2015, https://www.theguardian.com/education/2012/jan/10/pakistan-language-crisis 42

Scott, David. "Colonial Governmentality." Social Text, no. 43 (1995): 191-220. doi:10.2307/466631.

42

this effort will bring synergy and

will promote cooperation among academic,

research and educational institutions. 43 2.4

Language and Influence in Pakistan

We tend to forget that the end of colonial rule from the Indian subcontinent in no way meant that the culture and customs they introduced would vanish. The British left their impact on the habitants of Indians subcontinent in every sphere of life ie their Politics, economics, and society. This influence was abiding and lasting on their minds to such an extent that the new generations are seemed to be influenced by them. In a number of instances, People esteemed Western culture and its symbols are still over native customs and values, leading to the colonization minds.44 The impact of good communication can be very deep for others. By Verbal communication even uttering a single word and non verbal communication (sometime just showing a gesture through body language) can send a clear message in a way that senders intention can be judged through it or it gets the desired results through the implied message. If we look into the world of advertising, we might have noticed the importance of the right use of words and how much a power word can trigger and evoke a reaction. An emphasis and influence can be seen by the elite of Pakistan for the use of English as an official language on the assumption that they by this way ensure the access of members of their own class into superior posts, and promote the opportunities for the international professional and business classes.45 One of the dilemmas of regional languages in Pakistan is that many of them are in danger of dying a slow and silent death. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is a home to about 30 regional langaues According to a report, one-fifth of them are at the risk of destruction, as only a small number of people left to speak them. The languages include Ushojo, Gawro, Gawarbati, Badeshi and several others. According to

43

National Language Promotion Department of Pakistan, http://nlpd.gov.pk/en/aboutus.php

44

Hamza Sohail, "Effects of Westernization on the culture of Pakistan" February 9, 2015, https://owlcation.com/social-sciences/Effects-of-Westernization-on-the-culture-of-Pakistan. 45

Rahman, Tariq. "The Urdu—English Controversy in Pakistan." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 1 (1997): 177-207.

43

Fakhruddin Akhundzada, a Pakistani linguist, Yidhga, a language spoken at the areas of Chitral, is one of those recently positioned on the in danger of extinction list by the UNESCO. Next is Ushojo, another language from the same area, struggling to survive with only 200 speakers.46

In Pakistan, local languages are promoted with misrepresent by the political dominance and influence or interest. Kalashi, the language of the once celebrated and now often marginalized Kalash tribe, is gettin little better. Only a few thousand people speak it any more. These are the people in their age of seventies. It is quite likely that when they die, the language will die with them.47 It is to be focus on that the greatest impact that western imperialism has had on our culture is on the language. Our national language Urdu is in the most vulnerable position with the rise of emphasis on English language. English is becoming a popular language and Urdu is being replaced by it in everyday conversations. One of the major reasons behind this societal change is the growing number of English medium schools and the excessive use of social media and other communication tools like email and messaging app, which is usually in English. Sometimes a native language is written in Roman characters, which is devaluing the need of Urdu script. English is becoming a class and status symbol and People particularly some youth feel ashamed speaking Urdu. Those who are proficient in speaking English are considered among the elite class, despite the fact that Urdu was the official language of Pakistan until English was added only a few years back.48

When it comes to Pakistan Neither of these claims seems valid; Chitral and Kalash and areas around them have not experienced any gigantic or rapid economic development or no significant rise in per capita income is noticed but both these languages are vanishing.

46

Rafia Zakaria, "The imperialism of language", December 31, 2014, Dawn Pakistan

47

ibid

48

Hamza Sohail, "Effects of Westernization on the culture of Pakistan" February 9, 2015, https://owlcation.com/social-sciences/Effects-of-Westernization-on-the-culture-of-Pakistan

44

Arabic is the language of sacred texts of the Muslims, many Muslims believe that the first hand knowledge of the faith is attained only by learning that language and this the right way to avoid the misinterpretations of faith understood through second-hand mediums and translations. This gives rise in arabisation in Pakistani culture. The pre existing imperialism of English also gave rise to the imperialism of Arabic. In the colonial era, the Muslims of subcontinent realized there was little hope to declare freedom from the colonial masters without mastering their language. Perhaps the problem began when few Muslims felt their culture in vulnerable position with the constantly rising trend of English as the global language; So the ontology of the issue, its roots must be given importance as well.

Nor would the issue have been as complex if after the Partition of subcontinent a single successor could have been agreed upon the …. Right after the birth of Pakistan Urdu was given the status of a national language, this irked some groups to an ethnic war: with linguistic diversity attached to ethnic diversity, it was conceivably inevitable.

Even as Pakistan chose not to chase the prosperity and development that accompanies the loss of language diversity, it is nevertheless losing the variety of languages that it once enjoyed.

It is definitely not to be so. Ross Perlin, who studies language diversity, gives the example of the Basque language movement in his recent article. In Spain, Basque language was under the threat of ethnic cleansing when the Basque people were persecuted under the fascist regime of Spanish dictator General Francisco Franco. But the Basque people become a symbol of resistance and They did not allow the dictator to defeat them or destroy their language. By the time the 1960s, the language had become an upsurge, complete with secret schools, this movement led the way to language learning programs, cultural festivals and eventually the Spanish government itself recognized it .

45

The survival of Basque language is a lesson to everyone: Basque speakers struggle to get rid of the dominance of the same pro-English classes who use the globalization as a tool to put the pressure on each nation of the world. In their struggle they hardly received any support from government institutions. And they saw its utility beyond simply the scope of better positions in higher offices or distant locations.

2.4.1 Language Imperialism

Pakistan is the land of many languages. Although Urdu is the mother tongue of a minority of the population but it is widely used as an official additional language. it is very widely used in the urban areas of the country. Mughal rulers of North India adopted Urdu as an official language which was the language of the Muslims of North India and it remained linked with courts and offices of India for a considerable period of time. (Rahman 1999). The two language policy in British India maintained a class distinction through English the access of it was restricted to a small influential group of local rulers and administrators whilst Hindi - Urdu remained as the languages of masses to be taught at schools sometimes accompanied with other regional languages. The cost of this policy we are still paying as: • English became the language of supremacy and status • Most of the local languages were neglected except a few were given exceptions • The North Indian Muslim population was deliberately distanced /detached from the Persian and Arabic cultural roots. • The Hindus of North India were detached from the Sanskrit roots of their society. Earlier in the 1880s, a British colonial official denounced this course of action, saying that as a result of its implementation ‘education was degraded by us [the British] from an object of mental and moral culture to a means for purely worldly ambition’.49 Currently in India, there are about 75 different languages being taught in schools and

49

G.W Leitner,. "Reports on the State of Education in the Punjab Since Annexation and in 1882." Lahore, Pakistan (1882): 74.

46

31 languages used as media of instruction, Urdu being the language of majority Muslims is one of these languages. 50 Despite the fact that it is the national language of Pakistan as well as the medium of instruction in public schools. But, with regard to Pakistan, Urdu is also regarded as the language of Mohajirs, the refugees who left India at the time of Partition in 1947 and who settled in large numbers in the Province of Sindh and, in particular, in the city of Karachi. Though Urdu was initially preferred as the state language for its neutral and nonaligned status, in fact the desired consequences have not been obtained.51 Zubeida Mustafa, a famous journalist and a renowned educationist builds an argument that, it is through language that influential and supreme nations take advantage of the weak ones in the interest of strengthening their power over the world. Language was a strong cultural appearance with a intense emotional impact which is deep rooted in the nations, for the very reason the Bengalis demanded against Pakistani government’s order to adopt Urdu as the country’s national and official language, Education, particularly in expensive English medium elite schools, has been strengthening the superiority of English over Urdu and other local languages. It is worth noting here that Pakistan’s first Education Minister Fazlur Rahman in the very first Education Conference held after the formation of Pakistan, put a proposal to provide early education to children in their mother tongues only. Later on, the growing influence of English in Pakistan brought to light by Noor Khan Commission in 1969 and recommended to control it through nationalization of all the Englishmedium private schools in the country.52 The Phenomenon of Arabization in Pakistan apeered more specifically in the years after the of East Pakistan fiasco. It was a deliberate effort aimed to get out of any

50

Ramanujam Meganathan, "Language Policy in Education and the Role of English in India: From Library Language to Language of Empowerment." Online Submission (2011). Hywel Coleman and Tony Capstick , “Language in education in Pakistan: Recommendations for Policy and Practice”, 2012, British Council of Pakistan . 51

52

Zubeida Mustafa, "Pakistan ruined by language myth", The Guarian, January 10, 2015, https://www.theguardian.com/education/2012/jan/10/pakistan-language-crisis

47

connection with the Hindu and the Persian cultures. It as a replacement for sought to link the roots with the Arabs.

English has been considered as the language for progress in the developing countries and for a long period of time it controlled the political, official and social landscape in Pakistan. More recently, the discussion of improved literacy rate in Millennium Development Goals and the rise in the use of English in the global market have added a universalistic dimension to the teaching-learning of English in Pakistan. In consequence it is becoming a complicated policy concern particularly related to monetary resources and achieving excellence in English language learning. ‘English is the key to development” and ‘English is the permit to success and upward social mobility’ are some common stock phrases that one frequently hears in the formal speeches and discussion of government planning and policy debates; above all else, these stock phrases reveal the common opinion of masses in discussing upcoming career opportunities for their offsprings. Hence the English In Pakistan is regarded as the language for advancement at both the personal and collectively at national levels. This hue and cry for English has without doubt eventuated in substantial changes in the society and politics of Pakistan. Mental colonialism is one of the root causes of the identity crisis we are confronted by specially our youth is the most vulnerable in this confused landscape. This, In combination with other factors, like globalization, technological expansion, and youth disenchantment with local institutions has ended up in an increased influence of Western culture and language.53 The domination of English language has created an ambiance where non-native speakers are received generally only if they write in English combining some of their local colloquial speech or ethnic expressions. At the same time, the Anglo-Saxon world uses this multiculturalism as a justification to not translate texts of other languages to English.

53

Hamza Sohail, "Effects of Westernization on the culture of Pakistan" February 9, 2015, https://owlcation.com/social-sciences/Effects-of-Westernization-on-the-culture-of-Pakistan

48

“The writers nowadays, seek a strategy to be conventional to marketing system to ensure their works can be seen, sold and read and acclaimed internationally. To cope with this global manipulation non-native English writers may prefer writing in English, as if they consider inferior in expressing through their own mother tongue or other local languages.” Carvalho said. “The writer must refrain from value exception and pursue quality.” Carvalho said he is not basically against the non-native English writers but he is not in favor of it being imposed on non native writers by the market commercial gains.54

2.4.2 Language and Power : Institutions in Pakistan When Foucault attributes the characteristic of power to knowledge, he in fact relates knowledge with discourse. Foucault in his works, The Archaeology of Knowledge (1969) and Discipline and Punishment (1975), explores the manner which power and knowledge are associated in the creation of subjectivity and identity in terms of “ discourse”, i.e., the collective organizational and institutional rules that make possible at a certain time to certain people particular significations, or knowledge, or truth.55

56

The globalization powers, which are being unseeingly promoted by Pakistan’s

Westernized elites, are unfavorable to the linguistic and cultural diversity of the country as they exacerbating the ethno-class conflicts in society. The continuation of the imperialistic language policies has let down the development of the local languages, the consequence are detrimental that they are on the side-lined and dying secretly.

54

Waqas Naeem, "Confronting cultural hegemony: Literature from the peripheries elbowed out in global mass market", February 6, 2014, The Express Tribune Pakistan, https://tribune.com.pk/story/668145/confronting-cultural-hegemony-literature-from-the-peripherieselbowed-out-in-global-mass-market/ Yang Zhao, “An Analysis of Knowledge-Power Structure and Orientalism”, 2nd International Conference on Economics, Management Engineering and Education Technology (ICEMEET 2016), Foreign Languages College, Beihua University, Jilin 132013, China. 55

56

Asifa Abbas, “ Language Imperialism”, Jehangir World Time, January 19, 2018.

49

Noted French philosopher Michel Foucault, in a thesis, indentifies language with power. Power is central to language(s) allowing speakers of a dominant language certain leverage denied to speakers of other languages. Dr Tariq Rehman holds that power deriving from a language provides different forms of gratifications. Those may be tangible in the form of big houses, cars, extravagant foods, etc., or intangible such as pleasures, ego and self-esteem. The language of domains of power, that is, government, media and corporate sector, and education is English; and second, Urdu over here. The state policies have tilted toward these two, the result being that English has assumed the symbol of prestige, power and sophistication. The disastrous effect on the regional languages, which are much richer than English, is that they have turned out to be markers of shame and lowliness.57

57

Asifa Abbas, “ Language Imperialism”, Jehangir World Time, January 19, 2018.

50

CHAPTER 3 POWER AND KNOWLEDGE NEXUS: GOVERNMENTALITY AND PAKISTAN

3.1 Governmentality in Power and Knowledge Nexus: An Overview In defining governmentality, Foucault refers to: “a group formed by institutions, procedures, analyses and reflections, the calculations and tactics that allow the exercise of power, which has as its target populations. It deals with the principal form of knowledge, political economy, and its essentially technical means as apparatuses of security”. Dean (2014) elaborates Foucault’s clarification about government with this comprehensive definition: “Government is more or less calculated and rational activity, undertaken by a multiplicity of authorities and agencies. There is an employment of variety of methodologies and forms of knowledge that play their role to shape the conduct and practices by working through our desires, aspirations, interests and beliefs. 58 In an article, “International Biopolitics Foucault, Globalisation and Imperialism” MGE Kelly

presents a new Foucauldian perspective of the international, via

Foucault's concept of 'biopolitics'. He articulates the existing Foucauldian perspectives on the international. It is mostly taken as Foucault's concept of 'governmentality', and mostly diagnoses a 'global governmentality' or 'global biopolitics' in the current era of globalization. Against these majority positions, he Mitchell Dean, "Michel Foucault’s ‘apology’for neoliberalism: Lecture delivered at the British Library on the 30th anniversary of the death of Michel Foucault, June 25, 2014." Journal of Political Power 7, no. 3 (2014): 433-442. 58

51

discusses and analysis the contemporary international through the lens of Foucauldian biopolitics and it clearly explains that the world system is established in a parasitic imperialistic design of rich sovereign states over poor ones, carried on at the level of populations.59 The concept of governmentality given by Michel Foucault and its relevance with Pakistan may be discussed reference to the apparatuses of governmentality.. “Government or governmentality which refers broadly to 'the way in which we govern our family or an institution can be defined as the totality of practices, by which one can constitute, define, organize, instrumentalize the strategies which individuals in their liberty can have in regard to each other.”60 While delivering

lectures in 1978 and 1979 focusing on the "genealogy of the

modern state" Foucault presented the concept of "governmentality". For analysis he focused the historical reconstructions and a period starting from Ancient Greece through to the modern neo-liberalism was discussed. (Foucault 1997b, p. 67). Foucault used the understanding of government in a comprehensive sense geared strongly to the older meaning of the term and its close links with the forms of power and processes of subjectification. While the word government today possesses solely a political meaning, Foucault is able to show that up until well into the 18th century the problem of government was placed in a more general context. Foucault’s discussion on the concept of power becomes clearer while discussing the concept of governmentality. As a historical process governing took precedence, over previous forms of power such as sovereignty and discipline while ignoring the role of certain kinds of techniques and forms of knowledge.

61

The concept of

governmentality could also be understood as an analytical framework for the

59

Kelly, M.G.E. "International Biopolitics: Foucault, Globalisation and Imperialism." Theoria: A

Journal of Social and Political Theory 57, no. 123 (2010): 1-26. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41802469. 60

Roger Deacon, “Strategies of Governance Michel Foucault on Power”, Theoria: A Journal of Social

and Political Theory, No. 92, Justice, Equality and Difference (December 1998), pp. 113-148 61

Thomas Lemke, "Foucault, governmentality, and critique." Rethinking Marxism 14, no. 3 (2002): 49-64.

52

prevailing ensemble of modern governing in a particular societal and historical situation. It is accepted believe that the under developed or developing nations are dealing with variety of socioeconomic challenges and threats including poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, lack of human capital, trade deficit and environmental degradation etc. The nature of problems manifolds when the scarcity of natural and economic resources arises and exploitation by the powerful states is experienced. Developing countries need sufficient amount of foreign resources to meet some of their development objectives. The nature of foreign resources may be in the form of foreign direct investment, loans, grants, aid and credit, budgetary support or technical assistance. In lieu of this support the donor countries get benefit through hegemonic and imperialistic designs. Recipient states are unable to fully utilize these resources due to lack of infrastructural facilities, capital intensive technology, friendly investment policies and trained labor. Therefore, they mostly rely on foreign aid and debt from developed countries and other international financial institutions.62

3.1.1

Governmentality : Economic Policies in Pakistan

The concept of governmentality also proves to be useful in correcting the diagnosis of neoliberalism as an expansion of economy in politics, that takes for granted the separation of state and market. The perspective of governmentality makes possible the development of a dynamic form of analysis that does not limit itself to stating the “retreat of politics” or the “domination of the market” but deciphers the so-called “end of politics” itself as a political programme. In his work Foucault shows that the “art of government” is not limited to the field of politics as separated from the economy; instead the constitution of a conceptually and practically distinguished space, governed by autonomous laws and a proper rationality is itself an element of “economic” government. Foucault showed that labor power must first be constituted before it can be exploited: that is, that life time must be synthesized into labor time,

62

Mumtaz Anwar, Sughra Aman, "Aid Effectiveness in Education Sector of Pakistan",

2010,

Hamburg Institute of International Economics (HWWI) | ISSN 1861-504X

53

individuals must be subjugated to the production circle, habits must be formed, and time and space must be organized according to a scheme. Thus economic exploitation required a prior “political investment of the body”. Pakistan Since independence aid inflow to Pakistan has a strong association with geopolitical interest of donors. Each successive government in Pakistan relied on foreign aid to finance a significant proportion of investment and import requirement for selfsustaining economic growth. Pakistan’s dependence on foreign aid started in the 1950s. However, gross foreign aid inflows were negligible during the fifties but in the first half of the sixties witnessed a rapid increase.

The increase in aid inflow during the 1960s is connected with Pakistan’s signing of mutual defence assistance agreements with the US in the cold war era. Aid inflow of the 1980s can be visualized in perspective of the Afghan war. In the 1990s, economic assistance to Pakistan was cut off by the US and other multilateral donors when the Afghan war ended. Aid inflow to Pakistan was further dropped down after the nuclear tests in 1998 and the military takeover in 1999. Most recently, aid inflow is a result of closer Pak-US ties after 9/11.63

In contrast to the resource-based approach, Foucault’s understanding of power is fundamentally relational. Foucault, a historian, recognised that a key feature of the development of the modern state was a fundamental shift in the nature of power relations. Foucault suggests that in contemporary society power is no longer primarily “a privilege that one might possess” but rather operates within “a network of relations, constantly in tension, in activity”. In other words, power is not simply held by

63

Haider Abbas, "Boon or bane?: Historical analysis of Pakistan’s foreign aid inflow", May 18, 2014,

The Express Tribune.

54

particular actors and wielded over others. Rather, it is co-produced in social interactions through the way people negotiate meaning in reference64 Pakistan's subservience to the World Bank, IMF, US AID and such organizations was revealed in a confidential report of the World Bank entitled "World Bank in Pakistan: Review of a Relationship (1960-84)". The report has been widely quoted in the Pakistani press and makes interesting reading. The report tells us that in the 1960s, the World Bank, US AID and the Harward Advisory Group interacted extensively in devising Pakistan's economic policies. The World Bank, Aid to Pakistan Consortium, Ford Foundation and the Harward Ad- visory Group virtually framed the economic policy and institutional struc- tures during the 1950s and 1960s and ran the economic and financial affairs of Pakistan. The World Bank's top most of- ficials are said to have had a very close and 'effective' relationship with senior Pakistani bureaucrats. Under Bhutto, the Bank decided to withdraw most loans and was not willing to fund his anti-poverty anld social sector programmes and the Bank was left with only a representative staft in Islamabad. Under Zia, in the early years, the Bank is said to have been pleased that Zia was not particularly concerned about the country's social sectors. The report tells us that in 1980 an IMF loan was made conditional upon a delinking of the rupee from the US dollar, foreign trade liberalization, a reorientation of public sector investment, a price rationalization programme, measures to revive the private sector, and reduction and elimination of subsidiaries.65 Van Zwanenberg, Roger (2004) describes that how global powers acquire economic power of the states. “The drive to accumulate personal wealth, and through it political power, is an aphrodisiac that is hard to overemphasise. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, wealth of dizzying heights became possible for a tiny handful. The banks, oil companies, new digital companies and companies associated with basic products, such as water and food, straddle our world. It is the logic of ever-

64

Helena Heizmann and Michael R. Olsson, “Power matters: the importance of Foucault’s

power/knowledge as a conceptual lens in KM research and practice” Journal of Knowledge Management , VOL. 19 NO. 4 2015, pp. 756-769 65

Babar Ali. "Who Makes Pakistan's Economic Policies?" Economic and Political Weekly 22, no. 31

(1987): 1280-281. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4377309.

55

increasing wealth that has driven both the Colonial and Imperial expansion of the leading nations over the last two centuries”.66 Today the US aggressively supports the worldwide expansion of all its major transactional companies. From the Disney Corporation to Bill Gates's Microsoft, the US will do whatever it takes to penetrate the barriers of national government protections.67 The US overtly took over as the world financier at the Bretton Woods agreement in 1944. Very simply, the US dollar was now fixed to a certain weight of gold. This system was adopted by all the countries in the world as the system of financial control. Then, in 1971 the US unilaterally decided to come off the gold standard and allow the dollar and the currencies of all the other countries to float in the world's money markets. Floating meant that demand and supply simply decided the value of one currency against another. The US dollar, not surprisingly, remained supreme. But the US no longer needed gold in its central bank in New York, and that meant that, for the first time in world affairs, it did not need to balance its outgoings and income of money. From 1971, when a country earned too many US dollars, the US Treasury simply offered them a US Treasury Bond and thus exchanged the bond for the surplus dollars. Most other countries, of course, had to balance their payments between exports and imports, and if they did not they were forced to borrow with very unattractive terms. The US could now spend abroad much more that it earned from its exports. In fact, it could now afford to go to war with any country thanks to the dollars that that country and other countries had spent in payments for US imported goods. We are all paying for American excesses abroad.68

66

Van Zwanenberg, Roger. "Imperialism Today." Policy Perspectives1, no. 1 (2004): 31-44.

67

Ibid

68

Van Zwanenberg, Roger. "Imperialism Today." Policy Perspectives1, no. 1 (2004): 31-44.

56

Leon Tikly (2004) explains in his research article about the global economic power

trends. It is said that the new imperialism also involves the incorporation of the economies of formerly colonized nations into the emerging global economy albeit as part of the global periphery. This incorporation has been used as a basis to continue to extract surplus value from them. This has often been through imposing trade liberalization measures with the object of opening up new markets in low-income countries for western goods and services; the emergence of a system of global economic regulation in which the more powerful nations have been able to determine terms of trade in goods and services; locating manufacturing production wherever in the peripheral global economy production costs are lowest; and, through imposing a system of debt peonage on low-income countries that has served to 'oil the wheels' of the global financial markets (Hoogvelt, 1997).69

69

Tikly, Leon. "Education and the New Imperialism." Comparative Education 40, no. 2 (2004): 173-

98. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4134648.

57

Governmentality : Foreign Policy of Pakistan Dr. Rasul Bakhsh Rais, spoke in a seminar at Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad “This is not the first time in Pakistan that there is a visible British and American role in the shaping of our politics, specifically in determining which sections of our traditional elite and the establishment should gain power. While denying that the two powers were playing an up-front mediatory role, Bhutto acknowledged in a recent press conference their keenness on the progress of the talks, and the fact that they are briefed on negotiations between the two leaders. Many wish that Musharraf and Bhutto would be as candid with the people of Pakistan, who have been kept in the suspicion surrounding the affair, and several analysts are not wrong in pointing out the personal stakes for both leaders, despite Bhutto’s claims that the sole purpose of these negotiations is a smooth transition to democracy. There have been instances in the past where these two foreign powers propped up military regimes that they found closer to their regional and global objectives than democratic governments. The difference between the current situation — where the country stands on the crossroads of a genuine transition to democracy — and the past is in the way our American friends are setting the political discourse and betting on horses that can run their race.”70 Foucault began to analyse before his death, the emergence of a new form of liberal government that his followers such as Rose (1996), Dean (1999) and Harris (1999), have described as 'advanced liberal governance'. According to these authors this form of governance can be understood as a response to economic globalization and the shift from Fordist to flexible forms of production. This new form of governance has entailed a redefinition of the relationship between state and society. Just as liberal governmen- tality, as it emerged in eighteenth century Europe, was informed by the development of neo-classical economics, advanced liberal government has been underpinned by the development of neo-liberal economic theories since the Second World War.71

70

Dr. Rasul Bakhsh Rais,” Under Foreign Influence”, Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad,

November 17, 2014. 71

ibid

58

This pattern of aid flows from US clearly vindicates that geostrategic and political imperatives determine the direction and amount of foreign aid. We have a chequered history of aid flows from the US. The amount and flow of aid was not determined by the economic needs of the people of Pakistan, but, rather, by the US’ geostrategic policies and priorities.72 Pakistan is a weak state, and government policies are making it weaker still. Its disastrous economy, exacerbated by a series of corrupt leaders, is at the root of many of its problems. The critical economic condition of Pakistan does influence the aspect of foreign policy, as it becomes difficult for the country to be an equal partner in international dealings and partnerships. Pakistan lacks economic development and political stability, which keeps on making Pakistan dependent on international players and financial institutions. The imbalance in the Civil-Military aspect of the country is well reflected in economic sphere.73

3.1.2

Governmentality : Defence and Security Policies of Pakistan

Pakistan has received approximately US $70 billion in US foreign aid since its inception in 1947. This places it among the top recipients of US foreign aid around the globe. However, this exorbitant flow of US dollars to Pakistan has largely been a consequence of increased US strategic and geopolitical interests in the region and ‘the levels year to year have waxed and waned for decades as US geopolitical interests in the region have shifted’ (Center for Global Development, 2014).74

72

Haider Abbas, "Boon or bane?: Historical analysis of Pakistan’s foreign aid inflow", May 18, 2014,

The Express Tribune. 73

Dr.Sanchita Bhattacharya, "How does Pakistan's domestic strife influence its foreign policy, and

vice

versa",

Institute

for

Conflict

Management,

New

Delhi,

www.academia.edu/6098425/How_does_Pakistans_domestic_strife_influence_its_foreign_policy_and _vice_versa 74

Waheed, Ahmed Waqas. “Pakistan’s Dependence and US Patronage: The Politics of ‘Limited

Influence.’” Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 4, no. 1 (April 2017): 69–94. doi:10.1177/2347797016689220.

59

Since the time of independence, Pakistan’s approach towards the United States has been influenced by the Indian factor. Pakistan has looked at its relations with the United States through the prism of security. Alongside security, economy has also been a major factor in shaping foreign policy decisions in Pakistan viz-a-viz the United States75. At the same time, an almost equal amount of US economic assistance over more than six decades has not alleviated Pakistan’s economic and developmental ailments; rather, ‘Pakistan has been a graveyard of development projects … due to lack of physical infrastructure, financial resources, human capital, technological growth, political commitment, macro-economic stability in the country’ (Anwar & Aman, 2010, p. 2). However, the Pakistan–US relations have largely been dominated by US goals in South Asia (Ashraf, 2012; Cohen, 2004; Lavoy, 2005; Malik, 1990) and while these goals have fluctuated over time, Pakistan’s dependence on US military assistance has been a consistent historic feature in this relationship. In an arms transfer-dependent relationship, such as that of Pakistan and the United States, while the client state ‘derives direct benefits from its relationship with its supplier in that its perceived need for weaponry is fulfilled’ (Kinsella, 1998, p. 9). Western unease about Islamic radicalism and the nuclear bomb might explain why Britain and the United States are so interested in the direction of political change in Pakistan. Pakistan is too important a country, a ‘pivotal state’, to be left alone in choosing its future destiny. In their eyes, religious intolerance, extremism and violence have already exceeded acceptable thresholds.76 Seventeen US intelligence agencies have warned Congress that Pakistan will continue to slip out of America’s influence and into China’s orbit in 2019, and will become a threat to Washington’s interests in the South Asian region. The review is part of an

75

Abdul Sattar, “Pakistan’s Foreign Policy 1947-2012: A Concise History,” (Karachi:Oxford

University Press, 2013), 239. 76

Dr. Rasul Bakhsh Rais,” Under Foreign Influence”, Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad,

November 17, 2014.

60

annual report that Director of US National Intelligence Daniel R. Coats presented to the Senate Intelligence Committee on Tuesday, underlining worldwide threat assessment of the American intelligence community. The 17 agencies that jointly produced this report include Central Intelligence Agency, Defence Intelligence Agency, Federal Bureau of Investigation and National Security Agency.77 US has decided to withdraw its troops from Afghanistan, at the same time its government has asked congress for a sharp reduction of economic and security aid to Pakistan for the year 2014. According to Congressional Research Service (CRS), the Obama administration has requested nearly US $1.2 billion economic and security aid to Pakistan for the financial year 2014.This represents a steep decline from total assistance of about $1.9 billion (excluding Coalition Support Fund) during the financial year 2012.78

The United States has a repertoire of coercive tools beyond just the cessation of foreign aid or restrictions on defense sales, including targeted sanctions of individuals in Pakistan’s government associated with terror groups or working to cease World Bank and International Monetary Fund financing. Each step along this escalatory path, though, encourages Pakistan to counter with coercion of its own: (1) restricting U.S. use of ground and air lines of communication through Pakistan, (2) preventing the operation of (non-stealthy) U.S. drones over Pakistani territory, (3) ignoring U.S. requests for intelligence regarding suspected terrorists in the West, and (4) permitting even greater freedom of maneuver to anti-India or anti-Afghan terrorist groups. In the deeper recesses of Pakistan’s coercive toolkit, Pakistan can give China access to U.S.-origin defense hardware, offer extended deterrence guarantees to Saudi Arabia or resume the transfer of ballistic missile or nuclear weapons technology, an illicit

77

Anwar Iqbal, "Pakistan slipping out of US influence, say intelligence agencies", February 15, 2018,

Dawn Pakistan 78

Haider Abbas, "Boon or bane?: Historical analysis of Pakistan’s foreign aid inflow", May 18, 2014,

The Express Tribune.

61

commerce it last engaged in during the previous era of U.S. sanctions in the 1990s.79 However, the Pakistan–US relations have largely been dominated by US goals in South Asia (Ashraf, 2012; Cohen, 2004; Lavoy, 2005; Malik, 1990) and while these goals have fluctuated over time, Pakistan’s dependence on US military assistance has been a consistent historic feature in this relationship. In an arms transfer-dependent relationship, such as that of Pakistan and the United States, while the client state ‘derives direct benefits from its relationship with its supplier in that its perceived need for weaponry is fulfilled’ (Kinsella, 1998, p. 9), what benefits does the patron state accrue? Theorists believe that the patron state expects influence and leverage (Kinsella, 1998; Moon, 1983, 1985) over the client state, and compliance from the client government (Sullivan et al., 2011) in line with its strategic and ideological goals.80 Some argue that the United States’ limited influence on Pakistan during times of strategic engagement is because of the US approach ‘of all carrots and no sticks’ (Miller, 2012, p. 37). Consequently, ‘The solution therefore is not to give Pakistan more aid or improve public diplomacy, but to use a mix of aid, conditions, and sanctions to change Pakistani officials’ costbenefit calculus’ (ibid.). Proponents of this particular stance believe that Pakistan should be viewed as a ‘dependent country which has begun to view aid with minimal conditionality as an entitlement’ (Ibrahim, 2009, p. 27). The issue then is how to calibrate US assistance to Pakistan to best achieve desired results? This means that the reward (foreign assistance, trade, investments, etc.) and the punishments (sanctions, diplomatic

79

Sama News, “ Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the limits of U.S. influence”, August 27, 2017, Sama Web

News 80

Waheed, Ahmed Waqas. “Pakistan’s Dependence and US Patronage: The Politics of ‘Limited

Influence.’” Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 4, no. 1 (April 2017): 69–94. doi:10.1177/2347797016689220.

62

pressure, etc.) should be carefully calibrated on a continuum of the client state’s compliance and non-compliance.81

3.1.3

Governmentality : Educational Policies, Discourse and Pakistan

Foucault was fascinated by the mechanisms of prison surveillance, school discipline, systems for the administration and control of populations, and the promotion of norms about bodily conduct, including sex. He studied psychology, medicine and criminology and their roles as bodies of knowledge that define norms of behaviour and deviance. Physical bodies are subjugated and made to behave in certain ways, as a microcosm of social control of the wider population, through what he called ‘biopower’.

Disciplinary and bio-power create a ‘discursive practice’ or a body of

knowledge and behaviour that defines what is normal, acceptable, deviant, etc. – but it is a discursive practice that is nonetheless in constant flux (Foucault 1991).82 When Foucault endows the feature of power to knowledge, he connects knowledge with discourse. In his works, The Archaeology of Knowledge (1969) and Discipline and Punishment (1975), Foucault explores the ways power and knowledge are connected in the production of subjectivity and identity in terms of “ discourse”, i.e., the institutional rules that make possible at a certain time to certain people particular significations, or knowledge, or truth. In fact, Orientalism concerning the relation of knowledge and power from the theory of discourse is the core of Said’s idea.83 Global educational discourses play an important role in creating common educational practices and policies. It is certain that a central global discussion is about the knowledge economy. Contained within discourses about the knowledge economy are discussions of technology, human capital, lifelong learning, and the global migra- tion of workers. Brown and Lauder (2006) described the conceptual evolution of the knowledge economy from the original work on human capital economics by Gary

81

ibid

82

Foucault, M. “Discipline and Punish: the Birth of a Prison”, 1991, Penguin London,.

83

Yang Zhao , "An Analysis of Knowledge-Power Structure and Orientalism", 2nd International

Conference on Economics, Management Engineering and Education Technology (ICEMEET 2016)

63

Becker (1964, 2006), who argued that industrial development in the 20th century relied on the knowledge and skills of an elite few but that, now, economies depend on the skills and knowledge of all people. Coining the term postindustrial, Daniel Bell (1973) predicted that there would be a shift from blue-collar to white-collar labor, requiring a major increase in educated workers. In the 1990s, Peter Drucker ( 1 993) argued that in the new stage of economic development, knowledge rather than ownership of capital generates new wealth and that power was shifting from owners and managers of capital to knowledge workers. Growing income inequality between individuals and nations, according to Robert Reich ( 1 99 1 ), was a result of differences in knowledge and skills. In summary, changes in human capital and postindustrial- ism, according to these theorists, created a knowledge economy where wealth was tied to knowledge workers and ultimately to educational systems. Discourses about the knowledge economy focus on the necessity of educating students with skills for the global workplace. In this regard, technology plays a double role. First, students are to be educated so that they can continually adapt to a work world where technological innovations are occurring almost daily (Monahan, 2005; World Bank, 2003). The World Bank (2003) has phrased it this way: "A knowledgebased economy relies primarily on the use of ideas rather th physical abilities and on the application of technology. . . . Equipping people to deal with these demands requires a new model of education and training" (p. xvii). In turn, information technology and communications has made it easier for stu- dents to access the world's knowledges (Stromquist, 2002). Also, technological innovations affect the process of education, as Stoer and Magalhaes (2004) wrote, this makes the "knowledge inherent to the teaching-learning process ... an extension of the demands of economic globalization, on the one hand, and functional to the new emerging needs of scientific and technological reconfiguration of the processes of production and distribution" (p. 325). 3.1.4

Governmentality : National Narrative in Pakistan

Curricula and textual materials in Pakistan serve to convey educational discourse, which constructs and demonizes India or Hindus as the external "other". The Pakistani "self" is articulated in and by the text books in relation to this "other". According to the master narrative constructed by the educational discourse in 64

Pakistan, the Indian or Hindu "other" is committed to the destruction of Pakistan, primarily by military but also by other means (including economic measures, cultural imperialism, and ideology). Ideological and military conflict between the "self" and the "other" thus appears to be inevitable. According to this logic, the "other" cannot be trusted, and peace initiatives must be viewed with skepticism and suspicion, or even countered. This is why the Pakistani government maintains a constant state of military preparedness.84 Such thinking/writing is cultivated through the educational system, which plays a crucial role in perpetuating these narratives. For ex- ample, the existing social studies curriculum circulated by the Na- tional Bureau of Curriculum and Textbooks in the Ministry of Eduscation states that at the completion of class 5 the child should be able to "acknowledge and identify forces that may be working against Pakistan." These "forces," it elaborates, are "India's evil de- signs against Pakistan (the three wars with India)" and "the Kashmir problem."85 If we take the example of recent elections in Pakistan and the new Govt setup, a quote from the New York Times may explain the influence of Western discourse in Pakistan. Western Media explains the Pakistani state system, its politics and internal system in line with their own narrative. “The most likely beneficiary of the military’s manipulation is the party led by the former cricket star Imran Khan, who has called the Taliban’s war against the United States military in Afghanistan justified, and is seen as the military’s favored candidate — a notion he denies. Mr. Khan has positioned himself as a fighter against corruption, taking aim at the dynastic politics and nepotism of parties like the PML-N while maintaining a good relationship with the military, which he credits with protecting the country”.86 The key factor that accounts for this symptom is underlined by the lack of critical thinking and existing education milieu especially Pakistan's public schools and

84

Naseem, Muhammad Ayaz. "Deconstructing Militarism in Pakistani Textbooks." Journal of

Educational Media, Memory & Society 6, no. 2 (2014): 10-24. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44320032. 85

5. Zia Mian, "Making of the Pakistani Mind," News, November 6, 1994, p. 6.

86

Maria Abi-Habib & Salman Masood, New York Times, July 21, 2018.

65

colleges who use textbooks and a curriculum predicated on constructed myths. In essence, the education system—public and private, religious and secular—develops a rigidly authoritarian mindset that desires to dominate the rest of the world, and a belief in the unidimentionality of reality. 87 This representation, in the absence of a state apparatus, regulation, and credible educational institutions is hardly a matter of priority with the state and has been allowed to grow and flourish spawning misperception and irrationality.88 The confusion of views by most of the people on the issues such as jihad, extremism, radicalization, and terrorism is a corollary of this structural void. Therefore, despite tremendous human and material loss, countering terrorism has not found strong appeal within political ranks, as well as at the grass roots level. The Pakistani people, contrary to leaders in Islamabad, still believe America's war is against them and not the militants in the tribal areas. Suicide bombings and deadly violence are the subsequent backlash. This confusing narrative has resulted in widespread tolerance for the Taliban among commoners and elites alike. It is also within this framework that the drone narrative has produced the intense anti-American feelings. Drone attacks are portrayed to the Pakistani people as one of the greatest evils to have ever engulfed the country, largely by the Pakistani media and the country’s politicians. The discourse is predominantly based on the assumption that drones are U.S. tools that violate Pakistan’s sovereignty, and kill “thousands” of innocent civilians while also fueling militancy. With emphasis solely on civilian deaths and not on militants, this narrative has resonated among wider sections of society.89

3.1.5

87

Governmentality : Legislative in Pakistan

Khadim Hussin, "The Extremist Discourse," Media and Extremist Narrative and an alternative

pedagogy of tolerance, SAFMA National Conference, Pearl Continental Bhourban, Pakistan, December 28-29, 2013, 12. 88

Dr. Nazya Fiaz, "Policy Intervention in FATA: Why Discourse Matters." Journal of Strategic

Security, 5:1 (2012): 49-62. 89

Feyyaz, Muhammad. "Why Pakistan Does Not Have a Counterterrorism Narrative." Journal of

Strategic Security 8, no. 1 (2015): : 63-78

66

The new constitution as adopted by the Second Constituent Assembly on February 29, I956, is lengthy, detailed and rigid. It contains 234 articles, di- vided into I3 parts and 6 schedules, and may thus be compared with the Indian constitution, which is perhaps the largest and most detailed in the world. For its length, we find several explanations: (i) the aim was to have it based on Islamic principles and the provisions relating to the Islamic char- acter of the constitution occupy considerable space; (2) being a federal con- stitution its provisions cover not only the federation but also the units (Parts IV and V dealing with federal and provincial constitutions respectively); (3) the relations between the federation and the units are complicated and their description occupies considerable length; (4) special provisions have been made for tribal areas, backward classes (Part XII).90

3.1.6

Governmentality : Social and Cultural Life of Pakistan

Several International Relations scholars have started to use governmentality in order to reconstitute the “practices, programmes, techniques and strategies” that take the international and, incidentally, global population as terrains of intervention[18]. Others like Dillon and Read[19] have extended the notion of biopolitics to global liberal rule in view of revealing its propensity to pacify and homogenize ill-adapted forms of life. However, the application or ‘scaling-up’ of governmentality to international relations has been criticized by a number of commentators. Selby and Joseph[20] have suggested that the fact the international sphere is unevenly governmentalized can only be explained by referring to the structural features of the global political economy. In any case, governmentality is an increasingly popular perspective in international politics and elsewhere.91 The British ousting from the Indian subcontinent in no way meant that the customs they introduced would fade away. During their reign, the British not only influenced

90

Choudhury, G. W. "The Constitution of Pakistan." Pacific Affairs 29, no. 3 (1956): 243-52.

doi:10.2307/2753474. 91

Philippe Fournier, "Foucault and International Relations", E.International Relations,MAY 12 2014

https://www.e-ir.info/2014/05/12/foucault-and-international-relations/

67

the Indians politically, economically, and socially, but they also influenced their minds and culture to such an extent that even subsequent generations have absorbed the influence as well. In many instances, Western culture and its symbols are still valued over native customs, leading to a kind of colonization of the mind. The traditional concept of home-cooked food in our culture is being replaced by fast food meals from restaurants like KFC, Pizza Hut, and McDonalds and others inspired by the fast food model. Pakistani dishes, which were famous for their flavor, are hardly acceptable to today's youth. As of today, we see cold drinks being used to such an extent that they are part of almost every meal, even in formal dinners. The introduction of energy drinks and sodas also has played a part in diminishing the consumption of traditional drinks. Increased exposure to internet, television, movies, and video games has increased drug abuse, violence, and related vices. The Pakistani youth, which forms the majority of the population, are quickly being influenced as they are the most vulnerable. Cultural penetration is the practice of promoting, distinguishing, separating, or artificially injecting the culture or language of one culture into another. Cultural penetration can take the form of general attitude as well. In this study, the focus has been on the Western culture being penetrated inside Pakistani culture. Elements of Western culture have had a very influential role on other cultures worldwide. People of many cultures, both Western and non-Western, equate modernization (adoption of technological progress) with westernization (adoption of Western culture). Westernization can be defined as a process whereby societies come under or adopt the Western culture in such matters as industry, technology, law, politics, economics, lifestyle, diet, language, alphabet, religion or values. Westernization has been a pervasive and accelerating influence across Pakistan in the last few centuries. It is usually a two-sided process, in which western influences and interests themselves are joined by a wish of at least parts of the affected society to change towards a more westernized society, in the hope of attaining western life or some aspects of it. Majority of the respondents believe that there is greater western incursion nowadays which lies from media to lifestyle and from language to educational and family system in Pakistani elite society. 94% of the respondents agree to the fact that the environment people live in greatly affects their lifestyle and hence shaping their 68

culture. Out of them 41.3% strongly agree to the statement. Pakistani culture is being intruded by other cultures and the gateway to these intrusions is media; therefore it’s causing people to divert from their own cultural norms and crossing boundaries where other cultural territory begins. 79% of the participants agree to this fact where 29% strongly agree to it. These people not only are practicing the new culture but are also feeling proud in portraying such acts and behaviors. 69% of the respondents agree with this situation occurring in the society.92

92

UKEssays.com, "Cultural incursion of West into Pakistani Elite society.". November, 2013. All

Answers Ltd. 01 2019

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CHAPTER-4 POWER AND KNOWLEDGE NEXUX: KNOWLEDGE IMPERIALISM VS GLOBALIZATION IN PAKISTAN

4.1 General Overview Definition of knowledge about a colonized country, its traditions, customs, culture, and different other demographic or historical aspects is dominated by the colonial powers. The same applies just as much to Pakistan as to other erstwhile colonized countries. Scholarly and academic knowledge about Pakistan is also largely defined by Western academics. This knowledge is influenced by the frames of colonization that marked the influence of West after an entry into the subcontinent or this region.93 When we see global politics, we find different nature, shape and types of influence by the west on the developing and under developed countries. Many a times, United States has supported western lobby to supported dictatorship. They have played a vital role for setting political system of their choice, policy making and rooting and uprooting of governments in Iran, Syria, Egypt, Iraq, Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia, South Korea and Pakistan and many of other countries. Likewise , during the recent elections in Pakistan, many maneuvers were seen by the western players to shape the Govt of their choice. For the said purpose, UK, US, some key actors from Middle East and Irannian diplomats approached key political figures of all parties and stake holders. Reportedly, these diplomats were influencing political parties in making alliances, seat adjustments, and distributions of tickets to their favourite candidates and parties.94 This speaks the use of power for the influence and defining the self or national interest.

93

Rafia Zakaria, “Knowledge, power and Pakistan” Daily Dawn, April 22, 2015.

94

Zaheerul Hassan, “Foreign Influence in Pakistani Politics”, Zameer 36, April 09, 2013.

70

“Knowledge is Power” is a famous dictum and widely used on every now and then for highlighting the importance of knowledge. Several critics must have noted from a theoretical point of view that power and power relations have received relatively little attention in the knowledge management (KM) literature (Gordon and Grant, 2005; Hislop, 2013; Kaerreman, 2010; Olsson, 2007; Schultze and Stabell, 2004). When we discuss the nature, definition and exploitation of knowledge, we find an imperialist setting around the discourse and knowledge. The history of imperialism significantly explains that imperialist powers used education or knowledge indiscriminately as a tool to take control of the thoughts, practices, and actions of colonized nations. A two-pronged strategy is used to get this control. Firstly through the local way of life, education, language and culture, and the other one through imposing their own (imperialist) educational system/design and language/practice.95 In an article written by Teon Tikly (2004) he describes that “Using Foucault's theory of governmentality, the new imperialism is presented as the incorporation of lowincome countries and regions that were previously subject to older forms of European imperialism into a new regime of global governance which serves to secure the interests of the USA, its western allies and of global capitalism more generally. This article analyses the notion of development which has been considered as the principal means by which the West has come to understand and hence control the non-West. Furthermore in this article a shift of multilateral development agencies and an important disciplinary institution is discussed for consideration of education as a key policy area in connection to the development project. The article concludes by briefly explaining the possible role for education in a new anti-imperial politics”96 Mumtaz Anwar, Sughra Aman, in their article

"Aid Effectiveness in Education

Sector of Pakistan” articulate that “As far as education sector is concerned, the Pakistani Govt has not exclusively made the foundations of Education and could not formulate a comprehensive curricula. As per the Economic Survey of Pakistan 2006-

95

Dr Shahid Siddiqui, "Imperialism and indigenous education", April 19, 2016, The News, Pakistan

96

Tikly, Leon. "Education and the New Imperialism." Comparative Education 40, no. 2 (2004): 173-

98. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4134648.

71

2007, only 2.4% of the GDP is spent on education. It is a very insignificant amount as compared to our neighboring countries and other developing countries across the globe. A noticeable cause may be identified as the government utilizes only a small portion of foreign aid in the education sector while more funds should be generated for education sector and less to other sectors. Recently a survey report is being presented in the US Congress. This will cover the debates on granting, offering and utilizing foreign aid especially in education sector of Pakistan. In this environment of uncertainties and controversies about aid utilization and its effectiveness in the education sector, this study is an attempt to further investigate the correlation between foreign aid and education sector of Pakistan. This study is also focused on the effectiveness, associated elements with foreign aid, issues and role of Pakistan to improve the educational standards in Pakistan. According to the repot, United States granted around US$ 11 billion to Pakistan during 2002 to 2008. Out of which about US$ 8 billion were utilized for military expenditures while only US$ 100 million were allocated for education sector, and it was further explored that major amount of which would have been wasted because of corruption.97 The aim of this chapter is to explain the concept of educational imperialism in light of the Michel Foucault’s theory of Governmentality. The new imperialism is presented as having material and discursive aspects although it is the discursive basis of western rule and how this affects education that forms the major focus for the chapter. In the broader perspective of governmentality, the new imperialism is presented as the incorporation of low‐income countries and regions that were previously subject to older forms of European imperialism into a new regime of global governance which serves to secure the interests of the USA, its western allies and of global capitalism more generally. This chapter is focused on the Educational/knowledge imperialism in Pakistan.

97

Mumtaz Anwar, Sughra Aman, "Aid Effectiveness in Education Sector of Pakistan",

2010,

Hamburg Institute of International Economics (HWWI) | ISSN 1861-504X

72

4.2 Educational Philosophy/Theories For the influence or dominance purpose, Political entities, states use a coercive approach whereas the civil society or different institutions employ a discursive approach. The discursive approach, associated with discourse, is more effective. Through this approach, powerful groups can control others’ minds and thought processes. Education is a significant tool of the discursive approach. Most of the educational philosophies, theories are attached, emerged and dominated by the west. In Pakistan, political, economic and social philosophies are implemented given by the western scholars and academia. If a reference or theory given by the eastern philosopher is quoted, it doesn’t get the recognition or ratification by the masses. Tikly used the rationalities and programmes of the World Bank as an example to prove that Western hegemony functions as a discursive terrain through the translational governance framework of development agencies. Using Foucault's theory, he pointed out that this form of power and oppression is disciplinary rather than political rationales. (Tikly 2004)98

4.3 Educational Policies Pakistan came into existence after a century long colonial rule of British Empire on 14 August 1947. During the Colonial period some attention was seen given to education. However, the progress was largely limited with compare to the educational needs. The regions comprising Pakistan were relatively lacking behind specially in education. During the time of independence , 85 percent of Pakistani population was illiterate and even more uneducated in different parts like Balouchistan, the literacy rate was even lower, and women were illiterate to extend 0 % illiteracy . At that time of crises and independence, it was felt that education would have to be the top priority. In consideration thereof, a National Education Conference was held on the same year, and recommendation for universalization of primary education was agreed to be

98

Tikly, Leon. "Chapter 2: Education and the New Imperialism." Counterpoints 369 (2009): 23-45.

http://www.jstor.org/stable/42980379.

73

achieved within a period of 20 years. Since then, universal primary education is the top most objective of all educational policies and Govts. Likewise, considerable resources have been allocated and invested in creating new infrastructure and educational facilities and various projects and schemes have been executed throughout the country. Yet, the desired quantitatively or qualitatively progress has not been achieved, as per the predetermined educational objectives. In a country like Pakistan, there is perpetually a tug of war between different political and religious groups. In democratic setups or govts, such tensions are exercised most obviously in the cabinet, in the committees and on the floor of the parliament. All elected members, powerful lobby groups, the media and the bureaucracy use power through different means and sources. It is obvious that knowledge and understanding of issues, systems and people provide keys to successful lobbying and use of power. Furthermore, the environment in which policy decisions are taken is rarely straightforward. Erstwhile colonized nations like India and Pakistan, the political elite, lords, Sardar, Wadaira, Khans and many other prominent members of society keep the people of their influence away from education. In the current scenario, the education system of Pakistan brings about public and private sector institutions. Many of the non-profit NGOs are also running educational institutions. There is a variety of curriculum and syllabus being taught in these institutions. According to the Islamabad Policy Research Institute report of 2015: The education system of Pakistan comprises 260,903 institutions and is facilitating 41,018,384 students. The number of teachers is around 1,535,461. The current educational system includes around 180,846 public sector institutions and 80,057 private sector institutions. Hence, 31% educational institutions are run by the private sector while 69% are public institutions.99 There are many campuses of International schools like Pak Turk Schools, Saudi Schools, Cambridge and Oxford syllabus schools for O & A Level etc. This statistic about the schools or educational institutions gives an overview of the Govt sector and private sector partnership and the impact of globalization.

99

Farhana Shahzad, “Colonial impact on our mindsets”, October 17, 2017, The Express Tribune.

74

In an article “Impact of Colonial Rule on Today's Educational System of Pakistan” research scholars, Abdul Qayyum, Atif Saleem, Khurram Shezad explain that “The purpose of educational institutions in Pakistan has been disseminate information and not formation. Culture of absolute power by enlarge has proved prohibited for the growth of political institutions and furthermore this resulted in discontinuous policies and plans and lack of pasteurization of the work of government by the incoming government and social development of the masses. The plans and policies give benefit to the private and favorite educational sectors and subsectors which are meant for the children of the favorite class elites. An educational policy which can only focused on the need of powerful or leadership group cannot be catered through the share of common people or colleges and thus emphasis the establishment specific cadet colleges throughout the country. • As per a survey, cost of a cadet college is 20 times more than a common educational institute for college education. It nevertheless downplays the question of education of the masses. The common primary and high schools and vocational school were and still are for the children of the less powerful, privileged masses of the society. • At times, education policy following so-called socialistic references nationalized all the private educational institutions. This again hampered the participation of private sector in the educational sector of Pakistan. Furthermore it created some educational administrative problems throughout the country. Later on Govt had to shift to denationalization decision making. • Most of the Govts in Pakistan pursue for their party interest. National interest remains a secondary agenda and remains under the pressure of funder raiser or donor. In 2009 educational policy it was a main objective to achieve 88% enrolment rate at the primary level in the next five years. However, economic survey depicts that only 58% enrolment could be achieved (Economic survey of Pakistan, 2015).100

100

Abdul Qayyum, Atif Saleem, Khurram Shezad , “Impact of Colonial Rule on Today's Educational

System of Pakistan”, International Journal of Business, Economics and Management Works, Sept. 2015, Kambohwell Publisher Enterprises ISSN: 2410-3500 Vol. 2, Issue. 9, PP. 51-58, Sept. 2015

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4.4 Research ( Journals, Dissertations, Thesis) It is a known fact that the development of knowledge based economy of advanced countries is only possible through the scholarly outcomes of academicians. We are living in a complex society of interdependence but survival is a question. Pakistan is a country where we see firm teaching traditions and culture but a very weak research culture. Research is one of the ignored areas in educational pursuits. 101 Pakistan is a home to more than 200 million people, 189 Higher Education Commission (HEC) chartered universities and degree awarding institutes4 including 29 medical universities, 157 medical schools5 125 engineering, 92 management sciences and 28 agricultural institutes.4 In Pakistan, there are 371 HEC indexed journals in various academic disciplines of science and social sciences4 . In the last week of June 2018, Philadelphia USA based, a notable indexing institute, Thomson Reuters, Institute of Scientific Information (ISI) Web of Science, currently known as “Clarivate Analytics” released a global science and social science journals Impact Factor (IF) list of year 2017.6 Impact factor represents the total number of citations to a journal’s articles divided by the number of articles published during the previous two years. It is widely used in the academic world as a yardstick of a journal’s prestige. From Pakistan, out of 371 only 12 (3.24%) academic journals have achieved a place in ISI-Web of Science.102 In an article written by Muhammad Farooq (February 10, 2012) describes that “a media scholar points out: “Wherever we look in international communication research exports and imports of textbooks, articles and journals; citations, references footnotes; employment of experts (even in international agencies); and the funding, planning and execution of research – We will find a dependency and hegemony in the educational research sector. This is a situation which is characterized by a one way flow of values, ideas, models, methods and resources from North to South, from developed to developing or under developed.” 101

Rhee, Jeong-eun. "International education, the new imperialism, and technologies of the self:

Branding the globally educated elite." Multicultural Education Review 1, no. 1 (2009): 55-82. 102

Sultan Ayoub Meo , Shaukat Ali Jawaid, "Pakistan’s Performance in Global Impact Factor Race" ,

Pak J Med Sci. 2018;34(4):777-780. https://doi.org/10.12669/pjms.344.16035

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In the Western media, glamour, film, trade and many other topics may be a beat but poverty will hardly be a beat of a journalist. Consequently, a royal wedding in the UK would dominate TV screens in Pakistan but lack of clean drinking water in, say, Balochistan will remain an insensitive topic for the masses or media houses. More importantly, training in mainstream Western intellectual and professional tradition leads to a situation where Western discourses are presented with dominant and hegemonic designs in neo-colonial content.103 The total number of research papers published from Pakistan during the period 19962012 is 58133, citable documents 55915, citations per documents 6.22. However, the aggregate number of papers published in global ISI indexed journals are 36923 and from them 30980 are original articles. Pakistan produced 6012 papers published in worldwide ISI indexed journals only in the year 2012. Based on the number of research publications, the current ranking of Pakistan in global science is 46 and the country Hirsch Index (h-index) is 111. In the year 2018 analysis, the total number of research papers published from Pakistan during the year 2017 are 16897, citable documents were 15843, citations per documents is 0.62. 104 In Pakistan, there are 371 HEC indexed journals in various academic disciplines of science and social sciences. In the last week of June 2018, Philadelphia USA based, a notable indexing institute, Thomson Reuters, Institute of Scientific Information (ISI) Web of Science, currently known as “Clarivate Analytics” released a global science and social science journals Impact Factor (IF) list of year 2017. Impact factor represents the total number of citations to a journal’s articles divided by the number of articles published during the previous two years. It is widely used in the academic world as a yardstick of a journal’s prestige. From Pakistan, out of 371 only 12 (3.24%) academic journals have achieved a place in ISI-Web of Science. Worldwide, 12271 science and social sciences journals are indexed in the ISI-Web of

103

Muhammad Farooq, “Educational hegemony”, February 10, 2012, The News Pakistan

104

SCImago Journal & Country Rank. (Online) (Cited 2019 January 27).Available from URL:

https://www.scimagojr.com/countrysearch.php?country=pk

77

Science, their IF is ranging from 0.001 to 244.58. The Cancer Journal for Clinicians USA achieved a top position in the world with Impact Factor 244.58. The other top ranking journals are New England Journal of Medicine USA 79.25; Lancet USA 53.24; Nature UK 41.57; and Science USA 41.05. These journals are leading the world and have maintained their topmost positions in the global IF race. In our environs, China is leading the region with 203 academic journals achieved a remarkable position in ISI Web of science with IF 0.0045 to 15.393. India has 104 with IF 0.096 to 2.658; Iran 42 IF 0.280 to 2.667; Pakistan 12 IF 0.280 to 1.217; and Bangladesh has 4 with IF 0.214 to 1.532. Only one Journal from Pakistan, “Pakistani Veterinary Journal” exceeds the IF 1.217.105

At present research culture is heavily dependent on the Western scholars, online journals, libraries and academia. Research culture is gradually improving since the establishment of Higher Education Commission of Pakistan. Pakistani journals must have online access and should be indexed in major bibliographic, citations databases and have a stable presence in popular scientific databases. Moreover, these journals timely review, accept or reject the manuscripts and minimize the timings from submission to publication. This will further increase the usage and visibility of the journals as well as attract high quality submissions. These measures will further enhance the weight and height of these journals as well as country ranking both at national and international levels. 4.5 Course, Syllabus, Curriculum Third World dependency on the West has been noted by dissident Western scholars too, mostly Marxist. Norwegian theoretician Johan Galtung, for instance, points out a situation whereby the West “always provides the teachers” – teachers of the road to economic and political development, teachers of new and supposedly better culture-

105

Journal Citation report: Isnstitute of Scientific Information (ISI) Web of Science, Clarivate,

Available at: http://jcr. incites.thomsonreuters.com/JCRJournalHomeAction.action# Cited date January 16, 2019.

78

and the Third World “always provides the learners.” This, according to Galtung, is a “pattern which smacks of imperialism.” Gatlung also argues that finished intellectual products (academic journals, books, educational curricula) are sent by the West to the Third World countries only “after first having created a demand for [them] through the demonstration effect.” The educational imperialism that persists through entrenched colonial structures helps create this demand.106 The education system of Pakistan is divided into 03 sectors basically, The government sector(based on mostly cramming), The private sector (teaching the syllabus of Pakistani books) and the private sector teaching O and A levels .In primary classes the subjects taught are English, Urdu, Islamiat, Science ,Arts and computer but some schools teach Arabic too. The syllabus taught in government schools is approved by their provincial boards but in private schools Oxford university press syllabus is taught though most of these private schools shift to the Pakistani syllabus too in grade 9 as students need too take Matric exams as per government system but students who want to do O/A levels don't change their track. So it is a really complex system which becomes problematic for the students by sudden changes in curricula.107 Now a days in Pakistan the fee structure, curriculum, uniform and educational policies are different for every school. There is not a single effective regulatory authority which can bring a uniform curriculum for all the school systems. Regarding fee structure, hundreds of applications are pending for consideration at Supreme Court of Pakistan. In an interim order on 13 December, 2018, Chief Justice of Pakistan has ordered to reduce fee upto 20% for all schools which charging more than 5000 Rs. Furthermore, fee will be increased

106

Galtung, Johan. "Literacy, Education and Schooling-For What?." In A Turning Point for Literacy,

pp. 93-105. 1976. 107

Hania, "What are the different curricula followed and the subjects taught in Pakistan?", QUora,

April 27, 2017. https://www.quora.com/What-are-the-different-curricula-followed-and-the-subjectstaught-in-Pakistan

79

4.6 Degrees Validation Pakistani students used to face different problems regarding the degree equivalence and validation across the globe. The graduation degree of the Pakistani institutions is considered A, Level in USA and UK. Pakistan has followed the western qualification framework. The make provision for the qualification equivalence; Higher Education Commission of Pakistan has used the Bologna Principles to bring about qualitative reforms in higher education. Implementation of a very comprehensive National Qualifications Framework is under process. The new Qualification framework is aimed to bring a qualitative change in the higher education qualifications offered in the country. To get in step with rest of the world, a degree programme of eight semesters, comprising 124-140 credit hours, and the revised framework has incorporated four semesters, 68 credit hours associate degree programmes those open the doors to initial level employment and further study to complete the 4 year degree programme. New qualification framework has specifically incorporated the admission, retention and graduation requirements for graduate programmes. This also includes significant applied and abstract research component connecting universities to become engines of social, economic and human resource development to create a world class critical mass of specialists in natural, social and applied sciences, and professions to create an economically progressive and tolerant society.108 4.7 Institutional World Ranking The existing university or higher education structure in Pakistan is rooted back in British era of colonialism. The oldest higher education institute, the University of Punjab Lahore was modeled after the then existing University of London where instruction was actually provided in its constituent and affiliated colleges. University of Punjab served as the examining body for students from its affiliated colleges for quite a long time. It also served for those who prepared at their own for the

108

HEC,

"National

Qualifications

Framework

of

Pakistan

2015",

hec.gov.pk/english/services/universities/pqf/Documents/National%20Qualification%20Framework%20 of%20Pakistan.pdf

80

examinations according to the curricula set for each academic level and discipline of knowledge by the university. 109 Later on a good number of universities were established in all parts of the country. In all educational policies, higher education was given due consideration. A university grants commission was established which was replaced by Higher Education Commission. The performance of global universities is generally gauged against several performance indicators for ranking purpose. The Times Higher Education (THE) is one of the credible university ranking body across the globe. THE is also considered as a yardstick to measure and improve the academic excellence in different universities of the world. THE announces the university ranking every year and gives guidance under the patronage of the educational gurus for further improvement. The ranking of the universities undertaken by THE is announced every year, creating an uproar amongst global education gurus to revisit their performance if they have not been able to sustain their preceding positions in the global performance table. There are five indicators specified by THE. These indicators are (a) teaching, (b) research, (c) research influence, (d) international outlook and (e) knowledge transfer. ) teaching, (b) research, (c) research influence constitute 90 % of the whole evaluation configuration denoting that research and teaching remain to be instrumental towards institutional growth in the performance table. Some other fundamental sub-indicators such as reputation survey, research income, international-to-domestic-student ratio, international collaboration and industry income. Global universities have focused upon these prescribed areas to achieve elite positions in international ranking.110 If we study or carry out a value judgment through certain international standards, Pakistan has the world’s weakest higher education system while United States and UK have the advantage of being the strongest educational systems of the world. Pakistan has been ranked 50, with an overall score of 9.2 by Quacquarelli Symonds (QS), a British ranking agency. Govt has invested billions of Rs for the higher education of Pakistan. These claims could not contribute much to the higher education

109

110

ibid Dr. Saeed Akhtar, "Pakistani universities in the global ranking", April 22, 2018, The Nation,

https://nation.com.pk/22-Apr-2018/pakistani-universities-in-the-global-ranking

81

of Pakistan. Pakistan secured the lowest ranking of the fifty countries included in the list. Only six Pakistani universities have been ranked among world’s top 800 universities of the world. United States was placed as the top most with a score of 100 points. UK has clinched second position with 98.5 points. India got 24th postion with 60.9 points. The QS higher education system strength rankings is divided into four categories: (a) System strength, (b) access, (c) flagship institution (d) and economic context. Countries with the best higher education systems: United States – 100 United Kingdom – 98.5 Germany – 94 Australia – 92.6 Canada – 90.2 France – 89 Netherlands – 84.8 China – 83.5 South Korea – 80.1 Japan – 78.5111 In the Quacquarelli Symonds (QS) World University Rankings year 2019, 7 Pakistani universities have been included the list. In the annual ranking, this edition ranked 1000 universities from 85 countries around the world. Only 3 Pakistani universities

111

News Desk, "Pakistan has world's weakest higher education system, say QS rankings", May 20,

2016, The Express Tribune, https://tribune.com.pk/story/1106840/pakistan-worlds-weakest-highereducation-system-say-qs-rankings/

82

are included in the top 500 universities of the world. This year the top position was given to Massachusetts Institute of Technology . This is the seventh time that the

Here’s the list of the top 10 universities in the world

university is awarded with this position. United States of America has made three more universities including Stanford University, Harvard University and California Institute of Technology securing the 2nd, 3rd, and 4thspot with UK’s Oxford coming in at 5th. With compare to the six universities in 2018, this year seven universities of Pakistan have been included in the list. Amongst them, Pakistan Institute of Engineering and Applied Sciences (PIEAS) top the list at 397 while National University of Science and Technology (NUST) follows at the position of 417 in the list.

83

Others making it to the list include:

University of Punjab has been included in the top 1000 universities of the world. University of Karachi and University of Lahore could not make any position in the list.112 No institution of University can get recognition and credibility until it is given by the world ranking bodies. Local Govts and bodies cant label a university without making it in step with the global ranking parameters and requirements.

112

Only

global

Rabail Mansoor, "QS World University Rankings 2019: 7 Pakistani Universities Make it to the

List!", Jun 11, 2018, Brand Synario, https://www.brandsynario.com/qs-world-university-rankings2019-7-pakistani-universities-make-it-to-the-list/

84

recognition and the status conferred by the contemporary world upon universities label them to be good amongst the global institutions.113 Roger Deacon says that “all educational institutes are the combination of economic, political, judicial and epistemological relations of power, which still reflect the exclusionary and inclusionary binaries of their origins: university campuses are relatively artificial enclaves where students are expected to absorb socially desirable modes of behaviour and forms of knowledge before being recuperated into society. Michel Foucault has explained this phenomenon in his debate on “Power and Knowledge Nexus” that universities will become increasingly important politically, because they multiply and reinforce the power-effects of an expanding division of intellectuals and, not least, as a result of new global demands for active, multi-skilled and self-regulated citizens.114 4.8 Education as 'capacity–communication–power During the recent past, modern schooling has introduced a good number of individuals and diverse populations to accept and tolerate rapidly increasing degree of rejection. Foucault's work also highlighted the real understandings of the manifestations, functioning and effects of contemporary educational institutions and their practices. In these institutions the relation of power and knowledge come to support and link up with each other in more or less constant ways. Foucault called these institutions as the 'blocks of capacity–communication–power'.

These

institutions join together the manipulation of human capability, words, things and people. The human behaviours and abilities are adjusted and behaviours are molded via regulated communication and power processes. It also endeavors for structuring how teaching and learning will take place. As per the Foucault’s Power and knowledge relation, make it different to an educational institution from prisons,

113

Dr. Saeed Akhtar, "Pakistani universities in the global ranking", April 22, 2018, The Nation,

https://nation.com.pk/22-Apr-2018/pakistani-universities-in-the-global-ranking 114

Roger Deacon, "South African Journal of Education", 2006, Vol 26(2)177–187

85

armies, and hospitals is that the former emphasize 'communication' above 'capacity' and 'power' (Foucault, 1982:218-219).115 Foucault developed a model for educational institutions which emphasizes human capacities, communication and power relations, and which can be applied both to schools and to universities. Though he paid the closest attention to the role of power relations in education, he also made some intriguing comments on possibilities for educational change, the value of education and its products, and the effects of different methods of instruction.116

When we discuss the role of institutions and capacity building in the perspective of Pakistan, a report titled as “Education System Reform in Pakistan: Why, When, and How?” can be quoted for understanding. As per report, the higher education system fares no better, in spite of steps made in the past decade. Enrolment stands at about 8% (including two-year colleges) of the age cohort, a statistic that that may be compared with nearby countries like India at 18% and Malaysia at 42%. There is a variety of problems pertaining to the system like quality issues of faculty, demotivated students, rote learning, outdated curriculum, discipline and comprehension issues at public universities, lack of funding, lack of research, and so forth. There is no consideration in curricula for technical or social skills , needed for the students to adjust in practical and social life. It may be strong contributors in the workplace or society, either in Pakistan or on the global stage. Vocational and technical education in Pakistan is even more marginalized. As per the available statistics given by World Economic Forum’s 2012 Global Competitiveness Report, less than 1% of the population could get an exposure to the technical education or vocational training. 75% of the graduates have basic foundational skills however these are not worthwhile to be accepted in the market for employment. Administrative issues, insufficient 115

Roger Deacon, "Michel Foucault on education: a preliminary theoretical overview", South African

Journal

of

Education

,

2006

,

EASA

Vol

26(2)177–187

sajournalofeducation.co.za/index.php/saje/article/viewFile/74/50 116

R. Deacon, "Capacity-Communication-Power: Foucault on Contemporary Education" ,Perspectives

in Education 23(2):73-83 · June 2005, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/292493966_Capacitycommunication-power_Foucault_on_contemporary_education

86

industrial knowledge and understanding, and the outdated infrastructure of public institutions are considered as the root cause of this lack of institutional power knowledge relationship. These issues lead towards the declined standard of institutions, less emphasis on skilled workforce Indicators such as ‘poor work ethic’ and inadequate education rank as two of the top 10 most problematic factors for doing business in Pakistan. This is the important point pertaining to Pakistan in the World Economic Forum’s 2012 Global Competitiveness Report. 117 4.9 Globalization Vs Testing, Measurement & Evaluation When we carry out research about globalization and education, it involves the study of entwined worldwide discourses, processes, and institutions affecting local educational practices and policies. There are four major theoretical perspectives about the concept of globalization and education is (a) world culture, (b) world systems, (c) postcolonial, (d) and culturalist. The current debate on education discourse and globalization encompasses the knowledge economy and technology, lifelong learning, global migration or brain drain, and neoliberalism. Global major institutions that are contributing to global educational discourses and practices are the World Bank, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the World Trade Organization, the United Nations, and UNESCO. When we discuss the Trends in Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), the value of international testing, Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), and instruction in English as the language of commerce are contributing to global uniformity of national curricula are very significant to discuss. Criticism on current global trends covers and supports educational alternatives which preserve local languages and cultures. It further ensures progressive educational practices which can protect the poor against the rich and ensures the protection of environment and human rights.118

117

Mehnaz Aziz, David E. Bloom, "Education System Reform in Pakistan: Why, When, and How?",

IZA Policy Paper No. 76 January 2014, https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/91762/1/pp76.pdf 118

Joel Spring, “Research on Globalization and Education”, Jun 2008, Review of Educational

Research, Vol. 78, No. 2), pp. 330-363 Published by: American Educational Research Association Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40071130 Accessed: 17-01-2019 21:01 UTC

87

GATS testing has launched a global trade in education services which is aimed to contribute the global uniformity of educational practices. Likewise, agencies associated to foreign aid such as the World Bank and OECD, have launched specific instructional methods and research on those methodologies.119 According to the world culture theorists, it is promoting and mobilizing a a global culture of schooling.120 Global system analysts and postcolonial theorists find this practice as the part of hegemonic design and dominance of the core over the periphery . On the other hand, culturalists see this process as resulting in possible failure or a detrimental loss of local cultural values (Carney, 2003; Jungck & Kajornsin, 2003; May & Aikman, 2003; Warschauer, 2004)121 4.10 Literature Literature is a sophisticated branch of knowledge which influences the minds and hearts of the readers. All type of literature like fictional or nonfictional writing and journalism plays a significant role to imprint the societal changes on the conceptions and perceptions of people. It is a common trend in Pakistan that literature is used for narrative building, for imposing power on the minds and changing the perception of the people. We can say that literature is tool for perception management. It has always been under the influence of writers and journalists from the conservative paradigm of the society. Saadat Hassan Manto wrote exclusivelly about the hypocritical attitude and exploitation of women in the society. He was labeled as a cheap sex writer. Likewise the famous writer, poet Faiz Ahmad Faiz was considered a Soviet agent; Habib Jalib was names as a revolutionist and arrested many a times. The famous Punjabi poet Ustad Daman was trailed under the accusation of possessing a hand grenade. The sole reason for this allegation was of his poetry. He questioned the than dictatorship. Famous Urdu poet Ahmed Faraz, who was titled as a poet of love and

119

Carney, Stephen. "Negotiating policy in an age of globalization: Exploring educational

“policyscapes” in Denmark, Nepal, and China." Comparative Education Review 53, no. 1 (2008): 6388. 120

Kamens, David H., and Connie L. McNeely. "Globalization and the growth of international

educational testing and national assessment." Comparative education review 54, no. 1 (2009): 5-25. 121

ibid

88

fragrance, he had to leave Pakistan to avoid arrest. Likewise state also sponsored some authors to write literature to influence the mind of the people. It is one of the applications of soft power. Altaf Gauhar and Qudrat Ullah Shahab were in bureaucracy and wrote the state supportive literature.122 Pakistani literature, text books and journalism is highly influenced by the western literature. Course books of private schools use the name, dressing, culture, appearance of the people from western culture. In a study done by Hazir Ullah titled as “Cultural Imperialism through Education in Pakistan and the Loss of National Identity” he articulates that “public education in Pakistan does not seem to foster and promote national/regional cultural identities. It does not develop a sense of pride among new generation for their cultural heritage. The texts and illustrations persuade children to erase the boundaries of national/regional identities. It is emphasized that erasing regional and national identities means erasing the community and nation”. Most of the literature festivals in Pakistan are Oxford sponsored with the published material by them. Oxford University Press in Pakistan is publishing and promoting the Western literature in Pakistan. It is widely considered as an effort of narrative building for acceptance of Western thoughts and culture.

4.11 Education/Knowledge VS Economic Power Switzerland, the top-ranked country on Global Innovation Index (GII) list, has 57% of researchers are from other countries because of the lucrative incentives offered by them. In Pakistan, there are seldom some special packages, allowances or incentives for researchers are granted or allocated. Because of this consideration, Pakistan could get 131st position out of 141 countries in the year 2015 report of the Global Innovation Index. Ultimately it puts adverse impact on innovation-oriented policies, economic growth and development.123

122

Imdad Zafar, “The impoverishment of literature in Pakistan”, April 24, 2018, Asia Times

123

Khan, Umair, Ali, "Why Pakistanis are among the least innovative in the world", May 10, 2016,

Dawn, https://www.dawn.com/news/1257273

89

Many of the top ranked global universities have turned to be economically selfsustained through a perceptive financial management system. Harvard, Stanford, MIT and Caltech—along with Oxford, Cambridge in the U.K and University of Tokyo in Japan have been rated as the self sufficient universities and contributing to the political economy of the native countries. Universities, Higher Education Institutions earn huge amount of tuition fee, government support and endowment funds remain to be the independent economic sources for western universities. For example National University of Singapore could manage to collect $774 million as endowment fund through fundraising. It is an astonishing fact that Singapore hosts around 90,000 international students as well as a campus of INSEAD, a largest world renowned business school associated with four collaborated American universities.124 Education is a key for economic growth all over the world whereas, in developing countries in particular. The relationship between education and economic growth is positive and this relation is consistent in most parts of the universe. The developments in the economic theory, the role that education can play in generating economic growth and implications likely to be proposed for education will be discussed in other chapter of thesis. If we shed light on the previous Pakistan economic performance we may say that the performance was not satisfactory due to some inevitable factors such as droughts, unsustainable debt, and the macroeconomic instability and unsatisfactory situation of law and order. During the thirty seven years 1980-2007, other level of education does not show any growth and very close to zero throughout the study period. Likewise Agha Khan University of Pakistan announced the results of a very important study conducted about the economic impact of the university on Pakistan. It reflects that AKU has an annual economic impact in Pakistan of Rs 103 billion, or US$ 1 billion, supporting 42,000 jobs across the country.125

124

Dr. Saeed Akhtar, "Pakistani universities in the global ranking", April 22, 2018, The Nation,

https://nation.com.pk/22-Apr-2018/pakistani-universities-in-the-global-ranking 125

Aga Khan University Annual Economic Impact

Report , “Agha Khan University Website”,

https://www.aku.edu/news/Pages/News_Details.aspx?nid=NEWS-001388

Accessed on January 27,

2019.

90

CONCLUSION

126

According to Foucault's understanding of power, power is based on knowledge and

makes use of knowledge; on the other hand, power reproduces knowledge by shaping it in accordance with its anonymous intentions. Power (re-) creates its own fields of exercise through knowledge. 127 The machinery of power articulates its effects of power with reference to a certain type of knowledge which is derived from the same machinery and which in turn extends to and reinforces the effects of its power. Hence, there is no power relation without the correlative constitution of a field of knowledge and, conversely, there is no knowledge that does not presuppose and constitute at the same time power relations. A study of power as political technology in terms of its operations and functions then would also necessitate us to look into the set of material elements, strategies and techniques that serve as weapons, relays and communication routes and support the power-knowledge nexus that invest human bodies and subjugate them by throwing them into objects of knowledge. All of these are modern forms of knowledge deemed necessary to control and police the accumulation, concentration and congregation of bodies in modern environments. The exercise of such knowledge is the exercise of a certain kind of power, known as biopolitics. It is observed that western medicine provides the best example of a modern form of knowledge that exercises both considerable 'bio-power' and 'anatamo power'. The dramatic historical shifts Foucault outlines in Discipline and Punish (1979), from the gruesome torture of Damiens to the moral reform of prisoners, schoolchildren, and others, this power operates not through physical force or representation by law, but through different apparatuses or through some institutions. 128 One of the most

127

Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, vol. 1, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1981 (see pp. 92–102).

128

Briscoe, Patricia. "From the Work of Foucault: A Discussion of Power and Normalization in

Schooling." Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Calgary, Calgary, Canada (2008).

91

important features of Foucault’s theory of power is that he refutes the claim ‘knowledge is power’, but states that he is interested in studying the complex relations between power and knowledge, without saying they are the same things129. In contrast to the resource-based approach, Foucault’s understanding of power is fundamentally relational. Foucault, a historian, recognised that a key feature of the development of the modern state was a fundamental shift in the nature of power relations. Foucault suggests that in contemporary society power is no longer primarily “a privilege that one might possess” but rather operates within “a network of relations, constantly in tension, in activity” (Foucault, 1977, pp. 26-27). In other words, power is not simply held by particular actors and wielded over others. Rather, it is coproduced in social interactions through the way people negotiate meaning in reference to existing power/knowledge relations. Therefore, in a business context, power cannot be exercised at will but relies on the “politics of interpretation” (Marshall and Rollinson, 2004; Weick, 1995) that shape an organisation and influence whether particular truth statements become accepted and validated. A twenty-first century chief executive officer, for example, operates in a fundamentally different system of power relations from a Dark Age warlord or a Roman emperor. In a modern organisation, power is “decentred”, it is vested not in any individual but rather in the organisational structure itself, the defined roles of its members and the social rules and shared culture which support them. Foucault’s relational perspective implies that rather than seeing power and knowledge as discrete entities, they should be viewed as inseparable , two sides of the same coin: power/knowledge: We should admit that power produces knowledge (and not simply by encouraging it because it serves power or by applying it because it is useful); that power and knowledge directly imply one another; that there is no power relation without the correlative constitution of a field of knowledge, nor any knowledge that does not presuppose and constitute at the same time power relations. (Foucault, 1977, p. 27).

129

Fillingham, Lydia Alix. “Foucault for beginners”, Orient Blackswan, 2000.

92

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