Portraits of Empires: Habsburg Albums from the German House in Ottoman Constantinople 0253066913, 9780253066916

Table of contents :
Dedication
Contents
Acknowledgments
Note on Translation and Transliteration
List of Abbreviations
Introduction
1 The German House in Constantinople
2 Making Albums in the German House
3 Ambassadors
4 Staff
5 Scholars
6 Noble Men Passing Through
Afterword
Appendix: Albums of the German House in Constantinople
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

   MIDDLE EAST

—EMINE FETVACI, author of The Album of the World Emperor: Cross-Cultural Collecting and the Art of Album Making in Seventeenth-Century Istanbul “Radway has discovered a treasure trove of historical material that offers stunning insights into not only the symbolic world of the Ottoman Empire and its material culture of bookmaking but also the networking practices of German travelers. An incredibly rich book.”

RADWAY

“The wealth of precise and new historical information in this study is truly impressive. Radway manages to concretize these albums for us, providing invaluable archival and historical information that helps us fully understand them.”

—BARBARA STOLLBERGRILINGER , Institute for Advanced Study, Berlin

—THOMAS DACOSTA KAUFMANN , Frederick Marquand Professor of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University In the late 16th century, hundreds of travelers made their way to the Habsburg ambassador’s residence, known as the German House, in Constantinople. In this centrally located inn, subjects of the emperor found food, wine, shelter, and good company—and left an incredible collection of albums filled with images, messages, decorated papers, and more. Portraits of Empires offers a complete account of this early form of social media, which had a profound impact on later European iconography. Revealing a vibrant transimperial culture as viewed from all walks of life—Muslim and Christian, noble and servant, scholar and stable boy—the pocket-sized albums containing these curiosities have never been fully connected to the abundant archival records on the German House and its residents. Robyn Dora Radway not only introduces these objects, the people who filled their pages, and the house at the center of their creation, but she also presents several arguments regarding chronologies of exchange, workshop practices, the curation of social networks and visual collections based on status, and the purposes of these highly individualized material portraits. Featuring 162 fascinating color images, Portraits of Empires reconstructs the world of Habsburg subjects living in Ottoman Constantinople using a rich and distinctive set of objects to raise questions about imperial belonging and the artistic practices used to articulate it. ROBYN DORA RADWAY is Associate Professor of History at Central European University. She has published in Early Modern Low Countries, Austrian History Yearbook, the Journal of Early Modern History, and Archivum Ottomanicum.

PORTRAITS of EMPIRES

“Assembling a wide range of both visual and textual material, [this book] demonstrates a wide range of inter- and intra-imperial interchanges that existed but have been overshadowed by histories of conflict and antagonisms.”

PORTRAITS of

EMPIRES Habsburg Albums from the German House in Ottoman Constantinople

Ottomanica: Voices, Sources, Perspectives

Kaya Şahin, editor

Cover illustration: The German House from inside the courtyard facing south, ÖNB 8615, fol. 141r. Public Domain.

iupress.org ISBN 9780253066923

9 780253 066923

90000 >

PRESS

ROBYN DORA RADWAY

   Radway_Portraits of Empires_PBMech.indd 1

7/6/23 12:23 PM

PORTRAITS of

EMPIRES

Ottomanica: Voices, Sources, Perspectives Kaya Şahin, editor

PORTRAITS of

EMPIRES Habsburg Albums from the German House in Ottoman Constantinople ROBYN DORA RADWAY

I N DI A NA U N I V E R SI T Y PR E S S

This book is a publication of Indiana University Press Office of Scholarly Publishing Herman B Wells Library 350 1320 East 10th Street Bloomington, Indiana 47405 USA iupress.org © 2023 by Robyn Dora Radway All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48–1992. Manufactured in the United States of America First printing 2023 Cataloging information is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN 978-0-253-06691-6 (hardback) ISBN 978-0-253-06692-3 (paperback) ISBN 978-0-253-06693-0 (ebook)

For Sebald Plan, Magyar Mehmed Bey, and all the others who were almost forgotten.

•

CONTENTS Acknowledgments  ix Note on Translation and Transliteration  xi List of Abbreviations  xiii

Introduction  1 1 The German House in Constantinople  14 2 Making Albums in the German House  39 3 Ambassadors  94 4 Staff  133 5 Scholars  165 6 Noble Men Passing Through  196 Afterword  228 Appendix: Albums of the German House in Constantinople  231 Bibliography  241 Index  267

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

B

ooks that are over a decade in the making accumulate many debts. I first encountered some of the images discussed in this book during a summer internship in 2009, under the mentorship of Pierre Terjanian, in the Department of Arms and Armor at the Philadelphia Museum of Art. An unforgettable seminar with Larry Silver at the University of Pennsylvania in the spring of 2010 on the global Renaissance opened up new ways of thinking about these materials, but I soon realized that to understand the objects, one must recover the context in which they were created. I had the great fortune of meeting Kaya Şahin at my first major conference in 2011, and I am eternally grateful for his support for this project. During my doctoral studies in the Department of History at Princeton University, I benefited from the guidance and wisdom of a dream team of mentors: Anthony Grafton, Molly Greene, and Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann. Others who deserve thanks for contributing immensely to my formative years as a scholar in Princeton include Heath Lowry, Jeremy Adelman, D. Graham Burnett, Adam Beaver, and Serge Gruzinski. For many great conversations and exchanges of ideas, I also thank my colleagues, including Alexander Bevilacqua, Ana Sekulić, Andrew Edwards, Helen Pfeifer, and Richard Calis. At the Hungarian National Archives, I had the great fortune of meeting Éva Sz. Simon and András Oross (the Hungarian archival delegate to the Austrian National Archives) early in my research. Their guidance, as well as the registers compiled by István Fazekas, has been invaluable. The digitization of manuscripts and the ability to take photographs in archives has made this work possible. I would like to thank all the institutions that house these objects and their staffs for their kindness during long visits to work with objects. In particular, I thank Endre Lipthay, Jan Pařez, Maximilain Alexander Trofaier, Petra Kuhlmann-Hodick, Mikael Bøgh Rasmussen, and Stefan Knoch. I owe a great deal of gratitude to the Gerda Henkel Foundation, without whose generous support this publication and the related travel required to examine the manuscripts discussed would never have been possible. The Barr Ferree Fund at Princeton University provided a generous grant to offset the cost of images. I also wish to thank Nadia al-Bagdadi and the Institute for Advanced Study at Central European University for providing me with time to see this project evolve. During my time at the IAS, Milán

ix

Janosov patiently introduced me to the basics of network science and helped me visualize the sea of data. My colleagues and students at Central European University (now in Vienna) have offered generous feedback over the years. In particular, I wish to thank Brett Wilson, Charles Shaw, Günhan Börekçi, Jan Hennings, Karsten Wilke, Sven Mörsdorf, Tijana Krstić, and Tolga Esmer. Dozens of audiences have provided valuable questions and comments over the years in Amsterdam, Bamberg, Berlin, Bern, Bregenz, Budapest, Cambridge, Champaign-Urbana, Hamburg, Kansas City, Krakow, Leipzig, Munich, New Haven, New Orleans, New York, Oxford, Princeton, Toronto, Tübingen, and Vienna. For pointing me to additional albums, I thank Ato Quirin Schweizer, Bjorn Bandlien, Jeroen Vandommele, Malcolm Jones, and Nedim Sönmez. For their friendship and advice, as well as correspondence about various visual and archival riddles, I thank Pál Ács, Aneliya Stoyanova, Gábor Kármán, Géza Pálffy, Grażyna Jurkowlaniec, Gwendolyn Collaço, Jake Benson, Paul Babinski, Suzanna Ivanič, Talitha Schepers, Tobias Graf, and Tomasz Grusiecki. Ato, Jake, Jan, Paul, Richard, and Tomasz deserve further thanks for offering thoughts and comments on draft chapters. I am also grateful to the anonymous reviewers and the entire team at Indiana University Press for their enthusiasm, professionalism, and editorial work. A wise man once told me it takes twenty years to master Ottoman Turkish. Thank you to those who helped me embark on the first years of this long journey: Nilüfer Hatemi, Géza Dávid, Ali Emre Özyıldırım, and my classmates in courses at Princeton University, ELTE, and Koç University. For their kind help with difficult excerpts, I thank Günhan Börekçi, Pál Fodor, and Fatih Yücel. For guiding me through my first years of German, I thank Deborah Horzen and the late Bernd Decker. For a gentle introduction to the art of paleography, I thank Yair Mintzker. For a baptism by fire to the messy reality of paleography in alba amicorum, I am thankful to the ongoing work of the editors of the Repertorium Alborum Amicorum and the Inscriptiones Alborum Amicorum, from whom I continue to learn, including Wolfgang Werner Schnabel, Miklós Latzkovits, Lajos Adamik, and László Bujtás. I also wish to thank the many informal language instructors who guided me over the years, particularly the members of my extended family, including the Elő, Giusti, Hegedűs, Hennings, Merva, and Tóth branches. Their incidental language training and unwavering support have made all of this possible. My mother, Katalin Radway Hegedűs, trained me with the archaeologist’s eye as soon as I could walk. Finally, I owe everything to my family, Jan and Helene Dóra Hennings.

x

Acknowledgments

NOTE ON TR ANSLATION AND TR ANSLITER ATION

I

n a book about people and objects that cross cultural boundaries, there is no elegant way to preserve the idiosyncrasies of early modern orthography. The thorny problem of place-names in eastern and central Europe has no adequate solution. Each geographic location has a different appellation in Hungarian, Turkish, German, Latin, Italian, Slavic, and occasionally even English. Personal names present a similar minefield of linguistic variation. Often, the use of one designation over another communicates a political or cultural judgment. Where a commonly used English equivalent appropriate for the sixteenth century exists, I have used it. Where it does not, I have again chosen to render most place-names in German, with variations listed in the index. Individuals also spelled their names differently each time they wrote them. In keeping with the argument of the book, I have opted to render most names in German, with variations (both linguistic and orthographic) listed in the index. To limit confusion, I have translated all foreign-language terms into English and provided the original in parentheses at first occurrence. For terms in Ottoman Turkish, I have transliterated them according to standard convention, which follows modern Turkish orthography.

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

BnF

Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris

BOA

Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, Istanbul

CBL

Chester Beaty Library, Dublin

HHStA

Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna

IÜK

Istanbul Üniversitesi Nadir Eserler Kütüphanesi, Istanbul

KHM

Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna

ÖNB

Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna

ÖStA

Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Vienna

SKD

Staatlichen Kunstsammlungen, Dresden

SLUB Sächsische Landesbibliothek—Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, Dresden SMK

Statens Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen

TSMK

Topkapı Sarayı müzesi kütüphanesi, Istanbul

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PORTRAITS of

EMPIRES

INTRODUCTION

•

D

uring a period of relative peace bookended by two wars, the two great imperial rivals of sixteenth-century Europe, the Habsburgs and Ottomans, saw a burst of diplomatic activity that paved the way for vibrant crosscultural interactions with lasting repercussions. This book reconstructs the world of a group of Habsburg subjects who lived in sixteenth-century Ottoman Constantinople, using a rich and distinctive set of sources to raise questions about imperial belonging and the artistic practices employed to articulate it. In doing so, it explores how the idea of empire became real through the pens and paintbrushes of people as they lived and experienced it. Pocket-size albums filled with images, quotes, short messages, signatures of friends, and exotic decorated papers were gathered by the men living together with the Habsburg ambassador in what was called the “German House.” The owners and authors of these albums came from all walks of life and from across Habsburg-ruled territories, including modern Austria, Germany, the Czech Republic, and Slovenia, as well as parts of Hungary, Slovakia, Croatia, Romania, Poland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Switzerland, France, and Italy. They include not only ambassadors and noblemen but also scholars, cooks, servants, and stable boys. These men often had professional goals in mind while recording their fleeting social networks and intimate encounters with Ottoman daily life. Such highly personal collections had a profound impact on later visual representations of the Ottoman world, and historians have frequently turned to them as sources on Ottoman dress, architecture, and ceremonial. Yet in the process of collecting the Ottoman world from within its borders, the owners and makers of these albums inadvertently collected and defined themselves in relation to it. This book uncovers and retraces the context in which the albums of the German House served to document, commemorate, and define a society and the complex roles of each individual within and outside of its confines. In doing so, it traces three sixteenth-century developments: (1) the development of alba amicorum and Ottoman costume books of European provenance, (2) the development of an image of the Ottoman world based on direct encounter and observation, and (3) the development of a shared sense of imperial subjecthood in conversation with this Ottoman world. Not one of these developments unfolded in a linear manner. Each was filled with steps forward and backward,

1

with anachronisms and incomplete exchanges, with misunderstood cultural cues and a fair amount of copying from earlier models. Importantly, while the image of the Turk based on direct interaction had a significant impact on later European representations of the Ottomans, the shared notion of imperial belonging attached to it was in a constant state of flux. The images had extraordinarily durable afterlives; the context in which they were created did not. The world brought to life here was radically altered by events in the seventeenth century, most importantly the Thirty Years’ War. These friendship albums, costume books, and decorated paper collections were made between the Treaty of Edirne in 1568 and the outbreak of the Long Turkish War in 1593. In lieu of the large-scale clashes that took place before and after these dates, the quarter century examined here was one of official peace reinforced by the signatures and seals of sovereigns. While diplomatic relations were often strained between the two empires, direct engagement was confined to small-scale raiding in the borderlands. Renewable peace treaties ratified by both the emperor and the sultan represent the crowning achievement of official diplomatic channels in securing stability in the volatile borderlands. This official peace created a remarkable opportunity for hundreds of men from central Europe to travel to Constantinople safely, usually as part of an ambassador’s or envoy’s retinue. The sixteenth-century central European world these men came from was in a state of profound realignment. The Habsburg dynasty was juggling a series of titles and territories it could never truly rule while trying to accumulate more.1 The constellation of courts, cities, and political units that made up this central European empire was marked by confessional diversity and a precarious balance of power that required continuous negotiation. At imperial centers, bureaucratic institutions of governance, like the Aulic War Council (Hofkriegsrat) founded in 1556, were gradually forming and professionalizing. The Habsburg rulers of the Spanish monarchy, who stood at the helm of a global imperial project with a strong Catholic mission, were in the process of disengaging themselves from the interests of their central European cousins (save Burgundy). The Ottoman world they encountered, meanwhile, was at the height of its power. The long reign of Sultan Süleyman the Lawgiver (r. 1520–66) ended with the Empire at the peak of its political, territorial, and military supremacy (fig. 0.1). Süleyman counted among his many achievements an expanded symbolic geography that spanned three continents, the codification of legal culture grounded in Sunni Islam, and the development of a distinct courtly aesthetic. Süleyman’s more sedentary successor, Selim II (r. 1566–74), ruled this enlarged polity mostly from within the palace, relying on networks maintained by his powerful grand vizier, Sokollu Mehmed Pasha (in office 1565–79). The dynamic imperial institutions developed in the first half of the sixteenth century formed a highly functioning system the Habsburgs could only dream of. These institutions thrived, even as Murad  III (r. 1574–95) continued to

2

PORTRAITS OF EMPIRES

rule from his private chambers through a revolving door of courtly favorites. Throughout the period covered in this book, the cosmopolitan world of Ottoman Constantinople drew elites from across the empire into its fold and the ongoing wars in Persia kept its enormous army occupied and its economy stable.2 While later Ottoman historians would classify this period as the beginning of the long decline of the Empire, many European contemporaries marveled at its efficiency and achievements.3 A central element of the treaties between the two empires was the presence of a resident ambassador in Constantinople to maintain a constant flow of communication and the yearly arrival of an extraordinary ambassador to deliver a sum of cash and valuables to the Ottoman court. Ottoman documents referred to this as a tribute payment (haraç), while the Habsburgs euphemistically called it an honorable present (munus honorarium). The inconsistent use of terminology from the beginning suggests that the exact nature of the payment was purposefully left open to interpretation.4 Some scholars describe the yearly payment as a rent-like system, where the Habsburgs transferred 30,000 Hungarian gulden a year to the Ottoman court to maintain control of their

Introduction

Fig. 0.1  Hand-colored map of the Ottoman Empire from the Theatrum Orbis Terrarum by Abraham Ortelius, 1571–84 edition, The Hague, KB, National Library of the Netherlands, KW 1046 B 17, fol. 88av–88br.

3

portion of the Hungarian crown lands (roughly 30 percent of its total territory). Others see the amount as largely symbolic, with the costs of sending the yearly embassy (which included “extraordinary” gifts for the viziers, translators, and informants) far outstripping the actual amount to be paid.5 For their part, the sultans considered the tribute to be a performance of Habsburg submission to nominal Ottoman overlordship. The payments were delivered twenty-one times between 1568 and 1593. Each tribute-carrying mission included a processional entry and audience with the sultan and his viziers, where the gifts of cash and fine objects were put on display.6 Whatever its original character and purpose was in the minds of those who initially negotiated it, when the payment did not arrive in 1592, the Ottomans used its absence to justify a declaration of war the following year. These embassies and gift-giving missions provided central European noblemen and their retinues with an exhilarating opportunity to explore the world of their Ottoman neighbors and bring back stories, objects, and images with which they could enhance their own social prestige. While ambassadors left behind voluminous archives, the full scale of their retinues only occasionally appears in the written record.7 The albums studied in this book add over four hundred further voices to the list of known central European travelers to Ottoman Constantinople, yet it is important to note that a majority of the inhabitants of the German House, particularly those of lower rank, remain nameless.

Sources

A set of extraordinary manuscripts owned by residents of the German House are analyzed in this book (see appendix 1). These material objects are multimedia works on paper that combine elements from friendship albums (alba amicorum or Stammbücher), costume books, and decorated paper collections. These are held in public collections across Europe, the United States, and the Middle East. A handful of volumes remain in private collections. Many have never been published or were hitherto only referenced in specialist literature. More undoubtedly exist. These complicated objects were personal worldmaking projects cherished by their owner-makers. To contextualize them, travelogues and archival documents from the German House and its residents have been consulted. The dozens of published and unpublished travel diaries covering the period studied here need to be approached with caution.8 Their texts often borrowed heavily from earlier narratives, they frequently garbled names, and editors sometimes censored controversial elements before publication.9 Some travel narratives offer exact descriptions of album images, suggesting that they were produced in conversation with visual materials rather than with the world beyond the walls of the German House.10 The archival documents consulted come primarily from the Turcica collection and the Financial Chamber of the Austrian National Archives. These rich materials consist of ambassadorial reports and their attachments as well as petitions and the correspondence of officials from the borderlands.11 Further personal correspondence was consulted for several individuals from the German House in Vienna, Dresden, Budapest, Tübingen, and Nuremberg.

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PORTRAITS OF EMPIRES

These albums and their owners traveled along the overland diplomatic corridor running from Vienna through Buda, Belgrade, and Sofia to Constantinople. This corridor, which facilitated travel, trade, and pilgrimage routes between the two rivals, does not fit neatly into the traditional categories of analysis developed for the study of English, French, and Venetian relations with the Ottomans via the Mediterranean Sea. Neither do the people who moved along it. Many of the historians and art historians who have examined similar objects produced during encounters read them as a shorthand for binary oppositions: East/West, Muslim/Christian, Venetian/Turk, Europe/other. The search for the origins of nineteenth-century Orientalism led many scholars to use a select body of widely known sources to paint a synchronic picture of hostility and misunderstanding between two distinct and opposing cultures. While it has been acknowledged that representational conventions could be appropriated in ways that resist straightforward opposition between Europe and the Orient, arguments maintained that in addition to fostering nostalgia and self-reflection, images were primarily sites of “othering.”12 Efforts coming largely from scholars examining the Ottoman relationship with the Venetian Republic have been most successful in deconstructing the paradigms of East and West altogether.13 Further recent studies have extended these lines of inquiry using new bodies of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century sources to examine the intellectual and artistic entanglements of Constantinople, London, Paris, and the Dutch Republic.14 The Holy Roman Empire’s complicated relationship with its Muslim neighbor—and the sociopolitical entities sandwiched between them—are largely left out of these conversations. Scholarly works that do examine central European-Ottoman relations have done so through the lens of political and military history or have centered on printed media and humanist knowledge production in German-speaking contexts.15 Such studies place little emphasis on direct contacts along and across shared land borders in central and eastern Europe. This book builds on and complicates these existing studies using a body of manuscript sources to examine the commissioning and collecting practices of the individuals who regularly crossed this central European border. Objects challenge dominant narratives of dissimilarity and dissemblance. Most of the scholarly work on art objects used in cross-cultural exchanges between the two empires has focused on gifts.16 More recent research on printed texts and images in central Europe has highlighted how the image of the Turk was multivalent, layered, and relational.17 Again, objects born through Venetian-Ottoman entanglements have proved most useful for scholars interested in disrupting traditional categories.18 Several studies have focused on individual objects dealt with in this book, offering transcriptions and descriptions of specific pages or entire volumes alongside discussions of the possible contexts in which they were created.19 Such foundational works are important because they identify examples and experiment with potential avenues of analysis for these extraordinarily complicated artifacts. Rather than reading albums of the German House as propaganda or projection

Introduction

The Challenge of East, West, and In-between

5

grounds for European fantasies about the exotic East, this book builds on the pioneering articles of Mila Horký, Alicja Borys, and Ulrike Ilg, who sought to connect images in known albums to travel narratives to reconstruct the context in which they were produced.20 The albums need to be understood as part of an intimate process of sustained interaction with the Ottoman world rather than as timeless objects gesturing toward an anonymous and uninformed viewer. This direct personal experience set them apart from the makers of Turcica that scholars have previously used to understand Europe’s image of the Ottoman world. The early date of these interactions reinforces the interpretation that cultures were always in motion, with the circulation of objects and ideas taking place at the same time as intellectual regimes and artistic canons were being defined. The movement and migrations of actors, materials, and techniques led to objects that were deeply entangled in the overlapping cultural spheres of their production.21 This book’s major historiographical intervention, then, is to define a group of objects (many previously unpublished) and locate them in time and place by connecting them to archival sources, thereby weaving new narratives about their owners and makers. It maps out social networks and visual idioms to argue that each type of collector had their own preferred media, stockpile of images, and reasons for creating these paper portraits of empire. Such albums invite scholars to rethink categories and reconceptualize early modern dynamics of patronage, collaboration, provenance, and belonging. They include a mixture of materials, traditions, artistic hands, and practices that defy our modern impulse to categorize both the objects and their makers into neat classifications such as “Western,” “European,” “German,” “Hungarian,” or “Turkish.” And yet, such charged political terms still dominate much of the scholarship and play an important role in pedagogical and museum display practices. The evidence and methods of this book bring us to the pens and easels of those who produced imperial identity, and following these stories leads to a new understanding of empire and belonging in the early modern world.

The Challenge of Subjecthood

The Habsburg-ruled Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation and the contiguous kingdoms that they collected by election, marriage, cunning, and (rarely) force were heterogeneous composite entities in which subjecthood, belonging, and identification were all regularly negotiated against competing legal, social, religious, political, and ethnolinguistic communities. The Empire is usually seen as a disparate collection of unruly territories loosely held together by law and tradition, in which the Habsburg dynasty’s patrimony continually clashed with imperial interests. The region’s fits and starts toward a German modernity were, the story goes, continuously hindered by ineptitude and conservativism in the upper echelons of power. Historians have argued that the Habsburgs’ lack of a “killer instinct” prevented them from molding “their disparate possessions into a viable state.”22 Real power resided

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with the estates, and political, physical, and economic divisions allowed for the development of separate senses of regional loyalty and identity that had little to no reference to the Habsburg dynasty. In short, local power relations and loyalties, even in the period before the rhetoric, reforms, and institutionalization of nation-state building, have been seen as determining factors in the region. This tendency to read early modern empire from the perspective of nineteenth- and twentieth-century state-centered history has been questioned. Still, the history of the Habsburg dynasty and their lands is often written separately from that of the Holy Roman Empire.23 This complicated division is embodied in the contentious naming practices used in secondary literature to describe not just individual units within the imperial project but also the political entity as a whole.24 This has resulted in the early modern Empire being left out of the dynamic theoretical and transnational turns taken by scholars of nineteenth- and twentieth-century central Europe.25 This book uses Empire to refer to the Holy Roman Empire and empire to refer to the broader Habsburg imperial project encompassing the Empire and monarchies accumulated by the dynasty. As the legal status of each individual was ambiguous and such terms were only rarely employed by actors themselves, I have eschewed the use of nation (natio) altogether unless such a layer of belonging was expressly stated by an individual. What was German about the German House? At stake here is the epistemic status of Habsburg-ruled territories. Recent scholarship has argued that the Holy Roman Empire’s elites (and even some commoners) developed a sense of belonging to a shared polity through access to imperial jurisprudence and participation in ceremonial enactments of constitutional relationships through public rituals.26 In Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger’s important analysis, the Empire was constituted and ritually reenacted through ceremonies and procedures by a select group of immediate (Reichsunmittelbare) members.27 It follows, then, that the Empire defined the world of only those who participated in these events as actors or witnesses. It was created and maintained through a series of events and happenings: coronations, formal entries, banquets, firework displays, tournaments, and their memorialization.28 For the far corners of the Holy Roman Empire, scholars have gone so far as to question its existence beyond the written word and its ritualistic performance.29 Peter Wilson’s monumental study offers an extended analysis of the developing sense of belonging for the Empire’s humanists, petty princes, imperial knights, territorial nobles, imperial personnel, learned men, city dwellers, and even rural peasants.30 Joachim Whaley’s nuanced two-volume study of the political traditions, collective historical experience, and identity of the Reich lays out how the anachronistic nation-state-oriented approaches to early modern history have obscured the layered identification practices of the interlocking and overlapping “fatherlands” that united early modern central Europe since 1450. Importantly, Whaley has argued, building on the work of Winfried Schulze, the need for defense against the Ottomans helped “integrate the Reich and

Introduction

7

underlined the Habsburgs’ sense of distinction and difference from it.”31 All of this recent work is essential to understanding the activities and collecting practices of the residents of the German House. Subjecthood remains an elusive issue that even contemporaries could not resolve in legal terms. In general, the notion of citizenship did not develop until the eighteenth century and has proved difficult to study in imperial settings. The term countryman (Landsmann) was used much earlier and seems to have been a loose category that referred to a shared (or a perception of a shared) language, culture, and religion. Importantly, the term countryman seems to have held little meaning in political and legal contexts. Instead, the word used in official texts was subject (Untertan).32 But who exactly was subject of whom or what in the dizzying array of postfeudal structures encompassed by the Empire and its contiguous Habsburg-ruled territories? Were they subjects of the emperor or of the political institutions?33 Could imperial immediacy (Reichsunmittelbarkeit) exist beyond the imperial court? Lauren Benton has argued that at least some early modern legal subjecthood was portable.34 Studies of the invention of passports and identity papers largely confirm this.35 In comparison, Ottoman subjecthood was a well-defined legal status. Ottoman subjects were taxed (or given tax exemptions), had more or less equal access to regional and imperial courts, and participated in community-based structures of governance. Though hierarchies and powerful ruling elites always existed, the ruling elites were called the slaves (kul) of the sultan. Thus, anyone living in a settlement that had been inscribed into a tax register was considered an Ottoman subject. While recent scholarship has complicated this picture by showing how divergent identification practices existed within the Ottoman Empire, the idea of Ottoman subjecthood remains intact.36 Recent scholarship has found the term transimperial to be particularly helpful in dealing with Ottoman subjecthood in the margins of empire. In particular, the works of E. Natalie Rothman on transimperial subjects are central for thinking through individuals who were juridically, commercially, linguistically, and religiously between the Venetian Republic and the Ottoman Empire. She has demonstrated that these individuals engaged in a constant negotiation that defined Venetian and Ottoman subjecthood in relation to each other in spoken words, painted images, and stacks of paperwork created by and for individuals who straddled the two worlds. These individuals served as imperial boundary markers who helped shape notions of alterity.37 Beyond legal jurisdiction, how did contemporaries—when they met in person—reconcile notions of imperial belonging? How did the perceptions and imagination of individuals from the territories of the Habsburg monarchy map onto those loosely held together by the Holy Roman Empire? In other words, how does imperial identification look from the bottom up? How did empire function beyond being a legal entity for the hundreds of displaced central Europeans discussed here? As I argue throughout this book, the residents of the German House did not have the benefit of the historian’s hindsight. For late sixteenth-century contemporaries, the empire was not just the Holy

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Roman Empire but also the Habsburg lands writ large, often rendered under the umbrella term German. They did not know which side would win each disputed political contest. As the map of Europe was being redrawn back home, these individuals lived alongside one another in a single, albeit large, household. Fluid loyalties and complex patronage networks wove back and forth across the lands ruled directly and indirectly by Habsburg sovereigns. They also wove across territories that might be classified on a map of Europe as regions of wishful thinking, where Habsburg attempts at integration clashed with strong local resistance. Protracted wars against Habsburg hegemony in the Netherlands, contentious elections in the Prussian territories of the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth, and family trajectories that bridged the three parts of the Kingdom of Hungary are all examples of contested subjecthood visible in the albums of empire studied here. Throughout this book, I have tried to reflect an actor-centered contemporary understanding of imperial projects by accounting for loyalties that were loosely united by real, nominal, and desired Habsburg rulership. Diplomatic representation in an Ottoman setting dissolved the complexity of the structures of Habsburg-ruled territories, molding them into a single unit. A radical interpretation of this would indicate that being in the German House suspended all other forms of sovereignty. This is a seductive explanation for the unique interactions that took place there, but it is not entirely accurate. While Habsburg rulers and their counselors sought to maintain strict centralized control over resident ambassadors, lines of communication for members of their household remained open in theory. In practice, however, the emperor, archdukes, and Aulic War Council suddenly became responsible for all residents. Therefore, in some ways, everyone in the House enjoyed a curious temporary status as an immediate member of the Empire. There were few contexts in which men from German-speaking Mecklenburg in the North to the Italian-speaking Tyrol in the South and from the Flemish-speaking Southern Netherlands in the West to the Hungarianspeaking Upper Hungary in the East would live under one roof and reflect on what bound them together. This might take place at the court in Vienna or Prague, during an imperial diet in Regensburg, around a fire in a military encampment, or in the halls of a university. However, politics, language, and competition between economic and military interests tended to encourage historical actors to articulate differences rather than search for common experiences. Perhaps a genuine sense of subjecthood could only be realized beyond the borders of Habsburg territories, when groups presented a unified face in a foreign environment. For most of these men, the Habsburg empire existed at the moment of its annunciation in Ottoman Constantinople. It was here that empire became tangible: a place where people lived under the protection of the emperors, Maximilian II and Rudolf II, where they socialized, interceded on behalf of their compatriots, or applied for permission to travel. This is a portrait of empire that only becomes visible when seen from outside its political, social, and cultural boundaries.38 The communities of the German House

Introduction

9

were temporary. The relationships forged in the House were fleeting in nature, suggesting that such a sense of belonging was highly contingent on a set of external factors. However, it is these unique moments of exchange—captured and preserved in the albums studied here—that betrayed what Ann Stoler has called “states of becoming imperial.”39 The consequence of this argument is that there is no single empire, but rather there are many different empires, depending on the context (jurisprudence, imperial sovereignty, political expediency, diplomacy, cultural affiliation, linguistic affiliation, etc.). An important question of terminology remains: What is meant by the word German for contemporaries and for this book? Peter Wilson has argued that several often-antagonistic versions of Germanness existed in early modern language, culture, humanism, and political thought.40 Pieter Judson has shown how Germanness in the nineteenth century derived from a person’s religious practice, their local social position, or their degree of education.41 Both of these approaches factor into the definition employed here. This book takes the implicit and explicit use of the term German as an act of identification with social and legal consequences rather than as a real identity category.42 The German House was a point of convergence for many types of territories: those firmly within the empire, those whose incorporation proved ultimately unsuccessful, and those who never even took part. Though a few individuals preferred to sign in Latin, Italian, French, Hungarian, Spanish, Polish, Czech, or even Ottoman Turkish, an overwhelming majority of signatures—and the socialization that led to them—took place in German. Most entries switch between two or more linguistic registers, and few individuals remained consistent in their signatures across albums. At the same time, entries frequently highlighted a person’s hometown or region of origin. This layered and often-contradictory practice by individuals from all corners of central Europe allows for a reconstruction of a mental geography of Habsburg rule and “Germanness” broadly conceived.

Road Map

The following pages reconstruct this world. Chapter 1 introduces the German House in Constantinople, a centrally located caravansary home to a succession of ambassadors and their diverse households. Chapter 2 introduces the albums of the House and the technical aspects of their production, looking closely at paper, pigments, and workflows. It underscores the transimperial nature of these objects and evidence of Ottoman participation in album making. The following four chapters focus on different social groups residing in the German House and the purposes of the albums they created. Chapter 3 reconstructs the high-end costume books owned by ambassadors, with the help of surviving examples and detailed descriptions of their use in a series of personal letters. These visual materials were first collected as a humanist exercise in the tradition of contemporary European media and then adapted to form practical guidebooks for the career diplomats needing access to accurate information on the Ottoman court and its ceremonial. Chapter 4 explores the collecting practices of staff members, including messengers, secretaries,

10

PORTRAITS OF EMPIRES

and a particularly active master of the kitchens. These men were the central social agents within the House who used their albums to record their diverse encounters. They curated deeply personal collections filled with traces of their Ottoman surroundings, including excerpts of texts in Ottoman Turkish and fine specimens of Ottoman painting and decorated paper. Chapter 5 examines the scholar patrons who used their albums to collect visual and textual materials to expand and record their intellectual networks. These networks focused on the ruins of antiquity, Greek Orthodox elites, and languages. The final chapter addresses the collecting practices of men passing through the House for a short period of time who collected widely and eclectically, often borrowing existing motifs from others. Throughout, it is argued that imperial communities were created and reinforced each time pens touched paper in the German House.

Notes 1. The standard classic on this period is still Evans, Making of the Habsburg Monarchy. 2. Necipoğlu, “Kanun for the State”; Imber, Ottoman Empire; Finkel, Osman’s Dream, 115–95; Hamadeh and Kafescioğlu, Companion to Early Modern Istanbul. 3. Malcolm, Useful Enemies, 229–35; Valensi, “Making of a Political Paradigm,” 178–87. 4. For the sake of consistency, this book refers to resident ambassadors and tribute-carrying envoys, but it should be noted that the terminology employed was inconsistent and occasionally led to disputes about titles and the honor attached to them. On the debates regarding the terms, see the supplication of Dr. Bartholomäus Pezzen from October 21, 1586, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 58, Konv. 1, fol. 200–201. On the treaties themselves, see Radway, “Vernacular Diplomacy,” 41–98. On the seventeenth-century treaties, see Papp, “Az Oszmán Birodalom.” 5. Fichtner, Terror and Toleration, 35; Petritsch, “Tribut oder Ehrengeschenk?” See the register of a tribute payment delegation from 1581 published in Graf, Preis der Diplomatie, 23–26. For a thought-provoking article on the implications of this payment in relation to other tributary states, see Kołodziejczyk, “What Is Inside.” 6. On the rituals of submission and the role of objects, see Rudolph, “Material Culture of Diplomacy.” 7. For a large project seeking to identify all visitors to the Ottoman Empire on the basis of travel narratives, see Müller, Prosopographie der Reisenden und Migranten. 8. Yerasimos, Les voyageurs dans l’Empire Ottoman. 9. Stagl, “Ars Apodemica”; Enenkel and de Jong, Artes Apodemicae and Early Modern Travel Culture. 10. Most apparent in Lubenau, Beschreibung; Schweigger, Reyßbeschreibung. See Kurz, “Turkish Dress,” 285. 11. For useful overviews of the collections, see Neck, “Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv”; Petritsch, “Das österreichische Staatsarchiv”; Fazekas, A Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv.

Introduction

11

12. B. Wilson, “Reflecting on the Turk”; Schick, “Ottoman Costume Albums,” 626–27; Schick, “Place of Dress”; Jezernik, Imagining “the Turk”; Balkış, “Defining the Turk”; Soykut, Image of the “Turk” in Italy. 13. Dursteler, Venetians in Constantinople; Rothman, Brokering Empire; Rothman, “Visualizing a Space of Encounter.” 14. Ghobrial, Whispers of Cities; Swan, Rarities of These Lands; Trivellato, Familiarity of Strangers; Renda, “Changing Images.” 15. Tracy, Balkan Wars; Marin, Contested Frontiers; Fichtner, Terror and Toleration. 16. Reindl-Kiel, “Power and Submission”; Keating, Animating Empire, 77–93. Scholarship on gift giving has also developed in important ways on the understudied eastern borderlands of the Ottoman Empire. See Casale, “Iconography of the Gift.” 17. Johnson, Cultural Hierarchy in Sixteenth-Century Europe; Smith, Images of Islam; Silver, “East Is East.” 18. Necipoğlu, “Visual Cosmopolitanism”; Fetvacı, “From Print to Trace.” For an important exhibition that included central Europe, see the catalog Born, Dziewulski, and Messling, Sultan’s World. 19. Stichel, “Das Bremer Album”; Kurras, “Zwei österreichische Adelige”; Szakály, Szigetvári Csöbör Balázs; Haase, “Ottoman Costume Album”; Penkert, “Zur systematischen Untersuchung”; Ryantová, “Za splněním křesťanské povinnosti”; Skilliter, Life in Istanbul; Nefedova, Bartholomäus Schachman. 20. Horký, “Erinnerungen an Konstantinopel”; Borys, “Erzwungene Isolation”; Ilg, “Bebilderte Reiseberichte.” 21. Bevilacqua and Pfeifer, “Culture in Motion”; Kaufmann, Dossin, and JoyeuxPrunel, “Introduction,” 14–16; Findlen, Early Modern Things. 22. Ingrao, Habsburg Monarchy, 19. 23. This is pointed out in several recent studies, including Winkelbauer, “Separation and Symbiosis”; Rauscher, Kriegführung und Staatsfinanzen. 24. Niessen, “Records of Empire, Monarchy, or Nation.” 25. For example, Judson, Habsburg Empire. 26. For example, Stollberg-Rilinger, Emperor’s Old Clothes. 27. Most succinctly covered in Stollberg-Rilinger, The Holy Roman Empire. 28. Rudolph, Das Reich als Ereignis. 29. Krischer, “Conclusion: New Directions.” 30. P. Wilson, Holy Roman Empire, 355–61. 31. Whaley, Germany and the Holy Roman Empire, 24, 372–82; Schulze, Reich und Türkengefahr. 32. Imperial citizenship has been studied for the long nineteenth century in Great Britain, which built on notions derived from the study of classical antiquity. Gorman, Imperial Citizenship. For subjecthood, see Cerman, “Untertanen, Herrschaft und Staat.” 33. The process of subjectification, in which “the political subject was normalized and states became compulsory associations into which one was born without the need to give active allegiance, and from which there were but a few ways out,” has been examined in English legal history. Carvalho, “Making of the Political Subject,” 59. 34. Benton, Search for Sovereignty, 279–99. 35. Torpey, Invention of the Passport; Groebner, Who Are You.

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36. Faroqhi, Subjects of the Sultan; Smiley, “Freeing”; Apellániz, “Ottoman Legal Attitudes.” 37. To list just a few examples, see Rothman, Brokering Empire; Rothman, “SelfFashioning”; Rothman, “Contested Subjecthood.” 38. A similar argument has been made for a group of three thousand migrants from the Holy Roman Empire to colonial New York in 1709, who Philip Otterness argued only became “German” in the experience of collective identity formation during this dislocation. Otterness, Becoming German. 39. Stoler, “Considerations on Imperial Comparisons,” 40. 40. P. Wilson, Holy Roman Empire, 324–36. 41. Judson, “Changing Meanings of ‘German.’” 42. Le Page and Tabouret-Keller, Acts of Identity; Groebner, Who Are You, 65–94.

Introduction

13

1 •

THE GERMAN HOUSE IN CONSTANTINOPLE

Hic madidi fratres spumantia pocula siccant. Atque bibunt plenis vina Palorma cadis.1 Here drunken friends drain the foaming cup, and drink Palormian wine from full pitchers.

T

he German House was a two-story caravansary situated across the street from Atik Ali Pasha Mosque and the Column of Constantine (Çemberlitaş) on the main thoroughfare of Ottoman Constantinople, the Divan Yolu (fig. 1.1). From the 1550s through 1593, it served as the residence of Habsburg ambassadors and their large retinues. Unlike the Venetian and French diplomats who resided across the Golden Horn in Galata or the English agent who lived even farther away in Beyoğlu, the house of the Habsburg resident ambassador was located inside the walls of the ancient capital city alongside the houses of other tribute-paying representatives. This included the Transylvanian House, which was a smaller run-down residence a few miles farther from the palace in the predominantly Jewish district of Balat, not far from the houses reserved for Wallachian and Moldavian agents.2 Within this environment, the German House was the most prominently placed residence situated within a mile of the Topkapı Palace. The proximity of the German House to the heart of Ottoman administrative, religious, and social life was a strategic move on the part of Ottoman officials, who paid rental fees to the charitable endowment (waqf) that ran the building. Its position in the urban center underscores the important role of the Habsburg rivalry in Ottoman imperial ideology and diplomatic praxis in the sixteenth century.3 Ottoman officials thwarted several attempts by the ambassadors to leave the House and relocate. Only with the express permission of the sultan

14

after drawn-out negotiations could an ambassador and his retinue temporarily move to escape the ravages of the plague in 1587 and 1590.4 The provisioning of housing and food for guest ambassadors by their hosts was a central element of premodern diplomatic praxis that the Ottomans followed selectively.5 The House’s location allowed for Ottoman surveillance and control of the Habsburg representatives’ movements, communication, and lines of sight. Within this environment, residents’ relationship with the city and its inhabitants was heavily mediated, defined by evolving sets of limitations imposed by the Ottoman court. At times they were free to meet with the patriarch of the Greek Orthodox Church (discussed in chap. 5) or explore the sultan’s menagerie on the Hippodrome and go on boating excursions (discussed in chap. 6). At other times, they were confined indoors, with the windows serving as their main point of access to the Ottoman world. This meant that residents had limited contact with Ottoman elites and did not directly participate in the dynamic forms of Ottoman sociability that characterized Constantinople in the late sixteenth century.6 They did, however, regularly have a view onto the new public forms of expression, spectacle, and encounter that emerged in Constantinople in the 1580s, which dramatically increased the visibility of urban dwellers.7

The German House in Constantinople

Fig. 1.1  Location of the German House on a map of Constantinople. Matrakçı Nasuh, Beyan-ı Menazil-i Sefer-i Irakeyn-i Sultan Süleyman, c. 1537, IÜK, ms. 5964, fol. 8b–9a.

15

Facing top, Fig. 1.2  View from the German House looking south across the neighboring rooftops. Melchior Lorck, 1556–57, SMK, inv. no. KKSgb4625. Facing bottom, Fig. 1.3  View of the German House facing north with the Column of Constantine visible behind it. Antiquariat Inlibris, Vienna, BRACLE, fol. 55r.

The bustling street below served as the main access road to the Topkapı Palace and functioned as a processional route between it and several important destinations in town: Sultan Süleyman’s Mosque, the old imperial palace, and the main entrance to the city.8 This meant that inhabitants regularly had a view onto ceremonial entries and celebratory departures, processions, and the movement of captives and soldiers between the palace and the Balkan hinterlands. They also witnessed guild processions, performances, increasingly engaged urban crowds, and even social unrest.9 Notes on such events as they were observed from the windows of the German House appear throughout travel narratives and ambassadorial reports and figure prominently in visual representations made there. Such controlled views allowed Ottomans to stage imperial self-portraits that were then translated onto sheets of paper gathered in the albums studied in this book. Historians have long known about the location of the German House and its importance for the history of Habsburg-Ottoman diplomacy. Though the building was repurposed in the mid-seventeenth century and was torn down in the nineteenth century, several generations of its inhabitants recorded it in both word and image.10 Its significance as a center for the production and exchange of the mixed-media albums that this book explores warrants an extended analysis of the structure and its residents. This chapter uses travel narratives and artistic renderings from albums to reconstruct the German House’s layout and interiors. Following a detailed overview of the building, the chapter surveys the wide range of men who called it home. The House served as an important nexus of identification for its temporarily displaced inhabitants. The building was a microcosm of a Habsburg empire that was in a perpetual state of formation, and important shifts in imperial ideology and political strategy are visible from it. Such shifts include the dynasty’s turn from attempts to integrate Spain and the Netherlands in its imperial vision toward an effort to consolidate and claim further territories to the east of the Holy Roman Empire in Bohemia, Hungary, and Poland-Lithuania.

The Building

The earliest detailed description of the German House appears in the travelogue of Hans Dernschwam (d. 1568), a retired agent of the Fugger banking family traveling on his own costs in the retinue of the treaty-negotiating embassy of 1553–55.11 The building followed the plans of a typical Ottoman inn, with stables and storage occupying the ground floor and with living quarters above, all situated around an open-air courtyard. The two floors were connected by two separate staircases of twenty-one steps each that opened from either side of the hall by the entrance. Each of the forty-two rooms on the upper story had its own stove and pair of windows, one with iron grating looking out onto the city streets and the other opening onto the gallery overlooking the courtyard. A window-like door frame connected each room with the rooms on either side. Dernschwam complained about the bare stone walls and the rats, mice, lizards, and snakes with which he and his companions shared their rooms. Reinforcing his stark description of the embassy’s prisonlike

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Above, Fig. 1.4  The German House, from Salomon Schweigger’s published travelogue, Ein newe Reyßbeschreibung auß Teutschland nach Constantinopel und Jerusalem (Nuremberg: Lantzenberger, 1608), 52. Facing, Fig. 1.5  View of the German House. ÖNB 8615, fol. 140r.

18

accommodations, he recounts that the building was once used to house over six thousand captives, who were piled inside so tightly that they left graffiti on every surface, including the vaulted ceilings.12 Whenever diplomatic relations took a turn for the worse, the building’s prisonlike character reemerged. At its most extreme moments, Ottoman officials would lock the gates and board up the windows facing the street.13 Once, in 1587, the charitable endowment administrator (mütevelli) even threatened to build a wooden mosque in the building’s spacious courtyard the moment the resident ambassador left the building, which would have put the entire household in an impossible situation, legally unable to return to the House and lacking the court’s permission to leave the city.14 Ambassador Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq (d. 1592), under house arrest in the building between January 1556 and August 1557, left a slightly more favorable description of the residence in his Turkish Letters. Though he too complained of the unwelcome vermin, Busbecq likened the rooms to the cells of a monastery and commented on the healthy breezes and beautiful views of the sea.15 This view was recorded by the artist Melchior Lorck (d. after 1583) in a remarkable drawing looking south over the neighboring rooftops toward the Sea of Marmara (fig. 1.2). With the charming detail of his neighbors making love on the open-air balcony to the left, Lorck hinted at the limited amusements available to Busbecq’s bored retinue. The earliest-known depiction of the German House itself appears in a series of costume album images bound together with an eighteenth-century copy of the travelogue of the medical doctor Jacques de Bracle from 1570 (fig. 1.3). The sketch is the only image of the House before the construction work undertaken in 1576, when resident ambassador David Ungnad (d. 1600) had new kitchens built in the courtyard and his own quarters on the second floor renovated. A stylized view of the building (fig. 1.4) and a description of these renovations appear in the travel narrative of Salomon Schweigger (d. 1622), the Lutheran chaplain in the retinue of Ungnad’s successor, Joachim von Sinzendorff (d. 1594). The ambassador’s quarters (A) are on the second floor and are marked by a row of glass windows. The corresponding text explains that Ungnad had a fine dining hall built from his own private funds.16 Along the street, four seated craftsmen work in niches: a tailor, a horseshoe smith, a shoemaker, and a turban maker. A single turbaned agent-messenger (çavuş) stands guard by the entryway while a man leads a horse into the ground-floor

PORTRAITS OF EMPIRES

The German House in Constantinople

19

Above, Fig. 1.6  The German House from inside the courtyard facing north. WEHME SKD, fig. 7. © KupferstichKabinett, SKD, Photographer: Herbert Boswank. Facing, Fig. 1.7  The German House from inside the courtyard facing south. ÖNB 8615, fol. 141r.

20

stables. On the second floor of the building, looking out over the courtyard and directly at the viewer stands Salomon Schweigger himself. Schweigger’s print is closely related to a series of images made for resident ambassador David Ungnad’s illustrated handbook, which he referred to as his Turkish Book (türgkhishes Puech). This lost manuscript is known through several surviving copies, which will be discussed in detail in chapter 3.17 The first depiction shows the facade and a tilted bird’s-eye view of the two-story building (fig. 1.5). The skewed perspective allows the viewer to see both the activity by the entrance of the residence and the colonnaded courtyard covered by a roof of small lead domes, each with its own chimney. The figures by the gate are labeled: (397) a messenger who always sits by the door, (398) janissaries attending to the House, (399) a blacksmith who makes horseshoes without any fire, and (400) a Jewish money changer. To the right of the building is (403) a “Turk who carries water inside a leather skin.” The second image (fig. 1.6) shows the interior courtyard of the building, as drawn from the second-floor gallery. The courtyard contains four small trees and a well. A brown heap of refuse in the corner hints at the poor state of sanitary conditions in the building. The third image (fig. 1.7) shows the House with the neighboring mosque and the column visible beyond its roof. The courtyard is full of action: (408) two small figures in yellow caps are busy slaughtering a sheep, (409) and a man

PORTRAITS OF EMPIRES

The German House in Constantinople

21

stands by the well with a water-carrying horse. The artist further identifies the (410 and 411) kitchens, (412) stables, (413) Column of Constantine, and (415) neighboring mosque. The apothecary from the Prussian city of Königsberg (now Kaliningrad, Russia), Rheinhold Lubenau (d. 1631), devotes a whole chapter of his travel narrative to describing the building in 1587–88. In addition to recycling many of the details mentioned above, he explains the division of rooms and even reproduces some of the painted inscriptions on the walls of the dining hall. On the upper story, several men had separate chambers so they could practice their trades: the translators, the barber, the Hungarian tailor, the goldsmith, the clockmaker, the Jesuit priest, the apothecary, and the artist. There was also a room where an imam provided lessons in Ottoman Turkish for two hours a day to all those interested. The ambassador himself occupied three stately chambers with sea views and plastered walls. Nearby were two rooms used as a chancellery and two used for storage, as well as a fully equipped chapel with an altar and silver liturgical accessories. Three rooms were reserved for the tribute-carrying delegates. The remaining chambers were divided up among the rest of the retinue and slept between two and four men at a time.18 In the fine dining hall built by Ambassador Ungnad stood a long table, a decorative cabinet, a musical instrument (Clafzimbahl) that was regularly played in the evenings, and several frescoed inscriptions. A dedication to Rudolf II with his coat of arms and motto was prominently placed over the door to the chancellery: 15. A. A. G. W. 76. M. D. LXXVI. All things are the will of God. (Imperial coat of arms) Rudolf II, By the grace of God, Roman Emperor Eternal King of Hungary, Bohemia, etc. Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy. For harmony makes small states great, While discord undermines the mightiest empires Live as worshippers of Christ, peacefully, live as brothers, None can divide combined forces.19

Both the structure and the content of this inscription are significant. It reproduces the format of an album amicorum signature: an abbreviated adage, a date, a motto, a coat of arms, a name followed by titles, and quotations from widely read classical texts.20 This meant that those viewing the inscription would have felt a personal connection with the emperor. Equally important were the messages of the two chosen quotations: there is strength in unity. Lubenau’s narrative has further notes on inscriptions left by several ambassadors, all of which prominently display loyalty to the Habsburg rulers of the

22

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Holy Roman Empire.21 In a house filled with an extraordinarily diverse range of individuals, the prominent display of allegiance to empire should not be taken for granted. The message was clear for the viewers sitting around the dining table: “You, dear reader, are a part of this imperial project. Do not forget this.” So, just who exactly was the audience for these inscriptions? The sources examined in the present book indicate that more than nine hundred different men occupied the forty-two rooms on the upper story at some point between 1568 and 1593, when albums were circulating within its walls. They ranged in age from as young as nine to well over fifty and fall into three broad categories: those who lived and worked in the House for longer periods of time in an official or unofficial capacity, those who arrived with the yearly tribute payment and remained for up to four months, and those who stopped by for a short period (anywhere from three days to several months) either on their way to the eastern Mediterranean or as released captives waiting to return home. Each of these groups had a different relationship with the House and its immediate environment. The following pages survey the range of men with a focus on their professional, geographic, linguistic, and confessional diversity. Between 1568 and 1593, eight different resident ambassadors served as the heads of this diverse household. The high-profile post, formally established with a peace treaty in 1547, was underpaid and extraordinarily difficult. It required a man with an adventurous spirit, excellent health, secure social standing, and solid financial footing back home. The linguistic, political, and confessional requirements of the ambassadorship shifted over the years, as the realities of Habsburg rule morphed from the universal dream of the first half of the sixteenth century to the acceptance of a more fragmented reality near the end of the century. The title of the position itself, and thereby its associated prestige, was regularly disputed.22 The first ambassador was the former secretary Albert de Wyss, from Amersfoort near Utrecht in the Habsburg Netherlands. Wyss had been in the post since 1562, originally as an interim office holder awaiting a successor who never arrived. In 1569, preparations finally began to commission a new resident ambassador. Nearing the end of his unusually long tenure—which saw the negotiation of three peace treaties, one major military conflict at Szigetvár, and the generational shift from the era of Emperor Ferdinand I and Sultan Süleyman to that of Maximilian II and Selim II—Wyss suddenly died after a bout of fever. He left behind a small but disorganized household and high debts.23 His replacement was another Flemish diplomat, Karl Rym, whose tenure from 1570 to 1574 was the first to be uninterrupted by open warfare between the two empires. Rym brought with himself a significant retinue and quickly reorganized and professionalized the operations of the German House. Rym was followed by a series of central European noblemen. David Ungnad von Sonnegg, resident ambassador between 1573 and 1578, was a Lutheran baron from Carinthia who had studied in Wittenberg and was uniquely gifted

The German House in Constantinople

Inhabitants of the German House

23

with languages. On his return, he continued to serve Rudolf II as a key adviser, eventually becoming president of the Aulic War Council. Ungnad was followed by a succession of three men from Lower Austria. The first was Joachim von Sinzendorff, a Lutheran nobleman with a flair for dramatic misunderstandings, who served between 1578 and 1580. Following several missteps, he was replaced by Friedrich Breuner, a Catholic, who remained in the post until August 1583, when he suddenly died after falling from his horse. The final Lower Austrian nobleman to fill the post was the Lutheran Paul von Eytzing (1583–87), who was delivering the tribute when Breuner died. Eytzing was then replaced by the longtime secretary of the embassy, the Catholic Tyrolean, Bartholomäus Pezzen (1587–92). Pezzen had ten years of experience in Constantinople and could converse directly with officials in Ottoman Turkish. Nevertheless, he encountered many problems within his own household. The final resident ambassador of the sixteenth century was the Silesian nobleman and recent Catholic convert Friedrich von Kreckwitz, who served from 1591 until his imprisonment at the outbreak of the Long Turkish War in 1593. He later died in captivity.24 These men were supported by an ever-increasing household of staff and retinue members. For the daily bureaucratic activities of the embassy, ambassadors employed several scribes, secretaries, cipher-writing experts, and messengers. Because of the amount of specialized knowledge required to successfully fill these positions, the careers of several men spanned decades. Some of the longest-serving secretaries and cipher writers included Ambrosius Schmeisser of Silesia, Paulus Rosa of the Upper Hungarian mining town of Kremnitz (Kremnica, Slovakia), and Nicholas Haunold from the Silesian city of Breslau (Wrocław, Poland).25 The difficult work of translation was entrusted to a group of hired and appointed agents known as dragomans who generally lived outside the German House. These men, who nevertheless dined regularly in the building, were important go-betweens in the city and often represented the ambassador in daily interactions with Ottoman officials, even negotiating on their behalf.26 The Ottoman-court-appointed “House Dragoman” was generally a Muslim convert born in central Europe with loyalties that wove in several directions.27 In the second half of the sixteenth century, the post was filled by Mahmud Bey (d. 1574, born Sebald Pibrach, the son of a Jewish grocer from Vienna), Murad Bey (d. circa 1587, born Balázs Somlyai from the Transylvanian town of Nagybánya, today Baia Mare, Romania), and Ali Bey (d. 1588, born Melchior von Tierberg from Friedberg in der Wetterau near Frankfurt am Main).28 To complement the work of these court-appointed Muslim converts, ambassadors also hired Christian dragomans from Galata, many of whom joined the household during an extensive training period: Domenico Zeffi (d. 1585) and his son Augerio Zeffi (served at least through 1593), Jacomo de Ghe (d. 1586), Nicolo Peria (served at least through 1588), and Matthias del Faro (d. 1608). Of these men, only the younger Zeffi permanently resided in the House. In an effort to build up their own corps of trustworthy translators with uncompromising

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loyalty to the emperor, the Habsburg court sent several young men, like Nicolo Serin (served c. 1570–88), to study Ottoman Turkish in the House.29 The number of servants depended on the self-importance of the ambassador. Most brought along a team of young noblemen to fill various ceremonial roles. Very often, families would send siblings in pairs or in succession with the hope of securing them a position at the court in Vienna or Prague on their return. These men were usually teenage third or fourth sons of large families. Some of the most prominent families to provide staff and retinue members included the Fernberger von Eggenberg, Greyssen zu Wald, Haiden von Dorff, Hanniwald von Eckersdorff, von Herberstein, von Minkwitz, von Mitrowitz, and von Seidlitz. To support the health and well-being of residents, ambassadors usually arrived with their own physician, apothecary, barber, and tailor, who would provide for the entire household on the emperor’s dime. The ground-floor stables were staffed with several groomsmen and carriage boys. In addition to a large number of horses, they also housed pigs, chickens, sheep, and deer for special feasts. In his description of the circumcision festivities of 1582, one resident records how a pig was taken from the House to fight three lions and managed to escape.30 According to Lubenau, there was even a bear kept in the stables, which explains its presence in the busy courtyard in the copies of Ungnad’s albums (fig. 1.7).31 The size of the kitchen and wait staff grew in correlation with the rest of the retinue and often included one master of the kitchens, several cooks, a small group of assistants, a master of the wine cellar, and a procurer. In 1587, the ambassador orchestrated the escape of a newly arrived captive baker. He then built a separate oven to provide the House with daily fresh “bread in the manner of the Germans.”32 Further groups of entertainers and artisans rounded out the embassy, including musicians, clockmakers, goldsmiths, ironsmiths, and artists. These men were joined by a series of special envoys for sensitive negotiations, discussions of border violations, and the delivery of a yearly controversial fixed sum of money stipulated in the peace treaties. Treaty negotiators and tribute-carrying envoys arrived with their own smaller households. The most detailed list of a full retinue accompanying a tribute-carrying delegate, with notes on its diversity, can be found in the travel narrative of Wolfgang Andreas von Steinach from 1583. The list includes over seventy men, each registered alongside the author’s understanding of his place of origin: Austria, Carniola, Styria, Tyrol, Augsburg, Franconia, Mecklenburg, the Netherlands, Bohemia, Silesia, Prussia, and Hungary.33 These retinues were subordinated under the authority of the resident ambassador. So too were the traveling individuals waiting for signed passports and safe transportation. Finally, there were dinner guests, some of whom attended the “open table” of the ambassador during periods of relaxed control by Ottoman officials. Such guests included foreign agents on friendly terms with the ambassador, like the Venetian diplomat (bailo) and his staff, the Polish ambassador, and Ragusan agents. Several Italian-speaking merchants residing in Galata also

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appear as guests in travelogues from the 1570s.34 Most of these men left traces in the albums studied here.

Protestants and Catholics under One Roof

Confessional diversity had always played an important role in the German House, reflecting the heterogenous nature of Habsburg-ruled territories as a whole. Its chapel held daily services according to the preferences of the resident ambassador. Travelogues indicate that staunch Catholics and proselytizing Lutherans regularly lived alongside more radical Protestants and even the occasional agnostic.35 With the exception of one controversial series of discussions held in 1580 with the leaders of the Greek Orthodox Church, this confessional plurality was not considered important enough to enter any ambassadorial reports.36 Before April 1570, the building was served by a Franciscan chaplain from the Catholic community in Galata, named Giovanni Baptista Zeffi. Zeffi, whose brother and nephew were dragomans in the House, attended more to information gathering than to the spiritual needs of the confessionally ambiguous household he served. His disappearance in April 1570 led to a temporary collapse of intelligence and communication networks.37 Sources are unclear about whom Ambassador Rym and his retinue relied on for spiritual care between Zeffi’s disappearance and the arrival of the Lutheran chaplain Stephan Gerlach in 1573 with the new resident ambassador, Ungnad. Gerlach and his successor, Salomon Schweigger (chaplain of Ambassador Sinzendorff), were members of Lutheran-humanist circles based in Tübingen.38 The next Catholic ambassador, Breuner, set out without his own chaplain and attempted to attend Mass in Galata, presumably at the Church of Saint Francis, but this opened the door to precedence squabbles with the ambassador of France. These arguments reemerged from time to time and eventually led to the temporary closure of several churches and a threat from Sultan Murad III that all would be converted into mosques.39 When Breuner died, he was buried together with another former ambassador, Albert Wyss, in the Galata Church of Saint Francis.40 His replacement, Eytzing, had brought along a Lutheran chaplain named Zacharias Sturm. Sturm, who had studied in Leipzig, was less active in scholarly communities than his more illustrious predecessors connected with Tübingen had been.41 When the Catholic former secretary Pezzen took over the post in 1587, he came with a Jesuit confessor named Johann Sartorius.42 Finally, the freshly converted Catholic ambassador Kreckwitz brought along a chaplain named Johann Winorza.43 Most ambassadors took a pragmatic approach to their confessionally diverse households, in line with the irenicism of the intellectual elite at the court in Vienna in the 1570s. However, by the 1580s, the Counter-Reformation was slowly changing the confessional landscape of central Europe, and Rudolf II began requesting Catholic ambassadors.44 Around this time, confessional tensions also began to appear in reports and diaries from the House. In 1585, the resident ambassador reported that the priests of Galata refused to perform the burial of Georg Hartman von Liechtenstein because he had not confessed (presumably since his arrival in the city) or received a last Communion.45 In

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1588, the tribute-carrying delegation led by Karl Tettauer von Tettau clashed repeatedly with resident ambassador Bartholomäus Pezzen about the latter’s insistence that all members of the household partake in Catholic Mass regardless of their confession.46 Though Pezzen’s efforts to unite his household under one confessional banner had less to do with belief than with the representational power of a large retinue, his repeated problems with Protestants point to his unwillingness to accommodate plurality. That same year, after a row with Pezzen over his wages, a Lutheran apothecary temporarily moved into the English House in Beyoğlu.47 Two notable absences from the German House deserve mention: women and merchants. The lack of women in the House was not surprising, given the diplomatic context, long journey, and stark living conditions. Though wives and daughters of ambassadors are recorded in the English and Dutch embassies as early as the late seventeenth century, women do not appear in the records of the German House.48 Women rarely even visited the building, though it seems that hired local Jewish women in prominent social positions carried out some intelligence work. These female networks of sociability may have played a limited role in collecting visual materials for albums, but no women appear as residents or in signatures gathered in the House in Constantinople. This led to the German House’s uniquely homosocial environment. All daily activities (eating, drinking, sightseeing, and daydreaming) were performed in the company of relatively large groups of men.49 The lack of merchants in the German House is more difficult to account for. Arbitration on behalf of merchant communities made up a significant portion of work for the Venetian diplomats. The English and Florentine agents were often merchants themselves. Ambassadorial reports mentioned further groups of Polish, Jewish, Russian, and Armenian merchants with regular activity in Galata. The German House, however, had remarkably few interactions with merchants who might be considered subjects of the Habsburg emperor. In his travel narrative, Stephan Gerlach explained that Flemish and German merchants needed to be cautious and avoid contact with the ambassador lest they anger Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha.50 Smaller purchasing tours were occasionally undertaken by individuals on behalf of imperial princes, but large-scale trade between the empires was confined to the borderlands.51 Importantly, the peace treaties signed between the emperor and the sultan in the sixteenth century did not include any blanket trade agreements like the commercial treaties (ahdnames) exchanged with the English, French, and later Dutch representatives.52 The small community of German-speaking merchants and goldsmiths living in Galata likely made every effort to distance themselves from the restrictions that would have been imposed on their activities if they had been identified with the Habsburg ambassador. A single prominent exception was the Flemish merchant Karl Helman, who offered to lend the full cost of a tribute payment to the ambassador in 1587. Just before the outbreak of the Long Turkish War, an unnamed “German

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merchant” (possibly Helman again) served as an intermediary in talks with an Ottoman official. Helman came from a merchant family with activities centered in Venice and networks that spread across Europe.53 He specialized in the trade of semiprecious stones and jewels, and a group of German-speaking central European goldsmiths living in Galata probably were connected to Helman’s activities. This group included Peter Alert “from Stettin in Pommern” and Hans Halepage “from Mecklenburg,” both of whom signed albums in the German House in 1587.54 These men resided in Galata, unlike their fellow Pomeranians and Mecklenburgians who lived in the German House, proving that personal trajectories occasionally brought individuals to the Ottoman capital entirely outside the context of the Habsburg court’s missions.

Experiences

The circumstances that led each individual to undertake the journey differed, as did their deeply personal relationship with the time they spent in the German House. For some, the stay was a formative experience that set the direction of the rest of their lives. A successful stint in the House could lead to a lifelong salaried position in a court back home. For others, it became an intimate memory to be cherished. For a few men, it was a burden that left them scarred, emotionally, physically, and financially. Such feelings often existed simultaneously. David Ungnad, who made a marvelous career from the knowledge he gathered during his years of service in the German House, once wrote that the more he thought about it, the more he realized how little he enjoyed his life among the Turks.55 Other residents adopted the rhetoric of exile to describe their experiences.56 Meanwhile, some men dwelled in the House for extended periods of time against the will of their family. Bartholomäus Pezzen’s dying parents threatened to disown him if he did not return home immediately.57 Resident ambassadors regularly wrote to ask when their replacements would be sent so they could return home. Several dozen individuals paid for the journey with their lives. The most common cause of death was the plague, which ravaged Constantinople in 1570 and in several consecutive waves between 1582 and 1592. Violent deaths occasionally occurred as well. A note in an album commemorated the death of Doctor Stephan Plachirny, who died “after he received a stab in the ribs with a Turkish mace and hid the wound, and was seized by pneumonia.”58

The German House as a Microcosm of Empire

At any given time, one could hear Latin and German alongside Hungarian, Czech, Polish, Italian, Serbo-Croatian, Dutch, French, and Spanish in the courtyard of the German House. This veritable Habsburg Babylon was a microcosm of the late sixteenth-century imperial myth. It embodied the dream, or, for many historians, the delusion, of a central European Christian monarchy under one ruler. This ambitious mentality (with modest returns) would continue to dominate central European religious and intellectual circles well into the baroque period.59 Yet the dream was far from reality. The late sixteenth century was a period of profound transformation in political,

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cultural, and legal spheres across Habsburg Europe. Several shifts in imperial posturing that attempted to redraw the political map of Europe were tangible from within the German House: the increasing divisions between the central European and Spanish branches of the Habsburg dynasty, the outbreak of a protracted war in the Netherlands against integrative forces, and a new concentration on collecting lands and loyalties to the east of the Holy Roman Empire in Bohemia, Hungary, and Poland-Lithuania. Each of these is discussed below with reference to the House. A survey of the residents and diplomatic activities of the German House reveals remarkably little interaction with the subjects of the Spanish crown. Rudolf II and his brother Archduke Ernst spent eight years at the court of their cousin Philip II, and that experience has often been cited as a reason for their steadfast adherence to Catholic piety, even when a majority of their own courtiers were Protestants.60 Signs of strains in the relationship between the junior and senior branches of the Habsburg family were already visible in the 1520s, and by midcentury their courts were divided by physical distance, access to financial resources, and a critical divergence in ideology. This growing division can be seen in the activities of ambassadors, who stopped negotiating on behalf of Spain in the 1550s.61 In the 1560s, resident ambassador Albert de Wyss wrote several of his personal letters in Spanish, indicating that though he was the head of the household at the German House, he did not actually speak any German. Official reports of his successor, also from the Habsburg Netherlands, remained in Latin until the arrival of the Austrian nobleman David Ungnad in 1573, when the language of the reports switched to German. Around the same time, petitions submitted to the emperor by Spanish captives dwindled.62 Though resident ambassadors continued to support Spanish interests with their intelligence networks, they only did so when it was strategically convenient.63 After 1570, imperial ambassadors began to spy on the Spanish agents at the Sublime Porte. Importantly, these agents did not reside in the German House but often lodged elsewhere in the city during their short stays.64 This division would only become permanently recognized in the seventeenth century.65 The late sixteenth century was also a period in which divisions grew and eventually calcified between the Southern Netherlands and the Holy Roman Empire. The Dutch Revolt against Spanish Habsburg rule began in 1566 and only ended definitively with the Treaty of Münster at the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. The imperial, monarchical, and local loyalties of individuals from the Habsburg Netherlands are often difficult to reconcile with their entangled legal statuses and the nationally rooted historiographies that have hitherto addressed them. Though many were under Spanish Habsburg rule, their lands and cities bordered on and at times were legally integrated with the Holy Roman Empire of the central European Habsburgs.66 For each group claiming to represent the interest of a city or region in their fight against Habsburg hegemony, there was another that allied itself with the German or Spanish

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branch of the dynasty. The Dutch Revolt left a subtle mark on the House. Long before the first independent Dutch embassy to Constantinople, led by Cornelius Haga in 1612, dozens of men from the Southern Netherlands lived in the German House.67 Many, like Ambassador Karl Rym, were embedded in long-standing patronage networks. Before his departure for Constantinople, Ambassador Rym was elevated to the status of free imperial knight, and after his return, he continued to serve the central European Habsburgs in various positions but always kept a foot in local networks. Rym’s two younger brothers, Jodocus and Levin, as well as his brother-in-law Philibert de Bruxelles, also spent time in the German House.68 Other Netherlanders from the House require further study but were likely entangled in the matrix of Habsburg patronage and loyalty that stretched across the continent. These include Levin Dolens van Theidt, Wilhelm von Flodroff, Baptista van der Muelen from Mechelen, Anton Bertius of Leuven, and many more. Their sheer numbers reveal that individual ties of patronage and loyalty continued to exist well after the outbreak of the Dutch Revolt. Interesting parallels exist between these men and the Netherlandish artists circulating in central Europe at the same time.69 While the Southern Netherlands were in the process of disentangling themselves from Habsburg structures of rule, the central European Habsburgs set their eyes on the expansion into and consolidation of power in territories to the east of the Holy Roman Empire, with varying degrees of success. Peter Wilson has referred to the Habsburg territories east of the Reich as “effectively, a parallel dynastic-territorial empire.”70 This characterization helps to explain the uniquely layered political and cultural borders of the region. The crown lands of Bohemia have been categorized by their limited acceptance of Habsburg hegemony, with most attention being paid to the legal and social changes that followed the upheaval in the 1620s. This loose understanding of the relationship with the Holy Roman Empire emphasizes that Bohemians were not participants in the Imperial Diets, were not subject to the legal proceedings of the Imperial Chamber Court (Reichskammergericht), were not counted as one of the administrative Imperial Circles (Reichskreise), and were not subject to taxation. Other scholars have emphasized Bohemia’s legal, social, and political integration into the Reich.71 In the second half of the sixteenth century, these questions were still open ended. Wilson notes that the extent to which Bohemians identified with the Empire is hard to assess “because their loyalty to the emperor during the Habsburg era was indistinguishable from allegiance as his direct subjects.”72 The substantial presence of Bohemians in the German House (they made up as much as one-fifth of the total residents) is therefore not surprising given their broader integration into Habsburg court life.73 These men served in many positions, from tribute-carrying delegates to chamberlains, priests, and messengers. Silesia’s relationship with the Empire and the House of Habsburg was also manifold and constantly evolving.74 Yet it too provided a large number of staff, retinue members, and visitors to the German House.

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Bohemia’s limited acceptance has been compared with the Kingdom of Hungary’s limited rejection of Habsburg hegemony. Though plenty of Hungarian nobility were active at the Habsburg courts in Vienna and Prague, the Hungarian estates strongly resisted any efforts toward assimilation in state organization, defense, economy, law, and ceremonial.75 Yet while the crown lands ultimately remained separate from imperial structures, the place of Hungary vis-à-vis the Empire was still deeply contested during the second half of the sixteenth century. Court officials were drawing up plans to integrate the estates into broader feudal structures to secure more loyalty. Traces of these efforts found their way into the German House and were discussed there.76 As with Bohemian elites, the presence of Hungarian nobles within the German House is not surprising. The most exceptionally well-integrated Hungarian nobleman was Nikolas Pálffy, who had grown up with Rudolf II and Archduke Ernst in Vienna and Madrid before joining a tribute-carrying delegation in 1574. The Habsburg delegation to the 1582 Ottoman circumcision festival was led by Hungarian nobleman Stefan Nyáry.77 As will be discussed in chapter 3, Hungarian tailors played an important role in the House, as did several translators and secretaries. In addition to these noblemen, several Germanspeaking subjects of the Hungarian crown—such as Veit Kastisch and David Reitgartler (both from Croatian territories) and the secretary Paulus Rosa (from a mining town in Upper Hungary)—served in crucial long-term roles in the German House. The crown of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, on the other hand, remained an elusive dream for the Habsburg dynasty. Two times in the 1570s and once in 1587, a Habsburg nearly succeeded in campaigning his way to the throne of the elective monarchy. In 1575, Maximilian  II was even declared the winner of the election, but three days later Ana Jagiellon was elected as Infanta in anticipation of her marriage to the Transylvanian prince Stephan Báthory. Báthory was confirmed as the newly elected king in February 1576.78 A rebellion in Danzig against Báthory shortly afterward points to the contested nature of these elections.79 Such controversies, with political, social, and religious overtones, contributed to the uniquely multidimensional identification practices of travelers from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, like Bartholomäus Schachmann of Danzig.80 Watching these conflicts from the German House could prove nerve racking. In 1576, rumors were swirling that the emperor was planning to launch a campaign against Poland, even though Báthory had just been crowned.81 Resident ambassador David Ungnad held secret meetings with Báthory’s agent at the Porte, which were described by his chaplain in his diary, highlighting the anxiety and uneasiness of the whole affair. Despite these tensions, as a mark of their friendship, Ungnad lent Báthory’s agent one of his cooks.82 No one living in the German House is recorded using the term Polonus to describe himself, but many called themselves Prussians (Preuß), an identification practice that should not be equated with “German” or the Empire.83 These men included the messenger Friedrich

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Praxein and the retinue members Hector von Ölsen, David von Machwitz, and Erhard von Künheim the Younger. Each of these individuals had a unique trajectory leading to the German House.84 Thus, the residents of the German House came from across the territories of the Holy Roman Empire, adjacent Habsburg-ruled lands, and regions of Habsburg influence. How did the Ottoman court view this mixed company? The Ottomans occasionally called this the “German House (Nemçe Hanı).” Sometimes they simply called it the “Ambassador’s House (Elçi Hanı).” Acknowledgment of the imperial nature of the House and the sovereign it represented would have been a direct challenge to their own universalizing imperial ideology, in which the sultan was the only world emperor. For this reason, most Ottoman documents refer to the Habsburgs as German kings (Nemçe Kralı). Ottoman registers of imperial decrees called Habsburg envoys the ambassadors of the “German King in Istanbul (Nemçe kralı İstanbul’daki elçisi)” or of the “King of Vienna (Beç kralı).”85 Scholars have argued that this problem was not resolved until the end of the Long Turkish War and in the Peace of Zsitvatorok (1606), in which the second article stipulated that both sides were to address each other as “Emperor.”86 Such distinctions could, in fact, be rather fluid. The texts of the Ottoman treaties began to call the Habsburg ruler “Emperor of the Christians (hristiyanlarun imperador)” by 1559.87 Documents produced in the context of what I have called the vernacular diplomacy of the borderlands also regularly afforded the Holy Roman emperor with titles that ran counter to Ottoman universal visions.88 Regardless of the titulature, the Ottoman court identified the Habsburg ruler and his subjects as “Germans.” With such a wide range of languages and political homelands, the Habsburg adage of unity in diversity resonated throughout the House. Travel narratives regularly slipped between calling it the “German House,” “Imperial House,” or “Hungarian House.” Most often it was just called “our lodgings (unser Losament)” and “hostel (Herberge).” It was, in fact, the Habsburg House. This means it also could have been the Austrian House, Tyrolean House, Bohemian House, Moravian House, Silesian House, Lusatian House, or Croatian House. Furthermore, as it housed the heads of the loose conglomeration of states under the umbrella of the Holy Roman Empire, it also served as the Saxon House, Mecklenburgian House, Bavarian House, Brandenburgian House, Palatinate House, and more. Controversially, it was at times also the Netherlandish House and the Prussian House. As the following chapters demonstrate, the objects produced and circulated within this imperial outpost allow historians access to its full texture, with important implications for the portraits of empire they create. In collecting the Ottoman world, the residents of the German House were also collecting themselves. Page by page, entry by entry, album making allowed these men to gather, interact with, process, and reflect on the world they temporarily inhabited and the forces that brought them together under one roof.

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Notes 1. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 2:144. 2. On the placement of other embassies in the urban environment of Constantinople, see Kármán, “Sovereignty and Representation,” 167–73. 3. Ágoston, “Information, Ideology, and the Limits.” 4. For example, Ambassador Bartholomäus Pezzen moved into Saint Peter’s cloister in Galata to escape the plague in 1587 and again in the summer of 1590. See his report to Rudolf II from December 21, 1587, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 64, Konv. 2, fol. 68r–v; and his report to Archduke Ernst from August 20, 1590, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 73, Konv. 2, fol. 130r, 132v. On the importance of this church, which has well-preserved archives from the seventeenth century onward, see Eldem, “French Nation of Constantinople.” 5. Kármán, “Sovereignty and Representation,” 169. On the practice of defraying the cost of housing and provisions for resident ambassadors, see Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy, 31; Spuler, “Die europäischen Diplomatie in Konstantinopel (2),” 212. 6. Sariyannis, “Sociability, Public Life, and Decorum”; Pfeifer, Empire of Salons. 7. Kafescioğlu, “Picturing the Square.” 8. On the ceremonial axis and its processions, see Cerasi, Istanbul Divanyolu; Yelçe, “Palace and City Ceremonials.” 9. See several of the contributions in Hamadeh and Kafescioğlu, A Companion to Early Modern Istanbul. 10. Luttor, “Adalékok az eldsi-hanhoz”; Eyice, “Elçi Hanı”; Petritsch, “Zeremoniell bei Empfängen.” Seventeenth-century Habsburg ambassadors seem to have resided in the Fener district of Constantinople before relocating to Galata. See Spuler, “Die europäischen Diplomatie in Konstantinopel (2),” 196–97. 11. Birnbaum, “Fuggers, Hans Dernschwam.” 12. Dernschwam, Tagebuch, 37–41. 13. Such was the case at the outbreak of the Long Turkish War, when Ambassador Friedrich von Kreckwitz wrote in his report from April 26, 1593, that gates had been locked and the only man allowed to leave once a day was the procurer. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 80, Konv. 1, fol. 164v. See also the evocative description of an aggressive demonstration in front of the windows of the House the day before the arrest of its residents in Seidel, Denckwürdige Gesandtschafft, 27–33. 14. See the report of Ambassador Paul von Eytzing from Constantinople to Rudolf II from April 1, 1587, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 60, Konv. 2, fol. 3r–v. 15. Busbecq, Turkish Letters, 202. 16. Schweigger, Reyßbeschreibung, 52–53. 17. With slight variations, copies of these images appear in several albums from the German House. Throughout this book, albums from the German House are cited using a reference in all capitals that corresponds to the name of the album listed in the appendix. ÖNB 8615, fols. 140r–141r, 146v; WEHME SKD, fols. 11v–14r; KRAKOW, fols. 65v–66v. For a detailed discussion of these albums, their relationship to one another, and David Ungnad’s larger project, see chapter 3. 18. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:188–90. 19. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:190. 20. The first quotation comes from the Roman poet Sallust’s The War with Jugurtha. The translation used here is adapted from Sallust, War, 185. The second quotation is a modification of a popular distich attributed to the Scythian ruler

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Skilurus, reproduced in several sixteenth-century humanist compendiums, such as Psalmorum Davidis Enarratio, 145. 21. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:191–92. 22. For a discussion of the title, see the supplication of Pezzen from October 21, 1586, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 58, Konv. 1, fol. 200–201. For the opinion of the Aulic War Council on the matter, which involved contemporary archival work to survey the titles of earlier ambassadors, see HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 58, Konv. 1, fol. 220–41. They ultimately settled on calling Pezzen a “Legatus,” which they translated as “Botschafter” (ambassador). On the establishment of the position, see a Latin copy of the 1547 treaty in Hatvani, Magyar történelmi okmánytár, 3:142–48. 23. See the report on the situation by staff members Anselm Stöckhl and Edoardo Provisionali from February 20, 1570, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 26, Konv. 1, fol. 116–40. See also the letter of Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha (translated into Latin by Ibrahim Bey), which blamed the ambassador’s secretary (Stöckhl) for his death. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 26, Konv. 1, fol. 101v. This led to the secretary’s imprisonment. 24. For a brief overview, see Spuler, “Die europäischen Diplomatie,” 324–29. Abundant archival materials on these ambassadors can be found in the HHStA, Turcica I. For an adjustment of these dates based on these archival sources with further biographical citations, see Radway, “Vernacular Diplomacy,” 99–132. 25. Of these men, the only one who has been examined is Rosa in Kecskeméti, “Hardly-Known 16th-Century Humanist.” 26. Rothman, Dragoman Renaissance. 27. These men were part of a wide network of informants with close ties to the House, many of whom were German-speaking converts to Islam. See Graf, Sultan’s Renegades. 28. The literature on these dragomans is expansive: Babinger, “Der Pfortendolmetsch”; Ács, “Tarjumans”; Stoyanova, “Dragomans of the Habsburg Embassy.” Contrary to the secondary literature, Murad Bey appears in Ambassador Eytzing’s registers of expenses as late as January 2, 1587, where he was still instructing translators-in-training. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 59, Konv. 1, fol. 152v. For the death of Ali Bey, see the report of Ambassador Pezzen from November 11, 1588, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 68, Konv. 2, fol. 109r. 29. On several of these Christian dragomans and translators-in-training, including the slow studies of Nicolo Peria and Pellegrino Castelino, see Ambassador Eytzing’s report from April 19, 1585, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 54, Konv. 3, fol. 100r–102r. On Nicolo Serin (also called Nicorossini), see the report of Ambassador Pezzen to Rudolf II from May 31, 1588, HStA, Turcica I, Karton 66, Konv. 1, fol. 313v–314r. On del Faro, see Stoyanova, “Dragomans of the Habsburg Embassy”; and more generally, Balbous, Das Sprachknaben-Institut. 30. Billerbeck, Newe Schiffart, 8. 31. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:188. 32. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 2:21–22. 33. Steinach, “Beschreibung,” 197–98. 34. For some descriptions, see Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 45, 80, 304, 313, 367; Breuning von Buchenbach, Orientalische Reyß, 76–77. 35. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:193. Gerlach even records several discussions in the House about and with individuals who never attended religious services. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 77–78, 124.

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36. See the results of the Catholic ambassador Breuner’s investigation as reported on July 9, 1581, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 44, Konv. 3, fol. 84–89. For the apology of the former ambassador Sinzendorff, a Lutheran, from October 21, 1581, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 45, Konv. 2, fol. 52–53. On the broader phenomenon of Protestants attempting to convert the Ottoman Orthodox community, see Tsakiris, “‘Ecclesiarum Belgicarum Confessio.’” 37. For a discussion of problems with intelligence gathering after his disappearance, see Ambassador Rym’s report from June 19, 1570, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 26, Konv. 2, fol. 130v–131r. 38. Klein, “Zwei Lutheraner an der Hohen Pforte.” On Schweigger, see Brouwer, “‘Man sihet Guts und Boß.’” On their relationship with Tübingen, see Calis, “Martin Crusius.” 39. For an initial overview of the situation following the departure of the Lutheran Sinzendorff, see the report of the Catholic ambassador Breuner from July 1, 1581, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 44, Konv. 3, fol. 14v–15r. On the threat to close the churches because of precedence squabbles, see the report of Ambassador Pezzen from August 4, 1587, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 62, Konv. 2, fol. 36r–38r. On the churches themselves and later moves to close some of them, see Zarinebaf, Mediterranean Encounters, 46–49, 133, 256–57. 40. See the report of Secretary Bartholomäus Pezzen from August 20, 1583, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 49, Konv. 1, 224v. 41. Müller, Prosopographie, 9:126–27. 42. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:63. 43. Seidel, Denckwürdige Gesandtschafft, 34. Another travelogue from the embassy identifies Daniel Reysky as a sacristan. Wratislaw, Adventures, 65; repeated in Müller, Prosopographie, 7:428. This is likely incorrect, as he is listed separately from the chaplain and called a stable boy in Seidel. 44. On irenicism at court, see Louthan, Quest for Compromise. On the request for Catholic ambassadors, see the draft letter from Rudolf II to Archduke Ernst from February 3, 1584, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 54, Konv. 2, fol. 2v. Two years later, he repeated the same request in another draft letter to Archduke Ernst from May 6, 1586. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 57, Konv. 3, fol. 11. 45. See the report of Ambassador Eytzing from January 29, 1585, in which he goes into detail about trying to talk the monk into burying the nobleman, who was “not a member of the Roman Catholic Church.” HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 54, Konv. 1, fol. 159r–160r. The body was embalmed and kept in the house until arrangements could be made. His brother Henrich, a tribute-carrying delegate, died on his way to the healing baths in Gallipoli a few months later and was buried there. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 55, Konv. 3, fol. 31–34. 46. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 2:35–37. Not surprisingly, these tensions did not make it into the official correspondence of either representative. 47. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 2:46–49. 48. For the women of the late seventeenth-century Dutch ambassador Jacob Colijer’s family, see van den H. Boogert, “Spoils of Peace,” 58–59. On the even more expansive social circles of an eighteenth-century Habsburg ambassador, see Do Paço, “Trans-imperial Familiarity.” 49. On female networks of sociability related to embassies of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, see Dursteler, “Language and Gender,” 21–29. An elderly Jewish woman is recorded in the registers of payments. See Graf, Preis der Diplomatie,

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36. Gerlach relays that the one prostitute in the neighborhood surrounding the German House was able to escape punishment because she was unmarried and bribed the local judge. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 374–75. 50. This was noted in several travelogues, such as Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 276; Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:213. 51. Heinrich von Bünau der Jüngere zu Treben (not to be confused with another Heinrich von Bünau auf Droyßig in the retinue of Ungnad) signed an album while on a shopping mission for August, elector of Saxony. MANLIUS, fol. 21ar. The same album records during his visits to Galata many further Ragusan and Italian merchants who were connected to the House’s intelligence networks. On mercantile activities in the borderlands, see the general overview by Fodor, “Trade and Traders.” On connections to Vienna, see Gecsényi, “Bécs és a hódoltság kereskedelmi összeköttetései.” The pagination of this album has recently been adjusted. 52. On the problem of ahdnames and the conflation of commercial and diplomatic treaties in the historiography, see Zarinebaf, Mediterranean Encounters, 91–125. 53. See the report of Ambassador Pezzen from September 26, 1587, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 63, Konv. 2, fol. 85v. For the unnamed merchant, see the report of Ambassador Kreckwitz from June 1, 1593, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 80, Konv. 2, fol. 115v. On the Helman family of merchants, see Lenardo, “Carlo Helman.” Helman also signed an album amicorum from the House in 1586, presumably during a dinner party. HUENICH, BnF Italien 2216, 145r. 54. HUENICH, fol. 94v. A year later, Rheinhold Lubenau mentioned sketching a view of Constantinople from the rooftop terrace of another Daniel Hauitz “from Krakow.” Lubenau, Beschreibung, 2:34. 55. Letter from David Ungnad to August, elector of Saxony, from October 17, 1581, HStA Dresden, 10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 8302/01, Book IV, Grafen- und Herrn Sachhen, fol. 411–14, here 412r. 56. The messenger Sigmund Ostrochovský, for example, signed albums with the motto “Hope sustains us in exile.” ABSCHATZ, p. 607. 57. Report of Ambassador Breuner from July 1, 1581, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 44, Konv. 3, fol. 23r. 58. MANLIUS, fol. 17av. I thank Till Hennings for helping me decipher this annotation. 59. Yates, Astraea; Pagden, Lords of All the World; Evans, Making of the Habsburg Monarchy, 419–46. 60. Evans, Rudolf II and His World, 48–50; Bibl, “Erzherzog Ernst.” 61. Chudoba, Spain and the Empire, 52–55. See the important study on this based on the archives of the Habsburg embassies in Constantinople, Stoyanova, “Виена.” 62. See, for example, the letter of Ambassador Wyss to Maximilian II from November 14, 1563, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 17, Konv. 5, fol. 106–7. The last petition by a Spaniard to the emperor from the sixteenth century is that of Hernando de Macuelo from January 22, 1574. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 30, Konv. 1, fol. 30. 63. Graf, “Stopping an Ottoman Spy.” 64. In 1589, one such Spanish agent stayed in the garden house of the Ottoman dragoman Hürrem Bey, a Muslim convert born in Lucca. See the report of Ambassador Pezzen from November 3, 1589, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 71, Konv. 3, fol. 14v–15r. On Hürrem Bey, see Rothman, Dragoman Renaissance, 49–50. 65. Sanchez, “House Divided.”

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66. Whaley, Germany, 375; Kooi, “Early Modern Low Countries”; Mout, “Die Niederlande und das Reich.” Marieke van Wamel used the scholarly and public perception of Anthonis Moor and Willem Key to problematize the formation of Dutch national identity in van Wamel, “Anthonis Mor.” 67. On Haga and the first Dutch embassy, see Groot, Ottoman Empire and the Dutch Republic, 190–213. 68. See Christiaen, “Karel Rym”; Christiaen, “Lieven Rym.” 69. For example, Marisa Anne Bass has argued that the album amicorum of Joris Hoefnagel embodies his retreat into private bonds of friendship and scholarship during his long exile in central Europe. Bass, Insect Artifice, 82–108. 70. P. Wilson, Holy Roman Empire, 397. 71. Evans, Making of the Habsburg Monarchy, 195–234. On Bohemia as fundamentally separate, see Pánek, “Bohemia and the Empire.” On Bohemia as fundamentally integrated, see Maťa, “Bohemia, Silesia and the Empire.” 72. P. Wilson, Holy Roman Empire, 492; Begert, Böhmen, die böhmische Kur und das Reich. 73. Bůžek, “Wege des Adels.” 74. Harasimowicz, Adel in Schlesien. 75. The Kingdom of Hungary collapsed dramatically on the battlefield near Mohács in 1526. The Hungarian estates who survived the bloody battle split into factions, some aligning themselves with the Habsburgs, some with pretenders to the defunct throne in Transylvania, and some trying their luck under the Ottomans. After several fits and starts, the Ottomans set their bureaucratic machinery in motion around 1540 and properly annexed the central portion of Hungary. Transylvania begrudgingly accepted its new status as a semiautonomous tributary state, and the Habsburgs took control of several captaincies along the borderlands. This status quo was more or less maintained for the next 150 years. For the perspectives of different stakeholders, see Fodor, Unbearable Weight of Empire; Pálffy, Hungary between Two Empires; Papp, Die Verleihungs-, Bekräftigungs- und Vertragsurkunden. On Hungarian integration into the Habsburg imperial project, see Pálffy, “‘Old Empire’ on the Periphery of the Old Empire”; Pálffy, “A magyar nemesség bécsi integrációjának színterei.” 76. For just one example, see Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 329. 77. Fundárek, “Die Pálffy und der Habsburger Hof”; Takáts, “Bedeghi Nyáry István.” 78. Opaliński, “Zjazd w jędrzejowie.” 79. Roșu, Elective Monarchy in Transylvania and Poland-Lithuania, 57, 77. 80. Chachaj, “Tożsamość staropolskich”; Ptaszyński, “Kto tu rządzi.” 81. See the excerpt of a newsletter from Krakow dated July 16, 1576, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 33, Konv. 2, fol. 76r–v. See also discussions in Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 317. 82. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 232. 83. Friedrich, Other Prussia. 84. On Friedrich Praxein, a “Prussian nobleman” and messenger, see Steinach, “Beschreibung,” 209. On Hector von Ölsen, a “Prussian nobleman” in the retinue of Eytzing, see Steinach, “Beschreibung,” 197. David von Machwitz called himself a Prussian in his signature in WYTS, fol. 150v. Erhard von Künheim the Younger called himself a Prussian in his entry in SCHWEIGGER, fol. 169r. 85. For just one example, see an order sent to the regional governor of Temesvár on September 23, 1565. BOA, Mühimme Defter 5, #260.

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86. Ziegler, “Peace Treaties,” 343–44. 87. See Schaendlinger and Römer, Die Schreiben Süleymāns, 23. 88. Most of the Hungarian letters refer to the Holy Roman emperor as “your emperor” or the “Roman emperor” and the sultan as “our emperor” or the “great emperor.” When writing in Ottoman Turkish, Arslan Pasha also addressed Maximilian II as “Roman Emperor and most illustrious King, Your Highness (Rum Çasarı devletlu Kral hazretlerine).” HHStA, Hungarica, Fasc. 91, Konv. A, fol. 89.

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MAKING ALBUMS IN THE GERMAN HOUSE

2 •

Wann ainer ain solch Buech durchlist In seinem Hertzen er sich erfrischt Gedenckt seines freundts und seiner trew Damit wierdt die Lieb wider new.1 When one reads through such a book, their heart rejoices. They think back on their friends and the loyalty they showed, and through this reflection, the soul is rejuvenated.

I

n his travelogue, the apothecary Reinhold Lubenau divulged a scheme he had developed with the messenger Dionysius Knotzer during his time in the German House. Apparently, several young noblemen had come and gone without ever visiting any of the monuments in the ancient city of Constantinople. Lubenau claimed that some of these men were so ignorant that they thought the Turks would eat them if they ventured beyond the building’s walls. This meant that although they had spent a great deal of money on the long and dangerous journey to the heart of the Ottoman Empire, they saw nothing along the way and were going to return home no wiser than when they departed. In such situations, Lubenau claimed he could make money by selling shortened versions of his own description of the trip from Vienna to Constantinople and all the sights along the way. He also boasted of having sold them earthenware mugs, bezoar stones, balsams, toothpicks carved from sea turtle shells, rubies, mother-of-pearl bowls, and exotic shells. He also claimed to have traded in images and beautiful “Turkish papers,” which eventually left him with enough profit to leave the city and continue his journey in the eastern Mediterranean.2 Lubenau clearly exaggerated his tale. He was only in residence for thirteen months, during which time he witnessed the arrival of only two groups: one retinue of noblemen accompanying a tribute-carrying 39

delegation and another small travelling party of would-be pilgrims.3 Though the travelogue makes many references to Lubenau’s own album filled with precious decorated papers, images of Turkish costumed figures, sketches of over seventy city views, and signatures, his own signature does not appear in any extant albums from Constantinople.4 His account of selling descriptions and images nevertheless highlights the dynamic circulation of images and materials centered in the German House that is the focus of this chapter. Though the whereabouts of Lubenau’s albums are unknown, eleven similar examples combining signatures, images, and decorated papers from the German House are extant. Another forty albums containing any combination of these elements can be securely connected to the House via dated entries, provenance, or codicological details. Their passionate owner-makers heavily curated these albums over decades. They decided which images to acquire or part with, chose whom and when to ask for a signature, and crossed out entries when friendships turned sour. The albums were interactive objects: doodles and notes could be added years later; signatures by members of the same family, even if written decades apart, were often interwoven on the same page; and owners frequently noted the untimely death of a friend with a prayer. They could be rebound, reorganized, cropped, and even reused by later generations. Such objects are layered with deliberate modifications and erasures, offering unique insights into the world making of early modern men and women. What was collected in the House, and exactly how were these albums compiled? This chapter surveys the dazzling variety of visual materials collected by visitors to Constantinople and examines evidence of their production and compilation through detailed analysis of the books as physical objects (with a focus on bindings, paper, and evidence of layered reworkings). It also connects these objects and their makers to travel narratives and archival documents. Focus on the making, acquisition, and curation of these multimedia objects allows for tracing the development and character of signature collections, bound volumes of exotic decorated papers, and costume albums of the Ottoman world. Each category of material gathered in these volumes has its own interpretation challenges, and reading albums collectively requires a multilayered, interdisciplinary approach. These manuscripts were essentially pocket-size cabinets of curiosities on paper, in which an extraordinarily wide range of historical actors participated. There is ample physical evidence to suggest that the artists and artisans of the German House engaged in playful experimentation with images and decorative techniques, and I suggest that at times these efforts took place collaboratively with local Ottoman artists and artisans. Thus the eclectic aesthetics of the Habsburg court in Prague took root in a transimperial environment, making these albums important objects that challenge dominant narratives of the Turk in Europe and the nature of Renaissance exchanges between central Europe and the Ottoman world.

Alba Amicorum

The album amicorum (Latin for “friendship album”), or Stammbuch (German for “friendship book”), was the preferred social media platform of early

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modern Europe. Much as today’s curated self-representations in social media take the form of time-stamped short texts, personal insignia, or entertaining images, these albums embodied an owner’s social networks and ambitions. They served as tools in the self-fashioning of the scholar, burgher, nobleman, and noblewoman.5 These extraordinarily playful objects were filled with jokes and riddles that at the same time served as sober representations of a person’s intellectual, material, and social status. The origins of the genre have been traced to groups of Protestant students at German universities in the midsixteenth century, where professors and classmates would write dedications to their friends recalling conversations, citing competing interpretations of classic texts, and telling obscure jokes. Publishers quickly caught on to the trend and made a handsome profit selling printed books with decorative backdrops and blank coats of arms to be filled in by the owner (figs. 2.1 and 2.2). By the end of the century, the practice had spread across Europe in the luggage of traveling students, increasing in popularity over the next 450 years. These albums are the direct antecedents of twentieth-century Poesiealben (German albums collected by schoolchildren), yearbooks, and digital social media like Facebook.6 Men, and as the centuries wore on increasing numbers of women, often began their collections as teenagers or before embarking on a long journey.7 Acquaintances were asked to sign these portable books with any combination of the following elements: their autograph, the date, their location, a dedication, a motto, a quotation, their heraldic device, or an image. Signatures frequently (but not always) took place as a parting gesture, often following a shared meal and several rounds of alcoholic beverages. Fueled by genuine emotional bonds, signatories might wax poetically about their dearest friend. Others invoked the vocabulary of kinship. Many highlighted their social and legal privileges by listing lengthy titles and courtly positions. Others drunkenly scribbled their names next to a sketch of a beer mug or barrel of wine (fig. 2.3). Some entries are highly personalized, and others are formulaic declarations of “unwavering and everlasting friendship.” Rather than recording and reinforcing bonds with the owner, generic professions of “love and brotherhood” appearing multiple times within the same album suggest that some album owners collected in a haphazard and indiscriminate manner. Coats of arms were added on commission for a small sum of money from artisans specializing in the genre, sometimes before a signature was added and sometimes years afterward, as is indicated by the widespread practice of leaving a blank space between the motto and name, to be filled in once a professional with access to pigments was on hand.8 Artists were also hired (either by the owner or by a person leaving an entry) to compose more elaborate miniatures. Single costumed figures derived from model books, sometimes holding escutcheons, were popular additions. So too were portraits, emblems, visual proverbs, fables, domestic scenes, and cityscapes. Some of these entries resulted in miniature masterpieces, while others offer fascinating vernacular renderings of everyday life (fig. 2.4). Many were executed by heraldry painters

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Fig. 2.1  Blank armorial shield by Jost Amman, originally published in Johann Posthius’s Anthologia Gnomica (Frankfurt am Main, 1579). ABSCHATZ, p. 206.

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Fig. 2.2  Armorial shield by Jost Amman filled in with the arms and signature of Hans Basilius von Hohenwart, member of a tribute-carrying delegation (from Buda, September 6, 1584). ABSCHATZ, p. 336.

Making Albums in the German House

43

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PORTRAITS OF EMPIRES

who worked quickly and did not sign their works. Some include monograms and initials of artists yet to be identified.9 Several elaborate entries in the album of the Orientalist, amateur painter, and chaplain of the German House Salomon Schweigger are an exception. Here, Schweigger asked the painters Jacob Mayer and Donat Hübschman in Vienna and Lucas Radi in Venice to sign his album alongside their visual contributions.10 Such alba amicorum were used in a variety of ways. They served as heavy recommendation letters to ease integration into new communities during travel as well as personal keepsakes and colorful passports. They were often organized hierarchically, with the highest-ranking individuals appearing at the beginning, and were perused by contemporaries to gauge the owner’s social and intellectual standing. Yet they were also deeply personal objects that preserved the cumulation of an individual’s emotional bonds and intimate experiences. The album amicorum of Hans Gall Fayg von Anhausen includes a lengthy poem reflecting on the collection process and the pure joy of paging through its contents:

facing top, Fig. 2.3  Detail of two signatures from 1595 around a sketch of a wineglass on marbled paper with gold flecks (zerefşan). HAYMB, fol. 99v. facing bottom, Fig. 2.4  Wedding scene on silhouette paper. ABSCHATZ, p. 291.

When one reads through such a book, Their heart rejoices. They think back on their friends and the loyalty they showed And through this reflection, the soul is rejuvenated.11

Gall’s unique poem highlights the emotional importance of such an object for its owner. Gall wrote it after he had temporarily lost his precious volume of signatures gathered on Ottoman decorated papers while fighting on behalf of Archduke Maximilian in Silesia during the Battle of Pitschen (1588), just a few miles from the Polish border. His album’s fate embodied the Habsburg dynasty’s continuing disastrous efforts to secure the Polish crown. He was forced to physically bury it underground for its safety, and when he finally retrieved it, it was badly damaged and needed to be rebound and modified before he could continue collecting. There were at least thirty-four alba amicorum used in the German House in the second half of the sixteenth century. Though some individuals brought existing albums along with them for the journey, most began their collections during their stays in Constantinople. They range in size from just a handful of entries to well over five hundred. Collectively, these albums preserve over four thousand signatures, a quarter of which come from Constantinople. The earliest example belonged to the treaty-negotiating envoy Christoph von Teuffenbach. Teuffenbach was a Lutheran student in Wittenberg when he began collecting signatures in 1548 in a copy of Philip Melanchthon’s Loci communes theologici. He was among the first album collectors and was one of the earliest to continue gathering signatures after his studies. In Constantinople, he gathered just two entries from the German House during his stay in 1567–68: one written by the resident ambassador, Albert de Wyss, and one by his Catholic chaplain from Galata, Giovanni Baptista Zeffi.12 A few years later in 1570, the physician Arnold Manlius began his album amicorum in the

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days leading up to his departure for Constantinople. Manlius, who worked for the new resident ambassador, Karl Rym, collected nearly a hundred signatures during his four-year stay in Constantinople.13 His large collection foreshadowed the next twenty years of album amicorum activity in the German House. Beyond those listed in the appendix, it can be assumed that a further fifteen to twenty similar albums may have once existed and are either lost or in unpublished private collections. In addition to alba amicorum used within the German House, three further sixteenth-century alba were collected in Constantinople by individuals who may have lived elsewhere during their stays. The first belonged to Erik Falck, a Catholic nobleman from Sweden who attended the Ottoman circumcision festival in 1582.14 The second belonged to the humanist-diplomat Jacques Bongars, who collected the signatures of two noblemen from the ambassador’s retinue in August 1585 while on a mission, presumably for the king of France.15 The final album belonged to Henry Frankelin, an English-born agent serving the ruler of Poland-Lithuania, who collected signatures in Constantinople during three separate stays: May through August 1587, December 1587 to February 1588, and July 1589. During each of these trips, he visited the German House several times and gathered twenty-four signatures from its residents. Falck, Bongars, and Frankelin had all attended universities in central Europe and likely picked up their album collecting habits during their student years.16 These alba amicorum pose a significant interpretive challenge. They contain entries by thousands of individuals in fifteen different languages: German, Latin, Italian, Czech, Hungarian, Dutch, French, Greek, Ottoman Turkish, Polish, Swedish, English, Russian, Hebrew, and Spanish. They also include excerpts in Arabic, Persian, Amharic, Coptic, Japanese, Chinese, Old Persian, Syriac, Armenian, Glagolitic, and Georgian, as well as several unidentifiable (and possibly fictitious) scripts. Inconsistencies in spelling, even of a person’s own name across several albums, present just one of many obstacles. Some albums include pages glued together or painted over to hide signatures.17 Several were dismantled by later collectors interested in coats of arms, images, handwriting, or decorated papers as discrete subjects removed from their original contexts.18 Many others are lost or destroyed, their contents either entirely unknown or only reconstructible through secondary literature.19 Several more remain in private collections.20 As part of the research for this book, the signatures in all albums discussed here have been cataloged and uploaded to a central database, and they are also available on my faculty web page.21 This metadata was critical in developing the structure of this book and its broader arguments. During my research, I extracted the names, locations, and dates of all entries and mapped them using the network analysis software Gephi. This tool allowed me to explore how the collecting practices embodied in each album related to the others. My findings helped direct further archival research and allowed me to make sense of over four thousand lines of data in an Excel sheet. The albums discussed in chapters 3–6 formed more or less distinct groups in the network analysis;

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Fig. 2.5  Marbled paper. GOSZTONYI, fol. 33r.

thus, they represented different practices of collecting and reveal how each group engaged with and processed their experiences in the Ottoman world.22 Many of the alba amicorum from the German House were collected on beautiful backgrounds that scholars have long called “Turkish decorated papers.” These smoothed and polished folios in brilliant colors offered an

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Decorated Papers

47

Fig. 2.6  Silhouette paper. SAURAU, fol. 5v.

48

unparalleled sensory experience in which both sight and touch played an important role. The labor-intensive techniques used to create these papers fall into five (sometimes overlapping) categories: marbling (fig. 2.5), silhouetting (fig. 2.6), sprinkling (fig. 2.7), dribbling (fig. 2.8), and tinting in various shades of blue, green, pink, red, orange, and yellow (fig. 2.9). Scholars have traced most of these methods back to Central and East Asian origins, highlighting that many of these techniques were first developed in Japan and China. Highly skilled artisans at Persian courts served as innovators and vectors of their westward dissemination. Other scholars emphasize the blossoming of paper arts at Ottoman courts to highlight what was (and remains today) a uniquely Turkish phenomenon.23 For the residents of the German House, the long Eurasian history of the papers mattered less than the stylistic variety these “Turkish,” “Persian,” or “Greek” papers could provide for their pocket-size cabinets of curiosities.24 Owing to the eclectic nature of late Renaissance art in central Europe, the residents of the German House were ideal consumers of decorated papers. The Habsburg family and their courtiers were increasingly preoccupied with rare and precious objects made of exotic materials that were difficult to produce. Around the same time that marbled paper began to circulate via the German House, artists like Hans von Aachen (1552–1615), Joseph Haintz (1564–1609), and Hans Rottenhammer (1564–1625) were painting allegorical scenes onto alabaster, marble, agate, lapis lazuli, and Pietra Paesina for courtly curiosity cabinets (fig. 2.10). Beyond the court, a broader spectrum of wealthy burghers cherished small devotional objects in the form of amulets and jewelry made of exotic materials like amber, coral, malachite, and jasper.25 The albums of the German House show how such aesthetics, such as the decorated papers that mimic the qualities of these precious materials, filtered into the everyday album-making practices of individuals who could not afford an actual cabinet of their own. Though the monetary value of the decorated papers is unknown, their widespread usage in the albums of the German House indicates that specimens could be acquired even by those with relatively limited means.

PORTRAITS OF EMPIRES

Fig. 2.7  Sprinkled paper. KOLLONITZ, fol. 185v.

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Fig. 2.8  Dribbled paper. HAYMB, fol. 187r.

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Fig. 2.9 Tinted paper. KOLLONITZ, fol. 139r.

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Of all the decorated paper techniques, marbling has received the most scholarly attention and is the only one that continues to be widely practiced today. Marbled paper is made by floating pigments in a vat of liquid and carefully laying a sheet of prepared paper on top to produce organic patterns. Early examples dominated by shades of blue, light-red, and cream-colored pigments (fig. 2.5) can be seen in several alba from the German House.26 By 1580, new color combinations and patterns, which were produced by manipulating the pigments suspended in the liquid to create swirls, began to dominate. An impressive variety of examples in brilliant shades of blue, green, and pink are preserved in the album of the young staff member Adam von Kollonitz (fig. 2.11). These small works of art could promote contemplation and prompt doodling. The messenger Hans Joachim Prack von Asch copied short aphorisms into the elegantly undulating lines of several of his marbled folios (fig. 2.12) and even added a charming sketch of a wolf on a naturally occurring form on one of the first folios bound into his album (fig. 2.13).27 As will be discussed in chapter 4, staff members were noteworthy for collecting the widest range of marbled papers in the German House.

facing, Fig. 2.10  The Baptism of Christ, by Hans von Aachen, beginning of the seventeenth century, painted marble. KHM, GG 942.

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above, Fig. 2.11  Marbled paper signed by Stefan von Hausen (May 21, 1583, İzmit). KOLLONITZ, fol. 225r.

Fig. 2.12  Marbled paper with the aphorism “If envy burned like fire, wood wouldn’t be so expensive” written into the undulating pattern. PRACK, fol. 87v. Digital image courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program.

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While paper marbling has a long and continuous tradition, the practice of creating so-called silhouette papers (fig. 2.6) might be classified as a lost art. These extraordinarily thin folios were dyed with luminescent designs in the shapes of tulips, hyacinths, carnations, rosebuds, cypress trees, vases, tiger stripes, triple dots, geometric interlaces, palmettes, and nested crescents. The earliest examples are dominated by floral motifs outlined in gold surrounding a block of solid color meant to contain a text or an image. Several volumes of Ottoman poetry made for court elites from the 1560s appear on paper decorated with this technique. Other examples can be seen in the background decoupage folios in an album of Ottoman costume paintings from the 1590s.28 These papers have been connected to the celebrated Ottoman illuminator Kara Memi (active between 1545 and 1566), who articulated a distinctly Ottoman “ornamental regime” of variegated floral design that came to define the Ottoman applied arts.29 Early silhouette papers closely related to those used in Ottoman manuscripts, with tulips, carnations, and cypresses arranged around columns prepared for the addition of text, appear in several collections from the German House beginning in 1568. As the technique matured in the mid-1580s, more delicate designs appeared in the forms of pavilions, fountains, frames, gardens, and short texts in Persian and Arabic (fig. 2.14). While the pastel color palette continued, deeper shades of brown and purple were also gradually introduced. Some residents of the German House were well informed about silhouette papers in Ottoman manuscripts and even explained the mise-en-page to those who signed the page. For example, the messenger Hans Joachim Prack von Asch encouraged acquaintances to place their entries directly within the text block rather than indiscriminately across the page.30 A curious album collected by Stanzl Amendt, a member of the delegation to the circumcision festival of 1582, similarly includes several entries placed within these framing devices. Amendt’s album, discussed in chapter 6, also includes a selection of Qur’anic verses written in Arabic.31 Papers sprinkled with flecks of gold and silver (called zer-efşan) were also popular in the House, often appearing in combination with marbling and tinting. While some are finely executed specimens characteristic of contemporary

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left, Fig. 2.13  Marbled paper with a sketch of a wolf. PRACK, fol. 5r. Digital image courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program.

manuscripts produced for the Ottoman court, most sprinkled papers preserved in the albums of the German House were produced using metals of lower quality, including mica particles and marcasite.32 Over the centuries, some of these metals have corroded, rendering the decorated folios closer to sandpaper than to the luminescent folios that appear elsewhere. The Ottoman historian Mustafa Âli’s sharp criticism in the 1580s of unqualified artists peddling “sham pages” for undiscerning customers may have been in reference to the suppliers frequented by provincial collectors and some residents of the German House.33 References to decorated paper in the German House occur both in narrative descriptions and on the pages of several albums themselves. In 1574, a

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this spread, Fig. 2.14  Silhouette papers. PRACK, fols. 57v, 38r, 144r, 169r, 15r. Digital image courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program.

travelogue recounts how resident ambassador David Ungnad sent his fiancée a prayer book written on “Persian paper.” The humanist Hans Löwenklaw (d. 1594), who took part in a tribute-carrying delegation in 1584–85, describes a row of paper shops near the German House in his history of the Ottoman Empire. On one side of a small square near the mosque of Sultan Bayezid II, near the street performers and coppersmiths, was a place where shops sold “beautiful Persian and Turkish painted and smoothed snow-white Greek papers.” Other writers marvel at the fine decorated surfaces that shimmered like a mirror and mention purchasing Persian papers cut into delicate flowers, animals, mosques, and trees from a dervish in Sofia or on a visit to Bursa.34 Not surprisingly, the albums of the German House had their parallels at Habsburg courts. A heraldry book likely belonging to Emperor Rudolf  II includes an impressive set of early decorated papers that can be connected to the German House through its watermarks. The volume contains watercolor armorials (sometimes cut and pasted into the album rather than painted directly on the paper), the names of individuals alongside their courtly positions, and often annotations recording dates and locations of death. It begins with the arms of Rudolf himself and then proceeds geographically across different courts and patrimonies: Prague, the archduchy of Austria, and finally

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right, Fig. 2.15  Stenciled marbled paper with the signature of Abraham Gablkhover (the “garden of Husrev Tihaya in Asia,” September 13, 1586). ABSCHATZ, p. 370. below, Fig. 2.16  Marbled folio with the signatures of several members of the Viechter family (the earliest is from 1584) in the naturally occurring negative spaces from the album amicorum of Karl Viechter. Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Frommann Stb. Nr. 23, Cod. hist. 2° 888–35, fol. 60v.

Lower Austria. The earliest-dated annotation comes from 1575, which makes the pocket-size album an extraordinary early example of the use of Ottoman decorated papers in a Habsburg courtly context.35 In the 1580s, several album owners collected signatures in Vienna on Ottoman decorated papers before they undertook the journey to Constantinople.36 Around the same time, dozens of central European alba amicorum on Ottoman decorated papers owned by individuals who never traveled to Constantinople themselves also appear. These albums point to an emerging decorated paper market in select circles at the Vienna court by the 1580s. Many of these men (and occasionally women) were nonetheless connected to the activities of the German House through relatives who traveled or through long careers in the Habsburg-Ottoman borderlands.37 Further research on materials combined with a network analysis of these albums may eventually uncover the names of those involved in the decorated paper trade.

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Fig. 2.17  Marbled folio with large negative spaces and the signature of Paul von Eytzing (Constantinople, August 7, 1587). ABSCHATZ, p. 73.

Shifts in the compositions of marbled and silhouette designs suggest that residents of the German House not only exchanged but also commissioned folios, or perhaps even worked collaboratively with Ottoman artisans. Such experimental pages were designed with negative spaces better suited to serve as backdrops for signatures. Two significant innovations appeared in marbled papers around 1586. The first type is characterized by regular designs in the shape of circles, diamonds, stars, and crescents, produced using a form of stenciling.38 The earliest-dated example appears in the album of the staff member Caspar Abschatz (discussed in detail in chap. 4) with a signature from 1586 (fig. 2.15). Several of these folios include gold outlines around their decorative elements. Two albums with similar papers bear signatures from 1587: that of the messenger Leonhard Lang von Durach (discussed in chap. 4) and that of a man passing through the House with a tribute-carrying delegation, Hans Schumacher (mentioned in chap. 6). It is tempting to speculate that the Styrian

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Fig. 2.18  Marbled folio with large negative spaces and the signature and coat of arms of Leonhard Lang von Durach (Constantinople, c. 1587). PRACK, 25r. Digital image courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program.

nobleman Abraham Gablkhover, who signed the earliest folios of stenciled marbled paper in both the Abschatz and Lang albums, was involved in transmitting the innovation to the residents.39 The second experimental technique involved creating large areas of unmarbled surfaces within a composition. Though some individuals left their signatures in naturally occurring negative spaces in earlier marbled papers (fig. 2.16), the first occurrence of deliberately designed paper with negative spaces appears, again, in the album of Caspar von Abschatz, with a signature dated 1587 (fig. 2.17). Other examples appear soon afterward in the albums of the messengers Prack (fig. 2.18) and Lang.40 With these new designs, marbled folios could retain their exotic decorative programs while still functioning as signature backdrops. Importantly, neither the stenciled circles and crescents nor the large negative spaces in marbling designs can be seen in Ottoman

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Fig. 2.19  Stenciled marbled paper with crowned double-headed eagle, from a collection of earlier decorated papers used as an album amicorum in the seventeenth century. University of Erfurt, Codices Erfordenses, 8º 28, fol. 5r.

manuscripts. Instead, these experimental folios quickly spread in Europe, where, in the early seventeenth century, stenciling techniques were used to dramatic effect. One fascinating example from an album in Erfurt uses stenciled marbling to form a crowned double-headed eagle, the most important imperial symbol employed by the Habsburgs (fig. 2.19).41 As with the experimental marbled folios, some of the more complex designs on silhouette papers only make sense for use in the context of European alba amicorum. Decorative frames for coats of arms with designated spaces for text above and below start appearing as early as 1576 (fig. 2.20). Grids created by geometrically arranged garden designs provided natural compositional elements to organize a page full of signatures. Several albums even include initials in Latin letters in their silhouette designs (fig. 2.21). That these experimental folios are concentrated in the albums of staff members is significant

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Fig. 2.20  Silhouette paper with framing devices for coats of arms in an album amicorum signature, with the signature and arms of Ernst, Count of Orttenburg (1576). HAYMB, fol. 24r.

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Fig. 2.21  Silhouette paper with the initials HF inside a pavilion with trees. ABSCHATZ, p. 165.

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and will be discussed in greater detail in chapter 4.42 This material evidence of collaboration between residents of the German House and local artisans should not come as a surprise. In fact, decorated papers had always been transimperial objects.

Tracing Routes and Watermarks

The art of papermaking was invented in China around the third century and traveled to Europe via the Arab world in the eleventh century. Once in Europe, its gradual spread contributed to developments in economics, politics, and art that came to define early modernity. One important innovation in European papermaking was the invention of the watermark, a symbol added to paper during its production to serve as the papermaker’s signature.43 For the papers of the German House, the meandering path of individual folios as they made their way from a paper mill through the hands of the decorator, polisher, stationer, and bookbinder and eventually into an album can be partly reconstructed from codicological details such as watermarks. Importantly, it is generally accepted that Ottoman-made paper did not have watermarks until the eighteenth century. In the absence of any historical references to paper mills in Constantinople, specialists have long assumed that the Ottomans imported their paper from northern Italy via Venice.44 The watermarks on the decorated papers of the German House largely confirm this trade. This means that raw paper was imported from European mills and brought to the workshops of Constantinople, where they went through a process of smoothing, polishing, and decorating before being acquired by the residents of the German House, incorporated into albums, and eventually brought to central Europe. These papers are dominated by watermarks in the shapes of anchors, angels, crossbows, and pilgrims. Within this spectrum, patterns of usage emerge based on the unique qualities of certain types of papers. Anchor watermarks, for example, largely identified with paper mills in and around Venice, are often found on thick papers that were used to create dark-tinted folios in deep hues of blue, red, and green.45 Silhouette papers, on the other hand, required thin papers, which are mostly watermarked with pilgrims, angels, and crossbows (most of which are encircled with elements above or below and bear initials with trefoils as countermarks). Very few albums contain a homogenous set of papers, indicating that there were several steps between production and consumption that allowed for specimens from different paper mills to be mixed. There are only a few exceptions. The papers of an early collection bound together with a set of costume images and the travel narrative of Jacques de Bracle are all watermarked with a pilgrim encircled above the letters ARA.46 Watermarks on marbled papers are difficult to see and far more varied. Several were identified in folios interleaved with the costume book of Bartholomäus Schachmann, gathered during his pilgrimage in 1588.47 Most of these can also be connected to Italian paper mills, as the secondary literature suggests. Nevertheless, many watermarks I have observed in the albums of the German House remain unaccounted for. Some of the thickest folios have no

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watermarks or vertical chain lines, indicating that they may have an Ottoman or Central Asian provenance. A full technical analysis of decorated papers that takes watermarks and pigments into consideration would likely lead to the discovery of more entanglements across Eurasia.48 Stationers and bookbinders were undoubtedly involved in the decorated paper trade. While the Ottoman bindings of several albums indicate that they were sold as finished blank books in Constantinople (fig. 2.22), other examples in Ottoman bindings include signatures on plain paper that predate the owner’s arrival in Constantinople. These brown leather covers have been tooled with gold and pressure-molded filigree arabesques. At the center of each cover panel is a large gold medallion with a small medallion above and below. Fine lines of gold connect these central motifs to tooled leather arabesques repeated in the cusped corners.49 This reveals that some album owners had their existing signature collections rebound with their newly acquired decorated folios while they were living in the House. Further albums have only a few loose folios of decorated papers and signatures that appear to have been added to the volume on their owners’ return to Europe.50 Finally, one group of alba on decorated papers was filled with signatures from left to right, even though they had been bound to be opened like an Islamic manuscript, from right to left. This resulted in folios that now seem to be bound upside down,

Making Albums in the German House

Fig. 2.22  Ottoman binding. KOLLONITZ.

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with trees and flowers growing from the top of each page rather than the bottom and with frontispiece decorations framing texts appearing as the final inverted folio.51 All of these codicological details point to a dynamic series of potential exchanges that worked simultaneously. Such interactions and exchanges are essential to understanding album production in the German House. These artifacts were not the result of discrete and distinct cultures encountering one another. Instead, they are built of materials and techniques that are inherently in-between, produced through layers of translations and negotiations that carry “the burden of the meaning of culture.”52 These transcultural, mobile, and malleable albums are part of global circulations that occurred horizontally rather than hierarchically. As historical actors moved around, they carried with them materials, techniques, and ideas that are essential components of global material histories. The resulting geography of art is characterized by the dynamic interplay of transformation, integration, and adaptation. Such circulations must be accounted for when tracing the development of decorated paper collections in alba amicorum.53 These transcultural circulations also characterize the figural illustrations, to which I will now turn.

Costume Albums, Series, and Single-Figure Images

These alba amicorum on Ottoman decorated papers from the German House were often mixed with costume albums and single-figure images. The appearance of several printed costume books focused on the Ottoman world in the 1570s ushered in what has been called the golden age of the Ottoman costume book. These compendiums of people, costumes, and customs essentially mapped cultural stereotypes cartographically through an emphasis on placenames in the captions. The flourishing of the genre is generally attributed to Renaissance Europe’s growing antiquarian fascination, particularly in regard to the exotic and immutable “East.” This fascination, as recently argued, presented an asynchronous worldview.54 This interpretation has been complicated by recent work on Ottoman-made and transimperial albums from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries onward, which reveal continuities and ruptures in several overlapping traditions of single-figure costume studies across Eurasia. Recent research has convincingly argued that single-figure paintings and collections, once thought to have originated from the paintbrushes of artists working in the bazaars primarily for European customers, were part of a dynamic visual culture that involved urban storytellers, artists working in the provinces, and members of royal workshops.55 The early albums discussed here are also the products of sustained interaction and exchange, not between two discrete visual traditions meeting for the first time but rather as a product of a visual culture that developed organically using multiple points of reference. Nicolas de Nicolay’s Travels in Turkey (originally published in French in 1567) is widely considered to be the first printed costume book focused on Ottoman subjects. In this book, sixty engravings made by Leon Davent based on the author’s drawings are embedded in a travel narrative of his journey

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with the French ambassador to Constantinople and the eastern Mediterranean in 1551. A German translation first appeared in 1572 (fig. 2.23), followed by several translations and editions published in Antwerp with slight modifications to the images.56 The etchings in all these editions were printed on separate folios rather than embedded in the text. For this reason, the series could be removed from the collection without disrupting the flow of the narrative, which frequently led to their becoming detached and circulating separately. In 1572, another set of twenty-five prints with verses from Hans Sachs and images attributed to Jost Amman appeared in Augsburg (fig. 2.24). In 1577, these images were reworked and included in Hans Weigel’s The Costumes of Preeminent Peoples.57 The engraver Abraham de Bruyn also published two sets of related costume prints in Cologne in 1576–77, one of individuals on foot and one of soldiers on horseback.58 Shortly thereafter, in 1581, came Jean Jacques Boissard’s costume book, which included a large section of images dedicated to the Ottoman world.59 Many of these images found their way into the most famous costume book of all, Cesare Vecellio’s magnum opus published in Venice in 1590, Of Costumes, Ancient and Modern, of Different Parts of the

left, Fig. 2.23  “Azamoglan or Christian Child given to the Turks as a Tribute” (a devşirme recruit playing a bağlama), from the 1572 German edition of Nicolas de Nicolay’s Travels in Turkey, published in Nuremberg by Dietrich Gerlach, inset between pages 49 and 50.

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right, Fig. 2.24  “A stable boy” (or saddle cloth carrier). Hans Weigel [and Jost Amman], Des dürckischen Kaiser hoffgesind, herren und frawen sampt iren pefelch und emptern (Nuremberg, 1572), no. 15.

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World.60 Perhaps stirred by the success of the publications in the 1570s and a desire to correct their many errors, the Flensburg-born artist Melchior Lorck ramped up production on his own stalled costume book project, preparing woodcuts based on his sketches made during a stay in the German House in 1555–58. His unfinished project, known as the Turkish Publication, would eventually contain 128 original images. Most of Lorck’s woodblocks bear dates between 1570 and 1582, though they did not appear in print until long after his death in 1626.61 These printed albums appeared simultaneously with over one hundred manuscripts filled with Ottoman costume images in watercolor, gouache, and ink.62 A significant portion of these can be directly connected to the German House because they are integrated in the alba amicorum and decorated paper collections discussed above. Together, they contain over three thousand images that vary widely in quality, even within a single album. They range from delicately rendered miniature portraits to crudely copied generic types. Some images were polished final works, and some were left as drawings and sketches with color annotations.63 The single-figure studies include Muslims, Christians, and Jews, women and men, both young and old. The albums also contain groups posed to display varieties of textiles, as well as genre scenes such as meals, punishments, the distribution of alms, and festivals. Many images have exact counterparts in written descriptions from the German House. For example, the chaplain Stephan Gerlach describes feather and papier-mâché sculptures balanced on the hats of janissaries, who needed

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facing, Fig. 2.25  Janissaries with papier-mâché and feather sculptures balanced on their hats during a sultanic procession. ÖNB 8626, fol. 9r. above, Fig. 2.26  Rendering of Süleymaniye Mosque. PLAN, fol. 159r.

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above left, Fig. 2.27  Sultan on horseback. HAYMB, fol. 174r. above right, Fig. 2.28  Distribution of alms. HAYMB, fol. 179r.

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to hold two sticks on either side to keep them in place, in his travelogue. Images of such janissaries balancing sculptures on their hats during parades can be seen in several contemporary albums related to the House (fig. 2.25).64 The representations of processions (to baths, mosques, funerals, and weddings) that were visible from the windows looking onto the Divan Yolu were a prominent element of the visual programs. Several albums contain further images of exotic animals, Ottoman architecture (fig. 2.26), seafaring vessels, and monuments. Like the alba amicorum signatures and the decorated paper collections, these images also present an interpretive challenge. Painstaking work can be done to trace individual elements as they weave between groups of manuscript albums and their printed counterparts. But tracing the genealogies of individual images reveals little beyond the fact that there was a great deal of

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Fig. 2.29  Distribution of alms. VOS BREMEN, fol. 47r.

interplay across and between print and manuscript production. In her analysis of Ottoman-made albums from the seventeenth century, Gwendolyn Collaço has shown that no single album contains a set of completely identical or original images. Rather, most albums mix freely between recycled motifs and new compositions, resulting in bespoke final products tailored to the tastes and budgets of each collector.65 The same is true for the albums of the German

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Fig. 2.30  Gazi with a winged mirror on his head. ALL SOULS, fol. 10r.

House. For example, the album of a nobleman passing through the German House, Stephan Haymb von Reichenstein, includes a mixture of decorated papers, signatures of friends, and a revealing set of costume images. In addition to several further single-figure paintings integrated into signatures, the album contains twenty-five costume sketches in varying stages of completion (figs. 2.27 and 2.28) that are scaled-down direct copies from another album commissioned by a resident ambassador, which will be discussed in chapter 3. This ambassadorial album returned to central Europe with its patron a year

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before Haymb’s arrival in the House (fig. 2.29), indicating that Haymb may have found drawings or even a copy of the ambassador’s book in the residence and incorporated elements from it freely. A set of nearly identical ready-made images can be seen in a dozen different albums. Some of these are interleaved with decorated papers.66 Others were collected as loose folios and only bound after entering a library or are included in the albums of people who never traveled to Constantinople.67 The largest collection, now housed in the Coburg Fortress Museum, includes fifty-seven figures painted with mounds of grass at their feet and red groundlines below. It stands out because of its remarkably precise rendering of spoken Turkish in Latin script, which suggests that the person who wrote on the images had spent substantial time in the Ottoman world. Complicating this suggestion, several figures are mislabeled.68 While some examples of the series appear to come from the hand of a single artist, divergences in handwriting, languages, and labels indicate that texts were added by owners after purchase. In four copies that include a soldier wearing a winged mirror on his head and carrying an axe over his shoulder, he is represented only from the knees up (fig. 2.30), which places emphasis on his elaborate headdress.69 This image was modeled directly on a print from the 1572 costume album illustrated by Jost Amman, yet this curious composition indicates that the copies form a distinct group. One copy is held in the Islamic Art Museum in Jerusalem and includes at least

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Fig. 2.31  Sultana with the chief eunuch and a servant. JERUSALEM, unpag.

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Fig. 2.32  Sultana with family members and servants. ÖNB 8626, fol. 116r.

two folios with annotations in Ottoman Turkish identifying figures (fig. 2.31). The same album also includes Italian inscriptions below each figure, some of which indicate that the person writing had limited firsthand knowledge of what was being depicted. Under the image of the giraffe, for example, the person wrote, “I do not know what that is.” The interleaved decorated papers include French poetry and an inscription that dates the album to June 25, 1587, in Constantinople, indicating that it was meant to commemorate a specific moment.70 Both the Jerusalem and the Coburg albums point to some form of interaction with individuals outside the German House. The folios in an album now in the library of All Souls College in Oxford have small pinpricks at the bottom, suggesting that the images were once displayed on a larger surface, perhaps to be copied, and only later bound.71

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This culture of borrowing leads to an important point: direct encounter did not always result in new and more accurate visual representations. The word influence does not reflect the complicated dissemination processes that led to such practices of copying, appropriation, and parody. Instead, imagining the Turk from the German House involved negotiating each individual’s unique relationship with their environment, with layers of eyewitness experience, and with models transmitted in a variety of media. This begets a significant question: Why would a person in the German House settle for a set of copied images rather than original representations that reflected the Ottoman world visible from their bedroom window? The answer to this question can be found in an understanding of the power of models, on the one hand, and the problem

Fig. 2.33  Woman seated in a Renaissance building with a caged bird in a niche. Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, KupferstichKabinett, Ca 108, fol. 35r. © Kupferstich-Kabinett, SKD.

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of access, on the other. The range of models available to the residents of the German House was rich, though not always variegated. A full set of copperplate engravings from the 1572 German edition of Nicolay’s Travels in Turkey is missing from a copy used as a travel narrative by a member of a tributecarrying delegation in 1573.72 These missing images may have remained in the House, which would help explain Nicolay’s marked impact on the albums produced there. Prints likely were stored with further books and images. Residents could also view images of costumed figures during outings to churches in Constantinople and Galata, some of which had frescoes enthusiastically described in travel narratives.73 With all these prototypes around, it could have been extraordinarily difficult to unsee an image once a model had already developed. Such models and copies, which were widely familiar to viewers, served to authenticate entire collections and reinforce their authority.74 Finally, there was the problem of access, both to the subjects depicted and to trained artists. As discussed in chapter 6, residents of the German House spent a lot of their time inside the building. When they did go on excursions and move around Constantinople, it was always in groups and accompanied by a janissary guard. A visit to the Christian communities of Galata across the Golden Horn would afford them the opportunity to explore without a guard. Only under rare circumstances could live sketches and drawings be made while they were out. Occasionally, diplomatic relations took a downturn, and the residents were placed under house arrest. Thus, the most frequent point of access to the Ottoman world was through the windows of the House onto the streets of Constantinople. This view was supplemented by the rich visual materials gathered within its walls. Roughly a quarter of the images in the albums from the German House are of women. Some are Christians from Galata closely following Nicolay’s prints, which in turn are borrowed from earlier prints like that of Pieter Coecke van Aelst (d. 1550). While Ottoman men and commoner women were readily visible on the streets below the House, Ottoman elite women were rarely seen. Images of elite women in the albums might be written off as pure fantasy. The prevalence of veiled Muslim women in the albums (figs. 3.9, 3.21, 4.7, and 6.16) and in descriptions of daily activities in ambassadorial reports suggests that they were certainly seen on the city streets. Images of unveiled women at home are more difficult to account for (figs. 2.32, 3.7, 3.8, 4.6, 4.9, 6.01, and 6.22). Travel narratives are filled with stories of how residents managed to catch a glimpse of women from the harem: over a garden gate, by befriending a merchant who dealt with the harem, by disguising themselves and sneaking in, or while attending the wedding of the daughter of the city’s most prominent Jewish moneylender. Others admit to hiring prostitutes to wear clothes purchased at the Grand Bazaar.75 Heather Madar’s study of Renaissance prints and panel paintings depicting elite Ottoman women argues that such images were an attempt to understand the inner workings of a complex society from a position of inferiority and therefore are closely tied to the portraits of sultans circulating at the same time.76 Some of the representations of elite Ottoman

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women from the albums of the German House are filled with tenderness. Details in the rendering of a toddler closely snuggling up against her mother’s sleeve, lavish textiles, henna-stained hands, jeweled daggers tucked into belts, and decorated tankards all point to a familiarity with rather than a judgment of women and their roles in the Ottoman world. Remarkably few images include overt references to sexual desire or deviancy, and none of the images painted elite women into the gilded cage that later European artists depicted on the basis of the same models (fig. 2.33).

Fig. 2.34  Sultan seated with two attendants. GOSZTONYI, fol. 2r.

The traveler-collectors who owned these images were aware of the power of visual materials to enhance and authenticate their stories of adventurous

Artists and Artisans

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encounters in distant lands. They went to great lengths and sometimes spent large sums of money to acquire the perfect series. Some searched for and commissioned qualified artists to present their surroundings, as discussed in chapter 3. Others, like the cook Sebald Plan discussed in chapter 4, seem to have saved money by painting and drawing themselves. Many albums contain traces of interaction with, and in a few cases even the participation of, Ottoman artists. To address this issue, it is useful to turn to the earliest-dated album from the German House: an enigmatic volume belonging to Lőrinc Gosztonyi, a Hungarian staff member in the retinue of resident ambassador Karl Rym documented between 1570 and 1574.77 The 103-folio album held in the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel since the seventeenth century contains fourteen images, a handful of signatures, and an impressive collection of early marbled, silhouetted, and tinted papers. The only signature from the German House comes from the imperial messenger Jacob Betzek from March 27, 1572, the day before his departure for Vienna with the post.78 The first folio, however, includes several layers of notes, a coat of arms, and an inscription in gold identifying the owner, the date of production, and possibly the miniature artist. The central inscription on this first folio in Hungarian reads, “This book was written in Constantinople, at the gate of Captain Ali Pasha, by the hand of Csöbör Balázs of Szigetvár in fifteen seventy.” In the same gold lettering, a note in Latin reads, “This book is mine, Lőrinc Gosztonyi.”79 On the basis of this inscription and the technical execution of the images, it has been suggested that Balázs Csöbör was a Christian convert to Islam intimately familiar with imperial workshop practices and was commissioned by Gosztonyi during his stay. Little documentation exists on Gosztonyi himself, and the album offers few clues about its owner or the reason he suddenly stopped collecting.80 Several pages have been torn and cut from the volume. Most of the silhouette papers are bound upside down, suggesting that there was some confusion as to whether the album was meant to open from right to left or left to right.

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facing, Fig. 2.35 Habsburg envoy kneeling before the sultan from the Nüzhet-i Esrarü’l-Ahyar der-Ahbar-ı Sefer-i Sigetvar (Pleasures of the secrets of auspicious men from the news of the Szigetvár campaign) of Feridun Bey, painted by Nakkaş Osman, 1568. TSMK, H. 1339, fol. 178a. ABOVE Comparison of details from figs. 2.34 and 2.35.

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above, Fig. 2.36 Detail of illumination with cross-dot border from the Zafername (Book of victory) of Sayyid Lokman, painted by the workshop of Nakkaş Osman. CBL, T.413, fol. fol. 80b. BELOW Detail of fig. 2.34.

FACING, Fig. 2.37 Frontispiece from the Zafername (Book of victory) of Sayyid Lokman, painted by the workshop of Nakkaş Osman. CBL, T.413, fol. 1b.

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Fig. 2.38  Self-mutilating dervish. GOSZTONYI, fol. 22v.

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Gosztonyi’s album includes a mixture of visual idioms and styles that defy the impulse to categorize them. The mode of construction employed prefigures a long tradition of stand-alone Ottoman costume books made by miniature artists in Constantinople, a genre that reached its peak in the seventeenth century and continued well into the nineteenth century. The opening portrait of a seated sultan with two attendants (fig. 2.34) incorporates several elements of Ottoman miniatures that are stylistically closely aligned with illustrated books produced for the sultan’s court. Many details from the image find direct parallels in the manuscripts illustrated by Nakkaş Osman, his assistant and brother-in-law Ali, and their workshop. In fact, the rendering of interlocking marble stones in the archway above the attendants, the elaborate green tile

Making Albums in the German House

Fig. 2.39  Album page from The Album of the World Emperor, c. 1608. TSMK, B. 408, fol. 11a.

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work composed of repeating crosses and eight-pointed stars with gold dots in the center, and the border of a cross and two dots are indistinguishable from similar details in paintings attributed to Osman and his team (figs. 2.35 and 2.36). The gold-and-blue decorative motif above the seated sultan is typical of Ottoman illuminated frontispieces (‘unwan) and can also be connected to Osman and his workshop via the delicate blue tendrils reaching toward the top of the page (fig. 2.37). The two attendants, one holding a sword and the other an incense burner, also bear similarities with those appearing in manuscripts produced by Osman’s workshop for Ottoman elites.81 Meanwhile, the brushstrokes, particularly on the face of the sultan himself, betray the hand of a European painter and can be compared with the images produced by artists in the German House (fig. 3.4).82 Viewed with strong backlighting, the frame around the central portion of the image continues underneath the figures and cuts across the seated sultan’s knee, which indicates that an artist took a completed illuminated frontispiece and added the figures to it. Other images from the collection, like a self-mutilating dervish holding a horn and an open book (fig. 2.38), have more in common with the single-leaf miniatures compiled and pasted into eclectic muraqqa’ (literally “patchwork”) albums at Persio-Islamic courts. Muraqqa’ were conceived of as works of art historical writing, in which examples from prominent calligraphers and artists were compiled by specialists and given a preface. The carefully constructed albums were made by professional paper joiners, who were highly skilled in framing, margining, and embellishing decoupage folios. They often included several images on one page, arranged in a way to provoke contemplation and conversation.83 They could also be rebound, cropped, and reused by later generations. In this sense, the albums of the German House and the muraqqa’ of the court were both part of a global early modern culture of creating bound volumes of personalized collections of paper works with disparate origins. A folio from the album of Ahmed I (fig. 2.39), compiled some forty years after Gosztonyi’s album, includes a dervish with similar attributes. These images might be connected through a chain of copies and substitutions that are now lost. Despite these similarities, muraqqa’ differ significantly in their intention, complexity, and quality from the albums of the German House. Whereas the artists involved in creating muraqqa’ albums were proudly announced within the manuscripts themselves, the ones involved in the albums of the German House were largely nameless. It is possible that Balázs Csöbör could be identified with a Christian-born painter (pictor) who served Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha and began passing on intelligence to the German House from inside the grand vizier’s residence in 1573. Resident ambassador Karl Rym referred to the unnamed artist as his friend (amicum). The artist disappeared from the archives after he departed on a mission to draw a topographical view of the Dalmatian city of Zadar and its port in June 1573.84 Traces of other Ottoman artists appear in further scattered documents, including those relating to the expenses of a tribute-carrying delegation in

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1591, which record a thirty-thaler payment to a Turkish painter for a portrait of the sultan.85 The identity of Balázs Csöbör may never be recovered. Nevertheless, Gosztonyi’s album is the earliest-dated example to combine the genres of album amicorum, decorated paper collection, and costume book into a single bound volume with the participation of Ottoman artists and artisans. As I will discuss in chapter 4, other intimate volumes collected by staff members include elements and motifs that migrated between the German House and Ottoman courtly manuscripts. Ottoman artists were not the only ones available to residents in sixteenthcentury Constantinople. Another early album includes pasted images and modifications that may partially be connected to an artist living in the French House, which the owner recorded visiting. At least some of the visual materials postdate the owner’s journey to Constantinople. The collection, therefore, offers an assortment of ready-made types that were available for purchase in 1570s Constantinople and Vienna.86 Another album of sixty-two images can be tied to the English House in Rapamet (the district of Fındıklı, Beyoğlu, near Galata, across the Golden Horn from Constantinople). The volume contains images with Latin descriptions and frequent references to the proper Turkish names for locations and individuals. The spelling of these names suggests that the author of the text was a native German speaker, likely Johann Boemus, who is mentioned on the first folio. Though the images are mostly variations of the types circulating in the German House, some compositions are unique. These include a panoramic view of the full length of the Bosporus (fig 6.16), a woman receiving medical advice from a doctor, and a detailed drawing of Süleymaniye Mosque, complete with the text of the call to prayer between the minarets.87 Given the ubiquitous appearance of colored heraldic devices accompanying signatures, it is clear that a painter with access to pigments was in the German House itself for most of the period studied here, except for the years 1582–86. Such heraldry painters (called Wappenmaler or Briefmaler) frequently engaged in other small commissions.88 A handful of draftsmen and clockmakers trained in technical drawing who also resided in the House may have been involved in album production. Nikolai Andresen, a pupil of the great master printmaker Melchior Lorck of Flensburg, included a stay in Constantinople in his study tour, perhaps collecting additional sketches for Lorck, who himself lived in the House in the 1550s.89 Between 1578 and 1580, Andresen completed two portrait engravings: the first, in 1578, of the French ambassador Gilles de Noailles and the second, in 1580, of the Habsburg resident ambassador Joachim von Sinzendorff (fig. 3.33). It is not clear what, if any, patronage relationship he had with the resident ambassador beyond this portrait. During his two years in Constantinople, there were at least six alba amicorum circulating in the German House, yet the artist only appears in one of them, with his signature and biblical quotation on a damaged folio below an awkwardly rendered reclining figure.90

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However, three graphic artists living in the German House can more securely be linked to a resident ambassador via a patronage relationship. Their names were Lambert de Vos (in residence between 1572 and 1574), Henrich Hendrowski (1587–88), and Michael Fischer (1591–93). Lambert de Vos, from the Flemish city of Mechelen, was the painter for resident ambassador Karl Rym, whose monumental costume album will be discussed in chapter 3. He must have entered this patronage relationship before August 1572, when he signed an album in the House, but his name does not appear in the travel narratives covering the ambassador’s arrival in 1570.91 Little is known about the two other artists. Henrich Hendrowski arrived in November 1587 with a group of men who accompanied a messenger. Hendrowski departed a year later in December 1588 for Venice in the company of a merchant named Samuel Kiechel. The attribution of an extraordinary album in the Austrian National Library to Hendrowski is questionable.92 Michael Fischer appears in a list of embassy members as the artist of the ambassador but is otherwise unaccounted for.93 Hendrowski and Fischer were likely occupied with painting coats of arms and other small commissions for alba amicorum in the German House. This can be surmised on the basis of the increased number of signatures with painted armorials during their documented presence in the House. Further research might identify the role of others like Peter, a Flemish painter who passed through the German House on his way home from Cairo for four months in the winter of 1576–77, and Zacharias Strich of Leignitz, a Silesian trumpeter who was in the House in 1586 and later illustrated several of his signatures with figures closely resembling those albums from the House.94 These artists and artisans, together with other residents of the House, contributed to the incredible visual materials examined in the following chapters.

Notes 1. Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. Add 2103, fol. 6v. 2. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 2:2, 68–69. 3. More problematically, the dates he records for his travels do not correspond with the archival documentation on the embassy he traveled with. Pezzen reached Buda on May 10, 1587, but Lubenau writes that the embassy reached Buda on February 19, 1587. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:78; compare with Pezzen’s report from Buda, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 61, Konv. 1, fol. 123–30. On his later travels in the Mediterranean and their problematic timeline, see Gürkan, “50 Günde Devr-i Bahr-ı Sefid.” Unfortunately, the original manuscript in the Stadtbibliothek of Königsberg was lost during World War II, and the diary is only known through a two-volume edition published in 1912–14. 4. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:119, 179, 305; 2:107, 181, 205, 235, 242, 244, 248, 250, 251, 257, 285. 5. Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning; Lundin, Paper Memory. 6. There is a great deal of literature on the album amicorum genre. The most comprehensive work is Schnabel, Das Stammbuch. For a list of 310 different printed books used as albums, see Klose, Corpus alborum amicorum, 359–64.

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7. On female album collectors, see Schnabel, Das Stammbuch, 309–20. 8. Such small commissions were typically executed by illuminators of small works like printed broadsheets (Briefmaler). See Kohlmann, “Modelstecher”; Brafman, “Diary of an Obscure German Artist.” 9. Spadafora, Habent sua fata libelli, 79–107. 10. SCHWEIGGER, fol. 174r, 174v, 179r. 11. Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. Add 2103, fol. 6r–v. On the album, see Klose, “Frühe Stammbücher.” 12. TEUFFENBACH, pp. 12, 26. On the album, see Kurras, “Zwei österreichische Adelige,” 126–30. 13. Radway, “Three Alba Amicorum.” 14. FALCK. 15. BONGARS. On the album owner, see Mittenhuber and Engler, Jacques Bongars. 16. FRANKELIN. On the album owner, see Wikland, Elizabethan Players in Sweden, 203–18. 17. Such is the case with AMENDT, which a later owner took great pains to pass off as an album of prayers written in Arabic. Curiously, several of the prayers are written upside down on the paper. The spelling and diacritics are also unusual, suggesting that perhaps the texts belonged to a recent convert. 18. PFISTER was dismantled by a collector in the eighteenth century and reorganized alongside hundreds of other albums. See Krekler, Autographensammlung. The costume images and coats of arms were also cut out of THUN. 19. SCHMEISSER is missing since the bombing of Breslau (Wrocław) in World War II. I have reconstructed its partial contents from a nineteenth-century manuscript surveying the collection in the Wrocław University Library, Verzeichniss der nachstehend citierten Stammbücher der Stadtbibliothek Breslau, call number Akc.1967/13, T.1–2. So too was the album of Balthasar FUCHS von Bimbach in Königsberg (Kaliningrad), which can be partly reconstructed from the list of entries published by Bogun, “Die Stammbuchsammlung,” 20–24. This album was recently found in Moscow. I thank Thomas Brochard for sharing this information with me. 20. SCHUMACHER was sold at auction on November 17, 2010, in Paris (Tajan Auction House). SCHWEIGGER was sold at auction on June 7, 2006, in London (Christie’s) following its restitution from the ÖNB. Further albums in private hands likely exist. 21. https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/recherche.html. These entries also include extensive bibliographies for each album. This database is curated by Werner Wilhelm Schnabel. 22. I would like to thank Milán Janosov and the Department of Network Science at Central European University, which collaborated with me on this data analysis and visualization in 2017–18. On Gephi and the mathematics behind the modeling I found most helpful for dealing with data related to signatures in the albums, see Jacomy et al., “ForceAtlas2.” 23. On these debates, see Benson, “The Advent of Abrī,” with further literature. Polishing was done using a coating of liquid made of animal and vegetable binders (aher), and that was then rubbed with a glazing stone to create a characteristically smooth surface that is easily distinguishable from European papers when touched. See Yum, “Study of the Album Paper.” On sight and touch in relation to the albums from Constantinople, see Horký, “Erinnerungen an Konstantinopel.”

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24. The use of the terms Persian and Turkish in these written sources do not necessarily reflect perceived or actual differences in paper or decorating techniques. Central Europeans were notorious for their inconsistent use of these terms in describing art objects. See Keating and Markey, “‘Indian’ Objects.” 25. Kaufmann, Court, Cloister, and City, 185–203; Wegmann, “Glances into Stone”; Ivanič, Cosmos and Materiality, 47–73. 26. GOSZTONYI; HAYMB; PLAN. 27. I thank Jake Benson for pointing out this detail. This practice was widespread in Persian and Mughal workshops. 28. For lists of several books of poetry and connections between the art and the cut-paper technique (katı’), see Mesara, Türk sanatında, 47; Sönmez, “Türkische Papiere.” On the album of single-figure images (London, British Library, Or. 2709) originally dating to the late sixteenth century with several eighteenth-century overpaintings, see Collaço, “Image as Commodity,” 264. Several albums of poetry by different hands kept in the BnF (Turc 288, 289, and 302) point to a broader usage of these papers and deserve further study. 29. Necipoğlu, “Early Modern Floral,” 144–46. 30. Over half of the signatures in this album occurring on silhouette paper make use of the decorative program to frame the entry. For a few examples, see PRACK, 55v, 56r, 58r, 71v, 82r, 113r, 124r, 232r, 280r. Prack’s collection also includes several images drawn into these framing devices. PRACK, fols. 16r, 120r–121v, 217r, 284r, 295r. 31. Such as AMENDT, fol. 26a–b, 40a–b. 32. I wish to thank Jake Benson for bringing the possibility of these other materials to my attention. Benson, “The Advent of Abrī,” chapter 5. 33. Mustafa Âli bin Ahmet, Mustafá Alī’s Epic Deeds of Artists, 236–37. On pro˙˙ Caught in a Whirlwind, 72–73. vincial collecting practices, see Taner, 34. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 47; Leunclavius, Neuwe Chronica, 415; Breuning, Orientalische Reyß, 73. Some of these scattered references have been noted by historians of decorated paper, as in Sönmez, “Türkische Papiere.” The references to the cutpaper (kat’ı) arts of the type that appear in the famous seventeenth-century album of Peter Mundy can be found in Besolt, “Deß Wolgebornen Herrn,” 527; Lubenau, Beschreibung, 2:77. On the Mundy album, see Kynan-Wilson, “‘Painted by the Turcks.’” On the cut-paper arts, see Çağman, Kat’ı. The role of Sofia deserves further study, since Caspar von ABSCHATZ’s album begins to include entries on decorated Ottoman papers once he passes through the provincial capital in 1584 as he travels from Vienna to Constantinople, meaning he either had a set of paper before his departure or picked it up there. 35. The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 77 L 30. The watermarks include encircled anchors on the thicker tinted folios and a range of angel watermarks on the silhouette papers. 36. ABSCHATZ; SCHUMACHER; STEINBACH. 37. Johann Georg Altmann von Wintzar’s impressive collection includes several folios of combined sprinkled and marbled papers that date to before 1584. Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Thott 405. Karl Viechter’s collection of silhouette and marbled papers also came from before 1584. Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Frommann Stb. Nr. 23. Hans Gall Fayg von Anhausen’s collection of signatures on Ottoman decorated papers, the temporary loss of which he memorialized in his poem, began in 1585. Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. Add 2103. In 1588, David von Krakou acquired a set of silhouette papers that he later augmented with European marbled papers. Stockholm, Kungl. Biblioteket, Cod.

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Holm. Ik 18. Ulrich Reutter came into a collection of Ottoman decorated papers in 1589. Nürnberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Hs. 121165. The owners of these albums were all active in Vienna when they acquired their decorated papers, and they met frequently with individuals who had recently returned from a stay in the German House. By the 1590s, the numbers of central European alba including decorated papers increased substantially. 38. The innovation is generally considered to be Central Asian, although its early appearance in SCHUMACHER is acknowledged. Weimann, “Techniques of Marbling.” Benson argues that this is an innovation made by domestic Ottoman marblers. See Benson, “The Advent of Abrī,” chapter 5. 39. Unfortunately, his presence in Constantinople is not documented beyond these signatures. 40. ABSCHATZ, p. 73; PRACK, fol. 24v, 189v, 231r, 238v; LANG fol. 64v, 155r, 162v. 41. These later experiments, likely produced by early European practitioners, deserve further study. The bookbinder Christoph Felber, for example, may have learned the trade during his visit to Constantinople in 1649. His album amicorum includes several folios. Weimar, Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek, Stb. 34. 42. ABSCHATZ; PLAN; HAYMB; LANG; PRACK. 43. Bloom, Paper before Print; Fowler, Art of Paper. 44. Babinger, “Appunti sulle cartiere.” Since this publication, select studies have appeared highlighting the existence of paper mills in other parts of the empire before the eighteenth century, but they are limited in scope and always refer back to the Italian paper mills. Ersoy, “Bursa’da Kâğıt Fabrikası.” For an overview of watermarks on Ottoman documents held in Bulgaria, see Velkov, Les filigranes. The history of papermaking in Ottoman lands seems to suffer from the same problem that the history of printing in Ottoman lands once did, and no comprehensive study has ever been undertaken to examine the enormous amounts of paper used at the Ottoman court and its provinces in the early modern period. On the problems of studying printing under the Ottomans, see Pektaş, “Beginnings of Printing.” For an intriguing source pointing to local paper production, see a report from Constantinople dated to the fall of 1555 that mentions a flood near Galata that washed away the contents of a paper mill and dumped it into the “Galata Sea,” causing a few thousand forints worth of damage. Thaly, “Konstantinápolyi magyar tudósítás.” 45. On the type, which was widely used in Ottoman documents, see Mošin, Anchor Watermarks. 46. This watermark, which can be compared with northern Italian marks in Briquet, Les filigranes, no. 7582 and 7583, also appears on reports sent from the German House in 1570, such as that of secretary Anselm Stöckhl from January 22, 1570. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 26, Konv. 1, fol. 23–26. 47. Yum, “Study of the Album Paper.” 48. Bloom, Paper before Print, 72–74. I thank Nedmin Sönmez for sharing his unpublished research on watermarks with me in 2018. 49. Similar covers can be found on many contemporary Ottoman manuscripts, though the Ottoman examples usually have an extra flap to close the book. See, for example, Munajat Qur’an [Book of prayers], Freer Gallery of Art, accessed June 30, 2022, https://asia.si.edu/object/F1937.37/. For a discussion of one manuscript binding as it relates to contemporary manuscripts (which is relevant for the group as a whole), see Schepers, “Moments of Encounter,” 244–49.

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50. See THUN, fol. 1–3. On Ottoman booksellers and bookbinders’ workshops that were close to the German House, see Erünsal, “Brief Survey,” 220–21. 51. For example, GOSZTONYI and AMENDT. I wish to thank Nedim Sönmez for first pointing this out during a workshop in Budapest in 2018. 52. Bhabha, Location of Culture, 56. I consciously avoid his favored term, hybrid. See Dean and Leibsohn, “Hybridity and Its Discontents.” 53. Kaufmann, Dossin, and Joyeux-Prunel, Circulations in the Global History of Art; Anderson, Dunlop, and Smith, Matter of Art Materials; Grasskamp, EurAsian Matters; Findlen, Early Modern Things, 15. 54. Riello, “World in a Book.” On the history of the genre, see also Blanc, “Images du monde”; Defert, “Un genre ethnographique profane au XVIe.” On the exotic East, see Wunder, “Western Travelers, Eastern Antiquities”; B. Wilson, “Foggie Diverse di Vestire.” On mapping stereotypes cartographically, see Mentges, “Vestimentäres Mapping.” 55. See Değirmenci, “Illustrated Mecmua”; Değirmenci, “Introduction”; Collaço, “Image as Commodity”; Taner, Caught in a Whirlwind, 72–91; Fraser, “Ottoman Costume Album.” 56. For the original French publication, see Nicolay, Les quatre premiers livres. On the editions and translations, see Brafman, “Facing East.” 57. On these two publications, see Ackermann and Nöcker, “Wann gantz geferlich ist die Zeit,” 459–63. 58. The costume book Omnium poene gentium imagines (1577) includes a series of fifty double-page plates with four figures each. The equestrian prints were published without a date under the title Equitum descripcio, quomodo equestres copie, nostra hac aetate in sua armatura. See the copy in Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, 325 D 27 (cataloged as post 1576). 59. In 1559 Boissard had prepared an imaginative album of costume drawings for Jacob Fugger. Weimar, Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek, Oct. 193, http://nbnresolving.de/urn:nbn:de:gbv:32-1-10025499765. These images remained in private hands and left no trace in the costume album tradition. See Thimann, “Erinnerung an das Fremde.” I thank Dirk Jacob Jansen for bringing this to my attention. 60. Paulicelli, “Mapping the World.” 61. Fischer, Bencard, and Rasmussen, Melchior Lorck. 62. For a list including a majority of them, see Stichel, “Das Bremer Album und seine Stellung,” 48–54. 63. Mysterious annotations on the horses can be seen under the paint throughout the Bremen de Vos album. The copy in Paris includes several visible color annotations. Another seventeenth-century album from a Habsburg embassy to Constantinople contains several unfinished costume images with color annotations. Johann Jacob Keßler, Braunschweig, Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, H 27, Nr. 64. See Horký, “Erinnerungen an Konstantinopel,” 150–51. 64. See a description from September 1575 in Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 116. For another example, see the images of feeding cats and dogs in BRITISH MUSEUM, fol. 76r; BOEMUS, fol. 177r; SCHACHMANN, fol. 62v; KASSEL, 118r, 120r; ÖNB 8626, fol. 99r; DREYDEN, fol. 71r. See the description of these activities in Wratislaw, Adventures, 75. 65. Collaço, “Image as Commodity.” 66. BRITISH MUSEUM; MUNICH; COBURG; JERUSALEM; BRACLE; SKD CA 114; DREYDEN. See also the eight loose images formerly in the Blackmer collection and now for sale at Inlibris Gilhofer Nfg., Vienna.

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67. Albums of those who never went include those of Leonard Stockheim (Saint Petersburg, Hermitage, Inv. 152891) and Bernardus Paludanus (The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 133.M.63). Paludanus did travel in the Middle East during a pilgrimage to the Holy Land and met with several former residents of the German House while there and upon his return to Italy. On Paludanus and his album, see Keblusek, “A Paper World.” Friedrich IV, Prince Elector of Palatine, had two highquality images on silhouette paper in his album as well. Heidelberg, University Library, Cod. Pal. Germ 601, fol. 6v–7r. A series of twenty-nine loose drawings by Jacopo Ligozzi are also closely related. Uffizi, Gabinetto Disegni e Stample, Inv. nr. 2946–2967 F, J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, Inv. no. 91.GG.53, and several private collections. See Kynan-Wilson, “Ottoman Imagery.” 68. For example, the archer from a galley ship with a bow hanging over his shoulders (COBURG, fol. 67r) and the stable boy carrying a saddlecloth (COBURG, fol. 51r). 69. COBURG, p. 71; ALL SOULS, fol. 10r; BRACLE, 70r; SKD CA 114, 28r, image 9; JERUSALEM. It can also be seen in an album of pasted watercolors that may have been used as a model book from around 1580. BnF, Département Arsenal, ARS EST-1111, 4r. 70. Kurz, “Turkish Dress,” 275. See also Selection of Fine and Important Rare Books, lot 3; B. Wilson, “Foggie Diverse di Vestire,” 115. 71. ALL SOULS. The binding is stamped with the insignia of Henry, Prince of Wales, son of James I and VI, who died in 1612. This suggests that the collection made it to England no later than the early seventeenth century. 72. SCHIEFERDECKER. This is a copy of Nicolay and Saldörffer, Der erst theyl von der schiffart und raysz. 73. For example, Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 34, 213. 74. There is a great deal of literature on the role of copies in authenticating a final product by appealing to the chains of references familiar to viewers across early modern Eurasia. See, for example, Duro, Theorizing Imitation in the Visual Arts; Roxburgh, “Concepts of the Portrait”; Fetvacı, “From Print to Trace”; B. Wilson, World in Venice, 231–47. 75. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 2:22; Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 313; Nicolay, Les Qvatre Premiers Livres, 67. On this, see Borys, “Ich [. . .] habe diese Figur,” 222–25. 76. Madar, “Before the Odalisque.” 77. GOSZTONYI. For an attempt to contextualize the album in Hungarian history, see Szakály, Szigetvári Csöbör Balázs. See also Haase, “Ottoman Costume Album.” 78. On Betzek, who left the following day for Vienna, see his travel narrative, Betzek, Gesandtschaftsreise. 79. GOSZTONYI, fol. 1r. 80. His association with the embassy can be proved via a recommendation for good service from the ambassador to Johann Trautson from January 1573, when Rym sent Gosztonyi back to Vienna carrying the letters of Sultan Selim II and Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 29, Konv. 2, fol. 13–14. Gosztonyi signed another album in Latin in the German House in October 1574, clearly identifying himself as a Hungarian with the modifier “Ungarus.” PLAN, fol. 168r. This later signature suggests that he continued working as a courier in 1573–74, though he did not continue collecting in his own album. 81. The same two figures with slight variations can also be seen in the following manuscripts: TSM, H. 1339, fol. 178a; CBL, T.413, fol. 5b, 14b, 38a, 55b, 117a; TSM, A.

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3595, fol. 11a, 13a; IÜK, F. 1404, 25a. On the artists involved in these manuscripts, see Çağman, “Nakkaş Osman”; Bağcı et al., Ottoman Painting, 118–52. On the use of pouncing in later costume albums, see Collaço, “Image as Commodity,” 114–18, 160–82. Similar frontispieces appear in many contemporary Ottoman manuscripts illuminated by Nakkaş Osman and his team, like CBL, T.413, fol. 1b. For more on this art form, see Tanındı, “Başlangıcından Osmanlı’ya Tezhip Sanatı,” particularly 258–64; Derman, “Osmanlı’da klasik.” On the use of real and faux marble in Islamic architecture, with some pertinent examples on tiles from the midsixteenth century, see Flood, “‘God’s Wonder,’” 188–89. 82. These stylistic ambiguities were first noted in Haase, “Ottoman Costume Album,” and expanded on in Haase, “Un ‘Libro d’amicizia,’” which led the inclusion of the album in a discussion of Nakkaş Osman’s early works in Bağcı et al., Ottoman Painting, 116, n9. The possibility of collaboration is also discussed in Parladır, “Sigetvar Seferi Tarihi,” 85–87; Necipoğlu, “Period of Transition,” 207; Collaço, “Image as Commodity,” 94–96. 83. Roxburgh, Persian Album. For a study of one important early seventeenthcentury example, see Fetvacı, Album of the World Emperor. See also Babayan, City as Anthology. 84. See the report of Ambassador Karl Rym from April 24, 1573, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 29, Konv. 2, fol. 144r; from June 12, 1573, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 29, Konv. 3, fol. 9v. Perhaps further research will connect him to one of the names found in BOA, Kepeci Tasnifi Ru’us defteri no. 225, p. 321 (1573) or similar records from the imperial workshops. For more on this and other documents related to the painters working for Sultan Selim II, see Çağman, “Şehname-i Selim Han,” 416. 85. See the draft report of Max Haiden for the extraordinary expenses of the embassy dated December 18, 1591, ÖStA, Reichsakten 192b, Konv. 3, fol. 302. 86. WYTS, 126v. Remarks in the notebooks of Martin Crusius indicate that Stephan Gerlach also commissioned a “French painter” to create an album of costume images for Crusius, which he sent to Tübingen in 1576. See Stichel, “Das Bremer Album und seine Stellung,” 53. On the album and its owner, see Schepers, “Moments of Encounter,” 259–78; Radway, “Three Alba Amicorum.” 87. BOEMUS. The English House is the only foreign residence mentioned in the uniquely detailed panoramic view of the full length of the Bosporus on folio 2. See Skilliter, Life in Istanbul, 4. Greek artists are also mentioned in Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 99–100. 88. Brafman, “Diary of an Obscure German Artist.” 89. Larsson, “Nikolaus Andreae,” 12. Stichel identified him as a goldsmith from Holstein who traveled with the Venetian diplomat. Stichel, “Das Bremer Album und seine Stellung,” 43. On Lorck, see Fischer, Bencard, and Rasmussen, Melchior Lorck. Both Lorck and the resident ambassador at the time, Ogier de Busbecq, left behind a significant archival trail, and their mutual silence about each other has led some scholars to suspect that the ambassador and artist were locked in a heated rivalry. Rogerson, “Double Perspective.” See also Westbrook, Dark, and van Meeuwen, “Constructing Melchior Lorichs’s Panorama.” 90. Larsson, “Nikolaus Andreae.” 91. Stichel, “Das Bremer Album.” For his album entries, see WYTS, fol. 152r; MANLIUS, fol. 53ar. These indicate that Lambert de Vos was in the German House at least between the summer of 1572 and October 1574. 92. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 2:22, 124; Kiechel, Reisen, 422; Babinger, Drei Stadtansichten, 11; Neck, Österreich und die Osmanen, 63–65. The album is painted on

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watermarked paper that was never used in the German House but was regularly used by the Aulic War Council and the Vienna court. This magnificent copy of David Ungnad’s album may have been made for a member of the Habsburg family, as discussed in chapter 3. 93. Wratislaw, Adventures, 65. 94. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 281–82, 301, 308, 318. On Strich’s illustrated signatures in the album of Hans Strich the Elder (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Sign. Cgm 3292), see Borys, “‘Ich [. . .] habe diese Figur.’” The only source proving that Strich was a trumpeter in the House is HUENICH, fol. 95v. Further draftsmen and artisans with backgrounds in technical drawing were also present.

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3 •

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Hungaros semper fuisse inconsideratos, et ludricae fidei homines, qui pacem pati non possint et bellum sustinere nequeant.1 Hungarians are inconsiderate and faithless human beings, who cannot suffer peace, and are unable to sustain warfare.

T

wo copies of an album owned by resident ambassador David Ungnad in the Austrian National Library include depictions of an audience with Sultan Murad III. The first is an interactive scene with a flap for the viewer to manipulate. When it is closed (fig. 3.1), the viewer looks over the shoulder of five janissaries and their superior at a row of turbaned petitioners (labeled “Tscheßnegier,” or teşneganlar, “the thirsty ones”) seated in niches near a door guarded by four gatekeepers (labeled “Capitshÿ Pasha,” or kapıcıbaşı). With the flap open (fig. 3.2), the viewer peeks into the lavish audience chamber of the sultan, who is seated on a low couch next to a hearth in the corner of the room. A row of viziers on the left watch as two guards lead a nobleman before the sultan. Waiting behind them at the bottom of the folio are the resident ambassador and tribute-carrying delegate, one holding his hat and the other a written petition. They wear ankle-length ermine-lined robes and watch the sultan intently. The attention to minute details and the close rendering of the Ottoman Turkish language in Latin script indicate that the image was made with firsthand knowledge of the event being depicted. The interactive flaps insist that the viewer actively participate in the events taking place, suggesting that they may have served a didactic purpose.2 The second image comes from a more polished copy of Ungnad’s album, likely made for a member of the Habsburg ruling family (fig. 3.3). Here further details are visible: the petition includes an elaborate seal, a second nobleman is forced onto his knees in a subservient position in front of the sultan, and the diplomats wear yellow

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Fig. 3.1  Entrance to the sultan’s audience chamber. ÖNB 8615, fol. 135v (closed).

Fig. 3.2  Audience with the sultan. ÖNB 8615, fol. 135v (open).

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Fig. 3.3  Audience with the sultan. ÖNB 8626, fol. 122r.

heeled boots clearly visible under their long mantles. One subtle difference should be noted: the ambassador and envoy wear robes fashioned from royal purple cloth rather than the red robes of the more loosely painted original. This change in color sets them apart from their Ottoman surroundings. Ungnad’s costume book was the most thorough visual guide to sixteenthcentury Ottoman Constantinople and the German House’s place within it. It had a profound impact on later iconography, and the surviving manuscript

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copies are still used today to reconstruct Ottoman court culture and ceremonial.3 The visual materials and texts that accompanied them were closely studied by leading scholars of the Ottoman Empire, including Hans Löwenklaw in the sixteenth century and Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall in the nineteenth century. Ungnad’s albums continue to play an important role as sources for Ottoman art history, yet they have never been examined as objects born in a specific environment alongside the archival sources related to his tenure as Habsburg resident ambassador to the Ottoman court. This chapter reconstructs the role of resident ambassadors like Ungnad in album collecting. Though they were enthusiastic about signing alba amicorum in the German House, ambassadors focused their own energies exclusively on assembling evocative and informative visual materials as loose folios and lavish bound volumes. Close examination of several oft-cited but littleunderstood examples alongside a handful of unpublished manuscripts and archival sources allows for the recovery of the economies of knowledge they embodied for their owners. Using an extraordinary set of documents related to Ungnad’s album, the chapter uncovers how images draw viewers’ attention to minute details, protocols of conduct, and accurate terminology. These paper portraits of empire were not for the curious observer or the armchair traveler, but rather they were carefully collated for the men who needed to memorize the detailed information they contained as part of a career in diplomatic service. The following pages address questions about the utility of Ottoman picture albums, the languages they employed, and the mental geographies they rendered. Ambassadors commissioned objects that helped them navigate their current environments, explain the intricacies of Ottoman social and political life to their superiors, and instruct their successors. Through these images, they could share acquired knowledge, display their own erudition, and highlight their elevated status. What began as an antiquarian exercise on behalf of a humanist-ambassador interested in types and forms shifted toward an interest in compiling a practical guide with detailed descriptions of ceremonies, events, and hierarchies rendered visible through spatial arrangements and sartorial displays. Finally, the chapter addresses the portraits and representations of the ambassadors themselves within these albums and beyond to highlight the flexibility of imperial (Habsburg) self-portraits. The anklelength robes and yellow heeled boots of Ungnad’s album were not evidence of ambassadors “going native.” Rather, I argue that Ungnad used his album to articulate a productive ambiguity in imperial relations that allowed for a vision of Habsburg sovereignty elastic enough to accommodate competing claims of representation. According to a note on its first folio, the earliest stand-alone Ottoman costume book from the German House was made for resident ambassador Karl Rym by his painter, Lambert de Vos of Mechelen, in 1574. The large-format volume (40 × 27 cm) of 103 gouache paintings is preserved in the University Library of Bremen. Its first forty-nine images record an imperial procession

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Fig. 3.4  Sultan Selim II. VOS BREMEN, fol. 36r.

moving from right to left across the page, with Sultan Selim II (fig. 3.4) at its center. Each folio includes more men, alone or in pairs, who walk or ride parade horses across the page and display an enormous variety of textiles and accoutrements. Most figures are identified in Latin above the image: military elites (like the janissary aga), messenger-agents (like çavuşes), the head jurist

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or mufti, and the voivode of Wallachia. Some figures gesture, look toward one another, or lean in, as if enjoying private conversations. Others carry flags that hang over their shoulders like shawls. This movement matches the way the ambassador and his artist would have experienced any number of parades leaving the palace and making their way along the Divan Yolu in front of the German House. An ambassadorial report indicates that shortly before 1570, it became customary for the residents to line up and greet the sultan as he rode by the building on his way to prayers at the Süleymaniye Mosque.4 Such processions would have taken a similar form to the one reproduced here. The album continues with single-figure representations of Muslim holy men, women headed to the baths, a wedding procession, shared meals seated on the floor, archery games, diverse groups of soldiers (fig. 3.5), minorities from across the Ottoman Empire, and finally a series of Greek Orthodox Christians and Catholics residing in Galata. Rym and his retinue had ample time and freedom of movement to explore the Ottoman world that surrounded them during their four-year stay in Constantinople following the Treaty of Edirne (1568). One result was that Rym, a humanist by training, began collecting Greek codices.5 Another result was the burst in commissions of images. Nevertheless, several of de Vos’s images are closely related to the earlier printed costume books of Nicolas de Nicolay (figs. 3.5 and 3.6) and Sachs/Amman (figs. 3.7 and 3.8). Other images appear to be new compositions by de Vos that soon made their way into print (figs. 3.9 and 3.10). This cross-pollination is an important aspect of de Vos’s album and suggests that it was made in conversation with several ongoing projects within the German House and back in Europe.6 Its contemporary Ottoman binding, on the other hand, indicates that it was also made in conversation with Ottoman artisans. It is unknown exactly what prompted Rym to commission his costume book in the first place. The popular printed versions circulating in Europe at the time were riddled with errors, exaggerations, incorrect labels, and outright fantasies. Perhaps Rym hoped his artist could provide a corrective. Color annotations and inconsistencies in quality across the de Vos albums point toward a workshop approach, but there is no evidence that de Vos traveled with any assistants or ever intended to have the album printed. Two full-size copies and two small-format collections are closely related to the Bremen album.7 The collection of 111 watercolors in the Gennadius Library in Athens is of a similarly high quality and also includes an Ottoman binding, but with several repeated images, many corrections, and the addition of a view of an audience chamber with a seated sultan and five standing viziers. Meanwhile a second, more loosely painted copy in Paris has a later European binding, a note dating it to 1590, and descriptions in Latin, French, and German. The plainly visible color annotations in German and the trilingual gloss indicate that the latter was likely a model book. The Latin and German descriptions of the images appear to be original, whereas the French descriptions are occasionally inaccurate. In addition to these copies, a series of six stylistically similar

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Fig. 3.5  Mounted soldier (gazi) from the Ottoman borderlands. VOS BREMEN, fol. 85r.

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Fig. 3.6  Mounted soldier (deli) from the Ottoman borderlands, from Nicolas de Nicolay’s Travels in Turkey, 1572 German edition.

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Fig. 3.7  Woman seated at home. VOS BREMEN, fol. 73r.

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Fig. 3.8  Woman seated at home. Hans Weigel [and Jost Amman], Des dürckischen Kaiser hoffgesind, herren und frawen sampt iren pefelch und emptern (Nuremberg, 1572), 19.

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Fig. 3.9  Wedding procession. VOS BREMEN, fol. 71r. Fig. 3.10  Bride under a baldachin. [Jost Amman and] Hans Weigel, Habitus praecipuorum populorum (Nuremberg, 1577), ccii.

small-format images of Ottoman officials on horseback can be found in a manuscript held in Dresden (fig. 3.11), and a further set of thirty-one directly related sketches are included in the album amicorum of Stephan Haymb von Reichenstein, now held in Copenhagen (fig. 2.27). Of these, the copies on smoothed and polished paper in Dresden are most interesting because of the inscriptions written above their turbans identifying them as several of the most important viziers and naval officers of the 1570s: admiral of the naval fleet Uluç Ali (d. 1587); the viziers Koca Sinan Pasha (d. 1596), Şemsi Ahmed Pasha (d. 1580), Zal Mahmud Pasha (d. 1577), Piyale Pasha (d. 1578), and Lala

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Fig. 3.11  Piyale Pasha and Mustafa Pasha. SKD CA 114 ADD, fol. 3r. © Kupferstich-Kabinett, SKD, Photographer: Estel / Klut.

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Fig. 3.12  Süleymaniye. FRESHFIELD, fol. 14r. © Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge, CCBY-NC 4.0.

Mustafa Pasha (d. 1580); and Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha (d. 1579).8 Though smaller in format (22.5 × 14.9 cm), these match the detail and quality of execution displayed in de Vos’s album for Ambassador Rym. The sketches in Haymb’s album appear to be copied by a less experienced hand, likely from a model book kept in the House. The watermarks in the Bremen and Athens manuscripts connect them to another set of twenty-one watercolors from the German House, known as the Freshfield Album.9 This collection includes ink drawings of columns and obelisks in Constantinople complete with detailed renderings of their dense visual programs and Greek inscriptions, as well as paintings of several buildings, two sarcophagi, and two rhinoceroses. The images offer a glimpse of a sightseeing tour through the city: an extraordinary view of the northeast facade of Süleymaniye Mosque (fig. 3.12), several interior views of the Hagia Sophia (fig. 3.13), and a detailed rendering of the Hippodrome made over several sittings.10 The whole album is a compilation rather than a uniformly planned and executed project, which explains some of the confusion in the secondary literature, which has disagreed on the identity of the artist and

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patron. The watercolors seem to be by de Vos. The ink drawings are by a skilled draftsman, perhaps Paolo Strada, the son of the famous Habsburg court antiquarian and artist Jacopo Strada.11 The final three folios in the album are by an amateur. The album can be connected to Karl Rym because of a remark on the back of the drawing of the burial of Sultan Selim II. The note, written in first person, references “my successor as legate, David Ungnad,” having sent

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Fig. 3.13  Interior of the Hagia Sophia. FRESHFIELD, fol. 9. © Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge, CC-BY-NC 4.0.

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Fig. 3.14  Rhinoceros, originally an attachment to the report of resident ambassador David Ungnad (watermarked with the countermark IPTrefoil). FRESHFIELD, fol. 19r. © Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge, CC-BY-NC 4.0.

the loose folio, which was then pasted into the volume. The core contents of the album must have been complete by November 1574, when, just two days after Rym departed for Vienna, a delegation from the provincial governor of Habesh (Eritrea) marched by the German House on its way to a meeting of the divan with a group of barefoot and naked captives and a two-year-old giant animal with a horn on its forehead. Ungnad wrote in his report to Maximilian II about the animal the Turks took to be a unicorn, pointing out that it was clearly a rhinoceros and including an image in his attachments.12 One of the two rhinoceroses in the album (fig. 3.14) is on creased paper that can be traced to the ambassador’s own report by its watermark. This indicates that the image Ungnad originally intended for Maximilian II made its way into Rym’s album rather than the archives. Copies of this rhinoceros also appear in several other albums produced in the German House.13 Interestingly, the appearance of a rhinoceros on the Divan Yolu was even a sensation for Ottoman artists, who included an image of the poor animal in a contemporary manuscript illustrated by Nakkaş Osman and his workshop.14 This is the same workshop involved in the Gosztonyi album discussed in chapter 2. Taken together, Rym’s commissions represent an antiquarian approach to collecting and recording snapshots of Ottoman daily life, contemporary architecture, and the built remains of the ancient past.

David Ungnad’s Albums

While Karl Rym’s manuscripts seem to have been part of an intellectual exercise in conversation with printed images circulating in Europe, his successor, David Ungnad, took the genre in a more practical direction. Ungnad first

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traveled to Constantinople in 1572 to deliver the yearly tribute payment. In 1573, he returned for five years to serve as resident ambassador. During this tenure, he amassed a valuable collection of images and notes detailing the intricacies of ceremonial, juridical, and social interactions he encountered at the Ottoman court. Ungnad, likely inspired by the presence of Rym and his artist de Vos, became interested in the visual culture of Ottoman Constantinople early in his tenure as resident ambassador. According to the diary of his chaplain, in February 1574 Ungnad sent his fiancée a prayer book written by “the groom of his reverence’s housekeeper,” Jeremiah, on beautiful Persian decorated paper. On the first page, Lambert de Vos, who was still on hand during the fifteenmonth overlap of the two ambassadorial retinues, painted a portrait of Ungnad and a view of Constantinople with all of its gates, palaces, and columns.15 The whereabouts of this early combination of German text, Netherlandish painting, and paper from Ottoman workshops staffed by Persian artisans is unknown, but it is safe to say that it was filled with decorated papers like those circulating in the German House, discussed in chapter 2.16 A drawing of the burial tent of Sultan Selim II from the Freshfield Album further attests to Ungnad’s early interests in visual representations (fig. 3.15).

Fig. 3.15  Burial tent of Sultan Selim II and his five sons. FRESHFIELD, fol. 21. © Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge, CCBY-NC 4.0.

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Fig. 3.16  Burial tent of Sultan Selim II and his five sons. Broadsheet, printed in Strasburg by Bernhard Jobin, 1575, 21.7 × 28.7 cm, Zentralbibliothek Zürich, Graphische Sammlung, PAS II, 12/3.

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As noted above, Rym’s remark on the back of the folio states that it was sent to him by Ungnad and arrived in Vienna in January 1575. The image shows a tent with the coffins of Sultan Selim and five of his sons placed between the Hagia Sophia and the entry to the Topkapı Palace.17 The text written above the coffins explains that Selim died, according to conflicting reports on December 9 or December 13, and that his successor, Murad III, arrived on December 22. As was customary, Murad had his five brothers killed, and he placed their bodies along with that of their father under a red tent, where they would remain until a marble mausoleum was completed.18 The text below the coffins names each son and his mother, identifying the source of this information as “several women who have free access to the sultan’s private apartments.” Through this image, Ungnad wanted to physically show Rym what had taken place since his departure in mid-November 1574. The death was a significant setback for the ambassadors because it nullified an eight-year peace treaty they had recently negotiated.19 The days following the death were uneasy for Ungnad as rumors swirled, advisers were reshuffled, and meetings to discuss the terms of a new treaty were delayed.20 But why send an image? What did the image convey that words could not? The image suggests a sense of immediacy, a visually supported statement of fact. Rather than the long-winded commentary of official ambassadorial correspondence written in cipher, the text and image work together to convey the latest news in an immediately digestible form. The awkward combination of perspectives, the haphazard sea of red meant to evoke a tent, and the text spilling outside the framing devices all highlight the fact that the professional artist was gone. Ungnad was relying on an amateur painter working quickly to create a snapshot. This immediacy was significant and points to a growing Europe-wide trend of using combinations of image and text to announce the latest news.21 Sure enough, shortly after the image arrived, it was reused in a broadsheet printed in Strasburg announcing the death of Sultan Selim II and detailing the shocking practice of fratricide at the Ottoman court (fig. 3.16). The image of the rhinoceros displayed the same impulse: Ungnad wanted to show the curious events rather than just write about them. This insistence on visualization and the power of images to communicate suggests that Ungnad had already embarked on his larger project: a detailed book cataloging the types of people he encountered during his stay in Constantinople alongside representations of the various events and ceremonies he participated in himself or heard about from reliable sources. The album survives in several copies in Vienna, Krakow, and Dresden, but the original

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draft carried back with Ungnad from Constantinople was likely dismantled in the sixteenth century. A set of remarkable letters held in Dresden reveals that Ungnad had plans for the disorderly draft and shows that there was a ready market less concerned with accuracy than with the visually compelling pictures from the exotic East.22 After months of trying to track the album down as it passed from the hands of one acquaintance to another, Ungnad sent the tattered volume to August, elector of Saxony (r. 1553–86), who was waiting impatiently for it in Dresden. In a letter accompanying the album, Ungnad explains the loosely bound collection of images with annotations, modestly noting that “I should not have dared to send this defective half book of mine, which I had thrown together (by one of my young servants who could barely paint) in a cursory fashion, and not as a curiosity (nur raptim cursorie, und nicht curiose), in order to help me remember.”23 Over several subsequent letters, Ungnad answers August’s questions about the album, revealing important details about the original manuscript, the individuals he considers to be experts on its contents, and his understanding of how it should be handled and used. The album was first recorded in a letter from July 11, 1581, in which Ungnad responds to a request from August to see his “Turkish Book” by writing that he hopes to find it in Vienna and will send it to the elector obediently on his return.24 In his next letter, from October 17, Ungnad complains at length about a friend who borrowed it and then passed it on to a third person without his permission. This person then mishandled the pages, leaving several torn. As he had finally got the book back, he was sending it on to the elector and apologizing for its sloppy contents. Ungnad explains that he commissioned it from one of his young men, who was not a very good artist, mostly to keep him busy, and he repeatedly points out that the album is a work in progress that he never intended to share. He goes on to clarify, “Hans Christoph Wolzogen, the brother of the Emperor’s postmaster, was with me there for several years and he will bring the book to you. He can tell you details and what he cannot explain you should discuss with Heinrich von Bünau and consult the attached notes, about which he is aware.”25 Heinrich von Bünau was a member of Ungnad’s retinue who joined the embassy from the Saxon court.26 That Ungnad considered Bünau and Wolzogen to be experts on the contents of the volume is noteworthy and indicates that it may have been a collaborative project. In the same letter, Ungnad suggests that instead of having it copied, the elector could send his own agent with the next tribute payment; that agent could commit the sights to memory and collect some coveted “Turkish papers” while he was there. The elector could even send his own artist, but Ungnad warns that he would have to paint in secret. Ungnad further instructs the elector to handle the volume with care, saying that when he unfolds the long sheets of paper, he needs to take caution that the small notes and numbered lists pasted into the volume remain attached; otherwise, he will never make sense of the collection. Ungnad ends with a warning: “Do not let anyone secretly copy it or publish it. There is

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Fig. 3.17  Ottoman pavilion next to a warm bath. SKD CA 169, no. 65. © KupferstichKabinett, SKD, Photographer: Andreas Diesend.

much to be corrected and it would make things difficult for me if it were to be published now, against my wishes.”27 The elector ignored this last request. There are three manuscripts in Dresden collections that can be directly linked to Ungnad’s original.28 After he informed Ungnad about his plans to copy the manuscript against his wishes, the former ambassador wrote again to make further excuses for its low quality while giving instructions: “Do not add the notes but collate it as a register of numbers without the texts you see on my copy. That way I can sort it out based on page numbers and make sure the Turkish names are all correct.”29 On April 3, 1582, Ungnad wrote again to announce, “I was just informed that his majesty the emperor is sending Hans Christoph Wolzogen to your excellency as a courier. Your grace will hear from the aforementioned Wolzogen’s own mouth, who was with me in Constantinople for five years and is well versed in matters relating to Turkish clothing.”30 This indicates that though Ungnad, in an earlier letter, intended for Wolzogen to bring the book, he did not arrive in Dresden until April. Despite

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Ungnad’s words of caution and the presence of Wolzogen, all of the Dresden copies of Ungnad’s costume book are riddled with minor factual errors. An oblong album on paper made in Dresden with sixty-five images in the Kupferstich-Kabinett most closely matches Ungnad’s description. It includes depictions of Sultan Murad III and his retinue passing by the German House on their way to a mosque, as well as a hunt, a wedding procession, the arrival of a Persian ambassador in Constantinople, several genre scenes, a series of local and “foreign” types of individuals one might encounter, and a set of buildings (fig. 3.17). The procession of the Persian ambassador was cut in two and rebound in separate locations, perhaps to hide the fact that one image from the set was missing.31 Though some scenes are highly finished with framed labels and evocative backgrounds, most figures are crudely painted with thick sketched lines. Several folios include traces of underdrawings, like the disembodied head floating between a pair of courtiers on horseback and a group of dervishes in ecstatic trances (fig. 3.18). Other images show a keen interest in the sexual lives of Constantinople’s prostitutes that was likely more subdued

top, Fig. 3.18 Courtiers on horseback and a group of dervishes in ecstatic trances with a sketch of a turbaned head between them. SKD CA 169, fol. 13r, image no. 12. © Kupferstich-Kabinett, SKD, Photographer: Andreas Diesend.

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bottom, Fig. 3.19 Brothel scene. SKD CA 169, fol. 23r, image no. 23. © Kupferstich-Kabinett, SKD, Photographer: Andreas Diesend.

Fig. 3.20  A descendant of the Prophet Mohammed with notes about Heinrich Bünau. WEHME SKD, fol. 26v. © Kupferstich-Kabinett, SKD, Photographer: Herbert Boswank.

below, Fig. 3.21  Detail of the ambassador and tributecarrying delegation’s formal entry into the Topkapı Palace for an audience. WEHME SLUB, fol. 5.

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in Ungnad’s original. Such is the case with the evocative indoor scene of two amorous couples listening to musicians while a third woman lies with breasts exposed, clearly spent from her recent exploits (fig. 3.19). Two more copies of Ungnad’s album can be found in Dresden. A second album from the same collection includes more-extensive written descriptions. These texts may have been composed in conversation with Heinrich von Bünau, as one folio includes information about his experiences that appears in no other copy. The explanatory text below the image of a descendant of the Prophet Mohammed (fig. 3.20) explains that Bünau wore green socks to pay his respects to these men but that they were not impressed with his overtures.32 The album, which is associated with August’s court painter Zacharias Wehme (d. 1606), went through significant modifications in the eighteenth century, when it was cut and pasted into a large-format album on blue paper with ornamental frames.33 At the time, it was likely part of a set of albums that served as model books for festivities held in Dresden for August the Strong (r. 1694–1733).34 The third copy of Ungnad’s album in Dresden is a series of eight foldout aquarelles depicting dancers in the harem, a pasha’s palace, a hunt, and a set of processions: of women to a bath, of the sultan to Friday prayers, of the sultan’s mother to the old imperial palace, and of a tribute-carrying delegation’s formal entry for an audience at the Topkapı Palace.35 The images of the ambassadorial audience include flaps very similar to those in the Ungnad album at the Austrian National Library, but their large format provides the viewer with a better sense of the spatial organization of the palace, and the detailed accompanying explanatory texts are edited into an organized legend running along the bottom (fig. 3.21). Inventories and account books at Habsburg courts point to the continued participation of Ungnad in costume book copying and exchange while he served as president of the Aulic War Council. A note in the account books of Archduke Ernst from October 1592 indicates that Ungnad corrected a so-called “Turkish album” with decorated paper that was sent from Constantinople. The

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Fig. 3.22  Janissary Aga’s night watch. ÖNB 8626, fol. 136v–137r.

book was then divided, with part of it remaining with an archduchess and part of it being sent to Spain, presumably to the court of Philip II.36 It is likely that Ungnad was also involved in the “long scroll on which the Turkish Emperor is shown riding to church (i.e. a mosque)” in the inventory of the collection of Ferdinand II of Tyrol.37 Two further costume albums devoted to the Ottoman Empire appear in the inventory of Rudolf II’s cabinet of curiosities in Prague.38 Based on its binding, one of these is likely to be the spectacular collection of 165 aquarelles now housed in the Austrian National Library under the shelf mark Cod. 8626. This polished album is the most artfully crafted example of the genre (fig. 3.22). The attribution to Ambassador Pezzen’s artist Heinrich Hendrowski has hitherto only been suggested on the basis of circumstantial evidence.39 It is much more likely that this masterpiece was painted by a team of artists working for Rudolf II on other projects.40 This chapter began with an interactive image from yet another copy of Ungnad’s album in the Austrian National Library, Cod. 8615, known in secondary literature as the Codex Löwenklaw. Like most albums, this is also the product of layered reworkings. The volume has long been connected with the humanist Hans Löwenklaw on the basis of two folios: a “dedication” from

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Fig. 3.23  Hans Löwenklaw’s “dedication.” ÖNB 8615, fol. 158r.

1586 on folio 158r (fig. 3.23) and a single image from the album reproduced in Löwenklaw’s Neuwe Chronica Türckischer Nation.41 Rudolf Stichel has shown that the spectacular portrait series at the beginning of the volume originally came from another manuscript made for Hieronymus Beck von Leopoldsdorf. This series includes remarkably lifelike portraits of Sultans Mehmed II, Süleyman I, Selim II, and Murad III alongside several Ottoman elites, a Tatar ambassador, and two members of a Persian embassy. Each image is annotated with a reference to the year the original was painted and the name of the

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Fig. 3.24  Agent of the pasha of Bosnia with the captive frontier soldiers (320) delivering the decapitated heads of Auersperg and Weixlbach along with the captive Oberzahn (321) to the Topkapı Palace. ÖNB 8615, fol. 133r.

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resident ambassador who provided it. Beck, who was Löwenklaw’s patron and a good friend of Ungnad, likely owned the book himself and allowed the humanist to consult it as part of his research. The so-called dedication appears on a creased folio pasted into the album that bears a different watermark. The text above explains how on May 3, 1585, Löwenklaw and the tribute-carrying envoy Heinrich von Liechtenstein encountered the man depicted in the image at the center of the page: with knives, horseshoes, nails, and saws piercing his skin. The Turks called such self-mutilating men Deli (Turkish for crazy). At the bottom of the page, Löwenklaw wrote his own name, added a note of thanks to his patron, and dated the image to 1586 in Vienna. The verb he uses to describe the act of painting (pingi curavit) suggests that he had hired an artist to render the figure. These details all indicate that the album as a whole was not the product of Löwenklaw’s own hand but rather a collection curated by Beck. This makes sense, given that Löwenklaw’s stay in the German House lasted only six weeks and he was mostly confined indoors.42 Since Beck was both a good friend of Ungnad and a patron of Löwenklaw, it is more likely that Beck gave the humanist access to his alreadyexisting copy.43 As a token of thanks, Löwenklaw contributed this single image to the collection. Of all the known copies of Ungnad’s album, this one contains the mostexplicit details relating to Ungnad’s tenure in Constantinople. In fact, a set of images (fol. 122–43) can be directly connected to Ungnad through the handwriting of the scribe and the details relating to important events from December 1575. For example, an image of the agent (kethüda) of the pasha of Bosnia delivering the decapitated heads of a von Auersperg and a von Weixlbach along with a group of captives to the Topkapı Palace (fig. 3.24) includes information that directly corresponds with Ungnad’s ambassadorial report from December 3, 1575.44 The inclusion of such details indicates that Ungnad himself closely supervised the compilation of this important manuscript. In his next report, Ungnad even sent an image (Abriß) of the sad spectacle, which no longer survives. He also arranged for the heads to be returned via the Venetian diplomat Antonio Tiepolo.45 Another copy without these direct references or

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interactive flaps can be found in Krakow. This mysterious example appears on seventeenth-century paper and includes an additional set of images depicting seventeenth-century costumes with Ottoman Turkish descriptions.46 The combination of outdated portraits, adapted renderings of daily life based on Ungnad’s collection of images, and a series of updated costumes indicates that it may have been compiled for a later Habsburg agent. Ungnad continued to collect images of the Ottoman world long after his return to Habsburg lands. Several portraits of Ottoman elites bound into ÖNB 8615 include annotations noting that they were copied from Ungnad’s collection.47 While most of these annotations identifying Ungnad as their source would have come from his time in Constantinople, the image of Ibrahim Pasha (fig. 3.25) includes the year 1586, eight years after Ungnad’s return. This date indicates that his collection expanded well after his tenure as ambassador. His reliance on his successors to assist with building a visual catalog of elites in Constantinople makes sense when one considers his role as president of the Aulic War Council, a position that put him in regular contact with ambassadors and Ottoman officials. Annotations on the portraits of Sultan Murad III (fig. 3.26) and Ferhad Pasha indicate that they were copied from those belonging to Ambassador Paul von Eytzing.48 Joachim von

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above left, Fig. 3.25  Portrait of Ibrahim Pasha. ÖNB 8615, fol. 23r. above right, Fig. 3.26  Portrait of Sultan Murad III. ÖNB 8615, fol. 15r.

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Fig. 3.27  Procession of the ambassador’s translators (309) and retinue of noblemen (310) through the first court of the Topkapı Palace on their way to an audience with the sultan. ÖNB 8615, fol. 131v (detail).

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Fig. 3.28  Procession of the ambassador’s servants through the first court of the Topkapı Palace on their way to an audience with the sultan. ÖNB 8615, fol. 131r (detail).

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Fig. 3.29  Procession of the resident ambassador and tribute-carrying delegate (314), their knaves (312), the assigned janissary guards (313), their groomsmen (315), and their court masters (316) through the first court of the Topkapı Palace on their way to an audience with the sultan. ÖNB 8615, fol. 130v (detail).

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Sinzendorff also owned a separate set of now-lost images of Ottoman officials, some of which bore Arabic inscriptions.49 It is possible that all of these collections were related to the sudden interest in portraiture in the circle of Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha around 1578. While preparing for a major illustrated physiognomy project, Sokollu had secured copies of Venetian paintings for Nakkaş Osman and his team to work from.50 This possible connection would add another transimperial layer to these complicated objects. Collectively, these visual materials gathered by resident ambassadors reveal an interest in documenting the intricacies of the Ottoman court ceremonial and portraits of high-ranking officials. At the same time, they also provide visual records of their own places within this world. A detailed series of images spread across several folios in Beck’s copy of David Ungnad’s album shows the procession of an ambassador through the first court of the Topkapı Palace for an audience with the sultan (figs. 3.27–3.29). Two translators on horseback lead a sea of noblemen, courtiers, and servants. All eighty-two figures wear matching black velvet hats decorated with feathers. The ambassadors ride white horses in the third frame, marked further by their damascene robes and ermine-lined red cloaks. The senior noblemen in the retinue are dressed in identical black robes covered by ankle-length red cloaks with cape collars fastened at the neck with golden clasps. The servants wear similar attire fashioned from black, red, and purple cloth. The five knaves preceding the ambassadors all sport light-brown knee-length jackets with double fastening mechanisms and wide sleeves over their form-fitting red tights. The clothing of the embassy is not cut in the reserved Spanish style that was common at the Habsburg courts of Vienna and Prague.51 Rather, it is cut in variations of a doublet-and-cloak combination (dolman and mente) common throughout the border region encompassing Habsburg Hungary, Transylvania, and Poland.52 This garment style is even more pronounced in several ambassadorial portraits from the German House. The Flensburg-born master printmaker Melchior Lorck designed three complementary portraits of Habsburg ambassadors while in residence between 1556 and 1560: Antonius Verantius (fig. 3.30), Ferenc Zay (fig. 3.31), and Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq (fig. 3.32).53 Verantius, a Catholic prelate and treaty-negotiating envoy, and resident ambassador Busbecq are shown in profile, their fur-lined cloaks and neatly combed beards creating a play of light and texture that mirrors that of their counterpart. Zay, Verantius’s co-envoy, was the Hungarian captain of the Danube naval fleet. His portrait follows a similar composition, but with the subject turned toward the viewer in threequarter pose, thus placing him at the compositional center of the tryptic-like set of prints. All three images include a block of text identifying their roles in representing the king of the Romans at the Ottoman court in Constantinople and allegorical symbols referring to the harsh climate.54 Busbecq’s decorative white collar, three rows of gold chains hanging on his chest, and patterned

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left, Fig. 3.30  Portrait of Antonius Verantius, 1556. Melchior Lorck, engraving and etching, 11.3 × 8.1 cm, Vienna, Albertina, Inv. no. DG 1937/31. below left, Fig. 3.31  Portrait of Franciscus Zay, 1557. Melchior Lorck, engraving and etching, 11.5 × 8.1 cm, Copenhagen, Royal Library, Billedsamlingen, Müllers Pinakotek 24, 7, I a. below right, Fig. 3.32  Portrait of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, 1557. Melchior Lorck, engraving and etching, 12.4 × 9 cm, Copenhagen, National Gallery of Denmark, KKSgb8209.

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fabrics all point to the aristocracy he wished to project as the illegitimate son of a Flemish nobleman seeking a place of legitimate prestige back home. Zay’s fur-lined cloak is fashioned out of a fabric similar to Busbecq’s, with two stiff collars peeking out from behind the banded clasps that give his cloak a Hungarian form. Lorck’s subtle study of the three representatives hints at the importance of clothing in the German House. At the time these portraits were designed, there was still a division of labor, in which Zay and Verantius represented the interests of the Hungarian estates.55 By 1578, when Nikolai Andresen completed several portrait prints modeled compositionally on those of his master, the mode of representation had changed.56 The 1580 engraving of Ambassador Joachim von Sinzendorff (fig. 3.33) also shows the Habsburg ambassador with a block of text and an allegorical symbol below.57 Nearly double the size of Lorck’s earlier portraits, the image of Sinzendorff faces the viewer directly, his fur-lined cloak creating a triangular composition that leads the eye continually back to his embroidered white collar and row of Hungarian-style decorative buttons. An unlabeled image of a man in an ermine-lined red cloak held together by double fastening mechanisms copied into one of the Ungnad albums may also be a portrait of the ambassador dressed for an audience (fig. 3.34).58 The man stands before a red curtain and wears a fur hat with a jeweled

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above left, Fig. 3.33  Portrait of Joachim von Sinzendorff, 1580. Nikolai Andresen, engraving, 24.7 × 18.7 cm. Munich, Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Inventar-Nr. 82197 D. above right, Fig. 3.34  Portrait of an ambassador (David Ungnad?). ÖNB 8615, fol. 31r.

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above, Fig. 3.35  Portrait of David Ungnad von Sonnegk. Engraving from the front matter of the 1674 publication of Stephan Gerlach’s Tage-Buch. facing, Fig. 3.36  Hungarian clothing of the ambassador and his courtiers. Salomon Schweigger, travelogue (autograph copy from c. 1580–92), Archiv des Schottenstifts, Vienna, Cod. 647, fol. 18v.

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pendant and large plume. He is accompanied by a dog wearing a large collar and clenching an arrow between his teeth. David Ungnad wears similarly orientalizing clothing in a seventeenth-century portrait print, likely based on a lost sixteenth-century painting (fig. 3.35). Ungnad’s pressed white collar peeks out above a row of decorative fastenings held in place by elaborate strapwork and covered by an ermine-lined cloak of damascene cloth. A contemporary travel narrative elaborates on these markedly Hungarian clothes with an amateur image and description of what was worn by an ambassador and his servants (fig. 3.36): “Our clothing is Hungarian, as you can see.” The author elaborates further in the caption: “A servant in a satin Hungarian dolman or robe, over which a mente or overcoat is worn, as the image shows.” Why do these ambassadors and their large retinues, representing the vast territories ruled by the Habsburgs, wear Hungarian clothes? Clues can be found in correspondence relating to a 1581 dispute with the French ambassador over representational status. The dispute began with a disagreement about seating arrangements during Mass at a Catholic Church in Galata. Within a week of the departure of the old Protestant ambassador, the new resident ambassador, Friedrich Breuner, attended services with the representatives of other European sovereigns. It was there that the French ambassador, Jacques de Germigny, haughtily informed Breuner that he was not, in fact, a representative of the Holy Roman emperor but rather only a representative of the king of Hungary. As such, he was less significant than the representative of the king of France. The consequence of this inferiority was that Breuner was not allowed to sit in the most esteemed position in the church.59 The dispute escalated when it came time to prepare for the circumcision festival of Prince Mehmed in 1582.60 Breuner reported that the French ambassador began referring to the German House as only a “maison d’Hongrie.” Rudolf II wrote to the soon-to-be president of the Aulic War Council, David Ungnad, asking for advice. In his response, Ungnad provides a detailed description of the productive ambiguity of the House. Apparently, this was an old dispute. Ungnad writes, “They still call your Imperial Majesty’s orator’s house the Hungarian House. But only in you do the dignity and majesty of the Kaiser, King of the Romans, Bohemians, and Hungarians unite in one person.”61 He adds that this label of Hungarian House was not entirely

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without grounds, since “your agents deliver the ordinary tribute payment as representatives of the Hungarian King and certainly not in any way as representatives of the Roman Empire or Bohemia.” This productive ambiguity allowed the Habsburgs to justify the yearly payments in gold and lavish gifts stipulated in the peace treaties. God forbid the Holy Roman Empire was seen as a tribute payer, just one step away from being fully incorporated into the Ottomans world itself.62 Importantly, from the mid-1570s onward, the embassy was always staffed with one or two Hungarian tailors, who outfitted the entire retinue with dolman and mente combinations fashioned from red fabric.63 Thus, Ungnad’s argument and its manifestation in the stitched, sewn, and draped world of the German House offered a way out of the ritually encoded act of submission embodied in the tribute payment or “honorable present.” Ungnad’s letter underscores how agents could, in theory, pick and choose when to own the imperial title. In the narrowest sense of representation, they embodied the elected and crowned Habsburg king of Hungary. In the eyes of the Habsburg court, they embodied those to whom they reported directly: the emperor, the archduke of Austria, and the Aulic War Council. Though the Aulic council occasionally supplied the Hungarian Council with notes and excerpts of ambassadorial reports who, in return, submitted written opinions, this flow of communication was a method of (often-ignored) consultation and not a form of representation.64 In the eyes of the residents of the House, who came from all corners of the central European Habsburg world, this dissimulation must have felt strange. Ambassadors occasionally made their opinions of Hungarian noblemen and their interests (which all too often clashed with those of the Habsburg dynasty they served) very clear. Albert de Wyss, writing in 1569 after a series of debacles related to Transylvanian noblemen with fluid loyalties, opined that the “Hungarians are inconsiderate and faithless human beings, who cannot suffer peace, and are unable to sustain warfare.”65 Despite these conflicts, Ungnad realized that to maintain the status quo, the idea of flexible representation needed to be fully articulated in the visual and sartorial vocabulary of the German House. Ungnad’s albums, widely distributed and collected by leading figures at the Habsburg court, were tools for relaying this subtlety. Thus, the costume book ultimately became a tool employing the languages of Habsburg sovereignty and rendering a mental geography that united Habsburg imperial self-perception with a flexible ambiguity. This flexibility and the precedence squabbles that necessitated them continued into the eighteenth century.66 These images were not produced in a vacuum. In the following chapters, we will explore how staff members, scholars, and noblemen passing through the House each participated in their own album projects, where images and strings of words migrated between genres and created different layers of meaning.

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Notes 1. Report of Ambassador Albert Wyss from Constantinople, March 26, 1569, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 25, Konv. 2, fol. 113r. 2. Schmidt, Interactive and Sculptural Printmaking. 3. For example, images from a copy of Ungnad’s album appear in animations projected onto the walls of the Arms and Armor section in the Topkapı Palace Museum. See Diker, “Restoration of the Outer Treasury.” 4. See the report of Eduardo Provisionali from February 20, 1570, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 26, Konv. 1, fol. 159v. For an evocative description of one such procession from January 1, 1574, see Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 43. On such processions, see Yelçe, “Palace and City Ceremonials,” 145–53. 5. Stichel, “Zu den verschollenen griechischen Handschriften.” 6. For a detailed discussion of this album and its binding, see Schepers, “Moments of Encounter,” 244–58. 7. VOS BREMEN; VOS PARIS; VOS ATHENS. For a concordance table, see Stichel, “Das Bremer Album,” 45–46. 8. SKD CA 114 ADD; HAYMB. 9. These are all painted on paper watermarked with a sun encircled with seven rays, topped by a cross, with the letters AMJ below. 10. FRESHFIELD; Westbrook, “Freshfield Folio View”; Freshfield, “Some Sketches.” 11. This was suggested in Jansen, Jacopo Strada, 532–33. 12. See the report of Ambassador Ungnad from November 17, 1574, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 30, Konv. 5, fol. 72r. 13. Copies of this rhinoceros also appear in the following albums: COBURG, p. 183; WEHME SKD, fol. 69v; ÖNB 8615, fol. 143v; KRAKOW, fol. 68v; JERUSALEM. 14. Şehname-i Selim Han, TSMK, A. 3595, fol. 152a. 15. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 47. 16. Gerlach explains that it was sent via the old Venetian ambassador, the son of the bailo. This man, Marcantonio Barbaro, left Istanbul for Corfu on May 8, 1574, on a Turkish galley ship. On this, see the report from May 9, 1574, Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Disp. Constantinopoli, filza 7, n. 13, 103–8. 17. The same six coffins also appear in another contemporary album, PFISTER, 888–21, fol. 101r. 18. On Ottoman fratricide, see İnalcık, “Ottoman Succession.” 19. Radway, “Vernacular Diplomacy,” 93–94. 20. For some of these complaints, see the ambassadorial report HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 30, Konv. 5, fol. 158–59. 21. On the place of the newsprints from naval battles of the same period, see Pettegree, Invention of News, 139–44. 22. Some of these letters were first identified in Schnitzer, “Ein ‘Spionagebericht in Bildern.’” 23. Letter from David Ungnad to August, elector of Saxony, December 23, 1581, HStA Dresden, 10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 8302/01, Book V, Grafen- und Herrn Sachhen, fol. 1r. 24. Letter from David Ungnad to August, elector of Saxony, July 11, 1581, HStA Dresden, 10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 8302/01, Book IV, fol. 397v. 25. Letter from David Ungnad to August, elector of Saxony, October 17, 1581, HStA Dresden, 10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 8302/01, Book IV, fol. 412r–v.

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26. Confusingly, there were two men named Heinrich von Bünau in the German House with Ungnad. The first, a nobleman from Franconia, was Heinrich von Bünau auf Droyßig. His signature appears in PFISTER, 889–26, fol. 168r; and MANLIUS, 51ar. The second was Heinrich von Bünau der Jüngere zu Treben, the nobleman from August’s court. His signature appears in the same albums, PFISTER, 889–4, fol. 150r; and MANLIUS, fol. 21ar. The latter Bünau was also the dedicatee of the 1595 publication by Bapst, Türckische Chronica. His activities related to Turcica deserve further attention. 27. Letter from David Ungnad to August, elector of Saxony, October 17, 1581, HStA Dresden, 10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 8302/01, Book IV, fol. 411–14, here fol. 412r, 414r. Some of Ungnad’s reports from Constantinople experiment with similar pasting. For an example, see his report from November 30, 1575. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 32, Konv. 1, fol. 142–77. 28. WEHME SLUB; SKD CA 169; WEHME SKD. 29. Letter from David Ungnad to August, elector of Saxony, December 23, 1581, HStA Dresden, 10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 8302/01, Book V, fol. 1r. 30. Letter from David Ungnad to August, elector of Saxony, April 3, 1581, HStA Dresden, 10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 8302/01, Book V, fol. 31. 31. The watermarks, with the coat of arms of Saxony topped by a scroll bearing the word “Dresten,” match Briquet 1415. SKD CA 169, No. 45 (procession of the Persian ambassador) is cut in half and bound between nos. 60 and 62. 32. WEHME SKD, fol. 26v. 33. Schnitzer, “Spionagebericht.” 34. The watermarks indicate that both the images (watermarked with the arms of Saxony) and the blue paper (a shield with a fleur-de-lis topped by a crown above “4WR”) on which they were remounted in the eighteenth century have no direct connection to the German House. On the festivals, see Schnitzer, Höfische Maskeraden, 35–37. On these practices more generally, see Bevilacqua and Pfeifer, “Turquerie.” 35. WEHME SLUB. For a facsimile, see Atıl, Images of Imperial Istanbul. 36. Haupt and Wied, “Erzherzog Ernst von Österreich,” 198. The identity of this archduchess is unclear from the context. The “turggische buechl unnd allerlay papier” is not explicitly described as a costume book, but the high cost (30 thaler and 35 florins) and participation of Ungnad suggest this much. 37. Boeheim, “Urkunden und Regesten aus der K. K. Hofbibliothek [1],” here page ccxxxvii. 38. See entries number 2699 and 2713 in the 1607 inventory of Rudolf II’s collection. Bauer and Haupt, “Des Kunstkammerinventar Kaiser Rudolfs II,” 135–36. 39. See, for example, Neck, Österreich und die Osmanen, 63–65, #94 and #95. 40. See the set of natural studies pasted into an album at the ÖNB, Cod. Min. 42. See the digital edition at http://data.onb.ac.at/rec/AC14451685. 41. Reproduced in Stichel, “Ein Nachtrag zum Porträtbuch,” 191; Ács, “Pro Turcis and Contra Turcos,” 7. 42. On the embassy of Heinrich von Liechtenstein, see the travelogue of Melchior Besolt, published by Löwenklaw: Besolt, “Deß Wolgebornen Herrn.” The travelogue documents their experiences through their arrival in Constantinople on October 19, 1584. Liechtenstein became very ill on the journey and remained behind (eventually dying on his way to Gallipoli) while his retinue returned with the carriages on December 5, 1584. See the report of Ambassador Eytzing, from

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December 11, 1584, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 53, Konv. 2, fol. 9r. During this sixweek stay, many members of the retinue were also severely ill. An alba amicorum collected in the House at the time (ABSCHATZ, pp., 180, 186, 187, 345, 473, 596, 639, 653, 670, 671, 704, 706, 739) includes several members of the embassy but no indication that they went on any sightseeing adventures. 43. This is argued in Stichel, “Ein Nachtrag zum Porträtbuch.” 44. See the report of Ambassador Ungnad from December 14, 1575, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 32, Konv. 2, fol. 5r. In this report, the second name is rendered as Weixlburg. 45. Report of Ambassador Ungnad from December 25, 1575, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 32, Konv. 2, fol. 86v. Like many visual materials attached to these reports, it is not in the archival box. For a fascinating later example during Sinzendorff’s tenure that does survive, see Radway, “Captive Self.” 46. KRAKOW, fol. 11r–18v. On these images and their inscriptions, see Collaço, “Image as Commodity,” 225. The paper is watermarked with triple crescents. For a similar watermark, see Babinger, “Appunti sulle cartiere,” 411. 47. The original portrait album owned by Beck can be found in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, Gemäldegalerie, Inv. 9691. Most of the portraits in ÖNB 8615 have two layers of inscriptions: an earlier annotation on the bottom left corner citing the ambassador from whom it was acquired and a central larger identification of the person portrayed. For more on these portraits and the two manuscripts in question, see Stichel, “Ein Nachtrag zum Porträtbuch.” 48. These annotations were first noticed by Stichel, “Ein Nachtrag zum Porträtbuch,” 195–98. 49. Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte, 4:614–15. Hammer provides a transcription of the Latin introduction to the images as well as an interpretation of the two legible lines of Arabic on the images. The whereabouts of this manuscript are unknown. See Stichel, “Das Bremer Album,” 35. 50. Fetvacı, “From Print to Trace.” 51. Bastl, “Die Bekleidung der Lebenden und der Toten.” 52. For an overview of these types of clothing, see Tompos, “Oriental and Western Influences on Hungarian Attire.” 53. Fischer, Bencard, and Rasmussen, Melchior Lorck, 1:87–106. 54. For example, Verantius’ portrait includes a diamond ring perched atop a rocky outcropping battered by waves Fischer, Bencard, and Rasmussen, Melchior Lorck, 1:94. Two later portraits of Verantius by Martino Rota also highlight his role as ambassador. See Cenner-Wilhelmb, “Martino Rota magyar arcképei.” 55. Petritsch, “Abenteurer oder Diplomaten.” 56. Larsson, “Nikolaus Andreae,” 8–12. 57. Another version of this printed portrait (without the text and allegorical symbols) is bound into SCHWEIGGER, fol. 41r. 58. Neck, Österreich und die Osmanen, Nr. 93. 59. See the report of Ambassador Breuner from July 1, 1581, HHStA Turcica I, Karton 44, Konv 3, fol. 14r. 60. On the festival, see Terzioğlu, “Imperial Circumcision Festival of 1582.” 61. See the letter from David Ungnad to Rudolf II, September 21, 1581, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 45, Konv. 1, fol. 150r. 62. On the legal statuses of other “real” tributary lands, see Kármán and Kunčević, European Tributary States.

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63. Some of the known names are Balázs in 1587 (Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:63); Gaspár and János in 1591 (Seidel, Denckwürdige Gesandtschafft, 34). See also Besolt, “Deß Wolgebornen Herrn,” 521. 64. As the archival records of these interactions are incomplete, the exact nature of this relationship is difficult to ascertain. More examples of these opinions survive before 1568, such as one from 1555, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 11, Konv. 5, 1–8. On the relationship between the Hungarian chancellery and the Aulic War Council in the seventeenth century, see Fazekas, Magyar Udvari Kancellária, 116–18. 65. Report of Ambassador Wyss from March 26, 1569, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 25, Konv. 2, fol. 113r. 66. Vogel, “Der Sonnenkönig an der Hohen Pforte.” These Hungarian clothes were briefly mentioned in relation to Lubenau, Schweigger, and several images in Horký, “Erinnerungen an Konstantinopel,” 157–58. On the Hungarian clothes of the seventeenth-century Habsburg ambassadors, see Zsuzsanna, “Ruha teszi a követet,” 19–20.

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STAFF

4 •

Concordia res parvae crescunt. Discordia magné dilabuntur.1 For harmony makes small states great, while discord undermines the mightiest empires.

I

n October 1574, the Hungarian nobleman Lőrinc Gosztonyi (owner of the earliest staff-curated album from the German House) signed the album amicorum of the master of the kitchens together with Hans Auer of Vienna, Wolf Grabmer of Baden, Wolfgang Melchior Theiß of Schlierbach, Johann Sigismund Welzer von Eberstein of Carinthia, Stephan Gurtner from Pressburg, Heinrich von Nischwitz of Saxony, Levin Dolens of Ghent, the steward Samuel Wieldt, and a barber named Adolph Stökhel.2 Several of the men had arrived a year earlier with the new resident ambassador, David Ungnad, and his large entourage. Others were part of the poorly documented 1574 tributecarrying delegation led by Philibert de Bruxelles.3 Dolens was a member of the previous ambassador’s retinue. Auer and Gurtner were messengers.4 Welzer was related to a prominent Muslim convert.5 The album owner and master cook, Sebald Plan, was from Schleswig on the Empire’s northern border with the Kingdom of Denmark. He worked for Ungnad over the next four years and later returned to the House as the master of the kitchens under Ambassador Friedrich Breuner. His collection is an extraordinary source on the House and its residents over seven years and includes dozens of autographs from individuals across Habsburg-ruled territories who are otherwise undocumented in travel narratives or archival sources. These diverse entries tell us much about the usually hidden voices involved in interactions between Habsburg central Europe and the Ottoman Empire. If ambassadors used albums to understand the Ottoman world and their own place within it, embassy staff like Plan used

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albums to document their extraordinarily diverse social lives during long stays in the German House. Two-thirds of the signatures gathered in Constantinople come from albums belonging to secretaries, messengers, and retinue members. These albums, largely unpublished, include a fascinating blend of professional and amateur images alongside impressive collections of decorated papers, often of an experimental nature not found elsewhere in Ottoman contexts.6 This chapter surveys these objects to explore the central role of House staff members in the development of the album genres, the multivalent image of the Turk they render, and the uniquely broad sense of imperial belonging they embody. Using the entries themselves in comparison with travelogues and archival sources, this chapter examines the circumstances leading to signature exchanges and the layered interactions with the Ottoman world they embody. I argue that not only the internal life of the embassy but also the cityscape of the Ottoman capital, Muslim festivities, and encounters with locals provided opportunities for staff to come together and forge communities. Nevertheless, staff members’ interactions with the Ottoman world itself were circumscribed. While Ottoman visual culture and language permeated the walls of the House, social interactions with Ottoman Muslims were largely confined to a group of converts with central European roots.

Secretaries and Retinue Members: Cumulative Collection

Secretaries and retinue members lived in the German House for lengthy periods of time and saw a succession of traveling groups pass through. Thus, their albums were accumulated over many years, often with a rhythm of collecting that coincided with the arrival and departure of the yearly tribute-carrying delegation. An early example of one such album belonged to Christoph Pfister, a patrician from Augsburg. Pfister began his album as a traditional record of his university years in Padua and Venice in 1559, collecting steadily across his long career, which took him to the diets in Speyer and Regensburg, the imperial court in Vienna and Prague, and a handful of other regional centers.7 In 1573 he joined Ambassador Ungnad as a secretary, together with his brother Karl. He fell ill on the journey to Constantinople and, owing to his slow recovery, asked for permission to return home, which was granted in January 1575. His brother remained in the German House as the cipher writer until his death on July 9, 1576.8 During his stay in the House, Christoph Pfister gathered at least twenty-five signatures and a handful of images in an album of plain paper. The signatures come from the two overlapping retinues of Karl Rym and Ungnad and a group of noblemen participating in the tributecarrying delegation of 1574, led by Philibert de Bruxelles, the son of a leading pro-Habsburg figure in the early years of the Dutch Revolt.9 Pfister’s collection, read alongside other contemporary alba from the House, reveals that Bruxelles was joined by several prominent retinue members. These included Wolfgang Count of Isenburg-Büdingen and the young Hungarian nobleman Nikolas Pálffy of Erdőd, who had grown up together with Rudolf II and his brother Archduke Ernst at court as part of a concerted attempt to integrate

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Hungarian nobility in the Habsburg world.10 Pfister also gathered images of the tomb of Selim II and his five sons, as well as three stylized renderings of pilgrimage sites in Jerusalem (which he never visited himself) and a portrait of the reigning Sultan Murad III (fig. 4.1). The latter is a full-length study set against a plain background typical of contemporary images from costume books. The sultan holds a gold scepter and looks directly at the viewer through a furrowed brow. Stylistically, the image resembles the album of Karl Rym, and it is likely that Pfister commissioned the outgoing resident ambassador’s artist, Lambert de Vos. A note on the back indicates that it was painted from life (ad vivum) at the behest of Pfister in 1573 and 1574.11 Notwithstanding the note, the composition is remarkably close to the image of the “Turkish Emperor” from Hans Sachs’s 1572 publication (fig. 4.2). Again, this similarity indicates that the appropriation of earlier models was central to the visual culture of the German House, even when claims to authenticity are inscribed directly on the page. Ambrosius Schmeisser, who is recorded as the cipher writer shortly after Karl Pfister’s death, served in the House for eight consecutive years and kept an album amicorum during the entire length of his stay.12 The album, which contained an impressive set of decorated papers, images, and 105 signatures, has been missing since the bombing of Wrocław during World War II. These entries were collected in several large clusters around visits and ceremonial events in the city. The circumcision festival in the summer of 1582, discussed in greater detail below, was one prominent event, during which Schmeisser acquired sixteen dedicatory inscriptions over the course of a few weeks.13 It is likely that further secretaries—such as Paulus Rosa and Dionysus Knotzer, who both had lengthy careers in the House and signed many albums themselves—kept alba that are now lost.14 In addition to the secretaries, other long-term retinue members collected large alba over extended periods of time. Another example belonged to Helmhard Hayden von Dorff, a young Austrian nobleman who was in the retinue of Joachim von Sinzendorff when he amassed forty-eight signatures in the House between 1578 and 1581. Four months after his arrival in the city, Hayden began the album in Constantinople with a pair of signatures on silhouette paper from two men departing from the German House for a pilgrimage. He continued to collect over a dozen signatures each year, usually concentrated around the departure of the tribute-carrying delegation. On his return to Austria, he gathered a few more entries, likely after showing off his album to interested parties back home. This pattern of collecting indicates that Hayden saw his album primarily as a keepsake from a particular phase of his life rather than as a record that would follow him across his career.15 Hayden’s album also exemplifies how heavily curated such objects could be, often over generations. Though it originally began with the signatures of several high-ranking inhabitants of the German House, including the resident ambassadors Joachim von Sinzendorff and his successor, Friedrich Breuner, these folios were later painted over in a thick layer of pink and blue gouache.

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above left, Fig. 4.1  Sultan Murad III, 1574. PFISTER, Cod. hist. 888–21, fol. 100r. above right, Fig. 4.2  Sultan Selim II. Hans Weigel [and Jost Amman], Des dürckischen Kaiser hoffgesind, herren und frawen sampt iren pefelch und emptern (Nuremberg, 1572), 1.

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These entries are only visible today when held up against strong backlighting. Several further pages have been cut or torn out of the simple vellum binding. This means that the object as it exists today is characterized as much by its erasures as by what remains scribbled across its pages. It is unclear why the entries of Sinzendorff, a Lutheran, and Breuner, a Catholic, were hidden. Both men were members of the Austrian nobility. While Breuner died in Constantinople, Sinzendorff died in Vienna much later in 1594.16 Some of these edits may have been the work of Hayden’s son, Sebald Hayden, who collected fifteen of his own entries in his father’s album in the early seventeenth century. These social and material layers in the life of an album reflect the volatility of the networks that shaped communities. Hayden’s album includes a small selection of carefully executed stock images and unique depictions alongside a set of decorated papers. Among the images is an evocative painting of a turbaned man in black robes holding a chalice (fig. 4.3). His likeness is individualized enough to suggest that it may be a portrait of the man who signed above it in German, the Ottoman dragoman Ali Bey. Ali Bey, born Melchior von Tierberg in Friedberg an der Wetterau just outside of Frankfurt am Main, was captured in 1566 during the Siege of Szigetvár. Early in his captivity, he converted to Islam and trained to become a translator in the Ottoman administration, where he appears by

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Fig. 4.3  Signature and portrait of dragoman Ali Bey (born Melchior von Tierberg), May 9, 1581. HAYDEN, fol. 63r.

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1571.17 His signature in the album is dated May 9, 1581, when he was serving as the German House’s official dragoman. The chalice he holds in the image is undoubtedly filled with wine, Ali’s drink of choice during his regular dinners in the building. The life trajectory of Ali Bey from Friedberg in der Wetterau is not an exception in the context of early modern Habsburg-Ottoman relations.18 But his singular appearance in the friendship album is a striking example of how signatures like his expressed—in his native German—a layer of belonging to a central European community that coincided with his status at the time as an Ottoman subject and official, one that predated his capture and appointment as the sultan’s dragoman to the German House.

Messengers and Parallel Albums

Four impressive collections belonging to two pairs of individuals, three of whom were messengers, offer snapshots of the German House built up over several journeys. The pages of these albums are packed with entries logging the collectors’ movements as they traveled back and forth across the Balkans and central Europe to deliver mail along the route between Prague and Constantinople that ran through Buda, Belgrade, Sofia, Plovdiv, and Edirne. A single journey in one direction took as little as two weeks or as long as two months, and the courier was required to possess a noble rank that was proportional to the letters he was carrying. He often traveled with one or two assistants and stopped at regular intervals along the way, lodging either in an Ottoman inn or with Christian merchants. Often, these small traveling parties were accompanied by an Ottoman messenger or an agent from the pasha of Buda.19 In addition to their letters of safe conduct, these men seem to have carried their albums in their pockets, occasionally producing them as colorful passports to be “stamped” by individuals they met along the way. Signatures from these places point to important provincial networks that deserve further study. The albums of Friedrich Praxein and Adam von Kollonitz, who served Ambassador Friedrich Breuner between 1581 and 1583, each contain seventy signatures from Constantinople. Praxein, a Prussian native of Spanden (Spędy, Poland) who served as a courier, began his collection in March 1581, when a group of noblemen and their servants left the German House on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Kollonitz, from the Styrian branch of a large noble family active as fortress captains in Upper Hungary, began his album a month later with the signature of the outgoing resident ambassador, Joachim von Sinzendorff. The two men then collected parallel albums over the next two years, sharing many names, though not always on the same dates.20 Though both albums contain an impressive set of decorated papers, they include few coats of arms and no images. Personal taste seems to have played a role: Kollonitz accumulated many marbled folios (fig. 4.4), while Praxein mostly gathered silhouette (fig. 4.5), speckled, and monochrome tinted papers. The two men may have had little spare cash to pay for pigments, but more importantly, there seems to have been no artist available in the German House to commission.

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Fig. 4.4  Marbled folio with signatures of several members of the owner’s family. KOLLONITZ, 180v.

Clusters of signatures indicate the way social patterns in the House played out, and viewing the two albums in tandem allows historians to see how collecting signatures during social interactions was paced differently by each owner, even among equals. Groups did not sit down together one evening and sign one another’s albums simultaneously. Instead, they built up their

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Fig. 4.5  Silhouette paper with the signature of Hans Fernberger von Egenberg (Constantinople, May 22, 1581). PRAXEIN, p. 91.

signature portfolios over time. For instance, a flurry of autographs took place in early August 1582, coinciding with the Ottoman circumcision festivities. The resident ambassador reported on fifty days of celebrations, dinners, and events.21 Based on Praxein’s and Kollonitz’s albums, it seems that festivities within the German House were concentrated around August 1–4, leading up to the departure of a large tribute-carrying delegation led by the Hungarian nobleman Stefan Nyáry of Bedeg and Berencs.22 Of the twenty-six entries gathered by Praxein and Kollonitz on these days, only the Pomeranian Balthasar Braun signed both albums on the same day.23 Such Muslim festivities in Constantinople brought together men not only from imperial centers such as Vienna and Nuremberg but also from lesser-known places,

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Fig. 4.6  Signature of Hans Joachim Prack von Asch with a seated sultana. LANG, fol. 97r. Digital image courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program.

including Höpfigheim (in Württemberg), Schwanowitz (Lower Silesia), Pyritz (Pomerania), and Kremnitz (Upper Hungary), to name but a few from a long list of villages, cities, and regions across the Habsburg world referenced in the signatures from 1582.24 Similar to Praxein and Kollonitz, a pair of messengers collected parallel albums between 1587 and 1592: Leonhard Lang von Durach and Hans Joachim Prack von Asch.25 Lang, a Bavarian nobleman, began gathering signatures in July 1587. Six months later, Prack, a Tyrolian nobleman, began to fill the pages of his own album. Unlike those of Praxein and Kollonitz, these albums

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Fig. 4.7  Signature of Hans Bernhard Manning with a woman on horseback and a saddlecloth carrier. PRACK, fol. 122r. Digital image cour­ tesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program.

facing left, Fig. 4.8  View of Constantinople from the Bosporus with the Topkapı Palace and Hagia Sophia alongside the names and coats of arms of Hans Joachim Prack von Asch’s grandmothers, Sidonia Prackhin von Ash, geborne von Rost, zu Aufhouen und Kellburg, and Barbara von Rubatsch zum Stern, geborne Fintlerin zu Blätsch. PRACK, fol. 120r. Digital image courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program.

contain many coats of arms and several images. Prack’s seventy-seven signatures from the German House have less overlap with the eighty-nine signatures collected by Lang. This is partly because they traveled at different intervals. However, they were occasionally together in Constantinople, and they signed each other’s albums (figs. 2.17 and 4.6). Prack, during an outing to Galata, placed his signature around an image of a seated sultana, a copy of a popular figure from the genre that must have been added to the page at his behest. Lang’s album includes only one other image: a veiled woman accompanying the signature of David Reitgartler, a member of the ambassador’s household from Senj, the famous city of bandits on the Croatian-Hungarian littoral. Given that Reitgartler signed Prack’s album with an image as well, it is likely that both figures were added on the initiative of the signer rather than Lang himself.26 The numerous images in Prack’s album paint a unique and intimate portrait of the Ottoman world and his relationship to it. Many—like that accompanying the signature of Hans Bernhard von Manning in Constantinople, which features a veiled woman on horseback with a stable boy carrying a saddlecloth—are integrated into signatures (fig. 4.7). Others are clearly separate

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commissions by Prack himself, including a view of the Topkapı Palace from the Bosporus (fig. 4.8), on which he chose to record the names and coats of arms of two of his female relatives, both from Tyrol. This combination of notes relating to family and an image of Constantinople suggests that Prack greatly identified with the city, even if his grandmothers (Anfraw) Sidonia Prack von Asch and Barbara von Rubatsch could never visit it. Among some of the other images are a woman with a dagger together with a small sketch of the Pillar of Pompey on the Black Sea (fig. 4.9), a pair of dueling soldiers from the borderlands, and a dervish with a monkey on his shoulder, all of which appear inside the designs of his silhouette papers, indicating that Prack was aware of their original purpose in contemporary Ottoman manuscripts. As noted in chapter 2, Prack also seems to have made the purpose clear to many of the people signing his album, given that his is the only album in which a majority of autographs appear inside the designs of Ottoman decorated folios rather than indiscriminately across the page.27 The most intimate and unique image in his collection is the sketch of two men with worried expressions holding hands, perhaps meant to be a pair of lovers fleeing (fig. 4.10). The man on the right with a wrinkled neck and long beard wears the clothes of a janissary, while his

above right, Fig. 4.9  Woman with a dagger holding a fan and a small sketch of the Pillar of Pompey. PRACK, fol. 217r. Digital image courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program.

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Fig. 4.10  Sketch of two men (lovers?) holding hands. PRACK, fol. 187v. Digital image courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program.

youthful beardless companion sports a feathered plume and robes tucked into his belt, a costume similar to those in contemporary images of Ottoman halberd bearers (called Peichs or Lackeys in costume books). Another faint sketch of a turbaned figure above the signature of Hans Leonhard von Oberhaimb, a member of Ambassador Pezzen’s retinue, points toward further investments in the visual program of the album that never materialized.28 The Lang and Prack albums are extraordinarily important not just for their images but also for their many experimental decorated papers (discussed in chap. 2) and their record of the diversity present in the German House during the five years leading up to the Long Turkish War. They contain signatures in Latin, German, Italian, Czech, Dutch, French, and Hungarian by men from Trent (South Tyrol), Danzig (Prussia), Beuthen (Silesia), Komárom (Upper Hungary), Řehlovice (Bohemia), and more. They are filled with aphorisms, jokes, and long dedications to “true and unwavering friendships.” They embody a sustained interaction with a shared visual culture and a layered adoption of courtly aesthetics, both Habsburg and Ottoman, resulting in unique records of self-fashioning by middling noble couriers.

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The sizes of Pfister’s and Hayden’s albums pale in comparison to that of the young Silesian nobleman Caspar von Abschatz. His impressive album includes over three hundred folios of decorated papers and just under five hundred signatures, ninety-eight of which come from the German House. It chronicles a range of experiences during his career, beginning in 1583. In 1584, he packed the album into his trunk and joined a tribute-carrying delegation, the movement of which he recorded through the signatures of friends on a boat along the Danube, in Buda, Belgrade, Sofia, Plovdiv, and Edirne. It was unusual to collect so many signatures on the road to Constantinople, but apparently Abschatz wanted to document his movement through the Balkans. He also seems to have acquired some of his decorated papers on the journey, perhaps in Plovdiv, where the first signature on yellow-tinted paper appears. Rather than departing a few weeks later with the tribute-carrying envoy, he stayed on to join the retinue of resident ambassador Eytzing. Abschatz remained until 1587, when he spent several months as a courier. His album includes the earliest examples of experimental decorated paper, with elaborate marbling and silhouetting made specifically for residents of the German House, suggesting that Abschatz was intimately involved with the decorated paper trade (see chap. 2). The album also reveals Abschatz’s intimate knowledge of the city beyond the walls of the German House, with several entries from gardens along the Bosporus, in grottoes, and in less frequented neighborhoods like Ayvansaray.29 Further revealing how Ottoman subjects participated in central European social and intellectual circles, Abschatz collected the signatures of two Muslim converts from central Europe serving as Ottoman dragomans: Ali Bey (whose portrait appeared in Hayden’s album) and his aged predecessor, Murad Bey (fig. 5.1). Murad’s signature, which includes several distichs from Cato, adds a layer of Latinate scholarly posturing rendered in Ottoman Turkish translation to this transimperial object. Abschatz’s album also includes the poetic Persian and Ottoman Turkish entries of two Christian dragomans from Galata working in the German House: Augerio Zeffi and Pellegrino Castelino (fig. 4.11). While Zeffi regularly signed albums, Castelino, who at the age of eighteen began to study Ottoman Turkish in the House under Murad Bey, does not appear in any other albums from the German House.30 This suggests that Abschatz made a concerted effort to gather signatures with text in Arabic script and may in fact have been taking part in the tutoring sessions himself. Records in several entries of spoken Turkish and Ottoman in Arabic script without any accompanying translations further suggest this.31 Yet for all of Abschatz’s direct contact with Muslim converts, intimate knowledge of the city, use of the Ottoman Turkish language, and adaptations of experimental decorated papers, the image of the Turk in his album is limited and derivative. He collected only two figural images related to his stay in the House: a generic scene of a duel between a turbaned Turk and a Christian knight (fig. 4.12) and a damaged image of a standing sultana copied directly

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Fig. 4.11  Signature of Pellegrino Castelino, 1586. ABSCHATZ, p. 665.

from contemporary costume books. In addition to these, the signature of the messenger Sigmund Ostrochovský includes a painting of a galleon closely resembling those that appear on Ottoman portolan charts (fig. 4.13).32 Ostrochovský explains below the image that it depicts the ship commanded by a certain “Captain Pasha” in the canal next to Constantinople, on which Heinrich Matthias von Thurn left for Alexandria and Jerusalem. Ostrochovský likely accompanied the Bohemian nobleman and his retinue on their tour of the eastern Mediterranean before briefly serving as a courier for the resident ambassador in 1587.33 Abschatz’s album was a personal object in which figural representations of the Turk were not as important as the material and textual traces of his experiences. The early and complicated album of Lőrinc Gosztonyi, discussed in chapter 2, also belongs to this group. Unlike Abschatz’s limited view of the Ottoman world, Gosztonyi’s collection of decorated papers and costume images betrays a deep understanding of Ottoman textiles, social groups, and pictorial

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Fig. 4.12  Dueling Christian and Muslim near the Danube. ABSCHATZ, p. 530.

Fig. 4.13  Signature of Sigmund Ostrochovský with an image of a ship taken by Heinrich Matthias von Thurn and his retinue on their tour of the eastern Mediterranean (February 21, 1586). ABSCHATZ, p. 607.

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conventions. The entries, each filled with extraordinarily intimate detail, catalog a range of individuals found in Constantinople around 1570. The series includes a portrait of a sultan with two attendants and a portrait of a Persian ambassador with an attendant, as well as images of a janissary, an archer on horseback, a palace page, a dancer, a wrestler, a soldier with a gun, a European man, an elite Ottoman woman, two eunuchs, and two dervishes. Some images, like that of the dervish holding a horn (nefir) and a book (fig. 2.39), show clear familiarity with Sufi mystical practices. The book held open by the dervish is inscribed with the names “Allah, Muhammed, Ali” and a jumble of letters that would have been used for divination. The decorated papers, gold outlines, and cut-and-paste approach to adding images share many elements with Persio-Islamic muraqqa’ albums.34 Some of the images collected by Gosztonyi left traces in the albums of other staff members, such as the one collected by the master of the kitchens.35 Albums like these reveal the opportunities and limits of sociability and exchange during frequent and sustained interactions in and with the Ottoman world.

Sebald Plan: The Master Cook

The largest and most complex collection from the German House belonged to Sebald Plan, the master of the kitchens in the building under two resident ambassadors. His 187-folio album amicorum contains over 250 signatures, 130 of which come from his seven years in Constantinople. The extraordinarily active cook is otherwise absent from official correspondence and appears only a handful of times in narrative descriptions of hunting parties, church visits, and outings to the Black Sea.36 Other than his status as a member of the embassy’s staff, no details about Plan are known.37 The itinerary reconstructed from the signatures collected in his album indicates that he served in the German House under two resident ambassadors: once between 1574 and 1578 under David Ungnad and again between 1581 and 1583 under Friedrich Breuner. From 1585, he took up a position in the fortress of Komárom, the last Habsburg outpost on the Danube before the border into Ottoman territory. Plan seems to have maintained this album throughout the length of his career, perhaps using it as a collection of references and recommendations that enabled him to eventually rise to the position of a “servant in matters of war (Kriegsdienstman),” as several later signatures indicate. The album is extraordinary for the range of men and women who signed it. Rather than following a hierarchical ordering with high-ranking individuals clustered near the beginning, folio 3 already includes the signatures of a barber, a cook’s assistant, a procurer, and an individual signing on behalf of eight presumably illiterate servants.38 In fact, his lack of interest in gathering the signatures of the ambassadors he worked for indicates that the album offers a view of the social life of the German House from “below.” It should come as no surprise that the master of the kitchens was a social butterfly. The preparation and consumption of food was a central element of daily life in the House, and keeping the residents nourished was no small task. Recent studies in the culinary geography of early modern Europe and

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the Ottoman Empire have highlighted the role of food as a uniquely intimate cultural marker that produces and reinforces communities of identification.39 For the seven years Sebald Plan served as the head of the kitchens in the German House, he was charged with planning menus to feed all residents and guests. While most of the chopping and cutting was delegated to his assistants, he needed to orchestrate the process of sorting daily deliveries sent by the Ottoman court, determining what other foodstuffs were needed so the procurer could go shopping, and translating the raw goods into wholesome

Fig. 4.14  Signature of Adolph Stöckhl with a Persian soldier, October 23, 1574. PLAN, fol. 98r.

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Fig. 4.15  Persian soldier. VOS BREMEN, fol. 82r.

meals. According to the diary of Caspar von Minkwitz, the House received wine, bread, fish, honey, lard, rice, sheep, chickens, parsley, and salad from the Ottoman court daily. Once a week they received beef and food for the horses, and every ten days, a package of spices.40 The resulting meals needed to appeal to the tastes of the central European household; thus, the staff occasionally slaughtered a pig from the ground-floor stables. Judging by his album amicorum, after Plan settled affairs in the kitchens, he sat down with his housemates and enjoyed their company.

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Plan also seems to have had time to cultivate his skills as an amateur artist and collector. His album is heavily illustrated with forty-seven traditional costume book images, nine enigmatic sketches of varying quality, and five renderings of mosques and monuments. These images reveal how models circulated within the German House. Most follow typical examples of the costume album genre and reproduce visual tropes familiar from other printed and manuscript albums. A stock image of a Persian soldier accompanying the

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Fig. 4.16  Sketch of a man wearing a double turban on horseback. PLAN, fol. 175r.

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Fig. 4.17  Sketch of a man with a scourge and the signatures of Caspar Gottschalk and Wolfgang von Walde, Constantinople, 1582. PLAN, fol. 75r.

signature of the barber Adolph Stöckhl (fig. 4.14) is borrowed directly from the costume book made for Ambassador Karl Rym by his artist Lambert de Vos (fig. 4.15), and the brushstrokes on the face suggest it may have been painted by de Vos himself during their fifteen-month overlap. Other images appear as decorative flourishes at the end of signatures or include blotches of ink that bleed into grotesque faces (fig. 4.16), while several, like the man with a scourge accompanying the autographs of two men from the German House (fig. 4.17), are freehand sketches added on top of signatures. The renderings of mosques,

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Fig. 4.18  Sketch of the Hagia Sophia with the signatures of Peter Moseder (1578) and Andreas Richardus (Kronenburg, 1591). PLAN, fol. 158v.

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Fig. 4.19  Greek woman with the signature of Karl Posh, doctor of Archduke Matthias of Austria (Vienna, 1584). PLAN, fol. 186r.

such as a view of Sultan Süleyman’s Mosque (fig. 2.26) and a damaged sketch of the Hagia Sophia (fig. 4.18), are particularly noteworthy. Architectural renderings such as these were rare additions, which suggests that Plan cultivated a special interest in local urban planning.41 The album also contains a set of embedded copies: five single-figure costume images painted by a more practiced hand and a series of reproductions that were likely painted by Plan himself with descriptions in German (figs. 4.19 and 4.20). The decorated papers in Plan’s album point to the materials and resources that the cook had access to.

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Fig. 4.20  Greek woman with the signature of Georg Ehrenreich Bayer (Constantinople, 1583). PLAN, fol. 139r.

Many folios seem to be imperfect specimens of silhouette paper that had been damaged during the complicated staining process. Plan may have acquired them because they were more affordable. However, his album also includes direct evidence of experimentation with the silhouette technique using European motifs discussed in chapter 2. This suggests that Plan, like Abschatz, may have been in conversation with the artisans producing such papers. The clustering of signatures around certain dates offers clues about the circumstances that prompted Plan to take out his album amicorum and ask

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Fig. 4.21  Above, signature of Oswald Keyser from Trofaiach, Styrian clockmaker and Muslim convert with the alias Bayram in the service of Sokollu Mehmed Pasha (Constantinople, April 15, 1577). Below, signature of the painter Veit Plaicher (Linz, August 8, 1579). PLAN, fol. 176r.

someone to sign it. Most often, signatures took place leading up to the departures of traveling parties, either returning home or seeking further adventures in the eastern Mediterranean.42 Other clusters coincided with outings to the Black Sea and to various places beyond the city walls in Galata and Üsküdar.43 Regular dinner parties held by the ambassador provided another common occasion for signature gathering. In each of these cases, travel narratives

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describing the same events mention less than half of the names who signed Plan’s album. The list of names includes many fellow embassy staff, members of the ambassador’s high-ranking entourage, noblemen passing through the city, and dozens of otherwise undocumented individuals who likely arrived as servants. Several absences from the list are noteworthy. None of his fellow kitchen staff in the German House show up in his album.44 Neither do the ambassadors for whom Plan worked. More significantly, with one exception, Sebald Plan himself is absent from the other albums collected in the House, suggesting that he did not possess the rank that would have endowed his signature with enough social status to attract the attention of his fellow collectors. The exception comes from the album of the Swedish nobleman Erik Falck, who collected forty-six entries over an eleven-day visit to Constantinople while attending the circumcision festival of 1582. The short entry, in which he calls himself Sebald Plan of Schleswig (in northern Germany), says more about Falck’s collecting practices than about the cook he briefly met. A set of four signatures collected by Plan at the German House in April 1577—Oswald Keyser from Trofaiach, the slaves Hans Hienfelder from Frankfurt and David Scheffler from Augsburg, and the otherwise undocumented Hans Sulein—serve as an example of the types of transimperial communities that gathered together there.45 Earlier that day, the Lutheran chaplain Stephan Gerlach met with the group at the Galata house of a goldsmith named Christoph, which he described in his travel narrative. Keyser (whose Muslim name is Bayram), a Styrian clockmaker renegade in the court of Sokollu Mehmed Pasha, explained to Gerlach the circumstances of his capture and conversion in 1571 and his desire to return to Christianity.46 Though Gerlach recounted this event in his diary, he did not ask any of the men to sign his own album amicorum. Sebald Plan, on the other hand, did ask the group of central Europeans who were now subjects of the sultan for their autographs. All four inscribed their names and short messages in German. Keyser’s signature (fig. 4.21) includes an image of a hand holding a single-headed eagle with a body in the shape of a heart and initials evoking the adage “What, how, who, and where [God wills].” Two years later, a painter by the name of Veit Plaicher signed on the same page during Plan’s visit to Linz. By choosing to sign on the same page, Plaicher sought to connect himself with the Styrian-born Muslim convert, suggesting mutual acquaintance.47 Further interactions between Plan and a group of captives recorded in his album reveal the importance of this imperial community. Four signatures from April 30, 1583, document a visit Plan made to a group of recently arrived prisoners: Jacob von Pranckh, a commander from the Croatian borderlands; Emilio di Cordevato of Friuli; Georg Khnidtl of Olomouc; and Hans Horvath.48 The men came from scattered locations under Habsburg rule: not just Austria, but northern Italy, Bohemia, and the Croatian borderlands. All four men signed Plan’s album in German with references to the circumstances surrounding their capture. From among the hundreds of other Italian, French, and Spanish captives, Plan chose to visit these individuals and asked them to

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leave a trace in his album because of their status vis-à-vis the Empire. According to a report of the resident ambassador, Jacob von Pranckh arrived on April 20 with a group of prisoners from Bosnia, some of whom had been in captivity for as many as three years. On his arrival, von Pranckh appealed to the resident ambassador as his legal representative in an effort to have himself and several others released via an exchange of captives. These signatures in Plan’s album suggest that during his second tour in Constantinople, the embassy cook began to act as an agent in certain sensitive matters. On May 16, Pranckh and the other captives were moved to the sultan’s prisons near the Black Sea, from where it would be much more difficult to organize their release, according to the ambassador. The ambassador explained that he was developing an escape plan together with a renegade.49 From there, the archival trail of these captives disappears. Plan’s album records these encounters in Constantinople with “Germans” from beyond the Empire and shows how a sense of imperial belonging expressed by attaching hopes to the German House could have life-altering consequences.

Staff Albums and the Mental Geography of Empire

Albums of retinue members give depth to the German House because they record the names and networks of otherwise unknown visitors and members of traveling entourages, as well as meetings with prisoners and Muslim converts of central European origin. Throughout the volumes of decorated papers sewn together in Ottoman bindings owned by staff members, the empire appears explicitly in the signatures of individuals on imperial payrolls and implicitly in the way signatures are gathered and in their relation to one another. Resident ambassadors and heads of tribute-carrying delegations often signed with direct references to the Holy Roman emperor who sent them and to the Ottoman court that served as their stage. This can be seen in the signatures of resident ambassadors like Joachim von Sinzendorff, whose autographs in five different alba from the German House all reference the empire. Only the signature in the Lutheran chaplain Salomon Schweigger’s album, just before his departure for home, does not include the imperial references.50 Paul von Eytzing also highlighted his role as “His Imperial Majesty’s orator at the Ottoman Porte” several times.51 The tribute-carrying envoy who attended the 1582 circumcision festival as a representative of Rudolf II, the Hungarian nobleman Stefan Nyáry of Bedegh, also signed several staff albums with direct references to his imperial belonging.52 In all of these examples, the use of the term Ottoman is significant. By pairing their own imperial identification with their positions at the Ottoman court, they seem to have relied on accepted local terminology rather than the vocabulary of European propaganda aimed against “the Turk.”53 While the reason for an official representative’s identification with the emperor is obvious, it is perhaps less so for those who call themselves court servants (hofdiener) and servants in matters of war (kriegsdienstman). For example, Dionysus Knotzer, a messenger between 1583 and 1588, signed the albums of Lang and Prack as the “servant of His Imperial Majesty’s court

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(Röm[ische] Kay[serliche] M[ajes]t[ät] Hofdiener).”54 So too did Hans Auer, Hans Christoph Wolzogen, Johann Volckhard Widmer, and many more.55 At its most basic form, such explicit references signaled that the person received a salary from the imperial coffers. The notion of selfhood embodied in their signature was intimately tied to the emperor who sent them, transforming their names into statements of belonging. These statements were then carried around in the pockets and travel coffers of residents of the German House. With each rereading of the album, an individual could, as Hans Gall pointed out in his poem mentioned in chapter 2, rejoice in their hearts at the friends they made. Other identification strategies remained unproblematically part of the imperial whole. In fact, while some entries make a specific reference to the empire, most make a reference to a “fatherland” within the broader Habsburg world—choosing to name any one of the many geographical identifications that applied. This is the adage “Unity in diversity” in action. The usage of identification practices in the sixteenth century remained notoriously inconsistent. Take, for example, the signatures of the scribe Paulus Rosa in ten different albums between 1579 and 1583. Rosa was a native of the Protestant mining town

Fig. 4.22  Map of the mental geography of Habsburg rule as it existed in the albums of staff members from the German House in Constantinople. Each dot indicates the place of origin for an individual from the house. Google Maps, Robyn Dora Radway, 2023, https://www.google.com /maps/d/u/0/edit?mid=1u8 -ovXnvlaQJa8UFstS1HQ _FQVKgb16C&usp=sharing.

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of Kremnitz (Kremnica/Körmöcbánya), in Habsburg-ruled Upper Hungary, who had studied in Vienna, Augsburg, and Jena before taking up a position as secretary in Constantinople.56 His signatures, which usually appeared in Latin sprinkled with Greek, always included his academic degree (Licentiatus). Half of the time, he further identified himself as a Pannonian, from the ancient Roman province on the Danube. Identification was relational and depended on the context. Language usage also varied. Rosa signed the albums of Praxein (the messenger) and Plan (the cook) in German rather than his usual Latin. These practices show shifting identity categories in action. For all these explicit references and identification practices, it is the implicit collective identification with the German House, rendered visible through the albums as a whole, that proves most significant. The staff members’ presence over long periods of time means that they interacted with hundreds of men who came and went. Through their albums, historians can ascertain how informal social structures held the Habsburg world together. Projecting these other identifications alongside the known origins of the men who signed albums in the German House reveals the intercultural networks that it embodied (fig. 4.22). The distribution across central Europe indicates the integration of Habsburg territories in the late sixteenth century. While some regions are more sparsely represented than others, it is important to note that evidence from the lists of embassy members in travel narratives and archival documents suggests that as many as a quarter of the inhabitants of the German House never signed an album at all. The map of empire represented in the German House would cover even more territory if all those present were accounted for. There, in the city of Constantinople, Muslim festivities, and daily contact with the local population provided the setting in which a group of men from across the different geographies of the Habsburg world came to socialize, document their encounters, and ultimately realize their commonality.

Notes 1. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:190. 2. PLAN, fol. 36r; 63r; 98r; 150r; 168r. 3. On Ungnad’s retinue, see Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 5; Heinrich Schieferdecker, Reisetagebuch, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka we Wroclawiu (University Library of Breslau), Sign. R 2470, 35v. No comprehensive list of Bruxelles’s retinue is known, and it can only be reconstructed through alba amicorum signatures from the period of his stay, which is documented between August 14 and November 1, 1574. 4. On Dolens, see Rijm and Rijm, Reyse van Bruussele, 149. Gurtner traveled to Constantinople with a letter from the emperor on April 19, 1574. See the notes on his arrival in the report of Ambassadors Rym and Ungnad from April 23, 1574, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 30, Konv. 2, fol. 172v. References to Auer’s movements across the Balkans are more frequent in HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 30–37. 5. There is some confusion about the presence of multiple Welzers in Constantinople in 1574. Stefan Gerlach identifies the chief eunuch of the harem, whom he

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saw in a procession on January 1, 1574, as a born nobleman Welzer of Carinthia. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 43. He also mentions a young Styrian “Welser” as a page (Edelknab) of Ambassador Ungnad. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 6. The latter must be the same Welzer he mentions visiting a church with on October 20, 1574. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 66. Heinrich Schieferdecker names him Hanß Simeon, the “young Weltzer” in the retinue of Ungnad, in his travelogue. Reisetagebuch, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka we Wroclawiu (University Library of Breslau), Sign. R 2470, fol. 35r. This indicates that Ungnad’s page was likely the man signing in PLAN, fol. 36r. Nevertheless, Gerlach’s assertion is not (yet) confirmed by known Ottoman sources. I thank Jane Hathaway for discussing this with me. On eunuchs, particularly after the establishment of the position of Chief Eunuch in 1574, see Hathaway, Chief Eunuch. 6. ABSCHATZ; FERNBERGER; GOSZTONYI; HAYDEN; KOLLONITZ; LANG; PFISTER; PLAN; PRACK; PRAXEIN; SCHMEISSER. 7. PFISTER. For a full reconstruction of the original album, which was taken apart and reorganized alongside hundreds of others by Frommann, see Krekler, Autographensammlung, 638–40. 8. On his illness, see the July 31, 1573, report of David Ungnad from Adrianople, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 29, Konv. 3, fol. 97r. For the decision to allow him to return home, see the draft correspondence from Johann Trautson to Ambassador Ungnad from September 16, 1574, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 30, Konv. 4, fol. 161r. On his brother, see Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 221. On his brother’s death, see the report of Ungnad from July 14, 1576, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 33, Konv. 2, fol. 56r. 9. Britz, “Bruxelles.” No travel narrative covers the activities of the delegation, and Bruxelles only sent two reports, one from Buda and one from Constantinople. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 30, Konv. 3, fol. 53–56; Konv. 4, fol. 171–72. In addition to PFISTER, signatures from this delegation can be found in PLAN. 10. PFISTER, 908–1, fol. 33r; PLAN, fol. 19v. On Pálffy, the best overview is still Jedlicska, Adatok. 11. PFISTER, 888–21, fol. 100v. 12. For the earliest reference to Schmeisser, see his report as a servant of Ambassador Ungnad from his meeting with the French ambassador on June 26, 1575, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 31, Konv. 4, fol. 91c–d. He is last mentioned in the report of Ambassador Breuner from August 24, 1582, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 46, Konv. 3, fol. 226r. 13. These can be reconstructed on the basis of a two-volume manuscript in the University Library of Wrocław, Akc.1967/13. 14. On Rosa, see Kecskeméti, “Hardly-Known 16th-Century Humanist.” For Rosa’s signatures, see FALCK, p. 548; KOLLONITZ, fol. 110r; PRAXEIN, p. 123; AMENDT, fol. 57 (glued between pages); SCHMEISSER, 143; HAYDEN, fol. 125r; GERLACH, fol. 168r. On Knotzer, who served as a courier and eventually chief steward, see Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:62, 72, 122, 130; 2:2, 11, 69. There are many further references to Knotzer in the archives, often in relation to his travel with the post. See, for example, the draft of a request for a letter of safe conduct from Archduke Ernst in Vienna to Beylerbey Frenk Yusuf (Sinan) Pasha of Buda from April 3, 1584, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 50, Konv. 3, fol. 17r. For Knotzer’s signatures, see LANG, fol. 123r; ABSCHATZ, p. 490; PRACK, fol. 189r. 15. The first signature is on HAYDEN, fol. 26r. Hayden is listed as a young nobleman in Sinzendorff’s retinue in Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 427.

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16. On Sinzendorff, see the entry on him in the ongoing project run out of Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich: Personnel Database of the Courtiers of the Austrian Habsburg Dynasty in the 16th and 17th Centuries, accessed June 16, 2022, https://kaiserhof.geschichte.lmu.de/11701. 17. Graf, Sultan’s Renegades, 154, 210. 18. On other Muslim converts, see Graf, Sultan’s Renegades. 19. This information is based on records of messengers found in the HHStA, Turcica I collection. 20. Correspondence from the German House occasionally includes notes on the arrival and departure of Praxein with the post. For example, see the report of Ambassador Breuner from August 19, 1583, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 49, Konv. 1, fol. 218v. See also the pay registers from Breuner’s tenure in Graf, Preis der Diplomatie, 45, 52. For Kollonitz, who was listed as Ambassador Breuner’s squire (Leibjung) following his death, see Steinach, “Beschreibung,” 229. 21. See the report of Ambassador Breuner from August 24, 1582, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 46, Konv. 3, fol. 204r–205v. On the festivities, see Terzioğlu, “Imperial Circumcision Festival.” 22. Takáts, “Bedeghi Nyáry István.” Other alba amicorum in the German House at the time include FALCK; SCHMEISSER; PLAN; and AMENDT. 23. PRAXEIN, p. 114; KOLLONITZ, fol. 134r. Braun, who also signed FALCK, p. 280, and SCHMEISSER, p. 262, always followed his name with the Latin term for his region of origin, “Pommeranus.” He is undocumented beyond these signatures but was likely a member of Nyáry’s retinue. 24. Three of these cities are located outside of Austria and Germany: Schwanowitz (Zwanowice, modern-day Poland), Pyritz (Pyrzyce, modern-day Poland), and Kremnitz (Kremnica, modern-day Slovakia). 25. More frequently than Praxein, the names of Prack and Lang are regularly recorded throughout the correspondence. Often, they appear in notes on the back of ciphered originals recording the date and means of arrival in Vienna. For the earliest reference to Lang, see the report of Ambassador Pezzen from September 2, 1587, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 63, Konv. 1, fol. 49v. For an early reference to Prack, see the report of Ambassador Pezzen from June 15, 1588, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 66, Konv. 2, fol. 172v. 26. LANG, fol. 145v; PRACK, fol. 256r. 27. PRACK, fol. 120v; 295r. 28. PRACK, fol. 111r. On Oberhaimb, see Wratislaw, Adventures, 65. 29. ABSCHATZ. On Abschatz, his album, and related archival sources, see Radway, “Caspar von Abschatz’s Album.” 30. ABSCHATZ, pp. 314, 534, 665, and 767. For a detailed discussion of each of these staff members, their background, and their level of training in Ottoman Turkish, see the report of Ambassador Eytzing from May 24, 1584, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 51, Konv. 1, fol. 130v–133v. Murad Bey is recorded as still teaching Ottoman Turkish in the German House in the report of Ambassador Eytzing from January 21, 1587. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 59, Konv. 1, fol. 61r. Castelino seems to have been working in Vienna as a translator by 1591, when he signed an album amicorum that is now disbound and dispersed. The loose folio with Castelino’s signature is now held in the Erik Wallers collection (Uppsala, University Library, Waller Ms amic-00500). 31. For example, the signature of Caspar Malik in ABSCHATZ, p. 601.

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32. He is recorded as a messenger only a year after this signature in a report from the Aulic War Council in Vienna to Rudolf II on the movements of several messengers, dated April 29, 1587. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 60, Konv. 2, fol. 194–95. It is unclear in what capacity he was present in the House before 1587, how he got to Constantinople, and why he refers to exile in his motto at the top of the folio. 33. Ostrochovský also signed the album of Johannes HUENICH, fol. 87r, shortly before his departure on February 9, 1586. On Thurn, whose later travels in the Ottoman empire are more well known, see Schunka, “Böhmen am Bosporus.” On Ostrochovský’s activities as a courier, see the note on his departure from Constantinople with the post on March 19, 1587, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 60, Konv. 1, fol. 189. The last mention of him notes his return to Constantinople with the post on June 22, 1587. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 61, Konv. 2, fol. 201. Ostrochovský signed the album of Leonhard Lang von Durach, another messenger from the House, on August 12, 1587. LANG, fol. 187r. 34. Gwendolyn Collaço has connected the album to a lavish disbound album held in Dublin (CBL, T. 439). Collaço, “Image as Commodity,” 96–101. 35. The relationship between the visual programs of these albums deserves further study. For example, compare the wrestlers in GOSZTONYI, fol. 20v, and PLAN, fol. 132r. Compare also the elite Ottoman woman holding up her gown. GOSZTONYI, fol. 34r; HAYMB, 124r; VOS BREMEN, fol. 83r. 36. He shows up several times as “Master Sebald, the cook,” in Gerlach, TageBuch, 37, 134, 169, 220. 37. For a list of images, coats of arms, and further literature, see Brodský and Pařez, Katalog iluminovaných, 182–86. See also Borys, “Ich [. . .] habe diese Figur,” 217–19. 38. PLAN, fol. 3r. 39. Blaszczyk and Rohdewald, From Kebab to Ćevapčići; Dursteler, “Infidel Foods”; Singer, Starting with Food; Luthar, “Slice of Desire.” 40. Dresden, SLUB, Mscr. Dresd. a 21, p. 617. This practice of defraying the costs of ambassadors was an element of early modern diplomacy that proved too expensive to maintain in most other contexts. On the practice, see Hennings, Russia and Courtly Europe, 99–104. 41. Interesting parallels exist among these drawings; the one discussed in Born, Dziewulski, and Messling, Sultan’s World, 132; and the rendering of the Selimmiye Mosque in Edirne in TSMK, A. 3595, fol. 55b. 42. For example, see the signatures of Wolfgang Pachelbel von Gehag (PLAN, fol. 177r); Ernst Wilhelm von Malspelt (115v); Wolfgang Wilhelm von Herberstein (45v); Heinrich Porsius (115r); and Laurentius Breuel (99r) in the days leading up to their departure for the eastern Mediterranean, described in Porsius, Historia belli Persici, 33–34. 43. For example, the signatures of Andreas Zollner (PLAN, fol. 41r); Christoph Abt (56r); Kaspar von Herbersdorf (100bv); Hans Christoph Wolzogen (38r); and the tribute-carrying envoy Wolfgang Sinich (53ar) on December 19, 1576, all coincide with an outing to the Black Sea mentioned in Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 276. 44. Borys, “Ich [. . .] habe diese Figur,” 219. 45. PLAN, fol. 176r; 40r; 40v; 166v. 46. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 333. Oswald Keyser (alias Bayram) appears several times in Gerlach’s account. He was even a frequent dinner guest in the German House. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 128, 153, 238, 253–54, 267, 269, 274, 280, 283, 307, 318, 349, 352, 378–79, 383, 398, 409, 461.

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47. For the abbreviation, see Ragotzky, “Sinnsprüche aus Stammbüchem,” 429. These interactions complicate some of the historiography on Plan, which speculates that he knew little of the city beyond the walls of the House. See Borys, “Ich [. . .] habe diese Figur,” 218–19. 48. PLAN, fol. 52r; 66r; 21r. 49. On the captives, see the report of Ambassador Breuner from April 9, 1583, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 48, Konv. 3, fol. 19v–20r. On the escape plans, see the report of Ambassador Breuner from May 18, 1583, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 48, Konv. 3, fol. 169r. 50. SCHWEIGGER, fol. 42r. 51. LANG, fol. 88r; HUENICH, fol. 4r; ABSCHATZ, p. 73. 52. KOLLONITZ, fol. 53r; FALCK, p. 36; AMENDT, fol. 140 (glued between two pages). 53. See the overwhelming proportion of publications on “the Turks” as opposed to “the Ottomans” in Göllner, Turcica. 54. LANG, fol. 123r; PRACK fol. 189r. 55. HAYDEN, fol. 48v; 78r; PRAXEIN p. 63; PRACK, fol. 89v; SCHWEIGGER, fol. 104r. 56. Kecskeméti, “Hardly-Known 16th-Century Humanist.”

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SCHOLARS

5 •

‫دشمن اول دوستدن دليم يكدر كه همدرد اومليا‬ Inimicus multo prestancior est quam amicus qui tecum vna non senciat. Sokkal jobb az ellensig az olÿan baratodnal akki te veled nem egÿet erez. Dusmen ol dosßtden delÿm jegdur ki hemderd olmaia.1 It is better to have an enemy than to have a friend with no sympathy.

A

n undated signature bound into the album amicorum of the young nobleman and staff member Casper von Abschatz includes two Latin proverbs translated into Ottoman Turkish and spelled out phonetically (fig. 5.1). The distichs come from a popular compendium widely read by early modern students of Latin known as Cato. They accompany the signature of the dragoman and language tutor Murad Bey, a Hungarian-born Muslim convert.2 Latin proverbs in translation were one of Murad’s primary teaching tools. One of the same distichs appears in an entry left in another album by one of Murad’s first students from 1571, Paolo Strada, son of the famous polymath Jacopo Strada (fig. 5.2). These traces of Renaissance learning entangled with the Ottoman Turkish language, and the socialization that led to them, point to the extraordinary intellectual environment of the German House and its role in the development of a growing philological interest in the Near East. Abschatz and Strada were just two of the hundreds of classically-educated men who traveled to Constantinople in the second half of the sixteenth century. As these classically trained humanists, practically minded bureaucrats, and curious young noblemen rotated through the German House, each sought to order the Ottoman world he experienced into his existing understanding of the universe. Most of these men traveled in an official capacity, as chaplains, doctors, preceptors, or retinue members supporting the ambassador in a social and ceremonial capacity. Many of them considered the stop in Constantinople

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Fig. 5.1  Signature of Murad Bey (Constantinople, c. 1584– 87). ABSCHATZ, p. 767.

to be a part of their intellectual perambulations, recording their experiences in notebooks, diaries, and albums that could be revisited and reworked with pen in hand. This chapter uses the albums and entries of the German House’s most learned inhabitants to examine their scholarly pursuits and what they reveal about central European knowledge production and dissemination relating to the Ottoman world from within its borders. The chapter begins with the study of local antiquities and the hunt for ancient manuscripts from the German House and then turns to the different

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Fig. 5.2  Signature of Paolo Strada (Constantinople, June 25, 1571). MANLIUS, fol. 27ar.

intellectual spheres available to its residents: medical, theological, and linguistic. It shows that scholar-owners collected materials related to their professional interests: the physician Arnold Manlius focused on local networks of apothecaries, the theologian Stephan Gerlach focused on officials from the upper echelons of the Greek Orthodox Church, and the Orientalist Salomon Schweigger focused on gathering records of linguistic diversity. While each of

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Fig. 5.3  Column of Arcadius, c. 1574. FRESHFIELD, fol. 12. © Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge, CC-BY-NC 4.0.

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Fig. 5.4  Column of Arcadius, c. 1587–92. PRACK, fol. 269r. Digital image courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program.

these men also engaged in scholarly practices that ultimately conditioned the image of the Turk back in Europe, their alba contain remarkably few traces of direct engagement with their Ottoman Muslim surroundings. This means that the routes taken in the assembly of knowledge about Islam and the Ottoman Turkish language were often just as meandering as the peregrinations that led to them. The skeletons of antiquity exercised an irresistible pull for classically trained early modern visitors to Constantinople. Excursions to collect Greek and Latin inscriptions, hunt for “lost” manuscripts in Byzantine libraries, and view ancient monuments were all common activities, many of which left their traces in the albums of the German House. The most natural home for sketches of buildings and monuments was a traveler’s diary. Such unpublished notes often focused on outings beyond Constantinople in the Ottoman Balkans, Anatolia, the Levant, and North Africa.3 Within Constantinople itself, images of columns and obelisks feature prominently as stand-alone works of

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Local Antiquities

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Fig. 5.5  Serpent Column, c. 1574–78, with the signature of Barbara Preining (Vienna, 1578). PLAN, fol. 89v.

art, often bound into albums collected by a variety of ambassadors, staff, and noblemen. Detailed renderings of the Column of Arcadius (fig. 5.3) from the Freshfield Album (discussed in chap. 3) are considered to be the most reliable renderings of the monument, which was demolished in 1719. The same column, in a more simplified rendering, found its way into several staff albums as well (fig. 5.4), alongside the Column of the Goths, the Column of Constantine, the Pillar of Pompey, and the monuments on the Hippodrome: the Serpent

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Fig. 5.6  Column of Constantine, c. 1575–76. HAYMB, fol. 157r.

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Column (fig. 5.5), the Obelisk of Theodosius, and the so-called Masonry Obelisk.4 Not surprisingly, the Column of Constantine, which towered over the German House, was the most frequently depicted monument, appearing in eleven different collections (fig. 5.6). The distribution of these images across such a wide range of manuscripts indicates that an interest in the traces of classical antiquity was not confined to a few learned visitors but was cultivated more broadly and was likely fueled by conversations. In addition to examining the built remains of antiquity, another favorite pastime was hunting for Byzantine manuscripts, particularly those that contained copies of lost classical texts.5 Annotations alluding to the exchange of books with local Greek intellectuals show up on several signatures in the album amicorum of Arnold Manlius (c. 1530–1607), the humanist-doctor of resident ambassador Karl Rym. The signatures of four Greek friends are all annotated with the word bibliophile. These men likely assisted Manlius in accumulating his substantial collection of manuscripts.6 The signature of Damaskenos Stouditis, metropolitan of Lepanto and Arta, appears twice: once as a traditional entry in honor of their friendship and a second time on a separate larger folio of creased paper that was bound into the album that the metropolitan had sent to Manlius to thank him for lending a copy of Euclid’s Geometry. Johann Zygomalas, the protonotary of the patriarch, was present when it arrived and added a postscript at the bottom requesting a dinner invitation to the German House for the following Saturday.7 Manlius had this and several other folios with Greek text pasted into his album to memorialize these exchanges. This practice of scholarly networking which used books as a gateway to conversation around dinner tables was not unique.8 The exchange points to the importance of Manlius’s intellectual networks for future scholars who joined the imperial embassy.

Greek Orthodox Networks: Manlius and Gerlach

Arnold Manlius’s album amicorum is a collection of signatures by an ambitious man who was well integrated into the social life of the German House and the broader Christian and Jewish professional community outside its walls during his lengthy stay in the Ottoman capital. The album is a copy of Andrea Alciato’s Emblematum Liber published in Frankfurt in 1567 and consists of 137 printed folios interleaved with 127 additional folios numbered in pencil, some with printed frames for coats of arms. Rather than filling these with the heraldry the printers had intended, Manlius collected 168 entries from mostly nonnobles. The signatures he collected came from men who varied widely in social standing and profession. They included ambassadors, retinue members, secretaries, cooks, translators, messengers, informants, merchants, medical professionals, musicians, released captives, members of the Polish and Italian embassies, and local members of the Greek Orthodox community. Many of the entries are annotated in Manlius’s own handwriting, identifying the profession and occasionally origins of the inscriber. At the end of the volume in the margins of Alciato’s index, Manlius kept a running list of names, including several dozen Ottoman officials and foreign sovereigns he

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encountered along the way. These notes reveal how Manlius used the album as an aid to his memory of the extraordinary journey, working through his experiences with quill in hand. Though he never composed a travel narrative, he could page through his album and use the names and notes to prompt the recollection of anecdotes, experiences, and major events that took place during his four years of service. This would have been useful during conversations that took place in the German House as well as those back home. Manlius seems to have socialized with, or at least sought to document his socialization by procuring a signature from, only a quarter of his fellow residents in the German House. Instead, he focused much of his collecting on the world beyond its walls, befriending several physicians and apothecaries in Constantinople and Galata. For example, he met with and gathered the signatures of the two famous Portuguese Jewish doctors employed by Sultans Süleyman and Selim II: Brudo Lusitano and Haim Abenxuxen.9 Though their signatures themselves reveal little, Manlius left annotations for each explaining his prominent position at court. Both men occasionally fed information to the Habsburg ambassador, as did Haim Sinai Lautenschläger, a Bohemian-born Jewish informant who also signed Manlius’s album in 1571.10 The signature of the Milanese doctor Giovanni di Castelle in Constantinople reveals few clues, but its placement on the same page as a Greek apothecary in Galata a few weeks earlier suggests that Castelle may have been on a study tour.11 When they briefly crossed paths in November 1574, Manlius even made a point of collecting the signature of Wilhelm Vischer, medical doctor for the arriving tribute-carrying delegation.12 In addition to his medical networks, Manlius was an important yet littleknown figure who linked the intellectual activities of the German House to the Greek Orthodox patriarchate. Ten of the first nineteen signatures in Manlius’s album amicorum belong to high-ranking Greeks in Constantinople, including Patriarch Jeremias II, the protonotary Johann Zygomalas, and Zygomalas’s son Theodosius.13 These connections cultivated through the exchange of books in the early 1570s would have a significant impact on the intellectual networks of two more prominent scholars who followed Manlius in the German House. In 1574, Manlius introduced many of these Greek friends to the newly arrived Protestant theologian Stephan Gerlach, chaplain to resident ambassador David Ungnad and his retinue.14 Gerlach, who had just finished his studies in Tübingen, kept an extraordinarily detailed diary of his journey alongside an album amicorum interleaved with (and occasionally appearing on the pages of) a copy of Rebenstock’s Newe Biblische Figuren (1571). Unlike Manlius’s record of a broad range of individuals he encountered with an emphasis on medical professionals, Gerlach’s album is remarkably narrow in focus. The key players in his published five-hundred-page diary, whom one might define as his real friends, are entirely absent from his album amicorum. Instead, he gathered the signatures of a select group of priests, theologians, and Greek Orthodox officials he met in Constantinople and on his journey through the Ottoman Balkans, many of whom he only met in passing.

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His diary makes several revealing references to his signature-collecting efforts. In August 1575, for example, he recorded that he “went to the patriarchate with the doctor from Chios to get an answer from the Metropolitans about some theological questions and to get their names. About this, the speaker of the Patriarch laughed and without hesitation said that they can only drink, and cannot even spell their own names properly and orthographically, let alone write.”15 This was an exaggeration, but apparently, it held a kernel of truth. In June 1578, on the embassy’s way home in the provincial capital of Filibe (Philippopolis, now Plovdiv, Bulgaria), he met the local metropolitan, Theoleptos, and asked for his signature. Gerlach explained that neither the metropolitan nor his notary Georgius were able to write and that they therefore asked one of their pages to scribble something down on their behalf.16 The name Theoleptos (Θεόληπτος) appears in three different formulations in a row on the bottom of the page, providing evidence of this scarcely functional literacy.17 Whatever Gerlach’s opinion of his education, Theoleptos was an elite member of the Orthodox Church who would be elected patriarch of Constantinople in 1585. His signature in Gerlach’s album further bolstered Gerlach’s authority as an expert on the Greek Orthodox Church. While some of the men were apparently uneducated and prone to excess, Gerlach recounts that others were learned scholars who could converse in ancient Greek and spent their days bent over manuscripts in their libraries. Many of Gerlach’s Greek acquaintances maintained strong ties to the University of Padua.18 It is mostly these signatures that are gathered in his album amicorum alongside formulaic declarations of love and friendship and elaborate calligraphic signatures (known as monokondylion). During these meetings, books were a central topic of conversation. In 1578, he met several times with Methodios from Aetolia, with whom he spoke about the monasteries and libraries of Mount Athos. Gerlach recounts how he showed Methodios and the patriarch Metrophanes a copy of Abraham Ortelius’s Theatrum Orbis Terrarum from the collection of the German House and they wondered at its beauty.19 Just as Manlius did, Gerlach seems to have used books to create and strengthen his connections. This atlas may have been one of the four copies ordered from the House in 1574 in the name of the Ottoman court-appointed dragoman, Mahmud Bey.20 These meetings were not just in the name of scholarly friendship. Gerlach was a young member of a circle of Lutheran theologians based in Tübingen who were exploring the possibilities of a union between the Protestant and Greek Orthodox Churches.21 His activities related to the Orthodox patriarch and the Augsburg Confession are well known, but his album amicorum and its lengthy Greek dedications may shed more light on the nature of his broader contacts with the Ottoman Orthodox elite. These contacts had a profound impact on late sixteenth-century scholarship about the Ottoman world, albeit of a theologically driven sort.22 Gerlach’s activities were central to those of Martin Crusius, the prolific Lutheran scholar and professor of Greek language at the University of Tübingen, and his colleague David Chytraeus in Rostock.

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Crusius was involved in a broader proto-ethnographic project examining the Greeks under the Ottomans on the basis of contacts filtered largely through the German House.23 Gerlach, who was a recent student of Crusius’s, had been charged with facilitating the exchanges and gathering as much information as he could while fulfilling his pastoral duties. Gerlach’s collection of signatures from Protestant priests in Royal Hungary (Tata and Győr) and Ottoman Hungary (Buda, Csepel, and Tolna) reveal his secondary mission: to understand the state of Lutheranism at the periphery of the Ottoman Empire. These fascinating excerpts offer a rare glimpse into the intellectual networks of a notoriously messy confessional landscape.24 All of this activity indicates that Gerlach was collecting his album amicorum not as a personal keepsake but rather with the broader Tübingen-based Lutheran project in mind. From 1578, this Lutheran project was continued by Gerlach’s successor, Salomon Schweigger (1551–1622). The two men had much in common. Schweigger was also a recently ordained former student of Martin Crusius in Tübingen, and he also kept both a diary and an album amicorum during his stay in the German House, where he served as the Lutheran chaplain of a resident ambassador. Schweigger continued the failing talks with the local Greek Orthodox community that Gerlach had initiated. The resulting album and travel narrative differed substantially from those of Gerlach. Instead of recording a specific set of interactions with Greek Orthodox elites for scholars to study back home, Schweigger’s album and travel narrative are remarkable records of scholarly self-fashioning.25 The album begins two years before Schweigger’s departure for the Ottoman Empire with entries from Linz (1576) and Vienna (1577), many with elaborately painted coats of arms and allegorical backdrops. Among the signatures are those of three artists (Jakob Mayer, Donat Hübschmann, and Sigmund Elsässer) who worked on small-scale commissions on paper, like those that appear in alba amicorum.26 These early signatures of artists are important because Schweigger, as we will see, was himself an amateur artist. His album also seems to have doubled as a scrapbook, including many allegorical paintings, a portrait of Patriarch Metrophanes III, and portraits of two ambassadors—an earlier print by Melchior Lorck depicting Antonius Verantius (fig. 3.30) and a print contemporary to Schweigger’s stay in the German House by Nikolai Andresen depicting Joachim von Sinzendorff (fig. 3.33). On his arrival in Constantinople, Schweigger acquired a set of Ottoman marbled and silhouette papers, on which he continued to build up his signature portfolio throughout his long career, first in Constantinople, then on a pilgrimage across the eastern Mediterranean, and finally through his return to central Europe via Venice. Schweigger’s album amicorum includes entries in Latin, German, Italian, French, Czech, Greek, Croatian, Arabic, Ottoman Turkish, Hebrew, Armenian, Georgian, Amharic, and Syriac. This variety is rare within the albums of the German House and suggests that one of Schweigger’s primary goals was to document the linguistic and paleographic variety he encountered.

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Fig. 5.7  Portrait of Salomon Schweigger with his insignia at the top, 1605. Heinrich Ulrich, 198 mm × 138 mm, engraving, Rijksmuseum, RPP-1915-400.

That people signed his album in the most complex way possible is evidenced by the Croatian signature of Veit Kastisch. Kastisch, master of the stables for Ambassador Sinzendorff, signed at least four other albums in the German House between 1578 and 1581.27 In Schweigger’s album, rather than his usual German-language entry, he wrote a profession of friendship in the archaic Glagolitic script of his Croatian mother tongue next to his German signature. In another instance, Schweigger collected what he thought was and labeled as Syriac but which was actually Arabic rendered in the Syriac alphabet (known

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Fig. 5.8  Insignia of Salomon Schweigger, 1608. Schweigger, Reyßbeschreibung, unpag. front matter.

as Garshuni).28 Such an assortment of text fragments has parallels in only a handful of alba amicorum, such as the fascinating example belonging to the messenger and secretary Georg Christoph Fernberger von Eggenberg. Fernberger’s album, now held by the Bavarian State Archives in Munich, is a damaged object preserving entries in German, Latin, Italian, Greek, English, Hebrew, French, Spanish, Serbian, Armenian, and Arabic, as well as attempts to accurately render Amharic, Ancient Babylonian, Coptic, Ge’ez, and Chinese, with varying degrees of success. As with the more exotic entries collected by Schweigger, a majority of Fernberger’s text fragments were collected during his travels in the eastern Mediterranean.29 Such collections of scripts represent one of the early false starts of Oriental studies in central Europe. Though these extraordinarily early traces of study were carefully preserved in the personal collections of sixteenth-century individuals, they received little attention in their own day and were quickly forgotten. Schweigger’s assemblage of Greek entries, on the other hand, were of note to Schweigger’s professor back in Tübingen because they recorded differences between classical and modern Greek. After his return to Tübingen, Schweigger showed the album to Martin Crusius, who published an eighteen-folio pamphlet celebrating Schweigger’s journey, summarizing his itinerary, and transcribing a selection of thirty-eight entries from his album amicorum.30 The entries include three members of the Zygomalas family, who were crucial

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contacts for Crusius and who first interacted with Manlius via an exchange of books.31 It is interesting to note that Crusius showed no interest in all the non-Greek Christians who left their marks in Schweigger’s album. Their signatures remained curiosities rather than objects of study. Schweigger’s album also stands apart for its unusually high number of coats of arms: seventy in total. The first folio of the album prominently displays an escutcheon topped by a helm, crown, and crest in the shape of a man holding his hand in front of his mouth. A banner across the top bears the motto “Closed lips hurt no one—speaking may.”32 The insignia is flanked by two supporting figures and the words “von Sultz—1577.” This clear statement of nobility by the young Lutheran chaplain is complicated by the fact that Schweig­ger’s father, Heinrich Schweickher, was a notary, orphanage steward, and cartographer in Sulz am Neckar in Württemberg and held only a nonhereditary title of nobility connected to his service (Amtsadel).33 I have yet to find proof of whether this title was recognized or ever confirmed by the imperial court during the 1570s. This minor detail did not prevent Schweigger from proudly and regularly employing it in this first folio and elsewhere. The same coat of arms appears on Schweigger’s printed portraits (fig. 5.7) and as a separate full-page insignia in his published travel narrative (fig. 5.8).

Ottoman Learned Men, Islam, and the Ottoman Turkish Language

Though Schweigger’s album displays his deep interest in languages, it bears few traces of Ottoman Turkish, particularly when compared with other contemporary albums from the German House, which staff members regularly signed while highlighting their skills. In fact, the only signatures that include Ottoman and Arabic text in the album come from the pilgrimage Schweigger undertook after he left the German House. Fernberger’s surviving entries in Arabic script also come from outside the German House.34 This points to a broader issue: the alba of scholars display remarkably few references to Ottoman elites, Islam, and the Ottoman Turkish language. Nevertheless, alba from the German House do allow for a window onto the early development of Oriental studies in central Europe based on direct interactions. While the languages of the Ottoman Empire were of more interest for staff members than for scholars, there is some indication that a burgeoning interest in the postclassical built environment led to the circulation of images of Ottoman architecture in the House. As with the images of classical monuments, these are also spread throughout the albums of a wide range of residents. City views of Constantinople and other settlements along the Bosporus were popular. So were mosques, baths, pavilions, and fountains. Two exceptional floor plans for baths are bound into Beck’s copy of David Ungnad’s album. These plans, which include Ottoman text identifying the purposes of each room, are drawn on unwatermarked paper prepared for architectural designs with a blind checkered grid formed by a sharp tool.35 The signature of the dragoman Murad Bey in the album of staff member Caspar Abschatz (fig. 5.1) points to an important area of exchange with Muslim Ottomans. Murad, who was around seventy-five years old at the time, had

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retired from his official duties and was offering lessons in Ottoman Turkish at the German House between 1571 and 1587.36 He also left a trilingual entry in the album of Arnold Manlius (fig. 5.9), which has been studied in detail for its curious mixture of languages accompanied by a two-page annotation.37 Murad was a convert and a regular at the German House, where he served as the Ottoman court-appointed translator. Born in the town of Nagybánya (then in the Kingdom of Hungary, today Baia Mare, Romania), he attended school in Vienna before joining the ill-fated expedition of Hungarian King Louis II in 1526, in which he fell captive to the Ottomans. Rather than being sent to the galleys, he was trained in Persian, Arabic, and Ottoman Turkish and converted to Islam. He continued to wield Hungarian dexterously while

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Fig. 5.9  Signature of Murad Bey, born Balázs Somlyai (Constantinople, 1571). MANLIUS, fol. 26v.

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maintaining his mediocre Latin, and sources suggest he could also communicate in a Slavic dialect.38 He composed hymns, wrote an introduction to Islam (similar to a catechism), and even tried his hand at translating Cicero into Ottoman Turkish.39 Murad’s signature in the physician Arnold Manlius’s album amicorum comes from 1571 and is written in Ottoman Turkish (in both Arabic letters and a phonetic transcription into the Latin alphabet), Hungarian, and Latin. The motto at the top reads, “It is better to have an enemy than to have a friend with no sympathy.” The second motto, in the middle, reads, “Wine is the old man’s milk to be sipped,” alluding to his great fondness for the free-flowing alcohol that welcomed him during his regular meals with the ambassador at the German House. He even chose to place his entry across from the emblem for in vino veritas. Manlius covered the emblem page with a lengthy note on a conversation between himself and Murad that began as a friendly dispute on theological matters and quickly shifted toward a heated comparison between Christian and Muslim marriage, divorce, and sexual practices. As the conversation turned to circumcision and bathhouses, Murad retorted that it did not matter, because the whole world would soon fall into Muslim hands anyway. In the heat of the argument, Manlius insulted the Prophet Mohammed. At this, Murad drew his knife, and Manlius followed suit.40 Nothing came of the incident, if indeed it ever really took place. Manlius seems to have recorded this in such detail because it offered him a chance to reflect on his limited personal encounters with Islam. Murad was the only Ottoman notable and only Muslim to sign the album. The autograph was his only proof that he had experience interacting with Ottoman Muslims and provided him with talking points and an exotic script to prompt discussions with interested scholars back home. Following Manlius’s tenure in the German House, he met with Hugo Blotius, who had recently been appointed head of the Imperial Library. Blotius was embarking on a cataloging project related to the Ottoman world and likely spoke with Manlius about his experiences in Constantinople.41 A signature by Paolo Strada on the following page also includes a combination of Ottoman Turkish, Latin, and Latin in Arabic script. Paolo’s father, Jacopo Strada, used his position to acquire dictionaries and grammar books in 1569 and 1574, hoping to incorporate the Turkish language into his larger linguistic project. He sent his son Paolo to the German House to study the language, and Paolo took lessons from the elderly Murad Bey for several years.42 Paolo Strada’s intellectual experiment in learning Ottoman Turkish was no exception. A significant number of residents in the German House appear to have engaged in the study of the Ottoman Turkish language during their stay. While most of the men who studied were staff members learning for practical reasons related to their careers rather than as part of an intellectual pursuit, as discussed in chapter 4, many albums include traces of interest in Ottoman poetry, prose, and proverbs. Reinhold Lubenau noted that he tried to study the language and even bought himself a book to study with but found it too

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difficult and quickly gave up.43 A heavily annotated copy of the first printed book of Ottoman Turkish grammar from 1612 includes a note attributing the volume to Hector von Ernau rather than Johan Melchior Mader, whose name appears on the title page.44 This is the same Hector von Ernau (1562–1649) who was active in the House between 1586 and 1590, when he passed through on a pilgrimage and then returned to serve as a retinue member and courier. Though Ernau did not keep an album himself, he left entries in the books of several housemates.45 Others also engaged in linguistic experimentation. The album of Johannes Huenich includes a short glossary that explains Ottoman Turkish words for different city elements (baths, gates, streets, towers), their numbers, and the titles of several court positions inside the palace.46 Georg Christoph Fernberger von Eggenberg’s album includes several notes reflecting spoken Ottoman Turkish, jotted down in the margins.47 These textual excerpts are valuable sources for linguists interested in how spoken Ottoman was rendered by language learners. Another enigmatic album includes a selection of Arabic prayers beginning with the formulaic phrase invoking God (Bi-smi llāh) (fig. 5.10). The album belonged to Stanislaus Amendt, member the Habsburg delegation to the 1582

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above left, Fig. 5.10  Prayer on silhouette paper. AMENDT, fol. 16b. above right, Fig. 5.11  Prayer accompanying the signature of Johann Kobilniczki (Constantinople, 1582). AMENDT, fol. 38b.

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circumcision festival, who left his own autograph in several contemporary albums, once identifying himself with the city of Krakow (a place beyond the territories represented by Habsburg crowns).48 The signature of Johann Kobilniczki, whose name also points to his possibly Polish origins, is the only one to directly interact with one of these prayers through its careful alignment of his Latin inscription on the same page (fig. 5.11), indicating that he wrote his entry while accounting for the Arabic inscription (or vice versa).49 It has been argued that the seventeenth-century development of Ottoman studies relied on “mobile speakers and their investments into face-to-face interactions and manuscript encounters.”50 As we have seen, scholars circulated, talked with interlocutors, and collected excerpts of text in Oriental languages in the sixteenth century as well. These men were not the greatest humanists of their time. Instead, they could be called “petty humanists,” and the results of their efforts might be classified as precarious and even inconsequential.51 The deep and sustained study of Oriental languages, which was developing in pockets around the continent and would only take off in the early seventeenth century, seems to have evolved separately from these collections.52

Translating Album Activities into Print

Of all the residents of the German House, Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq and Hans Löwenklaw are considered to be its most prominent Orientalists owing to their widely popular publications. Busbecq lived in the German House before the period examined in this book, but he wrote a wildly popular travel narrative in the form of a series of letters, which was likely read by many of the House’s residents.53 Löwenklaw visited the House in 1584 and later published two important historical works: Annales Sultanorum Othmanidarum (1588, 1596) and Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum (1590, 1591, 1595). These were the first European histories of the Ottomans to rely on Ottoman Turkish sources brought back to Europe by earlier travelers and are still used by historians today to reconstruct now-lost chronicles.54 Löwenklaw was a crypto-Calvinist who had studied in Wittenberg and Heidelberg before joining the tributecarrying delegation of Heinrich von Liechtenstein. Before this journey, he had already established himself as a prominent humanist translating Latin and Greek texts. With his participation in the embassy, he likely hoped to expand his repertoire. His intellectual ambitions far outstripped his experiences during his disappointing six-week stay in the German House, which was limited by the severe illness of the tribute-carrying ambassador and many embassy members.55 Though Löwenklaw did not keep an album amicorum, he did sign one album during the journey to Constantinople in the provincial capital of Plovdiv, where many of his company first fell ill.56 This did not prevent him from setting himself up as an expert on the Ottoman world upon his return. Inspired by his brief stay, he dedicated the rest of his career to researching the materials brought back by others housed in the Imperial Library and private collections. Many of the primary sources Löwenklaw consulted can be securely connected to circles active in the German House, though not

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during Löwenklaw’s visit. The Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum explicitly mentions the now-lost Codex Hanivaldus, which was composed by Murad Bey for the Silesian nobleman and secretary Philip Hanniwald von Eckersdorf.57 Hanniwald is last recorded in the German House three weeks before Löwenklaw’s arrival.58 The German translation and expansion of his Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, the Neuwe Chronica Türckischer Nation (1590, 1595), included a description of the circumcision festival of 1582 by Franz Billerbeck; an account of the wedding between a vizier and a daughter of the sultan by the secretary Nicholas Haunold; and a brief travel narrative of his 1584 journey written by another member of the delegation, Melchior Besolt. This reliance on Besolt’s descriptions rather than Löwenklaw’s own reflections is curious.59 As discussed in chapter 3, the album of images usually attributed to Löwenklaw and referred to in the secondary literature as Codex Leuvenclavius was, in fact, a copy of David Ungnad’s album compiled for Heironimus Beck von Leopoldsdorf, which Löwenklaw merely consulted on returning from his own disappointing journey.60 Beck had traveled to Constantinople himself in 1551 and collected a significant body of literature on Ottoman history, geography, and culture, which he made accessible to scholars like Löwenklaw. Notwithstanding his limited experiences, Löwenklaw’s scholarly publications offer a striking contrast to much of the anti-Turkish propaganda being published around the same time.61 Contact with the Ottoman Empire not only spurred Löwenklaw’s interests but may have also encouraged him to adopt a sympathetic view of his subject. He harbored dreams of including several woodcuts based on the images of Beck’s copy of Ungnad’s album, but financial limitations prevented the illustrations from making it into the final version.62 As discussed in chapter 3, it is also likely that Ungnad was not enthusiastic about the having his collection appear in print. The mismatch between Löwenklaw’s personal experience in the House and his intellectual legacy raises an important point: the face-to-face acquisition of language did not correspond with the scholarly practices of collecting and reading manuscripts. Löwenklaw, whose remarkable later publications became the most important intellectual legacy of the House, spent six unremarkable weeks in the residence. Two other learned residents of the House participating in album exchanges there also published texts related to their experiences. Heinrich Porsius (1556– 1610), who signed several alba during his journey in 1580–81, published a brief description of his travels in 1583. Porsius had studied in Marburg, Wittenberg, and several Italian universities before joining the 1579–80 tribute-carrying delegation of Wolfgang von Eytzing, from which he left for a tour of the eastern Mediterranean. The travel narrative is a highly stylized document with limited descriptions published alongside a set of panegyric poems dedicated to members of his intellectual circle.63 Shortly after the publication appeared, Porsius rose from his professorship in Vienna into the ranks of the Habsburg court, becoming Rudolf II’s personal secretary. Another resident, Franz Billerbeck, wrote a letter describing the circumcision festival of 1582 and his further

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travels in the Mediterranean, which appeared in a printed pamphlet in 1584. The text includes several pages of original descriptive material.64 Both Porsius and Billerbeck participated in the album exchanges of the German House.65 The Bohemian intellectual and Protestant Václav Budovec z Budova (d. 1621) was also active around the same time as Porsius and Billerbeck, signing many of the same albums during his service as steward of resident ambassador Joachim von Sinzendorff between 1578 and 1581.66 Budovec apparently studied Ottoman Turkish and Arabic in the House and spent his spare time discussing the Qur’an with converts. On his return to central Europe, he became an important adviser to Rudolf II. In 1614, he published the Antialkorán, a Czech text based partly on his travels and partly framed as a polemical commentary on the Qur’an.67 The Antialkorán built on Theodor Bibliander’s Latin translation of the Qur’an (1543) and aimed to educate readers and dissuade them from embracing Islam. In doing so, it also offered a strong commentary on confessional tensions rising in seventeenth-century Europe, linking Muslims with the radical Reformation and Catholicism alike.68 The two Lutheran theologians sent from Tübingen each wrote vernacular travel diaries filled with thick descriptions of Ottoman daily life alongside a collection of signatures in their alba amicorum. Stephan Gerlach and Salomon Schweigger recorded a wealth of information about Ottoman elites, costumes, food, law, bathing, rituals, and religious and social practices. These documents have all the trappings of early modern ethnographic fieldwork, but they are neither equal in approach nor as straightforward as they might seem. Gerlach’s five-hundred-page diary was never meant to be published and only appeared in print a century after the journey. It contains a lot of chatty musings about his four years in Constantinople, which are preserved as filtered through the edits of his grandson Samuel Gerlach. Descriptions of events and activities on the city streets seem to be reported from the windows of the German House. Current events appear largely via newsletters and conversations over dinner with the resident ambassador and his revolving door of guests. Though Gerlach was in residence while Murad Bey was teaching in the building, he did not ask the Muslim convert to sign his album, nor did he record much interaction with him in his diary. One day they briefly discussed Ottoman education, and on another they spoke of alcohol consumption by Muslims. Though Gerlach wrote a great deal about Muslim daily life, by far his most detailed descriptions are reserved for the Orthodox Greeks and their practices, indicating that even in his diary, his broader Lutheran project was a driving force in much of what he observed and recorded. After decades of editing and comparing his notes, Schweigger published his travel narrative in 1608 together with over one hundred woodcuts and reproductions of a selection of signatures from his album amicorum. The result was wildly popular, going through many editions in the seventeenth century.69 As several scholars have noted, many of the published images are derivative of earlier models. So was the text, which offers an organized overview of Ottoman history, culture, and governmental structures derived from

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earlier publications, interspersed with descriptions of Schweigger’s own experiences.70 Though Schweigger indicated that he had destroyed his drawings in 1580 before leaving the German House, a surviving autograph copy in the archives of the Schottenstift includes a series of amateur watercolors based on his visit.71 Some of these watercolors are unique to Schweigger’s collection, and others are borrowed from earlier models circulating in the House. For example, a set of musical instruments and their descriptions (fig. 5.12), found only in Schweigger’s collection, appear above a wedding procession familiar from de Vos’s album (fig. 3.9). In the published version, the instruments are held by musicians and accompanied by musical notes for the melody of a field march (figs. 5.13 and 5.14). The manuscript also includes several unique costumed figures absent from the printed version, such as a man in a feathered headdress balancing a mace against his hip (fig. 5.15) and a portrait of Salomon Schweigger himself “dressed in his Hungarian travel clothes and hat” (fig. 5.16). These amateur images based on direct experience of Ottoman daily life and occasionally filtered through existing visualizations reveal the complicated routes taken in the accumulation of knowledge about the Ottoman world. By recording himself and his fellow residents of the German House (fig. 3.35) using the same indexical pictorial conventions, with a mound of green below his feet and an otherwise blank background, he made the Hungarian cut of his costume an integral component of his stay in Constantinople. These visual reminders of the double role of the embassy as articulated by Ungnad, as imperial German and also Hungarian, which I discussed in chapter 3, are

Fig. 5.12  Musical instruments and wedding procession. Salomon Schweigger, travelogue, c. 1581, Vienna, Archiv des Schottenstifts, Cod. 647, fol. 183v–184r.

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Fig. 5.13  Musicians playing instruments, 1608. Schweigger, Reyßbeschreibung, 208.

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Fig. 5.14  Sheet music. Schweigger, Reyßbeschreibung, 209.

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Fig. 5.15  Ottoman official wearing an elaborate feathered headdress and holding a mace. Salomon Schweigger, travelogue, c. 1581, Vienna, Archiv des Schottenstifts, Cod. 647, fol. 143v.

absent from the printed version of Schweigger’s travel narrative. For this Protestant priest from Württemberg, the dissemblance into a Hungarian required by a stay in the German House may have been too complicated to express. There is a rich body of secondary literature on Schweigger and his printed travel narrative. Lotte Brouwer has argued that ethnographic information combined with interpretations of Islam collected and published by Schweigger were part of a broader sixteenth-century Lutheran understanding of the world, in which appreciation and refutation were expressed alongside each other.72 Schweigger’s publications parallel the text accompanying Nicolas de Nicolay’s Travels in Turkey (1567) in that they offer a thick description in which negative perceptions of Oriental difference occasionally surface. Yet these negative annotations did not filter through into the album images themselves, and they served to elevate Lutheranism rather than highlight Ottoman deviance.

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Fig. 5.16  Salomon Schweig­ ger in his Hungarian travel clothing. Salomon Schweigger, travelogue, c. 1581, Vienna, Archiv des Schottenstifts, Cod. 647, fol. 225r.

Thus, Gerlach and Schweigger differed substantially from the earlier travelerantiquarians whose publications deepened Western perceptions of Oriental difference.73 How do the intellectual pursuits in the German House relate to the broader Habsburg imperial project? The activities of Manlius, Gerlach, Schweigger, Löwenklau, Budovec, and others do not fit easily into categories of analysis that focus on the image of the Turk in Europe. Carina Johnson has argued that sixteenth-century European publications on the Ottomans in the lands of the Spanish monarchy and the Holy Roman Empire reveal a shift from curiosity toward hierarchy, in which the Christians always came out on top.74 Similarly, Charlotte Colding Smith has used a body of central European visual sources to argue that the image of the Ottomans shifted from military enemy

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to exotic emblem, recycled continuously.75 The collections of the German House are far too variegated and personalized to develop a similar narrative. The difference may lie in the fact that these men published few texts or images based on their experiences in the years immediately following their journeys. Most of the information gathered there remained in manuscript form until the seventeenth century. When the texts and images were finally printed, they were always filtered through a storehouse of knowledge built up in conversation with books in print and cultures of knowledge established in central Europe. This means that in the moment of its production and for many years that followed it, this knowledge was what Martin Mulsow has called “precarious,” in the sense that it was easily lost or overlooked because it existed only in unique manuscripts and oral explanations supplied by the individuals who created them.76 Rather than providing groundwork for studies of the so-called hereditary enemy to bolster the position of the Habsburgs, these men curated variegated bodies of knowledge centered on their own interests in a variety of textual and visual forms. Album making worked simultaneously with other, more traditional forms of observing, recording, collecting, compiling, and editing. While ethnographic information on the Ottomans appeared throughout, it was gathered from a variety of textual and oral sources to satisfy curiosity and help with making religious comparisons, not to further a broader intellectual or political plan. This differs substantially from earlier Renaissance writing on the Ottomans coming from the Italian peninsula, which was often part of a political act conducted by Catholic humanists comparing themselves with the Ottoman world from a distance.77 Neither was it a broader section of society engaging with an Oriental “other” in the process of forming their own identity.78 These activities also differ substantially from those undertaken by seventeenth-century Italian-speaking dragomans, who E. Natalie Rothman has argued laid the foundations for a new discipline of Oriental studies focused on the Ottomans.79 They also differ from the close study of Ottoman intellectual traditions that focused on sustained encounters with Islamic manuscript collections began in the seventeenth century.80 Instead, it was an engagement with the Ottoman world through social occasions, limited real-life encounters expressed mostly through language acquisition, and the view from the windows of the German House. Though the proliferation of Turcica publications in the sixteenth century indicates that there was an active market for this type of material, not one man decided to capitalize on his firsthand experience in the Ottoman Empire immediately in the sixteenth century.81 Each scholar had his own reasons. For example, Arnold Manlius’s intellectual ambitions lay elsewhere, and his album amicorum suggests that the Ottoman sojourn was a formative element of his training as a medical professional, with only the occasional anecdote on the Muslim world. Gerlach, who became a professor of theology in Tübingen after his return, also seemed to have other ambitions in mind. While he was eager to contribute to Martin Crusius’s projects, he himself became embroiled

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in a theological dispute with an influential Calvinist that left him shut out from several important publishing houses.82 Gerlach’s experiences, as filtered through Martin Crusius, include little on the Ottoman Turks, instead focusing on the rich world of the Ottoman Greeks at the heart of his scholarly project. Only Löwenklaw, Budovec, and Schweigger succeeded in publishing shortly after their return. Their works, marked to varying degrees by their personal experiences in the Ottoman Empire, can also be read as intellectual interventions in the confessional tensions leading up to the Thirty Years’ War. As a result, the scholars of the German House had a circumscribed impact on European intellectual currents and popular images of the Turk before 1600.

Notes 1. MANLIUS, fol. 26v. 2. Krstić, “Murad Ibn Abdullah.” 3. Inscriptions gathered during a lengthy excursion in Anatolia are preserved in the diary of Hans Dernschwam from 1553 to 1555. Fugger-Archiv, Dillingen. The images are reproduced in Babinger’s critical edition, Dernschwam, Tagebuch. Similar collections of classical inscriptions can be seen in the diary of Jacques Bongars. Bern, Burgerbibliothek, Cod. 468. More elaborate drawings of monuments, animals, and costumed figures are included in the travelogue of Hans Christoph Teufel from 1587 to 1591. Vienna, Fürstlich Liechtensteinischen Archiv, HS 98 Sign. N 1–22. On the manuscript’s images of Africa, see Prokosch, “Teufel in Afrika.” 4. For images of the Column of Arcadius, see DREYDEN, fol. 87r; FRESHFIELD, fols. 11r, 12r, 13r; ÖNB 8626, 165r; PRACK, 269r. For images of the Column of the Goths, see KRAKOW, fol. 67r; ÖNB 8615, fol. 142v; WEHME SKD, fol. 68v. For images of the Column of Constantine, see BRITISH MUSEUM, fol. 142r; DREYDEN, fol. 86r; FRESHFIELD, fol. 1r; HAYMB, fol. 157r; KASSEL, fol. 11r; KRAKOW, fol. 67v; ÖNB 8615, fol. 142v; ÖNB 8626, fol. 165r; PLAN, fol. 166r; WEHME SKD, fol. 68r; STEINBACH, 136r. For images of the Pillar of Pompey, see FRESHFIELD, fol. 17r; KRAKOW, fol. 67v; ÖNB 8615, fol. 142v; PRACK, fol. 121v; WEHME SKD, fol. 69r; STEINBACH, fol. 136r. For images of the Serpent Column, see BOEMUS, fol. 56r; BRITISH MUSEUM, fol. 148r; DREYDEN, fol. 83r; FRESHFIELD, fol. 6r; HAYMB, fol. 159r; KASSEL, fol. 15r; WYTS, fol. 166r; ÖNB 8615, fol. 142r; ÖNB 8626, fol. 164r; PLAN, fol. 89v. For images of the Obelisk of Theodosius, see BOEMUS, fol. 159r; BRITISH MUSEUM, fol. 149r; DREYDEN, fol. 82r; FRESHFIELD, fols. 2r, 3r, 4r, 5r; HAYMB, fol. 160r; KASSEL, fol. 13r; WYTS, 166r; ÖNB 8615, fol. 142r; ÖNB 8626, fol. 164r. For images of the so-called Masonry Obelisk, see FRESHFIELD, fol. 7r; HAYMB, fol. 158r; KASSEL, fol. 17r; KRAKOW, fol. 67r; WYTS, fol. 166r; ÖNB 8615, fol. 142v; ÖNB 8626, fol. 164r; PLAN, fol. 164r; WEHME SKD, fol. 67r. 5. Busbecq, Dernschwam, Rym, and Manlius all collected such manuscripts. Stichel, “Zu den verschollenen griechischen Handschriften.” 6. MANLIUS, fol. 8ar; 9ar; 9av; 10ar. On his collecting, see Stichel, “Zu den verschollenen griechischen Handschriften,” 239. A set of manuscripts associated with Manlius was last recorded in 1885 in the Wallenberg-Fenderlini Library in Landeshut, Silesia (now Kamienna Góra, Poland). Bauch, “Adalékok,” 340.

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7. MANLIUS, fol. 5cr; 5dr. It is unclear which edition of Euclid was being lent. On the versions circulating in Europe at the time, see Malet, “Euclid’s Swan Song,” 207. On Damaskenos, see Philippides, “Damaskenos the Stoudite.” On Zygomalas, see Rhoby, “Friendship between Martin Crusius and Theodosios Zygomalas.” I thank Elias Kolovos for his assistance in deciphering this entry. 8. Barbarics-Hermanik, “Books as a Means of Transcultural Exchange”; Calis, “Reconstructing the Ottoman Greek World,” 159. 9. MANLIUS, fol. 14ar; 14av. On Brudo and his family, see Andrade, “Conrad Gessner Edits Brudus Lusitanus.” 10. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 26. 11. MANLIUS, fol. 30ar. 12. MANLIUS, fol. 122av. 13. MANLIUS, fol. 5ar; 5cr; 5dr; 7ar -v; 8ar; 9ar; 9av; 10ar; 13ar -v. 14. Kriebel, “Stephan Gerlach.” 15. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 103. 16. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 516. 17. I wish to thank Youli Evangelou for her help with this signature. 18. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 133. For example, Simeon Cabasilas, a hieromonk who had studied in Padua, signed Gerlach’s album in 1576 (fol. 268r), shortly after returning from Padua. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 200. 19. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 462. For the signature of Metrophanes, see GERLACH, fol. 196v; 237v. 20. See tribute-carrying delegate Wolfgang Sinich’s 1574 supplication to Maximilian II on the presents for Mahmud Bey, which includes four copies of the atlas. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 30, Konv. 1, fol. 29. For more on this, see BarbaricsHermanik, “Books as a Means of Transcultural Exchange,” 113. 21. Wendebourg, Reformation und Orthodoxie; Ben-Tov, “Turco-Graecia”; Calis, “Martin Crusius,” 42–78. 22. Schunka, “Schweigger, Salomon.” 23. Calis, “Reconstructing the Ottoman Greek World”; Calis, “Martin Crusius.” Crusius’s notebooks reveal that he corresponded with Budovec, Christoph Wexius, Ambrosius Schmeisser, Christoph Pfister, and Breuning while maintaining his closer working relationships with Stefan Gerlach and Salomon Schweigger. Further research would likely uncover more connections between Crusius’s scholarly practices based in Tübingen and the activities discussed in this chapter. 24. GERLACH, fol. 84v; 228r; 249r; 298v; 302r; 332r; 334v; 336r. These signatures were gathered in 1578 on Gerlach’s return trip. For some reason, his diary ended abruptly before this date, and its seventeenth-century editor filled in some details based on Gerlach’s correspondence. See Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 533. On Protestantism in Ottoman Hungary, see Tóth, “Old and New Faith in Hungary.” 25. The 185-folio album that survives today in a private collection must have originally held an additional fifty folios, given that Schweigger references a signature on folio 237 in his publication. Schweigger, Reyßbeschreibung, 335. 26. SCHWEIGGER, fol. 101r; 174r; 179r. 27. Kastisch also signed SCHMEISSER, p. 239; PLAN, fol. 153br; PRAXEIN, p. 43; KOLLONITZ, fol. 84r; FALCK, p. 382; AMENDT, fol. 26b (glued between the pages). Kastisch is listed as the master of the stables in Martin Crusius’s list of Sinzendorff’s retinue. Tübingen, 466-2-087-89, p. 87. He is also documented as a messenger in 1579, when he was held up for five days by the pasha of Buda and sought renumeration. ÖeStA, FHKA, SUS, RA 276, fol. 129–33.

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28. SCHWEIGGER, fol. 23v; 29r; 30r; 31r; 37v; 53v; 57r–v; 107r; 151r; 155r. I would like to thank István Percel, Ana Sekulić, and Sona Grigoryan for their help with reading various entries in this extraordinarily complicated manuscript. There are several further entries that still need to be decoded. 29. FERNBERGER. On Fernberger, see Lehner, Georg Christoph Fernbergers. A further example with such variety is the seventeenth-century album amicorum of Ernst Brinck, Den Haag, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 135K 4. See also the album of Engelbert Kaempfer, published in Weiß, Haberland, Bischoff, and Eberhardt, eds. Das Stammbuch. Polyglot albums of this magnitude were somewhat more common in the seventeenth century, particularly around Leiden. 30. Crusius, D. Salomon Schvveigkero Sultzensi. 31. SCHWEIGGER, fol. 13r; 122v; 217v; Schweigger, Reyßbeschreibung, 337–38. On the family, see Rhoby, “Friendship between Martin Crusius and Theodosios Zygomalas.” 32. “Nulli tacuisse nocet, nocet esse locutum.” Cato—Disticha: I, 12, 2. 33. Ebneth, “Schweigger, Salomon.” 34. SCHWEIGGER, fol. 29r; 53v; 57r–v; 151r all come from Damascus (May 25, 1581) and Jerusalem (May 13, 1581). FERNBERGER, fol. 194r (in Vienna, shortly before his departure); fol. 71r (in Padua, after his return from Constantinople). 35. ÖNB 8626, three views removed from the binding, fol. 162r; KASSEL MS. HIST. 31, fol. 174r, 150r; MUNICH, fol. 51r; WYTS, 165r; ALL SOULS, fol. 45r; DREYDEN, fol. 123r, 120–121r; ÖNB 8615, fol. 49v; 126r; 137r; 129r; SKD CA 169, image numbers 36, 62, 65; COBURG, fol. 178r; SCHACHMANN, 14r; BRITISH MUSEUM, 125r; 126r; 128r; 131r; 132r; 135r; 136r; 138r; 144r. In addition to these, there are many closely related renderings of Süleymaniye Mosque and of tombs. For the floor plans in ÖNB 8615, fol. 151r–153r, see Necipoğlu, “Plans and Models.” 36. The last record of a payment for the “old Murad Bey” appears on Ambassador Eytzing’s expense report alongside the date January 7, 1587. HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 59, Konv. 1, fol. 152v. 37. Ács, “Tarjumans”; Ács and Petneházi, “Késre.” 38. Babinger, “Pfortendolmetsch,” 29. 39. Krstić, Contested Conversions to Islam, 100–110. 40. For a full transcription of the Latin text, see Ács and Petneházi, “Késre,” 41–44. 41. Molino, L’impero di carta. 42. See the report of Ambassador Wyss from September 1, 1569, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 25, Konv 3, fol. 123r. See also the 1574(?) letter of Johann Weber, vice chancellor, to Peter Obernburger on acquiring “ain Vocabularumm . . . alda Turckhishe die Arabische unnd Persienishe Sprech transperirn zulassen.” HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 30, Konv. 6, fol. 198r. Jansen, Jacopo Strada, 689. 43. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 2:66. 44. Hanß, “Ottoman Language Learning,” 14–15. 45. See the reference to his departure for Alexandria in his signature in ABSCHATZ, p. 461. He was back in the House by June 1587, when he signed FRANKELIN, fol. 116r. 46. HUENICH, fol. 108r–v. 47. FERNBERGER, fol. 196r; 243r; 248v. 48. AMENDT; PRAXEIN, p. 3; PLAN, fol. 147v; SCHMEISSER, p. 142. 49. Kobilniczki signed several albums from 1582 to 1583. PLAN, fol. 30r; PRAXEIN, p. 117; KOLLONITZ, fol. 73r. He is otherwise undocumented.

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50. Hanß, “Ottoman Language Learning.” 51. Birnbaum, Humanists in a Shattered World, 5; Mulsow, Prekäres Wissen. For a seventeenth-century example of a similarly precarious body of knowledge based on direct experience of the Ottoman world, see Kármán, Seventeenth-Century Odyssey, 3, 158–73. 52. See Babinski, “World Literature in Practice”; Jones, Learning Arabic. 53. Busbecq, Turkish Letters; Fichtner, Terror and Toleration, 48–49, 78–81; Martels, “Augerius Gislenius Busbequius.” 54. These earlier travelers, Anton Vernatius, Hieronymus Beck, and Philip Hanniwald von Eckersdorf, were also connected to the House. Höfert, “Hans Löwenklau”; Babinger, “Herkunft und Jugend.” 55. See the report of Ambassador Eytzing from December 11, 1584, HHStA, Turcica I, Karton 53, Konv. 2, fol. 11r–v. 56. ABSCHATZ, p. 180. 57. Leunclavius, Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, 31–32, 258–59. 58. Philip Hanniwald von Eckersdorf signed an album on October 21, 1584. ABSCHATZ, p. 511. 59. Leunclavius, Neuwe Chronica Türckischer Nation, 468–515 (circumcision festival), 515–31 (Besolt’s travel narrative). 60. For this argument, see chapter 3 of this book and Stichel, “Ein Nachtrag zum Porträtbuch.” 61. Ács, “Pro Turcis and Contra Turcos,” 19. This lack of bias was also reflected in the library of Beck. See Johnson, Cultural Hierarchy, 228–29; Veselá, Ritter und Intellektueller, 148–54. 62. Leunclavius, Neuwe Chronica türckischer Nation. 63. PLAN, fol. 115r; SCHLIEBEN; HAYDEN, fol. 93r; SCHWEIGGER, fol. 119r; 173r; Porsius, Historia belli Persici; Müller, Prosopographie, 7:254–56. Porsius also included a curious set of album amicorum entries that he wrote for others along the journey. 64. Billerbeck, Newe Schiffart. 65. For Porsius, see SCHWEIGGER, fol. 119r; 173r; PLAN, fol. 115r; SCHLIEBEN; HAYDEN, fol. 93r; GERLACH, 102r. For Billerbeck, see SCHWEIGGER, fol. 88v; GERLACH, fol. 86r; KOLLONITZ, fol. 178r; PLAN, 33r; PRAXEIN, p. 87; FALCK, p. 161; SCHMEISSER, p. 91. 66. SCHMEISSER, p. 73; PLAN, fol. 151r; SCHWEIGGER, fol. 107r; BREUNING; GERLACH, fol. 86v; PRAXEIN, p. 131; KOLLONITZ, fol. 130r. 67. For a comparison of Budovec’s and Schweigger’s intellectual projects, see Brouwer, “German Lutheran Interest in the Ottoman Empire,” 175–79. 68. Lisy-Wagner, “Václav Budovec z Budova.” 69. Schunka, “Schweigger, Salomon,” 594. 70. Ilg, “Bebilderte Reiseberichte,” 62–63. 71. Archiv des Schottenstifts, Vienna, Cod. 647 (Hübl 442); Stichel, “Das Bremer Album und seine Stellung,” 35. Schweigger wrote about destroying the images in a letter to Stephan Gerlach written on March 10, 1580 (aus sondern erheblichen Ursachen). This letter survives in a copy preserved in a notebook of Martin Crusius. Tübingen, Universitätsbibliothek, Cod. 466, II, 250. 72. Brouwer, “German Lutheran Interest in the Ottoman Empire.” 73. Wunder, “Western Travelers.” 74. Johnson, Cultural Hierarchy. 75. Smith, Images of Islam.

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76. Mulsow, Prekäres Wissen, 15. 77. Bisaha, Creating East and West; Meserve, Empires of Islam in Renaissance Historical Thought; Ricci, Appeal to the Turk. 78. Lisy-Wagner, Islam, Christianity, and the Making of Czech Identity. 79. Rothman, Dragoman Renaissance. 80. Babinski, “World Literature in Practice.” 81. Göllner, Turcica. 82. Calis, “Martin Crusius,” 412.

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6 •

NOBLE MEN PASSING THROUGH

Turgent hat vor zeiten Eidl gemacht, Jetzt thuets die Hoffart und der bracht. Wer jetzt wol fressen und sauffen khan, der ist ein rechter Edlman.1 There used to be a time when virtue led to vanity, now it is haughtiness and grandeur. Whoever stuffs his faces and guzzles wine, he is now a truly noble man.

O

n a late evening in November 1575, Wenzel Martin von Wiernitz signed Stephan Haymb von Reichenstein’s album amicorum (fig. 6.1). In a familiar format, Wenzel wrote the year with an enflamed heart shot through by an arrow; his abbreviated motto, “I await the hour”; and four informative lines that reveal the context that brought the two men together: “Written in Constantinople, during the nightcap (Schlafdrunk).” The signature is accompanied by his coat of arms alongside an image of a Muslim woman provocatively lifting her veil with her left hand to look the viewer directly in the eye. The figure’s hands are stained red with henna, and the flap of her overcoat is lifted by a gust of wind to reveal several layers of undergarments. Stephan Haymb von Reichenstein was the twenty-two-year-old second-born son of a privy councillor (Hofkammerrat) from an old Austrian family, who would later go on to serve three consecutive emperors in various courtly positions.2 Wenzel Martin von Wiernitz was a young member of a smaller noble family in Lower Austria. Their signatures in contemporary albums indicate that both men accompanied the tribute-carrying envoy Hans Breuner as junior members of his retinue in 1575. Wiernitz’s reference to the consumption of alcohol and the accompanying image of a veiled woman revealing herself highlight two essential elements of life in the German House for the hundreds of noblemen who passed through it on short visits in the sixteenth century: the playful

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Fig. 6.1  Signature of Wentzl Martin von Wiernitz with a veiled woman revealing her face, Constantinople, November 18, 1575. HAYMB, fol. 125r.

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bacchanalian world they inhabited behind closed doors and the tantalizing Ottoman world they fantasized about beyond its walls. This chapter examines the albums and signatures of men passing through the House for short periods of time to explore their collecting patterns, the image of the Ottoman world they render, and the information they reveal about the bonds that tied short-term residents to the ambassadors, staff, and scholars with whom they temporarily resided. It begins with an overview of the different reasons for a short sojourn in the House: as members of tributecarrying delegations, as pilgrims awaiting passports, as those stopping on a study tour, or as released captives awaiting transportation. It then turns to the sightseeing, boredom, and imagined encounters recorded in the albums. These albums are marked by their transience, offering glimpses of short-lived communities. I argue that these album exchanges between men passing through promoted social mobility on the imperial level. At stake here is a fundamental question for early modern imperial elites: What exactly was a “German nobleman,” and how did a diverse group negotiate their varying political, social, and religious differences? In other words, how did a Styrian, a Bavarian, and a Bohemian interact with a Hungarian, a Silesian, and a Prussian under the broad rubric of “German”? Pinning down the nature of nobility within the German House is complicated by the dizzying array of ranks and jurisdictions across Habsburg-ruled territories that converged within its walls. This chapter shows how the unusual (what might anachronistically be called extraterritorial) environment of the German House and recent shifts in ennoblement practices back home left boundaries and hierarchies remarkably fluid. The albums of men passing through allow a view onto how clientage patterns and the emotional ties of friendship shifted as households formed and dispersed around the drinking table in the administrative capital of the Ottoman Empire.

Tribute-Carrying Delegations

The yearly tribute-carrying delegations arrived with dozens of young men accompanying heavily loaded carriages that were filled with coins and gifts fashioned from precious metals. They stayed in the House for several weeks while they awaited a succession of formal audiences to distribute presents to the viziers, often with significant downtime between each appointment. Their stays culminated in a grand audience with the sultan, during which noblemen from the delegation would line up to kiss the sultan’s robes. In a description of one such festive occasion in 1583, Wolfgang Andreas von Steinach explained how the leather sacks containing 45,000 thaler were loaded onto wagons in the morning while the resident ambassador, the tribute-carrying delegate, and their large retinue formed a stately procession and carried the additional silver plates and clocks on horseback or on foot, depending on their rank. Steinach detailed how, on their arrival in the second court of the Topkapı Palace, the gifts were displayed while the retinue sat for a celebratory feast. The men reclined or knelt around a low table filled with Ottoman culinary delights, most of which were lost on the guests. The only element of the meal regularly

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praised was the sherbet, a sweet drink served over shaved ice. Steinach then listed the names and ranks of each nobleman brought before the sultan to kiss his robes.3 This ritualized act of submission was choreographed and strictly controlled by the Ottoman court. Its meaning was not lost on the participants, who explained it in their diaries. An anonymous report from the 1572 delegation recalls how they were grabbed by their clothes and elbows and led in front of the annoyed-looking sultan, where they were forced to kneel, given the hem of his robes in their right hands to kiss, and led away again, all while facing the sultan the entire time.4 This must have been a difficult experience to process for the young Christian noblemen. One outlet to grapple with the implications of this event and reorder it into their understanding of the relationship between the Ottomans and Christian Europe was to participate in spectacles and tournaments on their return home in which the Turks played a subservient role. This transformed the solemn ceremonies controlled by the Ottomans into pageants in which the Habsburg Christian forces always triumphed. Further research comparing the list of residents who visited the German House to tournament rolls from such events may reveal that many such events were attempts to work through intimate experiences in which the tables had been turned.5 The importance of having a sizable entourage with significant social rank to represent the majesty of Habsburg sovereigns cannot be understated. These

Noble Men Passing Through

Fig. 6.2  The 1572 tributecarrying delegation entering the Topkapı Palace, 1573. WYTS, fol. 163r.

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top, Fig. 6.3  A tributecarrying delegation entering the Topkapı Palace, c. 1588. KASSEL MS. HIST. 31, fol. 115r. Universitätsbibliothek Kassel. above, Fig. 6.4  Handover of the 1572 tribute, 1573, from WYTS, fol. 164r.

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tribute-carrying retinues were composed of roughly sixty men, half of whom usually held a title. Their numbers are reflected in several exceptional album images from the German House. One of these is a watercolor from the mixedmedia album of Lambert de Wyts, which captures the energy and spectacle of the procession toward the gates of the Topkapı Palace (fig. 6.2).6 A sea of turbaned Ottoman officials leads the ambassadors and their retinues through a crowd of spectators. High-ranking noblemen ride before the envoys (David Ungnad and Eduardo Provisionali) and resident ambassador (Karl Rym) on horseback. They are followed by further noblemen and servants on foot. As discussed in chapter 3, all members of their retinue wear robes cut in a Hungarian style with knee-length false sleeves. A second depiction of the

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ceremonial entry of a tribute-carrying delegation from circa 1588 appears in a costume book in Kassel. Here, a large retinue of men walk ahead of the ambassador and envoy in robes that are nearly identical to those worn by the four janissaries and three mace-carrying Ottoman messengers accompanying them (fig. 6.3). Two further images of the ambassador’s audience with the sultan in the same albums match the dozens of textual descriptions of the tribute handover itself. In the Wyts album, men deliver clocks and large gilt drinking vessels decorated with ornamental patterns and crescents (fig. 6.4). Behind them, a group of men await their turn to kneel before the seated sultan. The sultan sits at the center of the composition, framed by an imaginative Renaissance niche in which two guards hold the tribute-carrying envoy by the elbows.7 The rest of his retinue sit “Turkish style” under a covered walkway in front of a long table laid out with a sumptuous feast. The stacked red leather bags containing the tribute payment are displayed directly in front of them. The unidentified artist playfully included two Ottoman servants sneaking a bite of the leftover food.8 The Kassel album places the tribute handover in a more appropriate architectural setting. The kneeling ambassador is shown before the sultan indoors while his retinue partakes in the feast outside (fig. 6.5). The artist, also unknown, constructed the scene in layers with interactive flaps, one of which has torn off from overuse. These elements, similar to those in the costume album of resident ambassador David Ungnad discussed in chapter 3, recreate the dramatic experience of traveling through a courtyard of janissaries toward a lavishly decorated hall. Though the Kassel album’s visual program was mostly selected from a common set of images circulating in the 1580s, the addition of this unique and detailed rendering of the tribute payment suggests that it was made for a member of one such delegation.

Noble Men Passing Through

Fig. 6.5  Audience of a tribute-carrying delegate with the sultan inside the Topkapı Palace, c. 1588. KASSEL MS. HIST. 31, fol. 116r. Universitätsbibliothek Kassel.

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The albums of men passing through the House are important tools for reconstructing these tribute-carrying missions, which are less well documented in the Habsburg central archives. A tribute-carrying delegate generally sent one or two formal reports from their journey, and the resident ambassador often noted the tribute’s arrival, its distribution, and the departure. Further records listing presents and documenting the commissions of clocks and silver plates in Augsburg and armor in Nuremberg were kept separately by the financial chamber.9 Rather than through official documents, these missions are primarily known through over a dozen surviving travel diaries written during the journeys. In addition to these sources, members of tribute-carrying delegations appear in all alba amicorum from the German House, and fifteen known alba belonged to men taking part in such missions themselves.10 The collective data of these albums adds great depth and diversity to the House.

Study Tours, Pilgrimages, and Captives

Some young noblemen accompanying an ambassador or arriving via the Mediterranean came with miniature households of their own: a servant, a scribe, and occasionally a preceptor. These men were undertaking early versions of the aristocratic grand tour.11 The highest-ranking central European to fall into this category was the fourteen-year-old prince Christian I von Anhalt (b. 1568), who traveled incognito under the name Christian, Count of Waldersee. Christian, accompanied by his small entourage, including his preceptor, Caspar Gottschalk, took part in the 1582 tribute-carrying delegation that attended the circumcision festival of Sultan Murad III’s son, Prince Mehmed. The Habsburg delegation was headed by the Hungarian nobleman Stefan Nyáry and spent seven weeks in the German House. Though the young prince did not collect an album amicorum himself, he signed at least four alba during his stay in the German House. These include three albums owned by members of the resident ambassador’s household and one album of his fellow traveler. The unceremonious placement of his signatures in all of these albums suggests that the owners were unaware of his princely status and that the incognito was strictly upheld.12 Some men passing through Constantinople extended their study tours with a longer stopover in Egypt, taking excursions to the pyramids along the Nile, examining mummies, and sketching crocodiles. One of these men was Hans Christoph von Teufel, who left for Alexandria in September 1588. Teufel’s richly illustrated travelogue offers a fascinating visual record of his adventures. His damaged album amicorum includes signatures from as far as Damascus and Hormuz but has only seven entries from Constantinople during his six-month stay in the city, where he primarily documented his socialization with other men passing through town, such as Johann Ludwig Münster zu Niederwehrn, who was a member of a tribute-carrying delegation intent on departing for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Teufel’s closest travel companion, Georg Christoph Fernberger von Eggenberg, had been a staff member in the German House before their departure.13 Several stand-alone picture albums include images related to Egypt (fig. 6.6).14 Such single pictures

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should not be seen as irrefutable evidence that the album owners traveled as far as the pyramids of Giza. Rather, they reflect the range of models circulating within the German House, as well as potential experiences to be had, if a man came prepared with enough cash on hand. As is clear from above, the German House also provided a safe and convenient base from which to secure the necessary passports and transportation for a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. These adventures in the name of religious piety and higher learning became common in the years of official peace between the central European Habsburgs and the Ottomans.15 Traveling with a tribute-carrying delegation part of the way helped to offset the costs of the expensive journey. For example, Christian I von Anhalt’s court master (Hofmeister), the Neumarkian nobleman Adam von Schlieben, was asked to join

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Fig. 6.6  Pyramid, c. 1588. KASSEL MS. HIST. 31, fol. 276r. Universitätsbibliothek Kassel.

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Fig. 6.7  Captive seeking alms, late sixteenth century. DREYDEN, fol. 78r.

a group departing for Jerusalem after the circumcision festival and recorded the journey in his album amicorum.16 Balthasar Fuchs von Bimbach, who undertook a pilgrimage with a large group in 1588, also collected an album. References to such journeys also appear in the signatures collected by those who stayed behind in the House. For example, several signatures in the album of the messenger Abschatz record the departure of a group on February 12, 1586 (fig. 4.6). As with the images of the pyramids in Egypt, watercolors of holy

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sites in Jerusalem must have circulated in the House. This would explain their presence in the albums of men who never undertook the journey themselves.17 A final group of men who passed through the German House were the former captives, both runaways and those who successfully sought the intercession of the resident ambassador on their behalf. Stock images of such captives appear in many collections, with some walking in groups chained together as they passed on the street below and others begging for alms and accompanied by a keeper (fig. 6.7). Travel narratives and ambassadorial reports are filled with notes about captives applying for protection at the German House. In such circumstances, noblemen held a significant advantage. In the late 1580s, the superintendent of the sultan’s prisons was supposedly a convert from Tyrol who was “blood brothers” with resident ambassador Bartholomäus Pezzen. According to the travel diary of one resident, the superintendent would facilitate the escape of noblemen by sneaking them out and placing another recently deceased common prisoner in their cell. These noblemen would then retreat into the ambassador’s apartments and wait for their hair and beards to grow out before they were smuggled out of the Empire.18 Nonnobles occasionally pretended to hold titles in the hopes of attracting the attention of the ambassador. Such was the case with a young man named Christoph Baumhauer, who tried to pass himself off as a Styrian nobleman even though he was a common soldier from Magdeburg.19 A sense of membership in an imperial community or marginality from it had important social and legal consequences.20 References to current and former captivity appear in many entries in the alba of the German House. For example, the Bohemian nobleman Hans Kekule von Stradonitz moved into the House after his release in 1573 and signed several albums together with his fellow former captive, the Tyrolian Bartholomäus Prew.21 Some German-speaking captives found their luck elsewhere. After repeated appeals to the unresponsive (and apparently frequently intoxicated) resident ambassador Bartholomäus Pezzen, Michael Heberer was eventually ransomed by the rival French ambassador. In 1611, Heberer, a burgher from a small town in the Palatinate (a territory in the Holy Roman Empire), published his memoir, in which he offered a scathing critique of his fellow “countryman (Landsman),” Pezzen from Tyrol. Heberer accused Pezzen of making a mockery of Christianity, arguing that he was not the zealous Catholic he claimed to be but instead acted purely out of his own vanity and ambition.22 Recounting a conversation at the French ambassador’s dinner table, Heberer repeated the French ambassador’s stance that “he does not know of any Roman emperor who pays tribute to the Turkish Emperor, but the King of Hungary is a Turkish tributary and this tributary kingdom’s ambassador is Pezzen.”23 Heberer seems to have internalized this view, since his narrative refers to the building as the “Hungarian or German” residence throughout. While Heberer’s sojourn in the French House itself was unusual, a small number of German-speaking men who were passing through Constantinople resided among the Christian communities of Galata in the second half of the

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Fig. 6.8  French clothing in which Hans Jacob Breuning von Buchenbach and his companion arrived (left and middle) and his desired new outfit (right) for a stay in Constantinople. BREUNING ÖNB, 214r.

sixteenth century. Heberer mentions several noblemen living nearby who had just returned from Jerusalem.24 These men, he wrote, dressed in the Hungarian style and visited the German House regularly but were enjoying the freedom that came with living in Galata.25 This was likely related to the plague ravaging Constantinople at the time, during which even the ambassador had to relocate to a cloister in Galata for several months. The nobleman Hans Jacob Breuning von Buchenbach also lived in Galata during his short stay in 1579. Having just arrived from France, he and his companion continued

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Fig. 6.9  Breuning and his companion sightseeing in clothes they fashioned in the style of merchants (right), with their janissary guard and interpreter, Stefan (left). BREUNING ÖNB, 215r.

dressing in French clothing because, according to his notes below an image in a surviving copy of his travelogue, the French “were above all other nations in the eyes of Turkey” (fig. 6.8).26 He then went on to explain in detail how his friend was planning to have expensive new clothing made to fit their new surroundings (depicted in the same image on the far right), but Breuning talked him out of it. While Breuning’s description does not explicitly refer to the Hungarian-style cut of the clothes his friend initially wanted to order, a comparison between the tightly sewn garments of the French costume and the

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Fig. 6.10  Two Christians [from the German House] as they go sightseeing in Constantinople with their janissary guard. KASSEL MS. HIST. 31, fol. 158r. Universitätsbibliothek Kassel.

colorful draped fabrics of the desired outfit is revealing. In the following image (fig. 6.9), the clothing of the Hungarian interpreter Stephan, supplied to them by the resident ambassador, indicates that Breuning’s friend’s initial impulse was to dress in the manner of the residents of the German House. Instead, Breuning explains, they had black outfits fashioned in the style of French and

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Fig. 6.11  Hagia Sophia. BRITISH MUSEUM, fol. 128r.

Italian merchants, which allowed them a greater flexibility of movement both within Constantinople and beyond it. These clothes are also depicted in the second image, in which Breuning and his companion walk the streets with their borrowed interpreter and a janissary guard. Outings from the German House were always made in the company of a janissary guard (fig. 6.10). Such palace-trained Christian-born converts were stationed at the entrance to the residence and featured on the ambassador’s

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Sightseeing

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Fig. 6.12  Pavilion on the shores of the Bosporus. BRITISH MUSEUM, fol. 123r.

payroll. Much like those available to tourists today, the excursions in Constantinople consisted primarily of visits to the Grand Bazaar, the Hippodrome, the Hagia Sophia (fig. 6.11), the aqueducts, and the Fortress of Yedikule. Visitors also made frequent stops at the sultan’s menagerie, where they viewed giraffes, elephants, and exotic birds.27 These visits were translated into single-sheet paintings and collections that circulated within the House. One particularly rich set of sightseeing images at the British Museum includes several mosques, garden pavilions (fig. 6.12), exotic animals, and Leander’s Tower off the coast of Üsküdar.28 It is bound together with an impressive collection of decorated papers and costume album images in a contemporary Ottoman binding that

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matches several others from the House. The costumed images are labeled in French capitals and are closely related to those in other contemporary albums. The collection also included album amicorum entries that were cut from the volume. The use of gold throughout the album indicates that it was a luxury item. Furthermore, the owner seems to have commissioned an additional element: a medallion featuring a panel with the Ottoman Turkish alphabet (fig.

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Fig. 6.13  Medallion with letters of the alphabet. BRITISH MUSEUM, fol. 148r.

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Fig. 6.14  View of the Bosporus with several favorite day trips labeled, 1588. BOEMUS, Bodleian, Or 430, fol. 2. © Bodleian Libraries. University of Oxford, CC-BY-NC 4.0.

6.13). This medallion bears a striking resemblance to illuminated frontispieces (serlevha) made for the Ottoman court in the second half of the sixteenth century. The alphabet at the center, however, is meant to add a layer of scholarly pretension to the collection of a European traveler.29 A view of the Bosporus in an illustrated album shows most of the major destinations for those who went sightseeing beyond the walls of the old city (fig. 6.14).30 The German House, located in the heart of Constantinople, was across the Golden Horn from the most popular destination: Galata, the packed neighborhood below a hilltop tower on the bottom right of the image. Galata was home to a vibrant Christian community and served as the base for French and Venetian ambassadors.31 When the noblemen had the time and means to explore further, they often traveled to Skutari (Üsküdar) and Chalcedon (Kadıköy) on the Asian side, at the top right of Boemus’s map, sometimes bringing their alba along with them.32 The prominence of the images and descriptions of the day trip up the Bosporus to the Black Sea reveals that for many men, this excursion was the most memorable experience of the journey. The boat tour zigzagged among the gardens, palaces, churches, and prisons that lined the shores leading toward the final monument at the mouth of the Bosporus: a rocky outcropping with a small column known as the Pillar of Pompey. The pillar, depicted on the bottom left of Boemus’s image, was a popular site to leave behind graffiti, with several men scratching their names and short messages into the hard stone; later visitors spotted these with joy.33 This monument became a shorthand for the adventures of noblemen in Constantinople, and it remained a staple of seventeenth-century journeys as well (fig. 6.15), after which it succumbed to the ravages of the sea and disappeared.34

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These outings were formative experiences for the young noblemen. On returning from a tour with a tribute-carrying delegation, Jan Ostrovec z Kralovic signed the album of Hans Reichard von Steinbach with a grouping of three common motifs from his recent stay in the German House: the Pillar of Pompey in a medallion flanked by the burnt column and a veiled woman in a red overcoat (fig. 6.16). Ostrovec had been a member of the tributecarrying delegation of 1589, as attested to by his signature in another album.35 This means he had traveled with Hans Reichard von Steinbach’s elder brother Nikolas, who died of the plague while they were in Constantinople.36 Undoubtedly, Ostrovec explained his adventures on the Bosporus to the younger Steinbach, who went on to visit the same monuments when he too joined a tribute-carrying delegation a few years later.37 This exchange is important because it highlights the social and oral side of preparing for a journey to Constantinople. These records further illustrate that Constantinople was, for the residents of the German House as it was for many Ottoman urbanites, a “city of men,” in which most elements of daily life took place in homosocial groups.38 Steinbach’s album amicorum is important for several reasons. He was one of the few individuals to collect an impressive set of nearly four hundred folios

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Fig. 6.15  Pillar of Pompey at the point where the Black Sea and Bosporus meet, c. 1617, from the album amicorum of Johann Jacob Keßler. Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig, H 27, Nr. 64, fol. 28v–29r.

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above left, Fig. 6.16  Signature of Jan Ostrovec z Kralovic (1589) with the Pillar of Pompey, flanked by a veiled woman and the Column of Constantine. STEINBACH, fol. 136r. above right, Fig. 6.17  A member of the Ottoman male elite standing on a carpet in front of a large pillow. STEINBACH, fol. 16v.

of Turkish decorated paper before his own departure for Constantinople. It includes 265 entries, 60 of which come from his brief visit to the Ottoman Empire: 30 from the German House, 12 along the way, and another 12 or so collected during group outings to Galata, Üsküdar, and the Black Sea. The album also contains some sixty-three images, of which fifty are directly related to his stay in Constantinople. This makes Steinbach’s album amicorum the largest and most illustrated example belonging to a nobleman passing through the German House. As elsewhere, the images form a heterogeneous group. Some are the works of a trained painter (fig. 6.17), while others are amateur copies (fig. 6.18). The album’s assemblage of images, signatures, and experimental decorated papers make it a truly spectacular example of the fully developed genre.

Social Life and Boredom inside the German House

That Wenzel Martin von Wiernitz signed Stephan Haymb von Reichenstein’s album during an evening drinking session is not surprising. Several inscriptions in the decorative program of the dining hall referenced the wine that accompanied daily social interactions among the diverse inhabitants of the German House. Among the inscriptions recorded by Rheinhold Lubenau was a lengthy dedication to Maximilian II and his son Rudolf II from 1576, left by

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Ambassador David Ungnad. The final line of the inscription is a quotation from Horace: “Whom has not the inspiring chalice of wine made eloquent?”39 The quote may well have been a reference to the amount of information that could be gathered from guests after the consumption of several measures of wine. Converts to Islam, like Ali Bey, were known for frequenting the German House to take advantage of the opportunity to indulge themselves (fig. 4.3). In 1590, Ambassador Pezzen reported on the limited intelligence about Ottoman war preparations he was able to gather from one such drunken notable Turk.40 Above the door to the cupboard room, Lubenau recorded another inscription, dated 1582, which included a section in garbled Greek followed by the

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Fig. 6.18  Amateur painting of a soldier with a feather through his forehead (Deli). STEINBACH, fol. 61r.

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Fig. 6.19  Doodled aphorism on a silhouette paper. PRACK, fol. 291r. Digital image cour­ tesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program.

lines “Here drunken friends drain the foaming cup, / and drink Panormian wine from full pitchers.”41 Lubenau annotated the corresponding Greek inscription in his notes with “This means: Drink this much or go away from here.”42 Panormo (Bandırma, Turkey) was a small port city eight hours from Constantinople by boat on the southern shore of the Marmara Sea. Records of purchasing trips in several travel narratives indicate that it provided most of the wine consumed in the House. Some people even collected signatures on visits there.43 The inscription in the dining hall points to the rowdier side of alcohol consumption in the German House. Lubenau later complained, “My company spent a majority of their time stuffing their faces, guzzling alcohol, and playing cards. They played away the clothes off their backs, the rings from their fingers, and the chains from their necks and then had replacements made from copper and brass by our goldsmith. Many took no heed, and would have eaten and drunk themselves to death. After all, they had pocket money to spend.”44 Lubenau’s criticism of the immoral activities of his housemates highlights the struggle to corral what was essentially a bunch of teenage boys with too much time on their hands. One young nobleman recalled that the ambassador had him wiped after he had to be carried home by the janissary guards on account of his drunkenness following an outing in Galata.45 Though direct evidence like the reference to the “nightcap” is rare, most signatures in the House likely took place while

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cups were being drained. This might explain several instances where forgetful “friends” signed the same album multiple times on the same day.46 Alcohol was more than a liquid cure for boredom. It was also a powerful social lubricant that stimulated communication throughout early modern Europe. Spaces of socialization often revolved around the consumption of wine and beer, and such places were central to the “creation and preservation of bonds within kin groups, communities, patronage systems, and political networks.”47 Drinking together in the German House could help forge and reinforce such systems and networks with an atypical geographical breadth. These networks forged in the German House had consequences that stretched back home to central Europe. Many foundations for future careers, business dealings, and family alliances were laid in the residence. The entries of female relatives after album owners returned home, which often included both married names and maiden names, reveal the contours of kinship networks that stretched across Habsburg territories. Many of these signatures appear on

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Fig. 6.20  Doodle of a nude woman. ABSCHATZ, p. 280.

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Fig. 6.21  Women on their way to a bath. ÖNB 8615, fol. 126v (detail).

pages along with the entries of men who traveled together. Further research focused on these women’s networks has the potential to reveal how kinship relationships evolved after a stay in the German House. Some of the alcohol consumption in the German House can be linked to boredom, an emotional condition that left traces across many sources.48 Several diaries include days where the owner noted down that they “remained inside” or “did not see anything.”49 Indeed, if there was one thing noblemen passing through the German House did the most, it was waiting for something to happen: an audience with the sultan or grand vizier; the arrival of the post, the tribute-carrying delegation, or travel papers; or permission to return home. Such waiting manifested itself in creative ways. Some alba amicorum are covered in doodles, like that belonging to the nobleman-messenger Hans Joachim Prack von Asch, who often wrote short aphorisms and lines of poetry into the designs of his decorated papers, including a reflection on the rowdiness of “noble men” (fig. 6.19): “There used to be a time when virtue led to vanity, now it is haughtiness and grandeur. / Whoever stuffs his faces and guzzles wine, he is now a noble man.”50 Residents routinely tried to find ways to entertain themselves. One album even includes, on the back of a stenciled marbled folio, an amateur sketch of a

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Fig. 6.22  Signature of Wolf Strässl von Schwartz with a barefoot woman whose hands and feet are decorated with henna. The note below her feet reads, “He who desires to eat such flesh.” Constantinople, May 1, 1581. HAYDEN, fol. 58r.

nude woman touching herself (fig. 6.20). A game table (Peilkentafel) stood outside the door of the ambassador’s apartments.51 Reinhold Lubenau recounted how he learned to shoot with a Turkish bow and arrow in the house of a master who lived on the square across the street. He explained that he and his friends would practice in the courtyard of the German House by shooting at an expensive French clock. Whenever they hit their target, the clock

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Fig. 6.23  Kiosk providing drinks for the thirsty. SCHACHMANN, fol. 64v.

chimed.52 Such exercises of skill, alongside table games like dice and cards, kept residents entertained. So, too, did fantasizing about the sights, sounds, and smells that surrounded them in the Ottoman capital whenever they were confined indoors. The image accompanying Wenzel Martin von Wiernitz’s signature (fig. 6.1) is a variation on a type of veiled woman, often on her way to the baths (fig 6.21). The henna on her hands, however, comes from a type of image depicting Ottoman Muslim women at home, as seen in the album of staff member Helmhard Hayden von Dorff, in which the image accompanies the signature of Wolf Strässl von Schwartz (fig. 6.22). The album owner annotated the signature with the words “He who desires to eat such flesh (Wer solches fleisch essen will),” connecting the representation of local women with sexual desire. Prostitutes, rather rare in Constantinople proper, were mostly found in Galata’s red-light district.53 Though Hayden seems to have been making a joke about why Strässl chose to sign with this image in particular, the image itself is not overtly provocative, and the billowing of her robes may be read as an attempt to show off her layered clothing. Her role in the social interaction between the two central European noblemen was marginal. Rather than illustrating a real encounter, the image reveals how different image types were

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combined and made subject to discussions and jokes between the teenage boys sitting around playing cards. Many albums of costumed figures discussed in chapter 2 can be connected to the German House by their visual programs, watermarks, and other codicological details. Some of these stand-alone costume albums are interleaved with decorated papers, suggesting that they were purchased to serve as alba amicorum but were never filled in.54 The number of remarkably similar albums extant lends weight to Lubenau’s claim that he and Dionysius Knotzer were selling copied images to noblemen passing through.55 Two closely related and exceptionally comprehensive albums of watercolors in Doha and Kassel may have originated from this business venture. Both include a common set of single figures posed to reveal their costumes alongside the usual images of punishments, funerals, weddings, and festivals. They also include several less

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Fig. 6.24.  Captive Christians being examined and sold on the slave market. KASSEL MS HIST 31, fol. 178r.

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common genre scenes, such as a kiosk giving out water on the street (fig. 6.23) and a tournament near the city walls with a large crowd of spectators. The albums contain a few unique images as well: a genre scene depicting a slave market where captives were being inspected and sold (fig. 6.24) and a Persian street musician playing a tune on porcelain bowls.56 The Kassel album appears to come from the hand of a single artist and includes several additional foldout (loperollo) images of the tribute-carrying delegation’s arrival and audience with the sultan. The Doha album includes a frontispiece with a coat of arms and a small portrait of its original owner, Bartholomäus Schachmann.57 Though his presence is not recorded in the official documentation from the German House, Schachmann signed at least two albums during his short stay in Constantinople.58 He was also mentioned by the traveler Samuel Kiechel (d. 1619), who met Schachmann and his traveling companions during one of his many visits to the German House for dinner.59 While the album’s contents alone would suggest that the owner visited Constantinople, Caramania, Cairo, Jerusalem, Crete, Chios, Mytilene, Rhodes, Patmos, Tripoli, Ragusa, and Curzola, the culture of copying and lack of documentation does not rule out the likelihood that the compilers simply chose an itinerary from an existing set of models. In fact, the album collected by Schachmann seems to have been acquired as a set to complement his copy of Nicolay’s Travels in Turkey.60 Schachmann came from a Hungarian family that had emigrated to the Baltic via Silesia in the mid-sixteenth century. After his return to Europe, he went on to become mayor of his hometown of Danzig (Gdańsk, Poland). This meant that he was nominally a subject of King Sigismung III of Poland. Yet his presence in the German House indicates that he may have been part of a contingent of wealthy urban elites with ties to the Habsburg court who sought to benefit from a Prussia under Habsburg rule.61

Articulating Noble Status across Empires

How did these diverse noblemen gathered around a table in Constantinople reconcile the separate legal spheres that gave them their privileged social positions back home? This question comes into focus when attempting to extract data points and standardize them for a digital comparison of albums. Of the nine hundred men who are documented in the German House, at least half of them used a title in their interactions. Such data-driven approaches have a way of flattening the ambiguity of an individual’s status as expressed in their signatures in favor of standardization. Inconsistencies in spelling, the loose usage of terms like von to indicate either titles or places of origin, and playful wording all obstructed the social and legal status of individuals. The use of coats of arms could also be deceiving. It depended on the availability of a heraldry painter with pigments and the know-how to reproduce the arms that would have been emblazoned across the nobleman’s belongings (like his books and travel trunks), the desire to spend money, and the status of the album owner. Wealthy commoners also employed heraldic devices (burgerlichen Wappen). Furthermore, many individuals enjoyed privileges in their local environments that had not been confirmed on an imperial scale. The use of early modern

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noble titles was characterized by a flexibility that is difficult to reconcile with our modern notion of names and legal status.62 The album of Veit Pelshofer, an Austrian nobleman in the tribute-carrying delegation of 1583, offers a telling visual and textual commentary on this diversity. The fragmentary volume now housed in the Bodleian Library includes an illustrated poem commenting on the fragility of the empire he served (fig. 6.25).63 The double-headed imperial eagle stands at the center with the arms

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Fig. 6.25  Imperial eagle being torn apart by the electors. PELSHOFER, fol. 5v. © Bodleian Libraries. University of Oxford, CC-BY-NC 4.0.

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of Bohemia on its breast. It is surrounded by six animals and corresponding coats of arms meant to represent the electors. Each animal attempts to pull feathers off the eagle, dismembering the imperial symbol as it stands atop a pile containing an ermine-lined red hat, a fox, and a hill representing the “Lands of Austria.” The accompanying poem narrates the rush to grab feathers, ending with the wolf (Elector of Brandenburg): “I would have devoured him to the bone, / If we hadn’t been carved from the same stone.” The poem is written in the same elegant hand and on the same leaf of parchment bound into the album as a depiction of a giraffe from Constantinople. This reflection on the fragility of empire being slowly pulled apart from within, juxtaposed with the Ottoman world, in an album used to record friendships and networks in the German House illustrates a point made by Joachim Whaley: faced with the Ottoman Empire, central Europeans reflected on what bound the Reich and Habsburg-ruled territories together.64 At the time of Pelshofer’s visit to Constantinople, he was a young and ambitious servant of the Habsburg dynasty. A confirmation and expansion of his noble status was recorded in 1600.65 Though his funeral sermon mentions that he was entrusted with delivering the tribute payment, there is no archival record of his official position within the delegation. Instead, the embassy was led by Paul von Eytzing, who, owing to the unexpected death of the resident ambassador, remained in Constantinople. Meanwhile, Pelshofer, rather than returning with the carriages and body of the former ambassador, attempted to leave the city via a ship heading toward Italy on a study tour with Levin Rym. His ship sank near the island of Chios, and he and his fellow travelers were forced to return to Constantinople, from where they departed for home.66 How did Pelshofer’s reflection on the dangers to the empire translate into his patterns of friendship during his stay in the German House? Unfortunately, this question is difficult to answer because Pelshofer’s surviving fragmentary album is missing its original binding and now only consists of thirty-nine leaves, some with traces of paint suggesting that the facing page once included a costume image. Even within this incomplete collection, it becomes apparent that the bureaucrat socialized with Tyrolians and Carinthians from the Habsburg hereditary lands in Austria, as well as men from the Netherlands, Franconia, Saxony, and Brandenburg, in the German House. The fate of his album, like that of many others discussed in this book, mirrors the fate of the empire the eagle represents. Pelshofer’s battered world-making project was quickly relegated to the dustbin of history.

Notes 1. PRACK, fol. 291r. 2. Wißgrill, Schauplatz des landsässigen Niederösterreichischen Adels, 4:74–75. 3. Steinach, “Beschreibung,” 222–23. 4. Omichius, Beschreibung, unpag. [37]. See also Petritsch, “Zeremoniell bei Empfängen”; Johnson, Cultural Hierarchy, 222.

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5. On such tournaments, see Gulyás, “Fight against the Ottomans.” On the tournament books, many of which list family names familiar from the German House, see Krause, “‘Book.’” 6. There is some confusion surrounding Lambert de Wyts’s name, his role, and the date of his journey. He should not be confused with resident ambassador Albrecht Wyss who died in 1569, nor with Lambert de Vos, the artist of resident ambassador Karl Rym. Though two of the panoramic images in his album bear the date of 1573, the signatures from Constantinople and his lengthy description of his stay in his travelogue, which are all bound into one volume, make it clear that he was a member of Ungnad and Provisionali’s 1572 retinue. This means that at least some of the images were made in Vienna, immediately after Wyts’s return from Constantinople. 7. The inappropriate architectural setting was noted in Kurz, European Clocks and Watches, 33. 8. The artist signed two images in the album with the initials HvA. While the signature resembles that of the famed Habsburg court painter Hans van Aachen, they likely have nothing to do with Aachen, who was still a student in 1573. I thank Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann for confirming this. This possibility is also explored by Schepers, “Moments of Encounter,” 195–96. 9. These can mostly be found in the ÖStA, Finanz- und Hofkammerarchiv, Reichsakten 192a, 192b. Images of several commissions can be found in ÖStA, SUS Karten Sammlung. 10. WYTS; HAYMB; RINGLER; GIRBERT; AMENDT; STEINBACH; PELSHOFER; HUENICH; SCHUMACHER; TEUFEL; FUCHS; SCHLIEBEN; SEIDLITZ; THUN. Evocative examples include the lengthy descriptions in Omichius, Beschreibung, 126–28; Fürer von Haimendorf and Fürer von Haimendorf, Reis-Beschreibung, 377–81. 11. Freller, Adlige auf Tour. 12. Kreißler, “Eine Kavalierstour.” On the festival, see Terzioğlu, “Imperial Circumcision Festival.” On the delegation itself, see Takáts, “Bedeghi Nyáry István követsége.” For his entries, see KOLLONITZ, fol. 29r; PLAN, fol. 18r; PRAXEIN, p. 75; AMENDT, fol. 138 (glued between two pages). 13. TEUFEL; Vienna, Fürstlich Liechtensteinischen Archiv, HS98. On the latter, see Prokosch, “Teufel in Afrika.” In Hormuz, he and his travel companion, the former secretary and messenger Fernberger from the German House, parted ways. FERNBERGER. Fernberger went on to travel more widely in Asia and gather several textual excerpts discussed in chapter 5. Another interesting album that includes a corpus of unique images from Egypt is the set compiled by Leonhard Vries van Leuven between the pages of a printed travel narrative now in the Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart, R 16 Ghi 1.4°. 14. VOS PARIS, p. 80; KASSEL, fol. 276r. 15. The standard classic on early modern German pilgrimages is the annotated list compiled by Röhricht, Deutsche Pilgerreisen. Most of the men who passed through the German House whose signatures reference a pilgrimage, however, do not appear in Röhricht. These men can be identified either by the texts of their inscriptions or by the symbol of the Jerusalem cross, which they proudly added to their signatures. AMENDT, fol. 26v; 38v; PRAXEIN, p. 3; PLAN, fol. 177r; FERNBERGER, fol. 86r; 125r; 236r; ABSCHATZ, pp. 372, 417, 418, 607; PFISTER, 888–6, fol. 163r.

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16. Schweigger, Reyßbeschreibung, 232. See also Bepler, “Travelling and Posterity,” 202. Though his own album amicorum is missing, he signed the album of one of his fellow pilgrims. SCHWEIGGER, fol. 84r. I thank Ato Quirin Schweizer for sharing his notes with me, which will form part of the second chapter of his forthcoming dissertation at the University of Duisburg-Essen. 17. Such as PFISTER. 18. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:212–13. 19. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 354. 20. Rothman, “Contested Subjecthood”; Smiley, “Freeing ‘The Enslaved People of Islam.’” 21. Prew submitted a petition to Emperor Maximilian in 1571. HHStA, Turcica, Karton 28, Konv. 2 (1571 s.d.), fol. 124–25. For their signatures, see MANLIUS, fol. 46ar; 47ar, annotated by Manlius to include details of their captivity. 22. Heberer, Aegyptiaca servitus, 296, 313–18, 376. 23. Heberer, Aegyptiaca servitus, 315. 24. The men had all lived in the German House on the way to Jerusalem. 25. Heberer, Aegyptiaca servitus, 342. 26. Breuning von Buchenbach, Orientalische Reyß, 44–46; BREUNING ÖNB, 214r–215r. 27. Buquet, “Les ménageries arabes et ottomanes,” 18. 28. BRITISH MUSEUM. See also BRACLE; COBURG; ALL SOULS; JERUSALEM; KASSEL; LUBENAU; MUNICH; SCHACHMANN; SKD CA 114; SEIDLITZ; STEINBACH; WYTS. Though likely made outside the German House, BOEMUS clearly falls into this category as well. 29. Collaço, “Image as Commodity,” 90. 30. While BOEMUS’s name suggests he was a subject of the emperor, the contents of the album point to the likelihood that the compiler resided in the English House. As noted by Skilliter, the spelling of certain terms suggests the author was a native German speaker. Skilliter, Life in Istanbul, 4. Furthermore, the only residence identified on the map is that of the English envoy, and folio 47r is an image of the English-born palace eunuch Hassan Aga (born Samson Rowlie). This fascinating album deserves further study. 31. Zarinebaf, Mediterranean Encounters. 32. For example, Steinbach brought his to Skutari (Üsküdar) and on several outings to Galata and the Black Sea. STEINBACH, fol. 65r; 77v; 79r; 100r; 108v; 117r; 147r; 157r; 186r; 239r. So too did RINGLER, fol. 93v; 95r; 126r. 33. Breuning von Buchenbach mentions leaving behind graffiti at the Pillar of Pompey in his travel narrative, Orientalische Reyß, 96. He does not include an image of the structure in the surviving illustrated copy, BREUNING ÖNB. Heberer, on the other hand, mentions his delight at seeing the name of his “dear brother” among the layered scribbles. Heberer, Aegyptiaca servitus, 376. 34. Stichel, “Fortuna Redux.” 35. LANG, fol. 45r. 36. On Ostrovec, see Malý, Vlastenský slovník historický, 588. On Nikolas von Steinbach’s death, see the annotation accompanying his signature in LANG, fol. 137v. 37. On Steinbach and his album, see Ryantová, “Za splněním křesťanské.” 38. Kuru, “Istanbul.” 39. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:192. 40. HHStA, Turcica 72, Konv. 3 (1590 III–IV), fol. 98–129.

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41. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:192. 42. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:192. 43. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, 43, 255–56; Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:134, 202; 2:144; SCHWEIGGER, fol. 98v; 105r; 166r; PRACK fol. 145r. 44. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 2:68. 45. Wratislaw, Adventures, 80–82. 46. For example, Wolfgang Wilhelm von Herberstein signed twice on the same day in Constantinople, leaving the exact same abbreviated motto and signature a few pages apart, in HAYDEN, fol. 39r; 45r. 47. Kümin, Drinking Matters, 126. 48. Jütte, “Sleeping in Church.” 49. See, for example, SCHIEFERDECKER, fol. 106r–v; 109r; 110v. 50. PRACK, fol. 291r. 51. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:151. On the amusements to be had, see Treichel, “Von der Pielchen- oder Bell-Tafel.” 52. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 1:184. 53. On the limits of sources detailing prostitution in Constantinople, see Sariyannis, “Prostitution in Ottoman Istanbul.” On the more active red-light district in Galata, see Zarinebaf, Mediterranean Encounters, 63–64. 54. SKD CA 114; BRITISH MUSEUM. 55. Lubenau, Beschreibung, 2:2, 68–69. 56. KASSEL; SCHACHMANN. 57. SCHACHMANN. See Nefedova, Art of Travel. 58. LANG, fol. 111r; FUCHS, fol. 97r. Neither of the two surviving fragments of Schachmann’s album amicorum include signatures from his travels in the eastern Mediterranean. SLUB, Mscr. Dresd. App. 2505; Gdańsk, Biblioteka Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Ms. 5501. 59. Kiechel, Reisen, 414. 60. Bożeńska, “Bartholomaeus Schachmann.” 61. Rosu, Elective Monarchy, 170, 173–74, 190. 62. A comparison of the list of House residents using titles and the standard reference work on noble titles in the Holy Roman Empire and Austrian hereditary lands reveals many inconsistencies. Frank, Standeserhebungen und Gnadenakte. On inconsistencies, see Horowski, Das Europa der Könige, 438. I thank William D. Godsey for pointing this out. 63. PELSHOFER, fol. 2r. 64. Whaley, Germany and the Holy Roman Empire, 1:372–82. 65. In 1598 he was the economic adviser (Hofpfenning Meister) of Archduke Ferdinand and received a gift for his wedding. Voltelini, “Urkunden und Regesten,” no. 12405. For his later confirmation of nobility, see ÖStA, AVA Adel RAA 310.63 Pelßhofer. 66. Rijm and Rijm, Reyse van Bruussele vut Brabant te Constantinopels, 205.

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•

AFTERWORD

T

hese fragile and largely forgotten paper portraits of empires were born at the interface between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires. Confronted with a powerful and more self-aware Ottoman imperial project, many of the men in the German House documented their experiences and reflected on their own positions in relation to the emperor whose name, insignia, and mottoes of unity in diversity decorated their dining room. Though the heads of the House of Austria were the elected and crowned kaisers of the Holy Roman Empire, their lands are more often referred to as the possessions of the Habsburg monarchy. Nevertheless, as I have shown throughout this book, the activities and documentation of agents acting on behalf of the ruling family in the region regularly employed the language and symbols of empire. Social interactions in the House, including drinking and games, as well as outings in groups to visit the sights of Constantinople, allowed residents to define their own positions in relation to the Ottoman imperial project that surrounded them. In this sense, the Ottomans helped create a Habsburg hinterland. This book has reconstructed the context in which an extraordinary set of material objects was produced between 1568 and 1593 by a large group of men traveling to the heart of the Ottoman Empire from central Europe. It has examined and traced the development of three overlapping genres: alba amicorum, costume books, and decorated paper collections. It has highlighted the varied purposes of these paper portraits of empire for the different types of collectors: ambassadors, staff members, scholars, and noble men passing through. It has also examined the varying images of the Ottoman world they rendered and the development of a central European imperial identification in relation to this world. The images in the albums of the German House include recycled and reworked motifs alongside intimate and personal windows onto the Ottoman world. They reveal how the residents of the German House imagined “the Turk” in ways that resist the generalization as Orientalist fantasy, monolithic and essentialized enemy, or apocalyptic horseman sent to curse Christianity. Instead, albums of the House reveal the layered and varied results of direct engagement with Constantinople and its inhabitants. In the process of collecting the Ottoman world, these album owners also collected themselves. Thus, these objects embody Habsburg imperial

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ambitions, not as they were expressed in legal terminology and its performance, but rather as they were experienced by residents of the Habsburg empire as they lived and breathed, ate, and traveled in the Ottoman world. The albums embody a pattern in which individuals from the Holy Roman Empire and Habsburg-ruled territories appeared on the international stage as one unit, thereby redressing the balance among the religious, political, and regional differences that structured their lives back home in the Tyrolian Alps, Bavarian cities, Bohemian courts, Mecklenburgian feudal estates, Silesian manors, or Upper Hungarian mining towns, to name but a few places. They also embody the unique environment in which men from different social backgrounds spent much time eating, drinking, and fighting boredom together. I have offered an interpretation of a large corpus of extraordinarily complicated materials from a very particular late sixteenth-century context. This is just one interpretation, and I hope this book invites further scholars to handle, page through, revisit, and reinterpret these multivalent objects. Each of these alba can and should be studied on its own. Nevertheless, I believe that only a collective reading of these sources allows the nuance of the multilingual and polycentric Habsburg imperial project to come to the surface. The broad identification with the imperial project of the Habsburg dynasty in central Europe outlined in this book was temporary. By the seventeenth century, it was replaced by a more fractured reality brought on by the Dutch Revolt, the Thirty Years’ War, and the Treaty of Westphalia.1 The Habsburg emperors were forced to accept and acknowledge increasingly separate spheres of authority in lands they once claimed to represent. This gradual shattering of the imperial myth is reflected in the albums collected by later members of Habsburg embassies. The seventeenth-century alba differ in substantial ways. They contain a handful of signatures, mostly by men from the Austrian hereditary lands, pointing to a marked decrease in the diversity and numbers of long-term residents.2 There appears to have been some continuity (many of the seventeenth-century alba contain decorated papers and visual materials).3 However, the album genres took several interesting new directions outside the German House beginning in the mid-seventeenth century.4 Interesting parallel questions emerge when people temporarily come together outside their usual matrix of legal frameworks: the university, the peace congress, the imperial diet, and the battlefield.5 The social world of the German House likely bears similarity with other extraterritorial events that took place within Europe and even within the limits of the Holy Roman Empire itself. This book and its source materials could be taken as a model for the study of such similar environments. The German House was just one of perhaps many fascinating places where the far corners and variegated layers of sixteenth-century Habsburg central Europe met, socialized, and stood together in Hungarian clothes as a single unit under the curious temporary designation of “German.”

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Notes 1. Winkelbauer, “Separation and Symbiosis,” 167–83. 2. Andreas Segner with signatures in Constantinople from 1620 to 1621 (Jena, Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, Stb 7); Heinrich von Poser in 1620 and Georg Geiger in 1621, both lost during World War II (formerly in Breslau/ Wrocław, Stadtbibliothek); David von Fieltz from 1621 (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawl. D. 936); Lorenz von Lauriga zu Loberau from 1624–31 (ÖNB, Cod. Ser. nov. 18.954); Georg Andreas Harsdörffer from 1643 (Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Hs. 113.306 d). On the contexts for these albums, see Teply, Die kaiserliche Großbotschaft; Papp, “Osmanische Funktionäre”; Cziráki, “Zur Person und Erwählung.” 3. Albums with Ottoman decorated paper and album amicorum signatures from Constantinople include the collection of the bookbinder Christoph Felber, who traveled to Constantinople in 1649 (Weimar, Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek: Stb. 34), and Johann Maconius von Honigdorf from 1632 (ÖNB, Cod. 12896). The album of Elias Haüser, with signatures in Constantinople from 1610 (BnF, Arabe 3981), also includes various text fragments in Arabic related to the Kitab alAmthal. Some albums include exceptional visual materials that suggest a continuation of the tradition in the Lőrinc Gosztonyi album, with mixed Ottoman and central European artistic hands: one from Wolfgang Leutkauf from 1616 to 1624 (London, Victoria and Albert Museum Library), and another from the German House reused later in the seventeenth century by Johann Jacob Keßler (Braunschweig, Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, H 27, Nr. 64). Others include images from artists sent to the German House from central Europe. See the images from the Bohemian painter Bathasar Teloni in the album of Paul Schreiber, in Constantinople in 1619 (London, British Library, Egerton MS 1247). 4. Ernst Brinck (The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 135 K 4) and Richard Dole (private collection, see Bardeleben, “Das Stammbuch des Richard von Dolle”). See also Ådahl, Sultan’s Procession. 5. For some new directions on world making at imperial diets, see Crofts, “Seeing the World.” I am preparing an article on alba amicorum used on the battlefield.

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APPENDIX Albums of the German House in Constantinople

Note: This list is organized alphabetically according to the abbreviations used throughout this book. Most of these albums are missing pages. Further albums likely exist. All folios with figural elements (painted or sketched) have been counted as single images. All visible album amicorum entries including any combination of textual elements have been counted separately. Caspar von ABSCHATZ (messenger), Hamburg, SUB, Cod, in scrin. 198a 14 × 10.5 cm, 808 pages, contemporary sixteenth-century Ottoman binding 484 entries (1583–1607), 97 from Constantinople and its environs (October 1584– August 1587) 38 images, many decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted, sprinkled, stenciled) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink =1587_abschatz digital edition: https://resolver.sub.uni-hamburg.de/kitodo/HANSh4370 ALL SOULS, Oxford, All Souls College Library, Ms. 314 approx. 21 × 15 cm, 46 folios, seventeenth-century European binding 44 images Stanzl AMENDT (member of a tribute-carrying delegation), Paris, BnF, Arabe 3416 15 × 10 cm, 151 folios (opening from right to left), contemporary sixteenth-century Ottoman binding 25 entries, all from Constantinople (July–August 1582), many between two folios that have been pasted together, many decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted, sprinkled) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink =1582_germanius digital edition: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b10465778g Johann BOEMUS (unknown role, likely in the English House), 1588, Oxford, Bodleian Library, Or 430 21 × 15.2 cm, 192 folios, eighteenth-century Bodleian binding 62 images, interleaved with many decorated papers (marbled, tinted, sprinkled)

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Jacques BONGARS (French humanist-diplomat on a study tour), Bern, Burgerbibliothek, Cod. 692 (A) 16 × 10 cm, 316 pages, contemporary European vellum binding 40 entries (1585–87), 2 from Constantinople (August 1585) Jacques de BRACLE (doctor and secretary), art market (Vienna, Antiquariat INLIBRIS Gilhofer Nfg.) 21 × 13.5 cm, 90 folios, limp vellum binding copy of a travel diary (1570, eighteenth-century hand) 28 images, 16 folios of decorated paper (silhouette) BREUNING ÖNB, Vienna, ÖNB, Cod. 8656 Han 33.3 × 22 cm, 253 folios, seventeenth-century board-and-velvet binding copy (1605) of a travel diary (1579), 11 images digital edition: http://data.onb.ac.at/rec/AC13955687 Johann Jacob BREUNING von Buchenbach (pilgrimage), lost (since the sixteenth century) minimum of 7 entries from Constantinople (July 1579) selection published in Martin Crusius, Turcograecia Libri Octo (Basel, 1584), 235; and in Martin Crusius’s diaries: Tübingen Universitätsbibliothek, Cod. Mh 466, 633–36 many images, likely filled with decorated papers https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink =1579_breuning BRITISH MUSEUM, London, British Museum, 1986,0625,0.1 14.7 × 9.8 cm, 150 folios, contemporary Ottoman binding 69 images, many decorated papers (silhouette, marbled, dripped, and tinted) traces of entries cut from the manuscript COBURG, c. 1580, Coburg, Kunstsammlung der Veste Coburg, Hz. 12 20.5 × 13.5 cm, 224 folios, contemporary Ottoman binding 50 images, 50 decorated papers (all silhouette), with flyleaves of marbled paper DREYDEN, Cambridge, Trinity College, Wren Library, MS R.14.23 18.5 × 13 cm, 57 folios, seventeenth-century European binding 56 images, many decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, sprinkled, dribbled, and tinted) digital edition: https://mss-cat.trin.cam.ac.uk/Manuscript/R.14.23/UV#?c=0&m =0&s=0&cv=0 Erik FALCK (Swedish nobleman and traveler), Umeå, Västerbotten Museum approx. 21 × 15 cm (octavo), 618 pages, brown leather European binding copy of Andrea Alciato, Emblemata (Frankfurt am Main, 1567) 150 entries (July 1582–1596, 1630), 46 from Constantinople (July 5–17, 1582), many decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, sprinkled, and tinted)

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Appendix

Georg Christoph FERNBERGER von Egenberg (secretary, then pilgrimage), Munich, Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Manuskriptensammlung 677 approx. 21 × 15 cm (octavo), 257 folios, no binding, and missing many pages listed in the index copy of Claude Paradin, Symbola heroica (Antwerp, 1583) 177 entries (1586–1610), at least 29 from Constantinople (1587–92) Henry FRANKELIN (agent serving the kings of Poland-Lithuania and Sweden), Uppsala, Universitetsbiblioteket, Y 52 18 × 15 cm, 165 folios, brown leather European binding 307 entries (1582–1610), 25 from Constantinople and its environs (May–August 1587; December 1587–February 1588; July 1589) digital edition: http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:alvin:portal:record-104069 FRESHFIELD, 1574, Cambridge, Trinity College, Wren Library, MS Freshfield O. 17.2 Album collected by Karl Rym 41 × 28 cm, 21 folios, limp vellum binding 21 images digital edition: https://mss-cat.trin.cam.ac.uk/Manuscript/O.17.2/manifest.json Balthasar FUCHS von Bimbach (pilgrimage), Moscow, Russian State Library: MSS Department, Trophy Collection, F. 943, No. 15 more than 294 entries (1588–1623), unknown number from Constantinople (1588) many decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted, sprinkled, stenciled, dribbled) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html?permaLink =1588_fuchs;0 Stephan GERLACH (Lutheran priest of a resident ambassador), Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek: Cod. hist. 8° 120 15.5 × 8.5 cm, 398 folios, European binding copy of Heinrich Peter Rebenstock, Neuwe biblische Figuren (Frankfurt am Main, 1571) 65 entries (1574–92), 39 from Constantinople (1575–June 1578) with later signatures gathered by Samuel Gerlach https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html?permaLink =1575_gerlach;0 Johannes GIRBERT (member of a tribute-carrying delegation), London, British Library, Add MS 17343 approx. 21 × 15 cm (octavo), fragment bound together with a later album collected by a relative, unknown number of original folios, later European binding many entries mixed with those collected by other family members, 2 from Constantinople (1579) some decorated paper (silhouette) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink =1574_girbert

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Lőrinc GOSZTONYI (servant of resident ambassador), Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Cod. 206 20 × 13 cm, 103 folios, contemporary Ottoman binding 3 entries (1570–79), 2 from Constantinople (1570–March 1572) 14 images, exclusively decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink =1572_gosztonyi digital edition: https://diglib.hab.de/mss/206-blank/start.htm?image=00001 Helmhard HAYDEN von Dorff (retinue member of a resident ambassador), Linz, Oberösterreichisches Landesarchiv, Schlüsselbergerarchiv, Hs. 138 21 × 15 cm, 165 folios, limp vellum binding 88 entries (1578–85), 48 from Constantinople (April 1578–May 1581) (mixed with a further 15 entries collected by Sebald Hayden [1608–17]) 7 images, exclusively decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted, dribbled, sprinkled) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink =1578_hayden Stefan HAYMB von Reichenstein (nobleman in a tribute-carrying delegation, stayed behind for a few extra weeks), Copenhagen, Royal Library, Thott 1279 kvart 21 × 15 cm, 224 folios, silk brocade binding with gold thread and Ottoman Turkish (garbled) script inside pomegranate designs 110 entries (1575–1637), 3 from Constantinople (November 1575–February 1576) 25 images, many decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink =1575_haymb Johannes HUENICH (retinue member of a tribute-carrying delegation), Paris, BnF, Cod. Latin 18596 and Cod. Italien 2216, fol. 145–46 21 × 19 cm, 111 folios, nineteenth-century binding 56 entries (1586), 34 from Constantinople and its environs (January–March 1586) originally contained 53 images, 93 folios of decorated paper (marbled, silhouette, tinted) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink =1586_huenich digital edition: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8585593f JERUSALEM, 1587, Jerusalem, Museum for Islamic Art (formerly the L. A. Mayer Museum for Islamic Art), RH 86.443 (587) approx. 21 × 15 cm (octavo), 89 folios, contemporary Ottoman binding 45 images, 44 decorated papers KASSEL, Kassel, Universitätsbibliothek, Landesbibliothek und Murhardsche Bibliothek, 4° Ms. hist. 31 19 × 15 cm, 327 folios, later European binding 163 images digital edition: https://orka.bibliothek.uni-kassel.de/viewer/image/1315294353739/1/

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Adam von KOLLONITZ (staff member), Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Oct. Lat. 451 approx. 21 × 15 cm, 237 folios, contemporary Ottoman binding 150 entries (1580–1607), 71 from Constantinople and its environs (April 1581– November 1583) 230 decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html?permaLink =1581_kollonitz;0 KRAKOW, Icones habitus monumenta Turcarum, after 1586 with later additions to 1650, Krakow, Biblioteka Jagiellońska, Libri picturati A 15 approx. 40 × 27 cm, 75 folios, later European leather binding 132 images, many in 2 registers digital edition: https://jbc.bj.uj.edu.pl/dlibra/doccontent?id=216121 Leonhard LANG von Durach (messenger), Doha, Qatar National Library, HC. MS. 2017.0016 14 × 9.5 cm, 213 folios, contemporary Ottoman binding 119 entries (1586–92), 90 from Constantinople and its environs (July 1587–January 1592) 3 images, many decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted, stenciled) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink =1585_lang Rheinhold LUBENAU (apothecary), lost unknown number of entries, with many from Constantinople (1587–88) included images and decorated papers Arnold MANLIUS (physician to resident ambassador), Heidelberg, Heidelberg University Library, Heid. HS 487 14 × 10 cm, 139 folios, later European binding, recently refoliated, the page numbers used here are based on the new foliation copy of Andrea Alciato, Liber Emblematum (Frankfurt am Main, 1567) 168 entries (1570–1609), 99 from Constantinople and its environs (May 1571– November 1574) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html?permaLink =1570_manlius;0 digital edition: https://digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/heidhs487/0001 MUNICH, c. 1590 with additions after 1650, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod. icon. 342k 19 × 12 cm, 222 folios, leather-and-velvet European binding 29 images, many decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted, sprinkled, dribbled) digital edition: https://www.digitale-sammlungen.de/view/bsb00010547?page=1 ÖNB 8615, c. 1575 with additions to 1586, Vienna, ÖNB, Cod. 8615 Han Hieronymus Beck von Leopoldsdorf’s copy of David Ungnad’s album 49.3 × 36.5 cm, 185 folios, contemporary European binding 252 images, some with interactive flaps and 2 registers, 490 mm × 370 mm digital edition: http://data.onb.ac.at/rec/AC13954581 Appendix

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ÖNB 8626, 1590–1600, Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 8626 Han Copy of David Ungnad’s album for a member of the Habsburg dynasty 40.5 × 27 cm, 165 folios, vellum imperial binding from Prague dated 1600 164 images digital edition: http://data.onb.ac.at/rec/AC13934230 Veit PELSHOFER (nobleman in a tribute-carrying delegation), Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 32 13.7 × 9.5 cm, 39 folios, later European binding 23 entries (1583–1604), 9 from Constantinople (September–October 1583) 2 images, album fragment, some parchment https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html?permaLink =1583_pelshoefer;0 Christoph PFISTER (secretary to resident ambassador), Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Frommann Stb. 2 approx. 14 × 10 cm, unknown number of folios, disbound and dispersed across several volumes 164 entries (1559–1604), 25 from Constantinople (October 1573–January 1575) 5 images https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html?permaLink =1559_pfister;0 album was dismantled in the eighteenth century and can now be found spread across dozens of manuscripts, which have all been digitized here: https://digital .wlb-stuttgart.de/start Sebald PLAN (master cook of two resident ambassadors), Prague, Strahov Library, DG IV 25 18.2 × 11.5 cm, 187 folios, contemporary European binding (Ottoman inspired), resewn 346 entries (1574–92), 129 from Constantinople and its environs (June 1574–June 1578, March 1581–October 1583) 59 images, many decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted, sprinkled) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html?permaLink =1574_plan;0 digital edition: http://www.manuscriptorium.com/apps/index.php?direct =record&pid=AIPDIG-KKPS__DG_IV_25____07A0L83-cs Hans Joachim PRACK von Asch (messenger), Los Angeles, Getty Research Institute, 2013.M.24 14.5 × 10 cm, 320 folios, eighteenth-century European binding 306 entries (1587–1612), 74 from Constantinople and its environs (August 1587–February 1592) 33 images, many decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted, sprinkled, stenciled) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink=1587 _prack digital edition: https://archive.org/details/gri_33125012902959

236

Appendix

Friedrich PRAXEIN (messenger), New York, New York Public Library, Schlosser 199 16 × 11 cm, 142 folios, limp vellum binding 107 entries (1581–88), 66 from Constantinople (March 1581–October 1583) 68 decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted, sprinkled, dribbled) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html?permaLink =1581_praxin;0 Georg RINGLER (apothecary), Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod. hist. oct. 5 18.5 × 11.5 cm, 194 folios, later European leather binding 50 entries (1581–1616), 27 from Constantinople and its environs (March 1581) 173 decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html?permaLink =1581_ringler;0 digital edition: http://digital.wlb-stuttgart.de/purl/bsz417627718 Michael von SAURAU (retinue member in a treaty-negotiating delegation), Erlangen, Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen-Nürnberg, Ms. B 209 travel diary (1567–68) 20.5 × 14.5 cm, 184 folios, European binding 16 decorated papers (silhouette) Bartholomäus SCHACHMANN (pilgrim), Doha, Orientalist Museum, OM. 749 19.8 × 13.2 cm, 105 loose folios 105 images, many decorated papers (marbled) published in facsimile in Olga Nefedova, ed., Bartholomäus Schachman (1559–1614): The Art of Travel (Milan: Skira, 2013) Heinrich SCHIEFERDECKER (servant in a tribute-carrying delegation), Reisetagebuch, Wrocław, University Library: Sign. R 2470 Manuscript travel diary (1573) interleaved with a copy of the first German edition of Nicolas de Nicolay’s Travels in Turkey (Nuremberg, 1572) and a copy of Sigismund von Herberstein’s Notes upon Russia (Basel, 1567) 31 × 20 cm, 331 folios, European binding dated 1575 originally contained 60 printed images digital edition: https://www.bibliotekacyfrowa.pl/publication/30762 Adam von SCHLIEBEN (member of a tribute-carrying delegation, chamberlain of Christian I of Anhalt-Brandenberg, then pilgrim), lost unknown number of entries, with many from Constantinople (1581–82) included decorated papers https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink=15xx _schlieben

Appendix

237

Ambrosius SCHMEISSER (secretary of a resident ambassador), lost, formerly Breslau, Staatsbibliothek 105 entries (1576–1606), 89 from Constantinople (1576–83) included images and decorated papers https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink =1576_schmeisser signatures can be reconstructed from a register made in the Wrocław University Library, Verzeichniss der nachstehend citierten Stammbücher der Stadtbibliothek Breslau, call number Akc.1967/13, T.1–2 Hans SCHUMACHER (retinue member, left with tribute-carrying carriages), private collection unknown number of entries with many from Constantinople (August 1587) 174 folios of decorated paper (marbled, silhouette, stenciled, tinted) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink =1587_schumacher Salomon SCHWEIGGER (Lutheran priest of a resident ambassador), private collection, microfilm ÖNB, HS 2914 (formerly in the collection under Cod. Ser. n. 2973) 20 × 14.3 cm, 185 folios, contemporary European binding (Ottoman inspired) 234 entries (1576–1620), 85 from Constantinople and its environs (February 1578– March 1581) 13 images, many decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted, sprinkled) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html?permaLink =1577_schweigger;0 Caspar von SEIDLITZ (nobleman in a tribute-carrying delegation), lost unknown number of entries with many from Constantinople (1590) unknown number of images and decorated papers https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink =1590_seidlitz SKD CA 114, Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Kupferstich-Kabinett, Ca 114 20.5 × 13.2 cm, 264 folios, silk brocade binding with gold thread 28 images, 192 decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted, sprinkled, dribbled) SKD CA 114 ADD, Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Kupferstich-Kabinett, Ca 114, Add. 22.5 × 14.9 cm, 7 folios, later European binding 7 images SKD CA 169, Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Kupferstich-Kabinett, Ca 169 16 × 40 cm, 79 folios, European binding 65 images, copy of David Ungnad’s lost album Hans Reichart von STEINBACH (nobleman in a tribute-carrying delegation), Gotha, Forschungsbibliothek, Chart. B 1039 206 entries (1589–1610), 37 from Constantinople and its environs (February 1591)

238

Appendix

10 × 14 cm, 402 folios, contemporary European binding 63 images, many decorated papers (marbled, silhouette, tinted, sprinkled, dribbled) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html?permaLink =1591_steinbach;0 Hans Christoph von TEUFEL (study tour), Weimar, Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek, Nr. 169 241 entries (1585–1617), 7 from Constantinople (December 1587–May 1588) 18.2 × 12.8 cm, 247 folios (and 22 fragments cut from the manuscript kept in envelopes), later European binding 16 images (none from the German House) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbuechern.html?permaLink =1585_teuffel digital edition: https://haab-digital.klassik-stiftung.de/viewer/image/938881655/3/ Christoph von TEUFFENBACH (treaty-negotiating envoy), Wittenberg, Lutherhaus, ss 3546 56 entries (1548–68), 2 from Constantinople (December 1567–March 1568) octavo, contemporary European binding with portraits of Melanchthon and Luther copy of Philipp Melanchthon, Loci communes theologici (Leipzig, 1548) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html?permaLink =1548_teuffenbach;0 Johann Albrecht von THUN (nobleman in a tribute-carrying delegation), Weimar, Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek, Stb. 296 128 entries (1571–94), 6 from Constantinople (December 1591–January 1592) 24 × 16 cm, 98 folios, later European binding 2 images, 3 folios of decorated paper (silhouette) https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html ?permaLink=1571_thun;0 digital edition: https://haab-digital.klassik-stiftung.de/viewer/image/1336159138/4/ VOS ATHENS, 1573–74, Athens, Gennadius Library, MS A986q copy of costume album of Karl Rym, by Lambert de Vos 40 × 27 cm, 111 folios, contemporary Ottoman binding 111 images digital edition: http://dgennadius.ascsa.edu.gr/ttp.html VOS BREMEN, 1574, Bremen, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Bremen, Codex Ms. or. 9 costume album of Karl Rym, by Lambert de Vos 40.5 × 27 cm, 124 folios, contemporary Ottoman binding 103 images digital edition: http://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:gbv:46:1-5289

Appendix

239

VOS PARIS, c. 1574, Paris, BnF, Od. 2 copy of costume album of Karl Rym, by Lambert de Vos approx. 40 × 27 cm, 116 folios, later European brown leather binding 101 images digital edition: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8452219v WEHME SKD, 1581–82, Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, KupferstichKabinett, Ca 170 copy of David Ungnad’s lost album made for August, Elector of Saxony 25.7 × 36.5 cm, 122 folios, rebound and mounted in 1723 122 images, Zacharias Wehme WEHME SLUB, 1581–82, Dresden, SLUB, Mscr. Dresd. J.2 copy of David Ungnad’s lost album made for August, elector of Saxony 34.1 × 201 cm, 8 folios, European binding 8 images, signed by Zacharias Wehme Lambert de WYTS (nobleman in a tribute-carrying delegation), Vienna, ÖNB, Cod. Han. 3325 32.2 × 21.8 cm, 221 folios, eighteenth-century binding 34 entries, 33 from Constantinople (July–August 1572) 51 images, bound together with a travel narrative https://raa.gf-franken.de/de/suche-nach-stammbucheintraegen.html?permaLink =1572_wyts;0 digital edition: http://data.onb.ac.at/rec/AC13951411

240

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BIBLIOGR APHY

Archival Sources and Manuscripts *consulted via a surrogate (digital or print) Athens, Gennadius Library: MS A986q* Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek: Ms. Add 2103 Bern, Burgerbibliothek: Cod. 468; Cod. 692 (A) Braunschweig, Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum: H 27, Nr. 64 Bremen, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Bremen: Codex Ms. or. 9 Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár: Oct. Lat. 451 Cambridge, Trinity College Wren Library: MS R.14.23; MS Freshfield O. 17.2 Coburg, Kunstsammlung der Veste Coburg: Hz. 12* Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek: Thott 405; Thott 1279 kvart Doha, Orientalist Museum: OM. 749* Doha, Qatar National Library: HC. MS 2017.0016* Dresden, HStA: 10024 Geheimer Rat, Loc. 8302/01, Book IV Dresden, SKD, Kupferstich-Kabinett: Ca 114; Ca 114, Add.; Ca 169; Ca 170 Dresden, SLUB: Mscr. Dresd. a 21; Mscr. Dresd. App. 2505; Mscr. Dresd. J.2* Dublin, CBL: T. 413* Erlangen, Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen-Nürnberg: Ms. B 209* Gdansk, Biblioteka Polskiej Akademii Nauk: Ms. 5501* Gotha, Forschungsbibliothek: Chart. B 1039 Hague, The, Koninklijke Bibliotheek: 133.M.63*; 77 L 30* Hamburg, SUB: Cod, in scrin. 198a Heidelberg, University Library: Cod. Pal. Germ 601*; Heid. HS 487 Istanbul, BOA: Mühimme Defter 5*; KK Ru’us Defter 225* Istanbul, IUK: F. 1404* Istanbul, TSMK: H. 1339*; TSM, A. 3595* Jena, Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek: Stb. 7* Jerusalem, Museum for Islamic Art: RH 86.443* Kassel, Universitätsbibliothek, Landesbibliothek und Murhardsche Bibliothek: 4° Ms. hist. 31* Krakow, Biblioteka Jagiellońska: Libri picturati A 15* Linz, Oberösterreichisches Landesarchiv: Schlüsselbergerarchiv, Hs. 138 London, British Library: Or. 2709; Egerton MS 1247; Add MS 17343 London, British Museum: 1986,0625,0.1 London, Victoria and Albert Museum Library: Leutkauf Album

241

Los Angeles, Getty Research Institute: 2013.M.24* Moscow, Russian State Library, MSS Department, Trophy Collection, F. 943, No. 15* Munich, Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv: Manuskriptensammlung 677 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek: Sign. Cgm 3292*; Cod. icon. 342k New York, New York Public Library: Schlosser 199 Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum: Hs. 121165; Hs. 113.306 d Oxford, All Souls College Library: Ms. 314 Oxford, Bodleian Library: MS Rawl. D. 936; Or 430; MS Douce 32 Paris, BnF: ARS EST-1111*; Arabe 3981; Arabe 3416; Cod. Latin 18596; Cod. Italien 2216; Od. 2 Prague, Strahov Library: DG IV 25 Saint Petersburg, Hermitage: Inv. 152891* Stockholm, Kungliga biblioteket: Cod.Holm. Ik 18* Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek: Frommann Stb. Nr. 23; R 16 Ghi 1.4°; Cod. hist. 8° 120; Frommann Stb. 2; Cod. hist. oct. 5 Tübingen, Universitätsbibliothek: Cod. Mh 466* Umeå, Västerbotten Museum: Falck Album* Uppsala, University Library: Y 52*; Waller Ms. amic-00500* Vienna, Antiquariat INLIBRIS Gilhofer Nfg.: Bracle Album Vienna, Archiv des Schottenstifts: Cod. 647 Vienna, Fürstlich Liechtensteinischen Archiv: HS 98 Sign. N 1–22* Vienna, HHStA: Hungarica, Fasc. 91; Turcica I Vienna, ÖNB: Cod. Ser. nov. 18.954; Cod. 12896; Cod. 8656 Han; Cod. 8615 Han*; Cod. 8626 Han*; Microfilm HS 2914; Cod. Han. 3325 Vienna, ÖStA: Finanz- und Hofkammerarchiv, Reichsakten 192a, 192b; SUS Karten Sammlung; AVA Adel RAA Weimar, Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek: Oct. 193*; Stb. 34*; Nr. 169*; Stb. 296* Wittenberg, Lutherhaus: ss 3546* Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek: Cod. 206 Wrocław, University Library: Sign. R 2470*; Akc.1967/13, T.1–2*

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INDEX

Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations Aachen, Hans von, 48, 52–53, 225n8 Abenxuxen, Haim, 173 Abschatz, Caspar von, 145–46, 155; ABSCHATZ (album of), 36n56, 42, 43, 44–45, 58, 59–60, 59, 63, 88n34, 88n36, 89n40, 89n42, 130–31n42, 145– 46, 146, 147, 161n6, 161n14, 162n29–31, 164n51, 165, 166, 178, 193n45, 194n56, 194n58, 204, 217, 225n15, 231 Abt, Chrisoph, 163n43 Aelst, Pieter Coecke van, 76 Ahmed I, 84 albums: acquisition of, 40, 48, 64, 65, 79, 88–89n37, 131n47, 135, 145, 154–55, 175, 222; collaboration on, 40, 59–64, 79–85, 92n82, 111; definition, 40–46; hierarchical ordering, 45, 148 Alciato, Andrea, 172, 232, 235 alcohol, 14, 41, 138, 150, 174, 180, 184, 196, 214–18, 228 Alert, Peter, 28 Alexandria, 146, 193n45, 202 Ali Bey (alias Melchior von Tierberg, dragoman), 24, 34n28, 136–38, 137, 145, 215 Ali Pasha, Captain, 79 ALL SOULS album, 72, 74, 91n69, 91n71, 193n35, 226n28, 231 Amendt, Stanzl (Stanislaus Amenda), 54; AMENDT (album of), 54, 87n17, 88n31, 90n51, 161n14, 162n22, 164n52, 181–82, 181, 192n27, 193n48, 225n10, 225n12, 225n15, 231 Amersfoort, 23

Amharic, 46, 175, 177 Amman, Jost, 42, 43, 67, 67, 73, 99, 103, 104, 136 Anatolia, 169, 191n3 Ancient Babylonian, 177 Andresen, Nikolai (Nicolaus Andrea, artist), 85, 125, 125, 175 animals, 56, 70, 108, 191n3, 210, 224; bear, 25; bird, 75, 210; cat, 90n64; chicken, 25, 150; crocodile, 202; deer, 25; dog, 90n64, 125, 126; eagle, 61, 61, 157, 223–24, 223; elephant, 210; ermine, 94, 123, 125–26, 224; fish, 150; fox, 224; giraffe, 74, 210, 224; horse, 18, 22, 24, 25, 90n63, 98, 123, 142, 142, 150; lion, 25; menagerie, 15, 210; monkey, 143; pig, 25, 148; rhinoceros, 106–08, 108, 110, 129n13; rodents, 18; sheep, 20, 25, 150; wolf, 53, 55, 224 Antwerp, 67 apothecary, 22, 25, 27, 39, 167, 173, 235, 237 aqueducts, 210 Arabic script, 46, 54, 87n17, 123, 131n49, 145, 175, 176–77, 178, 179, 180, 181–82, 184, 230n3 architecture, 1, 69, 108, 152–54, 178, 201 Armenian; merchants, 27; language, 46, 175, 177 artists and artisans, 18, 22, 25, 30, 40–45, 48, 55, 64, 66, 69, 73, 76–86, 92n87, 93n94, 99, 106–11, 116, 118, 135, 138, 152, 155, 175, 201, 222, 225n8, 230n3. See also painter Atik Ali Pasha Mosque, 14

267

audiences with the grand vizier and sultan, 4, 94–96, 95, 96, 99, 114–15, 115, 120, 121, 122, 123, 125, 198, 201, 218 Auer, Hans (messenger), 133, 159, 160n4 Auersperg, von (Auersberg), 118, 118 Augsburg Confession, 174 Augsburg, 25, 67, 134, 157, 160, 202 August the Strong, 115 August, Elector of Saxony, 36n51, 111–15, 240 Aulic War Council (Hofkriegsrat), 2, 9, 23, 34n22, 93n92, 115, 119, 126, 128 Austria, 1, 22, 25, 32, 56–58, 128, 135, 157, 224, 228, 229; nobility from, 24, 29, 135, 136, 196, 223 Ayvansaray, 145 Baden, 133 Balat, 14 Barbaro, Marcantonio, 129n16 barber, 22, 25, 133, 148, 152 Báthory, Stephan (István), 31 baths, 35n45, 70, 99, 112, 115, 178, 180, 181, 184, 218, 220 Battle of Pitschen, 45 Baumhauer, Christoph, 205 Bavaria, 32, 141, 198, 229 Bayer, Georg Ehrenreich, 155 Bayezid II mosque, 56 Bayram (alias Oswald Kayser, clockmaker), 156, 157, 163n46 bazaar, 66, 76, 210 Beck von Leopoldsdorf, Hieronymous, 117–18, 123, 131n47, 178, 183, 194n54, 194n61, 235 Belgrade, 5, 138, 145 Benton, Lauren, 8 Bertius, Anton, 30 Besolt, Melchior, 183 Betzek, Jacob, 79 Beuthen (Bytom, Poland), 142 Beyoğlu, 14, 27, 85 Bibliander, Theodor, 184 Billerbeck, Franz, 183–84, 194n65 binding, 40, 65, 65, 91n71, 99, 116, 136, 158, 193n35, 210–11, 224, 231–40 Black Sea, 143, 148, 156, 158, 163n43, 212–14, 213, 226n32 boat, 15, 145, 212, 216

268

Index

Boemus, Johann, 85; BOEUMUS (album of), 85, 90n64, 92n87, 191n4, 212, 212, 226n28, 226n30, 229 Bohemia, 22, 25, 32, 126, 128, 144, 173, 224, 229, 230n3; elites from, 30–31, 146, 157, 184, 198, 205; relationship with the Holy Roman Empire, 16, 29, 30–31, 37n71 Boissard, Jean Jacques, 67, 90n59 Bongars, Jacques, 46; BONGARS (album of), 87n15, 191n3, 232 bookbinder, 64–65, 89n41, 90n50, 230n3 borderlands, 2, 4, 5, 9, 25, 27, 29, 30, 32, 36n51, 37n75, 45, 58, 100, 101, 123, 133, 143, 148, 157 boredom, 18, 198, 214, 217–20, 229 Borys, Alicja, 6 Bosporus, 85, 92n87, 142–43, 143, 145, 178, 210, 212–13, 212 Bracle, Jacques de, 18; BRACLE (album of), 16–17, 18, 64, 90n66, 91n69, 226n28, 232 Brandenburg, 32, 224 Braun, Balthasar, 140, 162n23 Breslau (Wrocław, Poland), 24, 87n19, 230n2, 238 Breuel, Laurentius, 163n42 Breuner, Friedrich (Preyner), 24, 26, 126, 133, 135–36, 138, 148, 162n20 Breuner, Hans, 196 Breuning von Buchenbach, Hans Jacob, 192n23, 206–09, 226n33; BREUNING (album of), 194n66, 232; BREUNING ÖNB (illustrated travel narrative of), 206, 207–09, 224n26, 226n33, 232 Brinck, Ernst, 193n29, 230n4 BRITISH MUSEUM album, 90n64, 90n66, 191n4, 193n35, 209, 210–212, 210, 211, 226n28, 227n54, 232 Brouwer, Lotte, 188 Bruxelles, Philibert de, 30, 133, 134, 160n3, 161n9 Bruyn, Abraham de, 67 Buda (Ofen, Budin, Budapest, Hungary), 5, 43, 86n3, 138, 145, 161n9, 161n14, 175, 192n27 Budapest, 4 Budovec z Budova, Václav (Budowetz), 184, 189, 191, 192n23 Burgundy, 2, 22

132n66, 185, 189, 208, 229; purchase of, 207–09, 76; of women, 76, 196, 214, 220 COBURG album, 73–74, 90n66, 91n68– 69, 129n13, 193n35, 226n28, 232 collaboration, 6, 40, 59, 64, 92n82, 111 Collaço, Gwendolyn, 71 Cairo, 86, 222 Cologne, 67 calligraphy, 84, 174 Column of Arcadius, 168, 169, 170, 191n4 Calvinism, 182, 191 Column of Constantine (burnt column), captives, 16, 18, 23, 24, 25, 29, 108, 118, 14, 16–17, 20–22, 21, 170–72, 171, 191n4, 118, 136, 157–58, 172, 179, 198, 202, 204, 213, 214 205, 221, 222, 226n21, 234 Column of the Goths, 170, 191n4 Caramania, 222 columns, 54, 106, 109, 169–72, 191n4, 212 Carinthia, 23, 133, 150–61n5, 224 conversion; to Catholicism, 24, 26; of Carniola, 25 churches into mosques, 26; to Islam, Castelino, Pellegrino, 34n29, 145, 146, 24, 34n27, 36n64, 79, 87n17, 133, 137, 162n30 145, 156, 157, 158, 165, 179, 184, 205, 209, Castelle, Giovanni di (doctor), 173 215; to Protestantism, 36n36, 174–75 Catholic, 2, 26, 29, 35n45, 45, 46, 99, cook, 1, 25, 31, 79, 133, 148–50, 154, 157, 123, 184, 190; ambassador, 24, 26–27, 158, 160, 172, 236. See also Sebald Plan 35n44, 136, 205; church in Galata, 26, Copenhagen, 104 126; Mass, 26, 27, 126 Coptic, 46, 177 Cato, 145, 165 Chinese; language, 46, 177; paper, 48, 64 Cordevato, Emilio, 157–58 Corfu, 129n16 Chios, 174, 222, 224 Counter-Reformation, 26 Christian I von Anhalt (alias Count of Crete, 222 Waldersee), 202–03, 237 Christian, 5, 28, 32, 172, 178, 180, 189, 199, Croatia, 1, 31, 32, 142, 157 Croatian language, 175 205, 221, 228; community in Galata, 76, 205, 212; converts to Islam, 79, 84, Crusius, Martin, 92n86, 174–75, 177–78, 190–91, 192n23, 192n27, 194n71, 232 157, 209; dragomans, 24, 34n29, 145; Csepel, 175 images of, 67, 69, 145, 147, 208; merchants, 138. See also Greek Orthodox Csöbör, Balázs, 79, 84–85 Curzola, 222 Christians Czech language, 10, 28, 46, 144, 175, 184 Church of Saint Francis, 26 church, 26, 35n39, 76, 116, 126, 148, 160– Czech Republic, 1 61n5, 212. See also Greek Orthodox Damascus, 193n34, 200 Christians dancer, 115, 148 Chytraeus, David, 174 Danube, 123, 145, 147, 148, 160 circulation of images, 6, 23, 30, 32, 40, 48, 66, 67, 76, 85, 99, 108, 109, 151, 178, Danzig (Gdańsk, Poland), 31, 144, 222 Davent, Leon, 66 182, 185, 201, 203, 205, 210 circumcision, 180; festival of 1582, 25, 31, decorated paper, 1, 2, 4, 11, 40, 45, 46, 47–66, 70, 72, 73, 74, 85, 88n34, 88n30, 46, 54, 126, 135, 140–41, 157, 158, 181, 88n34, 88–89n37, 109, 115, 134, 135, 136, 183, 202, 204 138, 143–46, 146, 154, 158, 210, 214, 218, clock, 198, 201, 202, 219–20 221, 228, 229, 230n3, 231–39; dribbled, clockmaker, 22, 25, 85, 156, 157 48, 50, 232–35, 237–39; marbled 44–45, clothing, 94–97, 112, 123, 125, 128, 143, 47, 48, 53–54, 54, 55, 58, 59–61, 59, 60, 199, 206, 207, 216; of ambassadors, 97, 61, 64, 79, 88n37, 138, 139, 145, 173, 218, 123–26, 132n66; Hungarian, 123, 126, Bursa, 56 Busbecq, Ogier Ghiselin de (Augier Busbeck), 18, 92n89, 123–25, 124, 182, 191n5 Byzantine manuscripts, 169, 172

Index

269

231–39; silhouette, 44–45, 48, 48, 54, 56–57, 59, 61–64, 62, 63, 79, 88n30, 88n35, 88–89n37, 91n67, 135, 138, 140, 143, 144, 145, 155, 175, 181, 216, 231–39; sprinkled, 48, 49, 54–55, 88n37, 231– 39; stenciled, 58, 60–61, 61, 218, 231, 233, 235–36, 238; tinted, 48, 51, 54, 64, 79, 88n35, 138, 145, 231–39 Denmark, 133 Dernschwam, Hans, 16, 191n3, 191n5 dervish, 56, 82, 83, 84, 113, 143, 148 diplomacy, 1, 2, 5, 9, 10, 14–16, 18, 29, 32, 76, 97, 163n40 Divan Yolu, 14, 70, 99, 108 Dole, Richard, 230n4 Dolens, Levin, 30, 133, 160n4 dragoman, 24, 26, 34n29, 36n64, 136–38, 137, 145, 165, 174, 178, 190. See also Ali Bey, Ibrahim Bey, Mahmud Bey, Murad Bey Dresden, 4, 104, 110–15 DREYDEN album, 90n64, 90n66, 191n4, 191n35, 204, 232 Dutch; embassies, 27, 30, 35n48; language, 28, 46, 144; Republic, 5; Revolt, 29–30, 134, 229 Edirne, 138, 145, 163n41 Egypt, 202, 204, 225n13 Elsässer, Sigmund, 175 emperor, 2, 8, 9, 22, 25, 27, 29–32, 38n88, 111, 112, 116, 126, 128, 135, 158–59, 196, 205, 228, 229. See also Ferdinand I, Maximilian II, Rudolf II empire; definition, 7–10; fragility, 29–32, 223–24, 227–29; identification, 6–10, 16, 27, 30, 31, 32, 149, 158–60, 228–29; symbols, 61, 61, 223–24, 223, 228 English, 46, 226n30; diplomacy, 5, 27; House, 14, 27, 85, 92n87, 226n30, 231; language, 46, 177 Ernau, Hector von, 181 Ernst, Archduke, 29, 31, 115, 134 Euclid, 172, 192n7 eunuch, 73, 148, 160–61n5, 226n30 Eytzing, Paul von (Eitzing), 24, 26, 37n84, 59, 119, 145, 158, 224 Eytzing, Wolfgang von, 183

270

Index

Falck, Erik, 46, 157; FALCK (album of), 46, 87n14, 157, 161n14, 162n22–23, 164n52, 192n27, 194n65, 232 Faro, Matthias del, 24 Felber, Christoph, 89n41, 230n3 Ferdinand I, 23 Ferdinand II of Tyrol, 116 Ferhad Pasha, 119 Fernberger von Eggenberg, Georg Christoph, 177, 225n13; FERNBERGER (album of), 161n6, 177, 178, 181, 193n29, 193n34, 193n47, 202, 225n13, 233 Fernberger von Eggenberg, Hans, 140 Fieltz, David von, 230n2 Fischer, Michael, 86 Flensburg, 69, 85, 123 Flodroff, Wilhelm von, 30 food, 15, 25, 148–50, 184, 201 France, 1, 206, 232; ambassador of, 14, 26, 27, 46, 67, 85, 126, 161n12, 205, 212; captives from, 157; clock, 219–20; clothing of, 206, 207–09; diplomacy, 5; House, 14, 85, 205; language, 10, 28, 46, 66, 74, 99, 144, 175, 177, 211; painter, 92n86 Franconia, 25, 130n26, 224 Frankelin, Henry, 46; FRANKELIN (album of), 46, 87n16, 193n45, 233 Frankfurt am Main, 24, 136, 157, 172 FRESHFIELD album, 106–08, 106, 107, 108, 109, 129n10, 168, 170, 191n4, 233 Friedberg in der Wetterau, 24, 136, 138 Friedrich IV, Prince Elector of Palatine, 91n67 friendship, 1, 14, 31, 39, 40, 41, 45, 72, 138, 144, 159, 172, 173, 174, 176, 198, 216, 217, 219, 224 Friuli, 157 Fuchs von Bimbach, Balthasar, 204; FUCHS (album of) 87n19, 204, 225n10, 227n58, 233 Fugger family, 16 Fugger, Jacob, 90n59 funeral, 70, 221; sermon, 224 Gablkhover, Abraham, 58, 60 Galata, 14, 26, 27–28, 33n4, 33n10, 45, 76, 85, 89n44, 99, 126, 142, 145, 156, 157,

173, 205–06, 212, 214, 216, 220, 226n32, 227n53; dragomans from, 24; merchants in, 25, 27–28, 36n51 Gall Fayg von Anhausen, Hans, 45, 88n37 Gallipoli, 35n45, 130n42 games, 99, 214, 219–20, 228 Garshuni, 176–77 Ge’ez, 177 Geiger, Georg, 230n2 gender; female album collectors, 87n7; female networks, 27, 143, 217–18; homosocial environments, 27, 213 Georgian language, 46, 175 Georgius, 174 Gephi, 46 Gerlach, Dietrich, 67 Gerlach, Samuel, 184, 231 Gerlach, Stephan, 26, 27, 34n35, 36n36, 69, 92n86, 126, 129n16, 157, 160–61n5, 167, 172–75, 184, 189, 190–91, 192n23, 194n71; GERLACH (album of), 161n14, 173–75, 184, 192n18–19, 192n24, 194n65–66, 233 German House, absences from, 27–29; descriptions of, 16–22, 15, 16–17, 18, 20, location, 14–16; name of, 32, 126–28; religion in; 25–27; windows of, 15, 18, 33n13, 70, 75–76, 184, 190 German, 6, 7–10, 29, 31, 32, 158, 185, 198, 229; bread, 25; language, 5, 9, 10, 27, 28, 29, 31, 34n27, 46, 67, 76, 85, 99, 109, 136–38, 144, 154, 157, 175, 176, 177, 183, 205, 226n30; merchants, 27; universities, 41 Germany, 1, 157 Germigny, Jacques de, 126 Ghe, Jacomo de, 24 Ghent, 133 Girbert, Johannes; GIRBERT (album of), 225n10, 233 Glagolitic script, 46, 176 gold, 44–45, 54, 59, 65, 79, 84, 123, 128, 135, 148, 211, 234, 238 goldsmith, 22, 25, 27–28, 92n89, 157, 216 Gosztonyi, Lőrinc (Laurentius, Lorenz), 79, 91n80; GOSZTONYI (album of), 47, 77, 79–83, 88n26, 90n51, 91n77, 91n79, 108, 133, 146–47, 146, 161n6, 163n35, 230n3, 234

Gottschalk, Caspar, 152, 202 Grabmer, Wolf, 133 graffiti, 18, 212, 226n33 Greek Orthodox Church, 15, 26, 35n36, 167, 172–5, 184; patriarch of, 15, 173–74 Greek, 99, 173, 184, 191; artists, 92n87; elites, 11, 26, 170–71, 174; language, 46, 106, 160, 169, 172, 174, 175, 177, 182, 216, 218; manuscripts, 99; paper, 56; woman, 154, 155 grotto, 145 Gurtner, Stephan, 133, 160n4 Győr, 175 Habesh (Eritrea), 108 Haga, Cornelius, 30 Hagia Sophia, 106, 107, 110, 142–43, 153, 154, 209, 210 Haintz, Joseph, 48 Halepage, Hans, 28 Hammer-Purgstall, Joseph von, 97 Hanniwald von Eckersdorf, Philip, 183, 194n54, 194n58 Harsdörffer, Georg Andreas, 230n2 Hassan Aga (alias Samson Rowlie), 226n30 Haunold, Nicholas, 24, 183 Hausen, Stefan von, 53 Haüser, Elias, 230n3 Hayden von Dorff, Sebald (Heyden, Haiden), 136 Hayden von Dorff, Helmhard, 135, 161n15; HAYDEN (album of), 135–36, 137, 145, 161n6, 161n14–15, 164n55, 194n63, 194n65, 219, 220, 227n46, 234 Haymb von Reichenstein, Stefan (Haim, Heim), 72, 196; HAYMB (album of), 45, 50, 62, 70, 72–73, 88n26, 89n42, 104, 106, 129n8, 163n35, 171, 191n4, 196, 197, 214, 225n10, 234 Heberer, Michael, 205–06, 226n33 Hebrew, 46, 175, 177 Heidelberg, 182 Heinrich Hendrowski, 86, 116 Heinrich von Bünau auf Droyßig, 36n51, 130n26 Heinrich von Bünau der Jüngere zu Treben, 36n51, 111, 114, 115, 130n26

Index

271

Helman, Karl, 27–28, 36n53 heraldry, 41–42, 56, 85, 172, 222 Herbersdorf, Kaspar von, 163n43 Herberstein, Wolfgang Wilhelm von, 163n42, 227n46 Hienfelder, Hans, 157 Hippodrome, 15, 106, 170, 210 Hohenwart, Hans Basilius von, 43 Holy Land, 91n67, 203–05 Holy Roman Empire, 5–9, 16, 23, 29–32, 126–28, 158, 189, 205, 227n62, 228–29 Höpfigheim, 141 Horace, 215 Horký, Mila, 6 Hormuz, 202 Horvath, Hans, 157 Hübschman, Donat, 45, 175 Huenich, Johannes, 234; HUENICH (album of), 36n53–54, 93n94, 163n33, 164n51, 181, 193n46, 225n10, 234 Hungarian, 6, 25, 31, 91n80, 94, 123, 126, 128, 163, 165, 175, 179, 186, 198, 222; chancellery, 132n64; clothing, 125–27, 127, 132n66, 185–88, 189, 200, 206–08, 229; Council, 128; crown lands, 4, 16, 29, 142, 175; gulden, 3; Habsburg ambassador as Hungarian representative, 32, 126–28, 185, 205; language, 9, 10, 28, 38n88, 46, 79, 144, 179, 180, 208; nobles, 31, 37n75, 133, 134–35, 158, 202; staff, 79, 208; tailor, 22, 31, 128. See also Kingdom of Hungary Hungary, 1 Husrev Tihaya (Kethüda), 58

28, 46, 74, 144, 175, 177, 190; merchants, 25, 36n51, 209; paper, 64, 89n46; universities, 183 İzmit (Nicomedia), 53 Jagiellon, Ana, 31 janissary aga, 98, 116 janissary, 20, 69–70, 68–69, 76, 94, 122, 143, 148, 201, 207, 208, 209, 216 Japanese; language, 46; paper, 48 Jena, 160 Jeremiah, 109 Jeremias II, Patriarch, 173 JERUSALEM (album), 73–74, 73, 90n66, 91n69, 129n13, 226n28, 234 Jerusalem, 135, 138, 146, 193n34, 202, 204–05, 206, 222, 226n24 Jewish, 14, 20, 24, 27, 69, 76, 172, 173 Johnson, Carina, 189 Judson, Pieter, 10

Kadıköy (Chalcedon), 212 Kaempfer, Engelbert, 193n29 Kara Memi, 54 KASSEL (album), 90n64, 191n4, 193n35, 200–01, 200, 201, 203, 208, 221, 221, 222, 225n14, 226n28, 227n56, 234 Kastisch, Veit, 31, 176, 192n27 Kekule von Stradonitz, Hans, 205 Keßler, Johann Jacob, 90n63, 213, 230n3 Keyser, Oswald (Kaiser). See Bayram Khnidtl, Georg, 157 Kiechel, Samuel, 86, 222 Kingdom of Hungary, 9, 16, 25, 29, 31, 37n75, 179 Ibrahim Bey, 34n23 Knotzer, Dionysus, 39, 135, 158, 161n14, 221 Ibrahim Pasha, 119, 119 Kobilniczki, Johann, 181, 182, 191n49 identification practices, 6–8, 16, 31, 143, Koca Sinan Pasha, 104 149, 158–60, 228–29 Kollonitz, Adam von (Kollonich, Ilg, Ulrike, 6 Kollonitsch), 138, 162n20; KOLindex, 172, 233 LONITZ (album of), 49, 51, 53, 53, informants, 4, 34n27, 172, 173 65, 138–42, 139, 161n6, 161n14, 162n23, Isenburg-Büdingen, Wolfgang Count 164n52, 192n27, 193n49, 194n65–66, of, 134 225n12, 235 Islam, 2, 169, 178–80, 184, 188. See also Komárom, 144, 148 converts to Islam Königsberg (Kaliningrad, Russia), 22 Islamic art and manuscripts, 65, 148, 190 Krakou, David von, 88n37 Italian; captives, 157; embassies, 172; KRAKOW (album), 33n17, 110, 119, humanists, 190; language, 9, 10, 25, 129n13, 131n46, 191n4, 235

272

Index

Machwitz, David von, 32, 37n84 Maconius von Honigdorf, Johann, 230n3 Madar, Heather, 76 Mader, Johan Melchior, 181 Madrid, 31 Magdeburg, 205 Mahmud Bey (alias Sebald Pibrach), 24, 174, 192n20 Malik, Caspar (Maliek, Gáspár), 162n31 Lala Mustafa Pasha, 102–06, 105 Lang von Durach, Leonhard, 59, 60, 141, Malspelt, Ernst Wilhelm von, 163n42 Manlius, Arnold (Manlio), 45–46, 162n25; LANG (album of), 59–60, 172–73, 178, 190, 191n5–6; MANLIUS 89n40, 89n42, 141–42, 141, 144, 158, (album of), 36n51, 36n58, 45–46, 161n6, 161n14, 162n26, 163n33, 164n51, 92n91, 130n26, 167, 167, 172–74, 179–80, 164n54, 226n35–36, 227n58, 235 179, 189, 190, 191n1, 191n5–6, 192n7, Latin; language, 10, 28, 29, 34n23, 46, 79, 192n9, 192n11–13, 226n21, 235 85, 91n80, 98, 99, 131n49, 144, 145, 160, 162n23, 165, 169, 175, 177, 180, 182, 182; Manning, Hans Bernhard von, 142, 142 Marburg, 183 script, 61, 73, 94, 180 Lauriga zu Loberau, Lorenz von, 230n2 market, 58, 111, 190, 221, 222. See also bazaar Lautenschläger, Haim Sinai, 173 Marmara Sea, 18, 216 Leander’s Tower, 210 Masonry Obelisk, 172, 191n4 Leignitz (Legnica, Poland), 86 Matthias, Archduke of Austria, 154 Leipzig, 26 Maximilian II, 9, 23, 31, 38n88, 108, 214 letter of safe conduct, 138, 161n14 Maximilian, Archduke, 45 Leutkauf, Wolfgang, 230n3 Mayer, Jakob, 45, 175 Leuven, 30, 225n13 Mechelen, 30, 86, 97 Levant, 169 Mecklenburg, 9, 25, 28, 32, 229 Liechtenstein, Georg Hartman von, 26 Mehmed II, 117 Liechtenstein, Heinrich von, 118, Mehmed, Prince, 126, 202 130n42, 182 Melanchthon, Philip, 45 Ligozzi, Jacopo, 91n67 merchants, 25, 27–28, 36n51, 36n53, 76, Linz, 156, 157, 175 86, 138, 172, 207, 209 London, 5 messengers, 10, 18, 20, 24, 30, 31, 36n56, Long Turkish War, 2, 24, 27, 32, 37n84, 39, 53, 54, 59, 60, 79, 86, 98, 33n13, 144 133–34, 138, 141, 146, 158, 160, 162n19, Lorck, Melchior (Lorich, Lorch), 16–17, 163n32–33, 172, 177, 192n27, 201, 204, 18, 69, 85, 92n89, 123–25, 124, 175 218, 225n13, 231, 235–36 Louis II, 179 Löwenklaw, Hans (Leunclavius), 56, 97, Methodios from Aetolia, 174 Metrophanes III, Patriarch, 174, 175, 116–18, 117, 183, 189, 191 192n19 Lower Austria, 24, 58, 196 Minkwitz, Caspar von, 150 Lubenau, Rheinhold, 22, 25, 36n54, Moldavian agent, 14 39–40, 86n3, 180–81, 214–16, 219, Moseder, Peter, 153 221; LUBENAU (album of), 39–40, Mount Athos, 174 226n28, 235 Muelen, Baptista van der, 30 Lusitano, Brudo, 173 Lutheran, 18, 23–24, 26, 27, 35n36, 35n39, Mulsow, Martin, 190 MUNICH (album), 90n66, 193n35, 45, 136, 157, 158, 174–5, 178, 184, 188, 226n28, 235 233, 238 Krakow, 36n54, 119, 182 Kreckwitz, Friedrich von, 24, 26, 33n13 Kremnitz (Körmöcbánya, Kremnica, Slovakia), 24, 141, 160 Kronenburg, 153 Künheim, Erhard von, the younger, 33, 37n84

Index

273

Münster zu Niederwehrn, Johann Ludwig, 202 Murad Bey (alias Balázs Somlyai), 24, 34n28, 145, 162n30, 165, 166, 178–83, 184, 179, 193n36 Murad III, 2, 26, 94, 110, 113, 117, 119, 135, 136, 202 muraqqa’, 84, 148 music, 22, 25, 115, 172, 185, 185, 186, 187, 222 Muslim, 5, 24, 69, 76, 99, 133, 134, 140, 147, 157, 160, 169, 180, 184, 190, 196, 220, . See also Islam and converts to Islam Mustafa Âli, 55 Mytilene, 222 Nagybánya (Baia Mare, Romania), 24, 179 Nakkaş Ali, 83 Nakkaş Osman, 79, 80, 83–84, 92n81–82, 108, 123 Netherlands, 1, 9, 16, 23, 25, 29–30, 109, 224 networks, 1, 2, 6, 9, 11, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 34n27, 35n49, 36n51, 41, 46–47, 58, 136, 138, 158, 160, 167, 172–73, 175, 217–18, 224 Neumark, 203 Nicolay, Nicolas de, 66, 67, 76, 91n72, 99, 101, 188, 222, 237 Nile, 202 Nischwitz, Heinrich von, 133 Noailles, Gilles de, 85 North Africa, 169 Nuremberg, 4, 140, 202 Nyáry of Bedeg and Berencs, Stefan (István), 31, 140, 158, 162n23, 202 Obelisk of Theodosius, 172, 191n4 obelisk, 106, 169 Oberhaimb, Hans Leonhard von, 144 Oberzahn, 118 Olomouc, 157 Ölsen, Hector von, 32, 37n84 ÖNB 8615 (album), 18, 20, 33n17, 95, 116–19, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 125, 129n13, 131n47, 191n4, 193n35, 218, 235 ÖNB 8626 (album), 68–69, 74, 90n64, 96, 116, 116, 191n4, 193n35, 236 Ortelius, Abraham, 3, 174

274

Index

Orttenburg, Ernst count of, 62 Ostrochovský, Sigmund, 36n56, 146, 147, 163n33 Ostrovec z Kralovic, Jan, 213, 214 Ottoman Turkish language, 10, 11, 22, 24–25, 38n88, 46, 73, 74, 85, 94, 112, 119, 145, 162n30, 165, 169, 175, 178–82, 184, 211, 211, 234 Pachelbel von Gehag, Wolfgang, 163n42 Padua, 134, 174, 192n18, 193n34 painter, 41, 45, 79, 84–86, 92n86, 96, 97, 110, 115, 154, 156, 157, 214, 222, 225n8, 230n3. See also artist Palatine, 32, 205 Pálffy, Nikolas (Miklós), 31, 134 Paludanus, Bernardus, 91n67 Panormo (Bandırma, Turkey), 216 Paris, 5, 99 pasha of Bosnia, 118 pasha of Buda, 38n88, 138, 192n27 Patmos, 222 patronage, 6, 9, 30, 85, 86, 217 peace treaty, 2, 3, 11n4, 23, 25, 27, 32, 34n22, 36n52, 110, 128; of Edirne (1568), 2, 99; of Münster, 29; of Westphalia, 29, 229; of Zsitvatorok, 32 Pelshofer, Veit (Pelßhofer), 223–24; PELSHOFER (album of), 223–24, 223, 224, 225n10, 227n63, 236 Peria, Nicolo, 24, 34n29 Persian; artists, 48, 88n27, 109; embassy, 113, 117, 130n31, 148; language, 46, 54, 145, 148, 179; musician, 222; paper, 48, 56, 109; soldier, 149, 150, 151; wars, 3 Peter (artist), 86 Pezzen, Bartholomäus (Petzen, Betzen), 24, 26–27, 28, 33n4, 34n22, 86n3, 116, 144, 205, 215 Pfister, Christoph, 134–35; PFISTER (album of), 87n18, 129n17, 130n26, 134, 136, 145, 161n6–7, 161n9–11, 192n23, 225n15, 226n17, 236 Pfister, Karl, 134–35 Phillip II, 29, 116 Pibrach, Sebald. See Mahmud Bey Pillar of Pompey, 143, 143, 170, 191n4, 212–13, 213, 214, 226n33 Piyale Pasha, 104, 105 Plachirny, Stephan, 28

plague, 15, 28, 33n4, 206, 213 Plaicher, Veit, 156, 157 Plan, Sebald, 79, 133, 148–58; PLAN (album of), 69, 79, 88n26, 89n42, 91n80, 133, 148–58, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 160, 160n2, 160–61n5–6, 161n9–10, 162n22, 163n35, 163n38, 163n42–43, 163n45, 164n48, 170, 191n4, 192n27, 193n48–49, 194n63, 194n65– 66, 225n12, 225n15, 236 Plovdiv (Filibe, Philippopolis), 138, 145, 174, 182 Polish language, 10, 28, 46 Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, 9, 29, 31, 123, 182; ambassador of, 25, 46, 172; borders of, 45; merchants from, 27 Pomerania, 28, 140, 141, 162n23 Porsius, Heinrich, 163n42, 183–84, 194n63 portraits, 6, 9, 16, 32, 69, 76, 83, 85, 97, 109, 117, 119, 119, 123–26, 124, 125, 126, 135, 136, 137, 148, 176, 178, 185, 222, 228 Posh, Karl, 154 Poser, Heinrich von, 230n2 Posthius, Johann, 42 Prack von Asch, Hans Joachim, 141, 162n25; PRACK (album of), 53, 54, 54, 55, 56, 60, 60, 88n30, 89n40, 89n42, 141–44, 141, 142, 143, 144, 158, 161n6, 161n14, 162n26–28, 164n54–55, 169, 191n4, 216, 218, 224n1, 227n43, 227n50, 236 Prack von Asch, Sidonia, 142–43, 143 Prague, 9, 25, 31, 40, 56, 116, 123, 134, 138, 236 Pranckh, Jacob von, 157–58 Praxein, Friedrich (Braxein), 31–32, 37n84, 138, 162n20; PRAXEIN (album of), 138–41, 140, 160, 161n6, 161n14, 162n23, 164n55, 192n27, 193n48–49, 194n65–66, 225n12, 225n15, 237 Preining, Barbara, 170 Pressburg (Pozsony, Bratislava, Slovakia), 133 Prew, Bartholomäus, 205, 226n21 prints, 5, 20, 41, 66–71, 73, 76, 99, 108, 110, 123, 125, 126, 151, 172, 175, 178, 185, 188, 190, 237 prisons, 16, 18, 24, 34n23, 157–58, 205, 212

processions, 16, 69, 70, 97–99, 104, 113, 115, 120, 121, 122, 123, 130n31, 158–59n5, 185, 198, 200 prostitutes, 36n36, 76, 113, 220 Protestantism, 26–27, 29, 41, 126, 159, 173–74, 175, 184, 186 Provisionali, Eduardo, 200, 225n6 Prussia, 9, 22, 25, 31, 32, 37n84, 136, 144, 198, 222 punishment, 36n36, 69, 221 Pyritz, 141 Qur’an, 54, 184 Radi, Lucas, 45 Ragusa, 25, 36n51, 222 Rapamet (Fındıklı, Beyoğlu), 85 Rebenstock, Heinrich Peter, 173, 233 Regensburg, 9, 134 Řehlovice, 144 Reitgartler, David, 31, 142 Reutter, Ulrich, 89 Reysky, Daniel, 35n43 Rhodes, 222 Richardus, Andreas, 153 Ringler, Georg, 237; RINGLER (album of), 225n10, 226n32, 237 Romania, 1, 24, 179 Rosa, Paulus, 24, 31, 135, 159–60, 161n14 Rota, Martino, 131n54 Rothman, E. Natalie, 8, 188 Rottenhammer, Hans, 48 Rubatsch zum Stern, Barbara von, 142, 143 Rudolf II, 9, 22, 23, 26, 29, 31, 56, 116, 126, 134, 158, 183–84, 214 Russian; language, 46; merchants, 27 Rym, Jodocus (Rijm), 30 Rym, Karl, 23, 26, 30, 46, 79, 84, 95, 91n80, 99, 106–10, 134, 152, 172, 191n5, 200, 225n6; album of, 86, 97–106, 109–10, 135, 233, 239, 240. See also FRESHFIELD album and Lambert de Vos Rym, Levin (Levinus), 30, 224 Sachs, Hans, 67, 99, 135 Saint Peter’s cloister, 33n4 Sartorius, Johann, 26 Saurau, Michael, 48, 237

Index

275

Saxony, 32, 111, 133, 224, 240 Schachmann, Bartholomäus, 31, 64, 222; SCHACHMANN (album of), 64, 90n64, 193n35, 220, 222, 226n28, 227n56–58, 237 Scheffler, David, 157 Schieferdecker, Heinrich, 91n72, 160– 61n5, 227n49, 237 Schleswig, 133, 157 Schlieben, Adam von, 203–04, 237; SCHLIEBEN (album of), 194n63, 194n65, 225n10, 237 Schlierbach, 133 Schmeisser, Ambrosius, 24, 135, 161n12, 192n23, 238; SCHMEISSER (album of), 87n19, 135, 161n6, 161n14, 162n22– 23, 192n27, 193n48, 194n65–66, 238 Schreiber, Paul, 230n3 Schulze, Winfried, 7 Schumacher, Hans, 59, 238; SCHUMACHER (album of), 59, 87n20, 88n36, 89n38, 225n10, 238 Schwanowitz, 141 Schweickher, Heinrich (Schweigger), 178 Schweigger, Salomon, 18, 26, 132n66, 175, 177–78, 188–89, 192n23, 194n67; SCHWEIGGER (album of), 37n84, 45, 87n10, 87n20, 131n57, 158, 164n50, 164n55, 167, 175–78, 192n25–26, 193n28, 193n31, 193n34, 194n63, 194n65–66, 226n16, 227n43, 238; illustrated travel narrative, 18–20, 18, 126–27, 178, 184– 89, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 191, 194n71 Segner, Andreas, 230n2 Seidlitz, Caspar von, 238; SEIDLITZ (album of), 225n10, 226n28, 238 Selim II, 2, 23, 91n80, 92n84, 98, 98, 107, 109–10, 110, 117, 135, 136, 173 Şemsi Ahmed Pasha, 104 Senj, 142 Serbo-Croatian language, 28, 175–76 Serin, Nicolo, 24, 34n29 Serpent Column, 170–72, 170, 191n4 Sigismund III of Poland, 222 Silesia, 24, 25, 30, 32, 45, 86, 141, 144, 145, 183, 191n6, 198, 222, 229 Sinich, Wolfgang, 163 Sinzendorff, Joachim von, 18, 24, 26, 35n36, 35n39, 85, 119–23, 131n45, 135,

276

Index

136, 138, 158, 161n15, 162n16, 175, 176, 184, 192n27; portrait of, 125, 125 SKD CA 114 ADD album, 104–06, 105, 129n8, 238 SKD CA 114 album, 90n66, 91n69, 226n28, 227n54, 238 SKD CA 169 album, 112–14, 112, 113, 130n28, 130n31, 191n4, 193n35, 238 slave market, 221, 222 Smith, Charlotte Colding, 189–90 Sofia, 5, 56, 88n34, 138 Sokollu Mehmed Pasha, 2, 27, 84, 91n80, 106, 123, 156, 157 Somlyai, Balázs. See Murad Bey soverignty, 9–10, 97, 128 Spanden (Spędy, Poland), 138 Spanish; captives, 29, 36n62, 157; clothes, 123; language, 10, 28, 29, 46, 177; monarchy, 2, 16, 29–30, 36n64, 189 Speyer, 134 Stichel, Rudolf, 117 Steinach, Wolfgang Andreas von (Stainach), 25, 198 Steinbach, Hans Reichart (Jan Rejchart Štampach z Štampachu), 213; STEINBACH (album of), 88n36, 191n4, 213–14, 214, 215, 225n10, 226n28, 226n32, 238 Steinbach, Nikolas von, 213, 226n36 Stephan, Hungarian interpreter, 208 Stockheim, Leonard, 91n67 Stöckhl, Adolph, 133, 149, 152 Stöckhl, Anselm, 34n23 Stoler, Ann, 10 Stollberg-Rilinger, Barbara, 7 Stouditis, Damaskenos, 172 Strada, Jacopo, 107, 165, 180 Strada, Paolo, 107, 165, 167, 180 Strasburg, 110 Strässl von Schwartz, Wolf, 219, 220 Stettin (Szczecin, Poland), 28 Strich, Zacharias, 86, 93n94 Sturm, Zacharias, 26 Styria, 25, 59, 138, 156, 157, 160–61n5, 198, 205 Sulein, Hans, 157 Süleyman I, 2, 23, 117, 173 Süleymaniye Mosque, 16, 69, 85, 99, 106, 106, 154, 193n35 sultana, 73, 74, 75, 76–77, 141, 142, 145

Sulz am Neckar, 178 Swedish; crown, 233; language, 46; noblemen, 46, 157, 232 Syriac language, 46, 175, 176 Szigetvár, 79; siege of (1566), 23, 136 tailor, 18, 22, 25, 31, 128 Tata, 175 Tatar ambassador, 117 Teloni, Bathasar, 230n3 Tettauer von Tettau, Karl, 27 Teufel, Hans Christoph von, 191n3, 202; TEUFEL (album of), 202, 225n10; 225n13, 239 Teuffenbach, Christoph von, 45; TEUFFENBACH (album of), 45, 87n12, 239 Theiß, Wolfgang Melchior, 133 Theoleptos, 174 Thirty Years’ War, 2, 191, 229 Thun, Johann Albrecht von, 239; THUN (album of), 87n18, 90n50, 225n10, 239 Thurn, Heinrich Matthias von (Jindřich Matyáš Thurn), 146, 147 Tiepolo, Antonio, 118 Tierberg, Melchior von. See Ali Bey Tolna, 175 Topkapı Palace, 14–15, 110, 114–115, 115, 118, 118, 120, 121, 122, 123, 129n3, 142– 43, 143, 198, 199, 200, 200, 201 tournament, 7, 199, 222 Transylvanian, 24, 31, 37n75, 123; House, 14; noblemen, 128 Trent, 144 Trofaiach, 156, 157 tribute payments (haraç), 3–4, 11n5, 23, 24, 27, 109, 111, 128, 200, 201, 224 Tripoli, 222 Tübingen, 4, 26, 92n86, 173–75, 177, 184, 190, 192n23 Tyrol, 9, 24, 25, 32, 116, 141, 143, 144, 205, 224, 229 Uluç Ali, 104 Ungnad von Sonnegg, David, 18, 22, 23–24, 26, 28, 29, 31, 36n51, 108–10, 125, 126–28, 130n26–27, 130n36, 133, 134, 148, 160n3, 160–61n5, 161n12, 173, 183, 184, 200, 214–15, 225n6; album of, 18–20, 25, 92–93n92, 94–97, 108,

110–19, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 125, 125, 126, 129n3, 178, 183, 201, 235, 236, 238, 240; other objects commissioned by, 56, 107–08, 108, 109–10, 119 Upper Hungary, 9, 24, 31, 138, 141, 144, 160, 229 Üsküdar (Skutari), 156, 210, 212, 214, 226n32 Utrecht, 23 Vecellio, Cesare, 67–68 Venice, 5, 8, 28, 45, 67, 86, 134, 175, diplomatic representative of (bailo), 14, 25, 27, 92n89, 118, 129n16, 212; paintings, 123; paper from, 64 Verantius, Antonius (Antun Vrančić, Antal Verancsics), 123–25, 124, 131n54, 1735 Viechter, Karl, 58, 88n37 Vienna, 4, 5, 24, 31, 32, 39, 45, 58, 58, 79, 85, 108, 110, 111, 118, 123, 133, 136, 154, 160, 170, 175, 179, 183; court of, 9, 25, 26, 31, 58, 134, 140 Vischer, Wilhelm, 173 Vos, Lambert de, 86, 92n91, 97, 99, 107, 109, 135, 152, 226n6, 239–40; VOS ATHENS (album), 99, 129n7, 239; VOS BREMEN (album), 71, 90n63, 97–106, 98, 100, 102, 104, 150, 129n7, 163n35, 185, 239; VOS PARIS (album), 90n63, 99, 129n7, 225n14, 240. See also FRESHFIELD album and SKD CA 114 ADD album Vries, Leonhard, 225n13 Walde, Wolfgang von, 152 Wallachian; House, 14; voivode, 99 watermarks, 56, 64–65, 88n35, 89n46, 92–93n92, 106, 108, 108, 118, 129n9, 130n31, 130n34, 131n46, 178, 221 wedding, 45, 76, 99, 104, 113, 183, 185, 221, 227n65 Wehme, Zacharias, 115, 237, 240; WEHME SKD album, 20, 33n17, 114, 129n13, 130n8, 130n32, 191n4, 240; WEHME SLUB album, 114–15, 130n28, 130n35, 240 Weigel, Hans, 67, 67, 103, 104, 136 Weixlbach, von, 118

Index

277

Welzer von Eberstein, Johann Sigismund (Hans Simeon Weltzer), 133, 160–61n5 Wexius, Christoph, 192n23 Whaley, Joachim, 7, 224 Widmer, Johann Volckhard, 159 Wieldt, Samuel, 133 Wiernitz, Wenzel Martin von, 196, 197, 214, 220 Wilson, Peter, 7, 10, 30 Winorza, Johann, 26 Wittenberg, 23, 45, 182, 183 Wolzogen, Hans Christoph, 111–13, 159, 163n43 women; album owners, 40–41, 58; in Constantinople, 76–77; in the German House, 27; images in albums, 69, 73, 74, 75, 76–77, 99, 115, 142–43, 143, 154, 155, 163n35, 196, 197, 213, 214, 220–21, 217, 218, 219; intelligence networks, 110; kinship networks, 143, 217–18 workshops, 64, 66, 76–79, 83–84, 88n27, 90n50, 92n84, 99, 108, 109

278

Index

wrestler, 148, 163n35 Württemberg, 141, 178, 188 Wyss, Albert de (Wijs), 23, 26, 29, 45, 128, 225n6 Wyts, Lambert de (Wijts), 225n6, 240; WYTS (album of), 37n84, 92n86, 92n91, 191n4, 193n45, 199, 200–01, 200, 225n10, 226n28, 240 Yedikule, 210 Zadar, 84 Zal Mahmud Pasha, 102 Zay, Ferenc (Franciscus, Franz), 123–125, 124 Zeffi, Augerio (Zeffy, Zeffo), 24, 26, 145 Zeffi, Domenico, 24, 26 Zeffi, Giovanni Baptista, 26, 45 Zollner, Andreas, 163n43 Zygomalas family, 177–78 Zygomalas, Johann, 172, 173 Zygomalas, Theodosius, 173

Robyn Dora Radway is Associate Professor of History at Central European University. She has published in Early Modern Low Countries, Austrian History Yearbook, Journal of Early Modern History, and Archivum Ottomanicum.

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