Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon's 1812 Campaign: Advance and Retreat in Russia 1526782618, 9781526782618

Table of contents :
Cover
Book Title
Copyright
Contents
List of Illustrations
Maps
Note
Introduction
Chapter 1 Opening Shots
Chapter 2 Borodino
Chapter 3 Moscow
Plate section
Chapter 4 Retreat from Moscow
Chapter 5 Crossing of the Berezina
Chapter 6 The Long March Home
Epilogue
Annex I Biographical Notes
Annex II Chronology of the Russian Campaign of 1812
Annex III Polish Units in the Russian Campaign of 1812
Index of names
Back Cover

Citation preview

Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

By the same authors Glory and Despair: Polish Accounts of the Sieges of Saragossa, 1808 and 1809 War of Lost Hope: Polish Accounts of the Napoleonic Expedition to Saint Domingue, 1801 to 1804

Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign Advance and Retreat in Russia

Marek Tadeusz Łałowski and Jonathan North

An imprint of Pen & Sword Books Ltd Yorkshire - Philadelphia

First published in Great Britain in 2020 by PEN & SWORD MILITARY An imprint of Pen & Sword Books Ltd Yorkshire – Philadelphia Copyright © Marek Tadeusz Łałowski and Jonathan North 2020 ISBN 9781526782618 The right of Marek Tadeusz Łałowski and Jonathan North to be identified as Authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Publisher in writing. Typeset in Chennai, India by Lapiz Digital Services. Printed and bound by TJ International Pen & Sword Books Ltd incorporates the imprints of Pen & Sword Archaeology, Atlas, Aviation, Battleground, Discovery, Family History, History, Maritime, Military, Naval, Politics, Social History, Transport, True Crime, Claymore Press, Frontline Books, Praetorian Press, Seaforth Publishing and White Owl For a complete list of Pen & Sword titles please contact PEN & SWORD BOOKS LTD 47 Church Street, Barnsley, South Yorkshire, S70 2AS, England E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.pen-and-sword.co.uk Or PEN AND SWORD BOOKS 1950 Lawrence Rd, Havertown, PA 19083, USA E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.penandswordbooks.com

Contents List of Illustrations�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������vi Maps �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������viii Note����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������xii Introduction������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������1 Chapter 1: Opening Shots ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������5 Chapter 2: Borodino��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������52 Chapter 3: Moscow����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������79 Chapter 4: Retreat from Moscow���������������������������������������������������������������������� 107 Chapter 5: Crossing of the Berezina������������������������������������������������������������������ 138 Chapter 6: The Long March Home������������������������������������������������������������������ 182 Epilogue�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 206 Annex I: Biographical Notes ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 210 Annex II: Chronology of the Russian Campaign of 1812�������������������������������������������� 213 Annex III: Polish units in the Russian Campaign of 1812������������������������������������������ 215 Index of Names �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 219 Geographical Index��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 226

v

List of Illustrations   1.   2.   3.   4.   5.   6.   7.   8.   9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

19. 20. 21. 22. 23.

Prince Dominik Radziwiłł. Henryk Dembiński. Józef Zajączek. Karol Otto Kniaziewicz. General Aleksander Rożniecki. Roman Sołtyk. Stanisław Fiszer. Izydor Zenon Krasiński. Jan Henryk Dąbrowski. Ignacy Pantaleon Prądzyński. The Grand Army crosses the River Niemen to invade Russia. Polish lancers in pursuit of their foe are taken in flank by fresh Cossacks around Mir in July 1812. A Polish staff officer interprets for a gypsy couple while two Polish Guard lancers stand watch. A cuirassier of the 14th Regiment at Borodino. Colonel Jan Weyssenhoff. Captain Józef Załuski. General Grzegorz Józef Chłopicki. Krasnoe, the scene of a major battle as the Russians attempted to force their way between Napoleon’s Guard and his main body just after the latter had quit Smolensk. The fording of the Berezina by Julian Fałat. The remnants of Napoleon’s army begin to swarm across the Berezina. A famous fragment from the Berezina Panorama by Wojciech Kossak, showing Napoleon ordering that many of his papers and the regimental flags be burned. Another fragment from the Berezina Panorama showing what remained of the survivors making off towards Vilnius. A Polish Guard Lancer of the Imperial Guard, commanded by Colonel Krasiński, in winter uniform. vi

List of Illustrations  vii 24. Another fragment from the Berezina Panorama, showing some of the chaos on the western bank of the river as the fugitives make it across the bridge. 25. Prince Józef Poniatowski inspecting some Polish grenadiers. 26. General Kniaziewicz leads the Polish infantry in an attack on the Russian lines. 27. Napoleon heads west for Warsaw with an escort of Polish lancers under the command of Colonel Stokowski. 28. The remnants of the Grand Army quit Vilnius.

Maps

WESTERN RUSSIA Kovno

Polotsk

Jewie VILNIUS

Beschenkovici Miedniki

Vitebsk Ostrovno

Smorgoniye

Oszmiana

Ilia

SMOLENSK

Zembin

Pleshtchonitze Studzyanka

Molodetchno

Toloczyn

Bobr

Orsha

Borisov

N

Krasnoe Dabrovno

MINSK Mohilev 0

30 miles

Western Russia in 1812

MOSCOW AND ENVIRONS IN 1812 Petrovskoi

Zvenigorod Gjatsk

Bogorodsk

MOSCOW

Borodino Mojaisk

Vyazma

Miaczkovo

ch ot

Voronovo

R. M

Vinkovo

Borovsk

a

Fominskoie

hra

ac er P

Riv

Podolsk

Riv er

Tarutino

a skv Mo

er N Riv

Malojaroslavetz Ri

ve

N

rP

ara

Medyn

Kolomna

ro t

Riv

er O

va

ka

Kaluga Riazan

0

50 miles

Tula

From Smolensk to Moscow viii

Maps ix

BORODINO

French

N

Russian

1

0 miles

OUVAROV AND PLATOV

Bessubova

Selo Novoye

BAGGOVOUT KORFF OSTERMANN

ubt do

R

JUNOT Fomkina

River Semenowka

Valuyevo

Grand Re

GROUCHY

a

otsch

ol iver K

Gorki

BORODINO

EUGENE

NEY Shevardino

Milkchalova

DOCHTUROV RAEVSKI

CONSTANTINE

Semenowskaya GORTCHAKOV

MONTBRUN

IMPERIAL GUARD Doronino

BOROZDIN

VISTULA LEGION DAVOUT Utitza

PONIATOWSKI

Borodino

TUTCHKOV

x  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

Tarutino

Maps xi

The Berezina crossing

Note These eyewitness accounts of the campaign of 1812 in Russia were selected and translated from Polish to English by Marek Tadeusz Łałowski and Jonathan North. Some place names have been corrected in the course of that translation, as well as the names of French and Russian commanders mentioned in the text. Where possible the first names of officers have been added in square parentheses. Obvious errors have been addressed that way too, or commented on in footnotes. Additional comments and explanations have been added where necessary. Finally, for those unfamiliar with the Polish language, and who might feel perplexed when met by by a Dziewanowski or a Kniaziewicz, we hereby provide a basic guide to Polish pronunciation: ą = on; ę = en; c = ts; cz = tch; h or ch = kh; j = y; ł = w; sz = sh; u or ó = u; w = v; ż = zh.

xii

Introduction Napoleon’s invasion of Russia was a momentous event that would have lasting consequences, but its origins lay in a peace signed five years before between Napoleon, Emperor of the French, and Alexander I, Czar of Russia. Then, on a raft on the quietly flowing Niemen, the two had agreed on a peace which put an end to their first Polish war and then agreed on a settlement which would bring harmony. The French had won that war in Poland and Poland was the prize. Napoleon may have considered re-establishing the kingdom of Poland, divided twelve years before by Austria, Prussia and Russia, but, to the disappointment of many Poles who had fought for the French or placed their hopes in them, he opted to create a quasi-state from lands taken back from Prussia. This Grand Duchy of Warsaw, nominally the property of a grand duke who was also king of Saxony, received its constitution from Napoleon on 22 July 1807, although a provisional government had already started work, establishing ministries and, worryingly, raising conscripts, that spring. The duchy itself was far from grand, initially forming a strip of land which ran from Poznań, swelled around Warsaw and then continued up to Mariyampol. It would grow in size following Napoleon’s victory over Austria in 1809, and the number of inhabitants increased to over four million people. This growth in stature brought with it an equal growth in ambition, and many Poles continued to hope that loyal service in Spain, where a division fought in the French army of occupation, and support for Napoleon’s geopolitical ambitions, might bring a complete restoration of independence and lost territories. An opportunity for this second phase of national liberation would soon present itself. Napoleon and Alexander had made peace at Tilsit, but they had not reconciled their opposing national interests. Forcing Russia to join French sanctions on Britain hurt Russia, just as the strengthening of French power in Germany and Poland insulted her. By 1810, the czar was distancing himself from a relationship which was rapidly turning sour. Napoleon, never 1

2  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

one to tolerate disobedience, began to move forces eastwards in the spring of 1812 and he also withdrew his Polish troops from Spain, thinking they would be more useful in the war he was now planning in the east. Russia, having sensed the coming crisis, made peace with Sweden in the north and the Turks to the south, and waited for the storm to break. It would be quite a storm. Napoleon had at his immediate disposal an army of 450,000 men and would call upon reserves and supports on either flank, elements which would boost this total to around 600,000 men. Although the majority of these were French, or were serving in French uniform, a large proportion came from his German and Italian satellite states or allies. A large number of Poles would also be called upon to fight in French uniform or that of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. Napoleon had made sure to secure doubtful Prussian cooperation, while Napoleon’s father-in-law, Emperor Francis of Austria, also reluctantly provided 40,000 men. The Polish contingent was enormous when compared to the size of the population of the Grand Duchy. Some 100,000 Poles would fight in the Grand Army, a number raised from a population of just 4.3 million. The bulk would fight under the banners of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw; indeed, the duchy fielded an entire corps, V Corps, for the campaign. This included three divisions of infantry, along with supporting artillery, cavalry and engineers, under Prince Poniatowski. Some splendid regiments of Polish lancers would be attached to the Reserve Cavalry, while X Corps, garrisoning the Baltic coast, also received a division of Polish infantry. The Polish division withdrawn from Spain was placed in Victor’s IX Corps, kept back as a reserve during the initial phase of fighting, while the Vistula Legion, also withdrawn from four years of service in Spain, was attached to the Imperial Guard, close to their compatriots in the famously dashing Guard lancers. These troops would all be sent into Russia, but, once the campaign began, attempts were also made to raise additional units in territories lost to Russia during the partitions in the late eighteenth century. Napoleon was lobbied to declare Poland whole and free, but he hesitated, hoping to once again use Poland as a bargaining tool to pressure the czar to sue for peace. Still, Vilnius became the centre for a provisional government of sorts, and thousands of newly raised Lithuanians gathered around it, or were sent to the south, to counter potential Russian attacks against the exposed right wing of the French as it marched on Moscow.

Introduction 3

Moscow lured the French to it, but they could not hold it and, that October, were staggering back. That retreat precipitated a collapse, and the entire edifice of French rule gave way. True, the Poles would play a heroic part in the retreat. This was particularly so during the disaster at the Berezina when Napoleon almost found himself trapped on the easterly bank of a wide river. But they also played their part in the rearguard as the remnants of the army limped back towards Vilnius and shelter. They could not hold there and the provisional government was swept aside in the confused withdrawal back over the Niemen. Still, the retreat would not end there, nor would the disaster. The Russians would advance into the Grand Duchy in early 1813 and Prussia, bitter and resentful, changed sides that spring, completing French discomfort. The duchy was dismantled, although the Russians, supported by a number of Poles disillusioned with Napoleon, established their own Polish government which would, when peace returned to Europe, become the Congress Kingdom of Poland. 1812, then, proved a fateful year for those who yearned for a greater Poland. It also proved fateful for thousands of Polish troops sent eastwards. Most of V Corps was destroyed, and casualties were very high. More than 10,000 Poles were taken prisoner,1 while many of those who escaped westwards found themselves besieged in disease-ridden garrisons in Poland and Prussia in the course of 1813. Those that survived and made it home or continued in French service were marked for life by the horrors they had witnessed. This collection of accounts seeks to present the Polish experience of war in Russia in all its many facets. It is drawn from numerous eyewitness accounts from varied authors. Here there are the nationalistic enthusiasts like Roman Soltyk, glad to wage war on the Muscovites; there were others, charmed by the glory of Napoleonic warfare; then there were the professional soldiers 1 Archival sources in Russia allow us to determine the nationality of just 38,200 of the tens of thousands of prisoners kept in Russia in February 1813. Of these, 10,012 were Polish and 14,010 were French (for those interested, 2,419 were Spanish, 1,538 were Italian, 166 were Dutch and twelve were Neapolitan). The number was certainly higher, but the exact figure is impossible to determine. As early as 29 September 1812 the Russians were sending Polish soldiers to the Caucasus and later many of the Polish prisoners of war found themselves serving in Russian units in Georgia. Some 671 had been sent by March 1813. Officers were placed on parole, mostly at Krasny Yar. And the soldiers joined the ranks. There were also fourteen women and five children.

4  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

like Heinrich von Brandt or Klemens Kołaczkowski, there to do their duty; finally came the disillusioned and the reluctant, or the men who, like Józef Rudnicki, had seen too much war to be seduced by it. There are diaries, letters, memoirs and recollections, jotted down at the time or half-remembered decades later. They tell an unrivalled tale. Of dashing cavalry battles in the summer wheat. Of burning villages, towns and glorious Smolensk. Of the colourful letting of blood on the field of Borodino. And of Moscow, glorious and ill-fated. Then comes a change in the tempo and the temperature: despair stalks the army along with hunger and Cossacks, as Napoleon’s undefeated army falls back. The frosts begin, hunger bites and discipline collapses. Thousands of horses perish, thousands of men collapse and die. Then the first snows fall and the ghostly procession staggers back towards Vilnius, narrowly escaping complete disaster at Krasnoe and the Berezina. Few make it back over the Niemen, and they are cold, hungry, sick, bitter and hollow. Our account closes as they limp back into Poland and Prussia, as the ruin of the army begins to shake the foundation of an empire. This is the story of that catastrophe by those who had embarked on it with such hope, and recalled it with such horror.

Chapter 1

Opening Shots The vast majority of the Poles began to be mobilised within the frontiers of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw in the spring of 1812 as the Grand Army began to be organised. Most would find their way into the ranks of V Corps, an almost exclusively Polish formation. Major Roman Wybranowski, an officer in the 2nd Infantry Regiment in V Corps, saw the marshals, generals and dignitaries arrive, and notes how the Poles fitted into imperial plans for the coming campaign: In the spring of 1812, whilst Napoleon was still enjoying himself in Dresden, his victorious armies were crossing the Vistula. Towards the beginning of the month of May, Jerome Bonaparte, the King of Westphalia, along with his entourage and his own corps, arrived in the Duchy of Warsaw. He stayed at the Brühl Palace in Warsaw.2 His Guard was quartered in the city, and the rest of the corps dispersed along the left bank of the Vistula not too far from the town. The Polish Army, under the command of Prince Józef Poniatowski, and nearly 50,000 strong, crossed over to the right bank of the Vistula too, as did (on 20 May) those regiments which had composed the Warsaw garrison. They all encamped around the city. Because the entire Polish contingent was to be under the general command of the King of Westphalia, together with the Westphalian Army, these troops formed a wing of the Grand Army. Those Polish infantry and cavalry regiments marching back 2 The Brühl Palace was close to Saxon Palace in central Warsaw. It was one of the largest palaces and one of the finest examples of rococo architecture in pre-Second World War Warsaw. Between 1932 and 1939 the palace was adapted for use as the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. Both palaces were deliberately and completely destroyed by the Germans in December 1944, shortly after the Warsaw Uprising.

5

6  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

from Spain would only reach the Grand Army later as would the Vistula Legion [and one division of the Duchy of Warsaw]. As for the Polish Army, it had three divisions of infantry [the 16th, 17th and 18th] along with the cavalry and artillery attached to them. In addition to these the Polish cavalry also formed a separate division [the 4th] along with the horse artillery. Another independent Polish infantry division [the 7th, later involved in the siege of Riga] was still in Gdańsk [Danzig], whilst a cavalry brigade was incorporated into one of the cavalry corps of the Grand Army [that of General Nansouty], while several Polish infantry and cavalry regiments were spread among various other corps, too.3 Karol Turno, assisting his cousin, General [Kazimierz] Turno, as aidede-camp, was underwhelmed by King Jerome, the royal personage making a poor first impression: On 1 June Latour-Maubourg had the cavalry division under Rożniecki assembled at Lukow. I was charged with organising an escort for King Jerome who had just been appointed commander of the right wing of the Grand Army and who was inspecting his troops. His Westphalian majesty honoured me with two or three questions without waiting for me to respond. He spoke in a curt, sarcastic and imperious manner. After the review, King Jerome went off to Pulawy where old Prince Czartoryski gave a lecture in which he conferred all the qualities on Jerome that Jerome himself lacked.4 Still, Jerome would be a distant figure for most Poles as their immediate loyalty was to their own generals of brigade and generals of division, and Prince Poniatowski. Roman Wybranowski’s own unit formed part of Kamieniecki’s division under that charming prince: Whilst Prince Józef Poniatowski was in overall command, generals [Józef] Zajączek, [Jan Henryk] Dąbrowski and [Ludwik] 3 Roman Wybranowski. Pamiętniki jenerala Romana Wybranowskiego [Memoirs]. Lwów, 1882. 4 Charles [Karol] Turno. Souvenirs in ‘Revue des études napoléoniennes’, 07, 1931.

Opening Shots  7

Kamieniecki each commanded a division in V Corps. Regarding the latter, General [Karol] Kniaziewicz soon assumed command over this division [18th]; whilst our cavalry division was placed under General [Aleksander] Różniecki. Kamieniecki’s division was composed of two brigades: the first brigade was commanded by General of Brigade [Michał] Grabowski5 (and this brigade was formed by the 2nd Regiment under the command of Colonel [Jan] Krukowiecki6 and the 8th under the command of Colonel [Kajetan] Stuart), the second brigade was commanded by Stanisław Potocki (with the 12th Regiment of Colonel [Jan] Weyssenhoff which was the most imposing unit at that time, at least regarding the number of soldiers). Others were on their way from Spain. There was the veteran Vistula Legion, which would be attached to the Guard. They were glad to be leaving 5 Michał Grabowski (1773–1812) was a general of brigade in the army of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw.He was the son of the last Polish King Stanisław August Poniatowski and his alleged morganatic wife Elżbieta Szydłowska (Grabowska after 1769). Throughout his life he was protected by the king and then the royal son-in-law, Prince Józef Poniatowski. He participated in the campaign of 1807 against Russia and in 1808 he was a brigade general in the 3rd Division. In 1812, during Napoleon’s campaign in Russia, he commanded the 2nd Brigade of the 18th Infantry Division. On 4 July 1812, in Grodno, he signed the accession to the General Confederation of the Kingdom of Poland and was appointed Governor of Mohilev. He died on 17 August 1812 during the assault on the walls of Smolensk. 6 Jan Stefan Krukowiecki (1772–1850) was a general during Napoleonic Wars and then the chairman of the National Government during the November Uprising in 1830 and 1831. He first studied at the Theresianum in Vienna and then joined the Austrian army. He fought in the campaigns against Turkish troops in the Balkans during the Austro-Turkish War (1788-1791). In September 1794 Krukowiecki protested against the Austrian response to the 1794 Kościuszko Uprising and resigned his officer’s commission. He spent the next 12 years in retirement. In 1806 Krukowiecki joined the French and fought in Napoleon’s campaigns. In 1812 he was wounded at Smolensk, received the Legion of Honour, and was promoted to general of brigade taking command of a cavalry brigade. At the battle of Leipzig in 1813 he fought under General Sokolnicki, but failed to secure the Halle Gate and was criticized for his actions. On 1 March 1814 Krukowiecki received the command of the Polish Guard of Honour at Versailles. In 1814 Czar Alexander I commissioned Krukowiecki to go to England to secure the reparation of the Polish prisoners of war. In August 1831 Krukowiecki was briefly the head of the Polish government during the November Uprising, but surrendered Warsaw to the Russians in September and was exiled to Siberia. When he returned to Poland he was tried by the Russians for treason, but acquitted.

8  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

the peninsula and one of their young voltigeur officers, Heinrich von Brandt, watched as the old soldiers crossed the Pyrenees and back into France: As we passed through the Bordeaux region, our soldiers were enchanted by the warm welcome they were accorded by the inhabitants and by the good wines. Many talked about coming to retire in this lovely region one day. Alas! Of those that dreamt thus in March 1812, not one would realise their wish. Less than one year later, most were dead!7 The Vistula Legion, and the division of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw also withdrawn from Spain, joined their compatriots in Poland that spring. There they found hundreds of thousands of men living off Napoleon’s ally. They had stripped the land bare, consuming or destroying poor harvests of 1811, carrying off livestock and horses, and generally laying waste as they waited for the actual invasion to begin. Brandt found that the concentration of so many troops was an intolerable burden to the Polish civilians caught up in the preparations for war: My parents, who were once quite affluent landowners, had had the expensive privilege of hosting both Marshal Ney and the Prince of Württemberg. All their forage had been spirited away by the artillery trains and the draught horses were constantly being requisitioned. In fact everything was being done as it would have been done in enemy territory with the exception of the issue of government vouchers, which could be cashed in after considerable delay. I found a detachment of the 2nd Regiment of the Vistula, left behind to guard the baggage, at Thorn. The officer in charge recounted unpleasant details of atrocities being committed along the line of march and of the confusion and lack of discipline which reigned in certain parts of this immense army. He told me that ‘everyone does what he wants and takes what he can. Frenchmen, Italians, Württembergers, Badeners, Bavarians, even Poles, are plundering the country as they see fit. If it carries on like this we’ll all end up eating each other, like starving rats. The Emperor must be blind to put up with such excess’. 7 Heinrich von Brandt. In the Legions of Napoleon. London, 1999.

Opening Shots  9

Jan Krasicki, a Polish interpreter in the suite of the Duke of Bassano, reflected gloomily on the hunger being felt even before the war began: We had barely reached Posen before the army began to lack for food and there was no forage either so we had to cut down green corn and those destroy the last resources of the Poles. There were complaints and anger everywhere and the requisitions the generals ordered were enormous and crippling, but the soldiers, too, had started to commit atrocities which were going unpunished and which would serve as a prelude to the horrors which would be inflicted on this unfortunate land. It came as a relief to soldiers and civilians alike when the troops began to lumber forward to their assigned positions, ready for the invasion. A Polish artillery officer assigned to Napoleon’s staff, Count Roman Sołtyk, watched as the immense masses moved forward to the River Niemen. Here he describes Napoleon’s final reconnaissance of the Russian position along the opposite bank before launching the invasion: On 23 June, our troopers were still at ease in the camp when a travelling carriage, drawn by six elegant horses, came into sight speeding along the road from Königsberg and suddenly drawing to a halt in the midst of our tents. It was escorted by just a few Chasseurs of the Imperial Guard mounted on panting and exhausted horses. The door opened and Napoleon stepped out of the carriage, accompanied by the Prince of Neuchatel [Berthier]. He was dressed in the uniform of the Chasseurs of the Guard and seemed tired by the journey. His features were engraved with traces of worry. A few officers approached him and I, along with Major [Tadeusz] Suchorzewski of the regiment, was among their number. Napoleon turned to our major and said he would like to change clothes, asking for a Polish uniform. Special measures were in place, and orders issued, that no French soldier should be seen by the Russians. Napoleon took off his tunic, and the Prince of Neuchâtel, Suchorzewski, myself and Colonel [Michał] Pągowski, who had just arrived, did the same. Of all of our uniforms the tunic of Colonel Pągowski [of the 6th Regiment of Lancers] and his hat were the best fit for the emperor. We initially offered him the lancer officer’s hat [the

10  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

tschapka], but he refused, thinking it too heavy. The emperor rode off and then dismounted in the courtyard belonging to the doctor’s house [in the village of Aleksota], the windows of which looked out towards the river and so gave him a commanding view of the area. Being well hidden, and with the horses secreted in the courtyard, he carefully surveyed the area. After that he had a bite to eat as he stood in the middle of the main road. The idea of switching uniforms seemed to delight him and he asked us twice whether the Polish uniform suited him. After his meal, he said with a laugh: ‘now we must return that which does not belong to us.’ Taking off the borrowed costume, he put back on the uniform of the Chasseurs of the Guard, climbed into the carriage and, in the company of Berthier, immediately left us.8 The French crossed the river in their hundreds of thousands and directed their columns on Vilnius (variously given as Wilna, Wilno or Vilna by our writers), the capital of the Russian province of Lithuania. Count Roman Sołtyk was again present at this critical moment and describes the barely disputed entry of the Grand Army into Vilnius: The 6th Regiment of Lancers, leading a column of infantry, reached the city gates of Vilnius on 28 June. Major [Tadeusz] Suchorzewski, who was only managing to suppress his passion and emotion with visible difficulty, asked his colonel for permission to advance. After obtaining such permission, he led the squadron towards the barred gate of the city. The Russian troops had already evacuated the city, leaving just a part of the rearguard which was entirely absorbed in collecting stragglers and those wagons which had fallen behind. As a result, they could do nothing to prevent this handful of courageous men who now galloped through the city, pushing past enemy troops and those refugees fleeing to the forests half a league distant from Vilnius, along the road to Święciany, down which the Russians were retreating. This bold action won us 500 prisoners and a significant amount of the enemy’s baggage train. Our entry into Vilnius turned out to be a triumph. The streets and squares were full of people. All 8 Roman Sołtyk. Napoleon en 1812. Memoires historiques et militaires sur la Campagne de Russie. Paris, 1836.

Opening Shots  11

the windows were filled with enthusiastic ladies, elegant rugs were laid before the front doors of many houses, each hand was waving a handkerchief and the cheering was suffused with joy. I was given an excellent insight into how this solemn, though impromptu, reception had been prepared, because the emperor had sent me half an hour before his own entry to summon the rector of the university, Professor [Jan] Śniadecki, the famous astronomer and a most enlightened patriot. His name and reputation were known to the emperor, so he wanted to talk to him personally. I galloped off towards the university. I reached the gate, left the horse to the care of several students who competed with each other to offer me their services, and ran to see the rector. I informed Professor Śniadecki about the purpose of my visit, and as soon as he found out who had sent me to him, he invited me to his home for a few minutes whilst he selected the appropriate outfit. He chose his academy uniform, but he still wanted to put on stockings instead of riding boots. I told him that my mission should not be delayed and that we must leave at once. When he still procrastinated, I told him, ‘Dear Rector, it does not matter. The emperor does not attach any importance to those external things which only impress ordinary people. Science is a wise costume. Let’s go.’ He agreed to do so without further hesitation. Countess Zofia Tyzenhauz de Choiseul-Gouffier, one of the ladiesin-waiting of the Russian czarina’s court, was at Vilnius when the French arrived there on 28 June 1812. This is what she remembers of the event: Not only did the Russian troops evacuate Vilnius but those few Russians who had lived there for a number of years also hastened to depart, taking with them their wives and children and all that they possessed. All the horses in the town were requisitioned for this urgent necessity... There was an interval of a mere two days between the departure of Emperor Alexander and the entry of the French but the disorder and our anxiety made them seem like a lifetime. Whenever the sound of a horse was heard in the streets, someone ran to pass on alarming news, which almost always turned out to be false. Some said the French would fire upon the town, and advised me to flee to the hills, as the roundshot would bring the church towers down

12  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

on our house; others came running with pale and frightened faces to announce that the Russians had set fire to the town whilst retiring; still more asserted that they had seen the Emperor Alexander dashing through the streets, without any uniform, in an effort to reassure the inhabitants by promising not to abandon them. As he left his house General Governor Korsakov assured my father9 that there was nothing to fear. The astonishment and perplexity which the expectation of such great events inspired left no place in my mind for pointless anxiety, which is, moreover, no real help against danger, and only weakens that courage which is so necessary in each circumstance of life. On the night of [Julian Calendar] 15–16 June [27–28 June], the Russian troops marched off in good order and in a most impressive silence. No, this was certainly not a flight, as has been stated. At eight o’clock in the morning a detachment of French cavalry burst into the town, galloping forwards to save the bridge which the Russians had set on fire. Nothing can express the emotion I felt on seeing Polish troops! The Poles, who rode by smiling with loose reins and unsheathed sabres, waved lance pennants in my country’s [Poland’s] colours, something I now saw for the first time. I stood at an open window, and they saluted me as they passed. The sight of these true compatriots set my heart racing. I felt that I had been born a Pole, but that now I was going to become Polish again. Tears of joy and enthusiasm poured down my cheeks. It was a delightful moment, but it was not to last! The intoxication of joy was universal. The town resounded with cries of triumph. Everyone rushed to seize the weapons that the Russians had thrown in great numbers into the Vilya (Neris) River; men of all ranks, even from the dregs of society, hastened to pull them out. Thus ridiculously armed, they ran through the streets in their working clothes, and assembled in front of the town hall, throwing their hats in the air with noisy exclamations of patriotism.10

9 Colonel, Count Ignacy Tyzenhauz became one of the members of the committee of the Provisional Government of Grand Duchy of Lithuania, appointed by Napoleon to rule Vilnius and its province. 10 Countess de Choiseul-Gouffier. Memoires historiques sur l’Empereur Alexandre et la Cour de Russie. 1829 [excerpt translated by A. Mikaberidze, 2011].

Opening Shots  13

Struggling into the city, the infantryman Heinrich von Brandt was less impressed by the reception at Vilnius. He thought the city’s mood was sombre: Despite the fact that we were Polish, the inhabitants gave us a rather frosty reception. The troops that had got here first had taken the best of both the welcome and the food. The town was already suffering severely from the ransacking that had gone on and went on throughout this campaign. I talked to one Lithuanian, a former soldier who had come to offer his services to the French Army but who found that he had rush off in order to defend his property from being plundered. Still, Lieutenant Konstanty Janta, aide-de-camp to General of the Engineers of the Imperial Guard François Kirgener, was impressed by Vilnius and saw how useful a depot it would be for much-needed supplies: 3 July 1812. The Imperial Guard entered Vilnius, the old PolishLithuanian capital. The advance guard had taken the city two days before, after slight resistance, and some of the food stores which had been set on fire were saved. Vilnius is quite beautiful and about as large as Krakow. Among the prominent buildings is the cathedral which had been built where the former church founded by the King Jagiełło had stood and so has a special meaning to us. Vilnius will be memorable for me for other reasons, for here I was witness to the kind heart and charitable soul of my general [Kirgener].11 The country house where his entourage was staying had recently belonged to the local Polish nobleman Count Kontrym.12 It had already been looted by marauders, whilst his nine-month-old child had been sent deep in to the forest. The general gallantly helped Kontrym to rescue the child and even to recover some of his lost property. I spent my entire stay in this city arranging a small flotilla of barges, the idea being that they be sent to collect supplies to Kovno [Kaunas] down the Vilya River. This task, which had been entrusted to me as I was a native speaker, was carried out rather 11 François Kirgener (1766–1813), commander of the Engineers of the Imperial Guard. 12 Kazimierz Kontrym (1765–1829), administrative officer in the Provincial Office of Russian Lithuania.

14  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

successfully. The emperor came to see the barges himself, and it was here that I first had occasion to speak to him.13 Supplies were of vital importance as the French pushed on into Russia and left behind warehouses, magazines and depots. Worse, they were also losing thousands of horses. The gloomy interpreter Jan Krasicki had watched appalled as he followed in the wake of the army: I set off and, at the last post before Vilnius, was caught up in a horrendous downpour of rain which was enough to render the roads impracticable; the roads here are usually bad enough, being cut by bogs and marshes until the time when snow covers them. Now our baggage horses and those of the cavalry began to collapse from the exertion needed to pull themselves from the mud. I was two leagues from Vilnius and, despite being overcome by this disaster, I forced myself to chart it and counted 1,035 [dead horses], 87 cows, 13 sheep and five men. For want of rations, most soldiers were soon living off the land, as much as they could. Meanwhile, the Russians were retreating, and the French pushed on in an attempt to catch them and bring them to a decisive battle. But Napoleon and his generals were exhausting his men and horses in what turned out to be futile manoeuvres and tiring patrols. General Antoni Sułkowski, commander of a Polish brigade of light cavalry, wrote to his wife from Zholudek about the errors of the higher command as it mismanaged his men and the right wing of the Grand Army: Our cavalry, following orders received from our superiors, is conducting this war in an extremely stupid way. We took Grodno but instead of pursuing the enemy as soon as we had it in our possession, Platov was allowed to get away with 15,000 horses which he had stolen from the inhabitants. What a gift these would have been for our cavalry. We had halted, God knows why, for a whole day just one mile from Grodno, and then we were ordered to rush as quickly as possible on Kamienna, where we again stopped for a day and a half, again without any reason. The day before yesterday 13 Konstantyn Janta. Dziennik wojny moskiewskiej w roku 1812 [Diary of the war Against Moscow in 1812]. Częstochowa, 2001.

Opening Shots  15

we were ordered here, and I thought it would be so we could pursue the enemy, but no. We are kept waiting here now [6 July]. My patrols only manage to see these Cossacks from afar.14 When they did encounter the enemy, the soldiers of the Grand Army were not always victorious. Here, Captain Klemens Kołaczkowski, officer of engineers in V Corps, describes the unfortunate skirmish of the Poles with the rearguard of Bagration’s army at Mir: On the evening of 7 July the cavalry division under the orders of General [Aleksander] Rożniecki crossed the River Niemen near Bielica and, the following day, reached the town of Nowogródek, from where it was supposed to go on to Nieśwież [Nesvizh]. On 9 July, one squadron of the 3rd Regiment of Lancers encountered some sizable outposts of Cossacks near Pyasetchna, charged them and drove them into the town of Mir. Elated by their success, they advanced through the town and renewed their attack against the same body of Cossacks, although these had been substantially reinforced, as they were quitting the suburbs beyond Mir. Colonel [Aleksander] Radzimiński had brought up the rest of his regiment in order to support his leading squadron, but just as he was issuing out of the suburbs into the open ground, five Cossack regiments fell on him and even more Cossacks were seen advancing. In such a situation, and now surrounded by superior forces, he was forced to withdraw, breaking through the enemy lines in order to join two squadrons of the 16th Regiment of Lancers and one squadron of the 15th Regiment of Lancers that were advancing to their rescue. Fighting was fierce on both sides, but the enemy suffered greater losses than the 29th Brigade (consisting of the 3rd, 15th and 16th lancer regiments). Despite all the Russian efforts they failed to break the lancers. The 28th Brigade, formed of the 2nd, 7th and 11th lancer regiments, had moved up to the village of Jarcza, where it joined the 29th. We spent the entire night in position facing the enemy and masses of roaming Cossacks. On 10 July, the entire division advanced on 14 Antoni Paweł Sułkowski. Listy do żony z wojen napoleońskich [Letters to a wife from the Napoleonic Wars]. 1987.

16  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

Mir, where, after a short rest, and around noon, it continued its march towards Nesvizh. The vanguard encountered the enemy at Simakowo (one mile [i.e. 7 km] from Mir) and repulsed them with loss, forcing them into the forests that separate Simakowo from the village of Horodnica. The 7th Regiment of Lancers then passed through the forest whilst the rest of the division halted before it. Reconnaissance confirmed that the enemy was in such strength as to make the success of any attack doubtful. He had at his disposal the Cossack corps of Ataman Platov and Ilovayski, as well as some divisions of dragoons and hussars. The enemy, who knew our strength precisely as they had received information from the prisoners they had taken the day before, manoeuvred in the hope of destroying us completely in these forests and swamps. They therefore began to press us from all sides and opened up with canister against our leading squadrons. In the blink of an eye, the entire plain of Simakowo was covered with light cavalry. The 7th Regiment, which had taken up a position at the far edge of the forest, was forced to break through the enemy to rejoin the division. Then the Russian hussars and dragons arrived, and a vast and bloody battle began in earnest. Our 3rd and 16th lancers attacked the enemy at least 40 times and covered themselves with glory. The 7th and 15th regiments also contributed to the battle, especially the latter. The 2nd and 11th regiments were held in reserve, covering our left flank. The enemy, confident through their strength of numbers, could not, however, break our position, and it was only at 9 o’clock that evening that the enemy’s reserve finally overwhelmed our left wing and completely encircled us to the last man of our platoon. Several thousand Cossacks then filled the gap between the 7th and 11th regiments. Even so, the entire 29th Brigade and the 7th Regiment of the 28th Brigade, managed to fight their way back to Mir in reasonable order. Fortunately, the 19th Brigade of V Corps, under the command of the General [Tadeusz] Tyszkiewicz,15 arrived at Mir just in time and sent in two more squadrons of lancers. Several rounds from the 15 Tyszkiewicz would be captured in the course of the campaign and was held in Astrakhan province with Jan Suminski of the 3rd Lancers. Tyszkiewicz quit the region in May 1814, returning home escorted by a Cossack called Kuznetsov.

Opening Shots  17

guns of his horse artillery curbed the enemy’s enthusiasm, and they fell back and were pursued beyond the nearby forests. The division remained on the battlefield until dawn, but the enemy left us in peace. The Kiev Dragoon Regiment16 and the Achtyr Hussar Regiment suffered heavy casualties. Lieutenant General Pahlen, and colonels Andreinov and Ilovayski, had fallen; the battlefield was covered with the bodies of Cossacks, Kalmyks, Bashkirs and Tatars. We had not lost any of our senior officers; everybody involved in the battle upheld the honour of our army. In other words, 3,000 of our horse maintained a six-hour fight against 8,000 Cossacks, 3,000 regular cavalry, two regiments of infantry and 30 pieces of artillery. It is remarkable that our division, without guns or infantry, and two miles from our main body, fought back against such a mass of enemy mounted troops, was partly surrounded, and impeded as it retreated down a causeway, over three bridges and, finally, through the town of Mir, and was not completely destroyed! It had, however, suffered physically and morally.17 On 14 July, the 1st Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs (Konstanty Przebendowski) set off to pursue the fleeing enemy. They ejected the Cossacks from the village of Tcharnoluby, causing them significant casualties, and, their morale high, they then advanced all the way up to Romanov, on the road from Nesvizh to Slutsk. There they reached the enemy camp, from which several Cossack and line regiments issued out to surround them from all sides. They managed to break through the enemy lines, leaving behind a lot of dead on the field of battle, but having also inflicted considerable loss on the enemy too, and so covered themselves with glory. Major [Ludwik] Montrezor was wounded and taken captive along with some other officers. The loss of the entire regiment reached 240 people, including killed, injured, lost and captured. 16 Karol Turno commented that ‘The 3rd Lancers were sent in rescue of the 7th. Colonel Radziminski got carried away by the ardour of his troops and attacked the Cossacks. They fell back, but the colonel made the mistake of charging the Russian dragoons, forcing General Turno to send his brigade in.’ 17 Polish losses in the skirmish at Mir amounted to 80 officers and 500 soldiers killed and wounded, and seven officers and 750 soldiers taken prisoner, including lieutenant-colonels Wincenty Radzimiński and Jan Sumiński.

18  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

The battle of Mir on 9 and 10 July did not, however, teach General Latour-Maubourg how to handle cavalry whilst in the presence of the enemy. At Romanov the same errors were repeated. The 1st Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs was sent on reconnaissance some two miles ahead of the corps and without any support. When suddenly attacked by the enemy ambush, it had to fight its way back through the enemy for a mile and a half without resting. Of course, those who had a good horse cheated death. This regiment had been a fine one, numbering more than 700 horses, but it lost half of its men and was no longer active for the rest of the campaign. It was reformed in Smolensk and during the retreat of the Grand Army that autumn it would again return to the fray, but this time with just 500 horses.18 Romanov, too, had seen some hard fighting, as Captain Piotr Łagowski from the 2nd Regiment of Lancers saw when his unit encountered the rearguard of Bagration there: 14 July 1812 The division pushed on from Nesvish to Slutsk. The 1st Regiment of Chasseurs under the command of Colonel [Konstanty] Przebendowski and the 12th Regiment of Lancers under the command of [Colonel Gabriel] Rzyszczewski formed the vanguard. The brigade of General Hammerstein from the Westphalian (Army) and some Polish, Saxon and Westphalian artillery came along behind. The 28th Polish Light Cavalry Brigade [under General Dominik Dziewanowski, consisting the 2nd, 7th and 11th Regiments of Lancers] was behind them, then, at the end of the column came the 29th Brigade under [General Kazimierz] Turno consisting of three regiments of Lancers [the 3rd, 15th and 16th] and the cuirassiers. The entire column halted in the vast fields near the village of Tsimkovitche, close to the village of Konotopa. The Cossacks had burned the bridge at the river crossing so the light cavalry advanced through Konotopa, whilst the division of cuirassiers crossed the river to the left of the burned bridges. The 28th and 29th brigades reached Ratchkyevitche at half past four, our vanguard encountering just Hetman Platov’s Cossacks. 18 Klemens Kołaczkowski. Wspomnienia Jenerała Klemensa Kołaczkowskiego [Recollections of General Klemens Kołaczkowski]. Krakow, 1898.

Opening Shots  19

It became clear that General [Tadeusz] Tyszkiewicz, had underestimated the strength of the enemy,19 and reported to General Latour-Maubourg at Tsimkovitche, that he had observed around 500 Don Cossacks and asked whether he could attack them? The general consented. This erroneous report on the enemy forces would inflict heavy losses on us in killed, wounded and taken prisoner. Major Montrezor from the 1st Regiment of Chasseurs and three other officers were taken and reminded us of our defeat at the village of Pyasetchna [i.e. at Mir], something also caused by our carelessness. This skirmish took place on the road from Tsimkovitche to Romanov. Between the first and the second tavern, one squadron of our chasseurs attacked the Cossacks and seemed to beat them back. However, they became detached from the rest of the regiment and fell into an ambush in the forest, and then retreated, unable to resist the enemy attack. The rest of the regiment came to assist, but the loss of the squadron was already a fact.20 General LatourMaubourg then appeared with all the regiments of light cavalry, 19  The error resulted from the fact that after a significant part of General Tyszkiewicz’s brigade was sent out to Romanov, consisting of the 1st Regiment of the Mounted Chasseurs and a squadron of the 12th Lancers, but commanded by Colonel [Konstanty] Przebendowski, that officer then sent an officer to General Latour-Maubourg to ask whether having just four squadrons of chasseurs and a squadron of lancers, he should engage the enemy cavalry force of 5,000 horsemen. That officer, who was not very familiar with the French language, instead of saying cinq mille said cinq cent. As a result the order came for Colonel Przebendowski to attack the enemy, and the battle began. 20 In front of the village of Romanov, the first squadron of the 1st Regiment [of Mounted Chasseurs] halted on the road. It soon withstood the attack of the enemy in good spirits. The Cossacks withdrew slightly while waiting for the Polish assault, just as they usually do to draw the enemy towards a stronger detachment of their troops. Our chasseurs, instead of moving back to the two other squadrons in reserve and withdrawing together to Tsimkovitche, where the entire division of Latour-Maubourg waited, took on the entire strength of the enemy. The Cossacks and dragoons blended together into one huge mass and fell on our three squadrons. One can not fail to admit the true courage and strength of Colonel Przebendowski, as well as the chivalry of the regiment, but it did not lead to Polish victory, indeed it only served to inflict losses on the enemy at every step of their advance and to leave traces of severe fight as the fallen still clutched their weapons. The enemy enveloped us from all sides; this fighting was very fierce. The 3rd and the 4th squadron suffered the most. Of these two squadrons, very little remained. Major Montrezor was

20  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

three regiments of cuirassiers, two guns and a howitzer. He pursued the enemy up to Romanov, where Hetman Platov ordered the bridge burned and unmasked 18 guns, among them two 12-pounders. With this sudden advance General Latour-Maubourg discovered the strength of the rearguard of General Bagration. Both sides exchanged artillery fire for half an hour. On our side there were 18 wounded soldiers from the escort of the general, the enemy had 23 killed and an unknown number of wounded. General Latour-Maubourg was himself aiming the guns when the general [Aleksander Rożniecki] arrived, saying out loud to General Latour-Maubourg (or perhaps more to himself) to pull back from the road and open up from there. Latour-Maubourg turned to the general and said sarcastically: ‘Not so, dear general, I consider this place the best, because I can see the entire enemy line from it, but being grateful for your advice, general, I advise that you yourself take up the position that you are proposing for me.’ General Rożniecki obeyed without embarrassment and retreated back to the troops. General Latour-Maubourg, about whose courage and boldness there was never any doubt, was very gentlemanly, polite and had good manners. He looked at us, and recognized the embarrassment on our faces from the blunder of our general, and added: ‘An impatient cavalryman [meaning General Rożniecki] does not like to be idle, he always wants to advance or fall back.’ The retort, so delicate, was the result of his good manners; however, it did not persuade us to think the same. After some more firing, General Latour-Maubourg gave the order to retreat. The withdrawal of our division, consisting of cavalry and horse artillery regiments, was seen as perfect by every soldier. We were moving back slowly in echelons. 16 July At five that afternoon our army reached the town of Slutsk. Two squadrons from the 7th Regiment of Lancers chased those Cossacks away who had remained long enough to burn the bridges. From that day, the number of enemy troops decreased, because some of wounded and taken prisoner, another major-adjutant was killed, and, in all, there were 240 killed and wounded officers and soldiers.

Opening Shots  21

them had been sent against the corps of Marshal Davout who was pushing from Minsk to Borisov in pursuit of Bagration’s army. On that day the corps of Prince Poniatowski entered Romanov, too late indeed due to the sloth of the King of Westphalia, who, if he had been more active, could have cut Bagration’s escape route. Marshal Davout, not being able to bear the disorder and disobedience of the undisciplined soldiers tolerated by the king [Jerome Bonaparte], complained to the emperor, who by way of answer gave the marshal the order to take over the command of V, VII and VIII corps. The pride of the king was offended, he could not bear to remain under the marshal’s orders and then quit. He went unregretted by the soldiers who had fallen into bad habits contrary to their interests, but also by the Poles, who had more interest in an energetic advance.21 Colonel Rożniecki’s report to General Latour-Maubourg made the best of a bad lot: Mir, 11 July, early in the morning. In accordance with your orders, general, I advanced towards Nesvizh. I was attacked between Sivlec [Simakowo] and Khorodzieyeh, not only by all the troops of Platov, but also by the hussars of the Mariopolsk, Akhtyrsk and Sumsk regiments, and the dragoons of the Kiev Regiment. The battle raged from noon to the middle of the night. At midnight I left the battlefield. The 3rd and 16th regiments distinguished themselves by their courage, as did the other regiments. They all performed exceptionally. Only the bravery of the troops allowed us to hold the enemy back for such a long time, and the fighting was intense. I came under fire from 12 enemy guns and the strength of their cavalry greatly exceeded mine. In addition to the units under General Platov there were also those under General Ilovayski [V]. They had more Cossack regiments than I had squadrons. Even so, I did not lose any generals or senior officers. I managed to collect all the regiments afterwards and establish camp that night. Our soldiers had shown such courage during this encounter. 21 Piotr Łagowski. ‘Pamiętnik Piotra Łagowskiego o wojnie 1812 na Litwie’ (Piotr Łagowski’s Diary on the War of 1812 in Lithuania) in Ateneum Wileńskie, Rocznik XI, Vilnius, 1936.

22  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

This is not my first campaign, but here was the most intense cavalry battle I had ever seen. Part of the left wing fell into disarray and sought shelter in the town of Mir. There they received support (from the 1st Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs), and immediately counter-attacked and recovered their lost position. The Poles were not just fighting masses of Russians; they also had to deal with incompetent French generals and, on occasion, even fell out among themselves. Major Roman Wybranowski of the the 2nd Infantry Regiment describes how General Grabowski and Colonel Krukowiecki fell out on the road to Smolensk: The dispute was between General Grabowski and Colonel Krukowiecki, who were, in terms of character, poles apart. General Grabowski was a kindly man and a good Pole, whilst ambitious and devoted to the service, and had once been colonel of a regiment in which Colonel Krukowiecki commanded a battalion. Now he commanded a brigade in which Krukowiecki commanded a regiment. Krukowiecki, being formerly an officer in the Austrian service, had imbibed from them an exaggerated sense of his own military abilities, but he was also young, impulsive and very active, things which increased his tendency and desire to make a name for himself through disregarding his more senior colleagues. In 1806 General Grabowski assumed command of a regiment as a reward for his abilities and sacrifices, but Krukowiecki, as its youngest officer, thought himself safe to ignore him, triggering hostility between the pair. This aversion temporarily abated when Grabowski and Krukowiecki went their separate ways when the former was promoted to the rank of general, and the latter became a major in the 3rd Infantry Regiment. Only after the army was reorganized for the 1812 campaign did General Grabowski find himself commanding a brigade in which Colonel Krukowiecki commanded the 2nd Regiment, the most numerous, the best trained and the preferred infantry regiment of Prince Józef Poniatowski. In early June 1812, the regiments in General Kamieniecki’s division received orders to concentrate at the town of Pułtusk, where a camp was established by the Narew River. The King of Westphalia

Opening Shots  23

and Prince Poniatowski soon arrived at Pułtusk, too. After a few days of rest there, the division moved to Ostrołęka [Ostrolenka]. The army found the summer heat oppressive, so much that marching by night was preferable. After three days we reached Ostrołęka in the morning, and spent the whole day resting in the camp before, once again, commencing our march that evening. When the command to march was issued, the whole division was standing under arms. The 2nd Regiment, which, on account of its number was the most senior regiment, was therefore set at the head of the column, and was also to provide a company to the vanguard. General Grabowski, waiting on horseback in front of his brigade, gave the order that the first grenadier company should join the vanguard, but Colonel Krukowiecki had already appointed the first fusilier company, which had already moved off on hearing the order to march. The general, seeing that no grenadiers were going to the vanguard, and that his orders were apparently being ignored, and knowing from experience that Krukowiecki was inclined to insubordination, sent his adjutant with orders that the fusilier company should return to its place, and that the grenadier company should take their place, as per his previous orders. Colonel Krukowiecki, however, was determined to overrule the general, telling the adjutant that the first fusilier company and not the grenadier company had been designated for this role and that the general had no right to interfere with orders issued internally within his regiment. When the adjutant rode back and delivered Colonel Krukowiecki’s answer to the general, the offended officer again overruled the colonel’s order and angrily appeared before the 2nd Regiment, now loudly repeating the order in a loud voice. Colonel Krukowiecki began to argue, and a dispute broke out in front of the troops, an event so unprecedented and against all the norms of military behaviour, that General Kamieniecki was obliged to place himself between the warring parties. He ordered them to return to their places in the column and gave a clear order to Krukowiecki that the grenadier company would advance and join the vanguard. Colonel Krukowiecki was visibly angered, but he finally had to execute this direct order. The whole division now advanced towards Rajgrod. General Grabowski, the gentle but ambitious man, insulted by the tone of

24  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

Krukowiecki, whose impulsive character he knew only too well, saw in the colonel’s disobedience disrespect for his person, and so now sent General [Franciszek] Paszkowski to tell him that he challenged him to a duel. Colonel Krukowiecki an habitual and experienced duellist, accepted the challenge and asked General [Czesław] Pakosz to act as his second. The two seconds, both reasonable men, decided that it was neither the time nor the place (on the march and close to the enemy) to duel, and that a bad example would be given to the army if this duel were to be carried out. Besides, Prince Poniatowski would not be pleased. So they urged the duel to be postponed until after the first battle, assuming that if both emerged from the fray unharmed, then the duel could take place the following day, thinking that if it occurred before the actual battle, it would be a disadvantage for the whole army if one of the contestants was wounded or was killed. It was fitting to fulfil one’s duty first and only then to seek one’s satisfaction. Following this reasonable conclusion of generals Paszkowski and Pakosz, both offended parties had to agree, but as they marched along after the retreating enemy, both of them nourished a hatred for each other and both looked forward to the day when our army would fight a general battle with the enemy. In Grodno, whilst waiting for the King of Westphalia to recover, we missed the best opportunity to cut General Bagration’s corps off from the main Russian army. Napoleon, quite rightly angry about it, removed command from his brother, ordering him to return to his country, and handing over the corps to Prince Poniatowski with orders that he should try to put right this error. In order to attack Bagration from the other flank he then sent Marshal Davout with his corps to cut the enemy off from the Dnieper River. Quitting Grodno, we continued forced marches without resting, and despite our hurry, we reached Mohilev only to find that, instead of Bagration, Marshal Davout’s corps awaited us there. Although he had advanced earlier than us, and had only had to deal with the rearguard of Bagration, still the Russians had eluded him and Bagration had crossed the Dnieper successfully and joined the rest of the Russian Army. This concentration of both Russian armies essentially strengthened the enemy forces, and this experienced commander [Bagration]

Opening Shots  25

would later make a major contribution to the fierce battle at Mozhaisk [Borodino]. Napoleon had been keen to isolate his army and defeat him in a separate battle and later, referring to the mistake made by Jerome, he said: ‘this campaign has been prolonged by three years!’ Davout’s corps issued out from Mohilev whilst our corps was left to rest in this city and to collect the straggling soldiers. At the same time, Napoleon, having exhausted his men and unable to bring on the battle he so desired, was also forced to rest and observe the Russian movements, whilst working out how to carry out a masterful manoeuvre with which he could crush his enemy for once and for all.22 Disappointment gained ground but it soon had to give way to more fighting as the armies again clashed, this time at Ostrovno on 25 July 1812. It was again a battle dominated by swirling masses of cavalry. Marshal Joachim Murat, dashing general and King of Naples, described the battle to Napoleon: I ordered I Corps of the Cavalry Reserve and two battalions of the 8th Light Infantry to advance. They were to be followed by Delzons’ 13th Division. We came up against the enemy’s rearguard [under Ostermann-Tolstoy] about two leagues from Ostrovno. It was advantageously positioned behind a deep ravine, with a great mass of artillery, and having its front and flanks covered by thick woods. A little skirmishing took place on both sides and I then sent the infantry battalions to check the enemy’s infantry who were resisting our hussars. Delzons’ division then came up and the cavalry had nothing further to do. The Viceroy [Eugene, commanding IV Corps] made his arrangements, and we marched against the enemy and crossed the ravine. The foreign cavalry which lined the bank of the Dvina and protected our left now debouched in the plain. The rest of the light 22 Napoleon’s letter to Marshal Berthier, chief of the general staff, reveals his appreciation of the cardinal errors of his brother Jérôme in command of the right wing of the Grand Army: ‘Mon Cousin! Tell him that it would be impossible to manoeuvre in a worse way. I am very dissatisfied with the fact that he did not give the light troops to Poniatowski, and thus prevented him from damaging Bagration. Tell him that he robbed me of the fruits of my manoeuvres and the best opportunity that war can offer. And all this was because of his amazing inability to understand the elementary principles of art of war.’

26  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

troops advanced along the high road to the same degree as the enemy’s infantry retreated. The cuirassiers were left in reserve behind the ravine, and the horse batteries were readied. My right was covered by immense woods, and I also made use of numerous pioneers. The enemy was then driven back to his second position beyond the ravine, where their reserves were stationed. He then pushed us back into the ravine, and he was again repulsed. He drove us back a second time, and was on the point of taking our guns, which had become stuck in a defile through which they were passing in order to take up a position on the heights. Our left was repulsed, and the enemy made a bold movement on our right. The foreign brigade was on the point of breaking. In this state, nothing but a charge of cavalry would enable us to recover the situation; I attempted it. We advanced to meet the enemy’s infantry, which was marching boldly across the plain. The brave Poles [from the 15th Brigade of Light Cavalry under Colonel Niemojewski23] fell on the Russian battalions: not a man escaped, not a single prisoner was made; all were killed, not even the woods protected them from the sabres of our cavalry. All the enemy squares were broken by the charge. Just then, General Girardin, who was leading the battalions on the left, made a movement to the right, and advanced along the high road on the enemy’s rear. The troops on the right performed the same manoeuvre. General Piré supported them, charging at the head of the 8th [Regiment of] Hussars. The enemy was routed, and owed his safety only to the ravines which hindered our advance. The entire division followed the movement, the infantry advancing along the high road and the cavalry debouching on the heights. I gave orders to open up against five or six cavalry regiments that were positioned before us. It was then that Your Majesty reached me; you ordered me to pursue the enemy, and I drove him a league and a half beyond Witebsk. Antoni Rozwadowski, Lieutenant of the 8th Lancers Regiment of Prince Dominik Radziwiłł described this same battle from the Polish perspective: 23 General Józef Niemojewski (1769–1839), seriously wounded at the battle of Ostrovno, decorated with the Officer’s Cross of the French Legion of Honour and the Cross of Naples.

Opening Shots  27

When we returned to the left bank [of the Dvina] we were not given time to even shake the water off, but were immediately ordered forwards to attack. We rode in a gentle trot uphill by platoons, and there we saw the 16th Regiment of French Chasseurs à Cheval coming under heavy pressure from some Russian dragoons. They were already turning to flee in disarray, and the dragoons had already managed to surround the Neapolitan king [Murat] and his entourage. The Prince Colonel [Dominik Radziwiłł]24 ordered the regiment to form into line to attack. He did not wait, however, for the manoeuvre to be completed, but instead yelled out ‘advance, advance!’ Then giving free rein to his horse, and without turning to look at the regiment, he leapt forwards. When he reached the mass of enemy dragoons, he found himself instantly surrounded by a mass of riders and horses. They pushed against him, jostling each other in their desire to pull him from the horse, grabbing him by the epaulettes, by the shoulders, but because everyone was so tightly packed nobody could use their weapons. At this critical moment, the regiment came up and its massed ranks crashed through the dragoons and threw them to one side, thereby instantly liberating our colonel and the Neapolitan king. Then we set off in pursuit of the fleeing enemy soldiers. These were from a regiment of Russian dragoons, good soldiers on excellent horses, but, even so, we took many prisoners, perhaps more than 300 soldiers, a dozen officers and two staff officers. Following our appearance on the battlefield, the Russians began to retreat and positioned themselves behind the small town of

24  Prince Dominik Hieronim Radziwiłł (1786–1813) was a Polish-Lithuanian nobleman. He was the 11th ordinate of Nesvizh and Olyka, a colonel of Polish troops, the owner of estates at Birże, Dubinki, Słuck and Kopyl, the eighth lord of Biała. In 1810, he joined the army of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw as a colonel, commanding the 8th Lancers. Then the czar, under the pretext of non-payment of a loan, confiscated his properties in the Russian part of Poland. He took part in Napoleon’s expedition of 1812, participating in the battle of Smolensk where he received the Legion of Honour. In October 1812, he became the major of the 1st Regiment of Lancers of the Imperial Guard. For courage during the campaign of 1813 he was awarded the Order of Saint Hubert. He died of wounds after the battle of Hanau.

28  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

Ostrovno where we camped for the night, we on one side of the town and they on the other.25 Lieutenant Konstanty Janta’s recollection of the battle was more matter-of-fact: 25 July. The emperor’s headquarters were established in Bieszeńkowice [Beshenkovitze], the town of the young Count Chodkiewicz. It lies on the Daugava [Dvina] River. It has a beautiful and newly built palace by the same owner who also designed a tasteful garden and several brick houses. On 23 July there was a brisk skirmish in the area between the French and Russian vanguards, in which the 8th Polish Cavalry Regiment [of Colonel Dominik Radziwiłł] fought with distinction. 27 July. We marched to the town of Ostrovno, where we came across a lively encounter. The Russians suffered heavily in this contest. Their losses of up to 1,000 killed and 2,000 wounded prove this. They fought bravely and they also inflicted some losses on us. Seven guns and 500 prisoners were taken from them. On that day, 25 Antoni Rozwadowski. Pamiętnik [Memoirs], Biblioteka Zakładu im. Ossolińskich, rkps nr.7994. The Russian Ilya Radozhitskiy, lieutenant of the 3rd Light Company of the 11th Artillery Brigade of VI Corps recalled the battle of Ostrovno and the Polish Prince Dominik Radziwiłł: ‘Our company suffered considerable losses in this battle: we lost up to 60 gunners and some 30 horses; four cannons and their limbers and wheels damaged; one officer was captured and three wounded. Yet it survived two cavalry attacks and crossfire from several enemy batteries. The Polish lancers under Prince Radziwill caused us much harm but the prince himself was wounded during the attack when he was hit in the leg by our canister. On the eve of the war, when we were quartered in Nesvizh, the prince had been a frequent visitor to our camp, attending our firing exercises, touring our camp or drinking with our company commanders. We even visited his estate to attend two magnificent balls that he was throwing. Who would have thought that circumstances would drive us apart, turn us into enemies and compel us to inflict such harm on each other? During the first encounter of the two warring armies, it just so happened that our Guard cavalry engaged Napoleon’s Guard cavalry, that the Russian IV Corps fought the French IV Corps and that Prince Radziwill charged with his lancers through the canister of our artillery that used to host him in Nesvizh. What strange coincidences!’    Ilya Radozhitskiy. Pokhodnye zapiski artillerista s 1812 po 1816 god. Moscow, 1835, [trans. A. Mikaberidze, 2011].

Opening Shots  29

the corps of engineers suffered a great loss when the well-known Colonel Liedôt was hit whilst on reconnaissance by a musket shot. The fighting was hard, but so was the marching. Indeed, existence itself was a test. The Russians had made sure to destroy or remove food as they fell back, and the French advance had outstripped their supplies and resources. The result was that the French attempted to live off the land. This had unfortunate consequences for discipline, and also stoked the hostility of the population towards those who thought they were the liberators. Colonel Stanisław Małachowski, commander of the 14th (Polish) Regiment of Cuirassiers, describes the hardships his men endured, and hints at the devastation they caused between Grodno and Smolensk: The enemy, having decided on an interminable retreat, burned everything along the route we were supposed to follow and forced the population to leave their homes, with the result that from the moment we crossed the Niemen there was no longer any food or forage for the horses. This shortage was keenly felt but even the wells were filled with sand, so that we were forced to collect water for drinking and cooking from ponds and puddles. Necessity also meant that we had to send small detachments to the nearby villages, and these, finding empty huts and manor houses, destroyed them only bringing away whatever was worth taking. This activity ruined the soldiers’ discipline, and I was happy that I managed to save two manor houses from being pillaged. I was fortunate that I could stop the horribly undisciplined Westphalians, the worst in the whole army, from pillaging, but later, seeing that we had nothing with which to feed the horses, I tolerated similar acts of theft, just because people who had seen examples of such excess could no longer be held back. My men differed only from the others in that they did not commit arson or destroy the contents of houses and homes, and I must add to their credit that, apart from food, they took very little else. Our corps was under the orders of General Latour-Maubourg, but it was in great disarray, even though the general himself, dubbed the Général sans peur et sans reproche by the Spaniards, issued strict orders not to harm local population.

30  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

However, it was impossible to prevent such an evil. We ourselves destroyed any hope of assistance from the population. They, fearing the revenge of the fleeing enemy, and not seeing any difference between the actions of those who had promised him liberty and freedom and those of his enemies, ran away from us, and avoided us to such an extent that we passed through the villages as though through the wild steppe, that is without encountering any human beings. Tales of rape, which we did apparently carry out, preceded our advance. And fear, guided by the opinion of the prejudiced, increased the hatred. Indeed, we were hardly portrayed worse than we were to behave in reality. When we crossed the Dnieper River, the inhabitants removed their possessions, food and other property and sought sanctuary in the deep forests, where they hid themselves with their weapons. Hunger, which made itself felt more and more, led us to their forest abode and we sent in troops with loaded weapons to scare them away. The peasants escaped the dreaded muskets by running deeper into the forests, whilst the terrified women, holding their children to their breasts, came out and shouted: “Do not kill us, go only a dozen steps further on and you will find food! Similar raids for food and the forced marches that we made to catch up with the Grand Army exhausted our men so much that when we came together and stood in one line, each regiment had less than half their effectives and horses. We were marching up to 11 [Polish] miles a day, could not rest even at night and we often had to remain mounted for 36 hours. We endured this for three months without ever having to face the enemy.26 Many soldiers experienced the same fate. Little fighting, but a great deal of exhaustion and constant hunger. In early July Heinrich von Brandt had commented that: Since the campaign began, the soldiers of Claparède’s division had not laid eyes on a single enemy apart from a few fleeting bands of Cossacks on the horizon. But the ceaseless marching, the bad weather, the lack of food and the ill effects of seeing all the pillaging, had already had disastrous consequences. By Minsk each 26 Stanisław Małachowski. Pamiętnik [Memoirs]. Poznań, 1885.

Opening Shots  31

company had been reduced by at least 25 men. Normally it would have taken two battles to have reduced our strength so. Having outstripped their supplies, such as they were, the troops fell back on the time-honoured but counter-productive technique of living off the land. Lieutenant Michał Jackowski, artillery officer in the 7th Infantry Regiment, described the unrewarding task of confiscation of the food and forage from the local population during forced marches to Smolensk: I witnessed scenes of chaos in White Russia [Belarus]. Everywhere the French confiscated not only food, but treated the property of the Poles the same way as that of the enemy. It was no wonder that the local Poles hated them and that we, as their allies, were not really liked either. In the small town of Sienno in Belarus, one noblewoman expressed this disgust to several of our officers telling them that ‘the Muscovites are far more polite than you gentlemen’. During the forced march to Smolensk, we lost a lot of the young and inexperienced soldiers due to the great fatigues we underwent, and many of them had to be left in the field hospitals. Once I sent Second Lieutenant [Jakub] Obalski from the battery under my command with a train of wagons to within two miles of Smolensk so that he could find forage and with instruction to wait there for further orders. The village in which he found himself was called Klementov. In order to see for myself the organization of the place and for the inspection of our troops, I later travelled over to this place in a small cart harnessed with a pair of good horses. A soldier was driving us, and besides a pair of pistols and a sword, we also had a carbine with us, because then the artillerymen carried these shorter muskets. Two villages of the same name were located close to each other, but I failed to find the one with the men of Lieutenant Obalski. As we wandered about looking for them, I noticed a village near the forest containing up to 30 very decent houses, and nearby, maybe 200 yards further along, I met an old man on the road supporting himself with a stick. When I got to him, I spoke to him in Russian: ‘Praised be Jesus Christ, zdarov starik!’ [good health, old man!]. To which, with his face lighting up, he replied: ‘Na veki!’ [for ever!].

32  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

I asked about the village of Klementov, simultaneously holding out my canteen with brandy, and the three of us drank with the old man immediately having another swig when we bade him to do so in a friendly manner. Just then, our cart was surrounded by dozens of peasants, and my frightened soldier said: ‘we are done for’. But the old man immediately shouted out in a loud voice: ‘rebyata nazad! V svoye myesta! Eto nash khrestyanin!’ [Boys, go back home! He’s also a Christian!]. At the sound of his voice they all left, and the old man, embracing me said: ‘Budtye zdarovy, poyezhdzhay khdye tobye ugodno y ne gavory o nas, odnak dam tebya zawohu, aby moya rebyata tyebye ne zabywa, azh do Klementova on vas odvyedzyot’ [Be healthy, go where you need and do not mention us here, but I will give you a man so that my boys will not kill you, and he will go with you up to Klementov]. Having spoken, he called for the youth who was to accompany us in our cart in order to guide us to Klementov. We said goodbye to the old man and departed. We had gone less than a mile when our youth, seeing four people in the forest, jumped off the cart and said: ‘Poyezhdzhayti zdarovo pryamo, a za lesom Klementov syeychas’. [Drive straight forward and Klementov is just beyond the forest]. In fact, we soon reached Klementov, and there I found Second Lieutenant Obalski. The favour this old man had shown us was not so much for having given him some brandy, but due to the friendly way we had treated him, and, above all, due to my use of a religious greeting in his own language. You see, the Russians hated the French, once on account of their robberies, which during the passage of a huge army could not be avoided, but secondly because they considered them pagans, as people without religion. This is at least what their government had told them and what their clergy had preached to the population. We, as French allies, were taken to be the same as them. When it came to pass that a Pole spoke to them humanely, respectfully and intelligibly, the amazement of the Russians was all the more pronounced on account of them being so surprised. Lieutenant Obalski gave me a similar example of trust, which he himself experienced, and for the same reason, in Klementov. The Othodox priest did not want to give allow the peasants to marry, postponing the service until the end of the war. The peasants went to the

Opening Shots  33

lieutenant with the request that he should issue an order to the priest to perform the required sacraments of matrimony. Lieutenant Obalski used his influence most effectively, and for this the peasants became fond of him and eagerly supplied him with everything he needed. Despite such favours, I thought it was wise to recall this unit as it was a little too exposed to danger, and that same evening I marched towards Smolensk, reporting the entire incident to our Colonel [Paweł] Tremo. General Gérard praised my conduct. I was immediately given an infantry company and sent behind the Dnieper River to look for food and forage. Reaching one village, I ordered our men to capture a peasant and remembering the effectiveness of the good deed and the old man, I also spoke to him in Russian: ‘My brother, we are not doing this of our own free will, but because we must do what the senior officers have ordered us to do and they must feed the army. I have been told to take away what I can find in terms of food and forage in your village. I will not do it, because you and your families must live, but there are 60 properties here. I am asking you as a Christian; give only one ox, two sheep, one horse, and oats and hay, whatever you can from each property.’ My demand was not excessive, because the village was prosperous and I knew that every landholder kept a good estate, although much had been sent into the forest. The peasant kneeled in front of me and addressing me as ‘kormilec’ [patron] he replied: ‘God has sent us our first good man. I understand that you must obey the order, I will arrange everything with my neighbours, and we shall give you what you want. Our army acted differently to us, but you come as a friend, you do not rob, do not take. We do not have anything here in the village, but in two hours we will bring what we can, and we will drive the cattle and horses over the Dnieper. Trust me, as I trust you, and if I do not keep my word, you will come and burn the village, but please, do not tell anyone else that we have cattle and horses in the forest, and try to make it clear to your officers that we cannot do more than this because it would be difficult for us to survive, and that there are villages other than ours.’ I crossed the Dnieper with my detachment and I waited more than two hours. I had just begun to doubt the sincerity of this peasant when I saw 30 two-horse carts, 60 cattle, 100 sheep and 10

34  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

pigs. There were 120 sacks of oat on each cart. The same peasant escorted the convoy and asked for a receipt. The officer in charge of the nearest battalion [of the 7th Infantry Regiment], Captain [Jakub] Truszkowski was watching as I prepared the receipt for the peasant. He demanded three horses from me, which I refused to provide, because the horses were for the ammunition train. Angered by my answer, Truszkowski said: ‘That is why you did not bring more, because you were bribed to be kind’. I replied indignantly: ‘Dear Sir, I was not in Spain, where many committed robberies [this sarcasm referred to the fact that Captain Truszkowski had served in Spain], but I prefer not to be vulgar and I shall return to this accusation later on.’ The Russian peasant, standing by us, obviously understood what we were saying, and spoke, saying: ‘Yeneral, tot chesny ofitzer, ne zhewaw od nas dzyenyok, tolki to, chto tu yes’ [General, he is an honest officer, he did not want money from us, only asking for what was provided here.]. But Captain Truszkowski exclaimed: ‘Seize that man, and we will get more of everything.’ Having heard this order, the Russian leader, not waiting for his receipt, fled to the nearest forest and the other peasants ran away after him, leaving their carts and the cattle. I had everything sent on and reported to my colonel about Truszkowski, asking for a court-martial and asking that he would never send me to carry out a similar task again.27 Captain Ignacy Lubowiecki, of the 4th Regiment of Polish Chasseurs à Cheval, was also sent out with a small detachment. He describes how his light cavalry became involved in a small war with detachments from Bagration’s corps and those of generals Hertel and Ignatiev around the fortress of Bobruisk. These battles have not made it into the history books, but they took a toll on both sides: In the small town of Rokhatchev on the Dnieper, located on the main road which runs from the fortress to this river, there was a huge square which we intended to surround at night in order to ambush the squadron of Cossacks camping there. The square had few exits, but my troops designated for the attack were not able to entirely block one of them due to some swamps, ditches and fences. 27 Michał Jackowski. Pamiętniki polskie [Polish Memoirs], vol I. Paris, 1844.

Opening Shots  35

In the event, the enemy made us of this exit to escape. Even so, the Cossacks fled in such disorder that, in addition to several prisoners, they also abandoned a dozen or so horses, carts and their entire camp in which we found substantial supplies of food. However, I achieved my mission in the sense that our attack [on 2 August] obliged all the Cossacks to cross to the right side of the Dnieper, and communication between the two enemy corps [Bagration and Hertel] and the fortress of Bobruisk was completely severed. However, it was far more difficult to maintain this advantage, for I was warned that both generals [Teodor] Hertel and [Gabriel] Ignatiev had already despatched several battalions of Jägers against my tiny forces (four squadrons of chasseurs and four companies of voltigeurs from the 14th Infantry Regiment). A few eminent citizens of Rokhatchev informed me about the danger in which I would find myself, and advised me that I should start my retreat at once. But I decided not to fall back, instead I determined to advance a few miles, and go where the enemy least expected. By doing so I gained time for help to be sent in my direction. I asked the citizens to lend me some people to light numerous campfires, as though for large bodies of troops. They asked me for, and I was happy to give, an official order to do so on pain of death. Amongst the noble citizens of the town there were many distinguished by their wisdom and patriotism, including the former Polish General [Michał] Kirkor, once adjutant of the late King Stanisław August Poniatowski, Mr  Juchnowski, who ran the estate of Prince Alexander Sapieha at Stary Bychow [Old Bykhov], and other noblemen, as well as the generous burghers [of Rohatchev, Old and New Bykhov] and villagers of the neighbouring district along the Dnieper.28 Amid the foraging and fighting, Smolensk loomed as the next objective, the great hope, where the French could find shelter and food and which could be used as a base to advance from once they were quite recovered. For the Poles, the city was of especial significance. It formed the frontier between what they viewed as Greater Poland and old Russia, a city which had been besieged by them in the seventeenth century during a previous bout of Polish expansion. That nostalgia for land and conquest had been revived as the Poles marched 28 Ignacy Lubowiecki. Pamiętniki [Memoirs]. Warsaw, 1997.

36  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

eastwards. The sight of the city had especial meaning for Napoleon’s Polish contingent. Dezydery Chłapowski, commanding a squadron in the Polish Guard Lancers (more properly the 1st Regiment of Chevau-Légers Lanciers of the Imperial Guard), was to the fore and watched the opening phase of this new attempt to seize the city: The city of Smolensk lies on the left bank of the Dnieper. Our army spread out along its banks with its right wing formed by the V Polish Corps. The emperor’s tents were set up right at the front with the entire Guard drawn up behind. From the imperial tent, Smolensk could be seen in its entirely, surrounded by walls and towers on which Russian infantry and artillery could be observed. A mass of Cossacks milled around before the city walls. Between the French lines and the walls of the city there was a deep gorge, in which the Cossacks took shelter. Being on duty that day, I received an order from the emperor to advance and to flush the Cossacks out from this gorge to then enable him to approach and reconnoitre the walls. He mounted his horse and rode right behind my squadron. When we descended into the gorge, the Cossacks fell back. Emerging from the valley on to the other side closer to the city, I halted the squadron, sensing that the Russians would open fire from the walls. In fact, they immediately did so, sending us a few shells, one of which landed right in the middle of the squadron. A few wounded horses went down, and our line was discomforted, presenting the Cossacks with their opportunity to attack. They fell on us so quickly that in an instant one of them was bearing down at me with his lance. I tried to parry it with my sabre, but did not quite succeed. Instead, the lance sliced down my horse’s face grazing it from the ears to the nostrils. Captain Skarżyński successfully beat off the Cossacks. Cossack lances are too long, so they are not as versatile in their hands as they are in the hands of our soldiers. The squadron set off in pursuit and forced the Cossacks to take shelter under the walls. The emperor had seen enough and turned back, immediately ordering the attack. Despite the intense enemy fire the Polish infantry bravely advanced to the walls, but, as there was no breach, there was no way for them to break into the city and they lost many people. It was there that our General Chłopicki was also injured in the leg.

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On the left flank, the French infantry launched a few attacks, but they could not push beyond the walls, either. I do not understand why the emperor did not establish a battery to enable these attacks, which lasted until the evening, to succeed.29 Lieutenant Konstanty Janta, attached to the engineers, goes into more detail concerning this initial assault on the white walls of Smolensk: 14 August. There was a battle about 4 miles from Krasnoe. The Russians lost six guns and 700 prisoners. We spent the night in the woods. 16 August. We spent part of the night camped in a field, and we set off at midnight. From then until five that morning we pushed through various dikes and ravines, until we were only a mile from Smolensk. I could not understand why the Russians had not attempted to defend these positions. At six that morning we drew up opposite Smolensk where the vanguard was already in action. That’s when I finally saw the city so famous in our history and which had cost us so much blood. We saw the Russian army deployed along the heights in front of the city. The emperor ordered that they be driven in and they soon withdrew to the sunken road. Then the Smolensk garrison was summoned to surrender, but when they refused, the city started to be bombarded at nine o’clock that morning. My general was assigned by the emperor to command a 12-pound battery, and this inflicted significant damage on the enemy. Then, seeing the importance of the ravines which, to some degree, protected the walls, he had me lead a battalion of the 8th Infantry Regiment [of Colonel Kajetan Stuart] along the valley of the Ratchenka stream towards the easternmost suburb [Ratchenskoe] which we would have to seize. This battalion (under [Lieutenant Colonel Ignacy] Suchodolski) accomplished this mission with great valour and speed and came back having sustained insignificant losses. On the left wing, the French division of General [Louis] Friant [from the I Corps of Marshal Davout] and some Polish troops 29  Jenerał Dezydery Chłapowski. Pamiętniki [Memoirs], vol I (1806-1813). Poznań, 1899.

38  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

under the command of Prince Poniatowski, who was directing his troops from horseback just a quarter of a cannon shot from the city walls, also advanced but could not scale or pass beyond them for want of a breach. For this reason, General [Kirgener] and I came forwards to find the most favourable point for such an opening. However, when it became clear that they were two fathoms [i.e. 3.5 metres] thick and that any such breach would be a slow process, then our attacks were re-directed towards the redoubt to the west. I was an eyewitness of how General Friant, who was praised beautifully in the imperial bulletins describing the battle for Smolensk, hesitated at joining our soldiers as they attacked the walls [between Molohovskaya and Nikolskaya Gates] and how he insisted that a breach be opened with artillery before such an assault was made. Such hesitation meant that up to 30,000 Russians slipped away and escaped over the Dnieper, and these, having set fire to and burned the stores, left the city and destroyed the bridges behind them. General Friant postponed the attack until four in the morning, and this proved successful as there was no longer anyone in the city. Major Roman Wybranowski of the 2nd Infantry Regiment relates his initial enthusiasm at the sight of the city, and the incidents which soon diminished that early optimism: After a week’s rest, the entire Grand Army resumed its march towards Smolensk, and our corps accompanied the main body, forming part of the right wing. At Krasnoe, a few miles from Smolensk, we crossed a battlefield where many Russians from Rajevski’s division had fallen. It was here that we learned that Napoleon was in the vicinity of Smolensk. We were delighted that we would soon see this hero and would fight under his eyes and under his orders. We felt new energy flowing through our veins and felt sure that good fortune and victory were on our side. We slept in a camp near a village close to Smolensk, and on the afternoon of the following day, it was on 15 August, Napoleon’s birthday, we approached the city. Napoleon, aware we had arrived, appeared before us on horseback and surrounded by a large entourage. We were fortunate to be paraded before him, and, as we

Opening Shots  39

did so, we felt ourselves truly invincible. He was sitting on a grey horse, a mount beautifully groomed and docked in the English manner, and had on a bright, pearl-coloured riding coat over the green uniform of the chasseurs, with a small star to one side, and white trousers, long boots and a bicorn on his head. The face was pleasant, the eyes were sharp, and the features bore such a powerful expression, suggestive of intense thought, that it was difficult not to be positively impressed when looking upon him! He was not one of those chiefs who smiled at the troops, seeking to delude the soldiers and win their good-favour, and at once revealing empty vanity and false pretences. No, it was immediately apparent that Napoleon was an extraordinary man and one who could inspire everyone to believe him to be so with just one glance. After being reviewed by Napoleon we were marched off to our encampment. There were detachments of cavalry in front of us and covering us, but, beyond them, we could see the walls of the city of Smolensk and the domes of numerous churches. Some intense musketry, punctuated by occasional blasts from the artillery, emanated from the far side of the city where the corps under Marshal Davout was advancing on the city and trying to surround it. We were immediately issued some rations and prepared our muskets and knapsacks so we were ready for action the following morning. Everyone greeted these orders with joy. That evening we talked of nothing else but how we would defeat the enemy tomorrow and where we would attack the town. We all went to sleep quite late. It was barely dawn when we broke camp. Some began to load their muskets or check their flints, whilst others began to light fires and cook the food which would have to last us for the entire day. As the first sunrays fell on us the voltigeur companies of all our regiments were ordered to advance beneath the city walls and to flush the enemy out from the suburbs [Nikolskoe and Ratchenskoe]. The companies of the 2nd Regiment lead by captains [Stanisław] Trębicki, [Józef] Kępiński and [Karol] Zieliński immediately obeyed these orders whilst the rest of the infantry awaited additional orders. At around nine that morning we spied columns of dust from the place where Imperial Headquarters was positioned and, soon after, an adjutant galloped over and informed us that the

40  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

emperor was approaching. The cavalry immediately mounted, the guns were limbered and the infantry presented arms. The emperor arrived. Behind him swept a vast train of marshals, generals of various ranks and kinds, and aides-de-camp. Everyone was embellished with glittering lace and adorned with plumes, and only the emperor was dressed modestly, as he had been the day before. The entire corps cheered his arrival, and, after passing slowly along our front, he had Prince Poniatowski order that the infantry follow him. It is difficult to describe the enthusiasm we felt when we saw this hero at our head, personally leading us to battle. Each one of us felt as though we would be able to fly like a bird over the walls of Smolensk. Such was the powerful charm the mere presence of this man exerted over the soldiers. We immediately followed the emperor in column and waited as he inspected the other units in our corps. Then we advanced against the walls of Smolensk. We heard volleys of muskets and the distant roar of cannon. The French army, as well as our skirmishers, was already exchanging fire with the enemy. That enemy could only be seen on the other side of the bridges which lead from the town to the other side of the Dnieper. They [Rayevski’s division] could also be seen streaming out from the citadel and crossing to the right bank of the river [to the Petersburgskoe Suburb]. Suddenly Napoleon appeared before us again, and ordered the heads of the columns to deploy before riding at the head of the 1st Battalion of the 2nd Infantry Regiment against the houses of the eastern town suburb [Ratchenskoe], all the while under the cover of our artillery bombardment. After a while he reined his horse in and had Prince Poniatowski push across the masonry bridge from the suburbs [over the Ratchenka brook], and then advance against the main bridges across the Dnieper. He specifically drew our attention to the old gate in the city walls formerly known as the Zygmuntowski Wyłom [King Sigismund’s Breach], which, being probably not as well fortified as the other positions, might allow us access to the city. After issuing these orders, he disappeared like lightning and rode off in another direction. He left us with a difficult mission. All the Polish regiments had reached their allotted positions; indeed, some had already advanced whilst the rest waited in column to support those which had gone before. Then Prince

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Poniatowski sent his adjutant, Captain [Ludwik] Kicki, with a Russian deserter to the commander of the 2nd Regiment which had been designated to lead our assault. This soldier, familiar with all the roads in the city, was to indicate the best way forward with Captain Kicki. The latter was a brave, active young officer and he now stood before the 2nd Regiment alongside General Grabowski and Colonel Krukowiecki. The captain relayed the order of Prince Poniatowski, and indicated that he would now guide the regiment along the road and into the attack. Colonel Krukowiecki was impatient and wished to distinguish himself, so he ordered the regiment to move forward. But General Grabowski shouted: ‘Colonel, Sir, you have forgotten that I am leading these troops and so you should not have this regiment advance without my command, besides I wish to lead it into action!’ As a result both officers set off at the head of the unit, running ahead in the search for the celebrated breach, and we soon began to pass down a wide road which leads from the surrounding hills and into the suburb. It was there that we were met by a hail of bullets as the enemy infantry and artillery opened up against us from both sides, from the city walls, from the suburban houses, and from the other side of the Dnieper River, too. Our soldiers began to fall, but both our commanders, competing against each other, had run ahead in order to show that they were not afraid of death. Eventually, when the screaming of the wounded and the dying became too much, they awoke from their trance and realised that they would have to deploy those troops under their command and to direct them. They therefore sent the 2nd Battalion under the command of Captain [Ludwik] Bogusławski to the banks of Dnieper to suppress the volleys of enemy musketry coming from the other side of the river, while the 3rd Battalion, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel [Ludwik] Gaward, was ordered to proceed along the banks and as far as the bridges in order to prevent the enemy from making mischief there. As soon as these two battalions had moved off to their designated positions, General Grabowski and Colonel Krukowiecki ordered

42  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

the 1st Battalion to immediately march against the Zygmuntowski Breach, as they were confident that they would thereby enter the city, and both of them wanted to be first through the walls. We still had some way to go as we passed through the [Ratchenskoe] suburb; but our guide then suddenly indicated that we should go left into a narrow street which would take us to the breach. We marched along the indicated street, with the general, the colonel and Adjutant Kicki still at our head, closely followed by Captain [Jan] Hiż and myself, acting as the regimental adjutant. The impressive grenadier company of Captain Rajnicki was immediately behind us, and behind them came the four fusilier companies. Enemy bullets were still plucking men from the ranks, but we pressed on ahead, preoccupied with the thought of entering the city as soon as possible. The street along which we marched then began to curve and as we came around the corner we suddenly saw the city walls and what had once been a breach but which was now blocked up with wooden logs. In front of this barricade stood a strong column of enemy infantry and a battery of two guns. The general, as soon as he caught sight of this enemy, shouted out: ‘Follow me, grenadiers! With the bayonet!’, and he charged forwards against the enemy with his aides-de-camp and the troops to hand. The colonel, however, had a volley fired before advancing against the enemy column. The Russians replied at once with canister and opened up with their muskets. The grenadier company advancing with fixed bayonets was met by this hail of bullets and hesitated, but its officers closed their ranks, and lead them forwards again. Clouds of powder smoke shut out the daylight and we could barely see, only loud cries of hourrah could be heard. Then, when the smoke cleared, we saw the general lying dead30 with his aide beside him. Colonel Krukowiecki had been wounded in the hand and side by musket fire; Captain Hiż was hit in the hand; Captain Rajnicki was mortally wounded in the side; 30 The commander of the 4th Russian Infantry Division, General Eugen von Würtemberg, wrote in his recollections of the battle that he recognized the naked body of General Grabowski during the Russian counterattack at Ratchenka. His corpse was taken to the fortress by the Russians but not found after the siege.

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Lieutenant Hube in the leg; Captain [Tomasz] Konarski in the hand; and Lieutenant Prek in the back. More than a dozen of soldiers were on the ground. By some good fortune only myself and Kicki, placed at the head of these grenadiers, had escaped unscathed. The enemy, seeing we had suffered heavy casualties and thinking that, without our general and colonel to lead us, there was a chance that we might be taken prisoner, now advanced against us. I, being the most senior officer left in the unit, saw the need to prevent the wounded colonel and the other fallen officers from falling into enemy hands, so I rallied the troops and formed them to meet the advancing enemy. I had them pulled back a little and sent the wounded back, whilst I beat the enemy off with a few sound volleys, so much that he did not dare try anything again for some time afterwards. Only when some fresh reinforcements from within the town appeared, and when these were directed against our front and flanks, were we obliged to fall back on the 16th Infantry Regiment commanded by Prince Konstanty Czartoryski. Uniting with this regiment, I then advanced and we pushed the enemy back once more to the city walls, causing him serious losses in dead and wounded. We would have taken many prisoners, but the enemy tried to cover his retreat by setting fire to the houses, and thus many of the wounded from both sides were burned in this shameful and wicked manner. This is how the strange feud between two valiant and extraordinary officers, General [Michał] Grabowski and Colonel [Jan] Krukowiecki, ended. The first one died before his time, albeit valiantly, and the other, whose wounds took much time to heal, was inactive throughout the campaign of 1812. If they had not harboured a grudge, perhaps they would have served the cause better and the assault on Smolensk might have worked, but because of their desire for revenge and their mutual loathing they were oblivious to the men they were leading into battle. Major Maciej Rybiński of the 15th Polish Infantry Regiment was also involved in the assault against the eastern sector of Smolensk on 17 and 18 August 1812:

44  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

17 August was a bright and sunny day. Our uniforms had been scrubbed clean and were as presentable as possible, and we went forward in full uniform as though for a parade. The day of battle is always a solemn one for a soldier whether his fate would be to be killed or to be victorious. As the Polish infantry were drawn up for the attack they were presented with the marvellous spectacle of the French cavalry, under the Neapolitan king, manoeuvring before the walls of the city. The French light and heavy cavalry were formed up in dense columns of cuirassiers, dragoons, hussars, chasseurs, and the rays of the sun were beautifully reflected from their helmets, armour and brilliant uniforms. At eleven that morning, General [Józef] Zajączek led his 16th Division forwards in the attack and our 15th Infantry Regiment was to the fore. The Emperor Napoleon, along with his French entourage, was observing our attack. As we went forwards the city walls came to life, raining fire down upon us. The Polish regiments, without returning this fire, hurried towards the walls, crossing the uneven ground and deep ravines as they did so. Before the assault I had summoned the captains of my battalion and instructed everyone as to what we would do. When we drew close to the Russians I had the voltigeurs of brave Captain Emilian Węgierski sent out to shoot at the enemy on the walls, covering us as we sought out a way to break into the gardens with the other companies. Just as we left the ravines, General Zajączek was badly wounded beneath the city walls and the commander of my regiment, Colonel [Kacper] Miaskowski, was also brought down with his horse. I observed that there was an opening in the walls and a passageway leading to the moat called the poterna, therefore I directed our charge in that direction. I was already through it, when, at this crucial moment, Major [Alojzy] Biernacki of the 1st Battalion shouted: ‘lead platoon to the left’, what meant that the soldiers would swerve to follow them. Unfortunately there was a deep ditch in this direction, but the troops executed this change of direction and now my 2nd Battalion was split between the passageway and the death-trap of the ditch and in the former we were fighting the Russians handto-hand with musket butts and bayonets. However, these faulty

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orders had ruined our chances. When it became obvious that it was impossible to break through to the fortress because the walls were too high and there were no ladders, and we were increasingly surrounded with dead bodies and dying soldiers, I reformed the battalion back in the ravine and from there opened up a continuous fire against the enemy. Meanwhile, several French battalions attacked from both sides at once. The Russians defended themselves bravely and their artillery, firing from beyond the Dnieper, did us great harm, hitting our formations obliquely. Therefore Napoleon had the commander of the French artillery, General Drouot, establish a huge battery of 60 guns to open fire against the Russian artillery. Soon they were discomforted and forced back from that position. The hail of bullets came continuously from both sides: from the walls and by us in return as we surrounded the entire city. Night was a long time coming. The Russians attempted several sorties, but we beat these back from our ravine. The commander of our 3rd Battalion [Michał] Mycielski, being the senior officer, advised me to fall back and then came to me in person with the order to retreat. The soldiers of the 1st and his battalion started to do so, but I told him: ‘Go back, Lieutenant Colonel, if you wish, but I shall not.’ He retreated with these battalions. Just before two that morning I went forward again to the poterna, leading my battalion, evicting the Russians from their defences and breaking through the gate to the left. The Russians were already in full retreat as we entered the city and started to run through the streets and take prisoners. Not long after, Marshal Davout ordered the Poles to halt and give way to the French. Thus he entered the citadel with his men. Our 15th Regiment had lost 19 officers and 800 men. But it had forced its way into the city with fixed bayonets. A few days after the battle, Napoleon ordered a review of our regiments. When he came before the regiment with his vast retinue, he halted and dismounted. He summoned me, made me Chevalier de l’Empire, and decorated me with the Cross of the Legion of Honour. Although I was not the most senior officer of the regiment, Prince Poniatowski had selected me for this signal honour. All officers from the regiment stepped forward. The emperor awarded 13 Legions of Honour. The Colonel of the Polish

46  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

Guard Lancers [Wincenty] Krasiński, wrote down the names, since they were difficult for the French to spell.31 Lieutenant Franciszek Salezy Gawroński, an officer commanding the regimental guns of the 12th Polish Infantry Regiment, gives his perspective on of the fall of Smolensk: On the morning of 17 August we were ordered to wear our cleanest and best uniforms and to prepare our weapons. All the men in our corps then presented themselves as though for the parade ground. Prince [Józef] Poniatowski, at the head of his staff, inspected the regiments as they filed past and informed us that, on that day, we would see the emperor and do battle for Smolensk. Then, after three hours of marching in excessive heat and clouds of dust, but all the time in fine weather, we were ordered to rest. We then heard a terrific bombardment over on the left wing and so took up our muskets again and, passing through a small grove, caught sight of Prince Poniatowski in full dress uniform with the ribbon of the Legion of Honour, trotting amongst the marching columns and telling everyone eyes left. Then suddenly, as we came through the woods, we spied Napoleon lying on the ground with his head supported on his hand. The martial music was drowned out by the drums, and each platoon, as it passed by, presented arms, and the prince remained mounted by the prone emperor as every unit in V Corps marched past. Soon we saw the city of Smolensk, which had been under siege since that morning, and felt the earth shake as the guns of each side opened fire. A day like this would not easily be forgotten. The corps had not quite issued from the woods when the emperor got up, mounted a horse which had been held ready and galloped off to the front of the columns. The emperor had the corps deployed in line of battle in a position which was perhaps a quarter of an hour march from Smolensk, close to a farmstead. As the troops fanned out in formation, the generals had us stack our muskets and take some rest. Smolensk was still burning as the emperor conferred with Prince 31 Maciej Rybiński. Moje przypomnienie od urodzenia [Recollections since my birth]. Ossolińskich, n.d.

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Poniatowski in front of our line. After this brief conversation with Prince Józef [Poniatowski], the drums began to call us to arms and the whole corps formed up in the presence of Napoleon. And with such enthusiasm! We were now formed into deep columns, and the emperor ordered us to advance against the city. At first he was at the head of our columns but we soon saw him galloping off to the left whilst we turned right towards the city and, in half an hour, we found ourselves in the midst of the battle. Our skirmishers were sent ahead to the suburb in front of the city walls [Sloboda Ratchenska], pushing through the gardens and over the fences to drive back the Russian infantry positioned there. Our artillery was placed on some heights and was ordered to open fire on the city. Our General [Stanisław] Fiszer, the chief of staff [of V Corps] selected a position for us from which we could hit an enemy bastion which had been bombarding us rather warmly. After firing some 80 rounds against it, it ceased firing. Something serious must have happened in the city and, indeed, we could see the city behind the walls going up in flames. Even so, in those suburbs where our men were trying to seize control, the fighting continued and musket fire even reached our battery, whilst the roundshot, fortunately, went over our heads.32 We were fortunate and nobody was injured although the fighting lasted from noon to evening on this long day. However, we did see the wounded start to trickle back from the front. I saw our Captain [Ludwik] Dönhoff wounded in the leg, and [Ludwik] Chmielewski in the stomach, [Wincenty] Szczawiński in the shoulder and others too; they were carried to the field hospital by the village from which we had started our march. It was reported that General Michał Grabowski had been killed, and that General [Józef] Zajączek, Colonel [Jan] Krukowiecki and Captain [Wincenty] Potkański were wounded. Jan Dembinski from the corps staff had also fallen hit by bullet in the forehead. We were unaware who had been hit in the other division [16th]. We spent the night starving as the great 32 Karol Turno noted ‘it is better to be 300 toises away, than 600. When you are close, as in the first distance, the roundshot goes over your head, whilst, at the second, you are more likely to be hit’.

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fire consumed all within the city walls, whilst in the suburbs there were no inhabitants and all was quiet. At dawn on 18 August, it was announced that the city had been captured, and that our infantry regiments [the 15th and 16th] had entered the city through a breach. The firing ceased and word went round that one could enter the city and search for food in it.33 Food was sufficient reward for some. But others were singled out for special praise. The Poles had played a key role in the fall of Smolensk and General Jan Weyssenhoff saw that there were rewards for such good conduct, and witnessed an especially moving one: There was one event really worth mentioning. The emperor, having received advice from the colonel on the exceptional conduct of a company in a certain regiment, had granted the Legion of Honour to its commander as the company watched. The lieutenant who was then in command of the company objected and told the emperor: ‘Sire, the reward you are presenting to me does not belong to me; it should be for the captain who commanded us.’ Surprised the emperor asked ‘And so where is this captain?’ ‘Wounded and in hospital’, came the answer. The lieutenant’s actions (unfortunately I do not remember his name) moved all of us present, so much so that the generals behind the emperor clapped their hands. Napoleon himself was moved too, while the lieutenant, stood in a modest but noble pose, stood before the emperor, waiting his decision. As a result both of them were decorated. Captain Józef Załuski of the Polish Lancers of the Guard emphasised the Polish role in capturing Smolensk but noted that not everyone was treated fairly when it came to praise: So we reached Smolensk, the fortress that was the key to Russia or to Poland, and from one to the other. As we gazed down on these ancient walls, which had been besieged by our king Sigismund III 33 F.S. Gawroński. Pamiętnik roku 1830--31 i kronika pamiętnikowa 1787-1831 [Memoirs of 1830 and 1831 and diary of 1787-1831]. Kraków, 1916.

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[between 1609 and 1611] we were all too aware that, as cavalry, our role in this new siege would be marginal. We took comfort from the fact, however, that, after a gruelling battle, it was the Polish corps which was first into Smolensk. General Grabowski, colonels [Kalikst] Zakrzewski, [and Zawadzki], Lieutenant Potkański, [Lt. Col. Gaward], and many other officers, including Jan Dembiński (captain on the staff of General Zajączek, who was also injured), an officer of great hope, brother of our former officer, Kasper Dembiński and of Henryk Dembiński, later a general, fell gloriously. Among the wounded were Colonel [Jan] Krukowiecki, who, so it was said, fell whilst brawling with General Grabowski. In any case, the entire army and Napoleon himself, acknowledged the bravery of the Polish corps. This made it all the more painful that the army’s 15th Bulletin, which feigned to express Russian astonishment at Polish bravery, was poorly done, moreover because it was just the French repeating their ungracious description of the clash between the Poles and the Russians at Trebbia [in 1799].34 Smolensk itself turned out to be a rather a grim prize. Although a substantial town, and elegant, the siege had ruined it, with the fires and ruins conspiring to fill the new occupiers with a sense of foreboding, as Lieutenant Konstanty Janta, attached to the Engineers of the Imperial Guard, relates: 18 August. We entered Smolensk at six o’clock that morning, and I found it unexpectedly beautiful. As large as Krakow, it had fine houses, squares and beautiful streets, although everything was in a deplorable state, damaged by fire and covered with rubble. Some churches and part of the city walls ringing Smolensk were also to be found on the other bank of the Dnieper, where there was a bridgehead, and they were also attractive. Before our entry into the city, the Russians had lit some fires, and they had spread into the surrounding hills beyond the Dnieper. They also shot at us to prevent us from extinguishing these flames or repairing the bridges 34 Józef Załuski. Wspomnienia o pułku lekkokonnym polskim Gwardii Napoleona [Memoirs of the Polish Light Horse Regiment of the Guard of Napoleon]. Kraków, 1862. Trebbia was a battle between the French who, supported by the Polish Legions, fought Suvarov’s Russians to a standstill in Italy.

50  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

on the river. Even so, under this continuous barrage, we spent the entire night restoring one of the bridges. I accompanied my general, and I was fortunate enough to get through the day unharmed. At the same time my comrade, Captain [Franciszek] Koss, under the command of General Chasseloup [Laubat from the Engineering Corps], was the first officer to cross the Dnieper and he calmly carried out a brave and courageous reconnaissance on the far bank. When night fell, Smolensk took on the appearance of burning Troy. We were positioned on the heights overlooking the river, and it seemed as though we were in an amphitheatre. Everything was in flames and this sight of terrible splendour produced a sense of awe. Treasure or no treasure, what was really lacking was the means to sustain a force the size of the Grand Army. Lieutenant Franciszek Gajewski, serving on the staff of General Chastel’s III Corps of Reserve Cavalry, heard what Marshal Ney revealed about the emperor’s thinking regarding the taking of Smolensk: As I walked down the street [of Smolensk] I met my cousin, Bonawentura Garczyński, a lieutenant in a Polish infantry regiment, and we were delighted to see each other. He offered me a swig of something deliciously alcoholic which one of his men had plundered from a house. My unit had managed to fill [just] one cart with food and forage, the rest returned empty handed to the camp. Then I encountered Marshal Ney in discussion with General Grouchy. He had just returned from the conference [with the emperor and said]: ‘The emperor will regret his next step. We are to move towards Moscow! Our cavalry is destroyed, our artillery horses are barely able to pull the guns and these barbarians burn and destroy their own country, and, in so doing, they starve us. We have no supplies to hand and the army is advancing to the fringes of Europe without having secured its lines of communication. Prince Poniatowski begged the emperor to send him and his Poles to Volhynia and Ukraine, and he assured us that within three months he would provide the army with 100,000 horses and the necessary replacements for our cavalry. But, ultimately, the emperor thought otherwise. Are we to leave our bones in these

Opening Shots  51

wastelands? The Russians are not destroyed and they follow the example of the ancient Parthians, fleeing before us only to lure us deeper in to ever more distant regions, having rightly calculated that the further we are from our reserves, the weaker we become.’ This is how it would turn out, and how right [this] hero was in his thinking. On 20 August, our corps crossed to the other side of the Dnieper by means of a pontoon bridge, for the enemy had burnt down the permanent bridge connecting Smolensk to its suburb, and the main street of the suburb had also been consumed by the flames. They had turned to rubble not only the houses of their countrymen, thus depriving them of their property, but had also killed their own comrades, both soldiers and officers, who had been lodged in these houses after being wounded in the battle, and had burned alive. It was a horror to think of such barbarism, but harder to look on its results!35 Jan Krasicki, adjusting his spectacles, reflected on the ruins and what the destruction of the city meant for the rest of the campaign: We entered the city a few hours after the Russians had evacuated the city having valiantly defended it. All the inhabitants had fled and the city burnt down. It seemed to me that Napoleon had no need of his vast and deep knowledge of affairs, or of the genius which he had so frequently shown he possessed, to know that now he was up against an enemy against which his usual conduct would fail. He had, over the last year, read everything that had been written on Russia and I had rendered everything from Kassel, Storch and Ekhart into statistical tables so that all the facts were there on roads, rivers, valleys, climate, temperatures, etc. He knew when bivouacking the troops would become impossible. And now he saw the measures the Russians were adopting and could have no doubt that they would continue like this as far as Moscow. The troops were already hungry and, around Smolensk, one could see dead horses which had been cut up as food was becoming scarce. Could he not see that, if we were forced back along this road, we would find nothing left, not even firewood for the soldiers had burned all the huts. 35 Franciszek Gajewski. Pamiętniki Franciszka z Błociszewa Gajewskiego [The Memoirs of Franciszek Gajewski (1802-1831). Poznań, 1913.

Chapter 2

Borodino Victory at Smolensk heralded some changes for the Poles of the Grand Army. The bulk of V Corps would continue down or to the right of the Moscow road, pushing on to the east with Napoleon. However, as related by Ignacy Prądzyński on the staff of the 17th Division, Jan Henryk Dąbrowski’s division was now sent south to secure communications along the exposed southern flank of the army: Having entered the village Załoczyno on the River Pronia, one and a half miles [11km] from Mstislav [Mscislau on the River Vokhra] in the Mohilev Governorate, on 19 August, the commander received an order from the Duke of Neuchâtel [Berthier] in Smolensk on 23 August, to turn back behind the Dnieper to cover Mohilev, Minsk and secure communications between Warsaw and the army, as well as those between the Austrian Corps and the army and to monitor and observe the enemy corps under General Hertel together with the town and fortress of Bobruisk. In order to accomplish this task, the division would have to be divided. It consisted of 5,000 infantry from the 1st, 6th, 14th and 17th [infantry regiments] in two brigades under the command of generals [Czesław] Pakosz and [Edward] Żółtowski; with 1,000 lancers from the 2nd, 7th and 15th regiments under General [Dominik] Dziewanowski as well as 20 six- and three-pounder guns, including regimental guns.36

36 Ignacy Prądzyński. Działania należącej do Korpusu V Wojsk Polskich Wielkiej Armii Dywizji 17 pod Dowództwem Generała Dy[wizji] Dąbrowskiego podczas wyprawy roku 1812 Archived in Biblioteka Uniwersytecka KUL, Papiery gen. Ignacego Prądzyńskiego, rkps 65. Papiery dotyczące wojny 1812, str.71-102 (Library of the Catholic University of Lublin, Papers of

52

Borodino 53

As this division set off southwards for a summer and autumn of playing cat and mouse with increasingly significant Russian forces moving northwards, the bulk of the army digested the glory and disappointment of Smolensk, and moved eastwards. There were some smaller victories to help maintain the momentum of the advance. Lieutenant Wincenty Płaczkowski, of the Polish Guard Lancers, saw the army surge across the Wiaźma [or Vyazma] River and seize the city of the same name: On the second day [29 August], we marched to the town of Vyazma, lying on the [Vyazma River, a tributary of the] Dnieper River, and there caught up with the retreating enemy. Napoleon ordered us to wait on the western bank where we could watch how the enemy fell back as the town was open. Further down the bank stood a bridge over the river but it had been covered with straw and doused with pitch, all ready for burning. The Cossacks, on the far bank, had lit some bonfires by their outposts along the river. Napoleon ordered Colonel [Ludwik] Pac to charge and seize the bridge with a squadron from our regiment, doing so before it could be burnt. The commander ordered the squadron to advance, spurring into an immediate gallop. Forwards, forwards! The Cossacks had set fire to the bridge just as soon as they saw us approach and because the weather was hot and there had been something of a great drought for the last few days, it was already in flames by the time we reached it. We moved further along the river bank and we had not ridden more than a quarter of a mile before Prince [Eustachy] Sanguszko arrived at the gallop. Just half a mile further on, he had found an ancient crossing place over the river, a narrow footbridge made of oak logs. Prince Eustachy informed Colonel Pac that he could use this narrow bridge although when he tried his horse slipped and fell into the marsh. We jumped from our horses and saved the prince. He, however, found his way across, walking through the water, and leading his horse behind him. In this way, he went managed to ford the river. On the far side of the river we mounted and rode slowly towards the town. The enemy General Ignacy Prądzyński, manuscript 65. Papers referring to the war of 1812; pp 71-102).

54  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

spotted us and began to fall back, and in an instant had abandoned his carts, baggage wagons, and many other things on the road.37 Although important for those who risked their lives in such advances and retreats, it was the coming confrontation between the advancing Napoleon and the Russians now moving to bar his further progress that would be of major significance. Indeed, there had been a vital response from Russian headquarters when the emperor surged out of Smolensk. They had resolved to give battle to prevent his entry to Moscow or to increase the cost of continuing on to a metropolis that represented the ancient heart of the vast Russian heartlands. They appointed a new commander, Kutuzov, to bring some harmony to their bickering generals, and to carry out the popular will to end the humiliation of retreat. This experienced commander, humiliated by Napoleon at Austerlitz in 1805, now turned his men around and began to dig in around the village of Borodino. Before the long the French and their German and Polish allies, pushing columns of light cavalry forwards on reconnaissance, and eagerly seeking that decisive battle after months of fruitless marching, encountered enemy troops disposed to resist. Juliusz Falkowski, son of Colonel Falkowski, then attached to the staff of Marshal Berthier (IHQ ), relates the first clash at Shevardino, on 5 September, when the advancing troops encountered Kutuzov’s prepared positions: Prince Józef Poniatowski commanded the right wing of the main body and was marching along with his V Corps down an old road through the woods which leads to Mozhaisk, pushing some Cossacks before him. Having reached a position just to the right of a redoubt at Shevardino, he then encountered some Russian skirmishers and determined to push them back too. However, it soon became apparent that these skirmishers were being supported by a battery of guns on a nearby hill behind which stood some musketeers of an infantry regiment belonging to Konovnitzin’s division. He halted his main body and sent the 2nd Battalion [of the 15th Regiment] forwards with 14 companies of voltigeurs (the 37 Wincenty Płaczkowski. Pamiętniki Wincentego Płaczkowskiego, porucznika dawnej Gwardii [Memoirs of Wincenty Płaczkowski, Lieutenant of the former Imperial Guard]. Zytomierz, 1861.

Borodino 55

companies were very much reduced) to seize these heights. Major [Maciej] Rybiński accomplished this task, and indeed so well that he captured them with scarcely a shot being fired. The enemy promptly disappeared back into the forest. Then Prince Józef sent forwards the entire infantry regiment, along with 12 guns, in support whilst the major was ordered to proceed beyond the forest in order to ascertain what was going on, for a lively cannonade could be heard. The Polish regiment emerged just as the redoubt, which had been taken by the French, was being subjected to a counterattack by a division of Russian cuirassiers. The cavalry division of General Bruyères then dashed forwards, repelled the cuirassiers, and pushed them towards the Polish infantry regiment. The latter opened fire by battalion and inflicted heavy losses on them. It is worth mentioning that leading Bruyères’s division were two Polish lancer regiments, the 6th under [Tadeusz] Suchorzewski and the 8th under Dominik Radziwiłł, and, to do them justice, Colonel Ziethen’s Prussian [2nd Combined] hussars, who also belonged to Bruyères’s division, performed admirably, as usual.38 Brigadier General Jan Weyssenhoff, chief of staff of the 16th Infantry Division, describes the battle for the redoubt of Shevardino in more detail: At last we were close to Borodino, a village about a mile from Mozhaisk. There the enemy had taken up a favourable position and decided to accept battle. On 5 September our corps [V Corps], being posted off on the right flank, as well as the vanguard [I Corps], were the first to encounter the enemy. We attacked immediately with determination and the enemy withdrew quickly into the woods, the firing then becoming more general and with losses mounting, particularly the enemy’s. The combat lasted until nightfall and engaged the entire corps. The result of the action was our mastery of the mamelon [the Shevardino Redoubt], earthworks replete with artillery which protected the Russian front, something which only became apparent after this reconnaissance in force. It 38 Juliusz Falkowski. Obrazy z życia kilku ostatnich pokoleń w Polsce [Scenes from the life of a few of the latest generations in Poland], vol IV. Poznań, 1886.

56  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

was here, during this fighting, that I witnessed a memorable sight. That evening, a Russian cuirassier division had launched a strong assault against two weak cavalry regiments of the corps belonging to the King of Naples [Joachim Murat]. These two units did not wait to be attacked and fled and the entire Russian division set off in pursuit only to encounter the grenadier company of Polish 16th Regiment, commanded by its captain, [Jan] Skrzynecki. The intrepid grenadiers formed square and bravely defended themselves so well that they forced the enemy back without losing a single man. When I, as the chief of staff of their division, and thus responsible for the company’s fortunes, arrived on that field, all the officers of the [61st] French line infantry regiment, standing close by, ran up to me and unanimously shouted: “Go, sir, and report to Prince Poniatowski on the conduct of this invincible company. This is the greatest feat of arms you could ever witness. Cite us all as being eyewitnesses. 39 Second Lieutenant Antoni Rozwadowski of the 8th Regiment of Lancers was among the Polish cavalry involved in the fight for the redoubt on 5 September 1812: On this day [5 September], the 6th Lancer Regiment was posted to the front line, formed up in echelons. The Russian dragoons attacked this regiment in a wide and fallow field. A huge, thick cloud of dust, raised by the horses’ hooves, completely covered us. The Russians, not being able to see us, fell on the 6th Regiment, which was falling back to lure them on. We allowed them to pass us [i.e. the 8th Lancers] and then suddenly, wheeling to the left and obeying the command of ‘Forward!’ we hit the enemy from the side and the rear, mauling them seriously. Lieutenant [Aleksander] Strzembosz picked out a major from the dragoons [from the Sievers Regiment], and fought him with cold steel. In consequence Lieutenant Stawski reprimanded him for leaving the ranks. It later gave rise to some bitterness, and eventually to a duel between them.

39 Jan Weyssenhoff. Pamiętnik [Memoirs]. Warsaw, 1904.

Borodino 57

After this effective charge, we moved on to some woods along a valley and we saw a cavalry detachment trotting towards us, quite similar to the dragoons we had just crushed (now our regiments stood in columns and only the brigades were in echelons). The Mazovian40 lancers of the 6th Regiment, emboldened by their recent triumph, thought so little of their foe, that they received them at a walking pace, allowing them to come to the end of their lances, until these lances instead of perforating the dragoons, struck against what turned out to be breastplates. Our heroes turned around, tried to break through us and, everyone, jumbled together, fell back, including the Prussian hussars. Fortunately, the second brigade deployed in echelons successfully halted the cuirassiers’ attack. We felt ashamed, because Prince Joseph [Poniatowski], who had not seen us during the entire war, was just then passing. After repulsing the cuirassiers, we remained in the same position to protect our artillery. On the left, from behind some hedges, we were exposed to some deadly musket fire from the enemy. A bullet hit one of the bravest of our officers, Captain [Michał] Berezowski, a survivor of the Lwow prisons during the time of the Denisko Uprising against Russia in 1797,41 who was just three paces ahead of me. The whole regiment was affected by this loss and I personally did not regret anyone more than him. Whilst he had been alive, I was sure to receive the best advice and help, he shared every bit of food with me, and when I lost my coat, he gave me his. Almost all the officers left the ranks to say goodbye and to bury his body, but I felt obliged to remain in the front line with the soldiers, because the cannon and the musket fire was very intense. I did not want the soldiers to suspect that all the officers might be using this as an excuse to escape the bullets for a while. 40  Mazovia (Polish: Mazowsze) is a historical region in mid-north-eastern Poland, with Warsaw being the unofficial capital and largest city. Throughout the centuries Mazovia developed a separate sub-culture featuring diverse folk songs, architecture, dress and traditions different to those of other Poles. 41 The Denisko Uprising, named after Joachim Denisko, was the first Polish rebellion after the failed Kosciuszko Uprising. It took place in late June 1797 in the regions of Pokucie and Podole, which after the Partitions of Poland became part of Austrian Galicia.

58  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

The rest of the day was spent in position and in the firing line until late at night, always mounted on our horses. Towards evening, the Russians began firing directly at us, but with no great effect. The next day was a day of rest and preparation for the great battle at Mozhaisk [Borodino]. We provided returns of the actual effective strength of our units. After gathering up the soldiers who had arrived from the reserve and who were incorporated into the regiment, and those who were able to get horses by various means and joined us too, we had 220 lancers and 13 officers present and with Lieutenant Colonel [Norbert] Obuch in temporary command. Prince Colonel [Dominik Radziwiłł] had fallen ill with a bad eye infection and after Valutino [Valutyna Gora] he was no longer with the regiment, while Second Lieutenant Czarnecki and several other officers followed the colonel out of cowardice. Józef Jaszowski, a lieutenant of artillery in the 16th Division of V Corps, describes the struggle for the redoubt of Shevardino from the perspective of a gunner: Finally, here we are on 5 September, a day of bitter memories and during which, from morning to evening, a thousand cannon went to work. We were ordered to open fire against a huge redoubt [at Shevardino], erected on a height and furnished with 80 guns. We had started shelling in the name of God along with the second battery that stood beside us. At first, things went fairly well since the enemy’s shells whizzed over us and beyond, but after a couple of hours one of their roundshot hit our venerable [Colonel Józef] Sowiński42 and crushed his leg. A few soldiers rushed over to him 42 Józef Sowiński (1777–1831) was a Polish artillery general and one of the heroes of Poland’s November 1830 Uprising.Sowiński served as a lieutenant in Polish Army during the Kościuszko Uprising (1794) and was later drafted into the Prussian army. In 1807 he fought at the battle of Eylau and received the highest military decoration of Prussia, the Pour le Mérite. However, after the Grand Duchy of Warsaw was proclaimed by Napoleon, Sowiński returned into Polish service. During Napoleon’s invasion of Russia (1812) he lost a leg at the battle of Mozhaisk. He was awarded the Virtuti Militari and Legion of Honour. After the Congress of Vienna, he returned to Poland and served

Borodino 59

at once, bandaged the wound as best they could and took him to the field hospital. When we returned from our position that evening, I immediately set off to search amongst the hospitals to see what had become of our valiant colonel. I was told that he had undergone an amputation and, despite a significant loss of blood, had survived and that he would probably live if there was no infection. When I saw him and expressed my sympathy concerning his suffering, he told me that it was simply fate in wartime. He inquired about our losses and asked whether the emperor had been victorious on this memorable day. He said that it was kind that I had visited him, and when I said farewell, he sent regards to my colleagues, encouraging us to remain in good spirits in the days ahead.43 Captain Henryk Dembiński of the 5th Regiment of Polish Chasseur à Cheval in V Corps observed the fighting at Shevardino and describes the aftermath as both sides then prepare for the ensuing battle: Napoleon wanted to see this redoubt [at Shevardino] fall to us on 5 September, and was growing impatient at the resolve of the Russians who were sending huge masses of their heavy cavalry, supported by a strong body of Bagration’s musketeers, against our infantry. He therefore sent the 57th [and 61st] French Line regiments to reinforce the attack and, after a bloody assault, the redoubt and its artillery fell into our hands. It largely fell to these French regiments [and two companies of the Polish 16th Infantry Regiment]. I had already participated in numerous battles in the course of my life, but I do not remember ever having seen so many dead as commander of the Warsaw Arsenal and commandant of the Application School for officers in the Congress Kingdom of Poland. After the outbreak of the November Uprising in 1830, Sowiński became artillery commander of the Warsaw garrison and head of the Government Commission of War (de facto Ministry of War). During the Russian assault on Warsaw on 6 September 1831, Sowiński personally commanded the heroic defence of the Polish capital’s western approaches (he had 1,300 men versus 11 Russian battalions). 43 Józef Jaszowski. Pamiętnik dowódcy rakietników konnych [Memoirs of the Commander of Mounted Rocket Launchers]. Warsaw, 1968.

60  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

bodies so densely covering a battlefield as I saw here. My horse could not touch the ground but jumped about like a goat in order to avoid treading on the corpses. On 6 September, those detachments sent out for forage brought back some bundles of rye, as well as some food for the soldiers. We were then ordered to mount our horses and without smoking our pipes, and keeping quiet, we trotted forwards for about a mile, pushing through a shallow valley with hazelwood on either side. We were told to stand still and rein in the horses, and there wait for daybreak. We were close to a field where some freshly cut flax lay in abundance, so we gathered it up and fed it to our horses through their bits, trying to reduce their hunger. At dawn we mounted our horses and formed up to the right of the village of Shevardino [between Yelnia and Utitza].44 After both sides had fought and won and lost in the testing grounds of Shevardino, then came the true day of battle, the vast and brutal clash at Borodino. Captain Henryk Dembiński of the mounted chasseurs describes the battlefield: I should give a short description of the area where one of the greatest battles of the world took place. In front of the main Russian army the terrain sloped steeply from the French position, behind the Russians was a broad plain which ran gently down towards the town of Mozhaisk, about one mile distant. On the left flank of the enemy, forming a line against the French army along the crest of a steep slope stood the corps of [General Peter] Bagration. They stood at a right angle on their heights, and they were bolstered by a redoubt with artillery, but little else in the way of other earthworks. The heights dominated the whole plain. Our corps was ordered to attack the Russian left wing. All across the French front ran thick undergrowth chiefly of alder. The steep slopes in front of the French position were crowned 44 Henryk Dembiński. Pamiętnik Henryka Dembińskiego – Jenerała Wojska Polskiego [Memoirs of Henryk Dembiński, General of Polish Army]. Poznań, 1860.

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by numerous and strong enemy earthworks, and between these redoubts there were a large number of wolf pits laid in a chessboard pattern and arranged in several rows so that in each pit a soldier could hide or protect half of his body. The action would begin on 7 September and was initially concentrated in the centre, with both sides attacking and counter-attacking. Napoleon’s Guard, including the Vistula Legion, and the cavalry, including Polish lancers in IV Reserve Cavalry Corps, were held back. Karol Turno of the latter formation mounted his horse that morning: The sun had cleared the September mist over the plains and the King of Naples then appeared to inspect the IV Reserve Cavalry Corps. He rode along our ranks on his grey horse and you could see why he was dubbed the Incomparable. His theatrical costume sparkled with gold lace; he was panache itself and his face shone with courage personified. In the midst of our dangers and martial thoughts, this romantic figure seized our imaginations. We were placed alongside the Guards and it was the first time I had seen this hero of heroes who represented both the glory of the army and the majesty of the empire. Napoleon was dismounted, chatting to Berthier. His grey riding coat and distinctive hat could be seen from far off. Napoleon had surveyed the scene before him and had delegated the infantry of I, III, IV and VIII Corps to attack the Russian centre, whilst the bulk of the Poles, as Juliusz Falkowski shows, were placed on Napoleon’s right flank. Here, Poniatowski’s V Corps was destined to play an important role. As a series of French attacks were launched in the centre, the Poles, numerically inferior to the Russians before them, were ordered to work their way around the Russian flank: The Viceroy [Eugene de Beauharnais] halted his advance against the village of Borodino, ordering that there should be no more attacks against the first Great Redoubt until Ney and Davout could reach the hill with three lunettes [the so-called Bagration Fleches]. It was then 8 o’clock. Already Prince Józef [Poniatowski]

62  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

had completed the first part of his task. His corps, straddling the road through the woods to Mozhaisk, advanced towards the village of Utitza in two lines. The 16th Division led the way, with Izydor Krasiński [replacing wounded General Zajączek] in command, and after that came the 18th Division commanded by Karol Kniaziewicz. Our skirmishers and flankers, encircling the corps in a huge arc, swept that part of the forest from Russian skirmishers and Cossacks. Near Utitza Prince Józef noticed some heights and established a battery of guns on it, and this began firing at the battalions of enemy infantry and irregular troops of the Opoltchenyie [militia]. It shook the defenders and caused them heavy losses. Then Krasinski’s column hit them with a bayonet charge and threw them out of the village of Utitza. Before we describe this last act of one of the most tragic events on earth, let us see how Prince Józef carried out, with the help of fortunate circumstances, the almost impossible task that Napoleon had entrusted to him, namely, to push back the entire left wing of the Russian Army with a corps of just 10,000 or 12,000 men. We have already seen how Utitza was taken without much trouble and how this jeopardised the Russian flank. [Marshal] Ney, hearing the shots of our artillery and thinking that the Poles would advance in line with the French, had his columns stretch out to the right to join with them, but Prince Józef had gone on to attack the enemy position around the village of Pasazhevo which was further away. He was unaware that there were not only skirmishers and Cossacks in these forests, but also Tutchkov’s corps, sent by Kutuzov to defend his left flank at the start of the battle. Luckily Kutuzov had already reduced this corps by detaching Konownitzin’s division, so that Tutchkov’s numerical advantage over the forces of the Polish commander had considerably diminished. In order to reach this position beyond Utitza, it was necessary to force a way through the dense forest filled with Russian light infantry battalions, scattered as skirmishers, and bands of Cossacks, indeed there were many more troops here than the Polish generals had originally thought. Prince Józef, not really knowing how to deal with such a dilemma, left Kniaziewicz’s division formed up in reserve at the edge of the forest, and had Krasiński’s division sent in as skirmishers.

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The fighting between the Polish and Russian skirmishers had been going on for some time when Roman Sołtyk arrived, seeking out General [Michał] Sokolnicki, and attaching himself to the Polish corps as Napoleon had sent him to observe the battle here and to report on the situation. He found a huge mass of fighting troops all mixed up together; indeed the Polish and Russian tirailieurs were so confused that Soltyk often found he had Poles in front of him and Russians behind. He then told us about the trick that Colonel [Ignacy] Blumer had used to lead our troops out of such an impasse and get them moving forwards as the fighting with the Russian skirmishers here was pointless. He assembled several dozen soldiers from the regiment and ordered the drummer to beat a signal as the men ran on behind with their bayonets fixed and shouting [ in Italian] Azzurra! The Russians thought that reinforcements had arrived to help the Poles, and the trick worked because the thick forest prevented them from seeing how small this handful of soldiers actually was. Panic seized them and they started withdrawing all along the line. That was at 11 o’clock in the morning. Before long, however, the Russian riflemen realised they had been hoodwinked, for a little later Sołtyk confirmed that this skirmishers’ exchange of fire was continuing, and an impatient Prince Józef descended on Kniaziewicz, then positioned with his division on the fringe of the deep forest, and ordered the whole division to advance in support of the tirailleurs. The 18th Division was deployed in loose order in the forest, but it did not really contribute much. The Russian soldiers retreated from one place to another, but without ever quitting the forest and forcing us to contest ground that was useless to us. Then Kniaziewicz, an experienced general, offered the prince some advice, namely that both divisions should be pulled out of the forest, drawn up before the village of Utitza and then sent forwards in columns. The prince accepted this advice, and the men fell back before Utitza despite coming under fire from masses of enemy skirmishers. The troops were then formed into columns before Utitza, and, after a short rest, they started advancing around the edge of the woods to the hamlet of Mushina and on towards Pasazhevo,

64  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

skirting around the flank of the enemy. In the van was the 13th Hussar Regiment under [Józef] Toliński with General Sébastiani, the commanding officer of the entire Polish cavalry, preceded by a company of light infantry under the command of Captain Gawroński which drove back the enemy skirmishers in front of our own troops. So it was that the Polish corps advanced on Pasazhevo from an unexpected angle, managing to do now what had been impossible a few hours before as the Russian reserves, namely the Imperial Foot and Mounted Guards, which had been present, had just been sent off by Kutuzov to join the fighting in the Semenovski valley. Only General Tutchkov’s corps consisting of two excellent infantry divisions, a brigade of cavalry and several regiments of Opoltchenyie remained and it was deployed in defensive positions. The Poles easily captured the village of Pasazhevo and then fought for possession of the marshy ground then full of enemy skirmishers. Beyond this was a height covered with heavy guns. The Poles and Russians threw themselves against each other, with the Poles trying to seize those heights. No prisoners were taken. The fight continued until three in the afternoon. Tutchkov was killed and the Poles, who had lost over a thousand men, eventually became the masters of the battlefield. The Polish cavalry pursued the enemy for another French mile until they reached the great Moscow road opposite village of Borodino [Gorki and Tatarinovo]. Captain Ludwik Jelski, from the 16th Infantry Regiment, describes the fighting around Utitza: Prince Józef [Poniatowski], having led the [V] Corps towards the village of Borovna, established batteries on the knoll dominating this village, and immediately opened fire. After some time the Polish artillery had reduced the Russian artillery to silence, and the battalion of the 3rd Regiment under [Stanisław] Kurcjusz advanced on the village and pushed the enemy Jägers from the adjacent fields and from the village itself. Then the other two battalions of that regiment, led by Colonel [Ignacy] Blumer, pushed through the village, and pursued the Russians through

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the woods to the right and left. After that, the corps was deployed in two lines, waiting in a position in front of the village, while the Westphalian corps [Junot] and the corps of Marshal Davout were placed over to our left. We together with our cavalry were observing the enemy on the right, where a large column of their horse had just appeared. [Prince Józef] assigned the chief of staff of the 16th Division General [Jan] Weyssenhoff to begin the next phase of the attack at the head of the 15th Regiment with the support of the rest of that division. This attack began well enough: the enemy battery was forced to pull back from the top of the knoll to a position further to the rear, while the 15th Regiment drove the enemy out of the brush, and seized this hill, thus sheltering us from enemy fire. But at the same moment some other enemy guns, placed on higher ground [Bagration’s flèches] opened up with canister and forced the regiment to withdraw. The prince, as the Polish commander-in-chief, wanted to go on the offensive and so placed himself at the head of the 18th Division and advanced against the woods, shouting ‘Hurrah, children!’. He ordered them to charge the enemy with their bayonets. Despite the courage with which the Polish soldiers advanced, the batteries of the corps of [Peter] Bagration, pouring in fire from various directions, defeated our 5,000 troops and they recoiled and could barely hold their position and then only thanks to the efforts of General [Karol] Kniaziewicz and his officers. After pushing back our 15th Regiment, the Russians returned their guns to the top of the famous knoll and opened up with canister fire against the Polish soldiers scattered in the woods. General Kniaziewicz withdrew his troops to their old position in front of the village, deploying the corps in a single line facing the enemy and telling the soldiers that after resting, cool courage would lead them against that battery one more time.45

45 Ludwik Jelski. Marsze i działania korpusu polskiego w kampanii moskiewskiej 1812 [Movements and actions of Polish Corps in the Moscow Campaign 1812]. Paris, 1843.

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Captain Ludwik Jelski continues the story of the struggle over on the right of the French army: After some time, when Prince Józef [Poniatowski] saw that the left wing of the Grand Army had pushed the enemy out of their position thus obliging the enemy corps facing us to fall back, he, disregarding the weakness of the forces at our disposal, ordered General Kniaziewicz to execute another attack against the Russian batteries. The general deployed the battalions of both divisions in echelons and led them forwards under the cover of our own guns. The enemy did not wait for this attack, however, and withdrew his guns from the position and fell back. Soon the Polish battery was towed up the knoll and opened fire against the escaping troops. Then our voltigeurs drove our enemy’s light infantry from the brush, while General [Horace] Sébastiani with [our] cavalry and two guns of horse artillery set off towards Mozhaisk in pursuit of the enemy. Nightfall prevented any further action against the Russians. Captain Henryk Dembiński of the 5th Regiment of Polish Chasseurs á Cheval thought that General Sébastiani was to blame for the lack of a decisive breakthrough: As the battle of Mozhaisk, or rather of the village of Borodino, which the Russians had burned in order to hinder our advance, raged we cast sad glances towards a large column of Imperial Guard, which stood idle behind the centre of the French army and away from the fighting. If one of our Polish formations, the one known as the Vistula Legion, and consisting of 8,000 gallant soldiers attached to the Old Guard and commanded by General [Józef] Chłopicki, had been sent in support of the corps of Prince [Poniatowski], if, I repeat, had the emperor determined on such a move on the day of the battle, then we would have destroyed the corps of Bagration before nine that morning. Further bloodshed would have been avoided. Perhaps even without these reinforcements Bagration could have been pushed back, had it not been for the appalling advice

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of General Sébastiani. It was difficult for Prince Poniatowski to ignore his opinion, because although Sébastiani was technically under his command at the head of our four [cavalry] regiments, it was apparent that the emperor trusted him more than Prince Poniatowski. Sébastiani demonstrated this sense of importance on a number of occasions during our march in Russia.46 He now sent me to the prince to inform him about a manoeuvre he was going to perform and how Prince Poniatowski was to come to his support. Prince Poniatowski, who knew perfectly well what was best for us on this battlefield, had already made it clear that, if Bagration’s position fell, then all the Russian positions beyond it could easily be rolled up. He therefore made the following dispositions to attack: he deployed our four cavalry regiments in two lines and placed them in the van, even as the enemy was shelling us. We stood there for some time waiting until our infantry arrived. Under cover of our cavalry and our six cannon, the infantry assembled, passed through us and formed up in front of us. They were also greeted by the Russians, specifically by their grenades. I recall that a horse just in front of me and bearing the commander of a regiment, I think it was the 16th Infantry of Prince Konstanty Czartoryski, was hit by a grenade in the side and killed. As soon as the infantry, which numbered no more than 6,000 troops, had deployed in front of us, Prince Poniatowski ordered our four regiments into closed columns by squadron, thus forming a quadrilateral column formation. We moved forward and then halted among the alder having outpaced our infantry. These then positioned themselves amongst some groves on our right. The prince was about to attack Bagration’s [flèches], and our charge was to be supported by a strong column of infantry. It happened that our regiment [the 5th] was on the left of the column, so that it would be the first into the enemy entrenchments. The prince had already given the signal for the assault, when, to our misfortune and to that of the entire outcome of the battle, 46 Author’s note: for example, the day after the battle of Borodino, the confidence of the emperor in Sebastiani turned out to be such that when generals Montbrun and Caulaincourt died, the former received the command of the heavy cavalry corps.

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General Sébastiani rode up and declared: ‘For the love of God, what are you doing, prince? We only have Cossacks before us whilst the French are engaged against these masses of Russian infantry, if we go there we will be beaten back.’ The prince, showing visible signs of disgust, nevertheless heeded Sébastiani and halted the movement of the column. He went off to the left of the copse where Sébastiani wanted to show him those ‘masses’, and not too long after our regiment was ordered to follow the prince. The ‘masses’ could not be seen, our infantry had not spotted them, but now there were numerous Russian skirmishers before us. Our infantry, pushing through the undergrowth, forced these skirmishers back, but the Russians were still resisting our advance. Our cavalry formed our line so that our right wing was extended in the direction of Bagration’s batteries, and our front was facing these woods. This was quite a disadvantageous position, because oblique fire from the enemy cost us 40 men in a short space of time. Groups of four or five skirmishers constantly emerged from the woods aiming at the prince and wounding Colonel [Jan] Weyssenhoff, Major [Tadeusz] Suchorzewski and several others. The battle still continued, but was more gunfire than infantry actions until dusk; it was just before evening that Bagration abandoned this position, which he no longer needed to defend, because the main line of defence, that is the [Great] Redoubt opposite the centre of the French army, had been surrounded and captured by the heavy cavalry. It had been murderous fighting there: two commanders of the cavalry corps fell, i.e. [Louis-Pierre] Montbrun and [Auguste] Caulincourt, [and also] killed there, among others, was the valiant commander of our 3rd Regiment [Aleksander] Radzimiński. While the Poles had been absorbed by the fighting on the right, the centre was the scene of intense fighting as Napoleon attempted to bludgeon his way through Kutuzov’s lines. Both sides subjected each other to intense barrages of artillery which continued whilst the French launched a series of spasmodic assaults. With more than a thousand guns in action, the slaughter was frightful. One Polish artillery officer attached to Napoleon’s headquarters,

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Colonel Roman Sołtyk, carefully observed the gunners’ bloody work and described an incident involving Napoleon: At one point, General [Józef] Kossakowski, picking up a fragment of rusty old Russian grapeshot, of the kind which were said to cause the worst wounds, took it off to show Napoleon this example of Russian foul play. When doing so, he remarked that, against such an enemy, the gloves should come off. The emperor barked back, ‘Oh, I do not give a damn about them!’, adding a moment later, ‘but this junk cannot be fired too far’. Some units of Poles were also involved in the fighting in the centre. Second Lieutenant Antoni Rozwadowski in the 8th Lancer Regiment, part of I Corps of the Reserve Cavalry, gives his account of the regiment’s exploits at Borodino: On the morrow of the great battle, yet still before dawn, Lieutenant [Mikołaj] Szawłowski invited several of his fellow officers to share a farewell breakfast, saying that he had the feeling that it was to be his last day, and that he would die today. A few moments later we were on horseback and we rode up to the little forest, on the slope of the hill, between the copse and the battery taken from the Russians [at Shevardino], which was to be occupied by the Guard artillery. Our infantry had pushed back the enemy Jägers, and we cleared the plains in front of the three fortified earthworks [Bagration’s flèches]. We had endured some heavy canister from the enemy, and musket shots from the skirmishers in the woods. A horse under Captain Zapolski was killed, but he did not want to go and fetch another. Before long the regiment, under the command of Lieutenant Stanowski and with only seven officers left, stood isolated, because the rest of the division had gone off to the right by the forest. Eventually the enemy was pushed back, and, as soon as the position was safe, the artillery of the Old Guard [the battery of General Antoine Drouot] immediately established their battery there. It consisted of 24 heavy-calibre guns and its gunners were uniformed

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in full dress. We trooped down the slope to stand before it and thus protect it, as the enemy was still very close, and so, for several hours, we endured a horrendous amount of artillery fire. We were on the receiving end of roundshot, shell and canister. Lieutenant Szołtański was hit in his chest by grapeshot, lieutenants [Jan] Putiatycki and [Kajetan] Starorypiński were also severely wounded. The enemy shells were blowing gaps in our front rank, tearing out three men at a time, and we were so stunned from the sound of our own guns, so deafened and indifferent, that we were sure that none of us would get out of there alive. I can remember perfectly well that I was waiting for the shot that would hit me, although at first my attention had been dedicated to watching whether I would see our general [Pierre Bruyères] lead us out of this hell. Around noon the enemy was pushed back from the breastworks [by General Charles Morand’s division], and we moved against the enemy skirmishers. A roundshot buried itself in the wet ground under my horse, overturning us both, but we got up unscathed. In the late afternoon, as the fighting petered out, we were told to trot over to the left, to the road [near the village of Gorki], in order to form the avant-garde. As we did so, we were still losing people from the artillery fire and we were involved in an incident when the Russian cuirassiers charged our battery. The Italian Viceroy [Eugène de Beauharnais] ordered us to beat them off, but seeing how weak we were, he supported us with a battalion of grenadiers who formed square and gave the enemy cavalry a volley at 50 paces to good effect. The confusion of the enemy and heavy losses prompted us to counter-attack, and we fell on them and took their wounded lieutenant colonel prisoner, along with two officers and dozens of soldiers [from the corps of General Uvarov]. This bloody encounter ended our battle. The cavalry were not just obliged to stand and watch. Indeed, in one of the most dramatic episodes of the battle, they were brought up and ordered to attack the Russian earthworks. Their assault on the Great Redoubt was the stuff of legends. Here Colonel Stanisław Aleksander Małachowski, commander of the 14th Regiment of Cuirassiers in the Polish-Saxon Brigade of

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General Thielmann, describes the decisive charge on this heavily protected earthwork: Night was still shrouding the horizon and there was only a hint of pale light to announce the dawn, when the generals started issuing orders to their brigades. The sound of the trumpet was not needed to wake the soldiers, for the regiments were already gathering and were soon assembled and in position in silence. With the coming day [7 September] our [IV Cavalry] Corps, consisting of five regiments of cuirassiers, [three] Polish regiments of lancers and an artillery regiment of 24 guns, started to move forward. Our commander, General [Victor] Latour-Maubourg, led this force. We soon passed before an entire line of regiments of heavy cavalry from all nations. As we stood waiting to the left of the French cuirassiers, the King of Naples [Joachim Murat], commander-in-chief of the cavalry reserve, came over to inspect the deployment of our troops and to receive reports on their strength from the commanders of the individual regiments. I had then 365 men fit for fighting, though I had started the campaign with 456. After the review, the right wing of our cavalry began to ride forwards. We had just entered the ravine [of the Kamenka stream], which a battery of Italian guns was defending, when the roar of artillery announced the start of the battle. The ravine was so narrow that there was only enough space for a column of six riders. The artillery fire was so intense and we suffered accordingly, indeed a file of six riders was killed by a single shot, and the others faced imminent death. At the head of his squadron stood brave Captain [Ignacy] Jabłoński, one of the best cavalry instructors, but he and his horse were hit by a roundshot and they were killed together. We were told to trot along the ravine, so I indicated to the trumpeter that he should give the signal. Just as he put the trumpet to his lips, a roundshot killed him and his horse, too, right there before my eyes. It took half an hour at a brisk trot to ride through the ravine, exposed at all times to artillery fire, and to reach the plain. There we formed into line with all our cavalry facing an enemy battery placed

72  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

on the heights opposite us, and with two more on either side. It was only then that we experienced really intense fire. Our regiments stood for hours without flinching under the sustained fire of those batteries, and we achieved nothing. Despite being in such a terrible situation, the soldiers maintained the greatest silence, and there was no hint of the slightest disorder, which would have indicated fear or mistrust, in their demeanour. I respected the calm attitude of these soldiers and I must add that no vodka was consumed on this day, and that for the last two days we had gone without food. Then [about 1pm] we received the order that we would attack the redoubt which was to our right. So we set off at a walking pace to the foot of the slope. And our charge commenced. To the right, the battery was to be attacked by the Westphalian cavalry, whilst our brigade was to strike the very centre of the position. But the heavy fire pouring from the battery so confused the Westphalians that they fell into complete chaos by the redoubt, and then plunged into us as they retreated, almost forcing us to withdraw downhill too. Without wasting any time, the Saxon general [Johann] Thielmann, who was in command of our brigade, rallied us despite the canister fire, led us across to the other side of the earthworks, and, using the impetus of our horses, we broke over the top and became masters of the battery. The French infantry soon arrived in support, while we turned and in the greatest order moved against the central battery. We were about 300 yards away from it when a French general, an adjutant of the emperor’s, rode up and cried: ‘Colonel au nom de l’empereur, chargez á l’instant!’ My reply was: ‘Vive l’empereur! En avant!’ And, in the blink of an eye, this battery was covered by my soldiers. My regiment took over 300 prisoners and one cannon, which I handed over to Imperial headquarters. There were also four more guns but without horses, and so these could not be moved. The ditches were full of Russians. I wanted to protect the defenceless from death, but the enraged soldiers did not listen to their commander’s voice, and hacked away, soaking their swords in the blood of the enemy. I myself pulled four frightened and barely conscious soldiers out of the ditches, took them prisoner and sent them to the rear with a corporal. Over to the left there was still one battery to take. Here the French cuirassiers formed the van of the column. We attacked in

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12 regimental columns, galloping as though at the races until, at last, that one also fell into our hands. It was already four in the afternoon, and although we were now the masters of the battlefield, we remained there ready for more action until nine that evening. I had two horses wounded under me, and my cuirass had three dents from the shot. Lieutenant Franciszek Gajewski, serving on the Staff of General Chastel in Grouchy’s III Reserve Cavalry Corps, described the same charge against the Great Redoubt from his perspective: Our dense column became the target of shots from the [Great] Redoubt, and we stood motionless whilst the roundshot of the Russians thinned our ranks. [Louis-Pierre] Chastel’s division, placed in the van, suffered the most. General [Emmanuel de] Grouchy was injured and General [Armand] Lahoussaye took over command of the corps. I thanked God when we finally moved out of the firing line, because nothing was as unpleasant as having to stand idly by whilst serving as targets for the enemy. Then two infantry regiments and two cuirassiers regiments launched an attack from our right wing on the squares of Russian infantry. The fire from the redoubt was turned on them, but our troops did not grow discouraged and we defeated them. The emperor’s duty officer came over and he called out: ‘En avant sur la redoute!’ General Montbrun now took charge, and our long column, which stretched for a quarter of a mile, started trotting quickly towards the battery. In the blink of an eye one could begin to see riderless horses running around. Generals Montbrun and [Claude-Antoine] Compère were killed, General Caulincourt was at our head for a moment before a cannonball severed his leg. The column pushed on, however, although the regiments could not maintain the right distances between themselves, and everyone had merged into one mass. We rode round the side of the redoubt in order to reach it from the rear and thus we avoided some of the gun fire, however the Russian infantry was waiting for us and shattered our ranks with a murderous volley of muskets. They did not have time for another

74  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign

as we were now upon their two battalions and we cut them down and rode over them with our horses. We finally prepared to break in to the back of the redoubt and the carabiniers and cuirassiers, sweeping in from our right, joined us in the fray. The Russians opened up on us from their second line, hitting us as well as their own retreating troops. As we were about to enter the redoubt we unexpectedly faced a deep trench, full of Russian Jägers, and keeping us from the earthworks. The Russians, however, seemed rather to be sheltering there by lying on the ground, even so our swords reached them mercilessly. In the redoubt itself the gunners were shown no quarter and were cut to pieces next to their guns, their general [Likhatchev], seriously wounded, was taken prisoner, whilst two infantry battalions begged and cried for pardon, but our enraged soldiers were deaf to their entreaties. Our infantry was already moving into the redoubt, while our artillery rushed to the ramparts too. Although we expected to face the Russian cavalry, this did not happen and, instead, the action degenerated into an exchange of cannon fire, after which the Russians pulled back towards Mozhaisk. The battle was won, but it had not been complete victory. A Polish officer in the Vistula Legion, Heinrich von Brandt, saw, or rather heard, the redoubt fall: A terrible roar, coming from the mouths of thousands of men, drowned out the noise of the artillery which was now raking our columns. When the smoke cleared, we saw that the Great Redoubt had been taken and that the French cavalry were issuing from it to charge the retreating, but still uncowed Russians. The French advanced, but found that the Russian line was holding, indeed that the Russian artillery was as deadly as ever. Their guns wreaked revenge on the men who had stormed the Great Redoubt, as Heinrich von Brandt remembered: The soldiers received the order to lie down whilst the officers ‘awaited death standing’, as Rachowitz put it. He had just finished

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speaking when we were both splashed by the blood and brains of a sergeant who had his head blown off by a roundshot just as he had stood up to go and talk to a friend. The horrible stains on my uniform proved impossible to remove and I had them in my sight for the remainder of the campaign as a memento mori. Now, surely, was the time for Napoleon to unlock the stalemate and send in his reserve – the Imperial Guard. Idle onlookers to the fray, they had stood, resplendent, watching as both armies tore each other to pieces. Urged by subordinates to send them forwards, Napoleon refused. His calculation was that his Guard was his last reserve but this, perhaps, was not to be the last battle of the campaign. The Guards therefore remained motionless, drawn up a little to the rear and just beneath the army’s contempt.47 Meanwhile the Russians continued to steady their line close by the village of Gorki. At least until the French guns were brought forwards. Captain Ignacy Lubowiecki, commander of a squadron in the 4th Regiment of Polish Chasseurs à Cheval, saw the batteries lumbering forwards at three that afternoon: The earthworks were taken, and the Russians should surely now be in full retreat along the whole of their line, and yet they gave ground only slowly and in the greatest order. The fate of the battle was therefore by no means yet decided. [Mikhail] Kutuzov, seeing only cavalry plugging the middle of the French line, thought to send against them a mass of Guards and infantry, but because he acted so slowly he committed an extraordinary mistake, just as Napoleon did by his needless hesitation. The enemy infantry were actually deploying, I could see them concentrating from different positions. Murat hurried to gather whatever infantry he could to oppose them, whilst [Jean] Sorbier, the artillery general of the Guards, without waiting for any particular command, and respecting only his own 47 Marshal Ney, after receiving Napoleon’s refusal to respond to his request to use the Guard regiments, apparently grew angry and shouted: ‘Did we cover so many miles to to end it all on this battlefield? What is the emperor doing at the rear of our army? Does he think that he will get a victory there? What is his role in today’s battle? Since he does not want to direct the war in person, and since he is no longer a general, only an emperor, let him go back to the Tuilieries and leave us in charge.’

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initiative, raced forward with his guns and opened up against the Russian troops with 80 pieces of artillery from the French Guard Reserve Artillery. This was the critical moment when both leaders of the opposing forces lost their chance to win a decisive victory, for both sides were now so worn out that only fresh troops and a real breakthrough could decide this battle for good. An eerie calm began to descend on sectors of the bloody field. There was fighting, still, and a diminishing, but persistent sound of volleys and bombardment. The centre saw both sides watching each other, while the Poles on the flank could go no further. Indeed, both sides were exhausted and collapsed along their respective lines of battle. That evening Napoleon, ill and frustrated, trotted out to visit the scene of the slaughter and plan for the next day. Colonel Roman Sołtyk watched him return to the same tent where he had spent the previous night and the Pole positioned himself outside and listened to the generals as they discussed this horrific battle: The emperor was exhausted, cold, needing rest and comfort. However, he again slept in a tent, and this worsened his illness so much so that he lost his voice completely. At dawn I went to the Imperial camp for news and to get orders from the Master of the Horse [Armand Caulaincourt]. A large fire was burning in front of Napoleon’s tent, and all the officers were standing around it. The King of Naples [Murat] then arrived, and took his place beside us to warm himself, enquiring after the health of the emperor. He also wanted to know if the emperor was receiving visitors. A few minutes later, Marshal Ney also appeared. These two heroes of war were good friends and the king turned to the marshal and began: [Murat] ‘That was hard work. I’ve never been in a battle like it, especially regarding artillery fire. At Eylau both sides fired plenty of roundshot but here we were so close that it was almost always canister.’ [Ney] ‘We haven’t finished yet; the enemy must have lost tremendously and we must have shaken his morale; we have to pursue and profit from our victory.’ [Murat] ‘But they’ve withdrawn in good order.’ [Ney] ‘Good God, how can that be after such slaughter?’

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This interesting conversation was interrupted when Marshal Ney was called in to see the emperor. Others spent a less comfortable night. Heinrich von Brandt never forgot the scene which confronted him that evening as his men lay down in the midst of the slaughter: We camped where we stood, surrounded by the dead and dying. We were completely without water and firewood, but we did find oats, brandy and some other provisions in some of the dead Russians’ knapsacks. With some musket butts and splinters from a broken limber we managed to get a fire going and grill our house speciality – horse steaks. In order to make some soup we had to go down and get some water from the Kolotscha, one of the most terrifying experiences of my life. In the shadows around each of the flickering fires, the agonised and tormented wounded began to gather until they far outnumbered us. They could be seen everywhere like ghostly shadows moving in the half-light, creeping towards the glow of the fire. Some, horrifically mutilated, used the last of their strength to do so. They would suddenly collapse and die, with their imploring eyes fixed on the flames. Second Lieutenant Antoni Rozwadowski of the lancers also spent an uncomfortable night and reflected on the fact that his regiment had contributed to the swathes of dead and dying: The [2nd] Division [of I Light Cavalry Corps] took over the position occupied by the 8th Regiment. We moved back but then collapsed on a battlefield densely covered with corpses. This was the only time during that murderous campaign that I had to spend a night in such circumstances. The soldiers were exhausted to death, and after our dead were taken down from the horses, everyone tried to sleep or get some food. That night neither we nor the horses had anything to eat, and even the fires refused to light. At dawn we went towards the town of Mozhaisk, where we held a roll call. Of the entire regiment only 52 soldiers and five officers (i.e. lieutenants Stanowski and [Aleksander] Strzembosz, second lieutenants: [Jan]

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Borysławski, me and [Stefan] Niezabitowski, who had just reached the regiment that morning) responded. Captain Henryk Dembiński of the chasseurs would normally have taken his regiment in pursuit. But there was to be no harrying of the retreating foe, merely exhaustion: As the troops of Bagration’s corps began to fall back, we started to trot forwards in order to take their positions, and we met no resistance there even though they continued to shell us somewhat from the positions beyond. Since that night was dark, the terrain was covered with thicket, we set up camp, and the troops were sent off for foraging. Although it was late at night we got plenty of rye in bundles. How great must have been the confusion due to various cavalry charges through such terrain. I received good evidence of this when around midnight Colonel Adam Potocki, the commanding officer of the 11th Lancer Regiment, having had a horse killed, had come walking in to my company instead of into his own regiment, which had gone off in completely different direction. The next day was very cold and just as at night we had to endure it without a fire. We made no attempt to follow the enemy before three that morning and I thought this was a great mistake, because a few days later, having taken a few prisoners from their cavalry, we learned that if we had pursued them, the confusion in their army would have been immense. I do not know if that would have been the case, but it is certain that the Russians were able to retreat in order. When we were approaching Mozhaisk, they began to greet us again with gunfire, which lasted till night, until they departed this town for good.

Chapter 3

Moscow Borodino was a battle which the victors both lost and won. True, the Russians had been beaten back, and now countenanced the evacuation of Moscow, but the French had been badly bloodied and, as Marshal Ney had pointed out, their reserves were hundreds of miles away. Another victory like that might cost Napoleon the war. Nevertheless, Napoleon was forced to push on through force of circumstance, risk of loss of face, and because the lure of ancient Moscow could not be ignored. Perhaps the czar might exchange war for peace and come to terms. It would take a week to cover the distance between Borodino and Moscow, and there was still some hard fighting as the Russians withdrew and made the French pay for every step forward. Still the glittering domes of the former capital could soon be seen, and, as it was apparent the Russians would relinquish the city without another major battle, French morale was high. The army was soon on the heights overlooking the city. The main body prepared to enter the city while the main part of the cavalry reserve, strengthened by two infantry divisions (including the Vistula Legion), was sent in the direction of Kutuzov’s retreat, the Russian army having marched first towards Ryazan, then later skirted west through Podolsk and further south towards Kaluga before establishing a camp beyond the River Nara at Tarutino. Moscow was, then, left largely undefended, although the prisons had been opened and the city’s governor had scattered his agents and arsonists through the city. Most civilians had opted for evacuation and accompanied the Russian troops to the south and east. Captain Stanisław Szumski, an adjutant in the staff of Marshal Murat, described the moment when the first Polish cavalry entered Moscow: We were slowly advancing towards Moscow, passing by some extensive earthworks and batteries which had been abandoned by the Russians. Then when we reached the heights [Sparrow Hills] before it we looked down on this city in all its Asian splendour. 79

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Suddenly, we noticed a small detachment of two hundred or so Cossacks, with a colonel at their head, approaching us to parley. And since the king [Murat] was always to the front, he called the Cossack to approach him. The officer, dismounting, walked over and kissed the knee of the king as a sign of the greatest respect. When asked what he wished to communicate, one of the Cossacks, unable to speak French, spoke in his own language, but with a thick accent. Summoned to interpret, I told the king that the Cossack had been sent from the commander-in-chief with the request not to bombard the city as it would be abandoned within two hours without a shot being needed, and that these two hours were needed for evacuating the wounded. The king agreed to the request, and, glancing at his watch, he said: ‘Fine, at two sharp we shall enter the city. But do you have a watch?’ When the man replied that he did not, the king, evidently concerned that he might lose his own, had one taken instead from one of the aides and offered it to the Cossack who kissed his hand and went off with his comrades. Having two hours more to rest, we dismounted and ate some food. We admired the impressive panorama of the city. At last, at two, we set off for Moscow, separated from its suburbs by a narrow stretch of the Moscow River, the bridge over which we found to be blocked with various types of carts left by the Cossacks. They came again to ask for a delay of another hour, but the king would not agree. Unable to use the bridge, we had to cross using a shallow ford, with Umiński’s 10th Hussars once again to the fore along with the 8th Regiment of Lancers, commanded by Prince Dominik Radziwiłł, and two light French guns.48 One of the first officers to enter Moscow was Colonel Roman Sołtyk, who as soon as Marshal Murat passed through the city gates, went on ahead in order to obtain important information for Napoleon: I first rode along the fairly wide street that runs through the Smolensk district with plastered wooden houses painted in yellow on either side. It lent the wood the appearance of stone. I found all the doors 48 Stanisław Szumski. W walkach i więzieniach: Pamiętniki z lat 1812–1848 [In battles and prisons: the Memoirs from 1812 to 1848]. 1931.

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and even the shutters closed. Nobody was on the streets. Everywhere was empty and so I came to the conclusion that all the inhabitants had taken shelter in the alleyways. I turned to the left to look for them. I had just gone a few hundred metres when I heard someone calling to me in Polish from the first floor window. I stopped and discovered that a number of Polish hostages (rich landowners from White Russia [Belarus]), whom the Russians had brought with them, were being detained in this house. They were guarded by an infantry platoon, but those soldiers who had stayed behind had been busy plundering the nearby shops and breaking into some barrels of brandy. Such was our feeling of self-confidence that despite being alone, I did not hesitate to get off my horse and after entrusting it to one of the Poles who had come down; I walked into the house and found myself surrounded by about 30 Russian soldiers who were completely drunk. They did not think off picking up their muskets, which were stacked against the walls of this single-storey room. Conforming to the famous respect for rank in the Russian Army, they removed their caps as soon as they saw my epaulettes and stood to attention as best they could, as soldiers do when under arms. Their own officer could not have been better received. The owners of the house, finding themselves delivered from these rapacious characters, hastened to offer me some much-needed food, and the Poles embraced me effusively, thankful to have their freedom restored in so unexpected a manner. However, not wishing to waste any time, I quickly remounted, followed by the hostages who carried the muskets of the soldiers, and by about 15 Russians whom we had thus disarmed. The remainder had made off. This singular anecdote reflects the state of the Russian Army at this moment. We hurried to find the emperor, and rejoined him at the entrance to the Smolensk district. He was standing to the left of the road. A very large-scale map of Moscow was laid out before him on the grass. He studied it closely and then questioned the people who were brought before him from the centre of the city. I had to wait for a favourable moment to speak to him and consequently I was present at everything that was taking place. All the reports agreed and Napoleon was informed that the majority of the inhabitants had fled from Moscow and that the authorities had also

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left. Several reports even went so far as to state that the place was deserted. Later I had occasion to convince myself that they were exaggerated and that when we made our entry more than half of the population was still there, but that they had shut themselves indoors or taken refuge in the outer suburbs. Be that as it may, no deputation waited on Napoleon, nobody of note came forward, and most of the people brought to the emperor were foreigners. Napoleon, having perched on the Vorobyove Gory [Sparrow Hills] that morning, had indeed dismounted to observe Moscow. Captain Heinrich von Brandt also saw him studying the city: On 14 September, at one in the afternoon, Claparède’s division formed up outside Moscow’s Drogomilov Gate where the Smolensk road enters the city. The King of Naples had entered the city before us with a large body of cavalry which included the regiment of Polish hussars and one of Prussian lancers. Up to that point we felt sure that the Russians would not abandon their holy city without one more fight. It seems that they too had held this belief for we found, as we advanced towards the city, that numerous defensive positions had been prepared for our reception. As we were approaching Moscow, the emperor had ridden up, dismounted and studied the city through a telescope. Seen from the height that dominates it, Moscow seemed oriental, fantastic even, in appearance. With 500 golden and multicoloured domes shimmering above a sea of rooftops it was a stupendous sight; and yet the French officers seemed troubled. There was consternation that no deputation had come forth to surrender the town. ‘They’ll be kept waiting,’ grumbled one of our old soldiers, ‘these Russians would rather emigrate to Siberia than surrender’. Still, the troops marched in. Captain Józef Załuski, commander of the squadron in the Polish Guard Lancers, described the first days of his stay in Moscow: I was assigned to quarters not exactly in a palace, but in a very decent house belonging to a certain Soltikov, which had not been

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looted or even touched, and where the dvoretzki (so the Russians call the stewards of their mansions) received me courteously and respectfully. The name Soltikov is very ancient; they were Czar Dmitri’s warriors, and therefore on our side, and a branch of the family had settled in Poland after loyal service. In more recent times, everybody knows how the Soltikovs were, along with [King] Poniatowski, the favourites of Czarina Catherine, the ‘guarantor’ of the integrity of Poland. Later I went to the headquarters of General [Wincenty] Krasiński, where with raised glasses we toasted fondly old Radziwiłł’s sword which had been found in the Kremlin by Prince Dominik Radziwiłł, soon to be a major in our regiment. Afterwards I went to the Kremlin, where not only the Granite Palata (the czars’ hall), the arsenal and the ancient churches drew my attention, but also numerous falconets and Polish guns, marked with the coats of arms of the kingdom and various Polish families. Count Roman Sołtyk also described his first days in Moscow and the start of the conflagration that would engulf the city and so astonish Napoleon’s army: At dawn I left the Musin-Pushkin palace to join General Sokolnicki, who had spent the night at imperial headquarters. I met him in the so-called Smolensk suburb and learned from him that Napoleon had already gone to the Kremlin, taking up quarters there with his Old Guard and staff. I told the general what I had learned the day before and showed him the room I had prepared for him. Sokolnicki was very pleased with it and he soon made contact with the French ladies who lived in our palace. Having changed his uniform and eaten a bit, Sokolnicki left for the Kremlin and I accompanied him there. While he was busy in the emperor’s office, I had time to look around. My official duties at the Kremlin greatly appealed to me as they presented me with opportunities to explore the interior of the complex of buildings: I will limit myself only to relating that which struck me most particularly. In one of the palace rooms intended for the coronation ceremonies of the czars, among the rich cloth and captured weapons, hung some flags taken from the peoples of the east and

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several standards captured from the [Polish] Confederate of the Bar.49 Many Polish generals from Napoleon’s entourage later seized them, wishing, after returning to their estates, to decorate their homes with such symbols rescued from our enemies. I satisfied myself with a piece of scarlet velvet that covered the throne upon which all the czars have been crowned for centuries. It was also the throne of Catherine II. The throne was soon in shreds and I experienced an unspeakable pleasure in tearing off a strip which would serve to remind my family of the memory of our memorable expedition.50 The sight of the arsenal was no less interesting. Along with the 60,000 muskets that we took from there, there were also 150 gun barrels, most of which had been cast 200 years before by Polish artillery officers and which, for this reason, were always referred to as King Sigismund’s cannon. Their craftsmanship, as well as the extraordinary size of many of them, testified to the excellence of our artillery at the time. When the general had finished with Napoleon, we returned together to our palace, and Sokolnicki, wanting to take care of the organization of the duties which had been entrusted to him,51 gathered his staff around and ordered us all to mount with the utmost haste and to scour the city in all directions to find people from whom information could be extracted. It was already afternoon when we began to carry out the orders of the general. A few officers were to be assigned to search through the northern part of Moscow, whilst Captain Dembiński and I were entrusted with the southern part of this capital. The outbreak of a fire at various points in the city now attracted our attention and we were keen to ascertain the real reason for this. To do so, however, it was necessary to track down any inhabitants 49 The Confederation of Bar (1768–72) was a league of Polish nobles and gentry that was formed to defend the liberties of the nobility and the independence of Poland from Russian encroachment. Its activities precipitated a civil war, foreign intervention, and the First Partition of Poland. 50 The author refers here to the tragic fate of one of his ancestors, the Bishop of Kiev, Kajetan Sołtyk, who in 1767, along with other senators, was deported on the orders of the Russian ambassador Repnin to Kaluga. 51 General Michał Sokolnicki (1760–1816), head of the intelligence service of the Grand Army, was responsible for providing the emperor with information on the enemy, analysis of intercepted reports and for the work of spies.

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who might be able and might want to enlighten us in this regard. We had encountered some of the, frankly, unfortunate people who were trying to escape to the countryside carrying their belongings on their backs, but they fled on seeing us. We also saw a few Russian marauders who were robbing the shops and houses and seemed to be in a rush to plunder before being disturbed by us; but these were not the kind of people from whom we could expect to obtain important information. Our generals finally acted against the Russian marauders, sending out parties of troops to track them down. They were brought into the Kremlin in large numbers, and they offered no resistance. These troops were also ordered to act with the inhabitants to put out the fire and arrest the arsonists. Fortunately, they managed to discover the true perpetrators of this regrettable catastrophe. They captured several of Rostopchin’s people who confessed that they had been forced to commit this crime by the governor himself. They were immediately shot. All our doubts disappeared and we hurried to report everything to Sokolnicki. He then immediately went to Napoleon with this news. The first attempts to control the fire by our troops were fruitless, so they ceased trying and everything was left to fate. This was quite remarkable. Huge warehouses containing the wealth of Europe and Asia, temples devoted to divine worship, magnificent palaces, bourgeois homes, less beautiful, but still perfectly built, all went up in flames. Even the trees and shrubs in the gardens caught fire and were burnt to the ground. During the time we spent passing through the city and surrounded by buildings on fire, we found ourselves in places we could no longer recognize and through ruins which had now be turned to ash. I remembered one street where I had seen shops selling coaches on both sides of the street and glittering with all the trappings of luxury. An hour later, a few pieces of iron lay on the ground, all that the remained of hundreds of precious carriages. A sinister and solemn silence prevailed in Moscow, interrupted only by distant explosions of flammable material, by the shrieks of the injured and by the curses of the soldiers who despaired to see such enormous riches escape their greed. The inhabitants were now

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seen fleeing from all sides, taking with them their most valuable possessions to gather in groups and seek refuge in suburban gardens, where they would sleep, starve to death or seize an opportunity to escape to their compatriots. It seemed to me that there were still many of them, and I was convinced that if they only knew the true cause of the fire, most would not abandon the city but would rather join with us in fighting it. However, they were sure that this disaster resulted from French actions, which was why they turned tail whenever we approached and fled like wild animals. We were on the edge of one of the suburbs of Moscow, exhausted by fatigue, desperately seeking somewhere to shelter in the city. Instead, we turned towards the countryside. We found a church that seemed to have been abandoned and which lay in the midst of a cemetery surrounded by a wall. We decided that it could provide shelter and allow us to camp in peace, but a violent wind, undoubtedly caused by the fire, began to carry sparks over the walls of the cemetery, and pieces of burning wood were even blown beyond where we stood. Night fell. During that night, all the isolated fires that were burning Moscow seemed to combine to form an enormous conflagration. It was indeed an ocean of flames. The entire horizon was on fire. We contemplated this view for a long time, both terrifying and wonderful, discussing in hushed whispers what it signified for our future. Finally, sleep possessed us. Free of cares we rested on top of the volcano! At dawn, one of our orderlies accidentally entered the church the doors of which were unlocked. A moment later he returned pale and barely managing to utter the words: ‘Commander’, he said, ‘the church is full of barrels of gunpowder, and the windows are broken.’ ‘To horse, comrades’, I shouted. ‘To horse! We are lying on a powder magazine!’ They immediately woke up, the horses were quickly saddled and the draught horses were harnessed. The riders mounted and rode off in silence and behind them hurried carts loaded with our belongings. No word was spoken and it was only when we were beyond any danger that we embraced and congratulated each other on the occasion of our unbelievable luck.

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Back in Moscow, Colonel Roman Sołtyk spent most of his time preparing statistical and topographic reports that Napoleon needed for his plans: I was tasked with preparing a description of the roads that led from Moscow to the depths of the Russian empire. Thanks to intensive research among documents and information gleaned from the many foreign merchants who often travelled to Kiev, Kazan, St Petersburg and Kaluga, I was able to provide the emperor with reasonably coherent reports on the state of the main roads leading to those towns. General Sokolnicki presented them to Napoleon and discussed with him the benefits that would result from a march in one direction or another. During our stay in Moscow, the general assured me that at one moment Napoleon was inclined to move on Kiev to crush the enemy forces in Ukraine. He intended to order our troops in Lithuania to participate in this operation. Then he wanted to move to the right bank of the Dnieper and spend the winter in the fertile provinces of central Poland, thus changing his line of operations from north to south but still obtaining his supplies from his bases along the Vistula. However, my reports on the significant increase in the level of the Dnieper, which in October of any normal year flooded to a width of two leagues and as far as Kiev, and the bad condition of the roads in that season, prompted him to change his mind. This is another example of the uncertainty inherent to human activity, the success of which depends so often on reasons that wisdom cannot foresee. Lieutenant Wincenty Płaczkowski, an officer of lancers in the Imperial Guard, described his stay in Moscow in the service of the imperial headquarters: When Moscow had ceased to burn,52 a significant number of inhabitants from the lower orders returned, and they built sheds 52 The fire in Moscow was lit on 14 September. Arsonists sent out by the Russian Governor Rostopchin to the commercial district (Gostinny Dvor and Solyanka Street) began it and it later spread to the Arbat and the vicinity of Kremlin. The emperor returned to the Kremlin on 18 September.

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from wooden planks in several places among the rubble of the city. There they used to trade various goods, drinks and food. Others acquainted themselves with the French and German soldiers from the same class and they wandered together over the debris with spades, axes and picks. They knew perfectly well where the shops or warehouses had stood, and, with iron bars in their hands, they piled the rubble and ash to one side, removed the earth and jumped into the vaulted cellars to pull up various expensive goods. They shared this booty with each other. We stayed in Moscow for six weeks; the autumn was clear and warm, there was an abundance of fruit in the gardens, and we lived comfortably and lacked nothing for our happiness. When, however, we were moved to the Kremlin in the service of Napoleon we found we had no hay or straw for our horses, but that we were obliged to feed them on oats only. Since the horses had to remain saddled day and night and be ready for riding, we brought in from the city some cloth which we used to line the floor in order not to soil the stables. As a consequence we wasted a lot of fine cloth. Once, having some time off duty, I had a local from the city point out to me the graves of our ancient compatriots who, in the times of the Polish King Sigismund III, were slaughtered in this city [in 1612]. I saw these graves, and sorrow filled my heart! I raised my eyes to heaven, and I heaved a great sigh of sorrow to God for the fallen Poles. Major Piotr Strzyżewski, the chief of staff to the light cavalry attached to V Corps, had a harder time in Moscow, as he informed his wife: Moscow, 12 October 1812, to my wife, Emma née Potocka My Darling, As I am staying in Moscow, I shall write to you every day. The ceasefire we have continues, although it was only agreed by the generals commanding the respective vanguards. It seems to offer what we long for with such impatience. May God finally give us peace! I could make good use of it. I have come here for a few days of leave. My desire was to acquire some bargains for you, but those

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who have something beautiful to sell no longer ask for reasonable prices. Everything is more expensive than in Poland. I was told that sable fur, for which I paid 24 Francs in gold, is not expensive at all, but compared to what it was in the early days, it is excessive. I trawl through the streets in the hope of finding something, but my luck is gone, nothing can be found. It at least allows me to see something of the city, which although burnt to a large degree,53 still shows us the unique splendour the owners enjoyed. All the palaces are huge, boasting incomprehensible luxury, decorated with stuccoes and colonnades and with stunning architecture. The interiors of these magnificent buildings are decorated with great refinement, starting from the hall, the stairs and up to the loft - everything is complete. One can see here life-size statues, captivating artwork, chandeliers in antique bronze with each candelabrum having 20 candles. I was at the theatre yesterday. It was a French comedy, played by very indifferent actors, in a private house where there was a huge stage, because the great theatre54 had been damaged. I was delighted by everything I saw. In the salon I thought of you because the room was half filled with the most beautiful flowers. I have told you so much about Moscow that I’m afraid you will not believe me when I say I do not want to stay here for the winter. Don’t worry; what I write is justifiable praise, for no one should deny the beauty of this city. Even the French, so proud of Paris, are surprised by the greatness of Moscow, its splendour, the luxury of life here, the wealth, although the city has been almost completely abandoned. I do regret not having come earlier. I could have bought thousands of things cheaply, because everyone wanted to be rid of them. We are still uncertain as to what will happen next. Everyone is hoping for peace, although we cannot count on such an outcome. A courier was sent to St Petersburg, and what he will bring back will certainly be interesting. The emperor has taken all 53 According to the official Russian sources of 2,750 houses, only 578 remained intact houses after the fire. Especially affected were the districts of Kitaygorod and Zamoskvoretche. 54 In 1808, the Imperial French Theatre opened in Moscow. From 7 October 1812, the comedy ‘Jeu d’amour et de chance’ adapted from Marivaux and Ceran’s ‘L’amant, auteur et valet’ was played there.

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the necessary steps to oblige them to make peace if they refuse, but it will take some time. Thus, there is nothing else to do but to submit to the grace of Providence, ask for its protection and leave things to run their course. With love – your Peter.55 Henryk Dembiński, captain of the 5th Regiment of Polish Mounted Chasseurs, was among the light cavalry positioned beyond the city. Here he describes life on the frontline, the skirmishing with the Russian outposts and the establishment of new positions around Tarutino: Having quit Moscow, we marched, as instructed, in a north-easterly direction, having been informed that we were to conduct a reconnaissance in order to ascertain in which direction the enemy’s main body was retreating. When Moscow was around one and a half miles behind us, we swung southwards, and almost walked around the whole eastern part of the city. I remember that, as we were marching along that night, we took out our personal letters to see how easy it was to read them in the glow of burning Moscow. I hope that I will never see such an intense fire again: it was like a huge fiery lake, the centre of which was impossible to look at. Much of this march was through the estate of Countess Orlov, the property of whom had been run in an orderly fashion with much improvement. Among other things, I recall a huge big cowshed in which there were a hundred Kolmogor cows, one of which I saved from the slaughter when I ordered it attached to the company wagon. This cow contributed greatly to our rations, because it could be milked three times a day, despite the fact that it only fed on straw or grass. We spent several days without encountering any enemy troops and it was when we reached Voronovo, where we joined the Neapolitan king who had been entrusted by the emperor with the command of those units sent to locate the enemy and so we were involved in the subsequent action. Voronovo boasted a beautiful and vast 55  Lettres interceptées par les Russes durant la campagne de 1812. Paris, 1913, p. 58.

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palace [belonging to the Moscow Governor Fyodor Rostopchin], but only the walls remained and an inscription left by the owner of the property which read in French: ‘For ten years of my life I spent all my income and my life on beautifying this palace. Today I am burning it down with my own hands so that you French dogs will not find shelter in it.’ Here the fighting was not especially fierce and, after a short bombardment, the enemy withdrew with only the Cossacks remaining before us. The King of Naples sent 11 regiments of French cavalry against them, although there were no longer so many in the French ranks. Without being aware of the tricks the Cossacks make use of, he rode out too far against them, having ordered camp to be established for the troops including our unit for the night. It was then that Prince Poniatowski did Marshal Murat a great favour, something which began the great friendship and respect that the king held him until his death. This is what happened. The prince, seeing the king launch a series of charges against the enemy, ordered a brigade of Polish infantry to deploy to aid the Neapolitan king as he chased away the Cossacks. The field across which the French cavalry charged the enemy was a vast plain of freshly ploughed arable soil. The autumn rains had turned the whole area into mud. The Cossacks, teasing the French again and again, often formed up, and their line was easily broken by the French cavalry, consisting mostly of chasseurs. But when they saw that the French horses were exhausted, and that they had strayed too far from our camp, they launched a counter-attack in their own style, i.e. with loud shouts and falling on the French from both sides. Our cavalry therefore had to seek safety in a quick escape, but the tired horses and the muddy ground made their retreat quite an ordeal in the face of the Cossacks on their light horses. I do not know what would have happened to the French cavalry and to the King of Naples personally, had not Prince Poniatowski sent forward the infantry which I mentioned above. Seeing what would result from the repeated charges by Marshal Murat, and that the inevitable retreat of the French cavalry must follow, the prince had occupied the edge of a forest to the left of the battlefield, and so, when the French cavalry passed his infantry in the greatest

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disorder, he ordered his men to open up along the line and stopped the Cossacks in their tracks. The Neapolitan king, surprised by this unexpected rescue, turned his horse towards our infantry, and found Prince Poniatowski in our ranks. He embraced him heartily and called him his saviour, which was really the truth. I cannot go into detail on all the manoeuvring required of us to maintain contact with the enemy, but I can say that it was at Voronovo that we put some distance between the French and ourselves. This is because the Polish V Corps under the command of Prince Poniatowski was sent in the direction of Tchirikovo, encountering ever stronger resistance from the Cossacks, now supported by artillery. We reached Tchirikovo on the morning on 29 September in the course of a misty and wet day. About a mile to the rear was General Lahoussaye with those 11 regiments of French cavalry, which had suffered so much through the carelessness of the King of Naples. By the time we reached Tchirikovo, the resistance of the Russians was already fierce, the infantry holding the village and the palace garden, and defending them valiantly. In my recollections I will cite my personal experiences during the battle, because, by doing so, I will be able to describe it more accurately. When our troops were deployed before the palace garden, a piece of artillery fired once and, at this signal, I was sent with a squadron and two guns from [Franciszek] Straszewski’s battery over to the left wing; our flank rested against some dense and impenetrable undergrowth. There was an old oak forest in front of us, too. When I drew close to the undergrowth, I overheard a bitter argument. Sergeant Jagmin, sent into the bushes with two chasseurs, had brought me back a couple of prisoners from a unit of their Opoltcheniye (militia). This was the first time we had seen this kind of soldier, armed only with pikes, and wearing hats on the front of which were sewn crosses. Jagmin said that there were a lot of them in the bushes and that they were arguing amongst themselves. Nevertheless, it seemed that the enemy did not make much use of them, because these men did not actually appear before us. Instead, less than an hour later, we caught sight, emerging through the oaks before us, of several drummers from the enemy’s regular infantry. They, rather boldly,

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came out from behind the trees to observe us, probably in order to estimate our number. I sent a report off at once, informing the prince of what I had seen, adding my opinion that some infantry must be hidden here, a conclusion which was soon verified. Prince Poniatowski then strengthened our skirmishers and then assaulted Tchirikov, and battle began in earnest against the Cossacks and the militia. I then received the order to move to the right wing of our line, and I was therefore not a witness of what happened in other sectors, but I shall attempt to describe what happened through accounts by other officers. The enemy was growing in strength. It seemed that Kutuzov, who had assumed the overall command of the Russian Army, had been marching towards Kaluga when he was forced to halt his retreat due to our steady pressure on his rearguard. This he did in the hope of beating us off once and for all. Prince Poniatowski, seeing the superior forces of the enemy, sent one officer off after another to General Edouard Lahoussaye, asking him to come and support him. But he did not want to move, and answered quite rudely: ‘Bah! bah! Les Polonais se tireront d’affaire eux mêmes’ [the Poles can manage that by themselves].56 This was doubly hurtful, because sending an officer to him kept one squadron inactive. The Cossacks were slipping between our units and the French and it was necessary to give the messenger a strong escort to maintain communication. Just before sunset, the enemy attacked our centre with columns of infantry, and at the same time hit our right wing, where I was then positioned, and a strong body of cavalry and artillery also appeared; in short we were under attack from all quarters. Prince Poniatowski, seeing the Russians advance, at first thought that our infantry was withdrawing too quickly. So he sent word to the front line to admonish our troops. It was only when the 56 Before leaving Moscow, the cavalry of V Corps formed a separate division consisting of the brigade of Tadeusz Tyszkiewicz (4th Regiment of Chasseurs and 12th Regiment of Lancers), the brigade of Kajetan Stokowski (5th Regiment of Chasseurs and 13th Regiment of Hussars) and the company of the horse artillery under Captain Romanowski. The division was directly under Prince Poniatowski. The commander of the division was General Lefebvre-Desnouettes, and his chief of staff was Major Piotr Strzyżewski.

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Russian musket fire began in earnest that he became aware of his error. Fortunately, the misty and wet weather ensured that many Russian muskets failed to discharge. The prince, as well as his entire staff, was obliged to draw their swords and attack the enemy at the head of our columns. Even General [Stanisław] Fiszer [chief of staff of V Corps] drew his sword in this attack, or rather defence. Our regiment, which was almost half a musket shot behind the prince, immediately received orders to come up and fortunately had enough strength to force their infantry to retreat. At this point the battle ended, apart from some skirmishing on both sides, because night was falling. This is what I heard from other eyewitnesses. On the right flank, where I was, the enemy was establishing several artillery batteries, whilst only two of Straszewski’s six-pound guns could return fire. The enemy then advanced four guns from their artillery position and began to sweep us and our guns with canister, whilst the rest of their artillery, from higher ground, shelled the 13th Hussars with shells and roundshot. They had been deployed behind me, as had the 4th Infantry Regiment, which stood behind the hussars in column. During the course of this brisk bombardment General Lefebvre-Desnouettes appeared beside me, the emperor having appointed him, after Sébastiani, to command our cavalry division. He asked what was happening and what I was doing there. I informed him that the enemy had first charged my guns, but that I had responded and so now these four guns, which he saw before us, were shooting at us with canister and those on the hill were sending over roundshot. I do not know if he was short-sighted or too young for the task, but he then turned to an old sergeant-major, his only escort, and asked him: ‘Dagobert! Dit-il-vrai?’ [Dagobert! Is he telling the truth?]. The sergeant, wiser than the general, and having more respect for my rank, replied: ‘Mais oui général, cela doit être vrai puisque le capitaine vous le dit’ [Yes, general. That must be the case, because that is what the captain told you]. But the general was more convinced by the enemy fire, and his canister, than by my report or by Dagobert. He told me: ‘Retirez vous en arrière, vous êtes trop exposé’ [Pull back, you’re too exposed]. I asked him to

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order the artillery to move first, because I could not move back before them. He immediately did so, and I followed the guns in platoon columns. My Sergeant Korn was injured during this retreat, a shot hitting him in the hip. The Russians were not firing too accurately because their shots were passing overhead. Still they caused some damage and several officers from the 4th Infantry Regiment were killed, whilst [Stanisław] (now general) Gawroński, the commander of a squadron in the 13th Regiment of Hussars, was badly wounded. The day after the battle, during which we had kept possession of the field and the enemy had withdrawn, the Neapolitan king arrived, and he could not praise the prince enough for our behaviour during this encounter. He rode in front of our troops, praising the bravery of the Poles. He also scolded General Lahoussaye in our presence, using some harsh words which I cannot repeat here for they were expressed in very vulgar terms. Following this humiliation, he then told the general that he was placing him under the orders of Prince Poniatowski, telling the prince in a loud voice to make sure to employ him constantly in the vanguard. Lahoussaye’s fault was probably great but, it should be said that the support he could have provided was not so considerable as the 11 regiments no longer numbered as many as 1,300 or 1,500 horses in total. The cavalry had lost so many, especially the French as they cared less for their horses. At night after the battle of Tchirikovo the first snow began to fall and it covered the ground quite thickly, but by around noon the following day it had completely disappeared, but the mud, of course, was much worse. Immediately after the departure of the King of Naples, we set out towards Kaluga. Nothing more significant occurred before 4 October. It was then that we reached the plain, ringed by forests, by the village of Tarutino. Here it was that we had the fierce and general battle [with the corps of General Miloradovitch and Konovnitzin] when the enemy clung on to their positions, more particularly to the ancient forest, which ran all the way towards Kaluga. From it poured masses of heavy Russian cavalry, cuirassiers and dragoons, and so Prince Poniatowski had to deploy our not too numerous, but valiant, infantry in two squares. Between them, he placed the artillery and the cavalry on the flanks,

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formed up in columns. With this menacing display, he put an end to the enemy attacks. Tarutino was itself to be a scene of a great disaster two weeks later. Napoleon’s troops, eking out their existence by devouring everything they could lay their hands on, were surprised by a sudden attack by rejuvenated Russian forces. This Russian surprise attack would have grave consequences for the French at Tarutino, but, more particularly, for those in Moscow. Henryk Dembiński continues his story: Tarutino was the furthest point of our advance. Here we stayed in our camp, and until 18 October we lived but experienced great want. The Russians began to trick Napoleon with false promises of signing peace treaties. These events, of course, lay beyond what I shall record. I write only about what I saw or did myself. All the forces under the Neapolitan king were gathered around Tarutino. Since a major battle was fought here on 18 October, I owe it to my readers to describe the position we held here. An ancient forest ran along our entire front about one and a half cannon-shot from us and which was almost at right angles to our left wing and which ran to the banks of the stream [Desenka]. This stream had sloping banks and it increased in depth as it ran from left to right. Before the stream, i.e. on the right bank, stood a sizable village [Teterinka] behind which the main body of Sébastiani’s heavy cavalry was deployed with its front facing us and the stream. Behind this cavalry there was an equally ancient pine forest. In front of our Polish right wing and in the middle of this entire plain stood a small birch grove, in which the tent of Prince Poniatowski had been pitched. To the right of this grove, the Neapolitan king held sway with some units of the French army, including the Polish Vistula Legion under the command of General Józef Chłopicki. Every day, half of the Polish horse were sent off for forage, and it was always in the direction from which the stream flowed, i.e. they had to pass close to the wing of Sébastiani’s heavy horse. After a dozen or so days, we altered our position in the following way, namely that our right wing remained in place, whilst the left wing

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pulled back in a right angle, which made it face east instead of facing to the south and Kaluga. Sébastiani’s cavalry remained as it was, but instead of deploying to face to the south, they arranged their squadrons into column formations with the heads of their columns facing east as well. I assumed that this change of front took place because of the catastrophic loss of horses, for instance in our brigade more than 150 of them had collapsed, and many in just one night. That night there had been a frost so strong that all the pregnant mares dropped their foals and died, as did some seriously sick horses. The sores caused by chaffing were so deep that despite folding our blankets 16 times before placing them under the saddles they soon went bad, and soon one could easily see the horse’s bowels when dismounted. Nobody was surprised, then, that the cold brought such mortality. The camp service, however, was kept as regular as possible; however it placed a great deal of strain on the army, and more particularly on the cavalry. The Poles took as many precautions as possible, and, in addition to placing outposts and sentries, which kept our cavalry squadrons busy, the infantry battalions also established picquets in the forests which sent out patrols. Our cavalry, as I said, was sending out half of its strength every day for forage, and that half had to collect rye in sheaves so long as it could be found, and after that straw and hay, so that there would be enough for all. At first this seemed easy enough, because the forage was nearby, and the enemy did not bother us much, but our difficulties increased every day. We had to go further, and with every day the ground became muddier, and now the enemy also started to attack those foraging. Therefore half of the foraging parties were obliged to defend their colleagues whilst they collected the forage and stack them in bundles. So, after loading their horses, they formed up, giving time for the second half of the party to do the same. There were, however, times when the enemy was in strength and it was necessary to abandon the forage and return to camp empty handed. The infantry had less to do. The wagons and carts had already provided the straw from which their barracks had been built, but the cavalry, in spite of the frost and inclement weather, camped under the open sky.

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We hung up cloth as curtains, but this hardly protected us from the eastern winds and by burning fires in front of them, the smoke and heat irritated our horses. We watched as we deteriorated, and our horses grew weaker every day, and almost everyone had dysentery. That was easy to understand since the soldier’s rations consisted of just a pound of meat. Cattle were slaughtered every day, and meat was never lacking whilst we were in that camp, but bread, salt and vodka were never issued. The soldiers used to grind the rye between two stones and from what came out they baked crude biscuits, but this meal only increased the weakness of the stomach, because crushed rye contained husks which upset them. Fortunately for our health, each of us was abundantly supplied with tea from Moscow, and we had copper vessels to boil it with. Fortunately, I had almost half a korzec [around 60 litres] of the finest wheat flour, which owing to the care of my servant Martin had been purchased in Moscow and this saved us. The noodles made from this flour, fried in fat, were my daily nourishment along with the meat. Nevertheless, I was also not free from the bloody flux and only my young age saved me. Sometimes officers would visit us when off-duty and discuss our situation. We saw how our strength and numbers were slowly disappearing, but our trust in Napoleon’s genius, in his many victories, was so strong that these conversations always ended with the conclusion that he must know what he was doing. I doubted that such a man could ever have erred, but now I confess that the more I was his admirer then and the more I considered him to be an extraordinary man, the more I am now unwilling to follow anyone blindly. The Russians were skilful in keeping the hope of peace alive in Napoleon, because in addition to the diplomatic activities, which of course we could not know about, they made sure they talked openly of peace whenever we talked to them at the outposts. Three days before the attack on us, our foragers were astonished to see that the inhabitants of the abandoned villages had come back and baked bread, as well as undertaking some other tasks on their farms. They were busy, telling the soldiers that because peace was soon to be announced, they had returned to their houses. The

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Russian commanders, for their part, as much as they could, kept these illusions alive in us. Once we heard some intense musketry along the entire Russian line. It was clearly preparation for a general battle as they must have been priming their weapons. But their commanders sent us a parliamentarian, declaring that we should not be surprised by these shots, because these were fresh recruits, who were merely drilling. However, Prince Poniatowski would not be tricked. This perfect officer knew that caution was the first duty of a leader and a soldier. Every day at four in the morning we mounted and any smoking pipes or shouting were strictly forbidden. With our sabres in our hands, we then stood in position until six o’clock in the morning, at about which time it was dawn. Prince Poniatowski, setting an example for the army, usually stood on horseback with his staff in front of us. At six o’clock we dismounted, but everyone still remained close by his horse, holding him by the bridle, and still harnessed. At seven o’clock, the companies gradually began to lead the horses off for watering, whilst the others waited for their turn. At eight o’clock, half of the unit was sent out foraging, and they usually returned before nightfall. This arduous service, which was not justified by any movements of the enemy, was performed without complaint, and the result of such caution was fully justified on 18 October. To such precautions the entire army owed its escape from complete destruction, for which Prince Poniatowski alone should be credited. Captain Stanisław Szumski, an adjutant on Marshal Murat’s staff, confirms that there was a serious lull before the storm as the French and Russians fraternised along the lines: One day, [Murat] passing before our lines with his entire suite, noticed a similar group of riders in fine uniforms on the Russian side. He sent for me soon to find out who it could be. I quickly learned that it was Miloradovitch, ‘the second edition’, as he was later dubbed, of our king, because he liked to dress up like Murat, and he was just as much a showman. Both groups of officers stopped, and after a while spent watching each other through telescopes, the king pulled out a handkerchief to wave. At this sign,

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Miloradovitch moved forward with his staff. The king, for his part, did the same, and both parties met on the neutral ground between the front lines and talked to each other for a few moments. The storm soon broke, however, and Captain Henryk Dembiński of the chasseurs resumes his description of the debacle: On 16 [of October] a huge food transport arrived from Moscow escorted by some reinforcements that had been left behind at Smolensk due to wounds or for other reasons. There were even some generals, including [Józef] Zajączek, accompanying this convoy. Unfortunately, this convoy also brought vast quantities of vodka and brandy for Sébastiani’s heavy cavalry. It was soon obvious that discipline there finally gave way, because throughout the 17th and the night which followed, they were boiling rum and sugar in large saucepans, something which could plainly be seen from our camp. Security measures were totally neglected just as the enemy began to move around their left flank from the forest, and then they started their attack from the direction where we always went to seek forage. Prince Józef Poniatowski must have known or sensed that we would be attacked by the enemy from this direction as he had ordered a change of the deployment of our front 10 days before.57 We had just dismounted from our horses, and a company of our 7th Regiment [of lancers] was returning from watering theirs, whilst I too was readying my six horses for watering, when I heard the fearful cry of ‘hourrah’! This shouting filled the air and a lively discharge of musketry was heard along with some artillery shots. We began to shout ‘to horse!’ and there was barely any time to give the command ‘draw your swords!’, before Prince [Antoni] Sułkowski immediately gave the order to charge the Russian infantry which was flooding the space before us in some extraordinarily dense formation several ranks deep and now only half a musket shot from us. Our 5th Regiment [of Chasseurs] was launched against 57 V Corps placed sentries from the 3rd Infantry Regiment of Ignacy Blumer and the battalion of the 16th Infantry Regiment of Ignacy Dobrogoyski to protect itself from any surprises.

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them at once, it charged, cut down or made prisoner everything that was before us, and all before dawn. We then wheeled about and returned and Captain [Tomasz] Siemiątkowski rallied the regiment. He was a man not only of great courage, but also of great composure under fire. The regiment returned to the fray and the battalion at the head of the enemy columns was quickly broken and scattered, something which brought the entire enemy advance to a halt. After the destruction of this battalion, part of our regiment was detached to pursue the enemy, but we came under intense infantry fire and lost many men and horses. My horse was hit and killed by three shots, and my pelisse had seven bullet holes. I also nearly received a bayonet thrust in my stomach, something which nearly made me faint, but I found the bayonet had not pierced me because of my stout leather overalls and a belt made from silk which I had found in Moscow. Of the 300 mounted soldiers in our regiment before these two charges took place, we were reduced to 100, a number which, however, rose on the following day to 200 men, because our dismounted soldiers were able to obtain mounts from the dead. The gallant attack of our cavalry had saved the corps from complete destruction, because the enemy halted, even though he then unmasked numerous guns and began a rapid fire against us. The enemy surprise attack into the middle of our position could take place because of the lack of sentries from Sébastiani’s corps and because of the state the officers and soldiers of this corps were in. They were, without exception, completely drunk, so that the Russian infantry could flood into their camp before anyone could mount a horse. Out of their 18 guns, only one managed to fire, the rest of the loaded pieces were seized by the Russians. I myself was nearly hacked to pieces by a drunken [French] cuirassier, after my horse had collapsed at the point where I had ridden too far forwards and so I was walking back towards the regiment through the open field that was being ploughed by enemy shells. In front of me some drunken cuirassiers appeared having crossed to our side of the stream to save themselves. One of them dropped his gauntlet and in a hoarse voice shouted at me ‘Sacre matin, ramasse moi mon gant’ [Damn, fetch me my glove], and when I answered

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him back rather harshly, he reached for his sabre and promised to cut my head off. Since Prince Poniatowski saw that our outposts [the 3rd Infantry Regiment and one battalion of the 16th Infantry Regiment] had already been pushed back, he ordered us to retreat behind the stream, that is, into a position where our reserve could make use of some earthworks. It was done in the greatest order, but not without losses to our infantry. Among those who fell was General [Stanisław] Fiszer, the chief of staff of Prince Poniatowski, who met his death there. This man had gained the universal respect of the troops and was the soul of discipline in our corps. From the high ground we now occupied we could now observe the whole course of the action as it unfolded before us. Numerous bodies of the enemy’s heavy cavalry, consisting of both cuirassiers and dragoons, charged our infantry several times, not only the Polish infantry under the direct command of Prince Poniatowski, but also the Vistula Legion of Colonel Józef Chłopicki. The latter trusted his soldiers so well that he did not form squares, but met these charges deployed for battle. After each charge he would give the command ‘Load!’, then ‘Present arms’, waiting calmly for the next enemy attack. And when the enemy returned to the charge, he ordered that the infantry fire only when the enemy was close enough. In fact his order to fire was only issued when the enemy was really close. More than 10 such charges were repulsed, and the enemy, seeing the futility of his attacks, had to end this battle with an artillery bombardment. Only two squadrons survived from Sébastiani’s corps and were able to form. This valiant handful of cavalry however had its opportunity to avenge itself for the defeat of their corps. When the enemy passed some masses of infantry across from the left bank of the stream to the right, and moved from east to the west, Sébastiani borrowed two horse artillery pieces from Prince Poniatowski and hid them behind his two squadrons. They withstood the fire from the approaching enemy and when the infantry was within range for canister, Sébastiani commanded his squadrons to move left and right, and, after a few rounds from his unmasked artillery,

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he launched a charge, which saw this handful of cuirassiers mow down the Russian infantry. The next day we started the retreat towards the town of Vereya. Captain Stanisław Szumski on Murat’s staff confirms the French panic as the Russian attack catches them unprepared: On that day [18 October], just before dawn, I left my quarters to carry out my necessities and saw my [orderly] Tołłoczko hurrying back from watering the horses and shouting: ‘Monsieur, the Russians are shooting and attacking us in the valley, and I myself have barely escaped the Cossacks who are already on our side of the stream’. So I ran into the royal hut [in the hamlet Rozhestviennoyeh] shouting: ‘To horse! To horse! We are attacked!’. ‘Who’s that?’, shouted the king [Murat], ‘come here!’. So I entered his quarters and quickly told him what I knew. Meanwhile the horses were saddled and the king got dressed. And just in time, too, for the king had barely mounted when some shells, canister and roundshot whistled past the house and the Russian infantry and cavalry were coming at us from various directions. This time, we had to flee as we were beaten, and, on top of all that, our troops, having received a huge shipment of vodka from Moscow the evening before, were totally drunk. The whole division of Sébastiani’s cuirassiers, barely dressed and with unsaddled horses, was seized together with that general’s luggage and silver dinner service. Only the corps under Prince Józef [Poniatowski], encamped close by, bravely resisted the enemy despite also being drunk. The Polish gunners could barely stand on their feet, but they fired quickly and accurately and earned the praise of the king. Meanwhile, the king was riding to and fro, sending orders in all directions to rally the panicking crowds of soldiers. This was the first time the army was obliged to flee and we lost a lot of gallant officers and a few generals in this battle, including generals [Pierre Dery] and Daumont, the one who had once wanted to buy my mare, and a great favourite of the king. My cousin [Justyn] Hrebnicki was taken prisoner.

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That evening we also had to dress the wounds of Mr. Wielożyński, a young lad from the Vilnius University serving on the staff of Prince Józef. Józef Jaszowski of the artillery of the 16th Infantry Division of V Corps, would deny that the Polish gunners were drunk, but gives some additional details on the French panic: The next day before preparing to carry out our duties we were hungrily eating a mash made of flour and bran from the cooking pot. It was without salt or lard. Sometimes we cooked the bran alone, because one could expect to find a bit of flour in it, but once we found it full of chaff and swallowed only one spoon of it before realising it was inedible. It was just then that Colonel [Jean] Mallet passed by, and seeing us by the fire, he took a spoon, tasted the mash, shook his head and went off, without saying a word. Well, as we ate our food, we caught sight of some flashes from the enemy’s position and were wondering what they could mean since we did not yet hear any sounds accompanying them. These were musket shots as the enemy fired against our infantry positioned to the east in three copses. In the copse which was closest to the enemy stood Colonel [Ignacy] Blumer and his battalions [of the 3rd Infantry Regiment]. The distance was so great that despite being able to see the flashes in the darkness, the noise did not reach us, perhaps being carried off by the wind. Slowly the lights began to approach us and now we began to hear the shooting, and when the day dawned the artillery also opened up. Soon after we saw isolated cuirassiers from Sébastiani’s corps running away and passing through the intervals between our guns, without caps or helmets, only in their jackets, and sometimes with just one boot, and all with terror on their faces. Our General [Jean] Pelletier soon arrived and started to point out positions for our battery in order to open up and cover our retreating troops. He took charge of our battery, leading over to the right, and placed us a few hundred paces from the slope of a hill. Then he bade us adopt a position in which we were quite spread out, advising us first and foremost to keep watch from all sides in order not to be surprised

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and taken for we had no infantry or cavalry cover. He added that the fire of all three platoons should be directed at the main body of any enemy troops, and thus win time so that our disorderly troops could organize and act effectively. The enemy assault was pushed so well that the Cossacks were prodding the tent of Prince Józef [Poniatowski] with their lances, thinking that he must be there, but the prince had managed to mount on time and there was just someone (probably General [Wincenty] Axamitowski) crouching in the tent before managing to escape and run. We thought Blumer and his regiment lost, how could we believe otherwise, but, that evening, he rejoined us, having not lost a single man from his battalions, despite having spent the day in a square surrounded by a mass of Russian soldiers trying to take them prisoners. He had marched in this formation, stopping only to fire carefully aimed volleys, and saving his ammunition as much as possible. It was a terrible day! Various kinds of soldiery from various nationalities were trying to flee down the same road [to Spas Kuplia] in disorder. They ran without thinking about defending themselves. I shot at the enemy for a while as they tried to surround us, not doing them much harm with my two guns, but hoping to show the enemy that not all our artillery had been abandoned and that he should give up any thought of continuing his attack. Until now, the Russians had shown due respect to the skill of the artillery of the Grand Army. I finally caught sight of some infantry marching in formation. I joined them. They were the French infantry of the rearguard [the 2nd Division of General Dufour]. Often, when the enemy’s horse approached too closely, we, along with the French artillery, drove them back with canister. So, spending all day marching and fighting, we covered four miles and reached Voronovo, where we stopped for the night. I tried to seek out my friends who also looking for me, were thinking, as I did, that we would soon be taken prisoners. We combined our detachments and reorganised, and, finding more men from our Polish corps, we spent the night reorganising our broken army and did so with some success.

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Colonel Dezydery Chłapowski of the Polish Guard Lancers stresses the consequences of this furious disaster: The emperor allowed the Russians to delude him with hopes of the peace he so eagerly desired. There was a ceasefire between Kutuzov and Murat whilst the emperor sent General Lauriston on his mission to negotiate a settlement. However, during our fiveweek stay in Moscow, Kutuzov massed whatever reserves he could and trained those recruits arriving from all the remote territories of this empire. It was also said that 12,000 veteran Don Cossacks, who had already served their time, had returned to the Russian Army, which therefore increased to 120,000 men whilst our army in Moscow shrank to only 86,000 after the losses at Mozhaisk [Borodino] and during the exhausting marches. On 18 October, the emperor received news that Murat, being impatient over Cossack attacks on our foragers despite the ceasefire, had renounced the armistice, but that Kutuzov had then attacked him so forcefully that he would have been completely beaten had not Prince Poniatowski with his Polish corps saved him. Again, V Corps won more laurels. On the night of 18 October, Kutuzov had indeed struck Murat’s troops and achieved complete surprise. Murat had to retreat with loss, but the vigilance of Poniatowski’s corps and the Vistula Legion had saved him from the defeat. The unnecessary procrastination and keeping the Grand Army idle near Moscow seems to have determined the fate of the whole campaign. Jan Krasicki, an interpreter at imperial headquarters, was under the delusion that the French might even spend the winter in Moscow. He now realised this would not be the case: Most of our soldiers were without shoes and I shuddered to think what they might suffer were we forced to retreat. However, I was persuaded that, as the Emperor seemed to be staying in Moscow rather long, he thought we had the means to spend the winter here. How wrong I was. On 17 October we received the order to retreat.

Prince Dominik Radziwiłł was the dashing commander of the 8th Lancers of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw during the 1812 ­campaign. He missed Borodino, thanks to a bad eye infection, something which later obliged him to ­relinquish command of his unit. He would die of wounds received at the battle of Hanau the following year.

Henryk Dembiński joined the Grand Duchy of Warsaw’s army and took part in the 1812 campaign as a captain in the 5th Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs. He achieved subsequent fame during the Polish November Uprising of 1830, during which he was promoted to general of division and, for a brief period, became the Polish commander-in-chief, while, in 1849, he assumed a similar position during the Hungarian revolution.

1  POLISH EYEWITNESSES TO NAPOLEON’S 1812 CAMPAIGN

Józef Zajączek had been a general during the Polish–Russian War of 1792, and then in the Kościuszko Uprising of 1794. After the final partition of Poland, he entered French service and fought in Italy and Egypt. In 1812, he commanded the 16th Division of Poniatowski’s V Corps, lost his leg during the retreat at the Battle of the Berezina and was taken prisoner in Vilnius.

Karol Otto Kniaziewicz had also joined the Polish legions in French service and fought in Italy. In 1812, he joined the army of the Duchy of Warsaw and took command of the 18th Infantry Division of the V Corps. He fought at Smoleńsk, Borodino, Tarutino, Vyazma, Doubrovna and in the Battle of Berezina, where he briefly took command of the remains of V Corps, but was badly wounded in the leg and quit service for retirement in Krakow.

2  POLISH EYEWITNESSES TO NAPOLEON’S 1812 CAMPAIGN

General Aleksander Rożniecki was a dashing light cavalry commander in charge of three lancer regiments. He commanded at Mir that summer when he came up against Bagration’s rearguard and, true to form, flung his troopers against the Russian position.

Roman Sołtyk was an artillery officer who served as adjutant to General Sokolnicki in 1812 and in the campaign of 1813, where he was taken prisoner by the Russians at Leipzig. His narrative of the invasion of Russia is detailed, lively and passionately patriotic.

3  POLISH EYEWITNESSES TO NAPOLEON’S 1812 CAMPAIGN

Stanisław Fiszer had fought for the French in the 1790s and, along with General Dąbrowski, organized a Polish contingent which helped besiege Danzig under Marshal Lefebvre. He was later promoted to chief-of-staff of the Army of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, ­effectively serving as Prince Poniatowski’s right hand in 1812 in Russia, the equivalent of Marshal Berthier to Napoleon. He was killed at the Battle of Tarutino on 18 October 1812.

Izydor Zenon Krasiński had joined the Polish Army aged fifteen and, as per the system of patronage in place at that time, achieved high rank in return for a financial contribution. His career was unimpressive but, in 1806, he joined the Army of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, firstly on Napoleon’s staff and later in General Zajączek’s division. In the Russian campaign of 1812 he replaced Zajączek as the commander of the 16th Division after that officer was wounded.

4  POLISH EYEWITNESSES TO NAPOLEON’S 1812 CAMPAIGN

Jan Henryk Dąbrowski’s career had begun in the army of Saxony, but in 1794 he took part in the Kościuszko’s Uprising and then left for Paris, where he ­encouraged the French to raise a Polish Legion. His ­initiative was a great success and, in gratitude, he is mentioned in the ­Polish national anthem, sometimes known as the Dąbrowski Mazurka. In 1812 he ­commanded the 17th Polish Infantry Division in the invasion of Russia. He was wounded in the hand at the crossing of the Berezina.

Ignacy Pantaleon Prądzyński had served on Dąbrowski’s staff during the ­invasion of Russia and was heavily involved in the struggle for the Borisov Bridge that N ­ ovember. After the campaign he ­continued in French service and, later, pursued a career as a military and civil engineer, authoring scores of technical books and creating the Augustów Canal. His reflections on why Napoleon’s invasion went so badly wrong are included in the epilogue.

5  POLISH EYEWITNESSES TO NAPOLEON’S 1812 CAMPAIGN

Following a final reconnaissance, in which Napoleon disguised himself in the uniform of an officer of Polish lancers, the Grand Army crossed the River Niemen and invaded Russia. The immense army then advanced on what is now Vilnius and what was then the capital of the Russian province of Lithuania. Many of the Poles in that army thought that the time had come to restore these lands to Polish rule.

The battles around Mir in July 1812 saw both sides sending in vast waves of light cavalry against each other in the kind of heroic encounter more usually read about than seen. Indeed, it proved so costly to both sides that the light cavalry was reined in and subsequent e­ ncounters were more measured affairs. Here, Polish lancers in pursuit of their foe are taken in flank by fresh Cossacks.

6  POLISH EYEWITNESSES TO NAPOLEON’S 1812 CAMPAIGN

Napoleon’s army was dependent on Polish interpreters during the opening phase of the ­campaign. Here a Polish staff officer interprets for a gypsy couple while two Polish Guard lancers stand watch.

A cuirassier of the 14th Regiment at ­Borodino. Colonel Stanisław Małachowski led his regiment in a charge against the Great Redoubt in the centre of the Russian position. The heavy cavalry suffered enormously, but the cavalry were able to enter the ­position from the rear.

7  POLISH EYEWITNESSES TO NAPOLEON’S 1812 CAMPAIGN

Colonel Jan Weyssenhoff ­commanded the 12th Infantry Regiment of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, a unit ­generally regarded as the most imposing of the Grand Duchy’s infantry regiments. Weyssenhoff distinguished himself at Borodino directing the attack of the 16th Division against the Russian left flank.

Captain Józef Załuski served in the Polish Guard Lancers, one of a number from that unit to leave an account of the campaign in Russia. During the advance to Moscow he watched his compatriots storm Smolensk in a glorious contest. During the retreat, and in the same city, he was overjoyed just to be able to purchase some fur boots.

8  POLISH EYEWITNESSES TO NAPOLEON’S 1812 CAMPAIGN

General Grzegorz Józef Chłopicki ­commanded the Vistula Legion in 1812. This unit of veteran officers and young recruits was attached to Napoleon’s Guard. While it maintained its discipline ­during the retreat, it was largely destroyed and succumbed at the Berezina where its ­commander was also badly wounded.

Krasnoe was the scene of a major battle as the Russians attempted to force their way between Napoleon’s Guard and his main body just after the latter had quit Smolensk. The Imperial Guard won a tremendous victory there, although, for Captain Franciszek Gajewski, the place was more memorable for being where he was able to purchase a small glass of reviving vodka.

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The fording of the Berezina by Julian Fałat. This shows the moment when the French first begin to reach the point where the bridges will be thrown across the Berezina. General ­Corbineau’s light cavalry, which included the 8th Polish Regiment of Chevau-légers, had located a suitable crossing point and reconnoitred the far bank.

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With the two bridges built, the remnants of Napoleon’s army began to swarm across. In this more dramatised version of the tragedy, we can see ­Napoleon and his coach, the Old Guard infantry, Doumerc’s cuirassiers and the gendarmes tasked with policing the mob attempting to get across the river.

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This famous fragment from the Berezina Panorama by Wojciech Kossak shows the moment when Napoleon, fearing that he might be trapped before the Berezina, ordered that many of his papers and the regimental flags be burned. The bridging train had also been destroyed, and, as the Russians had just burnt the Borisov Bridge, defeat seemed a real possibility.

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Another fragment from the Berezina Panorama shows what remained of the survivors making off towards Vilnius. Their flight westwards was protected by a rearguard action partly formed from Poles, and, to the left of the fleeing columns, a rapidly diminishing body of formed troops including what was left of the Polish V Corps.

A Polish Guard Lancer of the Imperial Guard, commanded by Colonel Krasiński, in winter uniform. This was also known as the 1st Regiment of Guard Lancers and the Dutch formed the 2nd Regiment. A 3rd regiment, composed of Polish and Lithuanian volunteers, was formed during the course of the campaign. Józef Korczak Gorayski, an officer in the new regiment, describes its ­destruction at Słonim in these pages.

Another fragment from the Berezina Panorama, this time showing some of the chaos on the western bank of the river as the fugitives make it across the bridge. By this time they are coming under fire from Russian artillery while some French guns, on the right, return fire. A few brave riders are attempting to swim across. Captain Józef Rudnicki saw them ‘determined to cross the Berezina on horseback. To their misfortune, this river, despite the harsh frost, had not yet frozen solid, meaning that when the horseman rode over it, the thin ice under the horse broke and the Berezina welcomed rider and horse into the abyss’.

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Prince Józef Poniatowski ­inspecting some Polish grenadiers. The prince had been born in Vienna and was the nephew of the last king of P ­ oland. Napoleon judged him suitable for command of V Corps and Poniatowski justified the imperial trust by commanding his men wisely at Smolensk and bravely at Borodino. He was wounded at Vyazma, and forced to relinquish command at the end of October, travelling back to Warsaw in a carriage.

Here General Kniaziewicz leads the Polish ­infantry in an attack on the Russian lines ­during fighting on the western bank of the Berezina. He was wounded shortly afterwards, an episode related in the detailed account of the fighting by Lieutenant-Colonel Józef Krasiński.

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Napoleon quit his army at Smorgoniye early on the morning of 7 December. Initially ­travelling in his coach and then transferring to a sledge, he headed west for Warsaw with an escort of Polish lancers under the command of Colonel Stokowski.

The remnants of the Grand Army quit Vilnius, abandoning thousands of sick and wounded. The more fortunate officers, such as Captain Prot ­Lelewel, made use of sledges, but others, including that veteran of the Peninsular War, Captain Józef Rudnicki, made their way as best they could on foot. He at least made sure to take with him ‘warm clothes, and as much food as I could carry’.

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Chapter 4

Retreat from Moscow Napoleon’s position in Moscow was untenable. The Russians had cold-shouldered proposals for peace, and their armies, refreshed and reinvigorated, were drawing a noose around the city, even moving round to menace the roads running to the west. Bands of partisans and raiding parties were also making life difficult along the immensely long lines of communications, couriers were being intercepted, supply convoys ambushed and more and more of the diminished French cavalry were being drawn into escort duties and finding food. The city itself had been damaged by the fires, and the demoralisation of the troops, waiting in the ruins for a month for word on their purpose, was becoming a worry to the generals. Tarutino had been a defeat, but it now prompted a response. Napoleon determined to abandon Moscow. True to his strategies of old, he would march to confront the Russian army and hope that a decisive victory would put an end to an indecision rapidly sliding into deadlock. Lieutenant Franciszek Gajewski, serving on the staff of General Chastel, recalls how Moscow was abandoned and the spiteful blowing up of the Kremlin: On 19 October, the emperor issued orders to retreat. The rearguard was commanded by the Prince of Treviso (Marshal Mortier), who remained in Moscow until the 23rd. The Portuguese battalion had locked themselves in the Kremlin, and with them was Captain [Franciszek] Koss from the Polish engineers, who was ordered to detonate the mines sunk below the imperial residence. Here is his relation of the events which followed: ‘Two hours after [Mortier] quit Moscow, the Cossacks were already wandering around the city, pursuing and finishing off any marauders from our army. The commander of the battalion had been ordered to leave the Kremlin at midnight, and he had placed his men on the embankments ready 107

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to resist a possible assault. The city mob, however, kept back, only shooting at us from a distance. I went down to the dungeons where the mines had been laid, there were 47 of them. I set the fuses and waited for the appointed hour. It was quiet in Moscow that evening, but the Cossacks and the peasantry had set fires along the banks of the Moscow River and all around the Kremlin. At half past eleven, the commander ordered passage to one of the gates to be cleared (all of the gates had been barricaded), and I went down into the dungeons and attached tinder to each fuse calculated to burn for an hour. Then I lit the tinder one after the other, and also one I carried with me, wanting to see when the explosion would take place. At midnight, the gate was opened and the battalion marched out in the greatest order and crossed the bridge. When the shout of ‘Frantsuzy!’ [French] rang out, the mob surrounded us from everywhere, but it gave way as we moved. Having left Moscow, the commander stopped us by a birch wood about a quarter of a mile from the city. I had thrown my length of tinder away, but the quietness of the night was not yet interrupted by any explosion. I was angry that we had left the Kremlin in such haste and was convinced that I would lose the trust of my superiors. I remained in this uncertainty for a quarter of an hour until I heard a rumble from the first mine as it detonated. The bells stopped ringing, then there was a deep silence, the Kremlin lay in ruins.’ Four days before Napoleon had quit Moscow, and had initially directed his men to the southwest. There, however, they soon encountered fresh Russian troops gathered and prepared to bar their further progress. Colonel Dezydery Chłapowski of the Polish Guard Lancers describes an incident near Horodnia (Khorodnia) in which Napoleon himself was nearly captured: Between Moscow and Maloyaroslavetz our brigade was assigned to the rearguard, but for the first three days we did not see any enemy following us. Even when the Italian corps began their fight at Maloyaroslavetz the Cossacks did not show up behind us, instead they unexpectedly attacked the emperor’s headquarters from the right flank, striking it between Borowsk and Maloyaroslavetz. There was only one of our squadrons near the emperor. It was under Colonel Kozietulski, who threw himself between the

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emperor and a mass of Cossacks. Kozietulski was pierced by a lance thrust which passed through his shoulder to his chest. So later during the retreat, he had to follow us in a chaise, then on sledges. The Cossacks disappeared into the woods, but they soon emerged again half a mile further on to attack our brigade. General Colbert sent me with two squadrons to oppose them. I had gone some 500 paces forward when many stragglers from the French infantry, detached from their regiments, fled towards us. I formed them up and around one hundred were then placed in a few cottages on my left. My flankers so deftly lured the Cossacks towards the fire of this infantry that the Cossacks were thrown into confusion and fell back, allowing time for our brigade to mount their horses. The Dutch [2nd Guard Lancers] were not as able and could not efficiently defend themselves against the Cossacks. Whenever they were in retreat and in the rearguard, they always lost a few people and the Cossacks always harassed them rather closely. So General Colbert once asked the Polish squadron to change coats, giving their blue coats to the Dutch, and, whilst it was still grey and before dawn, having them fall a little behind. We waited to see what would come to pass. No sooner had the Cossacks appeared than they boldly and with high spirits launched their assault against our lancers. But they were very close when they saw it was an ambush and began to shout: ‘Lachy! Lachy!’ [Polacks, Polacks!]. And then they quickly turned and fled. It was at Maloyaroslavetz that Napoleon’s army encountered real resistance and Russian troops prepared for battle. The Italian IV Corps under Prince Eugene and the Russian VI Corps of Dokhturov fought a punishing battle there but, as Józef Jaszowski relates, the outcome was that the French were forced to return northwards and retreat along the exhausted road running from Moscow to Smolensk: We had tried to get to the alternative route from Moscow to Kaluga through Maloyaroslavetz [Yaroslavitz]. Consequently, on 24 October, there was a major battle at Maloyaroslavetz, where it was mostly the cavalry and artillery of both sides which were active. The fighting was very fierce, but both sides maintained their positions

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until the evening. During the course of this battle, in the afternoon, our two batteries were ordered to move to the left wing behind the front lines, indeed just behind two regiments of French carabiniers. We were ordered to unlimber our guns, load them with canister and hold them with the prolonges [ropes fastened to the limber]. France had just two regiments of these carabiniers, and they were composed of superb soldiers, equipped with long carbines, which were accurate and had a good range, even whilst mounted. Because this was a weak point in our position and one which the enemy was likely to attack, they had been placed there and told that if they could not withstand an enemy attack, then they should split into platoons and gallop through the intervals between our guns drawing the enemy on to our guns charged with canister. They would then form up behind our guns, and stand ready to protect us. And who would believe what came to pass? All the enemy charges, accompanied by the furious yelling of the Russians and their wild Asians, were repulsed; the carabiniers’ sangfroid and accurate fire throwing them back each time. Their charges grew weaker, and the battlefield was covered with many dead riders and horses. There were at least seven such charges. The carabiniers maintained an impressive silence throughout, just occasionally an officer would tell his men ‘Serrez’ [close up] or ‘Ne bougez pas’ [keep still]. They fired volleys like infantry, and the horses stood like a wall, although the reins were loose, because both hands were needed to operate the carbines, although those riders with more jittery horses held the reins in their teeth. During this battle I saw a very unusual incident, something one sees once in a lifetime. A soldier who had been hit below the knee by a canister fragment had his leg amputated by the surgeons while still mounted. The operation was done under enemy fire, and the unhappy horseman did not dismount because the surgeons told him that this would be quicker and safer. Only at the end of the battle did two of his colleagues, holding him under the shoulders, escort him to the field hospital. On returning to our corps, and passing along the French army, we saw groups of dead bodies lying together, and looking at their uniforms and facings, we unfortunately recognized our own people from the Vistula Legion, all mowed down by canister fire.

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The army reluctantly returned to the Moscow to Smolensk road, knowing what misery it held in store for them, and, to add to their woe, crossed the dismal fields of Borodino before continuing their march, or flight. It was now that the first snows began, draught horses collapsed in their hundreds and guns and wagons were abandoned. With supplies having been consumed, and Cossacks ensuring that no foraging could be done far from the exhausted strip of land on either side of the road, the great hunger began. Colonel Jan Weyssenhoff in V Corps recollects his retreat towards Smolensk: From that day [of the battle of Tarutino, i.e. 18 October], our retreat towards the Polish borders began, and it was accompanied by horrible calamities and disasters, things which cannot easily be described. Napoleon marched with the Guard and the corps of Viceroy Eugene and Davout to Maloyaroslavetz on the way to Kaluga, while the rest of the army turned back along that road that we had already marched along and which ran between Moscow, Mozhaisk, Vyazma and to Smolensk. At Maloyaroslavetz a bloody battle was fought for two days with the Russians blocking our way, and both sides losing a lot of people, even though victory was declared by Napoleon, it was already too late. The emperor did not have enough troops to profit from the defeat of the enemy. So he turned the remaining soldiers of the Guards and those corps around and rejoined us at Vyazma. Frost, snow blizzards and storms now began. Discipline among the troops fell apart! Soldiers and horses, marching but hungry, began to collapse along the road. The men abandoned the ranks; indeed happy was the regiment which still had a few of its soldiers around its eagles. The Guards held out the longest; the rest descended into a confused, colourful mob, throwing away their weapons and anything else that was heavy. The dying and dead horses presented the only available food. It is easy to understand why we were in this situation, as; after all, we were marching back along on the same road we had advanced along previously. Just ruins remained on each side of the road, and, for a few miles on either side, any settlement had been completely destroyed. There were no stores or magazines and if at certain points along the road

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something was available, then only the Guards got it. We dragged our legs forward through this misery with some astonishment that we were not attacked, because we believed that the enemy, in his own country, was equipped with everything, that he could not lack for weapons or ammunition with which to attack us fiercely. We later learned however that his army was also in bad way, something perhaps attributable to its poor administration. Even so, the Russian army, moving parallel to our route, could have tried to block us at many points and ultimately annihilate us, almost defenceless, but they did not really dare do so. They made some half-hearted attempts, but they were always pushed back by the remnants of our army, which could still beat them.58 These were desperate times and neither side was in the mood to show much mercy. Captain Józef Zaluski, an officer in the Polish Guard Lancers, saw that the French were even capable of massacring prisoners. He relates a case of a Portuguese escort who finished off some unfortunate Russian prisoners of war who had been seized around Moscow: One day, General [Wincenty] Krasiński was riding alongside me at the head of the regiment. We saw some blood stains on the road and the corpses of some Russian soldiers who had just been killed. They were evidently prisoners of war. We were outraged to see such a thing, so General Krasiński went galloping off to see the commander of this column, who happened to be a Portuguese colonel. Krasiński expressed our disappointment to him over for this harsh and unjustifiable cruelty, but the Portuguese commander received Krasiński’s comments very badly and responded in an indecent tone. This was no time or place to argue, so General Krasiński hurried over to the Imperial Staff and reported the abuse and the prisoners’ fate. The Poles were never cruel to their unarmed enemies and were always kind to any prisoners of war. 58 The author has rather dismissed the encounter on 3 November at Vyazma between an imposing Russian force under generals Miloradovitch and Uvarov and the corps of Marshal Davout, supported by the remains of IV Corps under Eugene Beauharnais and V Corps under General Zajączek.

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Those prisoners who were not shot starved, as did the army itself. Hunger plagued the army as October turned to November and the temperatures plunged. Henryk Dembiński, captain of chasseurs, described his march from Vereya to Smolensk after the loss of his horse: Between the town of Vereya, which we did not enter at all, and which we were ordered to burn so that the enemy would be deprived of shelter, I repeat that between Vereya and Mozhaisk, my horse collapsed and I had to march along behind the army on foot. I was not alone, because a large number of marauders had already begun to appear. I do not remember how long it took me to reach Mozhaisk, but I remember that the frost was extremely harsh when I passed through this city, where all the remaining houses had also been set on fire to deprive the Russians of any shelter. Then there was the terrible sight of the battlefield [of Borodino]! The artillery did not always use the main road, because their horses were not properly shod and they had to seek out places where they would not slip. There was a mass of corpses after that major battle, none were buried, and they were rendered so hard by the frost that, as the gun wheels rolled over their legs, their torsos lifted upwards. I saw there the real cause of the collapse of the French. Their draught horses, with their smooth and flat horseshoes, could not pull anything over even the gentlest of inclines. So it was necessary to use the infantry to push the guns along. The infantry stacked their muskets, and after escorting the artillery returned to their weapons. But they did not receive any food at night in the camp, so they preferred to throw their muskets away and quit the ranks, so that they could free themselves from having to push the guns. Thus a procession of marauders replaced any organized units just three days into the march. Each morning, the ammunition caissons were parked side by side. These were left open and so arranged that they could easily be set on fire. As soon as the order came to quit the camp, the first caisson was lit so that the wind would take the flames to the next in line, ensuring that each and every one would be burnt or blown up. How did I get to Vyazma? I do not know, I was not even sure I was alive. I do not remember. Sometimes I cut a piece of meat from a

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dead horse, I threw it on the embers of burning campfires, and when it was roasted on both sides, I bit into it so that, fitfully, my hunger was pacified rather than satisfied. Late one night, before reaching Vyazma, I came across a wagon of the 13th Polish Hussars, which (unlike the rest of the army) had long Hungarian wagons covered in cloth. Admitted as a guest by the adjutant non-commissioned officer, Trzeciak, who had half an ox and a barrel of vodka, I refreshed myself to such an extent that I did not quit that wagon for the entire battle of Vyazma. There, the grenadiers of Napoleon’s Old Guard, who were the only ones in the entire French army who had not left their ranks, dominated the field and ensured a happy outcome. We drove past the columns by pushing through the undergrowth on the side of the road. The soldiers had snow to their knees. I do not know where I left Trzeciak’s cart, but it was probably at Dorokhobuzh, where, that night, I found the rest of our regiment, which then consisted of 15 officers and 40 soldiers. A good-natured veteran sold me a large fur-lined coat for my last 5 Francs. I owe my life to this coat, because I had nothing more than my uniform and my issue riding coat which was too thin. I quit the regiment well before Smolensk and tried to get ahead of the mass of stragglers. Before reaching Smolensk I entered a post house, where mounted troopers were stationed to ensure communication for the army. There I found Lieutenant Skrzyński of the 1st Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs, who had only just finished breakfast with several other officers who like me were marching to the town. I found the crumbs of some wonderful bread on the table and I said to him: ‘Why do you leave bread like this, you do not know what real hunger is out there.’ He did not want to believe it and he laughed at my reprimand. I asked him for a piece of bread, but he did not have any more, and, in any case, he had been ordered to return with his detachment to Smolensk, because this post house was intended for the emperor. I thought to wait there for Napoleon and demand some of the food which would be served to him. As there were two rooms in the place, I entered the second one and I decided not to move from there. Thus I sat on the bench in the corner nursing a strong resolve to wait for the emperor. Soon his retinue arrived, first were the mules carrying his table service as well as his servants and

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personal bodyguard. One of them approached me and politely asked me to leave this room, for they had come to prepare his bedroom. But my answer was that I had something to say to the emperor and I wanted to wait for him in this room. They answered me with the utmost politeness, asking that I vacate this room whilst they cleaned it and then I would be permitted to return. They tricked me that easily, because no sooner had I left than, at the same moment, two grenadiers were positioned in front of the door and crossed their muskets to prevent anybody from going in. I saw that my intention of making some kind of scandal in the presence of the emperor was no longer possible, because I would of course be ejected with violence. So I went out to the fenced courtyard and approached a vast campfire, which they had lit there. Soon the emperor arrived in front of the post house in a carriage, they lay a path of straw out before him so that he could enter the house with dry feet. A company of Polish Guard Lancers under Colonel Krasiński also arrived. Count Krasiński, Rostworowski, Zaluski and a few other friends of mine approached the fire, but I, gloomily surveying them, did not greet them. My presence had evidently come to the attention of the emperor’s staff, because a French general came over to the fire, and, glancing sideways at me, said in French: ‘Allons, les cantines, qu’on nous serve du pain, du vin, du sucre’ [Let’s move to the canteen, where they will give us bread, wine and sugar]. Soon the imperial servants brought out a huge silver tray heaped with bread cut into slices, a second one with sugar, and a third with some glasses. I jumped forwards like a hungry wolf, ate what I could, and packed some bread in my pocket. I drank several glasses of good Bordeaux, I then nodded, as if to convey my thanks, and, as the night approached, I left for Smolensk. The frost was harsh, the sky sparkled, I walked as long as I could, then looking, as usual, for the place where the wind was less strong (always far from the fire), I lay on the snow, covered my head with a cape and fell asleep. If the snow fell at night, the heat was just right, and sleep was better, but then new afflictions began, because when the body was warmed, the vermin, and each of us carried several species, began to consume us, interrupting even the best of sleeps. To illustrate to what point the vermin plagued the

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army, I present the following example. Once, I entered a building near the main road, which, I do not know why, had not yet been burnt. The number of people resting in the main room was large and the floor was covered with straw. A young French infantry officer then came among us, threw off his clothing, including a shirt, and cursed the emperor who had placed him in such poverty. He exposed his injured back which indeed was formed of an enormous scab as he had been literally eaten by vermin, then he fell to the ground and started to rub his back against the straw until it was bleeding all over, then he dressed again, and cursing without ceasing, he went on his way. Despite the fact that we were used to many appalling sights, this scene moved us deeply. Nobody said a word, but all of us were thinking the same thing. I have already mentioned that whenever I wanted to sleep I always sought out a place far from the fire. I did this for two reasons: the first was that I knew that in the freezing cold it was dangerous to be by the fire because on the one side the fire was warming and on the other the air was freezing, but I also did it because it was not easy to approach a fire that had been lit by somebody else, because there was such jealousy amongst us, such hatred of one for another, that those who set fires, even the biggest bonfire, did not let just anyone come close to it. It was especially true if the French had ignited such a fire and a Pole was approaching, they fiercely chased him off, because they always told us that they were here fighting this war because of us. So, for Poles it was doubly painful, because firstly, we knew Napoleon’s mistake, which every French soldier misunderstood too, namely that he would not declare Polish independence, as we expected him to, but secondly, we keenly felt the reproach of this mass of French soldiers, who considered us to be the root cause of the war. I will mention here the extent to which the egotism of the masses had developed, because once, though sometime later, the emperor himself wanted to approach a fire and sent his adjutant forward to ask who had lit it, but the adjutant returned to him saying that the fire belonged to French soldiers, but that it would be dangerous for him to approach it in person, since they were cursing the emperor. As I say, this occurred a few days later, after the passage of Smolensk, when such things became quite general.

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Captain Franciszek Gajewski adds his description to the overall picture of the terrible condition of the French Army between Moscow and Smolensk in November 1812: On 29 October, the army reached Mozhaisk. The frost then came down all of a sudden and the thermometer dropped to 15 degrees Réaumur (- 35 degrees Celsius). The army suffered from lack of food, and the soldiers’ clothing, designed for a mild climate, was worthless in a country so far to the east. The horses, smoothly shod, according to the French custom, were not able to draw their loads; the cavalry had to lead the horses behind them by their reins, the road surface was entirely of ice. On the first and second days, the army still held out, but, on the third day, they threw several thousand muskets away, and each soldier ran off to look for food and clothing, driven purely by his instincts. The number of marauders was terrifying, and it multiplied each and every day. Baggage was abandoned on the road for lack of horses, and masses of these died every day from hunger. Soon came the turn of the caissons with munitions and the guns themselves. A mass of caissons which could not be drawn further were blown up and I heard explosions of this kind from morning until evening. At first, the Cossacks fell on each abandoned vehicle, but later, they refrained from such robbery when several caissons were blown up taking dozens of men with them. It was some time before they dared approach our abandoned vehicles again. I will never forget the sight of these miserable soldiers; a few weeks ago they had been full of enthusiasm and energy. Now they were dressed bizarrely in clothes of both the sexes and every trade, doing what they could to protect themselves from the bitter frost. Had the circumstances been different, they would have laughed at themselves. But no, there were several thousand such unhappy beings, frozen and hungry, the last vestiges of humanity gone leaving just a husk in human form. They would not listen to any order or command, all discipline disappeared, and everyone just looked after himself. Some formed bands of a dozen or even several dozen, and they marched from morning to late night, or until they could march no more. When anyone collapsed, nobody helped them back up. Everyone passed by with indifference, leaving them to their fate.

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Worse, there were those who stripped them of clothing, covering their own limbs with such rags stolen from their dying comrades, ignoring their moans and cursing, and without the risk of a reprimand from anyone else. In the evening such columns generally stopped when the stars came out, regulating themselves almost by instinct. Whatever was built of wood in the vicinity, whether a hut or a fence, was demolished for firewood, regardless of whether generals or the wounded sheltered below, and if the marauders were chased away by such irate residents, the houses were deliberately burnt down and often those who had sought rest under the roof died in the flames. After igniting their bonfires, everybody began to track down whatever they could to appease their constant hunger. A horse, a dog, or whatever animal came to hand, all was fair game. There were those who had a bag of flour, carefully guarded, and they melted the snow in a pot over the fire, poured a handful of flour into the boiling water, added a few cartridges of gunpowder for seasoning, and consumed this strange stew. Such pap became the envy of countless others, and often 20 Francs and more changed hands for a portion of this meal. I myself paid 20 Francs for a small glass of vodka at Krasnoe, just after Smolensk. At Vyazma I myself caught a cat, killed it, skinned it, baked it, and ate it as though it was the most delicious delicacy. The same shortage of food affected the horses. Straw from a roof, which was very rare because everything had been burnt, became the only food for many horses of the cavalry regiments and the horse artillery. Of course, the horses soon lost their strength amidst such want. The baggage was first to be abandoned, then the ammunition wagons, and finally the guns. The cavalry ate their own horses. From Mozhaisk onwards, I saw the artillery left on the road, and the constant blowing up of the gunpowder caissons convinced me it would be impossible to save our artillery. General of Brigade Eustachy Sanguszko, aide-de-camp to Napoleon, also commented on the cruel fate of the army’s horses: After unheard of hardships, the description of which is almost impossible, for it cannot be imagined how much horror the poor people

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suffered, we eventually reached Smolensk, where the abundance of promised provisions was supposed to end the unbearable famine. But it was just a promise, and disorder broke out when everyone tried to lay hands on what little was there. It seemed even more terrible, because the exhausted soldiers had been praying for an end to their poverty. Now hungry eyes turned again to our little Lithuanian ponies, which were losing weight much less quickly than the French and German nags, and all the marauders watched them closely.59 Captain Franciszek Gajewski, reaching Smolensk, also reflected on the fate of the cavalry horses, and saw a difference between those of the Guard and those of the rest: That part of the army remaining under arms had received a distribution of food taken from Moscow, food which had been placed under the emperor’s protection. This meant that the Guard had regularly been issued with food during the march from Moscow to Smolensk, and here again it was provided with rations for two weeks. The horses of the Guard artillery and the cavalry were, by this stage, getting one pot of oats a day. They did not therefore lose their strength, although they grew thinner. Besides, the bad habit of shoeing horses in the French manner, involving smooth shoes, caused great losses even in the Guard. No one cared for the demoralized soldiers; they were a plague for that part of the army remaining under arms. The line cavalry disappeared completely, the horses fell due to the total want of forage, and as soon as they fell, they were immediately cut open and eaten. Then the riders unhooked their portmanteaux and joined the marauders. A few days and they bore no resemblance to soldiers and became like the rest. Perhaps Smolensk would feed the hungry and shelter the frostbitten? There was a sense of hope when the army caught sight of the white walls, and the smartly dressed garrison. Colonel Jan Weyssenhoff was pleased to encounter some Poles among the garrison there: 59 Eustachy Sanguszko. Pamiętnik 1786-1815 (Memoirs 1786-1815). Krakow, 1876.

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We finally reached Smolensk, where we found some of our wounded soldiers from the battle for the city on 17 and 18 August. The 1st Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs, under the command of Colonel [Konstanty] Przebendowski, then formed the garrison of Smolensk, and it was in a decent condition. It would brilliantly distinguish itself later, taking part in the most dangerous and difficult tasks of the rearguard with the corps of Marshal Ney, who, becoming separated from the Grand Army with only 6,000 infantry and these 300 Chasseurs of the Polish cavalry broke through the entire Russian army under Kutuzov and succeeded in rejoining our army. This achievement of Marshal Ney won the admiration of the whole army. There were indeed supplies in Smolensk, but they would not be shared equally or according to need. Nor would they be enough to sustain an army, particularly a famished one, over the winter. Captain Józef Załuski, whose Polish Guard Lancers still maintained formation, and a supply of food, records his description of the army’s entrance to Smolensk: I do not know and do not understand what, after Napoleon’s battle at Maloyaroslavetz, persuaded him not to push on to Kaluga, or at least to turn towards Medyn, Jukhnov, or even Yelnya, to reach Smolensk, but rather to turn back to Mozhaisk, and follow the same devastated road that we had already taken before. On 28 October, reaching Mozhaisk, we saw that terrible battlefield still full of painful reminders. Even before Mozhaisk, food was scarce. My two cows were presented to the regiment, one after the other. Soon however, in liaison with the Vistula infantry regiments, we arranged organized foraging expeditions, and so, every day before evening fell, one infantry company, usually from Colonel Malczewski’s 2nd Regiment, plus one squadron of our cavalry, pushed far beyond the road and brought back various supplies for the horses and men. On 6 November, frost and snow showed themselves and this cold warning was sad proof that we had left Moscow a month too late. The army lacked winter clothing; cavalry horses, but especially those for artillery, were not properly shod for ice – rumour had it the French were not familiar with a real winter – these broke the army. When we Poles galloped past French generals on our

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properly shod horses, they envied us and were surprised, since whenever they were faced by even the slightest hill, they experienced impossible hardship getting up and they relied on soldiers to pull their guns up slopes. This seemingly small detail was one of the most common reasons for the loss of horses, artillery and baggage, and therefore the main cause of the defeat of our army. When, on 9 November, we reached Smolensk, we were convinced that the city was ready and well-stocked with all the necessary supplies. We felt that as we retreated that it might be possible to establish winter quarters if not for us, the imperial headquarters, then at least for a permanent and strengthened rearguard. This optimistic hope was something we held fast to, even to the point when we saw Napoleon entering Smolensk at the head of his Guard and issuing strict instructions to respect order and discipline. Unfortunately, this comforting hope would not last much longer for disorder, insubordination, almost mutiny, followed and, soon after, these long and carefully accumulated stockpiles were thoroughly pillaged. Some took away luxury goods, others came away with nothing. It was unimaginable chaos and a quantity of reserved Bordeaux and Burgundy wine was being sold off to avoid the bottles simply being looted. Our regiment, especially the men, rested a little in Smolensk and spent a few nights under a roof, something which we had not experienced for such a long time. How different that was to our winter beds! However, it seems that Napoleon’s willingness to hold Smolensk changed, and so, having rested a bit, having reorganized his artillery, he left Smolensk with us on 14 November, hurrying towards Orsha and Borisov, that is, to the Berezina crossing. Marshal Ney had the rearguard entrusted to him. Henryk Dembiński, Captain of the 5th Chasseurs, described his time in Smolensk: I found my regimental cart, to which the cow captured near Moscow was tied. On this cart sat Sergeant Korn from my company, wounded by a canister fragments at Tchirikovo. The cart was being driven by a soldier, whose features I still remember, but not his name. The cart was filled with several bales of green

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cloth which had been handed to us in Moscow, and on this cart I travelled to Smolensk, or rather to one of its suburbs, arriving on a frosty day at about 11 o’clock in the morning. I was hungry, and I asked my people if they had any food. Korn replied that they had nothing else save for some salted fish which required cooking. So instead of taking up quarters, something then fairly easy as we were a bit in front of the column forming the main body of the army, we lit a fire by the road and put a large piece of fish into the cauldron for cooking. As I really was starving, and seeing the influx of marauders, I decided to seek out a billet now, not waiting for the fish to be cooked. I therefore gulped down a substantial piece of raw fish and drank some fresh milk from our cow, which, despite being very thin, gave us a large pot of milk every time she was milked. After this indigestible feast reached my weakened stomach, suffering from the bloody dysentery then prevalent in the whole army and with which I had also been infected for a long time, we began to look for shelter, but in vain. All the houses and shelters were already occupied, and everywhere we were pushed away, so that when evening came, we had not found any place to sleep. As we were searching, just before evening, I reached quite a large lake, on which stood a chapel with a stone statue of St John. There seemed little room for anybody on that island apart from the saint, we wanted him to make room, but of course it was not possible. The cold was getting more and more difficult to bear and night was approaching quickly. Sergeant Korn finally suggested we enter a small hut built on stilts in the midst of this water, a place it was possible to reach using some wooden planks serving as a bridge. Of course, I accepted this proposal, all the more so because the effects of the dysentery were building and were quite unpleasant. Having crawled along the bridge to this hut I realized that it was a steam bath for the poor and that the air at the top of the room, above the stove, was still quite warm. There were a few soldiers from our regiment with us, so we handed our cow and the cart over to their protection, whilst Korn and myself carried several bales of cloth to that bathhouse. I settled down, and my clothes were hung outside the hut as if to be washed, and so we prepared ourselves for the night. I was very weak, such that I could not even stand unaided, and the effects of my

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dysentery lay all around me. Sergeant Korn and an orderly brought some bricks and at the entrance to the dirty shack in which I lay they built a raised floor and lit a small campfire. They gathered around it and fell asleep. The fire was slowly glowing by the open door whilst I struggled to sleep, then suddenly a large flame jumped up and a few seconds later the fire went out with a great hum. This was caused by the flames burning the floor under the bricks, so that the floor collapsed under the fire and the fire disappeared into the waters below. The next day it was difficult to wake me. I was lying like the dead for one day and two nights, living only off tea, which Sergeant Korn obtained from somewhere. I was truly close to death, but youth cheated it. On the third day, the sergeant said: ‘If the captain would get up, then we have to keep going, because the rearguard is coming and everybody is moving beyond the Dnieper.’ I asked for my clothes, which shaken after being exposed to the frosty night now seemed as clean as if somebody had washed them deliberately. I got dressed, sat in the cart and passed across the bridge, not without difficulties as there were masses of people. We drove over the Dnieper, but did not enter the city where only the Imperial Guard was allowed, but skirted around Smolensk and passed through those places where our infantry had suffered so much [in August]. I reached a large wooden building, inside of which there was a ball room. It was the assembly rooms of the city, just recently rebuilt, and there I met a detachment of our voltigeurs under Major Samuel Różycki, who still had around 200 men, but did not have any food. I sacrificed my thoroughbred cow, which I gave him, and though thin, it was sufficiently good for the unit to receive rations for the next 24 hours. The scale of the disorder which reigned there can be imagined from the following. Next to the building where we were resting stood a park of wagons, each vehicle drawn by four horses and loaded with rice and barley, which the Government of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw had sent for the army. There was a nobleman in charge of this transport; he seemed to be an economist from the Kraków region. When he learned from Major Różycki that I was there, he came to see me, since my father’s name, although he had died many years ago, was still respected. Only at my warm insistence would he gave us some of his supplies, explaining that he was taking a great

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risk because he had been ordered not to let this food out of his sight as it was intended for the Imperial Guard. I doubt that this transport reached the Guard intact, because soon after boiling our broth using the meat of my cow, to which lots of barley was added, the French infantry of the rearguard arrived and forced us to quit our quarters. The episode related here there must be described, because it was so characteristic of the time. The commander of this rearguard entered the room just as we, laid out on the straw, were falling asleep. He must have ordered our soldiers to leave, but seeing that it did not work, he brought some drummers to the middle of the room and told them to sound the march, while his men lowered their muskets as if to attack, rushed in and began trample us. I woke up from my sleep, feeling that someone was stamping on me, and angrily shouted that I was an officer, but the soldiers, smiling sardonically, merely lowered their bayonets to my stomach as if to prod me, and said: ‘Sorry, Mister officer, time to leave.’ I stood up angrily, telling the commander that my rank was not being respected, but he smiled too, and continued to have the room evacuated using the same methods. Leaving this place, I was a witness to an even more upsetting act, one which stood out despite the insensitivity which held sway. I noticed a soldier from the French cavalry who, having dismounted from his horse, took his broadsword, placed himself in front of the horse for a better aim, then drove his weapon into the animal’s chest and all the way to the hilt. The horse was so weak that it just stood there motionless despite the fact that this inhuman soldier was moving his sword in all directions. In the end, he pulled the broadsword out of the horse, cursed the poor creature because it would not collapse, stood next to it as if to mount, but then, instead, grabbed the animal’s right leg with one hand, and pushed the horse with the other in order to topple it over. When this was done, and when the horse was writhing on the ground in pain, the soldier, without waiting for his mount to expire, cut its belly open and extracted the liver as being the part best for cooking. This sight haunted me ever since as a symbol of the atrocities of war. Smolensk proved a disappointment for everyone. Whatever stores and supplies had been collected, and they were less than hoped for, were soon

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pillaged and destroyed, and the army’s needs hardly met. The flight westwards had to continue, but Russian armies were pressuring the lengthening French columns not only from the rear, but from the north and south as well. Just beyond Smolensk, and shortly after quitting its ruins, the French found themselves under attack as the Russians attempted to drive wedges between Napoleon’s various army corps. This series of confused actions developed into the battle of Krasnoe in which Napoleon kept the road open for his fugitives so they could hurry on towards what they hoped would be salvation. On 15 November the Poles and Sébastiani arrived in Krasnoe, Napoleon arriving with his Guard the next day. These troops then waited for the main body to catch up so that, united, they could cross the Dnieper. The Russians, however, had come between the French columns by pushing between the gaps and Napoleon was required to send his Guard, under Rapp and Roguet, to fight Kutuzov and open a passage for Eugene, Ney and Davout. This attack was successful, although Eugene’s corps was destroyed and nearly dispersed and Ney’s corps was cut off and was forced to make its way across country to rejoin Napoleon. Józef Krasiński, lieutenant colonel of the 1st Regiment of Chasseurs, describes the Polish involvement in the first clashes around Krasnoe on 15 November: Suddenly we noticed a dozen or so lancers emerging from the forest, and soon after them, an infantry column followed. My heart leapt at this sight. I was not quite sure yet whether it was our army, because the Russians had their own lancers with pennons and square-topped caps [tschapkas] like ours, but when I saw that they were shooting against the Cossacks with their carbines, I told myself that there is no doubt they are ours! The Cossacks fled, firing back, but without hitting anyone. And with what delight I greeted our first lancer! I immediately ran over to my own people with this news. I then saw [General] Zajączek leading his division and with him [General] Kniaziewicz, whose division was lagging further behind. They greeted me as somebody returning from another world for they had received messages via a second officer sent by another route that I left before General Zajączek and had probably been cut off and lost somewhere. They had received the imperial order that the Polish corps would march on Krasnoe instead of heading

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to Mstislav. So they had had to march through the forests and marshes, switching from one minor road to another, constantly attacked by Cossacks, who swirling around them, would neither let them look for food and forage, nor to rest. I now marched with Zajączek’s division,60 but the rest of my squadron and my cart were sent to Kniaziewicz’s division. Approaching the town of Krasnoe [on 15 November], we heard intense musketry and firing from some light artillery. That evening a French brigade under General Sébastiani, leading the vanguard of the Grand Army, arrived and occupied the town, but it was immediately attacked by the Russians. Our corps hastened over to help them, but Zajączek’s division was delayed at the very entrance of the city by two significant difficulties. The frost had suddenly taken hold after the downpours of the preceding day, and the result was that the road was so slippery that our guns could not climb the slope of the hill, since Krasnoe sat on some hills. Our infantry had to pull the guns by hand, something which proceeded very slowly. The second obstacle was caused by the fact that the Russian columns were placed parallel and not too far from the road. It was Miloradovitsch’s vanguard, some distance behind of which stood the rest of Kutuzov’s army as it prepared to cut a passage through the French troops. General Zajaczek, threatened from the flank, turned to deploy his front against the columns of the enemy and observed them carefully. Only then could he proceed to enter the town in which there was already fighting in the streets. The French brigade was struggling to overcome a superior enemy force (from the division of General Golitsin). Most of the French had to take shelter in the Orthodox church and, once inside, defended themselves by shooting from the windows. The French would have had to give up were it not for the arrival of Kniaziewicz’s division, which, having light artillery, managed to rush into the town, and, almost without a shot being fired, pushed the enemy troops out. A few remained, 60 The denomination division, brigade or regiment should not be taken literally. They had originally used such terms, but the corps were already reduced to divisions, the divisions to regiments, the brigades to battalions or even to companies.

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fighting with a handful of isolated Frenchmen. Then they forced those who besieged the church to retreat and freed the French who had been besieged there. Meanwhile, Lieutenant-Colonel [Adam] Walewski arrived with his artillery, and placed some batteries on the hill under the protection of Zajączek’s infantry. Then he opened fire on the nearest Russian columns, but these also had some artillery, indeed it was far more numerous than ours. They unmasked their guns and a cannonade began from all sides. Blumer’s 3rd Regiment bravely charged them with bayonets. These running battles, however, had no other effect than they prevented the enemy from coming to the aid of their troops in Krasnoe as they did battle with Kniaziewicz. Eventually we managed to eject all enemy forces from this town. The battle had not lasted longer than two hours. Our corps had spent only an hour in the heat of the fighting, whilst the French had been fighting the enemy for a good hour already. The Russian observation columns had been withdrawn, but this was something not down to us alone. Napoleon was approaching with his Guards, and we were duly notified of this by our vanguard. No doubt the Cossacks had warned the Russian commanders of this, too. Our losses in this short battle were severe. Blumer’s 3rd Regiment suffered in particular, as it had marched with fixed bayonets under a hail of bullets. Second Lieutenant Taroni, on our staff, died next to me, having just been sent from General Kniaziewicz to General Zajączek. I got a musket bullet in my thigh and another ball hit my fur cap. After forcing the enemy from Krasnoe61 and the withdrawal of the Russian columns, our entire corps concentrated in the city and we established strong outposts around it. We lay down in the market place, because it was so essential to rest and refresh ourselves after three days of forced marches, without any rest and without 61 As usual French writers make no mention of the Poles and in this particular circumstance they attribute to Napoleon and to his Guards the rescue of Sebastiani’s brigade, not considering that even the dates contradict this: the first battle at Krasnoe took place on 14 November at noon, while Napoleon had only just left Smolensk that morning and spent the night with the Guards at Korytnia.

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food. There were no inhabitants left in the city, only Frenchmen, and they had already eaten everything there was to eat before our arrival. It was therefore necessary to cook horsemeat which, as usual, was consumed without bread, without salt, without even a glass of vodka. The soldiers set their campfires and prepared their poor dinners, but the handful of horsemen who had remained with us went out to find some forage, wherever that might be. Because my horses were also hungry, I also joined this party, taking my Karol [orderly] and the driver of my cart, Piotrek [little Peter] (from the Kraków Voivodship) with me. Their eyes were sharp and they saw a haystack in a meadow which had not yet been destroyed. So we left the cavalry squadron which was then aiming for the village to catch a few cows rather than forage, whilst we headed straight to the haystack. My people worked hard to collect huge bundles of hay, placing them on the horses, and then we started to trot back the way we had come. Suddenly, some Cossacks shot out from the nearest bushes. I, being a little further away from my people, spurred my horse on and came galloping to our lancers who, just then, were herding some cattle out of the village. They let the cows go to try and save my people, but they did not make it in time. We saw the Cossacks attack these poor people with their lances and ride off with their horses, quickly making off. The lancers found Piotrek [little Peter] had been killed, but Karol was unharmed. He was not stupid. Seeing what was about, he threw himself on the ground and hid under the bundles of hay, and although lances were prodded into the hay, they did not reach him, only grazing his thighs. The lancers removed the hay and found poor Karol, nearly half dead from fear. He swore he would never be a forager again. I had to give him another horse at once, and I honestly regretted my little Krakovian. When I returned to Krasnoe, Napoleon’s Guard was already there and had taken up quarters in the city. The command was given for us to immediately leave and continue further to Orsha. Our poor soldiers had barely had time to eat a bit of raw horse meat, before they went off, marching on the frozen road, in the freezing cold, without a hope of warming themselves under some roof.

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About a mile from Krasnoe we saw a Russian peasant walking barefoot in the snow. When he came over to us he demanded to see General Zajączek. I took him to the general. The peasant drew a letter from his ragged clothes and it appeared to be a dispatch from General Dąbrowski. The wearer of the peasant’s clothes was none other than an officer from this division, Captain Komorowski from the 6th Lancer Regiment, who, knowing Russian, undertook this perilous mission, and swapped his uniform for a more reliable disguise. The Russian soldiers, as well as the Cossacks, did not stop him, but the French stragglers stripped him of his sheepskin and they even took his shoes. In the dispatch he brought, Dąbrowski informed Zajączek that he had returned from Minsk to Borisov [on the Berezina] and now waited for further orders there. He also described the state of Belarus, which was already very dangerous at the time. After reading this letter, Zajączek turned to me and told me to immediately go to Borisov with an answer for Dąbrowski, so that he should try to join us. Therefore, on that same day in the evening, I set forth with my Karol towards Borisov.62 Colonel Dezydery Chłapowski, commanding a squadron in the Polish Guard Lancers, described the fighting at Krasnoe as the Guard was used to keep the road open for the remnants of the corps scurrying along from Smolensk: At around 12 o’clock [on the 17th] the Italian corps arrived, but it had lost all of its artillery. The emperor ordered the Polish corps, which had not lost any of its guns so far in the campaign, that we give 30 guns, that is half of our artillery, to the Italians. The emperor determined to wait another day for [Marshal] Ney and again returned to the ravine, but instead of Ney, we saw long Russian columns heading from Smolensk and starting to flank us from the south, whilst their cavalry pressed us from the rear. 62  Excerpts taken from Juliusz Falkowski’s Obrazy z życia kilku ostatnich pokoleń w Polsce [Scenes from the life of a few of the latest generations in Poland], vol IV. Poznań, 1886.

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Then King Murat approached me and ordered me to have a squadron follow and trot behind him, something quite difficult because the snow was really deep. He stopped before the village [Uvarovo], where the Russians were, and he ordered me to enter it (‘entrez dedans’). It was an unusual command for mounted troops, but I had to obey. Such orders explain how King Murat destroyed all the cavalry he had under his command in this campaign. So I took us in to the middle of the village. Four troopers were brought down, and these Murat must have on his conscience, and six more were wounded. I exited the village on the far side, riding just above the ravine and forming my squadron between the village and the emperor who was then perhaps 600 paces away. Then I saw that a company of Grenadiers of the Old Guard was sent to the village by the emperor, who had probably seen Murat’s reckless behaviour. They captured the village without a shot and freed some of our soldiers who had been captured when their horses had been killed in the village. The emperor was on foot at the head of his Guard. I returned to my position close to him, and saw he was very angry with Murat. He snarled: ‘How could you listen to that madman?’ The emperor, seeing more and more enemy troops arrive, assumed that Marshal Ney had either been taken prisoner or surrounded by the Russian army and so retreated in a different direction. Etienne Pierre Ricard was with the trapped Ney, and he recounts the role played by his adjutant, Podczaski, in the escape which followed: Marshal Ney had General Ricard’s division form the vanguard, or rather to maintain communication between himself and the emperor. General Ricard’s division marched on Krasnoe (on 18 November) in conformity with these orders, and soon observed that there had been a battle and the battlefield was covered with corpses, abandoned guns and carriages, all of which indicated that the French had fought a large body of enemy troops. General Ricard sent Lieutenant [Władysław] Podczaski63 to Marshal Ney with this 63 Władysław Podczaski (1790–1865), lieutenant of the 5th Infantry Regiment, adjutant to General Etienne Pierre Ricard.

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news, and the marshal instructed Podczaski to tell General Ricard that he should proceed without delay. But when strong enemy columns began to appear, he was again sent back to the marshal to inform him of this development, and he returned from Ney with orders to advance and break through the enemy in order to open a passage for the corps. So General Ricard attacked the enemy, but, in spite of such bravery, he could not push through, having to deal with the entire Russian army, which, two days before had encountered Napoleon’s forces. The clash was so bloody and his staff was so exposed that from the three adjutants of General Ricard, only Lieutenant Podczaski survived, and he had his horse killed. As evidence of the zeal of the army, even in the midst of such disasters, let us give here just one example. A fragment of canister hit General Ricard in the temple, his hat falling from his head. Podczaski, whilst giving him back his hat, saw his face stained with blood, and advised him to seek treatment. The general, instead of thinking about himself, replied: ‘It’s nothing. Long live the Emperor! Forwards!’ But all attempts to advance were futile. Soon, the marshal came up and, supposing that the bridge over the Dnieper at Orsha would have been demolished [after its passage by Napoleon], he ordered our withdrawal. Just as the marshal was giving orders to fall back, Podczaski observed some Russian lancers seizing several guns from us. Without waiting for the order, he quickly collected some infantry and recovered the cannon. During this withdrawal, Russian envoys were coming over, bringing word from Kutuzov (or, rather, General Miloradovitch) that made Marshal Ney aware that he was completely cut off and that the entire Russian army separated him from Napoleon. That the Russian commander-in-chief, out of respect for his great military talent, would not have dared suggesting surrender if the chances of escape were not so remote, and that, finally, he would permit Marshal Ney to send one of his staff officers to confirm the strength of the Russian forces arrayed against him. Then the marshal might decide that the only option was for his men to lay down their weapons. The marshal rejected such proposals, and not wanting to let the enemy know what direction he had taken, he kept the last parliamentary, later General Ronnenkampf, with him,

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and turned back towards Smolensk. By the time it was already dark he halted on the road with the entire staff and asked: “Do we have any Polish officers here?’ Lieutenant Podczaski immediately stepped forwards. The marshal took him to one side, told him that he intended to have the corps cross over to the right bank of the Dnieper and that, to do so, a way across must be found for the troops to march over the frozen river. Then he gave him the order to go and quickly find a guide, and he halted his main forces on the Smolensk road as he waited for the outcome of this mission which might save his army. He did not have to wait too long. Podczaski found a local peasant, questioned him and brought him before the marshal, telling him that just one and a half miles away [at the mouth of the Losmina River] stood a village [Danikowo] where the inhabitants of the area, after felling trees in the forest, used a ford to bring the wood back over the Dnieper. This place therefore seemed the most convenient for the troops to use. The marshal immediately sent his men in that direction. But the guide was drunk, so much so that once mounted on one of the marshal’s horses, he had to be propped up by Lieutenant Podczaski on one side and from the other by the aide of the marshal, Captain [Pierre-Agathe] Heymès. They had to hold him under his arms so that he would not fall from the horse. Podczaski, taking responsibility for the guide as nobody else on the staff could speak Russian, asked the marshal to allow him a cavalry escort to find another guide and confirm the words of the drunken man, since in the situation in which the corps now found itself, this man could have been planted by the enemy. The marshal praised Podczaski for his caution and leant him a body of horsemen. These rushed one of the villages by the enemy camp, kidnapped one of the inhabitants, and before the Russians could react, they quit the village and immediately placed a new peasant before the marshal. The new guide confirmed the words of the previous drunken fellow. At last the corps reached the village [Syrokoreniye] and when everyone tried to find shelter from the cruel frost in the village huts, the marshal, satisfied with Podczaski’s conduct, again sent him off, this time to the river to mark out the crossing place. Those

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who can imagine under what conditions the retreat of the Grand Army took place will easily understand how much moral power was needed to perform these duties. Physical strength, memory, energy, everything was close to giving way; only egotism showed its power or, rather, the keenest law of nature, self-preservation, became the rule. Podczaski, however, returned to the marshal, told him how thick the ice was, but also stated that any crossing would be dangerous. After a few hours of rest, the crossing began only to be jeopardised by the weight of the artillery. As the guns could not be carried over they were spiked and left on the bank of the river. After crossing the Dnieper, another opportunity for Lieutenant Podczaski to show his courage and tireless activity presented itself. He had dedicated himself to carrying out the marshal’s assignments, but now the marshal had one more request. He needed the lieutenant’s help to take a village [Husynne] which was being stubbornly defended by the enemy. Seeing that the weary and weak French skirmishers, with their frostbitten hands, were wavering, he dismounted, picked up a musket and encouraged the attackers. Soon they pushed the enemy out from that village. Marshal Ney, a close witness to his courage, loudly praised his bravery and energy and congratulated General Ricard for having such an adjutant, advising him to nominate him for the Legion of Honour. On the third day of the retreat [20 November], amidst running battles with Platov’s Cossacks and his light artillery mounted on sledges, the remnants of the corps reached Yakubovo, about 16 versts [17 kilometres] from Orsha. From there, Colonel [Konstanty] Przebendowski64 from the 1st Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs broke through to the camp of the Viceroy [Eugene de Beuaharnais] bringing news of the marshal’s situation and prompting him to send support. Meanwhile, Ney saw the fires of a large enemy bivouac in front of him. He decided to advance, but found himself in a deserted camp. Platov had withdrawn, not willing to be caught between two enemy bodies and so, about 8 versts from Orsha, a 64 Konstanty Przebendowski (1776–1831), colonel and commander of the 1st Infantry Regiment during the retreat of the Grand Army. He was taken prisoner by the Russians near Molodetchno.

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meeting of the survivors of both corps took place, much to the great joy of the remains of Napoleon’s Army.65 Captain Józef Rudnicki commanded a company in the 4th Infantry Regiment of Victor’s IX Corps. That corps had been in reserve and had not gone to Moscow; indeed, it had only been brought forward that August to protect Smolensk and watch over the army’s northern flank. Now, with the main body evacuating Smolensk and rushing towards the Berezina, these fresh formations were hastily called back to the main body stumbling towards Orsha. Rudnicki reviews the first part of his campaign following his transfer from Spain, but then describes the reunion with the Grand Army as it heads towards the vital Berezina crossing at Borisov: In our long march from Spain we had passed through the city of Gdansk [Danzig] to the city of Malbork, today called Marienburg. Marshal Victor had General [Jean-Baptiste] Girard send out some important messages addressed to the Polish Minister Wielhorski, and since our regiments wanted to join the Confederation Army [of Polish and Lithuanian Confederation], permission was granted and I was sent with the paperwork to Warsaw. It was with inexpressible satisfaction that I boarded a stagecoach which quickly conveyed me to the capital of the kingdom and the place of my birth, it was indeed so quick that I left Malbork in the evening of 5 August 1812 and on the 8th, at dawn, I reached Warsaw. The Gazeta Warszawska of 21 November announced my arrival thus: ‘Captain/Adjutant-major Rudnicki arrived from Malbork bearing the act of accession to the Confederation of the 4th Polish Infantry Regiment which, having returned from Spain, comes to gather new laurels in its native land.’ I could only spend three days in my native town because on 12 August 1812, I went back to Malbork. I could not find IX Corps there, and so hurried over towards the city of Tylża [Tilsit] and that region. I discovered that the 4th Regiment had already reached the town of Ragnitz, and, the day after my arrival there, we all 65  Pamiętniki Polskie: zebrane przez Ksawerego Bronikowskiego [Polish Memoirs: collected by K. Bronikowski], vol 1. 1883.

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marched off towards Lithuania, more precisely to Kaunas on the river Niemen [Nemunas]. After a few days’ march we then reached the Lithuanian capital of Vilnius. The city is quite beautiful and of a good size and the area between the churches and the cathedral really is beautiful. The local academy, founded during the reign of the Polish King Stefan Batory, is especially famous for its professors of medicine [e.g. the brothers Jan and Jędrzej Śniadecki]. After a two-day rest, we then passed through the substantial town of Minsk, and arrived at the fortified and impressive city of Smolensk. Smolensk, with its beautiful and imposing houses, is fortified with strong walls and bastions, and is located on a very beautiful spot on the Dnieper. The Poles spent a month there as the city, having been taken by storm, was full of the dead with many lying unburied in the suburbs. We were ordered to collect them and burn them on pyres. Before leaving Smolensk, Colonel [Tadeusz] Woliński had arrived post-haste straight from the city of Cadiz, as he had been freed from the Spanish on exchange. However, he seemed very confused, and his strange orders would be more and more bewildering. However, just as he rejoined us, we received the command to march to the city of Polotsk with the rest of IX Corps. When we reached the town of Tchashniki, it became apparent that the Russian General Wittgenstein with a significant corps was quite close to us. We set out to meet him and a battle soon began on 29 October. The 4th Regiment was ordered to capture a small forest full of Russian skirmishers. We expelled them from this position, but as usual, we lost several dozen soldiers, and Colonel Woliński and Lieutenant-Colonel [Cyprian] Zdzitowiecki were wounded. Later, our division was ordered to seize a village courageously defended by the Russians; the enemy lost a considerable number of soldiers and officers there and by that evening this village was in our hands. We lost the following officers: From the 4th Regiment the killed included Major [Ignacy] Bronisz, and lieutenants: [Feliks] Rapacki, [Franciszek] Brochocki, [Stanisław] Kłobukowski, [Dominik] Czarnecki and Second Lieutenant [Benedykt] Makowski.

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From the 7th Regiment Captain [Franciszek] Lubowiedzki was killed. From the 9th Regiment Captain [Ignacy] Malinowski, Lieutenant [Józef] Hadecki and Second Lieutenant Światłowski were killed. Major [Józef] Gezler died from his wounds. After that, a courier brought orders from Emperor Napoleon to Marshal Victor, telling him not to fight any major battles, but to manoeuvre to cover the French army as it fell back to the town of Orsha. Because of this, we constantly changed position over the course of the next 15 days before, finally, joining the defeated (VI) Corps under General Gouvion Saint-Cyr, who was pulling back from the city of Polotsk. Marshal Victor then determined to withdraw towards the town of Borisov. Though we already knew about the retreat of Napoleon’s Grand Army, we were, however, utterly ignorant that it had been destroyed by the frosts. With hope in our heart, and in the greatest order, despite the fact that the enemy was sitting right on the back of our necks, we reached the city of Borisov on the Berezina River. Here we joined Napoleon’s Grand Army, although only its name was grand! Oh, how terrible it was for us to look upon that army which, not so long ago, the entire world considered invincible. Now they were dressed in women’s clothes, the robes of priests, rough peasant coats, crawling along without arms or ammunition, with heads down and dejected faces. These were the shadows of the men they had once been. For the first time in our lives, we watched as they fought over a piece of horse meat, which was all they had to eat, or saw the Frenchmen unharness the draught horses from the guns, stab them with bayonets and pull the entrails out from them (even whilst these poor creatures were still alive), wrapping them around the ramrods of their muskets, sprinkling them with gun powder and roasting them over the campfires for food.66 Lieutenant Michał Jackowski, an artillery officer attached to the 7th Polish Infantry Regiment, also in IX Corps, described how Victor’s men joined the 66  Pamiętniki Józefa Rudnickiego in ‘Piśmie Zbiorowym Wileńskim na rok 1862’ [Collective Magazine of Vilnius for the year 1862].

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Grand Army at Kokhanov near Orsha. He, too, was horrified by what he saw: After the battle with Wittgenstein [at Tchashniki] we pulled back through Sienno and joined the main body of Napoleon’s army at Orsha. We found it was no longer an army but rather a mob. Officers and soldiers were dressed as best they could, in cassocks of Orthodox priests, in women’s furs, in peasant clothes. Our corps still looked like an army, but, from Orsha on, we merged with the mob and shared its hunger, the frost and its defeat together. The whole army, after a few hours’ rest, stumbled on. Our artillery received an order to advance before it, but we had barely marched a quarter of a mile when we were ordered to hand our guns over to the French Guard cavalry who had taken charge of all the train, the draught horses and wagoneers. We carried out this order, and combined with 130 infantry with muskets, we formed four sections under the command of Captain [Krzysztof] Koryzna (because [Konstanty] Grabowski, our nominal commander, was wounded) and continued our march. We had not gone far when we learned from our non-commissioned officer, who had remained with the guns, that our French allies had abandoned our artillery to the Russians where we had left them without firing a single shot. The non-commissioned officer, being on horseback escaped from this disaster with a few Frenchmen. The whole army now passed us in the greatest disorder while the Imperial Guard acted as rearguard. Suddenly, between it and the remnants of the army, one could hear the whooping of some Cossacks who were pursuing an officer who had run out from the forest in a white coat and without a cap. We let him into our ranks, and we opened fire on the Cossacks several times. When they saw our troops marching well and in order, they fled back into the forest.67

67  Pamiętniki Polskie: zebrane przez Ksawerego Bronikowskiego [Polish Memoirs: collected by K. Bronikowski], vol 1. 1883.

Chapter 5

Crossing of the Berezina Krasnoe had allowed the army to continue westwards, but, after that running battle, the danger of being cut off and stranded by converging Russian armies was ever greater. This was because beyond Orsha the road continued to Borisov, where the bridge over the Berezina River now assumed critical importance. If that crossing at that river was cut, Napoleon would find himself caught between Kutuzov coming from the east and the Russian armies descending from the north and moving up from the south. From this latter direction a Russian army under Admiral Tchitchagov now made its appearance in the unfolding drama. Released by the Russian peace with the Ottomans, it had quit Bessarabia in the late summer and had pushed northwards to probe for weaknesses in Napoleon’s southern flank. This flank had largely been entrusted to some Saxons under General Reynier, to the Austrians, under Marshal Schwartzenberg, whose primary aim was to survive the campaign with his troops intact, and a few scattered Polish and Lithuanian detachments. The most significant of these was General Dąbrowski’s 17th Division detached from V Corps. That September Dąbrowski’s men had found themselves coming under increasing pressure and obliged to be in all places at once. Minsk, an important nexus for supplies, was vital, but the Poles also had to protect almost the entire southern flank as the Austrians proved reluctant allies. It was an impossible task. Ignacy Prądzyński, a captain in the 17th Infantry Regiment, complained that: It was difficult to solve the mystery how, with our forces scattered this way, we could cover a space of more than 50 [Polish] miles [i.e. around 360 km], and our ability to do so was thrown even further into doubt when the enemy began to probe our line at various points. In such a situation, General Dąbrowski, embraced wholeheartedly the spirit of the ‘small [irregular] war’ and decided to form small detachments composed of cavalry and voltigeurs riding on peasant horses, and 138

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sending out so-called ‘flying’ columns in various directions to keep the enemy on his toes. The effect of the successful movements of these columns was so signal because the enemy not only stopped advancing but was even obliged to fall back to the wilderness near Mozyrz and Pińsk. These same flying columns often went behind enemy lines and seized couriers. One of them {Colonel Karol Przeździecki’s 18th Regiment of Lancers} took 60 Cossacks with an officer, whom General Wittgenstein had sent to generals Tchitchagov and Hertel, as well as to the commander of the fortress of Bobruisk, informing them that he aimed to operate in conjunction with their corps. The Polish division had been around Slutsk in mid-September, but then, a month later, General Dąbrowski’s division was caught between the need to protect Minsk and protecting the Berezina crossing and the Borisov bridge. But the division was not even complete. A small brigade, under General Żółtowski, found itself sent down to Bykhov and then spending some time wandering the forests when the 17th Division fell back towards Borisov. Captain Prot Lelewel, aide-de-camp to General Żółtowski, described their movements and the developing struggle to the south: Before I will go further, I should highlight the role of the enlarged [17th] division which had been detached from the Grand Army. Napoleon had correctly assessed the importance of its role when he had entrusted it to General Dąbrowski. When we were assigned this region between Minsk, Mohilev and Bobruisk, we were rather resentful as the whole army was in combat against the enemy’s main body, whilst we were wasting time keeping watch, performing some skirmishing without fame or effect. We said to ourselves: why had Napoleon not sent Schwartzenberg and Reynier here, then we could have marched towards Kiev under our old General (Dąbrowski). We could have performed miracles there, just as we did against the Prussians in 1807 and against the Austrians in 1809. We would push the enemy back behind the Dnieper and up to the river Dniester, and we would form a new Polish army!68 68 The author of the memoirs refers here to the proposal of Prince Poniatowski and General Sokolnicki from Napoleon’s staff to send a separate Polish corps to the provinces of Volhynia and Kiev in order to initiate an uprising against

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Just now, however, at the sad reverse of events, the true importance of our position and the necessity of having a man like Dąbrowski in command, revealed themselves. The Russians were planning matters so that the army under Tchitchagov would bar the Grand Army from crossing the Berezina. General Dąbrowski, however, set out to foil this.69 Having set the scene, Captain Prot Lelewel recalled the initial Russian pressure on Napoleon’s exposed flank: Whilst our [17th] Division was blockading Bobruisk and constantly clashing with the enemy who was looking to send reinforcements from Mozyrz, and whilst General [Dominik] Dziewanowski with his cavalry [the 2nd, 7th and 15th Lancer regiments] was countering enemy movements around Rzeczyca [Zhetchitsa], we [with the 17th Infantry Regiment] occupied a position spread out along the river Dnieper and between the two towns of [Stary and Nowy] Bykhov. On the far side of the Dnieper, Captain [Franciszek] Lalewicz, of our regiment, maintained an outpost for some time, sending out detachments on reconnaissance as far as the village of Propoysk and beating off partisan attacks from men under the command of Tchernyshev, who was reckoned to have up to 3,000 soldiers and who had advanced from the town of Tchetchersk. Once, Captain Lalewicz sent his Lieutenant Żubr on reconnaissance, the latter advancing with his men and leaving his sergeant in reserve. He attacked a stronger enemy force, was surrounded and almost was taken captive, when the aforementioned sergeant arrived and freed him. This sergeant was also named Żubr, but was [Joanna] Żubr70 Russia and form a volunteer auxiliary army in 1812, a proposal rejected by the emperor both before and after the taking of Smolensk. 69 Prot Lelewel. Pamiętniki i Diariusz Domu Naszego [Memoirs and Diary of our Household]. Wrocław, 1966. 70 Joanna Żubr (c.1770–1852) was a Polish soldier of the Napoleonic Wars, a veteran of the Polish–Austrian War of 1809, and the first woman to receive the Virtuti Militari, the highest Polish military decoration for bravery in battle. In the Russian campaign of 1812 she was promoted to the rank of sergeant in the 17th Infantry Regiment in General Dąbrowski’s division.

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the lieutenant’s wife. Throughout her service and on campaign she showed herself to be a most exemplary non-commissioned officer. In one of these encounters, Captain Lalewicz took a 1.5-pound gun bearing the coat of arms of Poland [and Lithuania] – the White Eagle and a Pahonia,71 and the letters S.A. (King Stanisław August), from the enemy. It had been acquired by the Russians in 1794. The soldier spent this time in comfort and moderate peace, but we kept our ears open even so. We were getting disturbing news. With autumn came cold nights, and our soldiers, in their light summer coats, demanded protection from the elements. With the help of the prefect of the poviat [county] of Bykhov, Monsieur Kroyer, we started to requisition thick white cloth and leather skins, issuing receipts. It was enough to clad our troops for winter. The soldiers were given trousers and a sheepskin coat sewn by numerous Jewish tailors. In such a way we supplied them with new uniforms thanks to the efforts of the general [Edward Żółtowski], that of the prefect, and my supervision. Whilst we took care of our winter preparations, the warm days faded and, on the night of 12 to 13 October, we were surprised by lightning, thunder, and heavy rain, something unheard of there at this time of year. After this the air became humid and foggy. Soon the frost followed, and by 15 November, the Dnieper, Druc and other rivers began to freeze and the cold became really unpleasant. We were more worried, however, about the latest military news. Tchitchagov, leading the army which he had commanded against the Turks, had marched against the rear of the Grand Army after England persuaded the Turks to make peace with Russia. An inactive and treacherous ally, the Austrian Marshal Schwarzenberg, facilitated these actions. The VII Saxon Corps under General Reynier and the Polish troops of Amilkar Kosinski in Volhynia were kept from acting by him, too. General Tormasov had already crossed our frontier causing panic in Warsaw, and a number of its citizens were leaving town and moving to the countryside. General Tchaplitz then pushed through Lithuania and added 71 The coat of arms of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (White Eagle and Pahonia) was the symbol of the commonwealth, representing the union of the crown of the Polish Kingdom and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.

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other detachments to his countrymen. In Słonim, a newly formed regiment of Lithuanian youth, the [3rd] Lancers of the Guard under the careless Colonel [Jan] Konopka, was surprised and taken captive with their commander, the squadron commanders [Adam] Sołtan and [Adam] Bieżyński, and almost all the regiment, though not General Dąbrowski’s wife who was then in Słonim. That new and brilliant regiment of Guard lancers was indeed composed of inexperienced youth from around Vilnius entrusted to some more experienced Polish officers. This unit had begun to sense the Russian pressure that October. But they did little to prepare for it and they were surprised, overwhelmed and crushed by it in just one short battle. Józef Korczak Gorayski, an officer in the most unfortunate unit of the Imperial Guard, described the disaster: The general had sent Lieutenant Prince Antoni Jabłonowski with a platoon of his lancers off down the road towards the enemy in order to gather information on the situation. Jabłonowski, however, did not return for he was ambushed and taken prisoner. At seven that morning we caught sight of a mass of approaching Cossacks. The general therefore ordered Lieutenant-Colonel Sołtan to advance with his 2nd Squadron in order to engage the enemy. The Cossacks fell back through a nearby village but, beyond it, they swung around and, supported by a significant body of hussars, attacked our lancers and forced them to withdraw. Just then an aide-de-camp arrived from the General bearing orders which resulted in the 2nd Squadron, then being driven down the causeway which led to the bridge over the river Szczara [Shtchara], being supported by the 1st Squadron of Colonel Bierzyński, held in reserve near the causeway. The latter was launched in an attack against the pursuing hussars. We all carried out a very vigorous and effective charge against an enemy which was three times stronger and pushed them back all the way to the village, scattering the hussars after some hand-to-hand fighting. Meanwhile, the 2nd Squadron was reformed, and it joined us, so that together, despite the enemy being much stronger, we felt sure of victory. The enemy began to retreat but then, suddenly, just beyond the village, the 2nd Pavlograd Hussars and a cloud of Cossacks took us in flank.

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We only had time to note that they also had some infantry and artillery supporting their cavalry. These belonged to the main body of [Eufemiusz Czaplic] Tchaplitz’s corps and they had already started the process of surrounding us. So we turned around and galloped off as fast as we could towards the causeway. There, however, we saw that the enemy, sweeping in from the right of the causeway, would be first to reach the bridge, and so some of us swerved to the left and plunged into the river. What happened to my colleagues I do not know, but I went under and was so submerged that the top of my cap was underwater. However, I sat firm in my saddle and did not lose hope (praying to Our Lady of Czestochowa,72 whose image I carried around my neck). The extraordinary courage and strength of my chestnut horse, which I had bought a few days before from Lieutenant Trzciński for 100 ducats, got us across the river, and we leapt up the riverbank, but the Cossacks had already crossed the bridge. Seeing this, I spurred my horse, and my brave chestnut caught up with our fleeing lancers. We continued to flee for half an hour until we reached the nearby forest, then my horse unexpectedly collapsed. My comrades seeing me go down, thought I had been killed, and when I finally arrived in Vilnius, I found my servant and groom had already obtained a death certificate confirming my demise.73 The fate of the Guard Lancers could have been replicated across the southern flank that autumn as the Russians probed northwards. Some units were overrun while others, isolated and cut off, saved themselves as best they could. Captain Prot Lelewel, detached from Dąbrowski’s division, then continues his narrative, describing how his unit played push and shove with the Russians as it tried to regroup or find its way back towards the retreating main body: We were growing alarmed by the sudden retreat of the Grand Army from Moscow. The army then streamed through Orsha, and 72 Our Lady of Czestochowa, a famous historical shrine to the Virgin Mary in the castle of Częstochowa in central Poland. 73 Józef Gorayski’s military recollections first appeared in the monthly supplement to volume 14 of the Journal CZAS in 1859 (CZAS, 1859, Dodatek Miesięczny).

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the Russians followed them in to that town. It did not take long before we were called upon to act. The prefect of the Bykhov district had provisioned us well, even providing a few bottles of vintage mead and fruit brandies, the importance of which we were soon to discover. He promised to come and see us as we marched off, but we did not see him again. He had advised us not to take the main roads, but to march quickly along the back roads, and, being familiar with all the localities, he pointed out his preferred route. It was to him that we owed our salvation. One day of delay by marching along the wrong path would lead us into the path of the enemy. We started off towards Mohilev, keeping to the side roads. A messenger sent to us with orders from General Dąbrowski did not reach us, probably because he had been captured by the Cossacks. Our anxious detachment was now close to Mohilev and enemy troops were close by. We were without information. It was already night time when we approached the town. Our detachment halted. Taking five lancers with Lieutenant [Józef] Puzyna, I entered this famous city just after midnight. Everything was in darkness and silence; I noticed light only in a confectionery shop. A baker there assured us that Mohilev had already been abandoned by the authorities and that on the other side of the Dnieper, at Lupotovo, stood the Cossack camp. I sent a report back to the general [Żółtowski], and we strengthened our resolve with a swig of excellent punch, whilst we awaited the arrival of our regiment. We only rested there for a short time before turning away as the information we were getting added speed to our movements. There was no question of going to join the Grand Army using the main road, because it would be necessary to not only march further but also run the risk of encountering the enemy in strength. With a guide, we let ourselves be taken through the forests and remote villages. On the way, we encountered little but peace and quiet, although the manor houses had already been robbed by the peasants. The landowners and stewards had run off to avoid further outrages. When we reached Kholovtchitzce we let ourselves be taken in a straight line towards Borisov still passing through forests and villages which had survived the horrors of war, which meant we could satisfy our needs.

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Our march was unhindered until we finally reached a wide and open field and saw some fires along the road. We were greeted with gunshots, so we sent forward Lieutenant Puzyna who confirmed that it was Marshal Davout who was burning the bridge over the river Bobr. He commanded the rearguard of the Grand Army, and thought that we were the approaching enemy. He welcomed us with open arms. The French helped us across the river. The passage for the infantry was quickly arranged, and they passed over the partially burned beams. The horses and carts went over the ford, navigating the floating chunks of ice. Fortunately, the water was not so deep. Our anxiety was subdued, seeing ourselves joined once again to the victorious army. The marshal was glad of us, and, seeing we were fresh, and in good spirits, he gave orders that we would now form the rearguard for him and then he and his entire corps marched off towards safety. Protected by the river, we calmly prepared our supper and rested. The next day, we marched after them. Sometimes it was necessary to halt, to have our two regimental guns open fire and to send some skirmishers to drive back the Cossacks who had been sent forward to harass us. The next day we neared the marshal’s camp just as night was falling. He ordered us through his camp and to move along the road into a forest where the enemy had been seen, then to take up a position in the forest in order to await the troops of the Italian Viceroy, who was expected to arrive. The night was beautiful, the moon shone brightly, the road was straight, while voices off to the side signalled there were Cossacks all about. At the edge of the forest was a camp-fire of a Cossack outpost. When they saw us they fired a few shots and fled. We then entered an enormous clearing, but the many camp fires littered across the ground were nearly extinguished. Being sent forward on reconnaissance I found the camp strangely quiet; people were asleep but had taken no precautions. While riding through the bivouacs, I met a French grenadier and his wife preparing some food on some burning branches. He assured me that this was indeed the Viceroy’s corps [of Eugene Beauharnais] and that they were unaware that the Cossacks were so close. We went forwards and also lit fires for our cooking pots, but just then the enemy began to shoot at us from the forest. Immediately,

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the fires were extinguished, our guns responded and a company of voltigeurs was sent against them. The enemy quickly disappeared, and complete silence prevailed again. In order that the viceroy could be reassured and so that he could give us further instructions, our general went to see him. After quarter of a mile we rode into his camp and entered the house in which he was resting. Once awakened, he welcomed our report, and recommended that we maintain our position until dawn, when he would start his movements. He also advised us to protect his position and try to maintain it until Marshal Davout arrived. Just at this moment the enemy began to fire again with their artillery, our guns responded to the flash of their muzzles. The voltigeurs were sent to the undergrowth once again, and there were several casualties, but calm was quickly restored by the time dawn broke. We started our retreat; the enemy escorting us to new positions, but they soon encountered the troops of Marshal Davout and fought him for several hours. After this encounter the marshal passed through our position and left us behind as his rearguard. This was the formation of the Grand Army in its march to the Berezina. That night we suffered an unpleasant set-back, our convoy of food and oxen was delayed in the march through this forest, the escort was not strong enough and the Cossacks took everything. Only the escort managed to get away. The commander of this unit had committed a grave fault. Meanwhile, as detachments to the south scattered and the Grand Army lumbered towards the Berezina, the bulk of General Henryk Dąbrowski’s 17th Division was also in retreat, moving back to protect the vital Berezina crossing: the wooden bridge at Borisov.74 The Poles took up position on both banks of the river and awaited the Russians. They soon came forward under Tchichagov and the town was subjected to an assault. Ignacy Prądzyński describes the measures taken to defend the town and its important bridge: 74 In fact the Poles had built four bridges over Berezina further south: the first at Pankiewicze, the second at Świsłocz, the third at Jakszyce, the fourth at the town of Berezyna. Russian actions meant that these could not in the event be used to cross the river, rendering Borisov the sole usable crossing.

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Four cannons were left with the infantry on the right bank, and eight were established to defend the bridge on the left bank of the Berezina River, the bridge being placed under the protection of the battalion of Wurtembergers who had initially formed the small garrison of Borisov. It was in this formation that we waited for the enemy. At 6 o’clock in the morning they attacked our entire line, using two rifle regiments, four infantry regiments, four regiments of cavalry and 12 six-pounder guns. Despite the evident superiority of the enemy forces and the benefit they gained from their position by the old earthworks established to protect the bridge, our troops valiantly defended themselves in such a way that the most intense attacks were repeated three times and each was bravely repulsed … the battle continued and became even more persistent and bloody, lasting until the evening. Whenever the Poles fought against the Russians one could see the valour of the Nations of the North. But then, with the enemy reinforced, he dared to strike at us furiously for the fourth time and so the bravery of the Poles had to yield under vast number of Russian bayonets. Captain Ludwik Szczaniecki, adjutant to General Dąbrowski, also describes the fighting at Borisov as the Russians under Admiral Tchitchagov push forwards and try to close their trap: The battle of Borisov was fought by us before we joined the Grand Army retreating from Moscow. This day made the Polish 17th Division and its commander, General of Division [Jan Henryk] Dąbrowski, famous. Some 3,500 Poles, attacked at dawn, held out until evening, defending the position before the bridge at Borisov against General Tchitchagov’s entire army of up to 38,000 men freshly arrived from Turkey.75 True, in the end, we had to give way before this overwhelming mass, but only after a fierce defence of our position, following which we managed to withdraw our standards and the division’s artillery, leaving a battlefield densely covered with our dead and that of the enemy. 75 In fact, the attack was carried out by the Russian vanguard of 10,000 troops under the command of generals Lambert and Langeron.

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Our division consisted of the following in this battle: three battalions of the 1st Infantry Regiment, three battalions of the 6th Infantry Regiment and one battalion of the 14th Infantry Regiment. From the 2nd and 7th cavalry regiments only one squadron was in action, covering the rearguard under the command of General Pakosz. We had our entire artillery deployed together with the divisional park, but because of the unsuitable position [on the other side of the Berezina River], only a small part of it could only be used. The rest of the division, i.e. the 17th and 14th infantry regiments and the 15th Regiment under General [Edward] Żółtowski, had been detached and were near Bobruisk. They would join us just a few days after the battle. As we left the battlefield, barely 100 uninjured soldiers from the whole 1st Infantry Regiment and from the one battalion of the 14th Regiment remained with their colours. The 6th Regiment commanded by Colonel [Julian] Sierawski and forming our right wing, could not withdraw over the bridge, but turned to the village Dembina, where they crossed the river by walking over the weak ice. Retreating from Borisov, we thought of them as lost. From the six battalions of this regiment only 600 men rejoined us in the town.76 Colonel Hieronim Michał Kossecki, temporarily commanding the 2nd and the 7th regiments of lancers, also described the hard-fought battle of Borisov: At three that morning the general [Dąbrowski] went to the camp. He warned the colonels that an enemy attack was to be expected soon. He ordered all the wagons and our eight guns to be moved to the left bank of the river, beyond the town, and had four guns placed amongst the infantry. The cavalry remained in the town. At six, as dawn broke, the enemy attacked us. The musket fire was immediately intense from both sides. The enemy was repulsed three times. The commanding general ordered the two howitzers and four guns placed on the left bank of the Berezina to open fire. At 76 Ludwik Szczaniecki. Dziennik Ludwika Szczanieckiego pułkownika wojsk polskich [Diary of Ludwik Szczaniecki, Colonel of the Polish Army]. Warsaw 1904.

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around ten, General Pakosz arrived with our rearguard, and drove the enemy out from the inn. The infantry and gun fire continued incessantly with increased intensity. The battalion from our 14th Regiment [of infantry], occupying the inn, was attacked and began to retreat to the bridge. Then General Dąbrowski, among the canister and grenades falling on the bridge, assumed a position at the head of the retreating battalion and led it forwards again. The inn was retaken, but the general was wounded by a roundshot. General Pakosz was also injured when taking the inn. This fighting lasted until three that afternoon. Then the enemy tried to set fire to the bridge by firing shells against it. The enemy, reinforced with fresh troops, then attacked us for the fourth time. The remains of our regiments, almost completely destroyed, had to withdraw towards the town. A few dozen people remained from the 1st Infantry Regiment; 600 men the 6th Regiment went into the forest beyond Berezina. In addition to the loss of officers and soldiers, we lost two guns. At the end of the battle, General Dziewanowski was also badly wounded by a roundshot.77 The Poles fell back from Borisov and found II Corps advancing to help them. Captain Ludwik Szczaniecki, adjutant to General Dąbrowski, recounts the horror of his men, who had not gone as far as Moscow, as they finally caught sight of what remained of Napoleon’s army as it staggered through the snow: We retreated from Borisov that night under the protection of the cavalry from the 2nd and 7th regiments which were still fresh, but much reduced in numbers owing to previous encounters with the enemy. We marched along the main Smolensk road to Krupki, passing through a region completely devastated and destroyed by the Grand Army as it moved on Moscow earlier in the summer. On 22 November we encountered Marshal Oudinot at Krupki. He was in charge of the vanguard of the retreating army from Moscow, the condition of which army was completely unknown to us. The marshal, having reviewed the remnants of our division, found our cavalry to be the best of all the units that remained in 77 Michał Kossecki. “Borisov, Beresina” in Przeszłość, 1933, No 4.

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the Grand Army. He immediately used it in the vanguard, sending it on to Borisov. We then followed it with the artillery park and the rest of the division. We stopped halfway for the night. On the second day, 23 November, we resumed our march. Our cavalry in the vanguard had pushed back the Russian light horse the day before, but now had to deal with their infantry. Their division was that of General Lambert, and it was thrown back in disorder with the loss of up to 4,000 prisoners, most of them from the infantry. We then learned from the Russians that the corps of Admiral Tchichagov had suffered terribly in the battle of Borisov having lost General Engelhardt killed, and General Lambert wounded. However, our cavalry supported by the remnants of the French heavy cavalry, suffered a lot in that skirmish [near Bobr] from the canister and infantry fire. They lost their best officers, like Wilczek or Dębiński, while their commander, Lieutenant Colonel [Michał] Kossecki, was also wounded. However, they did not give in before superior force; instead they pushed the enemy back with such insistence that they entered Borisov simultaneously and hard on their heels. They did not give the enemy time to bring their wagons and carts back over the bridge. Indeed, the enemy now set fire to and burnt the bridge, and by destroying it they gained time to deploy their troops on the far side of Berezina on the site of the previous battlefield. They left the town to us with our wounded, along with all the baggage of Tchitchagov’s corps, much of the personal property of the general including his household utensils and an immense amount of booty stolen in Lithuania and more particularly from Nesvizh from Prince Radziwiłł’s estate. So, we remained in Borisov and its surroundings watching the Berezina River. The enemy was deployed in a line on the heights on the other side of the river, dominating Borisov, and from where he could have hurt us a great deal had he used his artillery. I do not know why he did not shoot even a single shot. So, calmly, we observed each other. The campfires of the enemy, spread across an immense area and across the heights over the Berezina, as though in an amphitheatre, burned fiercely. The cold was getting more intense, and the black ice on the roads killed our cavalry and transport horses.

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Before reaching Borisov we had been joined by the 6th Infantry Regiment, which, as I said before, not being able to cross the bridge after the battle of Borisov, went some distance from the town and crossed the river over the thin ice and via the forests and sidetracks rejoined us owing to the commendable efforts of Colonel Sierawski. On 24 November we spent the day quietly watching the enemy. We also saw with astonishment the horrifying remnants of our Grand Army stagger in. Crowds of men from all regiments, various branches of services and all nations appeared in the weirdest clothing, with no difference of rank, all mixed up together! On all faces we observed the effects of want, hunger and the harsh climate! These groups of marauders presented the strangest spectacle without their weapons, and just dragging themselves along the high road from Moscow! All were on foot. Here was a general, there was a simple soldier or officer, a single dragoon or a cuirassier and next to him a grenadier, a voltigeur or a fusilier. There was a gunner, next to him a drummer, a sapper or another soldier. Frenchmen, Poles, Germans, Italians, Spaniards, all mixed together! And everyone protecting himself from the cold, covered with the most diverse and the funniest clothing. One in a sheepskin coat or a peasant cloak, the other in a sable, bear, fox or other fur coat, of the kind any prince in Moscow would have liked, another in a woman’s shawl or skirt, or even a smock, to protect himself from the cold. One of them had a cap or headscarf, and the other a hood or a ragged hat. Some had wrapped their feet in sheepskins for lack of boots,78 others with a piece of fur coat or a Persian cashmere scarf. This crowd streamed in throughout the day and, unable to go further, as none were allowed to enter the town except the regular troops of Oudinot’s corps, it wandered off and camped around Borisov. However, not having anything to eat, part of this mob, soldiers and officers alike, descended like locusts on the baggage of our division and any food we had. The 78 Fur boots were a prized commodity. At Smolensk Załuski purchased a pair from a Spanish soldier. He then found that his feet would not fit in his stirrups, so he swapped his stirrups for the larger size then being used by the cuirassiers.

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others rushed with the utmost viciousness on those horses which had been killed or had fallen from exhaustion several days ago, and now ripped them apart, still fighting between themselves so they could have something with which to keep hunger and the cold at bay. To further add to the confusion and disorder a large number of vehicles carrying booty from Moscow also arrived. There were many carriages with officers and generals, but an even larger number of carts and wagons containing the riches torn from Moscow and other places by individual soldiers and officers. It was only in the evening that formed units with weapons started to appear, but some of the corps commanded by the marshals were only the size of a decent regiment. Then the emperor arrived, surrounded by a Sacred Squadron composed of officers who had no soldiers. The emperor passing by our artillery park was struck by the fact that our horses were still in such good condition, when all the other ones coming from Moscow consisted of nothing but skin and bones. He called General Dąbrowski over to him and said: ‘I know what you have done; you lost a lot, but you held on, as befits a brave man.’ Apart from the rearguard which had not yet arrived, I estimate that the number of troops that I saw coming from Moscow, the remnants of this Grand Army that had marched there and back, consisted of no more than 20,000 formed soldiers under arms. Very few were mounted and those that were had peasant horses which they probably caught after having lost their military horses. The marauders, on foot and on horseback and in amongst the wagons, those without weapons, without order and discipline, having no regard for the officers or generals walking among them, I reckoned at four times as much, i.e. up to 80,000 men. It was a horrible spectacle, and although we saw many generals and other wounded officers we knew, when we inquired about others of our acquaintance we received the answer: ‘he died, he remained there because of his wounds or he was taken prisoner’. We learned that behind the wreck of the Grand Army, the main Russian army under the command of Kutuzov was advancing along the Moscow road, that a 28,000-strong corps under Wittgenstein was coming down from Polotsk, and, now, before us we had the army of Tchitchagov, more numerous than ours, perhaps counting

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more than 30,000 people. It all plunged weaker minds into despair. But those amongst us who had not left their banners and eagles, being the best of the strongest and bravest from the whole army, were able to not only come to terms with the situation, but to face the climate and other disasters and still hope that this man, who was here amongst them, would lead us out of this disaster. We paid no heed to the superior enemy, but maintaining our own self-esteem, we vowed to break through or die. Zaluski of the Guard lancers was one of the strongest and bravest, and hungriest. He recalled that at Borisov, he had ‘never been so hungry as I was there, although fortunately the officers of the regiment were able to purchase provisions at the village and even a little rum for a Louis d’Or’. This brought temporary relief as the French contemplated how they might escape from the trap the Russians had set. With the bridge at Borisov having been destroyed, the frantic search for an alternative crossing place had now to begin. Success might ensure the survival of Napoleon’s army; failure could not be contemplated. Lieutenant Jan Chłopicki of the 8th Regiment of Chevau-légers, once a regiment of lancers in the Vistula Legion, now in French service and attached to II Corps under Marshal Oudinot, described the search for a possible ford over the Berezina: The brigade of General Corbineau79 was directed towards Dokshitze in order to deceive the enemy about the line of retreat the main body of the corps was to follow. The cavalry probed in various directions until news reached us of the unsuccessful battle between General Dąbrowski and Tchitchagov at Borisov and the withdrawal of the former along the road to Lepel [Bobr]. Our cavalry brigade consisted of 600 cavalrymen and was too weak to attack the enemy vanguard on the right bank of the Berezina; therefore, we were tasked with looking for any other convenient place by which we could cross this river. General Corbineau asked our colonel whether he had any locals in his regiment who might know the area. Colonel Łubieński presented me and had me survey the banks of the river to find a ford. This was not an easy undertaking 79 The brigade of General Jean Baptiste Corbineau consisted of the 7th and 20th Chasseurs and the 8th Regiment of Chevau-légers.

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because the river had many branches with banks covered in bushes and with no real roads nearby. Fortunately, I met an old fisherman, who intended to cross the river there, and he showed me the ford used by the peasants for their cattle. I raced back to the general with this information which resulted in orders that we push on to the village of Studzyanka, and I rode at the head of our brigade. The colonel used the fisherman’s boat, whilst we easily swam the river which was only a few metres deep in its centre. Once on the other side we demolished a few wooden cottages and lit a fire to dry our wet uniforms as best we could. We had no time to stay and rest because we wanted to advance through the surrounding woods and reconnoitre the enemy positions on the left bank of the river. We were shown a narrow bridleway which required us to ride in single file, but we moved down it in silence that night until we reached a wider road [from Lepel to Borisov]. We then came back and rejoined our corps advancing on Borisov. General Corbineau agreed with the marshal [Oudinot] on the order of march: the troops of General Dąbrowski were in front of us; we were just behind in platoons. After several hundred metres we met the Russians, but after a third failed assault they started their retreat. Just after a mill, the road passed along a narrow dike, and one part of the enemy withdrew to Borisov, crossing over the Berezina using the wooden bridge which they then burnt; another body which included infantry, three guns and a unit of Cossacks, withdrew along the river bank in the direction of Studzyanka. Our brigade followed this detachment, but did not attack them due to our insufficient strength and so we merely observed their movements. The Cossacks swam the river, then they pulled their cannons across using long ropes and finally they came back and brought their infantry across on the Cossack horses. Next day around noon we positioned ourselves in Studzyanka and waited for the first units of the Grand Army to arrive. The King of Naples [Marshal Murat] sent his aide de camp to ask our general for a conference with the emperor in order to report to him about our crossing over the Berezina. General Corbineau immediately took me to see the emperor. Half a mile beyond Borisov we encountered Napoleon. The general, seeing the emperor was on

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foot, dismounted and approached him to make his report. I was surrounded by the entourage of the emperor and had to tell them how we had already managed to ford such a dangerous river. In such a way we entered Borisov, where the emperor then expressed his wish to inspect Studzyanka. Night was soon to fall; therefore, he only managed to come the following morning, arriving with the first units of the army. Building materials had already been prepared during the night and wooden trestles had been built ready to be placed in the river. Each trestle was carried into the icy water by four sappers commanded by an officer standing on the bank and shouting: ‘a droit!, a gauche!’ or ‘lance!’ when its final position was confirmed. All was undertaken with such speed and skill and under the eyes of the emperor and so within a few hours a bridge was built and covered with planks and straw and ready for our passage. But around this time we noticed a squadron of Cossacks with three guns trotting down the road from Minsk. Our heavier guns immediately opened fire against the enemy and within minutes the Russian guns were knocked out together with their light cavalry. Our brigade immediately crossed to the opposite bank of the river, followed by the infantry, some artillery and the Guard cavalry escorting Napoleon. The French and Polish troops pushed down the road to Minsk in order to secure our retreat towards Vilnius. In the meantime, a second bridge was also built [for artillery and cavalry] permitting the passage of more formed troops.80 Captain Ignacy Prądzyński, the staff officer of general Dąbrowski, described the building of the Berezina bridges across the partially frozen river: The pontonniers and sappers of Oudinot’s corps and Dąbrowski’s 17th Division81 began work. Some put together trestles from planks 80 Jan Chłopicki. Pamiętnik Jana Chłopickiego z czasów Kampanij Napoleona; [Memoirs of Jan Chłopicki from the times of Napoleon’s campaigns]. Vilnius, 1849. 81 Those building the bridges by the village of Studzyanka were assisted by 270 sappers and pontooniers from four Polish companies. The commander of the 5th Company, Captain Salwator Rakowiecki and Lieutenant of Engineers Michał Świda especially distinguished themselves.

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from the demolished cottages of the village and fashioned supports for the bridges, whilst others made fascines to build a level exit, as, on the far side of the river, firm ground was 300 fathoms distant from the river bank and the space in-between was a swamp. This was partly overgrown by undergrowth and had now unfortunately thawed for several days, making it impossible for guns and wagons to pass. Much progress was made on 26 November, and Napoleon appeared in person on the left bank of the river, whilst Oudinot’s artillery arrived at the edge of the village and established batteries by the banks of the river. Some mounted Polish Chevau-légers of the 8th Regiment82 threw themselves into the water one after the other, and they crossed the river and, with much difficulty, they scaled the imposing river bank on the opposite shore. Polish [infantry] units then crossed the river on [two] rafts so that there were soon several squadrons of Polish cavalry and some infantry companies on the other side. They faced the enemy, who stood under arms and silently observed the construction work. Meanwhile, the French pontooniers had laid the trestles and built a walkway from planks. There were two bridges, one for pedestrians, and another for horses, wagons and artillery. They spent a good part of the day submerged to their waists, even to their necks, in the freezing water, and almost all fell victim to their dedication. Some Polish sappers helped them, too. Around noon one could see some Russians moving in the bushes along the opposite bank. They were greeted by a hail of shot from the French guns. Napoleon paced backwards and forwards from one bridge to another and encouraged the workers in French and his broken Polish. Already one bridge had been extended to the opposite shore. Now Oudinot’s corps began to move across with the cry of Vive l’empereur! Before them marched an infantry platoon, two light guns and some Polish sappers carrying fascines and branches. When they reached the far bank, the voltigeurs ran into the undergrowth to flush out the Russian Jägers. Meanwhile, the 82 The first on the far bank were the riders of the 8th Regiment of Chevau-légers of Tomasz Łubieński, a squadron of the 7th Regiment under Lieutenant Bogusławski, the remains of the 18th Lancers of Colonel Przeździecki, and a squadron of the 20th Regiment of French Chasseurs.

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sappers built a causeway using the fascines and wood, enabling the two guns to be positioned so they could fire at the Russians, who were then retreating down the main road towards Borisov. The whole of Oudinot’s corps, numbering just a few thousand troops, followed the Russians to a distance of around half a mile from the bridge and then halted in the forest which lined the road. Captain Ludwik Szczaniecki, adjutant to General Dąbrowski, also watched as the army began to move across the river: On 25 November at midnight we set off from Borisov with a detachment of the army, going along the course of the Berezina. The night was very dark, only the glitter of the snow showed us the way. Every hill, every ravine, forced us to halt, the horses in the artillery as well as in the remaining cavalry were not well shod; they collapsed every now and again and so blocked the road which we then unblocked with some difficulty. With every stop, the soldiers ignited a fire to warm themselves. The cold was growing stronger again. When we first left the town, we went first down the Vitebsk road, and then we turned left, passing through forests and marshes. By dawn we stood on the banks of the Berezina, maybe one and a half miles [1 Polish mile = 7.15 km] from Borisov, near the village of Studzyanka. The sappers were hastily brought forwards and immediately began to construct two very weak wooden bridges from the rafters of the village houses abandoned by the inhabitants. Several batteries of our artillery protected the work, throwing roundshot, canister and shells against some enemy light cavalry on the far side of the river. They had come to prevent the construction of the bridge but arrived too late as the first bridge had almost been completed and a unit of French troops had crossed the river to the other bank. With the emperor’s arrival, more of the army crossed the bridge shouting Vive l’empereur! Prince Poniatowski could not command our V Corps in person, so the emperor had command passed to General Dąbrowski who was to operate under the orders of Marshal Ney, who, so far, had so gloriously covered the army’s retreat from Moscow. After being cut off several times, he had always managed to win glory for himself

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by overcoming the overwhelming forces of the enemy. Detached to serve on the staff of this marshal, I had the opportunity to get to know him. Ney can truly be called the hero of the Grand Army’s retreat. In Smolensk, as much as in Orsha, he spoiled all the attempts of the enemy generals to cut the emperor’s retreat. I slept and ate by the marshal and all his staff in the miserable hut which the emperor and other marshals occupied during this crucial crossing. We still had food supplies brought from Moscow. The frost was less severe somehow, although for the horses it was even worse as they were killed slipping on the black ice. Our division was strengthened by the brigade of General Żółtowski with the 17th and two battalions of the 14th infantry regiments and the 15th Cavalry Regiment. 26 November. That night I, along with his chief of staff, spent the night reviewing the troops under the orders of Marshal Ney, and at dawn I notified my general that he should be ready, along with the other divisions, to cross the river. He did indeed cross once the sun had risen. When night fell, we returned together with the marshal and his officers, to sleep in that dark hut of ours. Then the Prince of Neuchatel [Berthier], the army’s chief of staff, came in and spoke to Marshal Ney: ‘Victory is ours! Yesterday when the enemy was repulsed on the other side of the river, I sent Colonel Przebendowski with his chasseurs down the Vilnius route; the enemy had ignored this completely, falling back on the town of Borisov to cover the Minsk road. The colonel sent me word that the Vilnius Road is completely free from the enemy and that nobody from Tchitchagov’s corps is there. So we have a completely free passage to proceed along.’ Once the whole force under Marshal Ney, composed of many corps (of nominal strength), reached the bridges, the marauders began to push through them with such force and such disorder that the gendarmes had to stop them, because they were pushing us into the water, or were shoving, trampling underfoot and even killing their comrades. At the same time, no carriage or train was allowed forwards, apart from ammunition and imperial wagons, all others were smashed and burned, taking the horses for the artillery that otherwise would have to be abandoned for lack of horses. It

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was only here that one could see the immense riches taken from Moscow: silver, pearls, precious stones and furs, costly scarves and other wealth all being plundered from the burning carts. This haul, valued at millions, was now destroyed and squandered. However, some of the officers could save their luggage by smuggling it across or by offering much desired brandy to the gendarmes who were guarding the crossing. Those marauders who managed to cross the river then dragged themselves along the Vilnius road like so many sheep. We, on the other hand, having crossed, turned down the Minsk road, where Tchitchagov’s entire corps was gathering to repair now what he had previously neglected to do through imprudence. This admiral advanced to do battle with our division even though he did not have the slightest experience of war. Our luck was that the Russians used admirals or old men for lack of good candidates for generals. Otherwise, how was it possible to allow a large army in the most critical position escape from inevitable encirclement near Smolensk; how was it possible for 30,000 troops not to take our four-thousand strong division prisoner at Borisov? How was it possible to let it hold the battlefield for the whole day? How was it possible not to defend and block the Berezina crossing and what is more, to leave open the Vilnius route? And finally how was it not possible for them to chase us down both roads, knowing full well the state of our army, in order to halt it, surround it and to take it prisoner? At the same time when we were fighting with the corps of Tchitchagov on the right bank of Berezina, we heard the artillery of Kutuzov’s main army chasing us from Moscow open up, and just opposite us the guns of the corps of Wittgenstein, that had come down from Vitebsk behind the Corps of Oudinot and Victor, joined in. On our side, after pushing back the troops of Tchitchagov, we spent the night camping peacefully in the forest by the road to Borisov. 27 November. We were extremely hungry; there was no place to lie other than in the bare snow keeping close to the fire where we heated ourselves on one side, soon burning through our meagre stock of fire wood, whilst freezing on the other. In order to be able to eat, it was essential to follow the example of those who had

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already suffered the ordeal of the retreat from Moscow and roast a piece of dead horse on a bayonet. This meat was not to our taste. More fortunate soldiers were chewing on pieces of black or mouldy hardtack found in the knapsacks of the dead Russians. We were drinking melted snow. For the horses we cut down fir branches, or they would dig in the snow to find some moss. They all looked like skeletons; and those less resistant, such as the French and German ones, were simply collapsing. Our Polish horses turned out to be a little tougher, something which explains why, when the French and Germans had to leave most of their guns on the road from Moscow for lack of horses, the Polish artillery still managed to preserve all their artillery. I cannot refrain from mentioning something which lodged in my memory. In the summer I had been sent with despatches from the emperor in Vyazma to my general, and I had noticed that the emperor was preoccupied and less cheerful than he usually was, although then he was advancing towards victory on the road to the old capital of the Muscovite empire. Now, in this critical situation, I saw him cheerful and calm, and whenever he paced around his hut he usually whistled or sang, as if he had no interest in what was happening around him. His calmness leant us enthusiasm, revived our flagging spirits and hid the danger we were evidently in, and had he behaved otherwise he would have plunged us all into deeper despair. Early that morning there was a lively exchange of fire as the troops encountered the enemy. When they began to retreat Marshal Ney ordered my general to reinforce them with what was left of V Corps. Our artillery opened up along the road, while the infantry, who could only advance through the forest, clashed in open order with the Russian Jägers. This battle lasted until four in the afternoon. Then the marshal ordered our line forward with fixed bayonets. I remained close to my general. Still advancing we pushed the enemy back to the camp he had occupied the previous night. It was then that a musket ball hit General Dąbrowski. It pierced his hand and hit his sword handle, finally coming to rest in his stomach. He immediately sent word to General Zajączek that

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he was to assume command, but the latter was also soon wounded, and thus the command passed to General Kniaziewicz. Having escorted my general from the battlefield with the help of another adjutant, I found a French surgeon who could treat him. As we were locked in battle with the army of Tchitchagov, at the same time, but on the other side of the Berezina, our army had to hold back the entire army of Kutuzov advancing from Borisov and Wittgenstein’s army advancing towards our flank. That night they captured Partouneaux’s entire division which formed our rearguard. It had left Borisov, but instead of going left to join us, went to the right by mistake and stumbled into the camp of Wittgenstein. Thus, having nothing now to impede his advance, the enemy came so close to the bridges that his artillery was able to hit them. However, the emperor’s forces [of Marshal Victor], turned around, and protected the crossing for one more day, giving time to everyone to escape. The marauders still continued to flock down the Vilnius route. We learned that the general’s [Dąbrowski] coach had gone off with them, but that my coach and those of the entire staff with their baggage, along with our servants, had been lost on the other side of the river. So, dressing the wounds of the general, we put him on a horse and sent him along the road after the marauders. Here again, the spectacle of disorder, robbery and the mob pushing through the causeway was horrible. We had to cross several versts [1 verst = 1.07 km] of frozen mud using wooden causeways [near Ziembin]. When he saw this, General Dąbrowski, although weak from his wounds, ordered me to halt, and told me: “Look at this. Thanks are due for the ignorance of the Russian generals ... I do not understand Tchitchagov. If he could not stop us at the Berezina, he could at least have blocked this causeway, or at least burnt these wooden planks, and then we would be trapped again. I am now completely overwhelmed by the great genius of our emperor, and I am convinced that he will lead us out of this mess, because the enemy commanders have proved that they have too little military experience and cannot make use of such favourable circumstances and the disasters which have befallen us and hurt us more than enemy action.

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As the soldiers stumbled across the bridges, the battle of the Berezina began. It took place on both sides of the river. On the more easterly bank, Wittgenstein’s army attacked the village of Studzyanka, then defended by Marshal Victor’s IX Corps (1,800 Polish and 4,000 German soldiers), while on the opposite bank, Admiral Tchitchagov, who finally realized that the French had managed to construct some viable bridges further north, attacked the French near the village of Stakhov. Here, and around Brili, the battle raged all day in a thick pine forest, as 7,000 Polish soldiers (57 percent of the effectives) under the command of generals Zajączek, Dąbrowski and Kniaziewicz, maintained their position and, with the loss of 3,000 men, repelled the attacks of the Russians. They were successively joined by Oudinot’s II Corps, and the remains of the corps of Eugene de Beauharnais, Davout and Ney. These units strove to keep the road to Vilnius open. Captain Ignacy Prądzyński, another staff officer under General Dąbrowski, described the operation of forcing Berezina and the battle at Brili to maintain a bridgehead on the right bank of the river: It was essential to protect the retreat of the French towards Vilnius from Tchitchagov’s forces. Ney was behind Oudinot with the remains of his corps. Behind Ney stood everything that remained of the infantry of the Polish corps of Prince Józef Poniatowski, i.e. the remains of the 17th and 18th divisions, numbering less than 1,000 men under Zajączek as well as what was left of the infantry which had fought at Borisov, counting more than 1,000 men under Dąbrowski. There were also two battalions of the 14th Regiment from Svisloch, three battalions of the 17th and the 15th Regiment from Rokhachev. All of these were complete and in the best condition. Throughout the whole of the 26th and 27th, the French and their allies crossed over the bridges and, then, in disorganized masses, proceeded towards Vilnius. The end of discipline, and even of any organization, made it utterly impossible to command this mob, so that nothing was done to control them. Another mass of stragglers had formed on the banks before the bridges. For the whole two nights, the bridges were completely free, but a large part of this mob, instead of taking advantage of this, merely sat and waited in apathy and indifference for the disaster that was approaching.

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Tchitchagov, having learned his mistake, returned in a hurry after the French quit the town of Borisov. Then, on the right bank, after three hours of fighting, the French troops under Oudinot and Ney, moving amongst the trees and among the fallen trunks, could no longer hold the Russians back. So now the Poles were ordered forwards. General Zajączek led the five battalions of the 14th and the 17th regiments forward and took them to the right of the road, where the Polish division of the Vistula Legion, still in a fairly good condition and under the orders of General Claparède, was positioned. Dąbrowski assumed command of the rest of the Polish infantry and went to the left of the road, where several guns were positioned between the Polish units as they deployed. Owing to these reinforcements, the Russian pursuit of the retreating French was effectively stopped in its tracks. The Polish columns charged, but because of the undergrowth and the fallen trees, they had to break formation and became mixed up with the soldiers of the enemy. Not being able to fire volleys, both sides tried to shoot at point-blank range, but the falling snow made the muskets unserviceable, and both sides resorted to bayonets and musket butts.83 Captain Prot Lelewel and General Żółtowski’s brigade had made their way across the Berezina to support this fight against Tchitchagov: In this way, placed as a rearguard behind Davout’s corps and fending off numerous Cossacks, we approached the Berezina and established camp in the dark. Until now we had not lacked for food, Kroyer’s efforts filled the general’s carriage and my coach, then being driven by my servant Ivanek. There was bread, flour and bacon. Józef Szymanski specialized in baking dumplings with bacon. Aleksander Szymanowski [Shimanovski], ordnance officer to Marshal Davout, was invited to our banquet and said: ‘If only the marshal knew about these dumplings, he would soon be here.’ Plunged in the dark night, we learned only later that we were close to the Berezina, and we soon received orders from Davout. The general was to take an officer from each unit with him and go to 83 Ignacy Prądzyński. Berezyna [Berezina]. 1920.

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the bridge immediately to observe, supervise and keep order as our troops passed over the river. The most difficult thing was to find the actual bridge. In the darkness nobody could tell us which road to take, there were camps everywhere, fires, smoke and fog filled the air, turning everything a reddish colour. Fruitless enquiries were made, and no one in the army could point us in the right direction, whilst the inhabitants were missing entirely. There were however peasants’ huts filled with soldiers, but they did not know the name of the hamlet or village they occupied. At last the general was shown the hut in which the marshal [Davout] rested, he came in, opening the door to a room without any light, and could hear snoring. He called out and somebody answered in Polish, the general recognized the voice and approached its source, asking: ‘Is it you, [Michał] Zadora? (a comrade of Żółtowski from the Legions in Italy; the marshal had a number of Poles on his staff). I came to ask the marshal to have someone lead us to the bridges, because we cannot find where they are.’ Then Zadora called out: ‘Monsieur le Marechal!’ and then repeated the call three times and louder each time. The marshal murmured something in the corner of the room, and when he was asked our question, he sent us to the devil. God knows where and for how long we wandered through those snowy fields, marshes and frozen ponds, relying on our own initiative or harassing those we came across with the same question, but in the end we were fortunate to encounter a soldier who led us to the crossing place. The troops and wagon trains were crossing the bridges in silence. The long night would soon end. At daybreak, we formed up our men, and our baggage and equipment crossed with them. Among the vehicles that went over was the small yellow carriage which we had found abandoned in the forest the day before and harnessed to my horses. It bore my sick friend [Jan] Płoński, who had been helped into the carriage from his cart. A detachment of grenadiers of the 17th Regiment, which had been escorting the regimental carts, remained on the left bank so the general sent me back to hurry them across. As the day advanced, the crowd of stragglers also grew on the bridge, and it was well-nigh impossible to break through them on my horse. Having left my groom Józef with the horses on the

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right side of the river, I determined to risk crossing back on foot, pushing through the mass of men. It was a hard task, but I managed. However, after a laborious and exhausting search through the units of various branches of service and equipment, artillery, trains, supply wagons and marauders, I failed to find our company. I was determined to track them down but eventually I went back to the bridge. Now it was impossible to cross. The enemy guns had come into range and were sending roundshot towards the bridges, everybody had surged forwards before it was too late. I was in the middle of the mob, but I eventually extracted myself, using what strength remained. I could see Marshal Davout at the bridge and he was not letting anyone cross because, at that moment, some fresh German regiments of infantry from the corps of Marshal Victor were taking up positions to protect our retreat. I was already close to the bridge and one of the first to attempt a crossing, alongside a few high ranking and middling officers, but we were all stopped on the orders of the marshal and surrounded by his staff and some gendarmes. I spied Colonel [August] Trzecieski, the commander of the 15th Regiment of Lancers belonging to our division, stood next to the marshal. He said something to the marshal just then and pointed at me; the marshal approached asking: ‘Que faites-vous donc ici ? Votre brigade est déjà en avant, hatez vous!’ [What are you doing here? Your brigade has already gone ahead, hurry!]. I just managed to give a bow of gratitude, and then, not marching but running, I crossed back over the bridge, collected and mounted my chestnut horse and went ahead towards the sound of the guns firing against Tchitchagov. I was blessing the name of Colonel Trzecieski, whose favour had saved me. Davout, too, always helped the Poles. The battle had been raging for a few hours already. Artillery fire seemed to be coming from all sides. I passed a long column of the Imperial Guards, at the head of which stood the emperor, and came to a halt next to General Żółtowski. The combined remnants of V Corps were fighting on the field, oh, how it had been reduced by then! And yet, all its men, officers, commanders, all were now fighting in this final sacrifice. That was on 28 November, the day of the fiercest struggle. On the one side of Berezina stood Tchitchagov, on the other side Kutuzov

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and Wittgenstein. Against Tchitchagov, the Poles were fighting alongside the French. Colonel [Józef] Hornowski commanding our 17th Regiment was wounded and taken prisoner. The Polish generals bore the worst of it: Zajączek lost his leg; Dąbrowski was hit in the hand and would be crippled for ever; Kniaziewicz was wounded; and how many other casualties fell for whom there will be no mention and no memory! Due to such sacrifices, the army maintained its position by the Berezina until night fall. My chestnut horse also got hit in the leg. Fortunately, I still had my grey horses in the care of Józef Szymanski. Our colour party was standing next to the road and they were telling me how Major [Kajetan] Ostaszewski, my good friend in the 3rd Infantry Regiment, had died. The wounded from the battlefield were being carried away; among them was General Zajączek who was losing consciousness. His adjutant [Teofil] Jabłkowski called me over: ‘Dear fellow, have you anything in your canteen for the general?’ I was happy to hand him my flask in which there was some vodka. The future viceroy [of the Congress Kingdom of Poland] never found out to whom he owed this favour.84 The remaining remnants of our army resembled guards of honour protecting colours and artillery, which, like holy relics, were being saved and, indeed, the enemy would not be able to boast of seizing these trophies. Lieutenant-Colonel Józef Krasiński, then acting as adjutant to General Zajączek, described the assault of the Polish infantry at Brili in the afternoon of 28 November and the moment his general was wounded:

84 General Zajączek was a prisoner of the Russians until January 1814. After the abdication of Napoleon he was assigned to the post of a deputy president of a military commission, reorganizing the former Napoleonic army of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw into a new, Russian-controlled army of the Congress Poland. On 3 December 1815 the Russian czar, Alexander I, gave Zajączek the position of Viceroy of the Kingdom of Congress Poland. Zajączek’s years as a viceroy have mixed reviews. He was actively interested in the economic development of Polish lands, and contributed to the industrialization and urbanization of the state. He has been criticized, however, for being too inexperienced for such a major position, and too under the influence of his patron, Grand Duke Constantine Pavlovich. He died in 1828.

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When I came up to Zajączek, it was already after four in the afternoon, and, since dawn, a fierce battle had been raging between Oudinot’s divisions and the vanguard of Tchitchagov’s army. The contest was limited to a confined space namely along the road [to Borisov] and in the forests stretching down both sides of this road. Initially it was the French who were moving forward and the Russians who were retreating, then the opposite, with the Russians advancing and the French falling back. The French, however, were already exhausted by this battle which had endured most of the day, and so, just as soon as I joined the Polish generals, Zajączek received orders to bring his [V] corps and advance down the road to support the French. This he did, placing himself immediately at the head of the infantry, with his sword in his hand, and leading the troops forward into battle. I walked next to him and recall, as plainly as if it were today, this old, grey-haired general, in his small fur boots, going in to the attack as if opening a dance. The enemy, attacked from both sides, quit the field, one battalion of Jägers dropped their weapons and surrendered, another one fled, and our corps triumphed along the line and relieved the already weary and decimated French divisions. The general now gave orders to enter the forest to the right and left of the road, whilst he remained on the road, overseeing the divisions as they quickly and efficiently sought cover: Kniaziewicz went to the left and Dąbrowski to the right. Perceiving that a battalion of the regiment commanded by Blumer was reluctant to follow his division, he ran over to him angrily. I was following him when a dozen or so paces from us a grenade landed. It exploded, showering me with snow and earth, but a fragment from this grenade became embedded in the leg of General Zajączek and severely wounded him. We brought him away from the road and to the forest on the right. The general fainted, but then recovered a little and spoke, telling me: ‘It is all over with me now.’ He said goodbye to me and thanked me for my kindness during my service with him. I told him that he was not as bad as he thought, and I would never abandon him. ‘Let it be so if you want it so much’, he replied. I gathered those I could from the soldiers to hand; they made a stretcher out of tree branches and muskets, covered them with

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greatcoats and lay the general on it. He instructed me to ride to Napoleon and ask him to, in his name, have his surgeon, the famous Larrey, dress his wounds. Larrey had known him for a long time; he had treated him in Egypt when they were there with Napoleon. I rode back towards the bridges [near the village of Zanivki], where I saw the Old Guard and, before a humble hut made from intertwined branches, I found the emperor standing alone without his retinue. I got off my horse, boldly went up to him and declared that I was adjutant to General Zajączek and that the seriously wounded general had asked him for help from Doctor Larrey. This news apparently moved him, because he asked me where he had been wounded, from what kind of shot, etc. Finally, he said: ‘C’est bien, faites l’apporter ici, chez moi - l’ettendez vous, chez moi ici!’ [Very good, have him brought here to me, you hear me, here to me!’] I got back on my horse as quickly as I could and rode back to meet the people who were carrying the general. I encountered them not far off and repeated to Zajączek what the emperor had told me. I then brought him to Napoleon’s hut; we did not find the emperor, but Larrey was already waiting for us with his assistants and instruments. He immediately ordered that the general be placed on the imperial folding bed and then he began surgery. Without further delay I rode off to fulfil the orders of my wounded commander [to hand overall command over to General Dąbrowski]. Knowing that Dąbrowski’s division was on the right-hand side of the main road, I skirted the dangerous road and rode along the edge of the woods to shield myself from the enemy guns. I then dismounted to walk through a forest littered by tree trunks brought down by the firing. Behind me walked my orderly who led our horses with some difficulty as there were many obstacles. In the forest, we could still hear some intense firing from Russian tirailleurs and the booming of guns firing close by, with their fire being directed not only at the road but also now at the forest. I had not gone very far before I noticed a party of our soldiers coming towards me, and between them was General Dąbrowski who also now had a wounded hand. However, I had to comply with my instructions and told the general that General Zajączek was passing command over to him. General Dąbrowski was extremely irritated (the wound apparently annoyed

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him a great deal, even if it was only on his finger). He berated me in violent terms: ‘Can’t you see, I’m wounded myself – so go to hell!’ He soon regretted his rude words, however, and relented, telling his adjutant that command would have to go to General Kniaziewicz. Then, pushing still deeper into the forest, I encountered a stream of wounded soldiers, some were limping back on foot, others, more seriously wounded, were being carried by their colleagues on makeshift stretchers made from muskets or tree branches. I crossed to the left-hand side of the main road to find General Kniaziewicz and the division I had served in at the beginning of the campaign. The position our corps found itself in, both on the left and on the righthand side of the road, was a terrible one for a soldier forced to stand still with a musket on his shoulder whilst under murderous fire. We were protecting the retreat of the army and we had to do all we could. However, we felt like those abandoned at a forgotten outpost. Our skirmishers were indeed engaged with the enemy, but over their heads came roundshot, shells and grenades and they landed on us. The trees were smashed by shot and the splinters were driven through our ranks whilst the enemy tirailleurs swarmed around our flanks and shot at us as though we were mere ducks. I remember that our soldiers started to come down in ever greater numbers, therefore Kniaziewicz told us to take a few steps back to get away from this mortal zone. My coat and my winter cap were shot through. One musket bullet bounced off my sabre scabbard, but Providence seemed to watch over me and no bullet hurt me. Fortunately, the day was short and dusk was falling, the Russian onslaught and artillery and musket fire were diminishing. Even so the part of the forest where we stood was already littered with the dead. Just then, the adjutant to Marshal Ney, who, after Marshal Oudinot was wounded, assumed command of his corps, came over to General Kniaziewicz and conveyed the order that he must come at once to see the marshal. The general then passed the command to General Izydor Krasiński and sent his adjutants to the other two divisions, so that their commanders were aware of the situation, and then he and I went off on foot to find the marshal. It was dark in the woods and we actually held hands as we climbed over the

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smashed and fallen trees. We did not want to go along the road so as not to needlessly expose ourselves to the bullets and grenades, for the enemy artillery did not relent. Absolutely exhausted and almost without strength, and thinking that we were out of range, we stumbled back to the road. We went over a narrow ditch, and I helped the general across. Then I heard the sound of a crack close to me, like a piece of wood breaking. The general cried out and fell into the ditch. A roundshot had bounced along the road, hit him in the leg and broken his bone. We found ourselves alone at night in the forest. Heavy Kniaziewicz lay moaning in the ditch and I was powerless beside him, for I could hardly walk, let alone carry him on my shoulders. Nor could I see who might rescue us; obtaining help seemed impossible. I cried out in vain to the passing soldiers, all of them carried on, pretending that they could not see us or could not hear us. They were probably afraid that I would send them back to the ranks they had just left. At last I heard a noise in the nearby forest and a short but sturdy voltigeur from the 1st Regiment, a man called Rosołek, appeared before us. This honest fellow came running over to us; he pulled me and the general out of the ditch and found a plank of wood, so we could carry the general. We were able to carry him several hundred paces, throughout which time Private Rosolek did not abandon his weapon. When we met some more of our soldiers, they replaced me carrying the general, because I was no longer strong enough. However, I still accompanied them. We drew close to the Berezina River and approached the brushwood hut which the soldiers from Napoleon’s Guard had built and we were lucky to have selected that destination because the field hospital of the Polish Lancers of the Guard and Doctor Girardot, the chief surgeon of the regiment, a man celebrated throughout the whole army, was based there. He immediately took care of the wounded general, cut his shoe off an already very swollen leg, and probed for a wound. There wasn’t one, but the leg was black from the severe injury, and the bone cracked. He treated the affected area and dressed the leg accordingly. All this happened, however, in my absence. As soon as we entered the hut, the general, a strict disciplinarian, sent me to Marshal Ney

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to report to him that he had been wounded, therefore he could no longer fulfil his orders, and that he had passed the command on to General Izydor Krasiński. This final mission filled me with dread. I had been active for the last 24 hours. I was exhausted to the point of collapse, I had one boot falling off, the other without a sole. I had not eaten anything throughout this time and could only quench my thirst by swallowing some melted snow to ease my dried tongue and sore throat. In such a state I found myself, a Polish officer, the deputy chief of staff of the division, a man who had started the campaign with ten horses, reduced to looking for Marshal Ney in the midst of the chaos of the French Army on foot and in the dark. I do not know how it happened, but I did find Marshal Ney and managed to return to the hut where I had left General Kniaziewicz. I was reduced to acting like an automaton. I only remember that the night was terribly dark, that I had been guided along by the rare bonfires along the Berezina, that there was a tumult at the bridges, a huge noise, shouts, pleading, moans as if on Doomsday, and soldiers of various regiments crowded around the bridge in the greatest disorder. I also remember very well that when I found Marshal Ney and told him what the general had told me, the marshal merely replied ‘encore un!’ [another one!]. I remember at last returning to General Kniaziewicz. I was half-asleep, but I found gathered there my staff colleagues: [Leutenant Leon] Jelski,[Captain Maciej] Wodzyński, [Captain Wilhelm] Orsetti and others, and many other officers from our corps who had already received the order to fall back and then to follow the rest of the army through the causeway towards Kamien, i.e. the so-called Ziembin dikes. Just after reporting with a few words on my mission to the general, I lay down on the ground next to the fire and fell asleep like a stone. I remember however, that I pushed out a French soldier who wanted to lie by the fire too and who annoyed me terribly. I did not sleep more than an hour, because I was then woken up in order to continue our march. Having woken up, I felt something by my knees. I pulled back and saw lying by the embers of the fire the French soldier who had been so intent on reaching it. He had squeezed his way under my legs and died there, close to the flames.

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Lieutenant Wincenty Płaczkowski, an officer of the Polish Lancers of the Imperial Guard, also saw General Zajączek go down, and relates the end to his battle on the right bank: General Zajączek was holding back Tchitchagov on the right bank of the Berezina; the latter had been trying to block our passage and prevent us from escaping. After receiving the bad news that the Russian were advancing, Napoleon gave orders that one company from each regiment of infantry and cavalry of the Guard be detached, so that, along with a horse artillery battery, Zajączek could be reinforced as he held back the enemy. These companies were composed of old and experienced soldiers. I found myself and my platoon assigned to this detachment as soon as we crossed the river. When we reached the battlefield, we saw that Zajączek was being fiercely attacked from three sides; from the far side of the river, from Borisov and from the Minsk road which ran through the forests towards Borisov. There was a little snow here and what snow there was was mixed with sand ploughed up by the roundshot. We formed up behind our line, and soon after I saw the horse of Zajączek hit and go down, with the wounded general falling to the ground. Some officers quickly brought the small horse-drawn sledge up, lifted him from the ground and carried him back to the surgeons. Thus his life was saved [but he lost his leg]. Seeing that we had come up, Zajączek’s division pulled back, allowing us room to advance and replace them. The light cavalry was ordered to attack and capture the guns, which the enemy had positioned in a young and sparse pine forest along the Minsk road. We launched three attacks by squadrons, but we achieved nothing because their infantry was hidden in these woods, protected by the marshes and bog, and they prevented us from taking the guns. Zajączek’s division was already almost out of range and the enemy could not do it much harm any more. We were ordered to capture some other artillery and this time we were successful, we spiked the guns and killed most of the artillerymen. The days were short and this one, the first Wednesday of Advent, had been brutal, so we were glad to then retire, too. However, we launched another attack at twilight, charging some troops in the undergrowth and swamps.

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However, four enemy guns were hidden in some haystacks and when we were in close range these opened fire with canister. My men were on the wing of our formation and 14 horses and seven men were hit; my horse was also wounded in the knee of the rear right leg. My men continued their gallop, my horse stumbled on his wounded leg once or twice, I spurred him and hit him with the flat of my sword. He leapt into the air and then collapsed, bringing me to the ground. It was fortunate for me that my horse fell at the very edge of the Berezina. Its banks were high, maybe six ells [one Polish ell = 60cm] or so, and a snowdrift had formed along them. My horse slid down that snowdrift towards the ice of the river, carrying me with it and so I was soon trapped in the snow under my horse. I could still hear the artillery fire, but it was moving further and further away. In this sad situation, all I could do was make my peace with God. I began to hear the enemy as they advanced along the banks. I also saw some Cossacks exploring the shore. One of them saw me down by the ice of the river, so he moved towards me. His horse plunged his front legs into the snowdrift, and his head was soon submerged in the snow. The Cossack jumped from his horse and somehow managed to pull his mount out. He soon called some others over, but they could not reach me. Their officer now approached, talked to them, dismounted, and ordered them to give him a lance. He threw off his coat, turned the lance around so that the point was not directed at me, and ordered two Cossacks to keep hold of it, while the other Cossacks held them by hanging on to their cloaks. Then the officer, grasping the end of the lance slowly climbed down and came over to me. He asked me who I was. I told him that I was a Polish officer. He pulled the horse’s mane with two hands, freeing me, and then he pulled me out from under the horse and from the snow. He immediately berated me for the burning of Moscow. Then he took off my lancer czapka [tschapka], cut off the silver ornamentation, threw it on the ground and stamped it into the snow. Then he took off my coat and my jacket of grey lambskin saying that it had been taken from Moscow, stripped me of epaulettes, aiguillettes, a pouch and my sword and finally relieved me of my money and watch. I remained there in my uniform and bare-headed. After that

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a second officer came down, both immediately went to the horse, detached the portmanteau and removed the saddle, blanket and sabretache. Under the saddle they found two pieces of silver and gold in small leather purses, weighing more than 20 pounds. They began to argue with each other, but eventually they shared the booty, ignoring me. They then made to leave. I appealed to them, saying ‘why are you leaving me like this? Either take me with you, or kill me!’ The evening was already late, the frost was intense and the snow had started to fall again. I thought that here on this shore, surrounded by vengeful enemies, my last hour had come! However, these officers agreed to take me with them and we were pulled up onto the bank using the Cossack lance. Both officers led the way on foot, and they kept me close, with four mounted Cossacks following on and leading their officers’ horses. I was walking without anything on my head, my hair became wet with sweat, but this soon froze due to the coldness of the air. The frost was horrible, the night fell, the moon shone a little, and the dry and fine snowflakes glittered in the air, flashing like diamonds. We encountered small groups of enemy soldiers who were finishing off some of our isolated detachments. They turned to insult me, shouting: ‘You burned Moscow and robbed it!’ These terrifying voices, crying and screaming, came from all sides. Some came over to my Cossacks and demanded to know who they were escorting. My escort replied that I was a French colonel and at these words one of them threw himself towards me with his sword, wanting to beat me, but the officers leading me did not allow it. This happened several times. The last occasion saw someone come at me riding a horse in fierce anger. Around his neck hung a leather belt with two Turkish pistols, he took one, put it against my forehead and pulled the trigger, but it did not fire. One of the officers raised his hand and knocked away the pistol, but the attacker seized the other pistol by the barrel and hit me hard on head with it. I was brought nearly half a mile beyond the very banks of the Berezina to a small wooden church and a Dominican monastery with two rooms. In the first one I saw a dozen officers gathered around a large samovar with mugs of tea. The heat made me feel sick and I nearly fainted. I was directed to a second room, where a

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general was sitting at the table, with several high-ranking officers standing around him. My Cossack officers introduced me as a colonel taken prisoner. Someone immediately asked me what regiment I was from, and what rank? I replied that I was a lieutenant from the lancers of the French Guard. ‘I know this regiment’, answered the general. ‘Its colonel is Krasiński, your depot is in Chantilly near Paris.’ I replied that it was indeed the case. He continued to ask me how long I had been in service. I replied that I had joined in 1806. Then he continued to ask me if I had been in the Prussian, Spanish and Austrian campaigns. I answered yes. He turned to his officers and said to them: ‘This is an old soldier; he was in many campaigns and experienced a lot’. As the battle raged on the western bank, the crossing of the river continued. Karol Turno, whose guts were screaming with hunger, found the bridge empty and so hurried across: I had a vague idea, one of those prophetic moments, that the troops of General Dabrowski’s division, which had been at Mohilev, might have some food. Convinced this must be so, I felt a renewed sense of courage and then hope, so I went down to the bridges and listened as blocks of ice grated against their supports. Nobody was there. When I reached the opposite bank, I turned and went left into the forests running down to Borisov. I saw four Polish artillery officers gathered around a fire, and the captain, recognising me, invited me over and offered his canteen. I drank the contents down in a gulp and galvanised by this alcohol I felt like a man who had come back to life. They were roasting a good-sized duck and two casseroles were burbling away in harmony. I felt my heart pick up, my blood began to circulate and I recalled that maxim by Sancho Panza. It is not man who controls the stomach, but the stomach which controls the man’. Józef Jaszowski, a lieutenant in charge of the battery of artillery in the 16th Infantry Division of V Corps, described his passage of Berezina: We positioned our guns to the side [on the eastern bank of Berezina], a few hundred paces from the nearest bridge, in a field

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planted with potatoes. We lit our fires, baked the potatoes and played some chess, expecting the order, like the day of judgement, to move forwards to the bridge. So there we waited the whole day and night, until the following day, when the enemy, pushing hard against our rearguard, forced our troops to recoil. Enemy shot was now reaching us, and the shells were already landing amongst the crowd by the bridges (the Russian unicorn guns, having conical chambers, had considerable range). We felt sorry that we would die here without the ability to reply, for we were almost without ammunition, or that we would be taken prisoner, dismal thoughts which came just as we had hoped to make our escape. Just then General Kniaziewicz (General Zajączek had lost a leg and resigned his command), after gathering up a few Polish grenadiers, approached us and told us to follow these hand-picked troops without letting anyone impede our march over the bridge. The grenadiers had fixed bayonets on their muskets and would clear a passage for us. So too would General Kniaziewicz, for the very sight of him (he was a tall man of magnificent bearing, and had a voice like thunder and a shock of grey hair), aroused respect and obedience. When he was giving orders in French from his horse, everybody, even native French speakers, thought that he was some distinguished French marshal. They were quick to get out of his way, so we soon reached the bridge and crossed it, although the wagons with the officers’ belongings were not allowed to pass over, in conformity to orders issued by the emperor. Consequently, we were all reduced to one shirt and whatever we were wearing. What I really regretted were my military certificates and journal, which I had diligently kept, along with some sketches and drawings drawn at various places whenever I had had the opportunity to do so. On the first night after our crossing of the Berezina, we camped next to the French Old Guard as they baked crude biscuits in the bonfires, because on that day the commissary officers had issued some of the flour to them. They were cursing the emperor in all possible ways, but the next day, when he appeared before them, they shouted: ‘Vive l’empereur!’ having forgotten about last night. The emperor still exerted such charm and influence over his men.

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The bridge was being protected by a rearguard on the eastern banks formed by Marshal Victor’s IX Corps, which included the Polish division withdrawn from Spain. The corps had not marched to Moscow and was, therefore, in a much better state than most. Captain Józef Rudnicki of the 4th Infantry was in this rearguard and describes how his unit was ground down in this uneven battle: Napoleon, learning that a huge Russian corps under the command of General Tchitchagov had already reached the Berezina in order to prevent his army continuing on into Lithuania, took his Guard two miles up the river from the town of Borisov, reaching the villages of Ziembin and Studzyanka. There he ordered the sappers to dismantle the wooden houses in this latter village and they built two rickety bridges over the Berezina. As soon as they were completed, the Guards crossed over immediately accompanied by a large part of what remained of the artillery. He ordered these troops, now combined with the [French] II Corps and the Polish V Corps under General [Józef] Zajączek, to drive the Russians back. They succeeded in forcing the enemy back and two miles away from the newly-built bridges, although at the cost of General Zajączek’s leg, some wounded generals and many soldiers killed. It was enough for Napoleon to win time during the day and the following night to allow the remnants of his army to cross the river. However, our IX Corps, which was still in fairly good shape, remained by the village of Studzyanka, and fought a battle on 27 and 28 November 1812 in order to defend the crossing by the banks of the Berezina. We occupied the hills from which we could observe the disastrous retreat. Civilian employees and even some officers from different nations, with furs and bundles of expensive loot robbed from Moscow, crowded around the artillery park and tried to pass along the narrow country road with their various vehicles. These selfish wretches, pure egotists, tried to bribe those few remaining soldiers with weapons in their hands to escort them, so that the already depleted units decreased still further with each passing day due to such criminal practices. The French gendarmerie, posted by

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Napoleon himself at the head of the bridges and positioned to filter the retreating army as it passed, often took these vehicles from the bridgeheads and pushed them into the river, even so, those with loot tried to slip some valuables in amongst the columns of soldiers and clogged the road up with their abandoned vehicles. That night, aware that we were not yet in the front lines, we calmly lay down on the bare ground despite the heavy frost and the fact that we only had our thin tunics or greatcoats for protection. We did not sleep on the night of 27 to 28 November although things were quiet, but at dawn the Russians launched their attack on us from all sides. We rushed to arms at once, and were astonished that the division under General Partouneaux, supposedly placed in front of us by Marshal Victor, had, without firing a shot, allowed the enemy to reach our lines. General [Jean-Baptiste] Girard who was the commander of the Polish division, ordered us to attack the Russians with the bayonet. We managed to force our enemies to retreat a few hundred metres, and it was then that we learned that the German division in our corps, under the command of the reckless General Partouneaux, had been taken captive that night.85 The Russians repeatedly attacked us under cover of some intensive artillery fire. By noon the fields around us were already covered with dead and the following officers from our division were killed: From the 4th Regiment: Lieutenant [Jan] Sławski, Second Lieutenant [Jakub] Rybicki; Captain [Mateusz] Zdziennicki was badly wounded. From the 7th Regiment: Captain Żurawski, lieutenants [Antoni] Krąkowski and [Józef] Poniatowski, second lieutenants: [Michał] Antosiewicz and [Józef] Tobiaszewski. Just then, a 12-pound shot struck the grenadier standing next to me, completely shattering his legs. I was so close to the blast that I fell to the ground. Judging by the fact that the ball had almost knocked me down too, I felt the harm done to me to be not too bad, even if, for some time afterwards, I felt no strength in my 85 In fact, the captured division was largely composed of provisional units. The German element of IX Corps would fight alongside the Poles in the coming struggle.

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legs and I was unable to pick myself up. Indeed, Colonel [Tadeusz] Woliński ordered some volunteers to carry me away on their muskets. These soldiers carried me off and pushed through the crowd of wounded people lying without any help in front of the bridges. Many of them had been wounded by the detonation of the large number of caissons hit by artillery, and several hundred lives were probably lost there. The screams of the wounded, lying there without any medical assistance, were the screams from the day of Last Judgment. At last, the soldiers transferred me to the other side of the Berezina, where they placed their burden by a big bonfire, and they, as good soldiers should, went back to the scene of the bloody battle of the Polish regiments. Lying there for a few hours, I had to look with pain upon the dying warriors who, due to the bridges being clogged with artillery, ammunition and coaches, determined to cross the Berezina on horseback. To their misfortune, this river, despite the harsh frost, had not yet frozen solid, meaning that when the horseman rode over it, the thin ice under the horse broke and the Berezina welcomed rider and horse into the abyss. There were also those who, in a hurry to escape, and unable to escape across the crowded bridges, jumped down to those artificial islands which had formed in the Berezina from those carts, carriages and coaches pushed into the river by the gendarmerie. A lot of people took such an uncertain course, but those who slipped into the Berezina’s currents faced certain death. I saw some of them up to their breasts in the freezing water and they were crying out with all their strength for rescue. Rescue which would not come. It seemed like God’s will, all these misfortunes of the French army, and the suffering it had experienced. The enemy, under the command of General Kutuzov [Wittgenstein], was still launching several major assaults against our IX Corps, which then defended the bridges by Studzyanka, while I waited for help on the other bank of the river. Fortunately, just then, a cart belonging to the Spanish division pulled up at my campfire. Hearing the Spanish soldiers talking to each other, I came to the idea of taking advantage of the situation and asked them in Spanish to take me on to their wagon. The honest Spaniards hearing me speak their language and seeing

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my inability to walk, held a short conference and then agreed to my request. They put me on the back of the cart, and, after a pause, they started to continue their journey. As we continued, I did not know what words I should use to thank those good men for sparing me from certain captivity and perhaps from death. They were not only taking me away, for they also gave me some of their spare food. On the third day of our journey, just before reaching the city of Molodetchno, the axle of the cart broke and with it any hope of further retreat. The Spaniards extracted the best from the cart, loaded their horses, and took leave of me, wishing me good luck. Although my feet were not yet properly healed, I eventually managed to drag myself to Molodetchno. There I decided to wait for the regiment to which I belonged. Colonel Woliński soon reached the town with the rest of the survivors, but he had no food and so continued on. I missed my chance to go with them. Captain Ignacy Prądzyński, the staff officer of General Dąbrowski, described the end of the battle at the Berezina and the heroic Polish attempt to guard the bridges from Kutuzov and Wittgenstein: At the same time, on the other side of Berezina, Wittgenstein attacked Marshal Victor, whose strength, after Daendels’ division crossed over, was reduced to the Poles alone, and these were inferior in strength to their opponents. However, owing to their miraculous bravery they managed to hold fast before the bridges, although the enemy roundshot and shell reached them; however, this artillery fire caused more fear and disorder in the masses of stragglers, horses and wagons that cluttered the area before the bridges and would not move. The scenes of horror which occurred here pass all imagination; they cannot be described in any words. The night only increased the chaos and it was during the darkness that [Marshal] Victor, unable to allow his weakened corps to continue fighting in such a disadvantageous situation and not wanting to ruin it completely, decided to retreat across the river and join the rest of the army. Clearing the way up to the bridges was difficult. Then he had to abandon everything that remained on this side of Berezina, including the wounded, marauders, carts, carriages

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and a mass of personal and military baggage. All fell into Russian hands. 86 The passage of Berezina, honourable to those who endured it, was the last military action of Napoleon’s dying Grand Army. Those units which had kept their discipline and organization now melted into the shapeless mob which had come back from Moscow. This mass, in terrible state of chaos, then dragged itself to Vilnius; hunger and terrible cold reducing its numbers every day. They were thinly protected by the shadow of a rearguard under Marshal Victor, then under General Maison, in which the Poles from Girard’s division and a few others from V Corps also served. There were also a few insignificant encounters between them and the pursuing Russians, notably near Molodetchno. Napoleon was already hurrying to Paris from Smorgoniye to gather new forces to counter his massing enemies. On the morning of 29 November, Marshal Victor and what remained of his corps passed over the two bridges and Napoleon ordered these makeshift structures to be set on fire. Some 10,000 stragglers remained on the left bank and were taken prisoner by the Russians. Many were sick or wounded, but the Russians also seized the booty looted from Moscow. While the spectre of the destruction of the entire Grand Army was averted thanks to Napoleon’s talent, the situation in which the French now found themselves hardly improved. Only a few thousand soldiers, mainly Poles and the veterans of the Old Guard, were in any state to bear arms, and a mob of around 50,000 marauders was pushing towards Vilnius. The retreat would continue, as would the torment.

86 The last Polish troops withdrew from the left bank on 29 November at 6.30am. The bridge was burnt at 8am by sappers and a grenadier company from the 9th Polish Infantry Regiment.

Chapter 6

The Long March Home For those who survived the crossing of the Berezina, the ordeal continued. The temperatures plunged as the army trudged on towards another false hope, the Lithuanian capital Vilnius, remembered now as a place of plenty which had welcomed them on the march into Russia. By now it was only hope which kept many going: everyone was exhausted, beset by disease and vermin, and stamina was dangerously low for gruelling marches in the snow. Food was still in very short supply, the frost was merciless and the Russians, recovering a little from their surprise that the French had managed to escape, were pushing ever harder at the Grand Army’s exposed heels. Napoleon, hearing of unrest in his capital, and thinking that he would be better off raising new armies and imposing more taxes of blood for the coming war with revanchist Russia, determined that he could better lead from Paris and made to abandon his men. They did not expect leadership but, as every man made his way westwards as best he could, they did at least hope for an end to their woe. For now, that was still some distance off. Captain Józef Załuski, commander of a squadron in the Polish Lancers of the Guard, was more optimistic than most, sensing a return of hope with the Berezina behind them: On 28 November, a glorious battle was fought on the right bank of the Berezina. Our regiment had remained mounted and ready, but the cuirassiers of General Doumerc and the light cavalry of General Corbineau [from the II Corps of Marshal Oudinot] decided the battle and obtained a victory that was complete. In this battle, the Polish cavalry of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw and the infantry of the Vistula Legion showed merit, but generals Zajączek, Dąbrowski, Kniaziewicz and Claparéde were wounded. As the Poles were distinguishing themselves on the right bank of Berezina, on the left the equally brave regiments of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw which 182

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had returned from Spain fought under the command of General of Division Girard in the IX Corps of Marshal Victor. The march of our regiment via Ziembin, Molodetchno to Smorgoniye was tolerable. Good discipline, good morale and a common language facilitated our relations in this part of the country, whilst the winter weather, though it was harsh, was what we were accustomed to and familiar to us when since time immemorial and the wars of Batory, Zamoyski and Chodkiewicz. It was our habit, especially in the evening after a cold march, to rest the horses and warm the riders, and so we walked on foot, leading the horses behind us. Then we would sing military airs, mostly our traditional ‘krakowiaks’. This was because it is the duty of officers to keep the men as cheerful as possible and engender trust between officer and subordinate. Baron Dezydery [Désiré] Chłapowski, another Polish officer commanding a squadron in the Lancers of the Guard, agreed that this regiment was doing well, all things considered: In June 1812, on the advance to Moscow, our regiment had crossed the Niemen [Nemunas] 915 men strong. We gave some of our senior officers to the [Polish-] Lithuanian Army, some to the squadron that was formed from volunteers in Gdansk, and in addition, three captains were sent from Moscow with cadres to form three additional regiments of cavalry, although there was no time to carry out such a plan. In spite of these reductions in numbers, we would recross the Niemen again with 422 men, and it was stronger than all three of the other mounted regiments of the Guard combined. I do not include the Dutch [lancers], because in addition to Captain Colquhoun and his brother, who was an NCO, who clung to our tails, I did not see anybody from this regiment after our arrival at Smolensk. All this happened, despite the fact that the senior commanders did not spare us. As soon as any report came from headquarters that Cossacks had been seen on the flank, an order soon followed: ‘Polonais allez voir.’ [Poles, go and check.] So a quiet night was a rarity for us.

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Our regiment was in good condition. The officers always slept around the campfire with the soldiers. We did not lack for food to the same extent as the others because we were close to headquarters and sometimes had access to the convoy of oxen that trailed along behind it. When at night our lancers occupied an empty house they set sentries to ensure that the French would not set it on fire to warm themselves. Whenever we got inside any such house my cook Garoliński and a dozen others set about preparing whatever they could. The soldiers tried to obtain some meat and flour. They roasted slithers of meat and made large dumplings out of the flour. The lack of salt was a real test. The following morning, as we were about to resume the march, our cook would supply everybody with a ration of hot dumplings and a piece of beef that was to serve us for the entire day. Garoliński was kept under close watch by our lancers, he was a valuable man. One day, as we sat in a room along with a few officers, warming ourselves and waiting for the beef to roast, we began to smell an ugly stench. We lifted some straw and found a Dutch general who had died from the cold. In general, the more senior French officers endured the cold and discomfort better than their allies, at least until the end of the campaign. I am convinced that had the emperor himself pitched his tent in the camp, the generals would have been obliged to stay too and not wander off to scattered houses, and the junior officers and soldiers would have remained, too. Thus discipline would have been maintained. The stores established at various points along the route would have been distributed in an organised manner, instead of falling prey to mass robbery. As for the battles, well of the few that were fought during the retreat, the French emerged victorious, despite being fewer in numbers. As we approached Vilnius, we saw how an entire brigade of Neapolitans had frozen to death during the night. They called out to King Joachim [Murat] for help, they showed us their frozen hands, but no one cared about them just then. Napoleon had a plan for this fine unit of Poles. He would use it as his escort for his escape westwards. It was at Smorgoniye that the emperor took

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the decision to quit his army and make for Paris. Captain Stanisław Wąsowicz on the emperor’s staff described this important moment in the campaign, the emperor’s sudden departure and how Marshal Murat was entrusted with the command of the remnants of the army as it continued on to Vilnius: Napoleon [in Oshmiana] asked for an escort from our light cavalry: one drawn from the Regiment of Lancers of the Guard, and the second from the 7th Regiment of Vistula Legion Lancers [the 7th Chevau-Légers], in total numbering 266 lancers. He then announced: ‘We leave immediately. The night is dark enough for the Russians not to see us. Besides, we have to trust in our own fortune. Without this nothing can happen.’ Before we moved off, however, the emperor called on his orderly officer to bring a few pistols to his coach, handed them to me and instructed me to sit next to General Lefèbvre-Desnouettes. The Mameluke Roustam mounted the sledge, which was to follow on immediately after the imperial carriage, and Colonel Stokowski, commanding the escort, received the order to stay close to the coach door. Then, after completing these preparations, the emperor turned to all those around him and said these memorable words: ‘I am counting on all of you. Let’s go! Look closely to the right and left of the road. In the case of imminent danger, kill me rather than allow me to be taken alive.’ Deeply moved by this order that no one would have executed, an order which could only have been obeyed in the barbaric times of paganism, I said, ‘Will your Majesty let me translate to our Poles what I have just heard?’ ‘Yes, let them know what I said.’ After hearing the emperor’s words, all replied in one voice: ‘They will have to kill us first, before we let them reach you.’ This happened at 2 o’clock after midnight on 6 December at a time of year when the nights lasted 17 hours. The fog that we counted on did not however extend very far. Leaving Oshmiana, we saw stretched along the entire road, some nearer and some further away, glowing campfires. It was obvious that we would have to make our way past the enemy encampments scattered along the way. The Russian troops advancing towards Oshmiana were scattered over the whole area, but most particularly on the left side of the road, centred around the village of Nowosady. It now appeared that Napoleon had acted

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wisely by ignoring the counsel of his entourage and setting off this night. The frost was brutal, the escort could barely keep in their saddles, and riders fell whilst some of the horses froze, too. When daylight appeared, and it was 28 degrees of frost, we found we were close to Równe Pole and there, counting the escort, we discovered there were just 36 Poles remaining. Here, a local called Falkowski, in whose house the emperor rested, undertook to guide us on towards Vilnius. Antoni Kulesza, a non-commissioned officer in the 7th Chevau-Légers, continues the story of Napoleon’s journey westwards: A local nobleman named Falkowski, having harnessed his own horses to the sledge in which the emperor and Caulaincourt sat, put on a simple sheepskin coat, and assumed the role of a driver. Stanisław Wąsowicz, a brave officer from Krasiński’s [Lancers] regiment [attached to imperial headquarters], sat next to him. Duroc and Roustam were driving the second sledge with the officers’ belongings. So they travelled through Miedniki, staying briefly in the suburbs of Vilnius, from whence they reached Mariyampol on the road from Kovno [Kaunas] to Suwalki. Here, the postmaster, Mikulicz, who spoke fairly good French, drew the emperor’s attention to the fact that the route through Prussia would be shorter, but less safe. ‘Why?’ Napoleon replied with colour. ‘Your Majesty,’ answered Mikulicz, ‘there everyone will be wishing harm to your person or seeking to take you, while here in Poland everybody will lay down his life to protect you’. Napoleon recognized he was correct, and it was agreed that it would be better to turn towards the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. Mikulicz, taking an old carriage from Monsieur Węgierski, fixed it on skis and, with his own horses, accompanied Falkowski and Captain Wąsowicz, as they, fortunately without incident, brought the emperor to Warsaw.87

87 Antoni Kulesza. Antoni Kulesza w zbiorze Od szkolnej ławy [From the school bench]. Biblioteka Warszawska, vol III, Warsaw, 1880.

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As Napoleon sped westwards, the army maintained a more mournful pace as it staggered towards Vilnius. Captain Prot Lelewel, aide-de-camp to General Żółtowski, and the remnants of V Corps were struggling along: I did not see what became of those troops and stragglers left behind us by the bridge. Darkness put an end to the fighting. We were just pleased to have liberated the army from the trap set by Tchitchagov, we even managed to drag some prisoners of war along with us. The night was cloudy, dark, and our march resembled a funeral procession. I dragged myself along with the others, not knowing whether I was asleep or awake as I went. Once in the midst of this procession of different soldiers I woke up alone amidst some French infantry; I had to hurry off to catch up with the Poles. We finally stopped to make camp. Having been deprived of sleep I dropped off in front of the fire, sleeping under my coat. Waking up at dawn I found my coat had been taken. General Pac and so many others were by that fire, but only my coat disappeared. But this was not all. My groom Ivanek was just a few paces away, holding on to the reins of my two grey horses. However, the reins were cut and one of the horses was stolen. Even so, horses were often more trouble than they were worth, because they were not properly shod and forage was scarce. Still, it was unpleasant to lose one in such a way. I tried to mount my other horse and ride on the frozen road, the surface of which was polished and slippery, but, the horse only having normal horseshoes, I soon preferred to proceed on foot. As dusk fell, some French artillery was moving through the burning village houses, the baggage train and our modest yellow carriage following them. Suddenly somebody shouted ‘Cossacks!’ and abject panic seized everyone. The artillery rushed off, one of the guns overturning my yellow carriage and snapping its axle. [Antoni] Czajkowski, my long-suffering former battalion commander, and my comrade [Edward] Płoński, were sitting in it at the time. Czajkowski was transferred by my general to his own vehicle. I, having received a piece of bread from them, commended them to divine protection and continued my march on foot with

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renewed vigour. My diligent servants soon found another robust carriage which someone had abandoned, and transferred our much-reduced baggage into it. The flour and lard had all gone, and there was not much left when it came to our belongings. My servants were something else; I had to smile at their industry in this time of changing fortunes. But soon my retinue, too, would be reduced. In Smorgoniye, during the coldest camp so far, my Ivanek disappeared. What happened to him, we do not know, although he was probably led astray by one of the locals? Nor do I know what happened to our new carriage. I only saw our horses being taken by Szymański and harnessed to a sleigh. Szymański then climbed into the general’s carriage with my portmanteau and, seeing to the general’s needs, he went off to Warsaw. The frost was growing worse with each passing day, and between Molodetchno and Smorgoniye it was so severe as to be intolerable. There was also a complete lack of food, something which had horrible consequences. What I describe here only confirms what others have already said on the matter. Our path through the trodden snow was slippery like an endless mirror. The horses were unable to draw any vehicle over any hill; the guns were pushed forwards by tired people, the same for the caissons, therefore so many things were simply abandoned! Some of the remaining ammunition caissons were taken to one side and blown up in order not to leave them to the enemy, the sound of the detonations adding to the horrors of our march. There were villages in flames all around us, not because of human anger, but simple accidents and campfires caused such conflagrations. It is difficult to give an idea of the horrors of this mourning procession. The cold and hungry skeletons covered in all possible kinds of dress wanted food and fire, and often met only death. It was difficult to ignite a fire, but when it was done, it would soon be surrounded by the dead. We ringed the campfires, and sleep was easy, but when the fire was extinguished some woke from the cold, whilst the others slept for ever. My head often rested on one who would not rise again, and I used to stand up and leave with indifference. Despite him being a stranger, I had also forgotten that he was a man.

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Whenever an undamaged house was encountered, there were always more trying to get in than places inside. Those left in the cold often set fire to the house for a huge bonfire. It was a pity for the wounded or sick who could not escape, they remained in the ashes. The only possible food was horse meat, there were real fights over it, but those who got it often had no more strength left to grill and eat it. Not only the limbs, but also the heart became frigid, everybody pushed forwards alone, though part of a silent crowd. These doomed beings were easily taken prisoner or killed, and many were deliberately burned in the houses, as I have mentioned, and, no doubt, the Cossacks added to the victims. In order to avoid, as much as possible, such painful scenes, those who knew the local country led us off down side tracks towards Oshmiana. There, for a short time, we entered a monastery. The good monks treated us with hot beer; a glass of which seemed like heaven just then. Weary friends rested there before continuing their march. I did not want to linger, I drank my cup standing up and moved on. Finally, I reached Vilnius and entered it through the Gate of Ostra Brama.88 The city was already packed and all the streets were occupied by exhausted soldiers from various units. This was the remains of the Grand Army! Captain Józef Rudnicki of the 4th Regiment of Infantry was suffering from contusion received at the Berezina, but he made it to Vilnius and described his trials and tribulations getting there: Every soldier marched as best he could, many along the rural side roads looking for food in the nearby hamlets and villages. In my situation, however, I had no choice other than to hobble along with the crowds of marauders and soldiers of various nations along the 88 Ostra Brama (The Gate of Dawn) is one of the most famous shrines in Vilnius. This is the only surviving gate of the original five gates into the city that were built between 1503 and 1522. The chapel in the Gate of Dawn contains an icon of The Blessed Virgin Mary Mother of Mercy, said to have miraculous powers. For centuries the gate has been one of the symbols of the city and an object of veneration for both Roman Catholic and Orthodox inhabitants.

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main road to the city of Vilnius. On the way between Molodetchno and Vilnius we lost the following officers: From the 4th Regiment, Second Lieutenant Gąsinowski died of cold. From the 7th Regiment, due to unbearable hardships and wounds, Major [Wilhelm] Dedenroth ended his life. From the 9th Regiment Lieutenant [Józef] Młocki was hit by a bullet in the head, and, due to his extraordinary strength, he took several steps forward, then fell and died in our presence. Wracked by hunger, cold and the pain in my legs, I dragged myself along for three days and nights before reaching this city, the place of much anticipated salvation. On the way, completely exhausted and extremely hungry, I spied a dragoon riding along on horseback (this was quite rare by then) with saddle bags on both sides. I stopped him and began to ask whether he could give me some food, if he had any. He was a Frenchman, and the French were greedy for money, much like our Jews. He said that he had some boiled potatoes and if I gave him one Louis d’or he would give me half of them. Without a second thought, I gave him a Napoleon d’or [worth 20 Francs] for small handful of potatoes. Having eaten this precious dish cold and without any salt I recovered slightly to continue the march to the Lithuanian capital. Finally, after so many calamities, much pain and hunger, I reached Vilnius. Baron Dezydery Chłapowski reached the city too. He found it plunged into chaos: We finally reached Wilno [Vilnius] on 6 December, but we would remain there for only two days, pushing on to Kaunas and reaching it in three days. I would like to emphasize the demoralization which reigned there among the soldiers from the Confederation of the Rhine. The best proof of this was my encounter with General Wrede, commanding the Bavarians, on the day after we reached Vilnius. There was more than 20 degrees of frost, and it was the iciest day of the campaign so far. In the morning, I went to Murat’s headquarters in the castle. I met a man wearing a civilian coat, a sort of

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turban on his head, and who carried a sword, but had no gloves. In addition, he was running, followed by about 15 soldiers armed with muskets and presenting their bayonets as if about to charge. Seeing me and recognizing my tschapka and uniform, he shouted: ‘Where is headquarters? They are capturing men in the streets, and the Imperial Guard has not left their quarters!’ I examined the speaker’s face although it was swathed in handkerchiefs, and from the sound of his voice I recognized General Wrede, whom I had often seen in 1809. I replied quietly: ‘I am on my way to Murat’s headquarters, and if the general will allow it, I will escort him there. But we can go proceed calmly, since the town gates are guarded by infantry, sentries have been posted all over the place, and I can assure you that no Cossacks are in town yet’. ‘General’, I added, ‘sheath your sword or you will alarm King Murat.’ Colonel Józef Szymanowski, an officer of the 2nd Infantry Regiment, also described the disorder which reigned in Vilnius: Not far before Vilnius the horses pulling an imperial wagon laden with casks of gold refused to go any further. Immediately the escort commander and chief paymaster decided that it would be better to break open the barrels full of gold and distribute the contents, giving everybody as much as he could carry away, rather than leaving it for the enemy who followed close behind. Several casks were broken open, and the soldiers of the escort were about to stuff their pockets with gold when, all of a sudden, the Cossacks arrived and, being more greedy for money than for prisoners, they began to help our men take the gold out of the barrels. They filled the pockets of their wide breeches. It must have been a strange and amusing sight to see a French grenadier side by side with a Cossack, together emptying the wagon of the imperial treasury. When I reached Vilnius with a handful of men I found Węgierski, the paymaster-general of the Polish army, in the same predicament. Thanks to a lack of well-shod horses, he did not know what to do with the army’s treasure. Hearing that I was on my way

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through the town with what remained of the 2nd Regiment, he begged me to take as much money as I wanted for my officers, non-commissioned officers and men, on condition that I give him a receipt. The non-commissioned officers and men did not have to be asked twice, but very few of the officers would agree to take more than two months’ pay, and I did the same as far as I can remember. What happened to the rest of the money in the chest? I do not know.89 Vilnius would be, as Captain Prot Lelewel, aide-de-camp of General Żółtowski, confirms, an all-too-brief visit for some. He had barely found his feet before being ushered out and off to the west: I recalled the last time my brother Joachim and myself had been there, hoping to remember who now might be able to help me. I asked for the house of the Górecki family, and they sent me to Madame Wysogierd, sister of Antoni. Welcomed by his sister and his aged father, I found out that Antoni, a former comrade from the 3rd Regiment and the adjutant to General Mielżyński, had not yet returned from the front, and that they were looking forward to seeing him impatiently. Meanwhile, his room was made available to me. What comforts, luxuries, nearly forgotten! And yet the danger in the city was more apparent. The next day, good old Górecki affectionately gave me some fatherly advice: ‘The enemy can enter the city at any moment. I am sure you would like to be reunited with your comrades; but your army is leaving for Olita – too many hardships, there! Take advantage of this opportunity - my steward of my estate is returning to my village, he will take you near to Kaunas using the back roads, and you will soon return home.’ I listened to this honest advice and left them all with regret - off we went, and I wrapped myself in the cloak of the steward who kept his sheepskin coat for himself. I was sitting next to him in a single sledge. We quit a Vilnius crowded with the unfortunate. On the way, we spent the night in Janov. When we set off again in the morning, the people told us that the Cossacks had come that night 89 General Joseph Szymanowski. Memoires, 1806-1814. Paris, 1900.

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and entered the other side of the village, apparently catching some of the French stragglers. With fear in our hearts we rushed away. As the French and their allies limped or rushed away, they left their sick and exhausted behind them, scattered in the streets or jammed into churches, monasteries and hallways. The Countess de Choiseul-Gouffier paints an apocalyptic scene as the once-grand army abandoned the city on 10 December 1812: The King of Naples was kind enough to assure me, through his secretary, that the town would not be defended and that therefore I had nothing to fear. The king left that evening. The soldiers were lighting fires in the streets to keep themselves warm. The Town Hall Square resembled a Teniers’ painting.90 One could see a thousand men scattered among the flames and leaping sparks. The Town Hall itself, with its colonnade which still bore some festival decorations and Napoleon’s cipher, appeared to be covered with a veil as one looked at it through the clouds of smoke rising to the sky. The effect of the night added a touch of Rembrandt to it. In the university courtyards opposite the castle the emperor’s carriages were being burnt, as well as a mass of other things — tents, camp-beds, etc., etc. — instead of leaving them to the inhabitants as compensation for the losses the town had incurred. One young academician wanted to buy a magnificent case of mathematical instruments made in gold and bearing the Imperial arms, from a sentry, but the soldier pushed the case into the flames with the point of his bayonet. Next morning, I was woken with the news that the Cossacks were in Vilnius. I got up, went to the window, and saw the last Frenchmen disappearing from the square. A detachment of chasseurs halted in front of the house. We still hid, not knowing whether they were Russian or French, but soon afterwards we saw them arrest an officer and a grenadier of the French Guard, although without harming them. At eleven o’clock we heard shouts of ‘Hourra!’ and I recognized, from their pointed caps, and their 90 David Teniers the Younger (1610–90), a native of Antwerp who painted fairs, country life, village inns, etc.

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long lances, my old acquaintances, the Cossacks, who galloped through the streets and even out as far as the hills beyond the town, pursuing the wretched remnants of the French Army. Many more prisoners and a great deal of booty fell into their hands. The Jews behaved barbarously, and handed over the weakened, defenceless French to the Russians. The women were no less cruel and massacred these poor soldiers by hitting them with the heels of their slippers. Blood and water flowed under the carriage gateways. I tried to go out on foot (my father had taken his horses), and this walk made me very depressed. A few feet away a Frenchman was knocked down and robbed. I sent my servant to help him, but in vain. I saw terrifying corpses in the streets, seated on the ground, leaning against walls, preserved by the cold, their limbs shrunken and stiff in the position in which death had overtaken them. They had died of hunger, of pain, and without physical or spiritual help. One dared not look at these poor creatures, and when one accidentally met these pitiful objects one averted one’s eyes involuntarily.91 Captain Aleksander Fredro, an officer of the 5th Infantry Regiment, described his experiences after he was taken prisoner in Vilnius: The fate of the prisoners of war left behind the Niemen River in 1812 was unique. Captivity was to be expected, but this level of misery, of hunger, cold and disease, especially in Vilnius, reached the most acute level. There the last scenes of a long and unprecedented drama played out. The prisoners, mostly scattered across empty buildings, froze to death by the dozen. Every time food was issued, when some biscuits were thrown into the jostling crowd, a few people more were smothered to death. Their corpses were thrown out of the windows, as were, sometimes, the bodies of 91 Vilnius was occupied virtually without resistance. The Russians took 9,517 prisoners and found 5,139 more in the city hospitals. It is interesting to note that, shortly after retaking Vilnius, the Russian authorities published an amnesty on 12 December 1812 decreeing that any civilians who had taken up service with the French would be forgiven, and that any of the locals who left the French army in the next two months would be allowed to return home unmolested.

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those who were still alive. It was misery without end, especially in one monastery. Towards spring, the pile of corpses reached up to the first floor. The Jews were characteristically cruel, and, typically for such a cowardly and vile people, they were throwing the sick out onto the street, or they were killing them without mercy, especially if they expected any kind of profit, either in money or from being able to sell an expensive uniform. There was no pile of snow or a pile of rubbish without bare legs or arms sticking out of it. Throughout the winter you could see a few corpses supported against the walls in each of the narrow streets. They remained there like frozen animals displayed at a trade fair in winter. Only in the spring were the corpses collected and taken out of the town by wagon. It was said that 40,000 were buried in Vilnius Province alone.92 The survivors pushed on. Veteran of Spain, Captain Józef Rudnicki of the 4th Regiment of Infantry, in Victor’s Corps, saw that those in the army who escaped faced even more trouble once they quit Vilnius: At that time, Vilnius was supposedly a magazine full of food, clothing and shoes, and these articles should have been quickly sent out as the hungry and naked retreating army approached. But those responsible, the gentlemen commissaries and war-profiteers, disposed of much by selling them off, and at the first rumour of the retreat and of the coming Cossacks, they fled to France with their loot, while the afore-mentioned magazines were left open for the enemy troops. Since the enemy that pursued us was already close to Vilnius, I therefore decided not to stay there longer than 12 hours. Still everything was obtainable in return for money, so having filled my stomach I bought, in addition to warm clothes, as much food as I could carry. I then went off down the road leading to the city of Kaunas. 92 Aleksander hr. Fredro. Trzy po trzy. Pamiętniki z epoki napoleońskiej [Topsy Turvy Talk, being the Napoleonic Memoirs of Count Aleksander Fredro]. Warsaw, 1917.

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Right after Vilnius there was a mountain [Ponary Hills] so steep that none of our horses were able to pull their loads up the frozen road. The frost was cruel, and despite the snow, the ice on the road was such that a horse could not climb up unless properly shod for winter. As a result no gun or ammunition wagon could continue. This lack of proper shoes was in part the reason for the loss of Napoleon’s cavalry and artillery as all the horses [except those of the Polish corps and the Guard] were smoothly shoed, so when the ice covered the surface of the roads, the horses slipped and fell. We had not seen any intact villages since leaving the Berezina as they had been burned because the army had to warm itself. All the inhabitants had fled, too. Captain Stanisław Szumski, an adjutant in the staff of Marshal Murat, described his journey from Vilnius to Kaunas, and the confusion at Ponary: When on 10 December I heard that the king [Murat] and Belliard [his chief of staff] had left and that the Cossacks were already plundering the city, I bade farewell to my mother and family and took [Tomasz] Mirski with me to Ponary. But here a new crisis awaited us. The field in front of Ponary Hill was filled with guns, wagons, and various carts due to the fact that none of the horses had been able to pull their loads uphill on the frozen road, but, instead, had fallen and now blocked the roads. Suddenly, after a two-hour wait, swarms of Cossacks descended on us. So I said to Tołłoczko, who was driving us: ‘Could we just get through using a side track?’ I did not have to repeat myself, we just rumbled across the field, and were soon safe. We passed the Ponary chapel and met old General Sokolnicki, who, also travelling in a coach, had been forced to leave it and had climbed to the top on foot. He accepted the place I offered him in our sledge with gratitude. The sledge was so small that two persons could hardly sit side by side, so I put Tomasz [Mirski], who was a bit sick, and the general behind me, and sat next to the coachman. We had barely gone several furlongs, when we caught up with Marshal Davout and two aides who, not wanting to fall into enemy hands had also left his carriage, deciding to go on on foot. Having recognized Sokolnicki, he cried

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out: ‘General, general, I am asking for a little space for me in your sledge!’. The distressed general replied: ‘This is the sledge of the gentleman here, who only took me out of pity’. Davout, who knew me, implored me with his eyes and then took my hand saying: ‘just a small space …’ How could I refuse an old and rather respectable marshal? So, Tomasz moved to my place, the generals were behind me, and I took the reins of the sledge from Tołłoczko and drove off [to Kaunas]. Meanwhile, Lieutenant Józef Grabowski, an orderly officer of Marshal Berthier, was stuck at the foot of the Ponary Hill: It was at the Berezina, near Studzyanka, on the eastern side of the river, that several hundred carriages and various wagons were either pushed into the river, or captured by the Russians along with the officers and soldiers who were guarding them. Whatever had crossed the bridges and whatever had reached Vilnius, now found itself barred from further progress at Ponary Hill. The imperial equipage, army treasure (20 million Francs), the baggage of many marshals and generals, the ammunition wagons, guns and munition trains were stuck there. The frost was cruel, and despite the snow, the ice was such that the horses could not climb the hill unless properly shod. Those wagons that had managed to get out of town were heading towards the Niemen River, but the bulk of them became trapped below that hill. Then the Cossacks appeared and began to attack the trains. The French were so careless that they now lost of most of their artillery, wagons, and ammunition caissons. They did not fight back, or charge with their cavalry. In the mass of horses, carts and people gathered beneath the Ponary Hill, the drivers, seeing that the uphill climb was impossible, and now coming under fire from the Cossacks, panicked, and used that French expression, sauve-qui-peut! This is the slogan of demoralization! They began to cut the harnesses from the guns, wanting to gallop off with the horses, and whoever had something valuable or essential tried to make off with it at once. At the same time, the escort protecting the imperial treasury used their rifle butts to smash the chests

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and plundered the gold which was packed into wooden barrels. They took what they wanted, then left, abandoning the rest to others. The robbery now began. Everybody rushed over to the imperial treasury wagons, the gold Napoleons were rolling in the snow. More than one life was lost to greed, as those doing the plundering were hit by Cossack bullets. The treasure chests were all smashed and the imperial equipage was thoroughly plundered. Silver table services, embroidered uniforms, jewels, snuff boxes, watches, and gold jewellery loaded down the robbers so that they could barely move. Whatever was left of such riches fell into the hands of the Cossacks, and along with them they also took those who were too weighed down and therefore least capable of marching. However, even those who escaped from the hill faced an equally cruel fate. Beyond Vilnius, whenever the tired and frozen stragglers sought out shelter and tried to use this stolen money to refresh themselves, they soon found themselves captured. In particular, the Jews, whenever they caught sight of money and valuables, would take the unfortunate man to one side and distract him by showing him fur, clothing, boots or a fine horse, and then get him drunk to rob him of his riches. Those who managed to get a horse, a sledge or had enough strength to be able to catch up with the retreating army, were often attacked and murdered on the roads or in their billets by the Prussian peasants and burghers. It was common saying that every Frenchman was a rich man. So, whenever he arrived at the inn, a few Napoleons were demanded for a small glass, and if he stayed overnight and was not so cautious as to keep his friends by him, he was killed at night and plundered. Sometimes a sick or isolated soldier was robbed of his last penny in broad daylight. The desertion of the Prussian General Yorck to the Russians aroused the patriotism and anger of the German people to such an extent that even women committed murders and plundered the poor and weary French. Whoever has not witnessed such incidents would scarcely believe what happened. Although the sight of wounded or frozen French soldiers and officers dragging themselves down the road was a sight worthy of pity, some of the heartless spectators merely

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laughed at their bizarre clothes, and the image of misery and despair encouraged their enemies to throw insults. Some of the French soldiers were even seen wearing altar cloths, for they had seized what they could in the march from Moscow. The Cossacks who followed the army, picking over the living and the dead, looking for valuables, seemed no less bizarre. Their horses could barely carry their booty. There were times when a Cossack wore the richly embroidered uniform of a French general under his coat or hooded cloak, the pockets of which being stuffed with a dozen rings and watches, with bulging bags of gold under the saddle.93 Baron Dezydery Chłapowski managed to avoid the chaos of the hill and made for Poland: Leaving Vilnius, and seeing the terrible disorder and confusion among the carts and wagons that could not climb up Ponary Hill due to the frozen and slippery road, and knowing the area well, I turned off to the right with our cavalry and by crossing the Nemunas [Neris] we skirted around this dangerous passage. Behind us, following my promise that we would be able to get through, came a cavalry regiment [6th Hussars], commanded by Prince [Joseph de Savoie-] Carignan. Having passed the Niemen near Kaunas, we no longer camped, but were always billeted in the local villages, and spent a few days in Elbląg [Elbling], before, finally, marching through Toruń [Thorn] we reached Poznań [Posen]. Lieutenant Franciszek Gawroński, in charge of a half-battery of guns belonging to the 12th Infantry Regiment, described the retreat of the Poles from Vilnius to the capital of Poland: During the night (of 9 December) we formed up on the Vilnius market place, small groups of officers and soldiers emerging from various corners to take their places, all accustomed to constant alarm. I asked my comrades what we should do with our guns for 93 J. Grabowski. Pamiętniki wojskowe [Military memoirs]. Warsaw, 1905.

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we lacked the draught horses to get them out of Vilnius. I was told that our superiors had foreseen this need and that we should not worry, because our artillery park was stocked with horses taken from other parks. As for the rest of the carts and wagons they would be drawn by oxen, which had, in the meantime, been collected by Herman. Once we were over the Niemen River [Nemunas], we would find horses more easily, as we would be in our own Samogitian region, not somewhere occupied by the enemy, while the oxen which had pulled our carts and wagons would be slaughtered for food. So we did not need to worry about our guns that night, although, in any case, we could not use them for they lacked ammunition. Still, we wanted to keep them intact for future battles. We were told to keep all our officers and soldiers alert, and around five or six o’clock that morning (it was still very dark), we lit some lanterns and moved down a designated street which led us out of the town onto a road running to the left of the Kovno route, towards Troki [Trakai]. The duty officer was sent to the crossroads outside the city to direct transports and to shout: ‘The Polish corps to the left!’ The snow was very deep, so we had to wander around looking for the submerged road to Troki. By the time it was dawn, our detachment was joined on this road by a unit bringing more guns. There were now two, at most three thousand people, with our 90 guns, together with small squadron of cavalry. General Izydor Krasiński commanded us and Samuel Różycki assisted. Soon we heard gunfire behind us, which confirmed that Vilnius was being attacked by the enemy. Unaware of our position, for we were completely detached from the Grand Army then marching on Kovno, the enemy preferred to follow them after leaving Vilnius, but not too closely, because they encountered strong resistance of the rearguard. So it was that we reached Troki without any incidents, having half of our artillery convoy drawn by oxen. We were not pursued by the Russians, we had a safe march, and along the way we found food everywhere and were able to spend our nights in untouched villages, even before we reached the river Niemen. When we reached that river, close to Grodno and near the village of Dąbrowa, we found the river frozen, so our guns could

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be driven over the ice. However, the bank of the river was very steep, and because the ground was frozen the road leading to the river was slippery and not suitable for the guns. We were therefore forced to slide the guns down the banks having unlimbered them and led the horses away. We handled the guns using rods thrust between the wheels to control their movement. In such a way they were brought down from the high bank to the frozen river. Gravity helped. We did the same with the lighter carts and the ammunition wagons. Some oxen were harnessed on the other bank and they hauled the guns across to the opposite bank of the river. Draught horses were then supplied from the village, and the oxen were used as food for those escorting the artillery. At Dąbrowa, on the banks of the Niemen, we rested the whole day after the crossing of the river. The officers slept in some filthy Jewish beds, ignoring the dirt for sleep was so welcome. Food was provided and the frosts eased slightly. From there we moved to Kalwaria, a small town in Samogitia, and again we stayed there for a day, reorganising ourselves before the march to Warsaw. The officers were informed that those who lacked soldiers to command (because the regiments no longer existed and only one unit was still in formation) could try to get to Warsaw as best they could by themselves. Once there, they would report to the governor, receive new orders and their pay, which they had not received throughout the entire campaign. Only a limited number of officers and soldiers remained with the guns, just those needed to lead and direct the remains of our corps. I spoke with three comrades, namely [Józef] Mieroszewski, [Michał] Lebowski and [Wincenty] Szczawiński, and we bought a horse and a peasant sledge, which, having prepared for the journey, i.e. by stuffing it with hay, we then drove to Warsaw. Around 20 December, we quit the town of Kalwaria, leaving the remains of the corps with a few thousand men and an artillery park under the command of General Izydor Krasinski, who after a series of short marches soon entered Warsaw, too. We drove this rather uncomfortable sledge from village to village, keeping ourselves away from the finer houses, for we were soiled, ashamed of our clothes and depressed. We usually spent the nights in the huts of the peasants, wherever God took us. Having travelled through

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Augustów, Suwałki, Rajgród, Ostrołęka and Pułtusk, we reached Warsaw on 28 December. When we saw the city from a distance, we were happy, but when we found ourselves in Praga [Warsaw’s suburb on the right bank of the Vistula River] and ate one of its famous bread rolls, we embraced ourselves joyfully. Then came a discussion, how could we enter the city in our shabby uniforms and cross the threshold of any house in such a disgusting state? Our need was overwhelming however, so we overcame our shame and we went to the bridge. Prince Józef [Poniatowski], the commander-in-chief who had been carried from the Berezina to the capital (he had been unable to get on his horse after his fall), was already better, and he had instructed the military administration to place an officer on the bridge to hand out billet cards to each new arrival, together with a military order for pay. It made it much easier for us to address our pressing needs and saved us the time of having to find accommodation so we could rest. Captain Józef Rudnicki of the 4th Regiment of Infantry had finally made his way to the Niemen. And now made to leave Russia and return home: At last I arrived in the town of Kovno on the Niemen [Nemunas] River. The crowd of soldiers was so great that it was impossible to find even the smallest corner in a heated room. However, the intense frost did not permit me to continue any further. Fortunately, among the soldiers there I saw a corporal from our regiment who called out to me. I asked him to find me some space in whatever house he could find. He gladly took me to a house he had occupied where he found some space in a small room filled with French soldiers. I rolled my coat under my head and fell asleep at once. At dawn I heard gunfire not too far from the city. I woke to see with astonishment that I was alone in the room, although just then the elderly owner entered and quickly told me: ‘For the sake of the Motherland, Sir, leave at once, for the Cossacks are already at the city walls. I have learned from your corporal that your wounded legs do not allow you to escape from the hands of the enemy, so I have decided to give you a little, but quite strong pony, which the French, thinking that it would not be able to pull anything, left

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with me. I will harness it to the sledge, and the corporal will drive you both.’ I was glad to accept the gift of this noble patriot, since, quite unexpectedly, he had presented me with the means of continuing my journey. Not only had he harnessed his little horse to the tiny sledge, but he had also given us a large piece of bacon, a bag of lentils and a sheepskin coat. A sincere embrace was my only reward for this noble Pole. Having crossed the river, quite frozen at that time, I put behind me the place where the unhappiness of the Grand Army had begun and ended. When I found myself on the left bank of the river, I began to wonder whether it was better to go to Warsaw or towards Prussia. Just then Lieutenant [Jan] Górski from the same regiment approached me, we consulted him on this issue and together we resolved on Prussia, as it seemed more safe and secure. Thus, we arrived at the larger town of Gumbinnen in old Prussia. However, just a mile away from the city of Kovno, the commander of the 7th Infantry Regiment from our division, Colonel [Paweł] Tremo expired, dying in his native land from wounds and the cold. In Gumbinnen, on every corner of every street, notices had been fixed indicating which cities which corps should proceed to. Our IX Corps was directed to the city of Marienburg. I immediately set off in the direction of this Malbork, and I arrived in a few days without having encountered any trouble. Here I found the Italian Viceroy Eugene Beauharnais, under whose command the remains of IX Corps were placed. The 4th Regiment, again under the command of Colonel Woliński, was becoming more numerous every day following the arrival of both officers and soldiers from Russia. Finally, when the enemy showed himself in the area, the viceroy conducted a well-organized retreat and we fell back to the town of Neustadt [Neuenburg] (Nowe), where we crossed the Vistula River. On the left side of the river, no longer pursued by Russians, we quietly marched to the city of Poznań. It was there that the army began to form separate regiments, and from our 4th Regiment we created a single battalion, in which I was again included. We were assured that a fresh French army from Berlin would come to us here and that with it we would return to the

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Polish lands. The rumours were wrong, because instead of going to Warsaw, we were ordered to go to Berlin. Karol Turno had reached the Niemen too: Vilnius was nothing but a vast hospital, then came the final disaster at Ponary. Then, as I pushed on towards the Niemen the sight of what little remained of V Corps broke my heart. It was just Major Bogusławski at the head of 100 grenadiers. They were religiously escorting the standards of all those regiments. Captain Prot Lelewel also escaped Russia and recounts the last trek through eastern Prussia and his own return home and to renewed war: Before reaching Kaunas, I jumped out of the sledge, threw off the cloak and thanked my companion who moved off to reach their estate. In just my uniform and fur cap, with a bag on my shoulders, with a sabre at my side and spurs on my boots, I ran through the streets of Kaunas. Without stopping, I ran to the bridge over the frozen river Niemen [Nemunas] and stopped at the foot of the heights beyond, confused. Fortunately, a villager was going down this road. Before the heights the road to the right lead to Gumbinnen and Königsberg, this was followed by a few French soldiers, and to the left the villager informed me that the road led to the village of Fredy. This was the road for me, a marauder from the Grand Army, and I was soon knocking on the door of the house of the former Deputy to the Seym [Parliament] for Mariampol, [Józef] Godlewski. I was received very generously, and, after a comfortable night’s rest, the deputy sent me in his carriage the next day through Mariampol and Oletzko [Olecko] to Lyck [Ełk] in East Prussia. There, I was not received so well by the locals, every insult I had to endure patiently, although I still managed to obtain a horse and cart from the mayors of the villages. Fortunately, the frozen lakes shortened the road substantially and it was much easier when I reached our own lands. In Maków, in Pułtusk, I felt more and more happy and I finally reached my family’s home in Warsaw.

The Long March Home  205

I will not describe the joy, the embracing – it is easy to imagine. My return absorbed their thoughts. The magnitude of the disasters we had suffered and the anticipated consequences broke their hearts. Still, I found my whole family healthy, grandmother, parents, my brothers Joachim and Jan and both sisters. Soon General Żółtowski reached Warsaw and, with him, my Józef Szymański with my portmanteau, the only thing saved from the whole, great expedition. Sic transit gloria mundi! This memorable year ended, the year which should not have ended in this manner. But it had, thanks to pride, error and carelessness. What we had lost was so great and could never be recovered! After the holidays, I was summoned by the general, who asked if I was ready to serve with him and share further fatigues. I told him that I shall go wherever duty and honour call. ‘I bone, quo tua te virtus vocat, i pede fausto.’ [Go valiantly, where virtue calls you, and be lucky]…

Epilogue Ignacy Prądzyński on General Dąbrowski’s staff made it back home and then reflected on the causes of Napoleon’s defeat. His assessment was to be shared by many Poles and quite a few historians through the coming decades: The first error [of Napoleon] in this expedition lay in his plan for the campaign. The theatre of war against Russia, extending from the Baltic to the Black Sea, can be divided into two zones, separated by the wide belt of the Pripyat River, its tributaries and swamps. An army of sufficient strength and under a reliable commander, worthy of his trust, should have been sent to Ukraine with the order to establish itself on the lower Dnieper secure a base for operations around Kiev. A second army, under the emperor himself, could have advanced through Lithuania and would then have paused between the Dvina and the upper Dnieper; both could then have advanced, with both armies communicating between themselves via Pinsk and Mozyzh. Napoleon’s forces were even too numerous for his actual needs. And, yes, it would have been easier for them to get food, forage and concentrate on the successful defeat of the corps of Tormasov and Tchichagov, while they would also have accessed the huge resources of the territories of historical Rus [Ukraine] and the former part of Poland ... The second significant mistake was the aim of completing this war in a single campaign. Whatever the outcome of the initial operations might have been; the completion of the first campaign should have been limited to establishing a line along the rivers Dvina and the Dnieper, that is, to occupy Old Poland. During subsequent truce [during winter] Napoleon should have devoted himself to organizing Poland, and above all, on the enlargement of

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Epilogue 207

its army by up to 200,000 soldiers, which would not have been a difficult thing to do after liberating these lands. But the campaign had been a disaster, and when the scale of it became clear, there was a sharp intake of breath across Poland. Tens of thousands of sons and husbands had disappeared and the hopes of the nation, as well as the nation itself, were also destined to be smashed that winter. Sixtus Estko, whose 4th Regiment of the Vistula Legion had been one of the few Polish formations to escape comparatively unscathed, summed it up in a dismal letter to his brother: Warsaw, 28 December 1812. Regarding the destruction of our [Grand] Army, what can I say? This unnatural event is unbelievable. It is not only that we have lost all our cavalry and guns, but also over 100,000 infantry, and worst of all, that there are only 1,900 survivors from the 20,000 soldiers of the Imperial Guard, and these are assembling now around headquarters at Königsberg. Some 60,000 veterans are marching here from Spain, where Wellington’s army was beaten and, like us, they withdrew to the mountains. Whether it shall be peace or war, no one can guess because it depends on the whole of France and her resources. It seems, however, that the Muscovites will not touch the Grand Duchy of Warsaw due to politics. Here in Warsaw everyone talks about another national uprising, but no one has got on a horse, instead they shuffle around on foot or ride on their sledges. In a word, the whole situation is too difficult to guess before spring comes. Regarding our military prospects in the present situation, all our hopes and opportunities now seem be connected with Mister Francis [the Emperor of Austria]. Whenever somebody needs assistance, well, you know what he will do about it. Whether we shall sustain further losses we do not know, but probably we will not lose any more, but neither can we win or gain much at all. Here they are saying also that the Turks are starting a new war against the Muscovites… In a word, our lord in the capital of the

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world [Paris] will probably find new forces to drive back those Cossacks which annoyed us so much in this campaign. Your Sixtus *** The Poles had placed all their hopes and mobilised all their resources to regain that independence which had been lost to them by the partition of their kingdom by Russia, Prussia and Austria. Throughout the campaign, and against the expectations of observers on both sides, the Poles could not quite lose their faith in the ‘star of Napoleon’ and his promises to restore to them their homeland. Despite the huge human and material losses, although the Poles proudly maintain that they preserved many of their horses and artillery, many of them took consolation from the fact that the Russian campaign was just the start of the next phase of a lengthy struggle for independence. Agathon Fain, secretary of the Emperor Napoleon, was impressed by the attitude of these Poles, their devotion and loyalty during the final phase of the fighting in Russia, and he gives us this opinion of them in his Manuscrit de 1812: Between those foreigners who, with equal devotion, follow Napoleon’s progress and setbacks, the Poles must be given first place. Some are ahead of us to open up our path, others are behind us to cover our retreat. Some are risking their lives by carrying our letters; others are serving our columns as guides. Their cause is a lost one, but these noble allies seem to acknowledge this less than we do ourselves. Their only concern is to build a wall around us with their sabres and bayonets, and when it is needed, even with their bodies, until their final breath. Much trust was also placed in the durability of the alliance between France and Austria, mostly because the two-faced policy of Francis I was not fully understood and Prince Schwartzenberg’s avoidance of battle against Tormasov and Tchichagov was not yet common knowledge. However, Austria revealed its true face in the spring of 1813. Until then there was lingering optimism that spring would usher in a change in fortune.

Epilogue 209

Undoubtedly Napoleon’s policy upon entering into Vilnius in the summer of 1812 cooled the initial enthusiasm of the inhabitants of the former PolishLithuanian Commonwealth, who risked their properties and positions by changing sides without obtaining specific promises that they would join the Grand Duchy of Warsaw and a reborn Polish kingdom. The general opinion of the Poles was that Napoleon had made a serious error by not, instead, sending troops to the south-east, to Volhynia and the Ukraine, which the Russians used as an enormous magazine throughout the campaign. It was a plan of campaign first suggested by Polish politicians with Prince Poniatowski at their head, and it appears in the Roman Sołtyk’s memoirs and in quoted passages from Ignacy Pradzyński. Perhaps, had that plan been followed, the outcome of 1812 would have been very different.

Annex I

Biographical Notes Dezydery Adam Chłapowski (1788—1879) He studied in the Institute of Inspection Officers in Berlin, and graduated in 1805, obtaining promotion to the rank of lieutenant. After the occupation of Berlin by the French, he left for Poznań. There he joined the Honour Guard of the Emperor Napoleon. During the campaign in 1807 he fought in the 9th Infantry Regiment commanded by General Sułkowski and after the Battle of Tczew he was awarded the Cross of Virtuti Militari and the Legion of Honour. During the siege of Gdańsk, he was taken prisoner by the Prussians. In 1808 he was summoned to Paris, where he became a Napoleon’s orderly officer. He then accompanied Napoleon during the campaigns in Spain and Austria. In January 1811 he was appointed to head the squadron of the Polish Guard Lancers. He led them in the Moscow (1812) and Saxon (1813) campaigns. During the latter, at Dresden, he asked to be dismissed because he resented the fact that Napoleon had planned to give the Duchy of Warsaw to the czar in exchange for peace, something he learned from reading Napoleon’s correspondence. After Napoleon’s abdication, he went to Great Britain. During the Hundred Days he returned to his native Wielkopolska District to rebuild his estate and to introduce agricultural improvements according to the latest English methods. At the outbreak of the November Uprising in the Congress Kingdom of Poland (1830), he crossed the Prussian border to join the Polish insurgent army. Chłapowski received the command of the brigade. He took part in the Battle of Grochow and General Antoni Giełgud’s unsuccessful expedition to Lithuania. Chłapowski, as a Prussian subject, was later sentenced to one year in prison and a large fine. He served his sentence in the fortress at Szczecin [Stettin], where he wrote ‘On Agriculture’.

Henryk Dembiński (1791—1864) In 1809 he joined the Grand Duchy of Warsaw’s army and took part in a number of campaigns in the east, most notably fighting at Leipzig in 1813. After the fall of Napoleon he remained in Poland and became one of the members of the Seym (Diet) of Congress Poland. During the Polish November Uprising of 1830, he was successful and, in 1831, after his victorious campaign in Lithuania, he was promoted to general of division and, for a brief period, became the Polish commander-in-chief. He took part in the battles of Dębe Wielkie and Ostrołęka. Following the collapse of the insurgency, he emigrated to France in 1833, where he became one of the prominent politicians gathered at the Hôtel Lambert. During the Hungarian revolution of 1848 he was appointed the commanding officer of the Northern Army. After his success there, he was soon promoted and Lajos Kossuth appointed him the Hungarian commander-in-chief. He was hampered by the jealousy of Artúr Görgey and after the defeat at the battle of Kápolna, he resigned. After the battle of Temesvár (where he was commander until the arrival of Józef Bem) and Kossuth’s resignation, he fled to Turkey, where he (together with many other prominent Polish officers) entered the service of Sultan Mahmud II. However, in 1850 he returned to Paris, where he died.

Aleksander Fredro (1793—1876) Captain in the army of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, poet, playwright and author active during Polish Romanticism. At the age of sixteen he joined the army of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. Three years later he took part in Napoleon’s Moscow Campaign, receiving the Golden Cross of Virtuti Militari. He spent the years 1813–14 as Napoleon’s orderly officer on the emperor’s staff. In 1814, he was awarded the Cross of the Legion of Honour. His memoir Topsy Turvy Talk, which echoes the style of Laurence Sterne‘s Tristram Shandy, recounts his military experiences during Napoleon’s final campaigns. After Napoleon’s abdication in 1815, he returned home and managed his family estate. He joined the Lublin Masonic Lodge. In 1829

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Biographical Notes  211 he joined the Society of the Friends of Science. In 1830, he participated in the work of the Citizens’ Help Committee for the November Uprising, which was created in Lvov.

Karol Otto Kniaziewicz (1762—1842) A Polish general, participant in the Kościuszko insurrection, one of the commanders of the Polish Legions in Italy, creator and commander of the Danube Legion, participant in the Napoleonic campaigns, and an émigré activist. He began the Polish-Russian war in 1792 as a lieutenant, fighting at Dubienka. Decorated with the Order of Virtuti Militari in 1792. During the Kościuszko uprising, he served on the staff of General Józef Zajączek as a major. In July that year he became colonel, and in August 1794 he fought as a major general at Maciejowice he was captured together with Tadeusz Kosciuszko. Pardoned by Czar Paul I, he left for Italy, where in 1797, he joined the Polish Legions as commander of the 1st Legion. On 3 July 1798, he occupied Rome. He fought at Magliano, Civita Castellana, Calvi, and captured the fortress at Gaeta. In January 1799, he was appointed general of division. For his achievements during the Neapolitan campaign, he was sent with a hundred captured banners to the Directorate in Paris. In the autumn of that year he organized the Danube Legion and was appointed as its commander. At the head of legion he fought at Offenbach and Hohenlinden in 1800, contributing greatly to the victory of the French. Disagreeing with the treaty signed in Lunéville he resigned from the army. In 1807 he rejected the proposal of Czar Alexander I, who had asked him to command a Polish army in Russian service. In 1812, he joined the army of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw and took command of the 18th Infantry Division of V Corps in the Grand Army. He fought at Smoleńsk, Borodino, Tarutino and at the battle of Berezina, where he briefly took command of the remains of the corps. Injured in this battle, he returned to Warsaw. In recognition of his service, he was awarded the commander’s cross of the Virtuti Militari Order. In March 1813, he left Napoleon’s service. From 1817, he lived in Dresden, then in Paris. After the outbreak of the November Uprising in 1830, he became a representative of the National Government in Paris.

Wincenty Krasiński (1782—1858) Polish general during the Napoleonic wars, count in the Congress Kingdom of Poland and, after the failed November Uprising and death of General Zajączek, Vice-Regent of the Kingdom of Poland. At the age of eight, Krasiński became a member of the National Cavalry, and as a ten-year-old boy he was appointed (honourary) lieutenant. In 1803 he created a secret patriotic organization, the Society of Friends of the Fatherland. In 1804 he became a member of the Warsaw Society of Friends of Science. In 1806, along with Henryk Dąbrowski, he organized the Honour Guard and received the rank of colonel in the national militia. After Napoleon’s arrival in Warsaw, he became a member of the imperial staff and received an order to form a regiment of horse. On 4 April 1807, Napoleon appointed him commander of the Polish Chevau-Légers of the Imperial Guard (later the Polish Guard lancers). In 1808 he commanded this regiment in Spain, where his cavalrymen became famous for the charge at Somosierra. After the Spanish campaign, the regiment was stationed in Chantilly near Paris. In 1811, Napoleon appointed Krasiński Count of the French Empire and general of brigade. He took part in the Moscow campaign of 1812, and in 1813 the regiment of Krasiński was active in Saxony and he was appointed general of division. On 4 April 1814 at Fontainebleau Napoleon entrusted Krasiński with the supreme command of the Polish troops then in France. After Napoleon’s abdication, and thus released from his oath, Krasiński brought back to Poland the majority of the Polish troops stationed in France (September 1814). Being an advocate of cooperation with Russia, he did not take part in the November Uprising. After the outbreak of the uprising, he resigned and left Warsaw, and then went to St Petersburg, losing the trust of many of his countrymen. After the suppression of the uprising, he held high office in the kingdom administration and from 1 February 1856, he was temporarily the Vice-Regent of the Kingdom of Poland. He founded the Library of the Krasiński Ordinances in 1844 in Warsaw. He liked to surround himself with luminaries of science, culture and art. He himself wrote a textbook on handling the lance (Essai sur le maniement de la lance, 1811).

Józef Wawrzyniec Krasiński (1783—1845) A writer and diarist, colonel in the Army of the Duchy of Warsaw, Steward of the Czar’s Court in 1830, senator of the Congress Kingdom of Poland. He briefly attended university in Leipzig. From 1806, he served in the Polish army by volunteering for the 5th Infantry Regiment. From 1808, he was the major in the administration of the National Guard in Warsaw. In 1810 he organized the National Guard and military census; in 1811 he was appointed a member of the military accounting commission. In 1812, as adjutant to General Karol Kniaziewicz, he participated in the war against Russia. In August 1812, he was promoted to lieutenant colonel of the 1st

212  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs. Accompanying Kniaziewicz, and later Józef Zajączek, he participated in the retreat of Polish troops from the Berezina. On 31 March 1813, he resigned from the army. In 1816 he became a member of the directorate of Warsaw theatres, and later a senator and the Steward of the Polish Court of the Czar Nicholas I. During the November Uprising of 1830, he commanded the 1st Regiment of the National Guard in Warsaw with the rank of colonel. After the end of the uprising, he left for Krakow. He developed and published a guide for travellers to Poland, issued in 1821. He also wrote diaries covering the period from 1790 to 1831.

Count Stanisław Małachowski (1736—1809) He was the first prime minister of Poland, a member of the Polish government‘s permanent council, marshal of the crown courts of justice and marshal of the four-year Sejm (Diet) (1788–1792). The son of Jan Małachowski, the royal grand chancellor, Małachowski was named marshal (speaker) of the Sejm (Diet) in 1788. He was the prime force behind the constitution of 3 May, adopted in 1791, that embodied such modern reforms as majority rule in parliament, separation of powers, and enfranchisement of the middle classes; this constitution was abrogated at the Second Partition of Poland in 1792. Between 1807 and 1809 Małachowski served as president of the senate (government) of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, promoted by Napoleon Bonaparte.

Stanisław Aleksander Małachowski (1770—1849) Graduated from the University of Krakow. Active in the diplomatic service of the last Polish king, Stanisław August Poniatowski. Participated in the mission of Piotr Potocki to Constantinople in 1790 and 1791. Freemason. He took part in Russian–Polish war of 1792. In 1807 had organized and commanded a regiment of cuirassiers with the rank of colonel. He took part in the Austrian–Polish war of 1809 and the Russian campaign of 1812. He was taken prisoner at Krasnoe during the retreat from Russia. During the November Uprising he became member of the upper chamber of parliament (Senate), general of brigade and governor of the Voyvodships (counties) on the left bank of the Vistula.

Roman Sołtyk (1790—1843) Graduated from the Ecole Polytechnique in Paris. In 1807 he began his service in the horse artillery of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. In 1809 he distinguished himself in the war against Austria at the siege of Zamosc (Poland). In 1810 he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. He took part in the campaigns of 1812 and 1813, and was taken prisoner by the Russians at Leipzig. During the period of Congress Poland he was briefly imprisoned for anti-Russian activity. In the November Uprising of 1830 and 1831 he put forward a motion toi dethrone Czar Nicolas I. General of brigade and commander of the fortress artillery at Warsaw. After the failure of the uprising, he emigrated and was politically active in France and England.

Józef Zajączek [Joseph Zayonchek] (1752—1826) Polish and French general, politician; member of the four-year Seym [Diet] (1788—1792), member of the supreme national council during the Kościuszko Insurrection (1794); from 1795 on exile in France, participant in the Napoleonic wars, vice-regent of the Kingdom of Poland. During his early career, Zajączek served with the Russians against the Turks at the siege of Otchakov. Rising to the rank of general, he participated in the Polish–Russian War of 1792, and then, two years later, was wounded during the Kościuszko uprising. After the partition of Poland, General Bonaparte granted Zajączek permission to enter the service of France in 1797 as a general of brigade in the Army of Italy and then gave him command of a corps of cavalry. Sent to Egypt, Zajączek initially commanded dragoons under Andreossy and Desaix, and then fought at Canope and in the defence of Alexandria. Promoted to general of division in May of 1801, he returned to France at the end of the year. For the remaining years of the consulate Zajączek served in Italy commanding a division, and then he received the honour of being made a Commander of the Legion of Honour. He served in the 1805 campaign and organized a Polish Legion in 1806. With the signing of the Treaty of Tilsit and the creation of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, Zajączek entered its service. For the Russian campaign of 1812, he took command of the 16th Division of Poniatowski’s V Corps and he was wounded leading his division at Smolensk. During the retreat, after Poniatowski was wounded, Zajączek took command of the corps at the battle of the Berezina and led it admirably until being wounded in the leg by a ball. He survived, although he lost his leg, but was taken prisoner in Vilnius and held until 1814. From 1815 he became involved in the governance of the Congress Kingdom of Poland, becoming the first vice-regent of the Kingdom of Poland.

Annex II

Chronology of the Russian Campaign of 1812 23 December 1811 Napoleon begins military preparations against Russia 31 December 1811 Czar Alexander issues ‘ukase’ against French trade 10 January 1812 France occupies Swedish Pomerania 26 February Alliance between France and Prussia 3 March V Corps of the Grand Army formed 10 March Alliance between France and Austria 24 March Secret Russo-Swedish agreement 17–28 May Conference of Dresden 28 May Peace of Bucharest ending war between Russia and Turkey 20 June Sixth Coalition formed 21 June France declares war on Russia 24 June French cross the river Niemen 28 June Napoleon in Vilnius; General Confederation of the Polish Nation 8 July Davout occupies Minsk 9 July Davout occupies Borisov 9 and 10 July Battle at Mir, Rożniecki against the rearguard of Bagration 15 July Battle at Romanov 17 July Evacuation of Russian fortified camp at Dryssa 18 July Skirmish at Klastitze 23 July Combat at Soltanovka, Davout against the rearguard of Bagration 25 and 26 July Clash at Ostrovno 28 July Battle of Vitebsk 8 August Clash at Inkovo 14 August The first battle of Krasnoe 16–19 August The battles of Smolensk and Valutina Gora 17 and 18 August The first battle of Polotsk 29 August Kutuzov replaces Barclay de Tolly as commander-in-chief 5 September Action at Shevardino 7 September Battle of Borodino 10 September Clash at Mozhaisk 14 September Napoleon enters Moscow 15 September Outbreak of the great fire of Moscow 29 September Clash at Tchirikovo 30 September Clash at Voronovo 18 October The battle of Vinkovo (or Tarutino) 18–20 October The second battle of Polotsk 19 October The French begin to evacuate Moscow 20 October Russian ambush against Konopka at Slonim 23 October Conspiracy of General Malet in Paris 24 and 25 October Battle of Maloyaroslavetz 31 October Clash at Tchashniki 3 November Battle of Fiodorovskoye (Vyazma)

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214  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign 15–20 November 18–20 November 21 November 23 November 27–29 November 5 December 10 December 12 December 13 December 18 December 26 December 30 December

The second battle of Krasnoe The second battle of Polotsk The first battle of Borisov The second battle of Borisov Battle at the Berezina river Napoleon quits the Grande Armée at Smorgonie French evacuate Vilnius; Napoleon in Warsaw Clash at Kovno French rearguard reaches the river Niemen Napoleon reaches Paris Last action of the French X Corps at Piktupoenem Convention of Tauroggen

Annex III

Polish Units in the Russian Campaign of 1812 Guard cavalry – BESSIERES † 1813 1st Regiment of Chevau-Légers Lanciers de la Garde Impériale – General Wincenty Krasiński 3rd Regiment of Chevau-Légers Lanciers de la Garde Impériale – General Jan Konopka (taken prisoner) – partially incorporated into the 1st Regiment Guard infantry - MORTIER Vistula Legion General Michel Claparède General of Brigade Grzegorz Józef Chłopicki 1st Rgt - Mikołaj Kąsinowski † until 28 November 2nd Rgt - Józef Chłusowicz until 22 August, then Stanisław Malczewski 3rd Rgt - Paweł Fądzielski † until 17 November Artillery – Fradiel I CORPS – DAVOUT Light cavalry General of Brigade Pajol 9th Polish Lancers - Feliks Przyszychowski II CORPS – OUDINOT Light cavalry General of Brigade Corbineau 8th Chevau-Légers (former 2nd Vistula Legion Lancers) –Tomasz Łubieński V CORPS – PONIATOWSKI until 1 November; Józef ZAJĄCZEK until 28 November; Izydor KRASIŃSKI Adjutant-commandant – Stanisław Fiszer † until 18 November; Józef Rautenstrauch Artillery– Jean Pelletier until 3 November (taken prisoner) Engineers – Jean-Baptiste Mallet de Grandville 16th Division – General Józef Zajączek until 16 August; Izydor Krasiński until 17 October; Józef Zajaczek until 30 October; Franciszek Paszkowski 1st Brigade – Stanisław Mielżyński 3rd Infantry – Kalikst Zakrzewski † 1812 until 19 August; Ignacy Blumer 15th Infantry– Kacper Miaskowski until 10 December (taken prisoner) 2nd Brigade – Franciszek Paszkowski 13th Infantry – Franciszek Żymirski ( in Zamość) 16th Infantry – Konstanty Czartoryski

215

216  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign Artillery – Józef Sowiński Engineers – Bułowicki 17th Division – General Jan Henryk Dąbrowski 1st Brigade – Edmund Żółtowski 1st Infantry – Kazimierz Małachowski 6th Infantry – Julian Sierawski 2nd Brigade – Czesław Pakosz † 1812 until 21 November (taken prisoner) 14th Line – Euzebiusz Siemianowski until 21 December (taken prisoner) 17th Line – Józef Hornowski Artillery – Jan Gugenmus Engineers – Ignacy Prądzyński 18th Division – General Ludwik Kamieniecki until 5 July; Karol Kniaziewicz 1st Brigade – General Michał Grabowski † 1812 2nd Infantry – Jan Krukowiecki; Józef Szymanowski 8th Infantry – Kajetan Stuart 2nd Brigade – General Stanisław Potocki 12th Infantry – Maciej Wierzbiński Artillery – Kazimierz Uszyński Engineers – Michał Kado (Kadau) Light cavalry 18th Brigade – General Michał Kamieński 1st Chasseurs – Konstanty Przebendowski 19th Brigade General Tadeusz Tyszkiewicz until 24 October (taken prisoner) 4th Chasseurs – Stanisław Dulfus 12th Chasseurs – Gabriel Rzyszczewski 20th Brigade – General Antoni Sułkowski 5th Chasseurs – Zygmunt Kurnatowski 3th Hussars (the silver hussars) – Józef Toliński Reserve arrtillery – Antoni Górski IX CORPS – VICTOR 28th Division – General Jean Girard General of Brigade Soyez 4th Infantry –Tadeusz Woliński; Cyprian Zdzitowiecki 7th Infantry – Paweł Tremo 9th Infantry – Michał Cichocki Artillery [1 company] – Antoni Kamiński Engineers [1 company] – Augustyn Szweycer X CORPS – MACDONALD 7th Division - General Charles Grandjean 1st Brigade – General Ricard 5th Infantry – Szczepan Oskierko 2nd Brigade – General Michał Gedeon Radziwiłł I 10th Infantry – Henryk Kamieński 3rd Brigade – General Bachelu 1st Westphalian Infantry – unknown 13th Bavarian Infantry 11th Infantry - Cezary Chlebowski

Polish Units in the Russian Campaign of 1812  217 Reserve Cavalry - MURAT I CAVALRY CORPS – NANSOUTY 1st Light Cavalry Division – General Jean Bruyères 15th Brigade – General Józef Niemojewski 6th Polish Lancers – Michał Pągowski until 18 November (taken prisoner); Tadeusz Suchorzewski 8th Polish Lancers – Dominik Radziwiłł † until 8 October; Antoni Potocki II CAVALRY CORPS – MONTBRUN † until 7 September 2nd Light Cavalry Division – General Horace Sebastiani 16th Brigade – General Jacques Subervie 10th Hussars (the golden hussars) – Jan Umiński Brigade – General Pierre Pajol 9th Polish Lancers – Feliks Przyszychowski IV CAVALRY CORPS – LATOUR-MAUBOURG 4th Light Cavalry Division – General Alexander Rożniecki 28th Brigade – General Dominik Dziewanowski 2nd Polish Lancers – Ludwik Pac 7th Polish Lancers – Augustyn Zawadzki 3rd Polish Lancers – Jan Radzimiński 29th Brigade – General Kazimierz Turno 11th Polish Lancers – Adam Potocki 15th Polish Lancers – Augustyn Trzecieski 16th Polish Lancers – Marcin Tarnowski 7th Division Heavy Cavalry – General Jean Lorge 14th Cuirassiers – Stanisław Małachowski It should be stated that the organization of light cavalry units was often changed in the course of the campaign. It affected mostly those units which were attached to V Corps under General Count Józef Poniatowski and to IV Cavalry Corps under General Victor de Fay de Latour–Maubourg. For example, in July 1812, some cavalry regiments in V Corps were incorporated into the light cavalry division of General Michał Kamieński (1st Chasseurs, 5th Chasseurs, 12th Lancers, 13th Hussars), leaving only one regiment (4th Chasseurs) with V Corps. After the fall of Smolensk in mid-August 1812, General Kamieński was appointed governor of that town and the command of the division was transferred to General Horace Sébastiani, although the structure of the division was slightly modified (4th and 5th Chasseurs, 12th Lancers and 13th Hussars). In the later stages of the campaign that division was again attached to V Corps, although it was briefly detached under General Charles Lefebvre–Desnouttes. Similarly, at the end of July, at Mohilev, a separate observation corps under General Henryk Dąbrowski was organized consisting of his 17th Division, detached from V Corps, together with the cavalry brigade of Colonel Dominik Dziewanowski (2nd, 7th and 15th Lancers) detached from IV Cavalry Corps of General Victor de Latour–Maubourg. In July 1812, and during the course of the French occupation, some new units were organized in Lithuania, namely: Line Infantry: 18th Infantry – Alexander Chodkiewicz 19th Infantry – Konstanty Tyzenhauz 20th Infantry – Adam Biszpink 21st Infantry – Karol Przeździecki/Antoni Giełgud 22nd Infantry – Stanisław Czapski

218  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign Light Infantry (chasseurs) 1st Battalion – Józef Kossakowski 2nd Battalion - Ignacy Rokicki 3rd Battalion – Kazimierz Plater 4th Battalion – Andrzej Kurczewski 5th Battalion – Franciszek Obuchowicz 6th Battalion – Paweł Łochowski Cavalry 17th Lancers – Michał Tyszkiewicz 18th Lancers – Józef Wawrzecki/Karol Przeździecki 19th Lancers – Konstanty Rajecki 20th Lancers- Ksawery Obuchowicz 21st Chasseurs à cheval – Ignacy Moniuszko Tatar Squadron – Mustafa Murza Achmatowicz 3rd Regiment of Chevau-Légers Lanciers de la Garde Impériale – Jan Konopka † 1815 Horse artillery – Rudolf Tyzenhauz Gendarmerie: Dept. of Vilnius – Antoni Chrapowicki Dept. of Grodno – Michał Radziwiłł II Dept. of Białystok – Franciszek Orsetti Dept. of Mińsk – Leon Osztorp In addition, in order to protect strategic line of the river Bug, the newly raised, so-called Bug Division was formed under the command of General Antoni Amilkar Kosiński. It consisted of two brigades: 1st Brigade – Walenty Kwaśniewski (an infantry regiment and a cavalry regiment) 2nd Brigade – Franciszek Żymirski (13th Infantry and National Guard)

Index of names Note: We have not attempted to index the names of Napoleon Bonaparte or Alexander I, since the entire book is essentially about the conflict between the two of them. The names which appear in footnotes in the main text and in the Chronology and Polish order of battle are also not listed in this index.

Andreinov, Russian Colonel: 17 Andreossy, Antoine, Count, French General, Ambassador to Constantinople: 212 Antosiewicz, Michał, Second-Lieutenant in the 7th Infantry Regiment: 178 Axamitowski, Wincenty, General, Deputy Chief of Staff of Marshal Murat: 105 Bagration, Peter, Prince, Commander of the Russian II Western Army: 20, 21, 24, 35, 59, 60, 61, 65, 66, 67, 68, 78 Beauharnais, Eugene de, Viceroy of Italy, Commander of IV Corps: 25, 61, 70, 109, 111, 125, 133, 145, 203 Belliard, Auguste-Danielle, Count, French General, Chief of Staff of Marshal Murat: 196 Bem, Józef, Commander of the Hungarian forces in Transylvania during the uprising of 1846: 210 Berezowski, Michał, Captain of the 8th Lancers: 57 Berthier, Louis Alexandre, Prince de Neuchatel, Marshal, Chief of General Staff of the Grand Army: 9, 10, 52, 54, 158, 197 Biernacki, Alojzy, Major, 15th Infantry Regiment: 44 Bieżyński, Adam, Colonel, 3rd Regiment of Lancers of Imperial Guard: 142 Blumer, Ignacy, Colonel, 3rd Infantry Regiment: 63, 64, 104, 105, 127, 167 Bogusławski, Ludwik, Captain in the 2nd Infantry Regiment: 41, 204 Bonaparte, Jerome, King of Westphalia, Commander of VIII Corps: 5, 6, 21, 22, 24, 25 Borysławski, Jan, Second Lieutenant in the 8th Lancers: 78 Brandt, Heinrich von, Captain in the 2nd Infantry Regiment of Vistula Legion: 4, 8, 12, 30, 74, 77, 82 Brochocki, Franciszek. Lieutenant in the 4th Infantry Regiment: 135 Bronisz, Ignacy, Major in the 4th Infantry Regiment: 135 Brühl, Alojzy, General of Artillery under King Stanislaw August Poniatowski: 5

Bruyères, Jean, French General, Commander of the 1st Division of Light Cavalry: 55, 70 Carignan, Joseph de Savoie, Prince, Commander of the 6th Regiment of Hussars: 199 Catherine I, Russian Czarina during the Partitions of Poland: 83, 84 Caulaincourt, Armand, Prince of Vicenzy, French General, Grand Equerry, Aide-de-camp of Napoleon: 68 Caulaincourt, Auguste, French General of Cavalry: 73, 76 Chasseloup–Loubat, François, French General of Engineers of the Guard: 50 Chastel, Louis-Pierre, French General, III Corps of the Reserve Cavalry: 50, 73, 107 Chłapowski, Dezydery [Desire], Captain in the Polish Guard Lancers: 36, 106, 108, 129, 183, 190, 199, 210 Chłopicki, Jan, Lieutenant in the 8th Regiment of Chevau-Légers: 153 Chłopicki, Józef, General, Commander of a brigade of the Vistula Legion: 36, 66, 96, 102 Chmielewski, Ludwik: administrative officer in the 16th Division: 47 Chodkiewicz, Aleksander, Count, Colonel, Commander of the 18th Infantry: 28 Chodkiewicz, Jan Karol, 17th Century PolishLithuanian hetman: 183 Claparède, Michel, French Commander of the division of the Vistula Legion: 30, 82, 163, 182 Colbert-Chabanais, Pierre, French General, Commander of the Dutch Guard Lancers: 109 Colquhoun, Captain in the Dutch Guard Lancers: 183 Compère, Claude-Antoine, French General, Commander of a brigade in the 11th Division: 73 Corbineau, Jean Baptiste, French General, Commander of a brigade of Cavalry in II Corps: 153, 154, 182 Czajkowski, Antoni, Major in the 17th Infantry Regiment: 187

219

220  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign Czar Dmitri (False Dmitri I), pretender who claimed to be a son of Tsar Ivan the Terrible: Polish wife Maryna Mniszek: 83 Czarnecki, Dominik. Lieutenant in the 4th Infantry Regiment: 135 Czarnecki, Second Lieutenant of the 8th Lancers: 58 Czartoryski, Adam Kazimierz, Prince, Marshal of the General Confederation of the Polish Kingdom: 6 Czartoryski, Konstanty, Prince, Commander of the 16th Infantry Regiment formed in Lithuania: 43, 67 Dąbrowski, Jan Henryk, General, Commander of the 17th Division: 6, 52, 129, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 147, 148, 149, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 160, 161, 162, 163, 166, 167, 168, 175, 180, 182, 206, 211 Daendels, Herman, Dutch General: Commander of the 26th Division: 180 Dagobert, French Sergeant assigned to General Lefebvre-Desnouettes: 94, 95 Daumont, French General: 103 Davout [Davoust], Louis-Nicolas, Prince of Eckmühl, Marshal, Commander of I Corps: 21, 24, 25, 37, 39, 45, 65, 111, 125, 145, 146, 162, 163, 164, 165, 196, 197 Dębiński, Józef, Lieutenant in 28th Brigade of Light Cavalry: 150 Dedenroth, Wilhelm, Major in the 7th Infantry Regiment: 190 Delzons, Alexis, French General, Commander of the 13th Infantry Division: 25 Dembiński, Henryk, Captain of the 5th Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs: 49, 59, 60, 66, 78, 89, 96, 100, 121, 210 Dembiński, Jan, Captain in the divisional staff of General Zajączek: 47, 49, 113 Dembiński, Kasper: Lieutenant in the Polish Guard Lancers: 49 Dery, Pierre, French General: 103 Desaix, Louis-Charles, French General killed at Marengo: 212 Dokhturov, Dmitriy, Russian General, Commander of VI Infantry Corps: 109 Dönhoff, Ludwik Stanisław, Captain in the 12th Infantry Regiment: 47 Doumerc, Jean-Pierre, French General, Commander of the 3rd Division of Cuirassiers: 182 Drouot, Antoine, Count, French Colonel of artillery in the Imperial Guard: 45, 69 Dufour, General Commander of the 2nd Infantry Division: 105

Duroc, Gerard-Christophe, Prince of Frioul, French General and Marshal of the Imperial Court: 186 Dziewanowski, Dominik, General, Commander of the 28th Brigade of the Light Cavalry: 18, 52, 140, 149 Engelhardt, Russian General: 150 Estko, Sixtus, General. Commander of the 4th Regiment of Vistula Legion: 207 Fain, Agathon, Napoleon’s secretary: 208 Falkowski, Hipolit, Colonel, Aide de Camp to Marshal Berthier: 54 Falkowski, Juliusz, son of Hipolit, renowned chronicler of the campaign in Russia: 54 Falkowski, Polish nobleman from Rovne Pole near Oshmiana: 186 Fiszer, Stanisław, General, Chief of Staff of V Corps: 47, 94, 102 Francis I, Emperor of Austria: 2, 207, 208 Fredro, Aleksander, Captain in the 5th Infantry Regiment: 194, 210 Friant, Louis, Count, French General, Commander of the 2nd Infantry Division: 37, 38 Gajewski, Franciszek, Lieutenant in the staff of General Chastel: 50, 73, 107, 117, 119 Garczyński, Bonawentura, Lieutenant: 50 Garoliński, NCO in the Polish 1st Regiment of Lancers of the Imperial Guard: 184 Gąsinowski, Second- Lieutenant in the 4th Infantry Regiment: 190 Gaward, Ludwik, Lieutenant Colonel in the 2nd Infantry Regiment: 41, 49 Gawroński, Franciszek, Lieutenant of artillery in the 12th Infantry Regiment: 46, 199 Gawroński, Stanisław, Captain in the 13th Regiment of Hussars: 64, 95 Gérard, Maurice-Etienne, French General, Commander of the 3rd Infantry Division: 33 Gezler, Józef, Major in the 9th Infantry Regiment: 136 Giełgud, Antoni, General in the November Uprising against Russia (1830/31): 210 Girard, Jean-Baptiste, French General, Commander of the Polish Division in IX Corps (i.e. the 4th, 7th and 9th Regiments): 134, 178, 181, 183 Girardin d’Ermenonville, French General on the staff of Marshal Berthier: 26 Girardot, Chief Surgeon of the Polish Guard Lancers: 170 Godlewski, Józef, Deputy to Polish Parliament: 204

Index of names  221 Golitsin, Dmitry, Russian General, Commander of a division of Cuirassiers: 126 Gorayski, Józef, Lieutenant of the 3rd Regiment of Lancers of Imperial Guard: 142 Górecki, Antoni, Lieutenant in the 3rd Infantry Regiment: 192 Gorgey, Artur, General during Hungarian Uprising of 1846: 210 Górski, Jan, Lieutenant in the 4th Infantry Regiment: 203 Grabowski, Józef, Lieutenant, orderly officer of Marshal Berthier: 197 Grabowski, Konstanty, Major, Commander of artillery in the 12th Infantry Regiment: 137 Grabowski, Michał [Michel], General, Commander of a brigade in the 18th Division: 7, 22, 23, 41, 43, 47, 49 Grouchy, Emmanuel, Count, French General, Commander of III Cavalry Corps: 50, 73 Hadecki, Józef, Lieutenant in the 9th Infantry Regiment: 136 Hammerstein, Westphalian General, Commander of a brigade of Light Cavalry: 18 Hertel, Fyodor or Teodor, Russian General: 34, 35, 52, 139 Heymès, French Captain, adjutant of the Marshal Ney: 132 Hiż, Jan: Captain in the 2nd Infantry Regiment: 42 Hornowski, Józef, Colonel, Commander of the 17th Infantry Regiment: 166 Hrebnicki, Justyn, Second Lieutenant, cousin of Captain Szumski: 104 Hube, Lieutenant, in the 2nd Infantry Regiment: 43 Ignatiev, Gabriel, Russian General: Commander of the Bobruisk Fortress: 34, 35 Ilovayski (V), Russian Colonel of Cossacks: 16, 17, 21 Ivanek, servant: 163, 187 Jabłkowski, Teofil, Lieutenant, adjutant to General Zajączek: 166 Jabłonowski, Antoni, Prince, Lieutenant of the 3rd Regiment of Lancers of Imperial Guard: 142 Jabłoński, Ignacy, Captain in the 8th Regiment of Lancers: 71 Jackowski, Michał, Lieutenant of artillery in the 7th Infantry Regiment: 31, 136 Jagiełło, Władysław, King of Poland & Lithuanian Grand Prince (15th Century): 13 Jagmin, Sergeant in the 5th Regiment of Polish Mounted Chasseurs: 92 Janta, Konstanty, Lieutenant, Aide-de-camp to French General Kirgener: 13, 28, 37, 49

Jaszowski, Józef, Lieutenant of foot artillery in the 16th Division: 58, 104, 109, 175 Jelski, Ludwik, Captain in the 16th Infantry Regiment: 64, 66, 171 Juchnowski, Steward of the estate of Prince Aleksander Sapieha: 35 Junot, Jean Adoche, Prince d’Abrantes, French General, Commander of the VIII Corps: 65 Kamieniecki, Ludwik, General, Initial Commander of the 18th Division: 6, 7, 22, 23 Karol, orderly: 128, 129 Kępiński, Józef, Captain in the 2nd Infantry Regiment: 39 Kicki, Ludwik, Captain: Aide de Camp to Prince Poniatowski: 41, 42 Kirgener, Francois, General, Commander of Engineers in the Imperial Guard: 13, 38 Kirkor, Michał. Former General, Aide de Camp to Stanisław August Poniatowski: 35 Kłobukowski, Stanisław, Lieutenant in the 4th Infantry Regiment: 135 Kniaziewicz, Karol, General, Commander of the 18th Division: 7, 62, 63, 65, 66, 125, 126, 127, 161, 162, 166, 167, 169, 170, 171, 176, 182, 211, 212 Kołaczkowski, Klemens, Captain of Engineers in V Corps: 4, 15 Komorowski, Captain in the 6th Lancers: 129 Konarski, Tomasz, Captain in the 2nd Infantry Regiment: 43 Konopka, Jan, Colonel, Commander of the 3rd Regiment of Lancers of the Imperial Guard: 142 Konovnitzin, Peter, Russian General, Commander of II Corps: 54, 62, 95 Kontrym, Kazimierz, Polish nobleman in Lithuania: 13 Korn, Sergeant in the 5th Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs: 95, 121, 122, 123 Korsakov, Russian Governor of Vilnius: 12 Koryzna, Krzysztof, Captain of artillery in the 12th Infantry Regiment: 137 Kosinski, Amilkar, Polish officer: 141 Kościuszko, Tadeusz, Polish & American General, Supreme Commander in the 1794 Uprising against Russia: 211, 212 Koss, Franciszek, Captain of the Engineers in the Imperial Guard: 50, 107 Kossakowski, Józef Antoni, General, Aide de Camp of Napoleon: 69 Kossecki, Michał, Lieutenant-Colonel in 28th Brigade of Light Cavalry: 148, 150 Kossuth, Lajos, Leader of the Hungarian Uprising: 210

222  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign Kozietulski, Jan Hipolit, Colonel, Commander of a squadron in the Polish Guard Lancers: 108, 109 Krąkowski, Antoni, Lieutenant in the 7th Infantry Regiment: 178 Krasicki, Jan, Polish interpreter at headquarters: 9, 14, 51, 106 Krasiński, Izydor, General: Commander of a brigade in the 17th Division: 62, 169, 171, 200, 201 Krasiński, Józef, Lieutenant-Colonel of the 1st Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs: 125, 166, 211 Krasiński, Wincenty, Count, Colonel, Commander of the Polish Guard Lancers: 46, 83, 112, 114, 175, 186, 211 Kroyer, Prefect of the county of Bykhov: 141 Krukowiecki, Jan, Colonel, Commander of the 2nd Infantry Regiment: 7, 22, 23, 24, 41, 42, 43, 47, 49 Kulesza, Antoni, NCO in the 7th Regiment of Lancers: 186 Kurcjusz, Stanisław, Captain in the 3rd Infantry Regiment: 64 Kutuzov, Mikhail, Russian Field Marshal, Commander in Chief: 54, 62, 64, 68, 75, 79, 93, 106, 120, 125, 126, 131, 138, 152, 159, 161, 165, 179, 180 Łagowski, Piotr, Captain of the 2nd Regiment of Lancers: 18 Lahoussaye, Armand, French General of Cavalry: 73, 92, 93, 95 Lalewicz, Franciszek, Captain in the 17th Infantry Regiment: 140, 141 Lambert, Charles, Russian General and French émigré, Commander of the 5th Cavalry Division: 150 Larrey, Dominique-Jean, Chief Surgeon of the Grand Army: 168 Latour–Maubourg, Marie-Victor de Foy, General, Commander of IV Cavalry Corps: 6, 18, 19, 20, 21, 29, 71 Lauriston, Jacques-Alexandre, French Marshal, Aide de Camp of Napoleon: 106 Lebowski, Michał, Lieutenant of artillery: 201 Lefebvre-Desnouettes, French General, Commander of a division of Mounted Chasseurs: 94, 185 Lelewel, Prot, Captain, Aide de Camp of General Żółtowski in the 17th Infantry Division: 139, 140, 143, 163, 187, 192, 204 Liedȏt, French Colonel of Engineers: 29 Likhatchev, Pyotr, Russian General: Commander of the 24th Division: 74

Łubieński, Tomasz, Colonel, Commander of the 8th Regiment of Chevau-Légers-Lanciers: 153 Lubowiecki, Ignacy, Captain in the 4th Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs: 34, 75 Lubowiedzki, Franciszek, Captain in the 7th Infantry Regiment: 136 Mahmud II, Turkish Sultan: 210 Maison, Nicolas, French General: Commander of a division in II Corps: 181 Makowski, Benedykt, Second-Lieutenant in the 4th Infantry Regiment: 135 Małachowski, Stanisław Aleksander, Colonel, Commander of the 14th Regiment of Cuirassiers: 29, 70, 212 Małachowski, Stanisław, Count: 212 Malczewski, Stanisław, Colonel in the 2nd Infantry Regiment of Vistula Legion: 120 Malinowski, Ignacy, Captain in the 9th Infantry Regiment: 136 Mallet (Malletski), Jean Baptiste, French Colonel, Commander of Engineers in V Corps: 104 Miaskowski, Kacper, Colonel, Commander of the 15th Infantry Regiment: 44 Mielżyński, Stanisław, General, Commander of a brigade in the 16th Division: 192 Mieroszewski, Józef, Lieutenant: 201 Mikulicz, Postman in Suwałki: 186 Miloradovitch, Mikhail, Russian General, Commander of the Front guard of the Army: 95, 99, 100, 126, 131 Mirski, Tomasz, Lieutenant: 196, 197 Młocki, Józef, Lieutenant in the 9th Infantry Regiment: 190 Montbrun, Louis-Pierre, French General, Commander of II Cavalry Corps: 68, 73 Montrezor, Ludwik, Major of the 1st Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs: 17, 19 Morand, Charles, French General, Commander of the 1st Infantry Division: 70 Mortier, Adolphe-Eduard, Prince of Treviso, Marshal: Commander of the Young Imperial Guard: 107 Murat, Joachim, King of Naples, Marshal, Commander of the Cavalry of the Grand Army: 25, 27, 56, 61, 71, 75, 76, 79, 80, 82, 91, 92, 95, 96, 99, 100, 103, 106, 130, 154, 184, 185, 190, 191, 193, 196 Mycielski, Michał, Lieutenant Colonel in the 15th Infantry Regiment: 45 Nansouty, Etienne, Comte de, General, Commander of the I Cavalry Corps: 6

Index of names  223 Ney Michel, Prince of Elchingen, Marshal, Commander of III Corps: 8, 50, 62, 76, 77, 79, 120, 121, 125, 129, 130, 131, 133, 157, 158, 160, 162, 169, 170, 171 Nicolas I, Russian Czar: 212 Niemojewski, Józef, Colonel, Commander of the 15th Brigade of Light Cavalry: 26 Niezabitowski, Stefan, Lieutenant in the 8th Lancers: 78 Obalski, Jakub, Second Lieutenant of artillery in the 7th Infantry Regiment: 31, 32, 33 Obuch, Norbert, Lieutenant Colonel of the 8th Regiment of Lancers: 58 Orlov, Russian Countess: 90 Orsetti, Wilhelm, Captain, Officer in the staff of General Zajączek: 171 Ostaszewski, Kajetan, Major in the 3rd Infantry Regiment: 166 Ostermann–Tolstoy, Alexander, Count, Russian General, Deputy Commander of I Infantry Corps: 25 Oudinot, Nicolas-Charles, Prince of Reggio, Marshal, Commander of II Corps: 149, 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 162, 167, 169, 182 Pac, Ludwik, Count, Colonel, Commander of the 2nd Lancers: 53, 187 Pągowski, Michał, Colonel, Commander of the 6th Regiment of Lancers: 9 Pahlen, Peter, Count, Russian Lieutenant-General: Commander of III Cavalry Corps: 17 Pakosz, Czesław, General, Commander of a brigade in the 17th Division: 24, 52, 148, 149 Partouneaux, Louis, French General, Commander of the 12th Division: 178 Paszkowski, Franciszek, General, Commander of a brigade in the 16th Division: 24 Pelletier, Jean, French General, Commander of Artillery in V Corps: 104 Piotrek, orderly: 128 Piré, Hippolyte, French General, Commander of the 2nd Brigade of the Light Cavalry: 26 Płaczkowski, Wincenty, Lieutenant of the Polish Guard Lancers: 53, 87, 172 Platov, Matvey, Ataman of Don Cossacks’ Corps: 14, 16, 18, 20, 21, 133 Płoński, Jan, Lieutenant in the 17th Infantry Regiment: 164, 187 Podczaski, Władysław, Lieutenant, adjutant to General Ricard: 130, 131, 132, 133 Poniatowski, Józef [Joseph], Prince, Commander-in Chief of V Corps: 2, 5, 21, 22, 23, 24, 37, 40, 41, 45, 46, 47, 50, 54, 55, 56, 57, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 157, 162, 202, 209, 212

Poniatowski, Józef, Lieutenant in the 7th Infantry Regiment: 178 Poniatowski, Stanisław August, last King of Poland: 35, 83, 141, 212 Potkański, Wincenty, Captain in the 12th Infantry Regiment: 47, 49 Potocka, Emma, wife of Major Piotr Strzyżewski: 88 Potocki, Adam, Colonel, Commander of the 11th Regiment of Lancers: 78 Potocki, Piotr, Polish envoy to Constantinople: 212 Potocki, Stanisław, General, Commander of a brigade in the 18th Division: 7 Prądzyński, Ignacy, Captain, Commander of Engineers in the 17th Division: 52, 138, 146, 155, 162, 180, 206, 209 Prek, Lieutenant in the 2nd Infantry Regiment: 43 Przebendowski, Konstanty, Colonel, Commander of the 1st Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs: 17, 120, 133, 158 Przeździecki, Karol, Colonel, Commander of the 18th Regiment of Lancers: 138 Putiatycki, Jan, Lieutenant in the 8th Regiment of Lancers: 70 Puzyna, Józef, Lieutenant of Horse Artillery: 144, 145 Rachowitz, officer in the Vistula Legion: 74 Radzimiński, Aleksander, Colonel, Commander of the 3rd Regiment of Lancers: 15, 68 Radziwiłł, Dominik, Prince, Colonel, Commander of the 8th Lancers: 26, 27, 28, 55, 58, 80, 83, 150 Rajnicki, Captain in the 2nd Infantry Regiment: 42 Rapacki, Feliks, Lieutenant in the 4th Infantry Regiment: 135 Rapp, Jean, Count, French General, Aide de Camp of Napoleon: 125 Rayevski, Nikolay, Russian General, Commander of VII Infantry Corps: 40 Rembrandant van Rijn, Dutch painter: 193 Reynier, Jean-Louis, French General, Commander of VII Corps: 138, 139, 141 Ricard, Etienne-Pierre, French General, Commander of a brigade in the 7th Division: 130, 131, 133 Roguet, François, French General: Commander of the 2nd Division of Young Guard: 125 Ronnenkampf, Russian Officer in Miloradovitch’s Division: 131 Rosołek, Private in the 1st Infantry Regiment: 170 Rostopchin, Fyodor, Count, Russian Governor of Moscow: 85, 91 Rostworowski, Antoni, Second Lieutenant in the Polish Guard Lancers: 115 Roustam Raza, Mameluke of Napoleon: 185, 186

224  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign Rożniecki, Aleksander, General, Commander of the 4th Division of the Light Cavalry: 6, 7, 15, 20, 21 Rozwadowski, Antoni, Lieutenant of the 8th Lancers: 26, 56, 69, 77 Różycki, Samuel, Major in the 17th Division: 123, 200 Rudnicki, Józef, Captain in the 4th Infantry Regiment: 4, 134, 177, 189, 195, 202 Rybicki, Jakub, Second-Lieutenant in the 4th Infantry Regiment: 178 Rybiński, Maciej, Major in the 15th Infantry Regiment: 43, 55 Rzyszczewski [Zhyshtchevski], Gabriel, Colonel, Commander of the 12th Regiment of Lancers: 18 Saint-Cyr, Gouvion-Laurent, French General & Marshal, Commander of the Bavarian Corps: 136 Sanguszko, Eustachy, Prince, General in the Imperial Staff: 53, 118 Schwartzenberg, Carl-Filip, Austrian Feldmarshal, Commander of the Austrian Auxiliary Corps: 138, 139, 141, 208 Sébastiani de la Porta, Horace, General, Commander of the 2nd Division of the Light Cavalry: 64, 66, 67, 68, 94, 97, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 125, 126 Siemiątkowski, Tomasz, Captain in the 14th Regiment of Cuirassiers: 101 Sierawski, Julian, Colonel, Commander of the 6th Infantry Regiment: 148, 151 Sigismund III, Polish King: 2, 48, 84, 88 Skarżyński, Ambroży, Captain in the Polish Guard Lancers: 36 Skrzynecki, Jan, Captain of the 16th Infantry Regiment: 56 Skrzyński, Lieutenant in the 1st Regiment of Mounted Chasseurs: 114 Sławski, Jan, Lieutenant in the 4th Infantry Regiment: 178 Śniadecki, Jan, astronomer, professor of the University of Vilnius: 11, 135 Śniadecki, Jędrzej: 135 Sokolnicki, Michał, General, Aide-de-Camp of Napoleon, Chief of Military Intelligence of the Grand Army: 63, 83, 84, 85, 87, 196 Sołtan, Adam, Lieutenant-Colonel in the 3rd Regiment of Lancers of Imperial Guard: 142 Soltikov, Moscow family: 82, 83 Sołtyk, Roman, Count, Lieutenant Colonel of Artillery, Aide de Camp of General Sokolnicki: 3, 9, 10, 63, 69, 76, 80, 83, 87, 209 Sorbier, Jean, French General of Artillery of the Imperial Guard: 75

Sowiński, Józef, Colonel, Commander of Artillery in the 16th Division: 58 Stanowski, Lieutenant in the 8th Lancers: 69, 77 Starorypiński, Kajetan, Lieutenant in the 8th Lancers: 70 Stawski, Lieutenant of the 8th Lancers: 56 Stokowski, Ignacy Ferdynand, Colonel in the 7th Regiment of Chevau-Légers: 185 Straszewski, Franciszek, Lieutenant of horse artillery: 92, 94 Strzembosz, Aleksander, Lieutenant of the 8th Lancers: 56, 77 Strzyżewski, Piotr, Major, Chief of staff to the Light Cavalry of V Corps: 88 Stuart Kajetan, Colonel, Commander of the 8th Infantry Regiment: 7, 37 Suchodolski, Ignacy, Lieutenant Colonel of the 8th Infantry Regiment: 37 Suchorzewski, Tadeusz, Major in the 6th Lancers: 9, 10, 55, 68 Sułkowski, Antoni, Count, General, Commander of the 20th Brigade of Light Cavalry: 14, 100, 210 Światłowski, Second Lieutenant in the 9th Infantry Regiment: 136 Szawłowski, Mikołaj, Lieutenant in the 8th Lancers: 69 Szczaniecki, Ludwik, Captain, Aide-de-Camp to General Dabrowski: 147, 149, 157 Szczawiński, Wincenty, Captain in the 12th Infantry Regiment: 47, 201 Szołtański, Lieutenant in the 8th Lancers: 70 Szumski, Stanisław, Captain, adjutant in the staff of Marshal Murat: 79, 99, 103, 196 Szymanowski, Aleksander, ordnance officer to Marshal Davout: 163 Szymanowski, Józef, Colonel in the 2nd Infantry Regiment: 191 Szymański, Józef, NCO in the 17th Infantry Regiment: 163, 166, 188, 205 Taroni. Second-Lieutenant in the staff of General Kniaziewicz: 127 Tchaplitz, Eufemiusz [Yefim], Russian General: 141, 143 Tchernyshev, Alexandr, Russian Colonel: Commander of the unit of partisans: 140 Tchitchagov, Paul, Russian Admiral, Commander of the Danube Corps: 138, 139, 140, 141, 147, 150, 153, 158, 159, 161, 162, 163, 165, 166, 167, 172, 187, 206, 208 Teniers, David, Flemish baroque painter: 193 Thielmann, Johann, Saxon General, Commander of a brigade of Cuirassiers: 71, 72 Tobiaszewski, Józef, Second Lieutenant in the 7th Infantry Regiment: 178

Index of names  225 Toliński, Józef, Colonel, Commander of the 13th Hussar Regiment: 64 Tołłoczko, orderly of Captain Szumski: 103, 196, 197 Tormasov, Alexander, Russian General, Commander of the III Western Army: 141, 208 Trębicki, Stanisław, Captain in the 2nd Infantry Regiment: 39 Tremo, Paweł [Paul], Colonel, Commander of the 7th Infantry Regiment: 33, 203 Truszkowski, Paweł, Captain in the 7th Infantry Regiment: 34 Trzeciak, Adjutant in 13th Hussars: 114 Trzciński, Feliks, Lieutenant in the 3rd Regiment of Lancers of Imperial Guard: 143 Trzecieski, August, Colonel, Commander of the 15th Regiment of Lancers: 165 Turno, Karol [Charles], Lieutenant, adjutant to General Turno: 6, 61, 175, 204 Turno, Kazimierz, General, Commander of the 29th Brigade of the Light Cavalry: 6, 18 Tutchkov, Alexander, Russian Lieutenant General, Commander of III Infantry Corps: 62, 64 Tyszkiewicz, Tadeusz, General, Commander of the 19th Brigade of Light Cavalry: 16, 19 Tyzenhauz de Choiseul-Gouffier, Zofia [Sophie], Countess, daughter of Ignacy Tyzenhauz [a member of Provisional Government of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania]: 11, 193 Umiński, Jan, Colonel, Commander of the 10th Regiment of Hussars: 80 Uvarov, Fyodor, Russian General, Commander of I Cavalry Corps: 70 Victor-Perrin, Claude, Marshal, Commander of IX Corps: 134, 136, 161, 162, 165, 177, 178, 180, 181, 183, 195 Walewski, Adam, Lieutenant-Colonel of artillery: 127 Wąsowicz, Stanisław, Captain in the Polish Guard Lancers: 185, 186 Węgierski, Emilian, Captain in the 15th Infantry Regiment: 44 Węgierski, Paymaster- general of the Polish Army: 191 Węgierski, Polish nobleman in Suwałki: 186 Weyssenhoff, Jan, Colonel then General, Chief of Staff, 16th Division, Commander of the 12th Regiment of Infantry: 7, 48, 55, 65, 68, 111, 119 Wielhorski, Minister of the Duchy of Warsaw: 134

Wielożyński, Second Lieutenant, adjutant to Prince Poniatowski: 104 Wilczek, Lieutenant in 28th Brigade of Light Cavalry: 150 Wittgenstein, Peter, Prince, Russian General, Commander of I Infantry Corps: 135, 137, 139, 152, 159, 161, 162, 166, 179, 180 Wodzyński, Maciej, Captain, Officer in the staff of General Zajączek: 171 Woliński, Tadeusz, Colonel, Commander of the 4th Infantry Regiment: 135, 179, 180, 203 Wrede, Karl Phillip, Count, Bavarian General: 190, 191 Württemberg, Prince of: 8 Wybranowski, Roman, Major of the 2nd Infantry Regiment: 5, 6, 22, 38 Wysogierd, sister of Antoni Górecki: 192 Yorck, Johann David, Prussian General in X Corps of Grand Army: 198 Zadora, Michał, officer in the staff of Marshal Davout: 164 Zajączek, Józef [Joseph], General, Commander of the 16th Division: 6, 44, 47, 62, 100, 125, 126, 127, 129, 161, 162, 166, 167, 168, 172, 176, 177, 211, 212 Zakrzewski, Kalikst, Colonel: Commander of the 3rd Infantry Regiment: 49 Załuski, Józef, Captain in the Polish 1st Regiment of Polish Guard Lancers: 48, 82, 112, 115, 120, 153, 182 Zamoyski, Jan, hetman (Commander in Chief) of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: 183 Zapolski, Captain in the 8th Regiment of Lancers: 69 Zawadzki, Andrzej, Lieutenant- Colonel in the 17th Infantry Regiment: 49 Zdziennicki, Mateusz, Captain in the 4th Infantry Regiment: 135, 178 Zdzitowiecki, Cyprian, Lieutenant-Colonel in the 4th Infantry Regiment: 135 Zieliński, Karol, Captain in the 2nd Infantry Regiment: 39 Ziethen, Hans von, Prussian Colonel, Commander of the 2nd Regiment of Hussars: 55 Żółtowski, Edward, General: Commander of a brigade in the 17th Division: 52, 139, 141, 144, 148, 158, 163, 164, 165, 187, 192, 205 Żubr, Joanna, Sergeant in the 17th Infantry Regiment: 140, 141 Żubr, Lieutenant in the 17th Infantry Regiment: 140 Żurawski, Captain in the 7th Infantry Regiment: 178

Geographical index Note: Geographical and topographical names have been classified as follows: [v] – village, [t] – town, [r] – river or stream. The names which appeared in footnotes to the main text and the Chronology were not listed in this index. Alternative spellings or further clarifications are in brackets. Akhtyrsk [t]: 21 Aleksota [v]: 10 Alexandria [t]: 212 Augustov (Augustów) [t]: 202 Austria: 1, 208, 210, 212 Bar [t]: 84 Belarus (White Russia): 31, 81, 129 Berezina [r]: 3, 121, 129, 134, 136, 138, 139, 140, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 153, 154, 155, 157, 159, 161, 162, 163, 165, 166, 170, 171, 172, 173, 175, 176, 177, 179, 180, 181, 182, 189, 196, 202, 211, 212 Berlin [t]: 203, 204 Bessarabia: 138 Bielica [v]: 15 Bieszeńkowice (Beshenkovitze) [t]: 28 Bobr [r]: 145 Bobr [t]: 150, 153 Bobruisk [t]: 34, 52, 139, 140 Bordeaux [t]: 8 Borisov [t]: 21, 129, 134, 136, 138, 139, 143, 144, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 159, 161, 163, 167, 172, 175, 177 Borodino [v]: 4, 25, 54, 55, 58, 60, 62, 64, 66, 69, 74, 77, 79, 106, 111, 113, 117, 120, 211 Borovna [v]: 64 Borowsk [v]: 108 Brili [v]: 162, 166 Britain: 1, 210 Bykhov (Stary & Nowy) [t]: 35, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144 Cadiz [t]: 135 Calvi [t]: 211 Canope [t]: 212 Chantilly [t]: 175, 211 Civita Castellana [t]: 211 Constantinople [t]: 212 Częstochowa [t]: 143

Danikowo [v]: 132 Dąbrowa [v]: 200, 201 Dębe Wielkie [v]: 210 Dembina [v]: 148 Desenka [r]: 96 Dnieper [r.]: 24, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 40, 41, 45, 49, 51, 52, 53, 87, 124, 125, 131, 132, 133, 135, 139, 140, 141, 144, 206 Dniester [r]: 139 Dokshitze [t]: 153 Dorokhobuzh [t]: 114 Dresden [t]: 5, 210, 211 Drogomilov Gate (in Moscow): 82 Druc [r]: 141 Dubienka [v]: 211 Dvina (Daugava) [r]: 25, 26, 28, 206 Egypt: 168, 212 Elbląg (Elbling) [t]: 199 England: 141, 212 Fontainebleau [t]: 211 France: 195, 210, 211, 212 Fredy [v]: 204 Gaeta [t]: 211 Gdańsk (Danzig) [t]: 6, 134, 183 Gorki [v]: 64, 70 Granite Palata (in Kremlin): 83 Great Redoubt (at Borodino): 61, 68, 70, 73, 74 Grochow [v]: 210 Grodno [t]: 14, 24, 29, 200 Gumbinnen [t]: 203, 204 Hohenlinden [t]: 211 Horodnia [v]: 108 Horodnica [v]: 16 Husynne [v]: 133 Italy: 164, 211, 212

226

Geographical index  227 Janov [v]: 192 Jarcza (Yartcha) [v]: 15 Jukhnov (Youkhnov): 120 Kaluga [t]: 87, 93, 95, 97, 109, 120 Kalwaria [t]: 200, 201 Kamenka [r]: 71 Kamien [v]: 171 Kamienna [v]: 14 Kápolna [t]: 210 Kaunas (Kowno, Kovno) [t]: 13, 186, 190, 192, 195, 196, 197, 199, 200, 202, 203, 204 Kazan [t]: 87 Kholovtchitze [v]: 144 Khorodzieyeh [v]: 21 Kiev [t]: 87, 139, 206 Klementov [v]: 31, 32 Kokhanov [v]: 137 Kolotscha (at Borodino) [r]: 77 Königsberg [t]: 9, 204, 207 Konotopa [v]: 18 Kovno see Kaunas Kraków (Cracow) [t]: 13, 49, 123, 128, 212 Krasnoe [t]: 4, 37, 38, 118, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 138, 212 Kremlin (in Moscow): 83, 85, 88, 107, 108 Krupki [t]: 149 Leipzig [t]: 210, 211, 212 Lepel [t]: 153, 154 Lithuania: 10, 87, 135, 141, 150, 177, 182, 209, 210 Losmina [r]: 132 Lukow [t]: 6 Luneville [t]: 211 Lupotovo [v]: 144 Lvov [t]: 211 Lyck (Ełk) [t]: 204 Magliano [t]: 211 Maków [t]: 204 Malbork (Marienburg) [t]: 134, 203 Maloyaroslavetz [t] or Yaroslavitz: 108, 109, 111, 120 Mariopolsk [t]: 21 Mariyampol [t]: 1, 186, 204 Medyn [v]: 120 Miedniki [t]: 186 Minsk [t]: 21, 30, 52, 129, 135, 138, 155, 158, 159, 172 Mir [t]: 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22 Mohilev (Mogilev) [t]: 24, 25, 52, 139, 144, 175 Molodetchno [t]: 180, 181, 183, 188, 189 Molohovskaya Gate (in Smolensk): 38

Moscow [t]: 2, 3, 4, 54, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 96, 98, 100, 101, 103, 106, 107, 108, 109, 111, 112, 117, 119, 120, 122, 134, 143, 149, 151, 152, 158, 159, 160, 173, 174, 177, 181, 183, 199, 219 Mozhaisk or Moshaisk [t]: see Borodino Moskva [r]: 80, 108 Mozyzh (Mozyrz) [t]: 139, 140 Mstislav [t]: 52, 126 Mushina [v]: 63 Musin-Pushkin Palace (in Moscow): 83 Nara [r]: 79 Narew [r]: 22 Neustadt (Nowe) [t]: 203 Niemen (Nemunas) [r]: 1, 3, 4, 9, 15, 29, 135, 183, 194, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204 Nieśwież (Nesvizh) [t]: 15, 16, 17, 18, 21 Nikolskaya Gate (in Smolensk): 38 Nikolskoe Suburb (in Smolensk): 39 Nowogródek [t]: 15 Nowosady [v]: 185 Offenbach [t]: 211 Oletzko (Olecko) [t]: 204 Olita[t]: 192 Orsha [t]: 121, 128, 131, 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 143, 158 Oshmiana [v]: 185, 189 Ostra Brama (in Vilnius): 189 Ostrołęka (Ostrolenka) [t]: 23, 202, 210 Ostrovno [v]: 25, 28 Otchakov [t]: 212 Paris: 89, 181, 182, 208, 210, 211, 212 Pasazhevo [v]: 62, 63, 64 Petersburgskoe Suburb (in Smolensk): 40 Pinsk [t]: 139 Podolsk [t]: 79 Poland: 1, 4, 35, 87, 89, 186, 199, 206, 207, 210, 212 Polotsk [t]: 135, 136, 152 Ponary Hills (at Vilnius): 196, 197, 199, 204 Poznań (Posen) [t]: 1, 199, 203, 210 Praga (suburb of Warsaw): 202 Pripyat [r]: 206 Pronia [r]: 52 Propoysk [v]: 140 Prussia: 1, 3, 4, 186, 203, 204, 208 Pultusk [t]: 22, 23, 202, 204 Pyasetchna [v]: 15, 19 Ragnitz [t]: 134 Rajgród (Raygrod) [t]: 23, 202 Ratchenka [r]: 40

228  Polish Eyewitnesses to Napoleon’s 1812 Campaign Ratchenskoe Suburb or Sloboda Ratchenska (in Smolensk): 37, 39, 40, 41, 47 Ratchkyevitche [v]: 18 Rokhatchev [t]: 34, 35 Romanow [t]: 17, 18, 19, 20, 21 Rome [t]: 211 Równe Pole [v]: 186 Rozhestviennoyeh [v]: 103 Rus (Ukraine): 206 Ryazan [t]: 79 Saint Petersburg [t]: 87, 89, 211 Samogitia (Region): 200, 201 Saxony: 1, 211 Semenovski valley (at Borodino): 64 Shevardino [v]: 54, 55, 58, 59, 60, 69 Shtchara (Szczara) [r]: 142 Sienno [t]: 31, 137 Simakowo [v]: 16, 21 Sivlec [v]: 21 Slonim (Słonim) [t]: 142 Slutsk [t]: 17, 18, 20, 139 Smolensk [t]: 4, 18, 29, 31, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 43, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 100, 111, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 129, 132, 134, 135, 158, 183, 211, 212 Smolensk Suburb (in Moscow): 81, 83 Smorgoniye [v]: 181, 183, 184, 188 Somosierra [v]: 211 Spain: 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 34, 134, 177, 183, 195, 207, 210, 211 Spas Kuplia [v]: 105 Stakhov [v]: 162 Strzelnow [t]: 8 Studzyanka [v]: 154, 155, 157, 162, 177, 179 Suwalki [t]: 186, 202 Svisloch [t]: 162 Sweden: 2 Świeciany [t]: 10 Syrokoreniye [v]: 132 Szczecin (Stettin) [t]: 210 Tarutino [v]: 79, 90, 95, 96, 107, 111, 211 Tatarinovo [v]: 64 Tcharnoluby [v]: 17 Tchashniki [t]: 135, 137 Tchetchersk [t]: 140 Tchirikovo [v]: 92, 93, 95, 121

Tczew [t]: 210 Temesvár [t]: 210 Teterinka [v]: 96 Tilsit: see Tylża Thorn (Toruń) [t]: 8, 199 Trebbia [t]: 49 Troki (Trakai) [t]: 200 Troy [t]: 50 Tsimkovitche [v]: 18, 19 Turkey: 147, 210 Tylża (Tilsit) [t]: 1, 134, 212 Ukraine: 50, 87, 206, 209 Utitza [v]: 60, 62, 63 Uvarovo [v]: 130 Valutino (Valutyna Gora) [v]: 58 Vereya [t]: 113 Vilya (Neris) [r]: 12, 13 Vilnius (Vilna or Wilno) [t]: 2, 3, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 104, 135, 142, 143, 155, 158, 159, 161, 162, 181, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 209, 212 Vistula [r]: 5, 87, 202, 203, 212 Vokhra [r]: 52 Volhynia: 50, 141, 209 Vorobyove Gory (Sparrow Hills in Moscow): 79, 82 Voronovo [v]: 90, 91, 105 Vyazma (Wiaźma) [t]: 53, 111, 113, 114, 118, 160 Warsaw (Warszawa) [t]: 5, 52, 134, 141, 186, 188, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 207, 211, 212 Wielkopolska (Greater Poland) District: 210 Witebsk (Vitebsk) [t]: 26, 157 Württemberg: 8 Yakubovo (Jakubowo) [v]: 133 Yelnia (Yelnya} [t]: 60 Załoczyno (Zolotchino) [v]: 52 Zamosc [t]: 212 Zanivki [v]: 168 Zhetchitsa (Rzeczyca) [t]: 140 Zholudek [v]: 14 Ziembin [v]: 161, 171, 177, 183 Zygmuntowski Wyłom (King Sigismund’s Breach) in Smolensk: 40, 41