Polar Pioneers: John Ross and James Clark Ross 9780773565036

Table of contents :
Contents
Maps
Foreword by Clive Holland
Preface
Illustrations
1 The Rosses of Galloway
2 John Ross: Early Naval Career, 1786-1817
3 The Revival of Arctic Exploration, 1817
4 "Voyage to Baffin's Bay," 1818
5 John Ross versus John Barrow, 1819
6 James Ross Sails with Parry, 1819-27
7 "Navigation by Steam," 1819-28
8 John Ross's Second Voyage: Preparation and Departure, 1828-29
9 No News: a Search Is Planned, 1832-33
10 Four Years in Boothia, 1829-33
11 Rewards and Recriminations, 1833-35
12 George Back and Richard King, 1833-35
13 James Ross Searches for Whalers and Studies Compasses, 1835-39
14 James Ross in the Antarctic, 1839-43
15 John and George Ross Float Companies, 1835-39
16 John Ross in Stockholm, 1839-46
17 The Franklin Expedition, 1845
18 Sir John Barrow Retires; No News of Franklin, 1846-48
19 Search for Franklin, 1848-49; James Ross in the Enterprise
20 Search for Franklin, 1850-51; John Ross in the Felix
21 Search for Franklin, 1852-54 /
22 News from the Great Fish River, 1854-56 /
23 John and George Ross: The Closing Years, 1848-56 /
24 The Fate of Franklin; James Ross's Closing Years, 1857-62
Envoi
Appendix: Glossary of Place-Names
Notes
Bibliography
Index
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
N
O
P
Q
R
S
T
V
W
Y

Citation preview

Polar Pioneers

Sir John Ross by J. Green (1833); reproduced by courtesy of the National Portrait Gallery.

Polar Pioneers John Ross and James Clark Ross M.J. ROSS

McGill-Queen's University Press Montreal & Kingston • London • Buffalo

© McGill-Queen's University Press 1994 ISBN 0-7735-1234-9 Legal deposit fourth quarter 1994 Bibliotheque nationale du Quebec

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Ross, M.J. (Maurice James), 1908Polar pioneers: a biography of John and James Clark Ross Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7735-1234-9

i. Ross, John, Sir, 1777-1856. 2. Ross, James Clark, Sir, 1800-1862. 3. Explorers - Great Britain - Biography. 4. Explorers - Canada - Biography. 5. Arctic regions Discovery and exploration - British. 6. Northwest Passage. 7. Antarctic regions - Discovery and exploration - British. I. Title. 0584.1168 1994 9i9-8'9O4 094-900427-8

This book was typeset by Typo Litho Composition Inc. in 10/12 Palatino.

To Shelagh

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Contents

Maps / ix Foreword by Clive Holland / xi Preface / xiii Illustrations / xvii 1 The Rosses of Galloway / 3 2 John Ross: Early Naval Career, 1786-1817 / 11 3 The Revival of Arctic Exploration, 1817 / 23 4 "Voyage to Baffin's Bay," 1818 / 34 5 John Ross versus John Barrow, 1819 / 52 6 James Ross Sails with Parry, 1819-27 / 71 7 "Navigation by Steam," 1819-28 / 109 8 John Ross's Second Voyage: Preparation and Departure, 1828-29 / 1T9 9 No News: a Search Is Planned, 1832-33 / 130 10 Four Years in Boothia, 1829-33 / 136 11 Rewards and Recriminations, 1833-35 / ^5 12 George Back and Richard King, 1833-35 / 192

viii Contents 13 James Ross Searches for Whalers and Studies Compasses, 1835-39 / 199 14 James Ross in the Antarctic, 1839-43 / 215 15 John and George Ross Float Companies, 1835-39 / 255 16 John Ross in Stockholm, 1839-46 / 266 17 The Franklin Expedition, 1845 / 273 18 Sir John Barrow Retires; No News of Franklin, 1846-48 / 286 19 Search for Franklin, 1848-49; James Ross in the Enterprise / 303 20 Search for Franklin, 1850-51; John Ross in the Felix / 319 21 Search for Franklin, 1852-54 / 341 22 News from the Great Fish River, 1854-56 / 350 23 John and George Ross: The Closing Years, 1848-56 / 358 24

The Fate of Franklin; James Ross's Closing Years, 1857-62 / 374 Envoi / 388 Appendix: Glossary of Place-Names / 393 Notes / 395 Bibliography / 417 Index / 429

Maps

1 The Arctic as Known in 1818 / 26 2 Baffin Bay according to John Ross (1818) / 44 3 Parry's First Voyage, 1819-20 / 74 4 Parry's Second Voyage, 1821-23 / 84 5 Parry's Third Voyage, 1824-25 / 91 6 Franklin's Expeditions, 1818-22 and 1825-27 / 94 7 John Ross's Second Expedition, 1829-33 / 140 8 The Inuit Chart / 143 9 James Ross's Sledge Journeys, 1830-31 / 147 10 Back on the Great Fish (Back) River, 1833-34 / 194 11 James Ross in the Antarctic, 1839-43 / 248 12 Franklin's Proposed Route, 1845 / 2^x 13 Barrow's Map (1846) / 288 14 Rae Crosses Melville Peninsula, 1846-47 / 289 15 James Ross in North Somerset, 1848-49 / 306 16 Richardson and Rae, 1848-49, and Rae, 1851 / 315

x Maps

17 Search for Franklin from the East, 1850-52 / 330 18 Search for Franklin from the West, 1852-54 / 345 19 Rae, 1853-54: First News of Franklin / 351 20 McClintock's Voyage in the Fox, 1858-59; Franklin's Last Voyage / 376 21 Richard King's Conjectural Map of the Arctic, 1845 / 382 22 Land and Passages Discovered, 1818-59 / 384

Foreword

In 1818 Commander John Ross, RN, received an invitation from the Admiralty to renew the search for a Northwest Passage from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific by way of Arctic Canada. British explorers had sought the passage sporadically for over three hundred years; it was their hope that it would provide a shorter sea route to the Orient than the routes by way of Cape Horn and the Cape of Good Hope. Ross achieved only partial success. He rediscovered Baffin Bay, but when he reached the only practicable entrance to the Northwest Passage, he declared it to be no more than a bay enclosed by mountains. In subsequent years he was widely derided for that error, and he carried the scars of public humiliation for the rest of his life. In 1829 he returned to the north on a private Northwest Passage expedition, on which he became hopelessly trapped in the middle of the Canadian Arctic; during a four-year ordeal of isolation and dreadful hardship he proved that, whatever his shortcomings as an explorer, he could never be accused of lacking courage. He caused nationwide astonishment and delight in 1833 by reappearing from the Arctic when he was believed by all to be dead. Such experiences played a large part in shaping his personality, and throughout his life he displayed an eccentricity, a colourful uniqueness of character, that makes him one of the most fascinating explorers in history. In a sense, he was villain turned national hero; but he could never comfortably wear the hero's laurels. The bitterness provoked in him after the expedition of 1818 was never fully dispelled, and in later life he was as irritable, as disputative, and, to some of those around him, as insufferable as ever. John Ross's nephew, James Clark Ross, took part in his uncle's first two polar voyages. Later, as leader of his own expeditions, he became one of the most experienced and respected explorers of his day.

xii Foreword

Altogether, he took part in or led nine separate polar expeditions, spent nine winters in the Arctic, and played a major role in teaching a whole generation of naval officers the principles of polar exploration. His remarkable achievements led to many major discoveries and ensured the scattering of the Ross family name throughout both polar regions: Ross Island, Ross Ice Shelf, and Ross Sea in the Antarctic; James Ross Strait, Ross Bay, Ross Point, and Ross0ya in the Arctic. Most recently, Britain's newest polar research vessel was named James Clark Ross in his honour. The ship was launched by the Queen on i December 1990 and made a maiden voyage to the Antarctic in the summer of 1991-92. A combined biography of these two starkly contrasting characters could hardly fail to enthral, and in Rear Admiral M.J. Ross we have the perfect author. He is a great-grandson of James Clark Ross, shares his ancestors' naval background, has access to unpublished family papers, and has studied polar history, especially the contributions of his own family, for many years. His publications include a book on James Ross's Antarctic voyage of 1839-43 entitled Ross in the Antarctic. In this new biography he paints a vivid picture of how these two men, in their very different ways, achieved great prominence in the history of world exploration. Clive Holland Scott Polar Research Institute Cambridge, January 1994

Preface

Dozens of books and articles have been written on the quest for the Northwest Passage in the nineteenth century and the search for Sir John Franklin's lost expedition. I had not intended that this book should provide yet another general history of the quest and search, but since the two Rosses were involved in them from the very beginning to the end, I have found it necessary to tell briefly the story of most of the expeditions, even those in which they played no part, in order to make intelligible later actions in which they did. The expeditions of John Ross and James Clark Ross to the polar regions are well known to those interested in polar exploration, and the only book devoted to them, Ernest Dodge's The Polar Rosses, covers little beyond their explorations. No account has ever been written of their private lives or of their actions "behind the scenes" between 1818 and 1859; this book is an attempt to fill that gap. The title reflects the fact that John Ross commanded the first national Arctic expedition and James Ross the first Antarctic one. John Ross published narratives of his first (1818) and second (1829-33) expeditions; the first of these accounts is a rare book, the second readily found but immensely long and not easy reading. His diary kept during his third expedition (1850-51) has also survived. He intended to publish his memoirs, but only fragments of these have survived; they are at the Scott Polar Research Institute in Cambridge. They cover only the end of the year 1818, the preparation for and early part of his second expedition, and his views on the search for Franklin. A note in one of the volumes suggests that others may have been in the possession of his grandson Andrew, who was drowned. John Ross also published a number of books and pamphlets and was an avid letter-writer. James Clark Ross's only published book is the narrative of his Antarctic expedition of 1839-43. Original copies are

xiv Preface rare, but a reprint was published in 1969. Only scraps of diaries and notebooks, but a good many letters have been found. The family does not possess anything deserving to be described as "archives." I am grateful to my cousins, co-descendants of James Ross, for use of material in their possession, and especially to Percy Grieve, a great-great-grandson of James Ross's sister Isabella, who has a portable desk full of papers, many of great family interest. All these are referred to in the source notes as "Ross family papers (RFP)." In 1985, an unpublished autobiographical memoir of Andrew Ross (nephew of John and first cousin of James) appeared at auction and was bought by the State Library of Victoria, Australia. That institution kindly let me have a microfilm copy, and it has provided some interesting family background. In this book, I have retained the place-names used in the early nineteenth century, but where these are no longer used, I have supplied the modern name in parentheses. However, the modern form or spelling of such names as Behring's Strait (now Bering Strait) has been used, except where they occur in quotations. "Canada" and "Canadian" have been used in the modern sense to refer to the whole geographic area now encompassed by that country. To assist the reader, a glossary of nineteenth-century place-names and their modern equivalents has been provided in an appendix. It is difficult, in these days of rapid inflation, to appreciate the value of the currency in the first half of the nineteenth century, and it would not be possible in any case to apply a multiplying factor that would approach accuracy for all services and commodities. Perhaps the most useful figure to bear in mind is that from the time of his first expedition, John Ross's "half pay" and wounds pension amounted to about £400 per annum. I have received much help in my researches. If I had not had easy access to the Scott Polar Research Institute, I could not have written this book. I am most grateful to the directors and members of staff, who for a number of years, have allowed me free access to their invaluable records, and particularly to Harry King, the former librarian, and Clive Holland and Robert Headland, the former and present archivists, for their willing help. I was fortunate to meet Dr James Savelle, now of McGill University, who has travelled extensively in the Arctic and has made a particular study of John Ross's second expedition and its aftermath as it affected Inuit life. From his conversation and photographs, I have been able to obtain a much better understanding of the nature of the country and the climate than I could otherwise have had.

xv Preface I am grateful to A.G.E. Jones for first calling my attention to George Ross's speculative railway company; to M.T. Wright, of the Science Museum, for guiding me through the Goodrich papers; to Donald Nelson and William Gill of Stranraer, for help with local research; and to Ann Savours, formerly of the National Maritime Museum, and Lieutenant Commander Andrew David, formerly of the Hydrographic Office, for their valuable advice and assistance over a number of years. I acknowledge with thanks the help given to me by librarians and archivists at the following institutions in the United Kingdom: in London, the Royal Society, Royal Geographical Society, Society for Nautical Research (Mariner's Mirror), Trinity House, British Library Manuscript and Newspaper Departments, Guildhall Library, Naval Historical Library, London Library, India Office Library and Records, and John Murray; in Kew, the Public Record Office and Royal Botanic Gardens; in Greenwich, the National Maritime Museum; in Taunton, the Hydrographic Office of the Ministry of Defence; in Edinburgh, the Scottish Record Office, National Library of Scotland, Library of the National Museums of Scotland, and Edinburgh University Library; and the libraries and museums of Aberdeen, Ayr, Doncaster, Dumfries, Greenock, Hull, Peterhead, Stranraer, and Wakefield. I am also very grateful to authorities abroad for their replies to questions I have addressed to them: in Canada, the Hudson's Bay Company and the Glenbow Museum, Calgary; in Norway, the University of Oslo; in Sweden, the Swedish National Archives (Riksarkivet), Royal Library (Kungl. Biblioteket), University Library, and Military Archives (Krigsarkivet), Stockholm, and University, Lund; and in the Geographical Society of Paris. I acknowledge with thanks the permission granted by these institutions to publish quotations from material held by them, as identified in the notes. This book has been on the stocks a long time, and I apologize if I have inadvertently failed to obtain any permission that I ought to have sought. I also thank Ann Parry and Richard Owen for permission to quote from their books. I am much indebted to Dr C. Stuart Houston (and to an anonymous reader for the press), who read my manuscript, made many valuable comments, and corrected a number of errors. Clive Holland read the manuscript at intervals and gave me his advice, and he has now kindly written a foreword to this volume. Sue Jordan very nobly undertook the map work to a very tight time schedule. Elizabeth Hulse, through her editorial skill, has improved my manuscript beyond measure. It has been seen through the press

xvi Preface

by Joan McGilvray, Peter Blaney, and Philip Cercone of McGillQueen's University Press. To all of these, I express my thanks for realizing my hope that my work of more than a decade would eventually appear in print. Finally, I thank my wife, Helen, for her constant encouragement and forbearance and my daughter, Shelagh, who has helped in many ways.

James Clark Ross as a midshipman Artist unknown.

Ross and Parry Meet the Arctic Highlanders From a sketch by Sacheuse, who included himself showing mirrors to the natives (from J. Ross, Voyage of Discovery).

Lancaster Sound Drawn by John Ross (from J. Ross, Voyage of Discovery).

"Landing the Treasures" Cartoon by George Cruickshank; reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. John Ross leads a procession to the British Museum, carrying a polar bear, "red snow," and other "treasures." Sir Joseph Banks is on the wall of the museum (holding the top of a ladder). Young James Ross carries the bear's forepaws. The soldier Sabine carries Sabine's gull on his bayonet. At the tail of the procession, Jack Frost carries the North Pole. John Ross had reported that the Inuit pulled their noses as a gesture of greeting, and the effect of this form of salutation is shown on the faces of the crew.

A Bear Plunging into the Sea From a drawing by John Ross (from J. Ross, Voyage of Discovery).

Hecla and Griper in Winter Harbour Engraved by W. Westall, ARA, from a sketch by Lieut. Beechey (from Parry, Journal of a Voyage of Discovery}.

"Sledges of the Eskimaux" Engraved by E. Finden from a drawing by Capt. G. Lyon (from Parry, Narrative of a Second Voyage).

"Travelling among Hummocks of Ice" Engraved by E. Finden (from Parry, Narrative of an Attempt to reach the North Pole).

James Clark Ross By J. Wildman; reproduced by courtesy of the National Maritime Museum.

George Ross In the possession of W. Percy Grieve.

First Meeting with the Natives Lithograph from a water-colour sketch by John Ross (from Ross,

Narrative of a Second Voyage).

Above, left, Ooblooria, James Ross's first guide. Above, right, Tullachiu, with wooden leg. From an original water-colour by John Ross, reproduced by courtesy of the Scott Polar Research Institute.

James Ross Killing a Musk Ox Lithograph from a water-colour sketch by John Ross (from Ross, Narrative of a Second Voyage).

Ikmallik and Apelagliu Drawing the Chart From an original water-colour by John Ross; reproduced by courtesy of the Scott Polar Research Institute.

Fury Beach and Somerset House Engraved by W.S. Wilkinson from a drawing by John Ross (from Ross,

Narrative of a Second Voyage).

The North Magnetic Pole

(from Huish, Last Expedition of Capt. Sir John Ross)

Rescue of John Ross and Crew by the Isabella Engraved by E. Finden from a drawing by John Ross (from Ross, Narrative of a Second Voyage).

Landing on Possession Island, 12 January 1841 From an original water-colour by J.E. Davis; reproduced by courtesy of the Scott Polar Research Institute.

The Ball on the Ice, New Year's Day 1842 From an original water-colour by J.E. Davis; reproduced by courtesy of the Scott Polar Institute.

The Collision, 13 March 1842

By J.E. Davis (from J.C. Ross, A Voyage of Research and Discovery).

Left: King Penguin Right: Emperor Penguin It was only after Ross's expedition that zoologists were able to determine that these two penguins were different species (from The Zoology of the Voyage).

The Franklin Search Ships off Cape Dudley Digges, 14 August 1850 From the Illustrated Arctic News.

The Arctic Council by S. Pearce, engraved by A. Scott. Left to right: Sir George Back, Sir Edward Parry, Capt. Edward Bird, Sir James Clark Ross, Sir Francis Beaufort (seated), John Barrow Jr, Lt. Col. Edward Sabine, Capt. Baillie Hamilton, Sir John Richardson, Capt. F.W. Beechey. Portraits on the wall are of Sir John Franklin, Capt. Fitzjames, and Sir John Barrow. The so-called council never met in formal session.

Sir James Clark Ross The memorial portrait by S. Pearce, engraved by A. Scott.

Polar Pioneers

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CHAPTER ONE

The Rosses of Galloway

The Galloway branch of the Ross clan is believed to have migrated there from Balnagowan about the fourteenth century, when many Scottish Highlanders from the northern counties made a similar move. The first name on the family tree of the Rosses of Galloway is James Ross, notary in Maybole, Ayrshire, in 1556-82.1 He was "heritable successor" to Gavin Ross, another notary, in certain property in Maybole; this fact does not necessarily mean that he was a descendant of Gavin, but it seems likely. (Gavin Ross left a record2 that has enabled a later legal historian to obtain an insight into not only the conduct of legal business but the life of the period in all its aspects.3) James's son, Gilbert Ross of Millanderdale, provost of Maybole, was a notary in the service of the Earl of Cassillis. In 1615 he was appointed baillie of the Barony of Glenluce, responsible for the distribution of the lands formerly held by the abbey. Before he died in 1637, he was the owner of considerable lands in Wigtownshire, consisting of small estates between Stranraer and Glenluce and on the peninsula forming the western side of Loch Ryan. Gilbert's younger son, James, was also a notary and was provost (ecclesiastical) of Maybole. This James's eldest daughter, Margaret, in 1643 married Sir James Dalrymple, who became the first Viscount Stair. She had seven sisters, all of whom married and received dowries of from 5,000 to 10,000 merks - about £250 to £500 in English currency - a lot of money in those days and indicative of the standing of their father. Lord Stair succeeded to the lands of Balneil and Carscreuche on his father-in-law's death, and these were the foundation of the Stair estates near Stranraer. Margaret Ross, Lady Stair, was the model for Lady Ashton in Sir Walter Scott's The Bride of

4 Polar Pioneers

Lammermoor, a novel based on the true, tragic love story of her daughter Janet Dalrymple. Other properties passed to Gilbert's elder son, John, and his heirs and in the middle of the eighteenth century, were owned by three brothers - grandsons of John - Alexander Ross of Balkail (1701-71), George Ross of Balsarroch (1703-66), and James Ross of Balgreen (b.i704). It is with the descendants of George Ross of Balsarroch that this book is concerned. It is worth recording in passing that through the generations, there were many soldiers - including Field Marshal Sir Hew Dalrymple Ross (1779-1868) - and lawyers in the family, but until the John Ross who is the principal character in this story, no sailors. George Ross's eldest son, Andrew, was born in 1726 and was ordained after attending Edinburgh and Glasgow universities. In 1762 he was appointed minister of Inch near Stranraer, and he took over Balsarroch on the death of his father. Andrew married Elizabeth Corsane, daughter of Robert Corsane, provost of Dumfries, whose direct ancestors of the same name had held that office for seventeen generations. She bore him two daughters, who died young, then four sons: George (b.i77o; important to us as the father of James Clark Ross), Andrew (b.1773), Robert ^.1774), and John (^1777; later Capt Sir John Ross). Elizabeth Ross died in 1779, and Andrew married a second wife, Mary Kincaid, five years later. He himself died in 1787. A relation of the family who, as a young girl, knew John Ross in his old age, wrote of them at this period: "The Rosses were an old family, who had owned considerable property in Wigtownshire and were connected with most of the Landowners in that part of the country. Like too many families in those days, they found it more easy to spend than to keep, much less make, money, and at the time of young John's birth they were not in very affluent circumstances, though still holding part of their property."4 Andrew Ross engaged a young man, Peter Ferguson, as tutor to the boys at the manse, and Ferguson was later ordained and succeeded him as minister of Inch. John was, for a time, sent to the burgh school at Ayr, staying with one of his maternal aunts, and his brothers may well have been sent there also, though there is no positive record of this. George, the eldest son, was just seventeen when his father died and had, three months earlier, left for Holland to complete his education under the eye of a Mr Gibson, a merchant in Rotterdam. From two letters that his father wrote, advising him what studies to pursue -

5 The Rosses of Galloway

"your own judgment will direct you to give preference to such sciences as have the most immediate connection with the business you intend to follow, you will also no doubt see the propriety of filling up your time in profitable studies"5 - it appears that George had already decided on his future career. Like so many Scots, he sought his fortune in London and seems at first to have prospered. In August 1796 he married Christian Clark, daughter of Dr James Clark of Kirkcudbright, and his maternal grandmother wrote to him: "I really think that you have exceeded all that could have been even so much as hoped. You have taken a parental charge of all your brothers and have got them all put in way of doing for themselves. You have entered into and carried on trade, kept your paternal lands and bought more, which to me is very surprising in a youth not yet 26 years of age."6 However, he soon after got into financial difficulties, and his future business enterprises were only too often attended by failure. In 1799 and for some years thereafter, he was trading as a "Wine, Brandy and Porter Merchant," living at 50 Finsbury Square, and doing business in the West Indies, where he would acquire property and spend long periods during the next twenty-five years. In 1801 he was declared bankrupt.7 This bankruptcy was "superseded" in i8o3,8 but George went bankrupt again seven years later.9 In September 1800, riots over the price of grain broke out at Nottingham and from there spread,10 reaching London on the 15th. The volunteers called out to assist the police included the Highland Armed Association, of which George Ross was captain commandant. Order was restored in a week, and George received the thanks of the police, the lord mayor and Court of Common Council, and both Houses of Parliament. Many years later, in 1848, when he was in trouble with the law, he produced these letters as evidence of character and added, "On kissing hands at Court on the 25th of October, I was given to understand I had only to express a wish to be knighted, and that honour would willingly be conferred upon me by the King, but I felt quite satisfied with the many distinguished honours which so lavishly had been bestowed upon me, to wish for more, and I declined the invitation of applying."11 This seems very unlikely; the Highland volunteers were only one unit among many who had given good service. George and Christian Ross had five children who survived Andrew Clark (b.i797), George Clark (b.ij^S), James Clark (b.iSoo), Isabella (b.i8o5), and Marion (b.i8o9) - and a son and two daughters who died in infancy. The three boys, when old enough, were sent to

6 Polar Pioneers

Chislehurst Academy as boarders, where they received an excellent education. Letters from them dated 16 December 1808 are written in a perfect copperplate hand. Andrew, aged eleven, wrote: Dear Parents! I am happy to inform you the Vacation will commence on the 22nd of this month, when I hope to pass that festive season in the society of my dear friends at home, and that you will be satisfied with my endeavours to improve. Mr. Mace and family desire me to present their respects. I shall be conveyed with the rest of the young gentlemen to the George Inn at the Borough about 11 o'clock in the morning and hope you will have the goodness to send some person to meet me. I remain, Dear Parents, Your dutiful son, Andrew Ross

James, aged eight, was more brief: Dear Parents! I hope you are very well. I shall be happy to accompany my brothers home, to pass the holidays with my friends. Pray accept my duty; present my love to my sister, and believe me, Dear Parents, Your dutiful son, James Ross12

Nine months later, in September 1809, their mother died, leaving George with the three young boys and their sisters, Isabella, aged six, and Marion, aged eight months. In 1808 George Ross's younger brother Lieutenant Colonel Andrew Ross was acting lieutenant-governor of Demerary and Essequibo (British Guiana, now Guyana) and recommended the appointment of George to the office of "searcher and waiter" (collector of customs), vacant owing to the previous holder's having killed an army officer in a duel. The appointment was approved by the lords commissioners of the Treasury.13 After Christian's death in 1809, Andrew - back in Scotland - wrote to George saying that their maternal aunt, Mrs Scott, would look after the girls if he wished to take up his appointment in Demerary, but the boys evidently remained at Chrislehurst until they were old enough to leave school, for in November 1812 Andrew, the eldest, wrote to his father about a school play at Christmas, in which George was to have a part. James had already left; on 5 April he had

7 The Rosses of Galloway

been taken on board the Briseis as a first-class volunteer by his uncle, Commander John Ross. In 1813 Andrew went into the Army and sailed for France with his regiment in December. In August 1814 his brother George received a long letter from him from the region of Bordeaux, describing his experiences, "which," wrote George to his father, "by your known anxiety concerning the welfare of your grateful children I willingly hasten to transcribe."14 Andrew reported that his regiment was expecting soon to embark for Ireland, but this did not happen, and the following year he fought at the Battle of Waterloo. In January 1816 Andrew arrived with his regiment at Dover, but they immediately embarked in the transport Sea Horse for Ireland, a promise of general leave after arrival in Ireland having been given. The Sea Horse was driven ashore and wrecked on the south coast of Ireland on 29 January, with the loss of 365 lives and only 32 survivors.15 Andrew was last seen swimming strongly but appears to have been struck by some of the wreckage. There is no clear record of what young George did after leaving school; he probably returned to Galloway. On Andrew's death, he inherited the property of Culgruff, near Castle Douglas, which had come to his mother shortly before her death, and this estate was managed for him until he came of age. Isabella was taken into the care of a Lady Grey, who treated her as her own daughter and at very little cost to her father; Isabella was evidently very fond of her fostermother. The baby Marion appears to have been looked after by one of the family, perhaps "aunt Scott." Having made satisfactory arrangements for his children after his wife's death - and presumably some settlement of his 1810 bankruptcy - George sailed for Demerary and took up his appointment as collector of customs. In January 1814 he was on passage home in HM packet Carteret. When nearing the approaches to the English Channel, the ship was intercepted by a French warship and after a spirited defence against impossible odds, was forced to haul down the colours and later sank. The captain of the Carteret wrote in his report: "To Mr. Ross of Demerary who with his negro servant, came passenger from thence, I cannot sufficiently express my obligations, not only for the promptitude with which he volunteered his services on deck during the action, but also for the benefit we all afterwards derived from his intercessions on our behalf with the French who, in consequence, shewed us the greatest civility and paid our sick and wounded every possible attention."16 George was slightly wounded in the action, and his subsequent ad-

8 Polar Pioneers

ventures are told in a letter to an unidentified person in a position of some authority at the Transport Office in London.17 It is written from Nantes on 24 March 1814: "having been disappointed in my expectation of getting, for the present, released or exchanged, I am arrived here, so far on my way to the Depot of English Prisoners of War at Chatelerault." He had written two previous letters (which have not survived), and the reason for this one was not to plead his own case but to act as a "Brief to plead a little cause of humanity," as he explained. On landing from the French man-of-war, George Ross had for several days been held in the "Tower of Solidor, a castle situated on a solitary rock in the area near St. Servan." "In that dreary dungeon, in a remote stone cell with iron gratings, exposed to the inclemency of all winds and weathers, I met a young Englishman of the name of James Tate, who has been closely confined there for upwards of 5 years in a state too horrid to describe, but of which you may form some idea when I inform you that during all that long period he has had no allowance for clothing, firing, washing or other earthly comforts excepting such meals as are found necessary for his bare existence. His story is short..." Tate had been mate of a transport captured by a French privateer on 25 January 1808. The French were going to burn her and take the crew prisoners of war. Her captain agreed, however, in spite of strict laws to the contrary, to ransom her, and Tate was taken as a hostage against payment. "The owner, notwithstanding his having saved his ship, refused to pay the £1000 - in that perhaps he was not wrong as the act was illegal, but Tate has ever since remained the victim of fidelity to his employers and, being viewed more as a Prisoner of Debt than of War, he now endures all the miseries of the one without participating in any of the advantages of the other." Despite his treatment, Tate retained complete faith in his owner, who, he believed, could not know the real situation. George Ross appealed to his addressee to lay the full facts before "this owner, Mr. Jas. Henly, who was once concerned very considerably in the coal trade and I think must some time or other be known to you," and he suggested means by which at least a regular allowance could be paid to Tate. The outcome is not known. George Ross himself was released later in the year, formed a new business partnership, and returned to Demerary. The second son of the Rev. Andrew Ross, another Andrew, was destined for the Army and joined the 55th Regiment as an ensign at Glasgow in March 1789, aged sixteen. He proved a good soldier, and in 1802, as lieutenant-colonel, he was commanding a battalion of his

9 The Rosses of Galloway

regiment at Gibraltar. Early that year, the Duke of Kent had been appointed governor and was charged with the duty of restoring order to a garrison that had become extremely undisciplined. It was rather a curious appointment since the duke had himself been relieved of his post as colonel of the Royal Fusiliers at Gibraltar in 1791 because of complaints about his harsh discipline. He had not changed, and at Christmas 1802 a mutiny occurred in two regiments. Andrew Ross's unit remained loyal, and he received high appreciation for his services and that of his men, "which taught the world that Irishmen could, after all, be as loyal as any other subjects of the King."18 In 1808 and 1809 Andrew Ross served as military governor of Demerary and Essequibo and of St Croix in Virgin Islands, where, judging by testimonials addressed to him on his departure, he was much liked and admired for the manner in which he tackled the problems arising from recent changes in colonial rule. During this time, however, he suffered a good deal of illness and pain, and after his return to England in 1809, he made a voyage to Madeira for the sake of his health. Late that year he was promoted to colonel and made ADC to the king, and in 1812 he was in command of the British troops at Cartagena. There he died of fever at the early age of thirty-nine. The Rev. Andrew Ross's third son, Robert, was in a mercantile house in Virginia in his late teens and "returned shortly after he came of age [1796] when he received his paternal fortune (not more than £500)."19 He got an appointment at the Cape but returned to England in 1802, when Cape Colony reverted to the Dutch. He was then engaged as secretary to the governor of Surinam (Dutch Guiana), was later appointed port officer at Paramaribo, and lost this position when Surinam was returned to the Dutch in 1814, though he had, in fact, returned to England before this because of ill health. He married and had two sons, Andrew (b.i8i4) and Alexander (b.i8i5). In 1818 he built a house, Cargenholm, near Dumfries. He seems to have continued to suffer poor health and died in 1828 when en route to Cheltenham in the interests of his health. According to legend, John the fourth son of the Rev. Andrew Ross, was found by his father at the age of about three, paddling round a lake in the garden of the manse in a tub. Whether this early evidence of attraction to the water is true or not, John was destined for the Navy.

(i) Eliz. Corsane = Rev. Andrew Ross = (2) Mary Kincaid d.i/79 1726-87

Christian Clark = George = (2) Sophie d.iSog 1770-1850 Baily

Andrew Clark 1797-1816

George Clark 1798-1852 = Frances Ross

James Clark 1800-1862 = Anne Coulman 1817-57

Isabella 1803-65 : William Spence

Andrew 1773-1812

Marion b.iSog

Robert (i) Christian = John = (2) Mary 1774-1828 Adair 1777-1856 Jones

Andrew b.i8i4

Alexander b.i8i5

Andrew 1819-94

Andrew b.i845 James Coulman b.i844

Anne b.i846

Thomas b.iSso

Andrew b.i852

Ross family tree showing the relationship of members of the family mentioned in the text.

CHAPTER TWO

John Ross: Early Naval Career, 1786-1817

The normal method of entry into the Navy of an aspiring naval officer at that time was for an individual captain to take the youngster under his charge as a "First-class volunteer." In this capacity, John Ross joined the Pearl, Captain the Hon. Seymour Finch, on 11 November 1786 at the age of nine and served three years in her in the Mediterranean, followed by a year in the Impregnable, Captain Sir Thomas Byard. "While lying at Portsmouth in the year 1790," wrote Ross many years later, "my captain said to several of us 'young gentlemen, if you do not go to sea you will never be sailors, you had better, while it is peace, go into the merchant service, and I will keep your names on the books/ Consequently, six of the midshipmen left the ship, (as on leave) and I as one went to Greenock, was bound an apprentice for four years, during which I made three voyages to the West Indies and three to the Baltic."1 During his last voyage home from the West Indies, his ship sailed from Honduras in convoy with eleven others. The convoy split up on leaving the Gulf of Florida, and John Ross's ship was the first to arrive at Cork, after ten weeks of bad weather and short rations; "however, we have been the luckiest of the fleet for seven of the ships have been taken by the French, one cast away and the other three have both had a longer passage and been on a much shorter allowance."2 Having completed his indentures in November 1793, Ross entered the service of the East India Company, with which he made three voyages in the next five years. A few pages of his illustrated logbook of his first voyage in the Queen have survived.3 In September 1799, he returned to the Navy as a midshipman in the sloop Weazel, in which, he said, he was employed as an acting lieutenant between 1800 and 1802, "from his perfect knowledge of the French language,"4 in carrying on the secret correspondence (perhaps over the exchange of pris-

12 Polar Pioneers

oners) on the Guernsey and Jersey stations. He was, for a time, himself imprisoned by the French. While serving in the Weazel, he was twice wounded in the legs and in July 1801 was in command of a boat that blew up the French frigate Jason under the enemy batteries at St Malo. Ross then served in the Clyde and the sloop Diligence, until in 1803 (the year in which war against Napoleon was renewed after the short lull following the Treaty of Amiens), he joined the Grampus, (50), flagship of Sir James Saumarez (later Admiral Lord de Saumarez). Except for periods of detached duty in other ships, he continued to serve in the flagships of Saumarez as midshipman, mate, and lieutenant until 1812. During one of these detachments, in July 1803, he was in command of a party that destroyed a French gun brig in the Bay of Delitte, an action in which a midshipman and six men were killed, and John Ross was again wounded, this time in the right leg. After both these actions, he received commendations for gallantry from his senior officers.5 He was promoted to lieutenant on 13 March 1805, at the comparatively late age of twenty-eight, when he was serving in the Penelope, whose captain, William Robert Broughton, was a surveyor who had been second-in-command to George Vancouver in 1791 during his survey of the northwest coast of America. In the same year, Ross was appointed to the Surinam. In May 1806 he was sent with fifteen men in a Spanish "chasse maree" named Alexandre, well armed and with a boat in tow, to cruise close off the Spanish coast. They captured an armed lugger, manned by ten men and with four passengers, inside the bar of Bilbao, towed her out beyond the batteries, and allowed the passengers and some of the crew to land in Surinam's boat. Later in the day, they came upon two armed Spanish boats manned by thirty to forty men each, chiefly soldiers in uniform. A midshipman and two men were left in charge of the prize while Ross in the Alexandre, with the captain's clerk and ten men, placed her between the prize and the enemy. Firing started from both sides at point-blank range. After about half an hour, Ross, finding their ammunition nearly exhausted, ordered the men to follow him and jumped with sword in hand into one of the boats as she came alongside. She steered away from the Alexandre, and Ross was left alone. The Spaniards "appear to have been stuck with astonishment" as he laid about them with his sword, killing four and wounding three, while five more jumped overboard and were drowned. The English seamen then came to the rescue, and the Spaniards gave up the action. Six men had been wounded, but the Alexandre and the prize were saved. Ross received severe wounds to the head and a bayonet through his body and had both legs and an arm broken, and he was faint from severe loss of blood when rescued.

13 John Ross: Early Naval Career

This action was reported to Captain Lake of the Surinam by Ross's crew, and Lake reported it to the Earl of St Vincent with a copy to Ross, but the report was suppressed by Captain Bowen (St Vincent's captain of the fleet) because he could not believe that an officer could defend himself in the manner described. However, the crew later swore an affidavit before the mayor of Devonport, relating the affair in almost identical terms. Admiral Saumarez wrote to Ross, congratulating him on his conduct in the Carteret while watching the enemy's movements during the previous winter months and saying, "I should be happy to hear that your late gallant conduct on the coast of Spain has been duly appreciated by the Admiralty, and that the wounds you have received will not be the occasion of the country's being deprived of your future services."6 Ross received no immediate recognition from the Admiralty, but the originals of these latter two documents were sent to the Patriotic Fund, which presented him with a sword valued at a hundred guineas. Three years later, he was granted a wounds pension of five shillings a day, which would be increased to £150 a year in 1815. In 1808 he was serving in Saumarez's flagship Victory in the Baltic. The admiral was a most distinguished officer, with a high reputation for seamanship and fighting qualities, who had commanded ships at the battles of St Vincent and the Nile and had won a notable victory at Algeciras in 1801. During the next four years, he was to display different talents, as a courteous man of calm temperament and balanced judgment, peculiarly well fitted to deal with the delicate diplomatic situation in Sweden. The Baltic was important to Britain both as a source of naval stores (especially timber masts) and as an entry point for British commerce into the Continent. Following the Franco-Russian treaty of peace and alliance at Tilsit in July 1807, Russia and Denmark had closed their ports to British fleets and declared war on Sweden, which had refused to do so. Despite the "continental blockade" of Britain declared by Napoleon (in the Berlin decree of November 1806), large fleets of "licensed" vessels under various neutral flags sailed to St Petersburg and other Baltic ports, carrying British and colonial produce and returning with timber, grain, and other northern products. These ships were formed into large convoys and sailed under an escort of warships to protect them from the privateers, mainly Danish but some French, which swarmed in the North Sea and the entrances to the Baltic. Thus the commanderin-chief had the dual responsibility of supporting his staunch, but small ally Sweden and of ensuring the safety of a large number of merchant ships. The Swedish fleet was in a very poor state, manned chiefly by conscripts from the farming population who were ill clothed and paid

14 Polar Pioneers

only four shillings per month. Scurvy was rife. On 25 August 1808, a fleet of eight Swedish line-of-battle ships and five smaller vessels and two British 74-gun ships of the line was in contact with a Russian fleet, consisting of nine ships of the line and fifteen other vessels, in the Gulf of Finland. Against this greatly superior force and with the Swedish fleet left trailing astern owing to its poor sailing qualities, the Implacable (Captain Thomas Byam Martin) forced the Russian Sevolod to strike her colours, and she was burnt by her crew. The Russian fleet retreated into Port Baltic (Paldiski).7 When Admiral Saumarez joined company on 30 August, a direct attack on the Russian fleet was deemed impossible, but plans were made for the use of fire-ships. The admiral sent John Ross, who spoke Swedish (presumably learnt during his voyages in the Baltic as an apprentice in the merchant service), on board the Swedish admiral's flagship as liaison officer. The intended attack was, however, prevented by severe gales, which lasted long enough for the Russians to secure themselves under the protection of booms and shore batteries. The Anglo-Swedish fleet continued to blockade the Russians, but a serious outbreak of scurvy and a malignant fever in the Swedish ships forced the fleet to withdraw at the end of September and retire to Carlscrona, where about three thousand sick men were transferred to hospital. When the British fleet withdrew from the Baltic for the winter, Ross was left with the Swedish fleet to assist with the refitting of their ships. During the winter, he suffered from an epidemic illness that caused great mortality in the fleet, but he made a quick recovery. In February 1809 he was summoned to Stockholm by the king and found himself mixed up in a national revolt. Officers of the western Swedish army were conspiring to dethrone the mad king, Gustaf iv Adolf, and chose their moment at a levee at which Ross was present. The king was seized, escaped, and was recaptured, and when he had been removed to his family palace, his uncle, the Duke of Sudermania, assumed the reins of government (he was elected king as Charles XIII the following June). In his biography of Saumarez, Ross writes: The new regent and government were of course anxious to have the matter set favourably before the government of England; and, in order to prove that the King was actually deranged, the regent submitted to the Author a paper found in the dethroned King's desk, certainly in his own handwriting, in which he described himself as the 'Man on the white horse' in the Revelations, and declared that he must fight a battle under the walls of Copenhagen, which would give peace to Europe. The Author, who had only a few days before been named aide-de-camp and adjutant to the fleet, had no longer any command, and therefore de-

15 John Ross: Early Naval Career manded his passports, which were granted: but, understanding that he was to be arrested at Orebro, he left Stockholm two hours sooner than the stated time of his departure, and by pretending that he was a Swedish officer who had despatches for Count Rosen at Gothenburg, and that the English officer was some hours behind, he escaped through the western army, after being questioned and examined. He at length arrived safe on board the Superb, which had cut out of the ice into Wingo Sound; and, being immediately forwarded by a packet, reached London in only nine days, where he found Sir James Saumarez preparing to resume his command.8

Ross returned to the Baltic with Admiral Saumarez in the summer of 1809. OR 2 August, Swedish admiral John af Puke wrote to inform Saumarez that he had been given command of all sea and land forces operating along the Swedish coast, and offering his services whenever they might be required, he added, "I should find it very agreeable if Lieutenant John Ross, who served last year on board the Swedish Admiral's ship, would be permitted to resume the same employment on board of this. He is so well acquainted with the Swedish language and customs, that I flatter myself he would have no objection to this proposition."9 Saumarez had to reply that he could not comply with the request because Ross was now on detached service in command of the sloop Ariel. (He was in this ship for two months, with the acting rank of commander.) Saumarez also received a letter from the Swedish councillor of state, Baron Platen, which said in a postscript, "It is by order of His Majesty that I have the honour to announce to your excellence Lieut Ross being created a Knight of the Order of the Sword, on the particular request of Admiral Puke."10 A Russian-Swedish armistice was concluded in September 1809, and Saumarez returned to England in the Victory. On 11 March the next year, he resumed his command and returned to the Baltic. Sweden had been ordered to close its ports to British ships, and during the summer of 1810 and again in 1811, all the tact at Saumarez's command was required in order to maintain good relations with the Swedes. He had to respect the confidentiality of breaches of this decree, which the Swedes had neither the ability nor the desire to fulfil, and also to avoid interference with their own coastal trade even though his formal instructions directed him to do so. During this time, he frequently used Ross as a courier between himself, Augustus Foster, charge d'affaires at Stockholm until his withdrawal was ordered by Napoleon, and Swedish authorities, both for confidential communications and in pursuit of the domestic requirements of the fleet. Another royal crisis occurred in June 1810, when the crown prince of Sweden (a Dane who had been elected to the rank six months ear-

16 Polar Pioneers

Her) died suddenly. The Swedes looked for a new heir apparent to the throne, and the choice fell on a French general, Count Bernadotte, Prince of Ponte Corvo. This news was conveyed to Saumarez verbally by a Swedish admiral on board the Victory, for the information of the British government, but too late to allow of their making any objections to "this extraordinary transaction"11 before the formal election of the prince. Ross went on shore with the Swedish admiral and was requested to inform Saumarez that the prince "had promised to invest all the property he possessed, said to amount to eight millions sterling, in Sweden, as a pledge of his intentions to maintain the country in her foreign relations."12 An example of the strange situation prevailing in the Baltic is shown by the events of 14 October that year, when Saumarez was bound for England at the close of the season: On arriving in the Belt, with a convoy of no less than a thousand sail homeward bound, it was intimated that the French Prince of Ponte Corvo, the newly elected successor to the throne was at Nyburg, and permission to cross the Belt was demanded and obtained from the Admiral for his yacht to pass unmolested, which he did on the i4th of October at the time this immense fleet was at anchor off Sproe. A scene so novel to a French general, and so interesting to his Royal Highness under the present circumstances, could not but make a deep impression, while it conveyed some idea of the wealth and power of the British nation; and he has subsequently told the author that it was the most beautiful and wonderful sight he had ever beheld, being one of which he had never formed an idea. The day was very fine; the fleet was anchored in a close compact body, with the Victory in the centre, surrounded by six ships of the line, and six frigates and sloops disposed for the complete protection of the convoy. The yacht, with a Swedish flag, containing the Crown Prince, passing within a mile of the Victory, was distinctly seen, and escorted by some barges from the men-of-war until past the whole of the ships; the convoy soon after weighed anchor, when the Royal stranger had the pleasure of seeing them all under sail and proceeding to their destination, regardless of the enemies who occupied adjacent shores.13

As Ross goes on to describe: "The new Crown Prince arrived safely at Stockholm, and contrary to the expectations of every officer on board the fleet, excepting Sir James, gave manifest proofs of his independence of French influence, and of his intentions to cultivate the friendship of Great Britain ... It would appear, however, that Buonaparte, who had given his sanction to the advancement of Bernadotte with great reluctance, was displeased at the beginning with his conduct, and he consequently gave an order for the confisca-

17 John Ross: Early Naval Career

tion of all British property in the Swedish harbours." Saumarez sent Ross to Count Rosen, governor of Gothenburg, with a communication reminding him that, if forced to retaliate, he had the force to do incalculable harm to the city and commerce, and he received the assurance that the Swedish government had no intention of acting upon the declaration of war they had been forced to make. After taking the Victory home, Saumarez went on leave, and the ship was employed transporting troops to Lisbon; but he rehoisted his flag in April 1811. He had served for three years as commanderin-chief in the Baltic and should have succeeded to the Mediterranean command, "but his conduct during his command in the Baltic had so completely gained the confidence and goodwill of the Swedes, and it had now become of such importance to keep them, with such a general as Bernadotte at their head, on good terms, that he was requested to continue on that most important command, as the only chance of accomplishing the desirable object of a Northern coalition."14 Early in 1811, the czar issued a decree expressly permitting the entry to Russian ports of produce carried in neutral vessels, and he refused Napoleon's demand to retract this decree. War between the two countries became inevitable, and it was important that Sweden should be made to side with its old enemy Russia rather than with France. The Victory was the centre for secret consultations between the British and the Swedes during that summer, to which Russia also became a party when it had finally rejected Napoleon's terms. The negotiations, practically completed by the Admiral, had to be ratified by a British plenipotentiary, Edward Thornton, who was minister to Sweden in 1808 and form 1812 to 1817. He embarked in the Oberon at Portsmouth, the ship supposedly being bound for the West Indies. The captain, on opening his sealed orders, found that he was destined for Gothenburg. He did not know the Swedish coast, and had no pilot on board, and the ship ran aground in a thick fog. When the fog lifted, it was found that she was, very fortunately, close to the Victory, and within an hour Thornton was on board. His trials were not, however, at an end. The security arrangements at the governor's castle were so tight that several attempts to get him on shore were unsuccessful. He was eventually smuggled into the fort disguised as a servant of John Ross, the latter passing for a Swedish officer.15 Saumarez spent his fifth year in the Baltic in 1812, the year when the tide at last turned firmly against Napoleon, and peace between Britain, Russia, and Sweden was signed in July. When Saumarez finally left the Baltic in November, Baron Platen wrote, "I must tell you that you were the first cause that Russia had dared to make war against France: had you fired one shot when we declared war against

i8 Polar Pioneers

England, all had been ended, and Europe would have been enslaved."16 While serving under Admiral Saumarez, John Ross had been given many interesting tasks that do not normally fall to the lot of a young naval officer, but he carried out the more usual duties also. He is recorded as having done a good deal of surveying, and in the summer of 1811, he and another lieutenant, in two of Victory's boats, surprised and captured a small Danish privateer that unwisely came to within a few miles of Victory's anchorage. Early in 1812, his services were rewarded. On i February, he was promoted to the rank of commander and the following month, was appointed to command the lo-gun sloop Briseis, under the recently promoted Rear Admiral Byam Martin, who commanded a small squadron supporting the Russian army off the coast between Danzig and Riga. On 5 April, Ross took on board as a first-class volunteer, James Clark Ross, the third son of his eldest brother, George, just ten days short of his twelfth birthday. In June, John was in an action which he reported to his admiral from "Briseis off Pillaw, 29 June 1812." I have the honour to inform you that, in pursuance of your orders, I stood in yesterday to communicate with the merchant vessel Urania in Pillaw Roads, when I perceived her to be in possession of the French troops, and that it was intended to destroy her on our approach. I therefore tacked and stood off, judging it the most likely way to save the ship (which was employed by Messrs. Solly and Sons on the part of government) from destruction, and the remainder of her cargo from falling into the hands of the enemy. I resolved, however, to surprise her in the night. Lieutenant Thomas Jones, first of the Briseis, Mr. Palmer, midshipman, and eighteen men were sent in the pinnace on that service. At midnight, when within pistol shot, they were hailed and fired upon by the enemy, who had six guns and four swivels on board the Urania, which was surrounded by craft and smaller boats; but every obstacle was overcome by Lieutenant Jones and his crew, who gave three cheers, boarded over the craft, and drove the enemy off deck into their boats on the opposite side, leaving behind part of their arms. The cable was then cut, and she was brought out, together with a French scout, that was employed unloading her.17

The officers and men concerned received an expression of the Admiralty's approbation of their gallantry. When peace with Sweden and Russia was signed in July, the Briseis was sent to carry the news to Libau, "where Captain Ross was received with demonstrations of joy. The hatred the oppressed inhabitants manifested towards their

19 John Ross: Early Naval Career oppressors the French, who had just vacated the place, was beyond expression; and a Russian squadron had now ventured out of the Gulf of Finland to join in the general rejoicing."18 On the gth of October a large convoy, which had long been detained at Matvick and Hano, was about to sail, when it was ascertained that several French privateers had passed through the canal of Kiel, in order to attack it, and the Briseis was consequently sent in the disguise of a merchant bark in advance of the convoy. The plan succeeded; one of the privateers [the Petit Poncet, armed with four guns and four swivels, and with a crew of twentythree came alongside the Briseis and was easily captured, while the other three having taken refuge under the batteries in Hammarhus Bay, on the N.W. side of Bornholm, were attacked and destroyed. In this affair the Briseis had her main-mast badly wounded. Lieutenant Jones, who commanded the boats, particularly distinguished himself; but on his approach the enemy, having cut their cables, and run their vessels on the rocks, they were instantly wrecked and could not be carried off.19 Before he finally left the Baltic in November, Admiral Saumarez sent the Briseis to St Petersburg with his last despatches to the British ambassador, Lord Cathcart. Ross returned with the important news of the recapture of Moscow, the defeat of Murat, and the full retreat of the French.20 In June 1814, Ross was appointed to command the i6-gun sloop Actaeon, and he joined her at Leith on 3 August. A week later, he picked up a convoy in Orkney and sailed for Archangel. Arriving on 3 September, he stayed three weeks and then brought the convoy back to Shetland. Many years later, at a time when he was defending himself against critics of his professional competence, he wrote that shortly afterwards, he met the celebrated Russian Admiral von Krusenstern (who had served in the Royal Navy from 1793 to 1799 and achieved fame as a circumnavigator in 1803-06) at the home of Admiral Sir Thomas Byam Martin. I happened to mention that I had determined the latitude of Archangel and the longitude of that place by the occupations of the satellites of Jupiter, simultaneous observations having been made at Greenwich. The Russian Admiral said: "I have determined the longitude of Archangel by the same method," and it also appeared that both had observed in the Dockyard. Sir Byam immediately said "I should like to know how you two astronomers agree: I have two sons, one shall go home with Admiral Krusenstern, and the other with Captain Ross, and you shall send me in writing the latitude and

2O Polar Pioneers longitude of Archangel." This was accomplished, and it turned out that the latitude agreed within a few seconds, and the longitude to the nearest minute.21

Throughout the winter, the Actaeon was on patrol and convoy duties in the English Channel and western approaches and at the end of March, convoyed troop-ships to Ostend. Having resumed patrol duties in May, she was in action on 20 June with a French frigate. This encounter was reported by Captain Blosse of HMS Tay: ... having fallen with a French frigate off the Start, there being a bark-rigged vessel to windward, which I took for the Actaeon and which afterwards proved to be so. The Frigate tacked to avoid us and all sail was made in Chase, She much outsailed the Tay but in tacking frequently we gained upon her; the Actaeon used every exertion to close with the Frigate, and did so by about 6 in the Evg — several shots were exchanged between them. The Actaeon took a position on the weather quarter of the Frigate, obliged her to bring to, and hailed to desire a Boat to be sent on board, which after much hesitation was complied with, The Tay in the meantime came up; and Captain Ross brought the French officer to me. I detained him and boat.

Blosse sent a lieutenant on board the French ship with orders to follow the Tay into a British port, but the captain refused. Blosse then sent Ross on board with a message to the French captain that if he refused to follow voluntarily, it would be their duty to compel him to do so. The captain, after consulting his officers, agreed to follow the Tay to Plymouth. The prize was the 4o-gun La Duchesse d'Angouleme, carrying four hundred men from Martinique. Captain Blosse concluded his report, "The simple relation of this circumstance would be sufficient to show how very ably I have been supported by Captain Ross, but I am particularly anxious to draw your attention to his gallant and highly judicious Conduct in closing single-handed with the Frigate, before I was able to come up and in taking position that completely baffled every attempt of the Latter to bring her guns to bear."22 On 22 August 1815, Ross was transferred from the Actaeon to the i8-gun sloop Driver operating in the North Sea and off the west coast of Scotland on revenue duties, and he held this command until late in 1817. In 1816 he married Christian Adair, daughter of his second cousin Thomas Adair of Little Genoch, Writer to the Signet. He was suffering one of his financial crises at the time. He relied on his brother George and wrote to him on 11 May about money arrangements, "on which depends my marriage. Christy can hardly get

21 John Ross: Early Naval Career

money from the Old Boy to buy her wedding clothes, but when married we are to live at Balkail at no expense which is a good thing. He has lost a great deal by his tenants and it is not to be wondered at that an old man so fond of money should be stingy."23 Balkail, it may be recalled, had belonged to a parallel branch of the Ross family; Thomas Adair had bought it in 1798, and his younger son, John was living there. On 27 June, John Ross again wrote to George, with the news that Christy's eldest brother, Andrew, had failed in business, but "the old boy behaves well to Christy and has told her that ultimately she shall not suffer by her brother but at present he cannot give me a farthing. Our marriage still stands for July 23 - I have no heart to write any more, tell me what I must do!24 On 13 July, he told George, "Our marriage is not put off but the Old Boy, by pleading poverty, is doing all he can ... I shall have only £25 in my pocket when I'm married!"25 The marriage took place, but the financial problems remained for, on 20 December, John wrote to George, "I hope all has been settled today with your new partner, and that you have already taken steps to prevent what I have already told you my complete ruin."26 In 1817 John Ross was forty years old and had been at sea almost continuously for over thirty years. The Napoleonic Wars were over, and a great run-down of the navy was taking place. The prospects of employment for officers were very poor, particularly for those of commander's rank, for at that time, the only appointments open to them were in command of small ships. In August 1809, 44.6 per cent of officers of commander's rank had been employed, by January 1815 the figure had dropped to 27 per cent and in January 1818 to a tiny 5.8 per cent.27 That Ross was promoted to commander and then continuously employed during the whole of this period is a clear enough indication of his professional reputation, but he must have been wondering how long his good fortune would last. His ship was in Loch Ryan when, on 11 December 1817, he received a letter from Sir George Hope, one of the lords commissioners of the Admiralty, who had been flag-captain to Admiral Saumarez and knew Ross well, "acquainting me, that two ships were to be sent out, to ascertain the existence or non-existence of a north-west passage; and desiring me to let him know, by return of post, whether my health was equal to the arduous service which must be expected on a voyage of this nature, and whether I should wish to undertake it; at the same time informing me, that I should be accompanied by a man of science, besides Greenland pilots, accustomed to navigate those seas. To this I returned answer, that my health was perfectly reestablished, and that I had no hesitation in undertaking the service,

22 Polar Pioneers

particularly with the promised assistance."28 A week later, he received orders to take the Driver to Greenock, and when superseded in command, he travelled to London where he arrived on 30 December. He had taken a decision that was to alter the whole course of his life and to determine the destiny of his nephew James.

CHAPTER THREE

The Revival of Arctic Exploration, 1817

The quest for a route to the Pacific Ocean over the top of North America had been both long and spasmodic. In the latter part of the sixteenth century, Martin Frobisher had discovered and penetrated halfway up what was later named Hudson Strait, and John Davis had sailed up the west coast of Greenland to 72° 12' N and discovered Cumberland Sound on the west side of the strait that bears his name. The seventeenth century saw the exploration of two great bays. The discovery in 1610-11 by Henry Hudson of the large bay that is named after him raised hopes that this might be the entrance to a Northwest Passage. Hudson had charted only the eastern side of the bay; in 1612-13 Sir Thomas Button explored the western side, and in 1615 Robert Bylot probed deep into Hudson Strait and the waters immediately north of Hudson Bay. No passage to the west was found, but hope was not extinguished until Luke Fox circumnavigated almost the entire bay in 1631. Bylot had served with both Hudson and Button before being given his own command in 1615 by the optimistically named "Company of Merchants of London, Discoverers of the North West Passage." He had taken with him as pilot the gifted navigator William Baffin, a man with practical experience of icy seas off the coasts of Greenland and Spitsbergen and the first seaman on record to make lunar observations for determining longitude at sea. Following the lack of success of this voyage, Baffin urged that exploration should be directed further north beyond the strait found by Davis some thirty years earlier. The merchant adventurers, accordingly, sent out Bylot and Baffin again with clear and concise instructions to guide them: "For your course you must make all possible haste to the Cape Desolation; and from thence you, William Baffin as pilot, keep along the coast of Greenland and up Fretum Davis, until you come toward the height of

24 Polar Pioneers

eighty degrees, if the land will give you leave. Then, for feare of interbaying, by keeping a too northerly course, shape your course west and southerly, so farre as you shall thinke it convenient, till you come to the latitude of sixtie degrees; then direct your course to fall with the land of Yedzo [Japan], about that height, leaving your farther sayling southward to your owne discretion ..."1 They sailed from Plymouth on 19 April 1616 and by early July, keeping close to the west coast of Greenland, had reached latitude 77°3o' N. Here they found themselves in a large bay in which there were so many whales that they named it Whale Sound (Hvalsund). A few miles northwest of this bay was the entrance to a large sound, which they named Sir Thomas Smith's Sound (Smith Sound), running to the north of 78°. They tried for three days to reconnoitre this sound, but the weather was unfavourable, and they finally steered westward with a following wind. On 10 July, with the weather calm and foggy, they found themselves at the entrance to another inlet, which they named Alderman Jones's Sound (Jones Sound). Though a boat was sent ashore, it had soon to return on account of bad weather and "having an easie gale of wind east north-east, we ranne along by the shore" until on 12 July they came to yet another large opening some forty miles across, which they named Sir James Lancaster's Sound (Lancaster Sound). They did not enter this sound: perhaps the contours of the land persuaded them that it was only an indentation that would lead nowhere; certainly, there must have seemed little hope of finding a passage through to Japan so late in the season. They continued to the southward, and Baffin wrote, "Here our hope of passage began to be lesse every day than other, for from this sound to the southward wee had a ledge of ice betweene the shoare and us, but cleare to the seaward" (214). They finally returned to Dover on 30 August, and Baffin wrote to John Wolstenholme, "There is no passage nor hope of passage, in the north of Davis Straights. We having coasted all, or nere all the circumference thereof, and finde it to be no other than a great bay." The account of this voyage was published by Samuel Purchas in the third volume of his voyages. Purchas had Baffin's original journal and his map, but the map was not published because, wrote Purchas, "this map of the author's for this and the former voyage, with the tables of his journall and sayling, were somewhat troublesome and too costly to insert [p. 217]." John Barrow, writing in 1818, commented that "in this important voyage, purporting to have reached many degrees of latitude beyond any preceding voyage, and to have skirted the coast and islands of America, where the passage must have been found, if it has any existence, we have neither course, nor distance, nor varia-

25 Revival of Arctic Exploration

tion of the compass, except once, and no one longitude whatever; so vague and indefinite indeed is every information left, which can be useful, that each successive geographer has drawn 'Baffin's Bay' on his chart as best accorded with his fancy" (217). He concluded, "It may be observed, that Baffin drew off from the main land of America to the eastward, from the very spot where of all others a passage is most likely to be found; but he is not to blame for not then possessing that knowledge which Cook and Hearne and Mackenzie have since supplied". (217) Two centuries elapsed after Baffin's voyage before any further attempt was made to explore Baffin Bay, and the only probes from the east were made in the area immediately north of Hudson Bay, which again proved fruitless; the knowledge to which Barrow referred was gained much further west. At the end of 1769, the Hudson's Bay Company sent a young employee, Samuel Hearne, in charge of an expedition to look for a large river whose banks were said to be rich in copper and to explore northwards. After two abortive attempts, Hearne set out again in December 1770, and the following July, he reached the Coppermine River (where he was forced to witness the massacre of defenceless Inuit by the Indians of his party) and followed the river down to its mouth. Although Hearne claimed that he had seen the sea, his evidence was not entirely convincing. He was "certain of its being the sea, or some branch of it, by the quantity of whalebone and seal's skins which the Esquimaux had at their tents, and also the number of seals which I saw on the ice" (300), The tide was out, and the river water was perfectly fresh; he estimated from marks on the ice edge that the tidal rise was about fourteen feet, which does not seem consistent with the river water being "perfectly fresh" (300), and he made no comment on the freshness (or otherwise) of the water when the tide came in, although he remained on the spot for a whole day. On his chart, he showed the latitutde of the river mouth to be 73°3o' N, but this did not tally with the distance he had travelled since the sole observation of latitude which he had recorded two weeks earlier, and later geographers decided that it was probably about 69° N. However, he had, on his brave journey over some 1,300 miles and lasting eighteen months, certainly been very near the sea and had, in his own words, "put a final end to all disputes concerning the Northwest Passage through Hudson's Bay," because if there had been such a passage, he would have had to cross it. In July 1776, Captain James Cook left Plymouth on his third voyage. His instructions were to sail up the west coast of America from about 65° N northwards, exploring every inlet for a possible passage to the eastward. He passed through Bering Strait on 9 August 1778

26 Polar Pioneers

Map i The Arctic as Known in 1818 This map, from Barrow's Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic Regions (1818), does not show Baffin Bay. Other contemporary maps show a tentative outline of the bay. One marks Sir James Lancaster's Sound as "the most probable communication with the sea seen by Heame in 1772 and by McKenzie in the year 1789"; another is inscribed "Baffin's Bay according to the relation of W. Baffin in 1616 but not believed."

and by the iyth was faced with impenetrable ice, from which he prudently retreated. He intended to return the following year, but he was killed in the Hawaiian Islands a few months later. He named his farthest landfall Icy Cape (7O°29' N, i6i°4o' W), from which point the coast appeared to extend in an easterly direction. (HM brig Lion sent to meet and assist Captain Cook in the event of his reaching Baffin Bay failed, under two successive captains, even to reach the western side of the bay.) Interest now developed in the geography of northwest Canada. Only the Coppermine River had been discovered, and Captain Cook had found no major river flowing into the Pacific Ocean. To where, then, did the many small rivers which traders had found, drain? Alexander Mackenzie, an employee of the North West Company (the Hudson's Bay Company's first major competitor), having studied Indian reports and speculative maps, formed the opinion that there must be a major undiscovered river fed by these small rivers. Early in June 1789, with a party of French-Canadians and Indians, he reached Great Slave Lake and found a great river flowing from its western end. By mid-July they had paddled down the river in their canoes and

27 Revival of Arctic Exploration

reached the mouth at about 69° N - or somewhere near its mouth, for Mackenzie's description, like Hearne's, left some degree of uncertainty whether he had actually reached the sea. Whether he had or not, Mackenzie's journey of some 2,000 miles in 102 days, with the navigation of the whole length of this great river, was a mighty feat; and the farthest points reached by him, Cook, and Hearne gave the first indication that the north coast of America might lie more or less along the 7oth parallel of latitude. Though a passage to the Pacific along the north coast of America might not prove practicable, there was an alternative possible route, namely from Spitsbergen to Bering Strait directly over the North Pole. There was a theory, which had many supporters, that the ice which whalers encountered between Greenland and Spitsbergen came from

the rivers of Siberia and that beyond the ring of ice there was an open sea surrounding the Pole. An ardent believer in the open-sea theory was the Hon. Daines Harrington, a fellow of the Royal Society, and it was largely due to his persuasion and influence that a naval expedition was sent north in the summer of 1773 under Captain Constantine John Phipps (later Lord Mulgrave) in the Racehorse and Captain Skeffington Lutwidge in the Carcass. The ships were stopped by an impenetrable "wall of ice extending for more than twenty degrees between the latitudes of eighty and eighty-one, without the smallest appearance of any opening."2 However, this setback and Captain Cook's experience north of Bering Strait did not discourage the belief in the open polar sea, and during the next few years Barrington read a number of papers on the subject to the Royal Society, which included claims (many of them hearsay and few well authenticated) to have reached various high latitudes. In 1776, Parliament offered an award of £20,000 for the discovery of a Northwest Passage, not only by merchant ships and by way of Hudson Bay (for which a similar provision had existed since 1743), but by any route and by any ship, including those of the Royal Navy. At the same time, an award of £5,000 was offered to any ship approaching within one degree of the North Pole.3 In contrast with the theorists, there was one man with real practical knowledge of the Arctic who also had the ability to communicate his knowledge to others. This was William Scoresby junior, son of a famous whaling captain of the same name. He went on his first voyage with his father in 1800 at the age of ten, three years later became a full apprentice, and at the age of sixteen, became his father's chief mate. While pursuing his education, first at Whitby and then at Edinburgh University, young Scoresby nevertheless went to sea every whaling season and served in the Royal Navy at Copenhagen in 1807. He

28 Polar Pioneers

obtained his first command at the age of twenty-one in 1810. On 11 March 1815, he read a paper "On the Greenland or Polar Ice" to the Wernerian Society of Edinburgh, the first description of the various types of polar ice, its formation and movement, and its effect on the sea and air. The paper included a carefully argued opinion on the possibility of reaching the North Pole in which, years ahead of his time, Scoresby recommended the use of Inuit-driven dog teams and in which he stated, "From the pretended excursions of the Dutch, many have believed that the sea at the Pole is free from ice; were this really the case, the circumstance would certainly be an extraordinary one, but I consider it too improbable to render it necessary to hazard any opinion concerning it."4 Robert Jameson, professor of natural history at Edinburgh University, urged Scoresby to consider becoming an explorer; this suggestion appealed to him, but his father insisted that any Arctic voyage must be combined with whaling, and his mother absolutely forbade it. On his return from the whale fishery in 1817, Scoresby made known through the papers that a remarkable diminution of the polar ice had taken place and that he had been able to penetrate to within sight of the east coast of Greenland in 74° N, which for many years had been totally inaccessible. This report was noticed by Sir Joseph Banks, who had sailed in Cook's first voyage in 1768 and had now been president of the Royal Society for nearly forty years. Banks wrote to Scoresby on 22 September 1817 asking for the fullest possible particulars of the decrease in the polar ice, which he thought might have a beneficial effect on the English climate. Scoresby, enclosing a copy of his treatise, replied: I found on my last voyage about 2000 square leagues of the surface of the Greenland sea, between parallels of 74° and 80° North, perfectly void of ice, which is usually covered with it... Had I been so fortunate as to have had the command of an expedition for discovery, instead of fishing, I have little doubt but that the mystery attached to the existence of a north west passage might have been resolved. There could have been no great difficulty in exploring the eastern coast of Greenland. I do conceive there is sufficient interest attached to these remote regions to induce Government to fit out an expedition.5.

Banks then asked him why no whale fisher had tried to win the awards that had been offered by Act of Parliament in 1776 and whether Scoresby thought that an amendment to the act offering £1,000 for reaching every degree of latitude from 82° to the Pole would provide an inducement at least to aim for higher latitudes.

29 Revival of Arctic Exploration

Scoresby replied (in November) that, first, few whaling captains had either the desire or the necessary nautical knowledge for exploration and, secondly, the expenses of a fishing ship were so high (and its insurance only covered normal whaling conditions) that no one could be expected to pursue a goal that was not even known to be possible of achievement for a reward that could not possibly cover expenses. Meanwhile, events were moving fast in official quarters because of the initiative of John Barrow, second secretary of the Admiralty. The Royal Navy had been administered for the past two centuries by the lord high admiral, or by a Board of Lords Commissioners for exercising his office, responsible for the executive duties of the service, and by a Navy Board (with affiliated boards) responsible for its supplies. Their lordships were served by two secretaries. The first secretary dealt with political aspects of naval affairs; the post was held at this time by John Wilson Croker, an MP of a reactionary Tory persuasion and a notable debater and critic, with an opinionated manner which antagonized many people. The second secretary was responsible for running the Admiralty office and for the vast correspondence between boards and with naval officers worldwide; the post was held by John Barrow from 1804 to 1845. The two secretaries were indirectly responsible for the officers' promotion lists and had enormous powers of patronage. Barrow, who in his earlier years had been on Lord Macartney's staff, first during his mission to China and then during his governorship of Cape Colony, was an enthusiast for geographical exploration and was also genuinely anxious to find employment for the large number of naval officers made idle by the end of the Napoleonic Wars. Whether Banks approached him first or whether Barrow asked for Bank's opinion when he read Scoresby's report in the papers is immaterial; the result was that Banks sent to Lord Melville, the first lord of the Admiralty, a letter drafted by Barrow proposing a renewed attack on the Arctic. This letter was passed on to the prime minister and received very quick approval. The first news given to the public was in an anonymous article by Barrow in the Quarterly Review for October 1817 describing preparations for a two-pronged attack, one to the north of Spitsbergen and the other into Baffin Bay. Scoresby senior, who was in London, was advised by Banks to send for his son with a view to his being employed in the expedition, and Scoresby junior accordingly left Whitby for London on 11 December. There he had an interview with Banks and Barrow at which the latter, though professing to be keen that one of the Scoresbys should go on the expedition, was extremely evasive and when asked point-blank by Scoresby whether he was to have a place in the expedition and in

30 Polar Pioneers

what capacity, told him that if he wished to go he should call at the Navy Board the next day and make his proposals; with that Barrow left the room. When Scoresby sought an explanation from Banks later, the latter expressed regret that his effort to obtain a command for Scoresby had failed, but that it was hoped he might be prepared to go as a pilot, with his own ship and crew but under a naval captain. Banks added that he believed that the commanding officers of the four ships which were to take part had already been appointed; this was correct, John Ross having received the letter offering him the command on 11 December. Scoresby could not accept such a situation and knew, moreover, that the Navy Board would never agree to paying him the sort of money that would make his voyage worthwhile. His opinion on the likelihood of success of the voyages was expressed in a letter to Banks early in 1818: Though the Polar seas were navigable in an uncommon degree last summer, I conceive it very uncertain whether the ice may yet remain the same, and whether the navigation of these seas still continues equally open. As to reaching the Pole, I confess myself sceptical... I shall be much surprised if they pass the eighty-fourth degree of latitude. The success of the expedition intended for the north-west is still more equivocal. Indeed, the nature of that voyage is wrapped in so much uncertainty that, in my opinion, it cannot warrant even a conjecture. I am persuaded a north-west passage exists - that is, as regards any obstruction from land; but how far it may or may not be blocked up with ice, so as to be always impervious, can only be determined by repeated trials. (70)

It must be recognized that there were difficulties in finding a proper place for a civilian seaman of great experience and reputation in an expedition under naval command, but no real attempt was made to do so, and Barrow's curt treatment of Scoresby was inexcusable. The Quarterly Review had been founded by the publisher John Murray with the object of counteracting the Whig principles of the Edinburgh Review, and its first number had appeared in 1809. It was George Canning, then foreign secretary, who persuaded Barrow to contribute articles to the journal, and during a period of some thirty years, he wrote 195 pieces. All articles in the Review were published anonymously, though the authorship was often very obvious. The book Barrow was purporting to review in his article in the issue of October, 1817 was dismissed as worthless in the first paragraph, and the remaining twenty-four pages were devoted to his own opinions on the Arctic regions and on the plans for the forthcoming expeditions. He asserted that the perpetual southerly current through Davis

31 Revival of Arctic Exploration

Strait and the presence there of driftwood, and also of whales carrying harpoons known to have been implanted in Spitsbergen, were evidence both of a passage along the north coast of America (carrying driftwood from the rivers of Asia and America) and round the north of Greenland (which was therefore an island) into what he called the "sea of Baffin (gratuitously called a bay)." Barrow thought that the probable source of icebergs moving on a southwesterly current round Spitsbergen was "New Siberia" (the New Siberian Islands), and "if this be so, the sea, through which these massy mountains float, must be open; and where they can float, a ship will find no difficulty in sailing." He continued, "A sea of more then two thousand miles in diameter and in constant motion, is not likely to be frozen over at any time." (Barrow would maintain this preconceived notion of the nature of the Arctic throughout the coming years.) He then described preparations for a two-pronged attack, one to the north of Spitsbergen and the other into Baffin Bay, for which "four merchant vessels have been hired, and rendered as strong as wood and iron can make them. Their names are the Isabella and the Alexander, the Dorothea and the Trent." The first pair were to proceed through Davis Strait under the command of Commander John Ross and Lieutenant William Edward Parry, and the second pair "by the route of the north pole" under the command of Commander David Buchan and Lieutenant John Franklin. John Ross's naval career had, as already described, been a distinguished one, and he had been recommended for this appointment by Admiral Sir George Hope. Buchan had served in the seas around Newfoundland and had made a pioneer journey into the interior, being the first European to make contact with the natives of that island. Franklin, who would become very famous in Arctic annals, was reputed to be a good surveyor and had been brought up under Captain Matthew Flinders (his uncle by marriage), the muchrespected navigator and surveyor of Australian waters. Parry, who became almost equally famous, was the fourth son of a celebrated doctor in fashionable Bath and had received his early education at the Grammar School there. He had not originally been destined for the Navy but was recommended to Admiral Cornwallis, commander-inchief of the Channel Fleet, by his niece, who was a friend of the Parry family, and he was taken on board the admiral's flagship Ville de Paris as a volunteer of the first class in June 1803 at the age of twelve and a half years. Parry enjoyed naval life, and his senior officers spoke well of him; his early years of service did not differ much from those of many other young officers. He was promoted to lieutenant in January 1810 at the age of nineteen. For the next three years, he served

32 Polar Pioneers

in the Alexandria, during which commission the ship spent some time in the Baltic and also in protection of the Spitsbergen whalers near the fringes of the ice. In January 1813, he joined HMS La Hogue on the North America station, and he remained on that station (where promotion prospects were deemed to be good and with the expressed intention of gaining that promotion), moving to four further ships as each was successively sent home, until early in 1817 he himself was allowed to return home when his father suffered a serious stroke. During his time in the Alexandria, he wrote a small volume entitled Nautical Astronomy, an elementary treatise which he believed would fill a gap in the training of young officers, and it was published privately by his father in 1816. When the Napoleonic Wars ended, Parry's thoughts turned towards exploration. He volunteered for, and was actually appointed to, an expedition to the River Congo, but could not join in time; this was fortunate since all the officers of the expedition died of tropical diseases. Late in 1817 he was writing a letter to a friend of his father, Acheson Maxwell, on this subject when he caught sight of an announcement of the forthcoming Arctic expeditions, and he quickly added a postscript to his letter saying, "Hot or cold was all the same to him, Africa or the Pole." Maxwell immediately showed this letter to Barrow, who later wrote that he "was so pleased by the letter, and the little treatise that accompanied it [Nautical Astronomy] that he at once submitted to Lord Melville his opinion that he was just the man for such an appointment."6 Parry was fortunate in finding such a patron. When he first met John Ross in December, he wrote to his parents: "He is a good tempered, affable man in his manners, and we were acquainted of course immediately ... Ross is clever in the surveying way, and is a good seaman. I shall see him every day, of course. I like his appearance and manner very much."7 While preparations for the voyages were going ahead, Colonel Francis Beaufoy of the Royal Society published a new edition of Daines Barrington's The Possibility of Approaching the North Pole Asserted (with the additional idea of reindeer travel), and Barrow compiled, from original sources, a comprehensive Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic Regions, which was published shortly after the expedition sailed. There also appeared, early in 1818, a book entitled Greenland, the adjacent Seas, and the North-West Passage to the Pacific Ocean, by Bernard O'Reilly. Barrow reviewed this book in the Quarterly Review of April 1818. He had at first thought that because of current interest in the Arctic regions, a hack writer had written up a fictitious voyage, but he found that a man of the author's name had in fact served as doctor in the whaler whose voyage the book pur-

33 Revival of Arctic Exploration

ported to describe. He dismissed the book as a farrago of nonsense, which indeed it was, but it contained one passage concerning Barrow's article of October 1817 that was in line with the opinions of many who thought differently from Barrow: Sailing to the north pole has been long a very favourite subject for closet lucubration; and as long as a man, in such circumstances, chooses to amuse himself harmlessly, or entertain his friends with his effusions through the medium of a magazine, such pursuits are altogether allowable, but where such visionary schemes are in contemplation, as would mislead the public mind, in the same manner as the writer misleads himself, not pausing over facts, and maturely weighing the consequences, the prudent will be careful how they admit his opinions, however plausibly dressed up ... As long as the axis of the earth remains in its present angular position, so long will ice be found in those waters, and so long will navigators find obstruction in every attempt to penetrate by the Pole towards the northern Pacific,8

to which observation, Barrow had to be content with, "The glaring folly which pervades every page of Mr O'Reilly's book forms a sufficient guarantee against its mischievious tendency." The Edinburgh Review, in its issue of June 1818, reviewed the O'Reilly work, Colonel Beaufoy's book, and Scoresby's paper on the polar ice. It dismissed O'Reilly's book as worthless and thought the answers to Beaufoy's questions about reindeer very discouraging. "The paper of Mr. Scoresby," it said, "has more than ordinary claims to our attention," and the review concluded, "We regret exceedingly that any jealousies or official punctilios should have prevented Government from entrusting the principal command of the Polar expedition to Mr. Scoresby, who not only proposed it originally, but whose talents and science, joined to his activity, perseverance and enthusiasm, afforded assuredly the best promise of its ultimate success." Finally, the Times on 15 August 1818, commenting on the articles in both the Quarterly Review and the Edinburgh Review, wrote of the former, "It was reported to have been written by a gentleman, who from his situation, seemed the fittest person to discuss the subject; but while it abounded with ingenious argument and lively narrative, men of science lamented that it was deficient in authentic facts, and that much of its reasoning depended on no surer foundation than vague tradition, or the still more uncertain authority of poetical description." Thus John Barrow, who in his official position should have taken a strictly neutral stance, became from the start involved in public argument.

CHAPTER FOUR

"Voyage to Baffin's Bay," 1818

The four ships which the Admiralty had selected for the expedition were fitted out at Deptford, the Alexander (252l/2 tons) in the Royal Dockyard and the Isabella (385 tons), Dorothea (382 tons), and Trent (249x/2 tons) in merchant yards; and they were commissioned on 15 January 1818. Elaborate measures were taken to strengthen the ships and to equip them for possibly wintering in the ice. A number of scientific instruments were supplied, including seven chronometers and twelve compasses of various types. It is appropriate at this point to mention the two problems with which navigators of the time were faced: determination of longitude and the accuracy of the compass. The determination of the latitude of a ship at sea is easy; the determination of longitude depends on the possession of an accurate time keeper. The solution had been found with the production of John Harrison's fourth marine chronometer in 1764, but the problems still remained of producing enough chronometers of the required standard of accuracy and of maintaining that accuracy under all conditions of service. Longitude could also be found by certain observations of the moon (commonly known as "lunars"), but these observations and subsequent computation were laborious. Until early in the nineteenth century, seamen gave astonishingly little consideration to that most vital instrument of their trade, the compass. Compasses were of poor design, badly made, and carelessly maintained. It had long been known that a magnetic needle did not point to the true North Pole of the globe and that the variation between true north and magnetic north changed progressively over the years. Between 1698 and 1700, Edmond Halley (later astronomer royal) made two voyages in HMS Paramour for the study of magnetic

35 Voyage to Baffin's Bay

variation in the Atlantic and Indian oceans and produced the first magnetic chart showing lines of equal variation. For the next hundred years, records were kept by masters of ships, but they proved so contradictory as to be valueless, and seamen in general accepted with resignation that their compasses were inaccurate and unreliable instruments. It was a long time before a few seamen began to understand that the principal reason for the errors was not the poor quality of the compass itself (which was gradually being improved) but the increasing use of iron in ship construction, which acted on the compass, causing an error that was initially known as local attraction and is now known as deviation. (The first user of this term was John Ross, who in his report on variation to the Royal Society, referred to "the Deviation of the Variation.") William Wales, Captain Cook's astronomer, wrote after the second voyage in the Resolution that "through out the whole voyage I had great reasons to believe that variations observed with the ship's head in different positions, and even in different parts of her, will differ very materially from one another; and much more will variation observed on board different ships." But strangely neither Cook nor he himself seems to have suspected that iron in the ship was the cause of these differences. The first man to attempt a full explanation of deviation was Matthew Flinders during his voyage to Australia in command of HMS Investigator in 1801. On the way home in December 1803, he was captured by the French and interned in Mauritius for six years. Late in 1804, he was able to send to Sir Joseph Banks a paper on the subject of deviation, which aroused considerable interest when read at the Royal Society but made no impact on the Admiralty. Flinders returned to England in January 1810, but it would be another two years before he was able to persuade the Admiralty to conduct trials in six different classes of warship to confirm his findings. Following the trials, he wrote a remarkable report, not only correctly defining the causes of deviation of the compass, but even proposing a method by which the errors might be eliminated by use of a "counter-attractor"; this was the Flinders Bar, which would not be introduced for another fifty years but is used to this day. Flinders's report was not, as one might have expected it to be, printed and widely circulated, but the Admiralty sent to the fleet in August 1812 a single-page statement of Flinder's theory, followed later by three pages of "general deductions," and it asked for observations. Apparently only two ships out of the 613 in commission made any reply, and two years later Flinders died at the early age of forty. William Scoresby junior, in the whaler Esk in 1817, recorded the very large deviations that occurred in the

36 Polar Pioneers

Arctic regions and remarked on the diminution there of the earth's directive force on the compass needle, but his observations were not published until shortly after the return of Ross's expedition. A freely suspended magnetic needle will point at the nearest magnetic pole, taking up an increasing angle of dip below the horizontal as the pole is approached and finally pointing vertically downwards at the pole. In the primarily wooden ships of this era, the local attraction causing errors in the compass was due to magnetism induced in the "soft iron" fittings and stores by the earth's magnetic field. If a ship alters course, the iron moves relative to the earth's magnetic field and the magnetism induced in it changes, and it also moves relative to the compass needle. Both effects will therefore cause an alteration in deviation whenever the ship alters course. The directive force on a compass needle, constrained to move only in a horizontal plane by being mounted on a vertical pivot, diminishes progressively as the magnetic pole is approached until it is nil at the pole itself. At the same time, magnetism induced in vertical soft iron increases until it is maximum at the pole, and since most of the iron in these ships was vertical (rudder posts, for example), the result was to increase the local attraction of the ship's iron just at the time when the directive force on the compass was at its weakest, so causing very large deviations. It will thus be appreciated that deviation changes with a change of latitude as well as with alteration of the ship's course. These were the conditions in which the Arctic explorers sailed - their compasses of poor design and construction and the errors imperfectly understood. A further series of experiments conducted during several of the polar voyages was entirely unnautical in its object. It had been discovered accidentally that a pendulum removed from Paris to a position near the equator increased its time of vibration, indicating that the force of gravity is less at the equator than farther north. If enough experiments could be conducted all over the globe, they would form a basis for calculating the shape of the earth. The observations were simple in theory but difficult in practice owing to the extreme accuracy required and the necessity for a firm base ashore. The polar expeditions were, however, able to set up such experiments in desirably remote places far distant from the equator. John Ross's official instructions were to pass through Davis Strait and seek a current flowing from the north or northwest.1 If the current was found, he was to follow it, proceeding well to the north before turning westward. Having rounded the northeastern point of the North American continent, he was to steer straight for Bering Strait, enter the Pacific, hand over a copy of his journals to the Russian gov-

37 Voyage to Baffin's Bay

ernor of Kamchatka for dispatch to London, and proceed to Hawaii for replenishment and recreation - an enticing prospect! He was then to use his own judgment whether to return home through the Arctic or via Cape Horn. If David Buchan also reached the Pacific, he was to place himself under Ross's command. Ross was given a number of options in the event of this plan proving to be impracticable in one season. If the ships could not reach Bering Strait but had progressed too far to allow him to return through Davis Strait and they had to winter, he was to do so as near the North American mainland as possible and attempt to make contact with a post of the Hudson's Bay Company. If it proved impossible to round the northeastern point of North America, he was to proceed northwards along the west coast of Greenland and try to discover whether it was part of the North American continent or an island. Finally, unless accidentally caught in the ice, he was not to winter on either the eastern coast of North America or the western coast of Greenland, but was to leave Davis Strait by i October at the latest. Although the prime object of the expedition was "the discovery of a passage from Davis' Strait along the northern coast of America, and through Behring's [Bering] Strait, into the Pacific; it is hoped, at the same time, that it may likewise be the means of improving the geography and hydrography of the Arctic Regions, of which so little is hitherto known, and contribute to the advancement of science and natural knowledge" (9). The general tone of the instructions indicates a belief in the open Polar Sea: From the best information we have been able to obtain, it would appear that a current of some force runs from the northward towards the upper part of Davis' Strait, during the summer season, and, perhaps, for some part of the winter also ... This current, if it be considerable, can scarcely be altogether supplied by streams from the land, or the melting of the ice; there would, therefore, seem reason to suppose, that it may be derived from an open sea; in which case Baffin's Bay cannot be bounded by land, as our charts generally represent it, but must communicate with the Arctic Ocean. In passing up the Strait, if such a current should be discovered, it will be of the greatest importance to you, in pointing out that part of the Strait which is likely to be least encumbered by ice, as well as leading you direct to the opening by which it may be supposed to pass from the Arctic Sea into Davis' Strait. (3-4)

The instructions continue: If the reports of several intelligent masters of whaling vessels may be relied on, that part of the sea to the northward of Davis' Strait which is marked on

38 Polar Pioneers the charts as "Baffin's Bay" (that is to say, from the /ad degree of northern latitude, to the 77th, where Baffin is supposed to have seen the land,) is generally free from field ice, which, from its extent of surface, offers the greatest impediment to navigation. Should you find this actually to be the case, it may be advisable to stand well to the northward, before you edge away to the westward, in order to get a good offing, in rounding the north-east point of the continent of America; whose latitude has not been ascertained, but which, if a conjecture may be hazarded, from what is known of the northern coast of that continent, may perhaps be found in or about the /ad degree of latitude. (4-5)

The Admiralty was evidently sceptical about the existence of Baffin Bay and had no suspicion of the vast archipelago north of the Canadian mainland; it was implied that if once the ships could find the northeast point of the continent, they would then have plain sailing westward to Bering Strait. Charts, in the sense understood by present-day seamen, did not exist. Ross appears to have had two, which were no more than small maps showing the general run of the coastline, reasonably accurate for latitude but doubtful with regard to longitude. One of these was "Coast of Labrador and Greenland including the North West Passage of Hudson, Frobisher and Davis by A. Arrowsmith. Published 1809, and later edition 1817." This was one of the four sheets of Arrowsmith's "Chart of the Northern Ocean from Lat.5i°N to Greenland," approved by an Admiralty chart committee in 1807. Its northern limit was 64°30' N. The other was "a New Chart of Davis's Streights including James Island, Waygat Island and the Island Disko. Published 1800 by D. & E. Steel." The limits of this chart were 67° N to 73° N and 44°2o' W to 55°3o' W.2 Whalers operating in Davis Strait were accustomed to encountering three types of ice: icebergs, calved from the glaciers of Greenland, which drifted westward and then southward down the coasts of Baffin Island and Labrador; pack ice, consisting of floes of sea ice of all shapes and sizes, which covered virtually the whole of Davis Strait (and Baffin Bay) in winter; and the fast ice, or "land floe," consisting of sea ice firmly attached to the shore and filling all the bays. The whaling fleet normally left home in early or mid March and fished off the Labrador coast. By late April or early May, the pack ice had started to break up and the seaward edge of the land ice to disintegrate, and the ships were able to sail through more open water between the west coast of Greenland and the "middle ice" of Davis Strait. As the ice to the northward opened, the whales moved north from Labrador and the whaling fleet did likewise. The ships often

39 Voyage to Baffin's Bay

reached Disko Island (70° N) early in May but could not pass farther north for another month. They then fished Jacob's Bight (71° N) but did not often sail farther north than this. By mid-August the whaling grounds were usually free of ice. If the whalers had not got a full catch by July, they usually crossed the strait to the vicinity of Cumberland Sound and were back in England by late August or September. Safe navigation of such seas depended on the skill of the whaling master, derived from practical knowledge passed down from one generation to another and his own experience. The chief dangers to ships were either from being struck by the ice during storms or being "nipped" between two floes and either crushed or lifted bodily. In a floe that was breaking up, ships tried to get under the lee of an iceberg or large floe. When the "middle ice" was closing on the land ice, docks were often cut, which usually held two ships abreast; these docks sometimes extended four hundred feet into the pack ice. When progress under sail was not possible, the ships were moved by "warping" (a hawser was attached to the ice ahead of the ship and hauled in by the capstan), "towing" by ship's boats, or "tracking" (being hauled ahead by the ship's company by means of a hawser attached to the foremast, similar to towing a canal barge). No whaler had ever wintered in the ice. There were no training manuals, and the first book to provide a thorough study of the natural history of the Arctic, and particularly of the ice, was not published until 1820. This was William Scoresby junior's classic An Account of the Arctic Regions, in two volumes, the second being a brilliant History and Description of the Northern WhaleFishery. (Scoresby never himself took part in the Davis Strait fishery.) Officers of the Royal Navy had no such experience, and it is worth quoting what Scoresby had to say about these pioneer voyages of exploration: Want of experience in the navigation of icy seas, is the only objection to Officers of the Royal Navy having the direction of expeditions intended for discovery in the arctic regions. No one has a higher opinion of the nautical skill and bravery of our naval commanders than I have,... yet I cannot yield the palm to them for that description of talent requisite for performing to the best advantage the navigation among ice. No officer, I believe, would expect to equal the river pilots, or the masters of the Gravesend boats, in working their little vessels up or down the Thames; for no judgment, however profound - no talent, however acute, could supersede the necessity of practice for performing this navigation with the beauty and correctness with which it is accomplished by these practical pilots and boatmen.3

40 Polar Pioneers

Ross had no say in the choice of his officers except for the purser and the youngest officer on board: his eighteen-year-old nephew, Midshipman James Clark Ross. After joining the Briseis in 1812, James had remained under the tutelage of his uncle in each subsequent appointment. In addition to the naval officers, each ship carried an experienced master and mate from the Greenland whalers. There were also two supernumeraries on board the Isabella. One, Captain Edward Sabine of the Royal Artillery, was appointed on the recommendation of the Royal Society "as a gentleman well skilled in astronomy, natural history and various branches of knowledge, to assist you in making such observations as may tend to the improvement of geography and navigation, and the advancement of science in general"(io). The other was John Sacheuse, an Inuk who had stowed away in a whaler in 1816, been brought to Leith, sailed to Greenland in the same ship in 1817, and again returned to Leith. He was an intelligent man who had been converted to Christianity by the missionaries and hoped, when he had learnt more, to return to his native land to communicate with and preach the gospel to a race of men who were supposed to live in the far north. He was to prove a most useful and popular member of the ship's company. In later years, Ross said that he would have been very willing to have had Scoresby with him. The Isabella and the Alexander left the Thames at the end of April 1818, were joined by the Dorothea and the Trent at Lerwick, and sailed from there on their separate ways on 3 May. During the short stay in Shetland, the officers were hospitably received by William Mouat of Gardie House, Bressay, an old friend of John Ross, who provided facilities for Parry and Sabine to start magnetic observations. During the passage to Davis Strait, careful checks were made on the chronometers of both ships and some attempt made to estimate the deviation of the compasses on various ship's headings. It became apparent that the Alexander was an indifferent sailer and would often be left astern of the Isabella. On 10 June the ships fell in with several whalers, and a week later they were at the north end of Vaigat, the strait between Disko Island and the Greenland coast, with forty-five whalers detained by the ice - "at least seven hundred icebergs in sight" (48). Observations from a site set up ashore on a small island at the northern entrance of the strait showed its position to be 5° of longitude and 30 miles of latitude from that laid down on their charts. Advice from the whalers' masters was that their only chance of progressing northward was to keep close to the land and that the first easterly wind would destroy the ice. On 2 July the ice began to move, and the ships were able to proceed slowly northwards, sometimes sailing, sometimes propelled by warp-

41 Voyage to Baffin's Bay

ing, towing, or tracking. The whalers gradually fell behind and by the end of the month, having completed their catch for the season, were making for home. Despatches and letters were put on board the whalers, amongst them one from Parry to his parents, which contains some interesting predictions: There is one great reason for thinking that we shall do wonders in the next two months; all the masters of the Greenland ships allow that at this very time, when their business is finished in these parts, the most favourable opportunities of getting on to the northward occur, and they all look upon it as a business of little or no difficulty. At this season the ice is very rapidly dissolving ... There is no doubt of our getting much farther than any Europeans ever have been before, and the general opinion among us is that we shall winter very comfortably, somewhere on the coast of North America, i.e. if Baffin's Bay be a bay, on the west coast of it. On examining Baffin's own account very narrowly, however, we incline to the opinion that, however he might have intended to imply that he saw the land all round the north side of the bay, he has never said so.4

Parry also wrote a letter to Barrow (not, as naval custom demands, through his senior officer). "The Variation has increased to 89°!! - the Dip is 84°25'. I suppose therefore that the data we send you officially will be sufficient for finding the bearings and distance of the Magnetic Pole at once. The bearings must be now nearly due West."5 During the time that the ships were held up in the ice, Ross had constructed on board an instrument of his own design for bringing up substances from the sea bottom, which he called the "Deep Sea Clamm." This proved to be a very useful instrument, though Sabine did not think much of his captain's early experiments. "He is very kind and I am really half ashamed of myself for laughing at his assiduity in collecting mud, and packing it in pickle jars and glass tubes hermetically sealed; and in conceiving that he is doing Sir Joseph Banks great service in supplying him with it."6 On 24 July the ships reached a spacious bay, the coast of which had not been seen up to now, and Ross named it Melville's Bay (Melville Bugt) in honour of the first lord of the Admiralty. Ice conditions were difficult, but the ships proceeded slowly northwestwards, often by laborious methods of manhauling rather than under their own sails. On 7 August, after Isabella had narrowly escaped being crushed by ice, she was swept into violent collision with the Alexander, but fortunately neither ship was seriously damaged. Two days later, several men were seen on the ice; at first taken to be shipwrecked sailors, they

42 Polar Pioneers

turned out to be natives. This was a most surprising discovery; the existence of any human beings so far north was unknown and unsuspected, though the southern Greenland Inuit had a tradition of more northern origins. The natives for their part had no idea of the existence of any other people than their own tribe. Sacheuse at first found them unintelligible but was eventually able to communicate in a dialect (Humooke) which he knew and which bore sufficient resemblance to their language to make question and answer possible. The natives were at first very alarmed; they thought the ships were great birds and their sails flapping wings, and asked whether they came from the sun or the moon. They begged not to be killed. However, the patient diplomacy of Sacheuse gradually calmed their fears, and over a period of five days, good relations were established and several of the men went on board the ships. There John Ross questioned them on the nature of their country and their mode of living, and portraits of them were drawn. They lived beneath elevated lands that Ross designated the Arctic Highlands (a name that has not been adopted by modern geographers). He called the Inuit the "Arctic Highlanders" and set down all he had learned about them in his narrative. Their descendants were later to play vital roles in exploration directed at the North Pole. The bay in which contact had been made with the "Polar Eskimos" (as they came to be known) was named Prince Regent's Bay, and Ross strongly recommended that the whalers should extend their fisheries into this and Melville Bugt, where whales were large and numerous. An interesting discovery was that these Inuit had implements made of iron, which, they said, came from a mountain about twentyfive miles from Ross's ships. A sample taken home proved to be of meteoric origin. Nearly eighty years later, the American explorer Robert Peary found the "mountain," which was in fact three meteorites, the largest of which weighed nearly forty tons. He took them back to the United States, justifying this theft of legendary relics on the grounds that the Inuit could now get iron from traders, and the meteorites were later sold to the American Museum of Natural History. Soon after leaving the Arctic Highlanders, the sailors had another surprise. The snow on the cliffs past which they were sailing was stained a deep crimson colour. A boat was sent to bring off specimens; the officers could not decide positively the cause of the staining, though they believed it to have been of vegetable origin as, in fact, it proved to be. During the next few days, Cape Dudley Digges, Wolstenholme Sound (Fjord), Whale Sound (Hvalsund), and Carey Islands - all de-

43 Voyage to Baffin's Bay

scribed by Baffin - were identified, and the ships were now in the great bay from which Baffin saw "Sir Thomas Smith's Sound, which runneth to the north of 78°" but did not approach close to it. Ross's opinions, as the ships crossed this bay sailing westwards, are recorded in his narrative for 19-21 August. I had hopes of being able to examine the great bay, which appeared to the north, and through which passage might possibly be found. For this purpose we bore up under all sail, but had not proceeded above ten miles, when a very thick fog came on, accompanied with a considerable swell. We ran to the northward through much loose ice, about six miles, when the wind increased and obliged us to close reef the topsails; and it being imprudent to run under such circumstances, I hauled to the westward. At ten it cleared up and moderated a little ... I bore up again to make out the situation of the land ... It continued clear until nearly one in the morning, and the sun passing in azimuth below the pole, along the tops of the mountains, gave us an excellent view of the bottom of this bay. Smith's Sound, discovered by Baffin, was distinctly seen, and the capes forming each side of it were named after the two ships, Isabella and Alexander; I considered the bottom of this Sound to be about eighteen leagues [fifty-four miles] distant, but its entrance was completely blocked up by ice; a thick fog soon came on, and we hauled again to the westward. Whatever my own notions respecting the real nature of the space passed over in the foregoing run, from Cape Saumarez to Cape Clarence, might have been, and whatever my own expectations were, as to the probability of an opening in this direction ... [it is] necessary to recapitulate the circumstances which disprove its existence in this place, which forms the northernmost extremity of Baffin's Bay. On the igth of August,... the ship being ... ten leagues to the westward of Cape Saumarez, which forms the east side and the bottom of this bay, the land was distinctly seen. On the 2oth and 2ist, when off Cape Clarence, at the distance of six leagues, the land which forms the west side, and the bottom of this bay, was also distinctly seen,... and by these two observations the coast is determined to be connected all round. At each of these periods this immense bay was observed to be covered with field-ice; besides which a vast field of large icebergs was seen to extend across it; these were apparently aground ... From these several considerations it appears perfectly certain that the land is here continuous, and that there is no opening at the northernmost part of Baffin's Bay from Hackluit's Island to Cape Clarence. Even if it be imagined, by those who are unwilling to concede their opinions while there is yet a single yarn of their hypothesis holding, that some narrow Strait may exist through these mountains, it is evident, that it must be for ever unnavigable, and that there is not even a chance of ascertaining its existence, since all ap-

44 Polar Pioneers Map 2 Baffin Bay according to John Ross (1818) The coasts of Davis Strait as shown on charts supplied to Ross are shown outlined.

proach to the bottoms of these bays is prevented by the ice which fills them to so great a depth, and appears never to have moved from its station. (148-53) Not all the officers, particularly in the Alexander, were so certain. Parry, in his journal, does not take issue with his senior officer, but Hooper, the purser, records opinions others probably shared: The fog did not disperse till 4 p.m. when the Western land presented itself to us, assuming a totally different character from that seen to the Eastward, being extremely rugged and terminating in sharp conical points. This change of feature in the land was rather favourable to our hopes of a passage[?l, although we could trace the lands within about two points [2.2^/2 degrees] of each other. We were most anxious to be examining it a little closer, for at twenty leagues distant, which we now estimated ourselves to be, it was quite

45 Voyage to Baffin's Bay impossible to say what openings there might not be. At 10.30 p.m. we were enabled to unite the two lands within one point of each other, and this opening we concluded to be Sir Thomas Smith's Sound, which Baffin describes as "the largest and deepest in all this bay," and therefore we were not likely at twenty leagues from its entrance to see the land at the head of it... A short time before midnight, Mr. Parry returned on board from the Isabella when we learnt that Captain Ross had given up the intention of proceeding further Northward having satisfied himself of the existence of land quite round the head of the Bay: this decision caused us some regret, as our very great distance from Sir Thomas Smith's Sound rendered it impossible to speak so decidedly about the land as is desirable in a question of such importance; and although the appearance of what we saw was strongly indicative of a continuity of land, yet we could not but feel that, in turning to the Southward, we might be leaving the North West Passage behind us.7 Thirty-four years later, Lieutenant Edward Inglefield, in a steam vessel, penetrated into Smith Sound some eighty miles further north than Ross and saw ahead the waters that connect with the Arctic Ocean and make Greenland an island. This is not to say that Ross could have done the same with more perseverance; it is most unlikely that he could have got very much farther north than he did, but he had an unfortunate knack of stating his opinion in uncompromising terms on matters on which he was later proved to be wrong. Sailing (or often towing or warping) southwards, the ships met difficult ice conditions, with some very large bergs, and also fog, and they passed across the entrance to what they assumed was Baffin's Alderman Jones Sound without being able to enter it. On 29 August, however, the weather and sea conditions changed dramatically: ... at four, we got to a considerable distance from the edge of the ice, when the temperature of the water on the surface was found to be 36°... The land to the southward was seen ... and we saw it from south to north-west: the mountains near Cape Charlotte bore west... Between Cape Charlotte and the land, which bore south, a wide opening appeared; but the wind shifting to the west, I could not stand into this opening to explore it and, therefore, stood to the southward; but, at ten p.m., the wind changed to south, and I tacked, and stood in under all sail. The swell continued from the S.S.E., and, at midnight, the weather was very thick and foggy. (168) They steered to gain the middle of the opening. About ten [on 30 August] we saw the land, which forms the northern side of the opening, extending from west to north, in a chain of high mountains covered with snow. Soon afterwards the south side of this opening was

46 Polar Pioneers discovered, extending from s.w. to S.E., forming also a chain of very high mountains. In the space, between west and south-west, there appeared a yellow sky, but no land was seen, nor was there any ice on the water, except a few icebergs; the opening, therefore, took the appearance of a channel, the entrance of which was judged to be forty-five miles; the land on the north side lying in a E.N.E. and w.s.w. direction, and the south side nearly east and west. (169)

In the evening, "the wind died away, the weather became mild and warm, the water much smoother, and the atmosphere clear and serene." Ross, in his published narrative, records, "During this day much interest was excited on board by the appearance of this Strait" - no wonder; but he goes on, "the general opinion, however, was that it was only an inlet. Captain Sabine, who produced Baffin's account, was of opinion, that we were off Lancaster Sound, and that there were no hopes of a passage until we should arrive at Cumberland Strait" (171). This was written after he had returned to England and doubts had been cast on his judgment. What he wrote at the time was, "Land could not be discerned between the West and s.w. which appeared to be occupied by a fog bank, and as it appeared probable a passage might be found in that direction all sail was carried and we continued beating up this Bay or Strait which, as the land to the Southward had taken decidedly an Easterly direction, seemed to be the best chance left ... During the night the mountains on each side being free from clouds had a beautiful appearance, but those in the bottom of the bay continued covered with fog."8 Although writing that it appeared "probable a passage might be found," Ross seems to have already decided that he was in a bay and that there were mountains at the western end of it even though it was "covered with fog." In the evening, "The mast-head and crow's nest was crowded with those who were most anxious, but nothing was finally decided at the setting of the sun." (172) Parry's journal (written on the day) reads very differently. [29 August] This looks very much like an inlet.... May this be the channel we are in search of! And why should it not, for Baffin does not say that he came near this coast - on the contrary, he directly states it to have been inaccessible for ice, which obliged him to run off to the Eastward. This inlet is most probably Sir Jas. Lancaster's Sound, as the latitude is likely to agree with that which he gives for it (74°2o'); but I think there is something in his account which gives cause to suspect that he did not see the bottom of it; that is, whether it was really a sound or a streight.

47 Voyage to Baffin's Bay [30 August] The inlet we saw last night answers the description of Sir Jas. Lancaster's Sound very well as far as tolerably accurate latitude goes, but we have not yet seen the bottom of it... The swell comes from the N.W. (comp.) and continues just as it does in the ocean. It is impossible to remark this circumstance without feeling a hope that it may be caused by this inlet being a passage into a sea to the westward of it... Here Baffin's "hope of a passage began to be less every day more than another": here, on the contrary, mine begins to be strong and I only regret that we could not have been here by the ist of July.9

Ross in his account continues: Soon after midnight the wind began to shift, enabling us to stand directly up the bay: I, therefore, made all sail, and left the Alexander considerably astern [and so she remained all day.] The weather was now variable, being cloudy and clear at intervals. Mr. Beverley [the assistant surgeon], who was the most sanguine, went up to the crow's nest; and at twelve [noon], reported to me that, before it became thick, he had seen the land across the bay, except for a very short space... Although all hopes were given up even by the most sanguine, that a passage existed, and the weather continued thick, I determined to stand higher up, and put into any harbour I might discover, for the purpose of making magnetical observations. Here I felt the want of a consort, which I could employ to explore a coast, or discover a harbour; but the Alexander sailed so badly, and was so leewardly, that she could not safely be employed on such service. (173)

In the afternoon, Ross made his decision. At half past two (when I went off deck to dinner) there were some hopes of its clearing, and I left orders to be called on the appearance of land or ice ahead. At three, the officer of the watch, who was relieved to his dinner by Mr. Lewis [the Greenland master], reported, on his coming into the cabin, that there was some appearance of its clearing at the bottom of the bay; I immediately, therefore, went on deck, and soon after it completely cleared for about ten minutes, and I distinctly saw the land, round the bottom of the bay, forming a connected chain of mountains with those which extended along the north and south sides. This land appeared to be at the distance of eight leagues; and Mr. Lewis, the master, and James Hogg, leading man, being sent for, they took its bearings, which were inserted in the log; the water on the surface was at temperature of 34°. At this moment I also saw a continuity of ice, at the distance of seven miles, extending from one side of the bay to the other, between the nearest cape to the north ... and that to the south ... The mountains, which occupied the centre, in a north and south direction, were

48 Polar Pioneers named Croker's Mountains, after the Secretary of the Admiralty. The southwest corner, which formed a spacious bay, completely occupied by ice, was named Barrow's Bay ... The north corner, which was the last I had made out, was a deep inlet; and as it answered exactly to the latitude given by Baffin of Lancaster Sound, I have no doubt that it was the same, and consider it a most remarkable instance of the accuracy of that able navigator. At a quarter past three, the weather again became thick and unsettled; and being now perfectly satisfied that there was no passage in this direction, nor any harbour into which I could enter, for the purpose of making magnetical observations, I tacked to join the Alexander, which was at the distance of eight miles; and having joined her a little after four, we stood to the south-eastward, but the swell was so great, and the wind so baffling, that the ship's head could not be kept against the sea; this swell was probably increased from our proximity to the margin of the ice, and it would have been imprudent to have stood nearer to it under such circumstances. About six it fell nearly calm for a short time ... no current was found, and neither the officers, nor myself, considered the great depth of water any indication of a passage ... We remained, however, in this position until near dark, and the weather appearing more unsettled, it became advisable to stand out of this dangerous inlet, in which we were embayed, being within it above eighty miles. (174-6)

So they steered southeastwards towards the cape on the southern side of the inlet, which Ross had named Cape Byam Martin. Parry makes no comment in his journal for 31 August about the retreat from Lancaster Sound, but Hooper speaks for the officers of the Alexander. Having described their feelings of optimism on the morning of that day and regretting "the miserable dull sailing of the Alexander," which kept her so far astern of her consort, he goes on: At this time [3 p.m.] we were thrown into consternation by observing the Isabella tack, she bearing from us WNW about three miles. The Isabella hove to and in forty minutes we joined her, tacked, and hove to also. The weather was so thick we could see very little of the land, and very heavy rain the whole afternoon. Why we were lying to, we were utterly at a loss to conceive, a heavy swell continued and we could obtain no soundings with 220 fathoms of line. At 6.40 p.m., the Isabella bore up to the Eastward and we, of course, set studding sails and followed her, a fresh breeze having sprung up from the Westward, and we running quite before it. Thus vanished our golden dreams, our brilliant hopes, our high expectations! and without the satisfaction of proving these dreams to be visionary, these hopes to be fallacies, these expectations to be delusive! To describe our mortification and disappointment would be impossible at thus having our increasing hopes annihilated in a moment, without the shadow of a reason appearing. Nor were our bitter regrets the less

49 Voyage to Baffin's Bay when on the following day we were told that Captain Ross had seen the land all round and named it "Croker's Mountains" after the Secretary to the Admiralty.10

On i September, the ships were able to enter a small bay near Cape Byam Martin, and parties were sent ashore "to take possession of the country, in the name and on behalf of His Britanic Majesty" and to collect natural history specimens. Parry, having been first summoned on board Isabella, went ashore to take charge of the party and to obtain, if possible, observations for ascertaining the variation of the compass. Neither Ross's nor Parry's journal reveals what was said about the events of the previous day, nor does Sabine's. While the parties were ashore, Ross "was employed on board, in sounding and trying the current, and the temperature of the water," with results that will be referred to later. At this point in his published narrative, Ross gives his explanation of why he left Lancaster Sound (182-4). He says that his instructions were to pay particular attention to currents and to look for the northeast point of America in about 72° N latitude. Since no current existed in the inlet he had just explored or to the northward of it, he supposed that he was still to the northward of the current "which had been so confidently asserted to exist." If a "current of some force" did exist, as from the "best authorities" he had reason to believe was the fact, it must be to the southward of this latitude. He also argued that his instructions directed him to leave the ice at the latest on i October, and since the nights were now long and not more than two clear days could be expected in any seven, he had in effect only eight days to explore the remaining four hundred miles or so of the coast of Baffin Bay, of which nearly two hundred miles had never been examined, including "the supposed place of the discontinuity of the continent, and that to which my attention had been particularly called, and where the imaginary current, which was to be my guide, was to be expected." Although he had persevered in Lancaster Sound "until I actually saw the barrier of high mountains and the continuity of ice, which put the question at rest," he considered that to explore the remaining coast "was a much more essential part of my duty than making magnetical observations, which was the only inducement still remaining to linger in that dangerous bay." Though Ross himself was convinced that his "Croker's Mountains" joined the ranges on the north and south sides of Lancaster Sound and closed the "bay," he was very unwise not to seek the confirmation of his officers. Only Master Lewis and a leading seaman are recorded as having seen the land, and they would have been very

50 Polar Pioneers

unlikely to have contradicted their captain's opinion in the conditions of visibility that prevailed. Fog, ice, and cloud can produce very deceptive effects, and Ross was well aware of the illusory tricks that can be played by refraction (though the weather conditions on this particular day were not such as to favour the production of mirages). His explanation in his published narrative reads: My opinions were mentioned to several of the officers, after I had determined to proceed to the southward; and also to Captain Sabine, who repeated, on every occasion that there was no indication of a passage. Lieutenant Parry's ship, the Alexander, being nearly hull down astern at the time I drew the land, and the ice at the bottom of the bay, it was scarcely possible it could be seen from that ship; for, at the moment, she was very indistinctly seen from the Isabella. I, therefore, did not think it worth while detaining the ships for Lieutenant Parry's Report; but it afterwards appeared that the officer of the watch of the Alexander had seen the land at the bottom of the bay. (184)

Ross's description of Lancaster Sound as "this dangerous inlet" is difficult to understand; a sailing ship must be ever alert to the danger of being caught on a lee shore, but neither wind nor swell conditions would seem to have been such as to cause much anxiety on 31 August. Passage southwards out of Baffin Bay and through Davis Strait was relatively uneventful. The ships were for most of the time within sight of the western coast, capes and other features were named (many from Ross's native Galloway), and the Cumberland "land" and Cape Walsingham of Davis were identified in the latitude he had placed them, but well to the east in longitude. Two tacks across the strait were made, one in about 71° N and the other in 67° N, in order to determine whether there was any land between the west and east sides of Davis Strait. On the second occasion, the east coast was sighted and the existence of James's Island, which was shown on the charts, was disproved. On i October the ships were off what was believed to be Cumberland Sound, but this was the day when Ross's instructions told him to leave the area, and course was set for home. The ships became separated in a gale, but arrived at Shetland on 30 October within a few hours of each other. Ross sent a short report of proceedings to the Admiralty immediately. In this letter he commended Parry, Sabine, and Robertson, his first lieutenant, and reported that he had "succeeded in exploring every part of the Arctic Regions enumerated in the orders I had to execute, and after fully ascertaining that no passage exists from the Atlantic to the Pacific Oceans through Davis' Strait and Baffin's Bay

5i Voyage to Baffin's Bay

which were found to be bounded by land extending to the North as far as Latitude 77°55' and Longitude 70° West, and to the West as far as the 84th degree, in latitude 74° N and generally surrounded by a chain of mountains."11 After the officers had enjoyed the hospitality of William Mouat for a week and concluded scientific operations, the ships sailed south. Ross disembarked at Grimsby and set off for London, where on 16 November he reported to the Admiralty with his full account of proceedings and the logs and journals collected from the officers of both ships. Buchan and Franklin had arrived home in October with both ships severely damaged. Dorothea was lucky not to have foundered in a gale at the edge of the pack ice between Greenland and Spitsbergen. The expedition was a total failure, having reached only 8o°i5' N.

CHAPTER FIVE

John Ross versus John Barrow, 1819

It was not long before differences of opinion over Lancaster Sound were voiced. In letters to his parents from Shetland, Parry wrote, "On the subject of our expedition I shall not say anything now, for reasons which, by and bye, will be obvious." And, "That we have not sailed through the North-West Passage, our return in so short a period is, of course, a sufficient indication; but I know it is in existence, and not very hard to find. This opinion of mine, which is not lightly formed, must on no account be uttered out of our family; and I am sure it will not, when I assure you that every future prospect of mine depends upon its being kept secret."1 Sabine wrote to his brother from Hull: "I cannot enter upon the events of our voyage. I am afraid that those who are not satisfied themselves, are not very likely to satisfy the public ... I do not see this thing passing over without a very complete inquiry, and certain dissatisfaction ... Happily it is regarding the Primary object, the discovery of the N.W. Passage, in which I am no way officially concerned and can therefore steer clear of being involved in the trouble, if I hold my tongue."2 Ross's version of what occurred in the months following the return of the expedition is contained in his "Memoirs," the 1818-19 section of which was written in 1847 and must be regarded with some reservation. He writes that on 19 November, Sabine came to town and joined with Barrow and others over Lancaster Sound, and as Parry became engaged to Sabine's niece, "a formidable conspiracy was soon formed." Ross met all the important senior officers at the Admiralty, also Sir Joseph Banks and men of like standing, to whom he stated his opinion, but there was no inquiry even of a semi-formal nature at this time. Ross was requested to publish his narrative, which he at first objected to doing. Barrow, however, offered his assistance and went with him to the publisher John Murray, "when we made the usual ar-

53 John Ross versus John Barrow

rangement, he to pay all the expense and me to share half the profit." On 24 November, Ross dined with Lord Melville, and this was the occasion which, he says, caused the rupture in relations between him and Barrow. Even though it must be regarded with some scepticism, the story is worth recording. After dinner Barrow, as usual, began to repeat his story of having been at Greenland in a whaler when he was a boy. A significant nod from me and a negative shake of the head attracted the notice of Lady Melville, who quickly said "Mr. Barrow, what was the name of the ship you went to Greenland in?" "I -1 do not remember the name just now." "What was the Captain's name?" says her Ladyship. Barrow had also no Captain's name ready and replied "I - I don't remember just now but it was out of Whitehaven," "Whitehaven," says I "that is a small dry harbour. No whaler ever sailed out of that." Barrow being now completely caught out in a Bouncer, coloured up to the eyes, while the whole company burst out in laughter but from that moment Barrow was my bitter enemy.3

(In his autobiography, Barrow says that the ship was the Peggy and that the captain, named Potts, was part owner. He writes that they returned to Liverpool, but does not say from which port they had sailed.4 Records show that the Peggy was a Mersey-registered ship and also that a few whalers did operate from Whitehaven. There is no doubt that Barrow went on this voyage; he may perhaps have tended to tell tall stories about it and thus have laid himself open to legpulling.) Ross also accused Barrow of trying to rewrite his narrative and claims that Barrow walked out of Murray's office saying, "I'll have nothing more to do with you," after Ross had told him that something he (Barrow) had written was not grammatical. It was at about this time (less than a month after the return of the ships) that it was decided another expedition should be sent. Ross states in his "Memoirs" that he declined "in consequence of the delicate condition of my wife." She was in Scotland, and their daughter and only surviving child had died on 16 November. A few pages further on, he writes that he declined because of his eyesight. In fact, since it was the intention to send the expedition to have another look at Lancaster Sound and Ross had been so categorical in his opinion that there was no way through it, it is most unlikely that he was ever offered the command. On 7 December, Ross was promoted to the rank of captain, seventh in seniority in a list of twelve. Although it might appear - and has usually been assumed - that his promotion was for his services in command of the expedition, this was not the case. Batch promotions

54 Polar Pioneers

are decided well before they are announced, and it was improbable that Ross's name would have been added to a list so soon after the return of the expedition, when no analysis had been made of the results. He was promoted on his general service record, as a letter from Lord Melville confirmed in 1834 (in circumstances to be related later). Ross had taken lodgings in Duke Street, Adelphi, and his wife and her brother came to London on Christmas Eve. They spent Christmas Day with Sir Byam and Lady Martin. Among the officers of the Isabella, it was evidently Sabine who spoke his opinions on Lancaster Sound, for in mid-December Ross had written to some of his officers asking for their recollections of what Sabine had said at the time. William Robertson, the first lieutenant, replied that he had frequently heard Sabine "express his opinion that no passage existed in Lancaster Sound or any other Sound in Baffin's Bay and that the whole attention of the voyage should be directed to Cumberland Straits."5 William Thorn, the purser, replied to the same effect adding, "It is a notorious fact that the officers, with few exceptions (if any) had given up all idea of a passage existing in Lancaster Sound, on the day previous to the one we stood further into the Bay, and so convinced were they to the contrary, that all interest in the voyage as far as regarded a passage in that direction had entirely subsided."6 Ross also forwarded to the Admiralty a letter from Midshipman Bisson of the Alexander "in answer to my request that he would detail the proceedings of that ship on the West Coast of Baffin's Bay."7 This was an extraordinary thing for the senior officer to do, and Croker minuted the letter, "send this to Lt. Parry to explain the circumstances stated." Bisson's letter expressed surprise that latterly Parry had preferred the advice of the purser to that of the officer of the watch (oow). He said that his bearings seldom differed much from those of Parry, and he would not presume to support his judgment against his captain's experience, but he thought there was "something inconceivable" in withdrawing confidence in the oows, "whose judgment he confided on the East Coast to place it on the Purser on the West Coast of Baffin's Bay." Parry replied that he himself always took bearings and that the "impertinent remarks" about the purser were quite unjustified as the latter had exerted himself in prosecuting every object of the expedition. Ross was told to call on Bisson for the information he had asked for, to which Bisson replied that he was oow on the afternoon of 31 August, and he then described what he saw; this account agreed to some extent with Ross's version, but Bisson then went on to write that "if my memory fails me then I can only assure Their Lordships that the above coasts inclined towards each other

55 John Ross versus John Barrow

which became still more evident as we stood in."8 This episode can have done nothing but harm to Ross. The disagreements among those closest to the expedition soon became public knowledge. The return of the expedition had been reported in the Times on 13 November; in line with its earlier views, the report concluded (rather prematurely as it turned out): "It is rather agreeable to us than otherwise to announce the final close of the attempts at discovery towards the North Pole ... Being convinced that Providence has formed the world such as it is best for us to inhabit, we cannot say that we are disappointed that there is no north-west passage to the Pacific. The regret would have been, if the fact had been still left in uncertainty, and it had yet been considered as necessary to hazard more lives in future voyages of discovery." A letter - anonymous, but clearly from an officer of the Alexander - appeared in the December issue of Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine.9 It was an accurate and soberly worded account of the voyage, expressing disappointment at the retreat from Lancaster Sound, which to everyone in the Alexander appeared so promising, but making no accusations. On the crucial issue, the writer says, You will probably expect from me some opinion as to the existence and practicability of a north-west passage; but I really feel myself utterly unable to give any well-founded opinion on the subject. I may, however, with safety assert, that our observations have not supplied us with any grounds whatsoever for stating, as I perceive have been positively stated in the newspapers, and apparently on demi-official authority, that there is no passage from Baffin's Bay into the Pacific. I am perfectly certain that no officer employed on the expedition ventured to hazard such an assertion, because no one is competent to make up his mind to such a decision. But, were I compelled to deliver my sentiments on this interesting question, I should say that the whole of this land, from Wolstenhelm's [sic] Sound round the head of Baffin's Bay, and down to the north coast of Labrador, is so intersected by numerous straits or inlets, that, as far as appearances go, the land on the western side of Davis' Strait and Baffin's Bay is formed into a great cluster or archipelago of islands, beyond which is the polar sea; but whether all, or any, of these straits are, or are not, navigable, is a question that yet remains to be decided.

He had guessed, correctly, the nature of the Canadian Arctic. At about the same time, a book was published entitled Journal of a Voyage of Discovery to the Arctic Regions, by an Officer of the Alexander. The author is known to have been Alexander Fisher, the assistant surgeon. It is clearly not by the same hand as the letter in Blackwood's, but it also is straightforward and free from polemics. The final sentence

56 Polar Pioneers

reads,"... whatever I have related as the result of my own observation is strictly true." Of Smith Sound he writes: ... it is not likely that we should have seen the bottom of it at such a distance, as we estimate that we are twenty leagues from the northern extreme of the west land visible ... I am perfectly satisfied myself that this is not the place to look for it, although I must confess that I did not see the continuity of the land all around the top of the bay, if it may be so termed" 66-7. Of Lancaster Sound he writes, "Ocular demonstration would certainly have been very satisfactory to us, on a point in which we were so much interested; but we must be content, as there cannot be any doubt but that all in the Isabella were fully convinced of the continuity of land at the bottom of this inlet" (73). The probability that a new expedition would be mounted had been raised within a few days of Ross's return, and a large number of officers and men had volunteered for the service. At the end of November, Parry, on Barrow's advice, saw Lord Melville. He wrote to his parents: "He conversed with me upon our expedition and, what was more interesting to me, upon what yet remained to be done." Parry then tells his parents of his opinion that Lancaster Sound is a broad passage into some sea to the westward and is at certain seasons navigable. "This truth has been fully communicated to Lord Melville by Mr. Barrow, who had, with his usual discernment, immediately discovered it, without any information from me upon the subject. Lord Melville discussed with me, pretty freely, on the probability of a passage there."10 It is true that Barrow could have gauged the feelings of some of the Alexander's officers from their journals, particularly that of Hooper, the purser, but it is very hard to believe that Parry had not had any discussion with Barrow on the subject. Since he was most assuredly Barrow's protege, Barrow would certainly have asked his opinion, even if Parry had not himself volunteered it. Parry was careful, however, not to state his opinion in public; it had not yet been proved that Ross was wrong. On 8 December Admiralty Board rough minutes record, "Hecla and Griper (or Hasty) to be brought forward for proceeding on discoveries in the Arctic sea (Immediate)." On 10 December, Parry requested employment if another expedition was decided upon.11 The intention to send another expedition was announced in the press on the nth. On 29 December, Ross asked the Admiralty "to accept my services on any voyages of Discovery which may be in contemplation, or any other employment in His Majesty's Service."12 This letter is marked in pencil, "Employ," though the notation does not specifically imply a voyage of discovery.

57 John Ross versus John Barrow Early in January, Parry wrote to his parents: "Who is to command them, we do not know yet, but it is plain that I shall have some finger in this new pie, which is all I care about. It was also very gratifying to find, on going to the Hydrographical Office, that they were making copies of my charts of Baffin's Bay in preference to any others."13 (We will return to the subject of charts later.) Parry was appointed to the command on 16 January and wrote of his selection in three letters to his parents in the following terms: There was a great discussion at the Admiralty before they would formally decide who would command the expedition. Mr. Barrow was for me, and Sir Geo. Cockburn was well inclined towards me. The latter, however, being determined to be governed by no feeling but the fitness of the person he should choose, was requested by Mr. B to take all the journals and to form a judgement by them. It was on this score that he told Lord Melville that I was the person he should recommend, and I was chosen accordingly.14 By 12 o'clock I had seen Mr. Barrow and Sir George Cockburn, who consulted me on the appointment of every officer of both ships and not one has (or rather, is to be) nominated but with my consent.15 Promotion must not be expected: as it seems Lord M. has set his face against it. But, when I look at the Hecla, and the chart of Lancaster's Sound, Oh! what is promotion to these!16 Some of Ross's contemporaries clearly did not like the way he was being treated or what was going on behind the scenes at the Admiralty. Captain Peter Heywood wrote to him on 25 January: I have been very desirous of asking if you have seen a most insidious and Jesuitical sort of letter in Blackwood's Magazine for last month said to have been written by one of the Alexanders though it seems not to require much penetration to discover it to be the production, more probably, of one who I fancy did not belong to her, and who has been but too successful in making that impression of doubt on the public mind as well as at Head Quarters which he and his friends no doubt foresaw to be the surest means of promoting his own views at the expense of your good name and fame... They have assigned the command of the next expedition to Lt. Parry who therefore we are warranted in presuming that the Admiralty consider as of all officers in the Service the best & fittest for the undertaking, unless the offer has been made to you, and declined. Of Lt. Parry's peculiar talent and qualifications for such a service, you must have had much experience... But I am somewhat curious about these matters and I shall therefore take the first convenient opportunity

58 Polar Pioneers I can of judging on that point for myself by having some personal communication with him before he sails, for the only way to get at men's characters, and to find what sort of stuff their brains are composed of, is to come in close contact and converse with them face to face - for hearsay and [?] is all stuff and nonsense.17

The whole argument against Ross was soon given the widest public notice through a review by Barrow of Ross's published narrative in the Quarterly Review for January 1819.l8 (There is a time discrepancy here since Ross's book was not published until March. There is also a footnote to the review which reads, "Since the foregoing Article was printed off, Captain Sabine's Remarks on Captain Ross's book have been published." This volume was not published until April, so it seems that Barrow had access to the proofs of both works before they went to press. That he did is quite understandable in view of his close connection with John Murray, but it gave him an unfair advantage, which he did not hesitate to use.) Ross's book, A Voyage of Discovery, Made under the Orders of the Admiralty, in His Majesty's Ships Isabella and Alexander, for the Purpose of Exploring Baffin's Bay, and Inquiring into the Probability of a North-West Passage, was issued in an edition of 1,250 copies selling at three and a half guineas. (Ross received £667 12S. /d.)19 It is a handsome quarto volume embellished with fine coloured engravings, but it is, it must be confessed (to quote the Edinburgh Review of March 1819), "encumbered with details which might very well have been spared." Though Barrow's review was published anonymously, the authorship was abundantly evident. In forty-nine pages, he attacked Ross in scathing terms on every possible count. Having expressed disappointment at the failure of both expeditions, he ascribed Buchan's failure solely to accident, but "of the other we hardly know in what terms to speak." Not content to discuss in reasonable terms whether more should, or could, have been done to explore Smith, Jones, or Lancaster sounds, Barrow poured scorn on Ross by contradicting in sarcastic and facetious language almost everything Ross had written. He disagreed with the description of icebergs and made fun of Ross's sketches, ridiculed the name "Arctic Highlanders" and Ross's attempt to describe what he could discover of their life and customs, devoted four pages to the red snow, and comparing a picture of Wolstenholme Sound (drawn by a midshipman) with Ross's description of it, concludes that the latter must be false. On the important issue of Lancaster Sound, Barrow produced sounder criticism even if couched in unnecessarily intemperate language. He asked, with some justification, why Ross (a "Captain of the Navy") should be so impressed by

59 John Ross versus John Barrow

the speculations of Sabine (a "Captain of Artillery") on nautical matters, but he was chiefly critical of the "accurate view of the bay" and "special chart of the land" which Ross used to illustrate the position in Lancaster Sound at 3 P.M. on 31 August. How, he said, could these have been prepared and the ship put about in the space of ten minutes and apparently without the knowledge of any of the officers of the Isabella! The view and the chart were clearly drawn later (presumably from a rough sketch by Ross and from bearings of land features taken by Lewis) and were carelessly done. As Barrow had no difficulty in pointing out, in many particulars they tally neither with each other nor with Ross's text. In his explanation of why he had left Lancaster Sound, Ross had repeatedly referred to currents to which, he thought, he had been instructed to pay particular attention. Barrow wrote that "a strange infatuation seems to have taken possession of his mind" and that "impenetrably dull or intentionally perverse must anyone be who could mistake the meaning of this part of the instructions." Although perhaps Ross gave too much weight to the question of currents, he was not dull or perverse in doing so, for, however much Barrow might argue that the whole matter of currents was "merely hypothetical" and "offered as a suggestion merely for his guidance, if he could find such a current to exist," the author of the instructions clearly had every expectation of a current giving Ross a guide to the position of a passage to the Polar Sea. Barrow also accused Ross of misunderstanding his instructions to leave the ice not later than i October and said that he ought to have stayed to explore Cumberland Strait, adding for good measure that "he was in no case directed to leave the water on the jist August." Barrow then compared ("however invidious it may seem") Ross's lack of determination with that of Columbus, Magellan, Cook, Vancouver, and Flinders, and he concluded, "A voyage of discovery implies danger; but a mere voyage like his round the shore of Baffin's Bay, in the three summer months, may be considered as a voyage of pleasure" - a most ungenerous exaggeration. This article must have been highly prejudicial to Ross's reputation in the eyes of the general public. The circulation of the Quarterly Review was over 13,000 and it was said (by Southey) that "fifty times ten thousand read its contents." He was condemned from a high official quarter, anonymously, without any proof as yet, that he had made a mistake in Lancaster Sound. He made no direct reply himself but was not entirely without allies. In March 1819 a review appeared in the Edinburgh Review, a journal older than, and politically opposed to, the Quarterly Review.20 It is generally favourable to Ross, saying

60 Polar Pioneers

that he "appears to have done his duty with great diligence, courage and ability; and to have told his story very clearly and honestly." It supports unreservedly his opinion of the impossibility of navigating Smith Sound and, saying of Lancaster Sound that "it is not for us to reconcile the doubts of those who disbelieve, with the testimony of those who have seen," clearly prefers to believe Ross unless and until he is proved wrong. The review is very critical of the speculations about currents contained in Ross's instructions, saying that they have not only been proved wrong but never had any sound foundation. Finally, it refers indirectly to Barrow's review. That he [Ross] has disproved the existence of a North-West Passage, or of any passage, throughout the whole space which he circumnavigated, appears to us to be most clearly demonstrated. The anxiety for this object, as we deduce from some hints in his book, has persecuted him, since his return, in a manner that does not appear very creditable to those who have set themselves up as its champions. Indeed we have, even here, heard more than enough of the heat which has been excited on this occasion. We leave it to those who have so acted, to determine, and to show by their conduct, whether the unwillingness to abandon their hypothesis, has not been a stronger motive for this pertinacity than the advancement of science.

The Times too spoke up for Ross. "It is hard that a man's justification should depend upon future events ... though he evidently writes with the spirit of a man who thinks himself ill-used he makes no reply, but endeavours only to be particularly clear and definite upon those points on which he knows he has been thought or described as remiss, and on the whole shows the blunt courage of an English seaman."21 The publication of Ross's book soon shifted argument from the geographical to the scientific aspects of the voyage; this debate arose from an absence of any agreement between Ross and Sabine as to how those aspects should be presented. When Sabine first arrived in London, Ross told him that he had been ordered to draw up an official account, and Sabine immediately offered to complete his papers for Ross's use. But when the Admiralty decided against publishing an account, it returned the various journals to their individual owners with permission to publish what they liked, and Sabine wrote to Ross asking for the return of his papers and saying that he proposed to publish them himself but would "have little to say on nautical points, being rather glad to avail myself of the excuse of professional inability, to avoid the discussion of questions on which the next voyage will remove all doubts."22

61 John Ross versus John Barrow

However, on 22 December he wrote to Ross: Circumstances have occurred which render me less anxious than I was a fortnight since to publish my own papers which are, I believe, in your possession having been given to you by the Admiralty. You were anxious to make them a part of your publication. They ought not to be given to the public in their present incomplete state. I have no objection to complete them, and return them to you for publication, it being understood that I receive no pecuniary compensation.23

Ross did not consult Sabine any further with what he was going to print in his book, and when it was published, Sabine found tables of pendulum and magnetic measurements made by him described as "furnished by Mr. James Ross." On 28 March, Sabine called James Ross to an interview on board the Hecla (Parry's new ship) in the presence of Parry and two of his officers, and James acknowledged that the tables had been copied from Sabine's papers with his permission during the voyage. A statement to this effect was signed by Ross and Sabine and witnessed by the other officers. In late April, Sabine published his Remarks on the Account of the Late Voyage of Discovery to Baffin's Bay, Published by Captain J. Ross, R.N. This was not a vituperative attack like Barrow's, but a reasoned rejoinder to various statements in Ross's book on which Sabine took issue. After describing his interview with James Ross and quoting the signed statement, he went on, "I have only to add concerning the magnetic observations, that they are incomplete, imperfect, and printed incorrectly; that those on the pendulum are useless in their present state, as every person who understands the subject will perceive." Sabine further stated that Ross's remarks on the Inuit language, printed as part of his description of the Arctic Highlanders, were an almost verbatim copy of a document supplied to him by Sabine, except that there were numerous mistakes resulting from Ross's inability to decipher his writing; the same list, correctly printed, had been published by himself in the thirteenth number of the Quarterly Journal of Science and Arts. He also pointed out some very obvious inconsistencies in Ross's account of the performance of the chronometers, for which Sabine had been given responsibility. In his book, Ross had been scathing about Sabine's performance as naturalist of the voyage. Sabine says that he was not appointed as such; it was known that he had a general interest in natural history and that he would be very willing to assist in collecting specimens

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and preserving them, and this was all that had been implied in the wording of Ross's instructions, which, incidentally, he had never seen. Moreover, Ross, in a letter dated as recently as 12 February, asking for contributions to his publication, had specifically described the branches of science in which Sabine was employed, and there was no mention of natural history. Regarding Lancaster Sound, Sabine says that he did not know what Ross's instructions were and was never consulted - nor did he expect to be, for Ross had written to Parry that "he always acts on his own opinions, being alone responsible - that he has never been led by anyone else's - nor shall anyone else share the blame, should any ever be attached to his proceedings." Sabine admits that it was his opinion, "before we entered it," that there was no passage through Lancaster Sound, but any remarks made at that time were purely speculative. He had no conversation with Ross until i September, and the reason for that conversation was his mortification at leaving a place that was "the most interesting in the world for magnetic observations." He was quite certain that Ross said more than once that he was the only person that had seen the land (Lewis, however, confirmed that he also had seen the land but that no officer was on deck "for a long time before and after the time you hauled out to the eastward"24); and Ross had never mentioned the barrier of ice until his published work. Sabine summed up his opinion by stating that "land seen for a short time by a single individual, at a very considerable distance, on a very unfavourable day ... would not be considered as decisive evidence on our return" - in which opinion he was absolutely right. The unedifying background to these accusations is shown in letters from Parry to his parents: [2 April 1819] I have given up the idea of attacking (or rather defending myself against) my late Commodore. I am sure I cannot do better than follow the advice of the three people whom I have consulted about it - Sir Joseph Banks, and Messrs. Barrow and Maxwell ... the Royal Society have made a most handsome report to the Admiralty of Sabine's zeal and ability in the performance of his duties on the last voyage - not as Naturalist, which he was not, but which the blundering Ross called him, but as Astronomer.25 [20 April 1819] Sabine's book will be advertised in all the papers this evening, and be out on Saturday. I sent the manuscript to Mr. Barrow to read. He remarked to Mr. Maxwell that, had the facts contained in it been made known on our arrival in England, Ross must have been brought to a Court Martial. This latter remark must be kept entirely secret.26 [What possible grounds for a court martial were revealed in Sabine's book, it is difficult to detect.]

63 John Ross versus John Barrow [22 April 1819] I have had a good deal of conversation with Mr. Barrow on the subject of Sabine's pamphlet. He was very desirous that it should come out immediately because otherwise Ross might justly say that no answer was necessary to a person who had published such a statement and then run away. Mr. B. assured me that the Board of Admiralty would not grant him a Court Martial at this distance of time (especially after giving him his promotion) even if he desired it.27 [30 April 1819] Ross has advertised an answer to Sabine's pamphlet which, we hear, is principally to consist of extracts from Sabine's letter to his sister, which Ross looked over on board the Isabella, while lying on the table and which call him a stupid fellow! How low must such a man be fallen!28 [This was pure gossip; the pamphlet contains no such extracts.] Young James Ross was in an awkward position and incurred the wrath of his uncle, who in his "Memoirs" wrote: "Sabine, in his pamphlet, published a conversation he had with my nephew, who, as will be manifest in my narrative, had sided with the Barrow Party against me, and but for the entreaties of Mrs. Ross I would have turned him out of the service for having been the author of a malicious and false report. He however made it out that he had been taken in by Sabine and made an affidavit to that effect."29 Following the publication of Sabine's pamphlet, John and James Ross were called before the first lord and first sea lord and were questioned alternately. After the first day's hearings, James (who had been called first) wrote to his uncle: London, 3oth April 1819 My dear uncle, I came to town the first opportunity with the intention of acquainting you with any part of yesterday's examination that you might desire, and more particularly with one part which as you would not see me to-day I think it is right I should send you by letter, that you may be aware of what has passed on the only point on which any stress was made at the end of the examination. Before you were called in, part of the questions to me had turned on the Dip and Force - after asking me how far I was present at the observations, and in what manner I assisted, I was asked by whom these observations on the Dip and Force were actually taken. I told them by Captain Sabine. They asked me if I remembered having seen you take any observations. I told them that I had seen you take one set, in which I assisted as with Sabine. They asked me if you had taken any more than this one set and I said not that I remembered. They asked if you had been accustomed to attend while Captain Sabine was observing. I answered that you had been present on 3 or 4 occasions. I was then

64 Polar Pioneers asked if, on these occasions, you interfered in the conducting of the experiment. I said I believe not. Mr. Croker after all was over, said to me alone - now Mr. Ross it turns all upon this - whether as you say it was Captain Sabine assisted by you who took these observations on the Dip and Force - for Captain Ross has differed from you on this point. ... I hope that, when the Admiralty see clearly that you took one set and Captain Sabine the others, that all differences will be settled. I have again thought over all I said to the Admiralty and have still reason to be satisfied that I have asserted nothing contrary to the affidavit I took ... and am not conscious of a single point in which I have said anything to your prejudice.30

John Ross, when called, said that he wished to make a statement (though it was suggested that he had better wait until he had heard the evidence already given). He had, however, worked himself into a state of high indignation, and according to the transcript, He stated that Mr. James Ross was his greatest enemy ever since he knew Capt. Sabine and that Mr. Bushnan [another midshipman] was liable to the same charge. That a most serious conspiracy existed during the voyage and still existed against him Capt. Ross. That Mr. James Ross he would not say refused but hesitated to make the affidavit tho' there was nothing in it but what he could and ought to swear. That on his hesitation he Capt. Ross told him that he would take him to Bow Street or before the Lord Mayor. That he gave him the affidavit to read and told him that he might take it away with him and alter it as he pleased, but that if he should not swear it, he Capt. Ross would take him before a magistrate. That before Mr. Jas. Ross came before the Board yesterday He (Capt. Ross) believes that he had an interview with Lieut. Parry. That He (Capt. Ross) mentions this to show that Mr. James Ross tho' his Nephew is not his friend.31

By the next day, he had cooled down and virtually conceded his case. The transcript records: Captain John Ross being admitted desires to state that he wishes to recall the observations he made yesterday against his nephew. He had thought that there was a combination between Lieut. Parry, Captain Sabine and his Nephew against him, but he saw his Nephew's brother yesterday evening who has satisfied him on this point. He also begs

65 John Ross versus John Barrow leave to retract the charge relative to the combination during the voyage as it was probably no more than the difference which arose from a Land Officer being embarked with the Sea Officers and produced no Injury to the Service. He had given the engravers of his table the words partly furnished by Mr. Jas. Ross but the word partly was accidentally omitted.

The board never saw the mysterious "affidavit," which John Ross said was still in James's possession. Ross's An Explanation of Captain Sabine's Remarks on the Late Voyage of Discovery to Baffin's Bay was published by John Murray on 13 May, two days after the new expedition had sailed under Parry's command. In it, Ross answered Sabine's criticisms point by point, and there the matter rested. After writing his pamphlet, he prepared to leave for Scotland - "Mrs. Ross being pretty far advanced in the family way" - but he waited for the first levee, at which he presented a copy of his book to the Prince Regent. Papers on magnetism were read to the Royal Society by Sabine on 18 and 25 February 1819. His main contribution was to identify the cause of increase of errors with increase of dip, which had been observed by Flinders but with no theory to back it. It is recorded in Ross's book that observations of variation were made on shore or on the ice on about twenty occasions, of dip on twelve occasions in Baffin's Bay and in London and Shetland before departure and after return, and of magnetic intensity on seven occasions in Baffin Bay and on shore before and after the voyage. Sabine expresses much regret "that the service did not admit an opportunity to be afforded, of making observations on the various magnetic phenomena at this very interesting place [Lancaster Sound]; where a nearer approach was made to one of the magnetic poles than had ever been known before."32 Ross, in an appendix to his Voyage of Discovery, describes some observations made on board the two ships to determine the variation and deviation of their compasses. He concluded, after discussing compasses with a whaler captain, "It was the general opinion and belief that compasses lost their magnetic virtue in Davis' Strait and, therefore, the whalers seldom look at them, but go by the land, and through channels of ice." It seems that he had little understanding of why the compasses were sluggish and particularly affected by the influence of the ship's iron. A reasonably good appendix on mammals and birds was compiled for Ross by the surgeons of the Isabella, but the scientists invited to cover the subjects of marine biology and geology were not complimentary about the haphazard way in which specimens in these fields

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had been collected and kept. The skin of a polar bear, with its head and feet bones preserved in their places, was brought back; and also a new gull, to which Sabine's name (Xema sabini) was given by his brother, Joseph. In the welter of argument, Ross's own experiments with his "Deep Sea Clamm" were ignored, though if they had been studied at the time, two erroneous theories of marine science might never have taken root. Fresh water has a maximum density at a temperature of 4°C (about 39°F); it was widely believed in the mid nineteenth century that this was true of sea water also and that the depths of ocean would be composed of a heavy mass of water at this constant temperature. The Six thermometer, which was in use at the time, suffered from many defects, such as distortion of the bulb under pressure, which led to unreliable readings. Nevertheless, Ross's observations showed consistently that the water became colder at greater depths, contrary to the 4°C theory. Another erroneous theory was that of the Azoic Zone. Based largely on studies in the Aegean Sea, it was suggested that a depth of 300 fathoms was the limit of animal ife, on the seemingly sensible argument that the pressure, combined with lack of heat and light, must render life impossible. Yet, while sounding on i September 1818, Ross had brought up attached to the line "a beautiful caput medusae" (starfish) from a depth he believed to be 800 fathoms. When, some fifty years later, the 4°C and Azoic Zone theories had been disproved, Ross's observations were re-examined and accepted without question. This was a mistake, for though Ross did his best in the circumstances of the time, modern surveys have shown that both the positions at which he recorded soundings and the depths recorded were inaccurate. He was probably never in more than 500 fathoms.33 Even with these reservations, if his observations had been examined more carefully at the time, their shortcomings would have been revealed and the progress of oceanography accelerated. Possibly the most important result of the voyage was the discovery (or confirmation of Baffin's discovery) of the North Water, the largest known permanent polynya (area of open water), which occupies the northern end of Baffin Bay. This discovery was critically important in dictating the course of all ships approaching the eastern end of the Northwest Passage and resulted in great benefit to the whaling trade. Ross had shown that if ships reached the north waters of Baffin Bay, they could work across to the west waters and down the west side of Davis Strait, hunting whales in the numerous bays on the east coast of Baffin Island. In 1819 the largest number of ships in the history of Hull whaling sailed. The most daring masters reached 77°3o' N, but

67 John Ross versus John Barrow

none got to Lancaster Sound or Pond Inlet; fourteen whalers were wrecked, fortunately with little loss of life.34 It had hitherto been the custom for whalers to sail for home in the middle of July whether "full" or not, but henceforward it became quite usual for ships to remain until the middle of September, and the next few years were the most profitable in the history of British whaling. The rewards to be obtained from fishing on the west side of Baffin Bay could be very great, but so were the risks. Only in favourable seasons could ships cross the North Water; in unfavourable ones, the attempt could be very dangerous, particularly if a ship was caught in Melville Bay with a southwest wind. Before attempting to assess the rights and wrongs of what had occurred, it is worth recording Scoresby's opinion of the 1818 expeditions. Of the polar attempt, he wrote: "Our expectations [of being employed by the government] were altogether disappointed, and, so far as expense, at least, was concerned, much to the national disadvantage, as we could have accomplished one of the enterprises (the Polar research of 1818) at one-tenth of the cost of the appointed expedition and, at all events, with as much effectiveness; for, on that unfortunate occasion, less could not have been accomplished."35 And of the search for the Northwest Passage: "I conceive the opinion to be quite incorrect, that if a passage were discovered, it would, probably, be open above half the year; for supposing there really be a sea communication, near the parallel of 70°, between the southern part of Baffin's Bay, or the northern part of Hudson's Bay and Behring's Strait, it would not only, I believe, ... not be open above half the year, but, I imagine, it would be at intervals only of years that it would be open at all; and then, perhaps, for not longer than eight or ten weeks in a season"36 - a very accurate prediction. Scoresby was, nevertheless, in favour of geographical exploration. Croker's Mountains were an hallucination; why did John Ross so readily accept them as a reality, and why did he not at least go as far as the edge of the supposed barrier of ice? He seems to have formed a preconceived idea of what a Northwest Passage was going to be like; he was looking for an obvious opening with a current issuing from it, like the mouth of a river. He had to search for this in the whole northern and western part of Baffin Bay and Davis Strait and was wary of risking his ships and crews in what he thought were blind alleys while there was still a long stretch of coastline to examine. He was wrong, but it should be remembered that this was a pioneer voyage and even the whaling masters had no experience of probing inlets on the coast. Why did Ross not ask for the opinions of his offi-

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cers? This question is easy to answer, as he himself explained it in his reply to Sabine's pamphlet. "On subjects of navigation, let him recollect, the commander of a British ship neither requires nor asks the advice which he, or any one in his situation, might imagine himself capable of giving. If he required it he would be unworthy of his trust; if he asked it, he would deserve reprobation, for introducing into the British navy a practice that must ultimately be subversive of discipline, and would, in the mean time, introduce discussion and dissensions, perhaps mutiny, where the wise policy of the Government has properly judged that one opinion alone should rule."37 This being so, it is unlikely that the officers of the Isabella would have been inclined to question their captain's opinions. Parry was not consulted and resented it; in the bay leading to Smith Sound, he was made to understand that it was not his place to question his senior officer's judgment, and relations thereafter were always strained. Also, Parry did not carry the weight of responsibility that Ross did. Provided he had handled his own ship properly, he would not have been blamed if Ross had led them into some inlet and come to grief; so he was in a position to think more boldly. He was a young man, with officers near his own age, and he took them into his confidence. There is no record of exactly what happened on the arrival of Ross and Parry in London, but as has already been stated, it is unlikely that Parry did not immediately tell his patron Barrow of his own opinions on Ross's conduct of the expedition and of his belief that Lancaster Sound should have been explored. Instead of there having been a naval inquiry, Ross was virtually instructed to write a book for publication. He had no experience of authorship and had to complete it in a great hurry, with Barrow looking over his shoulder. He became disconcerted and unwisely tried to justify himself against criticsms that had arisen since his return home, instead of confining himself to a plain narrative of the voyage. His handling of the scientific aspects was not intentionally misleading, but was very careless partly, perhaps, because of pressure to get the book published. His treatment of the material was also influenced by his belief that the captain was entitled to take credit for all that his officers did, a belief that was to cause great trouble fifteen years later. There was, as a result, plenty in the book for a reviewer to criticize, but Barrow's review went beyond all reasonable bounds. Barrow had no wish to remind the public of his theories of polar navigation, which had been so completely disproved, and David Buchan was not required to write any account of his expedition. All Barrow's frustration at the anticlimax of the voyages was vented on Ross. His attack, ridiculing Ross and virtually ac-

69 John Ross versus John Barrow cusing him of cowardice, from his privileged position and under the cloak of anonymity, was grossly unfair. At the end of his reply to Sabine's pamphlet, Ross wrote a passage that was not entirely justifiable as a criticism of Sabine, since Sabine had only put pen to paper because of remarks originating from Ross himself: ... if the officers of His Majesty's Navy shall be subject to have their conduct canvassed before the Public in this very improper manner,... it will no longer be in their power to feel as they have done when they were conscious that they were amenable to no power but that honourable and just one to which they are always ready to bow, and whose investigations they are ever anxious to court. That Commander who may hereafter be placed in the same position as myself, will have reason to exert a kind of circumspection which may lead to hesitation and timidity, since he will consider himself under an inspection, from the effects of which he can never guard himself, if he, who thus presumes to judge of his conduct, is unacquainted with nautical affairs, and is at liberty to bring before a Public, equally unable to judge of such questions, that which belongs only to his brother officers to investigate.38 This comment was, however, absolutely justifiable in respect of Barrow and would, in fact, be repeated by Ross when Barrow chose to renew his charges twenty-seven years later. A second edition of Ross's book was published in two volumes by Longman in 1819. All mention of Sabine is omitted, and so are the tables which caused the argument with him. There are no illustrations and no chart or view of the land on 31 August 1818, though there are engravings of the "Deep Sea Clamm" and other instruments that were not in the first edition. It was, however, too late to undo the damage caused by some of Ross's original narrative; but his introduction indicates that he had, for the time being at any rate, accepted his situation with good grace. It is nevertheless gratifying to me to reflect that, in the interval between the former and the present edition, a second expedition has been fitted out to pursue the discoveries which were the product of the first, and set at rest for ever the question of a north-west passage in this direction. Should the results of that expedition confirm those here described, I shall have the pleasure of knowing that the liberality of the government and the energy of the officers and crews under my command have not been wasted: should it, on the contrary, prove that a passage exists where I have supposed the land to be continuous, I shall unite in rejoicing in this extension of our geographical knowledge, without

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feeling any disappointment that there has been reserved for others that success which no one can command, but for which our best exertions were made.

Jane Griffin, the future Lady Franklin, met John Ross at a dinner party early in 1819 and recorded this picture of him: "he is short, stout, sailor-looking & not very gentlemanly in his person, but his manners & his language are perfectly so; his features are coarse & thick, his eyes grey, his complexion ruddy & his hair of a reddish sandy hue. Yet notwithstanding his lack of beauty, he has a great deal of intelligence, benevolence & good humour in his countenance."39 She thought Ross "to be a man of about 50 or approaching towards it" and that "his wife seems much younger than himself - she is small and slender in figure and has rather pretty features, but her large grey eyes are so wild and staring that she looks the image of Affright personified."

CHAPTER SIX

James Ross Sails with Parry, 1819-27

1819-20: T O M E L V I L L E I S L A N D

The ships chosen for the new expedition were Hecla (375 tons) and Griper (180 tons). Hecla was a "bomb vessel" designed to carry heavy mortars, which had no arrangement for taking up the recoil; she was therefore very strongly built to stand the shock of discharge. Parry was delighted with her: "Perhaps I ought not to praise my ship too much (for it is something like praising one's own child), but she really appears to me perfection for this service."1 He was not so happy about Griper: "They now just begin to admit that I was right in considering and representing these paltry gun brigs as utterly unfit for this service."2 (Her freeboard had been raised six feet to increase stowage space.) A few days before sailing he wrote, "Between ourselves (for it must not be said that I anticipate it), I fear she will not go much beyond Shetland with us."3 But the ship performed better than expected on passage to Shetland, and he did not abandon her. Nevertheless, her slow sailing was to prove as frustrating as that of the Alexander the year before. Lieutenant Matthew Liddon was appointed in command; apart from him and one midshipman and the Greenland mate of the Griper, all the officers had served in one or other ship of the previous year's expeditions. Edward Sabine was again appointed astronomer to the expedition. James Ross was a midshipman in Parry's ship. On the day before sailing, James received a letter from his uncle John, in which he wrote, "I may with truth assure you that my affection is no less than that of parent to you." John regretted that his pamphlet could not be published before they sailed, but "I have however shown the manuscript to Lord Melville who is perfectly satisfied both with your conduct and mine.4

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Parry's official instructions were to proceed as directly as he could to Lancaster Sound and to explore it as deeply as possible, with the final aim of reaching Bering Strait, if there should be found to be such a connection. If Lancaster Sound was found to be blocked by land or ice, he was then to examine in similar manner, first, Alderman Jones's Sound and if that failed, Sir Thomas Smith's Sound. The ships left the Thames on 11 May 1819, sailed north through Davis Strait, forced their way with great determination through the "middle ice," and arrived in open waters at the entrance to Lancaster Sound on 31 July, a month earlier than in the previous year. Parry commented: "This difference is to be attributed entirely to the confidence which I felt, from the experience gained on the former voyage, that an open sea would be found to the westward of the barrier of ice which occupies the middle of Baffin's Bay. Without that confidence, it would have been little better than madness to have attempted a passage through so compact a body of ice, when no indication of a clear sea appeared beyond it."5 The sound was open and the sea full of whales, and the ships sailed on westwards, soon passing Ross's farthest point and expunging Croker's Mountains from the chart (if they had ever been put on it). Five days later, their passage was stopped by ice stretching right across the strait (to which Parry gave Barrow's name), but at the same time, a wide inlet opened up to the south, and the ships sailed down it keeping to the eastern side, with ice to the westward. After two days, however, the ice extended to the eastern shore across their path, and the ships turned north again. Parry named this opening Prince Regent Inlet. As they sailed down it, they were approaching ever nearer to the north magnetic pole, though its position would not be discovered (by James Ross, as yet only a midshipman) for another twelve years. The directive power of the compass needle became so weak and the effect of ship's iron so relatively strong that compasses became useless for navigation and were stowed away, with the exception of one retained for magnetic observations ashore or on the ice. Parry, in his published narrative, wrote that "it was determined, from the first, altogether to reject magnetic bearings in the construction of the charts, using only those deduced astronomically from the sun's altitude and azimuth, together with its angular distance from the object whose true bearing was required. Astronomical bearings were always thus obtained at the same time with observations for latitude and longitude."6 On regaining Barrow Strait, they found, to their great relief, that the ice had cleared from the north shore sufficiently for them to be able once again to sail westwards. On 22 August they were off the entrance to a broad channel on the northern shore entirely free from ice,

73 James Ross Sails with Parry

which Parry named Wellington Channel; since the sea was still open to the westward, he did not feel justified in diverting course to explore this channel. Hopes ran high, and "every one felt that we were now, finally, disentangled from the land which forms the western side of Baffin's Bay; and that, in fact, we had actually entered the Polar Sea."7 On the 24th a conspicuous headland, with a loom of land beyond it, was seen to the southward and named Cape Walker. This was to prove a crucial geographical point in later years. On 28 August, James Ross landed with Sabine and the two surgeons on an island (named Byam Martin Island) to examine the flora and fauna; they found quite a luxurious vegetation, the bones and horns of large mammals, and also ruined Inuit huts. This was perhaps the dawning of James Ross's interest in natural history. On 4 September the ships crossed the meridian of 110° W and qualified for the bounty of £5,000 promised by Act of Parliament; Parry's share was £1,000. The following day, the ships anchored, for the first time since leaving England, in a good roadstead on the coast of Melville Island, which Parry named Hecla and Griper Bay, but anxious to press on westwards while there was any possibility of doing so, they got under way again on 7 September. The ice was, however, closing fast on the coast, and after a few perilous days when Griper was forced ashore and Hecla nearly crushed, Parry brought his ships back to their anchorage. A suitable position in which to lay up for the winter had been found in the northwest corner of the bay, and the crews were now employed for three days in sawing an approach channel a little more than Hecla's width and 2% miles long through ice of seven inches average thickness. The ships were tracked or warped through this channel, and just in time before the sea froze over completely, they were safely secured in Winter Harbour. Now the ships' companies had to look forward to a long, cold, dark winter in circumstances that had never before been experienced by ships of the Royal Navy. Hecla and Griper were covered by a framework roofed over with thick cloth, and the upper decks were cleared to give space for exercise. A method of heating was improvised to overcome, particularly around the bed places, the very heavy condensation that formed inside the ships. The diet was modified to one with a high anti-scorbutic content. Parry then instituted a routine "for promoting Good Order, Cleanliness, Health, and Good-Humour, among the Ships' Companies."8 The officers and quartermasters worked in four watches, as when at sea, while the remainder of the ship's company enjoyed a full night's rest. Decks were scrubbed with stones and warm sand before breakfast, and after breakfast the men went to divisions, when they were inspected for cleanliness and their clothes

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Map 3 Parry's First Voyage, 1819-20 (from his Journal of a Voyage)

were examined for both condition and adequacy. Then, while the men took some exercise, the captain and officers rigorously inspected the lower decks and organized the removal of any dampness and accumulation of ice. After dinner, if the weather was suitable, officers and men took walks ashore not too far from the ship, and the men were employed on ropework between decks. Divisions were held again at six o'clock, and the inspection of the men and their sleeping places was repeated. The "people" (the term commonly used for members of the lower deck at that time) then went to their supper, after which the evening was free for the men to do as they liked until "lights out" at nine. During the night, half-hourly inspections were made by the quartermasters to guard against fire, a supply of water for use in case of fire being obtained by cutting a hole in the ice alongside the ship twice a day. Entertainment was provided by a weekly paper, the North Georgia Gazette and Winter Chronicle, edited by Sabine, the precursor of many such publications on polar expeditions. Theatrical performances were staged once a fortnight, in which Parry himself sometimes played a

75 James Ross Sails with Parry

part and in which James Ross, a handsome young man, was often cast in one of the female roles. Parry was a man of strong religious principles, and divine service (with a sermon) was held regularly every Sunday. The issue of canned meat and vegetables gave the crews an interesting and sustaining diet, and with the addition of lemon juice and other anti-scorbutics, including mustard and cress grown by the captain, an excellent state of health was maintained. The only serious hazard proved to be frostbite, of which there were several serious cases in the early days of winter before the men became conscious of the danger and took the necessary precautions. On i June 1820, when the spring thaw had started and while the ships were being prepared to take to sea once the ice broke up, Parry with Sabine and ten others made an expedition across Melville Island. Two tents made of blankets, a cooking apparatus, and provisions were carried on a light, two-wheeled wooden cart; although the ship had some small sledges, which could be handled by one man, they would probably have been useless in the thaw conditions. The party travelled by night, sleeping during the day, and covered about 180 miles in fourteen days. The daily ration was i pound of biscuit, 2 /3 pound of preserved meat, i ounce of salep powder (an edible meal made from the dried root of certain members the orchid family), i ounce of sugar, and a/2 pint of rum. Spare clothing was carried in knapsacks. The ships were released on i August and sailed about another 50 miles westward, until they were once more blocked by ice. As Parry wrote, "It now became evident, from the combined experience of this and the preceding year, that there was something peculiar about the south-west extremity of Melville Island, which made the icy sea there extremely unfavourable to navigation, and which seemed likely to bid defiance to all our efforts to proceed much farther to the westward in this parallel of latitude."9 At the same time he recorded that it had "long become evident to us, that the navigation of this part of the Polar Sea is only to be performed by watching the occasional openings between the ice and the shore; and that, therefore, a continuity of land is essential, if not absolutely necessary, for this purpose." He therefore proposed to try to get further south where "a continuity of land, which was here about to fail us, must necessarily be furnished by the northern coast of America, in whatsoever latitude it may be found."10 He turned back and unable to find any navigable passage southward, reached Lancaster Sound on the last day of August. In 1818 the west coast of Baffin Bay had been almost clear of ice during September, and Parry thought that he could best employ this month in examining the various inlets in the hope of finding a new

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passage to the west in a lower latitude than Lancaster Sound. The ships entered the bay that Ross had named the River Clyde in 1818 and met a small and friendly party of Inuit whom they thought much more civilized than the Arctic Highlanders. Farther south, however, ice prevented them from holding the coast, and they were unable to investigate Cumberland Strait. In a letter to his parents, dated 5 September and sent home in a whaler, Parry wrote, "Having completed the survey of the West Coast of Davis' Strait (which was so wretchedly manufactured in 1818) I hope to be in England the ist week in Novr. next."11 They reached Scotland at the end of October 1820, having made the longest passage in Arctic waters ever conducted by a ship under sail alone. This in itself was a remarkable achievement, from which every officer must have gained valuable experience of seamanship and navigation in the ice. Equally important was Parry's planning of the winter routine, with his insistence on cleanliness, his care of the men's health, and his measures to prevent boredom, which set a standard all his successors were to follow. Parry was assisted by his father in the preparation of his narrative, Journal of a Voyage for the Discovery of a North-West Passage, and it was published by John Murray in a very handsome, well-illustrated quarto volume in May 1821 at a price of £3 135. 6d. Parry was paid 1,000 guineas. The title-page carries the inscription "Published by authority of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty," an acknowledgement accorded to all Parry's books but to no other of the polar explorers. The scientific appendices were clearly and carefully compiled in collaboration with Sabine, in contrast with those of John Ross's volume. The name of James Ross appears no more often in Parry's narrative than do those of other junior officers, but there are two indications of his growing interest in scientific matters. The two ships had on board a total of fourteen chronometers. During passage to Lancaster Sound, longitudes were determined by the various chronometers, in order to assess their timekeeping accuracy and to decide which were the most accurate for longitude measurements. During passage westwards, the longitude of the ship was determined by chronometers, but it was obviously desirable that the longitude of some one geographical point should be established with great accuracy. The opportunity occurred during the long months at Winter Harbour, when 6,862 lunar observations were made. These observations were carried out by the most experienced officers in the Hecla - Parry himself, the first lieutenant, the purser, and Sabine - and by Midshipman Ross, a fairly clear indication of his captain's opinion of him. The natural history of the

77 James Ross Sails with Parry

voyage appeared as a supplement to Parry's narrative in 1824. The zoology was written up by Sabine (a fact that somewhat weakens his and Parry's protestations after the previous voyage). The botany was described by Robert Brown, Sir Joseph Banks's librarian, who named a plant Sieversia rossii (now Geum rossif) "in honour of Lieutenant [as he had become in 1824] James Ross, in whose well-preserved herbarium several plants were found not contained in other collections."12 Parry's book was reviewed by Barrow, prior to publication, in the Quarterly Review for April 1821. He was, of course, delighted that his faith in a passage through Lancaster Sound had been vindicated, and he gives Parry the praise he well merited, together with a few pats on the back for himself and side swipes at John Ross. He again professes his belief in an open polar sea and expresses his opinion on the heavy ice that had stopped Parry at Melville Island. "As it appears to us that these hummocks could be formed only by an open and agitated sea tossing one mass of ice upon another, and drifting them down by the prevailing northerly winds till wedged in by the peculiar situation of islands, we are inclined to infer from this circumstance, and the probability of a deep ocean to the northward, that whatever ice may occasionally be formed on the surface of such an ocean, it never arrives at any very considerable thickness, but is broken up and dispersed by every gust of wind, and the sea left open and navigable as in all the deep parts of Baffin's Bay, Sir James Lancaster's Sound and Wellington Channel."13 Barrow agreed, however, that there did not seem to be any hope of effecting a passage to the westward in the latitude of Melville Island, and he supported Parry's recommendation to try a more southern route, "where they may reasonably hope to meet with a better summer climate, and a longer season for their operations, by at least six weeks." The Edinburgh Review also surveyed Parry's book favourably and gave him the credit he deserved, but in addition, having shown some sympathy to Ross two years earlier, the reviewer made the best case ever presented in his favour: Captain Parry's voyage has been far more successful than Captain Ross's, and his book is proportionately more interesting and satisfactory; both circumstances, however, we cannot help thinking, in some degree attributable to the diversity of situation in which these officers have been placed ... In the career of Northern Discovery, Captain Ross was the first to be employed in modern times; and on his appointment two several objects must have presented themselves to his mind as points of pursuit. The one was, to get into Baffin's Bay at any rate, an object only once achieved before, by Baffin himself, and which had subsequently, for a period of two hundred years,

78 Polar Pioneers foiled all the attempts, and there had been many, which had been made to compass it. The next was, to see what he could find when he was there. Now, of these, the first he most successfully attained; and first and in safety, without the assistance of experience or previous example, penetrated that barrier of ice which seems almost permanently fixed in a diagonal across and along Davis's Straits; in following his track through which, the following year, no fewer than fourteen Greenland ships, with all the skill we have heard boasted of as possessed by their masters, were wrecked. And the second he thus far accomplished; - he narrowed materially the field of further investigation, shewed expressly where a passage could not be, where possibly it might yet be found, where after all he certainly ought himself to have found it, where no difficulty or danger opposed the discovery, but apparently a want of sufficient interest in the investigation, to bear him with undiminished ardour through a series of previous disappointments to ultimate success. Captain Parry's situation when he left England in 1819, was essentially different from all this. He had once already penetrated the ice in Davis' Straits, he felt confident, accordingly, that he could do it again; and the benefit which, in doing it, he derived from his past experience, he takes an early opportunity in his narrative of expressing. This, therefore, was no object of his solicitude, it did not fill his mind at all, it ranked merely among the specialities of his undertaking. But besides this, when beyond this obstacle, he was not, like Captain Ross, adrift as it were, in an unknown sea, where a passage might equally be found in one place as in another; he had not only a specific object of pursuit, and that raised in his estimation by becoming a first object, to say nothing of the additional importance it must have acquired from the disappointment, and even indignation, expressed in England at the previous failure in ascertaining it, but also specific points on which to look for it. Add to all which, he found it at the first search, and tasted none of that "hope deferred" which makes the heart sick and the spirits impatient, in discovery as in everything else. The merits of the two officers in question must not then be too harshly appreciated, from their different success; neither also ought their books to be estimated without reference to a similar diversity in the situation in which each was composed. Captain Ross knew that his conduct was censured by his superiors and the public; his tone, therefore, almost throughout, is apologetical, and many of his details are lumbering, egotistical and heavy. But when a man feels that he is likely to be defrauded of what is strictly his due on one point, he naturally swells on all; and he were a harsh judge of human nature who would too rigidly scan the infirmity. Captain Parry, on the other hand, returned to reap the well-earned rewards of success, with incidents to tell of a romantic and unusual character, and talents for telling them, which, in despite of his modest excuses about his education, it is difficult to imagine that he should not suspect were respectable for, in truth, they seem to us first-rate.

79 James Ross Sails with Parry Without a care or a fear, therefore, he seems to have written, with singular facility and precision, whatever came in order, and to have thus given the world a volume considerably larger than Captain Ross's, yet replete with interest almost throughout.14

Barrow would remain vindictive towards John Ross for the rest of his life, and neither Parry nor Sabine showed much goodwill towards him. Parry wrote to his parents about the many letters of congratulation that he received, "among which the most ardent and, I doubt not, the most sincere, is from one Capt. John Ross!!! Now, have I not told you of a curiosity? I propose to have it framed and glazed, and then to put it into the British Museum."15 And: "I will answer him at my leisure - quite civilly, but so as to prevent the possibility of his bringing on a correspondence which is the game he now wants to play."16 This was a very ungenerous reaction, for Ross's letter survives/7 and it is a perfectly straightforward and friendly letter congratulating Parry on his success, hoping that he will be promoted, and thanking him for all he has done for James. James Ross wrote to his uncle immediately on return, giving a brief account of the voyage and soon resumed a normal family relationship. His letter contains two interesting sentences: "Capt. Sabine has caused many quarrels between the officers for which he is universally detested and will yet most likely be hauled over the coals if he does not mind his p's and q's," and "Parry has behaved with exceeding kindness to me."18 Such criticism of Sabine is not to be found from any other hand, but this does not necessarily mean that it did not exist, since it could only be expressed in such terms in a private letter and not in a journal that had to be passed to the Admiralty. In a postscript to his letter to his uncle, James wrote: "I am delighted at hearing that my dear father is well and in England. J. Cunningham [an aunt] told me he was married but she did not know who to. I shall be glad to see him so comfortably settled with his family around him." (Nothing is known about this lady, except that her name was Sophie Baily.) When he wrote those words, James did not know the circumstances under which his father had just returned from Demerary. George Ross, in addition to his duties as collector of customs, had engaged in various business enterprises there, including the setting up of a discount house for bills of exchange. A Mr Millicent Craig had executed, in favour of a Mr Moliere, a bill of exchange on London, which was held by Ross. Moliere had been advanced a part of the money due, and Ross retained the bill of exchange until such time as he needed the balance. However, ill will developed between Craig and Moliere,

8o Polar Pioneers

Craig stopped payment of the balance from London, and Moliere claimed the balance from Ross. Under an ancient Dutch law, he got a court order for payment, which Ross said was entirely inappropriate and impossible for him to fulfil, as he had nothing to hand over. He tried to appeal, but was not allowed to do so, and on 9 October 1819, he was dismissed from his post by a notice in the Demerara Gazette. Early in the following year, he was placed under house arrest, and after two months of this, he applied for three months' leave in order to present an appeal in England. On 29 May the guard around his house was doubled, and on 8 June his house was forcibly entered and he was arrested by order of the court, Moliere having submitted that Ross was about to flee from justice. He was kept in jail for 130 days, among the most undesirable elements of the colony, and was released only after paying Moliere 90,000 guilders, while protesting that he had no security against this payment. On 13 November he issued a notice to the press calling for a statement of all demands against him, as he was about to leave for England.19 In January 1821 George Ross submitted a memorial to the colonial secretary preferring charges against the governor for refusing to hear his defence, wrongful arrest and imprisonment, and wrongful dismissal. He also preferred similar charges against the president of the Court of Justice. The colonial secretary called upon the governor for an answer to these charges, but would not disclose to Ross the reply he received.20 However, the surveyor general and commissioners of customs, having reviewed the evidence, gave their opinion that Ross had been wrongfully deprived of his post, and he was reinstated in office by the lords commissioners of the Treasury.21 George Ross evidently returned to the West Indies in 1822, for a letter from agents in London addressed to him in Martinique in June that year reads, "We congratulate you upon your reinstatement in office in Demerary, and upon the favourable appearance of your affairs in Martinique."22 Relations between the governor of Demerary and George Ross cannot have been very happy, but the governor was occupied with more important matters. The administration of justice would not have been easy in the early days of this colony, and the president of the Court of Justice, William Rough, had been involved in many bitter arguments since he took office in 1816. In October 1821 - and presumably Ross's case had something to do with it - the governor had suspended him from office.23 Rough took his case to London, and long litigation ensued. In August 1823, a serious Black revolt took place, which was said to have been encouraged by one of the missionaries, and the colony was still in a very turbulent state when the governor left at the end of his term of office in May 1824.24

81 James Ross Sails with Parry

A few days after Parry had sailed from England in May 1819, Lieutenant John Franklin left in command of a complementary expedition by land, with the object of determining the configuration of the Canadian Arctic coast. The story of this extraordinary journey of more than 5,500 miles, with its terrible privations, loss of life, and gruesome episodes, is outside our scope. Five hundred and fifty odd miles of coastline were delineated, from the mouth of the Coppermine River eastward to Point Turnagain, along which there was a navigable seaway that might later (and, in fact, did) prove to be part of the elusive Northwest Passage, but at no time was Franklin anywhere near linking up with Parry. His fellow officers were Dr John Richardson, who acted as naturalist, and midshipmen George Back and Robert Hood. Hood died (murdered by an Indian) during the journey; Richardson and Back will be heard of again as our story proceeds. By the time Franklin arrived home in August 1822, Parry had sailed again. 1821-23: T O F U R Y A N D H E C L A STRAIT

The successful outcome of Parry's 1819-20 voyage had aroused great enthusiasm, and talk of another expedition was widespread, but the ships were paid off on 21 December 1820 without any official notice from the Admiralty of another voyage. Parry measured the chances of success with a sober realism that had been conspicuously lacking before the 1818 expeditions, even though he did not realize how exceptionally favourable had been the ice conditions in 1819, a fact only revealed by the experiences of later expeditions. Following a discussion with Barrow, he wrote to his parents: I know the difficulties of the whole accomplishment of the North-West Passage too well to make light of them, and am not so sanguine of entire success as those who judge only from the actual resutl of our last voyage. The success we met is to be attributed, under Providence, to the concurrence of many very favourable circumstances, of which the principal and most obvious is having pitched at once on the place of all others, I mean Lancaster's Sound, where one outlet to the Polar Sea exists. Should another expedition be determined on, the attempt must be made in a lower latitude; perhaps about Hudson's or Cumberland Straits, and it must always be kept in view that we have thus to begin again, for who shall pretend to say that either of those inlets will lead into the Polar Sea and conduct us to the Northern Coast of America? It is with this view, and from several other considerations of scarcely less importance, that I am confident another Expedition will end in disappointment to all con-

82 Polar Pioneers cerned and interested in it, because so great has been our late success that nothing short of the entire accomplishment of the North-West Passage in to the Pacific will satisfy the Public ... Having stated all this, and a great deal more, I then told Mr. Barrow that I was still as ready as ever I was, to do my best towards the accomplishment of the object in view, and that I was the more inclined for it, from a fear of the Russians being beforehand with us.25

(Parry had in mind the voyage of Lieutenant Kotzebue in 1815-18, aimed at exploring the eastern side of Bering Strait and the north coast of Alaska.) Before the end of the year, he was offered the command of another expedition, and he commissioned the Fury on i January 1821. A few days later, Lieutenant George F. Lyon commissioned the Hecla, with immediate promotion to the rank of commander. Lyon was a most engaging character. Parry wrote of him, "He is spoken of by all who know him, as a most gentlemanly clever fellow, and his drawings are the most beautiful I ever saw."26 Lyon had a good service record and had recently accompanied a civilian named Ritchie on a rather obscure mission in North Africa. This gentleman had died, and Lyon, succeeding him, gave himself the courtesy rank of captain, the better to impress those whom he met. This title stuck, and he seems to have been invariably known to one and all as "Captain Lyon." Parry insisted on choosing his own officers. These included, among many others from the earlier voyages, Parry's trusted frind W.H. Hooper as purser of the Fury, the talented surveyor John Bushnan, and Midshipman James Ross. A new midshipman, Francis Rawdon Moira Crozier, was appointed to the Fury, and Midshipman Edward Bird to the Hecla. This was the start of a lifetime's partnership among these three young men. Sabine's place as astronomer was taken by the Rev. George Fisher, who had been with Buchan in 1818. Parry's official instructions were "to penetrate to the westward through Hudson's Strait, until you reach, either in Repulse Bay or on other parts of the shores of Hudson's Bay, to the north of Wager River, some part of the coast which you may feel convinced to be a portion of the Continent of America. You are then to keep along the line of this coast to the northward, always examining every bend or inlet which may appear to you likely to afford a practicable passage to the westward, in which direction it is the principal object of your voyage to endeavour to find your way from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean."27 The ships were provisioned for three years and carried a large quantity of tinned foods. They sailed on 8 May and after a difficult passage through Hudson Strait, were off the northeast corner of

83 James Ross Sails with Parry

Southampton Island on 2 August. More than a century after the voyages in and around Hudson Bay by Button, Bylot, and Fox, Captain Christopher Middleton had in 1742 sailed northward through Sir Thomas Roe's Welcome (so named by Fox) and discovered Wager Bay and Repulse Bay. There he came to a dead end, with the coast turning eastward. He returned by the same route, but spoke also of a frozen strait running eastwards from Repulse Bay and north of Southampton Island. Middleton's voyage became the subject of virulent controversy, but if this strait existed and was navigable, it would provide a route from Parry's present position to Repulse Bay shorter by some 350 miles than the known route south of Southampton Island and up the Welcome. Parry studied the opposing views and preferred "the ocular evidence of Captain Middleton against the speculative reasoning of Mr. Dobbs."28 He decided to try, succeeded, and entered Repulse Bay. The bay was free of ice, and a survey by boats confirmed, once for all, that the land round it was continuous, with no passage to the westward. During the rest of the season, the ships worked northeastwards, by what Parry termed "neck-or-nothing navigation," minutely examining every inlet on the coast. Much of this surveying was done in boats, involving several days' absence from the ships, and James Ross's name appears frequently in Parry's published narrative. Early in October, the ships were secured for the winter in a bay in Winter Island (66° N, 83° W). The winter was neither so long nor so cold as the one spent at Melville Island two years before, and conditions on board had been greatly improved by the fitting of a stove invented by a Mr Sylvester, which distributed warm air through flues and proved a most efficient and welcome form of central heating. The substitution of cots for the officers and hammocks for the men, in place of their former bed places, greatly improved the ventilation. Experience was also leading towards a standard outfit of clothing - fur-lined "pea jackets" of closely woven blue box cloth worn over several layers of wool; trousers of the same material tucked into soft leather boots; two pairs of socks; and red woollen caps under hard, round straw hats. (During the next expedition, trials would be made of "Mackintosh's waterproof canvas.") As before, a large scientific program was carried out, and leisure hours were enlivened by theatrical performances, musical evenings, and a voluntary school; at the end of the voyage, Parry proudly reported that there was not a man on board who could not read the Bible. On i February 1822 a party of people was seen approaching Hecla over the ice; they proved to be members of a tribe of Inuit who had established their camp nearby. They were very friendly people,

84 Polar Pioneers Map 4 Parry's Second Voyage, 1821-23

about sixty in all, and for the rest of the winter there was almost daily intercourse with them. The first long contact between Kabloonas (Europeans) and Inuit gave a special character to this voyage and is recorded in much detail by both Parry and Lyon. Parry was, of course, anxious to find out what the Inuit knew of the geography of the region, and he found a particularly intelligent woman named Iligliuk, who was able to understand the purpose of a map and who attempted to draw one for him. Having delineated the known part of the coast and made Iligliuk "box the compass" re-

85 James Ross Sails with Parry

peatedly (they had obtained the Inuktitut words for the four cardinal points), we desired her to complete the rest and to do it mikkee (small), when, with a countenance of the most grave attention and peculiar intelligence, she drew the coast of the continent beyond her own country, as lying nearly north instead of east, from Winter Island. The most important part still remained, and it would have amused an unconcerned looker-on to have observed the anxiety and suspense depicted on the countenances of our part of the group, till this was accomplished, for never were the tracings of a pencil watched with more eager solicitude. Our surprise and satisfaction may therefore, in some degree, be imagined when, without taking it from the paper, Iligliuk brought the continental coast short round to the westward, and afterwards to the s.s.w., so as to come within three of four days' journey of Repulse Bay. The country thus situated upon the shores of the Western or Polar Sea is called Akkoolee and is inhabitated by numerous Eskimaux ... To the westward of Akkoolee, as far as they can see from the hills, which she described as high ones, nothing can be distinguished but one wide-extended sea. Being desirous of seeing whether Iligliuk would interfere with Wager River, as we know it to exist, I requested her to continue the coast-line to the southward of Akkoolee, when she immediately dropped the pencil, and said she knew no more about it.29

The prospect thus opened up, of rounding the northeastern point of the North American continent, was most encouraging. It also reminded Parry that during their examination of Lyon Inlet the previous September, he, Ross, and Bushnan had on two occasions seen from the top of hills, expanses of water to the westward which, at the time, they thought to be large lakes. This not only tended to confirm the account of the Inuit but indicated that one way of exploring the American coast might be to cross the Melville Peninsula (as Parry named it) overland from Repulse Bay. The ships were released from their winter quarters on 2 July and continued their northward passage. A fortnight later - not without some days of great danger - they arrived at the mouth of an opening to the westward, which Parry named the "Strait of the Fury and Hecla." It was blocked by ice that never cleared enough to allow the ships a passage, and he had to be content with a number of exploratory excursions overland (which confirmed the promise of open sea to the westward) before settling down for another winter near Igloolik at the eastern end of the strait (The strait was first navigated from west to east by a United States icebreaker in 1948, and from east to west by HMCS Labrador in 1956.) Again the winter was enlivened

86 Polar Pioneers

by the presence of Inuit, some of them old acquaintances from the previous year at Winter Island. During the winter, Parry decided that when the ships were released from the ice, he would send the Hecla home and continue alone in the Fury. Volunteers were invited for a third season, and stores were moved between the ships, but summer came late that year, and in August there was no sign of a break in the ice to the westward. Moreover, signs of scurvy began to appear, and the doctors and Lyon, on being asked their opinions, advised against remaining for a third season. Parry decided to sail for home. The ships reached Shetland on 9 October 1823 and paid off in November. Though the expedition had failed in its primary object, it had achieved much. Many miles of new coastline had been surveyed, important scientific information had been collected, and it had been possible to study the ways in which the Inuit adapted to their inhospitable environment. James Ross learnt a lot. He accompanied his captain on many of the surveying expeditions by boat and on foot, and references to him in Parry's narrative show clearly that Parry regarded him as most reliable and conscientious in any task that required careful observation, be it nautical or scientific. Ross was given the responsibility of stuffing animals and birds and procured, amongst many other birds, two specimens of Sabine's gull. On 2 July 1823, while out shooting, "Mr. Ross had procured a specimen of a gull having a black ring round its neck, and which, in its present plumage, we could not find described. This bird was alone when it was killed, but flying at no great distance from a flock of tern, which latter it somewhat resembles in size as well as in its red legs; but is on closer inspection easily distinguished by its beak and tail, as well as by a beautiful tint of most delicate rose-colour on its breast."30 This was the first description of Ross's gull (Larus rossii, now Rhodostethia rosea). James Ross also gained his first experience of sledging with husky dogs. In November 1822, Parry and Lyon bought a number of dogs from the Inuit at Igloolik, and they and their officers used them frequently for short journeys in the spring and early summer of 1823. Some of their sledges were large, and the wooden runners may have been shod with iron. In June that year, Lyon made the first long journey performed by a naval officer with dog-drawn sledges, in an attempt to cross Melville Peninsula and reach the western sea. He was accompanied by two men with a team of ten dogs drawing a sledge weighing 191 pounds and carrying a load at the start of 12 hundred weight.31 Weather and travelling conditions were bad, with snow beginning to melt, and they returned unsuccessful after thirteen days. When he sailed for home, Parry left his sledges for the Inuit but took his dogs with him.

87 James Ross Sails with Parry

On his return, Parry found that he had been promoted to captain in November 1821. James Ross had been promoted to lieutenant in December 1822, and his ability as a naturalist was soon recognized in his election as a fellow of the Linnaean Society. Parry now learnt the results of Franklin's expedition and concluded that "the probability of the existence of the Passage has been greatly strengthened"32 and that the sea having been shown to be sometimes navigable on the north coast of North America, the remaining problem was to find a route from the east to the part of the coast discovered by Franklin. Franklin's experience and his own recent voyage also reinforced Parry's opinion that a continuity of land was an important consideration in the navigation of the polar seas. He believed that Fury and Hecla Strait would never be clear of ice because the strong easterly current flowing through it would always pile up the ice at its western end. "I trust that the endeavours of the two Expeditions lately employed under my orders have at least served the useful purpose of shewing where the passage is not to be effected, and of thus bringing within very narrow limits the question as to where any furture attempt should be made."33 The obvious place to try first was Prince Regent Inlet, into which Parry had briefly penetrated in 1819. Parry's official narrative was published in March 1824, in a handsome quarto volume with splendid illustrations by Lyon and a number of excellent charts. It sold for 4^/2 guineas. The appendix on animals and birds, in which a full description of Ross's gull appears, was written by Dr Richardson; the botany appendix, by Sir William Hooker. Lyon was persuaded to publish his own "private gossiping journal" principally because of its anecdotes about the Inuit. It sold for 16 shillings and is a delightful work, very revealing of the character of its author. Barrow reviewed Parry's narrative in the Quarterly Review.34 His conclusions on the geography of the Arctic were very definite. It was known, he averred, that a constant current flowed from the Pacific through Bering Strait and thence eastward and westward along the North American and Asiatic coasts. Franklin had reported driftwood on the shores of the Canadian coast; the Inuit had told Parry that they had obtained wood on the western shore of Melville Peninsula behind Repulse Bay; and now Parry had found a strait, hermetically sealed by ice, through which a strong current ran beneath the ice, carrying southward large masses of ice into Fox's Channel, Hudson Bay, and Hudson Strait and thence into the Atlantic. Barrow agreed with Parry's opinion that Prince Regent Inlet was the right place to try next, but with fewer reservations than Parry held. Parry had written, "The view which we obtained from the southern part of Prince

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Regent's Inlet in 1819, was not, indeed, very encouraging as to the state of the ice at that particular time ... The ice was, however certainly detached from the shores, and in motion; in which case a hope may always be cherished of occasional openings in our favour." Barrow commented, "All experience proves this. In a deep and open sea where the ice floats it is absolute nonsense to talk of 'impenetrable fields of ice'; they are the sport of winds, tides and currents." With regard to crossing the Polar Sea, Parry had stated, "To enter a body of heavy ice, of great and uncertain extent, without any known land stretching in the desired direction, is an enterprise differing in character from almost any hitherto attended with success," but that should it prove one vast expanse of sea, "channels of open water may occur to assist a ship's progress to the westward."35 Barrow observed, "We are disposed to hope that the latter may be the case. Proving, as we have done that floating ice on a wide sea can never be permanently stationary, we conceive that less difficulty will be found, than among an archipelago of islands where it firmly attaches itself to the narrow passages between them." Parry had several interviews with Lord Melville before the end of 1823, at one of which the subject of another expedition was discussed, and it was authorized early in the New Year. He received a surprise at one of these interviews, when Lord Melville offered him the post of hydrographer. Parry said that he would prefer to be free to accept more active employment, but Lord Melville assured him that his acceptance of the post would not debar him from an active appointment. In a letter to his brother Charles, Parry wrote: "Sir Geo. Cockburn asked Mr. Barrow, whether he thought I could contrive to do the duties of my Office, as well as those of equipping my ship, Mr. B., always anxious to serve me, replied 'By all means' for that, tho' I could not be here always, I might still overlook the business, which is all that is really wanted in this department. Mr. Barrow, in telling me what had passed, remarked 'Do not think of quitting this situation, for, altho' it is true that you are to receive no salary for it, as soon as your ship is commissioned, still it is your sheet-anchor; keep hold of the Admiralty while you can - you do not know to what it may hereafter lead' With this advice I shall, of course, comply."36 In his autobiography some twenty years later, Barrow commented, rather disingenuously, that "a sufficiently qualified person not being found to fill the vacant situation, Lord Melville appointed Captain Parry twice, or I believe a third time, as Acting Hydrographer."37 There must have been many unemployed captains, as well qualified for the post as Parry, who would have welcomed this appointment, though this is not to deny that in the five years he held it Parry at-

89 James Ross Sails with Parry

tempted many, and achieved some, improvements in what was, at that time, a very backward department. 1824-25 : T O P R I N C E R E G E N T INLET

Parry commissioned the Hecla again on 17 January 1824, and Commander Henry Parkyns Hoppner, who had served in all the three earlier Arctic voyages, was given the command of the Fury. James Ross was appointed second lieutenant of the Fury. Hooper the purser ("my right hand"), Crozier, and Bird were again among the officers, and Lieutenant Henry Foster, a talented young officer already a fellow of the Royal Society, was appointed nominally as assistant surveyor but in fact to perform the duties of astronomer, for which he was well qualified. Parry's ships were, following his own recommendation, to try to reach the northern coast of North America through Prince Regent Inlet, but his expedition was complemented by three others designed, by a concerted attack, to solve the mystery of the Northwest Passage once and for all. Lyon, in the old Griper, was to sail to Repulse Bay, cross the Melville Peninsula, and explore the coast westwards as far as he could towards Point Turnagain. Franklin was to travel down the Mackenzie River to its mouth and then eastwards to the Coppermine River and westwards towards Icy Cape (which Cook had reached from the West in 1778). Commander Frederick Beechey, who had been Franklin's first lieutenant in the Trent in 1818 and Parry's first lieutenant in the Hecla in 1819-20, was to take the Blossom to Bering Strait by the summer or autumn of 1826, with the hope of meeting Franklin and Parry. The Hecla and the Fury sailed at the end of May and a month later, stopped at Disko and the Whalefish Islands, where Parry made a small survey. There James Ross met a Lieutenant Holboll of the Danish Navy, "who," wrote James's brother George, "has been 2 years in those dreary regions making a scientific collection for his Government... each became immediately captivated with the other ... my brother speaks of him in raptures - an officer who is, or is to be, 'one of the principal scios of Denmark/"38 They agreed to exchange duplicates from their collections, and George Clark Ross was writing to Sir Joseph Banks's librarian asking for advice on how Lieutenant Holboll might find a market in England for his private collection. Sailing westward from Disko, the ships entered the "middle ice" of Baffin Bay in the middle of July, at just about the same time of year as in 1819. Conditions in 1824 were, however, very different; the sum-

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mer was very cold and the ice slow to break up. The ships took eight weeks to reach Lancaster Sound, and then, having nearly reached the entrance to Prince Regent Inlet, they were swept out again under the influence of young ice and a westerly wind. The prospect of being forced right out of Lancaster Sound and being beset for the winter in the open sea of Baffin Bay was not a pleasant one to contemplate, but fortunately they were eventually able to beat up to Port Bowen, which Parry had briefly surveyed in 1819, and secured there for the winter on i October. Life on board was made more pleasant as a result of "Mr. Sylvester's warming apparatus" having been placed in the very bottom of the hold; thus it not only warmed the whole ship better, but also provided another habitable deck, which gave "the people" nearly double the sleeping space. Schools were run in each ship under the supervision of Hooper, "not merely to the improvement of the men in reading and writing, but also to cultivation of that religious feeling which so essentially improves the character of a seaman, by furnishing the highest motives for increased attention to every other duty."39 Parry's first biographer, his son Edward, bishop of Dover, said that this voyage marked a turning point in his father's life, that "he regarded the religion of his early life as widely different from his later experience. The former was but an imperfect, vague, undeveloped service, the latter was 'a light shining more and more unto the perfect day.'"40 In the evenings, after school, Hooper often enjoyed conversation with his captain on religious subjects. This was the fourth winter that many of the officers and men had spent in the Arctic, there was none of the novelty of the first winter at Melville Island, and no Inuit to enliven the scene as at Winter Island and Igloolik. The old plays had begun to pall, but Hoppner thought up the idea of "bals masques," held once a month in each ship alternately, which were a great success - "masquerades without licentiousness - carnivals without excess,"41 as Parry expressed it. An observatory was set up ashore which soon grew into "a scattered village, the number of detached houses having various needles set up in them soon amounting to seven or eight." An extensive scientific program was carried out in which James Ross played a prominent role. There is evidence of the reliance Parry was increasingly placing on him in a number of notes which he sent across to Ross in the Fury and which chance has preserved. A typical one (now in the Scott Polar Research Institute) reads: Dear Ross, You will oblige me by taking the Needles, as well as the Vibrations, during your time on the hill to-day, as I was obliged to get Sherer to take the morning

91 James Ross Sails with Parry Map 5 Parry's Third Voyage, 1824-25

watch, intending to take his spell at the needles myself, but I have so much pain in my limbs, when in motion, that I shall not be able to fetch to hill to-day. Yours very truly, W.E. Parry

(Parry was subject to rheumatism during much of his life.) At the end of the voyage, Parry asked Ross to write the zoological appendix, and it is evident from the botanical appendix (written by Sir William Hooker) that Ross was also mainly responsible for the - inevitably rather small - collections made in this field. At the end of May 1825, three travelling parties left to explore the land. Parry had some husky dogs with him (presumably some of those from Igloolik, since there is no mention in his narrative of having obtained any in Greenland), and he recorded that they were constantly at work with a sledge near the ships in the winter; but they were not used by the travelling parties. The northern party, under James Ross with four men, travelled some seventy-five miles to a point beyond Cape York and returned with the welcome news that the sea was open twenty-two miles north of Port Bowen and that Barrow Strait was largely clear of ice. Parry regretted afterwards that the southern party had not carried more provisions, which would

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have enabled them to travel beyond Cape Kater (the farthest point seen in 1819) and perhaps find some of the northern stations of the Inuit met during the previous voyage. It was late July before the ships were able to free themselves from Port Bowen. In his published narrative of this voyage, Parry quotes several examples which show that where inlets run north and south, the western side of the inlet is generally more encumbered with ice than the eastern side. Nevertheless, his plan was to work down the western side of Prince Regent Inlet in the hope of the coast turning westward, rather than down the eastern side towards Fury and Hecla Strait. Having crossed to the western side, they made the best way they could southward in very difficult ice conditions and with the frustrating experience that a favourable northerly wind tended to drive the ice nearer the shore, while a contrary southerly one helped to disperse it. The cliffs near the sea, nearly perpendicular and four or five hundred feet high, were continually breaking down to form a most inhospitable beach. On i August, disaster struck, and both ships were driven ashore. Though they refloated, Fury was badly damaged and had to be beached. She was got off, but a few days later grounded again. The crews were now put to work to form an artificial harbour and prepare to "heave down" Fury, that is turn her on her side to examine below the water-line. Tents were put up ashore on a fairly extensive area of flat land, the whole of Fury's stores and topmasts were landed, her crew was transferred to Hecla, and she was hove down. The damage revealed was so great that there was no possibility of making her seaworthy, the crews had worked to the point of exhaustion for more than three weeks, and there was no alternative open to Parry but to abandon Fury and return home with both crews in Hecla. He arrived in England in late October 1825. Fury was never seen again, but Fury Point and the stores left there were to play an important part in future polar history. Parry's conclusion at the end of this, his last, voyage in search of the Northwest Passage was that a passage would be found but that it would not be made in a single summer, or even perhaps in two summers. He had demonstrated that with proper arrangements, wintering in the ice was perfectly feasible. At one stage in the drama at Fury Point, Hecla had been forced to sail some miles southward, and they had seen very little ice to the southward and eastward and a dark "water-sky" indicating navigable water. With the salvage of Fury as his primary task, Parry could not test this further, but concluded that in view of "the favourable appearances of a navigable sea near the south-western extremity of Prince Regent's Inlet," it was to that point that he still recommended that any future attempt be directed.

93 James Ross Sails with Parry

Barrow again reviewed Parry's published narrative in the Quarterly Review. While avoiding too direct a criticism of Parry, he reiterated his opinion that it was wiser to keep to the open sea than to hug the coast. "It is true that, on running the ships into a field of ice, there is no knowing whither they might be drifted, or when disentangled, but in other respects we are apt to think such is the safest way to navigate frozen seas; and when we are told by Captain Parry ... that the ice was setting to the southward, and sometimes at a rapid rate, 'full seven days out of ten on an average/ we cannot help expressing a wish that both vessels had been shut up in the midst of it, instead of being in a situation where they were almost every instant liable to be squeezed between the huge masses and the unyielding shore, and where the Fury was finally crushed and wrecked." Barrow continued, "We speak from some little experience when we say, that the danger from being 'beset' is very trifling indeed. Even the frail Greenland fishing ships, though sometimes 'nipped' in the ice, are rarely lost; and when such an accident takes place, the crews are generally preserved upon the ice or in their boats if the ice should separate."43 He did not live to know of the disaster that happened twenty years later to Franklin's ships beset in the open sea. The expeditions complementary to that of Parry met with varying degrees of success. Captain Lyon's voyage in the most unsuitable old Griper was a disaster. He did not even reach Repulse Bay, having been nearly wrecked in a gale and then lost all his anchors during a second one. This ill-fated voyage was redeemed by the splendid conduct of the crew in the most dire circumstances, recounted by Lyon, in his own inimitable style, in his published narrative. The Admiralty, however, regarded Lyon as blameworthy and did not offer him a new appointment. Parry wrote to his brother on 26 October 1825: I cannot express the indignation with which I view this too common attempt on the part of the Admiralty, to let the blame for failure lie on any shoulders but their own. This is certainly the case now, with respect to the Griper, a vessel of such lubberly, shameful construction as to baffle the ingenuity of the most ingenious seaman in England to do anything with her. I know nothing of the absolute merits of the case, on the occasion on which Lyon lost his anchors, and was in consequence obliged to return - but this I know, that a good vessel would not have incurred the same risk or the same necessity, and it is the Admiralty with whom the principal, original and most glaring fault lies."44

(In 1825, Lyon married Lucy, daughter of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and she died a vear later. He took up an appointment in Mexico as a

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Map 6 Franklin's Expeditions, 1818-22 and 1825-27

commissioner of the Real del Monte Mining Company and died in 1832 on his way home from that country.) Franklin, again accompanied by Richardson and Back, had left in February 1825. The expedition was better organized than Franklin's first excursion, and though there were dangerous episodes, there were none of the horrors of the previous journey. They reached the mouth of the Mackenzie River in August, found the sea completely clear of ice, and returned to Great Bear Lake to winter. During the following summer, Franklin travelled west for 374 miles to a point which he named Beechey Point, before the evident approach of winter forced him to turn back; meanwhile, Richardson traced the coast between the Mackenzie and Coppermine rivers. After again wintering at Great Bear Lake, the expedition returned to England in September 1827. The coast had now been surveyed for about 1,100 miles from Beechey Point to Point Turnagain and proved to be navigable at least for boats. It had been hoped that Franklin in his journey west could reach Bering Strait, and Beechey had sailed in the Blossom in May 1825 with instructions to wait for him in Kotzebue Sound. Before leaving England, Franklin and Beechey had made private arrangements for effecting the meeting. Reaching Kotzebue Sound in July 1826, Beechey continued northwards to Icy Cape and lay offshore until

95 James Ross Sails with Parry

forced back to Kotzebue, while a barge pressed on eastwards and reached and named Point Barrow before having to return. Beechey Point and Point Barrow are only 150 miles apart, but there could have been no hope of Franklin travelling that distance even if he had known the position of Blossom's barge. On 18 March 1824, James Ross wrote to his father, then in Barbados, on behalf of his much-loved sister Isabella, aged twenty. She had fallen in love with a thirty-two-year-old London solicitor, William Spence. George and John Ross did not approve of him, but James had seen more of Spence and his family and was convinced that Isabella was deeply in love and that the marriage would be a happy one. Of Spence he wrote that "it is evident he is not one of the brightest characters in the world, but rather the contrary. He is however a quiet, good-hearted, domesticated kind of man, more capable of making Isabella happy than perhaps any one in a more exalted sphere of life, and certainly possessing ability sufficient to clear an income of 400 or 5oo£ per annum in his profession."45 George Ross was expected home in April, but it was not until later in the year that he returned from the West Indies, this time for good. James, having sailed in the Fury in May, wrote to his father from the Whalefish Islands in July, addressing his letter to "George Ross (of Demerary), St. Thomas's, W. Indies." All had now been settled, and Isabella and William Spence were to be married on 2 August. James hoped that by the time the letter arrived, "Mrs Spence will be happy in the possession of one who I am sure she loves and who, I am equally convinced, loves her dearly and will make her very happy."46 And so it turned out. To his uncle John on the same subject, James wrote that "this day twelve years ago I first embarked under your care and this awakens the most gratifying recollection of the many advantages I have derived from your paternal protection."47 1827: T O W A R D S T H E N O R T H P O L E

In a footnote to his review of Parry's narrative of his second voyage, Barrow had written: We shall ere long be in possession of the geography of the northern coast of America ... We do not despair of seeing the day when this spirit of enterprise will have conducted some adventurous Englishmen to the very northern extremity of the earth's axis. To reach the North Pole from the north part of Spitzbergen, with the united aid of a couple of boats, half decked, and sledges, to carry each other in turns as ice or water may occur, would, as we

96 Polar Pioneers conceive, neither be so difficult nor so dangerous an enterprise as that which was undertaken and performed by the Russian officer, Baron Wrangel, on sledges alone. From Hackluyt's Headland to the Pole is only 600 geographical miles. Allowing a speed of only 15 miles a day (of twenty four hours, always light) it would only require forty days; so that if a little vessel should arrive there in the beginning of June, the boats might reach the Pole, and return to her with ease by the end of August. So little is this of a visionary project, that Captain Franklin proposed to undertake it; and indeed there is not a naval officer who has seen the ice, and knows what it is, but will admit of its being feasible, and who would not cheerfully volunteer to make the attempt.48

Soon after Parry returned from his third voyage, Barrow gave him a copy of Franklin's plan. Having considered such evidence as was available, Parry came to the conclusion that the project was practicable and wrote to Lord Melville on 13 April 1826 setting out a plan "to attempt to reach the North Pole, by means of travelling with sledgeboats over the ice, or through any spaces of open water that might occur"49 in the summer of 1827. At Barrow's request, Parry also set out the scientific objects of the expedition, and this document was referred to the Royal Society, whose president, Sir Humphrey Davy, wrote to Lord Melville supporting "this proposition of so brave, enlightened and scientific an officer." The first lord gave his consent in July. 5° Parry had never himself been north of Spitsbergen, but in addition to what Franklin and Buchan had reported, earlier descriptions of the ice seemed encouraging. During Captain Phipps's expedition in 1773, the ice to the northeastward was described as appearing, to a distance of ten or twelve leagues, "one continued plain of smooth unbroken ice, bounded only by the horizon" and was shown on the chart to the northward of the Seven Islands (Sjuoyane) as "flat and unbroken."51 Undue weight may, perhaps, also have been given to a single sentence by Scoresby: "I once saw a field that was so free from either fissure or hummock, that I imagine, had it been free from snow, a coach might have been driven many leagues over it in a direct line, without obstruction or danger."52 But in his paper presented to the Wernerian Society in 1815, Scoresby had made a very realistic assessment of the difficulties which might have to be surmounted. He believed that the journey "would be too arduous a task to be undertaken and performed by human exertions alone, but would require the assistance of some fleet quadrupeds, accustomed to the harness."53 Reindeer might prove suitable, given favourable circumstances, but Scoresby recommended the use of dogs, together with their native drivers. He envisaged that the sledges would be light and adaptable to serve as boats.

97 James Ross Sails with Parry

The boats constructed for this expedition were of a very different nature. They were 20 feet long, with a 7-foot beam of heavy timbers and planked (from inside outwards) with waterproof canvas tarred on the outside, 3/i6-inch planks of fir, a sheet of stout felt, and 3/16 inch planks of oak - the whole screwed to the timbers from the outside. This method of construction provided a degree of elasticity, which proved both necessary and successful. On each side of the keel and projecting well below it were strong runners shod with steel to enable the boat to be used as a sledge. Each boat, unloaded, weighed 1,540 pounds (nearly three-quarters of a ton). In the hope of making better progress on hard and level fields, each boat was provided with two wheels 5 feet in diameter forward and a small one aft, with "a swivel for steering by, like that of a Bath chair"; these wheels were soon abandoned as valueless. A bamboo mast 19 feet long, a sail that doubled as an awning, paddles, and a steer oar were also provided. There were only two thwarts, and the scientific instruments were lashed on a platform which had an arrangement of whalebone springs to avoid jarring and which proved entirely effective. Each boat was to be manned by two officers, ten seamen, and two marines. Parry aimed to leave Spitsbergen at the beginning of June and to make the journey to the North Pole and back by the end of August, travelling an average of i^l/2 miles a day. Provisions were taken for ninety days. The final weight of each boat, fully equipped and stored, was 3,753 pounds, or 268 pounds per man. Parry had now known James Ross for eight years, had come to place great confidence in him, and now selected him to be his secondin-command. He offered the appointment to Ross, who was enjoying his first summer at home in ten years, in July 1826. Ross was appointed to Heda in October and left in charge of preparing her at Deptford while Parry was at his desk as hydrographer in London. Parry and Ross were to command the two boats on the polar journey, with Charles James Beverly and Edward Bird as their seconds. Beverly had served as assistant surgeon with John Ross in the Isabella and in the Griper on Parry's first voyage, but had later been struck off the Navy List for refusing an appointment in the West Indies; he now went nominally as "naturalist," with the aim of getting reinstated. The trusty Heda was to be the base ship for the expedition, and lieutenants Foster and Crozier were appointed to her, as were also the purser Halse, who had been on all the previous expeditions, and an assistant surgeon, Robert McCormick, who was destined to play a conspicuous role in future polar exploration. The expedition sailed on 4 April 1827 and for a week, called at Hammerfest where they embarked eight reindeer, together with a supply of moss to feed them and also "a set of snow-shoes [skis] for

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our travelling party, together with the Lapland shoes of leather, which are the most convenient and comfortable for wearing with them; and we practised our people in the manner of walking in them in deep snow, which afforded them fine exercise and amusement."54 They then sailed up the west coast of Spitsbergen seeking a safe harbour for the ship. Having got just to the north of Smeerenburg Harbour (fjorden), in which Parry had hoped to anchor but which was blocked by ice, a southerly gale drove the ship against the pack ice to the northward. With the skill born of long experience, he was able to steer the ship through the rough edge of the pack and get protection. (It had been in similar circumstances and in almost the same geographical position that the Dorothea had come to grief in 1818.) Parry had aimed to start the boat journey northward on i June, but on that date they were still beset. While they waited, a practice attempt was made with each boat. On the first occasion, the boat proved so unmanageable in the existing ice conditions that Parry considered taking only one boat, manned by the whole party, on the polar journey. Since in this event, all the party would not be able to sleep in the boat, the skis were made into fourteen sledges, a pair being used to make each sledge, and it was planned to place them under the lee of the big boat and rig up an awning as a roof. On the second occasion, a spare boat was taken to land stores as a depot. The ship was six miles from the shore, and it took Foster and Crozier with the greater part of the ship's company fourteen hours to cover four miles, over broken ice and pools of water. But the next day they succeeded in landing the boat on the beach, where they left her. In spite of these experiences, Parry felt able to write, "Having, however, had an opportunity of trying what could be done upon a regular and level floe which lay close to the beach, every body was of opinion, as I had always been, that we could easily travel twenty miles a day on ice of that kind."55 They were finally released from the ice after twenty-four days and then spent another ten days looking for a safe harbour, during which time they reached a latitude of 8i°5' N and laid depots of food on Little Table Island and Walden Island. At last, on 18 June, a good harbour was found in Treurenburg Bay (Sorg Fjorden), and after sawing a canal a quarter-mile long, the ship was safely secured in Hecla Cove. On 21 June, three weeks later than planned, the boats set out for the Pole. It was evident that neither the reindeer nor the wheels were going to be useful; so the reindeer, who were great favourites with the ship's company, sadly were fated to become fresh meat. Since he still had to return by the end of August, Parry reduced the provisions to seventy-one days' supply. Lieutenant Crozier, in the ship's cutter, ac-

99 James Ross Sails with Parry

companied the travellers as far as Walden Island, whence he returned to the ship with orders to deposit a spare boat at the island while the boats Enterprise and Endeavour sailed north in a calm sea. About noon on 24 June, they were stopped by ice and hauled the boats up on a floe in latitude 8i°i2'5i". From that time, their days assumed a regular pattern. They travelled by night and rested by day, in order to avoid as far as possible blindness caused by the intense glare from the snow and also to enjoy greater warmth during the rest period and a chance of drying their clothes. The daily ration for each man was 10 ounces of biscuit, 9 ounces of pemmican, i ounce of cocoa powder (to make i pint), and i gill of rum; 3 ounces of tobacco were allowed per week. These rations proved to be insufficient. The cocoa was brewed in an iron boiler over a shallow iron lamp with seven wicks, which, with a pint of spirits-of-wine as fuel, took about iVi hour to bring 28 pints of water to the boil. At 10 P.M. on 24 June, they set off over the ice, but ice very different from that which they had expected. Far from showing a flat surface, it varied greatly: sometimes there were large floes with hummocks up to forty feet high, in ridge after ridge only fifty or sixty yards apart; sometimes the ice was treacherously thin. For the most part, the floes were relatively small, and the leads of open water between them short, necessitating a frequent launching and hauling up of the boats. It was customary, on landing on a floe, for Parry and Ross to reconnoitre ahead while the boats were being unloaded and hauled up. Beverly and Bird would then follow their track with the sledges, treading the snow to make a better surface for the boats. The four officers then went back and joined the men in dragging the boats forward. The surface was very rarely level and hard enough to allow each boat's crew to drag its own fully laden boat; often it was necessary to make three journeys with the boats and baggage, that is, to cover the same ground five times. The crew were often floundering through deep snow, made more than usually slushy by exceptionally frequent rain - more rain this one summer than Parry had met in all his previous seasons in the Arctic taken together. The rain was also the cause of a very unpleasant type of surface ice made up of vertical needles, which cut the men's boots and feet and which they christened "penknives." Nevertheless, they went on uncomplaining, buoyed up by the prospect of soon coming to the "main ice" but remarking that they were "a long time getting to this 83°." However, before they reached that latitude, Parry had realized that their painfully slow progress was not due solely to the nature of the surface but to the fact that the ice under them was all the time drifting southward. On 23 July, Parry suffered so badly from snow-blindness

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that he had to leave the pioneering duty to Ross. The next day Ross was squeezed between the gunwale of his boat and a hummock of ice, which Beverly at first thought had damaged his spine, but mercifully it had not. That night they camped on a small floe, "the only piece of ice in sight, in any direction, on which we could venture to trust the boats while we rested."56 Parry could not hope to reach the Pole but would go on until half the provisions were expended. When, however, on 26 July he found that they had gained only one mile in the past five days, instead of the estimated twenty-three, he decided that it would be wrong to ask any more from his men, and after twentyfour hours' rest, he turned back. Their day of rest was mild and pleasant, with a temperature in the sun of 37°. The standard, which Parry had hoped to plant at the Pole, was hoisted. A little extra food was provided at the evening meal, at which Parry proposed the "Loyal Toast" in a cup of grog; the gallant Ross followed immediately with a toast to Mrs Parry, which brought tears to Parry's eyes. That evening, Ross took out a little book bound in red leather, given him by his sister Isabella, called The Economy of Human Life and containing moral maxims covering all the problems and exigencies of life. In it he noted, "Written on board the Endeavour in Latitude 82% N 2/th July 1827 Jas. C. Ross."57 Parry reckoned that they had, in fact, reached their highest latitude in 82°43'32" N at midnight on 22 July; this was a "farthest north" record that was to stand for nearly fifty years. They were still some 435 nautical miles from the Pole and only 172 miles from Heda. Parry reckoned that their route since leaving Heda had covered 292 miles, of which about ioo were by water before reaching the ice, but that, having frequently covered the ground on the ice three or even five times over, he could safely multiple this figure by two and a half, bringing the total distance travelled to not less than 580 nautical miles - almost the distance from Spitsbergen to the Pole as the crow flies. The return journey was equally difficult, but the ice drift was in their favour. The men suffered a good deal from chilblains and weakness induced by hunger, since the daily ration was inadequate. Their hunger was relieved on 7 August when Ross shot a polar bear. During the whole day, steaks were fried over a large fire made of the blubber, with the result that the pangs of hunger gave place to the pangs of indigestion (which the men attributed to the quality, rather than the quantity, of meat they had eaten). Three days later, another bear was shot - "Our encampment became so like an Eskimaux establishment, that we were obliged to shift our place upon the floe, in the course of the day, for the sake of cleanliness and comfort" - but the men were restrained from eating immoderately.

ioi James Ross Sails with Parry

On 11 August they reached the open sea after forty-eight days on the ice, and ten days later, having encountered a frustrating southerly wind, they were back on board the Hecla. They had stopped en route at Little Table Island to pick up "some little luxuries" and a copper cylinder containing a detailed report of proceedings of the ship, and Parry honoured his second-in-command by naming a small island, the most northerly land then known, Ross Islet. They also had a much needed day of rest, with a hot supper and a blazing fire, on Walden Island, where they collected the spare boat. The men barely had the strength to haul the boats up - "We noticed that the men had that wildness in their looks which usually accompanies excessive fatigue; and though just as willing as ever to obey orders, they seemed at times not to comprehend them."58 The ship sailed from Spitsbergen on 28 August and reached Orkney on 24 September. Parry and Beverly accepted the offer of a passage to Inverness in one of the Revenue cutters and proceeded thence by land to London. By a strange coincidence, Franklin, returning from his second expedition, landed at Liverpool on the same day that Parry landed at Inverness, and they reported to the Admiralty on the morning of 29 September within ten minutes of each other. Ross brought Hecla into the Thames on 6 October. Although the expedition had so signally failed to achieve its objective, Parry was unable to recommend any material improvement in the plan that had been adopted. He believed that relatively large boats were necessary and did not think that reindeer or dogs would be capable of dragging them. He foresaw the difficulties of handling the animals during the frequent launching and hauling up of the boats that they had found to be necessary. A large amount of food would be required for the animals, and experience had shown without doubt that the men's rations should be increased by at least a third; all added weight. He could offer only two explanations of why the ice conditions they met were so different from what had been expected. The first was that the ice had usually been observed from the crow's-nests of ships and that the irregularities were therefore not apparent; the second was that the surface had been affected by an exceptionally wet season. On 10 October, Parry wrote to his mother, "The papers are, I find, very liberal to me personally, though they abuse the scheme and Mr. Barrow."59 The comment in the Times, which had never been very favourable to Arctic exploration, is consistent in its first sentence, but rather surprising in those that follow: It is vexatious to be forced to the conclusion that any attempt to reach the

1O2 Polar Pioneers North Pole is but too.likely to end in disappointment; but every fresh enterprise seems to lead to this conclusion. In our opinion, the southern hemisphere presents a far more tempting field for speculation; and most heartily do we wish that an expedition were to be fitted out for that quarter. The sea is much more open, as Captain Weddell observed in his interesting voyage, and every object of commerce, as well as of sciences, might be sought towards the South Pole, with prospects far superior to any that are offered in the impenetrable North.60

Barrow himself did not agree with Parry's conclusion, stating that "the plan of boats for such a service we think a bad one in all respects, and that a good stout sailing vessel would have been preferable." In view of Parry's report that the ice had broken up in July and that before the middle of August a ship might have sailed to the latitude of 82° almost without touching a piece of ice, Barrow could not help thinking that such a ship as the Heda, starting from the northernmost point of Spitzbergen at the beginning of August, might make her way to the Pole, and return in time to make good her passage to England the same season. The six hundred miles thither and as many back, at twenty six miles in twenty four hours, would be accomplished by the 15th September which is a full month before the navigable season is over in this part of the Arctic Sea. Even supposing her to be caught and frozen in, with an adequate supply of fuel and provisions, little or no damage may be apprehended. Besides, we wish to see our brave fellows in their proper station - on board a ship; not wasting their strength in the drudgery of dragging heavy loads in boats or sledges, up to the knees in half-melted snow and water - a species of labour more fitted for convicts than seamen.61

In summarizing the expeditions of the past nine years, Barrow made some typically over-optimistic comments on the Northwest Passage: "We now know that, from Behring's Strait to the Strait of Fury and Hecla, this northern coast of America presents an undulating line, whose extreme latitudes extend from about 67° to 71°." And: "We think, too, we may conclude with Parry and Franklin, that though the object for which these voyages were undertaken has not been fully accomplished, yet a north-west passage is feasible, and that it will one day be made, if not by us, by our rival Brother Jonathan [a representative name for the American people] who, we are inclined to think, will not find it very difficult, with a wind and current in his favour, to run, in one season, from Icy Cape, through Prince Regent Inlet and Lancaster Sound, into Hudson's Bay."62

103 James Ross Sails with Parry

Scoresby, who had originally suggested the feasibility of reaching the Pole in his lecture to the Wernerian Society and had been severely criticized in the Quarterly Review,63 felt bound to make his views known in the light of Parry's experience and did so in an article to the Edinburgh Philosophical Journal for July 1828.64 He attributed the failure of the expedition to three causes. First, the weight of the boats: Scoresby once again recommended light boats similar to Inuit umiaks, able to take from ten to twenty persons but capable of being carried by six or eight persons, and light sledges. He thought that the best prospect of success lay in the use of dogs or reindeer, but if these animals failed, the boats would be within the ability of men to handle. Scoresby first heard of the weight of the boats from one of Parry's relatives while Parry was still absent on the expedition, and he "expressed the strongest conviction that this circumstance alone must be fatal to success; and I moreover added that... I should feel perfectly secure in venturing any consideration whatever in support of the belief that it was impossible to succeed." Secondly, the season of the year: Scoresby's plan had suggested that "it would be necessary to set out by the close of the month of April or beginning of May; or at least some time before the severity of the frost should be greatly relaxed." This suggestion was based on the common knowledge of the whaling captains that in these months the ice was generally cemented into a continuous field, that snow lying upon it was still unmelted, and that no rain was likely to fall; but that by July the state of the ice had changed dramatically, with small floes drifting southwestward, through which the whalers had no difficulty in passing on their return south. Thirdly and more tentatively, the meridian on which the party travelled: Scoresby thought that it might have been preferable not to have sought a harbour for the ship but for her to have landed the travelling party directly onto field ice further to the westward, which his experience had convinced him to be possible. Plans would have to be made to rendezvous with the ship on the return journey and to provide for the emergency of not meeting, but these problems were not insuperable. Seventeen years later, when Parry heard that Barrow was compiling an account of polar exploration since 1818, he wrote him a letter saying that he had modified his opinion since iSzy.65 He now recommended that a ship should winter in Spitsbergen and that the travelling party should leave during April, with the aim of being back before the end of May. Depots might be laid out to a distance of about a hundred miles both for the outward and return journeys, and it might be useful to employ reindeer if sufficient food could be pro-

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vided for them over the winter. Barrow thought nothing of this plan: "without presuming too much, not being altogether unacquainted with a ship's navigating among what is called sailing-ice, it may be allowable to suggest another and a different plan, and perhaps, on the whole, less objectionable."66 Parry had reported that in August, on the meridian on which he was returning, it would have been possible for a ship to sail in a sea unencumbered by ice to at least 82° N. "It is not, then, unreasonable to expect, that beyond that parallel, even as far as the Pole itself, the sea would be free of ice during the six summer months of perpetual sun through each of the twenty four hours, which, with the aid of the current, would in all probability destroy and dissipate the Polar ice." A trial could be made in the Erebus and the Terror when they returned from Franklin's expedition (which had recently sailed), if the ships' screw-propellors had proved satisfactory. "The distance from Hakluyt's Headland to the Pole is 600 geographical miles. Granting the ships to make only twenty miles in twenty four hours (on the supposition of much sailing-ice to go through), even in that case it would require but a month to enable the explorer to put his foot on the pivot or point of the axis on which the globe of the earth turns; remain there a month, if necessary, to obtain the sought-for information, and then, with southerly current, a fortnight, probably less, would bring him back to Spitzbergen." Barrow could make his pet theories sound very easy to turn into fact. When Parry called at the Admiralty in September 1827, he found that great changes had taken place. In May, Prime Minister George Canning had revived the office of lord high admiral for Prince William, Duke of Clarence, who by the death of the Duke of York had become heir to the throne. Prince William had entered the Navy in 1779, aged thirteen. In 1790, he had been promoted to rear admiral of the Blue and created Duke of Clarence. At the beginning of the French Revolutionary War in 1793, the London had been fitted out to receive his flag, but when he took his seat in the House of Lords, he opposed the government and criticized the war measures, and as a result, the prime minister refused to employ him, though according to Admiral Byam Martin, the king thought it might be the best way to get politics out of his head. Consequently, he saw no service in the following twenty-two years of war and hoisted his flag as admiral of the fleet only on ceremonial occasions after 1815. Prince William loved the Navy, but according to Byam Martin, "He was deficient in almost all the qualities necessary for a person in high command." The Admiralty of 1827 was excessively conservative, having been under the control of the second Viscount Melville as first lord since

105 James Ross Sails with Parry

1815. Melville's resignation had made the appointment of the Duke of Clarence possible, and the lord high admiral entered upon his duties with gusto. A council was appointed to exercise his powers, of which the senior member was another ultra-conservative, Vice Admiral Sir George Cockburn. But the lord high admiral had no intention of allowing the administration to carry on in its old ways. He travelled round the ports and ships, where his friendly informality assured him of a welcome, and during his term of office he initiated many important reforms. He sent guardships to sea for exercises and gunnery practice, established six-monthly reports on the state of preparation of ships for battle, opened the appointment as executive officers of big ships to officers of commander's rank, and placed checks on corporal punishment. But within the Admiralty there was constant friction. Two incidents in the summer of 1828 brought matters to a head. The lord high admiral was, by the terms of his appointment, subject to his Council unless he was afloat flying his flag; so in July he hoisted his flag on his yacht, the Royal Sovereign, lying in the Thames and issued orders from there without reference to the Council. A few weeks later he was at Plymouth, where a squadron was ready for sea, awaiting the arrival of their admiral to take them out for exercises. Prince William decided to hoist his flag and take them to sea himself, and for several days no one knew where they were. It was obvious that either he or Cockburn would have to go, and his eccentric behaviour forced the prime minister (now the Duke of Wellington) and the king himself to back Cockburn. Prince William resigned, much to the regret of many naval officers. Parry was delighted with improvements at the Hydrographic Office, where the lord high admiral had directed the employment of a proper staff. The post of hydrographer "is now/' wrote Parry, "fit for a gentleman and officer to hold, which was by no means the case."67 Although he was only just thirty-seven years old, Parry never served at sea again. He resumed his duties as hydrographer, but after the departure of the lord high admiral, found the job uncongenial and frustrating. Moreover, it was unrewarding since, by a recent ruling, officers holding appointments at the Admiralty were no longer allowed to draw their half pay in addition to the salary of the appointment. Early in 1829, he accepted the civilian appointment of commissioner of the Australian Agricultural Company and was succeeded as hydrographer by Captain Francis Beaufort. Parry and Franklin were both knighted in April 1829. The character of James Ross was greatly influenced by his nine years' service with Parry, and not from the professional aspect alone. Parry was a man of deep religious faith, as was Ross, his faith nur-

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tured and strengthened by Parry during these formative years of his life. The mutual respect of one for the other throughout their lifetimes was founded as much on their perception of moral character as on recognition of professional skill. During these years also, James Ross had acquired a remarkable scientific knowledge of terrestrial magnetism and of natural history, largely self-taught. He wrote the zoological appendices to the narratives of the last two expeditions, and it is evident that he was well acquainted with the works of the leading authorities Cuvier, Temminck, and Lamarck. It is of interest to note that Sir William Hooker, who wrote up the botany, devoted a long passage to a discussion of "Red Snow." John Ross had been subjected to much ridicule for his report on "Red Snow" in 1818, even though his opinion of its nature proved to be correct. For his scientific contributions, James Ross was elected fellow of the Royal Society in 1828. Hecla had been paid off on i November 1827, and James took lodgings in London. During the next six weeks, he spent much of his time working on the zoology, meeting officers at the Admiralty, and enjoying the company of old shipmates who were in town. His father and stepmother, his sister Isabella and her husband, and his uncle John were all in London, so he enjoyed more social life than for many years. He saw his uncle frequently and on several occasions went with him to examine steam machinery, both civil and marine. On 8 November, he was received by the lord high admiral, who informed him of his promotion to commander, and on the next day he had an interview with Barrow, who promised him the command of the second ship on any future expedition. On 14 December, he left for Scotland, breaking his journey for four days to stay with Parry and his wife and her family, the Stanleys, at Alderley. Parry's uncle-in-law, the Rev. Edward Stanley, was preparing illustrations for the narrative of the expedition from rough sketches, and Parry and Ross went through the proofs of the book together. Ross called in on his uncle Robert at Dumfries and then went to stay with his brother George at Castle Douglas. George had recently married his first cousin once removed, Frances Ross, and they were about to move to his inherited estate at Culgruff. On i January 1828, James Ross wrote a rare piece of self-analysis in his diary: Retrospect of our lives was resumed this evening and particularly that of the present but fast closing year. It opened upon me in doubt, anxiety and hope. The summer of it was spent in fatigue, hardship and privation. The autumn was a mixture of hope and fear, and the close was Promotion, Happiness and Peace. How much have I then to be thankful for as regards my worldly hap-

107 James Ross Sails with Parry piness - my advancement in the profession which I love has been most rapid, and less than 16 years after leaving school I find myself a Commander in the Navy. But has my advancement in Religion been equal to it or in any way been such as to express my gratitude for the worldly advantages which I have received? Alas, I feel I have much to answer for which has yet to be expressed, for as the blessings of earthly goods increase so does my advancement & achievement seem to be too retrograde. The good things and the enjoyment of this world engage too much of my time and leave me hardly enough to reflect on the folly and madness of thus pursuing the pleasures of this world which is to-day and to-morrow may be no more, and of neglecting those things which belong to my eternal peace. O God, I beseech Thee to grant me the assistance of thy Holy Spirit to amend my life and to [?] myself more entirely to Thee, my [?] Creator. Pardon and end [?] my first sins and failures for the sake of thy Blessed son Jesus Christ our Lord and enable me to lead a new life. Strengthen, O God, my faith in thy mercy through Christ, deeply impress me with a grateful remembrance of his death and finally in Death assure me of thy mercy and of a glorious resurrection into the mansions of eternal peace for Christ's sake. Amen.68

Soon after James sailed to the Arctic, his father, trading as Ross and Hammond, wine merchants, dealers, and chapmen, had been declared bankrupt for the third time.69 James met him in London in the autumn, but on 28 January 1828 he wrote from Scotland to his uncle John in London, "What is my father about, has he got his certificate yet, or is he likely to get it?"7° On 26 July he informed his uncle Robert, "My father is quite well and as usual very busy, but what he is doing I cannot say, I am not at all in the secret."71 And on 29 July to John: "My father's certificate was gazetted about a week or ten days ago, to be granted on 8 Aug; what he is doing I am just as ignorant as ever."72 A fortnight later, he wrote to John (at Stranraer), "I am afraid my father's affairs are in as bad a way as ever, but I am very imperfectly acquainted with the facts and therefore will not attempt to enter upon the subject, but I believe it to be his intention to take the benefit of the Act - for it appears he has some great scheme in his head by which he is at last to become a rich man, but intends this step to clear him of all the world, so that he can start fair again without any fear of his old creditors coming upon him. But as you will now soon be with us again, you will hear all about it from himself."73 George Ross's scheme was a company, to be called the Inland Steam Navigation Company, of which he was to be secretary, but the plan did not come to anything. Meanwhile, he set up as a timber merchant with a Mr John Halstead Jones. Though fond of their rather unpredictable father, George's children

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had depended much on their uncles. When Robert Ross, who had been in poor health for some time, died in August 1828, James wrote to his uncle John that "in him I have ever found a most paternal solicitude and anxiety for my welfare, and the parental guardianship which he has shared with you over us when we were unable to think or act for ourselves has left upon our hearts a feeling of the deepest gratitude."74

CHAPTER SEVEN

"Navigation by Steam/' 1819-28

John Ross and his wife had returned to Galloway in August 1819 and taken up residence at Balkail, where, he wrote, "I could not be more delightfully situated in the midst of our mutual friends and relations, at the beginning of the shooting season."1 He was put on half pay for the first time after thirty-three years' service. "Half pay" had been introduced by Charles II; up to his time, when a ship paid off, all the commissioned officers went ashore and their pay ceased. Originally introduced in order to retain the services of the best commanding officers, the system was, over the years, extended to all officers for whom no employment could be found. At the end of the Napoleonic Wars, there was still no provision for the retirement of officers, and with the much-reduced requirements of the Fleet, a huge proportion of naval officers were unemployed and on half pay. Officers remained on the active list, nominally available for employment but in many cases, because of increasing age and outdated experience, never likely to be employed. In 1819, half pay was not nearly as bad as it sounds. The full pay of a junior captain, such as John Ross, was twelve shillings a day, the "half pay" ten shillings and sixpence. The unemployed officer did not, of course, benefit from the free "board and lodging" he would have enjoyed on board ship or from the possibility of prize money, but he was not debarred from finding other employment. Ross wrote to his friend, the Swedish admiral Nordenskiold: "It is not my wish to be employed any more during the Peace. I have not but a very moderate fortune but I am quite contented. However I have been made to understand that the Admy. mean to employ me in surveying the coast of Scotland, which of course I cannot refuse."2 This appointment did not materialize, and in fact, he was never employed by the Admiralty again. This seems a strange fate for a newly

no

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promoted captain with an excellent service record who had not incurred any official censure from the Admiralty after his Arctic expedition. In later years, Ross put all the blame on Barrow, but it is very doubtful whether this was justified. Public records are full of letters from officers to the Admiralty recounting their services and appealing for employment, but there is no such letter written by Ross in the next nine years. It seems fairly clear that he was not, during that period, seeking service in a man-of-war, but that he was set on redeeming his reputation as an explorer. There was, of course, no hope of his doing so while Parry was on his expeditions under the authority of the Admiralty. On 25 September 1819, a son was born to the Rosses and christened Andrew; three years later, his wife, Christian, died. There is not much evidence about his way of life during the next few years. He seems to have lived partly at North West Castle, the house he was building at Stranraer on Loch Ryan, and partly at Ayr with his maternal aunt Mrs Scott. Andrew probably attended the burgh school at Ayr, as John Ross himself had done. It is not known when the building of North West Castle started nor how long it took. It had evidently not been habitable, even if started, when the Rosses had moved north in 1819, but a letter dated April 1824 is written from "Observatory, Stranraer," and indicates that he was living at the house. (This letter was a very detailed reply to a request from a select committee of the House of Commons for information regarding the "safety of Loch Ryan for vessels resorting thereto in tempestuous weather." Ross was always an advocate of the merits of Loch Ryan as an anchorage.) The house was very obviously the home of a seafaring man, with a camera obscura on the roof and hinged sections in some of the front windows through which he could pass a telescope and survey the loch. When Ross returned from his second Arctic voyage, he would add a room in replica of his cabin in his ship, the Victory. The house still stands as part of a large hotel named North West Castle; the cabin is a bar, and only the front sitting-room retains the slightest atmosphere of the nineteenth century. The wall by the gate, formerly the sea wall, bears the family coat of arms to this day. One of Ross's pursuits at this time was the study of phrenology. This "science" had been founded by an Austrian doctor, Franz Joseph Gall, who devoted his life to study of the brain. His theory was that not only was human character determined by the size, form, and quality of the brain, but that these factors could be ascertained by measurements of the size and configuration of the skull. The intensity with which he pursued his quest for skulls of recently deceased persons, in order that he might dissect the brain, eventually caused a

in Navigation by Steam public outcry, and he was forbidden to teach his doctrines in Vienna. He and his German assistant, Dr J.G. Spurzheim, moved to Paris, where they continued to develop their theory and to spread it to other nations. One of their most important converts was George Combe, an Edinburgh lawyer, who became the leading authority on the subject both in Britain and North America. John Ross said that as a subordinate officer, he had made hundreds of sketches of seamen and had occasionally made notes to accompany them. He was in Paris when Gall and Spurzheim were promulgating their theories on phrenology, and he was struck by the way his sketches seemed to corroborate the system: there appeared to be a certain shape of head peculiar to each characteristic. It was not, however, until the science was introduced into Britain that Ross studied it seriously, and he became an ardent disciple of George Combe; at first, he had ridiculed it, as did most people (including Combe). He became a member of the Phrenological Society, which Combe founded in Edinburgh. In April 1823 he forwarded to Combe, for the phrenological collection, the skull of a murderer executed in the Isle of Man (which he obtained through the good offices of the Duke of Atholl).3 In a letter written in May 1823, he sent Combe the "organisation" (phrenology had its own jargon) of a factor on the Earl of Stair's estate proposing him for membership in the society and saying that "he is to assist in examining the Irish Heads as they come across."4 Ross also sent Combe a long "Essay on Female Character" for the Phrenological Journal, with a note that if any additions were made by the editor, the article should not bear his signature.5 In 1825 he wrote a pamphlet, which was published by Longman, entitled Treatise on Naval Discipline, with an Explanation of the Important Advantages which Naval and Military Discipline Might Derive from the Science of Phrenology; to Which Are Added Phrenological Deductions from the Cerebral Development of Jlosepjh H[um]e Esq. Ross opened by arguing that though there had been public criticism of the absolute authority granted to captains, the strictest discipline was necessary if seamen were to act with the alacrity required in a ship under sail; good seamen, comprising perhaps a fifth of the ship's company, would always do their duty, but this was not the case with impressed men and "the sweepings of Newgate." He was decidedly of the opinion that all modes of punishment normally practised in the Navy were necessary, but that the punishment should not be indiscriminate and should fit the crime (corporal punishment did not cure drunkenness, for example) and the known character of the offender. "By the aid of phrenology," he wrote, "the Captain and ist Lieutenant will be enabled to station the crew to better advantage,

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and to select from boys those suitable to be made carpenters, sailmakers, or servants, and to distinguish those who should be particularly watched by the Master-at-Arms. A Captain must first have a phrenological examination to determine whether he can or cannot himself become a phrenologist. If he cannot, he must obtain the opinions of other officers on judgment of character; but if he can and cultivates the science with success the advantages are incalculable." Ross gives advice on studying the principles of phrenology and quotes some practical examples. Throughout the essay he is fairly free with comments on easily identifiable naval officers, including a series of unflattering stories about an admiral (evidently notorious but not named), once a member of the Board of Admiralty and now an MP "whose constituents were no Phrenologists!" It is unlikely that any notice was taken of Ross's pamphlet in naval circles, but he continued with his "phrenological deductions"6 for many years and clearly devoted considerable thought and time to them. The whole "science" seems now absurd, but it had its devotees throughout the nineteenth century, who were not "quacks" but serious students of what they thought to be a sound system of mental science; only the advance of medical knowledge proved them to be wrong. Nephew James appears to have practised the subject as an entertainment in the mess: "I have great fun with my phrenological fortune-telling on board, and have made many converts."7 John Ross's main interest during these years, however, was a study of steam propulsion. The issue of Blackwood's Magazine for April 1827 contained an anonymous letter on "Steam Navigation" signed simply "Captains R.N. Edinburgh 1827." The author was John Ross. The other captains - if indeed there were any co-authors - have not been identified. The first successful regular steam passenger ship in Britain had been the Comet (25 tons, 3 horsepower) built in 1812, which plied between Glasgow and Greenock, and the construction of steamships came to be centred on the Clyde. The advantage of steam for mail packets was soon recognized. A Greenock-Belfast service was inaugurated with the Rob Roy in 1818, a Belfast-Liverpool service with the Waterloo (the largest steamer in Britain, 200 tons, 60 horsepower, built by Scotts of Greenock) in 1819, and a Clyde-Liverpool service with the Robert Bruce in 1819. Ross was well placed to watch these developments, and he lost no opportunity of taking passage in steamships and observing their performance in all sorts of weather conditions. He also followed tank experiments at the Scotts' shipyard and conducted experiments of his own at North West Castle.

ii3 Navigation by Steam

Steam propulsion was not adopted as readily by the Navy as by merchant shipping. A steam tug was purchased by the Admiralty in 1821 and named Monkey, Comet was built in 1822, and Lightning (built in 1823) accompanied the fleet that bombarded Algiers in 1824. These ships were referred to as "H.M. steam vessels," and it was not until 1827 that the first steam vessels were officially commissioned as "H.M. ships/' with lieutenants in command, and appeared as such in the Navy List. In 1830 there were a dozen steam vessels in the list. The value of steam vessels to tow ship of war out of harbour in contrary winds was recognized by the lords of the Admiralty, but that is as far as they would go. In his letter to Blackwood's, Ross established its authors' credentials in the following terms: "their opinions are not formed on hearsay or hypothesis, but on the sound basis of practical and theoretical knowledge. We have been on board of them [the steam vessels] in storms and in all situations, and have positively ascertained what their qualities are of every description; and although like others, who have looked forward to see their flags displayed at the mast-head of a firstrate, we had regarded steam vessels as something beneath the character of the British Navy, we now find it our duty to discard these selfish prejudices, and declare what we have by experience found to be the truth." Having described the advantages a steam vessel possesses over a sailing ship - which are "so perfectly evident and undeniable" - he asks, "Why do not all naval officers agree at once on this important subject?" He answers: It is not difficult to understand the reason. Officers who are high in rank do not like to look to this apparently uncomfortable mode of warfare, and they show a reluctance to study a new system of naval tactics. They cannot easily or willingly abandon the near prospect they have of proudly displaying their flags at the mast-head of a first-rate ship of war, one of the most beautiful and splendid objects in the world: and when compared, even in imagination, with the smoky steamer - alas! what a galling humiliation! Can we expect that those who have been so long prejudiced in favour of a system which has led the nation to the pinnacle of glory, and who have no opportunity, or even desire, of inquiring into the true state of the case, should at once abandon what has been dearest to their hearts for 40 years? But it is too true - no longer can the British first-rate man-of-war be considered the monarch of the ocean, or the gallant Admiral and Commander-in-Chief of the British Fleet pace the quarterdeck of such a ship even in security from the attack of a little steamship with only one gun!

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This was not very tactful to the naval hierarchy, and Ross may well have been right when he wrote some years later, "The article ... gave such offence (I was told on good authority) that, could the Admiralty have been able to prove that I was the Author, my name would have been struck off the list of Captains."8 Such a reaction was unfortunate, for the letter concluded - its principal objective - with the sensible plea to his brother officers ("whom we see daily parading the streets of our metropolis, and those of every town and village in the kingdom, apparently idle and unconcerned") that "since Steam Navigation has now become a part of their profession, it has also become their duty to study, and to make themselves master of its theory and principles." The letter was followed in 1828 by John Ross's publication of A Treatise on Navigation by Steam; comprising a History of the Steam Engine, and an Essay towards a System of the Naval Tactics Peculiar to Steam Navigation, as Applicable both to Commerce and Maritime Warfare. In the introductory chapter, he says that though many excellent works on seamanship and tactics had been written for the benefit of junior officers, recording the experience gained in the twenty-three years of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars, the advent of steam had to some extent rendered them out of date. Ross's purpose was to "hasten the general attention to this most vital subject ... imperfect as it must be, when everything is entirely new, and we have as yet no experience to guide us. Such as it is, pretending to no more than a bare sketch of what time and practice must hereafter fill up, it will at least serve to call the thoughts and labours of other officers to the subject." Wisely using more tactful wording than in his earlier letter, he observed simply that there was "no great cause for surprise" in the fact that "there are, I fear, many old officers who as yet oppose the introduction of this system, or doubt its practicability." But quite apart from tactical and economic advantages, I fear that we have been culpably backward, and that our watchful rivals, enemies to become, have been some time labouring in somewhat of secrecy, on this subject, anxious to get a start of us. If we do not absolutely know that any other power has turned its attention to this subject, this at least is probable, that conscious from their experience of their inferiority as to naval warfare on the same old system, and hopeless of attaining in any equal degree, the management of larger vessels and fleets, they will gladly resort to a system more practicable, and more economical; and one which, from its requiring far less of what is called nautical knowledge, will bring their means to that equality which may render their future enmity at sea most hazardous to our superiority, if not to our existence.

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After a chapter giving a good account of the development of the steam engine, well illustrated with diagrams, Ross goes on to discuss the design and construction of steamships, their masts, yards, and rigging, and their tactical use in naval warfare under four categories: those intended to fight in their own right; those to be used as auxiliaries to existing ships of the line, to tow them into action or to windward of the enemy; those intended as escorts to convoys; and those for coast defence in preference to shore batteries and Martello towers. The engineers of such naval steam vessels as there were, were civilians and little more than mechanics, and it would be many years before the engineer obtained warrant officer, and eventually commissioned officer, status. But John Ross appreciated that the engineer's responsibilities vis-a-vis the captain must be defined and that his "department" also needed some definition. "The commander of a streamship of war should be well acquainted with the principles and nature of the engine, or he will not be able to decide whether the engineer, or those subordinate to him, are doing their duty as they ought, or not." After a casualty in action, "it should never be in the power of the engineer to put his own knowledge on a footing which might induce him to disregard the directions or wishes of his superior, on the plea of ignorance on the part of his commander." Ross proposes a set of regulations both for the qualifications of the engineers and stokers and for the inspection and maintenance of machinery, and he gives his opinion as to the size of the engineer's crew and their duties and training, adding that "they should be allowed a double quantity of beer, or other beverage, while the engine is at work," a popular proposal that was actually implemented. The last chapter, "On the Importance of Establishing Regulations," did not, for some years, attract the attention it deserved. The number of steam vessels operating on seas and rivers around Britain at the time was close on a thousand, but there were no regulations whatever for their equipment, appointment, or management. In Ross's opinion, this state of affairs could only be remedied by government action and the appointment of inspectors, and he proposed regulations for the qualifications of seagoing personnel and the management of steam vessels at sea. When all ships were propelled by sail, the chance of collision was small and a few accepted conventions as to right of way were adequate; but steam vessels moved faster, were able to steer any course regardless of the wind, and were not totally restricted in movement, even in fog. John Ross deserves credit for being the first to propose "rules of the road" at sea for steam vessels meeting other steam vessels or sailing ships by day and for the lights to be shown at night and the sound signals to be made in fog. The signals by day

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and the method of passing messages from the command to the engine room (an improvement over mere shouting) are rather picturesquely illustrated in his book. The work also contains a "Description and Use of the Royal Clarence Sextant." This instrument, a modification of the standard sextant, was engraved with a series of scales from which the observer, using the sextant in the normal way, could, for instance, knowing the height of a ship's mast, read off his distance from the ship. Ross made two claims for his sextant. First, he understood that a small steam vessel could be protected against gunshot at one particular range: with the help of this instrument, the vessel could be kept at that range from an enemy ship. Secondly, if the distance between two objects (e.g., enemy forts on shore) was known, a ship bombarding could drop its anchor "within a yard, or even a foot, of the range required." On i January 1828, he sent a printed account of the Royal Clarence sextant to the Admiralty, saying that it had been examined by "the Astronomer Royal, Professors Millington, Babbage and others" and that the lord high admiral had given his permission to honour the instrument with his name.9 Ross seems to have been on good terms with the Duke of Clarence, though it is not known how he had come to be so; they had never served together. The sextant would cost £10, but the "Clarence scale" could be engraved on any sextant for sixteen shillings, and by Sir George Cockburn's direction, he had left the instrument with Mr Jones, the Admiralty optician. The Admiralty's action, noted on this letter, was to refer it to Parry with a query, "What do you think of this instrument? Mr. Jones may make 4 of these instruments, tho' a common sextant is just as good or better." The principle of the instrument (the accurate solution of a rightangled triangle, combined with ease of reading the answer) was unexceptionable, but the gunnery of the time, with round shot from smooth-bore cannons, was a very inexact art and was only successful if conducted at point-blank range where it was impossible to miss. Once again, Ross was ahead of his time in producing what was a reasonably good rangefinder. As an "essay," in the true sense of the word, to encourage thought and discussion, A Treatise on Navigation by Steam was a fine pioneering work. The authorities do not seem to have paid much attention to it; indeed, Ross said that attempts were made by the Admiralty and Trinity House to suppress the publication, although it had been "nominally patronized by the then Lord High Admiral." But it went into three editions, and, again according to Ross, it was "quoted or pirated by almost every subsequent author."10 So his message probably reached many naval officers.

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It is easy to write off the attitude of the Board of Admiralty towards the introduction of steam propulsion as mere pigheaded conservatism and the inability to accept new ideas and techniques, and to quote Lord Melville's well-known minute, "Their Lordships feel it their bounden duty to discourage to the utmost of their ability the employment of steam vessels, as they consider the introduction of Steam is calculated to strike a fatal blow at the supremacy of the Empire."11 (This remark was written in 1828, and several writers have said that it was made in rebuttal of John Ross's book, but that is incorrect. It was in fact made in response to a request from the Colonial Office for a steam packet to convey mails between Malta and the Ionian Islands.) After twenty-three years of war, rebuilding the national economy had the highest priority. The nation had emerged from the war with a supreme Navy and an incomparable reputation for seamanship. Why risk imperilling this with an invention that might lead to a program of wholesale scrapping and a vastly expensive arms race? But in his contention that other nations were not likely to remain idle just because the British Admiralty was unwilling to develop the use of steam, Ross was not alone, It was a clear fact that the Americans were ahead in the field, and as early as 1820, Nicholas Vansittart, the chancellor of the Exchequer, told Lord Melville that "to possess all the means of naval superiority in their highest perfection, I think it a great political object to attend to all the improvements of an invention which seems likely to be at least very formidable to our trade if not materially to affect the success of naval warfare"; to which he added that having the economic situation in mind, "it would be much more advisable to buy one of their (American) steam schooners as a model than to build in the first instance for ourselves."12 Throughout the Navy, there was an aesthetic prejudice against steam. In the years of peace, "spit and polish" tended to be the criterion on which efficiency was judged, a very natural tendency which has been apparent in every long period of peace. But the main difficulty faced by their lordships in reaching a decision about the introduction of steam really lay in the technical problems. As Barrow wrote in later years, "Steam vessels were fast increasing in number, some for public and others for private purposes; and all the gear appertaining to them, the engines themselves, the boilers, the mode of placing them, the paddle-wheels, the paddle-boxes, various kinds of propellers - all of them had a multitude of projectors, a class of persons who are never satisfied, if each of their individual projects be not put to the test, however obvious it may be to a disinterested person, capable of giving a sound opinion, that the invention, as it is called, is bad in principle and worthless in design."13 The Earl of Minto, first

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lord in 1835, a^so complained, "The host of speculative inventors is not easy to satisfy or get rid of, especially when they happen to be naval officers of high rank, who may fancy themselves capable of making improvements in naval construction, principally in steamers, of which they can have but very imperfect knowledge."14 The design problems of a paddle-driven fighting ship were formidable. As well as being, in the early days, unreliable, much of the machinery had to be above the waterline and was thus very vulnerable. The boiler and engine rooms occupied nearly half the ship, and the remaining space had to accommodate coal, ammunition, and the full stores of a sailing ship, for only sail could give the ship the necessary range. The paddles, occupying prime space on each side of the ship, reduced the broadside armament that it was possible to fit and made it impossible to place the ship alongside another ship for boarding. In order to sail, the paddles had to be detached and the fires drawn, no easy task in heavy weather. Nevertheless, John Ross had sufficient faith in the promise of steam propulsion to put it to practical test himself.

CHAPTER EIGHT

John Ross's Second Voyage: Preparation and Departure, 1828-29

Early in 1828, John Ross submitted to the Admiralty a plan for an Arctic expedition in a steam vessel.* He claimed that a steamship of shallow draft would be superior to a sailing ship in approaching unknown coasts and that a steamship could force her way through relatively thin ice that would stop a sailing ship; moreover, since right ice conditions were usually the result either of no wind or of a northerly (and therefore adverse) wind, a sailing ship was often unable to take advantage of a clear sea or of leads through the ice. Ross was also strongly of the opinion that all the ships used in the expeditions of the past ten years had been too large. Official interest in the Northwest Passage had now waned, and the Admiralty turned down not only his proposal but also two alternative plans proposed by Franklin. Ross then approached an old friend, Felix Booth, the manufacturer of Booth's Gin, a wealthy and publicspirited man. Booth declined to help for fear that he would be accused of trying to profit from the £20,000 reward still standing under Act of Parliament. Ross next tried "Mr. Thornton of Old Swan, a gentleman well known as a speculating man," tempting him with both the £20,000 prize and the possibility of salvaging the stores landed from the wrecked Fury, but with no success.2 The Duke of Wellington also declined to help. On 4 April 1828, Ross sought backing from a Mr Richard Price, stating that he had heard that conditions of the ice were particularly favourable and that if he, Ross, could sail by the middle of June, he would be in time. He assured Price that if Price or his friends would undertake to fit out the vessels, there could be no losses and that he, Ross, would not expect anything for his services unless he completely succeeded.3 Here too he drew a blank; no doubt he made other approaches of which there is no record. However, early in 1828, Parliament abolished the Board of Longitude and repealed the act that promised rewards for successful

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exploration westwards over North America and towards the North Pole. On 28 May, Ross again talked to Booth (who had just become sheriff of London) and undertook to pledge that James Ross and William Thorn (the purser) would go with him.4 Only subsequently did he ask his nephew. A few days later, he saw Booth again and received authority to fit out an expedition at Booth's expense. Booth agreed originally to an amount of £10,000 for the purpose, to which Ross added £3,000 of his own money. Booth made it a condition that his connection with the enterprise should not be made known. James Ross had been unemployed on half pay since his return with Parry and his promotion to commander. On 26 July 1828, he wrote to his uncle Robert: "The numbers of old Commanders that have very strong claims on the Service, that are now applying for employment makes me feel that it would be very great injustice to them to put me into command before them - and unless some expeditions (which I now begin to consider my birthright) are undertaken, I have but little hope of doing anything for some time."5 Though referring to a fresh appointment from the Admiralty, he was not, in fact, so hopeless of "doing anything," for he had been told of his uncle John's plans at the end of May, and a letter written to him only three days later than the one to his uncle Robert shows that he was already working with John: "I have not been able to get at any official document on the subject of the 'Longitude Act Repeal Bill/ Parry knows nothing about it and I could not ask him to obtain the information for me without exciting suspicion. I shall be very glad when the time comes for us to commence operations. I have not seen Booth since you left town, but I wrote him a note enclosing your last for his perusal as it was a much better account of operations than I could have given him."6 John Ross had left London on 25 June and visited Dublin, Liverpool, and the Clyde in search of a suitable steam vessel and a whaling ship to serve as a store carrier. He found a promising ship, the Hero, at Liverpool, and James wrote to him on 13 August: "The Hero seems to be the boat for us and by the time you get back I hope you will get some account from McBrides about the whaler - but of course you will not fix anything up until you have seen or heard from Booth again."7 John was back at Liverpool to look at the Hero in October and reported to James: I had good luck on my journey and still better since my arrival here. I found the Hero still in the market, but her owner thinking I must have her asked [?] high - this made me look about and I found another still better than her being almost new and a few tons larger and the owner only asked 2600, and he will no doubt take £100 less. We may therefore consider the matter as quite secure.

121 John Ross's Second Voyage Her name is the Victory which I trust will be an appropriate one ... I saw the Victory (which has a 30 horse power engine) tow a ship of 600 tons down the Mersey against wind and tide at the rate of 3 miles an hour. She has been lately employed to carry the mail to the Isle of Man and goes sometimes to Ireland. The master was out in her in almost all the gales which have been this winter, and says she is an excellent seaboat. I have not got a section of her but she is nearly the same as the Hero, and built also of oak.8

The Victory was an 85-ton paddle-steamer, and John Ross bought her a week later for £2,500. He fitted her with new paddles (the patent of a Mr Robertson), which were of a novel design and so constructed that they could be hoisted out of the water in a minute. He brought her down to London, where he arrived on 2 November. He later said that the Victory achieved eight or nine knots on passage with these paddles and a common single engine of only 30 horsepower.9 She was taken in hand at Limehouse for strengthening on lines previously established, and her sides were raised 5^/2 feet, bringing her tonnage up to 150 (and, of course, increasing her draft). She was also to be fitted with new machinery. In September, Booth had introduced to Ross a machinery manufacturer, John Braithwaite, and John Ericsson, a young Swedish engineer and ex-army captain, partners in a business that involved the construction of refrigerators and coolers for London breweries and distilleries. They had recently patented a high-pressure boiler that appealed to Ross because of the economy of fuel which it promised, and on 9 October, he signed a contract with them to provide two such boilers. Braithwaite and Ericsson visited the Victory on 19 November. The purpose of the ship was kept secret, partly because of Booth's wish that his name not be revealed as the patron of the enterprise, but also because Ross did not want his plans for his accompanying whaler to be revealed until the main whaling fleet had sailed in 1829. Mr Fearnall, who was responsible for the refit of the ship, was the only person let into the secret.10 Braithwaite and Ericsson were told only that the vessel was being fitted out for "experimental purposes." The reasonable assumption, Ross being a naval officer, was that she was an experimental warship, and as Ericsson said, "in experimenting, complication is not regarded, since the intention generally is to ascertain facts and effects never known, for guidance and future practice."11 They did not, therefore, initially question the suitability of the rest of the machinery. In February 1829, Ross informed the Admiralty of his plans and asked for leave of absence,12 and he made a public announcement. He

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was inundated with applications to join the expedition, including bids from Back, Hoppner, and, later, Scoresby and even from officers of his own rank. However, he had already chosen the two officers he wanted, and he later procured the services of Dr George McDiarmid, who had been on two whaling voyages. Ross thought it inappropriate that a captain of the Royal Navy should be described as master, so the name of the purser, Thorn, was inserted as master in the ship's register, and the two Rosses were described as chief and second "Directors of the Expedition." The command structure would eventually become a subject of argument. The real purpose of the Victory was now revealed, and the controller of the Navy instructed Simon Goodrich, the engineer of Portsmouth Dockyard, to attend the ship's trials and write a report for the Admiralty. The machinery had many novel features. The boilers required forced draught, which was supplied by two bellows, a large one worked by the engines and a smaller one worked by hand when lighting up, which could afterwards be connected to the engines if required. Hot vapour was driven from a comparatively small furnace, through small tubes immersed in the boiler water and finally through a small chimney, which required no height above the boiler. The boilers, being small, could be placed below the water-line, and Ross required that all the machinery should be sited as low as possible "so as to be out of the reach of shot." The engines, built by Maudsley, consisted of cylinders placed horizontally, operating the paddles through cranks and (because the engines were well below the paddle shafts) a train of gear wheels. Steam was condensed in a "refrigerator" composed of a cylinder containing small copper tubes into which the steam passed, surrounded by cold water constantly changed by a pump. A hot-water pump returned water from the refrigerator to the boiler, and an air pump was fitted to exhaust air from the lower part of the refrigerator. Fresh water ("of which there will be not want amongst the ice," said Goodrich) was carried to make good waste in the boilers, by means of a force pump. The paddles were unconventional in that the blades were placed at 45° to the axis. During preliminary trials, alteration had to be made to the ship's hull to get the paddles properly into the water. Braithwaite called the installation "a very complicated contrivance," which indeed it was in the current state of the art. Goodrich visited the ship during the fitting out and also Braithwaite's workshop, and he attended the machinery trials on i and 2 May. On the first day, fires were lit at 12:40, steam was up in both boilers at 2:20, and the paddles were started in an attempt to stem the tidal stream, which was running at 2a/2 knots. This failed and a warp was got out, but at 3 o'clock the ship's rigging got entangled

123 John Ross's Second Voyage with the bowsprit of the ship they were alongside. The rigging having been cleared, the trials continued, with frequent stoppages as the water got low in the boilers. They were finally stopped at about 6 o'clock. Goodrich reckoned that 686 pounds of coke had been used.13 The next morning the fires were lit at 10:54, and steam was up at 12:03. Goodrich then went down to the hold to look at the safety valves, found that a piece of an overhead beam needed to be cut away to allow a lever to lift, and waited for a man to do the job. Suddenly the safety valve on one of the boilers lifted, and Goodrich was surrounded by the escaping steam. Badly scalded, he groped about seeking a way out and finally succeeded in finding an exit through a hatch to the seamen's mess deck, hitting his head and causing his nose to bleed profusely. James Ross rendered first aid, and "having succeeded in staunching the blood, and having my hand wrapped up in a silk handkerchief well soaked in the mixture of oil and turpentine, I was now ready to attend the experiment." At 1:10 Goodrich heard the engines started and went on deck. The greatest speed reached by the paddles was seventeen revolutions per minute, and the trials were completed an hour later.13 In his report to the Admiralty,14 Goodrich said that he thought the principle of the boiler and of condensation externally by sea water were worthy of further attention; but the claims for the boiler being more economical of fuel had not, in his opinion, been proved on trials. With regard to the paddles, he thought that the blades placed at 45° might be advantageous for entering and cutting the ice and for pushing loose pieces out of the way, but not for the general run of ships. The paddle wheels were very narrow and would not make much speed, "that not being altogether the object." He did not comment on the general design of the installation or the workmanship. At the end of the machinery trials, Ross was well aware that there were shortcomings in the design. He acknowledged in his journal that the cylinders were too small and had not the intended power, that a considerable part of the power was absorbed by the bellows and pumps, that the furnace was too small and took an hour instead of twelve minutes to get up steam, that condensing apparatus was often out of order, and that "one of the boilers leaked unmercifully ... time was, however, slipping on and it was now too late to talk of another engine or indeed of any alterations." He also described the ship after her refit: The sides of the vessel being built out so as completely to take in the paddle wheels, and the sides being raised so high as to cover these, the vessel had not the least appearance of a steam vessel... the vessel was masted and rigged as

124 Polar Pioneers a three-masted schooner ... the masts forward were fitted to carry a square topsail and top-gallant sail, the mainmast and mizzen mast with fore and aft sails but the mizzen mast was afterwards taken away ... sides as well as the masts and yards and boats were painted red, as being the colour most easily distinguished among ice ... figurehead consisting of the British Lion resting his paws on and guarding the English union flag.15 Parry visited the ship while she was in the Thames and wrote to his brother Charles: "The application of steam as a moving power to this object of the N.W. Passage offers, in my opinion, a very great hope of its accomplishment, and as Ross has attended a good deal to both subjects (Steam and the N.W. Passage) I really think he has a better chance of succeeding than any of us. I think, however, there is, in the whole thing, rather too much that is new and untried; and this is certainly not the kind of service on which novelties of that sort ought first to be tried. I have spent a day on board her with him, and was much gratified ... It is a bold, and public-spirited undertaking."16 Since the Victory was too small to carry all the fuel, stores, and provisions for a prolonged expedition, John Ross planned that a store ship should sail in company. At the beginning of December 1828, he was at Glasgow, from where he wrote to James: I have been employed examining the John and I am happy to say that everything concerning her far exceeds my expectations. She is really as sound as the day she was built and most completely fortified. She met with damage on the voyage before last and as the underwriters had to pay they ran up a carpenters bill for repairs of £750! - and certainly made her a new ship ... The Captain (Court) [his name was actually Coombe], the Mate (Muirhead) and the second Mate (Robb), the Cooper, the Carpenter and almost all the men have been in the ship for many years and all wish to go again - but they are every one married !! The Captain has 6 children - and both Mates have families - the late owners gave them the highest characters, and I am quite perplexed what to do, but I find it is not necessary to make any engagement yet. I shall get all the business settled about the register etc. by Saturday next, when I shall set off on my return home. I shall bring with me all the accounts relative to her last voyage - the articles, rates of pay, quantity and quality of provisions, and in fact any information that is necessary - until the time comes when everything must come out. The owners have behaved in the most handsome manner, and have witheld no information from me ... The Mates say she is the fastest sailing ship in the Trade and was only 11 days from the Clyde to the ice - her boats beat, for a wager, all the other boats of the Hull Leith Dundee and Aberdeen ships, and the 2 new ones will be made by the same man.17

125 Jonn Ross's Second Voyage The John had had a distinguished history. William Scoresby senior, with three associates, had founded the Greenock Whale-fishing Company in 1810 and purchased the John, a Batavia-built teak ship of 316 tons. The partnership lasted for four years, during which time Scoresby, in command, caught 103 whales, yielding 837 tons of oil.18 By the end of February 1829, the John had been bought for £2,813 ios., and all had been settled. John Ross wrote to James from Glasgow on 24 February: My dear James, I have a very lucky cruize, and if Thorn had been as lucky, I should have been with you tomorrow. He did not however join me till last night, and it has occupied me ever since to arrange everything, and I am now on board the steamer on the way to Glasgow. I am happy to tell you that Mr. Court [sic], the master of the John, received the news with gladness and came into our terms without hesitation, and was all signed, sealed and delivered this morning - it is agreed we shall keep it a profound secret until all the fleet of whalers, which I hear amounts to 80 sail, have sailed in case any of them should speculate in the same way. Court had already engaged the officers and 18 men, and he is so certain they will all be willing to agree, that he says there is no use asking them, and has plenty more at command. The Bone, it appears, has risen much in value, and we consequently made a particular agreement about it ... Thorn remains a day or two to settle accounts and goes home, he will return about 15 March... I think of sending the Old Engine to Liverpool, do not let it go. I hope the Braithwaites have got the Engine and Boilers on board, you need say nothing about me unless they report that the Boilers are on board, and that they want them surveyed. With love to the female Ladies of the Castle, I remain your ever affectionate uncle, John Ross1? The crew of the John was brought up to fifty-four men, and the inducement given to them was "that while carrying to Prince Regent's Inlet whatever was thought necessary, she might also fish by the way, and further, bring away some of the stores of the Fury; so as to compensate to the liberal fitter-out of this expedition for such additional expense as might thus be incurred."20 The John was put under the charge of Thorn, with orders to rendezvous with the Victory at Loch Ryan. The Admiralty provided a decked vessel of 16 tons, which Ross named Krusenstern, and also two boats that had been used by Franklin. The appointed date of sailing from the Thames was 23 May, and Ross took his leave at the Admiralty before joining the ship at

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Woolwich. The first lord and the first sea lord were prevented through other duties from paying a farewell visit to the ship, but Sir Thomas Byam Martin (controller of the Navy), Sir John Franklin, and Captain Francis Beaufort (the hydrographer) were there, together with the Duke of Orleans (the future king of France) and other members of the French nobility. Booth, his nephew, and two friends came on board at three o'clock, and at six they left under steam for Gravesend, where they arrived at eleven o'clock and anchored to await the tide and a pilot. "Here the constructors of our execrable machinery, Messrs. Braithwaite and Erickson [sic], left us."21 In these words, Ross records in his published narrative of the voyage the start of the mechanical problems that were soon to ruin the basic concept of the expedition and to lead to bitter recriminations and argument. The ship got under way at 6 A.M. next day and under a light westerly breeze and with some help from the engine, reached Margate in the evening; there Booth and his companions took their leave. Ross's first intended port of call was Loch Ryan, where they were to meet the John, and when a fair wind sprang up while they were rounding the North Foreland, he raised the paddles, set the sails, and, off the Downs, discharged the pilot. The ship leaked badly, but Ross was not very worried since this was a common experience after the process of strengthening, and it soon ceased to be a problem. The state of the machinery was a different matter. The boilers leaked so badly that an additional force pump, worked by hand, had to be kept constantly going, and fresh water to top up the boilers was being used up at an excessive rate. Moreover, the stokers could only work for a short time in the temperature of more than 95° before having to come up for air. The engineer found that one of the guide wheels of a piston rod was so much worn as to require a piece to be brazed to it, while the connecting keys of the main shaft were loose, one broke, and no spares had been provided. The boilers continued to leak, even when stopped with dung and potatoes as recommended by Ericsson, and when working, would not propel the vessel at more than three knots. "This however did not include the whole of our nearly fruitless attempts to remedy the evil inflicted upon us by the discreditable conduct of our engine manufacturers,"22 wrote Ross, and he went on to describe faults in the condensing apparatus and the bellows. But in selfjustification he added, "In blaming the execution and workmanship of this engine, I must however do justice to the principle, which was judicious, and, under a careful execution, might have rendered this machinery of great service to us on many of the occasions which occurred in our voyage."23

127 Jorm Ross's Second Voyage

On 4 June they anchored in Douglas Bay, Isle of Man, where they were detained for two days by stormy weather, a delay that enabled them to make new shaft keys, to write to London and Liverpool for spares, to make some alterations to the rigging, and to lay in fresh provisions and water. When they sailed north again, they made good progress by using the lee paddle only, which enabled them to beat much closer to windward, and they had hopes of soon reaching Loch Ryan. However, at ten in the morning of 7 June, the principal stoker, William Hardy, came up from the engine room with his left arm shattered and nearly severed above the elbow, having slipped and fallen into the machinery. The surgeon had not yet joined, but Ross appreciated that immediate amputation was necessary, and the surgeon's instruments were on board. He had never tackled such an operation, but had seen many amputations during the wars. He therefore did not hesitate to carry it out, and so successfully that after proper surgical care within the next few days, Hardy recovered well enough that he was eventually able to return to his trade in the establishment from which he had joined the Victory. Meanwhile, it was essential to put him ashore as soon as possible, and Ross steered for Port Logan only eight miles away. At noon there was a loud crash as the teeth stripped from the flywheel of the small bellows, and soon a report came that the boilers had burst, "as if it had been predetermined that not a single item of all this machinery should be aught but a source of vexation, obstruction, and evil."24 The report turned out to be not strictly accurate, but some of the joints had given way so that water was pouring out of the furnace door and soon extinguished the fire and stopped the engine. The tide now turned against them, the wind dropped, and it was not until eight o'clock the next morning that they were able to reach Port Logan. From there, Hardy was conveyed on a spring cart to Ross's house at Stranraer, where the surgeon McDiarmid and two local doctors gave the necessary attention to his arm. Throughout the whole of his ordeal, he had made no complaint except to express regret that he should "now not be able to go on the expedition." Ross himself regretted being obliged to leave behind such a man - "this spirited fellow, seaman though he was not." At North West Castle, Ross sent for Thorn and heard from him that the officers and men of the John were in a state approaching to mutiny because of the delay in sailing. Ross, having gone on board and observed that this was all too true, addressed the crew saying, "Having myself sailed from Greenock, I had desired that Greenock men should share with me the honours and advantages of this expedition;

ia8 Polar Pioneers

and of the advantages there could be no doubt, under the knowledge which I possessed and the plans which I had adopted. It was true, that the season might appear to them somewhat advanced; but, independently of the advantages our steam power might give us, I knew so well where to find abundance of fish [whales] that there could be no question of our success, and that we should not, in the end, prove a day late."25 The crew, however, refused to sail unless they were given a guarantee in writing that they would receive the same shares as if they had returned with a full ship. Ross obviously could not give this promise, which would have relieved the crew of any necessity to exert themselves to make catches, and he called upon the master to ascertain the feelings of each individual man. Only four were prepared to abide by their agreement. Scenes of great confusion followed the men's refusal to sail. An unsuccessful attempt was made to induce four of the Victory's crew to desert by inviting them on board the John with the aim of making them drunk. Finally, thirty-eight men left the John, got drunk, and started brawling ashore, to the disgust of a large crowd of spectators. Ross made a legal call on the master to fulfil his contract and left him written orders to sail before i July if he could reman his ship; if not, he was to return to Greenock and turn her over to the agent. Ross also wrote an account of what had happened for Booth and for the Admiralty in case any false reports should be circulated after he had sailed. He made a new agreement with the crew that, now that there could be no prospect of "oil money" from whaling, they should receive payment on naval scales according to their rating. The crew on sailing comprised the four officers and nineteen men. There were three mates: Thomas Blanky, Thomas Abernethy, and George Taylor. The first two were first-rate professional sailors, each with about seventeen years, sea service, and both had served with James Ross in Parry's polar expedition. Blanky had also been with Lyon in the ill-fated Griper, and Abernethy with Hoppner in the even more ill-fated Fury. Taylor, trained as a ship carpenter, was acting as master of the Victory when Ross purchased the ship at Liverpool, and he volunteered to take her to London. Ross was so pleased with his conduct while the ship was being fitted out that he took him as third mate. The six seamen were Richard Wall and Joseph Curtis (described as "harpooners"), John Park, Anthony Buck, John Wood, and David Wood. At the end of the voyage, Ross spoke well of all but Buck and John Wood, whose names will appear later in the story and who, for health reasons, ought not to have sailed in the first place. Chimham Thomas was an excellent and experienced ship's carpenter, and his mate, Robert Shreeve, who volunteered from

129 John Ross's Second Voyage

Braithwaite's workshop, also proved a good workman, but both suffered indifferent health. The chief engineer, Alexander Brunton, was also an employee of Braithwaite and one of those who had constructed the machinery for the Victory, so Ross considered him a valuable acquisition. The second engineer, Allan Macinnes, had been five years in steam vessels before volunteering for the Victory. As a youngster he had been apprenticed to a baker, and Ross said that he made excellent bread. The armourer, James Maslin, had been recommended by Blanky, a former shipmate, but he was consumptive and should never have sailed. Three men - George Baxter, James Dixon, and Barnard Laughy (usually called Barney Lackey) - are described variously as "landsmen," "green hands," and "stokers." Baxter and Dixon were in the John, but they did not join the mutineers and volunteered for the Victory. Laughy was the son of an Irish labourer at Stranraer and was taken on in place of the stoker, Hardy. The cook was Henry Eyre. The steward, William Light, was said to have served for fourteen years at sea and had been an able seaman in Parry's last two expeditions. More will be heard of him as the story proceeds. The men were all provided with two suits of clothes made to measure "to an appropriate uniform and proper fashion for the climate" (even as to the collars and buttons of the officers and mates). The day after the mutiny was spent sorting out stores, and Victory sailed in the evening of 13 June 1829. This bizarre incident, occurring on the eve of his departure in his own home town and a stone's throw from his own house, one feels, could only have happened to John Ross.

CHAPTER NINE

No News: A Search Is Planned, 1832-33

Some letters sent from Greenland were received in England in the late summer of 1829, but after that there was silence, and by the beginning of 1832, anxiety for the fate of the Victory expedition was being expressed both at home and on the continent. Dr John Richardson made the first move to institute a search when he addressed a letter to the Geographical Society and proposed a plan to travel eastwards from Point Turnagain to Fury and Hecla Strait. He offered his services as leader but was declined on the grounds that Ross's expedition was not under the auspices of the government.1 Commander George Back, now aged thirty-seven, who had served with Franklin in the Trent and on both his land expeditions, was in Italy in the spring of 1832 when he heard a report that Ross and his companions had perished. He thought, however, that if they had reached the stores of the Fury, they might still be alive, and he hurried home ready to volunteer his services to the government as leader of a search expedition.2 George Ross, brother of John and father of James, was trying to get a search organized and was delighted to find an officer qualified and prepared to lead it.3 He laid a petition before the king and received a favourable answer from Lord Goderich, the colonial secretary, approving the proposed expedition and saying that the Treasury was prepared to grant £2,000 towards expenses provided that the further £3,000 (later raised to £5,000) required to meet the estimated cost was obtained by private subscription. A "Committee for promoting the Arctic Expedition by Land" was formed and first met on i November 1832,4 with HRH the Duke of Sussex as patron and George Ross as secretary. It consisted of a number of prominent men, together with friends and relatives of John Ross, including Admiral Lord Saumarez, Admiral Sir Thomas Byam Martin, and Captain Hon. George Elliott of the Royal Navy and MP,

131 No News: A Search Is Planned

professors Jameson of Edinburgh and Hooker of Glasgow, James Ross's elder brother, George Clark Ross, and his brother-in-law, William Spence. A working committee included old Arctic hands such as captains Beechey and Hoppner and doctors Richardson and Beverly, as well as Captain Beaufort the hydrographer, Governor J.H. Pelly and Deputy Governor Nicholas Garry of the Hudson's Bay Company, and even John Barrow. Agents were appointed and subscription lists opened in London, Devonport, Dumfries, Edinburgh, Cheltenham, Exeter, Hull, Glasgow, Greenock, Liverpool, Newbury, Portsmouth, Plymouth, and Stranraer. In a printed broadsheet dated 29 January 1833, George Ross was able to report that the sum of £3,000, clear of all expenses, had been raised. Meanwhile, Back's own plan had been approved, and the Hudson's Bay Company had formally taken the expedition under its protection by issuing Back with a commission under its seal that would enable him to obtain provisions and stores from the company's posts. It also provided two boats, two canoes, and 120 pounds of pemmican. Back, armed further with Admiralty authorization to obtain assistance in Canada, left Liverpool for Montreal via New York on 17 February 1833. The expedition was to consist of two officers and eighteen men. Dr Richard King, aged twenty-three and recently qualified, as surgeon-naturalist, and three men (two of whom were good boat carpenters) left England with Back; the balance of the party was to be recruited in Canada. Back's instructions were to proceed from Montreal via the normal route of the fur traders to Great Slave Lake. "You are then to strike off to the north-eastward, or in such other direction as you may ascertain to be most expedient, in order to gain the Thlew-ee-choh-desseth, or Great Fish River [Back River], which is believed either to issue from Slave Lake, or to rise in its vicinity, and thence to flow with a navigable course to the northward, till it reaches the sea."5 On arriving at the banks of the river, he was to leave some of his party to build a winter residence, and if possible, he himself was to explore the river to the coast in the same season and leave a landmark at its mouth, with a note for Captain Ross that he would return the following spring. He was then to return to winter quarters, to construct two boats capable of navigating the Polar Sea, and "as early as possible in the ensuing spring you are to descend again to its shores." Since it was not known where the mouth of the river lay (if, indeed, it did flow northward into the Polar Sea and not eastward into Hudson Bay), Back's future course was left to his judgment, his only instruction being that his first object was "to reach Cape Garry, where His Majesty's late ship Fury was wrecked; on the remaining stores of which it is known that Captain Ross in some measure relied." The mapping of any new

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stretches of coast was to be strictly subordinate to the principal objective of the expedition. Back arrived at Fort Resolution on Great Slave Lake on 8 August and left four days later with four men, including an Indian guide, to seek the Great Fish River. Weaving his way for hundreds of miles through lakes, forests, and rocky streams in pursuit of the headwaters of a river that might prove unnavigable or flow in the wrong direction, Back had the satisfaction of discovering the source himself while temporarily separated from his party. He confirmed the size of the river after a few days of survey, but his progress was soon cut short by rapids which his canoe was too weak to negotiate, and he took his party back to Fort Reliance, the new base that had been built in his absence. There the party spent a winter more uncomfortable than had been expected, because of the scarcity of game. Meanwhile, at home George Ross was promoting another project. Having informed the committee in his report dated 29 January 1833 of the successful organization of the land expedition, he went on "to announce to you another, which has long occupied my attention, and which, I trust, will be deemed fully as interesting to the scientific world as that which is about to depart; while it is to be hoped that it will give to humanity a readier and more speedy exercise as regards the much desired relief to be afforded to my Brother Captain Ross, my son Commander James Clark Ross, and their adventurous little crew. I mean an ARCTIC EXPEDITION BY SEA."6 While recognizing the great expense of such expeditions, he felt confident that he would receive generous support and that "I shall have no difficulties to encounter which will not be easily overcome." George Ross's plan was to charter two whalers: a brig of 143 tons and a brigantine of 102 tons (he had evidently earmarked the particular ships), with a combined crew of thirty-five men. The former was to be equipped for "a fishing [i.e., whaling] voyage," the latter to be employed mainly as a store ship; both were to be provisioned for two years. and to proceed in company to Lancaster Sound and Regent's Inlet, where whales are known greatly to abound ... the brig will be left at Port Bowen to fish, whilst I proceed in the other to reconnoitre the opposite coast and examine the wreck of the Fury, not more than fifty miles distant, taking away what stores we may be able to save, to compensate for the chance she shall have lost of returning with cargo of oil, and for the option I shall have reserved of remaining out the whole of next winter, should circumstances render it advisable. The brig in that case, unless accidentally prevented by the ice, will be sent home this same season, with such cargo of oil as she may have picked

133 No News: A Search Is Planned up, but to return to us in the next season of 1834, by which time it may be expected that Captain Back will have reached the spot; and it is far from improbable but the fate of Captain Ross and his companions will, by one means or the other, have been ascertained; indeed, it may reasonably be expected that this first season will be quite sufficient for that purpose, considering that these ships will explore both shores of the Inlet as they pass along and follow the exact track which it is known Captain Ross intended to pursue, where he was to have erected monuments and flagstaffs at every place he affected a landing, with a written description of his proceedings and future intentions; and that the wreck of the Fury, where he expected to replenish his stores and stock of provisions, was the first object he had in view. If there, or thereabouts, they have also been wrecked, and consequently without any chance of escape or deliverance, there we shall probably find them.

"Whilst 7 proceed"? "there we shall probably find them"? Yes, indeed: George Ross intended to command this expedition himself. "The navigation of the two vessels will naturally be confided to their respective masters and crews, all picked men, well enured to the service and climate - but the command of the Expedition, as to its destination and duration, I shall retain within my own controul [sic], subject to the condition of the Charter-party as to the extent of deviations from the usual fishing voyage, and compensation commensurate thereto as therein provided." In his report to the committee, George Ross also mentioned a subordinate objective of the expedition: "the recovery of Old or Lost Greenland! - a Christian settlement ... whose unhappy people by a judgement of God, now, for upwards of three hundred years, have been debarred all communications with Christians." He reserved until later the presentation of a plan which, he said, accorded with the views of the Rev. Mr Scoresby, but when he issued another broadsheet to the public, all references to the "Lost Greenland" objective were omitted. It would not have been surprising if the members of the Committee for the Land Expedition had been sceptical about an expedition to be led by George Ross, who had no sea experience whatever; one, moreover, that contained more than a hint of the commercial speculation for which he was well known. But they apparently agreed to continue their services, and the public appeal for subscriptions went out on 18 February. It listed fourteen companies at whose branches throughout the British Isles, donations could be left, together with the names of ten members of the committee in different towns who would accept subscriptions (as had been done in the earlier appeal) and a suggestion that subcommittees should be appointed in all the principal

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towns of the United Kingdom. Ross announced that £5,000 was needed by 25 March, but that if the whole sum was not raised, he would proceed with only one ship, and he concluded with an impassioned appeal for the necessary funds: "I leave wife, children, friends, and all worldly comforts -1 stake all the property I dare, without leaving my family destitute, and I cheerfully risk my life - so great, so inexpressibly great, is the interest I take in the enterprise." It did not prove possible to raise the money in time to allow the expedition to sail in 1833, and collecting continued through the summer, but the sea expedition never got under way - for the best of reasons. Early in October, whalers returning from Davis Strait reported that Ross and his men had been picked up by one of their fleet and were on their way home. A meeting of the Committee for the Land Expedition was immediately called to decide what action should be taken with regard to Back. William Spence was in favour of recalling him and returning any unused funds to subscribers. The majority, however, felt that he should continue and explore the coast. Pelly, the governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, thought that it would be unwise to send a messenger to Back until the safety of Ross and his men was confirmed by their arrival in England, but he wrote that night to the company's agent at Montreal directing him to procure light canoes and to be ready to dispatch an express messenger to Back at his winter quarters as soon as he received further orders. John Ross landed at Hull on 18 October and reached London the following day. On 22 October, Sir Charles Ogle, chairman of the committee, wrote a letter to Back informing him of Ross's return and giving him fresh instructions: In concert, therefore, with His Majesty's Government (though the signature of the Secretary of state for the Colonies cannot be immediately procured, in consequence of his absence from town) you are hereby directed to turn your whole attention to your second object, viz. completing the coast line of the north-eastern extremity of America. You will observe, from the enclosed abstract of Captain Ross's proceedings that this, also, is become an object of comparatively easy acquisition. By proceeding first to Point Turnagain, and thence eastward to an obelisk in about 6g°^j' N and 98°4o' W, which marks the termination of Captain Ross's progress - or, vice versa, by proceeding first to this obelisk, and thence westward - it is believed that you may accomplish all that is now wanting in one season. But even should this prove impossible, and you find that a second season on the coast is desirable, I believe that I may confidently assure you that the means will be obtained for that purpose. Your choice of routes will of course depend on the point where the Thlewee-choh joins the sea; on which head, therefore, the Committee has few or no

135 No News: A Search Is Planned observations to offer. If, as [Overseas] Governor Simpson imagines, it falls into Bathurst's Inlet, and is identical with Back's River there, you will of course proceed thence to the eastward; or if any branch of it, or any other river you meet with, turn decidedly to the westward or eastward, the Committee would rather recommend your endeavouring in this case to start from one or other extremity. But beyond this it can offer no hints.7

This letter and enclosures, in duplicate, were sent to the chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company at Sault Ste Marie, where they arrived on 20 January 1834. Thence they were carried by special messengers from post to post, at each of which the officer-in-charge signed the date and time of receipt and forwarding; by this expeditious organization the despatches reached Back at Fort Reliance on 30 April.8 (We will return to Back's expedition later after recounting what had been happening to John Ross and his crew during the past 4a/2 years.) The Arctic expedition by sea was wound up by a public notice from George Ross dated 19 October 1833, which gave subscribers the option of having their money returned or applied to the relief of shipwrecked mariners. Though this notice appeared over George Ross's name, he was probably not, in fact, free to sign it, for in May he had been declared bankrupt; he had petitioned the Insolvent Debtors Court but was opposed by a Mr Chute. Ross (described as "the brother of Captain Ross, now in the Arctic") said he had been three times bankrupt, the last time in 1827, when he was trading as a wine merchant. He had been comptroller of customs in Demerary and had owned property in the West Indies worth upwards of £20,000. Since his third bankruptcy, he had traded as a timber merchant under the name of Ross and Jones. He had contracted to purchase timber from Chute in 1829 or 1830 to the value of £1,800. He had taken delivery of £400 worth but had not paid for it as it was of inferior quality; he had cancelled the contract and did not even consider Chute to be a creditor. When he was brought up for judgment, it was decreed that he should not be entitled to the "benefit of the act" until he had been in prison for twelve months from the date of riling his petition for discharge from bankruptcy.9

CHAPTER TEN

Four Years in Boothia, 1829-33

The very evening that the Victory sailed from Loch Ryan with the Krusenstern in tow, she was in trouble again. In a rising gale, the head of the foremast gave way, and two men who were at the topgallant yard furling its sail had a narrow escape. The gale lasted for three days, but Ross decided that it would be possible to do repairs sufficient to enable him to continue the voyage. Under jury masts they sailed on getting no assistance from the engines which suffered from one defect after another. Furthermore, the armourer, James Maslin, reported sick with tuberculosis on 13 July and revealed that he had only recently been discharged from hospital. Ross intended to send him home in a whaler, but no opportunity occurred and he would die the following January. They were delayed by a gale that blew straight down Davis Strait for ten days and finally, on 23 July, reached Holsteinsborg, where they were hospitably received by the Danish governor and resident clergyman. They had the good fortune to find that a whaler, the Rookwood, having struck a rock, had been abandoned there as beyond repair. "Here then we found at once a Dock Yard and Victualling office." Ross, as he wrote in his Narrative, "being convinced that our engine was not to be depended on, rigged the Victory now completely as a sailing schooner," using such masts, spars and sails from the Rookwood as were suitable and also topping up with provisions and stores (the bill being forwarded to Felix Booth). He also procured six husky dogs. The governor told Ross that the present season had been the mildest in living memory, that the previous one had also been very mild, and that "if the N.W. passage is ever to be found it must be this year." This optimism seemed justified since the ships sailed across Baffin Bay with no sign of the formidable "middle ice" and only an

137 Four Years in Boothia

occasional iceberg to be seen. The best speed the engineers could coax out of the engines, when they were tried, was ia/4 knots. They entered Lancaster Sound on 7 August, and at this point Ross wrote a long passage in his journal, which he later transcribed verbatim into his published narrative. Recalling the events of 31 August 1818, he admitted that he had been deceived by the appearance of land but, justifiably, reminded his readers that "the whole history of navigation abounds with similar errors or false conclusions." He maintained his opinion that the whole sea to the westward was covered with ice and that "not only was the season past for penetrating further through the ice, but it was my imperative duty, as it is with every officer in command ... to attend to the preservation of the ships and their gallant crews." Unfortunately, he was not content with this explanation of his actions but insisted that Parry "could not have believed that there was a passage through Lancaster Sound, or he would have told me that he thought so; for it would be to suppose him capable of gross misconduct as an officer, were I to imagine that when he was my second-in-command he suppressed any opinion that could concern the duty in which we were both engaged." On 12 August they were at the entrance to Prince Regent Inlet, and Ross's plan was to press southward as Parry had done on his third voyage in 1825 and as he had still recommended after his own failure. Navigation was difficult since the compasses ceased to traverse, and amid the usual hazards of fog and ice, the engines became ever more exasperating. However, some benefit was obtained from them: if pressure of steam was allowed to build up for fifteen minutes, the engines would then run for another fifteen minutes. An anchorage was found five or six miles south of the point where Fury had been abandoned four years before, and the officers landed to see what was left. There was no sign of the ship, and the tents had been destroyed by polar bears, but the stores were intact. Tins of preserved meat and vegetables, wine, spirits, sugar, bread, and cocoa were all in excellent condition. Ross confessed that he had been relying on finding these stores if his plan for a prolonged stay in the Arctic was to be achieved. Before they left, any gunpowder that they did not require was destroyed, to prevent potential injury to the Inuit. Parry in 1825 had described the coast south of Fury Point as follows: "It then sweeps round into a large bay formed by a long, low beach several miles in extent, afterwards joining higher land, and running in a south-easterly direction to a point which terminated our view of it in that quarter, and which bore from us S 58° W distant six

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or seven leagues. This headland I named Cape Garry."1 And he so depicted it on his chart. Ross, however, reported that We stood into what Parry called Creswell Bay. You may judge what was our surprize when, after standing 8 miles farther than Parry has laid down the land "low beach distinctly seen" both from the land and every day for 3 days from the Hecla, we could see no land from the masthead to the westward on a very clear day! - in short instead of being a bay this had every appearance of a passage, certainly there could be no land within 30', this was hailed by some of my friends as a complete victory over Parry - and it was the more remarkable for being the very first discovery we made, but by me it was viewed with far different feelings, and I am quite sure that those who have suffered as I have from a cruelly misled Public Opinion will never wish to transfer such misery to a fellow creature, if their hearts are in the right place! I could not help expressing my feelings of regret to my Nephew, in these words "I would far rather find a passage anywhere else" and in these sentiments I was joined by him, he acknowledged having himself been at the Hecla''s masthead and said that they had been deceived by the appearance of the ice!2

This somewhat tendentious comment was written in his private letter to Beaufort and was not expressed publicly. When, however, they had finished embarking Fury's stores, they did not sail westwards through this possible "passage" but steered for Cape Garry, favoured by a clear sea and a fair wind, this being the course most likely to lead to the North American continent. On 16 August the officers landed at a point about twenty-two miles southwest of Cape Garry, at the northeast corner of a large bay, and took formal possession of the land with the customary display of the colours and drinking of the king's health. The landing place was named Possession Point, the bay Brentford Bay, and the whole land Boothia Felix. In his published narrative, Ross says only, "From the highest part of this land, which was upwards of a hundred feet above the level of the sea, we obtained a good view of the bay and adjoining shores." In his original journal, however, he made a small sketch clearly indicating a gap in the land, which he described as follows: The mainland appeared blue and entirely free of snow, and was very distinct from the low islands, which appeared sandy but were certainly limestone. At the end of the last point we had passed a low island appeared surrounded by icebergs, then another low point within it from the end of which several small rocks and islets appeared at the entrance of a great inlet in the blue land; the

139 Four Years in Boothia inlet was full of close packed ice, and to the southward of it a low island of the sandy colour in the form of a wedge with the thick end to the north, beyond which the blue land to the south of the great inlet appeared.3

This is, in fact, an accurate description of the entrance to Bellot Strait, discovered twenty-two years later. Though the ice prevented their getting farther into the bay, it seems that James Ross, at least, suspected that the inlet was the entrance to a channel.4 For the next six weeks, they made their way southwards down the coast and on 6 September, entered a "splendid harbour, in which the whole British navy might safely ride," which Ross named Elizabeth Harbour for Felix Booth's sister. But on quitting it, they found themselves in a most dangerous situation in a narrow rocky channel, at the mercy of gales and strong tides, ice, and granite reefs. Ross had no doubt that only the shallow draft and special strengthening of the Victory enabled her to survive. "For readers," he wrote, "it is unfortunate that no description can convey an idea of a scene of this nature: and, as to pencil, it cannot represent motion or noise." But he had a good try: And to those who have not seen a northern ocean in winter - who have not seen it, I should say, in a winter's storm - the term ice, exciting but the recollection of what they only know at rest, in an inland lake or canal, conveys no idea of what it is the fate of an arctic navigator to witness and to feel. But let them remember that ice is stone; a floating rock in the stream, a promontory or an island when aground, not less solid than if it were a land of granite. Then let them imagine, if they can, these mountains of crystal hurled through a narrow strait by a rapid tide; meeting, as mountains in motion would meet, with the noise of thunder, breaking from each other's precipices huge fragments, or rending each other asunder, till, losing their former equilibrium, they fall over headlong, lifting the sea around in breakers and whirling in the eddies; while the flatter fields of ice, forced against these masses, or against the rocks, by the wind and the stream, rise out of the sea till they fall back on themselves, adding to the indescribable commotion and noise which attend these occurrences.5

On 25 September they landed and took possession of a small island - "as this island was discovered on my little Boy's birthday I named it after him [Andrew Ross Island] and from its top we had a charming prospect." Three islands appeared due east, and "as we were now exactly in the lat. of Hecla and Fury Strait, I called two of them Hecla and Fury Islands, and the other Isabella Louisa after Lady Parry in an acknowledgement of the friendship he showed to my nephew."6

140 Polar Pioneers Map 7 John Ross's Second Expedition, 1829-33

It was now clearly time to secure the ship for the winter, and on 6 October, she was worked into a safe anchorage, which Ross named Felix Harbour, about 150 miles farther south than the farthest point reached by Parry. Ross decided, and everyone heartily agreed, that the machinery had not been worth the large space it occupied; engines and boilers were dismantled and dumped ashore. I must now mention that our Engine [Ross used this term to refer to the whole installation] entirely failed not in consequence of the principle on which it was constructed but owing to the very inferior materials of which the boilers were constructed, they leaked almost at every joint and it took the whole of the Crew to keep them supplied with water, and this being at the tempr. of 36° generally it was impossible to keep up the steam so as to make her go even i mile an hour! You may guess then under what disadvantages we have navigated the vessel being constructed for steam was not easily navigated under sails, yet we have to our own surprise succeed in get [sic] 200 miles farther than any former voyage had we had the advantage of steam we would have been here a month before, and now God Knows how much farther, -1 have now landed and broke up the boilers and will bring home a piece of one of them as a specimen - if it Pleased God that we ever get home the Engines were of themselves very good but the shaft was badly connected, the paddles answered admirably and were easily taken up and let down at pleasure ... Our

141 Four Years in Boothia Engineer stokers who are landsmen are now therefore of little use to us and we find ourselves rather weakly manned, but there seems to be no dissatisfaction anywhere, everything as yet has gone on smoothly.7

A wall of snow blocks was built round the ship, which was roofed in in the manner of previous expeditions. Some novel arrangements were made for internal comfort. Over the steam kitchen and the baking oven, apertures were made in the upper deck on which were placed iron tanks with their openings downwards. The rising vapour condensed, and the tanks were cleaned out every Saturday. The whole of the inside of the ship was thus much drier and could be kept warm and comfortable at a lower temperature. A communication was made from the steerage to the fore part of the space between decks, by means of a door leading first to an antechamber screened off by canvas and then to a space, similarly about five feet square. Men coming down from the upper deck had to take off wet clothing in the first of these compartments, and the second compartment, acting as a sort of airlock, prevented both moisture and draughts of cold air from reaching the living spaces. John Ross held strong opinions about diet. He was very critical of the victualling system of the Navy, which prescribed the same allowance of food throughout the service whether ships were in icy seas or the tropical ocean. In their present circumstances, "it would be very desirable indeed if the men could acquire the taste for Greenland food; since all experience has shown that the large use of oil and fat meats is the true secret of life in these frozen countries, and that the natives cannot subsist without it ... I have little doubt, indeed, that many of the unhappy men who have perished from wintering in these climates ... might have been saved if they had been aware of these facts, and had conformed, as is so generally prudent, to the usages and experiences of the natives."8 Back in England, the idea of eating such food was thought disgusting, and the wisdom of following native practices wherever possible was a lesson only slowly learnt. Ross also had his ideas about the type of men most suitable for Arctic voyages: "A ruddy, elastic, florid, or clear complexioned man, has always seemed to me better secured by nature against cold [a good self-portrait!] ... the pale, and flabby, and sallow, and melancholy-looking men are not the men for an arctic voyage; they suffer most from cold, whatever individual exceptions there may be." The crew worked in five watches - the three mates, the engineer, and the harpooners each with a seaman - keeping a general lookout. On weekdays an evening school was run from six to nine o'clock.

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On Sundays the men were inspected in their best clothes, there were prayers and a sermon, and "to occupy the remainder of the day, there was a collection of tracts which had been presented to us by Mrs. Enderby of Blackheath, proving a judicious as well as useful gift."9 In the evening there was a Sunday school, scripture readings, and psalms. "Of the good effect of this system of religious duties and of instruction, I could entertain no doubt; for the men seemed truly to feel that they all belonged to one family: evincing mutual kindness, with a regularity and tranquillity of behaviour which are not very general on board of a ship." The small crew had plenty to occupy their time, and no attempts were made at play-acting or similar idle pastimes except on Christmas Day. Once the ship itself had been prepared for the winter, a commodious observatory was built on shore. In spite of all the setbacks, Ross felt quite content, at the end of the year, with what they had achieved and with the morale of his crew.

1830 On 9 January a party of Inuit, ten abreast and three deep, was seen approaching. The two Rosses, the surgeon, and a few men went out to meet them, advancing with caution until they saw that the Inuit had only spears and knives, not bows and arrows. They then threw away their guns and shouted a greeting in Inuktitut, whereupon the Inuit too threw away their arms and shouted a greeting in reply. Confidence was immediately established, and friendly relations soon developed. James Ross's experience during Parry's second voyage proved invaluable, and he soon made good progress with the dialect of these Inuit, which differed from that of the Igloolik Inuit and from the Danish-Inuktitut dictionary of Greenland. One of the men had lost a leg, and the single act that most cemented the friendship with the tribe was the manufacture by the ship's carpenter of a wooden leg (inscribed with the name of the ship), the use of which the recipient mastered within three days. Two or three of them were invited on board the ship, and a return visit was paid to their village, situated about two miles away. This consisted of eighteen snow huts, housing about a hundred people. After this visit, there was daily communication and barter, and the officers were pleasantly surprised at the honesty of the Inuit. Though there were thefts from time to time, it was evident that the Inuit regarded it as a huge joke when they failed to get away with them. The speed with which the Inuit built their snow houses, the design of the passage entrance, and the use of an ice window to give light were much admired.

143 Four Years in Boothia

Map 8 The Inuit Chart (from Ross's Narrative of a Second Voyage)

Ross was, of course, anxious to discover all he could of the geography of the neighbourhood, and a man named Ikmallik (nicknamed "the Hydrographer") proved the best informant. The Inuit knew of Repulse Bay and Akkoolee, and they indicated that a large gulf occupied the space between Akkoolee and their present position. The headquarters of the tribe was at Neitchilee, some days' journey to the southwest, near a western sea which was separated from the eastern sea in which they now lay, by either a neck of land or a narrow strait - but which? During March, James Ross made two single-day journeys by sledge, drawn by dogs, and accompanied by an Inuk. On 5 April he left on a reconnaissance to the westward, accompanied by Blanky, the chief mate, and the son (Oobloo) and nephew (Awack) of Ikmallik. Ross's and Blanky's baggage and ten days' provisions were lashed on two sledges drawn by fourteen dogs, and the two men walked beside them; the Inuit travelled lighter and sometimes rode on their sledges so the Englishmen had some difficulty in keeping pace with them. A rather unusual event occurred on their second morning: "we might

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not have awoke very soon, had it not been for a mutiny and rebellion which broke out among the dogs." They had got loose, and as they were hungry, were attacking Awack's sledge with the aim of devouring the frozen salmon of which, on account of lack of wood, it was constructed. Sleeping at night in snow huts constructed by the Inuit (in a half to three quarters of an hour), the party reached the sea at a place called Padliak on the morning of 8 April and turning southward, they came to "the great lake of Nei-tyel-le." From the description provided by the Inuit, it was understood that, from where they stood, there was an open sea to the northwest and southwest, free of ice in summer, and that there was a large island (Oo-geoo-lik) far to the westward; that from southwest to southeast the land extended to Akkoolee (i.e., it was continental North America); that there was no passage from the south, and if the ship wished to reach Neitchillee, she must go a long way round to the northward. Returning by the same route, they arrived back at the Victory on the evening of 10 April. On the last day, Oobloo was suffering from snow-blindness and ulcerated knees, but the sledge belonging to the Inuit was laden with three canoes, which they were bringing back from Neitchilee. With difficulty, Ross persuaded Oobloo to ride on his sledge, while he and Blanky, who felt perfectly fresh, walked. On 21 April, James Ross and Blanky, with an Inuit lad of sixteen or seventeen, left on a second journey, taking seven days' provisions. James was satisfied that he had seen the western ocean, and the Inuit had spoken of a place they called Shag-a-voke (Sagvak Inlet), where a strong current ran to the westward through a narrow strait. They had given no encouragement to suppose that this was a passage, but he had to make certain. When they came to the inlet, Ross reckoned that it would hardly be navigable even by boat, but he was keen to see how far it extended, so leaving the Inuk to build a snow house, he walked on alone and reached its end in about three hours. He arrived back at midnight and confessed himself extremely fatigued as he had travelled fifty miles that day - such was the physical stamina of James Ross. The young Inuk had built too small a hut, and the three men had to spend the night "in a posture as like to that in the parish stocks as aught else." They were glad to get up in the morning and set out for the ship. Unfortunately, the dogs sighted three caribou and set off in pursuit with the sledge in tow, scattering its burden along the way, much to the amusement of the Inuk. Following on foot until they came up with the exhausted dogs somewhat prolonged the journey, and it was late evening before they reached the ship. Ross concluded that the current rushing through Sagvak Inlet in the summer was due to the melting of the snow on the high surrounding land.

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On 27 April he set out on a third journey, this time to the northward to examine a place where the Inuit had reported that the coast turned to the northwest. Though he was very sceptical of this description, it had to be investigated. On the day he left, an incident occurred that could have had fatal results. As James Ross and the second mate, Abernethy, and the doctor, George McDiarmid, approached the village where two Inuit guides were to join them, they found that the women had disappeared, and they were confronted by angry men with drawn knives. One particularly menacing man was only restrained from throwing his hunting knife at Ross by his sons, who pinioned his arms. Careful and understanding diplomacy by Ross restored calm and the old friendship after he discovered that a young boy had been killed by a falling stone and that this death was attributed to witchcraft by the Kabloonas (with which power it was not unreasonable for the Inuit to credit the Europeans). He then set out with Abernethy and two Inuit. Travelling northwards, on i May he reached the coast at the mouth of the Agnew River, north of Elizabeth Harbour and about forty miles from the current position of the ship. He was anxious to investigate an inlet farther up the coast, which had been full of ice when they sailed past it the previous summer and which might be the point where the Inuit meant that the coast turned westward, though Ross strongly suspected that they were in reality referring to Barrow Strait far to the north. However, ice conditions and time did not permit him to do so. John Ross expressed a greater belief in the existence of a channel at this latitude saying, "His [James's] guide had conducted him to the narrow channel leading between the two seas. Hence it was probable that Cape Manson [near Agnew River] would be found to form the north-east point of America, supposing the sea to be continuous to Cape Turnagain."10 The travellers returned to the ship on 4 May, just as John Ross was becoming anxious for their safety. During this journey, James shot a musk ox, a feat that greatly impressed his Inuit companions. Ross, for his part, was impressed by the enormous amount of the ox that the two Inuit ate: "cutting it [the flesh] off in long narrow strips, they crammed it into their mouths as far as they could push it in, then cutting the morsel from the end of their noses by means of their sharp knives, they bolted the mouthfuls as a hungry dog would have done." The Inuit were even more surprised when Ross brought down a brace of grouse (ptarmigan) with a right and left, the first birds they had ever seen taken on the wing. On 17 May, James left again on a journey to the westward; and on 31 May, John Ross himself departed, accompanied by the surgeon, McDiarmid, the mates Blanky and Taylor, and Barney Lackey. The

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Inuit, who had been such close neighbours for the past few months, were dispersing to their summer hunting and fishing grounds farther south, and John was keen to visit Neitchillee and see the "Western ocean" himself. He found that the name (which he often spelt Nietchilly) signified an area of land, rivers, and lakes, rather than a single settlement. The village contained both summer (stone) and winter (snow) houses. They met many of their Inuit friends, who helped them in various ways and provided them with fish, a welcome addition to their diet. The route of this journey was the same as that taken by James Ross in April, and the travellers were absent from the ship (left in charge of Thorn, the purser) for nine days. Some depots of provisions and notes were left for James to pick up on his way back from the journey on which he was engaged. The men suffered severely from inflammation of the eyes, though John Ross himself did not. He ascribed this, and the fact that he was the fittest though far the oldest member of the party, to the fact that he did not drink spirits, and with the men's acquiescence (which he duly praised), he stopped the issue of grog. John Ross has sometimes been described as a rabid teetotaler, but he was not. "It is not that I am declaring myself an advocate of temperance societies, whatever may be their advantages ... but were it in my power, as commanding a vessel, I would exclude the use of grog, on the mere grounds of its debilitating effects, and independently of any ulterior injury which it may do."11 The journey on which James Ross had left on 17 May was to play an important part in the history of the search for the Northwest Passage, and the narrative he contributed to his uncle's book merits careful reading. His party consisted of the two mates, Blanky and Abernethy, and three men, accompanied at first by the doctor, who was to be shown the place at Padliak where provisions should be left to await the return of the travellers and who would then return to the ship. However, Blanky was so badly affected by inflammation of the eyes on the first day that the doctor had to take him back to the ship (where he then joined John Ross's party), leaving James's party one short for sledge hauling and uncertain of finding a depot of provisions on the way back. They had provisions for three weeks, instruments, clothing, and a skin boat, with a second sledge drawn by eight dogs. James decided to travel by night, as he had done on the polar attempt. Following the coast from Padliak round Cape Isabella, they came to a large inlet which Ross hoped might be the western end of a strait. It proved not to be so, and from a hill he was able to see an extensive chain of lakes stretching away to the northeast. As they continued along the coast to the northwestward, it soon became obvious that they had reached the open sea and were on the shores of a strait

147 Four Years in Boothia

Map 9 James Ross's Sledge Journeys, 1830-31

which the Inuit had described as separating them from the land to the west. Finding a favourable tract of ice, they set off across it at midnight and at five o'clock on the morning of 23 May, having travelled about sixteen miles, they landed on an island to which Ross gave the name Matty "in compliment to the fair donors of the beautiful silk colours which we then displayed, in honour of the day." It was the anniversary of their departure from England and "was distinguished by a dinner of frozen roast beef, and, what was now rare with us, a glass of grog." They travelled round the north end of Matty Island and crossed another arm of the sea on to the "mainland." But was it the mainland? I here began to doubt what our actual position might be, when I now considered all the indentations of the coast that we had seen or passed. The question with me was, whether we were in reality skirting a continent, or whether all this irregular land might not be a chain of islands. Those unacquainted with frozen climates like the present, must recollect that when all is ice, and all one dazzling mass of white, when the surface of the sea itself is tossed up and fixed into rocks, while the land is on the contrary, very often flat, if not level; when, in short, there is neither water nor land to be seen, or when both are equally undiscriminated, as well by shape as by colour, it is not always so easy a problem as it might seem on a superficial view, to determine a fact which appears, in words, to be extremely simple.12

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If Ross had been sure that he was on the continent, he would have left a cache of provisions to be collected on return and so have lightened their load. But if they were instead on a chain of islands, that might have been fatal. The dogs had become virtually useless, and he could not afford to give them the day or two of rest they needed. Lest readers may have forgotten it, I ought perhaps to say that the height of summer in these climates renders travelling as impracticable as does the depth of winter. It is not that the heat is more intolerable than the cold, but that the frozen surface becomes at first so loose and wet as to be nearly impassable; while, as the ground is laid bare on shore, and the water opens at sea, it becomes utterly impossible to travel either by land or water, or rather, as I might safely say, by that which is both or neither.13

The travellers were reaching their limit of endurance and provisioning. The weather was, however, still favourable, and Ross suggested to Abernethy that rations might be reduced to enable them to travel an extra day or two; to his delight, Abernethy told him that the men had been about to make the same proposition. So they left in a depot everything they could spare and went on with four days' provisions. The trend of the coast changed suddenly from northwest to southwest at a point which Ross named Cape Felix (the northern tip of King William Island): "The vast extent of ocean then before our eyes, assured us that we had at length reached the northern point of that portion of the continent which I had already ascertained with so much satisfaction to be trending towards Cape Turnagain."14 He is here assuming that he is on the continental mainland. He continues with a comment of great importance in the light of later events: "The pack of ice which had, in the autumn of the last year, been pressed against that shore, consisted of the heaviest masses that I had ever seen in such a situation. With this, the lighter floes had been thrown up, on some parts of the coast, in a most extraordinary and incredible manner; turning up large quantities of the shingle before them, and, in some places, having travelled as much as half a mile beyond the limits of the highest tide-mark."15 After a further day's travel in a southwesterly direction, it was essential to turn for home. At a point which Ross named Victory Point and which was marked on charts for many years as "Comdr Jas Ross's farthest 1830," they built a six-foot-high cairn in which they enclosed a canister with a report of the expedition. Ross and Abernethy continued a few miles farther and gave Franklin's name to the farthest point of land they could see, about 15 miles away. From there to Point Turnagain was 222 nautical miles as the crow flies.

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James Ross wanted, on his return journey, to survey the whole coastlire from the west of Matty Island to Neitchillee. If he had been able to do so, the course of exploration would have been changed and it is just possible that a later tragedy might have been averted. But provisions were running short, and the men were not fit to do more than ten or twelve miles a day, so they headed straight across the ice south of Matty Island, steering direct for Neitchillee. On the morning of 5 June, Ross stood on an islet which "is high and afforded an extensive view of the neighbouring islands, with much more of the continental shore than I had seen from Point Smyth [Cape Norton]/' where he had been the previous afternoon, "but a thin haze covered the land which prevented me from tracing it very distinctly to the south-eastward." They soon met the Inuit, who had unfortunately discovered and eaten most of the provisions which John Ross had left for the explorers. The Inuit, however, provided abundant fish (for which they would accept nothing in exchange) for the weary travellers, who were able to enjoy a full day's rest. In conversation with the Inuit, Ross realized how seriously he had overworked the dogs, only two of the original eight being still alive. The Inuit never drove their dogs for more than four days, usually less, before resting them for a day or two; Ross and his party had travelled for twenty-three consecutive days. On the evening of 10 June, the party left the Inuit, and travelling back by the now well-known route, they reached the ship on the evening of the 13th. Though it was their limtied stock of provisions that had finally determined the point at which they must return, James did not believe that they could have reached Point Turnagain and returned in safety, "or perhaps returned at all," even if they had been amply provided for a longer journey; arrangements for any future expedition would have to be very different. However, if they had been equipped for a longer journey, they would have found the geography very different from what they expected, and the course of future exploration would have been profoundly altered. The ship and boats were now being prepared against the time when they would be released from the ice. Meanwhile, James Ross, with four men and dogs, left on 23 June to explore to the southeastward, and John Ross went off on a fishing expedition to Thorn Bay. By lucky chance he met Awack, who led him to the encampment of his uncle Ikmallik. He and his party were just about to travel south but delayed this departure for a day to entertain their visitors and help with the fishing. When they all sat down to dinner together in Ross's tent, their different methods of eating fish, as well as the vast appetite of the Inuit, provided much amusement. Ikmallik took Ross to one of the pits where they kept their fish frozen, and estimating the

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contents at forty fish, Ross offered him a large knife for the lot, which was readily accepted. Ross felt slightly ashamed when he found that there were "two hundred and twenty fish, averaging five pounds each, and therefore producing a ton weight of salmon" (actually about half a ton). But the Inuit were quite satisfied and volunteered that three of them, with four dogs, would take this load of fish, done up in three sealskin bags, back to the ship. Ross discovered that these fish had, in fact, been stored with the idea of selling them to him the following year. John and James Ross arrived back at the ship within a few minutes of each other on 3 July, James and his party having done a complete circuit of Lord Mayor Bay.16 This expedition is not described in John Ross's journal or his published narrative, in which he says simply, "Commander Ross had not arrived many minutes before us from a similar fishing expediton. "Commenting on James's earlier journey, he wrote, "Commander Ross had not been at all interrupted in his travelling, and his reports were favourable: while, among other things, the limits of our future endeavours were much narrowed by the result of this expedition,"17 by which he presumably meant that there was evidently no channel to the southward and that there was therefore no point in their attempting to sail farther south. The breakup of the ice was disappointingly slow. In the annual instalment of his letter to Beaufort in January 1831, Ross wrote: The summer was uncommonly fine, ... the Lat. and Long, was nearly the mean of the 4 different places where Parry wintered, and so was our mean Temperature for the winter, we therefore made no doubt of being able to retrace our steps and more minutely examine the line of coast we had passed, the ice however did not begin to move until the i. of August after which we had 6 weeks of constant notherly breezes which were not strong enough to break up the ice but sufficiently so to bring the ice from the northward so that as fast as it displaced here it was filled up by the fresh ice of a heavier discription our best passage out of the harbours being blocked up we had to land everything and haul the vessel between a small island and the main where there was only i foot at low and 7 at high water and our utmost exertions did not succeed in extricating the ship more than 4 miles in September, every storm brought in heavier ice and our vessel was for weeks in a very dangerous situation being forced up on the land so that she grounded every tide, when all hope of getting farther was at an end we cut into a small uncomfortable bay where we had just water to float, and got secure about the middle of November. This wretched prison was (not inaptly) named "Sheriff's Harbour."18

151 Four Years in Boothia In his journal for this period, Ross says that it was the change of diet to fish and the friendliness of the Inuit that kept up their spirits, and on 30 September he recorded: We have indeed by the Divine assistance, accomplished a great deal more than any other expedition, nay more than all the preceding expeditions and that under very disadvantageous circumstances, but there is still much to be done which appears still to be within our power and which unless we accomplish as far as possible, we would deservedly forfeit every claim on our country. To this our attention will be called in the Spring and likewise to explore the most advantageous route for getting to Fury Point should that prove necessary in the Spring of 1832. It is therefore my intention to touch upon these matters in a short address to the men immediately after the sermon on Sunday next, and at the same time assure them that every step will be taken which can be conducive to their comfort, improvement or instruction, and relying on a continuation of that zeal, alacrity and good feeling with which they began this interesting voyage.19 It had taken the whole month of October to cut the channel into Sheriff's Harbour, a distance of a mere 850 feet. In Ross's narrative for December 1830, there is the first note of a disagreement between uncle and nephew: There is now some reason to believe that we might have extricated our ship in the present winter, had we proceeded in a different manner; had we begun sooner, and attempted to creep along the shore. In this matter, however, I thought it prudent to yield to the superior experience of Commander Ross in this kind of navigation ... He considered such a proceeding not less perilous than laborious, and entertained no doubt that the ice in the channel would clear away in time sufficient to enable us to make as great a progress, or a greater one, by the same date and without needless risk. That his anticipations were wrong, the event has shown; whether we might really have succeeded by adopting the other plan, will never be known.20

1831 The winter of 1830-31 proved very tedious, and there was great disappointment that the Inuit did not return. The health of the men remained good, with no appearance of scurvy, but they would have relished some venison or fish. Seal meat for the dogs would have been welcome too, though they were quite successful in snaring foxes, for both themselves and the dogs. Spring came late, and it was not until

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towards the end of April that James Ross was able to set off with five men on a journey to the northward to examine, once again, the area of coast where they had searched for an inlet the previous year. The first day out, he met some of the Inuit, who reported that they had a store of fish for sale, and he directed them to the ship. John Ross took out a party and with help from the Inuit, brought in this very welcome food. James and his party missed the help of Inuit and their dogs, and had a very difficult journey because of intense cold and storms. Having reached the coast north of Elizabeth Harbour and found that there was no strait leading to the westward, James decided to return along the coast. (John Ross, commenting on this discovery in his narrative, writes that "it was plain that there could be no passage nearer than the latitude of 7i°55', where there is another great inlet." This inlet was Brentford Bay, a fact that indicates that the Rosses had some suspicion of the existence of Bellot Strait.) One morning, when the party was still about forty miles from the ship, the mate Taylor put on a wet stocking, and during the day, although he felt his foot cold and numb, he said nothing about it. By evening, the whole foot was frostbitten to above the ankle. Ross applied the usual first aid for frostbite, but by the time the man got back to the ship three days later, his foot was turning gangrenous and the surgeon had to amputate part of it. The other men became exhausted dragging Taylor on the sledge, and when they were twenty miles from the ship, Ross went on alone to get help. This was another example of his extraordinary stamina. The party had halted at 2 A.M., having taken twelve hours to cross five or six miles of ice ridges, "by dint of exertions and fatigue such as we had never yet made and experienced," and it then took Ross another nine hours on his own to reach the ship. On 15 May, John and James Ross left in company with "10 of our best men," each with a sledge and three weeks' provisions for six men. Their plan was to explore the chain of lakes that James Ross had seen the previous June stretching to the northeastward from the western shore. Two Inuit were to guide them. On reaching the west coast, James's party would continue to explore the coast farther, while John Ross would return to the ship by the shortest route and then go out again with an additional supply of provisions for James. John describes their line of march as having "a very nomadic and new appearance, as the line of it also was somewhat picturesque. The mother of the two men led the way in advance, with a staff in her hand; my sledge following, with the dogs, holding one of their children and some of the dogs, and guided by a wife with a child at her back. Another native sledge followed in the same manner; next to which was Commander Ross's, and lastly the other Eskimo sledge: the rear

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being brought up by a native drawing two skins of oil and, at a distance, ourselves with one of the little boys."21 They reached the west coast on 26 May, John Ross having named a fine river ("which never freezes") after Admiral de Saumarez and a large lake after Admiral von Krusenstern, two of his most admired sailors. He returned to the ship by the now-familiar route from Padliak via Sagvak Inlet. He commented that this valley "formed the most brief and perfect land communication between the eastern and western seas, which, in other circumstances and in a very different climate, might, under the aid of art, have formed that 'north-west passage/ of which, if I mistake not, we now know as much as is soon likely to be known, and far more than will ever be of any use."22 By some observations, which he does not detail, he determined to his own satisfaction that the level of the eastern sea was thirteen feet above that of the western sea, a conclusion which caused much scepticism later. He claims that, at the end of this journey, his party "were all ill, or utterly fatigued: I was the only one of the party who was quite well." They arrived back at the ship on 31 May, and a week later provisions for James Ross on his return journey were left at Sagvak Inlet under a cairn. When James had parted from his uncle on 26 May, his objective had been to reach the north magnetic pole. Observations of variation over the years and during previous Arctic voyages had led to the conclusion that it was situated in about latitude 70° N, longitude 98°3o' W. Ross had been within ten miles of this position near Cape Felix the previous year, but had no instruments with him to verify the fact. He had carried out a long series of observations during the winter right up to the time of leaving the ship, from which he had deduced a position that he believed to be more correct, and travelling northwards up the coast, the party reached this position at 8 A.M. on i June. It was situated low near the coast. While "I could even have pardoned anyone among us who had been so romantic or absurd as to expect that the magnetic pole ... was a mountain of iron, or a magnet as large as Mont Blanc. But nature had here erected no monument to denote the spot which she had chosen as the centre of one of her great and dark powers."23 Camping near some abandoned Inuit huts, Ross started his observations with the dip circle and very delicately suspended horizontal needles. The dip was 89°59', and Ross was satisfied that he was as nearly on the exact spot of the magnetic pole as he could possibly be, but good scientist that he was, he said that the co-operation of different observers, at different distances and in different directions, would be necessary to determine the position with absolute precision ("if indeed such precision be obtainable"). He had detected that the magnetic pole was moving even as he

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tried to locate it. An article published 150 years later concludes: "We now can appreciate that James Clark Ross was very fortunate to have measured a dip of 89°59' on i June 1831, especially as a measurement with his equipment took an hour, and even on a quiet day the dip can change by 30' in an hour. Ross realised this, and he published all his readings to allow others to judge whether he had reached the pole or not. Whatever doubts Ross had himself, his readings indicate that he spent a day closer to the north magnetic pole than any observer since."24 He told the party of their achievement, and "amidst mutual congratulations, we fixed the British flag on the spot, and took possession of the North Magnetic Pole and its surrounding territory, in the name of Great Britain and King William the Fourth." (William IV had not succeeded to the throne when the expedition left England in 1829, and the pole was originally named after him as Duke of Clarence.) They then erected a cairn of some magnitude, under which they buried a canister containing a record. Ross travelled a few miles farther up the coast with Abernethy, and from a rise they saw the coast continuing to stretch away to the northward, "preserving, in all probability, the same direction as far as Cape Walker in latitude 74°i5'." The travellers then returned to the ship over ground they had already covered and arrived in the early morning of 13 June after twentyeight days' absence, "fatigued and extenuated but, excepting petty grievances, all in good health." This was the last of James Ross's sledge journeys, and the map of the Boothia Peninsula that resulted from them remained the best map of the area for over one hundred years. In 1953 two geographers, J.K. Fraser and C. Laverdiere, employed by the Canadian government, travelling on foot, by dog sledge, and by canoe and with the help of a map prepared from aerial photographs, were able for the first time to trace the routes of James Ross's journeys with accuracy. They found that most of the Inuit place-names quoted by him corresponded closely with those in current use and were able to identify with confidence the features described by him. They found that, in contrast to James's accurate descriptions, John Ross's narrative of his journey across the peninsula was very confused and his assessments of heights much exaggerated.25 In the middle of July, two Inuit appeared with some salmon and with information that they had many more, and for the rest of the month, fishing expeditions went out under the leadership of James Ross and the doctor. In the sea near the mouths of the rivers, they found vast numbers of salmon, of which, on one occasion, they landed 3,378 from a single haul of a small seine net. (Drawings and

155 Four Years in Boothia a dried skin were later described, by Dr Richardson, who named the species Salmo rossii.) During one of these trips, Anthony Buck, a young seaman, had an epileptic fit that affected his left eye. In later months, the fits recurred, and he became almost blind. It was later discovered that Buck had been in hospital for epilepsy while serving in the Mediterranean. He recovered his sight partially after the return of the expedition to England. There was now nothing much else to do but wait for the ice to break up and release the ship. "We were weary for want of occupation, for want of variety, for want of the means of mental exertion, for want of thought, and (why should I not say it?) for want of society. To-day was as yesterday, and as was to-day, so would be to-morrow."26 The only "society" was that of the Inuit, which they always enjoyed but which this year had been only intermittent. "They were not only kind, but as Falstaff says of wit, they were the cause of kindness around them including ourselves."27 On 28 August the ice drifted out of the bay, and the Victory was put under sail to the northwestward; but she very soon failed to weather an iceberg, ran aground, and broke her rudder. The following day the ship worked into a harbour only about fifteen miles from the previous anchorage to which Ross gave the name Victory Harbour. (It was later renamed Victoria Harbour.) For another month, ascending the neighbouring hills and surveying the sea, they lived in hope that they might yet sail farther, but it was not to be. Early in October they started to dismantle the ship and set up an observatory ashore. In the closing months of the year, not only the officers but the whole crew realized that when spring came, they would have to abandon the ship and trek northward. Provisions would not last until the late summer, when the first, and remote, possibility of sailing would occur; moreover, in November the first threat of scurvy appeared.

1832 John Ross started the annual instalment of his letter to Beaufort on i January 1832: "I resume my narrative but whether it will ever come to your hands or not becomes yearly more doubtful fortune seems entirely to have deserted us. "He finished it with the words "We have now no Nautical Almanack therefore our future observations must be reduced at home if ever we get there but I confess that the chances are now much against our being ever heard of - I shall leave the last of this sheet for the conclusion be as it may."28 In January, James Dixon, who had originally been in the crew of the John as a "green hand," died. He had been in declining health for

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three months following a severe cold during a fishing expedition, was suffering from dropsy, and had lost the will to live. The seaman Buck had a recurrence of fits and was almost blind, the mate Taylor could walk only with difficulty, and one of John Ross's old wounds started bleeding. Three other men were in indifferent health, and no one was as strong as before. In his journal John Ross wrote, "I shall not attempt to describe the state of anxiety we are in, I must however admit that it has had an injurious effect on my own health, being responsible for All!."29 He had reduced the crew's rations in the autumn but now decided to restore them to the full allowance. The winter was spent in making sledges and preparing all the gear that was to be taken northwards, while stores which were to be abandoned were buried or concealed ashore. Ross's aim now was to reach Fury Beach, not only for the provisions, but to get the boats which were there. In case, however, these were no longer serviceable, he planned to leave two of the Victory's boats and a store of provisions about forty miles north of their present position, to fall back upon in emergency. On 23 April he set out with the doctor and twelve men, in a temperature of -32° F, and in the course of a week, they succeeded in getting the boats, on two sledges, about eighteen miles to the northward, returning to the ship on i May. He recorded that "This journey was indeed severe not only in consequence of the extreme cold but the condition of the ice which was of the most rugged description - we slept or rather took rest when fatigued by digging a trench in the snow, which being covered with canvas on 2 oars laid across and then snow, we crept in at the lee-end & by keeping close together prevented being frozen to death - and we could get no water except melted snow we had therefore to carry fuel for that purpose only 2 of our party were disabled."30 Three days later, the two Rosses with ten men ("being the whole of our effective crew") left with 2,000 pounds of provisions and stores. This load, plus the two boats when they reached them, had to be carried forward in relays, involving repeated short hauls over the same ground. They arrived back on 21 May, and John Ross summarized their journey as follows: "We had time, therefore, to review what we had lately done; and the result was that we had travelled three hundred and twenty-nine miles to gain about thirty in a direct line; carrying the two boats with full allowance of provisions for five weeks; and expending, in this labour, a month. It was, however, the worst part of the road."31 Another small party went out on 24 May, returning two days later after depositing a month's provisions at half allowance at a distance of twelve miles from the ship. On 29 May the "colours were therefore hoisted and nailed to the

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mast, we drank a parting glass to our poor ship, and having seen every man out, in the evening, I took my own adieu of the Victory, which had deserved a better fate. It was the first vessel that I had ever been obliged to abandon, after having served in thirty-six, during a period of forty-two years. It was like the last parting with an old friend."32 Light, the steward, wrote later that "a glass of Booth's cordial" was given to each man before he abandoned ship. From time to time (Light refers to the smell of juniper in the cabin, so it seems that John Ross was not averse to gin and that his crusade against spirits was only aimed at excessive, or inopportune, consumption of rum, which was indeed a great problem in the Navy of those days.) Ross's plan was to carry both boats on to Elizabeth Harbour with provisions for six weeks at full allowance, to leave the boats and half the provisions there, and to proceed with the sledges and the other half to about latitude 71° N, whence a light party would go ahead to ascertain the state of things at Fury Beach. On 3 June they reached the place where the boats and the stores had been left, after a painful journey for the blind man, the lame mate, and the unfit. This was about sixteen miles short of Elizabeth Harbour. "The men seemed then much fatigued, and the mate Blanky, being deputed by them, intimated their desire to abandon the boats and spare provisions at this place, and proceed direct to Fury point. I had already suspected something of this nature; but as we should thus leave our resources in a place to which it was impossible to return, I not only expressed my refusal, but ordered the party to proceed, in a manner not easily misunderstood, and by an argument too peremptory to be disputed, after reprimanding the ambassador for the extreme impropriety of his conduct. It was the first symptom approaching to mutiny which had yet occurred."33 It is difficult to see how Blanky, faced with the men's complaints, could have acted otherwise; it was surely his duty to let his commanding officer know what they were thinking, and the situation can hardly be described as near mutiny. The boats and provisions were taken forward and secured at Elizabeth Harbour by 9 June, and the following morning the whole party left with three heavily laden sledges carrying three weeks' provisions at full allowance, "arms, ammunition, tools, instruments, clothing, and more." Two days later, on 12 June, James Ross, Abernethy, and seaman John Park went ahead, taking fifteen days' provisions, a tent, and other indispensable articles. They were about 150 miles from Fury Beach, which they hoped to reach in ten days. They were instructed to leave a note at each place where they slept, which John Ross, travelling at half their speed, expected to find every second day. James crossed the mouth of Brentford Bay in misty weather and visited the

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cairn on Possession Point on 17 June. John's party reached the bay on the 23rd, and he examined it while the crew rested, having been on his feet for twenty-one hours. He recorded: After the usual measurements and observations, I ascertained its figure and extent, finding that its bottom gave entrance to a large river, and, consequently, that there was no opening, or passage to the western sea at this place, as might otherwise have remained a point of doubt. Having proceeded at nine, we passed two considerable rivers at the northern part of this inlet and, after that, several islands.34

One of these "rivers" must surely have been Bellot Strait. A knowledge of the true nature of the strait would have been of no value to the Rosses in their present circumstances, but once again John Ross had the misfortune to put it on record that there was no passage where, in fact, one would later be found to exist. When James met John again, he recorded in his diary that on 22 June "their party at an island south of Possession Id. Capt. R. examined inlet and found a river open."35 It rather sounds as if James, suspecting the existence of Bellot Strait, had asked his uncle to do a careful survey. On 25 June they were met by James's party, who reported that three of the boats at Fury Beach had been swept to the northward by heavy seas, but that only one was badly damaged and everything else was in good order. James had travelled across Creswell Bay from Cape Garry to Fury Beach in a direct line over the sea ice. The party now travelled round the shoreline in order to determine whether or not there was a passage to the westward. They found only a river, which, Ross mischievously informed Beaufort, "I am sure would not do even for our friend Barrow unless he chose to go in a canoe!"36 They reached Fury Beach on i July, "worn out completely with hunger and fatigue." John Ross immediately took steps to restore a degree of routine and discipline to their life and had some difficulty in preventing the halfstarved men from running rife among the provisions. The first task was to build a house. A timber frame 31 feet by 16 feet and 7 feet high (to be covered in canvas from Fury's sails) was completed by the evening of 2 July, and according to Ross, they ended the day with a "luxurious supper." The house was finished the following day and named Somerset House (the land having been named North Somerset by Parry). Then the carpenters set to work to repair and strengthen the boats. John Ross had intended to rig all three with similar sails, but James preferred a different rig for the one he was to command. The

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temperature gradually rose, and by the end of the month, the men were in better health. On i August there was clear water at the beach, and the party set out in the hope of reaching Baffin Bay before the departure of the whalers. They were in three boats commanded by the two Rosses and Thorn, and with provisions for six weeks. According to John, but not James, the Rosses each carried copies of the other's charts and narratives in case of separation, and a brief account of proceedings was left at Somerset House.37 The same evening they reached the spot where Fury had been wrecked exactly eight years earlier, and their boats were now nearly crushed by ice. They had hauled them up just in time, and here they were marooned for six days on a very dangerous beach, with rocks falling from the precipitous cliffs behind them. They were then able to move a few miles to a safer place, and the water being clear to the south though still ice-bound to the north, Thorn was sent back with a strong party and one boat to bring up more provisions. It was not until the 2/th that a strong westerly wind cleared a lane of open water by which they were able to reach Cape Seppings (eight miles south-southwest of Cape Clarence, the northeast point of North Somerset) on the last day of the month. The crucial point of their journey had now been reached, for they had to cross the forty-mile-wide mouth of Prince Regent Inlet. The story is told by John Ross in his letter to Beaufort: "After making a fruitless attempt to cross we pitched on a low point to the south of what Parry has named Leopold Islands, on the 3rd September I ascended to the top of the mountains about 500 feet high from whence I could scan the whole of Barrows Strait and Lancaster Sound to Cape Marwood and also Regents Inlet which presented one vast solid and unbroken mass of ice just as I had seen it in 1818 on the 3ist of August."38 Ross persuaded himself that this mountain was the one he had seen from the Isabella on 31 August 1818. He wrote in his journal (and his published narrative reads much the same), "The mountain lies between Lat 73°53' and 74° and being in the Long, of 90° W is exactly in the situation I placed Crokers Mountains in 1818, and I have no doubt but it is the same land I saw, having seen the Hope Monument from the top of the mountain which has been surnamed one of the Leopolds Islands. Subsequently I claim it however ist as the discoverer 2nd as the first who took possession of it and, lastly, as the first who established it to be the N.E. point of America. I have therefore given it its first and proper name in my charts, continuing the northernmost, which actually is an island, by the name subsequently given to it." 39

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The mountain is about 150 miles from the position of the Isabella on 31 August 1818. Moreover, the longitude of 90° W is not exactly where he placed Croker's Mountains. His "special chart" of 1818 shows them in longitude 84° W, a difference of approximately a hundred miles, and his narrative of the voyage describes them as being about eight leagues (twenty-four miles) from the ship, though his chart shows the distance as nearer fifty miles. It was claims of this nature that made John Ross so vulnerable to criticism. He continues in his letter to Beaufort: "It was evident that nothing but a very strong gale from the North or N.W. could have any effect on it [the ice] the space of water along the shore never extended more than 6 miles and when the wind was from the North East or S.E. it was entirely filled up ... our principal dependence was on the equinoxial gales, and my nephew was sanguine until the last while the other party gave up all hopes on the 12th which was the last time anyone could ascend the mountain, and when the ice was still firm & unbroken ... It was my duty however to persevere as long as I could with safety I was therefore not sorry that there was a party for remaining."40 "The other party" was the crew of Thorn's boat. In his narrative, Ross records that James Ross's and Thorn's crews each followed their leader's opinions, while he displayed a neutral face to his crew's divided views. He says that Thorn's "estimable qualities in all other points were not accompanied by that spirit of confidence which belongs in general to a period of life which my excellent friend had passed." On 25 September they bowed to the inevitable and started back for Fury Beach: by cutting through bay ice & taking advantage of the tides we reached Batty Bay on the ist of Oct. we had still 5 days provisions for we had killed a number of foxes & ptarmigan which went to make our store last longer -1 should have been glad to have got our boats about 10 miles nearer our store [i.e., Fury Beach] but everything was now frozen up on the south side of the bay and after constructing 3 bad sledges from the staves of casks which contained our bread, we set out with the ther. below Zero. 2 days it blew strong and the snow was so heavy that we could not stir out of our wretched tents & it was the /th of October before we reached Fury Beach, we had scarcely got snug into a dwelling before a snow storm came in which none of us could have existed 4 hours had we been caught in it, and those who thought lightly of my Somerset House were glad of it, bad as it is for a habitation.41

The most serious concern in the last stage of the journey had been the

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care of Taylor, who was able neither to walk, even with his crutches, nor to ride on the sledges, which were continually upsetting. At one stage they had to leave him behind, continuing with the laden sledges to their resting-place for the night and then returning for him with an empty sledge. When the storm abated, James Ross left "with all hands" and two sledges, and four days later they brought in a lot of stores, including a stove, which had been left twenty-five miles away. John Ross considered that, bad as their circumstances were, they had much to be thankful for and could not but "offer up our humble acknowledgements to the Great Disposer of events." They set about surrounding their house with walls of ice and snow, and with the stoves and a ventilator, made the interior tolerably comfortable, though the autumn proved exceptionally cold. Ross concluded the instalment of his letter to Beaufort on i January 1833 as follows: Thus we have become literally the inhabitants of an Iceberg! We keep fires constantly on and having constructed an oven we bake excellent bread and have plenty of flour, sugar, pease & preserved soups, but being short of meat we can only allow a pound a week served out Thursday and Sundays, but we have caught above a score of foxes in the traps, and as yet we have had a roasted fox every Sunday and on Xmas Day we had an Excellent one, but we have had nothing but water to drink since we left the Victory. - our men have all pretty well recovered from their fatigues and frost bites, excepting Mr. Thomas the carpenter, who I am sorry to say is in a very dangerous state, & there are no hopes of his recovery the lime juice which we found plenty of here having lost its antiscorbutic quality - and being a man advanced in life and had lived very hard his constitution was quite broken, and he is now too much reduced to hold out long. He will be a great loss to us as he was a most excellent workman, and the 2 others we have are but very inferior. I shall now conclude for this year, you will excuse the bad writing for my fingers are very cold and ink has frozen several times - where I shall conclude this sheet God only knows!!42

1833

Chimham Thomas died of scurvy in February, the only death that could be attributed to the conditions of the expedition. "His age was forty-eight [though elsewhere Ross quotes his age as thirty-nine] and at that time of life a seaman who has served much is an aged man, if he does not chance to be worn out." (John Ross himself was fifty-five.) During the winter, Ross's old wounds were very troublesome, and he feared that he might not survive. Thorn was ill, and two of the men (John Wood and Eyre) were suffering from scurvy. There was little

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opportunity for taking exercise in the open and nothing to do indoors. The Rosses could work on their journals and scientific records, but "the least active minds dozed away their time in the waking stupefaction which such a state of things produces," and "those who had the enviable talent of sleeping at all times, whether anxious or not, fared best." Somehow the long months passed, and in late April, parties under James Ross started to carry forward to Batty Bay (where the boats had been left), - a distance of thirty-two miles - sufficient provisions to last from i July to i October. By the end of the month, all the stores had been moved forward eight miles, and during the course of May, they were transported onwards to Batty Bay, where the boats were found unharmed. The whole advance had been very laborious since it had to be done on a relay system because of the limited number of fit men. But it was essential to the prospects of escape that the provisions should be got forward before the thaw made the route impassable. At the beginning of June, the party settled down again at Somerset House to await the breakup of the ice. James Ross took a party to the lakes in Cresswell Bay and brought back ducks, many dovekies, some foxes, and a bear or two, which made a very welcome addition to the larder. The party finally quitted Somerset House on 8 July, not without some apprehension that they might yet be compelled to return. Three men were unable to walk, and sledges were prepared for them, with four uprights carrying a canvas mat as a type of hammock; three others were just able to walk but could not help to drag the sledges. The party arrived at Batty Bay on 12 July and were then forced to camp in frustrating idleness for another month. Fortunately, game was plentiful and the men's health improved. On 14 August their luck turned at last, when a lane of water was seen leading to the northward. At four o'clock next morning, all hands were employed in cutting away ice from the shore, and at eight o'clock they were under way in their three boats. By the following evening, they had reached the northeastern cape from which they had been forced to turn back only twelve days later (28 August) the previous year. But this time they were more fortunate; James Ross and Abernethy went to the top of the mountain and returned at midnight to report that the ice to northward and northeastward was in a state through which it would be possible to sail. At 3 A.M. on 17 August they embarked, rowed till noon in a calm, and then got under sail when a breeze sprung up. By mid-afternoon, they had crossed Prince Regent Inlet, and that evening they hauled up on a beach twelve miles west of Cape York, having travelled seventy-two miles during the day. Their progress towards the mouth of Lancaster Sound was interrupted by gales and

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was achieved mainly under oars. While all were asleep in a harbour west of Navy Board Inlet at 4 A.M. on 26 August, the lookout man, David Wood, thought he saw a sail. James Ross was called and using his telescope, confirmed that there was indeed a ship. Boats were launched and signals made by burning wet powder, and by 6 o'clock they were under way. Winds were fickle, but the boats were gradually closing on the ship when a breeze sprang up and she made all sail to the southeastward. About 10 o'clock another ship was seen, which also bore up under all sail, but fortunately it fell calm and this ship was seen to heave to and lower a boat. When the boat came alongside, John Ross asked the name of the vessel and requested to be taken on board. The surprising answer was "the Isabella of Hull once commanded by Captain Ross." When Ross replied that he was that man and his people the crew of the Victory, the astonished mate assured him that he had been dead two years. But having been convinced that this was not so, he added that the Isabella was commanded by Captain Humphreys, and he went off in his boat to inform Humphreys of the news. As the Victory's boats approached the Isabella, her crew manned the rigging and gave three cheers. Ross and his crew were greeted on board, where in such a crowd and such confusion, all serious thought was impossible, while the new buoyancy of our spirits made us abundantly willing to be amused by the scene which now opened. Every man was hungry and was to be fed, all were ragged and were to be clothed, there was not one to whom washing was not indispensable, nor one whom his beard did not deprive of all English semblance. All, everything, too, was to be done at once; it was washing, dressing, shaving, eating, all intermingled, it was all the materials each jumbled together; while, in the midst of all, there were interminable questions to be asked and answered on all sides; the adventures of the Victory, our own escapes, the politics of England, and the news which was now four years old. But all subsided into peace at last. The sick were accommodated, the seamen disposed of, and all was done, for all of us, which care and kindness could perform.43

The Isabella had not completed her season's fishing and therefore continued down the coast of Baffin Bay. There they fell in with other vessels of the whaling fleet, from whom they received a great welcome and a number of presents. Ross says in his narrative that they fished for several days on the Isabella and Alexander Banks, which had been unwarrantably expunged from the charts of his 1818 voyage. During this time, he "resurveyed the coast, with several of the bays and inlets, with the intention of publishing a special chart of a

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place rendered so important by its abundant fishery." He and Parry had been criticizing each other's charts of Baffin Bay over the years. In the light of modern knowledge, it is fair to say that Ross's chart in 1818 of the whole coastline of Baffin Bay, whose very existence had been doubted up to that time, was as good as anyone could have produced in the circumstances of the voyage. Parry in 1820 had had more time on the coast of Baffin Island, and of the two, Parry's recorded positions of capes and other features in his 1820 book are more correct than those of Ross in 1833. Whether the Isabella and Alexander Banks had been "expunged from the charts" or not, they do indeed exist, though they have never been completely sounded. At 9:30 A.M. on Friday, 18 October 1833, the Hull Advertiser announced, "We stop the press to announce the arrival at Hull of Captain Ross, who is on board the Gazelle steamer from Rotterdam. He and Captain Humphreys left the Isabella off the Humber. We had the pleasure of bidding Captain Ross welcome to his native land, and were happy to see that he appeared in excellent health." The Times of 22 October reprinted from that paper "The Reception of Captain Ross in Hull": The hardy veteran was dressed in sealskin trousers with the hair outwards, over which he wore a faded naval uniform, and the weather beaten countenances of himself and his companions bore evident marks of the hardships they had undergone, although they appeared to be in excellent health. On landing from the Gazelle the Captain and his comrades, with Captain Humphreys, proceeded to the Vittoria Hotel. Within a few minutes of his arrival, the news spread rapidly through the town, and numbers of our most respectable merchants proceeded to offer their warm and hearty congratulations. Before the hour of 11, the mayor and aldermen waited upon Captain Ross, in procession, and conducted him to the Mansion House, where he partook of refreshments. The President and members of the Philosophical Society presented their congratulations, as did the wardens and several elder brethren of the Trinity House, and a deputation from the commissioner of pilots. The bells are now ringing merrily, the colours are hoisted on nearly all the shipping in the port, and at 2 a public dinner is to be given to the Captain by the principal inhabitants at the Vittoria Hotel, previous to his departure at 4 for London.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

Rewards and Recriminations, 1833-35

On his arrival in London on 19 October, John Ross immediately reported to the Admiralty, and the following morning he and James were received by the king at Windsor and laid at his feet the flag that had been hoisted at the magnetic pole. John took with him his chart, "with no names affixed,"* and the king "immediately granted me permission to inscribe his illustrious name, and that of Her Majesty the Queen, on my chart at the Magnetic Pole; and commanded me to place around it the names of the Royal Family, and the reigning crowned heads of Europe."2 The return of the expedition was regarded as miraculous and was the subject of much public rejoicing. John Ross received more than 4,000 letters (few of which have survived), and he was accorded the freedom of the cities of London, Hull, Liverpool, Bristol, and Wicklow. In due course he was knighted and made a Companion of the Order of the Bath, and a baronetcy was conferred on Felix Booth. Ross also received honours from the sovereigns of Russia, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, France, and Belgium. The Corporation of London entertained the Rosses at the Guildhall. They were granted armorial bearings derived from the family's Scottish arms, with a special augmentation showing the top of the globe and the position of the north magnetic pole, the motto "Arctaeos Numine Fines" ("The limits of the North by God's Grace"), and an additional crest showing the Union Jack with the date i June 1831 on it, flying over a dip circle with the needle pointing vertically downwards. The Panorama at Leicester Square exhibited A View of the Continent of Boothia, discovered by Captain Ross, painted by the proprietor, Robert Burford, from sketches by John Ross. The season at Vauxhall Gardens opened in May with a depiction of the expedition, of which the Times wrote, "It is almost impossible by verbal description to convey an ac-

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curate idea of the effect of this exhibition, which is in every respect the most interesting both in general arrangement and detailed execution that has been submitted to the visitors to these gardens."3 The immediate reaction to John Ross's return from his fellow naval officers was as friendly as one would expect. Franklin commented "I look forward with pleasure to meeting Ross and his nephew, for I never was one of those who joined in all the condemnation of the former, but ascribed his error as being satisfied with his own opinion alone."4 Sir George Cockburn (now commander-in-chief in West Indies, but shortly to become first sea lord) informed Beaufort: "I was also much pleased to learn from you that Ross had more than recovered his lost ground not only with the public but likewise with the Admiralty and the Government. It must certainly be a very gratifying change for him and one that he has fairly earned. Pray when you see him next, offer him my best remembrances and congratulations."5 Lord Melville told Ross that ... [we] can now turn our thoughts, in the first place, with sincere thankfulness, to the fact of your having been almost miraculously preserved, and next, to the interesting results of your expedition, not inferior in some respects, though with limited means on your part, to those of any of the distinguished navigators who have preceded you in the same career. It must be gratifying to you, though it is not surprizing, that your return in safety is a matter of public and general rejoicing; and though I am aware that the Government are somewhat stinted in their pecuniary means, I trust that there will be no difficulty on their part in compensating you and your companions, as far as may be practicable, for the losses you have sustained and the privations you have endured, as well as rewarding you for your discoveries. I shall be glad to hear from you on that subject, and to render you any assistance in my power if you think that my interference can be of any use to you. I have no doubt however that you will find the Board of Admiralty perfectly disposed to do whatever may be proper.6

However, Ross was faced with a serious problem requiring immediate action. On 22 October he wrote a letter to Captain the Hon. George Elliott, first secretary of the Admiralty, saying that his men were in London claiming their wages but that he had not the means with which to pay them. He had originally intended to be away only fifteen months but had been absent four and a half years; moreover, he had lost his ship. "It is true," he stated, that according to law, the men may not be able to compel the payment of their wages after October 1831, when all hopes of saving the vessel led to her aban-

168 Polar Pioneers donment, but a sense of what is due to my character as an officer of the navy, and a feeling of what is. due to the men, whose constancy was never shaken under the most appalling prospects, and to whose fidelity and obedience I owe so much, I should be ashamed of myself if I could for a moment entertain a thought of any subterfuge, whereby I might evade the payment of their well-earned wages; I am anxious, however, with my slender means, to appeal to their Lordships in the first instance, in the confident persuasion, that an undertaking so entirely of a naval nature, will receive their countenance and support, and that under their Lordships' recommendation, His Majesty's Government will be pleased to consider the voyage as so entirely directed to public objects, as fairly to claim, under the circumstances I have described, that the payment of the officers and men should become a public charge.7 On 25 October, Ross received a letter from Barrow in his official capacity.

Sir, I have received and laid before my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty your letter dated on board the Isabella, of Hull, in Baffin's Bay, in September last, and I am commanded to express their Lordships' satisfaction at the providential deliverance of yourself and companions from a perilous situation, unequalled in the records of navigation, and their congratulations at your safe return. I am etc., J. Barrow8 The next day, in response to a verbal request, Ross sent Barrow a list of his men showing the sums which he would have felt it his duty to pay them and saying, "I have reason to know that the officers and men will consider themselves fully recompensed by the proposed scale of pay."9 Their lordships acted with commendable speed and replied to Ross on 28 October that although these men have no claim on His Majesty's Government, inasmuch as the expedition was not sent out by the Board of Admiralty, yet, in consideration of its having been undertaken for the benefits of science, of the sufferings these men have undergone, the perilous position in which they were placed for so long protracted a period, and their uniform good conduct under circumstances the most trying to which British seamen were perhaps ever exposed; and their Lordships being moreover satisfied of your utter inability to fulfil the engagements entered into by you, and of the destitute state in which these people have providentially arrived in their native country, have been induced under such peculiar circumstances from a feeling of humanity, imme-

169 Rewards and Recriminations diately to relieve you from your engagement, and them from pressing necessity, rather than wait till Parliament shall be assembled, to which it is intended to submit the case; their Lordships have therefore directed the Accountant General of the Navy to advance to you the sum of 458ol.i2s.3d, as the amount which by your statement you feel yourself under an engagement to pay to the persons therein named.10

The payments were made the same day, on the basis of double naval pay until the abandonment of the Victory and then regular pay until arrival home, and they ranged from £818 i8s.3d. to the surgeon to £121 ns.od. to "green hands." John and James Ross and Thorn had agreed from the start to serve without pay (though they continued to receive their "half pay") and had of course lost all their personal property. The Admiralty placed James Ross on full pay and appointed him to H.M.S. Victory in order to gain the service necessary for promotion to post-captain, which was guaranteed to him by a special minute. Thorn was appointed "to the lucrative situation of purser of the Canopus," and McDiarmid was made assistant surgeon and would, when qualified, be promoted to the rank of surgeon. All the men (with the exception of the steward, Light) were found situations or promoted within the Navy. John Ross was told that his own case must be laid before the cabinet, and in February he was informed that what the Admiralty had done was considered to be a sufficient recompense and that nothing more would be given to him. James Ross read a paper "On the Position of the North Magnetic Pole" to the Royal Society on 19 December 1833. It was an impressive performance. He described how, as the Victory sailed down Prince Regent Inlet, it became evident that the north magnetic pole lay to the westward across land which they could not hope to cross. Then later, his journey across Boothia and discovery of the "Western Ocean" gave an indication that the pole was not too far away to the northwestward. An excerpt from his paper will give some idea of the exactness with which he conducted his observations at the pole itself. My attention was first of all directed to ascertain, if possible, the direction of the magnetic meridian. For this purpose I suspended horizontally the needle that was used only for the determination of the intensity of magnetic force, first by three or four delicate fibres of floss silk. It remained, however, exactly in the position it was placed. A single fibre of the floss was next tried, and lastly a single fibre of flax. All these failing to demonstrate the smallest amount of horizontal attraction, a second needle was treated in a similar manner, and in all these attempts I was equally unsuccessful. The top of the instrument being so constructed as to admit of a half circle of torsion, this was next

170 Polar Pioneers tried; but the needle was moved from its position in nearly the same amount as the arc described by the point of suspension, showing the smallest amount of torsion was sufficient to overcome the directive energy of the needle."

He had then made the observations that gave him a mean dip of 89°59'. At the parliamentary inquiry, which will be described later, J.G. Children, one of the secretaries of the Royal Society, would be asked, "Have you had sufficient opportunity of judging of Commander James Ross's scientific attainments, to say whether the manner in which he has conducted the Expedition, and the nature of his observations, are such as will be found to promote science?" To which he replied: I should say decidedly they have been; and I think this paper, which he has presented to the Royal Society, a complete proof of that. I will state what is the custom of the Royal Society with respect to papers: first, they are read to the Society, afterwards they go before the Council, and are then put into the hands of one or two persons more particularly conversant with the subject, to give them their serious consideration; and upon their report it is generally decided whether they shall be printed or not. This paper has gone through that ordeal; these calculations have been examined,... and the result speaks, in fact, as to their value, because the result is that they are directed to be printed.12

Children was also asked whether he thought that James Ross's observations of natural history were of great importance, to which he replied that "he appears to have paid great attention to the habits of the animals, stating all the minutiae of their history as perfectly as possible."13 James's report on the natural history was in due course printed in the appendix volume of John Ross's narrative. It reveals the background knowledge and keen powers of observation already in evidence in his similar reports on the later Parry voyages. Amongst the birds, he records obtaining three specimens of the great northern diver that differed from the usual description of that bird in certain dimensions, particularly in having a bill of "a very light horn colour" instead of the usual black. He thought it was a new species to which a specific name should be given, but was persuaded by Joseph Sabine, an acknowledged expert, that the colour of the bill was due to age. Ross, however, was right; this bird is now recognized as a different species and is named the white-billed diver in Europe or yellowbilled loon in North America (Gavia adamsif). Thus were James Ross's scientific achievements soon established in responsible circles.

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Meanwhile, towards the end of February 1834 John Ross, wrote to the mayor of Liverpool telling him that Cutlar Ferguson, MP for Kircudbright and a personal friend, intended to bring his case before Parliament, that the people of Hull had signed a petition of his behalf, and that he hoped mat Liverpool would do likewise.14 In the House on 13 March, Ferguson moved "that a sum of £5000 be granted to His Majesty to enable him to reward the great services of Captain Ross, rendered to the public by means of the discoveries which he had made during his late voyages in the arctic seas." Sir R.H. Inglis opposed such a grant on the grounds that the "expedition of Captain Ross had been taken more with the view of recovering his reputation than with the view of benefitting the public by discovering the North Pole."15 The number of "hear, hear's" which appear parenthetically in the Times report clearly show that sentiment was in Ross's favour, but it was thought proper to have an official inquiry before recommending any grant, so a select committee was appointed "to inquire into the circumstances of the Expedition to the Arctic Seas, commanded by Captain John Ross, of the Royal Navy, with a view to ascertain whether any and what Reward may be due for the Services rendered on that occasion." The view expressed by Admiral Sir Byam Martin (who was a longtime friend of Ross) to Admiral Sir Harry Neale was probably shared by many naval officers: Captain J. Ross is very busy cooking up an interest in the House of Commons to get a reward for his conjectural discoveries in the Arctic regions. He asserts, but, so far as I collect, does not prove that he has added to our previous knowledge. His claim ought to stand on its own merits; he has no right to bring discredit on the service, which he does, as a naval officer, by canvassing members for their votes. I have just answered a letter from him, and have frankly expressed my opinion. I told him, if I was in Parliament, I would vote to reimburse his actual expenses, but no reward. What claim has he beyond those distinguished officers who so ably conducted other voyages? The House will do most liberally by him if, upon examination, his actual bills be paid. He states the value of his scientific instruments higher than those supplied to all the other expeditions put together, though they had what they pleased!16

The committee comprised twenty-six men (including Sir Robert Peel and William Gladstone), but only five were required for a quorum. It met three times in March and April, had "no hesitation in reporting that a great public service had been performed," and recommended that £5,000 be voted to Captain Ross. The committee

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members regretted that they had no power to propose any public acknowledgment to Felix Booth. The result was financially very gratifying to Ross, but some of the questions and answers did little credit to him in spite of the very general belief that the membership of the committee had been chosen from men favourable to him and that many of the questions had been framed to his advantage. Three matters, in particular, came under scrutiny. When James Ross was called on the second day of the inquiry, he was asked whether he had accompanied his uncle as second-in-command, and he replied, "Not precisely as second-in-command but in a great measure sharing with him the chief command; that is to say I had the entire direction of the navigation of the ship, without being under Captain Ross's command."17 In answer to later questions, he said that it was quite understood before they sailed that he was to be responsible for the conduct of the ship, but that if at any time Captain Ross had said, "I do not approve of this or that," then he could only have replied, "You must conduct it yourself; both cannot do so," and he would "immediately have yielded, and left him to conduct the expedition himself."18 The situation was perhaps not so strange as it may have sounded. John and James Ross could well have acted the roles of an admiral and the captain of his flagship, rather than those of a captain and his first lieutenant - though the Victory was rather a small ship to have happily contained an "admiral" and a "flag-captain" of such strong and markedly different personalities! There was also a strong suspicion that Booth had stipulated that James Ross accompany his uncle; he was rumoured to have said to James, "If you decide that you will accompany the expedition, I will decide that the expedition will go; but if you hesitate to say whether you will accompany it, I must also hesitate to decide."19 Booth, when called, denied making any specific stipulation, but he did so in words which make it seem likely that there had been an unwritten understanding.20 When it came to scientific matters, the differences between uncle and nephew became very apparent. John Ross, trying to explain the action of the compass at the magnetic pole, talked a great deal of nonsense: "When the compass is over the magnetic pole, ... it has no power to turn in either direction horizontally. The effect, therefore, that light, heat and all other combinations which may combine with the magnetic influence is at liberty to act upon the needle, and will be unrestrained by the magnetic attraction itself; therefore, when the sun passed round, we saw the magnetic needle following the sun, proving that the sun had influence, or light had influence upon the magnet, which is a great desideratum of science ... The light of a candle has also an effect upon it." The inquiry continued: "A matter of

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importance to science, inasmuch as it showed the connexion between light and heat and magnetism?" "Yes."21 "Did you remark that any metallic substance produced an effect on the magnet?" "Yes, even brass. The buttons of my coat produced an effect on the magnet - the north pole of the needle would point to them."22 To a question concerning electromagnetism, John Ross answered, "I believe they may combine with each other, but I do not understand how electricity can be magnetized; the magnet may be electrified, but I do not know that it can."23 When asked, "The position of the magnetic pole had already been determined by previous obsevation?" he replied, "Yes; by our own observation we had determined we were within a very short distance, where the ship was, from the magnetic pole. By continuing those observations we arrived at the spot."24 As to how near he himself was to the magnetic pole, he stated, "I suppose I was within 40 miles."25 James Ross was merely asked, "How near were you to the magnetic pole?" and he replied, "I believe that I was on the identical spot."26 When asked their opinion about the feasibility of a Northwest Passage, John and James differed considerably. James was certain that a passage must exist, John that indications of a passage which had been relied upon had been "totally disproved" and that even if a passage was found, it would be "utterly useless."27 James Ross said that he had not heard until that moment of his uncle's belief that there was a difference of thirteen feet in the height of the sea east and west of Boothia, that they had no instruments with which to ascertain such a fact with accuracy, and that "Captain Ross may have made observations which have satisfied his mind, but I doubt whether he can have made observations that would satisfy the minds of those who may investigate the matter."28 In the aftermath of the inquiry, John Ross was much criticized for not pressing for some pecuniary remuneration for his nephew. James, for his part, was at pains to make it plain that he had neither sought nor expected any kind of payment, and in the course of questioning, he revealed that he had received two tenders of £1,500 and £1,200 for his own story but had refused them "because I felt that any publication from me would interfere with Captain Ross's."29 During the summer of 1834 (when no account of his expedition had yet been published by John Ross), there appeared in weekly parts a scurrilous work entitled The Last Voyage of Captain John Ross R.N.for the Discovery of a N.W. Passage.30 This account, by a hack writer named Robert Huish, was said to be "compiled from Authentic Information and Original Documents transmitted by William Light, steward to the expedition." Light would be described by Ross as "decidedly the

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most useless person in the ship, as well as the most discontented. This man has been circulating the most scandalous falsehoods as to my treatment of the crew; and has been furnishing materials for a narrative of the expedition, with which the public have been attempted to be deluded, in the form of numbers, published weekly, and as he possessed no journal or record of the voyage, the greatest part of his pretended narrative is fabulous."31 Ross was mistaken in his last comment; the dates given to the various happenings during the voyage and the broad general description of them are correct and must have been taken from some sort of journal. In 75o-odd pages the author sets out to defame and discredit Ross in every possible way, describing in sarcastic and intemperate language his supposed personal selfishness, professional incompetence, and maltreatment of his crew. Two quotations must suffice to indicate the character of the steward, who throughout the book is referred to as Mister Light and whose talents receive frequent mention. The management of the crew's diet was an achievement for which Ross has received unqualified admiration, but according to Light: "On the following day another party of natives arrived, bringing 36 Ibs. of salmon: and ^A Ibs. were served out immediately to each man, in lieu of preserved meats. In this unpardonable manner did Captain Ross persevere in forcing upon his men a kind of food, which, as a general one, was injurious to their health, and totally unfit to support their physical strength, which they were daily and hourly called upon to exercise."32 Light also accused his captain of seriously hazarding the men's health by allowing the fish to be cooked in copper utensils from which the tin had worn off and attributed Buck's fits and blindness to this cause.33 Of his own hardships, Light said that "the duties which he [Light] had to perform on board the Victory, were of a very responsible character, independently of the great fatigue, which, in several instances, was imposed upon him. In the first place, he had the charge of, and the issuing of all the provisions; in the second, he had to make all the pies and puddings, and the bread for the use of the cabin; and, in the third place, he had to wash, starch, and iron for all the officers, and for the last year, without that most indispensable of requisites in his laundry, namely soap."34 Most of the specific criticism of John Ross can be ignored, but the book does highlight (in words that ring true) the disagreements between John and James Ross, which had become common knowledge during the meetings of the parliamentary committee. During the winter of 1831 at Sheriff Harbour, according to Light: For some weeks, a great coolness had subsisted between Capt. Ross and his nephew; neither of them hardly deigning to speak to the other, nor scarcely

175 Rewards and Recriminations interchanging with each other the usual terms of common civility. Commander Ross visited the observatory, perfectly indifferent to any of the proceedings, that were going on on board, as far as his uncle was concerned; and, having returned to take his meals, he would follow his scientific pursuits, without holding any communication with his uncle, or appearing as if he were in the least dependent upon him, as to the course of action, which it was his pleasure to pursue. It is most certain, that Commander Ross seldom approved of the measures, which were adopted by Capt. Ross, in regard to the management of the ship; and, he hesitated not, openly to express his opinion, in which he was supported by the majority of the crew, that the awkward and dangerous situation, in which the Victory then lay, was solely to be ascribed to the want of skill and judgment on the part of Capt. Ross, and particularly to a lack of that boldness and determination, on which success, in general, so materially depends. Capt. Ross was not a character to attend to the advice of others, as he considered it an imputation upon his own professional skill: to expostulate with him on the impropriety or danger of any particular step, on which he had determined, was a most certain method of incurring his highest displeasure; and the more manifest the disposition appeared to oppose or thwart him, the more determined and resolute he showed himself to carry his projects into execution ... For several weeks, the uncle and the nephew appeared as if they had sent each other to Coventry; but, on Wednesday, the and of March, the fire, which had been concentring [sic] for some time in their breasts, like the lava in the craters of Vesuvius and Etna burst forth with an explosion, which terrified the other inmates of the cabin; the result of which was, that the fire of animosity, having nothing further to feed upon, gradually died away: the uncle took from his cellaret a magnum of Booth's best cordial, the steward was called in to place the glasses on the table, the materials for punch were at hand, and the uncle and the nephew shortly afterwards turned into their respective berths.35

But the pax did not last: It was soon after this expedition [the journey that ended in James Ross's discovery of the north magnetic pole] was planned, that the good understanding which had for a short time subsisted between Capt. Ross and his nephew, was again interrupted; and it was a circumstance, which threatened to defeat not only the immediate objects, which they had in view, but in reality to endanger the actual success of the expedition. It was well known to all the crew, that Commander Ross was the very life and soul of all the schemes and plans, that were brought forward, by which any progress could be made towards the final accomplishment of the end, which they had in view; whilst, on the other hand, Capt. Ross was himself a passive subject; he was the oldest man on board, and very ill calculated, on account of his age, and his corporeal infirmity, arising partly from the wounds, which he had received in different

176 Polar Pioneers actions in which he had been engaged, and partly from an absence of that energy of character, which declines with the growth of years, to take upon himself the performance of those active duties, which became indispensable on account of the peculiar situation, in which the Victory was placed. It has been seen, by the admission of Commander Ross, that he did not consider himself as acting under, or being subject to the immediate orders of Capt. Ross, and, therefore, as he was, in some certain points of view, an independent officer, acting upon his own judgment, although with no responsibility attached to him, it became doubly unfortunate that the two officers did not act in concord with each other, but were continually at variance, during which time, neither of them knew nor seemed to care about the actions of the others ... These continual quarrels between the two officers, were also a great drawback upon the general harmony of the crew, and in some respects subversive of the discipline of the ship. It was impossible for the men not to entertain an opinion as to the particular party, who was in the wrong; and as Commander Ross was decidedly the greatest favorite of the two disputants, it excited a degree of ill blood in the breasts of the crew towards their commanding officer, which was by no means favorable to the order, discipline, and harmony of the ship; in fact, in some respects, it was a house divided against itself: one party espousing the cause of Capt. Ross, and another, that of Commander Ross; and thus, the quarrels of the two officers did not terminate amongst themselves, but their effects were visible on the whole of the crew; and the battles of the officers were fought over again in the different messes of the ship, until, for some time, quarrelling and wrangling were the order of the day.36

Though most of the grievances put forward by Light were exaggerated or invented, there were some grave charges, of which the most serious concerned the lame mate Taylor on the return journey from Batty Bay to Fury Beach in October 1832. The problems of transporting this unfortunate man on improvised sledges has already been told in the description of that journey. Huish's story was that the "whole of the crew proffered their aid towards rendering the conveyance of him as easy as possible; but a very different plan was suggested by Capt. Ross, and that was to leave the poor fellow behind them! 11"37 Huish claims that while he can hardly believe this to be true, he must publish it in order to give Ross the opportunity to deny it publicly; Ross did not deign to do so. In a letter to the Rt Hon. G.N. Dawson dated 22 March 1835, Ross states that three other members of the crew, in addition to Light, had sold their stories to the publishers of Huish's book.38 Light, the engineers, Brunton and Macinnes, and the carpenter's mate, Shreeve, had sent a petition to the Admiralty stating that part of the pay due to

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them had been withheld and seeking to recover the value of lost clothes. Ross had no difficulty in satisfying the Admiralty that full, even generous, payment had been made, and he was very angry that these men should claim for replacement of clothing that had been given them free by Booth. The skills of the two engineers had, of course, no longer been required once the engines had been abandoned, and their position cannot have been an easy or happy one. Ross described Brunton as "an excellent but very slow workman" and reckoned that each tin pot he had made, taking his wages into consideration, had cost £1. He described him, rather unflatteringly, as "having much the appearance of a half-worn tradesman" and said that he was "one of the most useless" after the ship was abandoned.39 Macinnes had, as a youngster, been apprenticed to a baker, and at Fury Beach he baked excellent bread. He later apologized for his charges. Shreeve, who had volunteered from Braithwaite's yard, was useful at his job but not well suited for rigorous service, and after the voyage, he set himself up as a carpenter and undertaker. Light had served on two of Parry's voyages, which Ross thought to be a good recommendation, but according to his letter to Dawson, he later found that in another ship, "having been detected in theft he was to have been punished, but deserted at Rio in the night leaving his clothes behind him to escape a flogging. He was turned off from being Steward in the Victory for dishonesty, and having been also one of the most discontented as well as inefficient in the party I could not recommend him for any place of trust." In his book, Ross says that "he [Light] attended, for some time, at the Panorama in Leicester Square and amused his hearers with wonderful adventures, in which he always figured as the chief actor," but that "in consequence of his unfounded calumnies against me he was dismissed by the proprietor."40 Though John Ross would not give him any recommendation for employment, Light himself said that he obtained a situation near Leamington, in Hampshire, through the interest of James Ross.41 In the advertisement to his published narrative, when it finally appeared early in 1835, John Ross apologized for the delay and gave as one of the reasons his "absence from England during many months of last year." Barrow contended that Ross had been lobbying the crowned heads of Europe to subscribe to his book and to prevent publication in their own countries. There may have been an element of truth in this claim, though if so, the effort was not very successful, judging by the number of pirated editions that later appeared. In any case, it was certainly not the whole story. In May 1834, Ross had been "sent on an important and delicate mis-

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sion to the Baltic." The nature of the mission is not exactly clear from surviving records, but its purpose may be surmised from the contents of a letter from the Foreign Office to the British ambassador to Russia, dated 28 February i834.42 This document expressed anxiety about the apparent build-up of Russia's forces on its border between the Black Sea and the Baltic, particularly the reported intention to "form an intrenched camp capable of holding 20,000 men" in the Aland Islands and to send its Baltic fleet of twenty-seven sail-of-the-line to sea in the summer, instead of the normal one-third at sea, one-third in harbour, and one-third in ordinary. On 18 May Ross reported to Sir James Graham, the first lord, from Stockholm, with remarks on the Danish fleet and fortresses. He said that he was travelling as a Swede (before he reached Sweden presumably) and had met many old Swedish naval friends.43 In a second letter, he revealed that his covering story was that he had letters of introduction to "various shipbuilders on both sides of the Gulf of Bothnia ... Finding that my visit to this metropolis had been expected by all the foreign embassies and that of Russia being particularly on the alert, my first care was to establish the story of my intended voyage to the South Pole."44 Ross bought a yacht, engaged a crew of two, visited the Aland Islands and Abo (Turku, Finland), and arrived at St Petersburg in June. His dealings with Emperor Nicholas I are described in a letter written to the prime minister, Lord Aberdeen, in 1854. The story is told in the third person (i.e., as "the undersigned") and may have been improved in the course of twenty years." He was sent on an important and delicate mission to the Baltic on the pretext of giving from King William, a present of the narrative of his voyage (splendidly bound) [the book had not, in fact, yet been published] and chart of his discoveries, in which he had the honour of placing the Emperor and Empress's names on capes near the Magnetic Pole." The emperor awarded him the Order of St Anne of the second class for past services, but a circumstance happened which brought him into favour more completely than all others. He accompanied the Emperor on several cruises on board his fleet, on which occasions, when on board the steamer, the Emperor always went on the Paddle Box and took command. On the last cruize the fleet of 18 sail after performing many evolutions, bore up on the line of bearing, and observing from the course the steamer was steering she must be run down by a threedecker, he pointed this out to Prince Menchikoff who said trembling "I can see that, but I dare not tell the Emperor." He replied "Shall I speak to him?" to

179 Rewards and Recriminations which he said "You are the only person who can" on which the undersigned went hastily up to the Emperor on the Paddle Box and said "Please Your Majesty, that ship cannot get out of your way, she has a ship on each quarter and if you do not immediately port the helm we must be run down." This was of course immediately done while the collision was so near that the jib boom of the three-decker was over the stern of the steamer, while the Captain (who also dared not speak to the Emperor) was seen on the forecastle of his ship in agony, shortening sail etc. The Emperor, when all was over, seized the undersigned's hand, shook it heartily and, on returning to Peterhof, told the Empress that he had saved his life. The result of this was that apartments were ordered for him in the palace and the decoration of the Order of St. Anne was changed and, in lieu, one given to him in diamonds value £500, and from the Empress a snuff box in diamonds of more value.45

Ross said that on leaving St Petersburg, he had sold the yacht to the American consul for the price he had paid for her, but the Emperor "purchased her at treble the value, fitted her up superbly for Prince Constantine and named her 'The Ross.'" Andrew (b.i8i4) and Alexander (b.i8i5), Robert Ross's sons, had pinned their hopes, since their father's death in 1828, on their uncle John - hopes dashed by his disappearance in the Arctic. Both boys went to Glasgow University for a couple of years, and in 1832 Andrew got a bookkeeping job in the counting house of a Glasgow firm, where, he said, he wasted his time with little prospect. Late in life, he would be an honest autobiographer: "The return of Uncle John upset all moderate ideas, and I deeply sunk in every fact which the newspapers afforded of his popularity. I felt sure that my destiny was away from Glasgow ... was unfortunately engrossed with ideas of personal aggrandizement and political notoriety. To humility of mind I was a stranger; nevertheless I was bashful in society and somewhat unsocial."46 In mid-September 1834 he was called to London to help his uncle with the preparation of his Narrative, and he computed the meteorological tables for the Appendix. On 20 October that year, John Ross married Mary Jones, the only daughter of "retired Commander Thomas Jones," whom a study of Navy Lists indicates was the same Jones that had served with Ross in the Briseis in 1812. Mary was twenty-three, thirty-four years younger than John Ross. Thomas Rymer Jones, her brother, in 1836 became the first professor of comparative anatomy at King's College, London. Andrew Ross went to stay with her father and brother, and in the early months of 1835, he was recording almost daily visits to Cousin James concerning the narrative. On 24 December, John Ross received

180 Polar Pioneers

John Ross's Election Address, 1834 Reproduced by courtesy of Dumfries and Galloway Libraries and Wigtown District Museum Service.

the accolade of knighthood and two days later left for Stranraer to stand at a general election, "with the strong approval of the king," wrote Andrew. The election had been called as a result of the second political crisis of William iv's reign. During the struggles over the Reform Bill in the years 1830 to 1832, he had shown considerable skill and wisdom. The Whig administration, elected under the reformed franchise in 1832, had held a substantial majority, but increasing disagreements among ministers finally led to Lord Grey's resignation as prime minister in July 1834. He recommended Lord Melbourne, (then home secretary) as his successor, and in view of the large Whig majority in the House of Commons, it was inevitable that the king should agree, although

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he personally craved a coalition with a more conservative content. However, relations between the king and his ministers rapidly deteriorated; he was strongly opposed to measures for reform of the Church of Ireland that were being pressed by the more radical members of the government and was acutely embarrassed by the behaviour of Lord Chancellor Brougham, Scot born and bred, who had set out on a tour of his native land in the summer of 1834, taking the Great Seal with him. During his "progress," the self-styled "Liberator of Scotland" went from town to town, delivering the most radical speeches, claiming for himself credit for all that the Whig government had achieved, and sending extravagant reports to the king of his wonderful reception. The king was convinced that the government was out of control. The final crisis was brought about by the death of Earl Spencer in November and the consequent succession to the title of Lord Althorp, the moderate leader of the House of Commons. The obvious choice for new leader in the commons was the radical Lord John Russell, whom the king detested and distrusted. Having now completely lost confidence in his ministers, he summarily dismissed them and sent for the Duke of Wellington. The duke assumed all the principal offices of state until such time as the Tory Sir Robert Peel could be fetched home from the continent, where he was on holiday. Peel returned early in December and realizing the weakness of his present support in the Commons, called a general election for January 1835 in the hope of improving his standing. His election manifesto was an important landmark in Tory history, setting forth a new philosophy of reforms suitable to the needs and demands of the times. These were the circumstances in which John Ross set out to contest the Wigtown Burghs as a Tory. The passing of the Reform Act had made the Tories far more unpopular in Scotland than they were even in England. Before 1832 the ratio of voters in England and Wales was about i in 8 adult males, while in Scotland it was i in 125; after the act, the figures were about i in 5 in England and Wales to i in 8 in Scotland.47 The electorate in England had increased by about 80 per cent, while that in Scotland had increased by 1,400 per cent. It was not surprising that the Scots supported the Whig party, and John Ross failed to convert them. On 14 January 1835, the Dumfries Times reported that "Sir John Ross has abandoned his canvass of the burghs. All the cold he felt at the pole was nothing to the coldness of his reception by the electors." Two years earlier, on 22 October, the publisher John Murray had written to his son: "Captain Ross and his crew are all arrived with the exception of three men who died ... They are all in London: the instant I heard of their arrival at Hull I went and applied to my useful

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friend Nutland [the head messenger] at the Admiralty, who I found was intimate with both Ross and his nephew. He called upon him the moment of their arrival, and obtained a promise to give me the publication of their 'Journal.' We have got to settle terms. I have not yet seen them, but left cards yesterday. I have received a very kind letter from Mr. Barrow, who has undertaken to get a confirmation of that promise."48 The promise, if ever there was one, was not confirmed, for John Ross had quite a different idea; he intended to publish his book himself. In a letter dated 28 April 1835 to Scoresby, sending him copy soon after the work had appeared, he stated: Owing to my having been my own publisher and thereby displeasing all London booksellers/proprietors of reviews I am to be most severely handled in the Quarterly, Westminster, Monthly Lit. Gazette etc. - but how the Edin. will treat me I do not know. You will, however, be glad to learn that I have the consolation that I have 7,000 subscribers amounting to no less than £7,000! My first object in being my own publisher was to get the book up so as to be a credit to the nation and all concerned, my 2nd. object was to give it to the public cheaper, and to show thereby how the booksellers impose on both the authors and the public - and lastly that I might keep the property entirely in my own hands.49

There can be little doubt that with his financial problems pressing upon him, the last-named object was in fact the principal one. He thought he could make more money by issuing the work himself, and he set about his first excursion into publishing in a novel fashion. He employed a Mr A.W. Webster as his private publisher, opened a subscription shop at 156 Regent Street, and sent agents out into the country canvassing for subscriptions. His nephew Andrew was one of the agents sent to deliver copies to subscribers; he received an allowance of two shillings and six pence a copy, which he found quite inadequate. In May and June 1835, Andrew collected nearly £600 in Hampshire and Dorset. In September he went north to sell the Appendix (published separately) and joined his mother and sister, who were occupying North West Castle. In November he was inBrighton, and at Bath and Bristol in the first two months of 1836. This behaviour was considered "infra dig" by Ross's naval colleagues. In her diary, Lady Franklin recorded: "Captain James Ross sent him [Sir John Franklin] as a present his uncle's 4to. vol. of his Expedition, the old Ross having made his nephew a present of 20 copies. Sir John had originally told Captain Ross that he begged his name might be put down as a subscriber, but when the agent came about in that disgrace-

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ful manner to get subscriptions, he declined having anything to do with it."50 The book was eventually published in April 1835, eighteen months after the return of the expedition, in an enormous quarto volume of 740 pages, priced at £2 2s. or £2 125. 6d. with some plates coloured. It is a strange work with serious defects. James Ross had been invited to collaborate in its production, but he evidently had very little say in what was finally printed. On 26 December 1834, he had written a very firm letter: My Dear Uncle, It gave me great pleasure to observe in your letter of the igth Inst. that assurance of my having been misinformed respecting your intentions as to the mode of introducing the subject of my Discovery of the Magnetic Pole & that it never was your intention to belittle any of my just claims - indeed the whole tone of your letter seems well calculated to impress me with the fullest confidence in your good intentions - Still, however, it leaves it open as a matter of opinion (and in which we may perfectly differ) as to how my "just claims" are hereafter to be defined on the only point which appears to me of any material importance, namely my claim to the exclusive honour of the discovery of the Magnetic Pole - Your silence, as regards that particular point, may certainly be very fairly construed into a tacit admission of your concurrence with the sentiments expressed by me on that subject, but your continued evasion of an explicit answer to my enquiries as to the manner in which you mean to introduce my narrative of that journey when a single stroke of your pen might have removed every possibility of doubt as to the accordance of our feelings on that (to me) interesting topic, makes me desirous that this question of truth be distinctly understood between us - not that I doubt your being perfectly sensible that I require nothing more than I am fairly justly entitled to, or that after your assurance that what you have written is founded on truth, I can suspect it to be your intention to deny that the event of the discovery is due to me alone; but it is with the view of preventing the possibility of any altercation or controversy between us on this subject hereafter, that I wish to receive from you as explicit admission of that fact, as putting that question, if any there exists, at rest. I thereby surviving [sic], of course, any hesitation I have felt in describing the particulars of that journey. I feel pledged to the World, that the representations I have made as to the part I took in that discovery are correct, & any assertions you inadvertently might make carry a contrary impression inevitably impose upon me the painful task of publicly correcting any such statement. I should not have thought it necessary to have required any further assurance from you, after the manner in which you have expressed yourself in your last letter were it not in looking over the two documents to which it refers, I perceive your statements are in many parts so am-

184 Polar Pioneers biguous on the point in question, that it might be inferred, especially from your answers to the Committee of the House of Commons, that the discovery was effected in consequence of observations made by you on board of the Ship as you answer in the plural number it might be considered that you equally at least with myself participated in effecting that discovery - from No. 51 you distinctly assert that "by our observations we had determined that we were in a measured distance, where the ship was from the Magnetic Pole & by continuing these observations WE ARRIVED AT THE SPOT." You may naturally suppose I was exceedingly surprised at observing that you had so expressed yourself, knowing as you must that I was guided in my search for the Magnetic Pole entirely by observations made by myself, and that I had no knowledge of any observations made by you which could have been of the smallest assistance to me - therefore it is that I am anxious to have an explicit avowal from you that that event [?] belongs solely & exclusively to myself ... I have seen the chart which you left with Capt. Beaufort & altho I perceive that some of the very few names which I gave to places discovered again during my 4 journeys have been expunged & renamed; yet I would not reply to your letter on that subject until I shall have seen the extent of the alterations made in my narrative of that journey, which I am of course very anxious to see before it goes to press. I have been much gratified to hear from Isabella that the King has conferred upon you the honour of Knighthood & I beg to offer you & to my aunt my hearty congratulations on the occasion, together with the compliments of the season I remain Your affectionate Nephew Jas. C. Ross51 The published account did not contain the explicit admission which James had sought; after the chapter written by James describing his journey to the magnetic pole, John wrote a confused and equivocal chapter in which he conceded that probably "my energetic and philosophical officer had placed his foot on the very spot" but that "if I myself consent to award that palm to him who commanded this successful party, as is the usage, it must not be forgotten that in this I surrender those personal claims which are never abandoned by the commander of that flag-ship which so often gains the victory through the energy, intelligence, and bravery of the men and officers whom he directs and orders." He concluded, "It must be hereafter remembered in history, and will be so recorded, that it was the ship Victory, under the command of Captain John Ross, which assigned the north-west Magnetic Pole in the year 1831, and that this vessel was fitted out by him whom I can now call Sir Felix Booth."52

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The reference to the chart in James Ross's letter touches on a serious shortcoming of the book. The narrative contains very few placenames, and most of them in Inuktitut. Only one of these, Shagavoke (Sagvak Inlet), appears on the map; even Neitchilee, which is mentioned again and again, is not marked. The map is adorned with an enormous number of names which are not mentioned in the text, many of them in places that John himself never saw. He took particular liberties with the area that James visited on his westward journey in 1830. James had named "three low islands" after Beaufort; John increased the number of islands to nine, renamed the group the Clarence Islands, and called them individually after members of the royal family (legitimate and illegitimate). Ross notes in his table of latitudes and longitudes, "changed by His Majesty's command." Lady Franklin recorded in her diary: Captain B. [Beaufort] asked me if Sir John's ire had abated against Ross, and he seemed much tickled at this subject - he was not one he said to take away a man's fair character, but there were some things that ought to be held up to reprobation, and he was now going to tell me a good story. He had the book brought him and asked me how many islands I counted in the Clarence group. I counted 9 - 3 I said were lilac, and the others white. "Well," says he, "there are but 3, and when the chart was first shown to me there were only 3 marked down, but Ross having proposed to the King to call them the Clarence islands, 'Yes, yes/ said the King, 'call them the Clarence islands' and then Ross thought it would be as well to make a few more, so that the Clarences and Fitzclarences might have one apiece." This story was afterwards confirmed to Sir John by Captain James Ross, who said that his uncle had never seen the islands, had never been there and that it was he, Captain James, who laid down in the map the true original number.53

As James says in his letter, his uncle expunged and renamed several place-names given by him; but, much worse, while James, when he had been forced to abandon his intention of tracing the eastern and western coasts south of Matty Island, recorded merely that "a thin haze which covered the land prevented me from tracing it very distinctly to the south-eastward,"54 John now closed the gap between the coasts by a dotted line, gave the resulting bay the name Poctes's Bay, and even named some capes on his totally imaginary coastline. (There will be occasion to examine this issue further later in our story.) The narrative is often interrupted by dissertations which have little to do with the conduct of the expedition and which Barrow suggested had been written "with the aid of a practical embroiderer of periods - viz. one Dr. McCulloch, who has (or had) some little reputation as a writer

186 Polar Pioneers

for the encyclopaedias."55 Finally, John Ross revived old arguments concerning his 1818 voyage which he would have been better advised to let die. The expedition had, very understandably, caught the public imagination, and reviews in the newspapers were favourable.56 The reviewer for the Times wrote: "Never did we read a History of almost unexampled disappointment, labour, suffering and peril, written in a tone so free from querulousness. Never perhaps did a body of even British seamen exhibit an example of so much steadiness, sobriety, patience, and alacrity to undergo fatigue and endure privation, and submission to judicious restraint, as the companions of Sir John Ross." The Observer described the narrative as "written with much simplicity, but in a very easy manner;" and the Sheffield Mercury said that "this splendid quarto volume should be immediately placed in every respectable library." Specialized journals were more critical. Barrow started his article in the Quarterly Review: "We should most willingly, and for many reasons, have dispensed with the task of noticing Captain Ross's work, had we not felt ourselves called upon to confute assertions which have no foundation in fact, and to expose misrepresentations which are adhered to, in spite of long by-gone correction, with a pertinacity which not only surprises, but almost confounds us. We now take up the volume with every disposition to deal with it as leniently as possible, but ..."57 He first criticizes the whole concept of the expedition, describing a steamer as "the very worst description of vessel to navigate among ice." He gives Ross not a word of praise for bringing his men safely home after their unparalleled four years' absence. Nevertheless, Barrow was justified in many of his criticisms. By his answers to many of the questions posed by the select committee, by the discrepancies between his narrative and his map, and by such claims as the new "Croker Mountain," Ross had laid himself wide open to criticism and ridicule, and Barrow gave full rein to the sarcasm of which he was a master. In addition to all else, Barrow's pride was offended by a statement by Ross that it was Scoresby who had revived the search for the Northwest Passage in 1818. Also, Barrow's theory of a clear passage along the north coast of North America from Fury and Hecla Strait to Bering Strait was clearly faulted if Boothia was indeed a peninsula. Barrow chose to believe it was not. He concluded his review (after thirty-eight pages) with the words we can arrive at no other conclusion than this - that Sir John Ross, C.B., K.S. A., K.C.S., etc. etc. is utterly incompetent to conduct an arduous naval enterprise

187 Rewards and Recriminations for discovery to a successful termination. What we complain of, however, is not so much the want of skill, as the loose and inaccurate manner in which he slurs over and states facts, whose only value is their minute correctness ... Whatever the general professional abilities of Sir John Ross may be, or may once have been, everyone must admit that, on two occasions, he has proved himself to be wanting in the high qualifications for conducting a voyage of discovery in unknown seas, and particularly so for deciding such a question as that of a passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific; a passage which baffled from incompetence, and prejudiced from spite, he now ex cathedra, pronounces to be impracticable, notwithstanding the progressive discoveries of Parry, Franklin, Richardson and Beechey have reduced it almost to a practicable certainty. A letter from Admiral Sir Robert Stopford to Admiral Sir Byam Martin is probably fairly representative of the opinions of senior naval officers towards both Ross and Barrow. My dear Martin - Mr. Barrow has given full scope to that caustic severity of review so amply afforded him by the vanity and inaccuracy of such a work as Captain Ross has given to the world. I regret that the palpable demonstration of these two qualities should obscure the valuable parts of his character, consisting of great fortitude and presence of mind in keeping together for such a length of time the various dispositions of his crew. Barrow's criticism is unnecessarily cruel and harsh; he gives an extract from a work composed from the notes of a person who acted as purser's steward (and which in other respects he professes to disbelieve), ascribing to Captain Ross the intention of leaving one of his men to perish who had lost part of his foot, and would not without much assistance accompany the crew in their long fatiguing march after the ship was abandoned. This attack should be positively repelled, as it strikes at the root of all the commendable parts of Ross's conduct, for he can never be quoted as an authentic historian or hydrographer.58 (Sir Byam Martin could also display "caustic severity" and was not an admirer of Barrow: "the most obstinate man living ... he has in his time greatly and mischieviously misled the First Lord of the Admiralty; no public servant has done more harm for so little good."59) The Edinburgh Review, by contrast, commented only on the book itself and not on the report of the select committee as Barrow had done. The reviewer was rightly critical of the inconsistencies between the narrative and the map and of some of Ross's dissertations, but confined himself to a description of the expedition and to praise for the

i88 Polar Pioneers officers and men. The review also shows a sense of humour missing from that of Barrow: how confusing it would be, says its author, if explorers of other nations named later positions of the moving magnetic pole after their sovereigns as Ross had done. "Our revered sovereign is already parting from his royal friends and is destined to be carried round the Arctic zone till he returns to Boothia Felix in A.D. 3725 - unless he may have suffered dethronement in passing through the territories of other candidates for polar fame."60 Parry was understandably annoyed at Ross's comments on Lancaster Sound and wrote to Lieutenant Nias, who had served with him in the Alexander: "You are no doubt aware that Sir John Ross has stated in his book that if I thought he did wrong in turning back in Lancaster Sound I neglected my duty in not telling him so!! I believe you and all my officers knew from the beginning what my opinion was; and you all know that he took care to afford me no opportunity of offering any opinion on the subject; for we shall remember very long the rate at which the Isabella passed us running down the Sound, as if some mischief was coming behind him."61 Parry asked Nias for any comments he cared to offer and to call on Barrow. A more serious argument, however, arose with the makers of the machinery. John Ericsson, incensed by Ross's comments, wrote him a letter charging him with "utter forgetfulness of justice and candor" and saying of one of his misrepresentations that "the deception had been so well kept up that there was no occasion for this fresh lie to mislead us."62 Booth had to intervene to avert a duel. Braithwaite then went into print with a Supplement to Captain Sir John Ross's Narrative of a Second Voyage in the Victory in Search of a North-west Passage, containing the Suppressed Facts Necessary to a Proper Understanding of the Causes of the Failure of the Steam Machinery of the Victory and a Just Appreciation of Sir John Ross's Character as an Officer and a Man of Science, published by Chapman and Hall at one shilling. Braithwaite first complains, justifiably, that in the eighteen months that had elapsed between Ross's return and the publication of his narrative, he had never been in communication with Braithwaite and had published his charges without giving the accused parties any chance of reply or explanation. Braithwaite says that he and Ericsson had been introduced to Ross as patentees of a new boiler that was still in the experimental stage and were honoured to meet an officer who, having written a treatise on steam to enlighten his brother officers, should be well qualified to appreciate their invention; but that he had deceived them when they first met by stating that the boiler was required for experiments in a vessel intended for war purposes. The complicated arrangements of boilers, condensers, and pumps and the

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novel design of the paddles and their connections to the engines were all laid down by Ross, and if he (Braithwaite) had known from the beginning the real purpose of the vessel, he could have provided machinery in which "simplicity and certainty of performance would have taken precedence over every other consideration." However, despite its rather menacing title, Braithwaite's work was quite moderate in tone. Ross replied with an Explanation and Answer to Mr. John Braithwaite's Supplement..., which was distributed with the Appendix to his book and could be obtained free from his publication office.63 After an insulting start - "The feelings of contempt which Mr. Braithwaite's 'Prefatory Notice' have naturally excited are not unmixed with pity, because it is lamentable to perceive a tradesman, even of the second class, descending to such unbecoming language" - Ross makes a specific charge against Braithwaite that copper boilers had been specified when the price was agreed to, but that the word "copper" was omitted in error from the contract. Braithwaite, however, said, "There is no occasion to write it out again on that account, as none but copper boilers shall ever go out of our manufactory." When two iron boilers arrived from Birmingham, the reply to Ross's complaint was "They were not made at our manufactory, neither was copper stipulated in the contract." This was a serious charge, and if true, it is surprising that Ross had not mentioned it earlier. No reply by Braithwaite has been traced. Apart from this complaint, Ross's "explanation and answer" consists of contradicting Braithwaite's technical arguments in somewhat equivocal language. If the material and manufacture of the boilers were as bad as Ross said, Braithwaite was clearly culpable. But Ross should, of course, have taken Braithwaite and Ericsson completely into his confidence and discussed the design of the whole installation with them. There were many elements in the design which later became standard practice, but Ross was "asking for trouble" when he relied on a novel set of machinery that had not undergone the extensive sea trials required in such circumstances. The Appendix to John Ross's Narrative (a further 380 quarto pages, published at the same price as the Narrative, but at a discount to subscribers to the original work) appeared towards the end of 1835. Misleading accounts of the purpose of this new publication had evidently been circulating, and a need was felt to reassure purchasers. In the Royal Geographical Society archives, there is a draft advertisement in James Ross's handwriting which reads: "To the Subscribers to Sir John Ross's book. Captain James Clark Ross, having been informed by several of his friends that the emissaries employed to obtain subscriptions for the Appendix to Sir John Ross's book, have

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asserted to them that the sale of that volume is intended for his benefit; he considers it proper to caution his friends and the public against being duped by any such statements."64 However, it is not known whether such an advertisement was ever published. The volume opens with a general "Sketch of the Boothians" - an interesting commentary on their customs and conduct of life - followed by individual biographies and portraits of a number of them. James Ross's account of the natural history is of the quality that might be expected of a fellow of the Royal Society and of the Linnaean Society. A brief biography of each member of the crew provides interesting reading, as does the report by the surgeon. In his introduction, John Ross writes, "I have preferred giving my own observations on the Diurnal Variation and Dip of the Magnetic Needle, to those of Commander Ross, understanding that his will appear elsewhere." He would have done better to omit them altogether, for they were quite valueless. The portraits of Boothians are engraved from drawings by Ross himself, of which Barrow wrote, "Captain Ross's original drawings, some of which we have accidentally seen, would have disgraced the fingers of a schoolboy of twelve. Those from which his engravings have been manufactured may be pretty things - but what is the value of such 'graphic illustrations' in a case like this?"65 Many of Ross's original water-colours are now held by the Scott Polar Research Institute. He never claimed to be an artist, and as works of art, they do not rank with those of Back or Lyon, though they have much of the naive charm of the "primitive" artist, and they are now valuable because of their rarity. His landscapes do, however, depict the topography of the land with great accuracy. In making these sketches, Ross had the assistance of "Rowland's perspective instrument, which was found of great value as the greatest tyro in drawing could not fail to delineate the land correctly with it."66 Dr James Savelle has identified the points from which some of these sketches were made and has shown photographs taken for comparison to the author; the match is quite remarkable, even to small details of the geological formations. The volume concludes with a list of subscribers (nearly 7,000) and the names of nine members of the royal family and twenty-one foreign princes who received copies of his Narrative. Ross's publishing venture was not the financial success he had hoped for. In September 1835 he told his brother George that when the accounts were settled, he might perhaps clear himself, but not if presents were taken into account, and that if any one would give him £500 and take all the risk, "I shall make them over all I have to benefit, or have benefitted, by the

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speculation!"67 In the end, his "publisher" went bankrupt, leaving Ross with substantial accounts to settle. In January 1834 James Ross had sent a long memorandum to Sir James Graham, first lord of the Admiralty, proposing a new expedition. He suggested three alternative routes in order of preference: to follow Parry's route of 1819 and try to reach the North American continent to the southward; to try Wellington Channel; or to follow the coastline from Leopold Islands, pass the magnetic pole, and perhaps link up with Back.68 He explained more fully the conclusion he later stated at the parliamentary inquiry that a northwest passage must exist: "The discoveries made during the last expedition have clearly demonstrated that as the American continent extends to the 74th degree of North latitude, no passage can exist to the South of that Lat. and they have also proved that a passage must exist somewhere to the North for it is impossible in any manner to unite the still unknown part of the continent so as to shut up a passage." The secretary was instructed to reply, "Their Lordships are perfectly aware of his zeal and anxiety for further researches such as he proposes, but that they have no intention at present of entering on such an undertaking."69

CHAPTER TWELVE

George Back and Richard King, 1833-35

Receipt of the news of the Rosses' return relieved George Back of his responsibility for saving life and allowed him to travel to the Arctic with a smaller party, and with one boat instead of two, as had been the original intention. The party of twelve - Back and Dr Richard King, three artillerymen, and seven voyageurs - embarked upon the navigable part of the Great Fish (Back) River on 4 July 1834. Back had been ordered to return from the coast not later than 20 August, so he had only six weeks to reach the mouth of the river and travel to Point Turnagain and back. Twenty-five days later, the river emerged into a broad channel where the water was salt and where they "first caught sight of a majestic headland in the extreme distance to the north, which had a coast-like appearance"1 (Victoria Headland). Back summarizes the passage down river in a single, very effective sentence: "This then may be considered as the mouth of the Thlew-ee-choh, which, after a violent and tortuous course of two hundred and thirty geographical miles, running through an iron-ribbed country without a single tree on the whole line of its banks, expanding into fine large lakes with clear horizons, most embarrassing to the navigator, and broken into falls, cascades, and rapids to the number of no less than eighty-three in the whole, pours its waters into the Polar Sea in latitude 67°n'o" N and longitude 94°3o'o" W."2 The distance to Point Turnagain was now about half that which they had travelled down the river, and Back had hopes of reaching it in ten days; but as they advanced up the widening estuary, he found that they were in a deep inlet (Chantrey Inlet) blocked by ice to the north and west. Passage westwards in line with his instructions proved impossible either by boat or over land, though he accurately assessed the existence of a strait to the westward (Simpson Strait) be-

193 George Back and Richard King

tween the mainland and King William Island. Back's description of what seemed to lie to the northward and eastward reads: To the N.E. there were water and ice, and beyond it a dark grey, or what is denominated a water sky; while from the east to Cape Hay there was an open sea ... The only barrier between us and the open water was a stream of ice, about five hundred yards wide, which, for the present, was wedged against the shore, and prevented our moving. From these appearances ... there seems good reason for supposing a passage to exist between Point Maconochie and Point James Ross. Whether the north-eastern clear space is connected with and a part of the Western Gulf of Captain Sir John Ross, I cannot undertake to determine; but I think I am warranted in an opinion that the Esquimaux outline, the sudden termination of Cape Hay, and the clear sea in that particular direction, are strong inferences in favour of the existence of a southern channel to Regent's Inlet. On this subject it may perhaps seem idle now to speculate; but, had I not known of Captain Ross's return, and it had thus been our duty to follow the eastern rather than the western passage, there seemed no obstacle to prevent our doing so.3

If only he had tried! But it was now the i6th of August, morale was rather low, and Back ordered a return. The voyage up river and the subsequent winter passed without major incident, and Back eventually arrived in England on 17 August 1835, followed by King and eight men in October. Those who wished to do so accepted as a fact Back's tentative but, as it was to prove, erroneous opinion that there was a channel through to Prince Regent Inlet. Barrow wrote to Murray on 8 September: "Somebody tells me that Ross's second Humbug is out - if so could you borrow a copy for a few days. I have long letters from Back who has completely demolished his Boothia Peninsula etc. etc. I suppose you [the Quarterly Review] are nearly out or I think half a sheet might be advantageously employed in holding up the charlatan a little more than we have done."4 Edward Sabine commented in a letter to his brother after Back's return: "How very remarkable is old Ross's fortune - a second time he has returned from the vicinity of the navigable channel declaring not only that he had not found it, but that he had proved there was none; and a second time his exposure followed close on his announcements. According to his own rule that names of first discoverers must stand Boothia Island should give way to North Somerset Island, or as Back has been the first to prove it an island, he may now name it."5

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Map 10, A and B Back on the Great Fish River, 1833-34 (from his Narrative of the Arctic Land Expedition)

The appendix to Ross's book was just going to press when Back returned, and Ross added a note of thanks. "The result of this enterprise has proved that the coast to the southward of the Isthmus of Boothia has not been completely examined, and that the information received by Commander Ross from the Esquimaux, making into a bay the land between the isthmus and Matty island, was incorrect; and thus opening up a new field for conjecture; but, although it is very probable that the land to the westward of that inlet is an island, I am not of opinion that the western sea joins with Prince Regent's Inlet."6 Relations between John and James Ross were at a low ebb since publication of John's book, and it appears from a letter to Ebenezer Jacob that John's willingness to accept as a proven fact Back's opinion about a strait separating King William Island from Boothia was not entirely without malice. He wrote: I have had several interviews with Captain Back since my return. To the great consternation of my nephew, he has proved that what he took for a bay

195 George Back and Richard King

Map icB Detail

(which is in the chart Poctes Bay) is an opening making the land to the westward of it an island, and as this has thrown some doubt on the whole of his part of the narrative it is probable that Captain Back will be sent out again by land, as it is proved that he can get to the river much easier by Chesterfield Inlet than by the other way, this being only 40 miles from it at one place. The nearest that he was to Capt. James was about 40 miles in the direction of the West side of the opening. He has at last written to me that he wishes to have "no further communication" and he has told his father that he intends to publish the narrative himself - I think he must be mad?7

196 Polar Pioneers The doubts about the geography of King William Land were well weighed in an article (unsigned) in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society. When Captain James Ross passed from Boothia to this land, or rather when he returned, his Eskimaux assured him that the deep bay south of Matty Island was closed at the bottom with low land; beyond which, as he conceived in a westerly direction, they stated that there was the sea, thereby giving him the idea that beyond his farthest to the westward the land fell back in a deep gulph. But he did not himself see this supposed bottom of Poetess [sic] Bay, as Captain Ross has called it; and in his chart it is, accordingly, marked with a dotted line, as resting solely on Eskimaux authority. He is now therefore of the opinion that it does not exist as so delineated; but that the west coast of this bay is continuous with Back's western land, the low isthmus of which the Eskimaux spoke as having the sea beyond it being in the line of this continuity.8 James Ross thought that there was too little space between the southermost point reached by him and the point which Back had named Cape Richardson to admit of a navigable passage between them, that there was probably open water in Spence and Poctes's Bays in summer and a navigable passage to where Back had stood, but that the Inuit were so definite about an isthmus - and even mentioned a large river as existing to the southeast of it - that this isthmus from King William Land to the mainland must run in a north-south direction. The article continues: but he Qames Ross] was chained to the spot by difficulties of transport, and not at the moment aware of the possible value of such a discovery. It is beyond all doubt that he [John Ross] believed he was on the mainland of America, and it is only to be regretted that the difficulties under which his most excellent and indefatigable scout, Captain James Ross, always laboured when separated by a considerable tract of land from his ship (at one time suffering from want of provisions and always without a boat) made it impossible to do more than he did. That he most unwillingly submitted to the imperfect examination of Poctes's Bay is on the face of his Report, published long before Captain Back's return gave peculiar interest to its investigation. Back was a good writer and an accomplished artist, and his Narrative of the Arctic Land Expedition, published in 1836, is one of the best travel books of the nineteenth century. His expedition caused a revival of interest in Arctic exploration, and it was soon proposed that another attempt, similar to that of Lyon in 1825, should be made to

197 George Back and Richard King

reach Repulse Bay by sea and then to drag boats across Melville Peninsula and explore the coast from Akkoolee westwards. King argued unsuccessfully that another expedition down the Great Fish River would be more effective and cheaper. Back was appointed to the command of the 34o-ton bomb vessel Terror, and he sailed in June 1836. The voyage was as unsuccessful as that of Lyon and was nearly disastrous. On 20 September, when not far from her goal, the ship was beset and lifted by the ice "as if it were in the grip of a giant." For the next ten months she drifted southeastwards, exposed to gales and violent disruptions of the ice, and was finally released on 13 July 1837 only after she had been laid on her beam-ends by a submerged iceberg. The ship was scarcely seaworthy, and many of the crew had suffered from scurvy, but Back brought her back to Lough Swilly in a sinking condition, there running her aground on a sandy beach on 3 September. He wrote an exciting Narrative of an Expedition in H.M.S. Terror, published in 1838, but his health had suffered severely from his experiences. "I am very much shaken," he wrote to Franklin. He was knighted and decorated by learned societies, but never went to sea again. During Back's absence in the Terror, another Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of the Arctic Ocean appeared, this one written by Richard King. He was a young man possessed of many good qualities, but he was self-confident and egotistical to an extreme and completely lacking in tact when it came to dealing with his superiors. In his book, he criticized Back for being too familiar with his men, for having imposed too much upon his second-in-command, and for being hesitant in the Great Fish River estuary. King was also unwise enough to be very critical of the Hudson's Bay Company, on whose goodwill he would have to depend if he ever again went down the river, as he hoped to do. Back's verdict after his expedition was that "any further attempt by the Thlew-ee-choh would be as rash as its result would be fruitless";9 King did not agree. He was, rightly, convinced of the importance of delineating Boothia correctly, but he managed to express himself in terms offensive both to Back and to the Admiralty. He thought the river "by no means as formidable" as Back had represented. He also believed in the employment of smaller parties and light canoes (the boat which Back had used weighed some 3,000 pounds) and put forward a plan for an expedition comprising himself as leader and six men. They were to travel to the source of the river by a more direct route known to the Indians which would avoid the long passage from Great Slave Lake. He opened a public subscription for £1,000 and received some support, but when the Naval and Military Gazette

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named James Ross as the person most fit to complete the discovery of the Northwest Passage, King disputed the suitability of any naval officer with his customary lack of tact. The leader, he said, "should comprise within himself Commander, Medical Officer and Naturalist." Further: "The question has been asked, how can I anticipate success in an undertaking which has baffled a Parry, a Franklin and a Back? I will state in reply, that if I were to pursue the plan adopted by the latter officers, of fixing upon a wintering ground so situated as to oblige me to drag boat and baggage over some two hundred miles of ice, to reach that stream which is to carry me to the scene of discovery, and, when there, to embark in a vessel that I knew my whole force to be incapable of carrying, very far from expecting to achieve more than those officers have done, I very much question if I could effect as much."10 King failed to get the necessary support and settled to medical practice in London, but Arctic exploration had not heard the last of him. The affairs of the Arctic Land Expedition were finally laid to rest at a meeting of subscribers on 15 June 1837. The balance of funds, amounting to £612, was spent on pieces of plate for Back, Captain Maconochie, the former secretary of the Royal Geographical Society, and James Ross - the last in honour of his achievements in the 1829-33 expedition - and the remainder of the money went to the Brunswick Sailors' Home. Thanks were extended to all members of the committee; no mention whatever was made of either John or George Ross.11

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

James Ross Searches for Whalers and Studies Compasses, 1835-39

As a result of conversations during the third meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at Cambridge in June 1833, a magnetic survey of the British Isles had been initiated by a few interested persons. The Rev. Professor Humphrey Lloyd of Dublin University and Edward Sabine, who was stationed in Ireland at the time, worked in that country throughout 1834 and 1835.a James Ross joined them in the summer of 1835, but his part in the survey was soon interrupted by another call from the Arctic. In a letter dated 8 December 1835, Parry wrote to him: My dear Ross, Eleven sail of ships have been left in the ice in Davis Straits this year. Would it not be worthy of James Clark Ross to offer the Merchants and Underwriters to command a ship to take them supplies? They will probably get to Disco. In great haste, your most sincerely W.E. Parry I have just answered a letter from some Merchants on the subject asking advice. I have not time to write to you more fully - only to throw out a hint to the man who can save these poor people if any man can.2

Hull shipowners had already, on 4 December, addressed a memorial to the Admiralty stating that on 11 October, eleven ships had been left closely beset in Davis Strait in about latitude 69° N as a result of the early approach of winter. Their crews numbered nearly six hundred men, and the ships were valued at some £59,000 and their cargo of oil and whalebone at £13,500. The reply from the Admiralty was that it was considered too late in the season to afford them the necessary assistance. The shipowners immediately sent another memorial stating

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that four of the ships were believed to be close inshore on the Baffin Island coast, and the remainder about midway between Greenland and Baffin Island. They added that amongst the crews were survivors of three ships that had been lost during the previous summer (one of which was the Isabella of John Ross's 1818 expedition). They admitted that the whalers "were not sufficiently provided with the means of supporting life through the severities of an arctic winter." These memorials were supported by a letter to the press from Captain Humphreys (captain of the Isabella in 1818) and by petitions to the Admiralty from many sources. Humphreys also wrote to James Ross recommending that two ships of 300 to 400 tons each, with an icemaster and Greenland mate, should be sent to embark sledges and dogs in Greenland and to take provisions to the ships over the ice.3 Before he had even received Parry's letter, Ross wrote a letter, dated 8 December,4 proposing that a ship should proceed to the ice in about latitude 62° N and sail northwards to the Danish colonies; two more ships should be strengthened, one of which would proceed to the "middle ice" while the other penetrated the ice carrying sledges. He now offered his services, and the Admiralty agreed that if the shipowners and underwriters would fit out a ship and man her with volunteers, it would commission her, pay the crew until the service was completed, and provide stores and provisions. Additional funds were required to supplement the government aid, and a meeting of merchant bankers and shipowners, held at the Mansion House on 5 January 1836, agreed to raise a public subscription. Sir Felix Booth and George Ross were both appointed to the committee.5 The necessary funds were soon collected. James Ross arrived in Hull on 14 December and from the ships available in harbour, selected the Cove, a vessel of 375 tons. More than two hundred men worked on her day and night under the direction of Captain Humphreys, and provisions and stores were sent by steamship from Deptford and Woolwich dockyards. Ross commissioned her on 18 December, and within a fortnight she was strengthened, provisioned, officered and manned, and ready for sea. The selection of officers was left entirely to Ross, and he chose Captain Humphreys as master and Francis Crozier, his old colleague of Parry's voyages, as first lieutenant. The quartermaster, James Sefton, had served in all but the third of Parry's expeditions. The total complement was ten officers and fifty-four men. News of the forthcoming voyage soon aroused the interest of other Arctic explorers. George Back, recently returned from the Great Fish (Back) River, offered his services to the Admiralty, but too late; and the surgeons Richard King, Robert McCormick, and Charles Beverly

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all applied to Ross. He could only promise McCormick that he would recommend his appointment to the Terror, then fitting out at Chatham. The Admiralty was preparing to send out reinforcements to enable Ross to cross the "middle ice," and the Terror and the Erebus (at Portsmouth) were being fitted out and strengthened in case it should be necessary for them to winter in the ice. They were not expected to be ready to sail before mid-February and were to take on board sledges to be drawn by men, dogs, or reindeer. Ross sailed from Hull on 6 January 1836, with instructions to proceed to the edge of the ice, pick up any man he found, supply provisions and other necessities to any ship that might have got clear, and communicate with the Danish settlements, which the shipwrecked men would be expected to try to reach. Two of the whalers, Duncombe and Harmony, arrived safely at Hull before Ross left, and they reported that six more were clear of the ice.6 On his way north, Ross learnt of two more arrivals (Norfolk and Grenville Bay) and that the Dordon had been lost. He called at Stromness, where he heard that the Admiralty was continuing to prepare Erebus and Terror but that if more whalers escaped, it was probable that only one of them would be sent to join him. He sailed from Stromness on 11 January and in spite of strong westerly gales, made good progress until the 24th. That evening a violent storm arose and continued for five days, and on the 28th the ship was struck by a tremendous sea on the starboard bow and almost foundered. The drama of the occasion was told in graphic terms by one of the officers (probably Captain Humphreys) in a letter to a friend. The weather on the 28th, he reported, was such as neither I nor the oldest seaman on board ever saw equalled, blowing a perfect hurricane from the N. w. with a most tremendous sea and heavier falls of hail and snow than I ever supposed could come down. At about half past four one of the lieutenants and myself keeping the watch, and being lashed to the mizzen rigging, a most awful sea broke over our starboard bow. I shut my eyes expecting when I should open them again the see the ship dashed into ten thousand pieces: I felt myself suffocated with the volume of water which burst over me and on opening my eyes saw the ship on her broadside, bowsprit lying along the bulwarks, all washed away and to every appearance on the point of going down. But God in his infinite mercy gave a few moments' interval between the seas, which enabled her to right and come bows to the seas again, before the succeeding one washed the deck fore and aft. The orders were given cooly by Captain Ross "to have everything ready, to hoist the main staysail and trysail and up helm at the same moment," and most trying and anxious moments they were during the time the ship was paying off. She paid off beautifully; the wind got abaft the beam, the

2O2 Polar Pioneers main yard was squared and we were comparatively safe. To give you an idea of my feelings would be impossible: not a soul on board supposed it possible that the ship would ever recover herself. The cry on the lower deck was - "the ship is going down; her bows and side are all stove in;" this however was not the case. In 36 hours afterwards it began to moderate ... The carpenters reported one large iron knee in the fore hold broken in two, one of the beams all adrift, one fastening knee loose, many of the trenails started and the coverboard on the bows broken, all the deck ends forward started, bowsprit gone etc ... our damages are pretty serious. We expect to get into Stromness tomorrow, having a fine breeze from the s.w. and are running along at 7 knots an hour ... The captain is, without exception, the finest officer I have met with, the most persevering indefatigable man you can imagine. He is perfectly idolized by everyone.7

There was no alternative but to return to Stromness, where the ship arrived under jury rig on 5 February. She was refitted and ready for sea by the 13th, but was detained by adverse winds until the 24th. While Ross was at Stromness, two more whalers, the Jane and the Viewforth, arrived, both having drifted down Davis Strait from about latitude 69° N to about 59° N before being released from the ice. They had on board the survivors of the crew of the Middleton, which had sunk on the west coast of Davis Strait in November, making originally nearly eighty men in each ship. The Jane had lost none of her crew, but the state of the men in the Viewforth was dreadful. Fourteen of her crew had died of the climate or scurvy, and more than thirty were seriously ill, some in the last stages. Only seven were capable of doing their duty. The outbreak of scurvy in the Viewforth could have been mitigated, since there was a large cask of blubber on board, which had not been "made off." Some of this was rendered to provide fuel for lamps, but the officers refused to allow the men to eat whaleskin and blubber, though the former is rich in vitamin C and the latter a valuable source of calories. The idea was regarded as disgusting and only fit for savages.8 Ross took charge of the situation, leased an empty house, and set up a temporary hospital under the care of a local doctor named Hamilton. When the Viewforth sailed for her home port, she left sixteen men in hospital at Stromness. Ross also received news from the Admiralty of the arrival of another ship, the Abram, at Hull. She had drifted as far south as latitude 54° N before being released. She had only one man dead, but nearly a hundred men on board, including part crews from other ships, who had suffered severely from the climate and lack of provisions but were still fit. There were now only two ships missing, the Lady Jane and the William Ton, when Ross

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sailed for the second time, and the former arrived at Stromness shortly after he had left. She had lost twenty-two or her crew, and only about ten men on board were fit for work; the William Ton had last been seen in October in about latitude 66° N. The volunteer crew of the Cove had been understandably shaken by their experience in the storm and declared that they did not wish to sail until the season was more advanced, but after Ross had addressed them on the quarterdeck, they expressed their complete confidence in him and in the seaworthiness of the ship. When he sailed on 24 February, Ross set course to meet the ice in latitude 54° N, which, owing to a long spell of adverse winds, he did not reach until 7 April. He then steered north, skirting the edge of the ice during the day and withdrawing for the night. A strong southeasterly current, fogs, and snow made for slow progress, and the ship received some fairly severe shocks from heavy pieces of loose ice. On 15 May the Cove met a ship outward bound from England, which gave news of the return of the Lady Jane. On 28 May the coast of Baffin Island was seen at a great distance to the northwest, the first sight of land for more than three months; Ross headed for Holsteinsborg, where the Erebus and the Terror were supposed to meet him on i June. The ships were not there, and having sent a dispatch to the Admiralty,9 Ross continued northward to the Whalefish Islands. There he met a whaler, who told him that no other ship would be coming out and that some of the whaling ships had dispatches for him ordering him to return to England. On 19 June he met one of these ships and received a communication from the Admiralty confirming that the sailing of the Terror had been cancelled and directing him to return home once he had made all reasonable efforts to find the William Ton. He first sailed northward between Disko Island and the mainland, found nearly fifty whaling vessels detained by the ice, and returned to the Whalefish Islands on 11 July. He then sailed south, meeting the edge of the pack ice in latitude 69° N and following it, in difficult conditions of fog and swell, to 58° N. At the end of the month, he was able to find his way into the harbour of Okak on the Labrador coast, but the missionaries there had no news of the William Ton. Ross felt that he could do no more, and he sailed for home, arriving at Hull on 31 August with all his crew in good health.10 The ship's company were paid off on 26 September, after Ross had publicly thanked all officers and men on the quarterdeck and read to them a congratulatory letter from the Admiralty. The Cove was returned to her owners, and Ross resumed his magnetic survey. The fate of the William Ton came to light four years later, when an Inuk informed one of the whaler captains that the ship had been

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crushed in December 1835, that he had looked after twenty-two sick men, but they had all died, and that the captain with the rest of the crew had set off across the ice towards the Jane, believed to be beset further south. Nothing was ever heard of these men. Though the voyage had achieved little, since most of the whalers whose fate had caused anxiety the previous autumn had return safely or been accounted for and Ross had been unable to find the William Ton, his conduct in this his first command greatly enhanced his reputation and created goodwill between the whaling community and the Royal Navy. Lieutenant Crozier was promoted to commander, and Ross was offered a knighthood but declined it. Some years later, Lady Franklin wrote in her diary that James Ross said he had been offered a knighthood on his return in the Cove but declined it. Afterwards, when Back was knighted, he felt a little sorry - his friends said it ought to have been forced upon him and he would not have resisted this. Sir John Barrow had been angry with Ross for refusing it and wrote a strong letter to Lord Minto to induce him to renew the offer, but Lord Minto said he had refused it once and must take the consequences, but it would not be refused him if he applied for it; this however Captain Ross did not choose to do and he thinks it just as well as it is, for if he was called Sir James Ross, he might be mistaken for his uncle.11

After Ross had been appointed to the Cove, Parry had written to him: "God bless you, my dear Ross. Run no unnecessary risks, for I trust there is yet much of honour and credit in store for you."12 As Ross returned to his magnetic survey, the first move was being taken towards the expedition which was to bring him the honour and credit which Parry had wished him. In 1820 Professor Barlow of the Royal Military Academy had, at the request of the Admiralty, examined and tested compasses in store in the Royal Dockyard at Woolwich. He reported that, out of about 150, more than half should be considered "mere lumber ... wholly useless while in store and extremely dangerous if suffered to pass out of it." He selected the best 30, "yet still found only 8 out of the original 150 that were accurate to better than i°."13 However, nothing was done immediately to address the problem. Some years later, in July 1837, the lords commissioners of the Admiralty, "having had under their consideration the defective state of the Magnetic Compasses usually supplied to Her Majesty's Ships, and deeming it necessary to apply some remedy to an evil so pregnant with mischief,"14 set up a committee, with a membership of persons recommended by Beaufort, the hydrographer, as being qualified to give an impartial judgment. The

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members were Beaufort himself, James Ross, who acted as chairman, Edward Sabine, Captain T.B. Jarvis of the Bombay Engineers (who returned to India in 1838), Commander Edward John Johnson, who had conducted magnetic experiments in an iron paddle-steamer in 1835, and Samuel Hunter Christie, professor of mathematics at the Royal Military Academy. All these men except Jarvis were fellows of the Royal Society. Examination of all available compasses soon showed that no real improvement had taken place since Barlow's scathing report in 1820; in particular, the needles were crude and magnetically feeble. The members of the committee therefore set out to experiment with every component of the compass: needles, cards, pivots, gimbals, and bowls. The study of needles was undertaken by Professor Christie, and this unfortunately led to some unpleasantness in the committee's proceedings. Amongst individuals whose opinion was sought was the Reverend William Scoresby, who had been ordained in 1825 and was at this time in charge of the Bedford Chapel, Exeter. He had retained his interest in the subject of magnetism since his whaling days, had carried out experiments on his own, and had demonstrated a laminated compass needle of very hard steel of his own manufacture at the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science at Bristol in 1836. Relations, particularly between Scoresby and Beaufort, were at first cordial, and Beaufort sent him a number of needles for comparison with his own. With regard to his own needles, Scoresby wrote: I ought perhaps to mention that when I first constructed a needle on this principle above a year ago, I entered a Caveat at the Patent Office, which has been recently renewed. But my purpose in so doing was mainly for verifying the priority of invention, and to prevent, if possible, any other person taking advantage of the invention for a personal monopoly as exclusive manufacturer. But I have no intention of carrying it further if the Admiralty choose to adopt the plan ... Any information I can give on these various matters I shall be glad to submit to the Committee and, if the needles are preferred, all the practical results of a long and laborious inductive investigation of the matter. My needles can be magnetised without taking asunder, and if varnished and placed in pairs would never lose their power!15

When, however, Scoresby submitted his needles for comparison with others, their performance was not as good as he had expected. He said that the needles were not good specimens since he had not been able to get sufficiently hard steel, and he undertook to produce better ones. When interviewed by the committee, Christie, who had

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already disagreed with him at the British Association meeting, now disputed his claims in very discourteous terms. Scoresby felt "grieved and surprised" by his reception at "this painful meeting."16 He soon received a letter signed by James Ross, as chairman of the committee, informing him that "it is not their duty, nor their intention,... to enter into or decide any question of priority of discovery or invention," that his principle of construction was "neither new nor infrequent," and that "So far as the Committee understood his method of magnetising, it does not appear to differ in any respect from the method practised by the late Dr. Gowan Knight [in 1745]."1? The committee had ample evidence to support these comments, but the brusque official tone of the letter (although it also contained a promise to give a fair trial to any new needles which Scoresby might provide) offended him deeply. He had just received a degree as doctor of divinity and was about to become vicar of Bradford; he decided to concentrate on his pastoral work, though his interest in magnetism did not lapse and he was still to play a part in the quest for a first-class magnetic compass. Since no existing compass was remotely capable of meeting the standards required by the committee, the members decided to develop one to their own design. Their first models were refined on the basis of growing experience and led to the Admiralty Standard Compass Pattern i, which was the principal compass in the Royal Navy for nearly fifty years and was adopted by many foreign governments. An individual specimen is known to have been in operational service as late as 1944. On 12 August 1837, James Ross wrote to their lordships concerning the need for more accurate information on variation. The committee had resolved "that it is extremely important for the benefit of navigation that a series of magnetic observations should be made at several parts of the coasts of the United Kingdom, especially those points whence the variation of the compass would be determined ... and in order to unite these observations which each other and thus to ascertain the direction of the curves of equal variation, it would be desirable that a few connecting observations should be made in the interior of the Kingdom."18 At the bottom of this letter, Croker asked Beaufort, "Who is the most competent person for this in the Admiralty?" to which Beaufort replied, "There is no one I think so fully competent and so well prepared for this important service as Captain J. Ross himself." So in 1837 and 1838, Ross "employed himself almost unremittingly in magnetic observation."19 He measured variation, dip, and force at fifty-eight stations, travelling the length and breadth of all four countries of the United Kingdom. At one state, Barrow queried his claims for ex-

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penses of £100. Beaufort told Ross, "I did not hesitate in saying that of all the scientific expeditions of the last 100 years, I would pledge my credit this would return the most for the expense,"20 and to Barrow he wrote, "When he completes his mission we shall know for the first time since Halley the actual state of the magnetic variation in England."21 Plans were now developing for an expedition to the Antarctic (primarily for magnetic research), to be led by James Ross, and Beaufort assumed the chairmanship of the committee in his place. Its report was issued in June 1840, but it continued to meet from time to time, and Johnson was fully employed supervizing the manufacture, testing, and dispatch of trial compasses. In March 1842, he was appointed inspector of compasses - the first superintendent of the Compass Department - and in the same month the committee produced a pamphlet of Practical Rules for Ascertaining the Deviations of the Compass Which Are Caused by the Ship's Iron. Its opening paragraph reads, "Every ship should be provided with a good Azimuth Compass which may be called the Standard Compass; with it the Binnacle Compasses are to be frequently compared, and by it all bearings ought to be taken." The pamphlet also provided advice on siting the compass, described methods of "swinging ship" to obtain the deviation on different ship headings, gave instructions for applying the deviations, and stressed the importance of checking the deviations frequently. There was still much work to be done, both on the material side and in the education of officers, and the problems became more complicated with the introduction of iron warships and steam propulsion. Johnson would continue with his devoted work until his death in 1853. During that time it remained Admiralty policy not to attempt to reduce the deviation of the compass by means of correctors but to rely on suitable initial placing of the standard compass and frequent checking of the deviation by observation. This was probably a sound policy until such time as the theory of correcting a compass for the various elements of deviation was better established. One of the early actions of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, founded in 1831, the year that James Ross located the north magnetic pole, had been to appoint committees to report on the existing state of knowledge of the various branches of science. The committee on magnetism included Edward Sabine, James Ross, and Professor Lloyd. In 1819, the Norwegian physicist Christian Hansteen had written Magnetism of the Earth, a work based on worldwide surveys in which he sought to find what theoretical arrangement of magnets, supposed to exist within the earth and periodically to move their positions, could be made to account for the

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various magnetic phenomena observed on the earth's surface, and hence enable these to be predicted. Lines of equal variation, now brought to a convergence at the north magnetic pole, had been plotted over the years. In 1823 J.K. Horner had produced a chart showing lines of equal dip for the whole earth, so far as observations went. In 1835 Sabine presented to the British Association an abstract of Hansteen's Magnetism of the Earth, and two years later he was able to produce the first chart showing lines of equal intensity (strength) of magnetic force. All three elements - variation, dip, and intensity could now be presented in comparable form. J.K.F. Gauss came up with a formula by which he could calculate the magnetic elements for any place on the earth's surface at any time, and wherever this formula could be checked by observations, it had proved sound. According to Gauss, there should exist in about latitude 66° S, longitude 146° E a south magnetic pole, similar to the north magnetic pole located by James Ross. Here was a great goal for exploration - and a test for the theory. Magnetic observations in the southern hemisphere had been very limited, and there were serious gaps in the magnetic maps, yet trade with India, China, and Australia was increasing, and any measures which would improve the accuracy of navigation and the safety of ships were very important. Another aspect of magnetism which interested the scientists was that minor perturbations of the magnetic needle seemed to occur simultaneously over large areas of the earth's surface, and observations suggested that the origin of these perturbations was cosmic. Under the incentive of Baron von Humboldt, a chain of observatories had, since 1829, been set up from Moscow through Siberia to Peking, on to Alaska, and across North America. At the meeting of the British Association in Dublin in 1835, the committee on magnetism resolved that a representation should be made to the government on the importance of sending an expedition to the Antarctic to make observations in various branches of science, but especially magnetism, with a view to determining the precise position of the south magnetic pole. The council, however, reserved action until it had received Sabine's report on magnetic intensity, which took him another two years to complete. Meanwhile, Humboldt appealed for the establishment throughout the British Empire of a series of magnetic observatories similar to those of the Russians in Siberia; as a result, the Royal Society appointed committees to draw up plans and applied to the government, early in 1837, for funds to buy instruments. The money was granted, but arguments about the value of new types of instruments caused delay in their purchase.

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When Sabine presented his report on magnetic intensity to the British Association meeting at Liverpool in 1837, he again pressed for an Antarctic expedition, saying that there was a naval officer eminently fitted to be the leader. But it was another year before the decisive step was taken at the British Association meeting at Newcastle in August 1838. On this occasion, a committee under Sir John Herschel, the astronomer, was appointed to lay before the government a resolution passed by the association. This resolution strongly recommended the appointment of a naval expedition. A memorial was presented to the prime minister in November 1838, and he referred it to the Royal Society as the government advisers on scientific matters. The Royal Society gave its unqualified support, the expedition was approved, and matters then moved swiftly. Two bomb vessels, the Erebus and the Terror (the latter of Back's illfated expedition in 1836) were nominated by the Admiralty, ample funds were provided for the equipment of the expedition, and the Royal Society, at the request of the Admiralty, appointed committees to draw up programs for the scientific work. James Ross, with his long experience of Arctic navigation and his skill at magnetic observations, was the obvious choice to lead the expedition, and he was appointed to the command of the Erebus on 8 April 1839. The Royal Society's suggested program of work occupied a volume of a hundred pages; the first section stated, "The subject of most importance beyond all question - and that which must be considered as, in an emphatic manner, the great scientific object of the Expedition is that of Terrestrial Magnetism."22 Daily observations of variation, dip, and intensity were to be taken on board each ship, and observations complementary to those at the shore observatories were to be taken on specified "terms days." In view of the quality of the instruments provided and of "Captain Ross's well-known scrupulosity and exactness in their use," great confidence was placed in the results. With regard to the south magnetic pole, "It is not to be supposed that Captain Ross, having already signalised himself by attaining the northern magnetic pole, should require any exhortation to induce him to use his endeavours to reach the southern." Even if the pole itself proved inaccessible, it would be possible to deduce its position by the convergence of the magnetic meridians towards it and the increase of the dip towards 90°: "a knowledge of its real locality will be one of the distinct scientific results which may be confidently hoped from this expedition, and which can only be obtained by circumnavigating the antarctic pole compass in hand." In addition to the allimportant magnetic section, the physics and meteorology committee provided instructions for observations in the fields of climate, mete-

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orology, and oceanography, and the geological, zoological, and botanical committees provided lists of what they wanted, together with instructions for the collection and preservation of specimens. The hydrographer of the Navy prepared for the expedition a south polar chart on which was shown the tracks of all previously known voyages. Captain James Cook had circumnavigated the Antarctic in about latitude 60° S during his second voyage of 1772 - and had penetrated to latitude 71° S in longitude 107° W without seeing any land. After his voyage, sealers and whalers discovered the South Shetland Isles and Trinity Land south of Cape Horn. The next circumnavigator was the Russian Thaddeus von Bellingshausen in 1819-21. He sailed farther south than Cook, approximately along the Antarctic Circle and as close as he could to the ice, and discovered Peter I Island in latitude 69° S and longitude 90° W and Alexander I Land, but he was unable to approach within forty miles. In 1839 all that was known of this voyage outside Russia was his track. A third circumnavigation had been made between 1830 and 1832 by John Biscoe, a sealing captain. Sailing even farther south than Bellingshausen, he discovered land in about latitude 67° S and longitude 50° E which he named Enderby Land, and also land extending southwest from Trinity Land, which he named Graham Land, together with its offshore islands. Just before Ross's expedition sailed, another sealing captain, John Balleny, returned to England with news of the discovery of a group of islands in about latitude 66l/2° S and longitude 165° E, to which the hydrographer gave Balleny's name, and of an appearance of land in about latitude 65° S and longitude 120° E. That was all that was known of Antarctica in 1839. The chart was a nearly blank one. Another sealing captain had, however, made a voyage that had achieved a "farthest south" record which greatly influenced the plans of future explorers. In 1823 James Weddell in the Jane (164 tons), with Matthew Brisbane in the Beaufoy (65 tons), had sailed to latitude 74°i5' S, longitude 34° W, in what he called the King George IV Sea, later named the Weddell Sea. When he turned north again, the sea was still largely free of ice, but Weddell was on a commercial sealing voyage, not an exploratory or scientific one, and could not stay so far south as winter approached. It was not only the British who were attracted to the Antarctic at this time. A French expedition under Admiral Jules Dumont d'Urville sailed in September 1837. Its principal objective was ethnological research in the South Pacific, but it was first to make an attempt to beat Weddell's "farthest south" record in the Antarctic. The expedition reached the edge of the pack ice in the Weddell Sea in January 1838 but was unable to penetrate it and after two fruitless months, moved

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on to the Pacific, expressing doubts of the truth of Weddell's claim. An American exploring expedition, with Antarctic research as part of its program, had been authorized by Congress in 1836 and had finally sailed under the command of Lieutenant Charles Wilkes of the us Navy in August 1838. Both geographers and scientists felt some concern over these rival expeditions, which were in the field ahead of Ross; however, no further news of either expedition had been received when he sailed. Meanwhile, there had been developments in James's personal life. Some time in 1834, at the home of his sister Isabella and her husband, William Spence, he had met Anne, the daughter of Spence's first cousin Thomas Coulman of Whitgift Hall, Goole. Ross fell in love at first sight. Later that year or early in 1835, he met her parents at Hull and at Wadworth Hall, Doncaster, the home of Thomas Coulman's younger brother Robert. In March 1835 Spence's sister Jane Thompson (whose husband was soon to become town clerk of Hull) wrote a disturbing letter to Isabella to which James Ross replied. Ross was "distressed by the inauspicious accounts you give of her parents feelings towards me," but he was delighted to hear that Anne still retained "sentiments of regard and affection," which he had scarcely dared to hope would continue after "our short and imperfect acquaintance with one another." However, he has "no doubts that difficulties in love affairs are not always insuperable. If Anne can love me sufficiently to cheer with her smile the hour of difficulty tho' a host were to rise up against us, in the name of Cupid we will destroy them." He says that he feels it proper he should now write to Mr Coulman, and he asks Jane Thompson for any news of Anne "now that you are the confidante as you have ever been a very sincere and dear friend to both."23 He wrote to Coulman, referring to their meeting and saying that he thought that Mr and Mrs Coulman could not have failed to notice that he (Ross) regarded Anne with sentiments of a more endearing nature than those of a mere casual acquaintance, but that the circumstances of his present life deterred him from expressing them. He was soon going to Hull with his sister Isabella and would like to accept the Coulmans' earlier invitation to visit Whitgift, but he felt that he must make his position absolutely clear.24 He received an uncompromising reply: I have this evening received your letter and although you say Mrs. Coulman and myself could scarcely fail to perceive the nature of your attentions to my daughter, I can assure you I left Hull without the slightest suspicion of them, as the idea never once occurred to me that you could think of addressing a

212 Polar Pioneers mere schoolgirl, nor if I had should I have supposed you would have left me in ignorance of your intentions, but on the last even and morn Mrs. Coulman had been surprized by your very extraordinary manner, and after our return home had expressed a wish, if such conduct could mean anything serious, that you had by mentioning the subject to me enabled me to at once put an end to it. You are quite right in supposing our children are indeed the first objects of our solicitude, and their present and future welfare our chief care - and though we question not your worth, yet Sir, your age compared with my daughter's, your profession and the very uncertain and hazardous views you have before you, all forbid our giving any countenance to the connection. We can only regret that your conduct at Hull and subsequent avowal of your sentiments forbid the pleasure we should otherwise have had of seeing you at Whitgift, as from a consideration of all circumstances, we cannot sanction your wishes. This being our conviction it becomes our duty as parents to request no further steps may be taken on the subject, and with our good wishes that you may be successful in any further voyage you may be contemplating, I remain, dear Sir, yours truly Thomas Coulman.25

However, a few days later James Ross received a letter from Jane Thompson which "has relieved my mind from much anxiety and has been a source of great comfort to me for, although it confirms my apprehensions respecting the feelings of her parents towards me, it also confirms my hopes in the constancy of Anne's affections, which having now withstood no ordinary trial, shall never again cause any future uneasiness in my mind."26 Jane reported that she now had certain means of communicating with Anne and thought that Robert Coulman and his wife were more favourable to James than were Anne's parents. James had been surprised at the stress laid by the Coulmans on the difference in ages, and he asked Jane to find out Anne's age exactly. It was, in fact, seventeen; his, at the time, was thirty-four. Jane was occasionally able to assure James of Anne's constancy, but could not deliver his letters to her, and she was not allowed to write to him. A plan, in the autumn of 1835, to send her a letter and a present by hand of a Thompson nephew failed. They were to have been delivered at Doncaster Races - "He saw her!! but could not get opportunity of delivering the note, so I now send it to you if you dare to do it. But Isabella says she will not go to you - that fatal drawing room! !"27 (Anne's parents were about to visit Hull, but it was not known whether she would accompany them.) James suggested a new plan in true romantic tradition: Tell her if you see her not to be alarmed at any sudden appearance I may make, either in propria persona or by letter delivered to her either by myself or

213 Whalers and Compasses a stranger. If ever I visit Whitgift by stealth it will be on a Wednesday (because the nearest to Wedding day) and Isabella told me something about a copse and shrubbery that goes down to near the river. My boat would anchor opposite the house until some sign of recognition was given from the upper window and then in the garden we might make arrangements, if it was considered desirable, to attack the old folks, but see her I must before I sail, to receive from her own sweet lips an assurance of truth and constancy.

James Ross sailed in the Cove early in 1836. Writing from. Orkney to Jane, who was about to visit Whitgift, he asked her to tell Anne "how happy she has made me by that precious token of remembrance, may I not say of the continuance of her love and truth. Long as two years appears to look forward to, it will pass away, and then will we not be happy in spite of all the world!."28 He was away in his search for the whalers, not for two years, but for about nine months. During his absence, or early in 1837, Anne had written to Jane asking, "If my father totally refuses what is to become of me?" James informed Jane in July 1837 that if he was required to go on another northwest expedition the following spring, it would be advisable for them not to marry unless they had her parents' consent, but that if he did not sail north again, he would sacrifice all financial considerations and marry, provided Anne was prepared to accept the harm to her mother's feelings.29 Mrs Coulman was evidently becoming more sympathetic to them, and Robert Coulman and his wife were actively friendly. In 1838, during his magnetic tour of Britain, James Ross visited Wadworth, and Anne was invited to meet him there. Letters were also exchanged between them, and in one dated February 1839 he speaks of his magnetic observations: "Those we made together at Wadworth are inserted although they manifest a considerable degree of perturbation."^0 In another letter he writes, "I wish you could know my brother - he is not as quiet as I am but he has a sterling heart." Anne tried approaching her father in writing. Your beautiful letter to your father deeply affected me and, could his temper have permitted him to read it, his heart must be harder then I can believe it possible to be. Your affectionate heart must have been deeply grieved by his unkindness and want of consideration for your happiness. I could not have believed it possible that worldly emotions could have had so powerful an influence as to destroy the most endearing affections of the heart and cause a father to treat his child with such unfeeling hardness and severity. I am quite sure, dear Anne, that we can do quite well without his assistance, and if he would not give his consent to our union we would require nothing further from him.

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Mrs Coulman made a request to James, through Jane, that he not himself write to Mr Coulman; and in a letter dated July 1839, James writes of the difficulty of concealing from Coulman that he and Anne had met at Wadworth. Letters written in the early days of his Antarctic expedition indicate that Ross had been anxious not to let his relationship with Anne be known at the Admiralty, as he believed their lordships might think twice about giving him the command. He himself had thought that it might be better to get married before he sailed, but Anne and Jane both thought otherwise. The four long years of James's absence in the Antarctic caused great anxiety to both him and Anne, but, at least, letters passed regularly between them - or as regularly as the slow and spasmodic delivery of mail permitted. In one to Anne, James wrote that "the way in which the arrival of my last was received in 'affected indifference' on his [Coulman's] part is a great improvement." And he asks Jane to report all about Anne and "especially how her parents behave to her now that the atrocious sailor is so many thousand miles away."

CHAPTER FOURTEEN

James Ross in the Antarctic, 1839-43

Erebus and Terror were taken in hand at Chatham dockyard for strengthening in the accustomed manner and were fitted with Sylvester's well-tried heating system. Ross chose as his secondin-command and captain of the Terror Commander Francis Crozier, a trusted friend who had been his first lieutenant in the Cove and had served with him during the last three of Parry's expeditions. Crozier was left in charge of the fitting-out of the ships while Ross continued his magnetic work in London. Ross was allowed to choose most of his officers, though he did not obtain every individual that he would have liked, notably Lieutenant James Fitzjames, an officer qualified in gunnery with a high reputation in the service. He chose as his first lieutenant in Erebus, Edward Bird who had served in Parry's last three voyages and during the polar attempt, had been second-in-command of Ross's boat Endeavour. The first lieutenant of Terror was Archibald McMurdo, who had received special promotion to lieutenant for his skill and courage in recovering the crew of a wrecked whaler from New Zealand natives and had served in the Terror under Back. The officer complement of each ship comprised the commanding officer, three lieutenants, three mates, a master and second master, a surgeon and assistant surgeon, and a purser (in Erebus) or clerk-in-charge (in Terror). The surgeon of the Erebus was Robert McCormick, who had been assistant surgeon of the Hecla on Parry's polar expedition in 1827. Four years later he had been appointed to the Beagle, commissioned for surveying service under Captain Robert Fitzroy. McCormick was very keen about natural history and had expected to combine his role of surgeon with that of naturalist, as was common practice. However, there was also appointed to the ship young Charles Darwin, nominally as naturalist though he had few qualifications for such a post,

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as he himself admitted. Although McCormick and Darwin had got on reasonably well together at first, by the time the Beagle reached Rio de Janeiro in April 1832, McCormick had found his "false position" unbearable, and he was also at loggerheads with his captain and first lieutenant. He had therefore applied to be invalided home. In 1834 he again had himself invalided, this time from the West Indies, a station he detested, and he incurred the displeasure, of the medical directorgeneral. During the following four years on half pay, he had walked the length and breadth of England, studying natural history and covering over 3,000 miles. He had volunteered to serve in the Cove in 1835, but the post of surgeon had been filled. However, Ross evidently thought well of him. The assistant surgeon of the Erebus was Joseph Dalton Hooker, aged twenty-one, who was completing his medical training and was already possessed of considerable botanical knowledge. His father, Sir William Hooker, professor of botany at Glasgow University, had asked Ross to take Joseph as naturalist of the expedition, but there was no provision for such an appointment. Ross agreed to make him assistant surgeon provided that he had completed his medical exams. He could be the botanist of the expedition, but a more senior and experienced officer, namely McCormick, would be named naturalist. Joseph was not happy about this arrangement, fearing that his botanical collections would pass through McCprmick's hands and the regulation channels to botanists for whom he had little respect; but in fairness to McCormick, Ross clearly defined their respective responsibilities, and in the event, Hooker got on well with McCormick, who happily left the botanical field to him. One of the more interesting figures among the officers was John Edward Davis, second master of the Terror, who drew the fair charts from the surveys and was responsible for the best paintings and sketches of the expedition. He also wrote a most dramatic Letter from the Antarctic to his sister, which was later published, and he was evidently a very popular and entertaining messmate. Each ship also carried a boatswain, gunner, and carpenter, and Ross took as gunner of the Erebus the trusty Thomas Abernethy, who during John Ross's expedition to Boothia, had been his companion on the sledge journeys to Victory Point, Lord Mayor Bay, and the north magnetic pole and on the journey to Fury Beach ahead of the main party after the Victory had been abandoned. All observations had to be made by the ships' officers in addition to their routine duties, and these proved very wearisome. Ross himself was an exceptionally competent amateur scientist, but it was a heavy burden for him to carry out the duties of "chief scientist" on

217 James Ross in the Antarctic

top of his responsibilities as commander of the expedition. The complement of each ship allowed for eighteen petty officers, twenty-six "able" rates, and seven Royal Marines. There were a number of men in both ships who had served in the whalers. Canned provisions were supplied on a large scale: 13,500 pounds of meat, 15,000 pounds of vegetables, 6,000 pounds of soup, and 5,000 pounds of gravy. Ross was well aware that fresh meat and game, vegetables, fruit, and lemon juice were needed to prevent scurvy, but he also set great store on the variety provided by the canned provisions. At the end of the expedition, he strongly recommended that the issue of canned provisions be extended to all ships of the Navy, and this was actually done in 1847. The construction of the ships, their equipment, and their stores and provisions were all based on lessons learnt from twenty years of Arctic voyages. The officers were, for the most part, men of proven experience. It was one of the best found expeditions ever to have left Britain. The ships sailed from Margate roads on 30 September 1839, and during their passage southwards, they called at Madeira, Canary Islands, Cape Verde Islands, St Paul Rocks, and Trindade (2o°3o' S, 29°2o' W) and then beat eastwards to St Helena. The reason for steering this unusual course through the Atlantic Ocean was to cross the "line of least magnetic intensity" as often as possible. The position of this line, which encircles the globe in a similar manner to, but is not identical with, either the geographical or the magnetic equator, was a subject for particular study. The magnetic equator was crossed on 7 December in latitude i3°45' S and the line of least magnetic intensity on 16 December in 19° S. The passage from Trindade Island to St Helena against the southeast trade winds took over six weeks, at an advance of only about twenty-four miles a day. At St Helena, Lieutenant John Henry Lefroy of the Royal Artillery was landed with a party of men and the necessary instruments to establish a magnetic observatory. Joseph Hooker took the opportunity to send to his father extracts from his journal and a letter describing life on board, in which he wrote of his relationship with his captain: My time has not been, I hope, so uselessly employed as I expected it might have been. Capt. Ross, as soon as he heard that I was very anxious to work, gave me a cabinet for my plants in his cabin; one of the tables under the stern window is mine wholly; also a drawer for my microscope, a locker for my papers etc. To me he is most kind and attentive ... Two towing nets are constantly overboard for sea animals. Mr. McCormick pays no attention to them; and they are therefore brought to me at once. Almost every day I draw, some-

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Deep Soundings By J. Dayman (from J.C. Ross, A Voyage of Research and Discovery)

times all day long and till two or three oclock in the morning, the Captain directing me; he sits on one side of the table, writing and figuring at night, and I on the other, drawing. Every now and then he breaks off and comes to my side, to see what I am after. Capt. Ross knows a good deal of the lower orders of Animals; and between him and the invaluable books you gave me I am picking up a knowledge of them... Were it not for drawing, my sea life would not be half so pleasant as to me it is. In the cabin, with every comfort around me, I can imagine myself at home.*

After a stay of nine days, the ships sailed for the Cape, where they arrived on 16 March 1840. Another army officer, Lieutenant Eardley Wilmot, was landed to establish a magnetic observatory, and on 6 April the ships sailed southeastwards, Ross's instructions being to proceed to the Kerguelen Islands for extensive magnetic and other observations, touching in at Marion (one of the Prince Edward group) and Crozet Islands on the way if weather and other circumstances were favourable. Hooker wrote another letter to his father from the Cape: It would have amazed you to have come into the cabin and seen the Captain and myself with our sleeves tucked up picking seaweed roots, and depositing the treasures to be drawn, in salt water, in basins, quietly popping the others

219 James Ross in the Antarctic into spirits. Some of the seaweeds he lays out himself; often sitting at one end of the table laying them out with infinite pains, whilst I am drawing at the other end till 12 and i in the morning, at which time he is very agreeable and my hours pass quickly and pleasantly.2

On his relations with his titular head of department, he commented: McCormick and I are exceedingly good friends, and no jealousy exists between us regarding my taking most of his department: indeed he seems to care too little about Natural History altogether to dream of anything of the kind ... He takes no interest but in bird shooting and rock collecting; as of the former he has hitherto made no collection, I am, nolens volens, the Naturalist, for which I enjoy no other advantage than the Captain's cabin, and I think myself amply repaid."

Erebus and Terror became separated in bad weather during the first night after sailing and continued on separately. Ross, in the Erebus, passed close south of Prince Edward Island but did not land and on 25 April, reached the charted position of the Crozet Islands. No land was seen, but at daylight the following morning one of the islands was sighted. During the next five days, Ross was able to chart the islands with rather more accuracy, though not to the degree he would have wished had he had time to spare. He also made contact with some seamen hunting elephant seals, for whom he had brought provisions from the Cape. The sealing party numbered eleven men, one of whom had been on the islands for three years, and seemed quite content with their life. Ross recorded that they "looked more like Esquimaux than civilised beings, but filthier far in their dress and persons than any I had ever before seen. Their clothes were literally soaked in oil and smelt most offensively; they wore boots of penguins' skins with the feathers turned inwards."3 McCormick thought that their leader was "a fine, intelligent sailorlike-looking fellow ... a manly-looking leader who was an ideal Robinson Crusoe in costume, and who answered all the questions Captain Ross put to him with promptitude and self-possession."4 Hooker described him as "like some African Prince, pre-eminently filthy and withal a most independent gentleman."5 Sailing from the Crozet Islands on i May, Erebus made a swift passage under a strong northwest wind and arrived off the Kerguelen Islands on the 5th. Terror sighted Kerguelen Island on the same day, but the weather became so bad that both ships had to stand off; Erebus was not able to enter Christmas Harbout until the 12th, and Terror the following day. On the i5th the ships were warped up to the head of

22O Polar Pioneers

the harbour. The Kerguelen Islands had been discovered by a French naval officer in 1772 and were visited by Captain Cook during his third voyage in December 1776, when he named the harbour in which Erebus and Terror now lay. Cook, "from its stirility [sic]," had called the island the Island of Desolation. Two observatories were erected on the level beach at the head of the harbour, one for magnetic purposes and the other for astronomical and pendulum observations, and two small huts for the use of those employed at the observatories. The two captains took personal charge of the observatories, living ashore and going off to their ships only on Sundays to inspect the ships and read divine service. Three surveys of neighbouring bays were made during boat journeys, two under Lieutenant Charles Gerrans Phillips of the Terror and the other under Lieutenant Bird of the Erebus.6 Phillips was accompanied by McCormick, who throughout his autobiography, refers to Phillips as "my young friend of the boat journey." Ross had hoped to accomplish more, but the weather was so bad that he felt he could not expose his men to further risks. During the sixty-eight days that the ships were in Christmas Harbour, it blew a gale on forty-five, and there were only three without rain or snow. In spite of the weather conditions, Hooker enjoyed the Island of Desolation. In a speech many years later, he recalled: "When still a child, I was very fond of Voyages and Travels, and my great delight was to sit on my grandfather's knee and look at the pictures in Cook's Voyages. The one that took my fancy most was the plate of Christmas Harbour, Kerguelen's Land, with the arched rock standing out to sea, and the sailors killing penguins; and I thought I should be the happiest boy alive if ever I would see that wonderful arched rock and knock penguins on the head."7 He had, of course, outgrown this childish ambition, and "I attended to nothing but Botany and employed myself daily on shore, whenever it was practicable, or else on board at drawing, describing and drying."8 The Kerguelen Island cabbage, discovered during Captain Cook's visit, was the plant which interested him most, though he found its botanical structure difficult to understand. Its value as food was outstanding: "For one hundred and thirty days our crews required no fresh vegetable but this, which was for nine weeks regularly served out with the salt beef or pork, during which time there was no sickness on board."9 Hooker wanted to call the plant Rossia kerguelensis, but it had already been named Pringlea antiscorbutica in England. The plant had been deposited under that name at the British Museum in the collection of Cook's naturalist-surgeon, William Anderson. Hooker later wrote to Ross that "our dear friend Brown

221 James Ross in the Antarctic

[the first keeper of the Botanical Department of the British Museum] had already applied the MS name, given both because of the antiscorbutic nature of the plant and because Pringle wrote upon 'scurvy/ which had not much to do with the matter, it must be confessed."10 The desired series of observations was completed at the end of June, the observatories and instruments were embarked, and the ships sailed from "this most dreary and disagreeable harbour"11 on 20 July. Hooker, however, was able to write, "I was sorry at leaving Christmas Harbour; by finding food for the mind one may grow attached to the most wretched spots on the globe."12 The ships sailed eastwards in a westerly gale and found it difficult to keep in company during the long dark nights; they finally lost contact on the night of 28 July. Two days later, Roberts, the boatswain of the Erebus, fell overboard and was drowned, despite the brave efforts of Henry Oakeley, the mate, and Thomas Abernethy, the gunner, to pick him up. On 12 August an exceptionally sudden and violent storm carried away all Erebus's sails, but on the i5th, Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania) was sighted, and that evening the ship was safely at anchor at the mouth of the Derwent River. The next day the pilot came on board with the good news that the Terror had arrived the day before. During their passage up the river, the crew enjoyed the rich landscape, which was such a contrast to anything they had seen during recent months. The ship anchored off Hobart at 5 P.M., Captain Crozier went on board with a satisfactory report from the Terror, and Ross then went ashore to Government House to pay his respects to the lieutenant-governor, his old friend and fellow Arctic explorer, Sir John Franklin. Franklin had been lieutenant-governor of Van Diemen's Land since 1836, and it had proved a difficult post. A clique of conservative bureaucrats, loyal to Franklin's predecessor but disloyal to him, thought him weak, inexperienced, and far too liberal-minded. Many people also resented the energetic, culturally minded Lady Franklin, whom they regarded as the "power behind the throne." The arrival of Erebus and Terror provided a welcome relief from affairs of state. The two captains lived at Government House throughout the ships' stay at Hobart, and Crozier became very attached to Sophia Cracroft, Franklin's niece and the lifelong companion of Lady Franklin. Sophia had her eyes on Ross, rather than Crozier, but he was already engaged to Anne Coulman; Crozier made a proposal of marriage before he finally left Van Diemen's Land but was refused. Plans for a magnetic observatory had been sent from England, materials for its construction had been prepared, and on the morning

222 Polar Pioneers

after the ships' arrival, Ross and Franklin selected a suitable site. That afternoon, two hundred convicts were put to work to dig the foundations. Nine days later the building was complete, and instruments were in place and adjusted, ready for observations to start on an appointed "term day" of 27 August. An astronomical observatory was also built, and the ships' portable observatories were set up close to the permanent observatories so that, with the help of volunteers, a duplicate set of observations could be made. Franklin named the group of buildings (which Ross described as "a pretty-looking village") Rossbank. Three officers were assigned to the observatories and remained there when the ships sailed. The officer in charge, Lieutenant Henry Kay, remained at Rossbank Observatory until 1853; he subsequently married and retired in Australia. On arrival at Hobart, Ross had received news of the French and American expeditions. Dumont d'Urville, commanding the French expedition, had allowed an account to be published in the local newspapers to the effect that after sailing south from Hobart, they had on 19 January 1840 discovered land, which they had followed for 150 miles between longitudes 142° E and 136° E in about the latitude of the Antarctic Circle. He had named this land, which was entirely covered in snow and estimated to be about 1,300 feet high, Terre Adelie. They had sailed a further 60 miles westwards along a continuous wall of ice about 150 feet high, which d'Urville thought was a crust overlying land and which he named Cote Clairee. He had then had to return to Hobart because of the poor state of his ships and the sickly condition of his men. In his report to his minister of marine, he frankly admitted that he had acted contrary to his instructions in his ambition to locate the south magnetic pole ahead of Ross and Wilkes.^ The commander of the American expedition, Lieutenant Charles Wilkes, had instructions to keep the results of his exploration secret, so no authorized account appeared in the Sydney papers after he returned there. However, Wilkes sent to Ross (from New Zealand in April 1840) a long and friendly letter giving details of his cruise and enclosing a track chart that showed extensive discoveries of land between 165° E and 96° E, together with his opinion as to those parts of the coast which might be found accessible. Ross, in his published account, wrote: That the commanders of each of these great national undertakings should have selected the very place for penetrating to the southward, for the exploration of which they were well aware, at the time, that the expedition under

223 James Ross in the Antarctic my command was expressly preparing, and thereby forestalling our purposes, did certainly greatly surprise me. I should have expected their natural pride would have caused them to have chosen any other part in the wide field before them, than one thus pointed out, if no higher consideration had power to prevent such an interference. They had, however, the unquestionable right to select any point they thought proper, at which to direct their efforts, without considering the embarrassing situation in which their conduct might have placed me. Fortunately, in my instructions, much had been left to my judgment under unforeseen circumstances; and impressed with the feeling that England had ever led the way of discovery in the southern as well as the northern regions, I considered it would have been inconsistent with the pre-eminence she has ever maintained, if we were to follow in the footsteps of any other nation. I therefore resolved at once to avoid all interference with their discoveries, and selected a much more easterly meridian (170° E), on which to endeavour to penetrate to the southward, and if possible reach the magnetic pole.14 Ross did not express himself in these terms when he wrote to the Admiralty before leaving Hobart, saying merely that he would sail for the Auckland Islands (south of New Zealand) for observations and then proceed directly to the southward in search of the south magnetic pole; but he did include his criticisms of the French and Americans in his report written on his return to Hobart, though this portion of the report was omitted from the copy laid before the House of Commons and printed. Ross, of course, had no proprietary right to the area near the south magnetic pole, and his remarks would have been better left unsaid, though probably acceptable to the British, and particularly the Navy at the time. His decision to sail south on a more easterly meridian was not, however, made purely "to avoid all interference with their discoveries." My chief reason for choosing this particular meridian in preference to any other was, its being that upon which Balleny had in the summer of 1839, attained to the latitude of sixty-nine degrees, and there found an open sea; and not, as has been asserted, that I was deterred from any apprehension of an equally unsuccessful issue to any attempt we might make where the Americans and French had so signally failed to get beyond even the sixtyseventh degree of latitude. For I was well aware how ill-adapted their ships were for a service of that nature; from not being fortified to withstand the shocks and pressure they must necessarily have been exposed to had they ventured to penetrate any extensive body of ice, they would have equally failed had they tried it upon the meridian I had now chosen, for it will be seen

224 Polar Pioneers that we met with a broad belt of ice, upwards of two hundred miles across, which would have been immediate destruction to them to have encountered.^

Ross sailed from Hobart on 12 November 1840 and set course for the Auckland Isles. On anchoring in Rendezvous Harbour (now named Port Ross), they found two painted boards on posts that read: Les corvettes Francoises L'Astrolabe et la Zelee, parties de Hobart Town le 25 Fevrier 1840, mouillees ici le 11 Mars, et reparties le 20 du dit pour la New Zealand. Du 19 Janvier au \ Fevrier 1840, decouverte de la Terre Adelie et determination du pole magnetique Austral!

And: U.S. brig Porpoise, 73 days out from Sydney, New Holland, on her return from an exploring cruize along the antarctic circle, all well; arrived the 7th, and sailed again on the loth March, for the Bay of Islands, New Zealand.

Trees were felled, and foundations were dug in the boggy ground on which to set up observatories. The ships stayed a month, carrying out a series of magnetic observations and a survey of the harbour. Ross reported that the harbour would be a good site for a whaling establishment, but a later attempt to start a whaling enterprise proved unsuccessful. He also thought the islands would be a good place for a penal settlement, but this was never tried. Hooker found the island a botanist's paradise: "the whole land seemed covered with vegetation." He found eighty species of flowering plants, including fifty-six never before described, and some two hundred species of cryptogamic plants. The most striking in appearance were the bright golden flowers of a liliaceous plant and a contrasting purple flower like a large aster (Pleurophyllum speciosum}. The former plant Hooker named Chrysobactron rossii. Ross had given him a particularly fine specimen of this plant, but it proved impossible to preserve it whole; indeed, the difficulty of preserving specimens at all in latitudes so constantly wet and stormy is very great; especially on board ship where, from the vicissitudes of the climate, they can rarely be exposed to the air on deck ... Most of my specimens required to be changed daily, and the papers to be dried over a long smoke funnel which traversed Captain Ross's cabin, the limited accommodation of our ships affording no other place available for this purpose. But for this privilege, constantly allowed me during the voyage, and which to anyone

225 James Ross in the Antarctic less devoted than that officer to the objects of the expedition must have proved an insupportable annoyance, my collection would have been small indeed. The present plant was collected on the 15th December 1840, but not fully dried when we had reached the 78th degree of latitude in February 1841.l6

McCormick collected rocks and observed and shot birds, and was able to give the first authoritative description of the nesting habits of the great wandering albatross. Hooker's journal records, "A night on this island is very noisy, from the quantities of blue petrel which come out of their holes at night and, flying about, keep uttering a series of disagreeable coos; they are very numerous, so much as to keep up a perpetual din. They are called Mutton birds from their flesh when boiled tasting of mutton." The ships sailed on 12 December and called at Campbell Island for a few days, during which Hooker again collected more than two hundred species of plants. "Captain Ross gathered a great deal for me one day," he wrote, "when I was busy making and arranging notes, and brought his Galley alongside with its bottom like a garden."17 When they sailed from Campbell Island and steered south, they were at last, after fifteen months in commission, embarked on the real object of the expedition. "Joy and satisfaction beamed on every face,"18 Ross commented. The first iceberg was seen on 27 December, and many others soon came in sight, "of large size and of very solid appearance bounded by perpendicular cliffs on all sides," quite unlike those which Ross and others of the crews had seen in the Arctic. At noon on 31 December, a strong iceblink was seen in the sky, in the evening the edge of the pack ice was observed ahead, and on the morning of New Year's Day 1841, the ships crossed the Antarctic Circle and came up with the edge of the pack. The weather was thick, with a light wind and a swell, so they had to stand off to the northward; the day was spent in conviviality, and a free issue of warm clothing was made to all the officers and men. On the morning of 5 January, a strong northwest breeze got up and carried the ships to the pack edge. They ran along it for several miles, while the state of the ice was examined from the masthead. Ross weighed the chances and made the decision that none of his predecessors, in their unstrengthened ships, had been able to make: he signalled to Terror and headed for the ice. "After about an hour's hard thumping," Erebus was through the heavy outer edge of the pack, closely followed by Terror, and into lighter, more scattered floes through which they were able to navigate fairly freely. As they sailed

226 Polar Pioneers

Seal Hunting By J.D. Hooker (from J.C. Ross, A Voyage of Research and Discovery)

on, the sailors derived much amusement from the Adelie penguins that followed the ships. There were also many seals basking on the ice, and one that was shot proved to be a hitherto unknown species later named Ross's seal (Ommatophoca rossii); it is the rarest of the Antarctic seals, and its life habits are still only partially known. On 8 January the ships were making little headway through thick ice, but there was a dark water-sky to the south which gave promise of open sea ahead. A northerly breeze in the evening enabled the ships to sail rapidly south again, and early the next morning they were in a clear sea. The wind, however, rose to gale force with continuous snow, and the ships had to heave to. The storm continued until the next morning (10 January), when it began to abate and the fog to disperse: "at noon we had a most cheering and extensive view; not a particle of ice could be seen in any direction from the masthead."19 The first penetration of the Antarctic pack ice was one of the most remarkable events in the history of exploration. The ships might almost have been in another world: they had no means of communication with civilization, and there was no ship in the southern hemisphere capable of passing through the pack ice to search for them. Seventy years later Roald Amundsen, the first man to reach the South Pole, wrote, "Few people of the present day are capable of rightly appreciating this heroic deed, this brilliant proof of human

227 James Ross in the Antarctic

courage and energy. With two ponderous craft - regular 'tubs' according to our ideas - these men sailed right into the heart of the pack, which all previous explorers had regarded as certain death. It is not merely difficult to grasp this; it is simply impossible - to us, who with a motion of the hand can set the screw going, and wriggle out of the first difficulty we encounter. These men were heroes - heroes in the highest sense of the word."20 The open sea into which the ships had sailed was later named the Ross Sea. Course was steered as nearly south by compass as the wind allowed, direct for the magnetic pole. Early in the morning of 11 January, land was sighted ahead. "It rose in lofty peaks, entirely covered in perpetual snow ... and must have been more than one hundred miles distant when first seen."21 This has been described as "the only spectacular discovery of any continent,"22 and many would endorse the statement. Portions of what proved indeed to be a continent had already been sighted by others, and Ross made no such claim of discovery; in fact, it was not until two years later, when he had circumnavigated Antarctica that he became almost sure that it was a continent. By the evening, they were close to the land but could not make a landing. "It was a beautifully clear evening, and we had a most enchanting view of the two magnificent ranges of mountains, whose lofty peaks, perfectly covered with eternal snow, rose to elevations varying from seven to ten thousand feet above the level of the ocean."23 The range of mountains stretching to the northwest was named the Admiralty Range. Measurements of dip and variation indicated (accurately) that the magnetic pole was more than five hundred miles away to the southwest, and Ross steered south along the coast. The next morning, the ships were near some islands lying close off the mainland. The two captains landed, with parties from their ships, and in a brief ceremony, in the face of worsening weather, took possession of the newly discovered lands in the name of Queen Victoria. The island was named Possession Island. McCormick described the scene: The margin or ice-foot on which we at last effected a landing took us upon a nearly level surface, a guano-bed in fact, formed by a colony of penguins for ages past. It had attaind such a depth as to give an elastic sensation under the feet, resembling a dried-up peat bog. The penguins indeed, with their young all covered with down, formed such a rookery here that the whole place and sea around seemed alive with them, in such countless myriads were they congregated ... These sturdy, bold birds, standing erect on their tails, with the horny feathers of both head and neck ruffled in anger, their flipper-like wings extended from their sides, looked altogether the most ludicrous and gro-

228 Polar Pioneers tesque objects imaginable ... The perfume arising from this colony was certainly not of an Arabian sweetness, for even before the boat reached the shore the scent wafting upon the waters was all but stifling. The population of this colony might be estimated by millions.24

The ships were then forced to stand out to sea and ride out a southerly gale for two days. The morning of 15 January was fine, and the range of mountains stretching to the southward could be clearly seen; the peaks were named after "the eminent philosophers of the Royal Society and British Association." Every man on board was awestruck by the splendour of the scene and expressed his feelings as best he could. Ross wrote that "as we stood towards them, we gazed with feelings of indescribable delight upon a scene of grandeur and magnificence far beyond anything we had before seen or could have conceived."25 Perhaps the most engaging description comes from the unlettered pen of Cornelius Sullivan, blacksmith of the Erebus: "My friend if i could only view and Steady the Sublimity of nature - but Lo i had to pull the brails. The noble battery of Ice that fortifyd. the Land two hundred feet high and floating islands in all directions this Strange Scenery was Remarkably Striking and Grand. The bold masses of Ice that walld. in the Land Rendered this Scene Quite Enchanting. This mountain is most perpendicular mountain in world - we have seen it at night a hundred and fifty miles Distant."26 Ross was anxious to locate a harbour where he could secure the ships and obtain magnetic observations, but he could find no break in the ice off the coast as the ships sailed slowly southward. Two islands were discovered; Coulman Island, having been first sighted on the birthday of Ross's fiancee, was given the name of her father. Ross gave her name to its southern point, Cape Anne, and called the northern point Cape Wadworth in compliment to her uncle, Robert Coulman of Wadworth Hall, Doncaster, "a spot of many happy associations." The second island was named Franklin Island, and a rather perilous landing was made there in a heavy swell, during which Hooker narrowly escaped being crushed between the boat and the rocks. On 23 January the ships passed Weddell's farthest south latitude of 74°i5' S. After leaving Franklin Island on the 2/th, the weather was clear and a "High Island" was visible ahead, which appeared as a crater-shaped peak with fine snow being driven from its summit. As they approached nearer, they were astonished to discover that it was an active volcano some 12,400 feet high emitting flame and a dense

229 James Ross in the Antarctic column of smoke. Ross named it Mount Erebus, and an extinct volcano to the eastward 10,900 feet high Mount Terror. This was indeed a surprising discovery, and Hooker commented: "This was a sight so surpassing everything that can be imagined and so heightened by the consciousness that we have penetrated, under the guidance of our commander, into regions far beyond what was ever dreamed practicable, that it really caused a feeling of awe to steal over us, at the consideration of our comparative insignificance and helplessness, and at the same time an indescribable feeling of the greatness of the Creator in the works of his hand."27 And from Sullivan: On the 28th we discovered Mount Erebus this splendid burning Mountain was truly an imposing sight. The height of this mountain Six thousand feet high with gradual ascent from the Sea Shore. From the Summit of this mountain issues Continually Vast Clouds of Smoke when Scattered about with the wind forms a Cloudy Surface of Smoke along the Surface of the mountain. The south side of this Splendid mountain was Lost to our view. Land and Ice obstructed the Scene. We did not land here nor did we deem it Safe to Land neither; we could not see fire nor matter, the Sun Shone so brilliant on the Ice and Snow it completely Dazzled our Eyes. Yet it is my firm belief that this must be an imposing sight in the dark of winter.28 Another small island was sighted and named Beaufort Island. The ships were now in latitude 76%' S, longitude i68°n' E, dip 88°27', and variation 25°3i' E; so they were some degrees south and a considerable distance east of the magnetic pole, but with no hope of turning to the westward. An even more remarkable discovery was yet to come: As we approached the land under all studding-sails, we perceived a low white line extending from its eastern extreme point as far as the eye could discern to the eastward. It presented an extraordinary appearance, gradually increasing in height as we got nearer to it, and proving at length to be a perpendicular cliff of ice, between one hundred and fifty and two hundred feet above the level of the sea, perfectly flat and level at the top, and without any fissures or promontories on its even seaward face. What was beyond it we could not imagine; for being much higher than our mast-head we could not see anything but the summit of a lofty range of mountains extending to the southward as far as the seventy-ninth degree of latitude ... Meeting with such an obstruction was a great disappointment to us all, for we had already, in expectation, passed far beyond the eightieth degree, and had even ap-

230 Polar Pioneers pointed a rendezvous there, in case of the ships accidentally separating. It was, however, an obstruction of such a character as to leave no doubt upon my mind as to our future proceedings, for we might with equal chance of success try to sail through the Cliffs of Dover, as penetrate such a mass. When within three or four miles of this remarkable object, we altered our course to the eastward, for the purpose of determining its extent, and not without the hope that it might still lead us much further to the southward. The whole coast here from the western extreme point, now presented a similar vertical cliff of ice, about two or three hundred feet high.29

Ross named the eastern and western capes of what was later called Ross Island, below the volcanoes, Capes Crozier and Bird. The mountains seen over the top of the ice cliff, "being the southernmost land hitherto discovered, I felt great satisfaction in naming after Captain Sir William Edward Parry, R.N. in grateful remembrance of the honour he conferred on me, by calling the northernmost known land on the globe by my name; and more especially for the encouragement, assistance, and friendship which he bestowed on me during the many years I had the honour and happiness to serve under his distinguished command on four successive voyages to the arctic seas."30 Sixty years later, Robert Falcon Scott found that these mountains did not exist in the form supposed by Ross, but there can be no doubt that he saw land over the barrier; with his memories of 1818 and his long experience in the Arctic, he was always exceptionally careful in any claims of land that he made and frequently warned his officers to be wary of being deceived by cloud effects or the tricks of refraction. By noon the next day, they had sailed more than a hundred miles along the barrier, and it could still be seen stretching far to the eastward. They had to keep a judicious distance from its face, which was potentially an extremely dangerous lee shore, and were normally unable to see over the top. However, on 8 February, they sighted a bay, the only indentation they had seen on the whole face of the barrier, and Ross took the ships close in to examine it - a risky decision since pack ice was only fifteen miles away and being driven towards the barrier by a northerly wind. McCormick described the bay: "the break in the barrier forming an inlet or bight, perhaps a quarter of a mile wide, and from a mile to two miles in depth, bounded on its starboard side by a very strikingly bold promontory of ice, for which we had for some time been standing in, and now went about when within a quarter of a mile of it, with a moderate breeze blowing... The only spot where the upper surface of the barrier could be seen was at the further extremity of the bight, the cliffs of ice forming the sides

231 James Ross in the Antarctic

sloping down to a low angle, where they meet, and above which the upper plain surface rose like a smooth, snow-clad swelling hill in the distant background."31 Once again it is the words of Sullivan that convey most vividly the emotions which the crews of Erebus and Terror felt at the time: But as far and as fast as we run the Barrier apperd. the same shape and form as it did when we left the mountain. We pursued a South Easterly Course for the distance of three hundred miles. But the Barrier appeard. the Same as when we Left the Land. On the first day of Febry. we stood away from the Barrier For five or six days and came up to it again farther East, on the morning of the eight Do. we found ourselves Enclosed in a beautiful bay of the barrier. All hands when they came on Deck to view this the most rare and magnificent Sight that Ever the human eye witnessed Since the world was created actually Stood Motionless for Several Seconds before he Could Speak to the man next to him. Beholding with Silent Surprise the great and wonderful Works of nature in this position we had an opportunity to discern the barrier in its Splendid position. Then i wishd. i was an artist or a draughtsman instead of a blacksmith and Armourer. We Set a Side all thoughts of mount Erebus and Victoria's Land to bear in mind the more Immaginative thoughts of this rare phenomena that was lost to view. In Gone by Ages. When Captn Ross Came on deck he was Equally Surprised to See the Beautiful Sight Though being in the north Arctic Regions one half of his life he never see any ice in the Arctic Seas to be Compard. to the Barrier.

Sullivan was quite sure what lay beyond the barrier: "It is quite certain and out of Doubt that from the seventy eight Degree to pole must be one Solid continent of Ice and Snow."32 Ross tried for another three days to get farther north or east, but in vain, so he headed back towards the magnetic pole in the hope that the land ice might have broken up and that he would be able to find a place in which to winter. On 16 February the ships had passed Franklin Island and were heading southwest. A deep bight appeared to the westward of Cape Bird, which Ross named McMurdo Bay, later called McMurdo Sound and the point of entry to Antarctica for the expeditions of Scott and Ernest Henry Shackleton early in the next century. However, it was clear to both Ross and Crozier that so late in the season, there was no hope that more of the land ice would break up and that it behoved them to get out of the Ross Sea - and perhaps

232 Polar Pioneers have to navigate a belt of pack ice near the Antarctic Circle, as they had done to enter it. In a letter to Prince Albert, Ross wrote: It was provoking to behold at a distance of 40 or 50 leagues, without by any means being able to reach them, those lofty mountain peaks, a magnificent monument to mark the site of the Southern Magnetic Pole, so opposite in character to the tame low limestone island which covers that of the North! It was my anxious wish to have found a place of security for the ships in which to pass the winter; we might then have with ease travelled the short intervening distance and reached the summit of those noble mountains. Mount Erebus might also have been ascended in the Spring ... but it is some satisfaction to have approached the Pole more nearly by some hundred miles than any of our predecessors, and from the multitude of observations that have been made in both ships, in so many different directions, and at comparatively short distances from it, its position may be determined with nearly as much accuracy as if we had actually reached the desired spot.33 And in his published account of the expedition: It was nevertheless painfully vexatious to behold at an easily accessible distance under other circumstances the range of mountains in which the pole is placed, and to feel how nearly that chief object of our undertaking had been accomplished: and but few can understand the deep feelings of regret with which I felt myself compelled to abandon the perhaps too ambitious hope I had so long cherished of being permitted to plant the flag of my country on both the magnetic poles of our globe; but the obstacles which presented themselves being of so insurmountable a character was some degree of consolation as it left no grounds for self-reproach, and as we bowed in humble acquiescence of the will of Him who had so defined the boundaries of our researches, with grateful hearts we offered up our thanksgivings for the large measure of success which He had permitted to reward our exertions.34 Ross hoped to make a landing near Cape Adare, but this proved impossible and he sailed northwest along the coast, hoping still that he might find winter quarters. On 26 February he finally abandoned the attempt and hauled off to the northward, with the aim of searching for any land between Victoria Land and the Balleny Islands. Between the 2nd and the 4th of March, islands were sighted at an estimated distance of thirty or forty miles. The ships were, at the time, almost unmanageable in light winds, thick snow, and a heavy swell, and it was impossible to approach the islands or to assign their position with accuracy, but Ross was convinced that these were the islands described by Balleny and that he had indeed discovered them.

233 James Ross in the Antarctic

Catching Great Penguins By J.D. Hooker (from J.C. Ross, A Voyage of Research and Discovery)

A gale now blew up from the east-southeast, and Ross considered that the ships were in a very dangerous position because the chart that Wilkes had sent him showed a range of mountainous land to the northwestward of their present position and stretching for some sixty miles in a southwest to northeast direction. Fortunately, the weather improved during the night, and the next day was clear. No land had been sighted at sunset, when it should have been only about twelve miles away. It was a bright moonlit night, and they sailed, as Ross rather mischievously expressed it, "along the mountain range." At daybreak, the horizon was clear in all directions and not a sign of land was to be seen. The ships resumed a northwesterly course. Early the next morning, the ships were embayed in a deep bight in the pack ice, from which they were extricated with some difficulty, but now faced a new peril: it soon after fell quite calm, and the heavy easterly swell was driving us down again upon the pack, in which were counted from the masthead eighty-four large bergs, between s and NNW, and some hundreds of smaller dimensions. We found we were fast closing this chain of bergs, so closely packed together that we could distinguish no opening through which the ships could pass, the waves breaking violently against them, dashing huge masses of pack ice against the precipitous faces of the bergs; now lifting them nearly to their summit, then forcing them again far beneath their waterline, and some-

234 Polar Pioneers times rending them into a multitude of brilliant fragments against their projecting points. Sublime and magnificent as such a scene must have appeared under different circumstances, to us it was awful, if not appalling. For eight hours we had been gradually drifting towards what to human eyes appeared inevitable destruction; the high waves and deep rolling of our ships rendered towing with the boats impossible, and our situation the more painful and embarrassing from our inability to make any effort to avoid the dreadful calamity that seemed to await us. In moments like these comfort and peace of mind could only be obtained by casting our cares upon that Almighty Power which had already so often interposed to save us when human skill was wholly unavailing ... We were now within half a mile of the range of bergs. The roar of the surf, which extended each way as far as we could see, and the crashing of the ice, fell upon the ear with fearful distinctness, whilst the frequently averted eye as immediately returned to contemplate the awful destruction that threatened in one short hour to close the world and all its hopes and joys and sorrows upon us for ever. In this our deep distress "we called upon the Lord, and He heard our voices out of His temple, and our cry came before Him." A gentle air of wind filled our sails; hope again revived, and the greatest activity prevailed to make use of the feeble breeze; as it gradually freshened, our heavy ships began to feel its influence, slowly at first but more rapidly afterwards, and before dark we found ourselves far removed from every danger. "O Lord our God, how great are the wondrous works Thou hast done; like as be also Thy thoughts, which are to us-ward! If I should declare them and speak of them, they should be more than I am able to express" (Psalm xi, 6, 7.).35

Ross wished to fulfil one more magnetic ambition before returning to Hobart. During their passage from the Kerguelen Islands to Hobart, they had crossed the line of no variation. Ross now wanted to cross it again twice, so as to compute the nature of the curve by which it reached the south magnetic pole. The weather was reasonably good and the men all fit, so he had no hesitation in keeping the ships at sea. The desired crossings were made on 23 and 30 March, and course was then set for Hobart. On 7 April the ships were safely moored in their old berths off Rossbank Observatory, and after an absence of five months, Ross was able to say that "it was a source of no ordinary gratification to me to reflect that the execution of the service had been unattended by casualty, calamity, or sickness of any kind, and that every individual of both ships had been permitted to return in perfect health and safety to this our southern home.36 The expedition stayed at Hobart for three months, to refit the ships and allow rest and recreation to the crews. The scientific observations,

235 James Ross in the Antarctic which had been conducted much to Ross's satisfaction during his absence by Kay and volunteers, were continued throughout the stay. Ross sent his report of proceedings to the Admiralty, and it was published in the press in the middle of August and presented to the House of Commons early in September. Sabine wrote to Ross regarding its reception: Now for a little private chat. You are, as you may suppose, in high favour with all classes in England. Lord Minto's extraordinary crochet that because there had been no bloodshed your despatch ought not to be in the Gazette lost you the distinction of C.B. for the time. Beaufort wanted you made K.C.B. by Order in Council, but this staggered the routiners a little; Barrow wanted you knighted by patent, & Lord Haddington expressed the pleasure he should feel in asking for that distinction for you, provided your friends thought you will rather have it by patent and pay £400 fees, or on your return by personal confer, in which case you pay only £100 fee. Barrow and Beaufort decided on waiting ... However I daresay you will have your fill of honour before you have done and perhaps you may like as well to continue to be distinguished as Le Jeune Ross instead of a title which might mix you up with achievements of a different character from your own.37 In a private letter to Beaufort, Ross expressed his disappointment at not having attained the magnetic pole or found a place to winter. It is a very different and much more difficult kind of navigation than in the Arctic, but it is our business to endeavour to overcome not to raise up difficulties, and I assure you I am not without hope of being able, by resuming our operations very early next season, to cross over to Weddell's furthest from the point we left off at 78° this season for I am perfectly certain that if there be no land at the pole we shall find no ice to prevent us - and I think it probable that after rounding the Eastern end of the barrier we may find the Land trend to the Westward again. I send you herewith the original tracing & a copy of Lieut. Wilkes's letter to me by which you will perceive the great mistake he has made & the very cursory manner of his proceedings, sufficient I think to throw great doubt over all he has done and I have no doubt that many other of his Mountain Ranges will prove to be delusive appearances by which an unpractised eye in Icy Regions is so likely to be deceived.38 When the refit of the ships had been completed towards the end of June, provisions and stores for three years were embarked and all cables and anchors and other iron materials replaced in exactly the same positions as before. The ships were "swung," and the deviations of the compasses were found to have changed considerably since the previous October. These and later similar records were the first reli-

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able observations from which the theory and practice of compass correction would gradually evolve. On i June the officers returned the hospitality of the people of Hobart by staging a ball on board the two ships. Erebus was laid out as the ballroom, and three hundred sat down to supper in the Terror, where a "blend of French style of variety, with English fashion of plenty" was accompanied by wine, especially champagne, in abundance. Dancing was then resumed till daylight, and the press reported, "It was without exception the most splendid gala ever given in this town, whether as regarded the fitting up of the ships, the quality of the supper, and last, though not least, the attention and politeness of the entertainers."39 Hooker told his father, "The whole affair was unique and beautiful in the extreme and without doubt the most splendid thing ever given. The expense however was enormous."40 The expedition sailed from Hobart on 7 July 1841, arrived at Sydney a week later, and stayed for three weeks, conducting further scientific observations. They then sailed for the Bay of Islands, New Zealand, where they arrived on 17 August. Lying at anchor was the American corvette Yorktown. Her captain, Captain Aulick, went on board the Erebus and examined Wilkes's and Ross's track charts. Ross, when reporting to the Admiralty that he had sailed over what Wilkes had shown as a mountainous range, added that "we were compelled to determine that this portion at least of the said Antarctic Continent and nearly 200 miles of the line of Barrier said to extend from it, have now no real existence";41 he had also made a statement to the same effect which had been published in the Sydney Herald. Aulick was convinced by Ross and said that he was expecting to meet Wilkes shortly, so Ross hoped that this meeting would provide a discreet opportunity of having his doubts explained to Wilkes. Unfortunately, Aulick did not meet Wilkes, and it also transpired that he was unfriendly towards him, with the result that a mountain of misunderstanding and argument built up of which Ross knew nothing until his return to England more than two years later. To make matters worse, Wilkes, in a lecture delivered in 1842 on his return to America, made the statement "During our cruise, as we sailed along the icy barrier, I prepared a chart laying down the land, not only where we had actually determined it to exist, but those places in which every appearance denoted its existence, forming almost a continuous line from 160° to 97° East longitude."42 This pronoucement only confirmed Ross's doubts and caused him to comment that "the practice ... is not only entirely new amongst navigators, but seems to me likely to occasion much confusion."43 As a result, for many years, Wilkes received little credit in England and

237 James Ross in the Antarctic

not much more in his own country; it would not be until the extensive explorations of Sir Douglas Mawson in 1912-14 and 1929-31 that a true verdict on Wilkes could be made. It was then determined that most of the land reported by him between 102° E and 136° E existed, though a lot farther south than he had charted it, but that his reported sightings of land farther east were more doubtful. In 1939 the name Wilkes Land was officially, even if belatedly, assigned to part of his coastline. The ships stayed in the Bay of Islands for three months, throughout which time magnetic observations and pendulum experiments were continued on a regular basis. Ross also started a careful record of climatic conditions, which he hoped would be useful as a guide to settlers intending to start farming. His plan for the next season was to sail so as to reach the edge of the pack ice at the earliest date at which it might be possible to navigate through it and to steer for the point on the barrier where he had had to abandon any attempt to sail farther eastward in the past season. While endeavouring always to penetrate to the southward, he would continue the examination of the land or ice to the eastward as he sailed towards Weddell's farthest south position (74°i5' S, 34° W) in the Weddell Sea. Unless any circumstances arose that made it desirable to winter in a high southern latitude, he would proceed to the Falkland Islands, which he hoped to reach before the end of April 1842. Unless he received further instructions from the Admiralty, he would spend the following season examining the area between Graham Land and Enderby Land and would then return to England via the Cape of Good Hope. The ships left the Bay of Islands on 23 November 1841 and sailed southeast towards Chatham Island, which Ross was anxious to visit both for magnetic purposes and to assess its suitability as a whaling station. However, weather conditions prevented a landing, and the ships steered southeast until 16 December, when course was altered to due south on the meridian of i46°43' W. Ross had chosen this meridian as the one which would lead him back to the desired point on the barrier by a route widely different from his previous one and from a direction in which he hoped to discover land in comparatively low latitudes. Two days later the ships reached the edge of the pack ice, ran straight into it, and at first made good progress, but during the rest of the month, progress was slow among heavy floe ice, broken and piled up in irregular masses, quite unlike the large floes common in the Arctic. On New Year's Day, they crossed the Antarctic Circle, just as they had done the previous year. On that occasion they had been just on the edge of the pack and the subsequent passage through it had

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brought them, after some 200 miles, into open sea; this time they had already passed through 250 miles of pack ice, and the fact that the ice drifted north with every southerly breeze encouraged Ross to believe that there must be clear water ahead. In the meantime, the ships were immobile, moored on opposite sides of an ice floe about fifty yards apart, and time was given over to celebration. A "room" was prepared on the ice, with furniture and various pieces of statuary carved out of the ice, and the New Year was rung in with much noise and drinking of healths, the hands having been turned up to "splice the main brace." On New Year's Day, the crews received their gift of clothing from the Queen, and in the evening a grand ball was held on the ice. "On the signal being given (a gun from the Erebus) the two captains made their appearance (under a rather irregular salute of musketry from a party of men rigged as a guard of honour) and took their seats on a raised snow sofa, and soon after the ball commenced. Of course Captain Crozier and Miss Ross opened the ball with a quadrille; after that we had reels and country dances. Ices and refreshments were handed round, the former in the greatest profusion."44 The festivities ended the following day with races and games. On 6 January the ships were cast off from the ice floe to which they had been attached, but the captains could do little but keep them free in what open water there was by constant tacking, towing, and warping. Moreover, a southerly wind drove them northward until, by 9 January, they were back at the same latitude as on Christmas Day. On the i9th, the weather rapidly deteriorated and freshened to a violent northerly gale: the sea quickly rising to a fearful height, breaking over the loftiest bergs, we were unable any longer to hold our ground, but were driven into the heavy pack under our lee. Soon after midnight our ships were involved in an ocean of rolling fragments of ice, hard as floating rocks of granite, which were dashed against them with so much violence that their masts quivered as if they would fall at each successive blow; and the destruction of the ships seemed inevitable from the tremendous shocks they received ... in the early part of the storm, the rudder of Erebus was so much damaged as to be no longer of any use; and about the same time I was informed by signal that the Terror's was completely destroyed, and nearly torn away from the sternpost ... The storm gained its height at 2 p.m.... our ships still rolling and groaning amidst the heavy fragments of crushing bergs, over which the ocean rolled its mountainous waves, throwing huge masses one upon another, and then again burying them deep beneath its foaming waters, dashing and grinding them together with fearful violence. The awful grandeur of such a scene can

239 James Ross in the Antarctic neither be imagined nor described, far less can the feelings of those who witnessed it be understood. Each of us secured our hold, waiting the issue with resignation to the will of Him who alone could preserve us ... At this time [4P.M.] the Terror was so close to us, that when she rose to the top of one wave, the Erebus was on the top of that next to leeward of her; the deep chasm between them filled with heavy rolling masses; and as the ships descended into the hollow between the waves, the main topsail yard of each could be seen just level with the crest of the intervening wave, from the deck of the other: from this some idea may be formed of the height of the waves, as well as of the perilous situation of our ships.45

By the morning of 21 January, the wind had shifted to the westward and the swell began to subside. The hulls of the two ships had survived very well, but both rudders had been smashed and the pressure of ice round their sterns made it difficult to see exactly what damage had occurred, much less to replace the rudders. Erebus''s new rudder was shipped on the evening of the 23rd, so at least one ship was then manoeuvrable; but it was another twenty-four hours before Terror's was secured. A fresh northerly breeze was then blowing, and the ships once again steered south. At last, on the evening of i February: "The clear sea came in sight before dark; and as we approached the margin of the pack, the long westerly swell made the ships roll deeply; at this time the pack edge, consisting of heavy washed pieces, was visible through the deepening shades of night, a fearful line of foaming breakers."46 No one would have chosen the middle of the night for the attempt to break through, but there was no choice; the wind was fair, while a calm or a gale would have been equally dangerous. By 2 A.M. the ships were through and in open sea. The previous year they had taken five days to pass through the pack; this time it was forty-seven days. Weather conditions and the position of the pack edge forced them to steer a more westerly course than they wished, but from the i6th they were able once more to steer southeasterly and then southerly. At this time the previous year, they had been forced to give up their exploration because of the sea freezing over. They were now thirty miles farther east than their previous farthest position, and the sea was clear, but time was obviously running short. Just before midnight on the 22nd, the great icy barrier was seen from the masthead. During the following day they were able to approach to a mile and a half from the face of the barrier; they were on the east side of a bay eight or nine miles deep, filled with ice. The highest point on the barrier was only 107 feet above the sea, gradually diminishing to about 80 feet farther east and then rising again. They had reached their far-

Farthest North and Farthest South Written by James C. Ross in his copy of The Economy of Human Life; reproduced by courtesy of the Scott Polar Research Institute.

241 James Ross in the Antarctic thest south in latitude 78°9'3o" S and longitude i6i°27' W, some six miles farther south than the previous year. This record and Ross's farthest north record with Parry in 1827 both stood for over half a century. The ships then sailed eastward, and as seen from the mastheads, the barrier "gradually rose to the southwards, presenting the appearance of mountains of great height perfectly covered with snow, but with a varied and undulating outline, which the barrier itself could not have assumed."47 Nearly everyone, including Ross, felt sure that he had seen land, but Ross, knowing how deceptive appearances could be, was not prepared to be proved wrong by later explorers and marked the chart simply "appearance of land." The surface of the sea was now freezing fast, and it was time to retreat; the ships took advantage of a strong southeasterly breeze to steer northwestwards. Though it had been a disappointing season, Ross was pleased to have penetrated a few miles farther south and about 10° farther east; he took out The Economy of Human Life, in which he had recorded his "farthest north" in 1827, and added "H.M Ship Erebus 23rd Feb. 1842 in Lat. 78°io' S Jas. C. Ross." He would have been even more satisfied if he had known that no ship would ever penetrate more than 150 miles farther east, for from there to the Weddell Sea, which he had hoped to reach, lies one of the most inaccessible parts of the Antarctic continent. On i March the ships passed the most westerly point of the pack ice and were able to steer northeastwards, and on the 9th, in latitude 6o°2o' S and longitude 160° W, they altered course to due east, steering for Cape Horn. On the afternoon of the i2th, while they were running before the wind under full sail, several small icebergs were seen. Sail was shortened but shortly before midnight (there were now eight hours of darkness), Ross decided that it was too dangerous to continue to run and ordered topsails to be close-reefed prior to roundingto until daylight. Before this could be done by either ship, Terror, stationed to port of Erebus, sighted an iceberg on her port bow and ahead, and turned to starboard to avoid it. Erebus, seeing a different part of the same large iceberg close ahead of her, turned to port with the expectation of being able to weather. The two ships came into violent collision, leaving Erebus completely disabled; though entangled by their rigging, they fortunately separated. Terror now saw a second large iceberg ahead of her, with a narrow gap between the two; Crozier manoeuvred his ship with great skill and brought her racing through the gap and into the calm water in the lee of the bergs. Erebus, meanwhile, in her crippled state, was lying so close to the berg that her lower yard-arms struck it when she rolled, and it was

242 Polar Pioneers

Plan of the Collision of Erebus and Terror (from J.E. Davis, Letter from the Antarctic)

only the undertow (the reaction of the water from the vertical cliff) that saved her from being dashed to pieces against it. Ross then performed what must have been one of the most extraordinary manoeuvres ever carried out by a ship under sail. The only way to get clear of the berg "was by resorting to the hazardous expedient of the sternboard/' that is, setting the sails so as to drive the ship astern. If credit is given to the captain, enormous credit must also be given to the seamen who "ran up the rigging with as much alacrity as on any ordinary occasion, although more than once driven off the yard." It took three-quarters of an hour before the yards were braced and sails set and the ship gathered sternway, plunging her stern into the sea and carrying away quarter boats. However, no sooner had they cleared the berg, than they saw the second one, and another piece of skilled seamanship was necessary to get the ship's head round and pointed at the gap between them. This was accomplished, and Erebus dashed through the narrow channel into the calm water, where Terror awaited her, though scarcely able to hope that Erebus had survived. In a letter from Terror in the Athenaeum of March 1843, the correspondent (not identified) wrote, "I have neither time nor inclination to dwell on the events of that dreadful night; it even now makes me shudder to think

243 James Ross in the Antarctic

of it; but some day, please God, through whose merciful interposition we were saved, I will give you an account when sitting over the fireside. I suppose no naval annals in the world could record such a narrow escape; however we did escape, and what was more fortunate, without the loss of a life."48 After repairing their damage, the ships continued their easterly course, during which Erebus suffered another misfortune when a quartermaster fell overboard while reefing sails in a rising storm and was drowned. On 5 April they sighted the first land they had seen for 136 days, and the following afternoon passed through the narrow entrance to Port Louis, East Falkland, and anchored opposite the settlement. After many years of argument about sovereignty with the heirs of the Spanish Empire and sporadic settlement, Britain had formally annexed the Falkland Islands in 1833. The first lieutenant-governor had, however, taken up his appointment only three months before Ross's expedition arrived there in 1842. He was Lieutenant Richard Clement Moody of the Royal Engineers (aged twenty-eight), and he was faced with a colony "almost in a state of anarchy."49 There were only fortysix inhabitants exclusive of the lieutenant-governor's small establishment, about two hundred tamed cattle, and a small number of horses. Sealers were killing what they liked, in defiance of long existing decrees. When Ross and Crozier called on Moody, he told them that the settlers were very short of bread and flour, which the ships were fortunately able to supply. They themselves most needed fresh meat and vegetables, and he gave them permission to hunt the wild cattle, paying for what they took. There was no mail awaiting the ships' arrival, which was a great disappointment, but the lieutenant-governor had received a recent Navy List from which it was learned that Crozier, Bird, and two other officers had been promoted. Ross wrote to Beaufort, referring to his report on the second season's work, which he had just sent to the Admiralty: "you will perceive that though scathed we are not disconcerted and we all look forward with hope to a brilliant season's operations ... the joy which the promotions diffused through our service has hardly yet quietened down."50 The first task, as usual, was to set up the observatories; this was completed in a week, and the regular routine of magnetic, astronomical, and meteorological observations was started. The ships' companies were next employed in building a pier of boulders, usable at all states of the tide, and a large storehouse built of turfs and thatched with tussock grass, which was capable of housing the entire contents of one ship. These projects were completed by the middle of May, and

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Erebus was then completely cleared out. She was hauled up the beach at high water by the crews of both ships, and for the next thirty-six hours, all the carpenters set about repairing damage to the hull. She was then hauled off and moored near the pier, and the holds were cleaned and ventilated, while stores and provisions were strictly surveyed and then re-embarked. The refit of Erebus was completed on 7 June, and the same procedure was then adopted for Terror. The ships were completely ready for sea by the end of July, but magnetic observations were not finished until the beginning of September. Ross and Crozier visited Port William, at the lieutenant-governor's request, to advise on the relative merits of Port Louis and Port William as the future chief settlement of the colony. Ross had no hesitation in recommending Port William from a naval and commercial point of view, and he thought that this should be the primary consideration because the future success of the colony would depend upon its maritime affairs. On the other hand, the land round the harbour was swampy and far from ideal ground on which to build a town, and there was little good land in the vicinity suitable for agriculture. Moody wished to delay the move and started to develop an interim settlement at Port Louis, but was then ordered to move. The name of the new capital was changed to Stanley, in honour of the colonial secretary. On 8 September the ships sailed for Cape Horn, leaving behind for passage home McMurdo, the first lieutenant of Terror, who was medically unfit for another Antarctic voyage. The season was not yet advanced enough to sail on that voyage, so Ross wished to make magnetic observations in the neighbourhood of Cape Horn for comparison with similar observations at the Falkland Islands; an officer had been left in charge of the magnetic observatory there. After a stormy passage, the ships arrived off Cape Horn and anchored in St Martin's Cove, Hermite Island, on 20 September. The setting up of the observatories took a long time owing to the boggy nature of the ground, which necessitated some fairly elaborate piling to give a firm foundation for the instruments. Observations were started on the 29th and were completed on i November. Six days later the ships sailed back to the Falkland Islands, where they arrived on the 13th. Hooker found the plants of the Falkland Islands and of Fuegia (as represented by Hermite Island) of absorbing interest. The most intriguing plant of the Falkland Islands was the tussock grass, which looked like a small palm tree. It was excellent animal feed and as already mentioned, could be used for thatching, while the base of young stems was nutritious and had an agreeable nutty flavour. Seed was sent home, and there were great hopes that it would prove a val-

245 James Ross in the Antarctic

Cape Horn (from J.C. Ross, A Voyage of Research and Discovery)

uable plant in parts of the British Isles with poor peaty soils, but these hopes were never fulfilled. Hooker was struck by the similarity of Hermite Island to the west coast of Scotland and found the plants of the two regions to be closely analogous. He described Fuegia as "the great botanical centre of the Antarctic Ocean." The ships' companies derived a good deal of amusement from the natives of Hermite Island, who, though unprepossessing in appearance, primitive in the extreme, and unable to communicate in any comprehensible language, were good-natured and good mimics. Ross's evangelistic hope that the day was not far distant "when the blessings of civilisation and the joyful tidings of the Gospel may be extended to these most degraded of human beings"51 was not realized; contact with Western civilization would eventually prove the doom of the Fuegian race. Magnetic observations in the Falkland Islands were completed early in December, and the ships were prepared for sea. Ross's plan was to sail south on the meridian of 55° W in the expectation of meeting with a continuation of Louis Phillippe's Land (discovered by d'Urville some five years earlier) and to follow the coastline, keeping between the land and the pack ice, as far south as he could penetrate. In the event of being baulked in this aim, he intended to sail east to the meridian on which Weddell, in 1823, had reached latitude

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74°i5' S, in the hope of finding a clear sea in which he could sail even further southward. Before sailing, he wrote to Beaufort: I hope there is still much in store for us - I have not the smallest shadow of anxiety about our next season's operations, experience has made us so familiar with our work, now, in that quarter that we can regard it with as much tranquillity as we should approaching the English Channel. We are in the best of health and spirits and delighted with the prospect of leaving this vile place, rendered more odious by the long period of comparative inactivity we have passed in it. [According to Hooker, Ross and Moody did not always get on well together: "The Governor of the Falklands was very kind to me and we were great chums; but he and our Ross quarrelled most grievously, so that I was often most unpleasantly situated."]... To winter is, in my estimation, our most important purpose and if that can by any means be accomplished I shall think our voyage complete."52

Many years later, Hooker said, "This was expected to be the bonne bouche of the expedition; no member of the expedition doubted achieving Weddell's highest latitude and who could say how much a higher one."53 In spite of these optimistic expectations, there is no doubt that the ships' companies were growing weary of their long commission and had a strong feeling of being "out of sight, out of mind" to those at home. Hooker expressed his feelings in letters to his father, in which he indulged in "a good hearty growl for the sake of my Shipmates." He compared his own favoured position with his captain and his ability to instruct and amuse himself in his scientific pursuits with that of his messmates, who had spent three and a half years performing their normal duties in the worst possible weather conditions, as well as carrying out boring and laborious additional work in connection with the observatories. He would, he knew, receive credit for his work, but the ships' companies had not even received a letter of thanks from the Admiralty. The expedition sailed from Port Louis on 17 December 1842, passed east of the South Shetland Islands, and sighted Joinville Island (discovered by d'Urville) on the 28th. In his report to the Admiralty at the end of the voyage (though not in his published account), Ross explained his reasons for adopting the course he then took. He thought that the great extent of open sea found by Weddell was the result of the prevailing westerly winds driving the ice away from an extensive shore, probably the eastern side of Graham Land. So he intended to hug that shore between it and the pack ice to the eastward and to penetrate as far south as possible.

247 James Ross in the Antarctic

On New Year's Day 1843, they were still well to the north of the Antarctic circle in latitude 64° 14' S, and they then became involved in what Ross termed "perplexing navigation" to and fro in Erebus and Terror Gulf. During the whole of January, they were able to penetrate only another thirty miles to the southward. They did, however, discover new land and made a landing on the small Cockburn Island, taking formal possession of the contiguous lands. Hooker, who came ashore there, found nineteen species of plant on this the most southerly point on earth at which any vegetation had been found; eggs of the snow petrel (Pagodroma nivea) were also found, which had never before been seen. At their farthest point south and west, the coast was formed of low vertical cliffs, concerning which Ross reported to the Admiralty, "This was a perfect Barrier in miniature and tended to confirm the opinion I have expressed in my letter of the 6th April 1842 of the existence of an extensive Continent to the Southd. of the great Barrier we discovered in Jany 1841 extending to the E.S.E. 450 miles from Mount Erebus."54 They could see a large number of bergs, some four or five miles in diameter and two hundred feet high, which Ross thought must have broken away from some large ice barrier. He was right; he was some fifty miles from the Larsen Ice Shelf, discovered fifty years later. On I February, Ross finally gave up the attempt to penetrate any farther, and by the evening of the 4th, the ships got clear of the ice against which they had battled to little effect for six weeks and beat eastwards along the edge of the pack, "bounding freely over the high easterly swell." When, on 14 February, they crossed the track by which Weddell had returned from latitude 74°i5' S, they tried to penetrate the pack but could reach only 65°i3' S before being forced to retreat to avoid getting beset. On the 22nd, they crossed the line of no variation and took a reading of the magnetic dip; these observations indicated a position for the magnetic pole that agreed well with the position determined during the first voyage. The edge of the pack was now taking a more southeasterly and then southerly trend, and at daybreak on 28 February the ships were in open sea, with no ice in sight. They were within a hundred miles of the track followed by Thaddeus von Bellingshausen in 1820, and Ross reckoned that there was no likelihood of his finding land by following in Bellingshausen's footsteps, so he altered course to the southwestward. On 5 March, they again sighted the main pack ahead; they were able to enter it, but the leads were filling up with new ice, and after some twenty-seven miles, they were forced to turn and work their way out again. Their farthest lat-

248

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Map 11 James Ross in the Antarctic, 1839-43

itude was 7i°3o' S. They reached clear water only just in time, for a northeasterly gale sprang up and for the next twenty-four hours the very survival of the ships, with the pack ice close under their lee, depended entirely on the skilled seamanship of their officers and the untiring exertions of the men. Course was then set for the Cape of Good Hope, adjusted to pass near Bouvet Island, which was shown on the Admiralty chart in latitude 54°i6' S and longitude 6°i4' E. The island had been first reported in 1739, when it was thought to be a cape of the great southern continent, but had since been sought in vain by Captain Cook and others. Ross got on to the supposed latitude of the island some three hundred miles to the west of its assigned position and ran east under a strong northwesterly wind, rounding-to each night for fear of running on the island, or past it in the dark. They did not sight the island,

249 James Ross in the Antarctic

and having sailed forty miles farther east than its charted position, Ross gave up the search, concluding, like Cook, that Bouvet had mistaken a large iceberg for land. On his return to England, however, Ross heard from Enderby (whose firm had sent out the captains Biscoe and Balleny) that the island had been seen from several of his vessels and that a party from one of them had actually landed. The position of Bouvet Island would not be determined accurately until 1898. Erebus appears to have passed about eighteen miles north of the island during the afternoon of 21 March; the wind was blowing force 9 at the time, with frequent snow showers and many icebergs about, so it is perhaps not surprising that the elusive island had, once more, been sought in vain. The ships anchored in Simon's Bay at the Cape of Good Hope on 4 April. The voyage, of which everyone had hoped so much, had been disappointing and very exhausting. Many years later Hooker summed it up thus: "It was the worst season of the three, one of constant gales, fogs, and snow storms. Officers and men slept with their ears open, listening for the look-out man's cry of 'Berg ahead' followed by 'All hands on deck!' The officers of Terror told me that their commander never slept in his cot throughout the season in the ice, and that he passed it either on deck or in a chair in his cabin. They were nights of grog and hot coffee, for the orders to splice the main brace were many and imperative, if the crew were to be kept up to the strain on their nerves and muscles."55 Ross ascribed his comparative lack of success to the unusual prevalence of easterly winds, which prevented the ice drifting off the east coast of Graham Land but which also opened a passage on the eastern side of the Weddell Sea that would normally have been closed to him. In fact, conditions were quite normal; the prevailing wind in the Weddell Sea is easterly and there is a westerly current along the southeast and south shores, both of which cause the ice to drift west and pile up against the east coast of Graham Land, and the southwest shore of the Weddell Sea is never approachable by sea. Although Ross had done well to reach 711/2° S on 5 March, he might, with better luck, have made another important discovery, for the ships were only forty-five miles from the coast of Queen Maud Land, not discovered until 1932. Moreover, he was, in fact, in what has proved to be the only reasonably open entry into the Weddell Sea; unfortunately, it was too late in the season when he got there. The ships sailed from Simon's Bay on 30 April, and after short stops at St Helena, Ascension, and Rio de Janeiro, they anchored off Folkestone at midnight on 4 September. Ross landed the next morning and travelled to London to report to the Admiralty, and the ships

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went on to Woolwich, where they were paid off on 23 September after four years and five months in commission. The ships' companies were in good health; the boatswain and two men from the Erebus had been drowned and one had died as a result of an accident, two officers from Terror had been invalided home, and three officers and two Marines had been left at Rossbank Observatory. It was a remarkably good record. The return of the expedition does not seem to have caught the public imagination as the Arctic voyages did. Ross received the honour of knighthood and was awarded the Founder's Medal of the Royal Geographical Society and the Gold Medal of the Geographical Society of Paris. In due course, he also received an honorary doctorate of common law from Oxford University. All the executive officers, except Kay and Phillips, who were too junior, were promoted, as were the two second masters. When, in 1857, an Arctic Medal was authorized for award to those who had taken part in Arctic expeditions since 1818, Ross requested that this medal also be awarded to the crews of Erebus and Terror for their Antarctic work, but his request was refused. On 18 October, James Ross and Anne Coulman were married at Wadworth; Crozier was best man and he was supported by Bird and other Arctic officers. The Rosses rented a house at Blackheath, and James started to work on the account of the expedition for publication. We must now consider briefly what the expedition had achieved. Ross himself wrote the general narrative of the expedition, for which John Murray paid him five hundred pounds. He was physically and mentally exhausted and found the task, which took him nearly four years to complete, an exacting one. Murray feared that by that time much interest in the expedition had evaporated, and he would risk printing only fifteen hundred copies. Ross included tables of navigational and meteorological data and asked for contributions from McCormick and Hooker, but scientific men were disappointed in the book, and it has been the general opinion, over the years, that Ross did not do himself justice. The geographical discoveries were totally unexpected. In spite of the extensive land discovered during the first season, Ross did not think that all the areas of land discovered by himself and others were sufficient to justify the assumption that they were part of a great southern continent. He was mystified by the "Great Icy Barrier," the Ross Ice Shelf. "But this extraordinary barrier of ice, of probably more than a thousand feet thickness, ... is a mighty and wonderful object, far beyond anything we could have thought of or conceived."56 At the end of the second season, the appearance of rising land fifty or

251 James Ross in the Antarctic

sixty miles from the face of the barrier led him to believe that there was an extensive country to the southward, covered in perpetual ice. It was only on the third season, when he found evidence of similar ice cliffs at the other side of the Antarctic, that he felt almost sure of the existence of the Antarctic continent. He never, however, claimed to have discovered it: "Let each nation therefore be contented with its due share, and lay claim only to the discovery of those portions which they were the first to behold."57 It had been Ross's ambition to winter near McMurdo Sound, to reach the south magnetic pole overland, and to ascend Mount Erebus. It would be more than fifty years after Ross's expedition before these goals were attained. After Captain Scott's second-in-command, Albert Armitage, had in 1902 made a pioneer sledge journey up a glacier on to the 9,ooo-foot plateau beyond the Prince Albert Mountains, Scott himself led a similar party to a point 278 statute miles from his ship in the area where the south magnetic pole had been situated in 1841, a feat similar to that which Ross would have had to achieve. Its position had, however, moved a long way north since then, and it was first visited and accurately located by T.W.E. David during Shackleton's 1907-09 expedition, after a man-hauled sledge journey of over 1,260 miles. Professor David was also responsible for leading the first ascent of Mount Erebus. Ross's ships were the first and last ships ever to navigate the Ross Sea under sail alone and achieved all that was possible without landing. His only real mistake, if it can be called one, was in the so-named Parry Mountains; he undoubtedly saw land over the top of the barrier, but it was not a mountain range as he depicted it on his chart - more likely what Scott described as "hills close to the limits of McMurdo Bay." The officers of the expedition had done four years of field work in pursuit of "the great scientific object of the Expedition - Terrestrial Magnetism;" now their observations had to be analysed and published by experts, and this work was done by Edward Sabine in a series of reports on terrestrial magnetism to the Royal Society over a long period of years. The results of the first season's work were published in 1843, and those of the second in 1844; but the results of the third season were not published until 1866, and the final summary in 1868, twenty-five years after the return of the expedition. An obituary notice in the Proceedings of the Royal Society after Ross's death in 1862 (and before all the results had been published) stated, "The great work which specially deserved to have its merits properly set forth is his magnetic survey of the Antarctic regions. This is justly held to be the greatest work of the kind ever performed ... The completeness

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with which the great and hazardous enterprise was carried out renders a full exposition of what was accomplished all the more requisite for a just appreciation of the merits of its gallant and skilful conductor."58 The expedition made some useful contributions to oceanography, a scientific discipline then in its infancy. In an attempt to increase the accuracy of soundings, Ross evolved a technique of timing the passage of each 100 fathoms of sounding line so as to recognize the check that occurred when the lead struck the bottom and the line continued to run out under its own weight at a slower rate. He is credited with having obtained the first true deep ocean sounding, in a depth of over 2,000 fathoms, during the ships' passage south in January 1840. A sounding in the Weddell Sea, when 4,000 fathoms of line ran off the reel without, apparently, the lead having struck the bottom caused the area to be named the Ross Deep. Sixty years later this reading was found to be erroneous, though a clever piece of graphical analysis later revealed that there had been a distinct check at the true depth of 2,200 fathoms. The man responsible for this analysis wrote, "When one considers the enormous amount of oceanographical and other work which Ross, practically unassisted by scientific staff, and handicapped by his arduous duties and responsibilities as leader of the expedition, undertook and completed in the course of this celebrated voyage the wonder is not that he made mistakes but that he did not make more."59 Ross was extremely conscientious in his measurements of sea temperature, but the instruments provided were so defective that his results were of little value and did not even prove the fallacy of the theory that sea water had the same point of maximum density at a temperature of 4°C as has fresh water. He was no believer in another erroneous theory of the time: that a depth of 300 fathoms was the limit of animal life. "Contrary to the general belief of naturalists," he wrote, "I have no doubt that from however great a depth we may be enabled to bring up the mud and stones of the bed of the ocean we shall find them teeming with animal life; the extreme pressure at the greatest depth does not appear to affect these creatures."60 If his marine collections had been analysed and published, the "azoic zone" theory would have been shown to be false, and the science of marine biology would have been advanced at least thirty years, but they were not. Early in the voyage, Hooker had told his father, "Capt. Ross knows a good deal of the lower Orders of Animals," and from New Zealand he wrote on this subject: "The discoveries we have hitherto made are not only beautiful but most wonderful, curious and novel.

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The collection is almost all of my own making and Capt. Ross's (altogether indeed). No other vessel or collector can ever enjoy the opportunities of constant sounding and dredging and the use of the towing net that we do, nor is it probable that any future collector will have a Captain so devoted to the cause of Marine zoology, and so constantly on the alert to snatch the most trifling opportunities of adding to the collection."61 On his return to England, Ross retained the collection of deep-sea animals with the intention of describing them himself - and there was no one better qualified to carry out the work - but in the stresses of later years, he never did so. Sir John Murray, summarizing the results of the Challenger expedition of 1872-76, wrote: "Had they [the marine collections] been carefully described during the cruise or on the return of the expedition to England, the gain to Science would have been immense, for not only would many new species and genera have been discovered, but the facts would have been recorded in journals usually consulted by zoologists instead of being lost as was the case."62 This was the one sad failure arising from Ross's expedition. In his own field of botany, Joseph Hooker was more fortunate because the work of description was entrusted to him and his father, Sir William Hooker, by this time director of the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew. Flora Antarctica was originally issued in fortnightly parts, and in two volumes in 1847. Four further volumes were published, two with the title Flora Novae-Zealandiae in 1855 and two called Flora Tasmaniae in 1858. All six volumes bear the title The Botany of the Antarctic Voyage of H.M. Discovery Ships Erebus and Terror ..., but strictly speaking, only Flora Antarctica deserves this title; in the other volumes, Hooker recorded all that was known at the time of the work of other botanists. These superb volumes, beautifully illustrated by Sir William Hooker's draughtsman, W.H. Fitch, contain descriptions of about 5,000 species, of which some 1,500 were collected by Joseph Hooker during the expedition. Soon after his return to England, Hooker borrowed some plants from Charles Darwin, and a great scientific friendship developed. (Hooker had been introduced to Darwin in 1839 at a chance meeting in Trafalgar Square, by, strange to say, McCormick.) The development of Darwin's theory of evolution, stemming from his voyage in the Beagle, depended greatly on the study of plants, though he was not by training a botanist. He owed much to Hooker, whose interest in the geographical distribution of plants had originated during his voyage in the Erebus. Each of the volumes of the Botany of the Antarctic

254 Polar Pioneers Voyage contains an introduction by Hooker, and these are of great interest since they reveal his own views on the origin of species and his gradual acceptance of Darwin's theory of evolution. The Zoology of the Antarctic Voyage of H.M. Ships Erebus and Terror was edited by Sir John Richardson, the naval surgeon and Franklin's companion in the Arctic, and J.E. Gray of the Zoological Department of the British Museum. It was published in 1844-46, but money seems to have run out, and it is very uneven in content, with clear evidence that other sections had been intended. As was customary, knowledge obtained from other sources was included, and some additions were made by other authors some years after the original publication (issued in a supplementary volume in 1875), so it is not strictly a zoology of the voyage, and it is quite difficult to be sure which of the various specimens described were actually brought back by the expedition. Ross's seal (Ommatophoca rossii) was so named by Gray, and he was able to determine from the specimen of emperor penguin (Aptenodytes forsteri) that this and the king penguin (Aptenodytes patagonica) were different species. The section on fishes, written by Richardson who was an acknowledged authority, was based almost entirely on Ross's collection and contained many new species. In summing up the results of Ross's expedition, it seems appropriate to end with the opinion of Robert Scott, commander of the next major British Antarctic expedition sixty years later: When the extent of our knowledge before and after it is considered, all must concede that it deserves to rank among the most brilliant and famous that have been made. After all the preceding experiences and adventures in the Southern Seas, few things could have looked more hopeless than an attack upon that great ice-bound region which lay within the Antarctic Circle; yet out of this desolate prospect Ross wrested an open sea, a vast mountain range, a smoking volcano, and a hundred problems of great interest to the geographer; in this unique region he carried out scientific research in every possible department, and by unremitted labour succeeded in collecting material which until lately has constituted almost the exclusive source of magnetic conditions in the higher southern latitudes. It might be said that it was James Cook who defined the Antarctic Region, and James Ross who discovered it. 63

CHAPTER

FIFTEEN

John and George Ross Float Companies, 1835-39

Although he had spent much of 1834 either in London or abroad, John Ross had built an extension to North West Castle, his home at Stranraer; this addition was an exact copy of his cabin in the Victory. The room was lit from the roof. Embrasures round the walls contained relief maps of the polar regions and could be filled with water so that, with model boats, he could illustrate the course of his voyages. At one end of the room, he had a panorama on moveable screens painted from his own sketches and the dinner table was decorated with glass, mirrors, and lights that he could manipulate to entertain his guests on the properties of ice. It is evident, however, that his new bride did not much like North West Castle. She appears to have been of a nervous temperament and perhaps a hypochondriac; certainly she felt the cold. John Ross himself was a restless man, and although he frequently visited Stranraer, he did not, from this time on, settle there for long periods. In 1835 he again spent much of the year on the continent. In February that year Beaufort wrote to him saying that the French wanted an opportunity of conferring with him on "the most expedient means of preparing a vessel for the Arctic seas. A French man-ofwar is proceeding there to search for M. Blosseville."1 Lieutenant Jules de Blosseville had sailed in the brig La Lilloise in the summer of 1833 to explore the east coast of Greenland, said to have been inspired originally by a meeting with Edward Sabine arranged through the French scientist Arago and by Franklin, whom he had met in the Mediterranean. He had left Iceland in July 1833, crossed Denmark Strait, and sighted the Greenland coast, but he was unable to approach it. His ship damaged, he had returned to Iceland for repairs, written his report, and sailed again in August. Nothing more had been heard of him. The following summer, two ships in succession

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were sent to search for him. Commander Trehouart, in La Recherche, had been instructed not to overwinter or to leave any of his crew ashore for the winter; he returned in the autumn with no news. John Ross went to France and interviewed many people. He then gave his opinion, which he committed to paper in a memoir that was later printed in the Bulletin de la Societe de geographic of February 1836. La Lilloise was a small, weak vessel that might easily have foundered in a storm, but Ross thought that if a storm was brewing, de Blosseville, knowing the limitations of his ship, would have tried to shelter in an ice-field. If the ship had been wrecked in such circumstances, it was likely that many survivors would have been able to reach the neighbouring coast and would still be alive; for, Ross wrote: "On the coast, they will have found abundant floating wood for building a hut, they will have covered it with snow, in imitation of the huts of the natives, whom they will certainly not have failed to meet and will have helped them to procure food and wood, common enough on the coast of Greenland, or they will be scattered in the dwellings of the Esquimaux, inoffensive and quiet people who will have been happy to help them."2 This was an absurdly optimistic scenario. John Ross played down the dangers of navigation in Denmark Strait and had no idea at all of the coastal land or whether there was a native population. However, he recommended a plan. The Recherche should sail in mid-June, accompanied by a small sailing vessel of about 60 tons and a paddle-steamer of about 30 tons (which would proceed under sail on passage). By the beginning of September, they should be able to approach the coast and find a harbour south of Scoresby Sound in about latitude 69° N, where the two small ships and a party of officers and men from the Recherche should be left for the winter. The following spring, sledging parties should be sent out, and "all that part of the coast of east Greenland yet unknown could be explored between the first of May and mid June, that being the best season." The Recherche should return to the edge of the ice in the summer, and the two small vessels would cut themselves out and join her; if for any reason, the Recherche did not appear, they would sail to Iceland. Ross gave recommendations, based on his own experience, on the strengthening of the ships; on building winter quarters; on the design of sledges, what they should carry, and the planning of sledge journeys; on clothing and provisions (wine and spirits should only be issued as medicine, and tobacco in moderation and only to those accustomed to it). The French were evidently less optimistic man he was, and no expedition was sent out. In June 1835, Ross wrote to Beaufort from Berlin about maps which he had bought for him.3 He reported that he had just finished

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his work in Berlin, was going on to Stettin, and would examine Travemunde, which was to be the Prussian arsenal. He would then travel to Copenhagen and Kiel and back to Hamburg. The object of these travels is not known. In a letter to the Swedish admiral O. Nordenskiold dated 25 December 1836, he said that he had been obliged to reside in the country owing to the delicate state of his wife's health and had spent the whole of the preceding winter in France.4 (He was back in England in March.) The main reason for this letter was to inform Nordenskiold that, following the death of Admiral Lord de Saumarez in October, Ross had been asked by the Saumarez family to write a biographical sketch of the admiral's life. He requested Nordenskiold to obtain on loan letters written by Saumarez, while in command of the Baltic station, to the Swedish admiral Krusenstjerna. Ross retained his interest in steam navigation. At a meeting of the British Association at Bristol in August 1836, he contradicted the opinion of one Dr Lardner "that no steamship however large could proceed from England to America without a supply of coals at the Western Islands."5 Ross was to be proved correct when the Great Western made the crossing in fifteen days two years later, just equalling the time of the fastest sailing ship, Pennsylvania. As for George Ross, no sooner were the problems of 1833 over than he had embarked on another speculative venture. The country was in the grip of a railway mania. While projects such as the Great Western and the Liverpool and Manchester railways were sound, many schemes were not; but money was plentiful, and in the eyes of the public, railways were a safe investment, certain to pay good dividends. New schemes had to be submitted to a parliamentary committee, and rights were then granted to form a company. George appears to have done a good deal of preparatory work on his own before launching his scheme in public early in 1836. The first meeting of "The Duke of Cornwall's Harbour, and Launceston and Victoria Railway Company" was held on 5 March, with Sir John Ross in the chair. Letters of approval from the king, the lords of the Admiralty, and elder brethren of Trinity House were read, a provisional committee which included a number of MPS was formed, George Ross was requested to act as secretary, and a City solicitor took over the chair. A prospectus appeared in the Times of 14 March, in which the objects of the scheme were described.6 At Tremoutha Haven (Crackington Haven) on the notoriously dangerous north coast of Cornwall, the company would construct a safe harbour, round which a town, to be called Victoria, would be built by private enterprise. This town would be connected by railway to Launceston. Sites for more than three hundred houses had been designated in expectation of Victoria becoming

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a fashionable resort. The king had consented to be patron of the scheme, his brother the Duke of Sussex was vice-patron, and the Duchess of Kent and Princess Victoria, patronesses; among the "friends and supporters" were Admiral Lord de Saumarez and the Rev. Dr William Scoresby. Trustees were chosen and engineers appointed; the Rennie brothers, Sir John and George, both fellows of the Royal Society, agreed to act as consulting engineers. The capital of the Company was set at £165,000 in 6,600 shares of £25 each. A likely net revenue of 10 per cent was mentioned; the shares sold like the proverbial hot cakes. The private member's bill incorporating the company was read in the House for the first time on 28 March 1836, but when Sir William Molesworth introduced the bill for its second reading on 14 June, Charles Duller rose and excused himself for taking up a minute or two of the House's time "because I think it very necessary that the House should know what sort of speculations are brought forward in the shape of private Bills. This is perhaps the most singular of all the speculations which have been hitherto brought under the notice of the Legislature; for it is a proposition for constructing a railway over a steril [sic] and thinly inhabitated country, - from a town with very little trade, - to a non-existent harbour, - on an inaccessible coast."7 There was also some reference to doubtful share dealings. However, though several speakers were doubtful about the railway, the majority were impressed by the importance of the harbour, and the bill was passed by 124 votes to 51. Two-thirds of the capital was to be used for building the harbour, and one third for the railway. The bill received the Royal Assent in July. The directors named in the Act of Parliament included Sir John Ross as chairman, George Ross as deputy chairman and managing director, and James Clark Ross. James was in the Arctic at the time and was probably not even asked whether he wished to be a director; he certainly took no part whatever in the affairs of the company. At a general meeting in February 1837, the acting chairman (in the absence of John Ross) assured those present that though the balance in the bank had been reduced to something under £800, there was still sufficient capital for the undertaking, and George Ross was voted £500 for the heavy expenses he had incurred.8 However, it soon became evident that the company's affairs were in a mess, and accusations were levelled at George Ross. A meeting held in October 1837 appointed a committee to examine the accounts in detail, and at a special meeting on i March 1838, the finance committee reported shortcomings in the accounts and a deficiency of £5,498.9 John Ross, who had not attended a meeting for two years, was present at this meeting

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(though not in the chair) and defended his brother as innocent of any misdemeanour until proved guilty. He raised much laughter and cries of "nonsense" when he averred that the shares would rise to a 50 per cent premium. At this meeting, he also revealed that he still hoped to be elected to Parliament. It so happened that early 1838 saw the publication of a new magazine, the Railway Times, of which the founder and proprietor was John Braithwaite, John Ross's old adversary. He ensured that this and future meetings of the company were reported in great detail, and the magazine became the vehicle for disseminating the complaints of all the disgruntled shareholders. The railway bubble had now burst, and the public were no longer rushing to invest. A call of £1 per share was refused by most of the shareholders until George Ross's alleged misconduct had been explained. On 7 April 1838, the Railway Times reported: The farther this matter proceeds, the more violent do the disputes become, and the less probability of any amicable adjustment. It seems to us that personal hostility to Mr. Ross, and a desire to make out a case against that gentleman, mingle largely with the motives of certain members of the Finance Committee. It is for the Proprietors to consider whether they had not better discharge at once the debts of the concern and wind it up, thanking their good fortune that matters are not worse. At the general meeting in August 1838, the directors and shareholders were unanimous that the company should be dissolved,10 and at the general meeting the following February, the secretary presented a list of liabilities and claims. One of the claimants was its advertising agent, Barker, who had sued the company for £234. The action was heard on 18 February. The company argued that George Ross had been given a cheque but had embezzled it, and it was he, and not the company, who should be charged. Barker had, in fact, signed a receipt for the money but said that it had been given for accommodation. A verdict was given in Barker's favour.11 George Ross wrote to the Times that he had given a full account to the company when he had resigned and was now suing it for £1,010 75. 7d. owing to him; he claimed that he had been subpoenaed by both parties on trial but had not been called by either of them.12 At a meeting on 14 March 1839, the chairman reported liabilities of £1,579 (including George Ross's claim of just over £1,000) and balance in hand of £372 6s. 3d./3 and at a meeting in May, Ross's offer to submit his claim to arbitration was refused, amid cries of fraud and forgery.14 He was so

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incensed by the way the Railway Times reported the meeting that he brought an action for libel against the paper. At a meeting in August 1840, it was reported that George Ross had been nonsuited in his action against the company because he could not produce any evidence and the directors had refused to produce the books; he was arrested for the costs. The Railway Times commented, "It appeared that the affairs of the Company were kept open solely in consequence of the proceedings of Mr. Ross."15 The paper blamed the original directors for entrusting every function - "projector, managing director, secretary, treasurer" - to Ross. Not one of the original directors of the company was now on the board, which was composed of suffering shareholders trying to bring matters to a settlement. The directors brought a cross-action against Ross, and the judge recommended arbitration, to which the company reluctantly agreed.l6 Both these legal actions proceeded slowly. Early in 1842, the Railway Times, pleading justification, won its case; Ross appealed but lost again.17 The award of the arbitrator, appointed at the original judge's recommendation in the case of the company versus Ross, was announced at a meeting in December 1842.l8 It was revealed that, in addition to the £1,000, Ross had claimed £50,000 for the land on which the harbour was to have been built. This disclosure caused much laughter and remarks "not very complimentary to Mr. Ross," which the Railway Times felt it must decline to report. The arbitrator had, however, decided that Ross owed the company £489 135. He was unable to pay and was committed to the debtors' prison, much to the satisfaction of the Railway Times.19 Ross was released in May 1843, after a compromise had been agreed with the chairman that was not at all to the liking of many shareholders. George himself paid £30, his daughter Isabella paid £100, and a bill of John's for £100 was accepted; claim to the balance was waived.20 The last shareholders' meeting was held in January 1844, but there was no legal way of dissolving the company short of another Act of Parliament, and its office remained nominally open for another five years. Not a brick of the harbour or a rail of the railway, had been laid. Undeterred, George Ross formed, with other gentlemen, the Heirat-Law Society, the object of which was to assist heirs-at-law to obtain property belonging to them. In due course, the affairs of this society would come under adverse scrunity in the Insolvent Debtors Court. John Ross had spent much of 1837 writing his Memoirs and Correspondence of Admiral Lord de Saumarez from Original Papers in Possession of the Family, which was published the following year. The

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original agreement was that the publisher, Richard Bentley, should purchase the copyright for £500, but this was later changed to give Ross half the profits on the first and any later editions and to permit the publisher to "remainder" the work after eighteen months.21 According to later testimony, Ross somehow managed to incur further debts through this publication. He took no part in the affairs of the railway company after March 1839, when he was appointed counsul at Stockholm, but in 1837-38 he tried to float two companies. The Submarine and Wreck-Weighing Association was to be incorporated by Act of Parliament, with the aim of establishing twenty-six stations on the British coast to salvage wrecks, said to number about six hundred a year. The ultimate capital was to be £250,000, though only a fraction of this large sum was to be raised initially to establish two or three stations. It was optimistically forecast that a half-yearly dividend on 25 per cent would be possible, while still preserving a large reserve fund.22 The company was, however, never incorporated. The second venture was the India Steamship Company. Steamships had started to trade in the Mediterranean about 1824, and the normal route to India was by sea to Alexandria, overland from there to Suez, and thence by East India Company ships to Bombay. This was inconvenient, expensive, and slow; on the other hand, the voyage round the Cape of Good Hope under sail took three or four months. John Ross was a strong advocate of a service to India via the Cape in steamships, and in 1837 he formed the India Steamship Company for this purpose. At the same time, he published his reasoning in a pamphlet entitled On Communication to India in Large Steamships, by the Cape of Good Hope.23 In order to test the feasibility of his scheme, Ross had conducted some trials in the City of Glasgow, originally built by Scotts of Greenock in 1821 and recently fitted with new boilers and safety appliances. The first vessel of the intended fleet, the India, was built and fitted with an engine by Scotts and was the largest steamship built on the Clyde up to that time. She was 1,206 tons, 320 horsepower, 10 knots, with accommodation for eighty passengers and 400 tons of cargo. There were two watertight bulkheads across the engine room. On 9 March 1839, Ross wrote to Admiral Nordenskiold: The contents of this letter I have no doubt will surprise you, but I trust the surprise will be an agreeable one, and not less to you than the circumstance has been to me. Whilst I was busily preparing to set out on a voyage to India for the purpose of establishing a communication by steam with our East Indian colonies, I received an unexpected command to take upon myself the duty of

262 Polar Pioneers Consul at Stockholm, with a salary suitable to my position in society; which I need scarcely add I was happy to accept, especially as my speculations can go on just as well under the superintendence of Captain Kendall, a Lieutenant in the Royal Navy who I have appointed to command the ship India which we have built for the purpose ... I may add that my wife is delighted at the prospect of living in Sweden and also a young lady her cousin who will accompany her to Stockholm.24

Nine days later, he sent another letter which reads in part: My ship the India was launched on the igth of January at Greenock, where she is now taking on board her engines. She is built of oak timber and elm plank, there is no fir in her excepting the deck and bulwarks and perhaps (with the exception of the Gorgon steam frigate) she is the strongest steamship ever built. She will be commanded by Captain Kendall, an active and intelligent officer who was with Parry and Franklin on the Northern Expeditions [E.N. Kendall was assistant surveyor in Franklin's second expedition in 1825-27 and with Lyon, not Parry, in the Griper in 1824] ... My nephew is to sail in command of a small expedition to the Antarctic Regions to make magnetic observations, but his ships are not selected yet... I have just been examining a rotative steam engine the invention of the Earl of Dundonald (better known in our Navy as Lord Cochrane) it certainly bids fair to supercede every other engine I have seen and I have some idea of getting a boat one made to bring to Sweden.

In March 1840 the India was lying in the London docks, and a glowing report upon her appeared in the Times. "She is upon the whole one of the compactest vessels ever seen, and with tolerably fair weather would perform the voyage to India in two months. She is estimated to cost upwards of 40,000 1." There were eighty berths, and "cellar room for 1000 dozen bottles."25 But there was evidently a large measure of John Ross's accustomed "speculation" in the affairs of this company, and in September 1840 the Times reported that the India had been offered for sale and, the day before, had done a trial trip from Blackwall to the Nore "with many gentlemen connected with the East India Steam Navigation Company, several officers of the Indian Army and marine, and several scientific gentlemen." The results were said to have been satisfactory, and the party was hospitably entertained.26 The company went into liquidation, and the India was sold to a Mr R. Bunyan of London, travelled to India, and passed to the Eastern Steam Navigation Company, from whom the Peninsular and Oriental Shipping Company (which had taken over the mail service in the

263 John and George Ross Float Companies

Indian Ocean) purchased her in 1845. She was sold again in 1849 because of dry rot and broken up six years later. In 1846 Ross would claim that he had applied for the consulship in Sweden because of the failure of the steamship company, which was not quite what he had told Nordeskiold in 1839. It seems appropriate to complete the story of John Ross and steam navigation at this point, even though it means looking forward a few years. It was not surprising that naval planners could not envisage a navy of ships-of-the-line propelled by a competitive combination of sails and paddle-wheels, or a navy composed solely of the small paddle-steamers of which Ross had written. A form of propulsion without the manifest disadvantages of the paddle-wheel was required, and it came in 1836. In that year, the Swedish captain Ericsson and an Englishman, Francis Pettit Smith, each took out a patent for a screw propeller. Pettit Smith, who was not an engineer by profession, introduced gearing in the drive from the engine to the propeller, in accordance with the current opinion of orthodox engineers; Ericsson, a skilled engineer, used machinery that enabled him to employ a direct shaft from engine to propeller. Coincidentally, in January 1837, the Admiralty took over the post office packet service (the post office had been forced to convert its packets to steam in order to win a share of the passenger service), thereby acquiring twenty-four packet boats and doubling the strength of the steam navy. At the same time, Parry, who since he had given up the appointment of hydrographer in 1829, had spent four years in Australia as commissioner of the Australian Agricultural Company and for the past twenty months had been assistant commissioner for the poor law in Norfolk, was appointed to reorganize the home packet service. He virtually completed this reorganization in three months and in April, was appointed comptroller of steam machinery and packet service. That same month, Ericsson's screw propeller was given a trial, at his request, in a small steamer which towed the Admiralty barge from Somerset House to Limehouse and back. One of those on board was Sir William Symonds, surveyor of the Navy; it was evident even before the trial started that he was violently prejudiced, and he showed little courtesy to Ericsson. Although the speed attained during the trial was far greater than that achieved by any paddle-steamer of similar size, Ericsson was informed that their lordships had been very much disappointed. A short time later, Symonds declared that "even if the propeller had the power of propelling a vessel, it would be found altogether useless in practice, because the power being applied in the stern it would be absolutely impossible to make the vessel

264 Polar Pioneers

steer."27 Ericsson, much offended, took his design to America, where it was taken up by the United States Navy. Pettit Smith (whom John Ross had, so he said, assisted in his early trials) was able to form a company, which built a ship of 237 tons, aptly named Archimedes, to further his invention. But when the ship was given a trial in October 1839, Parry reported that "poor Mr Smith's screw had no fair trial, the power applied being so much below what the engines ought to have produced."28 The ship was, according to Parry, "a nice little vessel and a pretty model for sailing, which it seems they were anxious to combine with the screw experiment - two things not altogether compatible." The trial gave evidence of all the problems that would have to be solved before the Navy could be equipped with efficient steamships - not only the design of the propeller itself, but that of the boilers and engines, and the hull form. But the screw propeller had proved itself, and trials and experiments continued which culminated in the celebrated contest between HMS Rattler and HMS Alecto in April 1845. At about the same time, the reputation of the screw propeller was given another boost by Isambard Kingdom Brunei's decision to fit a screw propeller to his iron ship, the Great Britain, and her successful trial trip from Bristol in 1844. In a letter to Nordenskiold from Stockholm dated 15 February 1845, informing him of his intended return to England, John Ross wrote: I enclose you an account which has arrived by last mail of the performance of the Great Britain which speaks for itself. I have also a letter from Smith and several others, and I think it quite decided that taking everything into consideration, but particularly that of being less liable to damage than any other because it clears itself of anything that gets foul of it, it is beyond all doubts the best, as a proof of which the experimental ship Rattler is ordered to be fitted with Smith's screw and in future every ship and vessel of war is to be so constructed abaftthat it can be applied if necessary. Ericsson's I have seen a model of and I think it is just the same as Smith's with the disadvantage that if anything (a rope) gets foul of it something must give way.29

In 1840 Parry wrote to the first sea lord on a subject raised by John Ross twelve years earlier but entirely ignored. My object now is to draw your attention to the necessity of making Two things absolutely imperative by law. ist. The carrying of particular lights, arranged in one uniform manner, whereby at first sight every seaman shall be able to say in what direction a Steam Vessel is going.

265 John and George Ross Float Companies and. The adoption of one uniform "rule of the road" - leaving no doubt in a great majority of cases, on which side Vessels are to pass each other, and which is to give way under each particular circumstance which might otherwise involve a doubt.30

Despite this appeal, it would not be until 1848 that the Admiralty laid down the lights that steamships were to show and not until 1858 that they also prescribed lights for sailing vessels. In 1843 John Ross had published in Stockholm a short pamphlet, Consideration on the Present State of Navigation by Steam,31 which reprinted his original article of 1827 and in which he pointed out, with some justification, the correctness of his belief in steam navigation and the great strides made in the science during the past fifteen years. The "rule of the road" at sea was evidently introduced shortly after Parry's memorandum, because Ross complained in this pamphlet that though he had proposed that ships should pass each other starboard to starboard, the rules laid down that they should pass port to port (not that it mattered, so long as the side was decreed definitely). Discussing naval strategy, as he had in his book on steam navigation in 1828, he again gave his opinion that the future Navy should consist of a large number of small, screw-propelled steamships.

CHAPTER SIXTEEN

John Ross in Stockholm, 1839-46

When, on 18 March 1839, John Ross had requested formal Admiralty approval to accept his appointment as consul at Stockholm, he had stated that his salary was to be £500 per annum, and he asked their lordships to give directions to the accountant general to continue his half pay (£300 per annum at the time). The Admiralty sought advice on precedents regarding the payment of naval half pay concurrently with another government salary; practice proved not to have been very consistent. Ross was given leave to accept the appointment, but half pay was refused.1 His commission, dated 28 March, defined his responsibility as the eastern coast of Sweden, said that he was not to engage in commercial pursuits, and permitted him to wear naval uniform.2 He arrived in Stockholm on 4 May and very soon brought up the question of his naval half pay with the foreign secretary, Lord Palmerston, who replied that he could not interfere with the regulations of the Admiralty.3 However, in a letter dated 11 June 1842, when the argument was still going on, Palmerston informed Ross that though he could not interfere at the time, "it was clear that it was not my intention, or wish, that you should be deprived of your half-pay if the Regulations of the Naval Service allowed of your receiving it, and I have no doubt when I appointed you to be Consul at Stockholm I took it for granted that some portion if not the whole of your halfpay would by the naval regulations be receiveable together with your Consular Salary."4 Ross was returning to a country he had not visited for many years. In November 1842, he wrote a powerful letter to the Foreign Office on "the extraordinary increase of crime in Sweden ... when I was in Sweden 30 years ago there was never any occasion to lock a door, but now the outer doors must not only be shut, but also those at the head of every stair to be secure from prowling thieves. Drunkenness is a

267 John Ross in Stockholm

predominant failing and, in short, although the population of Sweden are more highly educated than any other country, it is without doubt the most demoralized nation in Europe."5 He provides, at length, his own opinion on the causes of this state of affairs. This letter is an exception to the general run of correspondence in the Foreign Office files, which reveal nothing of particular professional interest. During his early years at Stockholm, Ross wrote to Beaufort on many occasions concerning the charts of the Baltic. He received from Beaufort a report on James Ross's first season in the Antarctic and wrote thanking him "for enclosing the tracing of Capt. J.C. Ross's noble achievements which are indeed glorious. The Yankee minister here, who is about l/2 mad (at all times) is now furious and of course 'denies the fact' - but everyone else is delighted."6 However, after two years in the job, Ross was evidently getting bored, for on 22 September 1841 he wrote to Sir Thomas Byam Martin, who was, it was thought, about to take up an important command: "I need scarcely add how happy I would be to have again the honour of serving under your command, and I am sure if you would kindly apply for me it would not be refused, while it would rescue me from this idle life - my constitution (of iron) is quite proof against the severity of this climate, but I regret to say that my wife has not been able to stand it. She is now on her way to Scotland and I fear will not be able to return here. I was requested to come to Stockholm, and to have my eyes about me 2a/2 years ago when things were not so quiet in appearance as they are now in the North."7 He then again brings up the matter of his naval half pay, "to which I was entitled by the existing regulations, but my enemy at the Admiralty together with the fact of my having voted (I am sure conscientiously) in favour of the Conservative candidate at the election, had the effect of stopping my half-pay thereby rendering by present situation little better than if I had no employment." His lack of half pay was only a part of his financial worries, for his affairs were rapidly getting out of hand. On 17 September the Foreign Office had sent him a letter from a tradesman who had failed to obtain payment of a debt, saying: "His Lordship [Lord Aberdeen, the foreign secretary] has been informed that this is the fifth application on a similar neglect which has been addressed by distinct parties to the Secretary of State during the present year, and I am to state to you that it is due to the position which you hold that you should make immediate arrangements for the settlement of all just claims upon you."8 Ross replied on 4 October, "I shall very soon be able to satisfy all claims on me, and which I am fully aware is due to the position I now

268 Polar Pioneers

hold," and he explained his situation in a private letter to Lord Aberdeen. He had, he said, advanced £1,000 to Mr E. Jacob, late MP for Dungarvon, who in 1812 had been a midshipman in his ship. He had paid off his own bills with Jacob's "acceptances," all of which had been dishonoured, and Jacob was now "in the Queen's Bench" owing him £1,200. He had therefore directed a small property in Scotland to be sold, but had found that during his absence in 1829-33, hifi agent had raised £2,000 on it, with which he had absconded. After litigation, Ross had got the property back and was intending to sell it. Then there was the lack of his naval half pay, and finally, he had liabilities for the 1829-33 expedition beyond the sum voted him by Parliament, and the agent for publishing his book had failed and left him £300 to pay. He concluded, "I have troubled Your Lordship with these details to show that it has been from no dishonourable or disreputable conduct of mine that I have fallen into difficulties, and I can refer Your Lordship to the Honourable Hugh Lindsay [a director of the East India Company] who has known me from the age of 15 for my character." In March 1842, Ross was granted two months' leave to return to England to deal with "important private affairs," and in June he wrote to the foreign secretary from London saying that the Admiralty had refused to allow him his half pay and asking either that his salary be increased to £600 or that he be given a change of appointment. In May of that year he received permission to accept and wear a sword to be presented to him by the King of Sweden in testimony of service to Sweden "while confidentially employed in the war which ended in Later in the year, his half pay was belatedly granted as from March 1842, but not retroactively. In May 1843, the Foreign Office wrote officially to him respecting a debt of £100 to Niven Kerr, who had been appointed British consul in Cyprus. This letter included a sharp rebuke from Lord Aberdeen at having to raise the subject of debts again. Ross replied with a long, involved argument as to his reason for non-payment, accusing Kerr of being "discourteous and disingenuous."10 The reply drafted by the Foreign Office was in such strong terms that two notes alongside it read, "Is not this a more direct interference than has been usual?" and, "Yes. But the entire disregard by Sir John Ross to the various letters which have been addressed to him on the subject of his debts appears to call for this direct interference."11 The draft was toned down slightly, but the letter that was sent concluded: "I am to state that His Lordship will expect to receive from you, before the end of this year some satisfactory proof either that the above-mentioned claims have been liquidated, or that your

269 John Ross in Stockholm

creditors have agreed to the terms of settlement which you may propose to them." Ross assured Lord Aberdeen that he would do as he requested.12 That December he applied to exchange posts with the consul at Elsinore, because his wife could not stand the climate in Stockholm. He added that he was as conversant with the Danish language, as he was with Swedish. However, the holder of the Elsinore post did not wish to change.13 In March 1844, Ross, "finding that my private affairs cannot be settled without my presence in England," requested six weeks' leave of absence "after the navigation is opened."14 He left Stockholm on 5 July and returned on 24 August. However, on i November he requested a further four months' leave from i January 1845 because he had been unable to settle his affairs in the absence of certain documents from his son in India. This request was granted but with the proviso that "you will not return to Stockholm or resume the duties of H.M. Consul until you shall have received His Lordship's special Instruction to that effect."15 It seems that this leave was postponed because of Lady Ross's inability to travel in winter, and they arrived in London in April. The following August he informed the Foreign Office that Messrs Stilwell and Sons, his navy agents, had guaranteed the settlement and liquidation of all claims, on condition of his being allowed to resume his duties. Lord Aberdeen agreed and hoped "that he shall not again have to revert to the subject."16 In September he applied to the prime minister, Sir Robert Peel, for the post of naval commissioner of Greenwich Hospital. He recounted his financial troubles but claimed that he had now settled his affairs satisfactorily "by insuring my life, but (at the age of 68) to the sacrifice of the whole of my half-pay and part of my salary."17 But the application was unsuccessful. He did not return to Stockholm, and he realized that he had come to the end of the road, for on 6 January 1846 he requested an audience with Lord Aberdeen, which took place the following day. He presented a memorandum that began: "Having been unable to make any satisfactory arrangement with my creditors, I find myself under the painful necessity of requesting Your Lordship to accept my Resignation as Her Majesty's Consul at Stockholm, but it is at the same time due to my character to make the following brief statement of the circumstances which have obliged me to take this step, which would otherwise leave an unreasonable impression."18 He went on to describe the reasons for his financial difficulties: he had borrowed £2,000 from his son's trustees to finance his Arctic expedition and added £1,000 of his own money; £2,000 of the £5,000 received from the government had gone to pay his debts and £3,000 (he had previously said it was £300) to finance the publication of his

270 Polar Pioneers

book, money that had been lost owing to the bankruptcy of his publisher; he had incurred further debts by the publication of the memoirs of Lord Saumarez; and he had been defrauded of £1,200 by Jacob. In order to extricate himself, he had formed a company for establishing communication by steamship with India, but this was "superseded by the Oriental Company." A banking enterprise (the "Trades Company"), which he had joined with a view to obtaining shareholders for the other company, had failed. As a result of the collapse of these speculations, he had applied for the consulship at Stockholm. He said that neither of the companies had been in debt in 1839. When he returned to London in 1845, his debts had been so diminished, he said, that it seemed certain that he could finally arrange his affairs, but in December, large claims were unexpectedly made against him by the two companies and counsel had advised him that, since the dissolution of his connection with them had not been gazetted, he was liable even for debts incurred for mismanagement after he had left them. He had therefore decided to go into bankruptcy and had "passed through the courts without opposition." Ross appeared before Mr Commissioner Fonblanque on 30 January 1846, and the Times reported: "The bankrupt in this case was described as a banker, his connexion with one of the small joint-stock banks in the metropolis having furnished him with the description; he is, however, more publicly known as one of the enterprising explorers in the Arctic seas."19 His liabilities were estimated at £10,000 and his assets at nearly £600, with an annual income of £300 half pay, £150 wounds pension, and £500 as consul in Sweden. Proof was offered of a claim for £4,200 under his wife's marriage settlement, connected with which there was an alleged breach of trust said to have been committed eleven years earlier; this claim was only admitted "for the present." Debts proved during the day were "upwards of £4,200." No creditor was found willing to accept the office of assignee. In March, Ross appeared for final examination, an assignee having been found in the person of a Mr Gillott. A report of a further examination appeared in the Times of i April. "Being described in his fiat as a banker, and having been connected with a joint-stock bank, the affairs of which establishment were represented as embarrassed, the Court decided that he could not pass without the production of the bank's books, in order to give a proper explanation of his accounts. A summons was granted to enforce the production of the books and the bankrupt's examination was adjourned." At the next meeting, it was reported that attempts to serve summons on the chief officer of the London and Dublin Trades Bank to produce their books had proved unsuccessful.20 The court decided

271 John Ross in Stockholm

that Ross could "pass the accounts" connected with his private estate, while those connected with his joint estate could be left open, subject to further inquiry into the state of the London and Dublin Trades Bank. An application was made on his behalf for leave to take out of pledge at Stockholm the sword presented to him by the king of Sweden and other articles. The commissioner said that this was a matter for the assignees, who, he had no doubt, would treat Sir John liberally. Ross wrote again to Lord Aberdeen saying that he had given as pledge for debts in Sotckholm the sword presented to him by the king of Sweden, gold medals from the geographical societies of France, Sweden, and Denmark, and a box containing the freedom of the city of London.21 He had received no salary since April 1845 and was entirely destitute of money until his half pay and wounds pension came due on 30 June. Could Lord Aberdeen provide £160 to redeem these articles and "enable me to leave Sweden with credit to myself and honour to my country?" The money was granted. The turmoil in his financial affairs did not prevent Ross from proposing a new venture to the Arctic, with the object, first, of measuring an arc of the meridian at Spitsbergen and then of travelling to the North Pole. He submitted his plan to Beaufort on 21 May i846.22 The expedition was to consist of three small vessels: a steamer of about 80 tons and 30 horsepower, a store ship of about 250 tons, and his own yacht Mary, then at Stockholm. The crew would consist of three officers, a surgeon, and twenty men. They would leave England at the end of August for Stockholm and there embark three Swedish sledges, three horses "accustomed to the climate," and "a kind of bread used in that country for their food which is both nutritious and light to carry." They would then proceed to Spitsbergen and haul up the small yacht at its north end; the other two vessels would sail northwards. If land was found, they would winter there; if not, they would return to Spitsbergen. On about 20 April 1847, six men, including two officers, would set out on the three sledges. The ice should be smooth, and Ross had no doubt that they would make thirty or forty miles a day. Beaufort replied that the only temptation to him was the measurement of an arc of the meridian at Spitsbergen; he had discussed the idea with the first sea lord, but could not provide instruments or observers this season. With respect to the journey to the Pole, he would give no opinion. Ross informed Beaufort that he had been promised the necessary instruments by Dr Lee and that he had engaged "the son of the celebrated Professor Schumacher of Altona, a young man of great talent and acquirements, and that therefore there should

272 Polar Pioneers

be no demur on that account." He did not receive a further answer from Beaufort and must have realized that even if he had received encouragement, he could not possibly have organized an expedition at such short notice. So leaving Lady Ross at Balkail, he returned to Stockholm, from where he addressed a letter to Admiral Nordenskiold. "I am to tell you that I have now got all my affairs both in this country and G. Britain settled in a most satisfactory manner, the step I took (and which was my only alternative) was to get rid of an unjust debt of no less than £15,000, and having now paid every just creditor and saved my wife's fortune, I can sit down comfortably for the remainder of my life. I have been indeed promised Greenwich [he had not], but what the extraordinary changes in our country will effect I know not!"23 Ross returned to England, his yacht Mary being towed from Elsinore. Back in London, he was able, on 10 August 1846, to report to Lord Aberdeen that he had now settled all his affairs in Stockholm and that the claims for £1,500 (he had given the figure of £15,000 to Nordenskiold) by the two companies "have been since declared unjust." Ever optimistic, he went on, "Considering the difficulties I had to contend against, and which I have now overcome, did not arise from any misconduct of my own I trust that I do not trespass too much on Your Lordship's friendship, by offering myself as a candidate for a similar or any other appointment it may be in Your Lordship's power to bestow, and which may enable me in my declining years to make a provision for my family and for which I shall be ever grateful."24 There is no record of Lord Aberdeen's reply.

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN

The Franklin Expedition, i845

We must now return to developments in England during the closing years of John Ross's stay in Sweden. The course of British polar exploration had been diverted from the north to the south only temporarily by James Ross's Antarctic expedition. Between 1837 and 1839, Peter Dease and Thomas Simpson of the Hudson's Bay Company travelled by boat along the Canadian and Alaskan coasts and filled in the gaps between Franklin's farthest west and Point Barrow and between Point Turnagain and Back River. It had not yet been ascertained whether there was a passage from Simpson's farthest east into the Gulf of Boothia or whether, as John Ross believed, Boothia was a peninsula connected with the mainland; and it would not be until 1847 that Dr John Rae proved that John Ross was correct. A passage from Barrow Strait to the North American mainland had yet to be found. James Ross stood out as the obvious leader of any further search for a Northwest Passage, and he was first apprised of a possible expedition (while he was still in the Antarctic) in a letter from Sabine dated 10 January 1843, which read: "You need not fear being left in the lurch if you should take an additional year for completing your work. No one will go to the North Pole until you return; but it is all waiting for you and Crozier."1 Sabine followed this up with a letter on 6 March: I had a long conversation with Sir John Barrow [he had been created baronet in 1835] on Saturday about refitting the ships for the North West. He does not anticipate any difficulty with the Admiralty and the public are decidedly more favourable to such undertakings than when you sailed. Your success has done that. However we both agreed that though we could make any preliminary arrangements privately, no public or official step should be taken until your return - and until we should hear from yourself what rest you

274 Polar Pioneers would like to have at home - therefore think of this on your way from Rio. I suppose you will have what may be called the personal, or historical part of your voyage ready for publication on your arrival. In the course of the winter we will arrange, if not all, at least the greater part of, the scientific results, in order for the press and set the press to work on them - therefore I see no reason why on that account you should not be free to do what best pleases you in the following year (1844), if you like to go on while you have officers and men together.2

The letter shows that Sabine (and probably others) had greatly underestimated the strain which the long commission had imposed on James Ross and his men and also the time that it would take to write up the results. When Erebus and Terror arrived home in serviceable condition in September 1843, plans for the new expedition went forward, though it was not until December 1844 that Barrow presented to Lord Haddington, the first lord of the admiralty, a document entitled "Proposal for an attempt to complete the discovery of a North West Passage."3 Ross had by then made it known that he did not wish to command the expedition. He had recently married Anne Coulman and is said to have promised his wife and her family that he would not undertake any more expeditions; moreover, he was exhausted by his Antarctic voyages. Sir John Franklin had returned from Tasmania with a well-justified feeling of grievance. Having suffered, during his term of office, from the disloyalty of important members of his establishment, from offensive comments in the local press, and from lack of support from the government at home, he had at length been recalled with an appalling lack of courtesy. He was working on, and worrying over, a statement of his case which his fellow naval officers, though entirely sympathetic to him, were trying to persuade him to leave unsaid. He was desperately anxious to restore his self-esteem and his reputation in his own profession. When he put in a claim for the command, as the most senior Arctic officer available, he was strongly supported by James Ross, to whom Lady Franklin wrote (in an undated letter): You may be sure I feel your kindness to my husband as much as he does. It is a subject on which I have the most conflicting feelings, but if you who are the only perfectly right person do not go, I should wish Sir J. to have it in his power to go and not to be put aside for his age and inexperience. I do not think he would wish to go unless he felt himself equal to it, but what most weighs upon my mind is that at the present crisis of our affairs & after being treated so unworthily by the Col. Office, I think he will be deeply sensitive if his own department should neglect him and that such an appointment would do more

275 The Franklin Expedition perhaps than anything else to counteract the effect which Lord S's [Lord Stanley, the colonial secretary] injustice & oppression have produced. I dread exceedingly the effect on his mind of being without honourable & immediate employment and it is this which enables me to support the idea of parting with him on a service of difficulty & danger better than I otherwise should - and yet not well.4

When the proposal to mount the expedition was approved, Ross immediately wrote to Beaufort: My dear Sir, I have lately heard confidentially that there is to be another Northern Expedition, & as you were so good as to mention this subject to me some time ago & asked if I had any wish to command it, I should not be acting with due openness & candour to two of my best friends if I delayed any longer giving an unequivocal reply to that question - especially as it is high time the commander of such an enterprize should be engaged making the necessary preparations. If the Expedition is to sail next spring, I have no hesitation in saying (after the most mature reflection) that I have no wish, but on the contrary great & well founded objections, to return so soon to the severe & arduous service to which I have already devoted four and twenty years of my life, with considerable pecuniary sacrifice and without the smallest equivalent advantage, and as Sir John Franklin wishes for the opportunity to complete a work which he so well began, on which he was so long engaged and being so preeminently qualified for the command of such an Expedition, I feel the less reluctance in declining an honor which a few years ago was the highest object of my ambition. I understand also that the ships are to be fitted as steamers, a measure to which I could not consent if the command were placed in my hands & which alone would be sufficient reason for not wishing to undertake the service as it is proposed at present to carry it forward. My dear Sir, Yours very sincerely, Jas. C. Ross5

Sabine was with Beaufort when this letter arrived, and in answer to a message from Beaufort, passed to him by Sabine, Ross wrote again on 23 December: Colonel Sabine has conveyed to me your message, & to prevent any mistake in verbal communications I write to explain that when I said "if the expedition be intended to sail next spring" I meant only to express that I was quite sure I had no wish to conduct it, but I did not mean to imply that I should be a bit

276 Polar Pioneers more wishful to do so if its sailing would be delayed - on the contrary, rather than have it hanging over me so long I would have made every sacrifice to undertake it at once. I trust therefore it will not be delayed - for we know how often delay proves fatal, and in a measure of such importance how desirable to proceed promptly whilst those in power are willing to promote it, and with Franklin as its commander & Crozier or Bird as his second, I should feel no doubt of the success of the undertaking. Experience in the Commander is of far more importance than youth - & next to Sir Edw. Parry, who so fit as one whose robust health and tried perseverance & determination point him out as the proper man.6 On 28 December, Franklin wrote a long letter to his wife from the Athenaeum Club, telling her what had been going on behind the scenes. I met Ross here by appointment this morning and he told me what had passed by letter between Beaufort and himself, and also the grounds for his thinking that some underhand work was in operation. He suspects Back as the cause of it. It appears that Back came to him at Blackheath sent, as he said, by one of his best friends at the Admiralty - whom, however, he did not name nor did Ross care to enquire his name. His mission was to urge Ross to reconsider his intention of declining to command the Expedition, in which he did not succeed. Back then asked whom he would recommend. Franklin, of course, was his reply. At this Back demurred, which caused Ross to ask him his reasons. Back then spoke of my age and of my suffering greatly from cold. Ross at once expressed astonishment at the latter reason for he had never heard that even hinted at before ... A day or two afterwards brought Sabine to Ross from Beaufort on the same errand as Back, and it was remarkable that when Ross to him urged me as fittest person to command the Expedition, Sabine also demurred on the same grounds as Back. Ross, finding that Sabine had come from Beaufort, said well I will not reply to you verbally, but I will write to Beaufort that there may be no misunderstanding on the matter.7 In consequence of these interventions, Parry and Richardson were asked for their opinions. Richardson said that he had never heard of Franklin suffering from the cold and that he was perfectly fit, and Parry told the first lord, "If you don't let him go the man will die of disappointment."8 James Ross also hoped that Crozier would go with Franklin. As a junior captain, Crozier had little prospect of being given a command, and he had elderly sisters to support on his half pay. He was still un-

277 The Franklin Expedition

successfully courting Sophia Cracroft and may have actually proposed to her and been refused. He had gone to the continent in October 1844, contemplating a fairly long stay abroad, but in answer to letters from Ross, he wrote from Italy on 30 December: "I hesitate not a moment to go second to Sir John Franklin, pray tell him so; if too late I cannot help it. Of course I am too late to volunteer to command but, in truth, I sincerely feel I am not equal to the leadership. I would not on any terms go second to any other, Captain Parry or yourself excepted. Act for me, my dear friend, in this as you see fit and I will carry it out in every particular."9 Franklin was pleased, but there were still doubts about the appointments. He wrote to Ross on 9 January 1845, "You may be sure that if I get the appointment I should be glad to have so fine a fellow as Crozier for my second, and I am really flattered, and so you may tell him, at his cordial answer to your suggestion." But Franklin says that there are rumours that the board contemplates putting only a commander in charge of the second ship and that they have in mind two with scientific qualifications and youth on their side. "On this point it must not be shirked that they will be disposed perhaps to put my age and Crozier's together and fancy that it makes a somewhat heavy amount."10 (Franklin was fifty-eight, Crozier forty-eight.) One of the commanders was James Fitzjames, an officer with an excellent reputation and the holder of a Royal Humane Society medal for saving someone from drowning, whom Ross had wanted to take to the Antarctic. He had served mainly in the Middle East and China and had no Arctic experience. He was a friend of John Barrow junior, and Sir John Barrow wanted him to command the expedition, but their lordships considered him too young (his exact age is not known, but he was certainly over thirty). The other commander was probably Edward P. Charlwood, a great friend of Fitzjames. Lord Haddington, the first lord, privately offered the command to Crozier, but he declined.11 Another month elapsed before Franklin wrote to James Ross on 8 February to say that he had been told the previous day that he would have the command,12 and again two days later to say that Crozier's appointment had been approved.13 So Franklin was appointed in command of Erebus, with Fitzjames as his commander, and Crozier in command of Terror. James Ross must be considered in large measure responsible for the appointment of the two senior officers; they were both intimate friends who needed support in their emotional troubles, but he knew their strengths and weaknesses well. One must wonder whether in writing, "with Franklin as its commander, and Crozier or Bird as his second, I should feel no doubt of the success

278 Polar Pioneers of the undertaking," Ross was giving notice, in not too obvious a way, that he had some reservations about Franklin, not on account of his age or health, but because his experience of commanding a ship in the ice was very slight, limited as it was to the Trent, which with the Dorothea twenty-seven years earlier, had been forced to abandon its mission at the first serious encounter with the ice. George Back wrote in his diary, "[Franklin] is to go on Polar Exploration!!! He is fifty-eight years old."14 Admittedly, he and Franklin were not well attuned. (Back was an intelligent, cultured, and courageous man; Franklin and Richardson may have owed their lives to his action in their first expedition. Nevertheless, Franklin did not want to take him on his second expedition, but could not refuse when his intended surveyor, Bushnan, died and Back volunteered; and there is much evidence that a streak of vanity and haughtiness in Back's character made him unpopular with his naval colleagues, even though they respected his many excellent qualities.) But Back may well have had genuine misgivings about the older man's suitability. That he himself had aspirations to the command is very unlikely. Fitzjames was largely responsible for selecting the officers, many of whom had served with him. The only executive officer with previous Arctic experience, other than Franklin and Crozier, was Lieutenant Graham Gore, first lieutenant of Erebus, who had sailed as mate with Back in the Terror. There were two experienced icemasters: James Reid in the Erebus was a whaling captain, and Thomas Blanky in the Terror had served as an able seaman on Lyon's unsuccessful voyage to Repulse Bay in 1824 and Parry's attempt to reach the North Pole in 1827, then as mate with John Ross in 1829-33. Charles Osmer, the purser of Erebus, and Alexander McDonald, the assistant surgeon of Terror, had also been to the Arctic. The plan proposed by Barrow was that the ships should attempt to sail from the neighbourhood of Cape Walker in Barrow Strait on a southerly or southwesterly course to the North American mainland. This would involve crossing an unknown area of some 70,000 square miles, whose known corners were Cape Walker, King William Land, Wollaston Land, and Banks Land, as they were then called. It was thought that this area was comparatively landless, or at least only occupied by small islands, a view based on the fact that explorers of the mainland coast had seen no land and little ice to the northward west of 120° W and on an assumption that Victoria Land, Wollaston Land, and Banks Land (if it existed) were small islands. In his proposal, Barrow declared that the whole course of discovery up to that time had been British and that it would be a national disgrace if either the United States or Russia were to achieve the final goal by making a

279 The Franklin Expedition

passage from the west, that the expense would be much less than that of the Antarctic expedition, that there were important scientific objectives still to be pursued, and finally, "There can be no objection with regard to any apprehension of the loss of ships or men. The two ships that recently were employed among the ice of the Antarctic sea after three voyages returned to England in such good order as to be ready to be made available for employment on the proposed North-West expedition; and with regard to the crews, it is remarkable that neither sickness or death occurred in most of the voyages made into the Arctic regions, North or South."15 Though this last statement was true, experienced Arctic officers must have realized that it had been largely a matter of good luck. In the last four expeditions in quest of a Northwest Passage, Parry's Fury and Ross's Victor]/ had been lost, and Lyon's Griper and Back's Terror had narrowly escaped being sunk with all hands. Nevertheless, it was thought reasonable to assume that two well-found ships in company would be safe from disaster. The first lord asked the opinions of the most senior Arctic officers and of the Royal Society before submitting the plan to Sir Robert Peel. These being favourable, the prime minister approved the undertaking in January, and it was decided to fit out Erebus and Terror for departure in the spring. Franklin, Parry, and James Ross all agreed that the best course to take was between Cape Walker and Banks Land.16 Franklin and Ross both recommended that if this failed, an attempt should be made to the north through Wellington Channel. Barrow, however, strongly disapproved of the idea.17 Fitzjames also expressed his opinion; in a private letter to John Barrow junior dated January 1845, he wrote: It does not appear clear to me what led Parry down Prince Regent's Inlet, after having got as far as Melville Island before. The north-west passage is certainly to be gone through by Barrow's Straits, but whether south or north of Parry's Group remains to be proved. I am for going north, edging N.W. till in longitude 140°, if possible.18

In 1847 John Barrow junior produced this letter with his own annotation: Mem. Captain Fitzjames was much inclined upon trying for the passage to the northward of Parry's Islands, and he would no doubt endeavour to persuade Sir John Franklin to pursue the course mentioned, if they failed to the southward. This should be borne in mind on sending any search expedition next year through Baffin's Bay and Lancaster Sound. J.B.18

280 Polar Pioneers

The instructions finally given to Franklin were to proceed to Cape Walker. "From that point we desire that every effort should be used to endeavour to penetrate to the southward and westward in a course as direct towards Behring's Strait as the position and extent of the ice, or the existence of land, at present unknown, may admit."19 (These instructions, as written, could possibly be interpreted as allowing him to pass to the eastward of Cape Walker; and Parry had written in 1820, "I had always entertained the idea, that there was no part of this sea in which we were more likely to get to the southward, than immediately to the westward of Cape Bunny."20 Franklin's instructions continued: We direct you to this particular part of the Polar Sea as affording the best prospect of accomplishing the passage to the Pacific, in consequence of the unusual magnitude and apparently fixed state of the barrier of ice observed by the Heda and Griper in the year 1820, off Cape Dundas, the south-western extremity of Melville Island; and we, therefore, consider that loss of time would be incurred in renewing the attempt in that direction; but should your progress in the direction before ordered be arrested by ice of a permanent appearance, and that when passing the mouth of the Strait, between Devon and Cornwallis Islands [Wellington Channel], you had observed that it was open and clear of ice; we desire that you will consider, with reference to the time already consumed, as well as to the symptoms of a late or early close to the season, whether that channel might not offer a more practicable outlet from the Archipelago, and a more ready access to the open sea, where there would be neither islands nor banks to arrest and fix the floating masses of ice."

The only note of caution in the reports to Lord Haddington came from James Ross, who said that between Cape Walker and Banks Land, ships would meet an easterly current and "great pressure of ice from the north or west." He added that this was "the only doubtful or uncertain part of the voyage," for once they had reached the east coast of Banks Land (a distance of some three hundred miles), they would probably be able to sail safely to the west of Wollaston Land. It was well known that Parry had encountered an impenetrable mass of heavy ice at Cape Dundas, Melville Island, in 1820, but Ross was apparently the only explorer to state his belief that this ice continued far to the south and east. His grounds for this belief must, it seems, have rested on his experience on the northwest shore of King William Island in 1830. He was the only man who had seen the ice there and also at Cape Dundas in 1820, and he suspected (correctly) that they were parts of the same ice stream. Franklin and Parry (who was now comptroller of steam machinery) both pressed for equipping the ships with auxiliary engines. The

281 The Franklin Expedition

Map 12 Franklin's Proposed Route, 1845

problems of engine, hull, and propeller design at the time have been mentioned on earlier chapters, but no ship perhaps was ever equipped with such a strange installation as Erebus and Terror. For each ship, the Admiralty bought a 3o-horsepower, 15-ton locomotive from the London and Greenwich railway, removed its front wheels, and fitted it athwartships in the hold. A shaft 32 feet long was extended from its driving wheel to the stern, where it was attached to a y-foot propeller. An arrangement designed by the master shipwright at Woolwich Dockyard was fitted to enable the screw to be raised out of the water. The engines were able to propel the ships at only four knots, even in the most favourable conditions, and were intended only to be used in emergency. When plans for the expedition became known, two dissentient voices were raised. John Ross reiterated his well-known view that the ships and their crews were far too big. According to his memoirs, he also warned Franklin that he would get trapped in the ice and asked if he would have a vessel to which to retreat. When Franklin replied that no such arrangement had been made, Ross said that in that case, he should lay depots of food at strategic points and build a house as Ross himself had done at Fury Beach in i§3221 This advice was based on bitter experience, but no notice was taken of it. The government would probably not have approved the expedition if it had been committed to the extra cost of a promised relief ship. The other critic was Dr Richard King. He had been advocating for some time, further exploration by land, but he failed to understand

282 Polar Pioneers

that the prime objective of the expedition now proposed was to send a ship through the Northwest Passage before any other nation could do so. His book on Back's expedition had not made him popular with the naval establishment, and he possessed no tact whatever. On 21 December 1844, he wrote to Barrow arguing that the results of three polar land journeys had far exceeded those of ten polar sea expeditions. "Had you advocated in favour of the Polar Land Journeys with a tithe of the zeal you have the Polar Sea Expeditions," he wrote, "the North West Passage would have long ceased to be a problem, and instead of a Baronetcy, you would deserve a Peerage, for the country would have been saved at least two hundred thousand pounds."22 In a further letter on 31 January 1845, King proposed his plan for exploring the north coast of North America and adjacent islands, travelling there by the Great Fish (Back) River and the Coppermine River from a base at Lake Athabasca. He would later comment, "Sir John Barrow hated me at once and for ever for thus having pointed out the manifest incompleteness of his Polar schemes ... I told Sir John Barrow publicly at the time Franklin sailed that he was sending him to form the nucleus of an iceberg."23 The ships sailed from the Thames on 19 May 1845 in an atmosphere bordering on euphoria. In a letter to his wife from Stromness dated 7 June, Franklin wrote of James Ross: What a kind note he has sent me ... His conduct towards me has been kind throughout as regards this expedition, and he has acted as a man ought to do who is convinced that I should have spurned taking the least advantage of him by proposing my services had he the greater desire to have gone. I was aware, for he told me, that the suggestion was made to him that if he would go the next year the expedition might be postponed for that time, and also that a baronetcy and a good service pension were spoken of as an inducement for him; but I suspected then, and believe now, that each of these propositions was suggested to him by and Sabine and Back, no doubt] as considerations and rewards which would follow his acceptance of the command, and that they had received no express authority to make them as promises to be fulfilled. However, he richly deserves these honours for his past services.24

And later in the letter: I am flattered by S's [Sabine's] reasons for his supposing me so well fitted for the command of the expedition; even in some respects, you tell me, better than Ross. I think perhaps that I have the tact of keeping the officers and men

283 The Franklin Expedition happily together in a greater degree than Ross, and for this reason: he is evidently ambitious and wishes to do everything himself. I possess not that feeling, but consider that the commander of any service, having established his character before, maintains it most by directing the exertions of his officers and studiously encouraging them to work under the assurance that their merit will be duly brought forward and appreciated. S's remark is a just one, that my officers are from a different class of society and better informed men than on any former expedition. So says Parry; and certainly, if we call to mind those others who were with Ross, there was scarcely one with the exception of Hooker above the ordinary run of the service. Sir Clements Markham, who knew many of Ross's Antarctic officers in later years, wrote that Franklin was "a most kind hearted old gentleman, but not a judge of character" and that "a whole body of zealous, hardworking men ought not to be depreciated on such slight grounds."25 Early in July they called at the Whalefish Islands, where they topped up with stores from a transport. This ship brought letters back to England from Fitzjames describing the passage and providing lively and entertaining sketches of the personalities of his fellow officers, which could only confirm the impression that the expedition was sure to succeed.26 Letters in more serious vein came to James Ross from Franklin and Crozier. Franklin wrote that he thought they would find the space between Banks Land and Wollaston Land occupied by either continuous land or a chain of islands, more probably the latter. From his view of Parry's chart, Wellington Channel does not appear to be a more promising channel than others you saw. However, if baffled to the south of Banks Land, it is the next place I shall try. I cannot however yet see the reason upon which those ground their arguments who contend for the water being more open to the North of Melville Island than to the South - nor can I subscribe to the opinion of those who maintain that there must be open water however far north if there be not land. This is not the case between Spitzbergen and Greenland, nor between Nova Zembla and Spitzbergen, and I firmly believe the vicinity of land to be almost necessary, if not entirely so, to cause the breaking up of the ice ... I feel persuaded that you will continue to show the same steady friendship for my wife and child as you have done. Pray give them every good hope and comfort during my absence and especially as the time draws near which they may have fixed upon in their minds for our return and yet we don't appear. It is then your experience will be invaluable to them for you can assure them that there may be many good reasons for our delay - quite apart from all apprehension for our safety.27

284 Polar Pioneers Franklin writes that they are embarking "full three years supplies of everything." In what would prove to be his last letter to his wife, Franklin spoke of Crozier in the following terms: "entre nous I do not think that he has had his former flow of spirits since we sailed - nor that he has been quite well. He seemed more cheerful and better to-day, and has always been kind and attentive. I endeavour to encourage in him a close intimacy with me, which I think will soon come on. He has never mentioned Sophy - nor made the slightest allusion to her - and I sometimes question myself whether or not it would be agreeable or proper for me to speak of her to him."28 Crozier's frame of mind is made very apparent in his own letter to James Ross. Passages on scientific observations are of no great interest, but the paragraph about the engines makes James Ross's distrust of steam machinery as then developed readily understandable. The rest of the letter speaks for itself. My dear James, I cannot allow Transport to leave without writing you a line altho' I have little to say and our many detentions keep me in anything but a fit mood for letter writing. We got here on the morning of the fourth and have been busily employed ever since clearing and stowing away from Transport. Tis very tedious work from the small space we have to stow things. We have now a mean draft of 16 feet and all our provisions not yet on board. I send home our largest cutter (and fill launch with patent fuel), 2 anchors and cables, Iron Waist davits and various things of weight as I think it better to have the provisions, come what may afterwards. How I do miss you. I cannot bear going on board Erebus. Sir John is very kind and would have me dining there every day if I would go. He has Fitzjames and 2 officers every day. All things are going on well and quietly but we are, I fear, sadly late. From what we can learn, the winter here has been very severe with much easterly wind; there was, however, an early breakup of the ice and the last accounts of whalers is that fish were plenty and ships as high as the Woman Isles (73°). What I fear is that, from our being so late, we shall have no time to look round and judge for ourselves, but blunder into the ice and make a second 1824 of it. James, I wish you were here, I would then have no doubt as to our pursuing the proper course. I must have done with this croaking. I am not growling, mind. Indeed I never was less disposed to do so. I am, I assure you, beginning to be a bit of a philosopher and hope before the season is over to have so tutored myself that I will fret for nothing ... Why should I have gone so far and not said a word about dear "Thot" [Crozier's nickname for Annel who, from my heart, I do hope has benefited by change of air and getting away from comfortless Blackheath. I would have liked to have seen your place that I might picture

285 The Franklin Expedition to myself your little employments. With God's blessing, my Lady, I will not fail on my return to soon find my way down to see you to be condoled with peradventure, if, on the other hand, to rejoice with you, at all events one thing is certain, meet when we may it will be to me a source of heartfelt pleasure. I hope the little son is going on well, the mild weather of the interior must be to him, beneficial. That Bleakheath [sic] was a scorching place ... All goes on smoothly but, James dear, I am sadly alone, not a soul have I in either ship that I can go and talk to. "No congenial spirit as it were." I am generally busy but it is after all a very hermitlike life. Except to kick up a row with the helmsman or abuse Jobson at times I would scarcely ever hear the sound of my voice. The Transport is nearly clear and my Sugar and tea have not made their appearance. The Sugar is a great loss to me but the Tea I care not for. I cannot at all events say much for Fortnum and Mason's punctuality. They directed my things to Captain Fitzjames Terror, but by some strange accident they discovered my name sufficiently accurate to send me the bill and I was fool enough to pay it from their declaring that the things were absolutely delivered on board. Growling again. No ... "Thot" I will not forget about the sketch, from what I have seen we appear to have a number who draw prettily particularly in Erebus. I will take care it shall not be a steam view - how I do wish the Engine was again on the Dover & the Engineer sitting on top of it; he is a dead and alive wretch full of difficulties and is now quite dissatisfied because he has not the leading stoker to assist him in doing nothing ... Well my dear friends I know not what else I can say to you -1 feel I am not in spirits for writing but in truth I am sadly lonely & when I look back to the last voyage I can see the cause and therefore no prospect of having a more joyous feeling. The bustle of the season will however be life to me and come what may I will endeavour to sit down at the end of it content. I find by the instructions that Fitzjames is appointed to superintend the Mag. observations. I will therefore take just so much bother as may amuse, without considering myself as one of the Staff. God bless you both not forgetting the Son and believe me ever most sincerely F.R.M. Crozier2?

James Ross must have had mixed feelings as his two great friends sailed into the unknown. A son had been borne to Anne Ross at Whitgift Hall on 15 September 1844 and was named James Coulman. The following year, the family moved to Aston Abbotts, near Aylesbury, and on 26 July 1846 a daughter Anne was born, also at Whitgift Hall.

CHAPTER

EIGHTEEN

Sir John Barrow Retires; No News of Franklin, 1846-48

Sir John Barrow retired in 1845 at the age of eighty, having been secretary of the Admiralty for over forty years. He asked and obtained two favours: a knighthood for Dr John Richardson and promotion for Commander James Fitzjames. At the time of John Ross's first voyage, Barrow had written A Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic Regions. He now brought this up to date with Voyages of Discovery and Research within the Arctic Regions from the Year 1818 to the Present Time, described as having been "abridged and arranged from the official narratives, with occasional remarks." He used this volume as a vehicle for renewing his vendetta against John Ross. Ross's first voyage is condemned in much the same terms as Barrow had used in his review of Ross's narrative twenty-seven years earlier, with some additional criticism and in no less intemperate language. Ross had, at one point, referred to Lancaster Sound as "this dangerous inlet." Barrow now wrote: Since the period of this dangerous inlet being navigated by Parry, not less than four times, it has been visited annually by whalers, without danger, and without molestation by the ice. Nay, Ross himself had the courage - can it be called "moral courage?" - to revisit, some years afterward, this horrible spot in a miserable kind of ship, fitted out at the expense of a private individual for some purpose or other, which ship, however, he left frozen up at the bottom of Regent's Inlet and, with great fatigue and difficulty, succeeded in getting back to Lancaster Sound, and had the good luck to be picked up, in this "dangerous inlet" by a whaler.1

Barrow's conclusion to this chapter read: "His promotion to that rank on his return was easily acquired, being obtained by a few months' voyage of pleasure round the shores of Davis's Strait and Baffin's Bay,

287 No News of Franklin which had been performed centuries ago, and somewhat better, in little ships of thirty to fifty tons. It is a voyage which any two of the Yacht Club would easily accomplish in five months, and during that time might run far enough up Sir Thomas Smith's Sound to ascertain the insularity, or otherwise, of Old Greenland."2 The final chapter of the book is headed "Miscellaneous" and quotes the titles of Ross's narrative of his second voyage, and of Simpson's narrative of his voyages between 1836 and 1839. By Barrow's own definition, there should follow a description "abridged and arranged from the original narratives, with occasional remarks," but no: Having put on record the title of the narrative of this second voyage, together with the multifarious personal distinctions etc., any further notice of the "Narrative" of Captain John Ross (as he is simply described in the Report of the Select Committee) will be dispensed with, mainly for the reason that the "second voyage" was a private speculation, not authorized by any branch of the government, and that the report of a committee of the House of Commons preceded its publication; it may therefore be supposed to contain the substance of the most material points in the "Narrative," and on that account the only notice of it will be confined to the proceedings of this committee.3 Needless to say, Barrow selected for comment only those items in the proceedings of the committee which could be interpreted as unfavourable to Ross, and he finished with a reprint of Ross's entry in Dodd's Peerage, Baronetage and Knightage, which is, admittedly, long and rather fulsome but nevertheless correct: "Franklin, Parry, James Ross, and Richardson, be contented with your simple knighthood, assured that you have no occasion to covet any of the numerous honours and et ceteras carefully registered in Mr. Dodd's list, and knowing that your merits are enrolled elsewhere."4 The voyages of Simpson and Dease are dealt with very briefly, but the conclusions that Barrow draws from them are important, as the following excerpts will show: Their account of the whole line of the Polar Sea coast of North America, from Icy Cape to the Gulf of Akkoolee is well worth perusing... The annexed small chart contains the combined discoveries of Ross, Simpson, and Back on that portion of the North Coast of America opposite to, but divided from, the southern part of the Island of Boothia (itself a portion only of North Somerset) ... It will be seen by the chart that Sir James Ross thinks it not improbable, since the discovery of the land seen by Simpson, and marked on the chart "Captain James Ross's Point," that the vacant dotted space between Point Scott

288 Polar Pioneers

Map 13 Barrow's Map (from his Voyages of Discovery and Research within the Arctic Regions, 1846)

and Cleft Mountain may be land, as he has marked it; and also that the space between Cape Smyth and Point Scott may be a wide channel opening into the lower part of Prince Regent's Inlet: should this be so, it will form the continuation of his own strait, through which not only a single ship and boats, but whole fleets, may pass.5

There is no evidence elsewhere that James Ross thought a channel existed from his strait into Prince Regent Inlet, though he may have agreed with Barrow that this was a possibility. It can, however, be taken as certain that he did not believe there was a channel through which "whole fleets might pass"; he had seen enough of the ice conditions in the lower part of Prince Regent Inlet in 1830 and 1831 to know that this was wholly impossible. Barrow's conclusion to his book reads: "The object of this miscellaneous chapter, with the small chart, is to point out distinctly, and to correct, the erroneous impression which the Report of a Select Committee of the House of Commons is calculated to convey, founded on the most absurd nonsense, given in evidence before the committee, especially that part of it from which a conclusion is drawn that a passage does not exist between the bottom of Prince Regent's Inlet and the Polar Sea, which has since been proved to be wholly incorrect."6

289 No News of Franklin Map 14 Rae Crosses Melville Peninsula, 1846-47

This was what Barrow wished to believe, not only to contradict John Ross, but to support his own theory of an unobstructed passage along the coast, but it was soon to be proved that it was he who was wholly incorrect. In April 1847, Dr John Rae of the Hudson's Bay Company, travelling light up the coast of what are now called Committee and Pelly bays, reached a point which he recognized as having been reached from the opposite direction by James Ross in his journey round Lord Mayor Bay in 1830. On his return from this expedition, Rae wrote, "I found that Back, Dease and Simpson [and he might have added Sir John Barrow] were incorrect in their surmise and that the veteran Sir J. Ross was right. Boothia Felix is a portion of the American Continent, this I am certain of."7 Barrow was still alive when Rae made this discovery (he died in November 1848), but there is no record of his reaction to the news - if, indeed, he knew of, and understood, it. The Quarterly Review was the only periodical that printed more than a brief notice of Barrow's book, and the reviewer showed himself to be as biased and mistaken as Barrow himself. With one solitary exception, the officers and men concerned in these successive expeditions will feel grateful to the venerable Baronet... It must, how-

290 Polar Pioneers ever, be remembered that Sir John Barrow, with respect to Sir John Ross, is in the situation, not of a rival or a comrade, but of a parent who has witnessed two attempts at the murder of a favourite child: once like Hercules in the cradle, and afterwards when it had attained vigorous adolescence ... Sir J. Barrow has had ample revenge. Where, according to Sir J. Ross, "the broad ocean leans against the land" of Boothia Felix, Messrs. Deane and Simpson have navigated a continuous sea - without leaping the imagined isthmus.8

One's sense of the injustice done to John Ross is increased when one reads Barrow's autobiography, published in 1847. Following a statement that his object in writing the book was "to set forth their [the Arctic explorers'] excellent characters and conduct," he states: "I am inclined to believe that a consideration of the great benefit to be derived from the knowledge of such examples being extended to the Navy at large, may have induced the Board of Admiralty, as I understand it has done, to order the publisher to prepare 300 copies of the work in question, to be added to the officers' and seamen's libraries in ships of war."9 Thus were Barrow's prejudices given a measure of approval at the highest level and spread throughout the service. It could hardly be expected that Ross would let Barrow's latest attack in his Voyages of Discovery go unanswered, and he wrote to the Nautical Magazine to say that he was intending to publish a reply. On 24 February 1846, he wrote to Robert Blackwood asking if he would publish his pamphlet: "I suppose it will not exceed 100 pages and all I want is fifty copies to distribute among my friends. I may add that I am rejoiced that my old enemy who has annoyed me anonymously for this 28 years has at last put his name to the unjustifiable abuse with which the first and last chapters are replete, and I am confident that it is now in my power to silence him and his adherents for ever."10 The pamphlet appeared as Observations on a Work, Entitled, "Voyages of Discovery and Research within the Arctic Regions," by Sir John Barrow, Bart. Aetat. 82, Being a Refutation of the Numerous Misrepresentations Contained in That Volume. John Ross started well by printing on the title-page the quotation "Oh! that mine enemy would write a book." He attempted to justify all his actions, not, it must be admitted, always convincingly, and he repeated his view, expressed to Sabine in 1819, that a proper judgment on the professional conduct of a naval officer could and should only be made by his brother officers. But he also got in some shrewd personal blows at Barrow: The spirit in which everything relating to myself is written is so transparent, the personal animosity which breaks out in every page so obvious, and the gross unfairness of the narrative so palpable, that I might fairly consider my-

291 No News of Franklin self relieved from the necessity of giving importance to the work by any formal reply: still it deserves and shall obtain notice; for however identical it may be in spirit with many similar anonymous productions, the authorship is for once avowed.11

Referring to his first voyage, Ross wrote: Let no one, however, suppose that the chiefs of the department of which the author of this work was Second Secretary, ever participated in the views and opinions he has expressed respecting my conduct. From the Lords of the Admiralty I have received continual evidence of professional approbation and unqualified personal esteem; and no wonder, for they have generally been men who could appreciate my services, and they have always been GENTLEMEN.

(31)

And finally: It appears from the title-page of his work, upon which his age is so ostentatiously announced, that Sir John Barrow has been permitted to exert his powers, whether for good or evil, for a longer period of time than is usually accorded to man. At his age we generally expect to find the passions and animosities of former life allayed ... but his language is so imbued with bitterness, the spirit he manifests is so alien to everything like kindness and generosity, and his attacks are so gratuitous and unprovoked, that he himself sets aside the considerations which under other circumstances would have imposed silence upon me. (60)

This was the last round in the long contest between John Ross and John Barrow. Ross did not, however, confine his criticism to Barrow, but used his publication to mount a bitter attack on his nephew: Since that day [of the parliamentary hearing] my enemies received their warmest ally: in private and in public, in every club and in every society - the Royal, the Astronomical, the Geographical - did I hear of efforts to depreciate my talents, my acquirements and my services; but I have borne all in silence because I knew the quarter from which these efforts emanated, and grief subdued my indigation. Now, however, silence becomes impossible. To all the calumnies in Sir John Barrow's works, Sir James Clark Ross has affixed his signature; his endorsement is inscribed on it, not only in the spirit evinced, but is paraded in unblenching type upon the chart appended to the volume, and which purports to be "from Commander Ross" ... Let him remember that there is a limit to forbearance, and that if he is unconscious of what is due to the man who protected and educated him, who introduced him to his profes-

292 Polar Pioneers sion, by whose exertions every step of his promotion was obtained, and by whose means he was not only elevated from professional obscurity, but saved from merited disgrace, that the public will ultimately estimate such conduct as it deserves ... The charts appended to Sir John Barrow's volume, and upon which the name of Commander James Ross so prominently figures, are hydrographical curiosities, and nothing more ... They represent the arctic regions as Sir John Barrow thinks they ought to be, or as Commander Ross, anxious to second Sir John Barrow in all his views, thinks they may be, but have no kind of authority derived from actual observation. (51)

John Ross's thoughts now turned to Franklin. It will be remembered that he was in London on leave from April 1845, and, according to his account, he had several conversations with Franklin about being frozen in and urged him to leave depots of provisions and, if possible, a boat or two, actions that had saved the lives of his crew in 1833. Two days before Erebus sailed, he said to him, " 'Has anyone volunteered to follow you?' He replied 'No one.' 'Has not my nephew volunteered?' 'No, he has promised his wife's relations that he will not go to sea any more - Back is unwell, and Parry has a good appointment.' 'Then/ I said, 'I shall volunteer to look for you if you are not heard of in February 1847; but pray put a notice in the cairn where you winter, if you do proceed, which of the routes you take'." John Ross also wrote that "when I took final leave of him, we shook hands and his last words were - 'Ross, you are the only one who has volunteered to look for me - God bless you'."12 This was Ross's story; we have only his word for it. In the autumn of 1846, captains of seniority prior to 1825 were offered voluntary retirement with an increase in pay from fourteen shillings and six pence to twenty shillings a day and, in a year or more, the rank of rear admiral. Ross was within sixty places of the top of the captains' list and only seven senior to him were employed, but he was determined that retirement should not prevent his intended rescue mission. On 28 September 1846, he wrote to the Admiralty: "Having promised to Sir John Franklin that, in the event of the expedition under his command being frozen in (as the one I directed was for four years), I would volunteer, in the year 1847, to proceed to certain positions we had agreed upon in search of him and his brave companions, I am to request you will be pleased to inform me if their Lordships would consider my accepting the retirement a bar to my being appointed to command any ship or vessel that may be ordered on that service."13 The Admiralty replied that "although your gallant and humane intentions are fully appreciated by their Lordships, yet no such service

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is at present contemplated by my Lords, and they have not, therefore, taken into consideration the appointment of an officer to conduct it." John Ross commented, "This reply ... was evasive, and doubtless in order to induce me to accept the retirement and thereby throw me on the shelf."14 He therefore refused retirement. He was silent for a few months and then wrote to the Admiralty on 27 January and again on 9 February. In the first letter, he said that obviously Franklin could not have succeeded in passing Bering Strait, but that "the probability is that his ships have been carried by drift ice into a position from which they cannot be extricated."15 In the second, he pointed out the impossibility of Sir John Franklin and his crew being able to reach the nearest place a whaling ship could be found, from the position in which the expedition must be frozen up, consequent on the known intentions of Sir John Franklin, namely, to put his ships into the drift ice at the western end of Cornwallis or Melville Island ... and, if not totally lost, must have been carried by the ice that is known to drift to the southward, on land seen at a great distance in that direction, and from which the accumulation of ice behind them will, as in my own case, for ever prevent the return of the ships; consequently they must be abandoned either on the ist of May next, in order to reach Melville Island before the snow melts at the end of June, and where they must remain until the ist of August, and at which place I had selected to leave a depot of provisions absolutely necessary for their sustenance; or if they defer their journey until the ist of May 1848, it will be still more necessary that provisions, fuel etc. should be deposited there after I had secured my vessel in a harbour on the south side of Barrow's Strait, and in such a position as would enable them to reach her when the sea was sufficiently open for boats, which I would leave at the depot in "Winter Harbour" while in the meantime I would survey the west coast of Boothia, and in all probability decide the question of a North-West Passage.

Ross concluded by protesting against a proposal to offer rewards to whalers as "utterly inefficient... for as one of the officers of Parry's expedition [James Ross] was then of the opinion that what Sir John Franklin intended to do was imprudent, and who from experience knew with what extreme difficulty we travelled 300 miles over much smoother ice after we abandoned our vessel, and must be certain that Franklin and his men, 138 in number, could not possibly travel 600 miles, while we had in prospect the Fury's stores to sustain us after our arrival, besides boats."16 He delivered the second letter to the secretary of the Admiralty in person, together with a chart showing where he thought the expedition would be found near Cornwallis Island, "never doubting," he

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later wrote, "that as I was the only volunteer, my services would be readily accepted." The secretary took the letter to the board, which was in session, and shortly returned with the verbal message that their lordships had "already consulted and taken the opinions of Sir John Barrow, Sir Edward Parry, Sir James C. Ross, Colonel Sabine, Doctor Richardson and others, who were unanimously of the opinion that it was quite unnecessary to send out an expedition of relief in that year."17 John Ross immediately approached Sir Charles Adam, the first sea lord, in person and by letter but received the rather surprising reply, "I have only to inform you that, since the expedition under the command of Sir John Franklin was undertaken at the instance of the Royal Society, that body should make the application to the Admiralty."18 So Ross then twice approached the Marquis of Northampton, president of the Royal Society. His reaction was "You will go and get frozen in like Franklin, and we shall have to send after you and then perhaps for them that went to look for you." When Ross replied, "Surely your Lordship cannot mean that no search shall be made for Franklin and his brave companions," the marquis told him that a new council was about to be elected and meanwhile no decision could be made.19 During these interviews, Ross proposed his search for Franklin and his attempt to reach the North Pole as alternatives, the latter course to be taken if news of Franklin had been received by i July 1847. In either case, he said, early action was required to get "Lapland Clothing," "which can only be procured during the winter through Consul General Crewe at Christiania in Norway,"20 and "secondly, the steam machinery for the vessel I have selected and the alterations for fitting her out will take a considerable time." He tried to see Lady Franklin. "But she, too, had been cajoled! 'Sir John Ross/ she was informed, 'is the only one who says Sir John Franklin cannot succeed - and at any rate, he can easily get to the whalers - Sir John Ross's plans are all absurd.'"21 The Admiralty referred extracts from Ross's letters to Parry with the request that he state the substance of any communication which Franklin might have made to him with regard to depots, there being no such record at the Admiralty. They agreed that if nothing had been heard of Franklin by the end of the year, active steps must be taken, and they asked Parry to consult with Sir James Ross, Sir John Richardson, and Colonel Sabine and advise what should be done.22 Each of these officers replied separately.23 They were all in general agreement, and the letter of Sir James Ross merits quotation since it was he who best knew both Franklin and Crozier, and also his uncle John.

295 No News of Franklin I do not think there is the smallest reason of apprehension or anxiety for the safety or success of the expedition under the command of Sir John Franklin; no one... would have expected that they would have been able to get through Behring's Strait without spending at least two winters in those regions, except under unusually favourable circumstances - which all accounts from the whalers concur in proving they have not experienced, and I am quite sure neither Sir John Franklin nor Captain Crozier expected to do so. Their last letters to me ... inform me that they had taken on board provisions for three years on full allowance, which they could extend to four without any serious inconvenience, so that we may feel assured they cannot want from that cause until after the middle of July 1849; it therefore does not appear to me desirable to send after them until the spring of next year. With reference to ... depots of provisions ..., I can very confidently assert that no expectation of the kind was seriously entertained by him; Captain Crozier was staying with me at Blackheath nearly all the time the expedition was fitting out, and with Sir John Franklin I was in almost daily and unreserved communication respecting the details of the equipment and future proceedings of the expedition, and neither of them made the least allusion to any such arrangements or expectations beyond mentioning, as an absurdity, what Sir John Ross had proposed to Sir John Franklin ... If no account of the expedition should arrive before the end of this year, it would be proper to send to their assistance. Two such ships as the Erebus and Terror ... should be fitted out in exactly the same manner as they were for the Antarctic Seas. They should sail early in May 1848, and follow the route that Sir John Franklin was directed to pursue, or that might appear to the commander more likely for him to take, after passing beyond the limits of our knowledge of those regions ... In the present year the Hudson's Bay Company should be required to send out instructions for a supply of provisions to be kept in readiness at the more northern stations, and direct such other arrangements to be made as might appear to them likely to facilitate Sir John Franklin and his people's homeward journey ... as they would assuredly endeavour to make their way to the Hudson's Bay Company's settlements, if their ships should be so injured as to prevent their proceeding on their voyage, or so entangled in the ice as to preclude every hope of escape in any part of the Polar Seas westward of the extreme point of Melville Island, as the shortest and safest route they could pursue.

On 28 April 1847, Captain Beechey submitted a plan of relief which contained a novel suggestion of what Franklin might do if unable to extricate his ships from the ice. He proposed that two ships should be sent out that year (1847), one to Cape Walker and the other to watch the various bays and passages in Barrow Strait. They should winter in Port Bo wen or similar port. "In the spring of 1848 a party ... should explore the coast down to Hecla and Fury Strait, and endeavour to

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communicate with the party despatched by the Hudson's Bay Company in that direction" (Rae's 1846-47 expedition). And here is the novelty: "It would render the plan complete if a boat could be despatched down Back's river to range the coast to the eastward of its mouth, to meet the above-mentioned party; and thus ... complete the geography of that part of the American coast," and it would at the same time complete the line of information as to the extensive measures of relief which their Lordships have set on foot ... This part of the plan has suggested itself to me from a conversation I had with Sir John Franklin as to his first effort being made to the westward and south-westward of Cape Walker. It is possible that, after passing the Cape, he may have been successful in getting down upon Victoria Land, and have passed his first winter (1845) thereabout, and that he may have spent his second winter at a still more advanced station, and even endured a third, without either a prospect of success, or of an extrication of his vessels ... If in this condition,... Sir John Franklin should resolve upon taking to his boats, he would prefer attempting a boat navigation through Sir James Ross's Strait, and up Regent's Inlet [Beechey is here assuming that Boothia is an island], to a long land journey across the continent to the Hudson's Bay Settlements, to which the greater part of his crew would be wholly unequal ... the season of 1848 would be passed in watching the Strait on both sides.24

This plan was referred to Sir John Richardson, who replied that such a party "could scarcely with the utmost exertion be organised to start this summer ... Moreover, there is no Company's post on the line of Back's river nearer than the junction of Slave River with Great Slave Lake; and I do not think that under any circumstances Sir John Franklin would attempt that route."25 Meanwhile, a plan had been evolving for a search on three fronts, and James Ross had decided to offer to lead one of them. A note in his diary dated 3 August 1847 records letters from Captain Bird and Dr Robertson, who "will go with me." On 10 September, Lady Franklin wrote to Ross: You have acted as I almost expected you would do (is this speaking too presumptuously?) & have, as you may imagine, given me great comfort by your noble self-devotion. Should it be you to rescue them from peril or death, you will have your reward and in the event of the expedition returning this autumn without having done what was expected from it, will you not still take the command for a new one for which the preparations will be already advanced & profiting by the first experience they will have brought home, make

297 No News of Franklin another great & last effort in the cause ... It is very generous of Government to be at the expense of these 2 simultaneous expeditions. I think it is very likely because it is you that have offered, they agree to undertake it. I wish they (the absent ones) could know how well they are looked after & cared for. Richardson one way & Ross another! ... I am not able to express all I think & feel on this subject. With so happy a home, the sacrifice you contemplate in the service of your friends & your country is great indeed, so great that I think nothing less than your wife's heroic & generous acquiescence would have satisfied you in making it.26

James Ross's willingness to serve was, however, known to only a few people until 8 November, when he volunteered in writing to the first lord, Lord Auckland,27 to command any expedition sent to the relief of Franklin. Lady Franklin seems to have thought that the Admiralty were demurring, for she wrote to Ross on 10 November: "Oh do not scruple to urge it on Lord Auckland - you can do it so well, because he & everybody knows that you resisted every inducement which the love of glory, & of increased fame & honor could hold out to you, & that your present self-sacrifice is free from every possible self-aggrandising motive even of the most reasonable character."28 But their lordships soon replied, "It is the intention of the Board to appoint you to the command of an expedition, to be shortly fitted for Baffin's Bay." On 2 December, Ross submitted his "outline of a plan for affording relief to the Franklin Expedition by way of Lancaster Sound."29 (This attempt is the subject of the next chapter.) Writing some years later, John Ross said that he was sent for by Lord Auckland, who informed him that he had received a letter from Lady Franklin requesting him to appoint James Ross "to command the expedition instead of me!" In John Ross's view, "Besides the known opposition he always made to any plan of mine, it could not but be evident to me that the north-west passage was his main object, and especially to prevent me from obtaining it, he had got the permission of the family to 'stand in my shoes.'" He therefore replied to Lord Auckland, "My Lord, Sir James Ross can have no intention of searching for Sir John Franklin; he knows better than to trust himself in such ships to follow the track of Franklin. His object is the northwest passage, by surveying the coasts of North Somerset and Boothia." To which, according to John Ross, Lord Auckland answered that he would make sure James Ross was instructed to keep to the north and Bird to the south side of Barrow Strait.30 Sir John Richardson, who was to command a land expedition by way of the Mackenzie River, submitted his final plan on 18 February

298 Polar Pioneers 1848.31 He hoped to search the coast eastwards to the Coppermine River and the shores of Wollaston Land during the summer of 1848, and during the following summer, to "examine the passages between Wollaston and Banks and Victoria Lands, so as to cross the routes of some of Sir James C. Ross's detached parties." Ross and Richardson had already co-ordinated plans to lay depots. On i January 1848, HMS Plover (the third prong in the search) sailed for Bering Strait, to be joined there by HMS Herald, with orders to search the coast by boat as far as the Mackenzie River during the coming summers. The captain of the Plover was Commander T.E.L. Moore, who had served as mate in the Terror during James Ross's Antarctic expedition and had commanded the Pagoda on a voyage to the Antarctic in 1845. Moore carried letters to Crozier from James and Anne Ross. James wrote: My Dear Frank, Altho' I can entertain only very feeble hope of this reaching you I cannot let the Plover leave England without conveying a few lines from your old friend and messmate in the assurance of that continued regard and friendship which has been the source of so much happiness to us both. The Plover will convey letters also from your family and Moore will afford you any information relative to public affairs, so that I can have little to say beyond that which relates to myself. We are settled very quietly in the country and it will be a great happiness to us to see you again at our fireside. If we don't hear of you having passed the Behring Strait & being on your way home before the end of the month, the Admiralty have determined to send two ships after you by Lancaster Sound and the command of the Expedition is to be in my hands & with Old Bird as my second I feel satisfied we shall not be found wanting, altho' I most sincerely trust there will be no occasion for our services. By the time this reaches you (if at all) we shall be at the East end of the Passage pushing our researches in all directions under the apprehension that some calamity may have befallen one of the ships or that they may both be enclosed in some harbour from which they cannot be extricated. The Admiralty have behaved throughout with admirable liberality and judgement & I am sure will leave nothing undone that ought to be done. If we do not meet on our former ground of exertion how happy will be our meeting when we return to Old England, which I confidently hope may be the case before the end of the present year. Anne is writing a note to accompany this and with the assurance of our united warm regards believe me to remain your attached friend & old messmate. Jas. C. Ross32

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Anne's note read: My dear Captain Crozier, Although I hear from my husband that he considers that there is but small probability of your falling in with the Plover, yet I will not lose the bare possibility of sending you all the kind wishes of this New Year and the assurance that "Frank and Franklin" are always specially mentioned along with "all our friends." We are still looking for your happy and triumphant return this month, arguing your success from your prolonged absence, and amidst all the congratulations of the country and of friends you will receive ours most warmly & sincerely, and how delighted shall we be to see you. Should such results not crown your arduous efforts then it will be a satisfaction to think that the government has not been dilatory on this occasion in arranging a very complete system of communications with you, for in addition to the Plover & Sir John Richardson's expeditions, in the event of your further delayed return, your faithful friend, whom I may truly rejoice to call my dearest James, is prepared to take command of a third by way of Baffin's Bay, and both our hearts are ardent in the cause. I will not however lengthen this note as we may perhaps shake hands in the place of your receiving it, and with a prayer of God's blessing upon you & your enterprise & my kind love, I am, My dear Frank, yours most truly Anne Ross33

These letters were, of course, never delivered and would eventually be returned to James Ross. The plans would, if they had worked perfectly, have covered the whole of Franklin's prescribed route to the Pacific, but there was one man they did not satisfy: Richard King. Beechey had suggested sending a small party down the Great Fish (Back) River as part of a comprehensive search plan; King regarded this river as the key to reaching the position where Franklin would be found. He had written to Lord Grey, the colonial secretary, (at enormous length) in June, November, and December i84734 stating his opinion that Franklin's ships had been wrecked to the west of Cape Walker (thus echoing James Ross's fears) and that the crews would have retreated to the west coast of North Somerset, the line of which was not then known. He made the valid point that ships under sail might find Barrow Strait blocked and be unable to reach Cape Walker and that in any case they were not likely to be able to penetrate as far as Franklin's ships with their auxiliary steam engines. He advised that the ships should lay depots of food at specified points in Barrow Strait while he

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would travel by boat down the Great Fish River, proceed between King William Land (Island) and Victoria Land (Island), find Franklin's crews, and advise them where the depots were to be found. Unfortunately, despite the merits or demerits of their contents, King, by the tactless and egotistical phrasing of his letters, virtually ensured that no one would listen to him. King was informed that the Franklin expedition was not a colonial matter and that he should address himself to the Admiralty, which he accordingly did on 16 February 1848.35 He repeated his opinion of what had happened to Franklin and what he would do and in the course of his argument, wrote: In order to save the party from the ordeal of a fourth winter, when starvation must be their lot, I propose to undertake the boldest journey that has ever been attempted in the northern regions of America, one which would be justifiable only from the circumstances. I propose to attempt to reach the western land of North Somerset, or the eastern portion of Victoria Land, as may be deemed advisable, by the close of the approaching summer; to accomplish, in fact, in one summer that which has not been done under two. I rest my hope of success in this Herculean task upon the fact that I possess an intimate knowledge of the country and the people;... the health to stand the rigour of the climate, and the strength to undergo the fatigue of mind and body to which I must be subjected. It is because I have these requisites, which I conscientiously believe are not to be found in another, that I hope to effect my purpose.

Having dismissed Richardson's land expedition as useless for searching the west coast of North Somerset (which there was never any intention it should do) and the Bering Strait expedition as "praiseworthy in attempt but forlorn in hope," he asks, "Does the attempt of Sir James Clark Ross to reach the western land of North Somerset in his boats from his station in Barrow's Strait render my proposal unnecessary?" To this question he answers: "Here the facts will speak for themslves: - ist Barrow's Strait was icebound in 1832, it may be icebound in 1848; 2nd Sir James Clark Ross is using the same means to relieve Sir John Franklin which has led the gallant officer into his difficulty; the relief party may, therefore, become themselves a party in distress; 3rd the land that is made on the south shore of Barrow's Strait will be of doubtful character, the natural consequence of discovery in ships; the searching parties, at the end of the summer, may find they have been coasting an island many miles distant from the western land of North Somerset, or navigating a deep bay."

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Their lordships referred King's letter to Parry and James Ross. Parry considered it "not improbable, as suggested by Dr King, that an attempt will be made by them to fall back on the western coast of North Somerset, wherever that may be found, as being the nearest point affording a hope of communication." But he was "decidedly of the opinion that as regards the western coast of North Somerset this [Sir James Ross's] plan will be much more likely to answer the proposed object than any overland expedition."36 James Ross replied, first, that if, as King had assumed, Franklin had tried to sail to the westward between Melville Island and Banks Land (this would have been contrary to his instructions, but King did not know that) and had been forced to turn southward, then he (Ross) predicted that they would have been stopped or wrecked in about 72V2° N and 115° W. This point was 280 miles from the Coppermine River and 420 miles from the Mackenzie, at both of which an abundance of provisions was obtainable; the west coast of North Somerset was probably 360 miles (a very accurate prediction) and the mouth of the Great Fish River a full 500; "at neither of these places could they hope to obtain a single day's provisions for so large a party; and Sir John Franklin's intimate knowledge of the impossibility of ascending that river, or obtaining any food, ... would concur in deterring him from attempting to gain either of those points ... I think it most probable that... he would ... retrace his steps [on foot or in boats], and passing through the channel by which he had advanced ... seek the whale-ships which annually visit the west coast of Baffin's Bay."37 Ross's own opinion was that Franklin was more likely to have followed his instructions and turned southwest after passing Cape Walker and that in that case, in view of "the known prevalence of westerly wind and the drift of the main body of the ice," they had probably got stuck and would be forced to abandon the ships in latitude 73° N and longitude 105° W; "this is almost the only point in which it is likely they would be detained, or from which it would not be possible to convey information to the Hudson's Bay Company settlements. If, then,... compelled to abandon their vessels at or near this point, they would endeavour ... to reach Lancaster Sound; but I cannot conceive any position ... from which they would make for the Great Fish River, or at which any party descending that river would be likely to overtake them; and even if it did, of what advantage could it be to them?" Even if King and his party in their single canoe did reach the estuary of the river within the time suggested, which he (Ross) deemed very unlikely, and if they did find Franklin on the west coast of North Somerset, "how does he propose to assist them? He would barely have provisions for his own party, and would more

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probably be in a condition to require than afford relief." In fairness to King, it should be said that he had only contracted to advise Franklin where depots had been placed, not to provide him with any succour himself. In reply to King's request for "very early information" to enable him to make necessary medical and scientific arrangements, their lordships gave him the rather discourteously worded reply that they had "no intention of altering their present arrangements, or of making any others that will require your assistance, or force you to make the sacrifices which you appear to contemplate."38 King also contrived to antagonize Lady Franklin. When she offered a reward of £1,000 to any whaler bringing news of the missing expedition, he wrote to her, "Your offer is altogether out of the question... You have been very ill-advised."39 He suggested that the £1,000 would be better invested in himself. Though Lady Franklin had no use for King, a letter which she wrote to James Ross on 18 December 1847 is prophetic in the light of future events: You will hardly forgive me if I tell you that I feel something is still wanting to the complements of the expeditions & you will be thinking that Dr. King has been exciting a most mischievious & unjustifiable influence on my mind. Of Dr. King himself I wish to say nothing. I do not desire that he should be the person employed, but I cannot but wish that the Hudson's Bay Company might receive instructions or a request from Govt. to explore those parts which you & Sir J. Richardson cannot immediately do, & which if done by you at all, can only be when other explorations have been made in vain. And then, does he not say truly, it will be too late? I will agree with you on the great improbability of their being in such & such positions, but who can say they may not be found (if found at all) in the most unlikely place?40

And so Sir John Richardson, accompanied by Dr John Rae, left England on 25 March 1848, and Sir James Ross and his party sailed on 12 May.

CHAPTER NINETEEN

Search for Franklin, 1848-49 James Ross in the Enterprise The two ships for the expedition of 1848-49 had been built to the order of the Admiralty: the Enterprise (450 tons) at Blackwall and the Investigator (400 tons) at Greenock. The latter was towed to Blackwall, where they were both strengthened, fitted out, and installed with Sylvester's heating system. The ships were provided with two steam pinnaces, which were built on the Thames and had achieved speeds of around twelve knots on trials; 90 tons of patent fuel were supplied for each boat. Both ships were provisioned for three years, and they carried an additional six months' provisions for Franklin. Ross had been allowed to choose his own officers and took three from his Antarctic expedition: Captain Edward Bird, his trusted first lieutenant from the Erebus, in command of the Investigator; Thomas Abernethy, a fine seaman and one of his sledging companions in both 1827 and 1829-33, as icemaster of the Enterprise; and John Robertson, the surgeon of the Terror in the Antarctic. Robert McClure, first lieutenant of the Enterprise, had been with Back in the ill-fated Terror in 1836, and the icemaster of the Investigator, William Tatham, was a whaler captain from Hull. As a result of their experience on this expedition, several other officers would play a part in future searches for Franklin, and one of them, Lieutenant Francis Leopold McClintock, the second Lieutenant of Enterprise, was destined to solve the mystery of Franklin's fate. McClure and McClintock were both Irishmen, but of very different characters. Neither of them had enjoyed the "interest" of a senior officer, which could be so useful in launching an aspiring naval officer on his career. McClure came of an army family, was educated at Eton and Sandhurst, and did not join the Navy till he was seventeen. He was an ambitious man, but now, at the age of forty, he was still a lieutenant. He did not make easy friendships with his messmates. Later

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events were to prove him brave to the point of recklessness, a strict but unpredictable disciplinarian, and selfish towards others when his own ambitions were at stake. McClintock, now nearly thirty-one, was one of a family of twelve children. He was quiet, not easily ruffled, and friendly. Of an inventive turn of mind, he had wide general interests, with a Victorian keenness for making collections, and he worked hard to learn his profession, paying great attention to detail in all that he undertook. While unemployed early in 1848, he was introduced to James Ross by an old shipmate. Ross took an immediate liking to him, a feeling that was to endure through the years. McClintock recorded his first impression of his new captain: "He seems a very quick, penetrating old bird, very mild in appearance and rather flowery in his style. He is handsome still... and has the most piercing black eyes."1 Ross's instructions (written in accordance with his own proposals) were briefly as follows:2 1 If he arrived in Lancaster Sound early enough in the season, both ships should examine the north shore of Barrow Strait and Wellington Channel and the gaps that Parry had observed in the south shore between Cape Clarence and Cape Walker. 2 The Investigator should winter near Cape Rennell, and in the spring, one party should explore the adjacent coast and the west coast of Boothia, while another explored those parts south of Prince Regent Inlet not reached by Sir John Ross. 3 The Enterprise should winter at Parry's Winter Harbour on Melville Island or at Banks Land, and in the spring, one travelling party should determine the geography of Banks Land down to Cape Bathurst or Cape Parry on the American mainland and thence to the Hudson's Bay Company's stations on the Mackenzie River, while another followed the east coast of Banks Land in the direction of Cape Krusenstern to join up with Sir John Richardson in his exploration of Victoria and Wollaston islands and finally return with him to England. Richardson was to leave depots of pemmican at these prearranged places. 4 The steam pinnaces should be used to communicate with whalers in Baffin Bay. If Ross found the Erebus afloat, he was to place himself under Franklin's command; if she was frozen in, he was to retain his own command. The ships sailed from the Thames on 12 May 1848, accompanied as far as Aberdeen by two steam vessels. They reached the Whalefish

305 James Ross in the Enterprise

Islands, after an uneventful passage, on 22 June and on 7 July, arrived at Upernavik in Greenland, where they remained for four days. Here they learned from four whalers returning south that the whalers had failed to penetrate to the north and that the ice remained unbroken up to latitude 73° N. Before leaving Upernavik, Ross issued orders to Bird in case the ships became separated and sent a report to the Admiralty, with which he enclosed a copy of these orders.3 In his report, Ross said that he would persist to the north because he was confident of reaching Lancaster Sound before Erebus and Terror could leave their winter quarters or their crews could reach the sound if they had taken to their boats. Ross would endeavour to return northwards, and since the whalers had moved south, there would be no ship to meet Erebus and Terror unless he did so. He intended to search the west coast of Baffin Bay as far south as the River Clyde, but in the event, ice conditions prevented him from doing so. His instructions to Bird4 covered the remainder of the 1848 season. The place at which the ships should endeavour to rejoin each another and at which messages should be left was Whaler Point, Port Leopold. Bird was told that the instructions received from the Admiralty, of which he had a copy, were to be "diligently followed up in the spring." If, at the end of the summer of 1849, he had not met the Enterprise or received any further orders from Ross or from England, through the whalers, Bird was to carry out this final instruction: "Should no tidings have reached England of the safety of the absent party, you are to leave on Whaler Point all the provisions, fuel, and stores you can spare, the launch, machinery and one cutter; and after waiting as long as you prudently may, examining the coast by means of detached parties and boats, you are to return to England, as it would not be possible for you to feed so large a party as that we are in search of throughout the winter." This instruction was to cause some trouble later. As things turned out, the ships remained together throughout the expedition. By keeping in shore and by laborious towing and tracking, Ross at last reached open water in about latitude 75° N on 20 August. From there he steered straight through an ice-free sea for Pond Inlet, where he arrived on 22 August. For the next ten days, they carefully searched the south shore of Lancaster Sound, landing twice to leave records and firing guns and burning lights in poor weather conditions. No Inuit were seen. On i September, off Cape York, pack ice was observed to extend right across Prince Regent Inlet, and the ships steered northward in search of a harbour. A week later, broken ice was streaming out of Prince Regent Inlet across Barrow Strait, and Wellington Channel was seen to be closed by ice.

306 Polar Pioneers Map 15 James Ross in North Somerset, 1848-49 (from Admiralty chart 261, reprinted after his return)

Ross steered southwest again, hoping to find a harbour near Cape Rennell, but in the face of heavy ice to the westward, young ice forming, and fog and storms, he decided to make for the anchorage at Port Leopold, which he himself had surveyed in 1832. The ships reached the harbour just in time, for that very night (11 September) pack ice closed the harbour mouth. Ross had intended that Investigator should winter there and that, using the steam pinnace, he himself should reconnoitre for another harbour farther west for the Enterprise, but he had no option but to make it the winter quarters for both ships. Before the ice formed into a solid mass, a short canal was cut to allow the ships to be moved into deeper water, and the steam pinnaces were used to carry provisions and stores to form a depot at Whaler Point, at the entrance of the harbour two miles from the anchorage. Although the initial use of the steam pinnaces had proved satisfactory, the machinery was removed, for some reason not explained, and the boats hauled up ashore.5 The ships were prepared for the winter in the accustomed way, and a snow wall was built between the two ships (which lay about two

307 James Ross in the Enterprise

hundred yards apart), so that communication between the two ships' companies was easy. Two observatories were also built of snow. Schools were organized, but there were none of the theatrical entertainments that had characterized Parry's expeditions; neither Ross (at his present age), Bird, nor McClure were of the turn of mind to give the lead to such activities. During the days of darkness, a number of Arctic foxes were trapped and released after being fitted with copper collars giving the positions of the ships and of food depots. This rather optimistic scheme for sending news to Franklin was known as the "Twopenny Post." The winter was, on the whole, spent comfortably, though the health of the men was not very good, and one man died of an illness contracted before leaving England. Ross had not brought any dogs from Greenland. This seems surprising, but he himself and Abernethy were the only two men who had any experience of sledging with dogs, and he probably felt that, unless Inuit with their own dogs were met, it would be better to rely on man-hauling the sledges. It is also possible that his experience in 1830, when his dogs were severely overworked during his journey to King William Island, may have given him the idea that they were only suitable for journeys where time was not an essential factor and relatively long stops for rest could be made. Nevertheless, if he had brought dogs, light sledges, and an experienced driver (as William Penny later did), he might have both been more successful himself and perhaps profoundly altered the future history of sledging in the Royal Navy. The sledges that were to be used in the spring were built on board during the winter. No detailed description of them was ever published, but their design has been deduced from those of later expeditions, together with comments on how these differed from earlier designs.6 Ross used two entirely different types of sledge. The first was a flat sledge for use on deep soft snow; it was about nine feet long and two feet wide (which proved to be too small), and the flat undersurfaces were attached to vertical, solid wooden runners. The second type was based on those of the Greenland Inuit. Wooden runners on each side were shod with iron and curved upwards at each end. Wooden bearers were attached to the upper ends of each runner and supported along their length by five or six uprights fixed to them and to the runner below. Each side of the sledge thus provided a framework, and the bearers on each side were connected by crossbars which carried the load. The sledges appear to have been about eight feet long and about eight inches high. This design, which was novel to the Navy at the time, continued in use, with only slight alterations, for many years.

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In April and early May 1849, excursions were made to lay depots west of Cape Clarence and south of Cape Seppings. On 15 May, Ross set out, accompanied by McClintock and twelve men, on a journey to the westward. They took two sledges carrying forty days' provisions, tents, blankets, and clothing. A party of twenty-eight men under Bird accompanied them as far as Cape Rennell, which they reached in five days; the party were reported to be exhausted on return to their ships. Ross's routine was to march by night, when the snow was harder and the glare less. He went ahead reconnoitring, and McClintock followed with six men hauling each sledge; when they came to large bays, Ross walked round them so as to record them on his charts. Continuing westward, on 22 May they reached Cape Bunny, from where it could be seen that Barrow Strait between Cape Walker and Wellington Channel was full of heavy ice. It had been Ross's intention to head straight for Cape Walker (the key point in Franklin's instructions), but travelling conditions appeared more favourable to the south, and he decided to follow the coast, which now turned sharply southward into the hitherto unknown Peel Sound. They now travelled down the unknown west coast of North Somerset, from which they could see, at intervals, points of land some thirty of forty miles across Peel Sound - the east coast of what was later named Prince of Wales Island. The sea between was choked with heavy ice; along the coast, there were such severe hummocks of ice that they travelled, for the most part, to seaward of this accumulation. They did not know, of course, whether this opening formed a strait through to the south or whether the two shores would at some stage join to form a very large bay between Cape Bunny and Cape Walker. Several of the party became useless from lameness and debility; two had to be carried on sledges, and three had scarcely the strength to walk behind. On 5 June at Cape Coulman (named for his wife), Ross decided that they must turn back. The main party were left to rest for a day while Ross, accompanied by Sergeant Hurditch and William Thompson ("a seaman of great endurance"), went a little further. Leaving at 7 P.M. they returned at 4A.M. the next day, having reached a point from which they obtained an extensive view to the southward. At a distance of about fifty miles, Ross could see the "extreme high cape of the coast," which he named Cape Bird. This cape forms the northern entrance to the then-undiscovered Bellot Strait, and Ross remarked on the "very narrow isthmus" at Brentford Bay. He was about 170 nautical miles from the magnetic pole of 1831, which he had hoped to revisit, "and, had not so many of our party broken down, it might have been accomplished."7 When Lieutenant Willy Browne sledged along the shore of

309 James Ross in the Enterprise

Prince of Wales Island in 1851 and Allen Young did so in 1859, they were able to report on the remarkable accuracy with which Ross had charted the land seen only at intervals from the opposite coast. The position he gave for Cape Bird, seen at a distance of some fifty miles, proved to be within a mile for latitude and ten miles for longitude. Some years later, McClintock wrote, "Our opinion of the strait which we had discovered was, that any attempt to force a ship down it would not only fail, but lead to almost inevitable risk of destruction, in consequence of its being choked up with heavy ice."8 Before leaving, the men built a large cairn, in which was deposited a copper cylinder containing information of the depot of twelve months' provisions left for Franklin at Port Leopold and the two smaller depots near Cape Clarence and Cape Seppings. The record concluded: "The party are now about to return to their ships, which, as early as possible in the spring, will push forward to Melville Island, and search the north coast of Barrow Strait; and, failing to meet the party they are seeking, will touch at Port Leopold on their way back, and then return to England before the winter shall set in."9 (This cairn and record were found by Sir Allen Young in 1875, when he was attempting to navigate the Northwest Passage through Peel Sound.) The return journey was made in a shorter time than the outward one since no delays were necessary for surveying. Nevertheless, it proved very hard going over the soft snow and slush caused by the rising temperature. Moreover, even on the outward journey, the rations had proved insufficient - i pound of biscuit, i pound of meat, chocolate to make a pint of cocoa, lemon juice to make l/2 pint of lemonade, and a gill of rum daily - and McClintock commented as early as the beginning of June that they could have done with at least three times this ration. Only twenty-five birds were shot to supplement their diet. During the return journey, the physical condition of the men deteriorated markedly, so that only four men were capable of hauling the sledges and two were unable to walk. The party arrived back at the ship on 23 June, having travelled approximately five hundred statute miles in thirty-nine days. Ross himself and every member of the party, excepting only McClintock, were on the sick list for one reason or another for the next two or three weeks. During Ross's absence, Bird had sent out parties in various directions: across Prince Regent Inlet, across Barrow Strait to Cape Kurd, and down the east coast of North Somerset to beyond Fury Beach, where stores were still found in good condition. Unfortunately, the party that crossed Barrow Strait did not reach Beechey Island at the entrance to Wellington Channel, where, it was later discovered, Franklin's crews had spent their first winter.

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The general standard of health was much worse than in previous expeditions, and Robertson himself nearly died of scurvy while Ross was away. He was confined to bed in bad air conditions following an injury to his knee and was "the most severely afflicted of any in the expedition, and narrowly escaped destruction." He spent two months in bed and was still suffering from the effects on return to England. In his medical report, Robertson said that, in their winter quarters, they were "not visited by either deer, hare, grouse nor were we able to provide a single fish."10 Disease was kept at bay through birds (mainly guillemots) killed in June and July, but few men were not more or less afflicted by scurvy on the passage back to England. Robertson thought that most would not have survived another winter. He described the salt provisions as "bad in quality and deficient in quantity, and the preserved meats were a disgrace to the contractor." This bad medical record, so unlike that of any of James Ross's previous expeditions, gave rise to doubts about the efficacy of the lemon juice. After their return home, samples were analysed and the method of preparation examined.11 It was found that there had been no guarantee of the initial soundness of the fruit and that the juice had been allowed to settle for a month before preservative was added so that fermentation had probably begun and destroyed much of the antiscorbutic value of the juice. The inspector of lime juice12 was sent to Sicily to oversee future supplies, and the lemon juice for the next expedition of Enterprise and Investigator was specially prepared. Deficiencies were also found in the preserved meats, the contents of many cans being underweight. An officer in the Assistance in 1850 commented: "As for our preserved meats and soups, they are not only super-excellent in quality but every canister that has been opened exceeds its stated weight by one quarter of a pound, exclusive of the tin. What a contrast to our voyage with Sir James Ross, when 34a/2 Ibs. of salt beef used frequently to weigh 17 Ibs. and sometimes i3a/4 Ibs., and never exceeded 20 Ibs., while an 8 Ib. canister used to weigh 6% Ibs. to 6 Ibs., one 4 Ibs. and one 3% Ibs. Had it been our fate to have been blocked up for four or five winters in Barrow's Strait, what an awful responsibility would certain parties have been lain under - not only to their fellow-men, but to their God!"13 The ships' companies now had to endure the usual wait until the Enterprise and the Investigator were released from the ice. As soon as men were fit, a canal was sawn through the ice for a distance of two miles (about two hundred feet per day through ice three to five feet thick), and in the middle of August, the ice split along this line. It was not, however, until the 28th that the ships were able to work out of

3ii James Ross in theEnterprise

harbour and stand to the northward. It was Ross's intention to cross to the north coast of Barrow Strait, examine Wellington Channel, and then sail westward, to Melville Island if possible. Before they left Port Leopold, a house was built in which were left fuel and provisions for sixty-four persons for twelve months, together with an account of the expedition and of Ross's intentions. Investigator's steam launch, which had been lengthened by six or seven feet to form a vessel capable of carrying the whole of Franklin's crews to the whale ships, was also left. Ross's plans were soon frustrated. On i September, a westerly wind brought pack ice down on the ships and they were beset. They remained firmly frozen in a large field of ice, but though anxious about their ships, the crews were at least relieved when, on 13 September, the ice started to drift steadily eastwards. Even so, hope was mixed with fear that they might be carried down the west coast of Baffin Bay and be wrecked on grounded icebergs. Moving at eight or ten miles a day, they passed Admiralty Inlet, Navy Board Inlet, and Possession Bay, until, off Pond Inlet, the ice field suddenly broke up and the ships reached open water on 25 September, after having been carried some 250 miles in the pack ice. It was clearly hopeless to try to sail westward again and find an open harbour so late in the year, and Ross had no alternative but to steer for home. Skirting the northern edge of the middle ice, they reached the Greenland coast near Upernavik on 4 October 1849 and after an uneventful passage, arrived off the Orkney Islands on 28 October. Ross travelled by train to London on 5 November, and the ships were paid off at Woolwich on the 26th. In August the previous year in Lancaster Sound, a cask had been thrown overboard from the Investigator containing a message giving the ship's position. It had been picked up by a whaler and received at the Admiralty in November. Parry and other Arctic officers were immediately consulted on what action to take with regard to the likely movements of the ships in view of their late arrival at Lancaster Sound and of the possible return of Investigator in the summer in accordance with Ross's final instruction to Bird. They were all of the opinion that Ross should not be left alone in the Arctic in the Enterprise and also that little exploration could have been done in 1848, though Parry thought it quite possible that the Enterprise would have got through to Melville Island.14 It was therefore decided to sent out a supply ship to meet the Investigator and prevent her return, and the North Star sailed under the command of James Saunders, master RN, in May 1849. Saunders had served with Back in the Terror in 1836. He was to endeavour to

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meet the Investigator, but if neither she nor her boats were met, he was to land stores at Possession Bay, at Capes Hay, Crawford, and York (on the south coast of Lancaster Sound), and at Whaler Point, Port Leopold. In the event of the North Star not being able to reach these points ("a contingency not likely to occur"), the stores were to be left at Pond Inlet or Agnes Monument. On no account was Saunders to allow himself to be beset and to have to winter in Baffin Bay. If the water was open and time permitted, he was to "look into" Smith and Jones sounds before returning home.15 The last news received from the North Star before Ross returned in November was a message sent by one of the whalers on 19 July saying that the ship was entirely stopped by ice across Melville Bay.16 For the next two months, she was in great peril on many occasions but gradually drifted to the westward until, at the end of September, she was off the entrance to Wolstenholme Sound, which was found to be clear of ice. The ship was secured there for the winter. A few Inuit were encountered, but communication proved difficult and no news of Franklin was obtained. The ship was released from the ice on i August 1850, and Saunders sailed to Lancaster Sound. He attempted to land his stores of provisions at Port Leopold but was unable to enter, though a boat was sent in and found the notes and provisions left by James Ross the previous summer. Returning to Lancaster Sound, he met Penny's ships (from the expeditions which are the subject of the next chapter) and was given a letter from the Admiralty informing him of the return of the Enterprise and the Investigator to Britain and instructing him to land the provisions at Disko or the Whalefish Islands. He judged that their kfrdships had assumed he had not been able to cross Baffin Bay, and being now informed that all the search ships were in Lancaster Sound, he thought it wiser to land the provisions at Navy Board Inlet, where he found a safe harbour. He arrived in England on 28 September 1850.17 Lady Franklin had sent a letter to James Ross by the North Star giving him news of what had taken place in England. Representations had been made to the Admiralty to leave the North Star with Ross or Bird to provide an additional means of search, but received an answer I believe to the effect that they scrupled to hazard more lives! and yet they did not scruple to send you! ... In order to make it impossible, or nearly so, to keep out the N. Star they have officered her so as to make her unfit for it. They would have no officer who wanted promotion, and fixed upon a Master recommended by Sir G. Back, & who was once with him in the Terror, who accepted on the understanding he did not winter in the ice, for which his health disabled him. He is I dare say a very good & able

313 James Ross in the Enterprise man, but this is not the sort of thing that is right, & of his subordinates I am told only one, the youngest, is a volunteer. Sir G. Back has been behaving very shabbily by us from the moment his vanity became concerned in supporting his own affairs. Indeed we have had ample opportunity to think of him as you do.18 Lady Franklin went on to speak of personal friends. Dear Lady Ross was kind & generous enough to say she was glad you were going to stop out a 2d winter. We have been to see her at Aston - it was a refreshing visit to us & we were charmed with your sweet children. James is an interesting & most promising boy & little Annie so very pretty & so very like you ... My thoughts often dwell on poor Captain Crozier who seemed so ill & dispirited when he left. Some mesmeric clairvoyance, tho' I put no trust in it, clings to my imagination respecting him - and yet all this must be a delusion. Oh may it be no delusion that you have found & saved them. Poor Mr McCormick has been defeated in a scheme he had to search Jones Sound by means of a boat's crew, to be landed there from N. Star. Sir E. Parry & Sir F. Beaufort reported favourably of it, but thought the ship was necessary to fall back on. The more I see of Mr Me the more I doubt his fitness for any expedition in which cool judgment & conduct are essential - he is very excitable. Sir John Ross I understand has been several times with Sir F. Baring [who had succeeded Lord Auckland as first lord of the Admiralty] & Lord Dundas [Rear Admiral Sir J.W.D. Dundas, second sea lord]. He insists upon it that he fixed on certain places where he was to deposit provisions for their use & declares his belief that they have lost their ships & that the survivors are struggling for life N. of Melville island, tho' I believe another account makes it elsewhere. He has got Sir F. Baring to accept the dedication of some book about magnetism which has got the ist Lord in a scrape, as it abuses many people, amongst others Col. Sabine, for their want of knowledge. But this is all hearsay on my part. The book by Sir John Ross to which Lady Franklin referred was entitled A Short Treatise on the Deviation of the Manner's Compass, with Rules for its Correction, and Diagrams. In November 1845, the Athenaeum had reported that "Mr. Faraday, on Monday, announced at a meeting of the Council of the Royal Institution, a very remarkable discovery ... that a beam of polarised light is deflected by the electric current, so that it may be made to rotate between the poles of a magnet."19 Faraday called this historic experiment "the magnetisation of light, and the illumination of the lines of force," but

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this description was not understood even by scientific minds and was soon translated into "the rotation of the plane of polarisation by magnets and electric currents." The first description, however, was good enough for Ross, who wrote to the Royal Society, referring to the narrative of his second voyage and his evidence to the parliamentary committee that near to the magnetic pole, the compass needle had followed the sun and even the light of a candle, and he claimed prior discovery. The letter was read at a council meeting on 15 January i846,20 but no reply appears to have been sent. In his pamphlet, John Ross says, "The fact of artificial light having the power of amalgamation with magnetism was fully proved during my late voyage, as mentioned in the Narrative, and confirmed by Professor Faraday who was not aware that I had made the discovery." The establishment of this claim was not, however, Ross's prime motive for the pamphlet; indeed, he gives no reason for publishing it at that particular time. He wrote that he had studied the deviation of the compass since 1799 and claimed to have "completely established ... a certain, universal, and invariable mode of finding the amount of deviation ... on every point of the compass, at all times and places, and under all circumstances" during his voyage of 1818. He reprinted the observations from his narrative to support this claim. As was so often the case, Ross gave no credit to others. He was highly critical of Sabine, who, he said, copied his Isabella readings without permission, and he described Captain Johnson, the inspector of compasses, as "consummately ignorant of the subject." He did not mention the eminent work of the Compass Committee of 1837 or that of James Ross's Antarctic expedition. At the same time, he showed his own limited understanding of compasses. He stated, correctly, that the deviation varies with the ship's heading and the position of the compass, and also that "the dip has an irregular effect on the deviation," though he does not seem to have understood the reason. But he also averred that the deviation is "materially affected by heat and cold, by atmospheric humidity, and also by solar and artificial light. The direction of the wind has an irregular effect on the deviation." How could a poor mariner have known the deviation of his compass from one minute to the next had it been subject to such influences! Three days after James Ross's arrival in London, Richardson had also arrived. He and Rae had examined the coast from the Mackenzie to the Coppermine River without result, and Rae was left to resume the search. The return of both James Ross and Richardson, credited with unique experience in similar expeditions but bringing no news of the missing crews, caused widespread public alarm. The Times reported that Ross had done all and more than could have been ex-

315 James Ross in the Enterprise

Map 16 Rae and Richardson, 1848-49 Rae, 1851

pected of him,21 but inevitably there were some who wished to find a scapegoat. The Nautical Standard published what Parry described as a "most atrocious, abusive and ignorant article,"22 and armchair critics, either ignoring or ignorant of the circumstances which had forced Ross to return, did not hesitate to say that he should have stayed for a further winter and season. When, a few years later, King wrote a book on the Franklin search, he referred to James Ross's expedition in most offensive terms: "I wish I could say one kind word for Sir James Ross, for it was to his search ... that the nation, nay, the whole world, was looking for success. I cannot. If ever one man sacrificed another, Sir James Ross sacrificed Sir John Franklin, and not only Sir John Franklin but one hundred and thirty-seven noble hearts with him. Sir James Ross, like Sir John Richardson, started with a bias against the Franklin Expedition being at the Great Fish River ... denying in vulgar language the whole of my premises, thus ill-conditioned, Sir James Ross rushed headlong upon a shoal and wrecked himself at once and for ever."23 Lady Franklin was in Edinburgh when she received news of Ross's return, and she hurried to London to meet him. He must have told her of the belief which had formed in his mind that further search from the eastward would be of no avail; Lady Franklin was shocked. Her biographer says that "none of her subsequent letters to him have the warmth of affection and confidence of those written in earlier years,"24 and other writers have written in similar terms; but the fol-

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lowing letter, written a day or two after their meeting, does not seem to support this view, nor do many others, some of which are quoted later. Bedford Place, 12 Nov/49 My dear Sir James, You are well aware that you will be consulted on what is now to be done & that great & due consideration will be given to your opinion & recommendation. I believe that the means for the recovery of our poor lost ones is in a great measure in your hands. May God aid you & guide you in a situation of such awful responsibility. It would be a cruel thing indeed if because we have to deplore your involuntary return at so unexpected a moment that all that was necessarily left undone by you from the Eastward is to be abandoned. I was greatly distressed to hear you say that there was no further use in trying to reach them from the Eastward. What! while you are ignorant whether they have gone West or notl While Welln Channel or any of those channels leading N. from Barrow's Strait, to which their attention was officially directed in the second place, remains unlocked into and untouched! and before there has been any examination whatever of Cape Walker where their first landmark would probably be placed, since up to that point they were directed to follow a straightforward course, stopping for nothing, & there, for the first time they would diverge into new seas.25

Lady Franklin then "rejoices indeed" to learn that Ross has proposed that Enterprise and Investigator should be sent to Bering Strait to search from the westward, and she continues: Oh dear Sir James, do not let us deplore your return not only as causing us to lose one season, but as checking the efforts we had a right to expect in the same direction during the seasons to come. I implore you by all you hold most dear & sacred to be influenced by what I say. Recall to mind, as I do, the generous earnestness with which you desired, when you had declined yourself, that my husband should have the command ... Recollect too the earnest part you took in securing for Sir John the services and companionship of your dear & faithful Crozier, and though I know you want no stimulus to arouse your affectionate interest for both your friends, yet allow me to plead these facts as additional reasons why I should look to the exertion of your unparalleled energies in devising means for their rescue & to your never ceasing to do so till the Arctic seas & shores have been swept in all their branches. I run the risk of displeasing you in what I have said which is a result I cannot look up on with indifference, but I would rather run any risk than not say what is in my heart. When you fail me, and other dear friends, but not till then,

317 James Ross in the Enterprise will I address myself to other quarters. I do not ask you to go again yourself and was to blame for doing so before, but I think you would have volunteered all the same (perhaps had already done so) whether I had asked you or not. My having taken an active part, however, in the matter would have added much to my distress had any ill befallen you, and though I must ever think you the fittest person to accomplish the work, it is far from my thoughts that you should tear yourself away a second time from your happy home, even though dear Lady Ross, to whom I owe so much already, were to refrain from opposing it. ... You made a remark to me for not going again in ships, that the crews would have abandoned theirs. Not all will have done so. There will be some too feeble, too diseased perhaps, for the immense exertions that must ensue. The others may perhaps disperse in search of food & succour, and in all directions should they be sought - but the ships themselves too should be found. Ever dear Sir James most truly yours Jane Franklin

This letter surely shows Lady Franklin's affection for James Ross and her continued trust in him as her most valued adviser, whatever might have been her disappointment and her fears. A month later, she wrote another letter which not only shows understanding about Ross's abandonment of the search, but also explains why no one in authority ever mentioned the possibility of disease (i.e., scurvy) among Franklin's men. "The more I reflect on the disease and even mortality which prevailed and was increasing among your people, the more I feel persuaded that even had other circumstances been more favourable to your prolonged stay in those regions, you might have felt it your duty to return home for their sakes - yet this reason is not one which can be openly proclaimed I suppose inasmuch as it is discreditable to the Admiralty."26 Their lordships wrote to James Ross approving what he had done, but calling on him to explain why he had given the orders to Investigator which caused them to send out the North Star. His reply evidently satisfied them, for they sent him a letter of approbation to which he replied that he "felt very grateful to them for so gratifying and honourable a testimony."27 He was also awarded a good service pension of £150 a year. Although he had not achieved the prime objective of the expedition, he had made the important discovery of Peel Sound and added some 150 miles of coastline to the map of New Somerset. He also deserves the credit for initiating new sledging techniques, which were soon to be adapted and improved by McClintock. Bird retired on half pay after the voyage, but many of the younger officers took part in later search expeditions.

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On 14 November 1849, the Times reported that John Ross had visited the Enterprise (while James Ross was not on board, having "returned to town"). John Ross "speaks with great confidence of the safety of Sir John Franklin's expedition, and says he will suggest to the Lords of the Admiralty to offer a reward of £50,000 for the recovery of the whole or part of the officers and crews, leaving the whole further exertions to private enterprise and he, for one, will proceed to the Arctic regions next season." During this visit, he obtained the promise of Thomas Abernethy to accompany him. In a letter to the Times the next day, Ross said that it was at the time when £20,000 had been publicly offered that he had said that it should be £50,000 and that he had volunteered his own services, but these had been rendered unnecessary owing to the appointment of James Ross at Lady Franklin's request.

CHAPTER TWENTY

Search for Franklin, 1850-51 John Ross in the Felix

The plan to search for Sir John Franklin from the west was put forward by Beaufort on 24 November 1849. * It was based on the supposition that Franklin's ships were locked in the ice to the westward of Melville Island, since if they were anywhere farther east or south, he would have managed at least to send messages to Barrow Strait or the Mackenzie River. These were the two places where, it was thought, Franklin would know for certain that there was a chance of help. James Ross agreed, considering that "it is hardly possible they can be anywhere to the eastward of Melville Island, or within 300 miles of Leopold Island; for it that were the case, they would ... have made to that point, with the hope of receiving assistance from the whale ships."2 George Back rejected "all and every idea of any attempts on the part of Sir John Franklin to send boats or detachments over the ice to any point of the mainland eastward of the Mackenzie River; because I can say, from experience, that no toil-worn and exhausted party could have the least chance of existence by going there."3 But he thought a retreat to Barrow Strait was far more likely than to the Mackenzie River and advocated a search from the east. Frederick Beechey again recommended that a comprehensive search be made from Bering Strait all along the North American coast and also that "Barrow's Strait should be visited in the ensuing summer."4 The Bering Strait plan was approved, and the Enterprise and the Investigator would sail again on 20 January 1850, under the command of Captain Richard ColJinson and the recently promoted commander Robert McClure. In December 1849, an offer of service came from an entirely new source and with a novel plan. Captain William Penny, a very experienced whaling captain, proposed to examine Jones Sound, which,

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he hoped, would communicate with Wellington Channel, and if unsuccessful there, to pass through Lancaster Sound and search up Wellington Channel and to the westward. Penny was the choice of Lady Franklin, who first offered him the command of a private search expedition but then prevailed upon him to apply to the Admiralty for approval to take a ship to the Arctic. It was difficult for the Admiralty to accept the idea of a whaling captain commanding government ships, but their lordships did finally agree, and two small ships, given the names Lady franklin (200 tons) and Sophia (100 tons), were provided. Penny was granted a captain's double full pay of £800 per annum, and Alexander Stewart commanding the Sophia received £600. At about the same time, Dr Robert McCormick, James Ross's surgeon in the Erebus, volunteered to search Wellington Channel and Jones Sound by boat, on the assumption that Franklin had failed in the west and had followed his alternative instructions. Although there were, it would seem, no possible grounds for supposing that Franklin had gone into Jones Sound, his alternative instructions and Fitzjames's expressed inclination for Wellington Channel were now having an influence on plans. John Ross's diary shows that he paid almost daily visits to the Admiralty in January 1850, and on the i4th of that month, he submitted his own plan.5 Having repeated his arguments in favour of small ships and steam propulsion, he proposed to use (i) a small steam vessel, such as the Portpatrick packet Asp (112 tons, 50 horsepower) with a crew, including officers, of twenty-four; (2) a small clipper brig, Isla of Aberdeen (119 tons), now for sale at £1,100, crew to be fourteen; and (3) his yacht Mary in tow. He would leave in May, proceed under sail, pick up an interpreter and dogs in Greenland, and proceed to Port Leopold, then to the west cape of Wellington Channel and all the headlands to Melville Island. If it proved necessary to proceed to Banks Land, the Mary would be hauled up at Winter Harbour, with nine months' provisions, as a retreat vessel. If no trace of Franklin's expedition was found, small parties of an officer and two men would be sent out in all directions on small sledges constructed in the form of boats of gutta percha and drawn by dogs. Ross's proposal concludes with words that the reader will, by now, recognize almost as a signature of the author: "I have no hesitation in pledging my word that I shall return in October next, after having decided the fate of Sir John Franklin and his devoted companions." He adds a memorandum of nine "peculiar claims" for this service: i he was the senior officer who had been employed in the Arctic;

321 John Ross in the Felix

2 he was the only officer who actually promised to search for Franklin if he did not return in 1847; 3 he had communication with Franklin regarding the positions in which he might be found; 4 he could speak Danish, and by employing an Inuktitut-speaking Dane as interpreter, he would be most likely to gain intelligence of the missing ships; 5 he was perfectly acquainted with navigation by steam; 6 he had constitution well adapted to the climate; 7 having been six years consul in Sweden, he was well acquainted with sledging on snow or ice; 8 Dr John Lee had promised the loan of astronomical instruments; and 9 the men who had volunteered at Peterhead would serve under no other officer; they had all served in the whale fishery. Beaufort, on being asked for his views, replied - "All his suggestions, indeed, are prudent, and the whole plan excellent, if he is really able and willing to carry it into execution."6 Their lordships told Ross that "further search from the eastward has not yet been determined on" but that "without in any way binding themselves to employ you in such service, would at the same time, like you to furnish them with a complete (proximate) estimate of the whole expense of such an Expedition as the one you have proposed."7 John Ross supplied this figure, amounting to £5,215 i2S.6d. for the three vessels in fitting, stores, and provisions for two years. But on 8 February, he received a note from the Admiralty declining his offer of service.8 John Ross, after all, was now seventy-two years old. However, a scheme was soon "determined on." On 29 January 1850, Beaufort had proposed a plan, the background of which stated: Sir John Franklin is not a man to treat his orders with levity, and therefore his first attempt was undoubtedly made in the direction of Melville Island, and not to the westward. If foiled in that attempt, he naturally hauled to the southward and, using Banks Land as a barrier against the northern ice, he would try to make westing under its lee. If both of these routes were closed against his advance, he perhaps availed himself of one of the four passages between the Parry Islands, including Wellington Channel. Or, lastly, he may have returned to Baffin's Bay, and taken the inviting opening of Jones's Sound ... All these four tracks must therefore be diligently examined before the search can be called complete ... Whatever vessels may be chosen for this service, I would beseech their Lordships to expedite them; all our attempts have been deferred too long.9

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Richard King again pressed his views on the Admiralty in February i850,10 and many other individuals expressed their opinions and formulated plans, some sound, some wild in the extreme. In the end, no fewer than five expeditions sailed for Lancaster Sound in 1850. Before all these ships departed, the Admiralty in March offered a reward of £20,000 to any party who found and relieved the Franklin expedition or £10,000 to anyone discovering its fate. The Admiralty sent Captain Horatio Austin (who had been first lieutenant of the Fury in 1824-25) in the Resolute and Captain Erasmus Ommanney in the Assistance, both sailing ships of about 450 tons, accompanied by two screw steamers of 400 tons, the Intrepid (Lieutenant John Cator) and the Pioneer (Lieutenant Sherard Osborn). McClintock was appointed first lieutenant of the Assistance. Penny and Stewart were appointed to the Lady Franklin and the Sophia, which were manned predominantly by whaling men, and provisioned and stored for three years, including supplies for any missing party that might be found. Penny was expected to spend only one winter in the Arctic. Lady Franklin was the only person - apart from King and for quite different reasons - to have her eye fixed on the foot of the Boothia peninsula. She wrote to James Ross on 27 March 1850: I am glad you have so high an opinion of Captain Austin & that you have been so good as to give him the benefit of your unequalled knowledge & experience ... I hope you will not think me unreasonable if I acknowledge one remaining anxiety even amid all the liberal measures now in preparation. I do not see, nor does Captain Austin, how, with all the other things he has to do, he is to get down to the strait which bears your name, or to the estuary of the [GreatJ Fish river, both of which I have ever thought & think still, ought to be examined ... my theory being that if the crews of the E. & Terror left their ships somewhat to the W. of the entrance to your strait, they would make for it as a short cut into Regent Inlet & so up to Fury Beach in preference to make for the coast of N. America & the interior Hudson Bay settlements, a course of which Sir John must well know all the dangers & difficulties ... If you do not object to give me your opinion on this subject, how such an exploration could best be effected, I shall be obliged to you. Captain Phillips & Captain Forsyth have both kindly offered themselves for this particular service, but the one wants youth, the other experience. Sir John Ross declares he will go there, if he does not find the ships in the parts which he has fixed upon on the way to Melville Island, but of course I feel it is nearly impossible he should do anything of the sort.11

No reply from James Ross has come to light, but Lady Franklin and some friends equipped a sailing ship of approximately 90 tons, the

323 John Ross in the Felix

Prince Albert, and gave the command to Commander Charles Forsyth, with instructions to sail down Prince Regent Inlet and the Gulf of Boothia, in the hope that some of Franklin's men were being cared for by John Ross's friendly Boothian Inuit at Felix Harbour. Following an appeal to the American president by Lady Franklin, a New York merchant, Henry Grinnell, with the aid of Congress, fitted out two brigs, the Advance (Lieutenant Edwin de Haven) and the Rescue (under Acting Master Samuel P. Griffin). Finally, John Ross, in spite of all his rebuffs, succeeded in mounting his own expedition. Sir Felix Booth had once again promised his support, and it was a severe blow when he died suddenly on 25 January, an event recorded in heavy Gothic capitals in Ross's diary. Booth's nephew (who succeeded to the baronetcy) was not prepared to follow his uncle's example, and when the Admiralty refused support, Ross turned to the Hudson's Bay Company. He had already written to the company three months earlier: The return and complete failure of my nephew Sir James Ross owing, I believe, to the absurd size of his ships, has left the position and fate of poor Franklin still undecided, and I have reason to believe that Government will offer the sum of £50,000 to those who will succeed in the rescue of him and his companions if found alive and £30,000 or £40,000 if found perished and as there are none so able, and I trust so willing, to undertake this important service as the Honourable the Hudson's Bay Company, I beg you will state to the Honourable Board, that I am confident I would advantageously cooperate with the intrepid Dr. Rae in the effectual performance of this deeply interesting service, and at any rate in surveying the remaining 140 miles and thereby determine the existence of a N.W. passage.12

Ross called at the HBC offices on 11 February, and the following day he wrote to the governor, Sir Henry Pelly, appealing "at this late period" for assistance because of the untimely death of Sir Felix Booth. He assured Pelly that "I have not made this application without having consulted the First Lord of the Admiralty, and that I am also on good terms of intimacy with the gallant officer who is to command the Government expedition."13 Sir Henry reacted favourably and swiftly. In a letter to the Times on 16 February, the company asked for subscriptions, saying, "The outfit is limited to the amount of £3000 - any sum received beyond that amount to be held for distributing to himself [John Ross] and crew on their return ... the Hudson's Bay Company have voted £500 towards the equipment of the expedition." Pelly wrote to John Ross telling him of this appeal but adding that he was to "distinctly understand" that he was not to go ahead until he was informed that the money had been raised and that "not more

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than £2008 [sic] together with a month's advance of wages to the crew will be paid, until you return. The remainder will be held in reserve to pay the seamen their full wages."14 Ross's diary reveals that he sent personal appeals to many people, including the highest in the land. On 3 April he wrote to "the Earls of Aberdeen and Hardwicke, the Duke of Wellington and Lord Palmerston," and from Lord Hardwicke he received this amusing reply: Sydney Lodge, Southampton, April 9 A man at your time of life undertaking on his own means so severe and arduous a service, is a rare and splendid example of devotion to friendship and science. If my refusal to subscribe toward it would stop you, I would act on this selfish and stingy suggestion; but as I see by the subscription list you are likely to gain the required sum, I shall give my mite to so good a cause. You will therefore find £50 at your disposal at Messrs. Cocks & Co, 43 Charing Cross. Wishing you from my heart all possible success, Believe me, My dear Ross, Ever most sincerely yours, Hardwicke.15

Ross had to find a ship and a crew. He told the Hudson's Bay Company that he hoped to get a ship for £1,100, and he travelled to Scotland, where on 5 March he inspected three vessels at Troon and one at Ayr. He chose a schooner being built by Sloan and Gemmell at Ayr, which the firm offered, modified to his requirements, for £1,350. She was strengthened with double planking and additional internal beams, and sheathed with galvanized iron plates; Sloan and Gemmell did a very good job, and Ross was delighted. There were evidently some doubts expressed as to the status of the expedition, and in mid-March Ross asked for and received their lordships' approbation and good wishes,17 and he was granted permission for this approval to be published. The HBC accordingly issued a broadsheet/8 together with the current state of the subscription list. Ross also received a letter from the lord provost of Edinburgh stating that this publication "will enable me to disabuse the minds of many here who are under the impression that your expedition is in opposition to the Government scheme."19 As his second-in-command, Ross chose Commander Charles Gerrans Phillips, who had been with James Ross in the Antarctic. Phillips had been mentioned by Lady Franklin to James Ross as a pos-

325 John Ross in the Felix

sible choice for the command of her ship, and he was, at the time, helping her with fitting out the Prince Albert. In a letter dated 22 April 1850 concerning probable costs of that expedition, he wrote to her: "I begin to think I shall really go now and sincerely wish Sir John would carry out your plan instead of pushing on in the same direction so many other vessels intend to take."20 Ross had also been in touch with Thomas Abernethy ever since his return with James Ross in November 1849. Abernethy signed a letter to Sir Henry Felly saying that he had seen Felly's letter in the press and that he had been offered the post of icemaster with Captain Austin, but much preferred Ross's small ship and would go with him (the letter, though signed by Abernethy, is in Ross's handwriting).21 Ross also engaged a doctor (named Ross), but only two days before sailing from Ayr, he wrote in his diary, "The Doctor turned out a complete drunkard. I discharged him and appointed Dr. David Porteous." "The crew consists of twelve handsome brawny tars from Peterhead who have, we believe, all been more or less engaged in the whale fishery," reported the Ayr Advertiser of 9 May 1850. Peterhead was at this date the principal whaling port of Britain, and Abernethy was a Peterhead man. The two mates, Alexander Sivewright and Alexander Middleton, had each made more than thirty voyages to Greenland and Davis Strait, and it was on Sivewright that Ross relied for mustering a crew. Three of Sivewright's sons were among them. Ross took leave of the Admiralty and the HBC early in May and travelled north. The vessel was launched on 10 May, a wet and stormy morning, in the presence of a large number of spectators and named Felix. At the dinner that followed, in response to the toast to his health, Ross said: I rejoice that I am afforded an opportunity of explaining why, at my time of life, I have undertaken such an arduous service. It is more than sixty years since I was a boy at school in this ancient burgh, and many may suppose, may think, that it was time I was retiring from such a service; but I am confident that a few words will convince you that I am not only fully justified, but that I am imperatively called upon to do all in my power to rescue the gallant Franklin, who, were I in his position and he in mine, would not hesitate a moment to risk his life and save mine (cheers).

He went on to describe his last interview with Franklin, his views on how the search should be conducted, and his inability to persuade the Admiralty, and he concluded: The Governor and Committee of the Hon. the Hudson's Bay Company

326 Polar Pioneers - whose conduct in this instance is beyond all praise - being of my opinion, set on foot a subscription for the purpose of carrying my plan into execution, and although far advanced in years, I have an iron constitution - (cheers) and finding myself quite capable of conducting this enterprise, with the perils of which I am well acquainted, I unhesitatingly volunteered its direction ... Well, whatever the result, we have the satisfaction of knowing that plans, large and small, public and private and foreign, have been resorted to in every possible direction - (cheers).

Of his crew he said: "It is true I have not the advantage of martial law, but that gives me no concern; I have never punished a man in the last three ships I have commanded and I glory in being the father of my crew, and treat them as if they were my own children - (cheers)."22 Ten days later, on 20 May, the Felix sailed from Ayr, towed out of harbour by the steamer Briton. The Briton and the Scotia were crowded with passengers (cabin, one shilling; steerage, sixpence; an instrumental band in attendance), craft in the harbour were dressed, and spectators poured into the town to fill all vantage points. In his diary Ross records, "At 7 p.m. after having paid the men's advance, I sailed from Ayr amid deafening cheers of the 10,000 onlookers. Left several behind." The last sentence refers, not to onlookers, but to members of his crew. In a letter to Barclay, the secretary of the Hudson's Bay Company,23 Ross says he had difficulty with the crew, who wanted a bigger advance than he would give, and that they then went ashore and got drunk. Eight of them were absent on sailing, and he had to hire men to get the ship under way, an episode that seems to have escaped the eyes of the local press. At four o'clock the next morning, Felix came to anchor off North West Castle, Stranraer, and on the evening of the 23rd, she was towed out of Loch Ryan by the Briton. Just before sailing, Ross received a very friendly letter from Lady Franklin, though she expressed regret that her plan for searching Prince Regent Inlet did not "entirely recommend itself" to him.24 On the slender chance that he might find Franklin alive, she enclosed a letter to him, with the advice that it should not be given to her husband immediately because, after the hardships he must have endured, he might be unable to bear any excitement. She also told Ross that John Barrow junior had been very helpful to him behind the scenes and had twice anonymously subscribed to his fund. (Lady Franklin herself subscribed £100, despite all her other expenses.) In his parting letter to the secretary of the HBC Ross says: I have the most painful part of my duty to perform. Mr. Abernethy in whom

327 John Ross in the Felix we placed so much confidence was the first to commit intemperance, and which brought on [?] and inflammation and I was obliged to leave him behind at Ayr in so dangerous a state that I was obliged to call a survey on him - and it was with great difficulty I could get him as Master to clear out at the Customs House here. I of course reserved his advance £35 until I should see if he was able to proceed, and the report this day has been favourable but he will be laid up at least a week. We, however, do not want him till we come to the ice by which time I hope he will be able to do his duty ... I really have not time for more as the ship is now under way. We have 2 brace of trained carrier pigeons in which I put much faith and which I trust will bring you the first good news.25

These events had not escaped the observation of the Shipping Gazette, which reported: The Felix ... went to sea ... in sad state of disorder, from the continued drunkenness of the crew during the whole of the time the vessel was in the Loch. The sailing master had drank himself into a state of insanity, delirium tremens, and was in his bed; the mate was little better, perhaps worse, for he was furious with drink; and the whole of the crew were much in the same state, and positively refused to weigh the anchor or make sail on the vessel. This had to be done by the crew of the steamer, and some parties from Stranraer, who wished to accompany Sir John out of Lochryan ... This gallant old officer, however, is a man of strong nerve and, with Commander Phillips, showed equal coolness and determination under those difficult circumstances. He had full confidence in his management of the crew once the vessel was fairly clear of Lochryan.26

And so, in circumstances somewhat reminiscent of his departure twenty-one years earlier, this septuagenarian sailor set off for the Arctic, once again towing a tender astern, this time his own 12-ton yacht Mary, which had also been strengthened at Ayr. Penny had sailed from Aberdeen on 13 April and Austin and his squadron from the Thames on 4 May, while Forsyth left Aberdeen on 5 June. Ross recorded in his diary the next day that Abernethy was "a little better." The passage to Davis Strait was uneventful, and they arrived at Holsteinsborg on 23 June. Before leaving three days later, Ross engaged as interpreter (at £4 a month) an Inuk named Adam Beck, who spoke Danish. The crew had settled down, and on Saturday, 6 July, Ross wrote in his diary, "Adam playing the fiddle and men dancing," and the next day, "After sermon on intemperance, I told the people that I was determined to enforce the law against drunkards." He gave the men only a small allowance of spirits every Saturday night. On

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21 July, Felix came up with the Prince Albert, and they sailed north in company. The following day, they met seven whalers sailing southward who informed them that the other "discovery ships" were about thirty miles to the northward; on the 25th, Austin's and Penny's ships were in sight from the masthead, and on i August the American ships were seen to the southward. Progress was extremely slow - mainly by towing and tracking, rather than sailing - but they caught up with Austin's squadron (themselves beset at the time) on 9 August, and three days later were offered a tow across Melville Bay, Pioneer towing Resolute and Felix, and Intrepid towing Assistance and Prince Albert. On 13 August, all the British ships were in sight of one another off Cape York. Penny, the first to near Cape York, had seen Inuit on the shore and landed with his interpreter, Carl Petersen, the Danish assistant governor, who had lived in Greenland for about seventeen years. The following day, Phillips landed from the Felix with his interpreter, Adam Beck. Petersen had been unable to obtain any news of Franklin from the Inuit. Phillips and Beck, prevented from returning to the Felix because of a shift in the ice, went on board the Prince Albert. While Phillips was conversing with Forsyth, Beck got into conversation with Forsyth's steward, John Smith, who had a little knowledge of the Inuit language. John Smith came aft to relay the story that Beck said he had heard from the natives. Four years before, in 1846, two ships (whose officers wore "gold lace caps and epaulets") had come from the south, been beset in Wolstenholme Sound, abandoned their ships, and been massacred by the Inuit. This was clearly a matter for investigation by the senior officer, and after reference to Captain Ommanney, whose ship was the closest at hand, he (Ommanney), Forsyth, Phillips, Adam Beck, and John Smith went over to the Resolute, where they were joined by Ross from the Felix. At the council of war that took place, Ross expressed complete faith in his interpreter; the others were all sceptical or positively hostile. It certainly seemed strange that the natives should have given this dramatic news to Beck and not to Petersen. The Intrepid was sent to bring Penny, who was lying to the westward, back to Cape York, and on the following morning the interested parties went ashore, and Petersen (who appeared to understand the native language better than Beck did) again questioned them. The general conclusion was that Adam Beck's story was based on the death of a man from the North Star, which had wintered in Wolstenholme Sound in 1849. The ships then dispersed, Penny towards Jones Sound and the remainder to Lancaster Sound. Penny found Jones Sound blocked by ice and made for Lancaster Sound, and the American ships now also appeared. Elisha Kent Kane, surgeon of the Advance recorded:

329 John Ross in the Felix About three o'clock in the morning of the 2ist, another sail was reported ahead, a top-sail schooner, towing after her what appeared to be a launch, decked over. When I reached the deck, we were nearly up to her, for we had shaken out our reefs, and were driving before the wind, shipping seas at every roll. The little schooner was under a single close-reefed top-sail, and seemed fluttering over the waves like a crippled bird. Presently an old fellow, with a cloak tossed over his night gear, appeared in the lee gangway, and saluted with a voice that rose above the wind. It was the Felix, commanded by that practical Arctic veteran, Sir John Ross. I shall never forget the heartiness with which the hailing officer sang out, in the midst of our dialogue, "You and I are ahead of them all..." Before we separated, Sir John Ross came on deck and stood at the side of his officer. He was a square-built man, apparently very little stricken in years and well able to bear his part in the toils and hazards of life. He has been wounded in four several engagements - twice desperately - and is scarred from head to foot. He has conducted two Polar expeditions already, and performed in one of them the unparalleled feat of wintering four years in Arctic snows. And here he is again in a flimsy cockle-shell, embarked himself in the crusade of search for a lost comrade.27 The position of the ice in Barrow Strait caused all the ships except the Prince Albert to steer towards Beechey Island at the entrance to Wellington Channel. Forsyth failed to get beyond Fury Beach, reported to Austin at Beechey Island, and then returned home. McClintock wrote on 15 August 1858: "Twelve days later than this in 1850, when I belonged to Her Majesty's ship Assistance, with considerable difficulty we came within sight of Beechey Island: a cairn on its summit attracted notice; Captain Ommanney managed to land and discovered the first traces of the missing expedition. Next day the United States schooner Rescue arrived; the day after, Captain Penny joined us, and subsequently Captain Austin, Sir John Ross and Captain Forsyth - in all ten vessels were assembled here."28 A search of the island revealed much more than traces. Hundreds of tin cans built into a cairn, the sites of carpenter's and armourer's shops, and three graves with inscriptions which showed conclusively that Franklin had spent the winter of 1845-46 at Beechey Island were all discovered. Despite the most rigorous search, no record of his stay could be found, nor any indication of his intended route in the summer of 1846, an omission for which no satisfactory explanation has ever been produced and against which John Ross had specifically warned Franklin: "but pray put a notice in the cairn where you winter, if you do proceed which of the routes you take."29 The Mary was

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Map 17 Search for Franklin from the East, 1850-52

hauled up above high-water mark near Cape Spencer and left there, with some provisions, for any parties in distress. The ships tried to penetrate farther west and up Wellington Channel, but with little success. On 11 September, the Felix, in company with Penny's ships, found shelter from a gale in Assistance Harbour (discovered and so named a few days earlier); Austin's squadron was then about twenty miles farther west between Griffith Island and Cornwallis Island. All ships were soon frozen in and made the usual preparations for the winter. Ross and Penny had found a snug anchorage; Austin's ships, in a more exposed position, faced a greater risk, but fortunately the ice surrounding them remained fast through the winter. The Americans were not so lucky; off Wellington Channel, they were beset and, not unlike Back in 1836, were swept up the channel and down again and then out through Lancaster Sound into Baffin Bay. Less fortunate than James Ross in 1849, they were not free until early the following June. Penny had brought dogs from Greenland, which had increased in number, and at this time, there were about fifteen in each of his ships.30 On 3 October he and Petersen set out by dog sledge to drive to Austin's squadron and returned within a few hours, having met a party from the Assistance coming to search for the other ships. The

331 John Ross in the Felix

contact thus established between the two groups of ships was maintained at intervals throughout the winter. Early in October, Ross launched the carrier pigeons, in which, he had told the secretary of the HBC, he had great faith. He sent off two balloons with a carrier pigeon attached to each in a small basket. The attachment was effected with great ingenuity by means of a piece of slowmatch, which would liberate them after twenty four hours. Sir John said that he expected that in that time the wind, which was fair, would carry them into the latitude and longitude of the track of the whalers, and alighting on board those ships they would take a passage to England! The bottom of the baskets was the part by which they would escape, for it was fastened in by means of a cord communicating with the slow-match. Each contained a little split peas, to serve as a last meal for them before leaving their temporary abodes on their aerial passage.31

Towards the end of the month, the Ayr Observer reported the arrival near Kilmarnock of a pigeon, which the lady who had presented the birds to John Ross confidently identified as one of those she had given to him. If the bird had indeed flown 2,000 miles from the Arctic, it unfortunately failed to deliver its messages; in fact, only because the letters attached under its wings had dropped off, it was conjectured, had the pigeon been able to achieve its remarkable flight. Early in November, one of the seamen in the Felix showed unmistakable symptoms of scurvy, and by the end of the month there were eight men suffering from the disease. An outbreak of scurvy only a few months after leaving England was both surprising and alarming. The crew had been eating preserved potatoes that appeared to have little anti-scorbutic value. Fresh potatoes, large quantities of carrots, and lemon juice and sugar were supplied by Penny, and on 20 December, Ross was able to write in his diary, "no one in the sick list." The crew of the Felix enjoyed many other benefits from being in company with Penny. On Trafalgar night (21 October) Ross, Phillips, and Dr Porteous dined on board the Lady Franklin off salmon caught in a nearby lake, and on Christmas Day, fifty men from the three ships (out of a total complement of about seventy) sat down to dinner in the Lady Franklin, "and but for one or two persons who became a source of rather unpleasant amusement to their more quiet companions by being a little quarrelsome, the utmost harmony prevailed throughout the whole evening."32 Theatrical performances took place regularly at the "Royal Cornwallis Theatre," at which "Sir John Ross and Commander Phillips were generally present; and nothing was more common than to see the Arctic admiral keeping time to the music

332 Polar Pioneers with both feet and hands, and at the conclusion of a piece uttering a few words of approbation."33 Penny also had a good stock of novels, which he lent to the Felix's officers. Thus for the crew of the Felix, the winter passed with a degree of comfort and enjoyment which they could not have expected had their small ship been on her own. By early March, preparations were being made for the sledging season, and agreement was reached between Austin and Penny that the latter should search Wellington Channel while Austin's men searched westwards. Ross was now sandwiched, so to speak, between the two larger and better-equipped official expeditions, and there did not seem to be any particular role for him to play. Although the health of his men had improved, his resources were strictly limited and his stock of provisions appears also to have been inadequate, since Phillips was sent on three occasions to obtain supplies either from the ships at Griffith Island or from a depot established at Cape Hotham by the Assistance. On 28 April, Ross went to Griffith Island with Phillips, ten men, and a light sledge. He wrote in his diary that he had walked for six hours and did not feel fatigued. He stayed for a week enjoying Austin's hospitality, and in a report to Barclay, he said that, while there, Cornwallis Island had been allotted to him to search.34 In the same letter, he recorded that during the winter, he had "enjoyed the blessing of health in a higher degree than in any former year," which he accounted for by his "mind being now at ease from having as my second-in-command Captain Phillips, an excellent officer whose conduct is beyond all praise." Austin had charged McClintock with the organization of sledging operations, so as to profit from his experience with James Ross. McClintock's first task was to design sledges and other equipment of the least possible weight that would fulfil their purpose and then to plan the strategy for their use in an extensive search. He devised two means of greatly increasing the range of searches. One was to lay a cache of provisions about fifty miles from the ship, from which an outward-bound sledge crew could top up its supplies and leave the balance for the last lap of the return journey. The other was a system of supporting sledge journeys by which one or more sledge crews accompanied the main party for a certain distance, feeding both it and themselves, and then returned to the ship and if deemed advisable, went out again to establish a depot for the returning party. McClintock also designed a small sledge, five feet long and weighing only fourteen pounds, to carry food and fuel alone, so that two or three men, detached from the main party, could make a quick circuit of a bay or inlet. His methods have been used so extensively by later

333 John Ross in the Felix

explorers that they may now seem very obvious, but they were such an advance at the time that he has been commonly regarded as the father of British Arctic sledging, though some have allotted this distinction to James Ross. In mid-April 1851, sledging parties left Austin's squadron and in the course of the next three months, travelled hundreds of miles. Ommanney, with three officers, crossed Barrow Strait and reached Cape Walker, which was found to be part of a small island lying off a larger mass of land; this they named Prince of Wales Island. No trace could be found of Franklin having passed near Cape Walker. To the east lay Peel Sound, whose eastern shore James Ross and McClintock had travelled two years earlier. Lieutenant Willy Browne (who had been with James Ross in the Enterprise) was directed to examine the western shore, while Ommanney and Sherard Osborn travelled southwestward in the direction laid down in Franklin's instructions. They returned convinced that no ship could have navigated the dense ice to the west of Prince of Wales Island, and Browne expressed the opinion that Peel Sound "froze to the bottom" and was "rarely, if ever, open to navigation." If these judgments were correct, the missing ships could not be south of Barrow Strait. McClintock, with two officers and supporting sledges, travelled westward and reached Parry's "farthest west" at Cape Dundas, Melville Island, where he judged that the ice would have prevented any ship from passing that way. He visited Winter Harbour and left a record at Parry's monument giving the position of Austin's ships. He returned to his ship on 4 July, having travelled 770 miles in a period of eighty days. When the first of Penny's sledge parties left on 17 April, all the crew of Felix accompanied them and helped them to cross some rugged hummocks in the entrance of the bay. "Sir John Ross did not accompany us out of the bay: there is, however, an excuse for him at the advanced age of seventy four. I shall never forget the venerable appearance of his grey locks, as he waved his hat, or fur cap, with its light blue veil, and joined heartily in the cheers of those we left on board."35 Gales and cold forced the first parties to return, but early in May they set out again. Stewart and Peter Sutherland explored the east coast of Wellington Channel, and Robert Goodsir and John Marshall the west coast, while Penny and Petersen with a dog team went up the frozen channel. Only three or four men were left on board Penny's ships. Near Baillie Hamilton Island, about a hundred miles from his base, Penny found the ice breaking up, a tidal stream running, and large expanses of water in sight. He later said that at this point he would have given £5,000 for a boat. He hurried back to

334 Polar Pioneers Assistance Harbour, borrowed the Felix's two carpenters to help make a sledge to transport a six-oared ship's boat, and left again on 10 June. A week later he was able to launch the boat into open water between Baillie Hamilton Island and Cornwallis Island. He had a crew of seven men, with provisions for forty days and hoped to travel 1,000 miles, but despite heroic endeavours, his way was finally blocked by ice; beyond it he could see open water. He returned convinced that Franklin had passed that way and frustrated that the splendid work of all his men had brought no positive results. During the absence of Penny's travelling parties, Ross launched his own search. On 16 May he left with Phillips, Abernethy, Porteous, and ten men. He returned to the Felix in the early morning of the 3Oth and dined with Penny, who wrote, "He was in very high spirits, and appeared quite delighted with his journey of thirteen days, and indeed he looked well."36 Phillips continued with six men and returned on 16 June, having covered 120 miles of country and reached a point about 10 miles from the north coast of Cornwallis Island. They had had to travel on a rapidly thawing surface, alternating between "sludge" and "muddy shingle," and some were almost barefoot on return.37 To Penny's officers the expedition had "really appeared a hopeless task ... If, however, the island should happen to be less than sixty miles in breadth, they might succeed in gaining its opposite shore, whence a view could be obtained of ice or land beyond it, as the case might be; but no hopes could be entertained of their being able to search the coast east or west, for the provisions would all be expended, except such as would be necessary for their return."38 Penny said of Phillips that his "zeal in search of the missing expedition was then about to be thrown away in a useless journey across the trackless and barren top of Cornwallis Island."39 Though the journey must, sadly, be classed as a face-saving exercise, everyone was full of praise for Phillips and only wished that he had had a better opportunity to show his mettle. A hundred and twenty-two years later, in July 1973, geologists found two small cairns in the middle of Cornwallis Island, containing notes left by Phillips that gave the positions of all the ships and of depots.40 Relationships had not been entirely harmonious during the long months. Adam Beck disappeared for several days at times, became hopelessly drunk whenever he could obtain spirits, and was generally recognized as unreliable. Abernethy could be a problem too; on 7 June, Ross wrote in his diary, "At 7 p.m., Mr. Abernethy having been in the tent of Captain Austin's officers came on board in a state of intoxication, came into Sir J. Ross's cabin and assaulted him when ordered to leave, and having been repeatedly warned his allowance of spirits was stopped."

335 John Ross in the Felix

Penny was not a great admirer of Ross. In May 1851, he wrote to his wife: Old Sir John Ross has been in the same harbour all winter, very ill provided indeed. He is an utterly selfish man and his name is proverbial for false statements, however I have taken good care he should have nothing in his power ... I would not let him make a speech to my crews before starting. I told him I had commended them to the care of their Maker and wanted no speeches. Poor old man, it was a great blow to him but I could not let him interfere in any way, however I have been kind and the means through a merciful providence of preserving his life and some of his crew, for in the early part of winter 7 of them had scurvy and likewise himself.41

Disagreements were soon to take a serious turn. All the ships were freed from the ice early in August, and on the nth, Austin brought his squadron into Assistance Harbour and called a meeting of the commanding officers on board the Resolute. Austin and Penny were men of entirely different characters. Austin was very much the senior naval officer, with a reputation among his own officers of being unpredictable - sometimes good-natured, sometimes difficult - and he was inclined to be supercilious towards men such as the whaling captain. Penny was tough, unsophicated, not good at expressing himself, and consequently at a disadvantage in debate. It was only by chance that Austin and Penny had found themselves in close contact, their expeditions having been aimed at different areas, and although they had not met often, such encounters as they had nearly always involved them in argument and disagreement. The meeting on 11 August was no exception. Austin was convinced that further search to the west was useless and wanted a written report of Penny's explorations. Penny believed that Wellington channel would be navigable by a steam vessel and wanted to pilot one of Austin's steamers up the channel. At a later inquiry, a number of officers testified that they knew of Penny's wish for a steamer, but only Stewart could vouch that Penny had actually asked for one at the meeting on board the Resolute. His statement shows very clearly the tone of the meeting: "After they had looked over the chart and Captain Penny had explained to Captain Austin where he had been, he asked Captain Austin for a steamer. He said to him 'You say we have been acting in concert. Let us prove the sincerity of that concert. Give me a steamer and with the little Sophia I will go up 500 miles further'. Captain Austin did not say 'No,' but he drew himself up - refused. I do not recollect the exact words he said, but it was a refusal. He said something and Captain Penny said Then I know the truth of your sincerity, and I will have nothing more to do with you."42

336 Polar Pioneers When Penny finally acceded to Austin's demand for a written report, all he said was "Wellington Channel requires no further search. All has been done in the power of man to accomplish, and no trace has been found. What else can be done?"43 This comment was to prove very damaging to Penny later; on the strength of it, Austin decided to return home. On the way he intended to explore Jones Sound as a possible way into the waters north of Wellington Channel. Penny sailed for England. Austin found Jones Sound blocked by ice, and having nearly lost the Intrepid, he also steered for home. On 29 July, Ross wrote to Barclay: "It is my intention if possible to make a thorough enquiry into the truth of Adam Beck's report of the ships having been wrecked in the space between Whale Sound and Cape York. This indeed may detain me another winter and with 16 men I am not very able to cope with a numerous tribe of hostile natives, but I must and will try."44 On 12 August, he wrote a despatch to the Admiralty (not received until 9 October, after he had returned home) in which he said that he intended to search the east coast of Baffin Bay while Penny searched the west coast.45 However, ice conditions prevented any exploration of the Cape York area, and Ross sailed to Godhavn, where he expected to find provisions left by the North Star. None had been left there, and on 2 September, he too sailed for home, arriving in Loch Ryan on the 25th. During his absence, he had been promoted to rear admiral on the reserved half-pay list. Ross reported to Barclay that while they had been at Godhavn, a deposition had been taken from Adam Beck the substance of which was that the two missing ships were wrecked on the coast north of Cape York; that some of the crew reached land in a state of distress and perished during the winter of 1846-47, either from cold and hunger or by the treachery of a hostile band of natives; that articles belonging to the ships could be shown, which would prove the truth of his assertions; and that he would accompany any further expedition that might be sent to ascertain the truth.46 There was no one at Godhavn who could translate the deposition into Danish or English, though it was perfectly understood by the magistrate's wife, the daughter of a former governor, born and brought up in Greenland. Though Petersen had contradicted Beck's report, Ross casts aspersions on his veracity, "if not his respectability." The resident and magistrate of Disko vouched for Beck's character and his understanding of the nature of an oath, and said that "the natives have never been known to swear falsely." Ross was consequently of the opinion that "the report of Adam Beck is true in every respect." The day after they reached Loch Ryan, Ross and Phillips left for London to report to the Admiralty and the Hudson's Bay Company.

337 John Ross in the Felix

Back in Scotland, the Felix was paid off at Ayr on 11 October, and Ross informed Barclay: "We parted good friends at last. Abernethy and the Mate Mr. Sivewright 'shewed their teeth' but were soon obliged to 'shut their mouths/"47 On 13 October, Ross was entertained to a public dinner at Ayr; before the dinner, he was presented with the freedom of the town. There were many toasts and songs, and Ross himself spoke nine times. He referred to other freedoms he had received and said, "I do not value it more highly from any of these great cities than I do its reception from this town. Here I spent my earliest years, and was educated as a boy - a very mischievous one, too - at your Academy (Laughter)." In the course of his various speeches during the evening, he made some rather exaggerated claims. "It was," he said, "the Felix's crew that discovered the graves of the deceased belonging to the Erebus and Terror, thereby establishing the important fact that the Franklin expedition had wintered at Beechey Island ... The Felix, by remaining several days after the others, was enabled to sail higher up the Wellington Channel than any other vessel, and discovered the land at the bottom of that inlet named North Victoria ... It was the interpreter of the Felix who first indicated the most probable place the ships were wrecked and finally established that, having lost both the seasons of 1845 and 1846, they must have been wrecked on their passage home."48 News of the first discoveries on Beechey Island had been brought home a year earlier by Commander Forsyth, and the unexpected return of all these seven ships in September 1851, with no further information, caused much disappointment and criticism. Immediately on his arrival in England, Penny had written to the Admiralty urging it to send a steamer up Wellington Channel straight away and offering to command the ship.49 The Admiralty declined on the grounds that it was too late in the season,50 but having heard of Penny's request to Austin and in view of the general feeling about the early return of the ships, it appointed a committee to examine the matter. The committee consisted of the rear admirals Bowles (an MP) and Fanshawe and the captains Parry, Beechey, and Back. They interviewed a large number of officers and expanded their inquiry into virtually a full investigation into the history of the expeditions.51 They concluded that both Austin and Penny were justified in returning when they did and commended both for their achievements; but both the conduct of the inquiry and the judgment on the crucial point of using a steamer in Wellington Channel were felt by many to be unfair to Penny. After answering the first question put to him, he had said, "Do you understand? as they say I sometimes put in a word that completely changes the sense of the sentence." The only piece of written evidence

338 Polar Pioneers

- Penny's short note to Austin, which has been quoted - virtually damned him, though Penny said that what he had meant was "/ did all in the power of man to do in Wellington Channel," and that Austin had known perfectly well that what he had intended was to search beyond Wellington Channel. Penny confessed that he was very angry at the time that he wrote the note, that he was not used to writing official dispatches, and that he might have expressed himself better. But he was very aggrieved that the Admiralty had sent to the Times, correspondence between Austin and himself without reference to him. John Ross was called before the committee on 31 October 1851. He disliked Penny's interpreter, Petersen, and chose this occasion to accuse him of having left government service without permission and Penny of not having obtained such permission. That evening Penny visited Lady Franklin's house. According to Sophia Cracroft, he was in a very distressed state and looked very ill.52 He was upset not only by Ross but by Austin, to whom he had spoken very strongly during the day. Sophia wrote in her diary that Austin "turned red and quailed before him," that "Sir John Ross was evidently frightened and spoke a good deal of truth for a wonder," and that "Ross met Penny's eye twice, and each time dropped his own." (She was not, of course, an impartial observer.) Two weeks earlier, G.F. McDougall, second master of the Resolute, had visited Sophia Cracroft, who had recorded: "He said he had not the slightest doubt that Sir John Ross had been the chief source of mischief between Austin and Penny, that there was a constant correspondence between them and that he knew Ross had told many lies about Penny. He spoke of the jealousy and unfairness with which Penny had been treated by Austin, and added that the squadron generally had the highest opinion of Penny ... they [Austin and other naval officers] were upheld by a professional clique, he [Penny] alone unsupported. He spoke of the Committee ... hoped that if anyone was summoned, Sir John Ross would be when 'some very awkward things would come out/ I understood 'awkward to Sir John Ross.' "53 Penny had many supporters who felt that the committee - composed entirely of senior naval officers - had treated him unfairly. Lady Franklin, Sophia Cracroft, Sherard Osborn and other officers, and John Barrow junior all backed his attempt to obtain reemployment. He renewed his application for employment on 10 January i85254 and again on 11 February,55 but was refused. The second letter was a very long document (drafted by his supporters) expressing all his grievances at the Arctic committee's report. Meanwhile, John Rae was searching hundreds of miles to the southwestward. Owing to an exceptionally unfavourable season, he

339 John Ross in the Felix

had been unable, in 1849, to continue the search eastward from the Coppermine River, which he and Richardson had reached in 1848, and he took up his duties as chief trader at Fort Simpson. In 1851 he was allowed to resume the search, and between April and September he travelled by boat through Dease Strait, crossed to Victoria Land (Island) and traced the coast when it turned northeastward, forming the west side of Victoria Strait. On the opposite side of the strait, just visible forty miles away, lay King William Island, but Rae was unable to cross to it. Had he been able to do so, he would have solved the mystery of the missing ships. At Halkett Island (jo°2.j N), where he was forced to turn back, heavy ice was coming from the northwest, and Rae suspected that there was a channel in that direction leading to Melville Island. He travelled back along the north coast of Dease Strait and Coronation Gulf, providing the first sure evidence that Victoria Land and Wollaston Land were not separate islands, and at one point picked up two pieces of wood. One was an oak stanchion about four feet long, the other the butt end of a boat's flagstaff with copper tacks marked with a broad arrow. Rae believed that they had drifted down Victoria Strait from the north, but he did not attach any special significance to them at the time. James Ross thought that they might have come from the Fury. In the spring of 1851, Lady Franklin, with the help of private subscriptions, had sent the Prince Albert out again under the command of William Kennedy, a Canadian fur trader, the son of a Hudson's Bay Company trader and a Cree woman, to carry out what Forsyth had failed to achieve. As second-in-command, Lady Franklin appointed an intelligent and gallant young French naval officer, Joseph-Rene Bellot. The two men could hardly have been more different in birth, upbringing, and temperament; Kennedy knew little about the sea but was an experienced traveller by dog sledge and canoe, while Bellot knew nothing about sledging or living in the Arctic but was a good navigator. Neither had any personal axe to grind, and they got on splendidly. The expedition wintered (1851-52) at Batty Bay. Lady Franklin's primary aim was to make contact with the Boothian Inuit. Bellot would have liked to travel down the east coast of Boothia, but Kennedy preferred to cross over and travel down the west coast past the north magnetic pole. Accordingly, the two officers and four men set off on a sledge with dogs in the spring of 1852. In Brentford Bay, they found an opening to the west - Bellot Strait - suspected by James Ross in 1829 but missed by John Ross in 1832. When they arrived at the open water at the west end of the strait, they were unsure of their exact whereabouts, the weather was misty, and they found it difficult to distinguish between land and water. Bellot was not even sure that there was a strait, but looking up Peel Sound, Kennedy saw what he

340 Polar Pioneers

described as a "continuous barrier of land extending from North Somerset to an extensive land which we could distinguish on the other side of the channel"56 - Prince of Wales Island, already discovered by Ommanney. He therefore came to the conclusion, like Browne, that there was no navigable passage through Peel Sound, and Bellot agreed. Kennedy decided that it was his duty to travel farther west until he found open sea through which Franklin might have sailed, so the remainder of a long, exhausting march took them over ground on Prince of Wales Island that, unknown to them, had already been explored and back along the southern shore of Barrow Strait. They had travelled 1,265 statute miles in ninety-five days; most of the party had suffered from scurvy. The expedition returned home in October 1852. Bellot, on his return, tried to persuade the French to mount an expedition but was unsuccessful. So he volunteered to join another English expedition and was appointed as second-in-command of the Phoenix under Edward Inglefield (an expedition described in the next chapter). In August 1853 he was drowned when he fell through a fissure in an ice floe - to the sorrow of all who had known him.

CHAPTER

TWENTY-ONE

Search for Franklin, 1852-54

The Arctic Committee requested "several gentlemen"1 for their opinions on whether it was probable that any of Franklin's men were still alive and in what direction a further search should be made if it should be decided to mount one. The "several gentlemen" were Sir John Ross, the Rev. William Scoresby, Sir John Richardson, and captains Austin, Kellett, Ommanney, Penny, and Stewart. None of them thought it probable that there were still survivors. Sir John Ross believed that the absence of any records at Beechey Island pointed to the fact that Franklin and his men were intending to sail for home and that they had been wrecked in Baffin Bay in the summer of 1846; Austin and Ommanney were also of this opinion. Scoresby, Richardson, and Kellett all thought that they had gone up Wellington Channel and north of the Parry Islands and that they could be far to the westward and it was just possible that they might find sufficient animal life to provide food and fuel. Penny and Stewart were of the same opinion, as might be expected.2 Sir James Ross had given his opinion in a letter to the Admiralty dated 26 September 1851 (i.e., in advance of the Arctic Committee inquiry). In his letter he wrote: When the report of the wreck of the Erebus and Terror, and the massacre of their crews by the Eskimaux, reached England, one chief reason for disbelieving the story was that it was said to have occurred in the winter of 1846 a year after the sailing of the expedition, and therefore the calamity could not have happened on their outward voyage. It is well known that the season of 1846 was the most severe that has been known for many years; none of the whale ships attained a higher latitude than 74° on the east, and 68° on the west side of Baffin's Bay, which was completely choked with heavy ice. Sir John Franklin's Expedition had made but a small advance to the westward during

342 Polar Pioneers the more favourable season of 1845 ... Taking into consideration the character of the following season, it appears to me by no means impossible that the ships were not released from their winter quarters until too late a period for them to make any farther progress to the westward, the barrier of ice in that direction, as well as across the Wellington Channel, probably not breaking up at all that season, as they assuredly did not either in 1848 or 1849. To have wintered again in the same vicinity would have been a waste of the resources of the expedition; and if, as I have assumed, they were unable to advance, they would have been compelled to return to England ... Under such circumstances, they would have endeavoured to round the north end of what is called the middle ice, and effect a passage to the southward between it and the east coast of Baffin's Bay. In such a season as that of 1846, it is probable their attempt would have been frustrated, and that the ships would have been frozen in in a high latitude, and not far from the east land ... a position of great peril. I respectfully submit a more rigid inquiry should be made of the natives of Cape York and Melville Bay, from whom the report of the loss of the two ships was obtained; for although I cannot believe them capable of murdering the crews, they might have been spectators of the last sad catastrophe, without being able to afford them any assistance. This inquiry could be the more easily and satisfactorily accomplished now, since within these last three years a communication has been opened up between the Danish colonies and the inhabitants of Melville Bay by means of sledges every spring for commercial purposes; and as these Danes all speak the Esquimaux language, they would be more able to sift the various statements they might hear connected with the wreck of the two ships, as well as other collateral evidence of the fact, or otherwise, as would put that question entirely at rest.3 Thus James Ross was evidently in agreement with his uncle on the probable scene of the expedition's fate and thought that Adam Beck's story, though garbled, might not be entirely without foundation. The sensible suggestion of enlisting the help of the Danish colonists does not appear to have been given any serious consideration. The Admiralty, though disinclined to mount another expedition, bowed both to public demand and to the general opinion that an expedition should go up Wellington Channel, and it accepted the advice of the Arctic Committee. John Ross, however, still believed Adam Beck's story and held to his opinion that the ships had been wrecked in Baffin Bay. He volunteered to examine "the east coast north of Upernavik and the inhabitated part of the west coast ... Mr. Lewis Platon, an intelligent Danish gentleman,... has volunteered to accompany me and we are both of the opinion, and confident that we

343 Search for Franklin

should be able to put an end to the question, which will not be the case by the plan recommended by the Arctic Committee." He would require two small vessels (he had his eye on the Lady Franklin and the Sophia) and a small steamer for this task, and in a characteristic final sentence, he wrote that "on purpose to perform this service, I shall most willingly hoist my pendant as a Captain instead of hoisting my flag as a Rear Admiral."4 But the Admiralty declined his offer. However, another private expedition, with much the same plan, did get under way. The indefatigable Lady Franklin, with the help of subscribers, bought a steam yacht, the Isabel, and with the concurrence of the Admiralty, appointed Lieutenant Edward Inglefield in command. He was instructed to explore the north part of Baffin Bay, to examine the scene of Adam Beck's supposed massacre, and then to proceed to Beechey Island with stores for the official expedition. On the way home, he was to coast along the western shore of Baffin Bay keeping a lookout for distress signals from the shore, this instruction having been prompted by a report of two ships seen embedded in an iceberg near Newfoundland in April 1851, which it was thought might have been the Erebus and the Terror abandoned by their crews after being beset in Baffin Bay. Inglefield sailed in July 1852; his chief mate and icemaster was Thomas Abernethy. Having visited the scene of Beck's story and found nothing to support it, he sailed farther northwards for a "peep" into Smith Sound, between Capes Alexander and Isabella, which Baffin and John Ross had both believed to be a bay. "On rounding Cape Alexander [on 26 August], the full glory of being actually in the Polar Sea burst upon my thoughts, for then I beheld the open sea stretching through seven points of the compass and apparently unencumbered with ice, though bounded on the east and west by two distinct headlands."5 He had discovered the narrow sea that, in future years, was to be known as the "American route to the Pole." The next day he was stopped by contrary winds, and a subsequent gale drove him back a hundred miles to the south. After completing his prescribed mission, he returned home in September. The first American expedition through Smith Sound had already been planned and was given added impetus by Inglefield's discovery. The leader of the expedition, financed once again by Henry Grinnell, was Dr Elisha Kent Kane, the surgeon of the Advance in the 1850 Grinnell expedition and the successful author of the published narrative. Nominally he was going to search for Franklin; in fact, he was the first of a series of adventurers seeking the "Open Polar Sea" and ultimately the North Pole. The Admiralty expedition consisted of the same four ships that had sailed under Austin, with the wise addition of the North Star as depot

344 Polar Pioneers

ship. The command was given to Captain sir Edward Belcher in the Assistance, a choice of leader made, it would appear, solely because of his seniority. Though he was a skilled surveyor and had served with distinction, he was a notoriously difficult captain, universally disliked by officers who had served with him. The Resolute was commanded by Captain Henry Kellett (formerly of the Herald), the Pioneer by Sherard Osborn as before, and the Intrepid by McClintock, newly promoted to commander. It was intended originally that the whole squadron should go to Wellington Channel, but the father of Lieutenant Samuel Cresswell of the Investigator wrote to the Admiralty pointing out that Collinson and McClure had instructions to head for Banks Land, that the latter had not been heard of for more than a year, and that if in trouble, he would be likely to aim for Winter Harbour. The Admiralty promptly altered its orders, issuing instructions that one pair of ships was to go up Wellington Channel, while the other was to sail to the westward and leave boats and supplies at Winter Harbour. This was a most fortunate decision for McClure and his crew. When the search from the west was being planned, John Ross had written a letter to the Admiralty saying, "I wish to record my unqualified disapproval of this plan which I conscientiously believe would end in the loss of the ships and every person on board them."6 His prophecy very nearly proved correct in the case of the Investigator, whose story must now be told briefly, though it does not bear directly on the actions of John and James Ross. After being towed through the Straits of Magellan in April 1850, the Enterprise and the Investigator had lost contact in the South Pacific and had independently sailed north towards an appointed rendezvous at Cape Lisburne in Alaska. They did not meet there, a failure that was not entirely fortuitous. Both ships called at Honolulu; when McClure arrived on i July 1850, he found that Collinson had left the previous day. Determined to catch up with Collinson or, if possible, to get into the Arctic ahead of him, McClure made a bold decision. Between Honolulu and Bering Strait lie the Aleutian Islands, a dangerous chain of islands, shoals, and reefs with strong tides, often fog-bound and at that time uncharted. The prescribed route was to steer northwest round the western end of the chain and then northeast to Bering Strait. McClure heard, in Honolulu, that there was a pass through the chain on a direct route to Bering Strait and determined to try it. By skilful navigation, he succeeded and reached Kotzebue Sound in just over three weeks, half the time that the course round the western end of the Aleutians normally took. There was no sign of the Enterprise, and McClure sailed on to Cape Lisburne, where he met the Herald,

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Collinson. Me Clure. Sledge journeys. Map 18 Search for Franklin from the West, 1852-54

commanded by Captain Henry Kellett, senior to him in rank. Kellett advised McClure to wait for Collinson, but McClure claimed that Collinson might have taken the same route as he had and could be ahead of him. Though this suggestion was so obviously unlikely that Kellett was not deceived by it, he did not know exactly what instructions the two ships had been given and did not feel it was his duty to order McClure to wait; so McClure sailed on. While in Kotzebue Sound, McClure wrote a letter to James Ross from which it is quite clear that he hoped to give his senior officer the slip - and perhaps find his own Northwest Passage. Since April 22nd I have seen nothing of either [the Enterprise and the steamer Gordon], so made the best of my way to Honolulu arriving the day Enterprize [sic] sailed. She remained a week, but as soon as we had completed with water & filled up with all species of provisions for three years from next September, started, which did not long detain us, as we went into the harbour 2nd July & sailed 7 p.m. on the 4th, since which time we have not taken in a staysail or scarcely started [?] a Royal sheet steering N by W Mag. Collinson wrote me he intended going to 170° E and 30° North before he shaped his course. I mentioned this to several persons Capts. of Whalers, who advised me to steer as I have done & said I should arrive at Bhering [sic] Straits a week before him; and, from our uninterrupted run to this, I think stand a fair chance. However

346 Polar Pioneers as he goes to Kotzebue Sound to communicate with Plover and my orders are to proceed to Cape Lisburne & then follow him into the ice, I stand a good chance of not meeting him. In such an event I shall push on resolutely for Banks Land, keeping between the pack and American shore to 130° W. when, if I do not see a good opening before, I shall push into the N.E. so as to prevent being set to the S.E. of Banks Land into the Bight. After which if possible I should wish to get to the North of Melville Island (having nothing to do with Barrow's Straits which province I consider belongs to Capt. Austin) as far as the Wellington Channel, either coming through that way, or, in the event of meeting notices of Capt. Austin's having been up, retrace our way & get on to the N.E. towards Jones Sound, endeavouring to get through it or, failing, return & secure winter quarters, ready for getting out in 1852 - for I consider what is above purposed will take two seasons to carry out even under moderately favourable circumstances; but of course all or any part of this plan, in a navigation of which none is a better judge than yourself, must rest with a higher power, our feeble efforts are but as a feather's weight amongst the mighty elements we have to contend with.7

McClure also made some scathing criticism - not undeserved - of the training of his officers. In accordance with his plan, he sailed along the North American coast past the mouth of the Mackenzie River and Cape Bathurst and then northeastward into Prince of Wales Strait; he thus confirmed the existence of Banks Island. He was unable to force his ship through heavy ice that was blown down the strait, and after a narrow escape from shipwreck, he secured her safely for the winter. Before the winter darkness closed in, he set out with his icemaster and a sledge crew, and after five days, he reached, on 26 October 1850, the northeast point of Banks Island, facing a wide sea that he knew must be Viscount Melville Sound. The existence of a Northwest Passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean had now been proved, though not navigated. In the spring of 1851, sledging parties were sent out which extended the known geography, but found no traces of Franklin; no one went to Melville Island. In the summer, McClure tried to break out of the north end of Prince of Wales Strait and "push into Barrow Strait with the prospect of drifting with it to the eastward of Lancaster Sound"8 but was unable to do so. So, reversing course, he decided, to sail round Banks Island and enter Viscount Melville Sound from the west, through the strait which had defeated Parry in 1819 and which Franklin had been expressly instructed to avoid. The prospect of a lucky passage between Banks Island and Melville Island was alluring, but it was not to be. After a perilous coastal voyage, the ship was anchored in the Bay of Mercy, on the north coast of Banks Island.

347 Search for Franklin

The morale of the crew deteriorated during the winter, as their rations were reduced and their dangerous position became only too apparent. Early in April 1852, McClure and his icemaster made a sledge journey of some 150 miles across the sound to Melville Island, confident either that Austin's squadron would be wintering at Winter Harbour or that supplies would have been deposited there. All he found was the message left by McClintock the previous summer, from which he rightly concluded that there was no likelihood of ships coming to Melville Island during the summer of 1852. He left a message giving the position of the Investigator and returned, dejected, to the ship. She was not released from her icy anchorage during the summer, and the crew had to face their third winter in the Arctic, desperate months by the end of which the men were half-starved, most of them suffering from scurvy and several from mental breakdowns. McClure decided that in April he would send the weakest men away in two parties, one to aim for the Mackenzie River and the other for Port Leopold, while he and the twenty fittest men remained on board in the hope of freeing the ship during the summer. This was a desperate plan that would certainly have ended in disaster, but fortunately it was never put into effect. Belcher's squadron mustered at Beechey Island in August 1852, and the North Star was left there as depot ship. Belcher in the Assistance, with Osborn in the Pioneer, sailed up Wellington Channel and found a winter anchorage. During the following spring and summer, sledge and boat parties added considerably to the geography of the region but found no traces of the lost Franklin expedition. Returning down Wellington Channel, Belcher's ships became icebound and were forced to spend the winter of 1853-54 some fifty miles north of Beechey Island. Kellett in the Resolute, with McClintock in the Intrepid, had a difficult westward passage and were unable to reach Winter Harbour, and early in September 1852, they found anchorage for the winter off Dealy Island. Sledge parties were immediately sent out to lay depots for journeys in the spring, and by sheer good luck, since Winter Harbour was not on the itinerary, one of these parties on its way back to the ship visited Parry's monument and found McClure's message. It was too late in the year to attempt any rescue that autumn, and this fact must have caused Kellett much anxiety during the winter. He realized that McClure's provisions must be running out and was convinced that he would abandon his ship in April; news must be got to him before he did so. On 10 March 1853, the earliest spring sledge journey that had been attempted was started. Four weeks later, Lieutenant Bedford Pim and two seamen reached the Investigator,

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where final preparations were being made for the departure of the travelling parties. Thus was McClure's crew saved, but it required a positive order from Kellett before McClure would abandon his ship. During the summer, sledging parties made further extensive geographical discoveries but found no traces of Franklin. In 106 days, McClintock travelled 1,328 miles, of which 886 were new coastlines, and Lieutenant Frederick Mecham travelled 1,153 miles in ninety-four days, of which 785 were new coast. The ships were not able to escape from their winter anchorage until mid-August, and within a month, they were once again locked in the ice in Barrow Strait and forced to spend another winter - the fourth for the crew of the Investigator except for two officers and a few men who were sent by sledge to Beechey Island. The Admiralty had sent Inglefield in the steamship Phoenix, accompanied by two transports, to Beechey Island with stores for Belcher in the summer of 1853, and he returned home with the small party from the Investigator, bearing the news of the rescue of McClure and of the discovery of the Northwest Passage two years earlier. Inglefield was sent out again in 1854, in the Phoenix with the transport Talbot, carrying orders to Belcher to return home, abandoning ships if necessary, unless he thought that the fate of Franklin would be discovered by his remaining another year. However, Belcher had, on his own authority, already ordered the abandonment of all ships except the North Star, and when all the crews had been assembled at Beechey Island, they sailed for home in the North Star and Inglefield's two ships, arriving in England on 7 October 1854. The Admiralty had, even before they recalled Belcher, announced on 20 January 1854 that Franklin's officers and men would be deemed to have died on Her Majety's service unless news of their safety was received before the end of March.9 In spite of a "long and painful" protest by Lady Franklin,10 their lordships remained of the opinion that all had been done that could be done and that further lives should not be risked. The general view was that Franklin's ships had sailed for home and come to grief in Baffin Bay. The only search ship now left in the Arctic was the Enterprise. Collinson had arrived at Bering Strait in the summer of 1850 about three weeks after McClure, was unable to penetrate the ice off Point Barrow, and went to Hong Kong for the winter. In the summer of 1851, he returned to the Arctic, entered Prince of Wales Strait on 26 August (only ten days after McClure had left it), discovered that McClure had preceded him, but sailed on to the head of the strait. Forced to return because of the pressure of ice in Viscount Melville Sound, he started to circumnavigate Banks Island, but in the face of

349 Search for Franklin

the polar pack, he turned about (more prudently than McClure, who he assumed had done likewise) and found a satisfactory winter berth in Walker Bay. The next summer (1852), he sailed through Dolphin and Union Strait into Dease Strait and wintered in Cambridge Bay. In 1853 he continued eastward and up the west shore of Victoria Island, only to find that Rae had preceded him, and he, like Rae, was unable to cross to King William Island. He returned by the same route, wintered north of Alaska, passed through Bering Strait in the summer of 1854, and arrived home in May 1855. News of his departure from the Arctic had reached London on 8 November the previous year. Collinson had taken good care of his men, and during the five-year commission, only six had died (and those men from non-Arctic causes), but he had frequently been at loggerheads with his officers. He had placed most of them under arrest at some time or another during the commission, and on return to England, he demanded that several should be court-martialled; the Admiralty refused. He has also been criticized as overcautious. Nevertheless, he had taken his ship through hundreds of miles of coastal waters previously believed to be navigable only by boats and had been prevented only by ill luck from being the discoverer of McClure's Northwest Passage and of the fate of Franklin farther to the eastward. His performance has been much underrated.

CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO

News from the Great Fish River, 1854-56

Those who thought that this was the end of the Franklin question were soon to get a surprise. On 23 October 1854 - when a court martial on Belcher was still in session - the Times published a report, dated 29 July at Repulse Bay, which John Rae had presented to the Admiralty the previous day. He had set out from York Factory on Hudson Bay in June 1853 to complete the exploration of the Boothia Isthmus, between his previous discoveries in Committee Bay on the east coast and the north magnetic pole on the west coast. He had wintered at Repulse Bay and in the spring of 1854, travelling west, had discovered Rae Strait and thus proved that King William "Land" was an island. "During my journey this spring," he wrote, "I met with Eskimaux in Pelly Bay from one of whom I learned that a party of 'white men' (Kabloonans) had perished from want of food some distance to the westward and not far beyond a large river containing many falls and rapids. Subsequently further particulars were received and a number of articles purchased which places the fate of a portion, if not all, of the then survivors of Sir John Franklin's long-lost party beyond a doubt - a fate as terrible as the imagination can conceive." The "further particulars" which Rae reported were that this disaster had occurred on King William Island four years earlier (it had, in fact, been six years), that later in the season some thirty corpses were found on the mainland and on an island which Rae judged to be Montreal Island in the estuary of the Great Fish (Back) River, and that from "the mutilated state of many of the corpses and the contents of the kettles, it is evident that our wretched countrymen had been driven to the last resource - cannibalism - as a means of prolonging existence." Rae brought back articles purchased from the Inuit which had indisputably belonged to some of Franklin's officers. None of the Inuit with whom he spoke had themselves seen any white men or

351 News from the Great Fish River

Map 19 Rae, 1853-54: First News of Franklin

been to the place where the bodies were found. Rae's expedition had not been part of the search for Franklin (which he knew was in progress in areas of the Arctic that now appeared to be the wrong ones), and it was only on his return to Repulse Bay in May 1854 that he had met Inuit who confirmed, and enlarged upon, the information he had already heard. It was impossible for him to travel west again when the thaw had started, and rather than spend another winter at Repulse Bay and travel again in the spring, he regarded it as his duty to make a report as quickly as possible. So he returned to York Factory and thence to England; he was undoubtedly right to do so. The Crimean War had broken out, and the Admiralty would have been hard-pressed to spare ships and men, even if it had wished to do so, but the government asked the Hudson's Bay Company to send a party to the estuary of the Great Fish River during the following spring. Though one might have expected that Richard King would be the first to welcome the news that evidence of Franklin had indeed come

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from the neighbourhood of the Great Fish River, he attacked Rae in terms no less harsh and absurd than those he was accustomed to use to the naval establishment. He had already criticized Rae in 1847 - "It is far from evident that Dr. Rae reached Lord Mayor Bay of Sir John Ross ... he made short cuts to save a journey round capes and bays, and thus lost sight of the continuity of land which an experienced traveller would not have done."1 Now King "assured Dr. Rae that he is wrong in all his premises" regarding the nature and wildlife of the country and the customs of the Inuit, and he even went so far as to express disbelief in his whole story: "Although I had always my misgivings of Dr. Rae's ability as a traveller, I always gave him credit for enterprise and manly bearing ... I only hope he made the journey to Castor and Pollux River and hence to Cape Porter ... The means by which Dr. Rae became possessed of the relics of the Franklin Expedition will ever be a matter of doubt in my mind."2 Other voices criticized Rae for being too credulous in believing the story the Inuit had told him, for not himself going to the area to verify the facts, and for hurrying home in order to claim the reward that had been offered. In particular, the suggestion of cannibalism was deeply offensive to public opinion and especially to relatives of Franklin's men, and the Rev. Mr Hornby, brother of one of Terror's officers, wrote a letter of protest to the Times on 30 October. Rae replied in the paper on 3 November that he had simply reported officially what had been said to him and he was surprised that the Admiralty had released the whole of his report to the press. In a short personal letter to the Times, written on 20 October and printed alongside the official report on 23 October, he had made no mention of cannibalism. News of Franklin from so unexpected a quarter naturally encouraged speculation as to how he had got there. McClintock, answering a letter from James Ross congratulating him on his return and promotion, wrote: I believe I have "walked" up to my present rank, have accomplished in all about 4000 miles in the Franklin search. I have seen a good deal of Rae in London. He has pencilled on my chart the west coast of Boothia Isthmus as he found it in Spring '54, also the position of Franklin's parties when seen travelling southward by the Eskimaux, also their probable route towards Back's River, near which they perished probably on Pt. Ogle. Rae thinks the ships drifted down in the pack to the positions marked by dotted circles, and were only abandoned when provisions failed them. He thinks they either came down the channel between C. Bunny and C. Walker [Peel Sound], or round by the westward of C. Walker. Beliefs Channel does not exist, at least

353 News from the Great Fish River Bellot says so in his private journal which his friends have published since his death. ... I need say nothing to you of Belcher since you know him ... but for him we should have sent down by Cape Walker to "Rae's farthest in 1851." Capt. Kellett saw the utility of it for Collinson's sake, and I was most anxious to go.3

James Ross replied that what he sad seen of the ice conditions in Brentford Bay in 1829 led him to believe that Bellot Strait did exist. On 9 November, Lady Franklin wrote to James Ross: "I am sure you will kindly allow me at this moment when all that remains for me to cling to or to hope for is connected with the investigation of the mystery which still hangs over the fate of the dead, to request your opinion as to the facts disclosed to us by Dr. Rae & the inferences he draws from them. And I am most anxious to consult you as to the best means of investigating the fate of all members of the expedition & the best way of getting at the ships, if you agree with me & Sir J. Richardson & others in thinking that these are not crushed but only abandoned."4 She told him that she could not accept that all the men of whom Rae had heard had perished, still less that there were not other parties that had travelled in other directions. She thought that both coasts of Boothia south of Bellot Strait should be searched, and she expressed grave misgivings about the projected Hudson's Bay Company expedition down the Great Fish River, if left exclusively to HBC people inferior to Rae in rank and esprit de corps, none of whom had been on the coast. Rae himself thought it desirable that an Arctic naval officer should accompany the expedition and that if a first-rate, experienced officer was proposed, the company would not object; she suggested McClintock. She did not think that much could be expected in one season and therefore that the plan should include wintering on King William Island. Though Richardson believed that the ships were probably shut up in some harbour in King William Island, she, with her uncanny gift of prophecy, was inclined to look farther north and suggested that sledge parties should search down Peel Sound, as Kellett had intended to do had he not been ordered to abandon his ship. She concluded her letter: I fear I have written incoherently, but I find it difficult to write at all - and I am sure you will forgive me, knowing too well all I have to suffer. I remember gratefully how kindly & judiciously, if I may say so, you counselled Capt. Foster as to my little P. Albert expedition alas! to what little purpose. Have you yet been consulted by the Admiralty as to what ought to be

354 Polar Pioneers done? With our united kind regards to Lady Ross, believe me dear Sir James, ever most sincerely yours, Jane Franklin

To this letter, James Ross replied: I will not endeavour to express our sincere sympathy in your deep affliction or the grief we feel at the loss of friends so truly dear to us as were Franklin and Crozier, but proceed at once to the several questions you have proposed to me - and first "as to the facts disclosed to us by Dr. Rae." The impression they leave on my mind is that it must have been several years before 1850 that the party was seen by the Eskimaux. We know how difficult it is to get from those people anything like an exact date as seven is the utmost number they can count and few of them can go beyond five. My reason for this belief is that if the Expedition had passed four winters in that neighbourhood, the crews would have been expecting relief to be sent to them from England & parties would have been dispatched in every direction as far as they could travel to put up marks on every conspicious point to guide the searching parties to their ships, & then I should have assuredly found them in the spring of 1849. The total absence of any traces of their parties, along the west coast of North Somerset or at Fury Beach, all well within reach from any point where the ships must have wintered leads me to the belief that the ships must have been wrecked and abandoned long before they could have expected relief to have been sent to them from England.5

Ross went on to tell Lady Franklin that he thought the ships had penetrated beyond Cape Walker, but had been carried to the southeastward by the prevailing current, were unable to find a safe harbour, and had been wrecked during the winter of 1846-47. "If, as is most probable, the calamity occurred during a gale of wind, numbers must have immediately perished from exposure to such intense cold and Franklin & Crozier, being necessarily more exposed than any others from their anxiety to look after & preserve the lives of as many of their people as possible, would probably be amongst the first to suffer." Those who survived might have been able "either from the wrecks of the ships or from previous preparations in anticipation of such a catastrophe, to save enough provisions to support them during the remainder of the winter." Without boats, it would be useless to make for Lancaster Sound and the whalers; their only chance would be to divide into several parties and try to reach some of the Hudson's Bay Company settlements; "one of their divisions has imprudently tried for the Great Fish River, ignorant of the fact that it would be impossible for so large a party to procure a sufficient supply of food to

355 News from the Great Fish River

enable them to cross the barren grounds, & have perished in the attempt. Had Franklin or Crozier survived the wreck of the ships, no party would have made so impossible an attempt." With regard to what should be done next, Ross wrote: The means to be adopted by the land parties I must leave to those better acquainted with the subject than I am ... but with reference to the best mode of getting to the scene of the first calamity, I would suggest that at least two ships be dispatched about next May & proceed direct to Port Leopold - leave there a large depot of provisions & boats and then proceed down Regents Inlet - one of the ships to winter in Batty Bay, the other in some harbour close to Bellot Strait. From this last position the whole of the unexplored coastline of Prince of Wales & Prince Albert Islands, of the East and West coasts of Boothia & King William's Islands, and the west coast of Cockburn Island may very early be examined by the parties in the spring of 1856.

He thought that McClintock should be given this command rather than that of any overland party, and he concluded: The Admiralty have not in any way consulted me, nor do I think it at all likely they will with Sir J.G. [Sir James Graham, the first lord] at their head. I must beg of you to consider this communication quite confidential as it is not my wish that it should appear in print. With our mutual kindest regards, I remain, yours very faithfully and sincerely, James Ross You need never doubt that I shall always be most ready to give you my true opinion on any point connected with this subject, even tho' it may not accord with your wishes & may even inflict pain.

Rae read a paper at a meeting of the Royal Geographical Society on 13 November, attended by many of the Arctic officers, who all believed his story and approved his actions. Though James Ross thought that the ships had been wrecked beyond Cape Walker, Sherard Osborn, at this meeting, expressed the view that "finding the ice too heavy to make head against, he [Franklin] went down Peel Sound (a fine open channel), and in that direction the other bodies would be found."6 Opinion as to the possibility of navigating Peel Sound had been modified since James Ross, Willy Browne, and Kennedy and Bellot deemed it to be unnavigable. As McClintock wrote some years later: "My subsequent experience has led me to modify this opinion. In 1849, we travelled along the leeward side of the strait where all the ice pressure was most apparent and striking; but in 1851, Lieut. Browne

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travelled down the windward side and found the ice smooth, so much as to show that water must have existed the previous autumn nearly along the western shore."7 The Hudson's Bay Company sent Chief Factor James Anderson down the Great Fish River in June 1855, with a party in two canoes. When they reached the estuary, they found that their boats were too frail to cross to King William Island. They searched for ten days, but they had no interpreter and they found no records, graves, or human remains. The few articles they brought back established beyond doubt that it was the Great Fish River to which Franklin's crews had retreated. But if their journey had proved King to have been right, it had also proved that James Ross was no less right in his contention that the type of boat best suited for navigating the river's rapids was not suitable for the sea or, to put it another way, that if a boat was built suitable for both, it would have such small capacity for stores that they would barely suffice their crew for the double river journey. In November 1854, the governor of the Hudson's Bay Company claimed, on Rae's behalf, the reward of £10,000 that had been offered to anyone who ascertained the fate of Franklin and his ships, but the Admiralty postponed judgment until the result of Anderson's expedition was known. In January 1856, it disclosed Rae's claim to the public, and in June it finally announced that it had determined in Rae's favour - £8,000 to Rae himself and £2,000 to his men.8 There had been other claimants among those who had taken part in the search, including, of course, King on the grounds that "I alone have for many years pointed out the banks of the Great Fish River as the place where Franklin would be found"9 Lady Franklin herself, though she believed Rae's report, objected to the adjudication because she considered that it was premature and that it would prejudice any further attempt to determine positively the fate of the whole expedition, not just that of what might have been only a detached party. Following Collison's return in 1855, a committee of the House of Commons was set up to consider the question of a parliamentary award for the discovery of the Northwest Passage.10 As a result, an award of £10,000 was made to the officers and men of the Investigator for the discovery, not of the, but of a Northwest Passage, since Rae's report indicated that at least some of Franklin's men had probably discovered an alternative passage not later than 1850. McClure also received a knighthood, but his behaviour before the committee did not endear him to his professional colleagues. He claimed that the help received from the Resolute was not essential to the survival of his crew and that if he had not been ordered to abandon his ship by Kellett, he could have extricated her in the summer of 1853 or, alter-

357 News from the Great Fish River

natively, got most of his crew to Port Leopold on foot. The officers of the Resolute and the Intrepid received nothing but a formal commendation. Many distinguished naval officers and scientists pressed for another naval expedition, now that the area of the disaster was more precisely known and the Crimean War had been concluded with the Treaty of Paris in March 1856. A memorial was sent to the government on 5 June, and when this had no effect, Lady Franklin addressed the prime minister, Lord Palmerston, herself.11 He was sympathetic but could not overcome the opposition of Sir Charles Wood, first lord of the Admiralty, who gave his final answer to Lady Franklin in April 1857: "... having come with great regret to the conclusion that there was no prospect of saving life, [the government] would not be justified ... in exposing the lives of officers and men to the risks inseparable from such an enterprise."12 This answer was not surprising; the Admiralty had incurred enormous expense, had been lucky not to have the Investigator as a second disaster on its hands, and had received much criticism of the conduct of the search. Public opinion, too, was becoming unsympathetic to more expeditions. So Lady Franklin, supported by her Arctic friends, set about organizing another private expedition.

CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE

John and George Ross: the Closing Years, 1848-56

Although John Ross had sorted out his financial problems to some degree after his return from Stockholm in 1846, he must have continued to live in fairly straitened circumstances. Nevertheless, he had rented a house in Park Street, London, and spent much of his time the following year staking his claim to lead an expedition in search of Franklin and criticizing the plans made by others. Privately, he was facing a domestic crisis, for early in 1848, his wife left him. The first record of this incident that has been found is a letter which he wrote on 3 June 1848 to Edward Donoghue, who was Lady Ross's first cousin and appears to have been one of the trustees of their marriage settlement: I am much obliged by the trouble you have taken but, as you say, there should be "no mistake." I must again answer yours of the ist instant. As lawyers differ I will not dispute the point, but I may ask why did Mr. W. Manson insist that I should make an acknowledgement that I had given "just cause" to Lady Ross to separate from me, after I had repeatedly told him that I could not conscientiously do so. His very last letter on the subject says that it was indispensible. He must from his letters have known the accusation against me, namely crim. con. [spelt out in later letters as "criminal connexion"] with the servant Fanny, of which I had not the most distant idea. Why did he not make that known to me and give me the opportunity of rebutting such a serious charge? ... With respect to Mr. Manson, I understand that he had authority from Lady Ross to open my letters, as two of them had been sent back with the notice that Lady Ross had not read them and these were addressed to Park Street.1

(William Manson and Dr Frederick Manson married Edward Donoghue's sisters, and their sister Elizabeth married Lady Ross's

359 John and George Ross: Closing Years

brother, Thomas Rymer Jones, so they were closely related by marriage to Lady Ross.) On 19 October Ross wrote to his wife - "My own dearest Mary" from London reminding her of her marriage vows taken fourteen years earlier on the next day and imploring her to "return to your husband who has given no just cause for the rash step you have taken. On the anniversary of our marriage I shall add a few lines, but unless I receive a favourable answer they must be the last! God Bless you my still beloved wife, says your fondly affectionate husband John Ross." Two days later he wrote the following letter. The intended recipient was evidently the person chiefly concerned on Lady Ross's side of the argument (probably John Jones, whose relationship to Lady Ross has not been established - perhaps an uncle). My dear sir, I arrived at London on Wednesday and the first person I met in the street was Professor T. Rymer Jones who, after a friendly salutation, declared (to my astonishment) that he was totally unacquainted with the reason for his sister's separating from me and denied that he was ever "impatient" to take, or ever inclined or proposed to take, any proceedings at law against me on his sister's account, that he had not had any communication with you on his sister's separation from me, but had only seen you some time ago respecting the trust affairs, which he was desirous should be explained and settled. In short he distinctly repudiated your proposal touching the question, which he declared he "knew nothing about" and recommended my calling on Dr. Frederick Manson who he said "knew all about it." I called consequently on Frederick, but to no purpose. He said he knew where Lady Ross was concealed and had forwarded her letters, but considered it a point of honour not to inform me where she is! a point of honour to conceal a friend's wife!? This has indeed thrown a new light on this painful subject and, under the circumstances and being informed that you had left town in the circuit, without saying when you would return, I have placed the cause under the management of my solicitor John Francis Esq. with whom you will please to communicate on this distressing subject, which must forthwith be brought to a termination whether amicably or otherwise. I leave town on Monday [to stay with the Earl of Hardwicke] and my return to London or not will depend on the result of Mr. Francis's communication with you or Lady Ross, he having full instructions from me. Personally, of course, our negociations are at an end. Regretting sincerely that all the trouble you have been at has terminated so differently to my expectations I remain, dear Sir, yours very sincerely John Ross.

360 Polar Pioneers With these letters there is a copy, by John Ross, of a note that reads: Dispatch 25 March 1849. A.B.C. Clapham. As the wife has left the husband voluntarily and without sufficient cause, he cannot be made to contribute to her support neither is liable for any debt she may contract with his consent expressed or implied. The wife cannot be punished for having taken away the furniture, but the husband may seize the same at any time whilst in her possession or receive it back by action from the party to whom she has disposed thereof. A letter from Donoghue dated 26 May 1849 speaks of misunderstandings about a deed of separation and complains that Lady Ross has had only £40 from Sir John in the past year. It is evident that William Manson had tried to draw up an agreement by which Lady Ross would live apart from her husband and receive maintenance from him, but without a formal deed of absolute separation, provided that Sir John continued to honour the agreement. Donoghue clearly supported Manson's action and thought that Sir John was not being asked to sign anything unreasonable. In April 1850, shortly before he sailed in the Felix, John Ross wrote to John Jones a very flowery letter about God's mysterious ways, in which he said that but for the action of his "dear deluded wife," he would not have undertaken the voyage. He had arranged with the government that his pension should be paid to his wife. He would like to meet her and give her his will, which had not been altered, but "I wish it to be perfectly understood that until I completely clear my character of the foul imputations made against it, I have no wish that we should meet as man and wife." Ross records in his diary for 1851 that, among a batch of letters which he sent home from the Arctic was one to his wife sent as an enclosure to a letter addressed to John Jones Esq., Derby. Meanwhile, he had taken legal action with regard to the charges against him of immorality. On 20 April 1849, ne had made a statuory declaration before the Bow Street magistrate stating that malicious reports made against him were "totally false and without the slightest foundation in truth," namely, that in April and May 1848 he had had carnal intercourse, first with a servant named Fanny and afterwards with a servant named Elizabeth Rixon, who had become pregnant and borne a son on 16 January. He said that he had entered Fanny's room at his wife's request "for no other purpose than to bring back the soap and towel which that servant had improperly taken out of her room into her own. I never was in the room of the said servant

361 John and George Ross: Closing Years

Fanny, which was contiguous to our own, at the time she was in it." He also provided some circumstantial evidence that Elizabeth Rixon's own brother, who was their footman, was probably the father of her child. In consequence of these unfounded reports, "or for some other reason not founded in truth," his beloved wife had separated from him and was somewhere concealed by her relatives. In consequence, he had been induced to concede to a deed of separation and maintenance, though solemnly declaring that he had never had any intercourse with the two named girls. He further declared that it was not true that he had spent £3,000 of his wife's trust money secured to her by their marriage contract, and he could show evidence that not more than £1,500 was ever deposited on her part and that the remainder of the £3,000 "stipulated to be forthcoming on her part" had been provided by him. The £3,000 was, by consent of the trustees of the marriage contract, used for the publication of his book and lost by the failure of the publisher. He further solemnly declared that all money advanced on his wife's account was secured by investments and bills in the hands of her brother, Rymer Jones, and the other trustees. Finally, Ross again declared that his wife had no just cause for the separation, and he was ready to satisfy her on every point and receive her back. At the end of April, he received a letter from the mother of Elizabeth Rixon - a very restrained letter in the supposed circumstances: Honard Sir John, ... I hope Sir you will take up the distressing situation of the por [sic] girl and her sweet babe, her character gone her friends frowning, who has she got to turn to but the father of her child ... I hope you will Sir bring her out of that prison house [the workhouse] by enabling her to do something for herself, i leave the matter with yourself praying you to think what your duty as a gentleman and a Christian. I am Sir with all due respect to your present and future welfare your humble Esther Rixon

The last documents relative to this affair that have come to light are a declaration (in John Ross's handwriting), undated and endorsed "affidavit of Fanny Paine," denying "on oath and without any reward" the accusations against John Ross involving her and Elizabeth Rixon and a similar declaration intended for Elizabeth Rixon (though not named), also denying the accusations and saying that it was "a foul conspiracy to draw the guilt of the real father of her [Rixon's]

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child" and that the assertion of Sir John having entered Fanny's room "was made up to make a connection more probable and that for that purpose the towel and soap was carried from Sir John's room to hers, that he might be obliged to search for it there." It is impossible to guess what lay behind this strange story, but one can easily understand that Lady Ross might have found life with Sir John very difficult in 1848. She was thirty-four years younger than him, during their time in Stockholm her health had been poor, they had been in constant financial difficulties, and Sir John had been declared bankrupt. Moreover, in spite of his advanced age, he was attempting to return to the Arctic. Although William Manson apparently tried to reach an acceptable agreement between husband and wife, other members of her family seem to have been uncompromising in their insistence on keeping Lady Ross "concealed" from her husband. It is not clear who originated the improbable story of the servant girls. One thing seems certain: Thomas Rymer Jones did not approve of the family's actions, for he remained on good terms with John Ross for the rest of the latter's life. No formal deed of separation has been traced, but the last letter John Ross ever wrote, nine years later, reveals that he and his wife never came together again. It is interesting to speculate why these very personal papers should have survived. They form part of a collection of manuscripts of H.W. Buxton, a barrister who, like John Ross, was a close friend of the polymath Dr John Lee. (Lee, born Fiott, was a lawyer with a keen interest in science, and an active member of the temperance movement. He kept commonplace books in which he got his friends and visitors to write.) It has been suggested that the papers may have been given to Lee or Buxton by John Ross shortly before his death, in the hope that they would vindicate him. After paying off the Felix and attending the public dinner at Ayr in October 1851, John Ross had left Ayr for Stranraer in the Briton, stayed a night with his brother-in-law John Adair at Balkail, and then travelled to London. He returned to Stranraer for a public dinner which was held on 19 November and left for London again (by train from Dumfries) on the 22nd, but he was taken ill at Carlisle. After nine days there, he went back to Ayr and convalesced for a fortnight. He told Dr Lee2 that even his "iron constitution" was suffering from the rigours he had endured in the Arctic and that he must regard his collapse as a warning for the future. He returned to his brother-in-law at Balkail to spend Christmas and the New Year, arriving "much pained by the jolting of the gig." On 29 December, Felix was sold for £755, after he had put a reserve on her of £750.3 On 26 February 1852, there occurred a historic sea disaster when the Birkenhead, carrying troops to India, struck a reef off Cape

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Agulhas, South Africa, and sank with the loss of 445 lives. The cause was sailing too close to an unsurveyed coast; both the board of inquiry and the subsequent court martial discussed whether a faulty compass had been a contributory cause but dismissed it. However, John Ross wrote a letter to the Nautical Standard blaming the loss of the ship on the Admiralty and the Compass Department and suggesting that the disaster was due to the ship's being navigated in southern latitudes with deviation tables given to her in England by Captain Johnson.4 When Johnson asked for their lordships' support in answering these allegations, they declined, saying that they "did not think it desirable to notice such communications"; but he prepared a careful and well-documented statement in his own defence, and when Sir George Pechell asked the secretary of the Admiralty in Parliament on 17 June "whether the attention of the Board had been drawn to a letter in public papers from an Admiral in Her Majesty's service respecting the loss of the Birkenhead steamer, and complaining of the manner in which duties were performed by that Scientific Officer, Captain Johnson R.N.," the answer was given that "the Board did not feel in any degree disposed to withdraw the great confidence which they had in the gallant officer who had been so truly described as that 'Scientific Officer, Captain Johnson.'"5 Nevertheless, this ill-informed accusation did unmerited damage to the reputation of the Compass Department, which Johnson had so painstakingly established. During the year 1852, John Ross published a tract entitled On Intemperance in the Royal Nain/, in which his main message was that ridicule, not flogging, was the best punishment for drunkenness. He wrote that when he was a lieutenant, two of his captains had, on his advice, established a drunken mess where men convicted of drunkenness were obliged "to mess by themselves on the main hatchway (being the most conspicuous part of the ship) - to have their dinner after all the rest were done - their clothes to be marked 'D' and their wooden utensils to be marked 'DRUNKEN MESS' - to wring swabs, sweep the decks and do all the dirty work in the ship - and to be made to drink their allowance of six-water grog instead of three, on the quarter deck." He himself had adopted the same plan as a commander in command. The Athenaeum gave the tract a good review: "Father Mathew and Mr. George Cruikshank must rejoice in soul over this vigorous and telling pamphlet... The account of his doing, and the crew's undoing, on board the Victory [i.e., Saumarez's Victory] reads like a bit of Smollett."6 During this year, Ross also much enjoyed a reunion with his son Andrew and his family. Andrew had gone to India in 1840 in the service of the East India Company in Bengal, and in 1844, when he was

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assistant to the collector and magistrate at Cawnpore,7 he had married Sophie Vincent, aged seventeen,8 who appears to have been partly French. Their eldest son, another Andrew, was born on 18 April 1845. A daughter, Agnes, born in 1846 died before she was three years old, and their next two children, Caroline (b. 1848) and Philip (b. 1851), both died in their teens. The family came on furlough in March 1852, Sir John met them in London, and they all went to North West Castle. In June, he wrote to his brother George's widow: "I am quite delighted with my dear daughter-in-law, the more I see of her the more I like her, and under the unfortunate circumstances in which I am placed she is to me a real blessing."9 He was in financial trouble again and at odds with James about James's stepmother's support. "The assertion that I ought to take an equal share in your support is like all the rest of James conduct towards me. While he during his service was receiving hundreds, I may say thousands of pounds, I during my last expedition was losing my poor half pay and being called upon to pay £500 towards the payment of my crew's wages. I had to borrow and am now £700 in debt! while he can afford to keep his carriage!... Moreover Andrew brought with him so little money that he has been living on me since he has been at my house ... I shall endeavour after the ist July when I receive my pay to let you have £5." In October 1853, John Ross made another appeal to Lord Aberdeen, applying for the post of lieutenant-governor of Greenwich Hospital, in which he said that "there is no other Rear Admiral who had been so severely wounded as myself, the College of Surgeons having decided (excepting one voice) that my wounds amounted to the loss of two limbs."10 (The appointment went to Parry.) Later Andrew and his family took a house in London, and there, on 26 April 1854, another daughter was born who, wrote Sir John to his niece Isabella Spence, "is to be named not 'Simone' but 'Gertrude' - a name equally obnoxious?" Andrew returned to India in September that year to take up what his father described as "the lucrative post of Magistrate at Cawnpore." His wife followed later, though she was apparently in poor health, leaving young Andrew at school near Ayr and the younger children with Isabella at Brighton. In May 1855, Sir John heard the distressing news that Sophie had died (aged twenty-eight) on 21 March, shortly after reaching Calcutta. This information affected him greatly and caused him to worry about his young grandchildren. (Andrew married Georgiana Elizabeth Cooke, aged twenty and born in India, on 7 April 1856 at Ghazipur,11 where he became magistrate and collector. They had a large family, many of whom died young. He was appointed a civil and session judge in 1865,12 returned to England in 1872, and died in 1894.)

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On 15 July 1853, John Ross had written to his friend Dr Lee that he had intended to visit friends in Normandy but was refused leave because he was the only officer who could speak Swedish and Danish and his services might be needed in the event of war with Russia.13 Most people thought that there would be no war, and he hoped not, "for believe me it is those who, like me, have witnessed the horrors of war who are the least desirous to see them again." In another letter to Lee dated 17 December, he reported that rumours of war in the Baltic were now at an end. Nevertheless, while diplomats in Vienna were still seeking formulas for peace, John Ross was keen to exercise some personal diplomacy. He wrote to Lord Aberdeen, now prime minister, on 17 January 1854, offering to undertake a secret mission to the emperor of Russia with a plan for the "Peace of Europe."14 He reminded Aberdeen of his experience of "secret service" on the Channel Islands station and in the Baltic during the Napoleonic Wars and described his mission to the same emperor of Russia in 1834. Since this new mission was to be a secret one, there had, of course, to be a covering story. The explanation he proposed was that he should ask the emperor to grant permission for ships now in the Bering Strait area to search for Franklin along the Siberian coast. Having obtained an audience, he would try to interest the emperor in the plan he had for solving the Turkish problem; he would suggest to the emperor a face-saving excuse for withdrawing his troops from the principalities of Moldavia and Bessarabia, commanding the mouth of the Danube, which had been invaded by Russia. He would say that he had no instructions from the government, "but after some time or probably on a second interview I may by insinuation hint that being related to the Empress of the French I know more of the views of Louis Napoleon than any one else" to this statement Ross added a footnote: "This is true, see Nisbet's Heraldry, the undersigned is by the female line descended from Sir Thomas Kirkpatrick, just as the Empress of the French is by the male."15). Ross's services were declined, and England, supported by France, declared war on Russia on 27 March 1854. A few days before this, Ross wrote to Lee from North West Castle, to which he had returned from London to find some charts required by the Admiralty: "The Baltic Fleet has gone! and I hope it will be successful, but the last letters I have from Russia inform me that the Emperor calculates on his formidable navy of gunboats accomplishing the total destruction of the British fleet by attacking the ships in a fog with their guns projecting hollow shot charged with gunpowder which explodes at the moment of contact, which I confess is a formidable and destructive opponent especially as our ships have no gunboats to match them."16

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This was rather the type of warfare that Ross had envisaged in his publications on steam navigation in 1828 and 1843, but Lee in his reply said that he was not very worried about the Russian gunboats. The rest of his letter may have been a genuine statement of his opinion or a comforting piece of flattery to an aging friend: I can readily imagine that you have given every information in your power to the Admiralty concerning the Baltic, both from your charts and your local knowledge and I regret, in common with others, that the Government has not had the gratitude nor the wisdom to give you the command of a three-decker and to secure your presence in the Fleet, when your advice might be of so much value to the Commander-in-Chief. But I hear that the greater part of the Captains of the Fleet have been appointed by Parliamentary Influence and that many have never been in the Baltic before - and that Admiral Napier himself, whose appointment is Political, knows very little of the Baltic and though a brave man, has very little judgement or discretion for the command of a fleet, except for the perpetration of acts of violence and force. I hope the French Admiral will compel him to some degree of discretion, and that our ships and men will not be sacrificed to bravado.17

(Admiral Sir Charles Napier, then aged sixty-eight, had a very high public reputation; but he was too old, his fleet was unsuitable, and his crews poorly trained and disciplined. He was relieved of his command when the fleet withdrew from the Baltic at the onset of winter.) Writing again from North West Castle on 10 April 1854, Ross told Lee that he had been much occupied in preparing charts and so on for the Baltic fleet and had expected to have been called to London again, "not, however, to serve afloat, for having (for former services) received both high honours and valuable presents from the Emperor of Russia, I could not conscientiously serve against him, unless commanded to do so."18 He also told Lee of the proposal he had made to Lord Aberdeen and said that it was not adopted "probably because it might interfere with the duty of the ambassador." A month later he wrote in similar vein to his niece Isabella. "As I am, by being a Knight of St. Anne of Russia, precluded from serving against the autocrat by the patent of that order I am 'hors de combat' - but nevertheless have much trouble in the way of information. But I am in hope of being allowed to remain quietly at home, until called to a better world!"19 And, so far as naval service was concerned, he was. In July he revealed to John Barrow junior the final collapse of his Arctic plan. The sorry outcome of this venture is told briefly in the letter to Barrow,20 but more fully in a letter to Isabella dated 22 August 1854:

367 John and George Ross: Closing Years I have not yet made up my mind about my future proceedings - some fatality seems to thwart all my views, and in this I am something like your poor father! In order to make a last endeavour in search of Franklin, my friend Mr. Platon, the Danish Governor of Greenland, and I had formed a plan and with the aid of other friends purchased a vessel last autumn, in which we intended to proceed to the position in the Arctic regions where we were both of opinion that traces of the missing ships would be found, after the return of the present ill-advised expedition [Belcher's]. In the interim she went, commanded by Capt. Platon to Riga under Danish colours and having loaded with hemp etc. (which would have been a good speculation) she sailed II months ago, and has never been heard of! No doubt Capt. Platon and the whole crew have perished. On arriving at Elsinore the vessel was to be insured but, as she never reached it, she is a total loss and I am among the pecuniary sufferers. It has therefore become imperative on me at my time of life to try to pay off the debt. I have been obliged to borrow on my property and if I can get my house sold or well let I shall go somewhere to economise. My loss indeed is not so great as it might have been as I had not accepted the bills for the cargo which until the vessel was insured I was not obliged to do, but it is quite bad enough as it is. I have bothered you with these untoward details to show you how unable I am to assist you and those I would otherwise feel bound to do to the utmost of my power - alas there is no help for misfortunes!!21

When John Ross went to London in September 1854 to bid farewell to Andrew, he visited John Rae and attended his lecture at the Royal Geographical Society. He was quite convinced of the truth of Rae's report about Franklin's men and regretted that Rae had declined command of the next expedition "as I am sure none can be found better qualified."22 He wrote to Admiral Dillon at the time: "The Arctic people have returned just as I foretold and I understand that Lady Franklin is furious because they did not stay another winter (I may add where her husband was not to befoundl) I am sorry to hear that they have been quarrelling among themselves, which will not be creditable to the Service."23 During the periods he spent at North West Castle in 1853 and 1854, he took great interest in two projects of local importance: the establishment of Stranraer as a mail station for Ireland and a telegraph service between Scotland and Ireland. An Act of Parliament allowed improvements to the harbour, the building of a new pier, and the extension of the railway from Castle Douglas, fifty-two miles away. Ross spent the winter of 1855 in London and attended meetings of the Astronomical, Geological, and Meteorological societies, returning to North West Castle in the spring. During the summer, he enjoyed visits from friends and from his grandchildren, and spent much of

368 Polar Pioneers his time editing the Memoirs of Admiral Krusenstern, the Russian circumnavigator, which had been translated from the German by Krusenstern's daughter, Charlotte Bernhardi. On 23 November 1855, Ross asked permission of the Royal Geographical Society, "as the first gold medallist (which he was not), of the Society" to dedicate the book to the society. A month later, he impatiently wrote that if the society did not wish to comply with his request, he would dedicate it to "the Noblemen and others who have already subscribed for 200 copies";24 but the society did agree to its dedication. He also published his opinion on the Franklin search in Rear Admiral Sir John Franklin: A Narrative of the Circumstances and Causes Which Led to the Failure of the Searching Expeditions Sent by the Government and Others for the Rescue of Sir John Franklin. This was a badly written polemic in which he gave vent to all his frustrations. His arguments with the Admiralty and the other Arctic officers from 1847 onwards are repeated, and he makes another attack on James. He claims that the facts of James's 1848-49 expedition had shown that his opinion that James was seeking, not Franklin, but the Northwest Passage was correct; that James's orders had been kept secret from Bird (they had not), who because he had been James's first lieutenant in the Antarctic, was "a person from whom he could most easily conceal his views." He also wrote that James "succeeded, by being frozen in for eleven months in a comfortable ship's cabin, in serving his sea time which entitled him to his flag on the active list when he came by seniority for promotion." (36) In the second volume of his "Memoirs," which are virtually a draft of this book, he wrote, "The death of the Earl of Auckland was perhaps fortunate for Sir J.C. Ross, as no doubt he would have been extremely displeased at his violation of his instructions predicted by me. On the other hand the death of Sir John Barrow, who had promised him a Baronetcy if he discovered the N.W. Passage, was a great loss!" But John Ross must have realized that this was going a bit too far, and it was not printed in the book. (Lord Auckland and Sir John Barrow had both died while James Ross was in the Arctic in the Enterprise.) He followed with a chapter headed "Captain Penny," which was, in the main, a repetition of an article that had been printed in the Nautical Standard of 6 March 1852, a copy of which he had sent to the Admiralty. Penny, he said, "having been twenty-eight voyages to Baffin's Bay (albeit he had never wintered there) pretended that he was much more competent to navigate those seas than officers of the Royal Navy." (59) Ross accused Penny of sailing at least six weeks too early in 1850 in order to draw his double naval pay, claiming that "his

369 John and George Ross: Closing Years grand and sole object" in October 1851 "was to obtain another command for 3 years at the rate of £800 per annum" (63) and that his intention had been to winter comfortably at some port in Greenland on this full pay and proceed in July 1852. Ross said that another reason for Penny's sailing early was to visit Upernavik "in order to procure the services of his friend Mr. Petersen, whom he induced to leave his situation of £20 a year, without the permission of the Danish Governor, for the position of interpreter with him at £75 a year" (64). Ross also revealed that on the fateful 11 August 1851, he had said to Austin, "I am a witness to what has been said, but black and white is better, and I advise you to write to Penny for an official report." He testified that "Mr. Penny made no application at that time for a steam vessel, moreover the application would have been quite absurd as it was quite impossible she could have proceeded up the channel" (67). Such comments suggest that McDougall's opinion that Ross was a mischief-maker between Austin and Penny was near to the truth. John Ross stuck to his belief that the ships had been wrecked on their way home and that the ships seen on the iceberg in 1851 were indeed the Erebus and the Terror, but his attempt to reconcile this view with Rae's report from hundreds of miles to the westward was not very convincing: "the ships locked in the mass of ice, floated up and down Baffin's Bay and Davis's Strait for several seasons, until they were liberated in 1852 [sic], the crews having previously abandoned them and made the spot indicated by the testimony of the Esquimaux" (93).25 It is possible, of course, that in this sentence Ross was harking back to Adam Beck's old report rather than to that of Rae, but if so, he made no attempt to explain why a party of Franklin's men should have found their way to the estuary of the Back River. Lady Franklin gave her opinion of Ross's book in a letter to James Ross: "Sir John Ross has written a book as you probably know, full of fictions of which I can testify to one of the greatest viz. his conversation with my husband and especially my husband's words to him. But the whole book I believe is amusing in the same way."26 Inevitably, in the same year (1855), Dr Richard King wrote a similar book entitled The Franklin Expedition from First to Last, pointing out where he had been right and everybody else wrong. (Some passages from this book have been quoted earlier.) John Ross told Lee in the autumn of 1855 that he intended to spend the winter in London, and he let North West Castle for £75 per annum, with the proviso that he could use three rooms when he wished. His tenants, a Captain and Mrs Little, were old friends, judging by the letters they wrote to him. In one of them, Mrs Little speaks of a zealous friend at Liverpool "gathering up a fair crop of subscrib-

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ers" for his forthcoming memoirs.27 In October, Ross travelled south by boat to Liverpool and by train to London, and then on to Brighton, where two of his grandchildren were sick, but he found rail travel very exhausting.28 The following January, he attended a meeting of the Royal Geographical Society to hear a report of the American explorer Dr Kane and "was glad to see the tides there had completely turned in my favor."29 (Kane himself was to have attended a special meeting of the society in November 1856, but was too ill to do so.) Ross's health, however, was failing; he had intestinal trouble and at one point, was hors de combat for four days after attempting to cure his deafness by inhaling steam. He returned to Scotland in July, travelling by sea from London to Leith and from Ayr to Stranraer, a journey he said had done him good. But only a fortnight later, he was back in England. He had intended to attend the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science at Cheltenham but wrote to Lee from there on 8 August: "I regret to say that I have suffered so severely from my railway journey from Liverpool that I am quite unable to take any part in the proceedings, or indeed to leave the Hospitable Mansion of my kind friend and old shipmate Captain St. Clair ... I left all friends at Stranraer quite well on the ist instant and got in perfect health on the next day to Liverpool but the hot weather and the jolting of the railway, have been too much for my shattered frame, and I have also to dread my journey to London."30 However, he reached London and stayed with his brother-in-law, Rymer Jones, at 43 Gillingham Street, Vauxhall, from where he wrote his last letter (referred to earlier) on 25 August: My dear Provost, Pray conclude with Mrs. McDonall as soon as possible. I have referred her to you, as my poor wife having left her husband 9 years without any just cause, She is not entitled to Pension, and must entirely depend on the surplus after the debts are paid for her future support. believe me, yours faithfully John Ross31

The addressee was probably the provost of Stranraer, and Mrs McDonall may perhaps have been the housekeeper at North West Castle. A week later, Rymer Jones wrote to James Ross: My dear Sir James, It becomes my painful duty to inform you of the death of Sir John Ross

371 John and George Ross: Closing Years which melancholy event occurred on the 3Oth Inst. As I find that none of his relatives are in town perhaps you will be kind enough to step over to the above address where I await your arrival in order to give the needful directions concerning the internment and I am Yours very faithfully T. Rymer Jones32

John Ross was buried at Kensal Green, the recently opened and much favoured cemetery. In 1847 he had drafted a will leaving everything except his medals - including North West Castle - to his wife for life and then to his son Andrew; and in his letter to John Jones of April 1850, he had said that he wished to give his wife his will, which had not been altered. No will has been traced either in London or Edinburgh. North West Castle is said to have been sold for the benefit of Lady Ross; Sir John probably had not much else to bequeath. Attempts to discover what happened to Lady Ross have proved unsuccessful. The census for 1851 includes a surgeon named John Jones living at Derby, but no one who could be Lady Ross appears in the list of his household. The year 1848 had been a bad one for his brother George Ross also. In March George appeared in the Insolvent Debtors Court, when his attempt to obtain a discharge was opposed by three creditors in transactions involving the Heir-at-Law Society. It was reported that Ross had petitioned the Insolvent Debtors Court in 1833 and had been discharged from debts amounting to £2,000; that he had been remanded in prison for twelve months on grounds of fraud; that he had presented a petition to Parliament but no act had been passed for his benefit; that he had obtained a final order in 1845, when he was relieved of debts amounting to about £3,000; and that he had also been backrupt in 1827, owing about £3,000.33 In his defence, George Ross stated that he had been manager of the Heir-at-Law Society since 1845. The object of the society was to assist heirs-at-law to obtain property belonging to them; it instructed professional men to take proceedings on behalf of the various claimants to property who applied to the society. Mr Dowse, representing the creditors, asked: Do I not see the Heir-at-Law Society before me? GEORGE ROSS: I do not know what you mean. DOWSE: Are you not manager, treasurer, trustee, society and all? ROSS: The Society is registered, and you can inquire. The names are entered in the registry.

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Proceedings were adjourned at the request of Dowse so that the insolvent might bring in all documents, vouchers, and books relative to the dispute. The chief commissioner said that he had a strong opinion in the case, but would do nothing in anticipation. There were four more hearings before the end of May. At a hearing on 3 June, Ross said that he had been manager of the Heir-at-Law Society since November 1839 and had resigned on 14 February last.34 The society had been formed by seven gentlemen, but he could not tell who they were as they had refused to allow their names to be mentioned. However, he was ordered to do so but could not provide any information of their whereabouts. He stated that the accounts of the society were in the name of trustees: Sir John Ross, Sir J.S. Douglas, Mr Barren, and Mr Fletcher. It was observed that the first two of these gentlemen had been bankrupts. (A few days later, Douglas wrote a letter to the Times, saying that he was never in any way connected with the society and did not know Sir John Ross by sight.35) George Ross went on to report that the society had entertained 3,000 cases and now only three persons were opposing him; there were at present 661 cases before the society. Shareholders had not been paid any interest because they had not applied for any. At a resumed hearing on 5 June, it was revealed that an advertisement for employment as "secretary to an establishment of some standing and magnitude" had been inserted in the Times of 3 September 1847 over the signature of "Rhodes," which George Ross said was merely a nom de plumed6 He had answered an applicant in the following terms: "Mr. Rhodes thinking that a personal interview would lead to satisfactory arrangements, desires Mr. Gough to call on the gentleman whose card is enclosed, and who is the brother of Captain Sir John Ross, the celebrated circumnavigator, and father of Sir James Ross." Gough had attended the office for a short time and left being owed £50. At a final hearing on 10 June, George Ross produced a long written statement.37 The chief commissioner, however, gave his opinion that Ross was the society in himself; he had not produced a single witness to say that there had ever been any meeting of directors or trustees. All money passed through him, and he was therefore responsible for accounting for the disposal of all funds. "It did indeed exhibit a very sad scene to find a man arrived at the insolvent's lengthened period of years, endowed with energies physical and mental of no mean power, pursuing a system such as had been disclosed, and which could not be characterised by any favourable epithet." He would therefore refuse to grant a final order.

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No record has been found of a subsequent grant of a final order, and George Ross died on 13 December 1850 at the age of eighty. His widow was evidently then dependent on John and James Ross, who had been paying the rent of their house for many years.

Caricature of Sir John Ross.

CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR

The Fate of Franklin; James Ross's Closing Years, 1857-62

When, in 1856, the government refused to mount another expedition in search of Franklin's ships, Lady Franklin once more set about organizing a private expedition, declaring that she would spend up to £20,000 on it, and she offered the command to McClintock. (She had offered it to other officers who, for various reasons were unable to accept; her final choice was to prove a good one.) On 4 April 1857, McClintock sought the advice of James Ross: I am very anxious to have your council in a matter of some importance to me. I am just now hovering between inactivity and employment as leader of Lady Franklin's private expedition. I need hardly tell you that all my inclinations are in favor of the latter and my mind is made up to accept it if I see that sufficient means are placed at my disposal to insure, as far as possible, a successful issue ... the Admty. have promised to allow naval officers to serve in any private Expn. she may send out. Now I do not put it to you to advise me whether to serve in command of a private Expn. or not - you might not like to advise such a step; but what I would wish to ask is, in how far I might expect the countenance of the scientific bodies towards such an expedition; and in how far the Admty. sanction ought to be obtained, as I do not wish to be so impolitic as to act contrary to their wishes! If the Admty. withhold all assistance, I could hardly undertake the Expn., even if it was possible to get it off in time for this season. You have experience bearing directly upon this subject. I do not know much about private expeditions and may form an erroneous opinion respecting the difficulties or otherwise, attending the practical working of them. Any information you will give me I shall feel greatly obliged to you for. Also what were the feelings and acts of the Admy. towards your uncle's Expedn. in 729? I suppose there should be certain terms upon which alone I should accept the command, and clearly

375 James Ross's Closing Years defined instructions as to what is to be done. I have not in any way involved myself or promised to take it, but as soon as the Admty. reply to Lady Franklin, I must then declare for or against it. I have not mentioned this subject to anyone, and should it not take place, it would be better not to let it be known that I had ever contemplated accepting the command. Unless the search is completed, I don't think the Arctic men will ever receive the credit they deserve: also, unless the present opportunity afforded by the union of humanity and science, is seized upon, I do not think any future Govt. will ever reopen the Arctic regions.1

James Ross encouraged McClintock to apply for leave of absence, and on 23 April, McClintock received a telegram from Lady Franklin: "Your leave is granted; the Fox is mine; the refit will commence immediately."2 She had bought the Fox, a 177-ton yacht, and now had her fitted out for Arctic service at Aberdeen. The ship was 122 feet long with a draught of 13 feet; her auxiliary machinery comprised horizontal trunk engines, a tubular boiler, and a "massive iron" screw capable of being lifted. Private subscriptions helped Lady Franklin to the extent of about £3,000, and there were many contributions of equipment and provisions. Before sailing, McClintock invited Lady Franklin to give him her instructions, but she left all decisions to his own judgment, stating only her own objectives in order of priority: to rescue any possible survivors of the Erebus and the Terror, to recover "the unspeakably precious documents" of the Franklin expedition, and "to confirm, directly or inferentially, the claims of my husband's expedition to the earliest discovery of the N.W. passage."3 The Fox expedition was exceptionally well fitted for its task. It was to be conducted partly by sea and partly by sledge journeys. McClintock was not only a very capable naval officer, but also the most experienced sledger amongst them. Moreover, he had held a first-class certificate in steam since 1842 and had served in the paddledriven Gorgon from 1843 to 1845,4 experience that was to prove very important since his engineer and leading stoker died during the voyage. The crew was small - four officers and twenty-two men - and seventeen of these had previous Arctic experience. He had a first-rate interpreter in the person of Carl Petersen, who had served with Penny in 1850-51 and with Kane in 1853-55. Although the government had refused to mount an expedition, it was generous with supplies; the provisions, designed to last twenty-eight months, included 6,682 pounds of pemmican. The ship sailed on 30 June 1857, and the voyage started badly. After picking up some dogs and two Inuit drivers at Greenland ports,

376 Polar Pioneers Map 20 McClintock's Voyage in the Fox, 1858-59, and Franklin's Last Voyage The Fox Sledge journeys Franklin

McClintock suffered the mortification of not being able to cross Baffin Bay. Beset in the ice in Melville Bay in Greenland, the ship was imprisoned for eight months and drifted nearly two thousand geographical miles southward before being released on 25 April 1858. On 16 May, McClintock wrote to James Ross from Holsteinsborg: "I wish I had better news to give you concerning my progress, but you know the capricious and stubborn nature of ice too well not to expect that mishaps will sometimes occur." After describing what had happened, he went on: "Poor Lady Franklin! I wish I could have spared her this bitter pang ... Adam Beck is here, in bad repute, I have declined the offer of his services. Next Nov. twelvemonth I hope to have the pleasure of meeting you in London."5 McClintock succeeded in crossing the north water of Baffin Bay in July 1858 and arrived off the entrance to Peel Sound on 17 August, "all of us in a state of wild excitement - a mingling of anxious hopes and fears!"6 But after a southward run of twenty-five miles, passage was blocked by ice stretching from shore to shore. There was another sixty miles of the sound ahead. He did not think the ice would clear in the remainder of the season, so he turned about and headed for

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Bellot Strait, intending to return to Peel Sound if Bellot Strait proved unnavigable or non-existent. We feel that the crisis of our voyage is near at hand. Does Bellot Strait really exist? Poor Bellot himself doubted it, and Kennedy, his commander, could not positively assert that it did ... On approaching Brentford Bay last evening, packed ice was seen streaming out of it* also much ice in the S.E. The northern point of entrance was landed upon by Sir John Ross in 1829, and named Possession Point; we rounded it closely, and could distinguish a few stones piled up on a large rock near its highest point - this is his cairn.

Though Bellot Strait existed, McClintock was unable, despite four attempts, to take the Fox through it, and he spent his second winter at its eastern end. He made an early start with spring sledging and in mid-February, left with Petersen in the hope of making contact with Boothian Inuit in the neighbourhood of the magnetic pole. Travelling southward along the west coast of Boothia, they came to a village with a population of about forty-five near Cape Victoria. Amongst them was Ooblooria, who as a young lad, had acted as guide for James Ross on his first sledge journey westwards in 1830 and who inquired after him by his Inuktitut name of Agglugga. Also present was the daughter of the man for whom the Victory's carpenter had made a wooden leg. McClintock obtained some relics of the Franklin expedition from these Inuit, and their statements seemed to agree with the information obtained by Rae, but none of them had met any of Franklin's men. McClintock concluded that it was certain that the crews had not at any time landed on the Boothian shore. Early in April, McClintock and William Hobson, his first lieutenant, set out again down the west coast of Boothia. They parted company at Cape Victoria. Both crossed James Ross Strait to King William Island, McClintock proceeding to the east side and Hobson to the west side of the island. Travelling down the east coast, McClintock reached the estuary of the Great Fish (Back) River, proved that some of Franklin's men had reached Simpson Strait and thereby discovered a Northwest Passage, received relics and heard stories, but found no shipwreck. Returning by the west coast, he found, in a cairn near Victory Point, a note from Hobson that told him of a record found by * When sailing past here in 1829, Sir James C. Ross observed heavy packed ice, differing from such as would be formed in the sheltered depth of a bay, streaming out of it; he therefore inferred the existence of a channel. Relying mainly on his judgment, I came with confidence to seek one: and this sight was an intense relief, for it convinced me that the strait did exist.7

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Hobson six days earlier. This was a standard Admiralty form on which there were two distinct entries. The first read: 28 of May 1847. H.M. ships Erebus and Terror wintered in the ice at lat. 70°05' N: long. ^S°2^' W. Having wintered in 1846-7 [an error for 1845-46] at Beechey Island, in lat. 74°43'28" N: long. 9i°39'i5" W, after having ascended Wellington Channel to lat. 77°, and returned by the west side of Cornwallis Island. Sir John Franklin commanding the expedition. All well. Party consisting of 2 officers and 6 men left the ships on Monday 24 May 1847. Gm. Gore, Lieut. Chas.F. Des Voeux, Mate

The second read: April 25,1848 - H.M. Ships Terror and Erebus were deserted on the 22nd April, 5 leagues N.N.W. of this, having been beset since 12 September, 1846. The officers and crews, consisting of 105 souls, under the command of Captain F.R.M. Crozier, landed here in lat. 69°37'42" N, long. 98°4i' W. Sir John Franklin died on the nth June, 1847; and the total loss by deaths in the expedition has been to this date 9 officers and 15 men. James Fitzjames, Captain, H.M.S. Erebus F.R.M. Crozier, Captain and Senior Officer and start tomorrow, 26th, for Back's Fish River

This was the only written record of the expedition that has ever been found; fortunately, it gave the vital information from which it has been possible to reach a convincing explanation of the disaster. Why, and by what route, did the ships get to such an unexpected position? No satisfactory explanation has been advanced to account for the fact that no record was found at Beechey Island; even if the ships had sailed at short notice, responding perhaps to a sudden breakup of the ice, it is still surprising that no record had been prepared during the many months that they had wintered there. It is assumed that Franklin sailed westward in accordance with his instructions but finding the ice in the neighbourhood of Cape Walker to be impassable, turned and steered south at Cape Bunny into Peel Sound, where the appearance of more open water gave promise of a possible passage to the south. Those who maintained that Franklin

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would never disobey his instructions believed that the ships passed Cape Walker and were then driven down McClintock Channel between Prince of Wales Island and Victoria Island by the ice stream moving south from Melville Island. But it has been long accepted that the passage down Peel Sound is much more likely. A present-day description of Peel Sound states that it is covered by a solid sheet of ice six to seven feet thick in winter and that since there are no appreciable currents, clearance of the ice is dependent on its melting. It generally melts between August and early September and starts to freeze again at the end of September, leaving the sound covered by nearly all firstyear ice. This description agrees substantially with the comments of Willy Browne and McClintock, so Franklin could well have sailed down Peel Sound in late August 1846, even though those who saw the sound in the spring and early summer of the years between 1849 and 1852 believed it to be unnavigable. Once Franklin had sailed through Peel Sound and its continuation, Franklin Strait, he would have lost the shelter of Prince of Wales Island and have encountered the heavy ice streaming down McClintock Channel. Cape Felix on King William Land (as it was then known) lay about seventy miles to the southward and may even have been in sight. The ships became beset in September and wintered in the ice twenty miles northwest of Cape Felix. In May 1847, Graham Gore's reconnaissance party reached Point Victory on King William Island, where they deposited the message that all was well on board, and probably travelled far enough beyond Point Victory to establish that there was a direct connection with the coastal channel charted by Dease and Simpson. Soon after, or possibly before, they returned to their ships with the good news that they had found the last link in a northwest passage, Franklin died. Crozier and Fitzjames could only hope that the ice which held their ships in its grip would move southwards fast enough to free them before another winter set in; but it was not to be. By the time the ships were abandoned in April 1848, they had drifted only about ten miles from the position in which they had wintered in 1846-47. All that is known for certain of the period after Franklin's death is that no travelling parties visited the west coast of Boothia in search of help, that the health of the crews deteriorated rapidly, and that eight more officers and twelve more men died. There was some evidence that the tinned provisions were short in both quantity and quality (as in James Ross's following expedition). Examination of the bodies buried at Beechey Island, which have recently been exhumed, and of some other skeletons has revealed the presence of lead in significant quantities; lead poisoning, if this in-

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deed occurred, would have likely dulled the senses and affected the judgment of officers required to make decisions. Whether either of these defects in diet had any major bearing on the ultimate tragedy is a matter for conjecture; what is certain is that an uncontrollable outbreak of scurvy was the principal cause. The crews had had no fresh meat for two years, and the lemon juice would have lost even its limited power of protection. These were the circumstances in which Crozier, at the earliest possible date in the spring, took his crews in a desperate attempt to seek fresh food at the mouth of the Great Fish River. McClintock, profiting from knowledge of Rae's discoveries in 1854, was the first to suggest that a route through Peel Sound or Bellot Strait and then to the eastward of King William Island through James Ross Strait and Rae Strait would prove to be a navigable Northwest Passage. He commented: Had Sir John Franklin known that a channel existed on the eastern side of King William's Land - so named by Sir John Ross, and laid down by him as part of the mainland - he would not have risked the besetment of his ships in the very heavy ice to the westward of it; but would have taken the eastern, although more circuitous passage, and would in all probability have carried his ships safely through to Behring Strait in 1846. But Franklin had no alternative; he was furnished with charts which indicated no opening to the eastward of King William's Land; consequently he had but one course open to him, and that the one he adopted.8

This opinion has been accepted without question by almost every subsequent writer, with the exception that they name James Ross, rather than John Ross, as responsible for connecting King William Land to Boothia by an isthmus. The supposed existence of this isthmus was based on what James Ross had understood from the Boothian Inuit, but even in 1835 neither John nor James was sure about it.9 The map in John Ross's book showed the strait closed by a dotted line - signifying possible but not observed - to form Poctes Bay (with two totally imaginary capes). It is not known exactly what charts Franklin had on board, but it seems certain that he would have had Admiralty chart no.26i, "Arctic America Sheet II." This chart was first printed in 1836; an edition of 1839 shows the isthmus, but an edition of 1849 (printed in order to include the discoveries made by James Ross in that year) does not; it simply shows the points on both sides of the coast recorded by James Ross in 1830 and does not link them by even a dotted line. So the most that can be said is that to Franklin, a course to the east of King William Land would appear unattractive if a course to the west of it was feasible.

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James Ross had, however, given a very clear warning of the ice conditions that might be encountered when, in 1830, he had stood on the northwest coast of King William Island. He was the only man who had seen that ice and had also been with Parry at Melville Island in 1819, and he surmised correctly that it was the same ice stream pouring down from the northwest which had caused the pressure on the King William Island shore. James Ross, Franklin, and Crozier were in close touch while the expedition was being prepared, and it is reasonable to assume that they discussed all that was known of the Arctic, even though Franklin's instructions would not lead him in the direction of King William Island. If that was so, Franklin would have been aware of the danger of trying to sail west of the island and of the possibility, even if doubtful, of a passage to the east of it. When he emerged from Peel Sound, what course, then, would Franklin have steered? Did he intentionally sail to the westward, or did he have no choice? He may have set course down the west side of Peel Sound in clearer water than was present on the east side, sailed willy-nilly into the ice stream coming down McClintock Channel, and there become trapped. A biographer of Crozier is among those who believe that James Ross "contributed to the death of his best friend" by closing the passage east of King William Island; it is hoped that this accusation has been satisfactorily countered by the present author. Crozier's biographer goes further, averring that Ross also did so when he spoke out in 1847 against King's plan to travel down the Great Fish River.10 The reaction of the Arctic officers and the Admiralty to King's proposal in 1847 deserves further examination. When Franklin sailed, it was not known whether Boothia was an island or a peninsula, nor whether King William Land was attached to Boothia by an isthmus or was, in fact, an island. (Rae found the answers in 1847 and 1854.) King believed, rightly, that King William Land was an island and that Boothia was not, and in 1845 he drew a "Conjectural Chart of Arctic Canada," which was also correct in showing Victoria Land and Wollaston Land as a single land mass (Victoria Island) across Franklin's intended route and only inaccurate in depicting Banks Land as part of that mass. With this map in mind, he regarded the west coast of Boothia as the key to a Northwest Passage and Back's Great Fish River as the obvious direct route to it. It was for this reason that he wished to lead his own expedition down the river in 1836 - to complete the geography of the region. His brief experience was not likely to encourage much support, and his tactlessness ensured that he did not receive any. When, in 1847, King again proposed to lead an expedition down the Great Fish River - this time in search of Franklin - his plan was

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Map 21 Richard King's Conjectural Map of the Arctic, 1845

to find Franklin and inform him of places where depots of provisions would be laid by the Hudson's Bay Company and by ships in Barrow Strait. It is almost certain that it would not have been possible to mount this expedition in time for the 1848 season, and when asked their opinions, Parry and James Ross had condemned it on two other counts: first, that if Franklin's ships had come to grief anywhere on his intended route, retreating parties would not make for the Great Fish River, and secondly, that on arrival in the Arctic, King's own party would not have the provisions to sustain themselves while they searched for Franklin. Both these arguments were perfectly sound. Only two other people had their eyes on the Great Fish River: Beechey, who thought that the whole of the North American coastline should be covered by the search, and Lady Franklin, who thought that some retreating parties might seek help from the friendly Inuit of Boothia and that nowhere, "however unlikely," should be excluded from the search. Nobody ever foresaw that the ships themselves could have come to grief near King William Island, and it was only because this misfortune was so close to the estuary that Crozier led the retreating party towards the Great Fish River. Though King was, in the end, able to say, "I told you so," he did not, in fact, ever assert that if the crews abandoned their ships, they would attempt to ascend that river. What he did say was that an expedition down the river was the quickest way of reaching the west coast of Boothia." This was true, but Anderson's

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expedition showed that even when such an expedition was organized with the resources of the Hudson's Bay Company, not much was achieved at the end of it. Though much criticized both at the time and since, the long expensive search by the Admiralty to the west and north of Barrow Strait seems quite logical in the light of Franklin's instructions and the evidence available at the time. The Navy has also been criticized for not learning to travel in small parties and live off the land as Rae did, but Rae was unique even amongst HBC employees in that regard. A more important criticism, because it affected British polar exploration right into the next century, is that the naval explorers never learnt to manage dogs, but relied on man-hauled sledging, even though many of them deplored the labour and suffering involved. However, it should be recognized that they were professional seamen who were employed in the course of their regular naval careers and were trained for the sea and expected to operate in that element, though the Arctic sea was not always the sea that they knew. As James Ross wrote, "when there is neither land or water to be seen, or when both are equally undiscriminated, as well by shape as by colour, it is not always so easy a problem as it might seem on a superficial view, to determine a fact which appears, in words, to be extremely simple."12 McClintock's expedition in the Fox was successful largely because there were combined in its leader the best qualities and experience that the Navy had acquired in the Arctic in the past forty years. The expedition was seaborne as far as sail and steam could carry it, and it then took to the land using both men and dogs for sledge hauling. The news of McClintock's return in September 1859 was sent by telegram to the British Association, which was meeting at Aberdeen, with James Ross as chairman of the geographical section. It was delivered to Balmoral, where the men of science were being entertained by Queen Victoria and their president, Prince Albert. It was fitting that James Ross and Edward Sabine, members of the very first expedition under John Ross in 1818, were present. During the forty-one years since that date, James Ross had himself taken part in six expeditions to the Northwest Passage and one towards the North Pole, spending a total of nine winters and sixteen summers in the Arctic, and he had played a major role in the long drama of the Franklin search. He must have felt some satisfaction that it was his protege, McClintock, who had finally discovered Franklin's fate. At the end of the great search, several northwest passages had been discovered but no ship, or even a boat, had passed through any of them. It would be forty-five years before Roald Amundsen did so, by the route recommended by McClintock. It would take him two years,

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Map 22 Land and Passages Discovered, 1818-59

even in a small ship of 47 tons with an auxiliary paraffin engine, which makes it seem most unlikely that Franklin could have made the passage as McClintock supposed. The by-product of the search was that thousands of square miles of Arctic Canada had been delineated and added to the maps. It was a remarkable chapter in the history of the Royal Navy. The long years of the Franklin search imposed a great strain on James Ross. He had returned from his unsuccessful attempt in the Enterprise in 1849 tired physically and mentally, as he had been after his Antarctic expedition; a further strain was put on his health by illinformed criticism of his conduct of the voyage and by everincreasing anxiety over the fate of two of his greatest friends. He had bought the principal house in the village of Aston Abbotts in Buckinghamshire in 1845, and though always ready to give his opinion when asked, he tried to settle down to a family life at home. William Jerdan, a leading journalist, who knew and wrote about many of the noted men of his time, provides us with a picture of the Ross household at home: I am bound to say that a more perfect state of married felicity could not be imagined. Ah me, that it should prove to be so brief a span! At Aston Abbott [sic], in the quiet rural scenery of the vale of Aylesbury, enjoying what they wished of neighbouring society, and entertaining attached friends at home, surely their life was a pleasant one, and, above all, their tastes and habits and opinions were ever in accord; from the slightest to the greatest matters there

385 James Ross's Closing Years was nothing but harmony ... if ever an observer could affirm there were two human sympathies concentrated in one, it might have been affirmed of Sir James and Lady Ross in their pleasant country retreat, endowed with a competency, delighting in the same recreations, charities, pursuits, loving together, and beloved by all around them. I draw this picture with a faithful pencil; there is no over-colouring.13

Two more sons were born - Thomas in September 1850 and Andrew in June 1854 - but sad days followed. Parry, to whose early training Ross owed so much and whom he held in the greatest respect, died in July 1855. Beaufort died in December 1857 and Robert Coulman, of Wadworth Hall, in August 1858; but a devastating blow fell to James Ross in January 1857, when his beloved wife, Anne, died of pleural pneumonia at the age of forty. This was a shock from which he never recovered. Immediately after her death, he wrote a will which begins, "The decease of my beloved wife and my own uncertain health render it necessary to make a fresh arrangement for the disposal of my property in case of my death," and finishes, "This is the outline of my wishes as to the disposal of my property and although not legally executed, still under the circumstances I think it will be respected by all who are concerned in this. Should I live I intend to execute legally a deed to the same effect." He named "Capt. Edward J. Bird and Chas. James Beverley [sic; the surgeon], my most dear friends," as executors and added a postcript, "I wish to be buried by the side of my beloved wife. If there be not room there, my coffin might rest upon hers as the grave is dug purposely of sufficient depth, and thus our dust may mingle in the grave, while our souls rejoice together in glory everlasting."14 Jerdan states in his account, "A few swift years, and the icy hand of death robbed the brave seaman of his consort, and left him alone - heart-stricken and desolate. It was sad to witness the despondency that fell upon his indomitable and elastic spirit - his vain efforts to shake it off for the sake of his children - his resort for even temporary relief to some of the scientific pursuits which had so long engaged his energies." Ross had been promoted to rear admiral of the Red in 1856, and during the years following the return of McClintock in the Fox, he continued to attend meetings of the British Association and to communicate with colleagues on scientific matters. In 1861 he sought distraction by assisting in the Ordnance Survey, but it was no use, and early in 1862, he wrote to Jerdan, "Since I returned from my magnetic tour in October, I have lived the life of a recluse, which is now more congenial to my feelings than the laborious trifling and heartless intercourse with the world ... But I must make an effort to fulfil these

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duties." Jerdan comments, "He returned to his desolate home, and sickened and died. His powerful, manly frame yielded to the oppression of his too sensitive mind ... I have heard and read of broken hearts, but I never witnessed an example tending so nearly to realize the image as the speedy consequent death of my lamented friend." Sadly, there is evidence, both in letters and in his death certificate, that the final decline in his health was due partly to heavy drinking. He died on 3 April 1862 and was buried with his wife at Aston Abbotts. The west window of the church there bears the inscription, "To the glory of God and in memory of Rear Admiral Sir James Clark Ross and of Anne his wife." The will he had written in 1857 was never legally executed, and letters of administration were granted to his younger sister, Marion, as guardian of the four children. His estate was recorded as "under £4000," but he also had a property in Tasmania, which he had directed should be sold to provide £40 a year to Marion and £40 to Mrs Sophia Ross, his stepmother, who was living with her. The full scientific results of James Ross's Antarctic expedition had still not been published at the time of his death, and the following obituary notice appeared in the Proceedings of the Royal Society: The incidents in the life of this great navigator and excellent man would doubtless furnish abundant matter for an interesting narrative; but here we must be contented with little more than a bare indication of dates ... [there follows a brief outline of his career] ... To this brief notice of the leading events of Sir James Ross's professional life, it will be incumbent on us to add a larger comment on his labours and achievements as a man of science; but as these have not yet been fully made known in their proper place, it is deemed advisable that such reference to them as it will be requisite to make should be postponed for the present. The great work which especially deserves to have its merits prominently set forth is his magnetic survey of the Antarctic regions. This is justly held to be the greatest work of the kind ever performed.15

When the final results were eventually published in 1868, Edward Sabine wrote in the final paragraph: In concluding this paper, I should be unjust to the memory of Sir James Ross and to my own high regard to his memory, if I failed to record my conviction that, by the remarkable character of his geographical discoveries, by the perseverance and indomitable resolution which he displayed on so many occasions, and by that which we of the Royal Society are peculiarly able to appreciate and peculiarly bound to honour and applaud, i.e. the large extent and high character of his contributions to the advancement of the sciences

387 James Ross's Closing Years connected with physical geography in the polar regions of both hemispheres, he has established a claim to be regarded as the first scientific navigator of his country and of his age.l6

A request by a number of his colleagues that the government erect a monument to him was turned down, and instead they commissioned a memorial portrait by Stephen Pearce.1?

Envoi

The author, having told their story, may perhaps offer his own opinion of John and James Ross. John was trained in men-of-war under sail during the Napoleonic Wars, when the captain of a ship rightly demanded instant obedience to his orders for the handling of the ship and the conduct of the crew. Any suggestion that a junior officer might offer advice to his captain was considered subversive of discipline. The circumstances of a voyage of discovery were quite different; moreover, the increasing spread of scientific knowledge was producing a new breed of officers with a wider outlook and additional qualifications beyond that of seamanship. Ross, however, stuck to the view that the captain should not ask the opinions of his junior officers, but should make all decisions himself and take responsibility for any blame that might be attached. Ross himself possessed an inquiring and inventive mind and was well grounded in the skills required of a naval officer for navigation and surveying; but he was no scientist, he would not willingly admit that in some spheres his junior officers were more knowledgeable than he was, and he felt it incumbent upon himself as captain to appear to have taken part in the magnetic observations during both his major voyages, a position that only led to arguments. However, judged by his previous service, he must have been considered a good choice for the command of the 1818 expedition. John Ross was not the only explorer to have turned back when, unknown to him, he was on the threshold of success, but his retreat from Lancaster Sound in 1818 (relying solely on his own judgment) was a mistake that cost him dearly. But his treatment on return to England was unjust, and he was never given proper credit for the considerable positive achievements of the voyage. He was determined to redeem

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his reputation and to prove himself to be an explorer of merit. Meanwhile, during the years that Parry and James Ross were in the Arctic, he studied steam propulsion to his great, though seldomacknowledged, credit. It was only natural that he should wish to prove his faith in steam in the Arctic, and he might have achieved greater success if he had been less hasty and been prepared to consult others in the conversion of the Victory. As it was, his great achievement was to bring back most of his crew safely from their unprecedented four years in the Arctic. He understood, better than most of his contemporaries it seems, the importance of diet. When he returned, he received the acclaim from the public that he deserved, but his naval colleagues considered his showmanship and his attempt to get money by lobbying MFS and mayors to be undignified and to reflect badly on the service, and they disapproved of his trying to take the credit for scientific results in which he had clearly played little part. John Ross had had to seek financial help from his brother George (not a very trustworthy financial adviser) on a number of occasions in his earlier years, and after his second voyage, he never got his finances in order. Financial crises and his fatal attraction for "speculations" were a dominant and disturbing factor in his life. The troubles over his debts during the time he was consul in Sweden were embarrassing to the foreign secretary and must surely have lost him respect in Stockholm. His contention, based on his own experience and expressed before Franklin sailed, that a relief ship should be sent to Cape Walker and depots of food placed at strategic points in Barrow Strait in 1847, was eminently sensible; but he had become such a controversial figure that nobody listened. Prone as he was to exaggerate his own achievements, he appears seriously to have believed that the results of his second expedition were more important than all those of Franklin and Parry and to have been genuinely surprised that the Admiralty declined to give him, the most senior officer with Arctic experience, the command of the first expedition to be sent in search of Franklin in 1848However, he managed to launch his own expedition in the Felix in 1850, and it says a good deal for his reputation that the Hudson's Bay Company was prepared to back him. It is not clear, though, what his real plan was or what he thought he could achieve that could not be accomplished by the official Admiralty expedition. His belief, after these expeditions, that Franklin's ships had been wrecked on the way home was logical, though neither his continued trust in Adam Beck's

39Q Polar Pioneers

story nor his plan to make another voyage himself were sensible. Mounting frustration in old age led to his attacks on Penny and others, and to some of his more absurd accusations against James. He evidently had many friends in the Navy and among the landed gentry of Scotland, and many others admired his spirit in sailing to the Arctic at the age of seventy-three. It says a lot for his character that he was able to control his often unruly crew, though credit is also due to his second-in-command, Phillips, and his doctor, Porteous, both many years younger than him. The position of the purser, Thorn, and the doctor, McDiarmid, in the Victory, must also have been difficult, though Thorn was an old friend near John Ross's age and may well have provided a calming influence when John and James were at loggerheads. John Ross was well read, a good linguist, and an ardent, if prolix, writer. He must have devoted a lot of time and thought to his compositions. Some of his often-repeated stories were clearly not wholly true, though he had probably persuaded himself that they were. Private letters reveal a friendly personality, strangely naive at times and slightly mystified by, but philosophical about, the misfortunes that befell him one after another. He was an eccentric, very likeable at times, infuriating at others; though his manifest shortcomings cannot be denied, they have unfortunately tended to obscure much that was admirable in his character. The reader will certainly have observed the striking difference in character between James Ross and his uncle and father. James owed his early training to his uncle, of whom he was fond and to whom he often expressed his gratitude for furthering his career as a youngster. However, his special talents were developed during his voyages with Parry, when by keen observation and study, he taught himself magnetism and natural history. He was a true scientist in his conscientious attention to detail and his scrupulous accuracy. (It is of interest that he is the only officer of the Royal Navy whose name appears in the American Dictionary of Scientific Biography.) This difference in his character caused his exasperation at his uncle's behaviour during and after the expedition of 1829-33. James's Antarctic expedition was a brilliant success and should have been the culmination of his career. Although he returned exhausted, he would have recovered if he had been able to enjoy a quiet family life. The loss of the Franklin expedition, his own unsuccessful search, and the constant anxiety gave him no peace, and the death of his wife was a blow from which he never recovered.

391 Envoi

Joseph Hooker, who had been critical of Ross for not stimulating a love for scientific work in his officers during the Antarctic expedition, wrote in advanced old age, "Ross was really the greatest by far of all our scientific navigators, both in point of length of service and span of the globe. Justice has never been done to him."1 William Jerdan described James Ross as, amongst the Arctic officers, "the noblest Roman of them all."2

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Appendix

GLOSSARY OF

PLACE-NAMES

Early Nineteenth Century

Present Day

Alderman Jones's Sound Banks Land Behring's Strait Bouvet Island Cumberland Demerary and Essequibo Great Fish River King William Land Melville's Bay Port Baltic Ross Islet Seven Islands Shag-a-voke Sault St Mary's Sir James Lancaster's Sound Sir Thomas Smith's Sound Spitsbergen Treurenburg Bay Van Diemen's Land Victoria Land Waygat Sound Whale Sound Wollaston Land Yedzo

Jones Sound Banks Island Bering Strait Bouvet0ya Cumberland Peninsula Guyana Back River King William Island Melville Bugt Paldiski Ross0ya Sjuoyane Sagvak Inlet Sault Ste Marie Lancaster Sound Smith Sound Svalbard Sorg Fjorden Tasmania Victoria Island Vargat Hvalsund Wollaston Peninsula Japan

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Notes

ABBREVIATIONS

ABB ADM BL co DJVB ER FO HBC

Arctic Blue Books Admiralty Records, Public Record Office British Library, London Colonial Office Records, Public Record Office Dictionary of National Biography Edinburgh Review Foreign Office Records, Public Record Office Hudson's Bay Company records; microfilm copies in the Public Record Office, cited by PRO microfilm reference number. HO Hydrographic Office, Ministry of Defence, Taunton NLS National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh NMM National Maritime Museum, Greenwich PP Parliamentary Papers PRO Public Records Office, Kew QR Quarterly Review RFP Ross family papers RGS Royal Geographical Society, London Roy. Soc. Royal Society, London, Phil. Trans. Philosophical Transactions SPRI Scott Polar Research Institute, Cambridge Many Admiralty papers concerning Ross's second expedition, Franklin's expedition, and the Franklin search were reprinted in parliamentary papers. Copies of these were bound together in a series of Arctic Blue Books (ABB), a guide to which is published in Arctic Bibliography, vol. 8, items 45212-50.

396 Notes to pages 3-16 References in the following notes are made to the PP numbers. On the first occasion of quoting a PP, the number of the ABB in which a copy is bound is given in square brackets and the year of publication of the paper is indicated. CHAPTER ONE

1 New Register House, Edinburgh, "Register of All Genealogies and Birthbriefs in Scotland," 4:9,a,b,c,d. 2 Anderson and Grant, Gavin Ross. 3 Murray, Legal Practice in Ayr. 4 Article by E.A. McNeel Caird in City Sparrows (undated) in Stranraer Library. 5 RFP, 28 Aug. and 30 Sept. 1787. 6 RFP. 7 London Gazette, 1801: 169, Times, n Feb. 1801. 8 London Gazette, 1803: 1693; Times, 5 Dec. 1803. 9 London Gazette, 1810, 1:133. 10 Times, 4-23 Sept. 1800. 11 RFP. 12 RFP.

13 co 111/9, !314 RFP.

15 Times, 6, 7, 8 Feb. 1816. 16 Copy in RFP. 17 RFP. 18 Duke of Kent to Col. Andrew Ross; quoted in the article on Andrew Ross in DNB. 19 Victoria State Library, Andrew Ross, Autobiographical memoir. CHAPTER TWO

1 J. Ross, On Intemperance in the Royal Navy, 8. 2 RFP, John Ross to George Ross, 20 Nov. 1793. 3 In Stranraer Library. 4 BL, Add. MSS 43252, 81-9, John Ross to Lord Aberdeen, 17 Jan. 1854. 5 ADM 9/52/3507.

6 Ibid. 7 Hamilton, Byam Martin, 2:31-9. 8 J. Ross, Memoirs of... Saumarez, 2:133. 9 Ryan, Saumarez Papers, 96. 10 Ibid., 98. 11 Ibid., 151: first lord of Admiralty to Saumarez, 18 Sept. 1810. 12 J. Ross, Memoirs of... Saumarez, 2:210.

397 Notes to pages 16-46 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

Ibid., 215. Ibid., 224. Ibid., 251. Ibid., 294. Ibid., 278. Ibid., 280. Ibid., 284. Ibid., 292. Ross, Observations on a Work ...by Sir John Barrow, 8. RGS, LBR MSS 3. SPRI, MS 999/6/1. SPRI, MS 999/6/2.

25 SPRI, MS 999/6/3. 26 SPRI, MS 999/6/4.

27 Lewis, The Navy in Transition. 28 J. Ross, Voyage of Discovery, iv. CHAPTER THREE

1 Barrow, Chronological History of Voyages, 210. Unless otherwise indicated, passages quoted in this chapter are from this source. 2 Phipps, A Voyage towards the North Pole. 3 16 George HI, c. 6. 4 Scoresby's paper was published in Memoirs of the Wernerian Society 2 (1815): 261-338, and reprinted as "The Polar Ice" (see Scoresby, The Polar Ice); the quotation is from p. 333. 5 Stamp, William Scoresby, 68. (All quotations in Stamp are taken from the Scoresby Archives at Whitby.) 6 Barrow, Voyages of Discovery and Research, 23. 7 SPRI, MS 438/26/20. 8 O'Reilly, Greenland, the Adjacent Seas, 243-5. CHAPTER

FOUR

1 J. Ross, Voyage of Discovery (1818), 1-14. Unless otherwise indicated, passages quoted in this chapter are from this source. 2 Ibid., 24, 243. 3 Scoresby, Account of the Arctic Regions, 1:28-9. 4 SPRI, MS 438/26/22. 5 ADM 1/3081. 6 SPRI, MS 862, Sabine to his brother Joseph. 7 RGS, Hooper, Journal, 1818; LBR MSS, 20 Aug. 1818. 8 ADM 55/82, Ross, Journal.

398 Notes to pages 47-68 9 ADM 55/3, Parry, Journal. 10 RGS, Hooper, Journal, 1818; LBR MSS, 31 Aug. 1818. 11 ADM 1/2429, 175. CHAPTER FIVE 1 SPRI, MS 438/26. 2 SPRI, MS 862. 3 SPRI, MS 655/1.

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Barrow, Autobiographical Memoir, 16-28. J. Ross, Explanation of Captain Sabine's Remarks, App. 2. Ibid., App. i. ADM 1/2429, 199. ADM 1/2430, i. Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, 4 (Dec. 1818). Quoted in E. Parry, Memoirs, 86. ADM 1/3081, 182.

12 ADM 1/2429, 205.

13 Quoted in E. Parry, Memoirs, 87. 14 SPRI, MS 438/26/25. 15 SPRI, MS 438/2624. 16 SPRI, MS 438/26/23. 17 NLS, MS 9819, l6o-l.

18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

QR, 21, no. 41 (Jan. 1819): 213-62. John Murray archives. ER, 31, no. 62 (1819). Times, 10 April 1819. Sabine, Remarks, 6. SPRI, MS 1008. J. Ross, Explanation, App. 3. SPRI, MS 438/26/36.

26 SPRI, MS 438/26/39. 27 SPRI, MS 438/26/40. 28 SPRI, MS 438/26/42.

29 SPRI, MS 655/1, Ross, "Memoirs," vol. i. 30 SPRI, MS 486/4/2. 31 ADM 1/2430, 45.

32 33 34 35 36 37

Roy. Soc., Phil. Trans. 109 (1819): 112-22 and 132-44. Rice, Oceanography. Lubbock, Arctic Whalers, 210-14. Scoresby, My Father, 180. Scoresby, Account of the Arctic Regions, 1:21. J. Ross, Explanation, 45.

399 Notes to pages 69-88 38 Ibid., 46. 39 SPRI, MS 248/35, 7, Jane Griffin (Lady Franklin), Diary, 4 Feb. 1819. C H A P T E R six 1 Quoted in E. Parry, Memoirs, 91. 2 SPRI, MS 438/26/38. 3 SPRI, MS 438/26/45. 4 RFP.

5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

W.E. Parry, Journal of a Voyage, 24. Ibid., x. Ibid., 52. Ibid., 101. Ibid., 241. Ibid., 242. SPRI, MS 438/26/49. W.E. Parry, Journal of a Voyage, Supplement, cclxxvii. QR 25, no. 49 (April 1821): 208. ER 9, no. 51 (June 1821): 289. SPRI, MS 438/26/52.

16 SPRI, MS 438/26/53. 17 SPRI, MS 438/31. 18 SPRI, MS 486/4/4.

19 co 111/31, 240-58. 20 co 111/36, 247-396. 21 CO 111/36, 274. 22 SPRI, MS 999/3/4/5-

23 co 111/37. 24 co 111/44. 25 SPRI, MS 438/25/54. 26 SPRI, MS 438/26/57.

27 W.E. Parry, Journal of a Second Voyage, xxii. 28 Ibid., 25-9. Dobbs was a firm believer in a western passage in this area and a strong critic of the HBC. 29 Ibid., 197-8. 30 Ibid., 449; also appendix, 359. 31 Lyon, Private Journal, 416. 32 W.E. Parry, Journal of a Second Voyage, 487. 33 Ibid., 491. 34 QR 30, no. 59 (Oct. 1823). 35 W.E. Parry, Journal of a Second Voyage, 490-1. 36 SPRI, MS 438/26/162. 37 Barrow, Autobiographical Memoir, 394.

400 Notes to pages 89-111 38 BL, Add. MSS 32440, 381. 39 W.E. Parry, Journal of a Third Voyage, 50. 40 E. Parry, Memoirs, 180-3. 41 W.E. Parry, Journal of a Third Voyage, 50; Mogg, "Arctic Wintering." 42 SPRI, MS 438/26/355. 43 QR 34, no. 68 (Sept. 1826): 385. 44 SPRI, MS 438/26/171. 45 RFP. 46 RFP.

47 SPRI, MS 486/4/6. 48 QR 30, no. 59 (Oct. 1823): 271. 49 W.E. Parry, Narrative of an Attempt to reach the North Pole, ix. 50 A. Parry, Parry of the Arctic, 101. 51 Phipps, Voyage towards the North Pole, 60. 52 Scoresby, Account of the Arctic Regions, 1:242. 53 Scoresby, Polar Ice, 329. 54 W.E. Parry, Narrative, 5. 55 Ibid., 25. 56 Ibid., 101. 57 James Ross's copy of The Economy of Human Life is at SPRI. 58 W.E. Parry, Narrative, 121. 59 SPRI, MS 438/26/271. 60 Times, 8 Oct. 1827. 61 QR 37, no. 74 (March 1828): 536. 62 Ibid., 538. 63 QR 18 (Jan. 1818): 451. 64 Reprinted in Scoresby, Polar Ice, 1-20. 65 Barrow, Voyages of Discovery and Research, 313. 66 Ibid., 314-16. 67 A. Parry, Parry of the Arctic, 127. 68 RFP. 69 London Gazette, 1827, 1:1227. 70 SPRI, MS 486/4/8. 71 SPRI, MS 486/4/9. 72 SPRI, MS 486/4/10.

73 SPRI, MS 486/4/3. 74 SPRI, MS 486/4/11. CHAPTER SEVEN 1 SPRI, MS 655/1, "Memoirs," vol. i. 2 Riksarkivet, Stockholm, private papers (undated). 3 NLS, MS 7214, 20-1. 4 NLS, MS 7211, 29-30.

401 Notes to pages 111-30 5 BL, Add. MSS 29314, 23. 6 SPRI, MS 486/6/1-22. 7 RFP, J.C. Ross to Isabella, 2 July 1824. 8 J. Ross, Considerations on the Present State of Navigation by Steam, 6. 9 ADM 1/2433. 10 J. Ross, Considerations, 5. 11 Briggs, Naval Administrations, 3. 12 Quoted in Graham, "Transition from Paddle-Wheel to Screw Propeller." 13 Barrow, Autobiographical Memoir, 387. 14 Ibid., 454. CHAPTER EIGHT

1 SPRI, MS 655/3, Ross, "Memoirs," vol. 3. 2 PP 250 (1834), 10 [ABB 45213]. 3 RGS, LBR MSS 1. 4 SPRI, MS 655/3, Ross, "Memoirs," vol. 3. 5 SPRI, MS 486/4/9. 6 SPRI, MS 486/4/10. 7 SPRI, MS 486/4/3. 8 RFP.

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

J. Ross, Explanation and Answer to ... Braithwaite, 3. SPRI, MS 655/3, Ross, "Memoirs," vol 3. Church, Life of John Ericsson, 1:42. ADM 1/2433. Science Museum, London, Goodrich, Notebook 35. ADM 106/1529. SPRI, MS 655/3, Ross, "Memoirs," vol. 3. SPRI, MS 438/26/184.

17 RFP.

18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26

Scoresby, My Father, 171-3. RFP; quoted in Dodge, The Polar Rosses, 117. J. Ross, Narrative of a Second Voyage, 6. Ibid., 10. Ibid., 14. Ibid., 15. Ibid., 20. Ibid., 22-3. SPRI, MS 655/3, Ross, "Memoirs," vol. 3. CHAPTER NINE

1 RGS archives. 2 Back, Narrative of the Arctic Land Expedition, i.

402 Notes to pages 130-57 3 Ibid., 2-7. 4 RGS, LBR MSS 2.

5 Back, Narrative of the Arctic Land Expedition, 13-15. 6 RGS, LBR MSS 8.

7 Back, Narrative of the Arctic Land Expedition, 18-20. 8 Ibid., App. 10. 9 London Gazette, 1833, 1:726, 900, 997. CHAPTER TEN

1 W.E. Parry, Journal of a Third Voyage, 139. 2 Holland and Savelle, "My Dear Beaufort," 70. 3 SPRI, MS 655/3, Ross, "Memoirs," vol. 3, entry for 15 Aug. 4 McClintock, Voyage of the Fox, 153 n. 5 J. Ross, Narrative, 152. 6 Holland and Savelle, "My Dear Beaufort," 71. 7 Ibid., 72. 8 J. Ross, Narrative, 201-2. 9 Ibid., 214. 10 Ibid., 378. 11 Ibid., 397. 12 Ibid., 411. 13 Ibid., 412. 14 Ibid., 415. 15 Ibid., 416. 16 M.J. Ross and Savelle, "Round Lord Mayor Bay with James Clark Ross." 17 J. Ross, Narrative, 440. 18 Holland and Savelle, "My Dear Beaufort," 73. 19 SPRI, MS 1059, Ross, Journal, Sept. 1830. 20 J. Ross, Narrative, 497. 21 Ibid., 530. 22 Ibid., 539. 23 Ibid., 555. 24 Serson, "Tracking the North Magnetic Pole." 25 Fraser, "Tracking Ross across Boothia." 26 J. Ross, Narrative, 590. 27 Ibid., 591. 28 Holland and Savelle, "My Dear Beaufort," 74. 29 SPRI, MS 1059, Ross, Journal, Jan. 1832. 30 Holland and Savelle, "My Dear Beaufort," 74. 31 J. Ross, Narrative, 642. 32 Ibid., 643. 33 Ibid., 645.

403 Notes to pages 158-73 34 35 36 37

38 39 40 41 42 43

Ibid., 649. Ross and Savelle, "Retreat from Boothia," 185. Holland and Savelle, "My Dear Beaufort," 75. The record comprised a serial letter similar to the one to Beaufort, addressed to "Admiral Sir Byam Martin, or if found at a distant period to the Secretary of the Admiralty." This letter was written in duplicate, the copy being in minuscule writing and buried in a bottle. These letters are in BL, Add. MSS 41369, 288-91; and the text is printed in full in Hamilton, Byam Martin, 3:343-64. A chart was also left and is now at the Town Docks Museum, Hull. The record was found by Captain Thomas Lee of the whaler Traveller in 1843, so if John Ross and his crew had not survived in 1833, the history of his expedition would have been revealed to the world ten years later. Holland and Savelle, "My Dear Beaufort," 75. J. Ross, Narrative, 671. Holland and Savelle, "My Dear Beaufort," 75-6. Ibid., 76. Ibid., 76. J. Ross, Narrative, 722. CHAPTER ELEVEN

1 J. Ross, Narrative, Appendix, xi. Emphasis in original. 2 J. Ross, Narrative, 729. 3 Times, 31 May 1834. 4 SPRI, MS 248/79, 176, Lady Franklin, Journal. 5 HO, In letters, c 721. 6 NLS, MS 1047. 7 ADM 1/2435.

8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Roy. Soc., Phil. Trans. 124 (1834), part 1:47-52. PP 250 (1834), 30 [ABB 45213]. Ibid., 29. SPRI, MS 581/1. Times, 17 March 1834. Hamilton, Byam Martin, 3:120. PP 250, Question and answer 293. Ibid., 322-3. Ibid., 295. Ibid., 451-4. Ibid., 45-7.

404 Notes to pages 173-89 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

Ibid., 48-50. Ibid., 239. Ibid., 51. Ibid., 447. Ibid., 366. Ibid., 197-8. Ibid., 377-9. Ibid., 343-5. In book form, the title was changed from The Last Voyage ... to The Last Expedition ... J. Ross, Narrative, Appendix, cxli. Huish, Last Expedition of Captain Sir John Ross, 517. Ibid., 696. Ibid., 693. Ibid., 498-500. Ibid., 509-10. Ibid., 659. Emphasis in original.

38 ADM 1/2435.

39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63

J. Ross, Narrative, Appendix, cxxxiv. Ibid., cxli. Huish, Last Expedition. 694. FO 65/212 (5). HO, Misc 4/16. HO, Misc 6/8. BL, Add. MSS 43252, 81-9. Victoria State Library, Andrew Ross, Autobiographical memoir. Hutchison, Political History of Scotland, i. Smiles, A Publisher and His Friends, 2:418. Stamp, William Scoresby, 125. SPRI, MS 248/80, 99-100. SPRI, MS 486/4/7. J. Ross, Narrative, 422. SPRI, MS 248/80, 104-5. J. Ross, Narrative, 422. QR 54, no. 107 (July 1835). SPRI, MS 999/1. QR 54, no. 107 (July 1835). Hamilton, Byam Martin, 3:131. Ibid., 1:15. ER, no. 124 (July 1835). SPRI, MS 647. Church, Life of John Ericsson, 1:42-3. Times, 13 Nov. 1835.

405 Notes to pages 190-206 64 RGS, LBR MISC 2, 5.

65 Footnote to review in QR 54, no. 107 Quly 1835). 66 J. Ross, Narrative, Appendix, cvii. 67 RFP. 68 ADM 1/2435.

69 Ibid. CHAPTER TWELVE

1 Back, Narrative of the Arctic Land Expedition, 389. 2 Ibid., 390. 3 Ibid., 425. 4 John Murray archives. 5 SPRI, MS 862. 6 Ross, Narrative, Appendix, cxxviii. 7 SPRI, MS 1008. 8 RGS, Journal 5 (1835): 408. 9 Back, Narrative, 21. 10 King, Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of the Arctic Ocean, 309. 11 Times, 20 June 1837. CHAPTER THIRTEEN

1 E. Sabine, "Contributions to Terrestrial Magnetism No. XII," Roy. Soc. Phil. Trans. 160 (1870). 2 SPRI, MS 438/26/393.

3 4 5 6 7 8

Nautical Magazine 5 (1836): 53-8. Times, 6 Jan. 1836. Ibid. Times, 22, 24, 29 Dec. 1835. SPRI, MS 1226/14. W.G. Ross, Arctic Whalers, Icy Seas, 69-86.

9 ADM 1/2436.

10 Nautical Magazine 5, (1836): 626-8. 11 SPRI, MS 248/49, 20 Aug. 1840. 12 SPRI, MS 438/26/394.

13 14 15 16 17

Fanning, Steady as She Goes! xxx; ADM 106/2531. Fanning, Steady as She Goes! 3; ADM 235/20. Stamp, William Scoresby, 133. Ibid., 135: Scoresby to James Ross, 7 Mar. 1839. Ibid., 138.

18 ADM 1/2436, R 31.

19 Roy, Soc., Phil. Trans. 160 (1870): 266.

406 Notes to pages 207-27 20 21 22 23

24 25 26 27 28 29 30

HO, Hydrographer's letter book no. 8, 282. HO, Hydrographer's minute book no. 3, 65. Roy. Soc., Instructions for the Scientific Expedition to the Antarctic. J. C. Ross to Jane Thompson, 23 Mar. 1835. Except as noted, letters concerning the courtship of James Ross and Anne Coulman are in the Ross family papers. J.C. Ross to Thomas Coulman, 23 Mar. 1835. T. Coulman to J.C. Ross, 24 Mar. 1835. J.C. Ross to Jane Thompson, 28 Mar. 1835. J.C. Ross to Jane Thompson, 4 Nov. 1835. J.C. Ross to Jane Thompson, 10 Jan. 1836. J.C. Ross to Jane Thompson, 28 July 1837. PRO, BJ 2, J.C. Ross to Anne Coulman, Feb. 1839. Subsequent letters cited are from this source. CHAPTER FOURTEEN

Note: J.D. Hooker's letters and Antarctic journal are at Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. 1 J.D. Hooker to W.J. Hooker, 3 Feb. 1840. 2 J.D. Hooker to W.J. Hooker, 17 Mar. 1840. 3 J.C. Ross, Voyage ... in the Antarctic Regions, 1:53. 4 McCormick, Voyages of Discovery, 1:45-6. 5 J.D. Hooker, Antarctic journal. 6 The original surveys and reports of all the boat journeys are at the Hydrographic Office; see HO, OD 219. 7 Speech at Royal Society dinner, 30 Nov. 1887. 8 J.D. Hooker to W.J. Hooker, 16 Aug. 1840. 9 J.C. Ross, Voyage ... in the Antarctic Regions, 1:87. 10 J.D. Hooker to J.C. Ross, i Sept. 1845. 11 J.C. Ross, Voyage ... in the Antarctic Regions, 1:94. 12 J.D. Hooker to W.J. Hooker, Nov. 1840. 13 Athenaeum, no. 662 (July 1840). 14 J.C. Ross, Voyage ... in the Antarctic Regions, 1:116-7. 15 Ibid., 117-8. 16 J.D. Hooker, Botany of the Antarctic Voyage, 1:73. 17 J.D. Hooker to W.J. Hooker, 8 Apr. 1841. 18 J.C. Ross, Voyage ... in the Antarctic Regions, 1:165. 19 Ibid., 182. 20 Amundsen, The South Pole, 1:12. 21 J.C. Ross, Voyage ... in the Antarctic Regions, 1:183. 22 J.G. Hayes, Antarctica, 125. 23 J.C. Ross, Voyage... in the Antarctic Regions, 1:185.

407 Notes to pages 228-54 McCormick, Voyages of Discovery, 1:152-3. J.C. Ross, Voyage ... in the Antarctic Regions, 1:192. SPRI, MS 367/22. W.J. Hooker, "Notes on the Botany of the Antarctic Voyage," London Journal of Botany 2 (1843): 271. 28 SPRI, MS 367/22. 29 J.C. Ross, Voyage ... in the Antarctic Regions, 1:217-9. 30 Ibid., 1:218. 31 McCormick, Voyages of Discovery, 1:171. 32 SPRI, MS 367/22. 33 RFP, letter book no. 330, J.C. Ross to Prince Albert, 14 Dec. 1842. 34 J.C. Ross, Voyage ... in the Antarctic Regions, 1:247. 35 Ibid., 281-3. 36 Ibid., 323. 37 Roy. Soc., SA 1151. 38 HO, SL 253. 39 Hobart Town Advertiser, 4 June 1841. 40 J.D. Hooker to W.J. Hooker, 24 Aug. 1841. 41 RFP, letter book no. 195, 7 Apr. 1841. 42 Wilkes, Synopsis of the Cruise, 21. 43 J.C. Ross, Voyage ... in the Antarctic Regions, 1:298. 44 Davis, Letter from the Antarctic, 14. 45 J.C. Ross, Voyage ... in the Antarctic Regions, 2:167-70. 46 Ibid., 187. 47 Ibid., 202. 48 Athenaeum, no. 801 (4 Mar. 1843): 212. 49 DNB, s.v. "Moody, Richard Clement." 50 HO, SL 253, 2 May 1842. 51 J.C. Ross, Voyage ... in the Antarctic Regions, 2:307. 52 HO, SL 253,14 Dec. 1842. The quotation from J.D. Hooker is from a letter to W.J. Hooker dated 29 April 1843. 53 Geographical Journal, Jan.-June 1894, 28. 54 RFP, letter book no. 343, 4 Apr. 1843. 55 Geographical Journal, Jan.-June 1894, 28. 56 J.C. Ross, Voyage ...in the Antarctic Regions, 1:228. 57 Ibid., 275. 58 Roy. Soc., Proceedings 12 (1862): Ixiii. 59 RGS, Journal 63 (1924): 237-41. 60 J.C. Ross, Voyage ... in the Antarctic Regions, 1:202. 61 J.D. Hooker to W.J. Hooker, 24 Aug. 1841. 62 Sir John Murray, Summary of the Scientific Results of the Challenger Expedition, Part i, 79. 63 R.F. Scott, Voyage of the Discovery, introduction. 24 25 26 27

408 Notes to pages 255-66 CHAPTER FIFTEEN

1 HO, letter book no. 6, 4 Feb. 1835. 2 Translation by the author from John Ross's French original in Bulletin de la Societe de geographic, fev. 1836, 84. 3 HO, SL 38, 3 June 1835. 4 Riksarkivet, Stockholm, private papers.

5 J. Ross, Considerations on the Present State of Navigation by Steam, 7. 6 Times, 14 Mar. 1836.

7 J.H. Barrow, Mirror of Parliament, 1836, 1894.

8 Times, 11 Feb. 1837.

9 Railway Times, 3 Mar. 1838.

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

Ibid., 4 Aug. 1838. Ibid., 16 and 23 Feb. 1839; Times, 19 Feb. 1839. Times, 22 Feb. 1839. Railway Times, 16 Mar. 1839. Ibid., 25 May 1839. Ibid., 8 Aug. 1840. Ibid., 6 Feb. 1841. Ibid., 19 Feb. 1842. Ibid., 10 Dec. 1842. Ibid., 24 Dec. 1842. Ibid., 8 April 1843. BL, Add. MSS 46613, 1-3.

22 Shipping & Mercantile Gazette, 2 July 1838.

23 24 25 26 27 28

BL, 1136!! 13. Riksarkivet, Stockholm, private papers. Times, 6 Mar. 1840. Times, 23 Sept. 1840. Church, Life of John Ericsson, 89. Emphasis in original. Parry to Chas. Wood, first secretary of the Admiralty, 18 Oct. 1839; quoted in A. Parry, Parry of the Arctic, 203-5. 29 Riksarkivet, Stockholm, private papers. 30 Quoted in A. Parry, Parry of the Arctic, 209. 31 Photocopy from the University of Lund, Sweden (no copy held in British Library). CHAPTER SIXTEEN 1 ADM 1/2437. 2 FO 73/178.

3 FO 73/178, 17 June 1839. 4 Scottish Record Office, Penicuik Collection, GD 18/3502.

409 Notes to pages 267-79 5 FO 73/178. 6 HO, SL 8.

7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

BL, Add. MSS 41369, 139. FO 73/187. FO 73/191. FO 73/195, 8 June 1843. Ibid., 21 Aug. 1843. Ibid., 7 Sept. 1843. BL, Add. MSS 43151, 15. FO 73/201. Ibid., 23 Nov. 1844. FO 73/209. BL, Add. MSS 40573, 245.

18 FO 73/216.

Times, 31 Jan. 1846. Times, 6 Apr. 1846. FO 73/216, 8 Apr. 1846. HO, In letters R 343. Beaufort's reply and Ross's supplementary letter are also in this file. 23 Riksarkivet, Stockholm, private papers. 24 FO 73/216. 19 20 21 22

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN

1 Roy. Soc., SA 1155. 2 Roy. Soc., SA 1156. 3 Weld, Arctic Expeditions, 22. 4 SPRI, MS 248/175/73. 5 Copy in RFP, 19 Dec. 1844. 6 Copy in RFP. 7 SPRI, MS 248/303/80. 8 Quoted in A. Parry, Parry of the Arctic, 217, from a newspaper report of a speech by Parry. 9 SPRI, MS 248/364/21. 10 SPRI, MS 248/316/17. 11 Quoted in Linn, History ofBanbridge, 133; from a reprint of J.C. Ross's Memoir of Captain Crazier (not seen). 12 SPRI, MS 248/316/21. 13 SPRI, MS 248/316/22. 14 SPRI MS 1316/2, 7 Feb. 1845. 15 Weld, Arctic Expeditions, 22. 16 Cyriax, Sir John Franklin's Last Arctic Expedition, 24-5. 17 PP 264 (1848), 73 [ABB 45216].

410 Notes to pages 279-97 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

PP 264, 71. PP 264, 4. W.E. Parry, Journal of a Voyage, 264. SPRI, MS 655/2, J. Ross, "Memoirs," vol. 2 King, Franklin Expedition, 171-80. Ibid., 188-93. Quoted in Traill, Life of Sir John Franklin, 340-1. SPRI, C. Markham to H.R. Mill. Goningham, Last Journals of Captain Fitzjames. SPRI, MS 248/316/25. Quoted in Owen, Fate of Franklin, 243. SPRI, MS 248/264/26.

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN 1 Barrow, Voyages of Discovery and Research, 46. 2 Ibid., 54. 3 Ibid., 508. 4 Ibid., 525. 5 Ibid., 530. 6 Ibid., 530. 7 Rae to Donald Ross, 8 Sept. 1847; quoted in Richards, Dr. John Rae, 50. 8 QR 78, no. 155: 46. 9 Barrow, Autobiographical Memoir, 487. 10 NLS, MS 4080. 11 J. Ross, Observations on ... "Voyages," 4. 12 J. Ross, Rear Admiral Sir John Franklin, 9. 13 PP 264, 53. 14 J. Ross, Rear Admiral Sir John Franklin, 13. 15 PP 264, 22. 16 Ibid. 17 J. Ross, Rear Admiral Sir John Franklin, 15. 18 Ibid., 18. 19 Ibid., 18-21. 20 Ibid., 20. 21 Ibid., 23. 22 PP 264, 21. 23 Ibid., 23-8. 24 Ibid., 30. 25 Ibid., 32-3. 26 SPRI, MS 248/175/16. 27 PP 264, 74. 28 SPRI, MS 248/175/18.

4ii Notes to pages 297-316 29 PP 264, 74. 30 J. Ross, Rear Admiral Sir John Franklin, 31. 31 PP 264, 38-9. 32

RFP.

33 RFP. 34 Athenaeum, 12 June, 27 Nov., 11 and 18 Dec. 1847. 35 PP 264, 41-3. 36 Ibid., 43. 37 Ibid., 44-6. 38 Ibid., 82. 39 King, Franklin Expedition, 69. 40 SPRI, MS 175-19.

CHAPTER NINETEEN 1 Quoted in Owen, Fate of Franklin, 269. 2 PP 386 (1848) [ABB 45217]. 3 PP 188 (1849), 3 [ABB 45219]. 4 Ibid., 4-5. 5 RGS, MS 116. 6 Cyriax, "Arctic Sledge Travelling," 136. 7 J.C. Ross, Report of Proceedings, PP 107 (1850), 62 [ABB 45223]. 8 McClintock, "Reminiscences of Arctic Travel," 13. 9 Young, Two Voyages of the Pandora, 52. 10 ADM 101/99/4. 11 Lloyd and Coulter, Medicine and the Navy, 4:112. 12 Despite the inspector's title, the anti-scorbutic issued at this period was lemon juice. West Indian lime juice, which has a lesser anti-scorbutic value, was introduced about 1860. 13 Weld, The Search for Sir John Franklin, 61. Given as a lecture at the Russell Institution, 15 Jan. 1851. 14 PP 188 (1849) n, 9 [ABB 45220]. 15 PP 107 (1850), 64-6 [ABB 45223]. 16 Ibid., 68. 17 PP 97 (1851), 56-64 [ABB 45226]. 18 RFP. 19 Athenaeum, 8 Nov. 1845, 1080. 20 Roy. Soc., Mc4, 107; and Council Minutes, printed series I, 530-1. 21 Times, 21 Nov. 1849. 22 SPRI, MS 248/452/2, 5 and 6. 23 King, Franklin Expedition, 71-2. 24 Woodward, Portrait of Jane, 270. 25 RFP.

412 Notes to pages 317-34 26 SPRI, MS 248/175/20. 27 ADM 7/188/16. CHAPTER TWENTY

Note: John Ross's diary, cited in this chapter, is in RFP. 1 PP 107, 74 [ABB 45223]. 2 Ibid., 78. 3 Ibid., 80. 4 Ibid., 80. 5 Ibid., 115. 6 Ibid., 116. 7 Ibid., 117. 8 John Ross, diary. 9 PP 107, 99. 10 Ibid., 155; King, Franklin Expedition, 76-82. 11 SPRI, MS 248/175/21. 12 HBC, BH 1/1800, 9.

13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Ibid., 17. Ibid., 19. Ibid., 270. Ibid., 26, 27. Ibid., 30. Ibid., 128. Ibid., 38.

20 SPRI, MS 248/455/2. 21 HBC, BH 1/1800, 25.

22 Ayr Advertiser, 16 May 1850. 23 HBC, BH l/l8oO, 78. 24 SPRI, MS 1OO8. 25 HBC, BH 1/18OO, 78.

26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

Reprinted in Nautical Magazine, July 1850, 403. Kane, The U.S. Grinnell Expedition, 153. McClintock, Voyage of the Fox (3rd ed.), 147. J. Ross, Rear Admiral Sir John Franklin, 9. Sutherland, Journal of a Voyage, 1:383. Ibid., 403. Ibid., 446. Ibid., 428. HBC, BH 1/81, 576. Sutherland, Journal of a Voyage, 2:40. Ibid., 138. Phillips's report, HBC, BH 1/81, 578-81.

413 Notes to pages 334-56 38 39 40 41 42 43

Sutherland, Journal of a Voyage, 2:68. Ibid., 126. Wilson, "Sir John Ross's Last Expedition." SPRI, MS 116/63/116. PP 1435 (1852), 125 [ABB 45227]. Ibid., xxi.

44 HBC, BH l/8l,

550.

45 PP 1449 (1852), 5 [ABB 45229]. 46 HBC, BH l/8l,

645; PP 1449,

7.

47 HBC, BH 1/18OO, 696.

48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56

Ayr Advertiser, 16 Oct. 1851. PP 1435, liii. PP 1436 (1852), 300 [ABB 45228]. PP 1435. SPRI, MS 248/241, entry for 31 Oct. 1851. Ibid., 17 Oct. 1851. PP 1449, 101. PP 115 (1852), 1-13 [ABB 45232]. Kennedy, Short Narrative of the Second Voyage of the Prince Albert, 134. CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE

1 PP 1435, vii. 2 Ibid., 153-81. 3 PP 1449, 130. 4 Ibid., 141. 5 Inglefield, A Summer Search, 67. 6 SPRI, MS 655/2, Ross, "Memoirs," vol. 2. 7 SPRI, MS 1226/18/3. 8 Osborn, Discovery of a North-West Passage, 202. 9 London Gazette, 1854, no. 21513. 10 PP 129 (1852), 1-12 [ABB 45242].

CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO 1 King, Franklin Expedition, 36-7. 2 Ibid., 129-33. 3 SPRI, MS 1226/17/1. 4 RFP. 5 SPRI, MS 248/467/1. 6 Simmonds, Arctic Regions, 258. 7 McClintock, "Reminiscences of Arctic Travel," 13. 8 London Gazette, 1856, nos. 21841 and 21895.

414 Notes to pages 356-70 9 10 11 12

PP 2124 (1856), 85 [ABB 45249]. PP 409 (1855) [ABB 45248]. Lady Franklin, Letter to Viscount Palmerston. Quoted in Owen, Fate of Franklin, 373. C H A P T E RT W E N T Y - T H R E E

1 The originals of this letter and all other documents cited in reference to this incident are at the Museum of the History of Science, Oxford. Copies in SPRI, MS 1008. 2 SPRI, MS 945. 3 John Ross to secretary, Hudson's Bay Co., HBC, BH 1/81, 922. 4 Nautical Standard, 15 May 1852. 5 Times, 18 June 1852. 6 Athenaeum, 27 Nov. 1852. 7 East India Register and Directory. 8 India Office Library, Bengal marriages, vol. 89:232. 9 RFP, 23 June 1852. All family letters quoted in this section are in RFP. 10 BL, Add. MSS 43251,198. 11 India Office Library, Bengal marriages, vol. 89:385. 12 India Office Library, East India registers. 13 SPRI, MS 245/8. 14 BL, Add. MSS 43252, 81-9. 15 Nisbet's Heraldry (1816) does not reveal any relationship, but there almost certainly was one, though very remote. John Ross's Corsane greatgreat-great-grandmother was Jean Kirkpatrick of Closeburn (d.i696). The Empress Eugenie's great-grandfather was William Kirkpatrick of Conheath (1737-87). It has not proved possible to trace a direct relationship between these two Kirkpatricks, but the connection between the Kirkpatricks of Conheath and the parent family of Closeburn is well established. 16 SPRI, MS 945/15, 19 Mar. 1854. 17 SPRI, MS 486/7/6. 18 SPRI, MS 945/16. 19 RFP.

20 BL, Add. MSS 35306, 292. 21 RFP.

22 23 24 25 26

Quoted in Richards, Dr. John Rae, no. NLS, MS 3650, 182. RGS, John Ross, LBR MSS i. J. Ross, Rear Admiral Sir John Franklin, 93. RFP; SPRI, MS 815/1.

27 SPRI, MS 1008, 22 Oct. 1855.

415 Notes to pages 370-91 28 SPRI, MS 945/32. 29 SPRI, MS 945/35, John Ross to Dr Lee, 26 Jan. 1856. 30 SPRI, MS 945/41. 31 SPRI, MS 486/5/17.

32 33 34 35 36 37

RFP, i Sept. 1856. Times, 10 Mar. 1848. Ibid., 5 June 1848. Ibid., 9 June 1848. Ibid., 6 June 1848. Ibid., 12 June 1848. CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR

1 RFP.

2 McClintock, Voyage of the Fox, 4. 3 Ibid., 9, from Aberdeen, 29 June 1857. 4 Markham, Life of... McClintock, 18. 5 RFP. 6 McClintock, Voyage of the Fox, 151. 7 Ibid., 153. 8 Ibid., 266. 9 See chap. 12, note 8. 10 Fluhmann, Second in Command, 108, 121. 11 King, Franklin Expedition, 170. 12 J. Ross. Narrative of a Second Voyage, 411. 13 Jerdan, Men I Have Known, 381-92. James Ross's 1862 letter to Jerdan is also from this source. 14 RFP. 15 Roy. Soc., Proceedings 12 (1862): Ixi-bdii. 16 Roy. Soc., Phil. Trans. 158 (1868): 384. 17 SPRI, MS 1226/20, E. Ommanney to the Rev. J.C. Ross, son of Sir James Ross, 8 Mar. 1871. ENVOI

1 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, J.D. Hooker to H.R. Mill, 23 Nov. 1902. 2 Jerdan, Men I Have Known, 382.

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422 Bibliography - To the Arctic by Canoe, 1819-1821: The Journal and Paintings of Robert Hood. Montreal & London: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1974. Huish, R. The Last Expedition of Captain Sir John Ross for the Discovery of a NorthWest Passage. London: George Virtue, [n.d.] Hutchison, I.G.C. A Political History of Scotland. Edinburgh: John Donald, 1986. Huxley, L. Life and Letters ofSirJ.D. Hooker. 2 vols. London: John Murray, 1918. The Illustrated Arctic News. London: Ackermann & Co., 1852. Inglefield, E.A. A Summer Search for Sir John Franklin: with a Peep into the Polar Basin. London: Harrison, 1853. Jerdan, W. Men I Have Known. London: Routledge, 1866. Johnson, R.E. Sir John Richardson: Arctic Explorer, Natural Historian, Naval Surgeon. London: Taylor & Francis, 1976. Jones, A.G.E. "Rear Admiral Sir William Edward Parry: A Different View." Musk-Ox 21 (1978): 3-10. - "Sir James Clark Ross and the Voyage of the Enterprise and Investigator, 1848-49." Geographical Journal 137 (June 1971), part 2:165-79. - "Sir John Ross and Sir John Barrow." Notes and Queries, new ser., 19, no. 8 (1972): 294-303. - "The Voyage of H.M.S. Cove, Captain James Clark Ross, 1835-36." Polar Record no. 40 (July 1950): 543-56. Kane, E.K. The U.S. Grinnell Expedition in Serach of Sir John Franklin: A Personal Narrative. New York: Harper & Bros., 1854. Kennedy, W. A Short Narrative of the Second Voyage of the Prince Albert in Search of Sir John Franklin. London: W.H. Dalton, 1853. King, R. The Franklin Expedition from First to Last. London: John Churchill, 1855. - Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of the Arctic Ocean in 1833,1834 and 1835 under the Command of Captain Back R.N. 2 vols. London: Richard Bentley, 1836. Lamb, G.E. Franklin: Happy Voyager. London: Ernest Benn, 1956. Lehane, B. The Northwest Passage. Alexandria, Va: Time-Life Books, 1981. Lewis, M. The Navy in Transition 1814-1864: A Social History. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1965. Linn, R. History of Banbridge. Banbridge Chronicle Press, 1935. Lloyd, C. Mr. Barrow of the Admiralty. London: Collins, 1970. - and W.S. Coulter. Medicine and the Navy 1200-1900. Vol. 4, 1815-1900. London: Livingstone, 1963. Lubbock, B. The Arctic Whalers. Glasgow: Brown & Ferguson, 1937. Lyon, G.F. A Brief Narrative of an Unsuccessful Attempt to Reach Repulse Bay ... in the Year MDCCCXXIV. London: John Murray, 1825. - The Private Journal of Captain George F. Lyon of H.M.S. Hecla during the Recent Voyage of Discovery under Captain Parry. London: John Murray, 1824.

423 Bibliography McClintock, F.L. "On Arctic Sledge-travelling." RGS, Proceedings 19 (1875): 464-79. - "Reminiscenses of Arctic Travel in Search of Sir John Franklin and his Companions." Journal of the Royal Dublin Society, Feb. 1857, 183-250. - The Voyage of the Fox in the Arctic Seas: A Narrative of the Fate of Sir John Franklin and his Companions. 3rd ed. London: John Murray, 1869. McConnell, A. "A Day at the North Magnetic Pole - i June 1831." New Scientist, 4 June 1981, 617. - No Sea Too Deep: The History of Oceanographic Instruments. Bristol: Adam Hilger, 1982. McCormick, R. Narrative of a Boat Expedition up the Wellington Channel ... in H.M.B. Forlorn Hope ... London: Eyre & Spottiswoode 1854. - Voyages of Discovery in the Arctic and Antarctic Seas and Round the World. 2 vols. London: Sampson Low, 1884. McDougall, G.F. The Eventful Voyage of H.M. Discovery Ship Resolute to the Arctic Regions ... London: Longmans, 1857. McKerlie, P.H. History of the Lands and Their Owners in Galloway. Vol. i, Wigtownshire. Paisley: Alexander Gardner, 1906. Malaurie, J. The Last Kings ofThule. Trans. A. Foulkes. London: J. Cape, 1982. Markham, C. Lands of Silence. Cambridge University Press, 1921. - The Life of Sir Leopold McClintock. London: John Murray, 1909. Mearns, B. and R. Biographers for Birdwatchers. London: Academic Press, 1988. Mill, H.R. The Siege of the South Pole. London: Alston Rivers, 1905. Mirsky, J. To the Arctic! Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970. Mogg, W. "The Arctic Wintering of H.M.s. Hecla and Fury in Prince Regent Inlet, 1824-25." Polar Record 12 (Jan. 1964): 11-28. Murray, D. Legal Practice in Ayr and the West of Scotland in the i$th and i6th Centuries: A Study in Economic History. Glasgow: J. Maclehose & Sons, 1910. Neatby, L.H., trans, and ed. Frozen Ships: The Arctic Diary of Johann Miertsching. Toronto: Macmillan, 1967. - In Quest of the North-west Passage. London: Constable, 1958. - The Search for Franklin. London: Arthur Barker, 1970. The North Georgia Gazette and Winter Chronicle. London: John Murray, 1821. O'Byrne, W.R. A Naval Biographical Dictionary. London: John Murray, 1849. O'Reilly, B. Greenland, the Adjacent Seas, and the North-West Passage to the Pacific Ocean, Illustrated in a Voyage to Davis's Strait during the Summer of 1817. London: Baldwin, Craddock & Joy, 1818. Osborn, S. The Career, Last Voyage, and Fate of Captain Sir John Franklin. London & Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1859. - ed. The Discovery of a North-West Passage by H.M.S. Investigator ... London: Longmans, 1857; repr. Edmonton: Hurtig, 1969. - Stray Leaves from an Arctic Journal. London: Longmans, 1852.

424 Bibliography Owen, R. The Fate of Franklin. London: Hutchinson, 1978. Parry, A. Parry_of the Arctic. London: Chatto & Windus, 1963. Parry, E. Memoirs of Rear Admiral Sir W. Edward Parry. London: Longmans, 1857. Parry, W.E. Journal of a Second Voyage for the Discovery of a North-West Passage ... London: John Murray, 1824. Appendix, 1825. - Journal of a Third Voyage for the Discovery of a North-West Passage... London: John Murray, 1826. - Journal of a Voyage for the Discovery of a North-West Passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific Performed in the Years 1819-20 in His Majesty's Ships Hecla and Griper, under the Orders of William Edward Parry R.N., FRS. London: John Murray, 1821. Supplement to appendix, 1824. - Narrative of an Attempt to reach the North Pole ... London: John Murray, 1827. Perm, G. Up Funnel, Down Screw! London: Hollis & Carter, 1955. Phipps, C.J. A Voyage towards the North Pole. London: Nourse, 1774; repr. Whitby: Caedmon, 1978. Pocock, T. Sailor King: The Life of King William iv. London: Sinclair-Stevenson, 1991. Pronty, R. The Transformation of the Board of Trade 1830-1855. London: Heinemann, 1957. Rae, J. "Journey from Great Bear Lake to Wollaston Land (Report to Sir George Simpson)." RGS, Journal 22 (1852): 73-96. - Narrative of an Expedition to the Shores of the Arctic Sea in 1846 and 1847. London: T. & W. Boone, 1850; repr. Toronto: Canadian House, 1970. Rice, A.L. "The Oceanography of John Ross's Arctic Expedition of 1818: A Reappraisal." Institute of Oceanographic Sciences, Collected Reprints no. 1098, 1975. Richards, R.L. Dr. John Rae. Whitby: Caedmon, 1985. Richardson, J. Arctic Searching Expedition: Journal of a Boat Journey through Prince Rupert's Land and the Arctic Sea in Search of the Discovery Ships under the Command of Sir John Franklin. London: Longmans, 1851. - and J.E. Gray, eds. The Zoology of the Antarctic Voyage of H.M. Ships Erebus and Terror ... 2 vols. London: E.W. Janson, 1844-46. Supplementary vol., 1875. Ross, J. Considerations on the Present State of Navigation by Steam. Stockholm, 1843. - A Description of the Deep Sea Clamm. 1819. - Explanation and Answer to Mr. John Braithwaite's Supplement to Sir John Ross's Narrative of a Second Voyage in the Victory, in Search of a North-West Passage. London: A.W. Webster, 1835. - An Explanation of Captain Sabine's Remarks on the Late Voyage of Discovery to Baffin's Bay. London: John Murray, 1819. - Memoirs and Correspondence of Admiral Lord de Saumarezfrom Original Papers

425 Bibliography in the Possession of the Family. 2 vols. London: Richard Bentley, 1838. - Narrative of a Second Voyage in Search of a North-West Passage, and of a Residence in the Arctic Regions during the Years 1829,1830,1831,1832,1833 ... and Appendix. London: A. Webster, 1835. - Observations on a Work, Entitled, "Voyages of Discovery and Research within the Arctic Regions," by Sir John Barrow, Bart. Aetat. 82, Being a Refutation of the Numerous Misrepresentations Contained in That Volume. London & Edinburgh: Blackwook, 1846. - On Communication to India in Large Steamships by the Cape of Good Hope. London: Smith, Elder, 1838. - On Intemperance in the Royal Navy. London: Tweedie, 1852. - Rear Admiral Sir John Franklin: A Narrative of the Circumstances and Causes Which Led to the Failure of the Searching Expeditions Sent by the Government and Others for the Rescure of Sir John Franklin. London: Longmans, 1855. - A Short Treatise on the Deviation of the Mariner's Compass, with Rules for its Correction, and Diagrams. London: Pelham Richardson, 1848. - "Steam Navigation." Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, April 1827, 393-9. - Treatise on Naval Discipline, with an Explanation of the Important Advantages which Naval and Military Discipline Might Derive from the Science of Phrenology. London: Longmans, 1825. - A Treatise on Navigation by Steam; Comprising a History of the Steam Engine, and an Essay towards a System of the Naval Tactics Peculiar to Steam Navigation, as Applicable both to Commerce and Maritime Warfare. London: Longmans, 1828. - A Voyage of Discovery, Made under the Orders of the Admiralty, in His Majesty's Ships Isabella and Alexander, for the Purpose of Exploring Baffin's Bay, and Inquiring into the Probability of a North-West Passage. London: John Murray, 1818; 2nd ed., 2 vols. Longmans, 1819. Ross, J.C. A Voyage of Discovery and Research in the Southern and Antarctic Regions during the years 1839-43. London: John Murray, 1847; repr., Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1969. Ross, MJ. Ross in the Antarctic. Whitby: Caedmon 1982. - and J.M. Savelle. "Retreat from Boothia: The Original Diary of James Clark Ross, May to October 1832." Arctic 45, no. 2 (June 1992): 179-94. - "Round Lord Mayor Bay with James Clark Ross." Arctic 43, no. i (March 1990): 66-79. Ross, W.G. Arctic Whalers, Icy Seas: Narratives of the Davis Strait Whale Fishery. Toronto: Irwin Publishing, 1985. Royal Society. Report of the President and Council of the Royal Society on the Instructions to be Prepared for the Scientific Expedition to the Antarctic Regions. London: Richard & John E. Taylor, 1839. Ryan, A.N., ed. The Saumarez Papers: Selections from the Baltic Correspondence of Vice Admiral Sir James Saumarez, 1808-1812. London: Navy Records Society, 1968.

426 Bibliography Sabine, E. Remarks on the Account of the Late Voyage of Discovery to Baffin's Bay. London: John Booth, 1819. Savelle, J.M. "The Archaeology of a Netsilik Inuit Camp Depicted by John Ross in 1831." Polar Record 23 (1987): 427-36. - "Historic Inuit Pottery in the Eastern Canadian Arctic." Polar Record 23 (1986): 319-22. - and C. Holland. "John Ross and Bellot Strait: Personality versus Discovery." Polar Record 23 (1987): 411-17. Savours, A., and A. McConnell. "The History of the Rossbank Observatory, Tasmania." Annals of Science 39 (1982): 527-64. Scoresby, W., Jr. An Account of the Arctic Regions, with a History and Description of the Northern Whale-fishery. 2 vols. London: Constable, 1820; repr., Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1969. - My Father. London: Longmans, 1851; repr., Whitby: Caedmon 1978. - The Polar Ice (1815) and The North Pole (1828). Repr., Whitby: Caedmon 1980. Scott, R.F. Voyage of the Discovery. London: Macmillan, 1905. Serson, P. "Tracking the North Magnetic Pole." New Scientist, 4 June 1981, 616-18. Simmonds, P.L. The Arctic Regions and Polar Discoveries during the Nineteenth Century, loth ed. London: Routledge, 1875. Simpson, T. Narrative of the Discoveries on the North Coast of America Effected by the Officers of the Hudson's Bay Company during the Years 1836-39. London: Richard Bentley, 1843. Smiles, S. A Publisher and His Friends: Memoirs and Correspondence of the Late John Murray, with an Account of the Origin and Progress of the House, 1768-1843. 2 vols. London: John Murray, 1891. Smith, E.C. "Some Episodes in Early Ocean Steam Navigation." Newcomen Society, Transactions 8 (1928): 61-3. Snow, W.P. Voyage of the Prince Albert in Search for Sir John Franklin. London: Longmans, 1851. Stamp, T. and C. William Scoresby, Arctic Scientist. Whitby: Caedmon 1975. Stefansson, V. Unsolved Mysteries of the Arctic. New York: Macmillan, 1939; London: Harrap, 1939. Sutherland, P. Journal of a Voyage in Baffin's Bay and Barrow Straits in the Years 1850-51. 2 vols. London: Longmans, 1852. Sweet, J.M. "Robert Jameson and the Explorers: The Search for the North West Passage (Part i - W. Scoresby and John Ross)." Annals of Science 31, no. i (1974): 21-47. Thomson, G.M. The North-West Passage. London: Seeker & Warburg, 1975. Traill, H.D. The Life of Sir John Franklin. London: John Murray, 1896. Two Hundred and Fifty Years of Shipbuilding by Scotts of Greenock. 4th ed. Published privately, 1961. Wallace, H.N. The Navy, the Company, and Richard King. Montreal: McGillQueen's University Press, 1980.

427 Bibliography Watt,}., E.J. Freeman, and W.F. Bynum, eds. Starving Sailors: The Influence of Nutrition upon Naval Maritime History. Greenwich: National Maritime Museum, 1981. Weld, C.R. Arctic Expeditions: A Lecture. London: John Murray, 1850. - The Search for Sir John Franklin. London: Richard Bentley, 1851. Wilkes, C. Synopsis of the Cruise of the U.S. Exploring Expedition. Washington, 1842. Williams, G. The British Search for the Northwest Passage in the Eighteenth Century. London: Longmans, 1962. Wilson, M. "Sir John Ross's Last Expedition, in Search of Sir John Franklin." Musk Ox, no. 13 (1973): 3-11. Woodward, F.J. Portrait of Jane: A Life of Lady Franklin. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1951. Wright, N. Quest for Franklin. London: Heinemann, 1959. Young, A. The Two Voyages of the Pandora in 1875 and 1876. London: Stanford, 1879. Ziegler, P. King William IV. London: Collins, 1971. NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS Annals of Science Arctic Athenaeum Ayr Advertiser Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine Dumfries Times Edinburgh Review Geographical Journal Illustrated London News London Gazette Mariners' Mirror Nautical Magazine Nautical Standard New Scientist Polar Record Quarterly Review Railway Times Shipping & Mercantile Gazette Times Wigtown Free Press

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Index

Aberdeen, 4th Earl of: correspondence with JR as foreign secretary, 267-72 passim; as prime minister, 364-5 Abernethy, Thomas: in Enterprise, 303; in Erebus, 216, 221; in Felix, 325, 326-7, 334, 337; in Isabel, 343; in Victory, 128, 145, 146, 148, 154, 157' 162 Anderson, James, 356 Arctic Committee (1851), 337 Arctic Medal, 250 Auckland, 2nd Earl of, 297, 368 Auckland Isles, 224 Austin, Horatio: commands Resolute, 322, 335/ 34i Back, George, 81, 94, 122; and Arctic Land Expedition, 130-1, 135, 192-6; in Terror, 197; offers services to JCR, 200; and Franklin expedition, 276, 278, 313; on the search, 319 Back River. See Great Fish River Baffin, William, 24-5

Baffin Bay, north water of, 66 Balleny, John, 210, 223, 232 Banks, Sir Joseph, 28-9, 52 Banks Island, 316 Barlow, Peter: report on compasses, 204 Barrow, John: and renewal of Arctic exploration, 29-33; voyage in whaler, 53; reviews JR'S narrative, 58-9; and Parry's ist voyage, 77; and Parry's 2nd voyage, 87; and Parry's 3rd voyage, 93; and Parry's polar expedition, 95, 102,104; and JR'S 2nd expedition, 186, 190; on insularity of Boothia, 193, 287; proposes new Arctic expedition, 273, 278; retires, 286; criticizes JR in book, 286-90 Batty Bay, 160, 162, 339 Beaufort, Francis, 131,185; and compass committee, 205-7, 235' 243' 246, 256, 267, 271, 321, 349 Beck, Adam, 327, 328, 334, 336, 376 Beechey, Frederick William: commands Blossom, 89, 94, 131; on

plans for Franklin search, 295, 319 Beechey Island, 309, 329 Belcher, Sir Edward: commands Assistance, 344, 347' 348 Bellingshausen, Thaddeus von, 210, 247 Bellot, Joseph-Rene, 339 Bellot Strait, 139, 155, 308, 339' 377 Bernadotte, Jean-Baptiste Jules, 16 Beverly, Charles James, 97, 131, 200, 385 Bird, Edward: on Parry's 2nd expedition, 82; and polar expedition, 97; first lieutenant of Erebus in Antarctic, 215, 220, 243; commands Investigator, 303, 305, 309; JCR'S executor, 385 birds: emperor penguin (Aptenodytes forsterf), 254; king penguin (Aptenodytes patagonica), 254; Ross's gull (Rhodostethia rosea), 86; Sabine's gull (Xeme sabini), 66; snow petrel (Pagodroma nivea), 247; wandering albatross (Diomedea exulans), 225;

430 Index white-billed diver, or yellow-billed loon (Gavia adamsii), 170 Biscoe, John, 210 Bisson, Midshipman, 54 Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, 55 Blanky, Thomas, 128, 143-6, 278 Booth, Sir Felix, 119-20, 165, 172, 323 Bouvet Island, 248 Bowen, Port, 90 Braithwaite, John, 121; on George Ross in Railway Times, 259; response to JR'S criticism, 188 Brentford Bay, 138, 152, 157 Brisbane, Matthew, 210 British Association for the Advancement of Science, 199, 207-9, 3^3 Browne, William, 308, 333 Brunton, Alexander, 129, 176 Buchan, David: commands Dorothea, 31, 57 Bushnan, John, 82, 278 Cator, John: commands Intrepid, 322 Chantrey Inlet, 192 Children, John, 170 Christie, Samuel Hunter, 205 Clarence Islands, 185 Cockbum, George, 57, 105, 167 Collinson, Richard: commands Enterprise, 319, 344, 348 Combe, George, 111 compasses: Barlow on, 204; JR on, 172; poor quality, 34; variation, deviation, and dip, 34-5 Cook, James, 25, 210 Coulman, Robert, 211-12 Coulman, Thomas, 211-

14

Fitzjames, James, 215, 277, 279, 378 Flinders, Matthew, 35 Forsyth, Charles: commands Prince Albert, 323, 329 Foster, Henry, 89, 97, 98 Franklin, Jane, Lady (nee Griffin): in Tasmania, 221; to JCR on Franklin's appointment, 274; on JR, 70, 313, 322; to JR, 326; to JCR on search for Franklin, 297, 315-17, 322, 353-5; to JCR in Enterprise, 312; equips Prince Albert, 323, 339; equips Isabel, 343; equips Fox, 375; addresses Lord Palmerston, 357; instrucDarwin, Charles Robert, tions to McClintock, 215, 253 Davis, John Edward, 216, 375 Franklin, Sir John: com242 mands Trent, 31; Dease, Peter, 273 1819-22 expedition, 81; "Deep Sea Clamm," 41 1825-27 expedition, 94; de Blosseville, Jules, 255 on JR'S 2nd expedition, de Haven, Edwin, 323 167, 182; in Tasmania, Donoghue, Edward, 358, 221; appointed to com360 mand Arctic expediDuke of Cornwall's tion, 274-7; instructions, Harbour, and 280; opinion on JCR, Launceston and Victoria 282; on Wellington Railway Company, Channel, 283; death, 257-60 d'Urville, Jules Dumont, 378 Fury and Hecla Strait: dis210, 222, 245 • covery, 85; first navigation, 85 Edinburgh Review, 33, 59, Fury Beach, 92, 133, 137, 77-9, 187 158, 160, 309 Elliot, Hon. George, 130, 167 Gall, Franz Joseph, no Ericsson, John, 121, 188, Gauss, J.K.F., 208 263 Goodrich, Simon: and trials of Victory, 122-3 Falkland Islands, 243-5 Gore, Graham, 278, 377 Faraday, Michael, 313 Great Fish (Back) River, Felix Harbour, 140 181-2, 192, 197, 350-2, Ferguson, Cutlar, 171 Fisher, Alexander, 55 356, 377/ 38i

Cracroft, Sophia, 221, 277, 338 Cresswell Bay, 138, 158 Crimean War, 351, 365-6 Crozet Islands, 219 Crozier, Francis Rawdon Moira: on Parry's 2nd expedition, 82; on Parry's 3rd expedition, 89; and polar expedition, 97, 98; first lieutenant of Cove, 200; promoted commander, 204; commands Terror in Antarctic, 215, 241, 244; promoted captain, 243; and Franklin expedition, 277; last letter to JCR, 284; last message, 378

431 Index Griffin, Samuel P., 323 Grinnell, Henry, 323, 343 Haddington, gth Earl of, 274, 277 half pay, 109, 266, 268 Hardwicke, 4th Earl of, 324 Hermite Island, 244 Herschel, Sir John Frederick William, 209 Hobson, William: finds Franklin record, 377 Hooker, Joseph Dal ton: appointed to Erebus, 216; and JCR on natural history, 217-18, 252-3; and McCormick 219; at Kerguelen Island, 220-1; at Auckland and Campbell islands, 224-5; on discovery of Mount Erebus, 229; and botany of Fuegia, 244-5; on 3rd Antarctic voyage, 246, 247, 249; and botany of the Antarctic expedition, 253; and Charles Darwin, 253; on JCR (epitaph), 391 Hooker, Sir William Jackson, 87, 106, 131, 216 Hooper, William H.: on JR'S first voyage, 44, 48, 54; and religion, 90 Hoppner, Henry Parkyns: commands Fury, 89, 131 Hudson's Bay Company, 25, 131, 323, 356 Huish, Robert, 173, 176 Humboldt, Baron von, 208 Humphreys, Captain: of Isabella, 163-4; rnaster of Cove, 200-2 Inglefield, Edward Augustus: commands Isabel, 45, 343; and Phoenix, 348

Inuit: "Arctic Highlanders," 42; JR on, 141, 151, 155; on JR'S 2nd expedition, 142-50 passim, 152,154; "sketch of the Boothians," 190; at Winter and Igloolik, 84-6 Johnson, Edward John: on compass committee 205; inspector of compasses, 207; and JR, 3M, 363 Jones, Thomas Rymer, 179, 359-62, 370

Light, William: character, 174, 177; on JCR and JR, 174-6; steward, 129 Lloyd, Rev. Humphrey, 199 Longitude Act, 119-20 Lyon, George Francis: commands Fury, 82; sledging 86; journal and drawings, 87; commands Griper, 89, 93; later life, 93

McClintock, Francis Leopold: in Enterprise, 303-4, 308-9; in Assistance, 322, 333; Kane, Elisha Kent, 328, 343 sledging, 332; comKellett, Henry: commands mands Intrepid, 344, Herald, 341, 345; com347; seeks JCR'S advice, mands Resolute, 344, 374; commands Fox, 347-8, 353, 356 375-8; discovers Kennedy, William: comFranklin's fate, 378; on mands Prince Albert, Franklin's course, 380 339-40 McClure, Robert John Le Kerguelen Islands, 220-1 Mesurier: first lieutenant of Enterprise, 303; King, Richard: with Back, commands Investigator, 131, 192-3; narrative, 319, 344-8; award for 197; character, 197-8; discovery of Northwest offers services to JCR, Passage, 356 200; on plans for McCormick, Robert: on Franklin expedition, Parry's polar expedi281-2; on Barrow, 282; tion, 97; offers services to on plans for Franklin JCR, 200; and Darwin, search, 299-301; on JCR, 215; and Hooker, 219; on 315; on Rae, 351-2; Auckland Island, 225; claims reward, 356; conon Possession Island, jectural chart of Arctic 227; on the Ross Ice Canada, 381 Shelf, 230; on Franklin King William Island, 148, search, 320; Lady 193, 195-6, 350, 377 Franklin on, 313 Krusenstern, Admiral von, McDiarmid, George: sur19, 368 geon in Victory, 122, 127, 142, 145, 146, 152, Lee, John, 271, 362; corre169, 190 spondence with JR, McMurdo, Archibald: first 362-70 passim lieutenant of Terror in Lefroy, John Henry, 217 Antarctic, 215, 244 Leopold, Port, 306, 310 magnetic poles: JCR Liddon, Matthew: comreaches north pole, 153; mands Griper, 71

432 Index JCR locates south pole, 232; south pole, 208, 209; T.W.E. David reaches south pole, 251 magnetic survey of British Isles, 199, 206 Martin, Thomas By am: on Barrow, 187; in the Baltic, 14, 18; on JR, 171; on King William iv, 104; letter from Boothia, 403 n 37 Matty Island, 147, 149, 196 Melville, 2nd Viscount, 29; and JR after 2nd expedition, 167; and Parry, 57, 88, 96; steam propulsion, 117 Melville Island, 73,333,342 Melville Peninsula, 85, 89, 197, 289 Minto, 2nd Earl of, 235 Moody, Richard Clement, lieutenant-governor of Falkland Islands, 243, 246 Moore, T.E.L.: commands Plover, 298 Murray, John: publisher, 52, 58, 181 Neitchilee, 143 Nicholas i, emperor of Russia, 178, 365 Nordenskiold, Admiral, 109, 257, 261-2, 264, 272 North Georgia Gazette, 74 North West Castle, Stranraer, no, 255 Northampton, 2nd Marquis of, 294 oceanography in JR'S 1818 expedition, 66 Ogle, Charles, 134 Ommanney, Erasmus: commands Assistance, 322, 329, 333 On Intemperance in the Royal Navy, 363

"open polar sea," 27, 37 Osborn, Sherard: commands Pioneer, 322, 333, 344, 347; on Franklin's probable course, 355 Palmerston, 3rd Viscount, 266, 357 panorama, Leicester Square, 165, 177 Parry, Sir William Edward: early naval service, 31-2; first opinion of JR, 33; on Lancaster Sound, 46; after return of 1818 expedition, 56-7, 62-3; appointed to command ist expedition, 57; instructions, 72; reaches Melville Island, 73; winter routine, 73-5; return, 75-6; appointed to 2nd expedition, 82; instructions, 82; winters and meets Inuit, 83; Inuit map, 85; at Fury and Hecla Strait, 85; promoted captain, 87; appointed hydrographer, 88; 3rd expedition, 89-92; on Lyon, 93; polar expedition, 95-101; farthest north, 100; opinion on return, 101,103; appointed commissioner of the Australian Agricultural Company, 105; influence on JCR, 105-6; on the Victory, 124; on JR and Lancaster Sound, 188; on JCR and lost whalers, 199, 204; comptroller of steam machinery, 263; rule of the road at sea, 264 Parry Mountains, 230, 251 Peel Sound, 308, 333, 339, 355, 376, 379 Pelly, Sir John Henry: gov-

ernor of HBC, 131, 134, 323 pendulum experiments, 36 Penny, William: commands Lady Franklin, 319, 328, 330, 331, 333-4; on JR, 335; on Austin, 335-6; and Arctic Committee, 337-8 Petersen, Carl, 328, 336, 338, 375 Phillips, Charles Gerrans: boat journeys at Kerguelen Island, 220; offers services to Lady Franklin, 322; with JR in Felix, 324-5, 332, 334 Phipps, Constantine John, 27 phrenology, 110-2 plants: Chrysobactron rossii, 224; Pleurophyllwn speciosum, 224; Pringlea antiscorbutica, 220; Sieversia (geum) rossii, 77; tussock grass (Dactylis caespitosa), 244 Porteous, David, 325 Prince Regent Inlet, 72, 87, 90, 92, 137 Quarterly Review, 30, 58, 77, 87, 93, 103, 186, 289 Rae, John: and insularity of Boothia, 289; with Richardson, 302, 314; resumes search, 339; brings news of Franklin expedition, 350-3, 355; receives reward, 356 red snow, 42, 106 Repulse Bay, 82-3, 89, 93, 197 Richardson, John: with Franklin's land expeditions, 81, 94, 130, 155; and zoology of Antarctic expedition, 254; on search expedi-

433 Index tion for Franklin, 297, 3M' 34i Robertson, John: surgeon in Enterprise, 303, 310 Ross, Rev. Andrew (father of JR), 4 Ross, Andrew (brother of JR), 4; distinguished services, 9 Ross, Andrew (son of Robert Ross), 9, 179, 180, 182 Ross, Andrew (son of JR), no, 363-4 Ross, Andrew Clark (brother of JCR), 5; at Waterloo, drowned, 7 Ross, Anne (nee Coulman): courtship with JCR, 211-14; and Lady Franklin, 313, 317; and Crozier, 284-5, 299> death, 385 Ross, Christian (nee Adair, first wife of JR), 23-4, 53, 54, 70, no Ross, George (father of JCR), 4; sets up business in London, 5; marriage, 5; bankruptcies, 5, 107, 135, 371; commands volunteers during riots, 5; collector of customs, Demerary, 6; captured and imprisoned by the French, 7; second marriage, 79; in Demerary, 80, 95; expeditions in search of JR, 130, 132-4; floats railway company, 257-60; and Heir-at-Law Society, 260, 371-2; death, 372 Ross, George Clark (brother of JCR), 5, 89, 106, 131 Ross, James Clark, 4, 7; evidence after 1818 voyage, 61, 63-5; with Parry's ist expedition,

71' 73' 76,77' 79' 87; with Parry's 2nd expedition, 86,87; promoted, elected fellow of Linnaean Society, 87; with Parry's 3rd expedition, 90, 91; polar expedition, 97-101; farthest north, 100; Parry's influence on character, 105-6; on JR'S 2nd expedition, 120; sledge journeys, 143-5, 172; to King William Island, 145-9; round Lord Mayor Bay, 149-50; to north magnetic pole, 152-4; retreat to Fury Beach, 156-8; journeys north and rescue, 159-61, 162-3; guaranteed promotion, 169; reports to Royal Society, 169-70; at parliamentary committee of inquiry, 172-3; and JR'S narrative, 183-4; proposes new Arctic expedition, 191; magnetic survey of British Isles, 199, 206; searches for lost whalers, 199-203; declines knighthood, 204; on compass committee, 205-6; courts Anne Coulman, 211-14; appointed to command Antarctic expedition, 209; at Hobart, 221-2, 234-6; in the Ross Sea, 226-34; discovers Mount Erebus and Ross Ice Shelf, 229; locates south magnetic pole, 232; criticizes Wilkes, 236; 2nd Antarctic voyage, 237-43; farthest south, 241; collision, 241; at Falkland Islands and Cape Horn, 243-5; 3rd Antarctic voyage, 246-9; marriage, 250;

oceanography and marine biology, 252-3; declines command of Arctic expedition, 275-6; on plans for Franklin search, 295, 301; commands first search expedition, 296-7, 303-11; on Franklin's likely fate, 341-2; to Lady Franklin on probable loss of expedition, 354-5; advises McClintock, 375; later life and death, 384-6; obituaries, 386-7, 391 Ross, John, 4, 9; enters Royal Navy, transfers to merchant service, and rejoins Navy, 11; wounded in action and granted wounds pension, 12-13; liaison officer with Swedish fleet, 14; promoted commander, 18; commands Briseis, 18; commands Actaeon, 19; commands Driver, 20; first marriage, 20; offered command of Arctic expedition, 21; instructions, 37; discovers Melville Bay, 41; and Arctic Highlanders, 42; and meteorites, 42; in Smith Sound, 43-5; Lancaster Sound and Croker Mountains, 45-50; promoted captain, 53; publishes narrative, 58; interviewed by board, 63-5; publishes answer to Sabine's pamphlet, 65; effect on whaling trade, 66; publishes new edition of narrative, 69; studies phrenology, 110-12; and steam propulsion, 113-15; rule of the road

434 Index at sea, 115; prepares for 2nd expedition, 119-25; departure, 126, 129; machinery problems, 126, 140; crew, 128-9; passage to Felix Harbour, 136-40; on diet, 141, 146; and Boothian Inuit, 142-50 passim, 151; letter to Beaufort, 138, 150, 155, 159, 160, 161; sledge journey, 152-3; Victory abandoned, 157; retreat to Fury Beach, 157-8; unsuccessful attempt to cross Prince Regent Inlet, 159; repeats claim to Croker Mountains, 159; crosses Prince Regent Inlet, 162; rescued by Isabella, 163; arrival in England, 164; crew paid by Admiralty, 169; appeals for reward, 171; at parliamentary committee of inquiry, 172-3; publishes narrative, 182-6, 189; criticizes Braithwaite and Ericsson, 189; on mission to Russia, 177-9; sec" ond marriage, 179; stands for Parliament, 180-1; as an artist, 190; on JCR and King William Island, 195; search for de Blosseville, 255-6; and railway company, 227-60; writes memoirs of Admiral Saumarez, 260; and India Steamship Company, 261-3; consul at Stockholm, 266-9; bankruptcy, 270-1; proposes expedition to North Pole, 271, 294; on plans for Franklin ex-

pedition, 293-4; publishes answer to Barrow's book, 290-1; and criticizes JCR, 291-2; urges relief expedition for Franklin, 293-4; and JCR'S 1848-49 expedition, 297, 323, 368; and Faraday, 313-14; plan for Franklin search, 320-1; and HBC, 323; commands Felix 324-36; promoted rear admiral, 379; on Penny, 338, 368-9; further expedition proposed, 342; expedition abandoned, 367; deserted by wife, 358-62; and loss of Birkenhead, 362-3; and Crimean War, 365-6; writes book on Franklin search, 368; death, 370 Ross, Marion (sister of JCR), 5, 386 Ross, Mary (nee Jones, second wife of JR), 179, 255,262,267,269,358-62 Ross, Robert (brother of JR), 4, 9, 108 Rossbank Observatory, Hobart, 222 Ross Ice Shelf, 229, 250 Ross's seal (Ommatophoca rossii), 226, 254 Royal Society: instructions to Antarctic expedition, 209 Sabine, Edward, 40; on Lancaster Sound, 52, 54; publishes rejoinder to JR'S narrative, 61; with Parry, 71, 75; on insularity of Boothia, 193; magnetic survey of British Isles, 199, 205; reports on magnetic intensity, 207-9; and results of JCR'S Antarctic

expedition, 251; and JCR concerning Arctic expedition (1845), 273-6; obituary of JCR, 251, 386 Sacheuse, John, 40, 42 Sagvak Inlet (Shag-a-voke), 144 Saumarez, James, ist Baron de Saumarez, 12-19 passim, 130, 257 Saunders, James, 311 Scoresby, William Jr: report on Greenland ice, 28; Arctic expeditions in 1818, 29-30; on naval officers, 39; on the 1818 expeditions, 67; on Parry's polar expedition, 96, 103, 122; and compass committee, 205-6, 34i Scott, Robert Falcon, 230, 251, 254 scurvy, 86, 141, 161, 202, 310, 317, 331, 340, 347, 380 Sextant, the Royal Clarence, 116 Sheriff's Harbour, 150 ships: Advance, 323; Alexander, 34; Assistance, 323, 344; Blossom, 94; Cove, 200; Dorothea, 341; Enterprise, 303, 319; Erebus, 209, 279; engines, 281; Felix, 325; Fox, 375; Fury, 82, 89; Griper, 71, 89; Hecla, 71, 82, 89, 97; Herald, 298, 344; Intrepid, 323, 344; Investigator, 303, 319; Isabel, 343; Isabella, 34; John, 125; Krusenstern, 125; Lady Franklin, 320; Mary, 327; North Star, 311, 343; Phoenix, 348; Pioneer, 323, 344; Plover, 298; Prince Albert, 323, 339; Rescue, 323; Resolute, 323,

435 Index 344; Sophia, 320; Terror, 197, 215, 277; Trent, 31; Victory, 121 Simpson, Thomas, 273 Simpson, Sir George: overseas governor, HBC, 135 Simpson Strait, 192 sledging techniques, 307, 332 Smith, Francis Pettit, 263 Somerset House, 158, 160-1 Spence, Isabella (nee Ross, sister of JCR), 5; fostered, 7; marriage, 95 Spence, William (brotherin-law of JCR), 95, 131, 134, 211 Stair, Lady (Margaret Ross), 3 steam propulsion, 112-18; attitude of Admiralty,

117-18; early steamships, 112; A Treatise on Steam Navigation, 114 Stewart, Alexander: commands Sophia, 320, 335 Sullivan, Cornelius: blacksmith of Erebus in Antarctic, 228, 229, 231 Taylor, George, 128, 152, 161, 176 Thorn, William: purser with JR, 54, 125, 127, 159, 160, 161, 169 Thomas, Chimham, 128, 161 Thompson, Jane, 211-14 Vauxhall Gardens, 188 Victoria Harbour, 176

Weddell, James, 210 whalers: advice to JR, 40; annual program, 38; left in Davis Strait, 199; search by JCR, 201-3 Wellington Channel: discovered 73; and Franklin's instructions 280; searched by Penny 333-5 Wilkes, Charles, 211; criticized by JCR, 235, 236; writes to JCR, 222 William, Duke of Clarence, later King William iv: and 1835 election, 180-1; and JR'S place-names, 185; as lord high admiral, 104-5 Young, Allen, 351

Walker, Cape, 280