Poets and Princes: The Panegyric Poetry of Johannes Michael Nagonius [1° ed.] 2503531601, 9782503531601

Table of contents :
00Frontmatter
01Intro
02Chapter01
03Chapter02
04Chapter03
05Chapter04
06Chapter05
07Chapter06
08Chapter07
09Chapter08
10Chapter09
11Catalogue
12Bibliography
13Index
14PLATES with lo res images
14PLATES with no images

Citation preview

POETS AND PRINCES

COURTS: MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE COURT CULTURES

Editorial Board Sarah Alyn Stacey, Chief Editor Trinity College, Dublin Gerald Morgan Trinity College Dublin Pauline Smith University of Hull John Law University of Swansea Pam Williams University of Hull Bénédicte Boudou Paris VIII David Scott-McNab University of Leeds Steven Rigby University of Leeds Advisory Board Margaret McGowan University of Sussex Robert Knecht University of Birmingham Alcuin Blamires Goldsmiths, University of London Judith Bryce University of Bristol Alan Deighton University of Hull Anthony Lappin University of Manchester William Marx University of Wales, Lampeter Andrew Hiscock University of Wales, Bangor

VOLUME 1

POETS AND PRINCES The Panegyric Poetry of Johannes Michael Nagonius

by

Paul Gwynne

H

F

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Gwynne, Paul. Poets and princes : the panegyric poetry of Johannes Michael Nagonius. - (Medieval and Renaissance court cultures ; v. 1) 1. Nagonius, Johannes Michael-Criticism and interpretation. 2. Laudatory poetry, Latin (Medieval and modern)-History and criticism. 3. Praise in literature. 4. Courts and courtiers in literature. 5. Civilization, Medieval, in literature. I. Title II. Series 871'.04-dc23 ISBN-13: 9782503531601

© 2012, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2011/0095/156 ISBN: 978-2-503-53160-1 Printed in the E.U. on acid-free paper

‘Encomium in old time was poets’ work’ William Cowper, The Task, VI, 715

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements

xi

List of Abbreviations

xv

List of Illustrations

xix

Introduction: Trahimur omnes studio laudis The Scope of this Book A Note on the Transcriptions

1 6 9

Part I: Johannes Michael Nagonius, civis Romanus et poeta laureatus Chapter 1. Johannes Michael Nagonius Towards a Biography of Johannes Michael Nagonius The ‘Biography’ of Giovanni Michele Pingonio

13 13 36

Part II: The Panegyric Works of Nagonius Chapter 2. Iam nova progenies caelo demittitur alto Latin Panegyric Poetry The Renaissance Theory of Panegyric The Gift of Immortality Nagonius and the Panegyric Tradition

43 44 50 54 59

Chapter 3. An Italian Poet Abroad The Adventus of Piotr Vapowski, 1493 ‘Sic ego sum Caesar Maximilianus orbis herus’: A Manuscript for Maximilian, 1494 A Renaissance Court in England: A Manuscript for Henry VII, 1496 A Manuscript for Vladislav II, 1497 Conclusion

75 75 82

121 139

Chapter 4. French Connections ‘Accipe fatalem clypeum’: A Manuscript for Louis XII, 1499 Further Connections A Manuscript for Pierre, Duke of Bourbon, c. 1500 A Manuscript for Ercole d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, c. 1500 A Manuscript for Filiberto II, Duke of Savoy, 1501 A Manuscript for Guglielmo II, Marquis of Monferrat, 1508 Conclusion

141 145 163 164 168 171 174 179

Chapter 5. Venice and the Caesars A Manuscript for Doge Leonardo Loredan, c. 1503 ‘Tu alter Caesar eris’: A Manuscript for Niccolò Orsini, 1507 A Compendium of Roman History: A Manuscript for Andrea Gritti, 1502

181 183 201 213

Chapter 6. The Last Crusade ‘Hierusalem miserere tuae’: A Manuscript for Pope Julius II, 1509

227 227

Chapter 7. ‘Go Little Book’ A Strategy for Recognition Decoration and Illumination The Identity of the Illuminators A Note on the Script A Note on the Watermarks

249 249 260 303 306 319

Chapter 8. Conclusion

323

101

Part III: Panegyric Compositions and Catalogue Chapter 9. A Selection of the Panegyric Compositions of Nagonius The Senators and Matrons of Rome

331 331

The Oration and Verses to Welcome Piotr Vapowski to Rome Dedicatory Letter to Maximilian I A Hunting Expedition among the Ruins of Ancient Rome Epigrams for Philip, Archduke of Burgundy, and Arthur, Prince of Wales Descriptions of Buda, Jerusalem, and Constantinople The Battle of Fornovo An Epithalamium for Guglielmo II, Marquis of Monferrat, and Anne D’Alençon The Foundation of Venice by Antenor The Venetian Senate The Vision of Francesco Maria della Rovere Catalogue of Manuscripts and Printed Books by Nagonius Manuscripts Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 12.750 (suppl. 350) York, Minster Library, MS XVI.N.2 Prague, Národni a Universitni Knihovna, MS VIII. H.76 (1659) Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 8132 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 8133 Modena, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, MS Est. lat. 234 (α.M.5.2) Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS F.V.5. Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, MS Fondo Cimelii I.165 inf. Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 5213 Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950) Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, MS lat. Z. 407 (=1585) Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 1682 Dubious Attribution Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, MS lat. X. 253 (=3751) Lost Works

341 362 365 372 378 387 413 426 432 435

443 447 450 454 461 466 471 475 482 487 493 495 501

Six Books of Poems Dedicated to Giovanni Bentivoglio of Bologna Book of Poems Dedicated to Gian Giacomo Trivulzio Printed Books Poznań, Biblioteka Narodowa, E.XXIII.39

502 503 505

Bibliography

507

Index Locorum Citatorum

527

Index of Proper Names

533

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I

n his Ars Poetica Horace advised young writers keen to publish their work to avoid rushing into print but, instead, to put aside their work for revision: ‘though it be | Nine years kept in,’ he argues (in Ben Jonson’s elegant translation), ‘you are free | To change, and mend, what you not forth do set. | The writ, once out, never returnèd yet’.1 I seem to have taken Horace’s advice doubly to heart. This work has been ‘kept in’ for twice ‘nine years’. It originates from the research that led to my doctoral thesis ‘The Life and Works of Johannes Michael Nagonius, poeta laureatus, c. 1450–c. 1510’ completed under the guidance of Professor J. B. Trapp at the Warburg Institute (School of Advanced Study, University of London; external examiners A. C. de la Mare and J. W. Binns). The thesis has been entirely rewritten since its presentation in 1990, taking into account recent contributions to the study of panegyric, of which there has been much in the last two decades. While the frontispiece illuminations of Nagonius’s manuscripts continue to attract attention, nothing has been said of the poet himself nor of his verse. The intervening period, however, has seen many other changes. Not the least of these has been the development of computer technology and the internet. This has allowed both lightening access to previously inaccessible (and unimagined) sources of information and the employment of sophisticated search engines to scan lengthy texts and match references, thus reducing hours of research and the frustration of hazily recollected images and quotations. For me, however, the major event in the last twenty years has not been the development in technology, but meeting a throwback to the great age of monastic scholarship: the living Lewis 1

Ben Jonson, The Complete Poems, ed. by George Parfitt (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1975), p. 369.

xii

Acknowledgements

and Short that is Father Reginaldus Foster. This peerless teacher’s knowledge of the Latin language makes search engines redundant. Reggie’s kindness, support and encouragement during my time in Rome gave me the confidence to see this project to completion. On a personal level, key points of reference are no longer available and their input sadly lacking. Tilly de la Mare, Joe Trapp, and Michael Mallett all read the thesis in whole or in part and encouraged publication. They are greatly missed. I hope that this revised version would have met their approval. In the Ars Poetica Horace also advised his imaginary author to circulate the work among friends and relatives for their criticism and input. I have profited from the suggestions and (often inadvertent) advice of many friends and colleagues. I am most grateful to Fabio Barry, Stephen Bartlett, Wouter Bracke, Simon Ditchfield, Judith George, Luca Gianazza, Ann Giletti, Peter Jakob, Elizabeth Jones, Henrik Knif, Rosie Lehmann, and Francesca Niutta who read part or all of the manuscript at various stages of completeness and made many valuable comments. Jean Schofield admirably fulfilled the role of Gentle Reader. Franziska Wallner Romana obtained volumes and articles that would otherwise have been inaccessible. Vincent Drago kindly read through the Latin passages and questioned Nagonius’s grammar and syntax. Any infelicities of translation are, of course, my own responsibility. Mazen Haidar used his technological skill to draw the maps and make many preliminary drafts of all the plates. In a book on panegyric it should be easy to laud the contribution of the series editor, Sarah Alyn Stacey. It is not. With a patience and forbearance above and beyond the call of duty she has rigorously and meticulously reviewed earlier versions of my text and made innumerable suggestions for improvement. I am in her debt. Similarly I must thank David Rundle whose input and constructive criticism at an early stage in the development of this study was of immense importance. The eagle eyes of Claire Mabey caught many slips at the proofreading stage. If, despite their valiant efforts, any faults remain, they are the result of my own oversight or stubbornness. Mark Blackburn and Martin Allen of the Department of Coins and Medals, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge and Philip Attwood and Benjamin Alsop of the Department of Coins and Medals, The British Museum kindly supplied images of the various coins and medals for the illustrations. I should also like to express my warmest thanks to all the staff at Brepols for their hard work in preparing the manuscript for press. Thanks are also due to the Directors, librarians and staffs of a number of libraries across Europe who kindly facilitated access to Nagonius’s works and who supplied microfilms and photographs of his manuscripts: Biblioteca Ambrosiana,

Acknowledgements

xiii

Milan; Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Città del Vaticano; Biblioteca Estense, Modena; British Library, London; Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice; Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris; Biblioteca nazionale di Torino; Národni a Universitni Knihovna, Prague; Minster Library, York; Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna. My greatest thanks, however, go to my family who have had to live with the resurrected spectre of Nagonius. I must thank my brother, Andrew, for computer know-how and for explaining patiently (sometimes) various software programmes; my sister, Susan, for her unwavering faith in my ability to finish first the thesis and then this book. Last and certainly not least I must thank my mother Beryl Patricia Gwynne who, once again, has allowed Nagonius and company to take over the living room. The book is dedicated to the memory of my father, Neville Gordon Gwynne. Paul Gareth Gwynne, Capo d’Africa, Rome, May 2011

ABBREVIATIONS

I

n referring to classical authors and their works I have followed the standard abbreviations as listed on pp. xxix–liv of The Oxford Classical Dictionary, ed. by Simon Hornblower and Antony Spawforth, 3rd edn, rev. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). All references to classical texts, unless otherwise stated, are to the Loeb Classical Library.

Libraries BAM

Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana

BAV

Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana

BEM

Modena, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria

BL

London, British Library

BMV

Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana

BnF

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France

BNP

Poznań, Biblioteka Narodowa

BnT

Biblioteca nazionale di Torino

NKP

Prague, Národni a Universitni Knihovna

MLY

York, Minster Library

ÖNB

Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek

TNA

Kew, The National Archives

xvi

Abbreviations

Works Analecta nova

Eugenio Abel and Stephanus Hegedüs, Analecta nova ad historiam renascentium in Hungaria litterarum spectantia (Budapest: Hornyánsky, 1903)

Bembo

Pietro Bembo, History of Venice, ed. and trans. by Robert W. Ulery, Jr, I Tatti Renaissance Library, 28, 32, 37, 3 vols (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007–09)

Capellari

Girolamo Capellari, Il Campidoglio Veneto, 4 vols, BMV, MSS it. VII, 15–18 (=8304–07)

DBF

Dictionnaire de biographie française, ed. by M. Prevost and Roman d’Amat, 20 vols to date (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1933–)

DBI

Dizionario biografico degli italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1960–)

Hain

Ludwig Friedrich Theodor Hain, Repertorium bibliographicum in quo libri omnes ab arte typographica inventa usque ad annum MD typis expressi... recensentur, 4 vols (Stuttgart: Cotta, 1826–38)

Iter

Paul Oskar Kristeller, Iter Italicum: A Finding List of Uncatalogued or Incompletely Catalogued Humanistic Manuscripts of the Renaissance in Italian and Other Libraries, 10 vols (Leiden: Brill, 1963–1997)

JWCI

The Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes

Litta

Pompeo Litta, Famiglie Celebri Italiane (Milan: Giusti, 1819)

Oxford DNB

Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004; online edition, October 2008)

Pastor

Ludwig von Pastor, The History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages, trans. by Frederick I.

xvii

Abbreviations

Antrobus, 14 vols (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner, 1891–1953) Sanuto

Marino Sanuto [Marin Sanudo], I diarii, ed. by Rinaldo Fulin and others, 58 vols (Venice: Visentini, 1879–1903; repr. Bologna: Forni, 1969–70)

ff.

In this volume, this is used to accompany a line reference indicating a passage in a poem where a particular trope begins.

Classical Authors and Texts Arist., Rh.

Aristotle, Rhetorica

pseudo-Aurelius

pseudo-Aurelius Victor, De viris illustribus

Victor, De vir. ill. Catull.

Catullus

Cic., Arch.

Cicero, Pro Archia

Cic., Att.

Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum

Cic., Brut.

Cicero, Brutus, or De Claris Oratoribus

Cic., Div.

Cicero, De divinatione

Cic., Fam.

Cicero, Epistulae ad familiares

Cic., De Or.

Cicero, De oratore

[Cic.] Her.

Cicero, Rhetorica ad Herennium

Claud., Bell. Gild.

Claudian, De Bello Gildonico

Claud., Cons. Stil.

Claudian, De consulatu Stilichonis

Claud., IV. Cons. Hon.

Claudian, De consulatu Honorii

Claud., Epith.

Claudian, Epithalamium Palladio et Celerinae

Claud., Nupt. Hon.

Claudian, Epithalamium de Nuptiis Honorii Augusti

et Mar.

xviii

Abbreviations

Hor., Ars P.

Horace, Ars poetica

Hor., Carm.

Horace, Carmina, or Odes

Hor., Epist.

Horace, Epistulae

Hor., Epod.

Horace, Epodi

Isidore, Etym.

Isidore, Etymologiae

Lactant, Div. inst.

Lactantius, Divinae institutiones

Liv.

Livy

Luc.

Lucan

Mart.

Martial

Ov., Ars am.

Ovid, Ars amatoria

Ov., Fast.

Ovid, Fasti

Ov., Met.

Ovid, Metamorphoses

Pl., Resp.

Plato, Respublica

Plin., HN.

Pliny the Elder, Naturalis historia

Quint, Inst.

Quintilian, Institutio oratoria

Sil.

Silius Italicus

Stat., Silv.

Statius, Silvae

Stat., Theb.

Statius, Thebais

Suet., Aug.

Suetonius, Divus Augustus

Suet., Dom.

Suetonius, Domitianus

Suet., Tit.

Suetonius, Divus Titus

Verg., Aen.

Virgil, Aeneid

Verg., Ecl.

Virgil, Eclogues

Verg., G.

Virgil, Georgics

ILLUSTRATIONS

Diagrams Diagram 1, p. 25. Family tree of Johannes Michael Nagonius.

Figures Figures 1a – 1d, p. 22. Variations upon Nagonius’s signatory formula: Figure 1a. humilis ac devotus clyens | Ioannes Michail Nagonius | Civis Roman[us] poeta Laureat[us]. Manuscript for Maximilian. ÖNB/Vienna, Picture Archive, Cod. 12750, fol. 51 v (detail). Reproduced with permission. Figure 1b. Servulus Io[hannes] Michail Nagonius | Civis Romanus et Poeta Laureatus. Manuscript for Vladislav II. NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), p. 115 (detail). Reproduced with permission of the Národni a Universitni Knihovna, Prague. Figure 1c. Ad Eundem Divum Ludovicum duodecimu[m] Au&relianum Franci[a]e Regem invictissimum Christia&nissimum potentissimum et illustrissimum pium | foelicem et semper Augustum Liber secundus ei[us]|dem poet[a]e Io[hannis] Michaelis Nagonii Civis Roma&ni et poete Laureati. Manuscript for Louis XII. BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 41v (detail with Visconti dragon). Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. Figure 1d. Idem devotus servulus | Io[hannes] Michail Nagonius | poeta. Manuscript for Ercole d’Este. BEM, MS Est. lat. 234 (α.M.5.2), fol. 5v (detail). Courtesy of the Ministero Beni e Att. Culturali.

xx

Illustrations

Figure 2, p. 23. Manuscript for Guglielmo II. Inscription recording Nagonius’s place of birth and family. BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fol. 2r. Reproduced with permission of the Veneranda Biblioteca Ambrosiana. Figure 3, p. 35. Manuscript for Filiberto II. Pingonius’s ‘signature’, BnT, MS F.V.5. fol. 204v. Reproduced with permission of the Biblioteca Nazionale, Turin. Figure 4, p. 144. Accipe fatalem clypeum. The god Mars presents a shield to Louis XII. BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 2v. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. Figure 5, p. 182. Manuscript for Doge Leonardo Loredan and the Senate of Venice with the Loredan coat of arms and the Doge’s beretta in the initial I and the arms of the Mocenigo, Giustinian, and Cornaro families. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 8r. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican). Figure 6, p. 217. Manuscript for Andrea Gritti. Opening of the Life of Constantine with pen decoration and the Gritti coat of arms. BMV, MS lat. Z. 407 (=1585), fol. 4r. Reproduced with permission of the Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana. Figure 7, p. 224. Pomponius Laetus’s corrections to the Romanae historiae compendium. BMV, MS lat. X. 253 (=3751), fol. 23v. Reproduced with permission of the Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana. Figure 8, p. 225. Pomponius Laetus’s corrections to the Romanae historiae compendium. BMV, MS lat. X. 253 (=3751), fol. 95r. Reproduced with permission of the Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana. Figure 9, p. 256. Fore-edge and head of the manuscript for Ercole d’Este gauffered with the Este arms and devices. BEM, MS Est. lat. 234 (α.M.5.2). Courtesy of the Ministero Beni e Att. Culturali. Figure 10a, p. 257. Fore-edge of the manuscript for Guglielmo II gauffered with a profile portrait of the marquis and the arms of the Paleologe family. BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf. Reproduced with permission of the Veneranda Biblioteca Ambrosiana. Figure 10b, p. 257. Obverse of the ‘cavallotto’ of Guglielmo II, marquis of Monferrat. © The Trustees of the British Museum, London.

Illustrations

xxi

Figure 11a, p. 258. Manuscript for Henry VII. Damask binding, back cover of MLY, MS XVI.N.2. Reproduced with permission of the Dean and Chapter of York Minster. Figure 11b, p. 259. Manuscript for Vladislav II. Damask binding, front cover of NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659). Reproduced with permission of the Národni a Universitni Knihovna, Prague. Figure 12, p. 261. Arms of Pierre, duke of Bourbon. BnF, MS lat. 8133, fol. 8v. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. Figure 13, p. 262. Title page of the manuscript for Pierre, duke of Bourbon. BnF, MS lat. 8133, fol. 9r. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. Figure 14a, pp. 268–69. Manuscript for Maximilian. ÖNB/Vienna, Picture Archive, Cod. 12750, fols 4 v–5r. Reproduced with permission. Figure 14b, p. 268. Gouden reaal (1487 struck for Holland at Dordrecht) obverse. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission. Figure 14c, p. 269. Gouden reaal (1487 struck for Holland at Dordrecht) reverse. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission. Figure 15, p. 270. Seat of Mercy from the Mayer van den Bergh Breviary, c. 1510. Antwerp, Museum Mayer van den Bergh, inv. 946, fol. 326v. Reproduced with permission of Museum Mayer van den Bergh, Antwerp. Figure 16a, pp. 276–77. Manuscript for Henry VII. MLY, MS XVI.N.2, fols 5v–6r. Reproduced with permission of the Dean and Chapter of York Minster. Figure 16b, p. 276. Henry VII gold sovereign (Grierson type D) obverse. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission. Figure16c, p. 277. Henry VII gold sovereign (Grierson type D) reverse. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission. Figure 17a, p. 278. Triumphal procession of the future emperor Titus, from the Arch of Titus, Rome. Photograph author. Figure 17b, p. 278. Reverse of the silver denarius minted in 101 BC to commemorate Marius’s triumph. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission.

xxii

Illustrations

Figure 17c, p. 278. Reverse of a silver denarius from the first century BC showing a charioteer carrying a palm of victory and receiving recognition from heaven. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission. Figure 18a, p. 290. Triumph of Pope Julius II and Francesco Maria della Rovere. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 8v. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican). Figure 18b, p. 291. Reverse of fourth-century coin of the Emperor Constantine as charioteer being received by the hand of God into heaven. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission. Figure 18c, p. 291. Arch of Constantine (detail from the frieze). Photograph author. Figure 18d, p. 291. Bolognino d’oro, obverse with the portrait of Giovanni Bentivoglio. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission. Figure 18e, p. 291. Trionfo della Pudicizia from Petrarch’s Trionfi (printed at Florence for Pietro Pacini, 1499). Reproduced with permission. Figure 19a, p. 296. Trajanic relief with eagle and garland of victory. Portico of the Basilica of SS. Apostoli. Photograph author. Figure 19b, p. 296. Obverse of the Mettius denarius minted in 44 BC to commemorate Caesar’s dictatorship. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission. Figure 19c, p. 296. Obverse of the ‘Belvedere’ medal with a profile portrait of Pope Julius II. © The Trustees of the British Museum, London. Figure 19d, p. 297. Decorated title page and opening lines of the first book of poetry for Pope Julius II and Francesco Maria della Rovere. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 9r. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican). Figure 20, p. 301. Della Rovere coat of arms. Manuscript for Julius II. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 3v. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican). Figure 21, p. 311. Manuscript for Henry VII, professional scribe. MLY, MS XVI.N.2, fol. 9r. Reproduced with permission of the Dean and Chapter of York Minster.

Illustrations

xxiii

Figure 22, p. 312. Manuscript for Vladislav II, professional scribe. NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), p. 57. Reproduced with permission of the Národni a Universitni Knihovna, Prague. Figure 23, p. 313. Manuscript for Louis XII, professional scribe. BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 68r. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. Figure 24, p. 314. Manuscript for Leonardo Loredan, Nagonius’s own script. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 44r. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican). Figure 25, p. 315. Manuscript for Julius II, Nagonius’s own script. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 67r. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican). Figure 26, p. 316. Manuscript for Guglielmo II, Nagonius’s own script. BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fol. 9r. Reproduced with permission of the Veneranda Biblioteca Ambrosiana. Figure 27, p. 317. Manuscript for Henry VII. Nagonius’s corrections and marginalia. MLY, MS XVI.N.2, fol. 33v. Reproduced with permission of the Dean and Chapter of York Minster. Figure 28, p. 318. Manuscript for Niccolò Orsini. BMV, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fol. 40r. Reproduced with permission of the Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana.

Maps Map 1, p. 10. Map of Italy showing the political divisions c. 1500. Map 2, p. 24. Map of north-west Italy and the marquisate of Monferrat c. 1500.

Plates Plates are between pp. 248 and 249. Plate 1. Sic ego su[m] Cesar Maxim[ilianus] orbis herus. ÖNB/Vienna, Picture Archive, Cod. 12750, fol. 4 v. Reproduced with permission.

xxiv

Illustrations

Plate 2. Manuscript for Louis XII. Coronation of Louis XII with bas de page illumination of Jerusalem. BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 4v. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. Plate 3. Manuscript for Louis XII. Heraldic oak hung with portraits of the French kings. BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 5r. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. Plate 4. Triumph of Louis XII. BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 8v. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. Plate 5. Decorated title page and opening lines of the first book of poetry for Louis XII. BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 9r. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. Plate 6. Triumph of Pope Julius II and Francesco Maria della Rovere. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 8v. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican). Plate 7. Decorated title page and opening lines of the first book of poetry for Pope Julius II and Francesco Maria della Rovere. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 9r. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican). Plate 8. Title page of the manuscript for Vladislav II. NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), p. 1. Reproduced with permission of the Národni a Universitni Knihovna, Prague.

Introduction

TRAHIMUR OMNES STUDIO LAUDIS

I

t is a truth universally acknowledged, according to Cicero, that, ‘we all like to be praised and the better the man the greater his desire for celebrity’.1 The vast range of praise poetry supports Cicero’s observation. Chronologically and geographically diverse works such as Pindar’s epinician odes from fourth-century Athens; the Qasida poetry from pre-Islamic Arabia; the eulogies of the medieval Welsh bards;2 the Slavic epics celebrating Prince Marko;3 Spenser’s elaborate poem in honour of the Faerie Queene; and the songs for Zulu chieftains indicate the universality of praise formulae.4 Throughout the classical period these formulae were refined and codified to form a distinct and highly stylized mode of composition generally referred to as panegyric.5 Works in this genre, in both prose 1

‘Trahimur omnes studio laudis et optimus quisque maxime gloria ducitur’ (Cic., Arch., xi), trans. by Michael Grant, ‘In Defence of the Poet Aulus Licinius Archias’, in Cicero: Selected Political Speeches (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977), pp. 161–62 (slightly adapted). 2 A. T. E. Matonis, ‘Traditions of Panegyric in Welsh Poetry: The Heroic and the Chivalric’, Speculum, 53 (1978), 667–87. 3 Tatyana Popovic´, Prince Marko: The Hero of South Slavic Epics (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1988). 4 See the volumes in the Oxford Library of African Literature; Isaac Schapera, Praise-Poems of Tswana Chiefs (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), and Trevor Cope, Izibongo: Zulu PraisePoems (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968); also Leroy Vail and Landeg White, Power and the Praise Poem: South African Voices in History (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1991), especially ‘The Development of Forms: Ndebele Royal Praises’, pp. 84–111, and ‘Swazi Royal Praises: The Invention of Tradition’, pp. 155–97. 5 The term πανηγυρικòς λόγος was at first applied only to Isocrates’ oration in praise of Athens, designed to be recited at a πανήγυρις (an assembly of a whole nation, especially for a public festival). Of Greek origin and a late addition to the Latin language, the word panegyricus was thus

2

Introduction

and verse, thrived in Roman literary culture and had much in common. Latin poetry written in this style reached its peak in the late classical period in the works of Claudian, but continued in almost unbroken succession into the Renaissance and beyond.6 The popularity of panegyric poetry in the late fifteenth century is particularly well exemplified by the career of the Italian itinerant poet Johannes Michael Nagonius (Giovanni Michele Nagonio) (c. 1450–c. 1510). He is unrivalled in either the breadth of his travels or the consistent pre-eminence of the dedicatees of his verse. In the two decades that span the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries, Nagonius travelled across Europe, perhaps as a member of a papal embassy, presenting deluxe manuscripts of Latin poetry to most of the major heads of state (including Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I; Henry VII of England; Vladislav II of Bohemia and Hungary; Louis XII of France; Doge Leonardo Loredan; and Pope Julius II), as well as an impressive array of European princes and signori of Renaissance Italy. Yet, apart from the occasional interest aroused by the frontispiece illuminations which decorate his presentation volumes, the ‘remarkable œuvre’7 of this ‘all but initially used with the same restricted meaning and occurs only rarely in the Republican period and still infrequently in the early days of the empire. Speeches of praise in general were called ¦γκώμια in Greek and laudes or laudationes in Latin. The word panegyricus to describe a laudatio of an individual had become the accepted term in Latin by the fourth century. For a more detailed account of the term, see Édouard Galletier, Panégyriques latins, 3 vols (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1949–55), I, p. vii. In English the term panegyric has come to signify any composition of a laudatory nature. For a general overview of the Latin tradition, see Emanuele Cesareo, Il Panegirico nella poesia latina (Palermo: Via Catania, 1936); for the tradition in English poetry see John A. Burrow, The Poetry of Praise (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). 6 Allan D. E. Cameron, Claudian: Poetry and Propaganda at the Court of Honorius (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970); C. E. V. Nixon and Barbara Saylor Rodgers, In Praise of Later Roman Emperors: The Panegyrici Latini. Introduction, Translation, and Historical Commentary, with the Latin Text of R. A. B. Mynors (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); The Propaganda of Power: The Role of Panegyric in Late Antiquity, ed. by Mary Whitby (Leiden: Brill, 1998); Peter Godman, Poets and Emperors: Frankish Politics and Carolingian Poetry (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987); Ian Thomson, Humanist Pietas: The Panegyric of Ianus Pannonius on Guarinus Veronensis (Bloomington: Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 1988); John M. McManamon, Funeral Oratory and the Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989); Iiro Kajanto, Christina Heroina: Mythological and Historical Exemplification in the Latin Panegyrics on Christina Queen of Sweden (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1993); Ralph W. Condee, ‘“Mansus” and the Panegyric Tradition’, Studies in the Renaissance, 15 (1968), 174–92. 7 Robert W. Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina: Louis XII and Italy, 1499–1508’, Simiolus, 15 (1985), 5–60 (p. 20).

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anonymous’ poet8 has suffered the fate shared by so much Neo-Latin writing and been ignored by modern critics.9 This book is an attempt to redress this imbalance and offer a more sympathetic account of the poet’s verse than one recent critic would allow: ‘Nagonio’s poems […] reach a self-parodic level of flattery.’10 It presents the first full-length study of Nagonius’s life and a detailed critique of his works. It places his verse within the epideictic tradition and sets the presentation of his manuscripts against the backdrop of contemporary historical events. The poet’s works are reviewed chronologically in order to appreciate both the progress of Nagonius’s career and the development of his œuvre. In many ways it is not surprising that Nagonius’s poetry has been ignored. There are a variety of reasons for this. Modern convention is not sympathetic to his kind of amplified praise.11 In addition, the imitative style of the Renaissance panegyric does not appeal to modern sensibilities concerned with originality. Not only does the innate artificiality of the panegyric mode hinder appreciation of the genre,12 but the modern reader of Renaissance Latin panegyric verse is beset with

8

David R. Carlson, English Humanist Books: Writers and Patrons, Manuscript and Print 1475–1525 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993), p. 21. 9 ‘There is still a widespread contempt, inherited from Romanticism, for the rhetoric and Latin literature of the humanists’: Paul Oscar Kristeller, ‘The European Diffusion of Italian Humanism’, Italica, 39 (1962), 1–20 (p. 1). 10 Anthony Grafton, Rome Reborn: The Vatican Library and Renaissance Culture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), p. 25. 11 ‘[W]hen flattery is carried to an extreme, a modern reader wants to read irony or satire into it, partly through embarrassment, but mainly because he does not believe it himself to start with and projects his own incredulity onto the writer. There is an added difficulty in understanding the literary pleasure of thematic exploitation when the material is basically repugnant’; Gordon W. Williams, Change and Decline: Roman Literature in the Early Empire (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), p. 98, cited in John W. Geyssen, Imperial Panegyric in Statius: A Literary Commentary on Silvae 1.1 (New York: Lang, 1996), p. 1. 12 ‘They [panegyrics] receive the condemnation that they do because of their unhealthy content. The public discourse of perhaps no other period can match that of these professors of fulsome flattery, the bad taste of abject adulation, usurpation of the place of thought by words, passion for strained and turgid thoughts, the use of grand and stately words for little things, the love of epigram, antithesis, and exaggerated hyperbole. The over-use of hyperbole, which must have required audacity, approaches ludicrous parody. The orator can find no comparison in history with the exploits of the subject. One orator compares a decree to Amphion’s wonderful music. The present age is proclaimed greater than the golden age of Saturn. Enemies are never spared an avalanche of curses. Divine impetus is discovered to move every royal journey. Crimes and vices are made into virtues. The emperors, superior as they were to many of their predecessors

4

Introduction

additional difficulties: the subject matter is often obscure; the praise seemingly excessive; and the erudite Latin convoluted. This can be frustrating. Even the renowned Finnish classicist, Professor Iiro Kajanto, confessed defeat and admitted that the panegyrics on Queen Christina of Sweden ‘contain almost unintelligible passages’.13 Ian MacFarlane is more to the point. He describes Renaissance Latin encomiastic verse as ‘sophisticated, prolix, stilted and frankly dull’. This is often true and Nagonius’s verse is no exception. MacFarlane continues: ‘in our time there is the additional disadvantage that the circumstances and persons sung in these compositions frequently remain outside the ken of the alert reader.’ 14 While the panegyrist could assume that his audience was familiar with the events he was celebrating, the modern reader needs a thorough grounding in both classical literature and Renaissance political history to catch every reference. Yet these obstacles are not insurmountable and the effort more than compensated by the wealth of information contained in the verse. Renaissance Latin panegyric poetry not only provides valuable material for studying the influence of the classical tradition, but also for examining prevalent cultural, intellectual, social, and political ideas. Renaissance historians, often reluctant to include literature in their ‘documentary field’, have occasionally scoured panegyric verse for historical data, but faced with an abundance of classical allusion and exempla, and with little corresponding evidence of contemporary achievement to justify the comparisons, have summarily dismissed the form;15 while, until recently, classical literary scholars have rarely ventured beyond the fourth century.16 This is short sighted of both.17 Polarization of historical and literary approaches is never helpful and and successors, were never historically the geniuses here depicted.’ Harry Caplan, Of Eloquence: Studies in Ancient and Medieval Rhetoric (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970), p. 38. 13 Iiro Kajanto, ‘A Rhetorical Analysis of Ezechiel Spanheim’s Panegyricus of Queen Christina’, Arctos, 26 (1992), 63–78 (p. 66). 14 Ian D. MacFarlane, Renaissance Latin Poetry (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1980), p. 140. 15 ‘Our ears are deafened with eulogies of petty patrons transformed into Maecenases, of carpet knights compared with Leonidas, of tyrants made equal with Augustus, of generals who never looked on bloodshed tricked out as Hannibals or Scipios’: John Addington Symonds, The Italian Renaissance, 7 vols (London: Murray, 1875–86), II (1877), 375. 16 See Christopher S. Celenza, The Lost Italian Renaissance: Humanists, Historians and Latin’s Legacy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004). 17 For the differences in approach between the two disciplines, see François Rigolot, ‘A Literary Critic’s Response to a Social Historian: The Gifts of Montaigne’, Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 17 (1987), 111–28. Galeotto Marzio da Narni claimed that Francesco Filelfo

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particularly limiting in the study of Renaissance court culture where the anachronistic separation of history and literature was not maintained.18 Although unpleasant facts tend to be glossed over, in general Renaissance panegyric poetry is more reliable as an historical source than has usually been recognized and often provides unexpected factual information for the historian; conversely, without an awareness of the historical context, much of the poetry has little value for the literary critic. This antagonism between the two disciplines has a long history and derives ultimately from the classical rhetoricians. Aristotle suggested that poetry is what should happen and that history is what did happen. Accordingly, history and panegyric were quite distinct: ‘contemporary history, which began with the accession of the ruling emperor, was a subject for panegyric, past history for historical writing.’19 Later this fine distinction would become somewhat blurred, especially in chronicle-type histories (sometimes written in verse) where the historian continued the account into the present day and offered a review of contemporary events. Similarly, the panegyrist’s celebration of the honorand’s deeds meant that their encomia acquired a historical dimension that also tended to lessen the polarity between the two genres. Consequently, by the late Middle Ages the main function of the panegyric poet and the chronicler was virtually the same: to celebrate the ruler and reflect the values which he desired to promote.20 It is within this tradition that Nagonius’s occasional poetry, which celebrates contemporary figures and their achievements, must be assessed.

did not know the difference between the two genres: ‘differunt, differunt, inquam, poemata et commentari’: Galeotto Marzio da Narni, Invectivae ad Franciscum Philelphum, ed. by László Juhász (Leipzig: Teubner, 1932), cited by Kristen Lippincott, ‘The Neo-Latin Historical Epics of the North Italian Courts: an Examination of “Courtly Culture” in the Fifteenth Century’, Renaissance Studies, 3 (1989), 415–28 (p. 422). 18 See The Court as a Stage: England and the Low Countries in the Later Middle Ages, ed. by Steven Gunn and Antheun Janse (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2006), pp. 1–13. 19 Arist., Rh., I. iii. 4; see Sabine G. MacCormack, ‘Latin Prose Panegyrics: Tradition and Discontinuity in the Later Roman Empire’, Revue des études augustiniennes, 22 (1976), 29–77 (p. 40). 20 An interesting example of this is seen in the use of classical motifs in the hexameter chronicles by Stefanardo da Vimercate (on the establishment of Visconti rule in Milan) and Ferreto de’ Ferreti (on Cangrande della Scala in Padua): on this, see Peter Stacey, Roman Monarchy and the Renaissance Prince (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 110–15.

6

Introduction

What, then, is the importance of Nagonius’s panegyric poetry? Does it have any literary value? Does it have any value as a historical source? Does it provide accurate information about contemporary people and events? Is it merely empty bombast or does the verse have a political force? How was the verse presented and is it possible to judge how it was received?

The Scope of this Book This book analyses Nagonius’s work as both literature and history. The purpose of much of Nagonius’s poetry cannot be completely understood unless we set the presentation of his manuscripts within a larger frame of reference.21 To appreciate, therefore, the ‘precise message’ of Nagonius’s manuscripts their presentation must be set against the personal and political fortunes of the individual dedicatees; against contemporary rivalries between courts and countries; and against the shifting negotiations and alliances as various states jockeyed for pre-eminence and control in the Italian peninsula (see Map 1). This study is divided in three parts. Part I presents all the biographical information we have about the author. It is divided in two sections. ‘Towards a Biography of Johannes Michael Nagonius’ offers a short biography of the poet. Apart from the occasional reference in the account books of the courts he visited, next to nothing is known of the life of Nagonius. Biographical information has to be gleaned piecemeal from the poet’s œuvre. By placing his work in a chronological order against the political circumstances of the manuscripts’ composition a picture of the poet’s life, education, and career slowly emerges. From this it becomes apparent that the poet probably trained in Rome with the renowned classicist Pomponius Laetus at the Studium Urbis and was patronized by some of the leading churchmen of the period. The poet seems also to have had

21

In a review of the prose panegyrics of the later Roman Empire, Sabine MacCormack makes the following pertinent observation: ‘Panegyric in general […] is intelligible only as a function of a total situation […] we must study the milieu in which panegyrics were composed, and reconstruct the concrete circumstances in which they were delivered. For behind the surviving texts of Latin panegyrics there lay the formation of a specific intellectual environment, the harnessing of this environment to the needs of the court, the careful and deliberate choice of particular means of expression which had been made available by the literary tradition, and their overall orchestration to communicate a precise message at a precise time.’ MacCormack, ‘Latin Prose Panegyrics’, p. 29; MacCormack, Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), passim.

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7

a diplomatic career of some sort. The exact role he played is, however, still only partially understood. The task of reconstructing the poet’s career has been complicated by the fact that the poet’s biography has been deliberately confused by forged signatures on one of Nagonius’s own manuscripts and the creation of a fictitious rival, named Pingonius. This forgery, which has seriously impeded interest in the poet by literary historians, is here exposed and the life of the pretender presented in ‘The “Biography” of Giovanni Michele Pingonio: Vita Pingonii’. In Part II Nagonius’s poetry is set first within the broad tradition of Latin panegyric poetry and then against contemporary historical events: in particular, the military, political, and social upheavals resulting from the French invasion of Italy in 1494; the Battle of Fornovo (1495) and its aftermath; the expulsion of the Sforza from Milan in 1499; the repeated attempts by successive popes to secure the Papal States; and the call for a crusade to limit the Turkish advance across the Mediterranean and recover Jerusalem. Chapter 2 briefly sets Nagonius’s verse within the panegyric tradition from the classical period to the Renaissance and analyses the didactic role of panegyric. The presentation and reception of Nagonius’s manuscripts are also placed with a contemporary frame of reference. The general themes of Nagonius’s verse are outlined and their relevance to the dedicatee assessed. The subsequent chapters are arranged chronologically and examine how Nagonius adapts his material to the exigencies of the moment. The poet’s career is followed as he progresses from being an orator at the papal court, delivering a speech of welcome before an embassy from Poland, to becoming an itinerant poet of the highest order, travelling to London and Buda in order to present deluxe manuscripts of his verse at some of the most splendid courts in Europe. Chapter 3 documents the period between 1493 and 1498, in which Nagonius presented manuscripts to Maximilian Habsburg, Henry VII of England, and Vladislav II of Bohemia and Hungary. Chapter 4 groups together a series of manuscripts which appear to have been written in the wake of Louis XII’s campaign against Milan. Chapter 5 follows the poet to Venice where he dedicated manuscripts to Doge Leonardo Loredan and the captain-general of the Venetian forces, Niccolò Orsini. While in Venice, the poet presented a manuscript to Andrea Gritti, the text of which was taken directly from Pomponius Laetus’s Compendium Romanae Historiae. The last known work, a manuscript dedicated to Pope Julius II and his nephew Francesco Maria della Rovere, is analysed in Chapter 6. As the manuscripts’ binding, illumination, and decoration made a significant contribution to the poet’s strategy for recognition at the courts he visited, Chapter 7 examines the physical appearance of Nagonius’s deluxe

8

Introduction

presentation volumes. The visual sources for the imagery used in the frontispiece illuminations are also analysed in conjunction with the texts these images illustrate. Part III offers a selection of passages transcribed from a wide number of the poet’s manuscripts. These are made available for the first time with a translation and commentary. The passages have been chosen for both their historical and literary interest. The commentaries indicate both the references to contemporary events and the poet’s direct classical sources with a view to shedding light on Nagonius’s method of composition. For example, the poet describes sacrifices held at Rome to propitiate the gods (Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Senators and Matrons of Rome’). Here a few verses from Silius Italicus have been imaginatively expanded into more than one hundred lines to include references to the leading members of Rome’s urban nobility and civic patriciate. Echoes of Virgil and Statius add further to the ‘classical authenticity’ of the scene. Analysis of these verses indicates how the poet used his ancient sources to celebrate contemporary events and probably reflects the training he had received at the Studium Urbis. A full catalogue of the poet’s works, arranged in the order in which the manuscripts appear in the text, then follows.

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9

A Note on the Transcriptions As the manuscripts seem to have been written either by Nagonius himself or under his close supervision (see below, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘A Note on the Script’), I have respected the orthography and only corrected spelling when this clearly impairs the sense (for example, mollitur for molitur). All proper names have been capitalized, although variant spellings and the inconsistencies of the texts have been preserved, for example, Jerusalem is rendered variously as Iherusalem and Hierusalem; Sybil is written for Sibyl; Olympus and Olimpus can both be found. Humanistic and inconsistent forms (such as quum for cum and thrait for trahit) have also been retained. Medial v has been preferred to u, and i to j. The standard palaeographical abbreviations, suspensions (for example the horizontal stroke for m and n), and contractions have been written in full. Quotation marks have been added to highlight speeches, as well as line numbers. The diphthong æ, which Nagonius indicates with a cedilla ę, &, and the contraction -qz for the conjunction -que, have been silently expanded. Pace Fred Nichols: in the interests of clarity, I have chosen to modernize the punctuation, following the principles laid down by Josef IJsewijn and Dirk Sacré.22 Unless otherwise specified, all translations are by me and tend towards the literal rather than elegant with a view to highlighting better their import. In Part III the various commentaries are both philological and historical, but do not pretend to be exhaustive and complete. These commentaries have been confined to the more obscure (or problematic) mythological references, and allusions to contemporary events and personages. The references to classical sources are confined to the more obvious echoes. Longer passages, where Nagonius offers a rifacimento of his classical source, have been included for comparison.

22

See Fred J. Nichols, ‘Conventions of Punctuation in Renaissance Latin Poetry’, in Acta conventus neo-latini Amstelodamensis, ed. by P. Tuynman and others (Munich: Fink, 1979), pp. 835–50; Josef IJsewijn and Dirk Sacré, Companion to Neo-Latin Studies, Part II: Literary, Linguistic, Philological and Editorial Questions, 2nd rev. edn, Supplementa Humanistica Lovaniensia, 14 (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1998), pp. 460–78.

10

Introduction

Map 1. Map of Italy showing the political divisions c. 1500.

Part I Johannes Michael Nagonius, civis Romanus et poeta laureatus

Chapter 1

JOHANNES MICHAEL NAGONIUS

Towards a Biography of Johannes Michael Nagonius ‘Among the 300 poets of Rome in the early Cinquecento, not many distinguished themselves sufficiently to be remembered by name. Aegidius Gallus was one who did.’1 Johannes Michael Nagonius (Giovanni Michele Nagonio) was one poet who very nearly did not. Next to nothing is known of his life. All the literary historians who have studied the poet agree on this point.2 Francis Wormald, who was among the first to attempt a systematic résumé of the poet’s works, called Nagonius ‘an obscure figure’.3 Godelieve Tournoy-Thoen observes that Nagonius’s life is ‘poorly

1

Mary Quinlan-McGrath, ‘Aegidius Gallus, De Viridario Augustini Chigii Vera Libellus, Introduction, Latin Text and English Translation’, Humanistica Lovaniensia, 38 (1989), 1!99 (p. 1). This number is suggested by a reference in Gregorovius who states, without citing his source, that ‘in the time of Clement VII the young Cardinal Ippolito Medici supported 300 poetasters in his palace’; see Ferdinand Gregorovius, A History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages, trans. by Annie Hamilton, 8 vols (London: Bell, 1903!12), VIII: I, 304. For a selection of the works of contemporary poets see the contributors to the anthology in honour of Hans Goritz, published at Rome in 1524, known as the Coryciana, ed. by Jozef IJsewijn (Rome: Herder, 1997). 2 ‘Abbiam detto poc’anzi che poco o nulla possiam dir di Gian-Michele Nagonio’: Carlo de’Rosmini, Dell’istoria intorno alle militari imprese e alla vita di Gian-Jacopo Trivulzio detto il Magno, 2 vols (Milan: Destefanis, 1815), II, 611; ‘un umanista quasi obliato’, Giulio Bettoni, Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana, 45 (1905), 383; ‘Di questo Gio. Michele Nagonio nulla troviamo nei documenti estensi e nulla sanno gli storici della letteratura’: Domenico Fava, La Biblioteca Estense nel suo sviluppo storico (Modena: Nipoti, 1925), p. 85. 3 Francis Wormald, ‘An Italian Poet at the Court of Henry VII’, JWCI, 14 (1951), 118–19.

14

Chapter 1

documented’,4 while Richard Scheller notes that, ‘what little we know about the poet Giovanni Michele Nagonio (Nagonius) has to be gleaned from his œuvre and a remarkable œuvre it is too’.5 Thus we are presented with a paradox familiar to literary historians: a ‘remarkable’ body of work written by an ‘obscure’ poet who numbered among his dedicatees some of the most eminent figures in Europe at the end of the fifteenth century. While itinerant poets were not an uncommon phenomenon in the fifteenth century, the breadth of Nagonius’s itinerary is without parallel.6 Libraries across Europe from Poznan´ to York attest to the extent of the poet’s travels.7 Apart from the manuscripts themselves, there remains little external evidence of Nagonius’s itinerary other than a reference to him in a copy of a letter from King Henry VII of England and the debatable identification of his name in the surviving account books of two of the courts that he visited. With the exception of the manuscript offered to the condottiere Niccolò Orsini, none of his works is dated and there are no convenient colophons that would help to place the manuscripts. References in the poetry to contemporary figures and events supply the termini a quo – ad quem and provide details of the date and circumstances of the composition and presentation of his manuscripts, thus enabling Nagonius’s career to be pieced together.8 Occasionally these references can be supported by external evidence, as

4

Godelieve Tournoy-Thoen, ‘Les Premiers Épithalames humanistes en France’, in Mélanges à la mémoire de Franco Simone: France et Italie dans la culture européenne, I: Moyen âge et Renaissance (Geneva: Slatkine, 1980), pp. 199–224. 5 Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 20. 6 Nagonius is cited by P. O. Kristeller as an outstanding example of ‘those modest wandering adventurers who offered their services as teachers or poets’; see Kristeller, ‘The European Diffusion of Italian Humanism’, Italica, 39 (1962), 1–20 (p. 8); later reprinted in Renaissance Thought, 2 vols (New York: Harper, 1961!65), II, 69–88. 7 It is not certain that Nagonius visited all the courts which he celebrated. For example, the catalogue of the Royal Library at Blois records that Nagonius envoya (‘sent’) the manuscript to Louis XII. This seems to imply that the poet never visited Louis’s court or did not actually manage to enter the king’s presence and that the manuscript was delivered by other means. Scheller’s observation that presentation manuscripts were read aloud before ‘vanishing into the recesses of the royal library’ seems a fair estimation of the subsequent history of the majority of Nagonius’s manuscripts (Robert W. Scheller, ‘Imperial Themes in Art and Literature of the Early French Renaissance: The Period of Charles VIII’, Simiolus, 12 (1981), 5!69 (p. 8)). For the most part the provenance of Nagonius’s manuscripts can be traced with accuracy. In many cases the poet’s manuscripts have remained part of the library of the court for which they were intended. 8 For example the usual reference to Ferrara ‘dives nominis Herculei’ (rich in the name of

JOHANNES MICHAEL NAGONIUS

15

in the case of the volume presented to Henry VII, but more often than not conjecture prevails. Owing to the lack of evidence, a reconstruction of the poet’s life and travels is difficult and any attempt at biography will, therefore, be incomplete and fragmentary. Even the poet’s name is a matter of controversy.9 He is referred to in the account books and early library inventories variously as Magonius,10 Vagonnius,11 Pangonius,12 and Nagomotini,13 while a fraudulent signature and biography added to a manuscript now in Turin has confused Nagonius with a fictional rival: Giovanni Michele Pingonio (see below, ‘The “Biography” of Giovanni Michele Pingonio: Vita Pingonii’).14 The poet usually signs his name, with minor variations: ‘Johannes | Michail Nagonius civis | Romanus et poeta | laureatus’ (see Figure 1). The title ‘civis Romanus’ (Roman citizen), which Wormald dismisses as ‘honorary’ and ‘not really helpful’,15 is repeatedly stressed by the poet. Although this honorary title may not help to establish the poet’s place of origin, his pride in the honour of Roman citizenship cannot be ignored. Taken in conjunction with the additional formula ‘publico decreto’ (by public decree) and the title ‘poeta laureatus’ (poet laureate) we have a specific reference to a

Ercole), BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 41r) is changed to ‘dives nominis Alfonsi’ in the manuscript for Julius II (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 58v). Ercole d’Este died on 25 January 1505 and was succeeded as duke of Ferrara by his son Alfonso. 9 ‘The devilishly immense number of names by which an Italian humanist might be known is a problem of which many unfamiliar with the field are unaware’: Richard J. Palermino, ‘The Roman Academy, the Catacombs and the Conspiracy of 1468’, Archivium historiae pontificiae, 18 (1980), 117–55 (p. 118, n. 3). 10 Edward Bernard, Catalogi librorum manuscriptorum Angliae et Hiberniae, 2 vols (Oxford: E Theatro Sheldoniano,1697), II. 4, no. 55. 11 Henri Omont, Anciens inventaires de la Bibliothèque nationale, 5 vols (Paris: Leroux, 1908–21), I. 50, no. 330. 12 ‘Nagonius ou Pangonius, pöete latin moderne, dont l’existence est peu connue’, Nouvelle biographie générale, 37 (Paris: Didot, 1863), col. 128–29. 13 Turin, Archivio di Stato, vol. 153, fol. 798v, quoted by Filippo Saraceno, ‘Nota sopra un manoscritto falsamente attribuito a G. Michele Pingon’, Miscellanea di Storia Italiana, 25 (1887), 301–05 (p. 303). 14 Wormald states: ‘owing to an inscription in the Turin manuscript having been tampered with he [Nagonius] has been confused with a totally fictitious poet called Pingonius, and such bibliography as concerns him [Nagonius] can be found under this name [Pingonius]’ (‘An Italian Poet’, p. 118). 15 Wormald, ‘An Italian Poet’, p. 118.

16

Chapter 1

significant event in the poet’s career: his laureation. As a laureated poet Nagonius would automatically have been awarded Roman citizenship.16 According to the nineteenth-century historian Vincenzo Lancetti, Nagonius was crowned poet laureate c. 1489, though no evidence is given to support this date.17 A reference in the (spurious?) Vita Pingonii, while not necessarily referring to Nagonius, indicates the importance of this honour for a young poet: Ita postmodum tamen rithmis relictis se recoquendem sub viris doctis tradidit, ut in | optimum vatem evaserit, et Poeta Laureatus Romae magna cum sua laude declaratus | fuerit, Civitateque Romana ex senatus decreto donatus. (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 216) (Shortly afterwards he abandoned rhymes and delivered himself over to be remoulded by learned men so that he turned out to be the best bard and was declared Poet Laureate at Rome amid great personal praise and was given citizenship of Rome by decree of the Senate.)

The point being made here is that the poet was originally addicted to Leonine verses, to rithmis, the normal Renaissance Latin word for medieval stressed poetry, but then he gave these up and set out to be a proper humanist poet writing in classical quantative meters and was ultimately rewarded by laureation.18 The title poeta laureatus may refer to the (annual?) laureations performed by Pomponius Laetus,19 although Nagonius does not appear among those present at the best documented of these ceremonies in 1484.20 The poet’s association with Pomponius Laetus is supported by a reference in the manuscripts for Maximilian Habsburg and Henry VII which suggests that Nagonius was taught by Laetus or had at least heard him lecture (see below). This association is further substantiated 16

The award of Roman citizenship appears to be a traditional part of the laureation ceremony, see Ernest Hatch Wilkins, The Making of the ‘Canzoniere’ and other Petrarchan Studies (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1951), pp. 57–58. Throughout his works Nagonius maintains the fiction of his Roman origins, for example in the elegy for Vapowski the poet states: ‘Hic tibi Phoebeus Romana gente Michael | destinat, et paucis plurima dicta sonis’ (BNP, E.XXIII. 39, fols not numbered). 17 Vincenzo Lancetti, Memorie intorno ai poeti laureati d’ogni tempo e d’ogni nazione (Milan: Manzoni, 1839), p. 219. 18 See Dag Norberg, An Introduction to the Study of Medieval Latin Versification, trans. by Grant C. Roti and Jacquelinede La Chapelle Skuby, ed. by Jan Ziolkowski (Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 2004). 19 The Academy was granted the right to crown poets by H. R. E. Frederick III in 1483; see Palermino, ‘The Roman Academy’, p. 121. 20 Godelieve Tournoy-Thoen, ‘La laurea poetica del 1484 all’Accademia romana’, Bulletin de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome, 42 (1972), 211–35.

17

JOHANNES MICHAEL NAGONIUS

by the fact that the poet abridged Laetus’s Romanae historiae compendium to present Andrea Gritti with a history of Constantinople (see below, Part II, Chapter 5, ‘A Compendium of Roman History, 1502’). Laureations of this kind, however, were not an uncommon event in Italy towards the end of the fifteenth century.21 In later manuscripts another name is added: IOHANNES MICHAIL NAGONIVS ANTONIAN|VS (BnF, MS Lat. 8132, fol. 3r), although the exact significance (if any) of this additional name ‘Antonianus’ remains obscure.22 The poet complicates matters further by referring to himself alternatively by the adjectives ‘Latius’ (Roman) or ‘Phrygius’ (Trojan):23 Accipe candidum volumen quod donat Latius tibi poeta, vero nomine proditur Michail,

(BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 1v)

(Accept the splendid volume which the Roman poet presents to you, published under his real name, Michael.) Caesar, suscipe candidum volumen quod mittit Phrygius tibi poeta, (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 3r) (Caesar, take up the splendid volume which the Trojan poet sends to you.)

These loconyms, however, indicate the Roman origin of the poet’s style of verse rather than his own place of birth.24 In the fifteenth century it was common practice for the place of a person’s birth or family origin to be used as a surname. Whether any information can be 21 See Joseph B. Trapp, ‘The Poet Laureate: Rome, Renovatio and Translatio Imperii’, in Rome in the Renaissance: The City and the Myth, ed. by P. A. Ramsey (Binghamton: Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 1982), pp. 93–130. 22 It seems that Mazzuchelli had some idea of the significance of this name as he lists Nagonius under ‘Antoniello’: ‘Antoniano (Gio. Michele Nagonio) v. Nagonio (Gio. Michele)’, Giovanni Mazzuchelli, Gli Scrittori d’Italia (Brescia: Bossini, 1753), p. 856. Unfortunately this mammoth work was left incomplete at the letter ‘B’. Perhaps ‘Antonianus’ is simply a patronym. 23 Latius: of or belonging to Latium, Latian, Latin. Poetic for ‘Roman’; Phrygius: Phrygian, transf., poet., because Troy belonged to Phrygia, hence ‘Trojan’. 24 The use of sonorous epithets was typical of Laetus’s Academy: ‘Its members, apparently mostly youths who were students of Pomponius, changed their Christian Italian names to Latin ones often with classical connotations.’ (Palermino, ‘The Roman Academy’, p. 120; also TournoyThoen, ‘La laurea poetica’, p. 211, n. 3).

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gleaned from the name Nagonius is doubtful. Wormald observes in a footnote: ‘It is possible that Nagonius may indicate the poet’s origin and in this case Nago on the foot of Lake Garda suggests itself.’25 Despite the vogue popular among humanists of the fifteenth century for sonorous epithets, often derived from the Latin form of their place of origin, the little town of Nago to the northeast of Lake Garda between Riva and Rovereto seems an unlikely choice. Given the poet’s insistence on his Roman citizenship, an epithet derived from Nagone (Agone, Agonale), perhaps indicating residence in the Parione area of Rome, near what is nowadays known as Piazza Navona, seems more plausible. Either way the poet was born, by his own admission, near Pavia. In the manuscript which Nagonius presented to Pope Julius II the poet varied his usual signature and signed the prefatory dedication (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 3r): ‘Humilimus servulus Iohannes michael papiensis’ (your most humble servant Giovanni Michele from Pavia). This confirms Wormald’s conjecture that the poet ‘may have come from Pavia or its neighbourhood’.26 The volume presented to Niccolò Orsini contains an elegiac poem (incipit ‘Depositis armis’) which contains the following verses in support of this conclusion: Perlege quaeso, tuos, comes O Nicolae, triumphos, quos scripsit vates Dardanus ille tuus, quem decreta tuum fecerunt publica civem quamvis Ticina sit regione satus. (BMV, MS Lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fol. 172v) (I beseech you, O count Niccolò, read through your triumphs, written by that famous Trojan poet, whom the public decrees made your citizen, although he was born in the region of Pavia.)

The manuscript presented by the poet to Guglielmo II, Marquis of Monferrat (1493–1518), opens with a monumental inscription (Figure 2) that not only confirms the poet’s Lombard origins but adds more precise biographical information: Opus | D[omini] Iohannis Mich|aelis Nagonii civis Ro[mani] | et poet[a]e laureati de | Burgo Francho, cons|ortis D[omi]n[a]e Iohann[a]e ex | nobilibus de Glarolis | fili[a]e spec[tabil]is viri D[omini] Ioha[n]|nis Laurentii de S[an]cto | Nazario ex c[larissimis] v[iris] D[omi]nis | Glarolar[um] et D[omi]n[a]e Bon[a]e | de Cochonate ex nobi|libus Tycineti. (BAM, Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fol. 2r) (The work of lord Giovanni Michele Nagonio, Roman citizen and poet laureate, from Borgo Franco; husband of lady Giovanna descended from the nobility of Giarole, the

25 26

Wormald, ‘An Italian Poet’, p. 119, n. 1. Wormald, ‘An Italian Poet’, p. 119.

JOHANNES MICHAEL NAGONIUS

19

daughter of the worshipful lord Giovanni Lorenzo from Sannazzaro descended from the distinguished lords of the Glarole family and of lady Bona from Cocconato descended from the nobility of Ticineto.)

This inscription is important for a number of reasons. In the first place it provides a unique record of the poet’s marriage, together with his wife’s name and an account of her lineage. It also gives an exact reference to the poet’s own place of birth. Nagonius claims to have come from Borgo Franco, identifiable with modern Suardi, a small town in the Lomellina 40 kilometres southwest of Pavia (Map 2).27 His wife, Giovanna, was from the nearby town of Giarole. His fatherin-law, Giovanni Lorenzo, was from Sannazzaro. This refers either to the castle Sannazzaro in the centre of Giarole28 or (perhaps less likely) to the modern town of Sannazzaro de’Burgundi, situated 24 kilometres southwest of Pavia.29 His mother-in-law, Bona, came from the town of Cocconato, situated between Turin and Casale Monferrato,30 while her maternal grandparents came from nearby Ticineto.31 The dedication of the manuscript offers a further explanation to the

27

Borgofranco was the name of Suardi until 1863. For a brief description and history of the town, see Mario Merlo, Castelli, rocche, case-forti, torri dalla Provincia di Pavia, I: Pavese e Lomellina (Pavia: Camera di Commercio industria Artigianato e Agricoltura di Pavia, 1971), pp. 355–56. ‘Da una condizione privilegiata, rispetto agli altri borghi, traggono origine i toponimi di Borgofranco (Borgofranco d’Ivrea, edificato dai Vercellesi nel sec. XIII, contro il marchese del Monferrato; Borgofranco in prov. di Mantova; Borgofranco, ora Suardi, in prov. di Pavia)’: Gian Piero Bognetti, Enciclopedia Italiana di Scienze Lettere ed Arti (Rome: Treccani, 1935–43), p. 479. Although Borgofranco d’Ivrea is a possibility, the Vatican signature papiensis favours Suardi. A note on the inside cover of the Ambrosiana manuscript reads ‘Litta si assicurò che Borgo Franco è nella Lomellina Pavese’. Litta himself observes: ‘L’abbate Mazzucchelli dottor dell’ Ambrosiana conserva un codice già dei Domenicani di Casale, contenente alcune poesie latine in lode di un marchese di Monferrato, ove il Nagonio chiama Borgofranco la sua patria, che è probabilmente Borgofranco in Lomellina’ (Litta, VII, tav. 1, Gian Giacomo Trivulzio). 28 ‘Giarole […] vi sorge il castello Sannazzaro, risalente al sec.XII–XIII, forse uno dei primi eretti nel Monferrato in seguito al decreto emanato dal Barbarossa in Pavia nel 1163’ (Touring Club Italiano: Piemonte (Milan: Garzanti, 1976), p. 154). 29 At this time Sannazzaro de’ Burgondi had less than 1000 inhabitants, see Merlo, Castelli, pp. 339–41, tav. 231–32; G. Gazzaniga, Storia di Sannazzaro de’Burgondi (Mortara-Vigevano: 1894). The Glaroli (or Glarioli) family were an important family in Sannazzaro de’ Burgondi (see ‘Il testo degli statuti dei nobili de Sancto Nazario [17 April 1352]’, in Elena S. Tessadri, Sannazzaro de’ Burgondi in Lomellina (Milan: L’Ariete, 1970), pp. 72–81). 30 In 1503 the contea of Cocconato passed from Monferrat into the control of the Duchy of Savoy. 31 Tycineti refers to the small town Ticineto, southeast of Casale Monferrato. Both

20

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local references. All the locations can be found within a 35-kilometre radius of Casale Monferrato, which would have particular relevance for the dedicatee of the manuscript, Guglielmo II, Marquis of Monferrat. This list of local towns, however, is more than campanellismo on the part of the poet. The inscription also commemorates the recent annexation of the enclave of Ticineto (1507) from the Radicati of Cocconato by Guglielmo. Nagonius is thus celebrating his family’s fealty towards their new overlord. A marginal note beside the epithalamium written to celebrate Guglielmo’s marriage to Anne d’Alençon (Part III, Chapter 9, ‘An Epithalamium for Guglielmo, Marquis of Monferrat and Anne D’Alençon’) further indicates a link between the poet and the young marquis: ‘optat foelicitatem poeta principi suo’ (the poet desires every happiness for his [emphasis added] prince).32 From this manuscript it appears that sometime during the early 1500s Nagonius returned to northern Italy where he settled in the area around Casale Monferrato and married into a local family. As no works later than c. 1509 are known it may be presumed that the poet died shortly thereafter. So far, I have been unable to establish the exact date and place of his death or to locate either a tomb, a will, or any notification of his descendants. 33 Nagonius’s biography is further complicated by the alterations and additions to a manuscript which is now preserved in the Biblioteca Nazionale, Turin. Although badly damaged in the fire of 1904, the manuscript is still legible and the contents can be attributed to Nagonius (Part III, Catalogue, ‘Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS F.V.5’). The manuscript contains five books of poems dedicated to Filiberto II, duke of Savoy (1497–1504), and is followed by three long poems written on the occasion of the Duke’s marriage to Margaret of Austria in 1501. However, all physical traces of Nagonius’s authorship have been removed. The poet’s dedicatory signatures have been deliberately altered and the crime further compounded by the addition of the biography of an otherwise unknown, rival

Ticineto and Cocconato were the subject of a territorial dispute between Monferrat and Savoy. Maximilian Habsburg, annoyed by Monferrat’s close allegiance with France, transferred suzerainty of the states from Monferrat to Savoy through patents dated at Anvers, 1 April 1503, see Samuel Guichenon, Histoire généalogique de la royale maison de Savoie, 4 vols (Turin: Briolo, 1778), II, 185. 32 BAM, Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fol. 252r. 33 The theory that Nagonius was alive in 1537 and supervised the publication of his oration for Piotr Vapowski (Florio Banfi, ‘Giovanni Michele Nagonio Panegirista di Uladislao II Re di Boemia ed Ungheria’, L’Europa Orientale, 17 (1937), 198–207 (p. 207)) can be dismissed (see below, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘The Adventus of Piotr Vapowski, 1493’).

JOHANNES MICHAEL NAGONIUS

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poet: Johannes Michael PINGONIVS (see below, ‘The “Biography” of Giovanni Michele Pingonio: Vita Pingonii’). Not surprisingly, Nagonius has been confused with this ‘Pingonius’. Details from the biography of this fictitious rival have been used by some literary historians to supplement their scant knowledge of Nagonius’s career while others, although noting the resemblance of the names, contemporaneity, and the similar style of writing, have erroneously preserved the existence of two distinct poets.34 The French bibliographer and historian Ulysse Chevalier mentions only Jean Michel Pingon and adds 1488 as the date of laureation to the biographical details taken from the Vita Pingonii.35 This date is probably taken from Vincenzo Lancetti, who also accepts the existence of two poets and suggests c. 1489 as a possible date for Nagonius’s own laureation, although the exact source of both these dates is not specified.36 (The possible appearance of a third personality among the list of laureati, one Giovanni Michele Pangonio, can be dismissed as a typographical error.) Despite the seeming chaos, Filippo Saraceno correctly identified Nagonius as the author of the Turin manuscript and furthermore discovered a possible reference to the poet among the Savoy account books.37 These accounts actually refer to Io. Michaeli Nagomotini who on 3 September

34

Jean-Louis Grillet gives an outline of the Pingon family which includes the fictitious biography as fact: see Dictionnaire historique littéraire et statistique des départemens du Mont-Blanc et du Léman, 3 vols (Chambéry: Puthod, 1807), III, 178–81. See Banfi, ‘Panegirista’, pp. 198–207, for an account of the biographical confusion. He concludes, ‘Comunque, la biografia offertaci da Filiberto fu accettata da Tiraboschi, Gozzadini, Federici, Hofer ecc., per quella del Nagonio vero autore dell’opera contenutasi nel codice torinese’, p. 199. 35 Ulysse Chevalier, Répertoire des sources historiques du moyen âge (Paris: Picard, 1894–1907), col. 1844. 36 Lancetti states the following: ‘Furono laureati in Roma, e Fausto Andrelini forlivese in età di 22 anni, e Gio. Michele Pingonio, e Nagonio Cittadino Romano, e Antonio Geraldini d’Aelia pure di 22 anni’ (Memorie intorno ai poeti laureati, p. 220). This reference in turn is taken from Luigi Federici, Elogi istorici degli illustri Ecclesiastici Veronesi, 3 vols (Verona: [n. pub.], 1818), I, 45. 37 Saraceno, ‘Nota sopra un manoscritto falsamente attribuito a G. Michele Pingon’, pp. 301–05.

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a. humilis ac devotus clyens | Ioannes Michail Nagonius | Civis Roman[us] poeta Laureat[us]. Manuscript for Maximilian. ÖNB/Vienna, Picture Archive, Cod. 12750, fol. 51v (detail). Reproduced with permission. b. Servulus Io[hannes] Michail Nagonius | Civis Romanus et Poeta Laureatus. Manuscript for Vladislav II. NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), p. 115 (detail). Reproduced with permission of the Národni a Universitni Knihovna, Prague. c. Ad Eundem Divum Ludovicum duodecimu[m] Au&relianum Franci[a]e Regem invictissimum Christia|nissimum potentissimum et illustrissimum pium | foelicem et semper Augustum Liber secundus ei[us]|dem poet[a]e Io[hannis] Michaelis Nagonii Civis Roma|ni et poete Laureati. Manuscript for Louis XII. BnF, MS Lat. 8132, fol. 41v (detail with Visconti dragon). Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. d. Idem devotus servulus | Io[hannes] Michail Nagonius| poeta. Manuscript for Ercole d’Este. BEM, MS Est. lat. 234 (α.M.5.2), fol. 5v (detail). Courtesy of the Ministero Beni e Att. Culturali.

Figure 1a–d. Variations upon Nagonius’s signatory formula.

JOHANNES MICHAEL NAGONIUS

23

Figure 2. Manuscript for Guglielmo II. Inscription recording Nagonius’s place of birth and family. BAM, Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fol. 2 r. Reproduced with permission of the Veneranda Biblioteca Ambrosiana.

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Map 2. Map of northwest Italy and the marquisate of Monferrat c. 1500.

JOHANNES MICHAEL NAGONIUS

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Diagram 1. Family tree of Johannes Michael Nagonius: The family tree is derived from the information in BAM, Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fol. 2 r (Figure 2). It also incorporates the nephews mentioned in the Vita Pingonii in italics.

1502 was paid 200 gold ducats for a book in praise of the House of Savoy given to the Duke.38 If Saraceno’s suggestion is correct that ‘Nagomotini’ is a scribal error

38

Saraceno states (Miscellanea, p. 303, his italics): ‘Nei conti Tesoreria generale serbati in quest’Archivio di Stato, vol. 153, fol. 798 verso, sotto il 3 settembre 1502, leggesi quanto appresso: Libravit Jo. Micheli Nagomotini [sic] Romano et poetae laureato… ducentum ducatos auri quos Ill. mus dominus noster dom. Philibertus, Sabaudiae etc. dux eidem donavit… in aliqualem recompensacionem nonnullorum seruiciorum … AC PRO VNO LIBRO, PRELIBATO D. N. DVCI DONATO ET CONFECTO AD LAVDEM ET DECORACIONEM SABAVDIAE DOMVS.’ Although it is impossible to express this figure in modern terms some idea of the amount can be gained by comparing Nagonius’s reward with a payment to Francesco Filelfo who was commissioned to write the Instrucione del ben vivere utilissima for the young Duke ‘and was paid the rather paltry sum of 10 florins for his pains’; see Alison Rosie, ‘“Morisques” and “Momeryes”: Aspects of Court Entertainment at the Court of Savoy’, in Power, Culture and Religion in France c. 1350–1550, ed. by Christopher Allmand (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1989), pp. 57–74 (p. 73).

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for ‘Nagoniotini’ (and there seems no reason to contradict this hypothesis), then another date can be added to the jigsaw of Nagonius’s biography.39 Although Saraceno noted the five places where the NA of NAGONIVS has been erased and PIN for PINGONIVS substituted, he did not acknowledge the skill of the forgery.40 Where the text originally read NAGONII, the diagonal stroke of the initial N has been erased to leave two vertical strokes I I, one of which forms half the vertical stem of majuscule P, while the other stroke, by the addition of a dot, becomes İ. The upper half of the A has been removed altogether and a crooked N written over the top. Thus NAGONII becomes PINGONII. This ‘autograph’ is then decorated with splashes of red ink to conceal the deceit (see Figure 3). If this forgery is easily detected, disproving the relevance and authenticity of the life of Pingonius appended to the manuscript on folio 216 as a credible biography for Nagonius is altogether more problematic. Although badly charred, the folio is still legible and obviously not written in the same hand as the rest of the manuscript. In its broad outline this biography corresponds with a plausible reconstruction of Nagonius’s career. The biographer claims that Pingonius was born in March 1451 at Chambéry, the son of Peter Pingonius councillor to the Duke of Savoy. Intended for a career in the Church, he was educated first in Turin and then in Paris before finally travelling to Rome where his erudition quickly brought him to the attention of Pope Innocent VIII. Later, his services were also sought by Pope Alexander VI, Pope Pius III, and many others. His skill in poetry and his learning was such that he was crowned poet laureate and made a citizen of Rome: ‘Poeta laureatus Romae magna cum sua laude declaratus fuerit, Civitatemque Romana ex Senatus Decreto, donatus’ (he was declared Poet Laureate at Rome amid great personal praise and was given citizenship of Rome by decree of the Senate). The biographer adds that ample indication of the poet’s skill can be found in the poems preserved in this manuscript, which he notes were written for the marriage of Filiberto to Margaret of Austria. Further biographical information is supplied: these verses were read at the wedding celebrations in October 1501 when the poet was fifty years old. The biography records that the poet died in Rome in 1505 and concludes with some ars longa, vita brevis platitudes and a short memorial poem.

39 40

Saraceno, ‘Nota sopra un manoscritto falsamente attribuito a G. Michele Pingon’, pp. 303–04. Fols 1r; 110v; 170v; 204v; 214v.

JOHANNES MICHAEL NAGONIUS

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In its general scope, with the references to the laureation in Rome and papal service, the biography seems to accord with what little is known of Nagonius’s life. This ‘biography’, however, appears to be nothing more than an elaborate fiction recreating, in plausible detail, the career of any obscure fifteenth-century humanist and poet. The author is identified as Emmanuel-Philibert de Pingon (1525–82), historian at the court of Savoy and alleged nephew of the rival poet.41 If the historian did in fact have an uncle who was court poet to Filiberto II, unfortunately none of his works have survived and no other details of his life are known. The claim that many of his uncle’s other works were thrown out as waste paper seems a convenient excuse for the lack of evidence. It seems likely, then, that Emmanuel-Philibert de Pingon was attempting to provide a literary heritage for himself at the court of Savoy by the forgery perpetrated in this manuscript. He was presumably also responsible for falsifying the signatures. The few ‘facts’ that the biography contains contradict what is known of Nagonius’s life. Pingonius, it is claimed, was born in Chambéry: ‘Natus Camberii Patriae Metropoli anno MCCCCLI mense Martio’, whereas Nagonius names Borgo Franco as his place of origin. Although it is not known precisely when Nagonius died, the date recorded for the death of Pingonius does not accord with what is known of Nagonius’s activities. Pingonius, it is stated, died in Rome in 1505: ‘obiit Romae anno MDV’. Nagonius was, however, alive to celebrate Pope Julius II’s victorious campaign against the Bentivogli in 1506 and, moreover, in the preface to the manuscript for Niccolò Orsini the poet records the death of Cesare Borgia, who was killed in a skirmish while besieging the castle of Viana on 11 March 1507. The other date mentioned in the Turin biography seems, perhaps, to have a greater relevance for Nagonius’s biography. It is claimed that the marriage hymns were read at the wedding celebrations of Duke Filiberto II in October 1501 (mense Octobri anno MDI). The wedding was celebrated by proxy in Brussels on 26 September 1501 and actually took place in Turin on 3 December 1501.42 The October reference may thus refer to preliminary celebrations in Turin. If the reference in the Savoy account books on 3 September

41

Saraceno, ‘Nota sopra un manoscritto falsamente attribuito a G. Michele Pingon’, p. 304; for an account of the life of the historian Emmanuel-Philibert de Pingon (Filiberto Pingonio), see Luigi Cibrario, Operette varie (Turin: Botta, 1860), pp. 251–75; Perrachino di Cigliano, Memorie della vita e degli scritti di Emmanuele Filiberto Pingone (Turin: [n. pub.], 1792); Sarah Alyn Stacey, Marc-Claude de Buttet (1529/31–86), l’honneur de la Savoie (Paris: Champion, 2006), pp. 110–13. 42 Tournoy-Thoen, ‘Les premiers épithalames’, p. 201.

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1502 does indeed refer to Nagonius, then perhaps this is evidence that the poet went more than once to the court of Filiberto II. Other sources provide more precise and reliable biographical information about Nagonius. A copy of a fragment of a letter from Henry VII to the Archbishop of Siena, Cardinal Francesco Todeschini-Piccolomini (later Pope Pius III),43 records Nagonius’s arrival in England in 1496: Venit ad nos pauloantea Johannes Michael Nagonius civis Romanus quem veluti litteratum atque eruditum virum vestra Reverendissima Distinctio suis literis octavo februarii ad nos datis fecit nobis commendatum. Iste porticum [sic] quendam libellum nobis reddidit nomini nostro dicatum, quem quidem vario genere carminis intextum et longo studio elucubratum legimus perlibenter atque eciam probavimus. (There came to our court a short while ago, Giovanni Michele Nagonio, citizen of Rome, whom letters from your most Reverend Worship of 8 February recommended to us as a learned and scholarly man. He presented to us a certain little book of poetry dedicated to us, containing various types of verse composed with great skill, which we happily read and also approved.)44

The reference to Piccolomini is important: not only does it support the claim made in the Vita Pingonii that the poet found favour with Pope Pius III, but it provides a rare example of the means by which the poet travelled around Europe. Although there is no further direct evidence of any connection between the poet and the Cardinal,45 the association with Piccolomini is clearly significant for Nagonius’s career. Piccolomini acted as the Cardinal Protector of both Germany and England.46 On the eve of the French invasion of Italy, Cardinal Piccolomini was engaged at the highest level of papal diplomacy. The theme of Nagonius’s manuscript for Maximilian is his coronation as Holy Roman Emperor in Rome. 43 See Alfred A. Strnad, ‘Francesco Todeschini-Piccolomini. Politik und Mäzenatentum im Quattrocento’, Römische Historische Mitteilungen, 8–9 (1964/65–1965/66), 101–425; for Piccolomini’s relations with England, see William E. Wilkie, The Cardinal Protectors of England: Rome and the Tudors before the Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), pp. 5–73. 44 BL, MS Add. 45131, fol. 78r. Quoted by Wormald, ‘An Italian Poet’, p. 118. 45 Nagonius does not figure among the household of Francesco Todeschini-Piccolomini recorded by Paolo Piccolomini, ‘La ‘famiglia’ di Pio III’, Archivio della Reale Società romana di storia patria, 26 (1903), 143–64. 46 ‘Nor […] was there any conflict of interest in Piccolomini’s serving both the Empire and England. Apart from the Habsburgs’ concern for the Turkish menace, it was hostility to France and the sealing of marriage alliances with Spain which were the two controlling objects of both Habsburg and Tudor diplomacy.’ Wilkie, Cardinal Protectors, p. 21.

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29

The poet’s urgent invitation to travel to Rome as soon as possible probably reflects the increasingly desperate situation of the Borgia papacy before the arrival of King Charles VIII at the head of a French army en route to Naples. Piccolomini himself was sent by Pope Alexander VI as a desperate last measure to treat with Charles VIII at Lucca, where his offer of conciliation was rejected.47 The failure of this papal mission and the diminishing expectation of Maximilian’s imminent arrival encouraged new initiatives and a Holy League against France was hastily formed. Nagonius, it seems, was dispatched to England to encourage King Henry VII to join this League and thus pose a threat to French security by invasion on another front. The poet hastily adapted (and abridged) the verses offered to Maximilian to present the English king with a volume of laudatory poems that feature the Tudor monarch as the new hero. This process would be repeated throughout the poet’s œuvre. As Nagonius’s visit coincides with the arrival in England of the papal cap and sword sent by Alexander VI to Henry VII, it can perhaps be inferred that Nagonius was one of the orators who accompanied the gift (see below, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘A Renaissance Court in England: A Manuscript for Henry VII, 1496’). Nagonius travelled to the court of Henry VII with letters of recommendation from Piccolomini. As Piccolomini was also acting as Cardinal Protector of Germany, it seems likely that the cardinal also facilitated the poet’s journey to the court of Maximilian Habsburg in the Low Countries. Nagonius’s earliest datable work, which only survives in a later printed edition, is an oration delivered in 1493 before Pope Alexander VI and the College of Cardinals, welcoming a Polish embassy led by Piotr Vapowski to Rome (see below, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘The Adventus of Piotr Vapowski, 1493’). The fact that the Polish embassy had travelled through Siena and that Piccolomini also took a keen interest in Polish affairs suggests either that the Cardinal of Siena had also facilitated Nagonius’s introduction to Vapowski in Rome or that he first came to the Cardinal’s attention as Nagonius delivered his oration.48 Either way,

47

Elena Vecchi Pinto, ‘La missione del card. Francesco Piccolomini legato pontificio presso Carlo VIII (ottobre–novembre 1494)’, Archivio della Società romana di storia patria, 68 (1945), 97–110. 48 Sebastiano Ciampi quotes a letter in the archives in Siena from the King of Poland asking the Sienese to provide hospitality and safe passage for Vapowski, Bibliografia critica delle antiche reciproche corrispondenze politiche, ecclesiastiche, scientifiche, letterarie, artistiche dell’Italia colla Russia, colla Polonia ed altre parti settentrionali, 3 vols (Florence: Allegrini e Mazzoni, 1834–42), III, 123. In 1493 Piccolomini recommended Nicolaus of Kraków to the vacant see of Przemysl and again in 1502 he recommended Albertus Radziwill to a see vacant in Lithuania: Analecta Romana,

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Piccolomini was not the only important cardinal in Rome with whom Nagonius can be associated: Ascanio Sforza,49 Marco Barbo, and Battista Orsini50 are all mentioned by name in the poet’s works. The nature of the poet’s contact with these cardinals is vague and it is unlikely that any further conclusion can be drawn from their association.51 The fact that most of Nagonius’s works were composed for datable occasions, or the books were presented to commemorate particular events, makes it possible to arrange most of his manuscripts in a chronological sequence from 1494 to 1509. As mentioned above, the earliest surviving manuscript, featuring the honorand in the guise of an epic hero invested with the full panoply of classical allusion, was presented to Maximilian Habsburg in expectation of his coronation in Rome as Holy Roman Emperor. In 1496 Nagonius travelled to London to present a manuscript to Henry VII that was intended to persuade the English king to join and take an active part in the Holy League designed to resist French expansion in Italy. Ironically, some three years later the poet would be drawing together the themes of these early manuscripts to celebrate the expedition of the new French king Louis XII against Milan. This sumptuous manuscript marks the climactic point of Nagonius’s career. The text was painstakingly copied in multi-coloured inks onto fine white vellum, decorated with six full-page illuminations and coloured initials, and bound in rich cloth of gold (see below, Part II: ‘Decoration and Illumination’). The poet’s gift was thus a deluxe item of the highest quality. One of Louis’s first acts upon entering Milan was to transfer the famous Visconti and Sforza library from Pavia to Blois. Nagonius’s splendid manuscript would not have been out of place in this collection. As the cost of preparing such a volume ed. by J. Korzeniowski, in Scriptores Rerum Polonicarum, ed. by Josef Szujski, 22 vols (Kraków: Polska Akademia Umiejętnos´ci, 1872–1917), XV, 79–81. 49 See Giulia Bologna, ‘Un fratello del Moro letterato e bibliofilo: Ascanio Maria Sforza’, in Milan nell’età di Lodovico il Moro, ed. by Giulia Bologna, 2 vols (Milan: Archivio Storico Civico e Biblioteca Trivulziana, 1983), I, 293– 332; Marco Pellegrini, Ascanio Maria Sforza: La parabola politica di un cardinale-principe del rinascimento, 2 vols (Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo, 2002). 50 On the Orsini in general see Christine Shaw, The Political Role of the Orsini Family from Sixtus IV to Clement VII: Barons and Factions in the Papal States (Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo, 2007). 51 The association with Ascanio Sforza may also have facilitated the visit to England as Sforza seems to have had close links with Giovanni Gigli (see below, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘Sic ego sum Caesar Maximilianus orbis herus: A Manuscript for Maximilian, 1494’).

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for presentation would have been exorbitant and far beyond the means of an itinerant poet, this indicates, once again, that Nagonius’s career is far more than that of a wandering minor poet who earned his living by praising his patrons and their pretensions in the hope of reward. The theme of a crusade to liberate Jerusalem, which had only been touched upon in the earlier volumes, is given extended treatment in the manuscript for Louis. Hereafter the content and themes of the poet’s verse become fixed and his manuscripts are offered, with only minor variations to personalize the verse, to a number of other dedicatees. Although these manuscripts are copied by the poet himself onto paper instead of vellum and lack any fine illuminations, these books, bound in rich velvets or coloured and tooled leathers and elaborately gauffered, were also presented as luxurious gifts (see below, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘A Strategy for Recognition’). In the early years of the sixteenth century, Nagonius can be found in the Veneto where he dedicated manuscripts to Doge Leonardo Loredan and the Senate of Venice, the merchant Andrea Gritti and the condottiere Niccolò Orsini (see below, Part II, Chapter 5). The decline in the fortunes of the Borgia family upon the death of Pope Alexander VI (August 1503) and the ascendancy of the Della Rovere seems to mark a change in the poet’s fortunes. The shift from the expensively illuminated vellum manuscripts to paper volumes also suggests, perhaps, a change in circumstances. However, towards the end of the decade the poet appears again in Rome to present Pope Julius II with a large vellum manuscript in which the central theme is again the call for a crusade to recover the Holy Land. This volume immediately joined Julius’s small but select library of classical texts in his newly decorated Vatican apartments. Does, then, the manuscript for the Della Rovere Pope possibly represent an attempt by the poet to retrieve his status and ingratiate himself with the new régime? It must be reiterated that the details of Nagonius’s life are scant and a degree of supposition must fill the lacunae. Nothing is known of his early career. Although Nagonius refers to himself as a ‘discipulus’ (pupil) of the classics in the oration welcoming the Polish prelate Piotr Vapowski to Rome, nothing is known of his education. The range of classical quotations in his œuvre indicates a thorough, if conventional, university training. It seems likely that sometime in the 1480s (or possibly earlier) he travelled to Rome where he frequented the circle of the eminent classicist Pomponius Laetus.52 The volumes dedicated to Maximilian Habsburg and Henry VII include verses in which Nagonius praises the founder

52

Maria Accame, Pomponius Laetus, vita e insegnamento (Tivoli: Tored, 2008).

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of the Roman Academy (see below, Part Matrons of Rome’):

III,

Chapter 9, ‘The Senators and

Pomponius inde cura deum Letus, vatum qui grandior ore et custos Latiique chori quo nullus habetur clarior eloquio, et Phoebeo pectine maior Fonte suo puroque lacu nunc ora perenne nostra natant, spargitque novos in plectra liquores cogebat iuvenum pubem, doctamque catervam. (MLY, MS XVI N.2, fol. 20r) (Then Pomponius Laetus, beloved of the gods, who is the elder guardian of the seers and the Roman band; no one is considered more brilliant in eloquence or more outstanding with Apollo’s lyre; our speech bathes continually in his pure fountain and lake, and he sprinkles new waters on the plectrum, he was likewise bringing together a learned crowd of young men.)53

As Nagonius’s poetry is typical of the circle of Pomponius Laetus with its almost exclusive interest in Roman history, classical rhetoric, and the study of archaeological remains, he may have been one of the many young scholars who were attracted to Rome and Laetus’s Academy at the beginning of their careers.54 The poet was also acquainted with other members of the Studium Urbis. The renowned doctor and poet Scipio Lancillotti55 and the eminent classicist Pietro Marso56 are both mentioned in his poetry: Sic etiam Marsus terris memorabile nomen Ausoniaeque decus, cultae mirantur Athenae quippe virum, super extremos extenditur Indos, ac Gangen, Latias fama exaudita per urbes, hic magnum replevit opus Ciceronis et artes. 53

Compare ÖNB, MS 12.750, fols 20v–21r (Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Senators and Matrons of Rome’). The reference to Laetus is omitted in all Nagonius’s later manuscripts. 54 In his brief outline of Nagonius’s career Florio Banfi comments: ‘Alcuni dei sopracitati codici lasciano supporre che il suo maestro fosse stato Pomponius Laetus il qual e, sin dal 1466 insegnando alla Sapienza romana l’eloquenza, raccoglieva intorno a sè tutti i letterati dell’ Urbe, e fondava quell’Accademia Romana che, malgrado la congiura del 1468, riusci ad assurgere a luminosi fastigi’ (‘Panegirista’, p. 204). Whether Nagonius’s manuscripts prove the existence of ‘amichevoli relazioni con Pomponius Laetus’ and ‘il prediletto discepolo’ is another matter. 55 Lecturer in medicine at the Studium Urbis; see Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Senators and Matrons of Rome’. 56 Lecturer in rhetoric at the Studium Urbis; see Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Senators and Matrons of Rome’.

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Scipio post sequitur Romana Celsus in arce Peoniis, ni fallor, adest prestantior herbis. Pergamon huic memorant docto turbamque medentum concessisse locum, cessit Peantius idem atque repertor opis tacitae scrutator et artis. rectius hic poterat salientis pollice venas pertentare suo, et dubiam depellere pestem. (ÖNB, MS 12.750 fol. 21r) (Thus also Marsus a name renowned throughout the world and worthy of Italy, indeed cultivated Athens admires the man. His fame stretches beyond furthest India and the Ganges and is heard throughout the Italian towns. He restored the great work of Cicero and his skills. Scipio, foremost on the Roman citadel, follows. He is (unless I am mistaken) rather famous for his use of Peonian herbs. At Pergamum they relate that the crowd of doctors has granted a place to this learned man; likewise Apollo, the father of medicine and examiner of the silent art, has yielded. He could rather skilfully test throbbing veins with his thumb and diagnose a doubtful illness.)

Nagonius had perhaps seen Scipio Lancillotti take a pulse and may even have attended Pietro Marso’s lectures on Cicero. Both were lecturing at the Roman Academy in the early 1480s and again in the mid-1490s.57 As Nagonius was travelling across Europe at the later date, it can perhaps be adduced that Nagonius heard them lecture c. 1483. The majority of the famous orators listed in the oration for Piotr Vapowski seem to be taken from Cicero’s Brutus, indicating that the poet had studied this text in detail (perhaps with Pietro Marso). There is no information about Nagonius’s personality beyond the persona presented in the poetry. Apart from the rhetorical first person, Nagonius seldom intrudes into his verse. He presents himself as vates and plays on the ambiguity of the word so that he is both ‘poet’ and ‘prophet’, to sing of the present deeds of his dedicatees and predict their everlasting renown (see below, Part II, Chapter 2, ‘The Gift of Immortality’). Although the panegyric genre does not allow for personal revelation or introspection, there is perhaps one poem that indicates personal feeling. The manuscript presented to Louis XII (1499) contains an epigram against the poet’s detractors which puns around the word livide (adv.) meaning ‘spitefully’, ‘maliciously’, and livide (vocative) ‘envious man’:

57 Maria Cristina Dorati da Empoli, ‘I Lettori dello Studio e i Maestri di Grammatica a Roma da Sisto IV ad Alessandro VI’, Rassegna degli Archivi di Stato, 40 (1980), 89–147. Nagonius’s description may echo the celebration of the Palilia undertaken annually by Laetus’s Academy on the anniversary of the foundation of Rome.

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Ad eundem divum Ludovicum XII Aurelianum Franciae regem excellentissimum pium foelicem et semper invictum, epigramma in quo poeta invidos detestatur, nam erunt aliqui invidebunt regiis scriptisque nostris et non patientur libenter. Cur mea non pateris? Patior si livide quae sunt scripta tibi vel quae sunt, Livide, lecta probo? Non pateris? Cur hoc? Formarunt pectus Athenae tale tibi ut nequeas ista, nec ulla pati? Inquam nulla pati, nisi sunt concinna diserta quaeque sub arguto saepe retenta sale. Scribo Duci, non scribo tibi, tu livide vocem comprime, sunt Regi, non mea scripta tibi. Ne tandem patiare aliquid tua livide rumpant pectora, et a taetro perfluat ore cibus. (BnF, MS Lat. 8132, fol. 184r–v) (To the same divine Louis XII Orléans, most excellent King of France, pious happy, and always invincible, an epigram in which the poet calls down a solemn curse upon the envious, for there will be some who grudge our royal writings and they will not willingly leave them be. Envious man, why do you not leave my writings alone? I leave your writings alone if you have written anything maliciously or if you read something spiteful, do I ever criticize? You are not leaving my writings alone? How so? Has Athens58 modelled your soul in such a way that you are unable to endure these writings or any others? I say that no writing is left alone, unless prettily and skilfully expressed and often refined with a clear wit. I write for the king, I do not write for you, suppress your envious words, my writings are the king’s not yours. So, envious man, may you not suffer anything that may gall you further and more bile flow from your foul mouth.)

Although the sentiments of the imagined dialogue between Nagonius and his detractor are standard, the title, which only appears attached to the poem in this manuscript, suggests that Nagonius had enemies who were envious of the circles in which he moved. This is not surprising for a panegyric poet who circulated at the very highest levels of society at some of the finest courts in Europe. It is certainly typical of the highly competitive, and frequently spiteful, atmosphere of the ambitious literary circles in late fifteenth-century Rome.

58

Athens, the city of the Muses; sometimes metonym for ‘intelligence’ (cf. Juv., 15. 110).

JOHANNES MICHAEL NAGONIUS

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Figure 3. Manuscript for Filiberto II. Pingonius’s ‘signature’, BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 204 v. Reproduced with permission of the Biblioteca Nazionale, Turin.

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The ‘Biography’ of Giovanni Michele Pingonio: Vita Pingonii (BnT, MS F.V.5, fol. 216r–v) The edges of this manuscript were badly singed in the disastrous fire that swept through the Biblioteca Nazionale di Torino in 1904. This has resulted in the occasional loss of text. However, the ‘biography’ had already been transcribed by Joseph Pasini in the mid-eighteenth century and has here been used to reconstruct the text.59 IOHANNES MICHAEL PINGONIVS | natione Sabaudus, filius fuit viri clarissimi Petri Pingonii, Serenissimorum Principum, | Ducumque Sabaudiae Consiliarii, et Girardae a Rovenno coniugum. Natus Camberii | Patriae Metropoli anno MCCCCLI mense Martio. Hic cum ultimus fratrum esset 5 | sacris deditus, et aliquot sacerdotiis auctus, postquam bonis literis, (ut ea ferebant | tempora) Sabaudiae et Lutetiae, patris exemplo, et opera institutus fuisset; Romam tandem | petiit, adeo profecit non fortunae sed ingenii dotibus, ut inter eruditos locum | non infimum obtinuerit. Eoque nomine et Pontificibus INNOCENTIO VIII, ALEXANDRO VI, | PIOQVE III et 10 magnis aliis viris acceptissimus fuerit. Poësim inter ceteras artes | feliciter amplexatus est. Licet primum Leoninis delectaretur, ut eius plurima | vidi in eo genere argutissima carmina, et illud extat in tumulo paterno | Camberii insculptum praegrandi marmore 15

HIC CLARO EST PETRVS DE PINGON SANGVINE CRETVS HOC SAXVM NATI TRES POSVERE PATRI LVD. PET. MICHL.

Ita postmodum tamen rithmis relictis se recoquendem sub viris doctis tradidit, ut in | optimum vatem evaserit, et Poeta Laureatus Romae magna cum sua laude declaratus | fuerit, Civitateque Romana ex senatus decreto 20 donatus. Hoc unum opus quod in manus nostras | pervenire potuit, esto suae eruditionis certum testimonium. Istud in nuptias divorum | principum PHILIBERTI Sabaudiae Ducis Octavi, et Margaritae Austriacae composuerat | quae nuptiae celebratae leguntur mense Octobri anno MDI. Tunc quinquagesimum | annum attingebat. Alia plurima scripsit ut ex hoc 59

Joseph Pasini, Codices manuscripti Bibliothecae regii taurinensis athenaei per linguas digesti, 2 vols (Turin: Ex typographia regia, 1749), II, 112.

JOHANNES MICHAEL NAGONIUS

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25 veteri suo codice, sed | laceris chartis coniicitur. Obit Romae anno MDV mense [—] | magna sui seculi et suorum iactura. Caeterum a Ludovico Johannis Michaelis Ludovicus alter prodiit, ab hoc, Philibertus, Ludovicus, Petrusque, | qui fratres, primis annis Poesis studio Michaelem imitari tentarunt. | Non tamen, ut vix quisque alius, sunt consequ(e)ndi. Vincat, si 30 possit, | posteritas. Optanda semper in bonis literis melior victoria. Hoc pro Patruo Philibertus Pingonius Posuit.

35

PRIMVS ILISSIADES VOLITARE MICHAEL IN VRBEM EDOCVIT MVSAS, QVAE IVGA NOSTRA COLVNT LYSSIA, PARNASSVSQVE BICEPS, MVSAEQVE SABAVDOS NONNE ETIAM DECORANT? PINGON ID IPSE DOCET. ERGO SABAVDE VOLES, VECTVS PHILIBERTIDE PENNA. ILLE TVVS VATES, TE TVA ROMA MANET.

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Translation Giovanni Michele Pingonio, a Savoyard by nationality, was the son of the renowned Pietro Pingonio, a counsellor of the most serene princes and dukes of Savoy, and of his wife Girarda from Rovenna. He was born at Chambéry, the capital city of his native land in March 1451. Since he was the youngest son, he was destined for a life in the Church, and having been trained somewhat in religious matters, and then afterwards he was educated in ‘good letters’ (as was then the custom) at Turin and Paris, by the example and the works of his father. Finally he made his way to Rome. He developed not with the endowments of luck, but of natural ability to such an extent that he obtained not the lowest place among the intellectuals, and he was very well received because of his reputation by Popes Innocent VIII, Alexander VI, and Pius III, and by other great men. He happily embraced poetry among other skills. At first he delighted in Leonine verse, as I have seen many of his most fine songs in that genre and there exists the inscription on his father’s tomb at Chambéry written on a huge block of marble: HERE LIES PIETRO PINGONIO BORN OF NOBLE BLOOD. HIS THREE SONS LUDOVICO, PIETRO, MICHELE PLACED THIS STONE IN MEMORY OF THEIR FATHER Shortly afterwards he abandoned rhymes and delivered himself over to be remoulded by learned men so that he turned out to be the best bard and was declared Poet Laureate at Rome amid great personal praise and was given citizenship of Rome by decree of the Senate. This particular work, which has come into our possession, will be a sure testimony of his erudition. He had composed this for the marriage of the holy princes Filiberto VIII, duke of Savoy,60 and Margaret of Austria, and it was read at their wedding celebrations in October 1501. He was then fifty years old. He wrote many other things similar to this ancient manuscript, but they were thrown out with the waste paper. He died at Rome in 1505 in the month of [—] a great loss for his own age and family. But a second Ludovico was produced from Ludovico of Giovanni Michele, from him, the brothers Filiberto, Ludovico, and Pietro, who from their earliest years tried to imitate Michele by studying poetry. However, like everyone else, they could not

60

This should read Filiberto II.

JOHANNES MICHAEL NAGONIUS

39

match him. Let Posterity conquer, if it can. A better victory is always to be desired in good letters. Filiberto Pingonio made this for his uncle: Michele first taught the Attic Muses,61 who now inhabit our ridges, to soar into the city. Surely Lycia62 and twin-peaked Parnassus63 and the Muses also grace Savoy? Pingonio himself teaches this. So, Savoy, may you soar, borne on the wing of the son of Filiberto. That famous man was your bard, your Rome awaits you.

61

Ilissiades: a surname of the Muses who had an altar on the Ilissos in Attica (Paus., I. 19. 6). Lycia: country of Asia minor, with reference to the oracle of Apollo at Patara in Lycia. 63 Parnassusque biceps: a high mountain in Phocis with two peaks sacred to Apollo and the Muses; cf. Ov., Met., II. 221. 62

Part II The Panegyric Works of Nagonius

Chapter 2

IAM NOVA PROGENIES CAELO DEMITTITUR ALTO

N

agonius and poets like him, and there were very many, belong to the tradition stretching back to the beginning of classical antiquity of the travelling docti poetae.1 These were professional itinerant poets who wrote encomiastic verse on a variety of subjects for recitation on special occasions. As Alex Hardie has observed, ‘It was ephemeral verse, often of little merit; its importance lay in its practical contribution to the ceremonial of the event, of which it was a part, or which it celebrated.’2 Nagonius’s career highlights par excellence the various functions which a fifteenth-century panegyric poet was expected to perform. Formal public occasions such as the reception of foreign ambassadors, weddings, and the exchange of gifts between princes all required official orations and recitations of verse. Although it seems that Nagonius was employed in some official capacity by the papacy (see above, Part I, Chapter 1, ‘Towards a Biography of Johannes Michael Nagonius’) he never admits this. Following the panegyric tradition he invents reasons for addressing his praise to each dedicatee. This fiction may be the demands of a particular occasion (for example, a wedding; see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘An Epithalamium for Guglielmo II, Marquis of Monferrat and Anne D’Alençon’); the poet’s own obligation to celebrate an outstanding achievement (for example, King Vladislav II of Bohemia’s victory over his rival Maximilian Habsburg for the crown of Hungary; see below, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘A Manuscript for Vladislav II, 1497’); the poet’s special status as a servant of the Muses and inspired prophet (passim); simply his 1 Wandering Poets in Ancient Greek Culture: Travel, Locality and Pan-Hellenism, ed. by Richard Hunter and Ian Rutherford (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). 2 Alex Hardie, Statius and the Silvae: Poets, Patrons and Epideixis in the Graeco-Roman World (Liverpool: Cairns, 1983), p. 15.

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Chapter 2

personal wish to praise the dedicatee (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Oration and Verses to Welcome Piotr Vapowski to Rome’); or some combination of these and similar pretexts. In order to appreciate better the originality of Nagonius, we should recall, albeit very summarily, the tradition of Latin panegyric poetry to which he belongs.

Latin Panegyric Poetry Praise was regarded as a major function of literary composition that might be worked into a variety of genres across cultures and time. From the earliest period epic poetry afforded a particular opportunity for praise. The reputation of the fifth-century poet Choerilus of Samos was such that Lysander cultivated him in the hope of epic immortality and Archelaus, king of Macedon, paid him to move to his court. Alexander the Great similarly paid the epic poet Choerilus of Iasos to celebrate him, and when he came to the tomb of Achilles near Troy famously exclaimed, ‘Lucky young man, to have had your prowess advertised by Homer!’ The Roman poet Quintus Ennius (239–169 BC) blurred the distinction between epic and panegyric with a series of portraits of great Roman generals in the Annales which originally culminated in the triumph of his patron M. Fulvius Noblior;3 for his poetry in celebration of the exploits of Scipio Africanus he was reputedly rewarded with a portrait bust in the Scipio family vault.4 The most obvious epic example is, of course, Virgil’s Aeneid, which contains both passages in praise of Augustus and his immediate circle of family and friends, as well as being more generally interpreted as a sustained panegyric on the new regime.5 Indeed, the anecdote, preserved in the ancient commentators, of Virgil reading his verses on the doomed youth Marcellus (42–23 BC) from the pageant of heroes (Aen., VI. 860–86) before his mother Octavia and her brother Augustus, provides the perfect example of a panegyric performance to which later writers would aspire.6

3

Mario Erasmo, Archaic Latin Verse (Newburyport: Focus, 2001), p. 98. Evidence for this tribute to the poet is found in several texts, e.g., Cic., Arch., ix; Liv., XXXVIII. 56, 4; Ov., Ars am., III. 409–10; Plin., HN., VII. xxx. 114. 5 Craig Kallendorf, In Praise of Aeneas: Virgil and Epideictic Rhetoric in the Early Italian Renaissance (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1989). 6 Aelius Donatus describes how Octavia swooned when Virgil reached line 883: ‘Tu Marcellus eris’: Vita Suetonii vulgo Donatiana, 32, cited in The Virgilian Tradition: The First Fifteen Hundred Years, ed. by Jan M. Ziolkowski and Michael C. J. Putnam (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), p. 184. 4

IAM NOVA PROGENIES CAELO DEMITTITUR ALTO

45

Although there developed a rich tradition of verse panegyric in Latin, very little has survived. It is, therefore, difficult to offer either a comprehensive or precise definition of Latin panegyric poetry. Indeed it is equally difficult to say exactly when formal verse panegyrics as a literary phenomenon distinct from epic made their first appearance. As Michael Dewer has shown, ‘the history of panegyric is inseparable from the history of many other genres, not least epic: and, though there is a continual bleeding of Greek traditions into the Latin West from the third century BC until the very end of classical antiquity, none the less Latin panegyric remained in some ways distinct’. 7 In the history of Latin literature the earliest formal panegyrics were prose funeral orations in honour of the dead, the laudationes funebres.8 Here, praise of the deceased was linked with (often exaggerated) glorification of the ancestors by praising outstanding events in the family’s history. Commemoration of the honorand’s forebears, both near and remote, becomes a dominant theme in all later panegyric, including Nagonius’s works. The earliest known examples of verse panegyrics appear to date from the early principate and are attributable to Virgil’s literary executor Lucius Varius Rufus. Horace speaks of him as a master of epic and the only poet capable of celebrating the achievements of Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa.9 According to the scholiast on Epistles, I. xvi. 27 he also composed a panegyric on Augustus.10 If very little of this poetry has survived, two minor poems helped shape the later panegyric tradition.11 These are the Laus Pisonis12 attributed in the Renaissance to Ovid, but certainly not by him, and the so-called Panegyricus Messallae,13 which for centuries had the advantage of being attached to the

7

Claudian, Panegyricus de Sexto Consultu Honorii Augusti, edited with introduction, translation, and commentary by Michael Dewer (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. xxii. 8 Fridericus Vollmer, Laudationum funebrium Romanorum historia et reliquiarum editio (Leipzig: Teubner, 1891). 9 Carm., I, vi. 10 Edward Courtney, Fragmentary Latin Poets (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 275. 11 To this list, perhaps, there should also be added the fragmentary verses from the Anthologia Latina on Claudius’s conquest of Britain, the so-called laus Caesaris, see Vincenzo Tandoi, ‘Il trionfo di Claudio sulla Britannia e il suo cantore’, Studi italiani di filologia classica, 34 (1962), 83–129; 137–68. I owe this reference to Fabio Barry. 12 Berthold L. Ullman, ‘The Text Tradition and Authorship of the Laus Pisonis’, Classical Philology, 24 (1929), 109–32. 13 Berthold L. Ullman, ‘Tibullus in the Mediaeval Florilegia’, Classical Philology, 23 (1928), 128–74.

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Corpus Tibullianum. The Laus Pisonis is a panegyric in 261 hexameters on a certain Gaius Calpurnius Piso (possibly the Calpurnius Piso who headed the abortive conspiracy against Nero), who is praised for his oratorical ability and for the kindness with which he maintains his house open to poor men of talent. The Panegyricus Messallae celebrates in 212 hexameters the achievements of Marcus Valerius Messalla Corvinus. The poem praises Messalla as both a general and an administrator. It also offers tribute to his intellectual and literary accomplishments. The themes of these two short poems would become standard topoi of later panegyric verse. Both poems also remind us that prominent citizens other than the emperor could receive the exaggerated adulation of aspiring poets. However, it is the works of two native Greek-speakers writing in Latin that had the greatest effect upon the tradition of Latin occasional verse and panegyric: Publius Papinius Statius (c. AD 45–96) and Claudius Claudianus (Claudian), court poet under the Emperor Honorius (Emperor AD 393–423) and official mouthpiece of his minister, Stilicho. Their innovations gave a new and vigorous lease of life to ceremonial Latin literature that lasted well into the Renaissance and beyond. As well as epic (the Thebaid, the unfinished Achilleid, and the now lost De Bello Germanico on Domitian’s campaign and victory in Germany in AD 83),14 Statius also composed occasional verses, for example the Silvae. These are thirtytwo poems, in different metres, divided into five books, each with a dedicatory epistle, of improvised verses on everyday themes. They are dedicated to the Emperor Domitian and a wide array of minor aristocrats and important public servants and freedmen. Although prose seems to have remained the accepted medium for consular panegyric there is one exception: the short hexameter poem (Silv., IV. i), in which Statius congratulates Domitian on the occasion of his seventeenth consulship. Here the god Janus addresses the emperor at length. Statius notes an unusual splendour about everything and even the winter is noticeably warmer. There is a comparison with Augustus and his many consulships, and the poem ends by reminding the new consul of the nations still to be conquered. Many of the topoi used here will be echoed both in the prose gratiarum actiones of Late Antiquity and in the poetry of later panegyrists including Nagonius. Although Statius’s occasional verse would prove extremely popular throughout the Middle Ages and Renaissance, the genre is defined, almost of necessity, by the works of Claudian who is the only major author whose panegyric poetry has survived in any quantity.15 Claudian’s great innovation within the genre was to

14 15

Courtney, Fragmentary Latin Poets, p. 360. Cameron, Claudian, p. 254.

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have extended the range of verse panegyric and established verse as the medium for this type of composition at the expense of prose. All subsequent writers of verse panegyrics, including Nagonius, are indebted to Claudian’s example. Claudian’s own panegyrics, as Allan Cameron has shown, are an amalgamation of a variety of genres composed according to the rules of encomiastic oratory set out by the epideictic rhetors.16 Indeed there were no rigid guidelines for writing panegyric verse until Julius Caesar Scaliger (Giulio Cesare della Scala) formulated ‘rules’ in his Poetices libri septem (published posthumously in 1561).17 While a history of this much-neglected form of oratory is beyond the scope of this work, a brief synopsis of the basic elements of epideictic facilitates comprehension and appreciation of the function of panegyric verse. In the Rhetoric Aristotle had argued that oratory could be divided into three branches: judicial (or forensic), deliberative (or political), and epideictic (or demonstrative). As the name suggests, epideictic was the ‘display’ mode in which the orator could dazzle his audience with a display of verbal pyrotechnics without having to prove a point or win a case, but by discoursing on a general theme.18 Theodore C. Burgess, whose pioneering review of Greek epideictic literature remains fundamental for any study of the genre, comments on the various functions of epideictic: Epideictic oratory varies greatly in the themes which it may treat. According to one conception, it had a comparatively narrow field into which praise and blame entered as a definite and easily distinguishable, usually far the most prominent, element. […] There was also the more comprehensive view by which it came to include the ‘occasional speech’ of almost endless variety in theme and treatment.19

16

‘Claudian has combined quite distinct genres, overstepping the boundaries between rhetoric and philosophy, epic and panegyric’ (Cameron, Claudian, p. 254). 17 Julius Caesar Scaliger, ‘Poetices libri septem’: Faksimile-Neudruck der Ausgabe von Lyon 1561 mit einer Einleitung von August Buck (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 1964), bk III, chap. 109–11 (pp. 159–62). 18 On the derivation of the term epideictic: Theodore C. Burgess, Epideictic Literature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1902; repr. Ann Arbor, 1980), pp. 91–102. For the element of display in panegyric: Harry Caplan, Of Eloquence: Studies in Ancient and Medieval Rhetoric (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970), p. 31. With regard to the influence of epideictic oratory upon Renaissance literature: A. Leigh DeNeef, ‘Epideictic Rhetoric and the Renaissance Lyric’, The Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 3 (1973), 203–31, and Oscar B. Hardison Jr., The Enduring Monument: A Study in the Idea of Praise in Renaissance Literary Theory and Practice (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1962). 19 Burgess, Epideictic Literature, p. 96.

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Epideictic oratory had many features in common with poetry.20 The handbooks of the classical rhetoricians, although designed to facilitate the construction of prose orations, by citing examples from the works of Homer, Pindar, and the Greek tragedians to illustrate a particular point, also furnished poets themselves with aids to composition.21 Although Claudian nominally differentiates his panegyrics on the consulates of Stilicho and Honorius from the epyllia on the Gildonic or the Getican wars, so thoroughly has he accommodated the machinery of epic to panegyric that there is in form very little to distinguish the two genres. Certainly by the fourth century the grammarian Aelius Donatus and the Virgilian commentators Tiberius Claudius Donatus and Servius had all interpreted the Aeneid as an epic in praise of Augustus and, as Craig Kallendorf has shown, ‘the general consensus was that Virgil’s poem was encomiastic’.22 Cameron similarly notes the fusion of epic and panegyric in Claudian’s verse: The subject-matter of the epic was, traditionally, war — res gestae regumque ducumque et tristia bella (Horace, Ars Poetica, 73). Yet when, as often happened, the epic celebrated the campaigns of a living general or Emperor, and was moreover actually recited (as were Claudian’s) in his presence, it was almost inevitable that the epic should have come to take on some of the characteristics of the panegyric.23

Although the rhetorical tradition suffered many vicissitudes, purely secular panegyric verse was written throughout the Middle Ages; however, ecclesiastical rites, and especially the liturgical acclamations for the king, subsumed and transmuted many of the precepts of pagan panegyric.24 As a consequence, biblical and Christian motifs and topoi were added to those of classical antiquity.25 In the sixth century Venantius Fortunatus (^ c. 600) composed panegyric verse in

20

Burgess, Epideictic Literature, p. 184; see also pp. 160–80. Francis Cairns, Generic Composition in Greek and Roman Poetry (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1972; rev. edn, Ann Arbor: Michigan Classical Press, 2008). 22 Craig Kallendorf, The Other Virgil: ‘Pessimistic’ Readings of the ‘Aeneid’ in Early Modern Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 31–32. 23 Cameron, Claudian, p. 260. 24 Ernst H. Kantorowicz, Laudes Regiae: A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Mediaeval Ruler Worship (Berkeley: University of California, 1946; repr. 1958). 25 A separate tradition of religious panegyric of saints evolved, see John O’Malley, Praise and Blame in Renaissance Rome: Rhetoric, Doctrine, and Reform in the Sacred Orators of the Papal Court, c. 1450–1521 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1979), pp. 36–76; for early Christian epic see Roger P. H. Green, Latin Epics of the New Testament: Juvencus, Sedulius, Arator (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). 21

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Merovingian Gaul,26 while his contemporary, the grammarian Corippus, travelled from Carthage to Constantinople composing a series of long panegyrical epics on the Emperor Justin (565–78) and his successors.27 During the late Middle Ages the so-called ‘historical epic’ flourished. These long Latin poems were based upon historical events and written by poets who lived close to the period they were describing.28 In the tenth century an anonymous Italian poet, taking verses from Virgil, Juvenal, and Statius, celebrated the Emperor Berengar (crowned 915) in a Πανηγυρικòν βερενγαρíου τουˆ –νικητουˆ Kαíσαρος in four books as though he were a hero of antiquity.29 In the thirteenth century Gilles of Paris (1200) presented his Carolinus on Charlemagne to Prince Louis of France, while William the Breton composed his long epic the Philippeis (c. 1225) in praise of Philip Augustus.30 Although Petrarch maintained the traditional decorum by selecting an historical subject for his poem Africa, his epic was informed by an epideictic reading of Virgil’s work.31 In the fifteenth century classicizing epics were a natural vehicle for the panegyrical relation of the exploits of rulers who had themselves been brought up on a diet of the Aeneid and other Latin epics. Long hexameter poems such as Tito Vespasiano Strozzi’s Borsiad,32 Gian Pietro Arrivabene’s Gonzagiad, and Giovanni Battista Cantalicio’s Borgiad were imagined in epideictic terms where virtue is praised and vice condemned. According to Oscar B. Hardi-son Jr in his examination of Renaissance epic, whatever else critics believed they almost all ‘agreed that epic is a form of praise’ in which the topical structure of epideictic pervades the epic narrative so that the major episodes illustrate virtues or vices, in the manner of the gesta or πράξεις of epideictic oratory.33 Although Nagonius’s 26

Judith W. George, Venantius Fortunatus: A Latin Poet in Merovingian Gaul (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992). 27 Flavius Cresconius Corippus, In laudem Iustini Augusti minoris, ed. and trans. by Averil Cameron (London: Athlone, 1976). 28 Giuseppe Chiri, La Poesia epico-storica latina dell’Italia medioevale (Modena: Istituto di Filologia Romanza della R. Università di Roma, 1939). The tradition of epic eulogy of living men goes back at least as far as the fifth century BC. Plutarch names the epic poets whom the Spartan general Lysander kept in his entourage to eulogize his deeds. 29 Frederic J. E. Raby, A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages, 2 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1934; repr. 1997), I, 279–83. 30 Raby, History of Secular Latin Poetry, II, 343. 31 Kallendorf, In Praise of Aeneas, pp. 19–57. 32 The complete text has been edited by Walther Ludwig, Die Borsias des Tito Strozzi (Munich: Fink, 1977). 33 Hardison, The Enduring Monument, pp. 71!84.

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epyllia do not exploit the full potential of such a sophisticated system, the identification of the dedicatee with epic heroes clearly aligns the hexameter verses of the opening books of his manuscripts within the contemporary epic-panegyric tradition.

The Renaissance Theory of Panegyric A theory of panegyric, which accords with classical precepts of admiration, inspiration, and imitation, continued into the Renaissance. Towards the end of 1503 Desiderius Erasmus (1466–1536) was engaged by the Public Orator of the University of Louvain, Jean Desmarais, to compose a panegyric to celebrate the return of Archduke Philip of Burgundy to the Low Countries.34 While he was in Antwerp seeing the text through the press, Erasmus wrote a letter to Desmarais in which he defined panegyric and explained its function by stressing the moral and didactic element: Iam vero qui possis scelesto principi tum impunitius tum acerbius exprobrare crudelitatem quam si in eo clementiam praedices; qui rapacitatem, violentiam, libidinem quam si benignitatem, moderationem, castimoniam efferas, ‘Virtutem ut videat, intabescatque relicta?’ (‘Again, how could one reproach a wicked ruler for his cruelty more safely, yet more severely, than by proclaiming his mildness; or for his greed and violence and lust, than by celebrating his generosity, self-control, and chastity, “that he may see fair virtue’s face, and pine with grief that he has left her”’.)35

For Erasmus the role of the panegyrist is to present an image to which the dedicatee should aspire and one which an audience would admire: Principio qui panegyricos nil aliud quam assentationes esse putant, prorsum ignorare videntur quo consilio, cui rei, genus hoc scripti sit a prudentissimis viris repertum; nempe in hoc ut obiecta virtutis imagine improbi principes emendarentur, probi proficerent, rudes instituerentur, admonerentur errantes, extimularentur oscitantes, denique ipsi apud

34

See David Rundle, ‘“Not so much praise as precept”: Erasmus, Panegyric, and the Renaissance Art of Teaching Princes’, in Pedagogy and Power: Rhetorics of Classical Learning, ed. by Yun Lee Too and Niall Livingstone (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 148–69. 35 Erasmus, The Correspondence of Erasmus: Letters 142 to 197,1501 to 1514, trans. by R. A. B. Mynors and D. F. S. Thomson, annotated by W. K. Ferguson, in Collected Works of Erasmus, II (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975), p. 81; hereafter cited as CWE.

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sese pudescerent deplorati. […] Tum autem publicitus interest ut de principe etiam non optimo, tamen plusquam optime sentiant ii quibus imperat. Hiis nimirum panegyricus scribitur, non principi, si sit illaudatus. Neque enim uni prestatur de quo dicitur, sed plurimis apud quos dicitur, quorum auribus permulta tribuas necesse est; […] Denique posteris quoque scribuntur ista, scribuntur orbi; neque ita magni refert huc spectanti cuius nomine boni principis exemplar proponatur in publicum, modo id scite facias, ut cordatis non inescasse, sed monuisse videare. (‘Those who believe that panegyrics are nothing but flattery, seem to be unaware of the purpose and aim of the extremely far-sighted men who invented this kind of composition, which consists in presenting princes with a pattern of goodness, in such a way as to reform bad rulers, improve the good, educate the boorish, reprove the erring, arouse the indolent, and cause even the hopelessly vicious to feel some inward stirrings of shame. […] It is, moreover, in the interest of the commonwealth that the subjects of any prince, even if he be not the best, should nevertheless have an exceedingly high regard for him; indeed, if the ruler should be undeserving of praise, it is for their benefit rather than his that the panegyric is written, for it is not merely offered to him who is its occasion, but also to the multitude in whose hearing it is pronounced. You must therefore adapt it largely to their ears […] Finally this kind of thing is written for posterity and for the world; from this point of view it does not matter much under whose name a pattern of the good prince is publicly set forth, provided it is done cleverly, so that it may appear to men of intelligence that you were not currying favour but uttering a warning.’)36

Erasmus’s Panegyricus was presented on 6 January 1504 and first printed in Antwerp the following month together with the letter to Desmarais. It was reissued by the Froben Press in Basel, in May 1516, together with other didactic texts as a companion piece to the first edition of the Institutio principis Christiani (Education of a Christian Prince). The inclusion of the Panegyricus, a dozen years after the occasion for which it was written, in the same volume as a treatise on royal education, implies that Erasmus considered it to have the same educational value as the Institutio. In the letter to Jean Desmarais Erasmus had already made the comparison between the advice offered by a panegyric and that delivered in a sermon. In the Institutio the religious element is stressed further as Erasmus argues that a prince should always be animated by true Christian piety and warns that the pagan authors present the wrong idea of a good prince and their works should therefore be carefully examined to see if they agree with Christ’s teaching:37

36

Erasmus, Epistolae, pp. 399–400; CWE, II, 81–82. ‘Cave ne quidquid usquam offenderis, id protinus tibi putes imitandum. Sed omnia ad Christi regulam exigito’: Erasmus, Institutio principis Christiani, ed. by O. Herding in Opera omnia Desiderii Erasmi Rotterdami (Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1974), IV. I. 417, p. 179. 37

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Cum audiet solennes panegyricos, ne protinus credat aut faveat suis laudibus, sed si talis nondum est, qualis praedicatur, admoneri se cogitet, detque operam, ut iis laudibus aliquando respondeat. Si talis iam est, adniti debet, ut seipso melior evadat. (‘When he is listening to solemn panegyrics the prince should not immediately believe them or favour his praises, but if he is not yet as he is presented he should take it as a warning and pay attention so that one day he may equal his praises. If he is already such a one he ought to strive to become even better.’)38

Nearly a century later, during her summer progress through the Midland shires in 1572, Queen Elizabeth I showed how thoroughly she understood the educative function of panegyric. At various stages in her journey she was formally welcomed at the city gates with public orations. On 12 August at Warwick the public recorder greeted the Queen with a definition of the type of speech he was offering: The manner and custom to salute Princes with publik Oracions hath bene of long tyme usid, most excellent and gracious Sovereigne Ladie, begonne by the Greeks, confirmed by the Romaynes, and by discourse of tyme contynued even to thies our daies: and because the same were made in publike places and open assemblies of senators and counsaillors, they were callid in Greek and Latyn panegyricæ.39

Following this brief history the recorder goes on to outline the serious purpose of this kind of speech: In thies were sett fourth the commendacions of Kings and Emperors, with the sweet sound whereof, as the ears of evil Prynces were delightid by hearing there undeservid praises, so were good Princes by the plesaunt remembrance of their knowen and true vertues made better, being put in mynde of their office and government.

Elizabeth’s reply is typically astute: Come hither little recorder. It was told me that youe wold be afraid to look upon me, or to speak boldly; but you were not so fraid of me as I was of youe; and I now thank you for putting me in mynd of my duety, and that should be in me. I most hartely thank you all, my good People.40

The belief that an idealized reflection of the real world would act as an incentive to virtue was, of course, open to abuse. As the gap between the real and

38

Erasmus, Institutio principis Christiani, IV. I. 403–06, pp. 178–79. The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth, ed. by John Nichols, 3 vols (London: Society of Antiquaries, 1823), I, 311, cited by James D. Garrison, Dryden and the Tradition of Panegyric (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), p. 11. 40 The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth, I, 315–16. 39

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the ideal widens so the panegyric becomes more fantastic and the poet is accused of insincerity or flattery. Erasmus’s Folly speaks of, optimatum ac sapientum vulgus factitat, qui perverso quodam pudore vel Rhetorem quenpiam palponem vel poetam vaniloquum subornare solent eumque mercede conductum, a quo suas laudes audiant, hoc est, mera mendacia; et tamen verecundus interim ille pavonis in morem pennas tollit, cristas erigit, cum impudens assentator nihili hominem diis aequiparat, cum absolutum omnium virtutum exemplar proponit, […] (‘the general run of gentry and scholars, whose distorted sense of modesty leads them to make a practice of bribing some sycophantic speaker or bubbling poet hired for a fee so that they can listen to him praising their merits, purely fictitious though these are. The bashful listener spreads his tail-feathers like a peacock and carries his head high, while the brazen flatterer rates this worthless individual with the gods and sets him up as the perfect model of all the virtues, […]’) 41

Folly, however, is not criticising panegyric itself but castigating flattery and the vain pretensions that lead to self-aggrandisement. Yet the fine line between panegyric (laus, encomium, praeconium, panegyricus) and flattery (assentatio) is easily overstepped.42 By castigating vice or extolling merit panegyric thus provides an incentive to virtue. This idea has a classical origin: in the Pro Archia Cicero notes the link between eulogy and achievement and stresses the important role of the poet: quod cum ipsis populis, de quorum rebus scribitur, haec ampla sunt, tum iis certe, qui de vita gloriae causa dimicant, hoc maximum et periculorum incitamentum est et laborum. (‘For literary commemoration is a most potent factor in enhancing a country’s prestige. And to those who hazard their lives for the sake of glory, such literature is a vigorous incentive, stimulating them to risk fearful perils and perform noble endeavours.’)43

Although his attitude to epideictic oratory was ambiguous, in his speech Pro lege Manilia, in support of Pompey’s command against Mithridates, Cicero described 41

Erasmus, Moriae Encomium id est stultitiae laus, ed. by Clarence H. Miller in Opera omnia (Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1979), Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 27, 5 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), IV: iii, p. 72; Erasmus, Praise of Folly, trans. by Betty Radice, CWE, II, 27, 86–87. 42 ‘Etiam malos panegyricis menacibus adulantur’ (Lactant., Div. inst., I. 15, 13). Isidore similarly condemned the panegyric style as an invention of the frivolous and lying Greeks. (Etym., VI. 8, 7) cited by Ernst R. Curtius, European Literature in the Latin Middle Ages, trans. by Willard R. Trask (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1953), p. 155. 43 Arch., x; Grant, ‘In Defence of the Poet Aulus Licinius Archias’, p. 160. For the classical commonplace compare Sallust: ‘the memory of what others have accomplished kindles in the breasts of noble men a flame that is not quenched until their own prowess has won similar glory and renown’ (The Jugurthine War, trans. by S. A. Handford (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963), p. 37).

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the actions that Pompey had performed in order to demonstrate his virtues and in so doing had supplied many of the complimentary formulae that later panegyrists would use to great effect.44 Cicero was particularly keen that the poet Lucceius write a panegyric of his consulship and his role in suppressing the Catiline conspiracy. Inspired by the thought that ‘posterity will talk of me’ (commemoratio posteritatis) Cicero urged the poet to put aside the ‘laws of history’ (leges historiae) and such scruples and ‘write about me eulogistically’ (ut ornes me),45 so confirming Ernst Gombrich’s succinct assessment of the function of the panegyric modes of expression: ‘Their purpose is not to impart information […] but rather to celebrate the family and the virtues of the patrons with all the grace and wit at the command of art.’46

The Gift of Immortality Despite Plato’s assertion that poetic utterance was the result ‘not of art but of divine force’,47 he also argued that as a mimetic art it purveyed psychologically dangerous illusions and made people weak (Laws, 817a–d). Consequently he banned poetry from his ideal Republic (Republic, X, 607a). The only exceptions to be allowed were hymns to the gods and poetry inspiring strength and courage such as encomia of good men.48 With an oblique reference to the Platonic tradition Cicero argued that poets inspired by ‘a divine spark within the depths of their souls’49 had the power to bestow immortality on their subject.50 He argues

44

W. S. Maguinness, ‘Some Methods of the Latin Panegyrists’, Hermathena, 47 (1932), 42–61. Cic., Fam., V. 12, 3, trans. by D. R. Shackleton Bailey, Cicero’s Letters to his Friends, 2 vols (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1978), I, 73. 46 Ernst Gombrich, ‘Topos and Topicality in Renaissance Art’, London Society for Renaissance Studies, Occasional Papers (1975), 13; Cameron similarly observes: ‘the panegyrist was applauded and rewarded not, in general, for what he said, but for how he said it’ (Claudian, p. 37). 47 Pl., Ion, 534, trans. by Donald A. Russell, in Ancient Literary Criticism: The Principal Texts in New Translations, ed. by Donald A. Russell and Michael Winterbottom (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), p. 43. 48 Pl., Resp. X. 607a, trans. by Donald A. Russell, in Ancient Literary Criticism, ed. by Russell and Winterbottom, p. 74. 49 ‘poetam natura ipsa valere et mentis viribis excitari et quasi divino quodam spiritu inflari.’ Arch., viii. 50 ‘Ego vero omnia, quae gerebam, iam tum in gerendo spargare me ac disseminare arbitrabar 45

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further that this praise reflects upon the society which supports the poet, and panegyric of individual achievement contributes to the splendour of the state. 51 The claim of the poet to bestow immortality became a literary commonplace throughout the Middle Ages.52 Horace had complained that the heroes who lived before Agamemnon died unpraised: ‘carent quia vate sacro’ (because they lack a sacred bard).53 Lucan makes the link between poetry and immortality similarly explicit: ‘O sacer et magnus vatum labor! omnia fato | Eripis et populis donas mortalibus aevum’ (How mighty, how sacred is the poet’s task! He snatches all things from destruction and gives to mortal men immortality). 54 Petrarch exploited the classical conception of the poet’s divine gift and of the immortality of verse with consummate skill when he was crowned with a laurel wreath in Rome on 8 April 1341. In the coronation oration he claims that the work of poets ‘serves assuredly to preserve from corruption both their own fame and the fame of others’.55 Petrarch’s speech, based upon a rifacimento of the defence of the poet Archias,56 and described by one modern critic as the ‘first manifesto of the Renaissance’,57 revives and reaffirms the exalted role of the poet claimed by Cicero. Indeed the oration was given on the very spot where Petrarch believed that Cicero had spoken to Caesar centuries before. Discoursing upon a verse from Virgil, ‘sed me Parnassi deserta per ardua dulcis | raptat amor’ (G. in orbis terrae memoriam sempiternam. Haec vero sive a meo sensu post mortem afutura est, sive, ut sapientissimi homines putaverunt, ad aliquam mei partem pertinebit, nunc quidem certe cogitatione quadam speque delector.’ Arch., xii. 51 ‘At iis laudibus certe non solum ipse qui laudatur, sed etiam populi Romani nomen ornatur.’ Arch., ix. Gian Battista Egnazio makes a similar point in the funeral oration for Niccolò Orsini when he claims that the erection of a monument to the memory of the condottiere would reflect glory on Venice (see below, Part II, Chapter 5, ‘Tu alter Caesar eris: A Manuscript for Niccolò Orsini, 1507’). 52 Curtius, European Literature, pp. 476–77. 53 Carm., IV. ix. 28. 54 Luc., IX. 980–81, trans. by J. D. Duff (Cambridge: Loeb, 1928; repr. 1997), p. 579. 55 Petrarch’s Coronation Oration, trans. by Ernest Hatch Wilkins in Studies in the Life and Works of Petrarch (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1955), p. 310. For the Latin text, see Petrarch, Opere latine, ed. by Antonietta Bufano, 2 vols (Turin: Unione TipograficoEditrice Torinese, 1975), II, 1265–83; also Carlo Godi, ‘La Collatio laureationis del Petrarca’, Italia medioevale e umanistica, 13 (1970), 13–27. 56 Ernest Hatch Wilkins, ‘The Coronation of Petrarch’, in The Making of the ‘Canzoniere’ and other Petrarchan Studies (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1951), pp. 9–69. 57 Wilkins, Studies, p. 300.

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291–92), Petrarch defines the amor, or divine spark, which fires poetic inspiration. The three causes that he lists are remarkably similar to the aims of epideictic: ‘honour of the republic; charm of personal glory and the stimulation of other men to a like endeavour.’58 As quotations from the classical authors occupy about a quarter of his oration, it is not, therefore, surprising to discover verses from a panegyric by Claudian cited in support of Petrarch’s argument: ‘gaudet enim virtus testes sibi iungere Musas; | carmen amat quisquis carmine digna gerit’ (For valour is always fain to seek alliance with the Muses that they bear witness to her deeds; he loves song whose exploits deserve the meed of song.)59 Petrarch’s coronation as poet laureate and the claims that he made for poetry and scholarship in his laureation oration had a profound effect on the subsequent status of poets and their verse. Universities and civic authorities followed suit so that by the middle of the fifteenth century the practice of laureation was widespread.60 The poets who followed Petrarch now found their social situation immeasurably improved. The rise of the universities and new centres of learning; the growing importance and rivalry of provincial courts; the development of new trade links and international diplomacy encouraged greater freedom and mobility and increased the demand for encomiastic poetry. While there had been a long tradition of peripatetic poets,61 authors themselves began to seek out wealthy patrons willing to pay munificently for literary praise and thus reap eternal remembrance for their generosity and avoid the anonymity of the common man. In addition, authors began to be employed in various capacities, such as tutors, chaplains, clerks, or secretaries, whose duties were often — though not essentially — literary. In response poets now began to reflect upon the men and the institutions that supported them. In giving literary expression to these matters

III.

58

Wilkins, Studies, p. 304. Claud., Cons. Stil., III. Praef. (XXIII), 5–6, trans. by Maurice Platnauer, 2 vols (Cambridge: Loeb, 1922; repr. 1998), II, 39. 60 Trapp, ‘The Poet Laureate’, pp. 93–130. On the revival of the office, Richard Firth Green comments: ‘Although it is doubtful whether laureation led directly to patronage the title no doubt enhanced the poet’s reputation, and patrons may well have felt that the presence of a laureate in their household increased their own prestige’ (Poets and Princepleasers: Literature and the English Court in the Late Middle Ages (Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1980), p. 209). 61 For an account of the travels of earlier poets and scholars see Helen Waddell, The Wandering Scholars (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1954). 59

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they looked back to the relationship between the classical poets, especially Virgil, and their patrons, and reworked the material they found there. By the fifteenth century the idea that poets were the perpetuators of the fame of princes, exploited by Petrarch to such great effect, had become a humanist commonplace and lies at the root of the Renaissance vogue for epic panegyric that is manifested in works such as Tito Livio dei Frulovisi’s Humfroidos, written in honour of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester;62 Basinio Basini’s Hesperis (thirteen books on Sigismondo Malatesta’s two campaigns against Naples in 1448 and 1453);63 Francesco Filelfo’s Sphortias, composed between 1450 and 1473 in honour of Francesco Sforza;64 and Nagonius’s epyllia and beyond.65 These poems all emphasize the fundamental claim of the panegyrist to immortalize the dedicatee and do not claim to present factual accounts of the deeds of the men they celebrate, but rather examples of great deeds to be imitated. But to spread the glory of princes, writers needed financial support. In an age when regular fees and wages were small or non-existent, except in the more menial grades of service, and given that a regular system of patronage did not always exist and that reward was uncertain, sporadic, and irregular, writers often found themselves in a precarious and ambiguous situation.66 On the one hand, poets were striving to improve their material position by insisting that their master’s future renown lay in their hands, yet on the other they were insisting that such renown could not be bought. Instead, the poets appealed to the honorand’s sense of munificence, that liberal use of wealth that was integral to true princely behaviour. In return for ample reward the poets promoted the idea that a literary work conferred immortality and the admiration of future generations. While

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Guido Arbizzoni, DBI, 50, pp. 646–50; Susanne Saygin, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester (1390–1447) and the Italian Humanists (Leiden: Brill, 2002). 63 See Jessie Poesch, ‘Ennius and Basinio of Parma’, JWCI, 25 (1962), 116–18. 64 For the Sphortias see Kallendorf, The Other Virgil, pp. 50–67; also Diana Robin, Filelfo in Milan: Writings 1451–1477 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991). 65 For a short list of some Renaissance epics, see Kristen Lippincott, ‘The Neo-Latin Historical Epics of the North Italian Courts: an Examination of “Courtly Culture” in the Fifteenth Century’, Renaissance Studies, 3 (1989), 417, n. 5. 66 In 1468 Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza of Milan substantially cut Francesco Filelfo’s allowance. When Filelfo complained that he had been paid more in the past Galeazzo replied tartly: ‘We intend that said allowance begin from the present and we want to know nothing of the past.’ Cited in Gregory Lubkin, A Renaissance Court: Milan under Galeazzo Maria Sforza (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), p. 111; also Robin, Filelfo, p. 138.

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most rulers of the period realized the importance of literature to affirm and broadcast their own princely image, those who did not give generous support (for example, Galeazzo Maria Sforza) tended to be depicted by writers in unflattering terms and would be condemned as misers. Burckhardt notes that Sannazzaro threatened Alfonso of Naples with eternal obscurity for his cowardice before Charles VIII, thus reversing the traditional topos.67 ‘All these promises would be of little worth’, observes Karl Holzknecht, ‘if only the humanist believed them, but when we find great princes anxiously corresponding with authors about the immortality of their fame, the matter has real significance’. He continues: It is a matter of much doubt if a real fundamental love of literature was at the bottom of early Renaissance patronage; rather it is apparent that the thirst for posthumous glory was the motive.68

As he wryly concludes, ‘the conferring of immortality became a lucrative profession’.69 The poet’s praise of a patron’s generosity, often little more than a thinly disguised plea for remuneration, carried with it the veiled threat of satire for the parsimonious: for example, it was said of Francesco Filelfo that, ‘he metes out praise or blame according to the gifts he gets’. 70 As the machinery of international diplomacy became increasingly sophisticated the role of the orator similarly increased in importance, with the result that the titles ‘orator’ and ‘ambassador’ in contemporary documents are virtually synonymous.71 The epideictic mode had always maintained an occasional and ceremonial function, and was especially suited to the needs of the new diplomatic etiquette. The ability to represent ‘national’ interests abroad and perform in the ceremonial of court life placed a premium on oratorical skills. By the middle of the 67

Jakob Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, trans. by S. G. C. Middlemore, rev. and ed. by Irene Gordon (New York: American Library, 1960), p. 133. 68 Karl Julius Holzknecht, Literary Patronage in the Middle Ages (Louisville: Collegiate, 1923; repr. 1966), p. 72. 69 Holzknecht, Literary Patronage, p. 170. Green agrees: ‘Doubtless the motives which lay behind the court writer’s attempts to prove himself the guardian of worldly renown were largely materialistic’ (Princepleasers, p. 199). 70 Holzknecht, Literary Patronage, p. 207. 71 Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1965); Michael E. Mallett, ‘Ambassadors and their Audiences in Renaissance Italy’, The Society for Renaissance Studies, 8 (1994), 229–43; Douglas Biow, Doctors, Ambassadors, Secretaries: Humanism and Professors in Renaissance Italy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002).

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fifteenth century the rhetorical side of diplomatic proceedings had devolved upon these specialized ambassadors whom Richard Firth Green describes as ‘professional literary men whose duties were to make formal speeches in honour of the occasion and to trumpet their master’s praises in a fashionably pompous and learned manner’. He cites Hall’s description of Henry VIII’s reception of a French embassy at Greenwich in 1527 as a ‘vivid impression of the theatrical nature of the orator’s role’: When the Kyng and quene were set under their clothes of estate which were rich and goodly, and the ambassadours sat on the righte side of the chambre, then entered a person clothed in cloth of golde, and over that a mantell of blew silke, full of eyes of golde and over his head a cap of gold with a garland of laurell set with beries of fyne gold. This person made a solempne oracio(n), in the Latin tongue, declaryng what Ioye it was to the people of both realmes of England and France.72

As we have observed, panegyric was an important ceremonial genre that presupposed an interaction between the orator or poet, the audience, and laudandus. What then is Johannes Michael Nagonius’s place within this tradition? To answer this question the moment of delivery and the reception of the poet’s own work must be considered.

Nagonius and the Panegyric Tradition Like all occasional poetry, Nagonius’s verse was intended to be delivered almost contemporaneously with the events it describes and celebrates. As the honorand and other members of the audience had participated in those events, the panegyric poet, while permitting himself some embellishments, could neither present a total fabrication nor afford to be too abstruse. Commenting upon Renaissance court entertainment, Sydney Anglo has cogently observed, ‘esoteric and complex ideas were likely to lose the audience’.73 A delicate balance had to be maintained. It is probably fair to assume that over-long recitations of Latin epic poetry, often complicated with deliberately obscure language, erudite references, and elaborate rhetorical devices, would have taxed the patience of those princes who suffered from insufficient knowledge of the language.74 In the case of Nagonius’s work, it

72

Green, Princepleasers, p. 174. Sydney Anglo, Images of Tudor Kingship (London: Seaby, 1992), p. 109. 74 As Ingrid Rowland has pointed out, the wealthy Sienese banker Agostino Chigi probably did not understand completely the Latin panegyrics written in his honour; see ‘Some Panegyrics 73

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was presented both orally and in writing; that is, the poetry was recited in the presence of the honorand and members of his court and a deluxe manuscript of the verse presented as a gift. We should be mindful that in this respect the panegyric poet had only one opportunity to create an effect and lasting impression: like all occasional verse, once delivered the poetry had essentially fulfilled its purpose. Only in exceptional circumstances will the verse have had a post-performance afterlife.75 Unfortunately in Nagonius’s case only a few moments of delivery are documented, such as the formal reception of a royal embassy (see below, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘The Adventus of Piotr Vapowski, 1493’) or papal gift (see below, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘A Renaissance Court in England: A Manuscript for Henry VII, 1496’), and at dynastic marriage celebrations (see below, Part II, Chapter 4, ‘A Manuscript for Filiberto II, Duke of Savoy, 1501’). On these occasions the presentation of the poet’s manuscript, with an accompanying reading of selected passages, formed an integral part of the celebratory ritual and ceremony of the Renaissance court. Such performances bestowed prestige on the prince and, more importantly, left a permanent record of the event in the shape of a deluxe presentation volume intended for the honorand’s personal scrutiny. Here the physical appearance of the manuscript was of the utmost importance. The elaborate decoration of Nagonius’s manuscripts was designed

to Agostino Chigi’, JWCI, 47 (1984), 194!99. Yet for some, as for modern readers, there must have been a certain intellectual gratification in recognizing the classical allusions and acknowledging their relevance. As far as I am aware there is no fifteenth-century example that compares with the behaviour of the Byzantine Emperor Michael VIII, who ‘apparently found a panegyric delivered by George Akropolites so annoying that he simply walked out while the orator was still speaking and went off to dinner’: George T. Dennis, ‘Imperial Panegyric: Rhetoric and Reality’, in Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1204, ed. by Henry Maguire (Dumbarton Oaks: Harvard University Press, 1997), pp. 131!40 (p. 134). However, during his wedding celebrations in Rome in 1510, Francesco Maria della Rovere did, on two occasions, balk at the prospect of long after-dinner recitals of Latin poetry and dramatic performances and leave; see Fabrizio Cruciani, Teatro nel Rinascimento: Roma 1450!1550 (Rome: Bulzoni, 1983), pp. 341!47. 75 In Nagonius’s case it seems that his manuscripts were immediately afterwards consigned (to obscurity?) in the libraries of the dedicatee. It must be remembered, however, that at some courts, such as that of Ercole d’Este, the library was central to court culture, even acting as a lending library for courtiers: see Richard M. Tristano, ‘The Istoria imperiale of Matteo Maria Boiardo and Fifteenth-Century Ferrarese Courtly Culture’, in Phaethon’s Children: The Este Court and its Culture in Early Modern Ferrara, ed. by Dennis Looney and Deanna Shemek (Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Sudies, 2005), pp. 129–68 (p. 134). In only two cases (the oration for Vapowski and the verse for King Vladislav II) were Nagonius’s panegyrics printed, interestingly with the same excuse of saving the work from obscurity.

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both to illustrate the verse and to entice repeated perusal and perhaps rereading. The poet gives a hint as to the nature of the work’s delivery and reception in passages within his own narrative when he describes the various embassies and records their speeches. Indeed it is possible to see the long digressions (such as the description of the Battle of Fornovo or Jerusalem’s complaint) in the later manuscripts as independent and almost detachable ‘performance pieces’. In addition, there are marginal flourishes and the familiar Nota (‘note this’) marker in some manuscripts which highlight passages of particular interest and show that the book was intended for use at least once. Whether these marks indicated passages for the poet to recite or for the honorand to peruse at leisure is, however, a matter of conjecture. Taking into consideration the immediate topical relevance of the references in Nagonius’s manuscripts, it is not therefore surprising that very little of the poet’s verse was published for a wider circulation. Its diffusion in print would have had little significance outside the context in which his manuscripts had been originally presented. The length of time allotted for these formal presentations is not known.76 In the manuscript Nagonius presented to King Henry VII of England the poetry of the opening book consists of thirty-seven folios each containing eighteen lines of hexameter verse. If the manuscript corresponds to the recitation from memory (as was the rule) the oration must have lasted a couple of hours. 77

76 ‘Modern rhetoric might well profit by adopting a Renaissance custom regarding an oration’s length. In a eulogy for Julius II, Tommaso Inghirami told his audience that he had only one half-hour for his oration and claimed that he could see a water-clock (clepsydra) that measured out his time. Vigilant masters of ceremony at the papal court occasionally acted to enforce time limits. Johann Burchard admitted that he had conspicuously signalled an overly loquacious orator to halt his oration. The chastened preacher cut off his speech and slunk from the pulpit. Other orators never had a chance to exceed their limits. Paris de Grassis recalled that a Dominican named Martino Berna had been physically dragged from the pulpit when his fellow friars learned of his apparently apostate tendencies’ (John M. McManamon, Funeral Oratory and the Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989), p. 28). 77 ‘Giannantonio Campano claimed that his three-hour introductory lecture for a course at the University of Perugia had mesmerized his listeners. Bernardo Giustiniani went on for four full hours in praise of Doge Francesco Foscari. Even these feats pale before the ability of Giannozzo Manetti, whose oration to Alfonso I of Naples was so eloquent that the king sat through it without bothering to chase away a fly that had landed on his nose’ (McManamon, Funeral Oratory, pp. 133–34).

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The language of international communication and diplomacy, of scholarship and the educated elite in late fifteenth-century Europe was Latin.78 Latin was the language of the Church and the official language of all curial business. This assured a receptive audience across Europe for the Latin works of every kind produced by the humanists employed at the Curia in Rome. In a general survey of the education of the European heads of state at the end of the fifteenth century, which includes many of the dedicatees of Nagonius’s manuscripts, Jocelyne Russell has shown that the level of literacy in Latin was high.79 Although he joked with Willibald Pirckheimer about his ‘soldier’s Latin’, the Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian was competent enough to contemplate dictating the events of his reign in Latin to a secretary.80 Similarly, the Duke of Ferrara, Ercole d’Este, felt sufficiently confident in his understanding of Latin to criticize the humanist Baptista Guarino for his Italian translation of a play by Plautus.81 Bishop John Fisher claimed in his funeral oration for King Henry VII of England that the King’s speech was ‘gracious in diverse languages’;82 while Raffaele Maffei observed that Pope Julius II appreciated well-written Latin poetry.83 Julius certainly knew enough Virgil to quote an appropriate passage from the Aeneid when he despaired of the difficult road over the mountains en route to Bologna in 1506.84 King Louis XII of France knew and spoke Latin85 and used a tag from Virgil ‘ultus avos Troiae’ (avenging his Trojan ancestors) as his war cry in the Italian campaigns.86

78 ‘For most educated men in Renaissance Italy, Latin was a natural means of expression; […] they read it and wrote it as easily as they read and wrote their native tongue’ (John Sparrow, ‘Latin Verse of the High Renaissance’, in Italian Renaissance Studies, ed. by E. F. Jacob (London: Faber, 1960), pp. 354–409 (p. 358)). 79 Jocelyne G. Russell, Diplomats at Work: Three Renaissance Studies (Stroud: Sutton, 1992), pp. 1–50. 80 Russell, Diplomats at Work, p. 7; Larry Silver, Marketing Maximilian Habsburg: The Visual Ideology of a Holy Roman Emperor (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008), p. 1. 81 Thomas Tuohy, Herculean Ferrara: Ercole D’Este, 1471–1505, and the Invention of a Ducal Capital (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 260. 82 Russell, Diplomats at Work, p. 9. 83 John F. D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), p. 11. 84 ‘per varios casus, per tot discrimina rerum, | tendimus in Latium’ (Aen., I. 204–05); Charles L. Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998), p. 236. 85 Frederic J. Baumgartner, Louis XII (Stroud: Sutton, 1994), p. 6. 86 Aen., VI. 840; cited in Amnon Linder, ‘Ex mala parentela bona sequi seu oriri non potest: The

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The intended audience for Nagonius’s recitations, however, must have been small. It would have been limited primarily to the honorand himself, a privileged inner circle of family members, chosen court officials, and visiting dignitaries: an exclusive, highly educated, and sophisticated group among whom the classical references would be familiar and the allusions recognized and applauded, thus enriching the honorand’s princely existence. As the poet travelled from court to court, inevitably this elite audience was not a coherent one, and not everybody could be expected to comprehend all the intricacies of the poet’s erudite references. Yet the fact that this type of poetry not only flourished, but was also produced in vast quantities and, furthermore, was handsomely rewarded, suggests that there were many who did appreciate the finely formed classical phrases and verses. It is probably safe to assume that Nagonius’s work reflects fairly accurately the ‘tolerance’ level of the best-read elements of a late fifteenth-century courtly audience. Complete understanding and appreciation of the details of the illuminated frontispieces, which decorate the poet’s deluxe presentation volumes, likewise presupposes an exceptionally high level of education and sophistication.87 In the prefatory matter to several of his manuscripts Nagonius refers to his poetry as a Pronostichon (see, for example, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘A Renaissance Court in England: A Manuscript for Henry VII, 1496’). This title appears to align his work with the annual predictions of court astrologers. However, the prophetic element in his verse is entirely dominated by classical motifs and the astrological element — so necessary in contemporary prophesy — is subsumed by classical precedent. The epyllion of the opening book opens amid strange celestial activity which is seen to prefigure portentous events. The poet, in his role as vates or prophetic seer, interprets the heavenly signs and predicts that, like Julius Caesar, the dedicatee will be transformed into a star. The scene then moves to the heavens and Nagonius imagines the honorand’s reception in the firmament as the planets shift to accommodate the new star. The description of King Vladislav II of Bohemia and Hungary is characteristic: Iunctus erit dextro lateri Mavortius heros et levo astabit prefulgens Romulus astris desuper a sacro dependens vertice lambet Iuppiter, et crines rutila flammaque flagrantes

Troyan Ancestry of the Kings of France and the Opus Davidicum of Johannes Angelus de Legonissa’, Bibliothèque d’humanisme et renaissance, 40 (1978), 497–512 (p. 501). 87 For further discussion, see below, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘Decoration and Illumination’.

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spargere visus erit, circumque innoxia dulce lumina, divino tua fundere tempora culto. (NKP, MS VIII.H.76. (1659), ll. 153–58) (The martial hero will be joined to his right side and Romulus gleaming on the left will stand by in his constellation and Jupiter hanging down from the sacred roof will encircle him, and he will seem to scatter fiery locks and red flames, and harmless lights will seem to pour forth sweetly around his temples with divine splendour.)

This apotheosis obviously recalls the deification of Julius Caesar after his assassination and Ovid’s description of Caesar’s translation into a fiery comet at the end of the Metamorphoses. Virgil and Horace both predicted that Augustus would similarly be received into the heavens.88 The rearrangement of the planets to make way for the new star of the emperor became a familiar trope in subsequent epic literature. At the opening of Lucan’s De bello civili Nero is requested to sit in the Zodiac and thereby maintain the equipoise of heaven. Statius likewise imagines the stars crowding together to make room for Domitian.89 In all these texts the installation of the emperor as a god in the heavens is a sign of Roman supremacy in a world that was harmonious and content because the cosmos revolved around him at its centre.90 It was an idea that had obvious appeal for a poet like Nagonius, the theme of whose work was the celebration of his dedicatee as the direct heir of the Roman imperium. In Nagonius’s poetry this vision of the honorand’s location in the heavens and reception among the stars not only demonstrates the legitimacy and universality of his rule but, more importantly, sanctions his claim to divine appointment and makes him the ideal candidate to lead a crusade. The idea that the dedicatee is fulfilling his prophetic destiny is based primarily on Virgil’s so-called ‘Messianic’ fourth Eclogue in which the poet hails the birth of a son for whom a glorious future is foreseen. The myth of the ‘Golden Age Restor’d’ became, as both Harry Levin and Ernst Gombrich have shown,91 a 88

Aen., I. 286; Hor., Carm., I. ii; III. iii; III. v. In the opening of the Georgics Virgil imagines the signs of the zodiac shifting to accommodate the arrival of the E mperor Augustus as the constellation Libra (G. I. 34–35). 89 Theb., I. 24–31. Nagonius outdoes Statius’s tempus erit (Theb., I. 32) by suggesting that the time which Statius foretold has now arrived, and that his dedicatee has therefore surpassed the achievements of Domitian. The compliment relies on a knowledge of Statius’s panegyrical account of Domitian’s achievements at the beginning of the Thebaid. 90 Cf. Ecl., IX. 47–49, where Caesar’s star is hailed as a bringer of fruitfulness. 91 Harry Levin, The Myth of the Golden Age in the Renaissance (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1969); Ernst Gombrich, ‘Renaissance and Golden Age’, JWCI, 24 (1961), 306–09.

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potent metaphor in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century court culture:‘If we trusted the panegyrics of the courtly poets, we should have little doubt that the golden age had been reborn in the Renaissance.’92 Virgil’s transformation of the pastoral motif into an official eulogy for the achievements of the age of Augustus enabled later poets, exploiting what Gombrich termed ‘the Vergilian formula’,93 to laud contemporary rulers.94 Nagonius is no exception. The age of felicity, at last being attained under the present honorand’s dominion, is a recurrent theme as the poet reworks the ‘Vergilian formula’ to provide a prophetic framework for the epic narrative of the opening books and predict a glorious future for the dedicatee. As in Virgil, this new age will witness acts of heroism. The launch of another Argo and a second Trojan War are transformed by Nagonius into a passionate call for a higher order of war — a crusade in which his new imperial saviour will vanquish the Turk. By combining a series of epic motifs into a simple narrative Nagonius constructed a laudatory epyllion which, with a little metrical juggling, could accommodate any dedicatee. This is helped by the fact that the names of many of Nagonius’s dedicatees are metrically interchangeable. Most of their names have three syllables or scan in the same way, for example: Henricus, Guilelmus; Wladislaus, Nicolaus. The metrical difficulties of other names, for example Maximilianus, Loredanus, are overcome by the substitution either of blanket terms such as Princeps or by the readily exchangeable titles Rex/Dux.95 The

92

Levin, Myth of the Golden Age, p. 112. ‘In Vergil, the Golden Age is the age of a particular ruler. It is the divine child of the Fourth Eclogue who will bring the Empire of peace and magic prosperity, and it is Augustus who, in the Sixth book of the Aeneid, is prophesied to do the same: Hic vir, hic est, tibi quem promitti saepius audis, Augustus Caesar Divi genus, aurea condet Saecula …’ (Gombrich, ‘Renaissance and Golden Age’, p. 306) 94 Petrarch hailed the tribunate of Rienzi as a restoration of the Golden Age; the rule of Lorenzo de’ Medici was called by his contemporaries ‘golden’. It is a tag which has persisted to the present day, see Gombrich, ‘Renaissance and Golden Age’, p. 306. 95 The term navalia, used repeatedly throughout the manuscript for Doge Leonardo Loredan as an epithet to describe Venice’s maritime achievements, is replaced by the word Germania in the manuscript for Niccolò Orsini who, as captain-general of the Venetian armies, waged war against the troops of the Empire. Other metrical exigencies are met by altering the verb from a simple to a compound form and vice versa. 93

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narrative structure of this epyllion is simple. Epic set pieces are strung together to form a basic narrative that is repeated with little variation for each dedicatee. 96 Alarmed at the portentous signs in the heavens,97 Venus arrives on Olympus,98 seeking an explanation, ‘Is it now time for Rome to complete the promised destiny that was only partially fulfilled under the empire of the Caesars?’ she inquires.99 Jove unrolls the book of Fate100 and informs her that this destiny will be fulfilled under the auspices of whichever dedicatee Nagonius is required to celebrate. Mars is sent101 to Rome to announce that a new Caesar has been foretold and to compel the Romans to send a delegation to the Sibyl of Cumae102 to learn the identification of the new hero. A certain Ursus103 is chosen to lead the delegation. In a trip to the Underworld the Sibyl reveals the identity of the promised hero and repeats Jove’s prophecy.104 Thus the dedicatee in his epic role is first seen on the plains of Elysium surrounded by Roman heroes and other worthies. Here it is Ercole d’Este, duke of Ferrara: Hunc ne vides alium Latiis qui nititur hastis murice Sydonio gemmis et iaspide fulvus utque natat pulcher radianti totus in auro Herculeus Dux ille ducum cognomina ponet sumet et imperium victrici Marte Latinum cui pulchri applaudunt nati pulchraeque maritae. Huc oculos converte tuos, hic Iulius alter

96

In the analysis that follows we have indicated the major classical sources in the footnotes. Luc., I. 45 ff. 98 Aen., I. 223 ff. 99 Aen., I. 234–38; Sil., III. 557 ff. 100 Aen., I. 256 ff. 101 Sil., IV. 430 ff.; Ov., Fast., V. 549 ff. 102 Aen., VI. 1 ff; Luc., V. 165 ff. 103 Ursus is occasionally identified with contemporary figures, usually from the Orsini family. In the manuscript for Maximilian Ursus is Virginio Orsini. In the manuscript for Leonardo Loredan Ursus is Niccolò Orsini; in the manuscript for Pope Julius II Ursus is identified with the Pope’s son-in-law Giordano Orsini. Nagonius’s opening description of Ursus has lines taken from Silius Italicus’s description of the appearance of the Gaul Crixus (Sil., IV. 154–55); a later description of Ursus at the head of a cavalcade of Roman knights is based on Statius’s description of Parthenopaeus (Theb., IV. 265 ff.); Ursus also wears the armour of Gaius Flaminius (Sil., V. 132 ff.). 104 Aen., VI, passim. Nagonius’s groups of Elysian figures correspond to those who enter Hades by the first and seventh gates in Sil., XIII. 531 ff. 97

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qui caput attollet caelo, divusque feretur. Turba ministrantum qualis subsedit et ante ora ducis comitum fulvo praesignis et ense. Quanta in hoc pietas et quanta in praeside lucet Hercule relligio, quot templa instaurat et auget, quot delubra facit, locat et sacraria quanta. Vestales quantas cumulabit in urbe puellas pauperiem nudam et quantam proprio aere levabit. (BEM, MS Est. lat. 234 (α.M.5.2), fol. 43v) (Do you not see that other man who is leaning upon Roman spears, resplendent in Sidonian purple and jewels and jasper, as if the handsome man is swimming from head to foot in shining gold; that renowned man is Duke Ercole, he will put aside the titles of the dukes and assume the Roman command in victorious war. His handsome sons and beautiful married daughters applaud him.105 Look over here, this man will be a second Julius Caesar whose head touches the heavens and be considered a god. What a crowd of attendants wait on the Duke’s bidding, resplendent with his golden sword. How much piety and religion flourishes under Ercole’s protection. How many churches is he restoring and enlarging, how many shrines is he making and how many sanctuaries is he establishing. How many nuns will he house in the city and how much naked poverty will he alleviate at his own expense.)

All Nagonius’s dedicatees are introduced in a similar way. By alluding to earlier epic works Nagonius created an instantly recognisable background that gave weight to the situations he describes. Here echoes from Virgil (Aen., VI. 756 ff.) are used to launch a celebration of Ercole d’Este. Nagonius deftly combines the classical allusions with references to contemporary events in Ferrara. The building and restoration of churches and shrines not only celebrates Ercole’s piety, but also implicit in the context of the passage is a comparison with Augustus’s rebuilding of ancient Rome. Ercole was famous for his building projects and was responsible for the foundation of many new churches and convents in Ferrara.106 In his later years the Duke took a keen interest in the mystical aspect of Christianity.107 He negotiated the transfer of a live saint, a young Dominican Suor Lucia da Narni, and fifteen other nuns, from Viterbo to Ferrara in 1497. A convent was built

105

Ercole’s sons were: Alfonso (1476–1534); Ferrante (1477–1540); Giulio (1478–1561); Ippolito (1479–1520); and Sigismondo (1480–1524). His daughters (maritae, ‘married women’) were Isabella (1474–1539), wife of Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua; Beatrice (1475–97), wife of Ludovico Sforza, duke of Milan; Lucrezia (^ c. 1516), wife of Annibale Bentivoglio. 106 On Ercole’s patronage see Tuohy, Herculean Ferrara. 107 Tuohy, Herculean Ferrara, pp. 164–85.

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specially for them and ready for occupation in 1502.108 These nuns are the Vestales puellae to whom the poet refers. The narrative continues as Ursus is then sent from Rome to announce the good fortune to whichever dedicatee the Sibyl has evoked. Rumour, however, has already spread abroad the good tidings.109 A Roman delegation travels to the court of whoever has been named to confirm the news and, before leaving, tours the city and marvels at the ancient sites.110 On their arrival at the appointed destination (London, Buda, Venice, etc.), the ambassadors are stunned by the brilliance of the court and are lavishly entertained.111 The palace in which the dedicatee resides is similarly constructed from an amalgam of classical references. Here is Nagonius’s description of the royal palace at Buda: (Parva loquor) fulvo ex auro quae splendida prendes culmina, gemmati superant laquearia regni. Quanta illic speties, variataque frigora rerum. (NKP, MS VIII.H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 163–65) (I speak of small things: you will admire the roofs glittering with yellow gold and the ceilings of the jewelled palace which are without parallel. What an impression was there, and such a variety of cold marbles.)

The new palace begun by Matthias Corvinus and continued by Vladislav II was renowned throughout Europe for the splendour of its marble decoration: He has erected palaces, whose magnificence does not differ from those of the Romans. Huge dining rooms and splendid living rooms follow one another. Their gilt ceilings are distinguished by different signs.112

108

Tuohy, Herculean Ferrara, p. 176. Aen., IV. 173 ff. 110 Compare Aeneas’s tour of the site of future Rome (Aen., VIII. 280–369) with Hasdrubal and the Carthaginian envoys’ tour of Rome after the battle of Zama (Petrarch, Africa, VIII. 856–1004). The description of the reliefs on the doors of the Temple of Hercules is based upon Sil., III. 32 ff. 111 For the feast, compare Dido’s entertainment of Aeneas on the site of the future Carthage and the hospitality afforded Hannibal and his army by the Capuans (Sil., XI. 270 ff.). Although Nagonius does not borrow directly from Petrarch, the scenario of the reception of the Roman ambassadors closely follows Gaius Laelius’s reception at the court of Syphax; see Petrarch, Africa, III. 112 Antonio Bonfini, cited by L. Gerevich, The Art of Buda and Pest in the Middle Ages (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1971), p. 104. 109

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Nagonius’s ekphrasis of rich coffered ceilings and lavish marble interiors would, therefore, seem to offer an accurate, albeit somewhat hyperbolic, account of the palace at Buda: Est ebur auratum, solitoque adhamante recisa marmora, cum pictis forma certantia Chiis. Hunc Parii lapides, et Hymetia signa renident Iliacis venis, hinc Pergamos alta supellex enitet, hinc viridi radiantia saxa Syenes Doride, porticibus magnis quid deinde lacunar enumeram? (NKP, MS VIII.H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 166–72) (There was gilt ivory, and marble cut into by the hard diamond in forms rivalling variegated Chian. Marble from Paros and Hymettian statues shone in Ilian veins, in another place grand furnishings from Pergamon glisten, while in another Syenite stones from the green sea gleam, how then shall I describe the ceiling in the great galleries?)

However, Nagonius has combined elements from Virgil’s description of the palace in which King Latinus receives the Trojans (Aen, VII. 170 ff.) with echoes from a number of Statius’s Silvae to create a composite image of a magnificent palace. He refers to Statius’s description of the ‘Ilian citadel of Tiber’ (from the Epithalamium in honour of Stella and Violentilla) (Silv., I. ii); the villa of Manilius Vopiscus at Tibur (Silv., I. iii); the Baths of Claudius Etruscus (Silv., I. v); the villa of Pollius Felix at Surrentum (Silv., II. ii); and more specifically the emperor Domitian’s new palace on the Palatine hill (Silv., IV. ii): Tectum augustum, ingens, non centum insigne columnis sed quantae superos caelumque Atlante remisso sustentare queant. […] aemulus illic mons Libys Iliacusque nitens et multa Syene et Chios et glaucae certantia Doridi saxa, Lunaque portandis tantum suffecta columnis. longa supra species: fessis vix culmina prendas visibus auratique putes laquearia caeli. (‘An edifice august, vast, magnificent not with an hundred columns but with as many as would support heaven and the gods, were Atlas eased of his burden. […] Libyan mountains and gleaming Ilian stone are rivals there, and much Syenite and Chian and the marble that vies with the grey-green sea, and Luna also, chosen but to bear the pillars’

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weight. Far upward travels the view; scarce does the tired vision reach the summit, and you would deem it the golden ceiling of the sky.’)113

Like Domitian’s dining room Nagonius’s palace is constructed from wonderful and rare marbles to create a locus amoenus in which the honorand can fittingly reside. The description of the palace interior is similarly extravagant and derived ultimately from Lucan’s description of the palace of the Ptolemies (Luc., X. 110–26). Nagonius’s description of the dedicatee, ‘resplendent with the spoils of the Red Sea’ (i.e. pearls), is taken from Lucan’s description of Cleopatra (Luc., X. 139–40). Nor are the lines unique to the manuscript offered to Vladislav. Comparison of the description of the palace at Buda with the description of other prestigious residences in Nagonius’s œuvre reveals that these lines were also used to describe Henry VII’s palace at Westminster, the Doge’s palace in Venice, and the Vatican apartments — to name but a few. 114 Originally, however, it seems that the description was intended to celebrate the Palazzo di San Marco (nowadays Palazzo Venezia, see below, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘Sic ego sum Caesar Maximilianus orbis herus: A Manuscript for Maximilian, 1494’). Before accusations of insincerity be levelled at the poet it must be remembered that the primary task of the panegyrist was to praise the palace and its occupant ‘with all the grace and wit at the command of art’ rather than to record exact technical and topographical detail. Examples of these kinds can be multiplied. Ursus then reveals the Sibyl’s prophecy and the appearance of Mars with a gift of armour115 adds divine confirmation. The dedicatee is then encouraged to fulfil the destiny of universal empire left incomplete by the Romans. In the later manuscripts the city of Jerusalem personified appears as a dishevelled figure who encourages the dedicatee to embark upon a crusade to liberate the Holy Land. Success is naturally predicted. The poem closes in imitation of the envoi to the Georgics (IV. 560–62) where Virgil equates Augustus’s Eastern campaigns and the spreading of the rule of law with the emperor’s eventual apotheosis. Thus Nagonius’s honorand is presented as the Christian fulfilment of the ancient prophecy of Rome’s imperial mission.

113

Stat., Silv., IV. ii. 18–20; 26–31, trans. by J. H. Mozley (Cambridge: Loeb, 1928; repr. 1961), pp. 212–13. 114 Nagonius also includes a description of the dedicatee’s palace as an elegy: de magnitudine pallatii pontificalis (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 206v). This poem was similarly offered to a number of other dedicatees, for example, Leonardo Loredan (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 132r). 115 Aen., VIII. 608 ff.

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The remaining books of Nagonius’s manuscripts are divided into an assortment of occasional verse forms: lyrics (long carmina in a variety of meters: Sapphic stanzas, hendecasyllables,116 and elegiac couplets) and epigrams. Lyric poetry, like epic, is informed by the categories of epideictic oratory with a similar intention of arousing admiration and emulation.117 In the classical tradition, Pindar’s elaborate celebratory verses, written for specific occasions, had illustrated how lyric poetry could also be adapted for the purposes of high ceremonial. The subject matter of Nagonius’s lyric verse is generic and usually involves a comparison of the dedicatee with a classical hero. The following lines in honour of Henry VII are standard and reproduced for other dedicatees: Scipio qualis Lybicis in oris, Hannibal postquam dare terga iussus, victor in bello fuit et verenda fronte decorus, Perse devicto Aemilius superbo, qualis incessit Latios per agros, qualis et quantus fugiente Pyrrho Fabriciusque, qualis ad Cannas iuvenisque Poenus, post feram stragem Phrygii cruoris, qualis in magno Trebiae tumultu consule victo, qualis et Cymbris Marius fugatis, qualis et Caesar fugiente Magno, victor intravit vacuae verenda moenia Romae, omnibus talem licet intueri septimum Henricum, O nimium beata terra, cui fas est propius videre ora benigna. (MLY, MS XVI.N.2., fol. 46r–v)

116

Hendecasyllabic verse also called Phalaecian verse named from the Greek poet Phalaecus. DeNeef, ‘Epideictic Rhetoric’, pp. 203–31; see also Hardison, The Enduring Monument, pp. 95–102. 117

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(Like Scipio, after he had put Hannibal to flight on the Libyan shores, was victorious in war and handsome with a brow demanding reverence;118 like Aemilius, when proud Perseus had been conquered, and he marched though the Roman fields;119 and as great as Fabricius when Pyrrhus had been routed;120 and like the young Carthaginian at Cannae after the wild slaughter of Roman blood or when he stood in the great confusion of Trebbia when the consul was defeated;121 like Marius when the Cimbri fled;122 like victorious Caesar, as Pompey ran away,123 when he entered the hallowed walls of empty Rome, so Henry VII should be esteemed such a man as all these. O happy land that is blessed to look directly upon his kindly face.)

Comparison with past heroes is used both to inspire the honorand and ensure him the everlasting fame of a hero by association. By comparing the honorand’s deeds and achievements with historical examples the panegyrist was provided with a wealth of material for the rhetorical amplificatio (σύγκρισις), fundamental to epideictic. Often the panegyrist was able to pay a double compliment to the dedicatees by encouraging them to imitate the illustrious example of their own ancestors or predecessors. Since Aeneas had witnessed the pageant of his future descendants on the plains of Elysium, the description of noble ancestry had become a stock feature of epic. Renaissance poets were equally keen to celebrate the noble line of their dedicatee. For example, in the Borsiad Tito Vespasiano Strozzi traced the ancestral origins of the D’Este family to connect them with King Arthur and his knights, thereby providing a royal pedigree for the ducal line. Nagonius’s panegyric similarly exploits this trope, particularly in the manuscripts dedicated to those new dynasties whose claim to authority could be challenged (see below, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘A Renaissance Court in England: A Manuscript

118

Publius Cornelius Scipio (236/5–c. 183 BC) defeated Hannibal (247–182 BC) at the battle of Zama (202 BC) in North Africa. 119 Lucius Aemilius Paullus (^ 160 BC) brought the Third Macedonian War to a successful conclusion by his victory over King Perseus at the battle of Pydna (168 BC). 120 Gaius Fabricius Luscinus fought against Pyrrhus I (319/8–272 BC), King of Epirus. 121 Hannibal overwhelmed and defeated the Roman army under the consul Tiberius Sempronius Longus at the battle of Trebbia (218 BC). At Cannae (216 BC) the consul Aemilius Paullus and c. 50,000 Roman soldiers were killed. 122 Gaius Marius (155–86 BC) defeated the Teutones and the Cimbri, who were invading Italy, in two decisive battles, in 102 BC at Aquae Sextiae (Aix) and in 101 BC at Vercellae (Vercelli). 123 At the beginning of the Civil War Pompey was outmanoeuvred and driven from Italy when Caesar crossed the Rubicon in 49 BC and advanced rapidly on Rome.

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for Henry VII, 1496’; Chapter 4, ‘‘Accipe fatalem clypeum’: A Manuscript for Louis XII, 1499’). The lyrics, like the narrative of the epyllion, can accommodate any dedicatee. Stanzas can be rearranged or omitted; verses can be altered; half-lines added or deleted according to need. Indeed the Sapphic stanzas of two quite distinct poems (incipit ‘Vos precor […]’ and ‘O Phoroneis […]’) run together without any difficulty to form one long poem in the manuscript given to Vladislav II (though, in fairness, this may be a scribal error). Occasionally there is a poem for a specific dedicatee but these are rare. Even the seemingly spontaneous epithalamium ‘edito subito calore’ (composed in the heat of the moment) is adapted to suit a number of happy occasions (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘An Epithalamium for Guglielmo II, Marquis of Monferrat and Anne D’Alençon’). Similarly the epigrams (usually between forty and sixty), which fill the final books of the manuscripts, are written on such general themes and couched in such general terms that many of them are repeated throughout Nagonius’s œuvre without any alteration. The following chapters, which reconstruct Nagonius’s career through the occasion of the delivery and presentation of his manuscripts, will highlight further this process of adaptation and innovation.

Chapter 3

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T

he first notice we have of Nagonius is in 1493 as an orator offering a speech of welcome to an embassy from Poland. He quickly progressed to the international stage, travelling across the continent to present deluxe manuscripts of his verse at some of the most splendid courts in Europe. By the late fifteenth century the exchange of ambassadors had long been a regular feature of political life. Issues of war and peace, and dynastic marriages in particular, required embassies to be despatched with great ceremony and received with lavish entertainment and the exchange of gifts. This is the world in which the poet now moved. The text of Nagonius’s panegyric suggests that the poet was connected with the diplomatic activity of the Borgia court. Certainly, the high cost of producing Nagonius’s deluxe presentation manuscripts of the 1490s suggests that the initial outlay for these expensive volumes was met by someone with greater resources than the poet himself, especially as the prospect of reward was often arbitrary and subject to the whim of the dedicatee (see below, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘A Strategy for Recognition’). The evidence seems to indicate that Nagonius was sponsored by the Borgia papacy.

The ‘Adventus’ of Piotr Vapowski, 1493 In the National Library in Poznan´ there is a slim quarto volume containing an oration and elegy by Nagonius which was printed at Kraków by Hieronymus Vietor in 1537 (see below, Part III, Catalogue, ‘Poznan´, Biblioteka Narodowa, E.XXIII.39’).1 This handsome little book is the first example of Nagonius’s work

1

I am grateful to Jerzy Miziolek for obtaining a microfilm of the Poznan´ volume for me. On

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to appear in print and it probably contains his earliest known work (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Oration and Verses to Welcome Piotr Vapowski to Rome’ B–C).2 The oration is dedicated to Piotr Vapowski of Radochonice,3 deacon of the archbishopric of Kraków, who was sent to Rome by his archbishop, Fryderyk Jagiellon, to represent him on the occasion of Jagiellon’s election to the College of Cardinals by Pope Alexander VI on 20 September 1493.4 The oration can, therefore, be dated with some accuracy. However, as there is little information about Vapowski’s visit it is difficult to provide a context for Nagonius’s oration.5 In the chronicle history of Poland written by Piotr Vapowski’s nephew, Bernard, it is suggested that this Polish embassy to Rome lasted barely one month as the winter was approaching and the return journey would be difficult.6 Presentation of the speech either as a recitation or simply by the gift of the book would have formed part of the elaborate reception festivities welcoming Vapowski to the papal court. Nagonius compliments the Cardinal by speaking of the ‘sedem Pontificiam tuo regio Cardinali Cracoviensi nuper decoratam’ (this Pontificial palace recently honoured by your royal Cardinal from Kraków) which, together with further references to the College of Cardinals, suggests that the oration was Vietor, see A. Świerk, ‘Hieronymus Vietor (Wietor): Ein Pionier des polnischen Buchdrucks im 16. Jahrhundert’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 51 (1976), 194–99, and references therein. 2 None of Nagonius’s works was published during his lifetime. The Poznan´ volume does not only contain Nagonius’s oration and elegy: these are preceded by a short epitaph for Piotr Vapowski (unkown author, the same as the inscription on his tomb in the Basilica of Saint Stanislav in Kraków recorded by Szymon Starowolski, Monumenta Sarmatarum, viam universae carnis ingressorum (Kraków, 1655), p. 33), and a dedicatory epistle by Matthias Franconius addressed to Vapowski’s nephew, who is also, somewhat confusingly, named Piotr (the inscription upon this nephew’s tomb in Dynow is also recorded by Starowolski, p. 432). 3 For further biographical information, see Ciampi, Bibliografia critica, III, 122–23. 4 Fryderyk Jagiellon´czyk (27 April 1468–14 March 1503), the sixth son of King Kazimierz IV of Poland (1447–92), was created Cardinal Deacon by Alexander VI on 20 September 1493 at the request of his two elder brothers, Vladislav II, king of Bohemia and Hungary, and Jan Olbracht I, king of Poland. He received the deaconry of Santa Lucia in Septemsoliis: see Hierarchia catholica Medii Aevi, sive summorum pontificum. S. R. E. cardinalium, ecclesiarum antistitum, etc. ed. by Conrad Eubel, 3 vols (Münster: Libraria Regensbergiana, 1898–1923), II, 23; Pastor, V, 416; also Natalia Nowakowska, Church, State and Dynasty in Renaissance Poland: The Career of Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon (1468–1503) (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007). 5 Unfortunately there is a gap in the Liber notarum of the Papal Master of Ceremonies, Johann Burchard, from 29 June to 19 October 1493. 6 Bernard Vapowski, Chronicae Polonorum, in Scriptores rerum Polonicarum, ed. by Szujski, II, 17–18.

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delivered coram shortly after Fryderyk’s election towards the end of September 1493. Vapowski was afterwards presented with a copy of the oration, written out on vellum, which he then took back with him to Kraków. It seems fair to assume that this presentation manuscript, described as ‘decaying’ in the 1530s, was used as the printer’s copy. Florio Banfi constructed an elaborate hypothesis to explain the publication of Nagonius’s oration in Poland in 1537.7 He suggested that Nagonius became friendly in Rome with Piotr’s nephew, Bernard,8 and later returned with him to Poland where he then published his oration in honour of Bernard and his uncle. Nagonius, he also concludes, is the real author of the 228 verse panegyric In victoriam Sigismundi I regis de Moschis offered by Bernard to King Sigismund I.9 Such a complicated theory can be dismissed. It seems unlikely either that a poet who had previously dedicated deluxe volumes of panegyric poetry to most of the crowned heads of Europe would allow one of his poems to be published under another name, or that the author of a lengthy history of Poland in Latin, Chronicae Polonarum, would be unable to compose his own short panegyric. Banfi’s theory is also contradicted by the dedicatory epistle prefacing Nagonius’s oration and elegy (see Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Oration and Verses to Welcome Piotr Vapowski to Rome’, A) in which a certain Matthias Franconius explains that he thought it necessary to have Nagonius’s work published to preserve the text which was rotting in a vellum manuscript.10 Elaborating the theme, ‘Nihil est tam firmum quod non aliquando consumat vetustas’ (nothing is so stable, that age does not at some time consume it), Franconius laments the loss of innumerable works of antiquity.11 Apart from this obligatio bonis litteris, Franconius, it seems, has other reasons for rescuing Nagonius’s oration from oblivion. A private feud

7

Banfi, ‘Panegirista’, p. 207; also, Lancetti, Memorie intorno ai poeti laureate, p. 221. For further biographical information: Bibliografia Literatury Polskiej ‘Nowy Korbut’ (Warsaw: Pan´stwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1963–), III (1965), 373–75. 9 Banfi, ‘Panegirista’, p. 206. The work to which Banfi refers is, presumably, Bernard Vapowski, Panegyris seu carmen elegiacum in victoriam Sigismundi I regis de Moschis, printed in Rome 1515, in Scriptores rerum Polonicarum, ed. by Szujski, II, 347–53. 10 As yet unidentified. The name suggests German origin. Interestingly this excuse (a literary topos?) was used c. 250 years later by Leopold Scherschnik as his reason for printing the manuscript presented to Vladislav II. 11 He lists lost epics: Choerilus’s proverbially wretched poems for Alexander (cf. Hor., Epist., II. i. 232–34; Ars P., 357–58), Theophanes of Mytilene’s history of the campaigns of Pompey the Great, and Ennius’s poems on Scipio Africanus. 8

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with a mysterious rival, identified only by the initials ‘T. E.’, has prompted Franconius to publish Nagonius’s work. Besides, in 1513, when Banfi proposed that Nagonius travelled to Poland, it seems that the poet was already dead. Nagonius’s oration for Vapowski is important for a number of reasons. The circumstances of its composition (and delivery) offer a rare insight into the workings of early Renaissance papal diplomacy, and the text provides information about an important Polish embassy, details of which are otherwise scarce. More particularly, as the Poznan´ volume probably contains the earliest surviving example of the poet’s work and, perhaps, the only extended example of the poet’s own prose, the oration affords a fleeting glimpse of the poet as he embarks on his career at the papal court. In form and style the oration conforms to other examples of speeches made coram the Pope and the College of Cardinals.12 The possibility that the oration was composed for presentation rather than oral delivery cannot be dismissed, as the Pope and the College of Cardinals are conspicuously absent in both the title and the proem of the printed edition. A sense of distance is reinforced by such phrasing as isto Cardinalem senatu. This volume, then, may be what Gérard Genette has termed a ‘paratext’ to the event. 13 The central theme of Nagonius’s oration (echoed in Franconius’s preface) is Vapowski’s outstanding skill as an orator. This may, of course, be mere rhetorical bravado on the part of the orator-panegyrist, calling attention, by inference, to his own oratorical skills; unfortunately, Vapowski’s own oration to the Curia is no longer extant, so there is no way of assessing the claims made here for Vapowski’s oratorical powers. Nagonius’s oration is replete with rhetorical devices that are rather obviously displayed, again an indication that this is a juvenile piece. Indeed, the use of hyperbaton seems excessive and occasionally renders the poet’s meaning difficult to grasp. This effect would, perhaps, have been less obvious in delivery where the sub-clauses could have been distinguished by different stress or tone of voice. Central to the short oration is the elaborate conceit, taken from Cicero,14 of Vapowski as the fount of oratory from which Nagonius draws his own

12

See John M. McManamon, ‘The Ideal Renaissance Pope: Funeral Oratory from the Papal Court’, Archivum historiae pontificiae, 14 (1976), 9–70; also McManamon, ‘Innovation in Early Humanist Rhetoric: The Oratory of Pier Paolo Vergerio the Elder’, Rinascimento, 22 (1982), 3–32. 13 Gérard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation, trans. by Jane E. Lewin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 1. 14 Cic., De or., II. 39.

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inspiration. The brevity of the oration and lack of personal detail suggest that Nagonius perhaps had difficulty obtaining information about his subject, although in epideictic oratory the biographical element was often reduced in favour of praise of virtues. Vapowski is mentioned in only the most general terms, Legatus dignissimus, gravissimus Orator, as the poet deftly avoids specific references to his obscure subject by concentrating instead on Vapowski’s acknowledged skill as an orator: Ego autem tanquam illorum discipulus et illius dicendi generis effigiem amplexari volens, tot tantisque tuis virtutibus cognitis, et ab illustri omnium consensu, istoque sacratissimo Cardinalium senatu, Alexandrique Sexti Pontificis maximi nutu et eloquentia comprobatis, te silentio praetereundum minime censui. (However, just as I am a student of those men (ancient orators) and want to emulate that type of speaking, I decided that you could hardly be passed over in silence, since your many and great virtues have been acknowledged by clear and unanimous consent and confirmed by the most sacred College of Cardinals and by the assent and eloquence of the supreme pontiff Alexander VI.)

Nagonius adds that he has offered the speech to the Polish orator of his own accord: Nam licet antea quicquid otii supererat, ad scribendi solertiam, ne per secordiam efflueret, mea sponte meoque liberali studio iam tibi conferre statueram. (For, although a certain casualness about skill in writing previously had the upper hand, in order that it should not be dissipated by sloth, of my own accord and liberal zeal I had already decided to concentrate my efforts on you.)

Elaborating the traditional otium-negotium antithesis, Nagonius laments that many writers have been deterred from literary pursuits by the lack of reward and criticizes the contemporary neglect of letters: Hoc unum tamen audebo affari, et mihi fasso veniam indulgebis, nimium aliquando (si verum loqui licet) nostri reverendissimi patres in erigendis ornandisque doctorum virorum ingeniis dormitarunt, paucis tamen ex illo sanctissimo collegio exceptis. (Yet, I will dare to say this one thing and you will forgive me for having spoken in this way, sometimes (if it is allowed to speak the truth) our most reverend fathers have been somewhat slow to inspire and reward the skill of learned men, with the exception, naturally, of a few members of this most sacred College.)

He continues by complaining that volume rather than quality is rewarded these days and chastises those who fail to distinguish true learning from ready wit:

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Indignum quippe indico nec sapientibus animo ferendum esse, ut imperiti mortales et ab omni dicendi facultate remoti, literis auctoritateque maxima illustratos multarumque provinciarum dignos, antecellant. (Certainly I think it a shame, and not to be patiently endured by wise men, that unskilled mortals and those without any skill in speaking should be superior to those men renowned in literature and with the greatest authority and worthy of many provinces.)

Vapowski’s skill as an orator is, of course, exceptional. Nagonius finds Vapowski’s example inspiring, though he is afraid that his own inadequacies will not do his subject justice: ‘nam penes tuam eminentem dignitatem expavesco’ (for I grow pale in the presence of your excellent dignity). Nagonius conceals his scant knowledge of Vapowski’s career by clever exploitation of the conventional ‘modesty topos’ in which the poet expresses his hesitation and fears in the face of the daunting task before him. Even the greatest writers would find such a worthy subject intimidating: Nam quis tam peritissimo legato multis virtutibus insignito, unquam sua oratione etiam si flumen ingenii haberet, tibi satisfaceret? (For who, even if his speech should ever possess a river of talent, could satisfy you, such a skilled legate renowned for many virtues?)

Having ingenuously confessed his own meagre talent, Nagonius then ingeniously employs the rhetorical trope occultatio by proceeding to catalogue all the subjects that he will not mention: the illustrious kings of Poland; the household of the Cardinal of Kraków; Vapowski’s own origins, and so forth. The excuse for not men-tioning provinces governed by Vapowski leads to a lengthy digression in which Nagonius with increasing ingenuity changes from anaphora to periphrasis, and apologises for not comparing Vapowski with over twenty celebrated Roman ambassadors: relinquo Servium Sulpicium eiusque collegam […] in mentem non repeto Pub. Lentulum in omnibus rebus singularem, […] non commemoro Publium Scipionem (I leave aside Servius Sulpicius and his colleague […] I do not call to mind Publius Lentulus, a singular man in all repects, […] I do not commemorate Publius Scipio)

Nagonius almost exhausts the thesaurus as the apologetic list continues: ‘reticebo; Non recordor; Nec loquor; haud referam; multa denique istorum exempla quae in mentem non veniunt’. 15

15

On the use of ornament in orations, see Quint., Inst., 2. 10. 11: ‘For in speeches that are certainly to some extent ‘real’, but are meant for pleasing the public (such as the panegyrics we

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The Peroration concludes with Nagonius hoping to make amends for the brevity of his speech by offering in addition some verses to welcome Vapowski to Rome. The oration closes with a reference to Vapowski’s generosity as a patron, a none-too-subtle reminder that the poet expects some reward for his pains. The short poem in elegiac couplets, which Nagonius appends to the oration, is a prosphonetikon, an encomiastic song of welcome (see Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Oration and Verses to Welcome Piotr Vapowski to Rome’, C).16 The poem contains a number of topoi associated with the genre. The vocabulary the poet employs, such as trophaea (1. 5) and capitolia scandis (1. 9), aligns Vapowski’s arrival with the triumphal entry of a conquering hero.17 This poem is probably the earliest example of Nagonius’s poetry to survive. The verse is mannered and the rhetorical structure indebted to Lucan, who would remain a major source of imitation throughout the poet’s career. Here Nagonius offers a rifacimento of the description of the magical spells of the Thessalian witches (Luc., VI. 461–84) to describe the heavenly phenomena announcing Vapowski’s visit. This is combined with echoes of Virgil’s so-called ‘messianic’ Eclogue, IV, and Horace Epode, XVI, to create a vision of a new Golden Age which is heralded by Vapowski’s arrival in Rome. Throughout this poem we see for the first time the theme of a triumphal entry announcing a return to the Golden Age when men lived in peace and mutual harmony. This same idea, greatly expanded and elaborated, would become the climactic episode of all Nagonius’s later panegyrical epyllia.

read, and the whole ‘display’ type) one is allowed to use more ornament, and acknowledge and even show off to an audience’ (trans. by H. E. Butler, in Ancient Literary Criticism, ed. by Russell and Winterbottom, p. 373). 16 On this form, see Burgess, Epideictic Literature, p. 111; Cairns, Generic Composition, pp. 18–20. 17 The following examples of topoi found in Nagonius’s poem are taken from Cairns, pp. 21–23: 1. An announcement of arrival (l. 1). 2. The place where arriver has been (l. 4). 3. Expressions of affection (l. 82). 6. Divine assistance to arriver (variation, ll. 13 ff.). 9. Achievements of arriver (hyperbolic variation, l. 7). 11. The joys and benefits conferred on the welcomer by arrival (the suggestion of the return of the Golden Age ll. 41 ff.). 17. Others welcoming arriver and seconding welcomer (l. 58). Whether Nagonius was aware of the principles of generic composition or merely imitating classical examples is, however, a matter of debate (see Menander Rhetor, ed. and trans. by Donald A. Russell and N. G. Wilson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), p. xxxiii).

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‘Sic ego sum Caesar Maximilianus orbis herus’: A Manuscript for Maximilian, 1494 Although the oration for Vapowski is probably the earliest example of Nagonius’s work, the volume presented to the Holy Roman emperor Maximilian I (1459– 1519) is the earliest surviving example of Nagonius’s deluxe presentation manuscripts.18 This handsome book was written with the specific intention of encouraging Maximilian to visit Rome in order to solemnize his own de facto position as Holy Roman emperor with his coronation by the Pope. Maximilian had been granted the title rex Romanorum in imperatorem promovendus (‘King of the Romans to be promoted to emperor’) by the Diet of Frankfurt on 16 February 1486 and was crowned two months later in Aachen (9 April) before the emperor, electors, and princes; strictly speaking, the title Holy Roman Emperor could only be assumed after coronation by the Pope.19 While Nagonius’s invitation repeats a familiar literary topos that can be traced back to Petrarch’s letters to the Holy Roman emperor Charles IV,20 the dedication of a manuscript to Maximilian appears to have been prompted by the exigencies of the contemporary political circumstances. Although it is difficult to extract a single, distinct policy from the complicated web of intrigue that distinguishes Borgia politics, it seems that in 1493 papal and imperial interests coincided, and that the manuscript was written in the tide of anxiety, rumour, and speculation about King Charles VIII of France’s proposed invasion of Italy. The manuscript was presented as part of a diplomatic gift from Pope Alexander VI to encourage Maximilian to set out immediately for Rome to be crowned Holy Roman emperor, thereby pre-empting the arrival of the French king whom it was rumoured would usurp the title 18

Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 12.750; see Part III, Catalogue, ‘Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 12.750’. 19 For the constitutional terms in the Holy Roman Empire, see Princes, Patronage, and the Nobility: The Court at the Beginning of the Modern Age c. 1450–1650, ed. by Ronald G. Asch and Adolf M. Birke (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), p. xi. 20 Compare, for example, Petrarch’s appeals to Charles IV to restore Rome as the seat of the Holy Roman Empire, Familiarum rerum libri: Le Familiari, ed. by Vittorio Rossi, 4 vols (Florence: Sansoni, 1933–42), X. i; XII. i; XVIII. i; XXIII. ii; also C. C. Bayley, ‘Petrarch, Charles IV and the “Renovatio Imperii”’, Speculum, 17 (1942), 323–41. Although the call for Maximilian to hurry to Rome falls within the tradition established by Petrarch, the imagined arrival (fol. 35r–v) follows the tradition of poems welcoming the emperor (e.g. Maffeo Vegio’s hexameters on the arrival of the Emperor Sigismund in Rome, BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1668, fols 44r–46v, incipit ‘Salve spes Italae gentis, salve inclite Caesar’).

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‘Emperor’.21 It must be remembered that although the Habsburg dynasty retained control of the imperial title until the end of the First World War, the continuity of Habsburg emperors was anything but assured on the death of Maximilian’s father, Frederick III (19 August 1493; crowned Holy Roman emperor by Pope Nicholas V in Rome 19 March 1452).22 References within the text suggest that the panegyric was composed late in 1493 and the manuscript presented late in 1494.23 The Holy Roman emperor Frederick III (1415–93) is depicted among the shades of warrior heroes in Elysium along with Francesco Sforza (1401–66) and his son Ottaviano Sforza who drowned in the River Adda in 1477: His Federicus erat precinctus casside fulva regius ille pater bellorum et maximus ausi ense suo totiens Martem descendere caelo iussit, et Odrysias fastu certare phalanges. Sforcia post sequitur Franciscus fortis et asper; vultibus ornatus patriis Octavius armis totus erat madidus lymphis et flumine Lada. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 29v) (Frederick appeared before them, accoutred with a golden helmet, that regal father of battles and the greatest in daring often ordered Mars to descend from the heavens with his sword and to fight the Thracian bands with contempt. Savage and brave Francesco Sforza followed after, and distinguished by his forefather’s appearance there was Ottaviano in his armour completely drenched by the waters of the River Adda.24) 21

For Maximilian’s anxiety that the French king would usurp the title ‘Emperor’, see Scheller, ‘Imperial Themes’, passim. 22 Paul G. Gwynne, ‘‘Tu Alter Caesar Eris’: Maximilian I, Vladislav II, Johannes Michael Nagonius and the Renovatio Imperii’, Renaissance Studies, 10 (1996), 56–71. 23 Ann H. van Buren’s thesis that the manuscript was written pre-1489 can be dismissed (‘The Master of Mary of Burgundy and his Colleagues: The State of Research and Questions of Method’, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 38 (1975), 286–309). Nagonius makes repeated reference throughout the manuscript to Pope Alexander VI who was elected on 11 August 1492. The poet also refers to Maximilian’s marriage to Bianca Maria Sforza, sister of Duke Gian Galeazzo Sforza, which was celebrated by proxy in Milan on 30 November 1493 and again at Innsbruck on 16 March in the following year (fol. 27r). The prominence given to Philip also indicates that the manuscript can be dated to 1493 when he took over the reigns of government in the Low Countries. Nagonius refers to Maximilian repeatedly as emperor-elect (fol. 16v) and to Philip as King of the Romans Elect (fol. 80v). 24 Ottaviano drowned in the River Adda in 1477; the reference to ‘his forefather’s appearance’ perhaps refers here to the similar fate of his great-grandfather Muzio Attendolo who sank beneath the weight of his own armour and drowned in the River Pescara on 3 January 1424.

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Allusions to Cesare Borgia, Ferrante I of Naples, and Maximilian’s son and heir Philip (1478–1506) provide the termini post/ante quem for the verse. Ille valentina presul (fol. 68r) refers to Cesare Borgia as Cardinal of Valencia. Alexander VI created Cesare Cardinal of Valencia on 20 September 1493 in the first Consistory after his election in 1492.25 Book I includes a description of magnificent entertainments supplied by King Ferrante I of Naples.26 The King died on 25 January 1494, thus it seems fair to conclude that the text was composed and the manuscript transcribed (by the poet himself)27 between 20 September 1493 and 25 January 1494. Sometime between these dates Nagonius must have travelled to Maximilian’s court in the Low Countries where the manuscript was decorated with an illuminated frontispiece, title page, and coloured Gothic initials, and bound for presentation later that year. Although he would have been barely sixteen years old when the text was composed and presented, Philip is celebrated throughout the manuscript as duke (dux). In August 1494 Philip had been created archduke of the Burgundian Netherlands when his father handed over the government of the various Netherlandish principalities to him. It was also during this period that Maximilian began negotiations with Ferdinand and Isabella for the betrothal of Philip with Joanna of Castile. This alliance is mentioned (fol. 68r) but significantly Nagonius never refers to the marriage, which did not take place until 1496. Maximilian’s preparations for his coronation in Rome intensified as the French army marched into Italy. In the manuscript Nagonius refers to the dynastic pretensions of the French (fol. 27r) but makes no mention of Charles’s entry into Naples. Similarly, a reference to ‘Cosimo’s Florence’ (fol. 27v), which is omitted in later manuscripts, again indicates that the Vienna manuscript was composed before the expulsion of the Medici in November 1494. 28 25

Cesare was released from ecclesiastical duties in August 1498 before setting out to visit the French court on 1 October. It was during this visit that Louis XII created him duke of Valentinois. The foreign titles sounded almost the same, thus ‘Valencia’ became ‘il Valentino’. 26 Post Federicus avis dextras coniunxit amicas: et iu ssit propere lautis discumbere mensis. O longum memorare foret celebrare triumphos principis et luxus mensae componere cantu. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 34r) 27 For the identification of the hand, see below, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘A Note on the Script’. 28 ‘Cosmi Florentia et archa | quidve petat?’(ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 27v). The manuscript for Henry VII, for example, reads ‘renitens Florentia tectis’ (MLY, MS XVI.N.2., bk I, l. 811).

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Maximilian’s coronation in Rome, his restoration of the city, and the associated idea of the Renovatio Imperii provide the main theme of Nagonius’s text. Maximilian’s preparations for the visit to Rome increased as Charles VIII moved the French court south to Lyon to prepare for the Italian expedition. Maximilian’s arrival in Rome would at least balance, if not deter, the threatened French invasion and thus allay the Pope’s fears that the advance of the French upon Rome would signal his own deposition. For Maximilian, by protecting his own interests, he would, as Holy Roman emperor, be duty-bound to defend the Pope. The prominent role in the manuscript played by Maximilian’s new unclein-law Cardinal Ascanio Sforza is also significant. For his support of Roderigo Borgia in the papal election, Ascanio had been rewarded with the extremely lucrative post of papal vice-chancellor and numerous other offices. Nagonius imagines how the Cardinal will entertain the new emperor after his coronation with a hunting expedition and an idyllic fête champêtre among the ruins of ancient Rome (see Part III, Chapter 9, ‘A Hunting Expedition among the Ruins of Ancient Rome’). This idealized pastoral vision, entirely removed from political reality, suggests, perhaps, that the manuscript was composed before the turmoil created by the arrival of the French army outside the walls of Rome. While the prospective coronation at Rome provides the main theme of Nagonius’s text,29 neither would-be emperor nor prophetic poet foresaw the difficulties that a journey to Rome would entail. At Antwerp in October 1494 Maximilian issued a summons for a Diet at Worms, the main concern of which was to get financial backing for his proposed visit to Rome.30 In a letter to Cardinal Raymund Pérault, Maximilian states that he will arrive in April 1495.31 An epigram in Nagonius’s text addressed to December also supports the idea of a winter journey. Nagonius repeatedly associates 29

The titles of other epigrams in Book III echo the theme: Ad eundum divum Maximilianum Caesarem semp[er] | augustum de letitia coronationis in romanum | Imperium. Quod foelix faustumque (fol. 68v); Ad eundem divum Cesarem maximilianum | semp[er] augustum: de convivio et congiario dato | romanis in sua coronatione (fol. 82r); Ad divum Cesarem maximilianum semp[er] | augustum splendidissimum epigramma quo | poeta indicat quasi totum mundum romam | venisse q[uoniam] cesar diadema imperiale assumpsit: | cum pace et tranquillitate (fol. 87r). 30 Hermann Weisflecker, Kaiser Maximilian I: Das Reich, Österreich und Europa an der Wende zur Neuzeit, 5 vols (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1981–86), I, 386. For an itinerary of Maximilian’s travels, see Gerhard Benecke, Maximilian I (1459–1519): An Analytical Biography (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1982), pp. 131–36. 31 Scheller, ‘Imperial Themes’, p. 44, no reference given.

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Maximilian with Domitian, the last emperor of the Flavian dynasty (AD 81–96), who had led a series of campaigns against various northern tribes in an attempt to stabilize the boundaries of the empire along the natural lines of the Rhine and Danube. He fought against the Chatti in 83; the Marcomanni and Dacians in 89; and the Sarmatians in 92. For his victory over the Chatti, Domitian assumed the title GERMANICVS, (‘Conqueror of Germany’). Recalling the Emperor Domitian’s winter victories, when the Rhine thawed preventing Rome’s enemies from joining forces, the poet begs the month for clement weather to encourage Maximilian to begin his journey and help him on his way: Ad eundem divum Cesarem Maximilianum, epigramma | quo poeta rogat mensem Decembrem quo triumphavit | Domitianus ut deponat iram si contigerit n[ost]ro Cesari | Maximiliano tali mense Romam proficisci. Pone ferum Boreae stridorem saeve December ne rigeat nostro bruma severa duci hibernum madidumque iovem pluviamque repone nec sonet horrendis iraque nimbus aquis. Himbrifer ipse sacro mitem prestare solebas te calvo, quotiens laurea mensis erat. Non minor iste deo, subitos effundere nymbos cessa Romulidum vota December habes. Foelix mense tuo tuleris nova lumina Romae si tunc laurigeris forte veheris equis. Principis ora sacri, num te tunc pompa movebit? Quid furis infesta, dure December, aqua? Gaudia si nobis tunc tunc dabis improbe mensis fas erit insana prodere voce venit. Contigerit si forte alio sub mense venire Romanis illum vos date quaeso diem. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 79r–v) (An epigram in which the poet asks the month of December, in which the Emperor Domitian celebrated a triumph,32 to put aside anger if it will have come to pass that our Caesar Maximilian sets out for Rome in this month. Raging December, lay aside the savage hissing of the north wind so that severe winter may not numb our lord and put away wintry thunder and soaking rain so that the angry clouds may not resound with dreadful storms. Rain-bringer, you yourself were wont to appear kindly to the sacred bald man;33 so often were there triumphs in that month. He was no less than a god; cease pouring out sudden showers December, you have the prayers 32 33

For Domitian’s triumph, see Suet., Dom., 6. Domitian was famously bald; see Suet., Dom., 18.

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of the sons of Romulus. Happy at Rome you will have brought new glories for your month, if then perhaps you will be conveyed by horses crowned with laurel. Surely then the appearance of the sacred prince and the procession will move you? Harsh December, why do you rage with hostile water? Shameless month, if you will give us then the opportunity for rejoicing then it will be right to proclaim with a wild voice that he is coming. If it happens perchance that he should come in another month, give that day to the Romans, I beg you.)

Successful crossing of the Alps was a traditional theme in panegyric. The thirdcentury prose panegyric Genethliacus Maximiani Augusti celebrates the divinity of the Emperor to keep the seasons in check as he undertakes a winter journey across the Alps.34 Nagonius’s manuscript for Maximilian divides into three books. The panegyric of the opening book is contained in a simple narrative that is set within the framework of the type of prognostication based upon celestial readings that were extremely popular across Europe at the end of the fifteenth century.35 The poem opens amid strange celestial activity, which is seen to prefigure portentous events. The poet in his role as vates, or prophetic seer, offers an explanation and the epic narrative then begins. The name Maximilianus, with an impossible succession of short syllables, cannot be accommodated within the hexameter. Nagonius ingeniously solves the problem of scansion.36 He either removes a syllable to create the name Maximianus, thereby associating Maximilian with the third-century Roman emperor, Maximian Augustus; or refers to Maximilian as an honorary member of the Julian dynasty: (Non fallor) quem tota canunt oracula vatum Maximianus adest? atavorum regia proles imperiique nepos sacri, cui cedere nomen 34

Nixon and Rodgers, In Praise of Later Roman Emperors, p. 94. For the importance of prophecy in the late fifteenth century, see Prophetic Rome in the High Renaissance Period, ed. by Marjorie Reeves (Oxford: Oxford University Press); also Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, 6 vols (New York: Columbia University Press, 1923–58) (especially vol. V: The Sixteenth Century (1941), pp. 159–77); Scheller, ‘Imperial Themes’, pp. 27–37. 36 The contemporary neo-Latin poet Lodovico Lazzarelli, faced with the same problem, expressed an ingenious solution in verse. In his Fasti (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 2853, fol. 201r) he explains that Maximilian’s name is one syllable too long and that scansion, therefore, is impossible. The problem, however, can be easily resolved: hac direpta Maximianus eris, Quincupla conformet, non sexcupla syllaba nomini Sis aderis fidibus Maximiane meis. 35

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Iuleum merito poterit, manet iste superbus maior in Imperio, […] (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 7r) (Unless I am deceived, is Maximi[li]an at hand, whom all the bards’ prophecies foretell, the royal offspring of his ancestors and the descendant of the Holy Empire to whom the Julian name ought to yield? This proud man is greater in his rule, […])

Alarmed at the portentous signs in the heavens, Venus arrives on Olympus, seeking an explanation: ‘Is it now time’, she inquires, ‘for Rome to complete the destiny that was only partially fulfilled under the Caesars?’ Jove unrolls the book of Fate and announces the imminent arrival of a new hero: Iam rediere dies quos dudum Roma moratur. […] Est placitum nobis, nascetur origine regum Maximianus avum pulchris, quo clarior armis non erit alter eques, […] (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 11r) (The days which Rome delayed for a long time have now returned. […] We are pleased: fair Maximilian will be born from a line of ancestor kings, there will not be another knight more renowned in glorious arms than he, […])

Mars is sent to Rome to announce that a new Caesar has been foretold. He allays the Romans’ fears by explaining the nature of the promised hero: ‘Aurea pontificis Cesar vexilla tenebit, | hostiles tubas sacras et in hoste phalanges’ (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fols 16v–17r) (Caesar will clasp the golden standards of the Pope and lead the sacred clarions into the hostile battalions and against the enemy). The machinery of epic has been subsumed by Christian imagery as the promised hero is transformed from a classical warrior into the ideal Christian knight at the head of the papal army.37 Mars urges the Romans to send a delegation to the Sibyl of Cumae to learn the identification of the new hero. A certain Ursus, here identified as the condottiere Virginio Orsini, lord of Bracciano and Great Constable of Naples († 17 January 1497), is chosen to lead the delegation (see Part III, Chapter 9, ‘A Hunting Expedition among the Ruins of Ancient Rome’). The identification is pertinent, as, in the face of the French advance, Alexander had entrusted the defence of Rome to Orsini and his

37

On the Imperial adventus, see MacCormack, Art and Ceremony, pp. 17–61.

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supporters.38 In a trip to the Underworld, the Sibyl reveals that Maximilian is the promised hero and again he is presented as a crusading knight: vexilla tenebit terrarum mundique vagi Latiique potentis hic primum Eoas princeps invadet habenas.

(ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 31v)

(He will lead the standards of the lands and of the shifting heavens and of powerful Italy and in the first place this prince will invade the East.)

The Sibyl repeats Jove’s prophecy: ‘Haec sunt Imperio quae spectant fata Latino’ (These are fates which pertain to the Latin empire: fol. 32 v). After visiting the Sibyl’s cave at Cumae, Ursus and his companions journey to Naples where they are lavishly entertained by King Ferrante with a tournament, in which members of the Roman delegation and Neapolitan court participate in friendly rivalry: Post sequitur Matalunus eques, ductorque phalangis insignis telis, flagrans et amore Gradivi. Hinc Caracellus adest, qui principis una voluptas, Rannaldusque decens armis, et Troilus asper conspiciendus erat certamine dignus Achillis, hic Larysseos gestasset victor honores. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 34v) (Afterwards came the count of Maddaloni, the leader of the cavalry, distinguished in arms and passionate with love of war.39 Then Caracciolo is at hand who is dear to the Prince.40 Rannaldo41 too, fitting in arms, and wild Troilus in combat was awe-inspiring, worthy of Achilles, this champion would have worn Larissaean honours.42)

38 See Franca Allegrezza, ‘Alessandro VI e le famiglie romane di antica nobilità: gli Orsini’, in Roma di fronte all’Europa al tempo di Alessandro VI, ed. by Myriam Chiabò and others, 3 vols (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2001), I, 331–44. 39 Giovanni Tommaso Carafa (†1520); he succeeded to the title count of Maddaloni on the death of his father Diomede Carafa on 25 May 1487; see Franca Petrucci, DBI, 19, pp. 568–70. 40 Either the condottiere and supporter of Virginio Orsini, Giovanni Battista Caracciolo († 1508) (see Franca Petrucci, DBI, 19, pp. 384–86); or Marino Ascanio Caracciolo, secretary of Cardinal Ascanio Sforza (see Gaspare De Caro, DBI, 19, pp. 414–25). 41 Rannaldus, otherwise unknown (perhaps Rinaldo Orsini, archbishop of Florence, †1510?). 42 Troilus, otherwise unknown (perhaps Troilo Savelli, son-in-law of the condottiere Giulio Orsini?).

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The tournament is interrupted by the appearance of Mars with a gift of divine armour which he entrusts Ursus to deliver to the promised hero. The scene then abruptly switches as the poet imagines Maximilian’s journey to Rome. Maximilian is imagined entering Rome from the main road north, the Via Flaminia, perhaps recalling the triumphal entry of Maximilian’s father Frederick III into Rome on 24 December 1468. Classical and Christian imagery merge as Nagonius describes the Imperial adventus. The poet exhorts Rome to rejoice at Maximilian’s arrival: Interea Caesar, diffussus in agmine multo, Urbis septenae veniebat Pergama versus, sumat ut a nostro sacram pastore coronam Cesareumque caput cingat diademate fulvo. Redde deum votis iam pax Romana potentem, sydere signatum, veteris ditissima proles Cesaris ecce venit. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 35r) (In the meantime Caesar was heading towards the seven hills of Rome in a procession drawn out in many columns, to receive the sacred crown from our shepherd and bind his Imperial head with the golden diadem. Now with offerings repay the powerful god, indicated by a star, the pax Romana returns; behold the worthiest descendant of the ancient Caesar is coming.)

Maximilian’s arrival is equated with Caesar’s victorious return from campaigning in Gaul. The poet encourages the Roman populace to honour him in a similar fashion: Nunc age Roma. iuvat similes inducere ritus. Tempus adest. odiis mitescunt aspera bella, nec certant positis, reserant non limina templi candida Gradivo castris haud saevus Enio, sanguinolenta soror, sed nodis mille revincti ore fremunt, vultu dum spectant Caesaris arma. […] Mars torpet maiore tholo, curasque remisit sede sua, meritis quam struxit Cesar in orbe victor, et ultoris voluit delubra vocari iuncta foro triplici, […] Indulge renovaque focos, venit Iulus Roma tibi, similisque deo, spoliisque recultus, Imperioque satus, quamvis generatus in oris Ausoniis non Cesar adest. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fols 35v–36v)

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(Come now, Rome.It is a joy to perform similar rites. The time is ripe. Bitter wars become soft as enmities are put aside and they do not contend at law, the gleaming thresholds of the Temple are not open to Mars, and savage Enyo, his blood-stained sister, is not in the camps, but bound by a thousand knots they growl while they watch the arms of Caesar. […] Mars becomes lethargic in a greater dome, and has dismissed cares from his residence which Caesar, victorious in the world, built as due reward, and wanted the shrines joined to the triple forum to be dedicated to the Avenger, […] Grant this and restore the altars, Iulus comes to you Rome, like a god, covered in spoils, sprung from the Empire, although not born on the Italian shores, Caesar is here.)43

The gates of war in Janus’s Temple have been closed by Maximilian with Mars and Enyo, the Goddess of War, fretting inside. In ancient Rome the Temple of Janus had a close link with peace and the doors were closed on the cessation of war. They had twice been closed by Augustus. In 29 BC the doors of the Temple of Janus were closed for the first time in over two hundred years (since the First Punic War, 264–41 BC) to signify that ‘victories had secured peace by land and sea throughout the whole empire of the Roman people’.44 They were closed again in 25 BC after the battle of Actium. Maximilian is thus presented as the heir to Augustus. He also fulfils Jove’s prophecy of universal peace (Verg., Aen., I. 286–96), and completes Rome’s destiny as recounted by Anchises to Aeneas in the Underworld (Verg., Aen., VI. 851–53). Like Aeneas, Maximilian is a foreigner who will come into Italy to establish Roman rule. He will bring peace and justice to the city and will be welcomed at the shrines. The predicted arrival is imagined as really happening. A Roman embassy is sent out to greet Maximilian as he enters the city. A reception is held to celebrate Maximilian’s arrival in the Palazzo di San Marco (known today as Palazzo Venezia) built by Cardinal Pietro Barbo (1417–71; elected Pope Paul II 1464). The setting is appropriate.45 Here, for the first time in Rome for almost a

43

Compare the Genethliacus: ‘altars were ignited, incense placed upon them, libations of wine were poured, sacrificial victims slain, everything glowed with joy, everyone danced and applauded, to the immortal gods praises and thanks were sung’ (Nixon and Rodgers, In Praise of Later Roman Emperors, p. 95). For the trope ‘Roman in spirit if not by birth’, compare Stat., Silv., IV. v; Mart., XI. liii; XII. xxi. 44 Res gestae divi Augusti, 13. The Achievements of the Divine Augustus, trans. by P. A. Brunt and J. M. Moore (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967), p. 25. 45 Anna Modigliani,‘Paolo II e il sogno abbandonato di un piazza imperiale’, in Antiquario a Roma: Intorno a Pomponio Leto e Paolo II, ed. by Massimo Miglio (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2003), pp. 125–61; Maria Letizia Casanova, Palazzo Venezia (Rome: Editalia, 1992).

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millennium, new construction consciously imitated the designs of Imperial Roman architecture, such as the Colosseum and the Theatre of Marcellus, both within close proximity to the palace: Auspiciis stat mille domus fundata Secundi regia digna deis Pauli subnixa colunnis. Intendit tenues augustum dulcius auras tectum ingens immane feres excedere Olympum. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 38v) (A royal house stands, worthy of the gods, founded by the authority of Paul II, supported on innumerable columns. The august edifice, vast, rather sweetly directs the gentle breezes; you will say that the huge building surpasses Olympus.)

The description of the palace is generic and replete with echoes of Statius’s Silvae (see above, Part II, Chapter 2, ‘Nagonius and the Panegyric Tradition’). However, Nagonius’s use of the term viridarium (fol. 39v) refers to a specific location. Viridarium was the title given to the detached and enclosed garden created next to the Palazzo di San Marco that housed Cardinal Barbo’s collection of antique statuary.46 Nagonius appears to be describing this collection of antiquities, which included the famous image of the goddess Cybele that was seen by the Bolognese naturalist Ulisse Aldovrandi in the middle of the sixteenth century.47 If so, Nagonius offers one of the earliest descriptions of that collection. The passage concludes with a complaint against the contemporary destruction of ancient monuments for lime: 48

46 Later known as the Palazzetto, it was demolished in 1911 and reconstructed beside the Basilica di San Marco to accommodate the monument to Vittorio Emanuele II. See Torgil Magnuson, Studies in Roman Quattrocento Architecture (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1958), pp. 277–83; Casanova, Palazzo Venezia, pp. 59–108. Nagonius’s description is also intended to recall the description of the inner court of the palace of King Latinus decorated with ‘statues representing ancestors of old’ (Verg., Aen., VII. 177 ff). 47 It was perhaps drawn by Maarten van Heemskerck, Römisches Skizzenbuch, Berlin, Staatlichen Museen, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett, Antichità dal Palazzo di Venezia, fol. 52, reproduced in Casanova, Palazzo Venezia, p. 73. Pomponius Laetus mentions a similar statue on the Quirinal: ‘Cibele sedens super duobus leonibus turrita, quia preest turribus et castris’ (Excerpta, in Cesare D’Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento: La città degli umanisti (Rome: Romana società, 1989), p. 280). 48 This was a profitable trade. Indeed, the ruins of the nearby Crypta Balbi housed a number of marmorai and calca businesses. See Kathleen W. Christian, ‘The De’ Rossi Collection of Ancient Sculptures, Leo X, and Raphael’, JWCI, 65 (2002), 132–200 (p. 139).

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Hinc circum veteres ornant viridaria caerae precipue statuaeque deum, fragmenta ruinae heu collapsa sacrae. Primum turrita Cybele insedit fontis semper perfusa liquore et resparsa caput lymphas dea conspicit haustas. Innumerique viri vivunt sub imagine prisca, imperiique notae scaena capiente videntur. Atque triumphales illic spectantur honores sceptraque Romulidum stabulis dominantia solis. Corpora pontifici debetis candida Paulo, et vos O superum formae servataque saxa in cineres reditura breves et in ultima terrae viscera. (Quam miserum est hominum tot rumpere vultus.) Ora quidem violasse nefas viventia. Roma nobilis ista vides, non parcunt Roma sepulchris turba nefandorum. soli stat gloria Marcho qui maioris erat studiosus imaginis aevi. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fols 39v–40r) (From that point ancient images, and particularly statues of the gods, fragments of a sacred ruin, alas collapsed, decorate the gardens. In pride of place sits turreted Cybele, continuously splashed with water from the fountain and with her head sprinkled the goddess catches sight of the waters drained. Innumerable men live on in old statues and famous women of the empire are seen in a captivating image. Triumphal honours are viewed in that place and the power of the Romans ruling in the stables of the sun. The gleaming statues and you, images of the gods and preserved marbles about to be returned to tiny ashes and into the lowest depths of the earth, you are obliged to Paul II. How miserable it is to destroy so many features of men. Indeed it is a crime to have violated living faces. Noble Rome, you see these things, Rome, the crowd of impious people do not spare the tombs. The glory belongs to the Cardinal of Venice alone who was devoted to the image of a greater age.49)

Just as Aeneas had explored the future site of Rome with King Evander (Verg., Aen., VIII. 280–369) and Caesar had wandered over the ruins of Troy (Luc., IX. 964–1003), so the following day Maximilian asks to see the sites of ancient Rome. An expedition immediately sets out across the city. The poet’s knowledge of Roman topography is good and the itinerary of Maximilian’s party can be traced. They travel first to the Capitol: Hinc abeunt, olimque vident Iovis aurea tecta disiectam molemque iugi signumque Monetae. Hinc ad Avertinum migravit Romula collem

49

Marco Barbo (1420–91; Cardinal 1467); see Germano Gualdo, DBI, 6, pp. 249–52.

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pubes mixta duci, lustrant de hinc omnia circum fundamenta Urbis, monumentaque prima tuentur. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fols 43v–44r) (They depart from here and see the once golden roofs of Jupiter and the scattered mass and the image of Juno Moneta. Then the Roman youth stirred up by their leader moved towards the Aventine hill, from here they survey all the foundations of the city and they see the earliest monuments.)

From the Aventine the party then journeys across the Circus Maximus to the site of the Forum Boarium and the dilapidated Ara Maxima. This area was sacred to Hercules and, according to legend, was the place where the god slew the giant Cacus on his return from Spain with the cattle of Geryon: Descendunt in vallem in mediam, rapidi quoque Circi prelia, quae domino steterant spectacula calvo. Hic arae forte exquirunt vestigia magnae Herculeosque lares, et maxima sacra domantis. Obstipuit vidisse locum prostrataque templa regia progenies neglectaque thura deorum. Talia dum nectit penitusque in mente revolvit, visa dei facies pressi velata leonis tegmine nodosi gestabat roboris umbram. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 44r) (They descend into the middle of the valley and the contests of the fast Circus and the spectacles which were arranged for the bald emperor. Here by chance they look for the remains of the great altar and the Herculean shrines and the greatest sacred things of this conqueror. The royal progeny is astounded to have seen the place and temples thrown to the ground and the rites of the gods neglected. While he was thinking about such things and completely absorbed, an image of a buried god wrapped in a lion skin was seen and was wielding the shadow of a knotty club.)

The passage is based upon Virgil’s description of the sites of ancient Rome (Aen., VIII. 184–305), where King Evander explains to Aeneas how Hercules killed the monster Cacus, and since then Hercules has been honoured by an annual festival at the Ara Maxima. There are also specific verbal echoes taken from Statius (Silv., III. i) which describes the Temple of Hercules built by Pollius Felix at Surrentum and Martial’s comparison of the god’s labours to the achievements of Domitian (IX. ci). In Nagonius’s version an image of the god seems to speak to Maximilian, lamenting the decline of Rome, neglect of the temples, and inattentiveness towards the gods and their worship.50 Maximilian promises to restore the Ara 50

Cf. Hor., Carm., III. vi. 1–4.

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Maxima to its former glory and is thus seen to fulfil Jupiter’s earlier prophecy (‘collapsaque templa novabit’; fol. 17r). Hercules’s complaint is of greater historical significance than initially appears. The remains of the Ara Maxima and the adjacent Temple of Hercules Invictus in the Forum Boarium had only recently been demolished by Sixtus IV in 1477.51 During the course of this destruction a bronze statue of Hercules was discovered which was eventually moved to the courtyard of the Palazzo dei Conservatori on the Capitol.52 Nagonius again equates Maximilian with the Roman emperor Augustus, who carried out an extensive rebuilding and restoration programme of the temples in Rome and claimed to have found Rome a city of brick and left it a city of marble.53 Maximilian presents a small offering to the god at which Hercules himself appears and encourages Maximilian to imitate his own example: ‘Macte animis, Caesar, nostros imitare labores’ (A blessing on your spirit, Caesar, imitate our labours; fol. 48r).54 Hercules’s appearance and response heightens the sense of the deity’s protection of Maximilian. Here Nagonius appears to be echoing the ideas in the late third-century Genethliacus of the Emperor Maximian as Hercules’s heir: Nam primum omnium, quanta vestra est erga deos pietas, quos aris simulacris templis donariis, vestris denique nominibus adscriptis, adiunctis imaginibus ornastis, sanctioresque fecistis exemplo vestrae venerationis! Nunc enim vere homines intellegunt […] ac potestas deorum, cum tam impense colantur a vobis.55 (‘Now first of all, how great is your piety towards the gods, whom you honour with altars, statues, temples, donations, with your own names and your images as well, and have made more sacred by the example of your veneration! Now men truly understand […] what the power of the gods is, since you honour them at such expense.’)56

51

‘Post muros aedificiorum scolae Graecae [Santa Maria in Cosmedin] statim non longe fuit templum Herculis in foro Boario, rotundum cum multis antiquitatum vestigiis et dirutum tempore Xisti IIII. Non longe ab hoc templo, versus Aventinum montem, fuit alterum templum appellatum Ara Maxima: supra haec templa, ad orientum, circus est Maximus’ (Pomponius Laetus, Excerpta, p. 289). 52 Roberto Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1969), p. 102. Nagonius offers an accurate topographical account of this area of Rome, though whether this is derived from experience or handbooks such as that by Pomponio Leto is another matter. 53 Reported by Suet., Aug., 28. 3; cf. Dio, 56. 30. 3. 54 Cf. Stat., Silv., III. i. 166. 55 Nixon and Rodgers, In Praise of Later Roman Emperors, p. 535. 56 Translation by Nixon and Rodgers, In Praise of Later Roman Emperors, p. 90.

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The revival of the ancient cults stresses Maximilian’s pietas. His association with the god Hercules is particularly important. Hercules was one of the traditional patron deities of emperors, for example, Augustus’s achievements had been compared to the labours of Hercules by Virgil (Aen., VI. 801–04). Following this tradition, throughout Nagonius’s text there are a number of explicit references to Hercules and a number of the epigrams in Book III compare Maximilian with him.57 The point of the comparison is threefold: Hercules made his influence felt over a large area; he introduced civilizing activities; and he was a mortal who was destined to become a god. The poet claims the same for Maximilian. This identification of Maximilian with Hercules is not original to Nagonius: an anonymous and undated contemporary woodcut broadsheet Maximilian as Hercules Germanicus shows Hercules with the features of Maximilian and praises him as ‘pacator orbis, salvator mundi’ (the restorer of peace and saviour of the world).58 Whereas Aeneas’s tour is pregnant with the excitement of the expectation of the future greatness of the city, Maximilian’s tour is replete with the pathos of loss among the ruins of a once great empire. This emphasis on the decline of Rome from its former glory only serves to heighten Maximilian’s role as Renovator urbis. His promise to restore both the city’s fabric and prestige by repairing public buildings links him again with the image of Augustus as presented in the Res gestae. Maximilian and his companions then take a break from their sightseeing tour for a hunting expedition among the ruins (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘A Hunting Expedition among the Ruins of Ancient Rome’). As Achilles and Aeneas had been presented with a gift of divine armour so Virginio Orsini now presents Maximilian with the gift entrusted to him by Mars. Nagonius, however, associates the fatalia dona of epic with the Pauline armour of God59 as Maximilian is presented as the ideal Christian knight who will restore peace to the world: ‘Alter

57

Fol. 82v, which describes paintings depicting the labours (in Palazzo Venezia?); see also fol. 84r. Silver, Marketing Maximilian, pp. 23–24; 127–28. For fifteenth-century allegorical interpretations of the labours of Hercules, see Coluccio Salutati, De Laboribus Herculis, ed. by Berthold L. Ullman (Padua: Editrice Antenore, 1951); also the interpretation of the cycle of frescoes in the Orsini castle at Bracciano by R. Siligato, ‘Ciclo di Ercole’, in Bracciano e gli Orsini: Tramonto di un progetto feudale. Il Quattrocento a Roma e Lazio (Rome: De Luca Editore, 1981), pp. 95–115. 59 Eph., VI. 11, 16–17. 58

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Caesar eris, nostro dabis ocia mundo’ (You will be another Caesar, and you will bring peace to our world; fol. 50 v). The shield is engraved with images of Maximilian and his son Philip surveying the whole world: Caelatus in auro Caesar erat clypeo totum qui prospicit orbem. Parte alia natus praefulgens ore Philippus Cesaris, et multum patriis spectatus in armis. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 50v) (Chased in gold on the shield there was Caesar who looks over the whole world. On another part was Caesar’s son Philip with a radiant expression and greatly esteemed in his ancestral arms.)

While Maximilian marvels at the gift, Nagonius concludes the narrative with a prayer for future prosperity in which the poet emphasizes the universal peace that will ensue from Maximilian’s coronation in Rome: O Cesar memorande diu, celebrande triumphis. Crediderim sine te sorderent Itala regna. Tu flos ille ducum, magni tu nomen adeptus Cesaris. Imperio iussit dare carmina vestro Phoebus et argutas plectro resonare Camenas. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 51r–v) (O Caesar, to be remembered for a long time, to be celebrated in triumphs. I believe that without you the Italian kingdoms would appear worthless. You are the very ornament of princes; you have obtained the name of great Caesar. Apollo commands the melodious Muses to make songs for your rule that resound with the plectrum.)

There will be a new Golden Age and a return of the Pax Romana under a restored empire with Maximilian at its head. As the turn of the century approached, the atmosphere in Rome was rife with apocalyptic anxieties which were compounded by the French invasion and the Muslim advance across the Mediterranean. Amid such uncertainty the peace and political stability of the age of Augustus seemed appealing enough to provide the poet with a model to which the honorand is urgently encouraged to aspire. The combination of the medieval image of the king of peace and classical image of the world emperor is echoed in the illuminated frontispiece where two eagles draw back the curtains of a rich baldachin to reveal Maximilian enthroned in Imperial splendour (see Plate 1; see below, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘Decoration and Illumination’). Beneath the miniature is the motto: ‘Sic ego su[m] Cesar Maxim[ilianus] orbis herus’ (Thus I am Caesar, Maximilian, lord of the world).

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The same themes are continued in the carmina of Book II. In a Sapphic poem (fol. 61v), which also celebrates Pope Alexander VI as Renovator urbis, the poet imagines Maximilian’s coronation: Hunc amat nostri reparator aevi hunc Alexander data cura mundi cui fuit servat, renovans priora dum nova condit. Innovat Sextus Phrygiam ruinam Pastor, et Romam veteresque muros, porticus, vicos, meliore forma atria, turres. Hic vias duro solidat lapillo, strata coenosa regravata sorde reddidit genti, patriaeque nostrae evacuata. Flavium iactent opus inquieti, Iuppiter, Ianus, fora, rostra, colles, sanctiant leges domini micantes igne corusco. Hic Alexander diadema fulvum Cesaris pulchro capiti sacravit et comas pressit nitida corona undique gemmis. Caesar armatus stetit ante Sextum et genu flexo pedibus remissit osculum sanctis. Amat iste templa castraque Caesar. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fols 61v–62r) (The restorer of our age, Alexander, to whom the care of the world has been given, loves and preserves this man, renewing ancient buildings while he builds new ones. Pope Alexander VI restores Roman ruins and renews with a better structure Rome and the ancient walls, the porticoes, the streets, the halls, and towers. Here he strengthens roads with a hard stone and he has given back to the people and to our fatherland empty, muddy streets which were weighed down with filth. Let restless Jupiter and Janus boast of the works of the Flavians, the fora, the rostra, the hills, let these glittering lords sanctify laws with a flashing fire. Here Alexander has consecrated the golden diadem to the handsome head of Caesar and has pressed his hair with a crown gleaming all around with jewels. Caesar in full armour stands before Pope Alexander VI and on bended knee gives a kiss to the holy foot. This Caesar loves the temples and camps.)

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Book III contains epigrams addressed to both Maximilian and his son Philip on a variety of laudatory themes (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘Epigrams for Philip, Archduke of Burgundy, and Arthur, Prince of Wales’). In imitation of Martial, these epigrams also contain topical references. As well as mentioning a pair of dancing bears (fol. 88 v), Nagonius also refers to a bullfight that took place in front of the Pantheon: Ad eundem divum Cesarem Max[imilianum] de tauro ante | rotundam in [con]spectu ip[s]ius caeso mirabili[te]r | epigramma. Caesaris ante fores vidit spectator Agrippae conspexitque trucem gloria rara bovem. Raptus erat mediis cornu nam taurus harenis qui tam pugnaces iussit abire manus. Plus feritatis erat pedibus cum fecerat hostem credens oblatas ferre per astra pilas. Pensabant Marathon taurum stabulasse Quirites vexit et Europem Romula turba sonat. (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 88v) (To the same divine Caesar Maximilian an epigram about the bull spectacularly killed in his sight in front of the Pantheon. In front of the doors of Caesar Agrippa a spectator saw and caught sight of a wild bull of rare glory. For the bull which ordered such quarrelsome hands to get out of the way, had been dragged into the middle of the arena by the horns. He was more dangerous with his hooves when he had made a charge believing that he could endure inflicted darts through the stars. The Romans thought that they had stabled the bull of Marathon. He carried off Europa and the Roman crowd gives a shout.)

This probably refers to the bullfights organized by the then Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia to celebrate the fall of Granada in February 1492. This sequence of epigrams is repeated with little variation throughout the poet’s œuvre (see below, Part III, Catalogue, passim). Written at the beginning of Maximilian’s reign, Nagonius’s manuscript predates Riccardo Bartolini’s Habsburg epic Austrias60 by twenty years and provides one of the earliest examples of the type of neo-Latin panegyric which was to become popular at the Habsburg court. The poet presents his own solution to the impending political crisis in Italy by representing Maximilian as an ideal Christian knight whose arrival in Rome and subsequent coronation as Holy 60

Stephan Füssel, Riccardus Bartholinus Perusinus: Humanistische Panegyrik am Hofe Kaiser Maximilians I (Baden-Baden: Koerner, 1987).

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Roman emperor will unite the secular with the spiritual arm of the Church and herald a new Golden Age. The restoration of Roman temples by the new crusading hero can thus be seen as part of the spiritual regeneration of the city. The classical ruins, which Maximilian promises to rebuild, are symbolic of the Pax Romana whereby Rome as the new Jerusalem will be the centre of a new Christian Empire.61 The logical extension of Maximilian’s visit to Rome for his coronation would be a crusade, which the poet encourages him to undertake. In later manuscripts Nagonius expands this theme and introduces the personified figure of the city of Jerusalem to make an impassioned plea to recapture the city for the Christian faith. In the manuscript dedicated to Filiberto II, duke of Savoy, presented on the occasion of his marriage to Maximilian’s daughter Margaret (1501), the poet imagines Maximilian, his son Philip and his new son-in-law as key participants in this crusade (see below, Part II, Chapter 4, ‘Manuscript for Filiberto II, Duke of Savoy, 1501’). The themes, images, and ideas mapped out in the manuscript for Maximilian form the basis of Nagonius’s panegyric and are found with increasing elaboration in all the poet’s subsequent manuscripts. Yet for both Maximilian and Alexander VI, hope of a Roman coronation decreased as the situation in Italy worsened. Despite the poet’s encouragement, it was King Charles VIII of France who entered Rome from the north by torchlight and to applause on 31 December 1494. Charles, not Maximilian, was lodged in Palazzo San Marco and a few days later taken on a tour of the sites of Rome. Maximilian’s determination for a Roman coronation, however, never weakened. After repeated abortive attempts to descend into Italy and having been refused passage through the Venetian territories on his way to Rome in 1508, Maximilian took the title Holy Roman Emperor Elect and was crowned in Trent on 10 February 1508. With problems enough of his own, Pope Julius II accepted the fait accompli and acknowledged Maximilian’s title. By this time, however, Maximilian’s imperial pretensions with regard to Eastern Europe had caused him to clash with King Vladislav II of Bohemia over the vacant throne of Hungary. Some three years after this manuscript was presented to Maximilian, Nagonius presented Vladislav II with an expanded volume of panegyric poetry, in which Maximilian would appear again, but this time as the villain of the piece (see below, ‘A Manuscript for Vladislav II, 1497’).

61

On Rome as the new Jerusalem, see John W. O’Malley, ‘Giles of Viterbo: A Reformer’s Thought on Renaissance Rome’, Renaissance Quarterly, 20 (1967), 1–11.

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A Renaissance Court in England: A Manuscript for Henry VII, 1496 The Italian humanist Polydore Vergil of Urbino (c. 1470–1555) presents an image of King Henry VII of England that differs from that of the suspicious miser of popular folklore:62 Comis ac benignus, qui adeuntes se facile admittebat, audiebatque.In hospites munificus ac liberalis, advenas amabat, afficiebatque libens beneficiis. […] Regiam maistatem quocunque loco et tempore recte gerere, ac quid Regem deceret, optime sciebat. (He was gracious and kind and was as attentive to his visitors as he was easy of access. His hospitality was splendidly generous; he was fond of having foreigners at his court and freely conferred favours on them. […] He knew well how to maintain his royal majesty and all which appertains to kingship at every time and in every place.)63

Foreign observers are in accord that Henry’s court was magnificent. On his first visit to England in 1502, as deputy of the papal questor, Adriano Castellesi, Vergil notes that he ‘was most kindly received by the King himself’.64 The Italian historian had first-hand experience of Henry’s hospitality and was himself a recipient (albeit indirectly) of the King’s generosity.65 A report by the Spanish resident in London in 1497 confirms Henry’s xenophilia: ‘The King has the greatest desire to employ foreigners.’ 66 After his victory at Bosworth (22 August 1484), Henry faced the difficult task of imposing his authority and obviously had clear reasons for wanting his rule to be seen as magnificent and imposing. With factional rivalry promoting pretenders to the throne in the early years of his reign, every scrap of prestige was precious. 62

The avaricious caricature, more familiarly associated with the King, is largely the creation of the imagination of Francis Bacon in his History of King Henry VII. This image has been dismissed by modern historians: see Sydney Anglo, ‘Ill of the Dead: The Posthumous Reputation of Henry VII’, Renaissance Studies, 1 (1987), 27–47. 63 Polydore Vergil, The Anglica Historia of Polydore Vergil, AD 1485–1537, ed. and trans. by Denys Hay, Camden Society, 3rd ser., 74 (London: Office of the Royal Historical Society, 1950), pp. 144–47. 64 ‘Fui ab ipso Rege perbenigne exceptus, atque postmodum semper humaniter habitus’:The Anglica Historia, ed. by Hay, p. 132, ll. 17–18; on Castellesi, see, Gigliola Fragnito, DBI, 21, pp. 665–71; also Pio Paschini, Tre illustri prelati del Rinascimento (Rome: Facultas Theologica Pontificii Athenaei Lateranensis, 1957). 65 For a list of the livings presented to Polydore Vergil during Henry’s reign, see The Anglica Historia, ed. by Hay, p. ix. 66 Quoted by John Armstrong, ‘An Italian Astrologer at the Court of Henry VII’, in Italian Renaissance Studies, ed. by E. F. Jacob (London: Faber, 1960), pp. 433–54 (p. 454, n. 2).

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After his marriage to Elizabeth of York and the gradual extinction of internal divisions, Henry further secured his position on the English throne by promoting the House of Tudor in Europe. The exigencies of international politics virtually demanded that Henry employ foreigners in his service in positions of trust. It is a measure of his achievement that, after the confusion of the previous reigns, Henry was able to create and maintain a court which could rival those in Europe and to which the leading powers wished to send their representatives.67 Indeed, as Steven Gunn has shown, far from parsimonious Henry ‘expended considerable money and effort on the creation of a splendid and fashionable court, aiming to impress his own subjects with his power and majesty, and the ruling houses of Europe with the permanence and diplomatic weight of his dynasty’. 68 Henry recognized and exploited the potential of the new printing press.69 Whether publishing the Papal Bull of dispensation for his marriage or offering rewards for the capture of Perkin Warbeck,70 the press became a powerful means of asserting royal authority.71 Spectacle and pageantry also made a contribution. It was perhaps the pomp and circumstance of the progress North in 1486, 67 Compare the assessment of Henry’s foreign policy made by the poet Johannes Opicius in 1497. He lists the European powers who are eager for Henry’s support and cultivate the King: Plura ego quid referam? Labor est plus facta referre Illius. En celebrat axis uterque virum Hunc petit Insubrii Maurus, Venetumque Senatus Totius Italiae lumina prima soli; Hunc petit et Gallus, petit hunc Germania, clarus Astur et eximia nobilitate vigens. Tu quoque Parthenopes regem, memorande Britannum Rex, colis. En colit hunc Scotia tota virum. Ergo ego quid memorem, nostro quid carmine praeter? Si libet hic pacem, si libet arma movet. (BL, MS Cotton Vespasian B.iv, fols 17v–18r) 68 Steven J. Gunn, ‘The Courtiers of Henry VII’, The English Historical Review, 108 (1993), 23–49 (p. 23). 69 During Henry’s reign printing presses were not only established in London, but also at St Albans, York, and Canterbury. For further details, see William K. Sessions, A Printer’s Dozen: Printing Centres after London and before 1557 (rev. and expanded, York: Ebor Press, 1983). 70 See Lorraine C. Attreed, ‘A New Source for Perkin Warbeck’s Invasion of 1497’, Medieval Studies, 48 (1986), 514–21. 71 See Pamela Neville, ‘Richard Pynson King’s Printer (1506–1529): Printing and Propaganda under the Early Tudors’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Warburg Institute, University of London, 1989).

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culminating in the triumphal entry into York, that convinced Henry of the potential of literary propaganda.72 The allegorical pageants which greeted Henry en route presented images and themes that would become, by repeated and increasingly elaborate treatment, the leitmotifs of Tudor propaganda. As the King entered Worcester he was welcomed by the symbolic figure of his uncle Henry VI, whose saintly reputation had been growing since his ‘martyrdom’ at the Yorkists’ hands in 1471, while at York the red and white roses of Lancaster and York were seen to unite before his eyes: […] at the entre of the Citie and first bar of the same | shalbe craftelye conceyvid a place in maner of A heven of grete | Ioy and Anglicall Armony vnder the heven shalbe a world | desolaite full of treys and floures In the which shall spryng vp A | roiall rich rede rose convaide by viace vnto the which Rose shall | appeyre an other Rich white rose vnto whome so being to gedre | all other floures shall lowte and evidently yeue suffrantie shewing | the Rose tobe principall of all floures as witnesh Barthilmow And | yervpon shall come fro A cloude A crowne Couering the Roses73

The Tudor rose had already appeared on the reverse of the gold medallion struck to celebrate the marriage of Henry and Elizabeth and would soon appear again, surmounted by the royal crown on the reverse of the first gold sovereigns minted in England (see Plate 16).74 These political symbols seem to have pervaded every aspect of court culture.75 In 1497, perhaps as a New Year’s gift, the young poet Johannes Opicius presented Henry with a volume of poetry which contained an allegorical eclogue in praise of the King sub pretextu inclitae rosae purpureae: Mopsus: EXTAT in egregio quidam circumdatis omni Parte loco muris hortus et inde vadis Qui dulcis vario (de qua, Meliboee, loquamur Certior haec res est) floris odore nitet. In quo pernitidi flos est Rosa rubra coloris, Cui placuit flori iungere se niveo, […] (BL, MS Cotton Vespasian B.iv, fol. 14v)

72

C. E. McGee, ‘Politics and Platitudes: Sources of Civic Pageantry, 1486’, Renaissance Studies, 3 (1989), 29–34; but note Anglo, Tudor Kingship, passim. 73 York House Book, VI, fol. 16r, in Records of Early English Drama: York, ed. by Alexandra F. Johnston and Margaret Rogerson, 2 vols (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1979), I, 139. 74 David M. Metcalf, The Coins of Henry VII (London: Oxford University Press, 1976), p. 47; Philip Grierson, ‘The Origins of the English Sovereign and the Symbolism of the Closed Crown’, British Numismatic Journal, 33 (1964), 118–34. 75 Sydney Anglo, Spectacle, Pageantry and Early Tudor Policy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969).

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(There exists in an excellent location a certain garden surrounded on all sides by walls and then with a moat, which is splendid with the varied scent of a sweet flower (the matter about which we may speak, Meliboeus, is indeed true). In this garden there is a flower, a red rose of the deepest colour, which is resolved to attach itself to a white flower […])76

It is in the Latin poetry of the Italian humanists at court that crude political allegory is refined into polished literary forms. Henry was doubly fortunate in that there were two foreign scholars in England eager for court preferment: Pietro Carmeliano77 and Giovanni Gigli.78 Both had worked for the previous regimes79

76

BL, MS Cotton Vespasian B. iv; Lena Wahlgren-Smith, ‘Heraldry in Arcadia: The Court Eclogue of Johannes Opicius’, Renaissance Studies, 14 (2000), 210–34, and references therein; also David R. Carlson, ‘The “Opicius” Poems (British Library, Cotton Vespasian B. iv) and the Humanist Anti-Literature in Early Tudor England’, Renaissance Quarterly, 55 (2002), 869–903. 77 On the career of Pietro Carmeliano, see Joseph B. Trapp, ‘Carmeliano, Pietro (c. 1451–1527)’, in Oxford DNB; see also David R. Carlson, ‘The Occasional Poetry of Pietro Carmeliano’, Aevum, 61(1987), 495–502. Carmeliano’s role as Henry’s Latin secretary requires further investigation. For a preliminary note, see Annette Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, The King’s Secretary and the Signet Office in the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1939; Appendix F, pp. 190–91), who observes that this new office was ‘a conscious creation to meet new needs and the growing complexity of international diplomacy’ and, as such, ‘belongs to the Renaissance and in no way to the Middle Ages’ (p. 191). The wide-ranging professional duties that this position entailed are an indication of the personal talents of the first appointee. For an example of Carmeliano’s role as Latin secretary, see the dispatch of the Milanese Ambassador, 17 November 1498: ‘According last evening, the 16th, Messer Pietro Carmeliano, who had drawn up the minute in his own hand, the king correcting it, delivered the document to him [Raimondo de Soncino], requesting him, in the king’s name, not to alter the words. Promised obedience, and then copied it verbatim. Encloses it and would gladly have sent the original, but the king chose that should be returned to him’ (quoted in Rawdon Brown, Calender of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating to English Affairs Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice and in Other Libraries of Northern Italy, 38 vols (London: Longman, 1864–1947), I, 274). For other letters in Carmeliano’s hand relating to Milanese affairs, see Curt F. Bühler, ‘Three Letters from Henry VII to the Dukes of Milan’, Speculum, 31 (1956), 485–90. 78 On the career of Giovanni Gigli, see Joseph B. Trapp, ‘Gigli, Giovanni (1434–98)’, in Oxford DNB; also Roberto Weiss, ‘Lineamenti di una biografia di Giovanni Gigli, collectore papale in Inghilterra e vescovo di Worcester (1434–98)’, Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, 1 (1947), 379–91. 79 On 7 April (Easter day) 1482 Carmeliano dedicated a poem De vere (‘On Spring’) to Edward, prince of Wales (BL, MS Royal 12 A XXIX). In 1484 he offered to Sir Robert Brackenbury a poem on the life of Saint Catherine of Alexandria (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud misc. 501) in which he praised Richard III as a model king. Gigli had been sent to England as papal collector by Sixtus IV (1471–84) and received his first appointment as Canon of Wells in 1476.

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and in l485 were keen to prove their loyalty to the new government.80 In the slim presentation volumes,81 which they each offered to the King shortly after his accession, propaganda is sublimated with the full force of humanist learning to sophisticated panegyric. The impact of the manuscript presented by Nagonius must be assessed against this background of literary–political activity.82 The poet’s arrival in England confirms Henry’s international reputation as it not only highlights the King’s cultural aspirations but, more importantly, marks the success of his foreign policy. Furnished with letters of recommendation from Cardinal Francesco Todeschini80

In fact Gigli found himself immediately useful to Henry. Still in papal service as apostolicus Subdiaconus et Collector (BL, MS Harley 336, fol. 67v), Gigli was sent to Imola as one of the proctors representing Henry to sue for dispensation from Innocent VIII for the proposed marriage to Elizabeth of York; see Stanley B. Chrimes, Henry VII (London: Methuen, 1972), Appendix D, pp. 330–31. 81 BL, MS Add. 33736, written in the author’s own accomplished ‘humanist’ script. (For other examples of Carmeliano’s hand, see the letter from Henry to Ludovico Sforza 14 July 1496, reproduced in The English Renaissance, Sotheby’s Sale Catalogue, 11 July 1983, p. 11, Lot 7; the letter from Henry to Joanna of Castile, 8 April 1497, reproduced in Chrimes, Henry VII, Plate 15; Alfred Fairbank and Berthold Wolpe, Renaissance Handwriting: An Anthology of Italic Scripts (London: Faber and Faber, 1960), Plates 6 and 14.) It was probably as a reward for this poem that Carmeliano received a pension from the Crown; on this, see William Campbell, Materials for a History of the Reign of Henry VII, 2 vols (London: Longman, 1873–77), II, 38. Gigli’s poems are contained in BL, MS Harley 336. The appearance of this volume, written in a minute Gothic bâtarde, is markedly different from that of the Carmeliano manuscript. As Gigli was not a native of Lucca, as is usually supposed, but the son of a family of Italian merchants living in Bruges (Weiss, ‘Lineamenti di una biografia di Giovanni Gigli’, p. 379), this may account for the style of this manuscript. In a dedicatory letter to Richard Fox, then royal secretary, prefacing another work (De observantia Quadragesimali, contained in the same volume), he refers familiarly to ‘Carmelianus noster’ which implies their acquaintance. Thus it appears that both poets were promoted at court by the influential Richard Fox: ‘Tibi autem si haec nostra placebunt, non videbor michi frustra laborasse. Sane arbitrii tui erit, an regii auribus, vel qui inpublicum exeat, dignum hunc nostrum laborem iudicaveris’(fol. 69r). Gigli thus concludes the prefatory dedication of the Epithalamium. The exact nature of Fox’s involvement with Gigli and Carmeliano remains obscure; see Weiss, ‘Lineamenti di una biografia di Giovanni Gigli’, p. 384, and The Letters of Richard Fox, 1486–1527, ed. by Percy Stafford and H. M. Allen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1929), pp. 5–9. 82 Much of the evidence for Nagonius’s visit to the English Court was first collected by Francis Wormald, ‘An Italian Poet’, who, however, gave no precise date for this visit and was unaware of the existence of the manuscript now preserved in the Minster Library, York; see Paul Oscar Kristeller, ‘The European Diffusion of Italian Humanism’, Italica, 39 (1962), 17, n. 16.

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Piccolomini to travel across Europe, Nagonius arrived at the English court and presented Henry with a volume of his poetry handsomely bound in crimson damask and prefaced by an illuminated frontispiece depicting the King riding in a triumphal chariot drawn by two white horses.83 The decoration and binding of Nagonius’s manuscript (see below, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘A Strategy for Recognition’) suggest that this presentation volume was a diplomatic gift. The illuminated frontispiece, which depicts the King riding in a triumphal car all’antica, is based upon the gold sovereign first minted in England in 1489 (see Figures 16a–c).84 These impressive coins would have been distributed as gifts and at least one must have circulated among the English community in Rome. That both the obverse and the reverse of this coin were copied suggests that this was the only image of the English King available to an illuminator in the Eternal City. Nagonius’s visit to England is the best documented of his travels across Europe. A letter from Henry to Piccolomini records his arrival at court on 8 February 1496: Venit ad nos pauloantea Johannes Michael Nagonius Civis Romanus quem veluti litteratum atque eruditum virum vestra Reverendissima Distinctio suis literis octavo februarii ad nos datis fecit nobis commendatum. (There came to our court a short while ago, Giovanni Michele Nagonio, citizen of Rome, whom letters from your most Reverend Worship of 8 February recommended to us as a learned and scholarly man.)85

There also exists an Exchequer warrant, dated 29 May, ordering the payment of £10 to ‘John Michaell Nagonius, citizen of Rome’.86 Another payment of £20 ‘to an Italian, a poet’ (which in all probability also refers to Nagonius) is dated precisely: 10 May 11 Hen. VII (l496).87

83

York, Minster Library, MS XVI.N.2; Part III, Catalogue, ‘York, Minster Library, MS XVI.N.2’; Figure 16. 84 On this, see Paul G. Gwynne, ‘The Frontispiece to an Illuminated Panegyric of Henry VII: A Note on the Sources’, JWCI, 55 (1992), 266–70. 85 BL, MS Add. 45131, fol. 78r. 86 TNA, E.101/414/6. 87 TNA, E.404/81. It is impossible to express these payments in modern values. Ten pounds was equal to c. 45 ducats, so Nagonius may have received the equivalent of c. 135 ducats in total. On 3 September 1502 he was paid 200 gold ducats for a book in praise of the House of Savoy (see above, Part I, Chapter 1, ‘Towards a Biography of Johannes Michael Nagonius’). Some idea of Henry’s generosity can be had by comparing payments for similar gifts. For example, Tuesday, 3 August 1507, 100s. ‘to a monk of Italy that gave the kinge[s] grace a boke, in reward’ (TNA,

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Henry adds that during Nagonius’s visit to England the poet presented him with a volume of poems: Iste poeticum [manuscript porticum] quendam libellum nobis reddidit nomini nostro dicatum, quemquidem vario genere carminis intextum et longo studio elucubratum legimus perlibenter atque eciam probavimus. (He presented to us a certain little book of poetry dedicated to us, containing various types of verse composed with great skill, which we happily read and also approved.)88

References to contemporary events, such as Perkin Warbeck’s rebellion and the gift of a sword and Cap of Maintenance sent by Pope Alexander VI, make this volume particularly interesting. This gift, known as the Gladius et Pileus, was presented on rare occasions to a king, prince, head of state, or distinguished warrior in recognition of a brilliant achievement in armed combat or diplomatic negotiation. It was the highest distinction bestowed by the Holy See.89 The gift was also costly, for the sword was always produced by one of the foremost goldsmiths employed at the papal court. The sword was a two-handled weapon having a gold pommel encrusted with gems and a polished steel blade bearing an inscription usually taken from the Second Book of Maccabees 15. 16: ‘Accipe sanctum gladium munus a Deo, in quo deicies adversarios populi mei Israel’ (Take this holy sword, a gift from God, with the which thou shalt wound the adversaries of my people Israel). The scabbard was generally covered with red velvet having

E.36/214 89v). Could this be a reference to the Statutes of the Florentine Hospital of S. Maria Nuova sent to Henry by Francesco Portinari and now preserved in the Bodleian Library, Oxford [MS 488]? Payments to Bernard André average 100s., though the only payment recorded to him in 1496 is 66s. 8d. on 20 September (Gordon Kipling, The Triumph of Honour: Burgundian Origins of the Elizabethan Renaissance (Leiden: Leiden University Press, 1977), p. 20, n. 28). On 30 March 1496 Quentin Poulet was paid £20 ‘for bokes’ (H. R. Plomer, ‘Bibliographical Notes from the Privy Purse Expenses of king Henry VII’, The Library, 3rd ser. (1913), 303). Although there is recorded a payment of £23 for a single book, this is exceptional. In June 1502 Antoine Verard was paid £6 for ‘two bokes called the Gardyn of helth’ (Plomer, ‘Bibliographical Notes’, p. 298); Kipling, Triumph of Honour, p. 40, refers to this as an ‘astonishing sum’. 88 BL, MS Add. 45131, fol. 78r. 89 Charles Burns, ‘Papal Gifts and Honours for the Earlier Tudors’, Miscellanea historiae pontificiae, 50 (1983), 173–97. The Treasurer of the Chamber, John Heron, records that on 20 January l497 a certain John Flee was paid 22 shillings for a case for this cap and sword: see Sydney Anglo, ‘Court Festivals of Henry VII: A Study Based upon the Account Books of John Heron, Treasurer of the Chamber’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 43 (1960), 31. Burns hypothesizes that the sword was probably made by Angelino da Sutri who had previously supplied the papal court with ceremonial swords (‘Papal Gifts’, p. 183).

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gold mountings chiselled with reliefs and mounted with gems.90 The only sword sent by Alexander VI to Henry was the one which, together with the Cap of Maintenance, formed the gift blessed by the Pope on 24 December l495 at Saint Peter’s91 and formally received by Henry on l November l496 at Saint Paul’s with Archbishop Morton presiding over the rites, girding the sword on the King and placing the cap on his head.92 The occasion was being taken, as Henry had previously written to Doge Agostino Barbarigo, to celebrate England’s entry into the Holy League of Venice to expel the French from Italy.93 Certainly there was feverish activity between London and Rome in this period, including significantly the petition for the canonization of King Henry VI (October 1494).94 In 1490 Giovanni Gigli was appointed ambassador of the English king at the Roman Curia and he settled in Rome for the rest of his life. The papal bull of Innocent VIII, sanctioning the right of Henry VII and his children to accede to the throne, and which Gigli had initially helped promote, was reconfirmed by Alexander VI at this time (7 October 1494). As Nicholas Pocock noted, ‘the date of the document coincides too nearly with that of the recent failure of Perkin Warbeck’s first attempt at raising the country in his favour, to leave any doubt as to the King’s having made suit to the Pope to confirm the bull of his predecessor’.95 In response,

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Julius II similarly honoured Vladislav II in 1509. The sword survives and is now preserved in the Nemzeti Múseum, Budapest. 91 The papal master of ceremonies Johann Burchard mentions the ceremony, Liber Notarum ab anno MCCCCLXXXIII usque ad annum MDVI, ed. by Enrico Celani, 2 vols (Città di Castello: Lapi, 1906), I, 589–90. A poem written in Sapphics, nominally celebrates the event: ‘Ad eundem Divum Henricum Septimum | Angliae et Franciae Regem Splendissimum | Congratulatio quae Romae fuit de eius nomine | et inclyta fama ob ensem auratum nuper | sibi destinatum per Alexandrum sextum | Pontificem Maximum’ (fol. 50v). 92 Burns, ‘Papal Gifts’, p. 183. 93 Brown, Calendar of State Papers, p. 250. Henry VII to Doge Agostino Barbarigo: ‘both the Doge and the rest of the Italian confederates have been very much gladdened by his entry into the League and made public rejoicings, he within three days, on the festival of All Saints, intended celebrating his own joy at St. Paul’s, in his capital, London, and on that same day proposed receiving with due respect the Sword and Cap of Maintenance, sent to him by the Pope; all things which he thought fit to notify to his highness by reason of their mutual friendship and alliance’: 29 October 1496 from Sanuto, Diarii, V. i. 299. See J. Wickham Legg, ‘The Gift of the Papal Cap and Sword to Henry VII’, Archaeological Journal, 57 (1900), 183–203. 94 Pastor, VI, 145–46. 95 Nicholas Pocock, ‘A Bull of Pope Alexander VI’, The English Historical Review, 2 (1887), 112–14.

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Margaret of Burgundy also petitioned the Pope, challenging Henry’s title to the throne whilst the lawful son and heir of Edward IV (i.e. Warbeck) existed.96 Further confirmation of Alexander VI’s support for Henry would be the granting of the papal cap and sword later the following year. The blessing and reception of the papal cap and sword provide the termini a quo – ad quem for Nagonius’s visit. The many references to the gift within the text suggest a close link between Nagonius and the embassy from Pope Alexander VI; perhaps the poet can be identified as the unnamed orator who accompanied the Papal Nuncio to England with the cap and sword. The Exchequer warrant for payment of £10 to Nagonius, however, seems to contradict this hypothesis as the entry records that the poet, ‘of his fre will and mere motion is comen at this tyme to see us and hath offered us his service’. This is not strictly true, as the letters of recommendation of Francesco Piccolomini cannot be ignored. If, as Bacon claims, the papal gift was intended to bribe Henry into joining the Holy League then indeed Nagonius’s visit has extra significance.97 Wilkie observes that Henry’s envoy to the papal court, Robert Sherborne, at Piccolomini’s insistence, was accorded a special reception on entering Rome in 1496 but concludes: ‘Piccolomini’s part in the English entry into the Holy League which followed remains a mystery’.98 Whatever the reason, England officially joined the Holy League against France on 18 July 1496.99 Whether or not Nagonius did travel ‘of his fre will’ he could not have chosen a more propitious moment to arrive at the English court and his verse skilfully exploits and celebrates the contemporary situation. Henry, like all Nagonius’s dedicatees, first appears among the heroes on the plains of Elysium. He is distinguished by the papal gifts: Urse vides; cernis Latiis ut nititur hastis. Huc oculos converte tuos, hic alter Olympo

96

The petition is reprinted by James Gairdner, Memorials of Henry VII (London: Longman, 1858), pp. 393–99. 97 Francis Bacon, History of the Reign of King Henry VII, ed. by J. Rawson Lumby (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1876; rev. edn 1902), p. 162. Alexander had previously tried to prevent the renewal of Charles VIII’s claim to the kingdom of Naples, after the death of King Ferrante (25 January 1494), by sending him by way of appeasement the golden rose and the promise of a Cardinal’s hat for his favourite, Briçonnet, Bishop of St Malo. 98 Wilkie, Cardinal Protectors, p. 61. 99 On 31 July 1496 Pope Alexander VI pronounced the homily in Santa Maria del Popolo celebrating the entry of England into the League against France.

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qui caput assurget, divum cognomina discet. Hic Henricus erit fulvo presignis in ense. Sextus Alexander mittet de sorte futura astringetque latus ferro, donabitur inde infula contextis gemmis et sutilis auro. Belliger Henricus Domini vexilla tenebit terrarum mundique vagi, Latiique superbi. Hic primum Gallos princeps invadet atroces, et Scottos, gentem iunctam, vicinaque tecta. (MLY, MS XVI.N.2, ll. 950–60) (Ursus, look, you see how he leans on Latian spears. Look over there, he will be another who will reach Olympus and learn the names of the gods. He will be Henry, famous with the golden sword. Alexander VI will send this in a future lot and he will strap the iron to his side; then he will be given the fillet embroidered with jewels and stitched with gold. Warlike Henry will carry the standards of the Lord of the world and the universe and of proud Rome. This prince will first invade the fierce French and Scots, a people nearby, and their neighbouring homes.)

Nagonius was certainly topical in his allusions, though whether the ‘fillet embroidered with jewels and stitched with gold’ corresponded to the actual appearance of the Cap of Maintenance sent by Alexander is another matter.100 The historical fiction of the Sibyl’s vision allows the poet not only to praise the past achievements of the dedicatee but at the same time to predict future events. Accordingly the prophetess forecasts a successful outcome for the King to the present threat of invasion: Turbabunt aliqui, cupient et vertere sedes seditione truci, reprimet prudentia tales principis, expellet regno profugosque rebelles, esse volet meritasque neces scelerumque furores compescet gladiis Henricus et ense potenti. Hos inter iuvenis fictos orietur amicos qui mare turbabit ratibus, centumque malignis classibus ingressum faciet, miserabilis inde vix iras fugiet regis, verique sereni principis Henrici vitabit vincula saeva. 100 ‘The form and colour of the ducal cap changed frequently over the centuries. From time to time it was either black or violet, but generally it was made of red velvet, surmounted with the image of a dove embroidered in pearls or in silver filigree. The cap, encompassed by a golden crown, ended in two flaps, the tips of which were tipped with ermine, and which fell upon the shoulders of the wearer like those of an episcopal mitre’ (Silvio A. Bedini, The Pope’s Elephant (Manchester: Carcanet, 1997), p. 73).

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Tandem captus erit, detrudet carcere ceco Aeternoque loco ponet sua membra malignus. O male consultus, quid enim tua tela valerent O puer infoelix contra capere arma potentem Henricum, verum titulis et nomine regem? Siste, puer, quaeso. Quid enim arma nocentia poscunt? Regem regna tenent proprium, regemque vocavit insula iam proprium, frustra conaris adire Oceanum, iam victe puer, dimitte labores, et regem premitte diu; te sydera, terrae ista rogant mecum, Henricum teque aequora poscunt. (MLY, MS XVI.N.2, ll. 987–1007) (Some others will cause trouble and desire to overthrow the kingdom with cruel sedition, the king’s prudence will hold such people in check and he will banish the fugitive rebels from the kingdom; Henry will both want that there is due punishment and he will restrain the wild crimes with weapons and the mighty sword. A young man will appear on the scene among these fictive friends who will churn up the sea with his fleet, and he will launch an invasion with a hundred wicked boats, then the wretch will scarcely escape the anger of the king, and shun the savage chains of the true and serene Prince Henry. At length the wicked man will be captured; he will look out from a blinding prison and shackle his limbs in an eternal place. O badly advised man! O unfortunate boy, what power does your fleet have to take arms against powerful Henry, the true king in name and title? Desist, boy, I beg. What can injurious arms achieve? The kingdom has its rightful king and the island already calls the king its own. In vain are you attempting to cross the ocean; boy you are already defeated, put aside your labours, beg King Henry for a long while; with me the stars and the lands are calling you, Henry, and these seas too demand you.)101

The terms iuvenis and puer infoelix both refer to Perkin Warbeck.102 In the early 1490s Warbeck impersonated Richard Plantagenet, duke of York, the second son of Edward IV, who together with his elder brother, Edward V, had disappeared in mysterious circumstances in 1483. Warbeck claimed the English throne as King Richard IV and old Yorkist loyalties supported and sustained the impersonation. The Sibyl makes clear references to the events of the summer of 1495 when

101

This passage contradicts the somewhat premature claim of the dedicatory verses: ‘O quantum tibi nunc spondet amena quies’ (fol. 1r). 102 It is interesting to speculate that Nagonius may have met Warbeck. Both were in the Low Countries at the same time. Warbeck accompanied Maximilian as an honoured guest in August 1494 at the ceremonial reception when Philip had been created archduke of the Burgundian Netherlands and Maximilian handed over their government to him. This is exactly the period when Nagonius’s manuscript was presented.

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Warbeck’s supporters managed to coordinate a rebellion in Ireland with an attempted invasion of England. Ships (centumque malignis | classibus) and experienced soldiers were supplied by Maximilian Habsburg and Margaret of York, dowager Duchess of Burgundy; these are the ficti amici (‘false friends’; l. 992). An attempted landing at Deal (3 July), however, ended in fiasco. While Warbeck and most of his force were still on their ships, an advance party was overwhelmed by local levies. Warbeck’s flotilla sailed on to Ireland to join the siege of Waterford. Although this, too, ended in failure, Warbeck moved on to Scotland where on 20 November he was welcomed to Stirling Castle by King James IV.103 Despite the Sibyl’s confident assertion of Henry’s victory,104 it seems curious that Nagonius should remind the King of this problem in his panegyric for at the beginning of 1496 the matter was far from settled.105 Indeed, in mid-January James IV demonstrated his commitment to the pretender by marrying Warbeck to Lady Katherine Gordon, daughter of George, Earl of Huntly, and a distant royal relative by marriage. As Chrimes notes, ‘the presence of a potential Richard IV across the Border, backed by the unfriendly and calculating James IV, supported by Margaret of Burgundy and any pro-Yorkist malcontents who might show their hand in England, was not a prospect that he [Henry] could view with equanimity’.106 Indeed, Henry was reluctant to join the Holy League until European support for Warbeck had been undermined. Nagonius’s verse can thus be explained in terms of European diplomacy. The Sibyl’s confident utterances indicate and confirm papal support for the Tudor King against Warbeck. In their eagerness for Henry to join the Holy League his potential allies were obviously prepared to believe the King when he professed to treat the matter of le garçon lightly. In the event, the prophecies of the Sibyl were fulfilled. Warbeck was taken

103

Chrimes, Henry VII, pp. 83–85; see also Ian Arthurson, The Perkin Warbeck Conspiracy, 1491–1499 (Stroud: Sutton, 1994); D. Dunlop, ‘The Masked Comedian: Perkin Warbeck’s Adventures in Scotland and England from 1495 to 1497’, Scottish Historical Review, 70 (1991), 97–128. 104 The Sibyl’s confidence is further underlined by a direct quotation at line 997 from Virgil (Aen.,VI. 734) to reinforce the total confinement of the carcere caeco (‘blinding prison’). 105 This is not the only reference Nagonius makes to Warbeck’s rebellion. He is mentioned again on fols 39v–40r (see below, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘Decoration and Illumination’) and in Book II, fol. 47r–v, quoted above. 106 Chrimes, Henry VII, pp. 88–89.

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prisoner after a second invasion via Cornwall in autumn 1497 ended in shambles.107 Nagonius continues to predict a glorious future for the King. The poet reminds Henry of the sword sent to him by the Pope. At the very beginning of Book I Henry had been assured of the power of this weapon: Quid dubitas Henrice potens? sanctissimus ensem auratum tibi mittit ovans, ut possis in hostes protinus ire tuos, et falsum pellere regem Pastor Alexander, totus quem mundus adorat. (MLY, MS XVI.N.2, ll. 21–24) (Mighty Henry, what are you waiting for? The most holy shepherd Alexander, whom the whole world adores, rejoicing sends you this golden sword so that you can go forthwith against your enemies and expel the false king.)

As the poem draws to a conclusion the sword’s special qualities become apparent. Just as classical heroes are armed by the gods so Henry too has received a divine gift. Mars arrives and encourages the King to put on the arms sent by the Pope: Ore refert proprio Gradivus, ‘Suscipe princeps et clypeum galeamque ferox fatalia dona auratumque ensem quem dat pro munere tanto Pastor Alexander, lateri compone superbo, […]’ (MLY, MS XVI.N.2, ll. 1263–66) (Mars spoke in his own voice, ‘Fierce prince, take up the shield and the helmet the fateful gifts and the golden sword which the shepherd Alexander gives for such an undertaking, and strap it to your proud side, […]’)

The sword sent by Alexander VI assumes its full symbolic significance as the King is to use it not only in the defence of England but also of Christendom: ‘Alter Caesar eris simili veneraberis astro, | captivis spoliis iterum tua terra fruetur’ (MLY, MS XVI.N.2, ll. 1269–1270) (You will be a second Caesar and be venerated by a similar star, your land will enjoy again the captive spoils).

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Henry’s support for Alexander was reciprocated. In a letter to Ludovico Sforza, the Milanese envoy Raimondo de Soncino observes: ‘The Pope is entitled to much praise, for he loves the king cordially, and strengthens his power by ecclesiastical censures, so that at all times rebels are excommunicated. The efficacy of these censures is now felt by the Cornishmen, for all who eat grain garnered since the rebellion, or drink beer brewed with this year’s crops, die as if they had taken poison, and hence it is publicly reported that the king is under the protection of God eternal.’ Quoted in Brown, Calendar of State Papers, p. 260.

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Henry is encouraged to undertake a crusade to liberate Jerusalem. Classical and Christian motifs combine to present the King with an image of himself as the ideal Christian knight.108 It is a role in which Henry liked to appear but one which, despite repeated summons from a succession of Popes, he was reluctant to undertake.109 Nagonius’s panegyric and pronosticon, flattering the King’s good ‘intentions’, allows Henry to play the part without having recourse to an actual campaign. Interestingly in this respect, in a later manuscript dedicated to Filiberto II, duke of Savoy (see below, Part II, Chapter 4, ‘Manuscript for Filiberto II, Duke of Savoy, 1501’), Henry appears among the list of European heads of state whom Nagonius imagines assembling as crusaders to meet the Turkish threat: Commoveat regemque pium, dominumque fidelem Henricum, titulis opulenta Britania claris quem decorat, sceptrumque dedit ditissima fir[mum] insula, nam reges alios mactare solebat, […] (BnT, MS F.V.5, fol. 108r) (May he inspire the pious king and loyal lord Henry whom opulent Britannia honours with renowned titles and the very rich island has given a secure rule, for it was accustomed to honour other kings , […])

As well as Henry there are a number of references to Arthur, prince of Wales, and three epigrams are dedicated exclusively to him in Book III (fols 63r; 69r; 69v; 108

At the conclusion of his short poem on the campaign against Charles VIII, Opicius describes Henry protected by Saint George: Nec tua praetereant nunc Angligenumque [O] patrone Numina, qui cum rex noster fera bella movebat In gallos, quotiens tu spectaberis olympo Indutus nitido nec non fulgentibus armis Ense manu: signoque crucis succinctus et ante Purpureo retroque simul: (BL, MS Cotton Vespasian B.iv, ll. 321–26) Cf. Stephen Hawes, The Example of Virtue (London: Wynkyn de Worde, 1510), 2053 ff.; also A. Fox, ‘Stephen Hawes and the Political Allegory of The Comfort of Lovers’, English Literary Renaissance, 17 (1987), 3–20. 109 ‘Whilst he was glad enough to receive the advantage of papal support for his accession and throne, his diplomatic endeavours, his position as a European monarch, his desire to make a second marriage, and to receive symbols of papal favour and goodwill, he could resist papal blandishments to participate in a sort of Crusade against the encroachments of the Turks, with diplomatic skill. He could carry on a voluminous correspondence with the popes on this subject, spread over the years, pay eloquent lip-service to the excellence of the cause, and even contribute to it substantial financial aid out of his own funds, but when it came to the question of his personal participation in such a war, his evasion was masterly’ (Chrimes, Henry VII, p. 304).

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see Part III, Chapter 9, ‘Epigrams for Philip, Archduke of Burgundy, and Arthur, Prince of Wales’). Although these epigrams are adapted from verses that had previously been offered to Maximilian’s son Philip, and would later be offered to others, their importance here must not be overlooked. Henry’s greatest gift to his populace was his son Arthur and the good order in England that Henry has achieved is assured by the continuation of the dynasty. The inclusion of references to the prince of Wales not only emphasizes the dynastic certainty of Henry’s rule but also conveys papal acknowledgement of it — particularly important in the case of Tudor claims to legitimacy. John Dynham, treasurer of England from 1486,110 and Thomas Langton, bishop of Winchester,111 also figure in the text. They both appear in the joust held to celebrate the arrival in England of the Roman delegation: Parte alia Langthon veteri de gente creatus emicat in saltu, campumque perambulat omnem, in cursum nunc flectit equum, nunc vertit in auras. (MLY, MS XVI.N.2, ll. 1254–56) (In another part Langton of ancient lineage suddenly leaps forward, and tours the whole field, now he spurs his charger at full speed, now he wheels into the winds.)

Why Nagonius gave such prominence to these two court officials remains a mystery. Certainly Langton and Dynham, who were both in their mid-sixties when Nagonius delivered his manuscript, seem an unusual choice for tournament participants. Educated at Cambridge, Padua, and Bologna, Langton was one of the leading churchmen in England.112 In 1484 he had been appointed proctor to the Curia by Richard III and was a busy diplomat. Although closely allied to Richard III and excluded from Henry’s first parliament in 1485, he was granted a full pardon after Bosworth and later elevated to the see of Winchester in 1493. Presumably his links to the papal Curia and Italy account for his inclusion in Nagonius’s poem. As for the treasurer Dynham, no close links between him and the poet have been found. Comparison of the York manuscript with other works in Nagonius’s œuvre reveals that few verses are specifically composed for Henry. Fewer than 150 of the l320 hexameters of Book I seem to have been written specifically for him. Likewise

110

See Michael Hicks, ‘Dynham, John, Baron Dynham (c. 1433–1501)’, in Oxford DNB. See D. P. Wright, ‘Langton, Thomas (c. 1430–1501)’, in Oxford DNB. 112 He was elected Archbishop of Canterbury on 22 January 1501 but died of the plague 5 days later before the confirmation of the deed. 111

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only 16 stanzas of Book II (64 lines from a total of 428) refer directly to the King, while the epigrams of Book III are of such a general nature that without their titles they could refer to any of Nagonius’s dedicatees. The few extended references to contemporary events seem exclusively concerned with English foreign policy. Nagonius knows little about England apart from the fact that it is an island which was once inhabited by a race of Giants.113 The ambassadors board ship at Naples and make the long sea crossing to England: Conscendunt naves et longo tramite pontum immenso tractuque fretum spirantibus auris classe pari superant, exactis forte diebus terdenis alacres festo clamore vocantes, ‘Anglia, Terra potens, O, fertilis Anglia salve, insula preclaris rebus ditissima salve, Henricum servent superi’, longoque precantur tempore, ‘Dii salvent’, crebro sermone ferebant. Applicuere novum littus quod Cantia dives possidet, et placido fessos excepit amicos portu. Deveniunt magnam tunc protinus urbem. Insula terra ferax habitata Gigantibus olim inmensis fuit ista canunt, veterique colono arte nova possessa diu, vetus Albion illo ante vocabatur, recitant ut tempora cartae. Dicitur a nostris Opulenta Britannia maior, gentibus, et pulchris nunc terra tenenda colonis, portibus insignis multis, et mercibus apta, denique multarum super omnibus insula rerum dives adest, aurique potens, variique metalli. (MLY, MS XVI.N.2, ll. 1038–57) (They board the ships and in a long passage across the seas they cross the immense tract of the ocean with winds favourable to the fleet and when almost thirty days had passed they cry out excitedly with a joyful shout, ‘England, powerful land, greetings, England, fertile land, greetings island abundant in notable resources, may the gods preserve Henry’, they were praying for a long time; ‘May the gods protect him’, they were saying with repeated prayers. They have reached the unfamiliar coast which affluent Canterbury possesses and which receives the weary friends in its tranquil port. Then they immediately move on to the great city. They sing that this wild island was once upon a time inhabited by huge Giants, and possessed for a long time by an aged farmer with a new art, it was called old Albion, as the records recall the times. It is better named by us ‘wealthy Great 113

The belief that Britain was once inhabited by a race of Giants is commonplace. See Walter Stephens, Giants in Those Days: Folklore, Ancient History, and Nationalism (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), pp. 39–41.

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Britain’, a land occupied by fair people and farmers famous for its many ports suitable for merchandise, finally the island is rich with many things, powerful in gold and various metals.)114

Prefatory material is also reduced to a minimum. Conspicuous by its absence is the familiar dedicatory prose epistle in which the poet states the subject of his verse. A note on the flyleaf in a later English hand gives the work a title: Pronosticum Johannis Michaelis. Poetic prognostications were extremely popular at a number of courts across Europe at the end of the fifteenth century.115 The court of Henry VII was no exception. At about the same time that Nagonius arrived in England another Italian, Guglielmo Parrono (William Parron in English or Willielmus Parronus ‘Placentinus’ as he styled himself in Latin) was making a career for himself at court by writing almanacs which contained, among other things, his forecasts for the royal family for the coming year.116 As the astrologer had to take into account his debts towards the ruler when making up his annual iuditium, these predictions lent themselves well to political praise. Nagonius’s oracular utterances, however, are confined to the Sibyl’s vaticinatory verse, which is markedly different from Parron’s idiosyncratic forecasts.117 As has already been mentioned, few of the verses in Books II and III are original to Henry. All six lyrics in Book II are on a martial theme and compare Henry to a series of Roman heroes. For example, one poem (incipit ‘Scipio qualis Lybicis in oris’; see above, Part II, Chapter 2, ‘Nagonius and the Panegyric Tradition’) contains the following stanzas:

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Nagonius’s description of the sea journey from Naples is pure invention. The usual route was overland to Calais. For a contemporary description of the route from Trento to England written by Andreas Franciscus to his friend Jacobus Sansonus dated London, 17 November 1497, see ‘An Impression of England by an Italian Visitor’, in English Historical Documents (1485– 1558), ed. by C. H. Williams, English Historical Documents, 5 (London: Eyre, 1967), pp. 187–92. There were, however, well-used trade routes from Venice and Genoa by sea to Southampton and London. 115 Scheller, ‘Imperial Themes’, pp. 27!30. 116 Armstrong, ‘An Italian Astrologer’, pp. 433–54. 117 Parron’s astrological treatise Liber de optimo fato (BL, MS Royal 12 B VI), completed for New Year’s Day 1503, contains some rash predictions. For Prince Henry (the future Henry VIII) Parron predicts a future of religious devotion and a reign distinguished by a happy married life and numerous surviving sons; he foretells that Elizabeth of York would live to be eighty at least. After the Queen died aged exactly thirty-seven the following February, Parron disappears from the court records. See Armstrong, ‘An Italian Astrologer’, p. 452.

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Iam cathenatos opulenta Gallos vidit, et Scottos (inimica proles) et sacro pensum diadema templo insula per te. Quid feram? nuper pelago fugasti gentibus falsis iuvenem putatum nominis ficti dedit ipse penas victus amaras. Plura quid de te loquimur procaces? Vocibus quare et teneo, mororque? Digna cum tantis nequeam referre laudibus umquam. Ipse nec posset Maro Tulliusque, Hauriant quamvis Heliconis amnes, vel bibant totos Aganippedosque fonte liquores. Ergo nunc nobis potius tacendum esse cognosco rudis ipse cum sim. Nunc tuos Princeps veteres Britannos imbuis acris, iamque tu Arture o iuvenis serene patre tam claro genitus resulta, tu dabis supplex superis pudicas thura precesque.

(MLY, MS XVI.N.2, fol. 47r–v)

(Already the wealthy island has seen the French and Scots (hostile race) in chains by you and the crown rendered in the sacred temple. What more should I say? Recently you have routed on the open sea a young man with a false name given credit by deceiving people, conquered he has given himself bitter punishment. What more can we garrulous ones say about you? Why do I hold back my song, why delay? I may never be able to report such worthy deeds with praises great enough. Neither Virgil himself nor Cicero would be able to even if they quaff the streams at Helicon, or imbibe all the waters of the fountain sacred to the Muses. So now I acknowledge that it is better that I keep quiet, since I myself am unskilled. Now you, Prince Arthur, inspire your ancient warlike Britons, and now spring forward, O serene youth, born to such worthy father. As a suppliant you will give chaste prayers and incense to the gods.)

As we have seen, few of the epigrams in Book III appear to be specifically composed for Henry; however, their importance lies not in their originality but

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in the diversity of theme and subject matter, which provide the poet with an opportunity to praise the King in many different ways. The King’s prudence and clemency are praised (‘de fama incomparabili eius prudentiae’, fol. 72v; ‘de animo habendo in hostes’, fol. 63v). Although Henry is renowned throughout the world he is particularly honoured at Rome (‘de eius fama per universum fere orbem penetrata’, fol. 64r; ‘de eius fama quae Romae maxima est et ubique merito predicatur’, fol. 68 v; ‘de eius fama quomodo creverit Romae’, fol. 71v). The papal gift of the sword and Cap of Maintenance provides a subject (‘de convivio habito in letitiam et memoriam ensis aurati et insule consularis’, fol. 60r). The poet notes his passion for hunting (‘de venatione’, fol. 73v) and offers some advice on the dangers of sailing (‘admonitio si aliquando navigare contigerit’, fol. 66r). His ancestors, divine qualities, and the envy of contemporary monarchs are all mentioned (‘de suorum maiorum similitudine’, fol. 68r; ‘de mira eius potentia et numine’, fol. 67r; ‘de eius presentia regali que ceteros reges principes et duces supereminet’, fol. 66v). His exploits are enumerated (‘de fama comparanda cum ducum Romanorum gestis’, fol. 62v; ‘de eius victoriis in Palatio deaurato notandis gradatim’, fol. 60v; ‘de hostibus superatis pacificata insula’, fol. 63v; ‘quemadmodum devictis hostibus longo desiderio expectabatur londoniis: poeta conqueritur diem nimis sero redire’, fol. 74v; ‘alter Caesar habetur in mundo et maxime apud Britannos’, fol. 72r). Nor indeed is the rumour of Henry’s wealth omitted (‘de suarum divitiarum fama’, fol. 65v). The poet notes Henry’s interest in literature and expresses the hope that he will leave the pursuit of wealth and patronize literature (‘semper carmina et Musas appetit’, fol. 75v; ‘poeta hortatur ut divitias negligat et sola litterarum monumenta consequatur’, fol. 73r; ‘poeta demonstrat se descripturum eius nomen et gesta’, fol. 71v). The inclusion of a series of epigrams to Henry’s son and heir Arthur, prince of Wales (see Part III, Chapter 9, ‘Epigrams for Philip, Archduke of Burgundy, and Arthur, Prince of Wales’) emphasizes the dynastic certainty of Henry’s rule. This was particularly important as it implies that the papacy was prepared to recognize Tudor claims to legitimacy. The power of literature to bestow eternal fame provides the theme of the concluding epigram: Rex Henrice tuum solita pietate poetam suscipe, nam domino plectra placere putat. Carmina sint quamvis (querit quae gloria dulcis) parva tibi magnis laurea nostra vacat. Ludere nec tenui versus meditatur avena sed cupit andina scribere gesta tuba. Nos tibi Cura sumus vives sub imagine nostra,

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Flavia preterea te quoque templa colent, Inclite magnanimi relegent tua facta britanni et dicent semper, ‘Maximus ille fuit’. Septimus Henricus nullo periturus in aevo stet precor, ad superos vita perennis eat. (MLY, MS XVI.N.2, fol. 76r) (King Henry, take up your poet with your accustomed grace, for he believes that he has pleased his lord with his song. Although the songs (which sweet glory seeks out) may be slight, our laurel is available for your greatness. My verse is not intending to play on a slender pipe but desires to write great deeds with a warlike trumpet. We are anxious that you will live in our imaginings, moreover the Flavian temples will also honour you. The great-spirited Britons will re-read your deeds, great man, and will always say, ‘He was the greatest’. I pray that Henry VII will live on, never to die in any age, may his enduring life reach the gods above.)

Nagonius’s visit to the English court represents both a literary and political coup for Henry. The poet’s verse enhances the King’s image, while the circumstance of the dedication and presentation of this manuscript acknowledges Henry’s claims to legitimacy and recognizes the Tudor dynasty among the ruling houses of Europe. The role of the poet-panegyrist in the creation of this image is of prime importance.118 In early Tudor England the Romanitas (‘Roman-ness’) of the poet’s work and the literary tradition which it reflected, and the lustre it shed by association on Henry’s status, was highly valued. That there are scarcely any references to insular events and that few of the lines are original to Henry is of little consequence. The King is presented with an image of himself as a hero on a classical scale, not in the amateurish manner of the provincial pageants but in the latest Italian style with all the rhetorical skill and flourish that a learned poet could muster.119 It is a mark of Henry’s achievement that he had created at court an ambience favourable to the reception of such a text replete with adroit classical allusions. Henry’s promotion of foreigners perhaps represents a conscious attempt 118 ‘Princes must have relied heavily on the enthusiastic reports of foreign visitors to spread their fame abroad’ (Green, Princepleasers, p. 169). In 1498 Pedro de Ayala informed Ferdinand and Isabella that Henry, ‘likes to be much spoken of, and to be highly appreciated by the whole world’ (Calendar of State Papers, etc. Relating to Negotiations between England and Spain, ed. by G. A. Bergenroth, 13 vols (London: HMSO, 1862), I, 177–78). 119 F. V. Cespedes’s comments on Polydore Vergil apply equally well to Nagonius: ‘Much of Henry VII’s Foreign Policy was concerned with his need to gain European recognition for claim to the throne; and a history of the realm by a recognised Italian humanist in the classical manner with all the refinements of style, would serve this need.’ (‘The Final Book of Polydore Vergil’s Anglica Historica: Persecution and the Art of Writing’, Viator, 10 (1979), 375–96).

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by the King to emulate the sophisticated culture of the Italian courts. Both Carmeliano and Gigli had given some indication how the classics could be used to promote the King, but even their poetry, which describes Henry’s reign as heralding a new Golden Age, palls in comparison with the scale of Nagonius’s panegyric.120 There was reciprocity. The poetry acknowledges and celebrates Henry’s legitimacy; and by generously rewarding the poet, the King demonstrates to the rest of Europe that the Tudor court also enjoyed the highest standards of refinement, taste, and erudition.

A Manuscript for Vladislav II, 1497 I possess golden talents enough; sufficient wealth; I have marble palaces; and robes embroidered with gold, but more than anything else the songs of poets delight us […] I do not know how to reward you for your kindness. For your gifts are eternal — all our belongings are transitory and last only a few hours […] silken robes decay; the Muse lives on forever.

From a letter of Vladislav II Jagiellon (1456–1516), king of Bohemia (1471) and Hungary (1490), to the poet Petr Hispanus, delivered via Bohuslaus Hasištejnský de Lobkovicz.121 Unfortunately, few records survive from Vladislav’s rule in either Bohemia or Hungary to support the King’s claim to be an enthusiastic patron of literature.122

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For the continuation of the theme, see David Rundle, ‘A New Golden Age? More, Skelton and the Accession Verses of 1509’, Renaissance Studies, 9 (1995), 58–76. 121 ‘Je possède un certain nombre de talents d’or; des richesses suffisament, j’ai des maisons de marbre, des robes brodées d’or, mais bien plus encore nous rejouissent les chants du prophète […] je ne sais comment te remercier de tes bienfaits. Car éternels sont tes dons- tout nôtre avoir se décompose et ne dure que quelques heures […] Moisit la robe chinoise; et vivante […] jamais reste la Muse.’ Quoted by Jiřina Hořejši, Vladislavský sál Pražského hradu (Prague: Odeon, 1973), p. 7. Translated into French by S. Bartoškova. I have been unable, so far, to trace the original letter. 122 Most of the state records were lost when the overloaded barges sank into the Danube amid the chaos of the evacuation of Buda after the battle of Mohács. Only fragments relating to the years 1494–95 survive. These are now preserved in the National Széchényi Library, Budapest, MS CLMAE 411, fol. 278v and have been printed by Johann Christian von Engel,Geschichte des ungarischen Reichs und seiner Nebenländer, 4 vols (Halle: Gebauer, 1797–1804) I, 17–181. If Nagonius’s manuscript entered the famous library in the palace at Buda it is a miracle that it survived the occupation and sack of the city by the Turkish troops; see Martyn Rady, ‘The Corvina Library and the Lost Royal Hungarian Archive’, in Lost Libraries: The Destruction of Great Book Collections since Antiquity, ed. by James Raven (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), pp. 91–105.

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This letter to the poet Petr Hispanus in recompense for an epithalamium composed on the occasion of Vladislav’s marriage to Anne de Foix (29 September 1502) not only reveals the King’s interest in poetry, but also, and perhaps more importantly, contradicts the traditional image of Vladislav. It used to be that his reign was termed ‘the most melancholy and discreditable period in Hungarian history’.123 A comparison of Vladislav with Matthias Corvinus concluded that Vladislav ‘possessed none of his predecessor’s distinctions, either as patron or monarch’.124 However, the recent trend among Czech historians125 is to assess Vladislav’s reign not as a period of transition nor in the light of the achievements of Matthias Corvinus but from the spectacular remains of his patronage of the arts in Bohemia, which continued even after the removal of his court from Prague to Buda on his election to the Hungarian crown in 1490.126 Whereas little evidence of either Matthias’s or Vladislav’s patronage survived the sack of Buda by the

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Encyclopaedia Britannica, 24 vols (Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica Inc., 1947), XI, 902. Paul Needham, Twelve Centuries of Bookbindings (New York: Pierpont Morgan Library, 1979), p. 112. Emerico Várady comes to a similar conclusion: ‘All’esempio del grande predecessore, che dava luogo a paragoni non favorevoli al nuovo re, e all’influenza dello spirito di questo ambiente non poteva sottrarsi neanche lo stesso Uladislao’ (La Letteratura Italiana e la sua influenza in Ungheria, 2 vols (Rome: Istituto per l'Europa Orientale, 1934), II, 114). This opinion is contradicted by György Bónis, who, although he refers to Vladislav’s reign as ‘un periodo di decadenza’, admits ‘l’epoca degli Iagelloni è anche la continuazione di iniziative che risalgono al glorioso dominio di Mattia’ (‘Gli scolari Ungheresi di Padova alla Corte degli Iagelloni’, in Venezia e Ungheria nel Rinascimento, ed. by Vittore Branca (Florence: Olsehki, 1973), p. 231). 125 Jiřina Hořejši, ‘The Arts in Bohemia under the Jagiellos’, in Renaissance Art in Bohemia, ed. by Jiřina Hořejši and others (London: Hamlyn, 1979), pp. 15–48; see also Pozdně gotické umění v Čechách 1471–1526, ed. by Josef Krása (Prague: Odeon 1978; repr. 1984); Dějiny Ceského Vytvarného Uměni, ed. by R. Chadraba and others, 2 vols (Prague: Academia, 1984). 126 Hořejši, ‘Arts in Bohemia’, p. 20, states explicitly: ‘Vladislav’s period in Hungary is thus not separated from that of Corvinus by any clear dividing line.’ Hungarian historians, too, no longer consider the death of Matthias Corvinus in 1490 as bringing to a sudden halt the development of court patronage in Hungary, but emphasize instead the continuing influence of Buda on the whole of middle Europe as a centre for the dissemination of the arts during the reigns of the succeeding Jagiellonian monarchs; see László Gerevich, The Art of Buda and Pest in the Middle Ages (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1971), pp. 101–35; and exhibition catalogue, Matthias Corvinus und die Renaissance in Ungarn 1458–1541, ed. by Tibor Klaniczay and others (Vienna: Amt der Niederösterreichischen Landesregierung, 1982); also Tibor Klaniczay, ‘Hungary’, in The Renaissance in National Context, ed. by Mikuláš Teich and Roy Porter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 164–79; Josef Macek, ‘Bohemia and Moravia’, pp. 197–220. 124

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Turks in 1526, there are still extant in Bohemia a number of fine examples of the King’s interest in the arts.127 Unlike Matthias Corvinus, Vladislav does not seem to have been a great collector of books.128 That is not to say, however, that he was uninterested in literature or ignored humanist developments, as some historians would suggest.129 Although it seems that the scriptorium, which had flourished under Matthias Corvinus, did not exist during Vladislav’s reign, a number of the artists, scribes, and authors who had worked for Matthias continued to be employed by Vladislav.130 Many members of the Italian community who had gathered at

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Vladislav’s distinctive W motif still decorates many buildings in Bohemia. In Prague he built the Prasna Brana and remodelled the castle, adding the famous hall named after him. He placed an oratory in Saint Vitus’s Cathedral as well as having a fresco cycle painted in Saint Wenceslas’s chapel. The Royal Hunting Lodge at Křivoklat was refurbished and a new chapel built, while an extensive building programme at Kutná Hora completely altered the appearance of this important mining town. Other towns also benefited from the king’s patronage: for example, Vladislav’s arms still decorate the façade of the town-hall at Jindřichův Hradec. Nor were Vladislav’s building activities confined to Bohemia, as recent excavations of the Royal Palace at Buda Castle and the Hunting Lodge at Nyék reveal. 128 Rather than commission new manuscripts it seems that Vladislav had his own arms painted over those of his predecessor on some bindings: see Needham, Twelve Centuries, p. 112. Similarly other manuscripts commissioned by Matthias but not yet bound at his death were then bound with covers sporting the Jagiellonian arms: see Otto Mazal, ‘Die Einbände für die Könige Matthias I. Corvinus und Wladislaw II. von Ungarn in der Öesterreichischen Nationalbibliothek’, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 38 (1964), 354–69. 129 Várady, La Letteratura Italiana, pp. 114–18. Nor were developments in Italian humanism unheard of in Poland; see Antoni Mączak, ‘Poland’, in The Renaissance in National Context, ed. by Teich and Porter, pp. 180–96; Jacqueline L. Glomski, Patronage and Humanist Literature in the Age of the Jagiellons: Court and Career in the Writings of Rudolf Agricola Junior, Valentin Eck, and Leonard Cox (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007). A catalogue of the manuscripts in the University Library, Kraków, refers to a copy of Aristotle’s Metaphysics and De Anima (702. CC.VIII.38) as well as to one of De miseria conditionis humane by Poggio Bracciolini (515. DD.VIII.10) once owned by the young Vladislav; see W. Wislocki, Catalogus Codicum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Universitatis Jagellonicae Cracoviensis (Kraków: [n. pub.], 1877–81). For an account of the education of Vladislav and his brothers, see J. Skoczek, Wychowanie Jagiellonianów (Lwów: [n. pub.], 1932), pp. 57–95. 130 The exact date when the scriptorium ceased production is still a matter for debate; see Csaba Csapodi, ‘Quando cessò l’attività della bottega di miniatura di re Mattia?’, Acta Historiae Artium, 14 (1968), 223–33; Csaba Csapodi, The Corvinian Library: History and Stock (Budapest: Akadémiai Kladó, 1973).

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Matthias’s court remained in Buda and worked for the new king:131 for example, Julius Aemilius (Milius)132 was also appointed physician to Vladislav; Francesco Cinzio Benincasa133 was given the title of court poet; Antonio Bonfini134 continued as court historian and was commissioned by Vladislav to write a history of Hungary.135 Vladislav’s marriage in 1502 to Anne de Foix prompted a number of poets to compose celebratory verses,136 as did the birth of their son, Louis, in 1506.137 Later, the writer and poet Girolamo Balbi138 was appointed tutor to the young prince. Other events prompted occasional pieces: c. 1502 Giovanni Garzoni delivered an oration praising the King for his prompt action against the threat of Turkish invasion.139 Not every writer, however, found success at court.140 Despite the fulsome compliments paid by Filippo Beroaldo he was unable to gain the King’s patronage. It is against this background of literary activity that the presentation of Nagonius’s manuscript must be placed. 141 131 For a comprehensive list of the writers and their works, see Várady, La Letteratura Italiana, pp. 113–19; Florio Banfi, ‘Panegirico di Giovanni Michele Nagonio su Uladislao II di Boemia ed Ungheria’, L’Europa Orientale, 16 (1937), 408–17. For further information on the humanistic links between Italy and Hungary, see Shayne Mary Mitchell, ‘The Image of Hungary and of Hungarians in Italy, 1437–1526’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Warburg Institute, University of London, 1995). 132 Várady, La Letteratura Italiana, p. 114. 133 Ronald W. Lightbown, ‘Francesco Cinzio Benincasa’, Italian Studies, 19 (1964), 28–55. 134 Gerhard Rill, DBI, 12, pp. 28–30. 135 Antonio de Bonfini, Rerum ungaricarum decades, ed. by I. Fógel and others, 4 vols (Leipzig: Teubner, 1936–41); hereafter cited as Bonfini, Decades. 136 For example, Matthaeus Andronicus Tragurinus, Epithalamium in nuptias Vladislai Pannoniarium ac Boemiae regis et Annae Candaliae reginae (Venice: Bernardinus Venetus de Vitalibus, 1502); there is a modern edition by László Juhász in the series ‘Biblioteca scriptorium medii recentisque aevorum, saecula XV–XVI’ (Leipzig: Teubner, 1933). 137 Angelo Colocci wrote two poems, Exultatio de futuro partu Annae reginae Ladislai […] regis […] uxoris and Ad eosdem reges, BAV, Vat. lat. 3351, fols 4v–5r. 138 Gerhard Rill, DBI, 5, pp. 370–74. See also Analecta nova, pp. 11–16; Banfi, ‘Panegirico’, p. 409. 139 Oratio Joannis Garzonis quae Laudes continet Domini Ladislai Serenissimi Regis Missiae Minoris et Pannoniae atque inclyti Moraviae, et Slesiae Ducis, ed. by Florio Banfi, ‘Orazione di Giovanni Garzoni su Re Uladislao D’Ungheria’, Corvina, 31 (1936), 78–97. 140 Banfi, ‘Garzoni’, p. 84; Várady, La Letteratura Italiana, p. 115. 141 Prague, Národni a Universitni Knihovna, MS VIII. H.76 (1659); Part III, Catalogue, ‘Prague, Národni a Universitni Knihovna, MS VIII. H.76 (1659)’; Plate 8. Although the manuscript is now

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Unfortunately the royal account books for Vladislav’s reign in Bohemia and Hungary survive only for the years 1494–95 and no records survive of Nagonius’s visit to Vladislav’s court. We cannot, therefore, be certain that the poet ever visited Hungary. Indeed it seems more likely that the manuscript was prepared in Rome and sent to the King as a diplomatic gift in the wake of the celebrations greeting the news of Vladislav’s victory over Maximilian.142 If the poet did indeed travel to Buda the visit must have been brief. However, the brevity of Nagonius’s sojourn in Buda cannot be explained either by the poet’s inability to find a

in the University Library, it seems that this was presented to the King in Buda. After his accession to the Hungarian crown in 1490 Vladislav rarely visited Bohemia: in 1497, for a short time in 1502, and lastly in 1509–10 on the occasion of his son Louis’s coronation. Throughout the manuscript Nagonius refers repeatedly to Buda and Vladislav’s magnificent palace there. The exact route by which the manuscript entered the royal library in Buda and eventually found its way to Prague is unknown. Truhlář observes: ‘dubitari non potest, quin praeclarum hoc exemplar oblatum sit ipsi regi ab auctore’ (Catalogus, I. 614). The Royal Library in Buda was sacked after the battle of Mohács. On the dissolution and destruction of the royal libraries in Buda, N. Oláh comments: ‘Praeter has, et aliae duae erant Bibliothecae, in locis diversis arcis, sed prioribus inferiores, quas omnes Turca, post Ludovici regis, ad campum Moháts, interritum, qui Anno MDXXVI, 29 Augusti contigit, Buda, Septembri sequentis, octava die, postea capta, partim dilaceravit, partim in alios usus, argento detracto, dissipavit’ (Mátyás Bél, Adparatus ad Historiam Hungariae (Pozsony (Bratislava), [n. pub.], 1735–46), p. 9). An inscription on the frontispiece records that on 24 September 1638 the manuscript was presented by a certain Franciscus Sebastianus to the community of the Blessed Virgin Mary at Kutná Hora: ‘Liber iste sodalitiae B[eat]ae V[irgin]is Mariae sine labe conceptae catalogo inscriptus Kuttenbergae. Anno 1638 die 24 septembris. Dono liberaliter datus ab ingenio iuvene Francisco Sebastiano R[ec]tore eiusdem congregationis pio sodale.’ By the mid-seventeenth century the manuscript was in the library of the Society of Jesus in Prague (ad S. Clementem, shelf mark Y.I.i.N.127), now the University Library, Prague. 142 ‘Non vi mancano neppure degli indizi per determinare anche le circonstanze che dettero il motivo al panegirico del Nagonio’ (Banfi, ‘Panegirico’, p. 415). Basing his argument on a poem which appears later in Book III, Congratulatio […] habita Romae per Hungaros (fol. 133r–v), Banfi suggests that the Hungarian celebrations in Rome on the news of Vladislav’s victory may have furnished Nagonius with inspiration for panegyric: ‘La poesia […] allude evidentemente a certi Ungheresi che festeggiarono in Roma la vittoria di Uladislao’ (p. 415). Although supported by an impressive list of Hungarians in Rome who could have organized the festivity described by the poet, the argument is unconvincing. The Sapphic poem which Banfi cites is one of Nagonius’s set pieces. Variations on these verses appear throughout his œuvre. Indeed the poem had previously appeared in the manuscript offered to Maximilian (fol. 54r), whose conquest the Hungarians were celebrating, and would later appear in the manuscript dedicated to Pope Julius II with a similar title: ‘congratulatio ob eius tri|umphalem coronationem habita Ro|mae: tamquamque in templo olim Fortunae optimae’ (fol. 122r). This is another example of Nagonius adapting earlier compositions to suit a new occasion.

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permanent position at court or by Vladislav’s insensitivity to literature, as has been suggested.143 As we shall see, the poet had other reasons for addressing a manuscript to the King. The manuscript can be dated precisely both by internal references to people and events and by close stylistic comparison of the physical appearance of this manuscript with other volumes in Nagonius’s œuvre. By detailed biographical analysis of the list of Hungarian bishops who appear in Book II, Florio Banfi has established that the manuscript was written between 1495 and 1497: Templa tenet Petrus primum Colocentia presul, Thomas Agriensis sequitur, quem mente venusta numen habens populis, regi, dominisque Bohemis sanctius, admisso cum semper adurat amore. Varradiensis idem celesti munere dignus, tempora vittatus, qui puro murmure sacrum concinit officium; meliore sed aspice nutu hunc alium, electus titulo sub nobile Quinque Ecclesiensis inest, claro de stemmate natus Sygismundus, […] (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk I, ll. 1040–49) (Péter Váradi, Archbishop of Kalocsa,144 holds the first place in the church; Tamás Bakócz, bishop of Agria,145 follows, whose sharp mind the Holy Spirit fills towards the people, the king and the lords of Bohemia, since he always burns with permitted love. But look more closely at this other man, the bishop of Várad,146 worthy of the celestial gift of the mitre on his brow, who sings the divine office with a pure voice; Zsigmond, born from a famous house, elected to the noble title of Quinqueecclesiae,147 is here, […])

The manuscript can be dated with further accuracy from a reference in Book I to a bolt of lightning which struck the papal apartments: 143

‘Invano il poeta romano Michele Nagonio scrive per lui un lungo panegirico e tutto un volume di poesie minori, invano lo festeggia come “Rex doctissimus”’: Várady, La Letteratura Italiana, p. 115. 144 Péter Váradi, archbishop of Kalocsa (1480–1501), Banfi, ‘Panegirico’, p. 415. 145 Tamás Bakócz de Erdőd (1422–1521), bishop of Agria (1492–97), Banfi, ‘Panegirico’, p. 415. 146 Identified by Banfi as Dominic Kálmáncsehy, bishop of Várad (1495–1501), Banfi, ‘Panegirico’, p. 415. 147 Zsigmond Ernuszt Csáktornyai, bishop of Quinqueecclesiae (1475–1504); ‘Dai dati biografici di questi personaggi si deduce che gli estremi termini del periodo in cui il Nagonio redasse la sua opera, devono essere sicuramente il 1495, l’inizio del vescovato del Kálmáncsehy a Varadino, e il 1497, l’ultimo anno del vescovato del Bakócz in Agria’ (Banfi, ‘Panegirico’, p. 415).

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signavitque domos et sancta palatia nuper arsit, et extimuit flammis gravioribus urbem, ima petens certam foedavit sulfure turrim pontificis, feriunt aedes si fulmina sacras quid dicam? secumque trahant si fulgura moles? (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk I, ll. 100–04) (It marked out houses and lately burned the holy palace, and alarmed the city with rather serious fires, seeking the depths it disfigured with sulphur the Pope’s secure tower. What can I say if thunderbolts strike sacred temples and if lightening drags down buildings in its wake?)

The papal apartments in Castel Sant’Angelo were damaged by fire on 29 October 1497 when lightning struck the powder magazine in the great upper tower. The marble figure of the angel was destroyed and the battlements of the fortress were ruined as the stones were scattered into the Borgo and across the Tiber. Fifteen people were injured. The Venetian diarist Malipiero also records that the effects of the lightning penetrated as far as the papal antechamber.148 The manuscript thus appears to date from the end of 1497. The similarity between the volumes presented to Vladislav II and Henry VII suggests that Nagonius’s manuscript may also have been prompted by papal diplomacy. Alarmed by recent Turkish advances in the Mediterranean and in the Levant, in 1498 Pope Alexander VI sent a papal nuncio to Vladislav who had recently renewed his treaty of peace with Sultan Bājazīd II (1 May 1498).149 Nagonius’s manuscript thus seems connected with the Pope’s effort to organize a crusade against the Turks. Vladislav’s success against Maximilian in the war of succession for the vacant Hungarian throne must have suggested a new European hero to lead a papal crusade. The narrative of the panegyric of the opening book is only superficially adapted from the manuscripts previously offered to Maximilian and Henry VII. After learning the identity of the promised hero from the Sybil, the Roman delegation travel from Cumae to Buda to inform Vladislav of his good fortune (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘Descriptions of Buda, Jerusalem, and

148

Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204–1571), 4 vols (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1976–84), II (1978), 505. 149 Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, II, 519; Pastor, VI, 85–102. It seems that relations between the papacy and Hungary were amicable throughout Vladislav’s reign. The victory of the Hungarian forces under János Corvinus at Jajce in July 1500 earned praise for Vladislav as liberator of Italy (Banfi, ‘Garzoni’, p. 85 ff.).

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Constantinople’). At a tournament held to entertain the Roman embassy, Mars appears and personally awards Vladislav the gift of divine armour with which he is to defend Hungary from her enemies. Nagonius then includes 340 hexameters which record the struggle between Vladislav Jagiellon and Maximilian Habsburg for the Hungarian throne. This account of the contest for the Hungarian crown has attracted comment from a number of critics. Banfi observed that Nagonius ‘confused’ historical events,150 while Josef Truhlář accused the ‘itinerant foreign poet about whom nothing else is known’ of ‘historical inaccuracy’.151 Certainly, comparison of Nagonius’s account of events with those described by the contemporary Italian historian Antonio Bonfini reveals the extent to which the poet has rearranged the events so that the epic culminates with a triumphal image of the hero, as Vladislav II enters the city of Alba Iulia for his coronation.152 To appreciate the extent to which Nagonius modifies historical fact, we should recall the political context which inspires his composition. The history of central and eastern Europe in the late medieval period is one of intense opposition and bitter stalemate as rival dynasties quarrelled over kingdoms in a desperate struggle to gain supreme control by securing election as Holy Roman emperor, which was by no means the prerogative of the Habsburgs as is generally assumed. By the middle decades of the fifteenth century this rivalry had become a feud between the Habsburgs with their power base in Vienna, the Jagiellonian kings of Poland with their court at Kraków, and King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary, whose sudden death on 6 April 1490 left the Hungarian throne without a legitimate heir.153 On the election of Vladislav to the vacant throne by the assembly of Kákos on 15 July 1490, war against Hungary was immediately declared by the disappointed rivals.154 The main opposition came 150

Banfi, ‘Panegirico’, p. 416. Humanismus a humanisté v Čechách zá krále Vladislava II (Prague: České akademie císaře Františka Josefa pro vědy, slovesnost a umění, 1894), p. 115. 152 Nagonius is here following epic tradition: Silius Italicus had the triumph of Scipio Africanus as the culmination of his account of the war against Hannibal. 153 See The Cambridge History of Poland from the Origins to Sobieski (to 1696), ed. by W. F. Reddaway and others (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1941–50), pp. 250–57. 154 There is a fourteenth-century precedent for the election of the king of Bohemia to the Hungarian throne. In 1300 the son of Prˇemysl Otakar II, Václav (Wenceslas) II, accepted both the Polish crown and the heiress to the throne, Elizabeth Richenza. A year later a Hungarian delegation offered the Bohemian king the vacant Hungarian throne which he accepted for his son Václav III. The powerful confederation, which exceeded the Empire of Prˇemysl Otakar, was, 151

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from Maximilian Habsburg, who based his candidacy for the throne on the terms of the treaty of Wiener Neustadt that had promised his father Frederick the Hungarian crown if Matthias Corvinus died without legitimate issue. Other claimants included Corvinus’s illegitimate son János and Vladislav’s younger brother Jan Olbracht. Vladislav was crowned with splendid ceremony in the ancient Hungarian city of Alba Iulia on 21 September 1490.155 The war with Maximilian centred on this city which the Habsburg forces took during Vladislav’s absence shortly after his coronation in October of the same year. During Maximilian’s absence later in the following year, Vladislav regained the city. With this uneasy stalemate, peace was eventually achieved, resulting in the desultory treaty of Pressburg (Bratislava) signed on 7 November 1491,156 whereby Hungary retroceded all Matthias’s Austrian conquests, together with a long strip of Magyar border territory (including Eisenstadt, Guns, and Bernstein) and paid the war indemnity. This peace was not well received by the Hungarians, who, by electing Vladislav as king, had hoped to bring Bohemia (and eventually Poland) under their authority.157 The early years of Vladislav’s reign in Hungary were difficult. Not only was there intense and bitter rivalry at court between Corvinus’s widow Queen Beatrice, the daughter of King Ferrante of Naples, and Corvinus’s illegitimate son

however, short-lived. In 1304 Pope Boniface III and Holy Roman emperor Albrecht Habsburg, in an attempt to destroy the rival empire in central Europe, succeeded in placing Charles of Anjou on the Hungarian throne. A year later Václav II died, while his son was murdered the following year during a military expedition to Poland. 155 The coronation is described in great detail by Bonfini, Decades, IV. x. 196–205. 156 The treaty was published, Concordia Hungarica inter serenissimos et gloriosissimos principes [...] Fridericum tercium Romanum Imperatorem [...] et [ ...] Wladislaum Hungarie et Boemie Regem; see Aladár Ballagi, Buda és Pest a világirodalomban 1473–1711 (Budapest: Budapest Székesfõváros Kiadása, 1925), p. 52. 157 See Bonfini, Decades, V. ii. 229: ‘Multitudo, ubi condiciones audivit, statim cum stomacho perinde obstrepere et reclamare cepit, quasi non pacis, sed servitutis condiciones essent accipiende, nihilque propius factum est, quam ut ingentem seditionem proptera excitarit. Satis certe constat, et patres nonnullos, et ipsos pacis legatos per aliquot dies, nisi armorum turba stipatos tuto in curiam non venisse et ex nobilitate multos de secessione a patribus facienda consilia habuisse.’ Ironically Jan Olbracht accuses Vladislav of imperial intentions in Bonfini’s history: ‘neque enim finem ullum apparere cupiditatis eius, qui Bohemie, Moravie, Silesieque regno non contentus adhuc ulteriorem et citeriorem Ungariam inhiaret, ut imperium ab Oceano usque ad Adriaticum mare perduceret, qui ita propio principatui studeret, ut nihil de amantissimi fratris rationibus cogitaret’ (Bonfini, Decades, IV. x. 217).

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and presumed heir János (both were equally suspicious of the new king) but also the borders of Hungary were menaced on three sides: in the west by Maximilian; in the south by the Turks; in the north by Vladislav’s brother Jan Olbracht.158 Indeed the Polish army under Jan Olbracht was as great a threat to national security as Maximilian’s Swiss mercenaries. For the first two years after his brother’s election, Jan Olbracht persistently plagued Vladislav with repeated raids and incursions into Hungary’s northern territories.159 Only after a minor skirmish and a humiliating retreat was Jan Olbracht finally forced to renounce all his claims to the Hungarian throne (February 1491). This, coupled with the promise of the Polish crown,160 eventually brought peace to Hungary’s northern borders. Yet there is no mention of this jealous rivalry in Nagonius’s account. Indeed the relationship between the two brothers is portrayed as extremely cordial, with both Vladislav and Jan Olbracht presented as the twin defenders of Christendom: Quantis ille ferox satiabit cladibus oras, quot Turcos in strage dabit, quot sanguine fuso agmina prosternet victrix ingentia ferro Vuladislaus eques, caro cum fratre Ioanne? (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk I, ll. 480–83) (With how much slaughter will that fierce man drench his borders, how many Turks will he slaughter, with how much spilt blood will he destroy great armies victorious with his sword, the knight Vladislav with his dear brother John?)

In fact it was only when a younger brother Sigismund succeeded to the Polish throne that an amicable relationship between Poland and Hungary really

158

See Bonfini, Decades, IV. ix. 203: ‘Provincias, imminentibus undique bellis, hoc modo sortiti: rex cum Ioanne Corvino Laurentioque Duce, adversus Maximilianum et Alemanos imperator designatur, Stephano ulterior Ungaria adversus Polonos parum ab Alberto pace servata, Paulo in Turcas expeditio obtigit, qui Dalmatiam quotidie incursabant.’ 159 Bonfini, Decades, V, I, and II, passim. Jan Olbracht is always portrayed as the aggressor. When the two brothers eventually meet Vladislav asks: ‘Cur me hostili odio, Alberte, prosequeris? inquit.’ Jan Olbracht responds with the feeble excuse: ‘Non te, domine persequor, sed hos (Ungaros designans), qui me ad regnum capessendum accersiverunt, fidemque fefellerunt’ (Bonfini, IV. i. 218). 160 He succeeded his father on 5 July 1492.

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flourished.161 A catalogue of fraternal squabbles and disputes would obviously mar the idealized family image which the panegyrist was aiming to present.162 Nagonius’s account of the power struggle opens with the death of Matthias Corvinus:163 Occidit interea celeberrima gloria gentis armiferae Corvinus, avos imitatus equestres, sanguine Romano deducens stemma decorum progeniemque suam veteri sub origine patrum. (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 510!13) (In the meantime that most celebrated glory of a warlike race Corvinus died, having imitated his knightly ancestors, tracing descent noble in Roman blood and his family from an ancient line of ancestors.)

The elegy of Corvinus’s funeral gives way to civil discord as the Hungarian nobles divide into various factions: Hunc pars una volunt, alium pars altera regem acclamant, sed maior erat coniuncta sereno Vuladislae tibi, sequitur quem turba favore multiplici, veniuntque pari sub amore potentes nobilitas et honos et regem voce salutant. Pars adversa furit patulo certamina campo saeva petens, et tela volens, te provocat hostem. (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 525–31)

161

On the death of Jan Olbracht (17 July 1501) the crown passed to another younger brother, the short-lived Alexander, grand duke of Lithuania (1461–1506). Sigismund’s succession on 20 October 1506 heralds the flowering of the arts in Poland. He had spent two years (1501–02) in Hungary at his brother’s court, and, as his extant account books show, was a great patron of the arts while in Buda. He continued this patronage when he became king, introducing into Poland the fashionable Italian styles in art and architecture which he had discovered during his stay in Hungary; see Kenneth F. Lewalski, ‘Sigismund I of Poland: Renaissance King and Patron’, Studies in the Renaissance, 14 (1967), 49–72; Gerevich, The Art of Buda and Pest, passim. 162 For example, Nagonius refers to ‘Warlike Jan Olbracht, conquered by fraternal love’ (Belliger Albertus fraterno vinctus amore. NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk I, l. 505). Family feuds are similarly glossed over in other manuscripts presented by Nagonius. 163 Matthias Corvinus had figured earlier in Book I (ll. 942–48), together with Vladislav’s father King Kazimierz IV of Poland, on the plains of Elysium among the shades of the warriors who had distinguished themselves in battle.

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(One faction supports this man, a second side proclaims another king, but the greater part was aligned to you serene Vladislav, whom the crowd follows with many favours, and powerful nobility and honour come with equal love and acknowledge the king with a shout. The opposition rages on the open plain seeking savage battles and desiring war and they call you forth as the enemy.)

Bonfini lists these factions and shows that, despite Nagonius’s claim, Vladislav was not the Hungarians’s first choice.164 According to the treaty concluded with Frederick Habsburg in 1462, the throne of Hungary was to be inherited by the Habsburgs should King Matthias die without legitimate male issue.165 The poet simplifies the account by making the struggle for the Hungarian throne a contest between only Vladislav and the bellicose Maximilian. From the opening line of the poem, modelled upon Silius Italicus, there has been no doubt as to the outcome: ‘Ordior armiferi devicto Caesare regis gesta’ (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk I, ll. 1–2) (I relate the deeds of the warrior king when Caesar was conquered). Throughout the campaign Vladislav stresses the justice of his own cause: Ibimus electi contra tot milia gentis, urbs ubi regalis, quae latis panditur arvis, Alba, ducum requies illa est, quae regna ministrat regibus et finem tradit pulcherrima pugnae. Hanc urbem socii prefixa mente petamus, quae vobis sceptrumque mihi iam spondet amicum. Decretum est equites, cum Caesare bella movere horrenda, atque ipsum nostro depellere regno iure manet nobis, fungamur iuribus oro. Pannonis ora mihi debet, nostrosque recepit sponte sua titulos, iam nos in tecta vocavit, et propria regnare domo concessit amica. (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 602–13)

164

See Bonfini, Decades, IV. ix. 171: ‘Ita enim ea tempestate Ungarorum fata tulerunt, uti quinque legationes regalia comitia sollicitarent, diversaque hominum studia traherent.Imprimis Cesarea, que quanto plus autoritatis habet, tanto maius in regno ius sibi vendicare videbatur, quod in reddendo sacro diademate Matthie regi, ex compacto Cesar sibi compararat. Deinde Bohemica, cui, si electionis fortuna faveret, quia hereditario iure nitebatur, multo melius, quam ceteris sperare licebat. Item Polonica, qui pro Alberto Regnum exposcebat; et Aragonia, qui pro servanda reginae Beatricis dignitate, ut in regno successori coniugata succederet, tunc agebat. Accedebat et Corvina, qui Ioannem ducem, Matthie regis filium, ut patri succederet, multa moliebatur, cui nisi illegitima genitura obstitisset, certo sine controversia patri successisset.’ 165 The treaty between Matthias Corvinus and Holy Roman emperor Frederick III was printed by Frederick in 1490 in both Latin and German as part of the propaganda campaign following Vladislav’s coronation.

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(We the chosen ones will go against so many thousand people where the royal city of Alba extends across the broad plains. That most beautiful city is the resting place of princes, and confirms kings in their kingdoms and puts an end to battle. Friends, let us with a resolute spirit make for this city, which already promises the sceptre to me and friendly rule for you. Knights, it has been decreed to move horrendous war with Caesar, and it is right for us to expel him from our kingdom. I pray that we may perform our rights. The border of Hungary is destined for me and receives our titles of its own accord; already it has invited us into its houses to rule its own affairs and conceded a friendly house.)

As mentioned above, the order of events as presented in Nagonius’s account of the struggle for the vacant crown has little basis in reality. In keeping with panegyric tradition, historical events are reshaped into an ideal pattern of order restored, concord, and peace. The description of the war is written in the historical present giving a greater immediacy and excitement to the verse as if the poet is writing an eyewitness account. Yet the poem was written with the benefit of hindsight. Nagonius does not acknowledge the differing time scales which leads to some seeming historical inaccuracies. For example, Vladislav and Maximilian are presented as equal contenders for a vacant crown, whereas historically Vladislav had already been proclaimed king and in fact crowned before Maximilian invaded.166 Indeed it was his coronation that had prompted Maximilian to invade. Similarly Vladislav’s father King Kazimierz IV of Poland is always referred to in the past. He did not die, however, until 7 June 1492 after the war with Maximilian had been successfully concluded. He was actually involved in the peace negotiations between Vladislav and his brother Jan Olbracht who was at one stage Maximilian’s ally. From the outset Nagonius emphasizes the different roles of the two contestants: Vladislav is portrayed as the bringer of peace to a country torn by disorder, whereas Maximilian, by violating this stability and order, adopts the role of the characteristic villain of panegyrical oratory. Vladislav, like the epic hero Aeneas, is reluctant to fight; Maximilian, like Aeneas’s adversary Turnus, is eager 166 See Bonfini, Decades, IV. x. 202: ‘Posteaquam verum legitimumque regem Ungari statuere, cum undique bella imminerent, de sortiendis Provinciis agi ceptum est. Quare die noctuque Senatus habebatur. Legatus apostolicus, qui celebrationi huic affuerat, et orator Ferdinandi regis, in Italiam subinde dimissi. Ioannes Vespriniensis episcopus, cum se hostibus Alemanis finitimum esse diceret rebusque suis admodum timeret, primus ex episcopis a rege missionem accepit; ceteri dies circiter octo apud eum Albe remansere, donec gravioribus bene rebus prospiceretur. Aulica munera ita partiri placuit: Stephanus Bathor, magistratum curiae: Syrmiensis antistes, preturam regiam, et loco regiae maiestatis dicendi iuris potestatem, Petrus Gerebus regalis aule prefecturam, palatini filius stabuli curam, Losontius vexilliferatum, Zagrebiensis deinde pontifex, cum se sponte Urbanus antiquo munere abdicasset, quasturam assecutus est.’

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for battle. As the scene shifts to the city of Alba and the armies face each other, the difference between the two leaders becomes more apparent. Maximilian reviews his troops with obvious pride in his army composed mainly of Swiss mercenaries: Ipse libens veni, duxi fortes Suevos belligeros equites, et multis agmina signis insignita meis, aquilas gestantia fulvas. Nunc opus est armis, tractareque bella Bohemis, gens nobis inimica nimis multumque rebellis, quisque suas vires ostendat, corpusque periclis omnibus opponat, nec curet vulnera miles. Haec est illa dies, quae vestrum nomen Olympo extollet, tribuet vobis et vivere caelo. (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 549–57) (I myself have come willingly, I have lead the strong and brave Swebians, warlike knights and battalions distinguished by my many colours and wearing the golden eagles. Now there is need for arms and to wage war with the Bohemians, a race too hostile towards us and very rebellious. Let each soldier show his strength and pledge his body to every danger and not care for wounds. This is the day that will carry your name to Olympus and allow you to live in the heavens.)

The ferocity of the assault on Alba is well documented by Bonfini who notes in particular the role played by Maximilian’s Swiss mercenaries.167 Despite a successful assault on Maximilian’s encampment in which the King had brilliantly distinguished himself, Vladislav is anxious for his troops’ welfare and again stresses the justice of his cause: Iure mihi regnum debetur, legibus ergo omnibus utamur nostris, qui prelia iusto Marte movet, fortuna favet, studioque tuetur. (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 672–74) (The kingdom is mine by right, so let us use all our might; fortune favours the man who wages war in a just cause and protects with zeal.)

167

See Bonfini, V. i. 211: ‘suevi hastatis et gravis armature praemissis militibus, et machinariis post se subsequi iussis, cum in suburbium pervenissent, cum parva praesidii manu temere ex oppido obviam egressi, prelium commiserunt, quos ex equis infesta hasta se acrius inferentes cum presidium fraxinea lancea pedes circiter viginti longa comminus manum conserere aliquandiu prohibuisset, et praecedentem phalangem protexisset, tandem machinariis omnia fumo et strepitu involventibus consternatum, in urbem se recipere est compulsum Suevis adeo cupide insequentibus, ut nonnulli cum iis mixti intra portam urbis irruperint.’

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Nagonius uses Vladislav’s speech to offer a eulogistic list of the Hungarian nobility who supported the King:168 Est nobis Josuae nostri spes plurima Martis viribus ornatus patriis et corpore firmo. Hinc et magnificis Stephanus spectabilis unus in titulis, transgressus avos atavosque superbos, regales custodit opes fidissimus iste. Hos et Barones insignes laude sequuntur Canysai, Bathori, pugnantum et gloria Banfi, pectore quo pressi valido? quo robore pacti? Ista dies vobis spondet victricia castra. (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 678–86) (We have Josue on our side, the great hope of our fight, decorated with the strength of his forefathers and a stout heart. Here there is that singular Stephanus renowned with magnificent titles and surpassing his proud fathers and forefathers; this most faithful man guards the royal wealth. Barons Canysai and Báthory,169 famed in their renown, follow these men, and the glory of warriors Banfi. What strength has overpowered your valid hearts? What courage has compelled you? This day will reveal victorious camps for you.)

Epic similes are taken from Virgil to emphasize Vladislav’s courage: on the battlefield he is compared to a fire sweeping through a cornfield (ll. 754–58)170 and a wounded lion (ll. 689–92).171 Unlike Vladislav, Maximilian does not enter the battle himself. In fact the mere sight of the Bohemian cavalry freezes his blood: Caesar, ut aspexit, fortes ad praelia turmas currere, et in medio certantem ex agmine regem, tunc gelidus timido sanguis in corpore mansit, non ausus certare manu, nec tendere contra stans in equo Caesar, nequiquam multa volutans instaurat verbis acies atque addidit aestus. (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 764–69) (When Caesar saw the strong cavalry charge into the fray and the King fighting in their midst of the battle line, then cold fear ran through his cowardly frame. Not having dared hand-to-hand combat, sitting on his horse and turning over in his mind many things to no purpose, while encouraging the troops with words he added to their wavering enthusiasm.)

168 169 170 171

For further biographical details, see Banfi, ‘Panegirico’, pp. 414–15. Miklós Báthory (c. 1440–1506), Bishop of Vác. Cf. Aen., X. 405–09. Cf. Aen., XII. 3–7.

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The contrast between Vladislav’s hot fury and Maximilian’s cold fear is deliberate and emphasized again as the Habsburg forces flee the battlefield closely pursued by Vladislav and his army. The King taunts the retreating enemy with words modelled upon Caesar’s speeches in Lucan: Num puduit ceptis ingentibus ense remisso defecisse modo? puduit num linquere castra Caesar, et audaces sic effugisse Bohemos? Nullum terga decus, nec habent fugientia laudes agmina, nec fugiens miles gestabit honores. (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 794–98)172 (Are you not ashamed to have thrown aside your sword in such a great undertaking and fled in this manner? Are you not ashamed, Caesar, that your army has deserted and run from the bold Bohemians? Backs do not earn glory and routed battalions have no honour, nor will the fleeing soldier win praise.)

The King adds a few scornful words and thus the contest is concluded: ‘Ite, ite, O pavidae gentes, non castra sequamur | amplius, indigni nullos meruistis honores’ (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 803–04) (Go on, fly, cowardly race, let us not pursue the rout further: you unworthy people have gained no honour). Within this framework of epic warfare and heroism Vladislav is portrayed as peacemaker quickly subduing both civil and foreign discord and returning order and tranquillity to his new kingdom. Moreover, by referring repeatedly to Maximilian as ‘Caesar’ Nagonius elevates the stature of Vladislav’s opponent and, by doing so, makes Vladislav’s victory seem all the more impressive. For the panegyrist therefore, Vladislav’s victory was the outward and continuing manifestation of a rightful accession. The scene changes as Vladislav makes a triumphal entry into Alba Iulia for his coronation. Unlike other volumes in Nagonius’s œuvre, the manuscript presented to Vladislav does not have an illuminated frontispiece showing the King riding in a triumphal car. Yet this is precisely the image with which the poem concludes: Hostibus exhaustis, regalem tendit ad Albam Vuladislaus eques, praesignis et inclytus actis, et diadema petit devicto Caesare sacrum. Tum subito gentes regem clamoribus altis in proprium petiere suum, pariterque potentum turba gravis comitum delecta fronte salutat, 172

Cf. Luc., VII. 337 ff.

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‘Maxime Rex Regum salve, qui Caesaris arma fregisti, et valido superasti castra Gradivo.’[…] Omnis ‘Io’ populus clamabat, quantus in urbe rursus ‘Io’ strepitat, Budae cum transit ad arcem Vuladislaus, equis devectus quattuor ibat aureus in niveis, pulchro speciosus in ostro. (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 805–12; 819–21) (When the enemy was exhausted and now that Caesar was defeated, the knight Vladislav, outstanding and renowned in deeds, makes his way to royal Alba and seeks the sacred crown. Then suddenly the people search out their own king with lofty shouts and similarly a solemn crowd of great lords offer greetings with cheerful expression: ‘Hail the greatest king of kings who has broken Caesar’s army and conquered his camps like powerful Mars.’ […] All the population was shouting ‘Io’ so much that the hurrah echoes back to the city of Buda when Vladislav crosses to the citadel, borne gleaming in a chariot drawn by four snowy-white horses and resplendent in rich purple.)

Although the poet vividly describes an imperial adventus with Christian overtones there is no record that such a procession ever took place. Like Aeneas, Vladislav’s victory is presented as the welcome fulfilment of the Sibyl’s prophecies from Book I and Fate’s decree. By awarding Vladislav a triumph in the manner of the Romans, the poet stresses the resemblance between Vladislav’s achievements and those of the ancient heroes with whom he is compared: Laude sit aeterna Marius, sit nomine cultus Augustus Caesar mundi celeberrimus heros, imperium sine fine tenens, sine fine triumphos. Titus et ille satis iuvenis post fata parentis cum tulit imperium, Solymas transgressus ad arces, dirripuit vindex ingratam protinus urbem, arcus ovans iterum partos testatur honores. (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 836–42) (May he be a Marius in eternal praise, may he be honoured by the name Augustus Caesar, the most renowned hero in the world, commanding boundless empire, endless triumphs. He will be another Titus, when as a young man, he became emperor after the death of his father and, having taken the citadel of Jerusalem, as an avenger immediately sacked the ungrateful city; the arch, rejoicing once more, bears witness with displayed spoils of war.)

This excerpt from a much longer passage and the similes already cited were highlighted with marginal flourishes by the scribe to indicate their importance. Nor are the allusions merely poetic conceits. Frescoes in the Smíšek chapel in the church of Saint Barbara at Kutná Hora depict Vladislav in the guise of the Roman

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emperors Augustus and Trajan.173 Implicit in these allusions and also in the concluding prayer for a crusade against the Turk is the idea that Vladislav, rather than Maximilian, is the true descendant of the Roman Caesars: Crediderim sine te sorderent nomina regum. Vive pius, foelix invictus semper in hostes tende libens, Turchos et debellare superbos Vuladislae rogant mecum mare, sydera, terrae. (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 848–51) (I believe that, without you, the name of kings would suffer. Live on, pious man, happy and always unconquered, go freely against the enemies, defeat the proud Turks, Vladislav, the sea, the stars, and the lands request this with me.)

With his election to the Hungarian throne in 1490, Vladislav added yet another kingdom to the already vast Jagiellonian territories in Central and Eastern Europe. Rivalry with the ambitious Habsburgs was inevitable as Vladislav and Maximilian, who could both claim descent from the Holy Roman emperor Charles IV, entertained ideas of Empire.174 Both sought to bolster their pretensions with classical allusions. The image of Maximilian, which the poet presents in the manuscripts now in Vienna and Prague, seems contradictory, and it is easy to see why panegyric poets are accused of insincerity. Such criticism, however, fails to acknowledge the conventions of epideictic. These manuscripts were never intended to be compared and to do so divorces them from the historical and political circumstances that prompted their composition. In the manuscript presented to Vladislav, the description of Maximilian as a bellicose and ultimately cowardly warmonger, serves to emphasize, by negative example, the ideal nature of Jagiellonian kingship, his defeat becoming, as the opening lines make clear, one of Vladislav’s heroic attributes. Because this role is motivated by the panegyric, it should not be viewed as personal censure of Maximilian by Nagonius. As Brian Vickers has observed, this ability to argue in utrumque partem is one characteristic of the humanists

173

On this, see Hořejši, ‘Arts in Bohemia’, pp. 18–20. It seems that it was traditional to compare the rulers of Hungary with the Roman emperor Trajan, who was awarded the title Dacicus in AD 102 for his campaign against the Dacian leader Decebalus (celebrated on Trajan’s column). Vladislav is also compared to Trajan by Filippo Beroaldo in a letter to Archbishop Peter of Kolozsvar (see Analecta nova, pp. 40–43). 174 For Vladislav’s identification with his maternal great-grandfather Charles IV, see the frescoes in Saint Wenceslas’s chapel in Saint Vitus’s Cathedral, Prague, by Hořejši, ‘Arts in Bohemia’, pp. 21–22.

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which has often baffled modern scholars.175 The poetry is not personal but rather an official celebration of the sovereign regardless of individual merit. In the volatile world of late fifteenth-century European politics the panegyrist had to offer his praises as though the regime were eternal, but in the knowledge that there might be another lord occupying the same position the following year. His verse had to be readily adaptable to every exigency. By bridging the gap between the realities of everyday life and the ideal world to which his dedicatees aspire, the poet presents an image that is both consolatory and inspirational. The struggle for the Hungarian throne was not concluded in a magnificent triumph as the poet suggests but rather by the stalemate treaty of Pressburg (Bratislava). The agreement signed between the two families regarding succession in case one of the Houses died out was strengthened with the double marriage between Vladislav’s children, Louis and Anne, and Maximilian’s grandchildren, Mary and Ferdinand.176 With the death of the young King Louis at the battle of Mohács 29 August 1526, the Habsburgs finally achieved their ancient ambition and the Czech crown passed to Louis’s brother-in-law Ferdinand I (1526–64), bringing most of central Europe under the control of one Imperial dynasty, and thereby fulfilling, albeit obliquely, Nagonius’s concluding prophetic prayer in the manuscript for Maximilian: ‘Perpetuum commendo vale, sint tempora fausta | imperio semper Maximiane tuo’ (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 89r) (Farewell Maximilian, I commend you forever, may there always be happy times under your rule).

Conclusion As we have seen, in the mid-1490s Nagonius’s career developed dramatically. The earliest surviving manuscript of panegyric verse, featuring the honorand in the guise of an epic hero was presented to Maximilian Habsburg in expectation of his coronation in Rome as Holy Roman emperor. Here the repeated allusions to Maximilian’s coronation and his invitation to travel to Rome as soon as possible probably reflect the increasingly desperate situation of the Borgia papacy before 175

Brian Vickers, ‘Epideictic and Epic in the Renaissance’, New Literary History, 14 (1983), 497–537 (p. 507). 176 For later amicable meetings of Vladislav and Maximilian, see ‘Diarium Johannes Cuspiniani De Congressu Maximiliani I Caesaris cum Vladislao, Ludovico et Sigismundo Hungariae Bohemiae ac Poloniae Regibus; et inita ex genuino foedere matrimoniali, anno MDXV ad XXII Julii adfinitate’, in Bél, Adparatus, pp. 279–302.

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the French expedition to Naples. Maximilian features again in a later volume as his unsuccessful bid for the Hungarian crown is chronicled in the manuscript for Vladislav II. This struggle would later be transformed into the poet’s epic account of the battle fought at Fornovo on 6 July 1495 between the retreating French troops and the Italian Holy League (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Battle of Fornovo’). In 1496 Nagonius travelled to London to present a manuscript to Henry VII that was intended to persuade the English king to join and take an active part in the Holy League. This had been formed nominally to defend Europe against the threat of the Turks, but in reality it was designed to resist French expansion in Italy under Charles VIII. Some three years later (1499) the poet would be drawing together the themes of these early manuscripts to celebrate the expedition of the new French king Louis XII against Milan.

Chapter 4

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K

ing Charles VIII of France died unexpectedly in the castle of Amboise on 7 April 1498. His premature death, at the age of twenty-eight, leaving no direct male heir, sent shock waves across Europe. Charles was succeeded by his distant cousin, Louis, duke of Orléans (27 June 1462–1 January 1515). Upon his accession the new King began signing himself ‘By the grace of God, King of France, Sicily and Jerusalem and Duke of Milan’ thus confirming his immediate intention of reviving Angevin claims to Naples as soon as he had secured the Visconti inheritance in Milan, for Louis already considered himself de iure the rightful duke of Milan. This threat of repeated French invasion of the Italian peninsula caused a dramatic shift in Borgia foreign policy as Pope Alexander VI saw in the French attitude an opportunity for the aggrandizement of his own family.1 Both Charles VIII and Louis XII claimed titles in Italy; Charles VIII had inherited Angevin pretensions to the kingdom of Naples, while his cousin Louis, as the head of the House of Orléans, had claims to Milan based on descent from Valentina Visconti (1366–1408), daughter of Duke Gian Galeazzo Visconti of

1

See Patrick Gilli, ‘Alexandre VI et la France d’après les sources contemporaines: physionomie d’une relation diplomatique inconciliable’, in Roma di fronte all’Europa al tempo di Alessandro VI, ed. by Myriam Chiabò and others, 3 vols (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2001), I, 59–76; also Enrico Angiolini, ‘La politica dei Borgia in Romagna’, in Alessandro VI e lo Stato della Chiesa, ed. by Carla Frova and Maria Grazia Nico Ottaviani (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2003), pp. 147–74. Note also Léon-Gabriel Pélissier, ‘Sopra alcuni documenti relativi all’alleanza tra Alessandro VI e Luigi XII (1498–1499)’, Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria, 17 (1894), 303–73; 18 (1895), 99–215.

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Milan.2 Charles VIII had excused and validated his invasion of the Italian peninsula in 1494 by claiming that his plans for the conquest of Naples and southern Italy were not an end in themselves, but the first step of a crusade eastward aiming to wrest the Mediterranean from the Turks and to recapture the Holy Land. In an atmosphere of almost messianic expectation it was proclaimed that the French monarch had been sent by God to triumph in Rome, reform the Church, receive the imperial crown, and deliver Constantinople and Jerusalem.3 For all these reasons, a hold over the kingdom of Naples, traditionally seen as the base from which a crusade could be launched, seemed useful.4 On his accession in 1498 Louis XII used a similar rhetoric as writers and churchmen urged him also to do his duty and rout the Infidel. The new king was only too keen to exploit the idea of a crusade as an excuse for his invasion of northern Italy in support of his interests in Lombardy. Having learned from the previous experience of Charles VIII’s invasion, Pope Alexander VI accepted the realities of the political situation and decided to use it to his best advantage by adapting Borgia foreign policy to meet these new exigencies. Rather than defend Italy this time from the ‘barbarian aggressor’, Pope Alexander VI decided upon a different strategy that would promote Borgia interests in central Italy. Louis XII’s immediate and overriding desire was for a divorce from Jeanne of France, daughter of Louis XI, and remarriage with Charles VIII’s widow, Anne of Brittany, thereby maintaining French control of the duchy of Brittany. Papal dispensation for the new marriage was necessary because of the degree of kinship of the future spouses (Anne’s grandmother was Louis’s aunt).5 Alexander was keen to secure both the Papal States and create a hereditary Borgia enclave. For this the Pope needed foreign support. A rapprochement with the new

2

In 1387 Valentina had married Louis d’Orléans, brother of King Charles VI of France (1380–1422). 3 In general, see Margaret Meserve, Empires of Islam in Renaissance Historical Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008); Nancy Bisaha, Creating East and West: Renaissance Humanists and the Ottoman Turks (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylania Press, 2004); Ottavia Niccoli, Prophecy and People in Renaissance Italy, trans. by Lydia G. Cochrane (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990). 4 See Georges Peyronnet, ‘The Distant Origins of the Italian Wars: Political Relations between France and Italy in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries’, in The French Descent into Renaissance Italy, 1494–95: Antecedents and Effects, ed. by David Abulafia (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1995), pp. 29–54. 5 For the divorce, see René de Maulde La Clavière, ‘Alexander VI et le divorce de Louis XII’, Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes, 57 (1896), 197–204.

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regime in France would, therefore, suit both parties and Alexander used the opportunity offered by the application for a divorce to promote his son Cesare. He was released from ecclesiastical duties in August 1498 and sent to France, taking with him the papal bull which conceded the divorce. In return, Cesare was created duke of Valentinois, given the hand in marriage of Charlotte d’Albret, daughter of Alain d’Albret (1440–1522) and sister to Jean d’Albret, king of Navarre. In addition, Cesare was given the promise of French troops to help secure the Romagna after he had served in the impending French campaign against Milan. After these protracted negotiations, on 6 January 1499 in the castle of Nantes Louis and Anne were married and the duchess of Brittany became the queen of France for a second time. Louis lost no time in negotiating treaties with neighbouring states, including England and Spain, in order to free himself for the Italian campaign. Within a year everything was in place. In April 1499 the King signed the Treaty of Blois with Venice, which partitioned the Milanese territory, and by late summer Louis had left his new wife pregnant at Romorantin for her confinement and moved south to Lyon to oversee the invasion of Lombardy and the expulsion of Ludovico Sforza il Moro from Milan. In this he was aided by the Milanese condottiere Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, who had been an exile in France since 1494.6 Trivulzio was named commander of the army and made governor of the county of Asti in northern Italy (which was the property of the duchy of Orléans) to encourage dissent in nearby Milan (see Map 2). On 10 August Trivulzio led his army into Milanese territory. With French troops advancing in the west and the Venetians advancing simultaneously on Cremona in the east, Ludovico Sforza could offer little resistance and fled the city on 2 September. As predicted, Milan capitulated quickly and Louis, who had been awaiting developments in Lyon, hastened across the Alps and made his triumphant entry into the city on 6 October with Cesare Borgia at his side. The new climate of appeasement between the papacy and France and the French campaign against Milan provide the background for the commission of a sumptuous manuscript for Louis XII and a series of manuscripts for northern Italian lords with French sympathies.

6

See Léon-Gabriel Pélissier, ‘La Politique de Trivulce au début du règne de Louis XII’, Revue des questions historiques, 56 (1894), 3–45; for Trivulzio, see Marcelle Klein, Die Beziehungen des Marschalls Gian Giacomo Trivulzio zu den Eidgenossen und Bündnern (1480–1518) (Zurich: [n. pub.], 1939); Rosmini, Dell’istoria.

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Figure 4. Accipe fatalem clypeum. The god Mars presents a shield to Louis XII. BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 2v. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France.

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‘Accipe fatalem clypeum’: A Manuscript for Louis XII, 1499 Nagonius’s manuscript for Louis can be dated with some precision.7 The French king is referred to throughout as rex novus (‘the new king’; fols 34v, 123v), implying that the text was written fairly soon after Louis’s accession. The nineteenth-century French historian René de Maulde La Clavière suggested the date 1498 using as evidence the epithalamium (fols 185v–88r), which he suggests was written in expectation of Louis’s forthcoming marriage with Anne of Brittany.8 This theory, however, does not account for the prominent role played by Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, created commander-in-chief of the French forces in July 1499, in the narrative of Book I. Moreover Nagonius’s all-purpose epithalamium was offered with little variation to a number of dedicatees and the title de futuro nuptiis edita subita furore (fol. 185v) is formulaic (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘An Epithalamium for Guglielmo II, Marquis of Monferrat and Anne D’Alençon’). However, Nagonius does exploit his role as vates or prophetic seer, to predict the birth of a son for the newly married couple and the expectation of the birth of a dauphin provides a major theme throughout the text. This suggests that the volume was written in 1499 during Anne of Brittany’s pregnancy but before the birth of their daughter, the princess Claude, on 7 November 1499. Further evidence supports this. Coincidently, Anne of Brittany gave birth the day that Louis left Milan. Louis returned to Romorantin for the christening before moving his peripatetic court back to Blois for Christmas. Exclusive emphasis upon the Milanese expedition and the absence of any specific references in the text to the subsequent campaign against Naples seems to confirm that the manuscript was written after the conquest of Milan but before the later assault on Naples; that is, after Ludovico Sforza’s flight from the city (2 September 1499) but before the entry of the French army under d’Aubigny into Naples (4 August 1501). Repeated reference to Gian Giacomo Trivulzio as general of the French army and his expulsion of ‘tyrants’ further suggests that the manuscript was written before his dismissal from the office of viceroy in Milan (5 February 1500). This seems to suggest that the manuscript was presented to the King during his brief sojourn in the city, i.e. between 6 October and 7 November 1499. However, the earliest reference to the

7

BnF, MS lat. 8132; Part III, Catalogue, ‘Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 8132’. 8 René de Maulde La Clavière, Chroniques de Louis XII par Jean d’Auton, 3 vols (Paris: Renouard, 1889–95), I, 396–99.

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manuscript in the catalogue made in 1518 of royal books kept at Blois suggests an alternative hypothesis: ‘Les œuvres d’ung aultre poëte nommé‚ Michael Vagonnius [sic] qu’ilz envoya au roy Loys XIIe’ (the work of another poet named Michael Vagonnius [sic] which he sent to King Louis XII).9 Perhaps the poet had originally intended to present the manuscript in Milan but Louis had already left before this could be accomplished, so the manuscript was sent after him to Blois (where it remained until the library was moved by Francis I to Fontainebleau). Either way, the Nagonius text suggests that the manuscript can be dated to 1499. The volume dedicated to Louis XII is the most sumptuous and elaborately decorated of all Nagonius’s manuscripts (see below, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘Decoration and Illumination’). The text is also the most original in terms of its contents. The manuscript is divided into six books. The epic narrative, previously offered to Maximilian, Henry VII, and Vladislav II respectively, is dramatically expanded into three books, the main theme of which is Louis’s conquest of Milan and his preparations for a crusade. The later books contain an enlarged selection of carmina (in a variety of meters) on general themes variously celebrating Louis’s activities as king. An epigram in Book VI (‘de pietate habenda in patriam provintiamque gallicam’; fols 179r–80r) makes specific reference to the preparations for the Italian campaign. Maximilian had used Louis’s accession as an excuse to foment trouble in Burgundy, which had been lost to the French crown in 1477, and which Maximilian had always intended to recover for his dynasty. Louis settled the dispute by ignoring Maximilian and coming to terms with Maximilian’s son Philip, who had inherited Burgundy through his mother. A treaty was signed between them in August 1498 in which Philip agreed that he would not challenge French rule over Burgundy during his lifetime. Nagonius makes reference to these events in an epigram (incipit ‘Dilige Francorum patriam’; fol. 179r) where he first lists examples of magnanimity from ancient history and then threatens Archduke Philip of Burgundy: Hostica si forsan turbabunt agmina Gallos, et Francas gentes Marte ruente petent. quamvis Francorum firmo stet robore scaeptrum regnaque sint nullo debilitata metu, tunc princeps insurge libens, Ducis arma Philippi aggredere, et victo de duce templa cole. Succubuit semper validis Burgundia Gallis

9

Henri Omont, Anciens inventaires et catalogues de la Bibliothèque nationale, 5 vols (Paris: Leroux, 1908–21), I. 50, no. 330.

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inclinatque acies terra subacta suas. Quanta strage virum cecidit Dux Carolus olim pertulit ut meritam fossus ab hoste necem. Tu quoque magnanimi duceris ad ora Philippe principis, ignoscet nec tibi crede reo. Disce Ludovicum, regisque capesscere iussa formidare tuum si bona corda tenes. Vive sub exemplo, moneant exempla Philippum. nuper avi, terrent te quoque fata modo. Effuge belligeri furias et Gallica gessa regis, habet fortes Aurelianus equos. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fols 179v–80r) (If, perhaps, hostile armies will trouble the French and will attack the French people in headlong war, although the French crown stands secure in strength and the kingdoms are not weakened by any fear, then, Prince, willingly rise up, attack the arms of Duke Philip and decorate the temples with the spoils from the conquered duke. Burgundy has always surrendered to Gallic might and when the land has been conquered, its armies give way. Amid such slaughter Duke Charles once fell; stabbed by the enemy, he endured a deserved death.10 You also, Philip, will be led into the presence of the magnanimous prince, and do not believe that he will forgive your crime. Learn to take upon yourself the commands of the king and to dread your Louis if you have goodwill. Live by example and let the recent examples of your forefathers warn Philip and the fates deter you in this way. Avoid the fury of the warrior king and Gallic deeds: Orléans has powerful knights.)

Despite the addition of a series of long digressions, which include a biography of the Emperor Hadrian, an account of the battle of Fornovo, and a lament for Charles VIII’s infant sons, the epic narrative of the opening books remains simple. Portentous signs in the heavens announce a new world emperor who will vanquish the Turk. Mars is sent to Rome to announce that a new Caesar has been foretold and to urge the Romans to send a delegation to the Sibyl of Cumae to learn the identification of the new hero. In a trip to the Underworld the identity of the promised hero is revealed as Louis XII. An embassy is sent to France to encourage Louis to fulfil his destiny by coming to Rome and leading a crusade. The god Mars arrives with a gift of armour and Jerusalem personified appears to persuade the King and to add divine confirmation of his role. This expanded narrative was obviously successful and would be repeated with little variation in later manuscripts.

10

Philip’s maternal grandfather Charles the Bold, duke of Burgundy (1433–77). He was killed at the Battle of Nancy (5 January 1477) whereupon Louis XI claimed French Burgundy for the crown.

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The idea of a campaign in the Holy Land, mentioned only as the duty of an ideal Christian monarch in the poet’s earlier volumes, here becomes a passionate plea for a crusade. The prefatory material makes this explicit. After a brief review of references to France in the classical authors and the role of kings as the defenders of Christendom (including a quotation from Pius II), Nagonius asks Louis to rescue Jerusalem and Constantinople: Nam quis Aquitanos Normanosque religionem Christi per Galliam persequentes edomuit, nisi Francorum reges? Quis totiens fidei Catholicae Saxones rebellantes perfregit, nisi reges? Quis Bo||hemos et Polonos Christiano nomini insultantes cohercuit, nisi reges? Quis Graecos Turchosque ex Apulia atque Campania expulit, nisi reges? Quis Anthiochiam, Ptolomaidam, Alexandriam, et nostrae salutis officinam Hierosolimam ex barbarorum dentibus extrahere aliquando presumpsit, nisi reges? Quis ad Euphratem et Tigrim signum crucis portare, et Edissam Mesopotaniae urbem christiano nomini restituere ausi sunt, nisi Francorum reges bello invictissimi? Quis vexatam, laceratam, conculcatam, et omnibus modis direptam, et oppressam Apostolicam Sedem in prestinam libertatem reduxit, nisi reges? Demum quid pluribus immoror? Nulla gens tam barbara, tam inculta, et tam inhospita est, ad quam Francorum gloria et fama non pervenerit. Quum igitur ades Invictissime Princeps Ludovice duodecime inter hos reges immortales, unus commemorandus, nostrorum temporum specimen et ornamentum regumque corona sublimis et quoddam inter sacratissimos imperatores iubar coruscans, et sydus maxime rutilans, non ad illorum vir||tutis emulationem te cohortabor. Sed unum tantum Serenissimae Maiestati tuae tenui eloquentia persuadere audebo, ut civitatis sanctissime Hierusalem aliquando miserearis et ex barbarorum oppressione eripias. Tuum enim auxilium, tuum presidium, tuam potentiam, tuam denique in decernendo exercitu deliberationem, urbs capta, vestibus moesta lugubribus, genis squallida laceris, capillis per colla pendentibus, longo desiderio et pietatis officio percunctatur. Imitare veteres reges, illos dico laurea dignos quos ante oculos continuo habere debes, qui totiens Terram Sanctam et universum orientem debellatis hostibus perditam recuperarunt, et spolia ducum regumque opima singulari certamine capta ad Italiam et in Gallias totiens insigni victoria detulerunt. Quid de Constantinopolitano imperio et universo aquilone totiens per Francos reges redempto eloquar? Eorum enim laudes et triumphi maximi cum solis cursibus terminant. Quapropter ad hoc sublime factum te hortor, et hanc immortalitatem tuis facile gestis consequendam invito, quod si id effeceris (ut spero), de tuis triumphis, de tuis laudibus, de tua gloria deque tua memoria tempore illo, et presentes et ventura posteritas nunquam profecto conticessent. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fols 6r–7r) (For who tamed the men of Aquitaine and the Normans persecuting the religion of Christ throughout Gaul, if not the kings of France? Who repeatedly broke the Saxons rebelling from the Catholic faith, if not kings? Who restrained the Bohemians and the Poles insulting the Christian name, if not kings? Who expelled the Greeks and the Turks from Apulia and Campania, if not kings? Whoever presumed to extract Antioch, Ptolomais, Alexandria, and Jerusalem the workshop of our salvation from the jaws of the barbarians, if not kings? Who have dared to carry the sign of the Cross to the rivers Euphrates and Tigris and have dared to restore the city of Odessa in Mesopotamia to the

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Christian name, if not the kings of the Franks unconquered in war? Who restored to pristine liberty the Apostolic Seat ravaged, harassed, despised, both looted in every way and oppressed, if not kings? Finally, why should I dwell upon more examples? There is no race so barbarous, so rough, so inhospitable to which the glory and renown of the French will not have reached. Therefore, most invincible Prince Louis XII, since you are already among those immortal kings, and the only one worthy of being commemorated, the symbol and ornament of our times, the lofty crown of kings, a glittering radiance among most sacred emperors, and a great glowing star, I will not encourage you to the emulation of their virtues. But I will dare to persuade your Most Serene Majesty only one thing by my slight eloquence: of that you have some compassion for the most holy city of Jerusalem and rescue her from the oppression of the barbarians. The captured city, sad in mourning weeds, squalid with torn cheeks, with her hair streaming over her shoulders, awaits with continual longing and in a state of piety your help, your protection, your strength, and finally your judgement in commanding the army. Imitate the kings of old, I mean those worthy of triumph whom you ought to have before your eyes continually, who so often recovered the Holy Land and the entire east lost to the conquering enemies, and who so often brought back to Italy and into France with great victory the spoils of dukes and kings taken in single combat. Should I mention Constantinople and the whole of the north rescued so often by the French kings? For their panegyrics and great triumphs conclude with the setting sun. So I encourage you to this great undertaking, and invite you to pursue this immortality easily by your deeds and if you should accomplish it (as I hope), those alive at this time and those who will come in the future will assuredly never keep silent about your triumphs, your praises, your glory, and your memory.)

Nagonius looks to medieval history and appeals to Frankish traditions of military bravery in the service of the Church going back to the time of Charlemagne. All the spectacular feats achieved by these unnamed French kings are, in fact, the work of Charlemagne (742–814), king of the Franks (768) and emperor of the West (800), who rescued his contemporaries from destruction at the hands of the Moors. He is identified in Book I where he is introduced in terms repeated from the Preface: Carolus ille fuit Cesar de nomine ‘Magnus’, templorum nova forma prior, quo Gallica regum progenies generosa venit, descendit ab illo et genus illustre attollens caput aethere nostro. Quanta resultat avis Francorum gloria, terris quot monumenta vigent, Siculis quum venit ab oris. Romanas arces spoliis intravit opimis aureus et lauro strinxit sua tempora sacra. Vectus equis Urbem niveis per quattuor ibat monstrabatque suos ex omni parte triumphos orbis nactus eques, quotiens Normanica castra fregit, Aquitanos Gallorum castra sequentes, atque rebellantes fidei Saxonas adegit

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acrius et Scythicas animose cohercuit aedes. Hic Thurcas rabidos Campanis expulit oris. Barbaricum Solymo currentem in pulvere traxit quis regem Anthiochique locos nisi Carolus heros? Et quis ad Euphraten et Tigrim signa verendae est ausus portare crucis nisi promptus in hostes Francus? et Edysam Maurorum reddidt urbem Christicolis? rituque potens meliore reduxit Caesar et oppressam protexit milite saedem externo, laceramque feris pietate tyrannis Pontificis summa ductus Rex inclytus armis. Carolus ille stetit, celebrat quem fama per orbem, principe quo soboles nimium speciosa renascit Aurelianus, avum celeberrima gloria regum. Notus in orbe satis fama pervenit ad astra qui modo successit Gallorum in nobile regnum cunctorum electus superum, caeloque favente consilio, tantum potuit pulcherrima virtus regis, et Ausonii venientia fata triumphi. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 18r–v) (That famous Caesar was Charles known as ‘the Great’; the first new form of temples from whom the noble Gallic race of kings comes and the illustrious offspring raising its head in our heavens descends from that man. How much glory redounds to the ancestors of the Franks, how many monuments thrive on their lands when he came from Sicilian shores. He entered the Roman citadel with the spolia opima and dressed in gold he bound his sacred temples with laurel and drawn by four snowy-white horses he went through the city and the knight, triumphant in every corner of the world, was showing how often he broke the Norman camps and courageously bound by oath to his allegiance the men of Aquitaine following the camps of the Gauls and the rebel Saxons and he energetically kept in check the Scythian homelands. This man banished the rabid Turks from the Campanian shores. Who dragged the fleeing barbarous king in the dust at Jerusalem and the sites of Antioch if not the hero Charlemagne? And who dared carry the signs of the venerable Cross to the Euphrates and Tigris, if not that Frenchman who was always ready to face his enemies? And who returned Odessa, city of the Moors, to the Christians? This Caesar, powerful in a better religion, with a foreign army recaptured the sites that had been taken and this king renowned in arms and appointed with the greatest piety of the pope defended the city torn by savage tyrants. That famous Charles, whose fame is celebrated across the globe, stood firm. The most splendid progeny Orléans, the most celebrated glory of his ancestor kings is reborn from this prince. The man who recently has succeeded to the noble kingdom of the Gauls, is famous throughout the world, and his fame reaches the stars. He has been chosen by all the gods and the plan approved in heaven. Such was the power of the most glorious virtue of the king and the future fates of triumphant Italy.)

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Historical facts, such as Charlemagne’s suppression of the Aquitainian uprising in 769 and his protracted war with the Saxons (774–99), blur with the fantasy of Charlemagne’s mythical crusade. This was generally accepted as fact and indeed celebrated in the twelfth-century chanson de geste, Le Pèlerinage de Charlemagne, or Voyage de Charlemagne à Jérusalem et à Constantinople.11 Charlemagne and Pepin also appear with the familiar Roman worthies and warrior heroes among the shades of the Underworld: Charolus ille prior precinctus casside fulva Cesar erat, genitor bellorum et maximus ausi. Ense suo totiens Martem descendere caelo qui poterat, Thracem iussuque lacessere ad arma. Post hunc Pipinus specimen regale Latinis tradens sceptra viris, leges et iura verenda, vultibus ornatus Phrygiis, sequiturque parentes Pergameos virtute potens et laude serena. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 36v) (That man in the lead wearing a golden helmet was the emperor Charlemagne, the originator of wars and the greatest in his daring. The man who so often was able to call down war from the heavens with his sword and by his command provoke Thrace to arms. After him there is Pepin, a royal example, handing over kingship to the Latin race and laws and revered rights; decorated with Phrygian expressions, powerful in virtue and serene praise he follows his Pergamean parents.)

Legendary origins, supported by (often bogus) etymologies and an impressive coat of arms enhanced a family’s prestige and there were few noble dynasties in late fifteenth-century Europe which did not promote their legitimacy and nobility of birth through claims to descent from ancient heroes, princes, and even gods. Indeed ‘fabulous genealogies’ are sufficiently common to make up a recognizable genre in the early modern period. For example, Jean Lemaire de Belges traced the genealogy of the French kings back to the reign of Saturn and the Golden Age.12 In addition to comparison with the heroes of the mythological past the panegyrist also could offer a more direct historical reference by praising the honorand’s own illustrious ancestors. A practical application was thus given to ancestral history as their example would provide the model for future generations and the ancestors’ deeds inspire their descendants to emulation. The manuscript for Louis XII

11

Le Voyage de Charlemagne à Jérusalem et à Constantinople, ed. by Paul Aebischer (Geneva: Droz, 1965). 12 Stephens, Giants in Those Days, pp. 139–84.

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follows this tradition. The poet repeatedly emphasizes the deeds of Louis’s royal forebears to provide moral exempla for the new monarch: Ad eundem divum Ludovicum duodecimum | Franciae regem fortissimum pium foelicem et semper invictum | de suorum maiorum similitudine. Quam tua persimilis spectatur imago parenti magnanimo, clari frons tibi patris inest. Per te vivet avus, merito tu grande mereris nomen avi, tibi deest nil nisi nomen avi. Mores, forma, decus, mens et presentia larga, regia frons, animus, par quoque corpus adest. Templa tenent currus testantes fortia regum gesta, nitent spoliis nunc et honusta suis. Francus inest primus, Pipinus, et Ugo, Philippus, atque Ludovicus, Charolus alter idem. Sunt serie innumeri Francorum credite reges, hii renitent gemmis, Aurelianus equis. Hos actus imitare rogo, monumentaque patrum concipe, tam similem te decet ista sequi. Si facies, toti vives gratissimus orbi, carmina cum gestis vivere teque sinent. Dilige perpetuos princeps super omnia vates, te ponent superos inter, et astra ferent. His sine non poteris, princeps, extollere famam vatibus, an quam sint, scribere plura licet. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fols 143v–44r) (To the same divine Louis XII, most brave king of France, dutiful, successful, and always invincible; on his similarity to his ancestors. How you appear so very similar to your noble ancestor. You have the brow of your famous father. Your grandfather will live again through you; by your great merit you deserve the reputation of your grandfather. You lack nothing, only your grandfather’s name. Your behaviour, appearance, virtue, intellect, and prompt generosity, regal brow, courage are the same, you even have the same build. Churches display triumphal chariots which bear witness to the brave deeds of the kings, and these venerable things now shine with their own spoils. Francus is the first,13 then Pepin,14 and Hugh,15

13

Francus was both the mythical founder of the Franks and, according to one tradition, Hector’s son. 14 The father of Charlemagne. He deposed the last Merovingian king (Childeric III) and assumed the Frankish crown. 15 Hugh Capet (c. 938–96), founder of the Capetian dynasty.

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Philip,16 and Louis17 and the other Charles.18 Believe it; there are innumerable kings of France in succession; they shine again with jewels, Orléans with his horses. I ask you to imitate their deeds, think of the achievements of your forefathers; it befits you, so alike, to copy them. If you will do this, the whole world will be thankful. Poems will allow you and your deeds to live on. Prince, hold poets dear above everything else: they will place you among the perpetual heroes and carry you to the stars. Let them write as much as they may; without these poets, prince, you will not be able to achieve fame.)19

Here Louis’s ancestry is retraced through his father and grandfather to Charles V ‘the Wise’ (through whom Louis XII’s right to the throne had come), and further back to a series of early monarchs. This ancestral sequence includes Saint Louis IX, the most revered of the medieval French kings, and Hugh Capet, founder of the Capetian dynasty. The series ultimately arrives at Francus, the mythical founder of France, and reputed son of the Trojan hero Hector. Nagonius thus reinforces the popular belief that the Franks were descended from the Trojans. This enables the French monarch to claim kinship with the Romans and bask in their reflected glory. Thus, by providing the king with a chronological line of descent from the origins of the Frankish nation to the present, the poet not only stresses the legitimacy of the cadet branch of the Valois dynasty, but, more importantly, also emphasizes Louis’s imperial lineage. Contemporary figures also appear in the manuscript. As has already been mentioned, French success in Lombardy was facilitated by Gian Giacomo Trivulzio. His capture of the important fortress of Alessandria, which blocked the way to Milan, on 28 August 1499, opened the roads into Lombardy for the French forces, and it was he who led the King’s army into Milan a few days later. In the manuscript for Louis, Trivulzio accompanies the Sibyl into the Underworld and witnesses the pageant of heroes: forte litabat fronte decorus eques, Latioque Trivultius ore veste Iacobus erat fulva spetiosus et auro, nobile Romuleos aequabat vertice patres,

16

Philip II Augustus (king 1180–1223) fought in the Third Crusade (1189–92) but fell ill at the siege of Acre (1191) and returned to Paris. 17 Saint Louis IX (king 1226–70) participated in two crusades. He was canonized in 1297. 18 Charles V (king 1364–80), Louis XII’s great-grandfather through whom his right to the throne had come. 19 The poem is repeated with minor variations in manuscript for Pierre, duke of Bourbon, fol. r–v 131 .

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unus amor regis, sapiens et clarus in armis, lanigeras pecudes Diti reverentius Orci. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 33r) (As luck would have it, the knight Trivulzio with proud brow and Roman countenance was reverently offering a woolly flock to the god of the Underworld. Giacomo, striking in his tawny apparel and gold, was rivalling the Roman fathers with his noble countenance. He is alone in the King’s affection, wise and celebrated in battle.)

Trivulzio returns with the ambassadors and accompanies them on their journey from Rome into France. As they travel they pass their time in conversation. These discussions allow the poet to digress from the narrative and include long passages that are only tangentially connected to the main theme. These set pieces were obviously composed separately and can, perhaps, be seen as independent and almost detachable ‘performance pieces’. As the delegation leaves Rome they pause to admire the Mausoleum of Hadrian, Castel Sant’Angelo. This leads to a long aside on the life and achievements of the Roman emperor Hadrian (fols 46v–50v). This is largely a versified account of the Vita ascribed to Aelius Spartianus in the Scriptores historiae Augustae. It concludes with the recent renovations to the Mausoleum by Pope Alexander VI: Hanc pene collapsam renovat molemque vestustam Sextus Alexander, niveis et turribus arcem ornat, et exculta componit imagine saxa indefessus aquas prohibens et flumina muro mersa cavo cinxitque latus munimine denso. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 50v) (Alexander VI is renovating this ancient structure which is virtually collapsing and he is adorning the stronghold with white towers. The indefatigable man is constructing stones cut in his likeness, and keeping the waters at bay he has enclosed the river in a walled moat and surrounded its sides with thick fortifications.)

While they move north through Emilia-Romagna, the ambassadors recall the great battles that the Romans had fought at Mutina and Trebbia. The shade of a Roman consul appears before them: Haec narrant dum forte patres subit umbra repente consulis e tumulo, vocesque emisit ab imis visceribus terrae et tandem vox reddita fertur, ‘Quid miseras clades memoras, O Romula proles? Ille ego Flammineus sum consul stratus harenis non dubita Romane tuus cum strage meorum occubui infoelix Poeno superante parentum.

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Titus eram patriae fidus, Roma dolente sic cecidi’, […] (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fols 51v–52r) (‘While the senators are talking about these things, by chance the ghost of the consul suddenly rises from his burial mound and sends forth words from the depths of the earth and at length the voice having returned speaks: ‘O descendant of Romulus, why do you recall the distressing massacre? Do not doubt, Roman, I am that famous consul of yours, Flamininus laid low in the sands, unhappy man I met my death with the slaughter of my parents when the Carthaginians were victorious. I was Titus, faithful to the fatherland, thus I fell as Rome mourned’)20

The ghost confirms the prophecy of Louis’s destiny. His appearance persuades the delegation to hurry on its way. They offer a vow to those who fell in the Punic Wars that their deaths will be avenged: ‘Nunc satus est vindex et tanti sanguinis ultor’ (Now an avenger has arisen who will vindicate so much blood; fol. 53r) and pour libations upon the consul’s tomb. A contemporary event provides the next digression (fols 53r–61v). As the embassy moves towards the town of Fornovo, the narrative pauses to recount the events of the previous French invasion and the famous battle that took place there on 6 July 1495. To begin the account of the battle the poet needs fresh motivation. Echoing Virgil’s second invocation to the Muse (Aen., VII. 45), Nagonius now asks for divine inspiration: Ista docebis nunc Eratho facunda tuum certamina vatem. Maius opus resono, maioraque bella movemus auguriis, fatisque deum, monitisque Sybillae. Carolus Hesperias rex invictissimus oras venerat et Latium saevis temptaverat armis subdere, […] (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 53v) (Now eloquent Erato you will teach your poet those battles. I sing a greater work and we undertake greater battles under the auspices and Fates of the gods and the warnings of the Sibyl. Invincible King Charles had come to the western shores and had tried to make Italy subject to his savage arms, […])

20 Titus Quinctius Flamininus, consul in 198 BC, and victor the following year over Philip V of Macedon at Cynoscephalae. After this victory he was instrumental in establishing a protectorate over an autonomous Greece. Nagonius has confused him with Gaius Flaminius (consul in 217 BC) who fell into Hannibal’s ambush at Lake Trasimene, where his army was destroyed and he met a hero’s death. The confusion arises from pseudo-Aurelius Victor De vir ill.., (51.1), who calls Flamininus his son.

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Nagonius’s account of the battle is heavily indebted to classical models, notably Lucan and Silius Italicus (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Battle of Fornovo’). Allusions to their poetry generate an epic context for the Battle of Fornovo that elevates its significance to equal the clash between the Trojans and the Latins; Pompey and Caesar; Scipio and Hannibal. As the ambassadors move on they encounter another ghost who has been doomed to wander the earth for thousands of years. The shade identifies himself: ‘sum veterum soboles regum venerata Philippus’ (I am Philip, the revered descendant of kings; fol. 62r). The ghost can probably be identified as Philip of Macedon, whose threat to ancient Greece had been paralleled with the modern Turkish threat in Cardinal Bessarion’s Latin translation of Demosthenes’s first Olynthiac Oration.21 In death the shade has realized the great error of the altars to false gods and together with a group of companions walks the earth in search of salvation. The shade predicts that Orléans will destroy all false religions. Not only will the Turk and Moor suffer but also the Jews: Sabbata nec tantum lex periurata sacrabit, finiet et pravos mores, scelerataque vota vana superstitio. Quid enim meliora morari possumus haud ulti manes umbraeque vagantes? (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 62v) (The perjured law will not only devote the Sabbath to destruction, depraved customs and wicked prayers and vain superstition will also stop. For what better things can we, unavenged shades and wandering ghosts, pay attention to?)

Trivulzio offers a prayer to the wandering shades and predicts that Astraea, the goddess of Justice, will once more return to earth, again emphasizing that Louis’s reign will usher in a new Golden Age. The arrival of the delegation at the French enclave of Asti provides the occasion for another set piece (fols 63v–67v). This is an extended lament for Charles VIII’s children who all died in early infancy: 22

21

On this, see James Hankins, ‘Renaissance Crusaders: Humanist Crusade Literature in the Age of Mehmed II’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 49 (1995), 111–207 (p. 116). Demosthenes had written the orations to convince the Athenians to align themselves with the Olynthians and push back the imperialistic designs of Philip. The similarities between the Athenian position and that of Europe had inspired Bessarion to use the oration as part of his anti-Turk propaganda. 22 These are: the three-year-old Charles Orlando (11 October 1492 –16 December 1495); the baby Charles who survived barely one month (8 September–2 October 1496); Francois († July 1497); and Anne († 1498).

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Ecce novos luctus miserae prenuntia matri detulit, et moesto thalamos ingressa parenti Fama volans, iterumque genas denuntiat aegras esse super nato Delfino. Funera tristes plangite Gallorum populi, succurrite regi reginaeque nurus, iterata in fata maritae indignos lacerent et scissa veste capillos. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 63v) (Behold, swift Rumour acting as harbinger has entered the bedchamber of the sad parent and brought new causes for grief to the wretched mother and again foretells that her cheeks are sad over her son the dauphin. Sad, the people of France mourn the funeral, young women run to comfort the king and queen, and with ripped clothes they tear their undeserving hair against the repeated fates of the bride.)

This lament seems strangely out of context in a manuscript addressed to Charles’s successor. If any of the boys had survived then Louis would never have acceded to the throne. These verses, however, are not addressed to Louis but to his Queen, Anne of Brittany. Such is the Queen’s distress at the death of her son that the poet fears for her health. This behaviour is unbecoming of a queen. Nagonius encourages her to be strong and look to the future: Num pudor iste tibi? Quid enim si perditus unus aut duo, presta animum fortem regina precamur. Supplebit Fortuna aliis, et stemma novabit ingens, quid dubitas vestros Lucina quotannis intrabit fecunda thoros, et muniet altum regnum prole nova, et caros donabit alumnos. Mitte pias lachrimas non hoc Prudentia laudat, iuncta novo regi et taedis concessa secundis nec septena viris Sapientia consulit idem. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 66r–v) (Aren’t you ashamed? For what if one or two children have died, we beg you Queen, show a strong spirit. Fortune will supply others and renew the great line. Why do you doubt that fertile Lucina will enter your bedroom each year and safeguard the great kingdom with a new generation, and will give you sweet children? United to a new king and given in a favourable marriage, put aside your pious tears. Prudence does not praise such behaviour, nor does sevenfold Wisdom consult the interests of men.)

The poet concludes this passage with his own epitaph for the two oldest boys, Charles Orlando and Charles, who were eventually buried together in a magnificent tomb of Carrara marble in the church of Saint Martin at Tours (removed to Tours Cathedral in 1815):

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Istaque sub tumulo signentur carmina parvo. Parvula Delfini pompis regalibus ossa infantis, tenui tumulantur fratre sepulchro. Nulla sibi species, rarae nec gratia formae profuit, Aonio fuerat nam pulchrior ore. Reginam in tenebras et regem in luctibus aegrum deseruit, quicunque gemis sua fata viator da lachrymas, maestusque suos miserere parentes. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 67v) (Let these verses be inscribed under the little tomb. The tiny bones of the infant dauphin are buried in this little tomb with his brother in royal pomp. Their splendour and rare grace of form profited them nothing, for he was more beautiful than Aonian speech. He has left the queen in darkness and the sad king in mourning. Traveller, whosoever you are, you lament their fates, and shed tears, and saddened, pity their parents.)

Passing through the territory of Savoy, over the Alps and on to Lyon, the ambassadors finally arrive in Paris and are ushered into the King’s presence. They are lavishly entertained and there is the familiar joust in which Trivulzio, Louis, count of Ligny, and Jean de Foix, viscount of Narbonne, participate: Prosilit in campum vibrante Trivultius hasta cui dedit officium bellandi maximus heros. […] Inde exceptus equo vexanti humentia frena militis adversi pulchros in pectore fixit ictus, cum lato rumpens hastilia ferro. Hinc Ligni sequitur simili preclarus honore tam Comes egregius pervasto robore pactus et Fuxensis eques rigidi duo fulmina Martis. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fols 78v–79r) (Trivulzio springs forth onto the field with his quivering lance, whom the mighty hero23 has made his champion. […] Then, taking the sweaty reins of his agitated horse, in full armour breaking lances, he fixed wondrous blows on the chest of his opponent. Then Louis, count of Ligny, follows, renowned with similar honour, and the knight Jean de Foix, illustrious for his enormous strength, these twin thunderbolts of stern Mars.)24

23 24

maximus heros, used here to refer to Louis XII, is an epithet of Aeneas, Verg., Aen., VI. 192. The same three are identified in Book IV: Rex vos suscipiet, Trivultiusque et Lignique Comes decens in armis, et Fuxensis eques colens Gradivum, hii tres hostibus omnibus timendi hii tres gloria, fama, nomen alti Martis sunt quoque milites decori. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fols 116r–17v)

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Mars appears with the divine gift of armour for Louis and the god encourages the King to imitate his example: Ore refert proprio Gradivus, ‘Suscipe princeps optime, regalis generosus originis auctor, hunc clypeum, galeamque meam, fatalia dona, auratumque ensem lateri subcinge superbo. Turchorum tibi regna dabunt et Caesaris arma vota Iovis divumque vocant te sydera caeli.’ (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 79r) (Mars answered in his own voice, ‘Great Prince, noble founder of regal stock accept this shield and my helmet, the fated gifts, and strap the golden sword to your proud side. Caesar’s weapons will give the kingdoms of the Turks to you, the prayers of Jupiter and the gods are summoning you and the stars on the heavens.’)

The moment of Mars’s donation of armour to Louis is also illustrated in a fullpage illumination (fol. 3r; see Figure 4; see below, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘Decoration and Illumination’). The accompanying inscription emphasizes the crusading motif: ACCIPE FATALEM CLYPEVM: TIBI REG[n]A PARA[n]TEM. EXTERA: QVI TERRAM POSSIDET: ASTRA: FRETVM. IN QVOSCV[m]Q[ue] LOCOS TENDES: COMITABIMVR ARMA GALLICA: VICTRICES ET TVA CASTRA TVBAS (Accept the shield ordained by fate; it is providing foreign kingdoms for you. The shield possesses the earth, the heavens, the sea. Wherever you will direct your course, we will accompany your Gallic arms and camps and victorious trumpets.)

While Louis is admiring the images on the shield, the personified figure of Jerusalem appears: Iherusalem tunc visa fuit trepidantis imago scissa genas, nudisque dolens astare lacertis, caesarie lacera, et vultu moestissima, sacris pendentes humeris canos monstrare capillos vertice turrigero fractos gestabat amictus, et miseras imo fundebat corde querelas, vesteque pullata pectus scindebat apertum. Tunc lachrymis permixta loqui manantibus ore inchoat, talesque erupit imago dolores. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 82r) (Then the image of distressed Jerusalem was seen. She stood mourning with torn cheeks and bare arms, her face expressing the deepest sorrow, with torn tresses showing her grey hair hanging over her sacred shoulders beneath a mural crown. She was wearing shabby clothes and was pouring out mournful complaints from the depths of her heart; and clad in mourning weeds she was tearing open her naked breast. Then distorted with tears

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flowing from her face, she began to speak, and this apparition caused such sorrows to break out.)

Although based ultimately upon Jeremiah’s lament over the ruins of Jerusalem (Lamentations 1. 1), here Nagonius has combined lines from Lucan’s description of the Roman matrons mourning the onset of civil war (Luc., II. 35 ff.) with the vision of the personified Roman Patria who appeared to Julius Caesar at the River Rubicon: Ut ventum est parvi Rubiconis ad undas, Ingens visa est duci patriae trepidantis imago Clara per obscuram voltu maestissima noctem, Turrigero canos effundens vertice crines, Caesarie lacera nudisque adstare lacertis Et gemitu permixta loqui: (‘When he reached the little river Rubicon, the general saw a vision of his distressed country. Her mighty image was clearly seen in the darkness of night; her face expressed deep sorrow, and from her head, crowned with towers, the white hair streamed abroad; she stood beside him with tresses torn and arms bare, and her speech broken by sobs:’)25

Nagonius is working within a well-defined literary tradition. In poetry the image of the lamenting personification of a city continued beyond the classical era. Sidonius’s panegyric to Avitus contains a lament by Rome, while Milan appears as a grave and aged woman in a dream to Frederick Barbarossa in an anonymous epic.26 In 1347 Cola di Rienzo had the image of weeping Roma painted on the walls of the Capitol along with other allegories to promote his political aims.27 Comparison could also be made with the personifications of Rome and Carthage in Petrarch, Africa (VII. 500–731). Contemporary with Nagonius, Michael Marullus wrote a poem to Charles VIII urging him to come to the assistance of 25

Luc., I. 185–90, trans. by J. D. Duff (Cambridge: Loeb, 1928; repr. 1997), p. 17. The description also recalls the gaunt figure of Rome in Claudian: vox tenuis tardique gradus oculique iacentes interius; fugere genae: ieiuna lacertos exedit macies. umeris vix sustinet aegris squalentem clipeum; laxata casside prodit canitiem plenamque trahit rubiginis hastam. attigit ut tandem caelum genibus Tonantis procubuit, tales orditur maesta querellas: (Bell. Gild., I. 21–27) 26 Raby, History of Secular Latin Poetry, I, 159. 27 Fritz Saxl, ‘The Capitol during the Renaissance: A Symbol of the Imperial Idea’, in Lectures, 2 vols (London: Warburg Institute, 1957), I, 200–14.

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unhappy Italy and weeping Greece and restore the Christian places to the Christian people.28 In a lengthy and impassioned plea (fols 82r–96r) Jerusalem calls upon the King to put on Mars’s armour, deliver her from captivity, and avenge the Muslim atrocities. The themes are traditional and can be traced back to Urban II’s famous crusading sermon at Clermont in 1095 which had described the desecration of the holy places in Jerusalem. The King promises to fulfil Jerusalem’s request and hastily summons the French Parlement to muster his forces: Sub me rege cadent Maurorum ingentia regna, Constantinopolis magnae nunc aemula Romae imperium miles nobis impendet Eouum. Inter equos haec iussa tubas praefixa geruntur, regis et armati veniunt sublimis ad ora regia concordes animos et vota ferentes. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fols 96v–97r) (Under my rule the vast kingdoms of the Moors will fall; now Constantinople is envious of mighty Rome, and soldiers threaten our authority in the east. These orders fixed to trumpets in the cavalry are being performed and the soldiery are coming into the regal presence of the sublime king bearing calm spirits and prayers.)

Everyone clamours to follow the King’s example. A soldier steps forward to speak for the army in support of a crusade to liberate Jerusalem. Nagonius uses examples from classical antiquity to inspire crusading militancy and lists Scipio, Pompey, Marius, Augustus, and Titus; Roman generals famous for their victories in the east. He concludes by predicting that Louis will be even greater in his achievements: Quid tibi iam superest, tanto si comprimis ore innumeros regesque duces, si laurea tantum Aureliane, decus tribuet, si curribus alter ipse triumphator spoliis lustratus opimis dulce eris, et divum numero si deinde relatus? (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 97v) (What is left for you, beloved Orléans, if in such a great presence you organize innumerable kings and generals, if such honour will bestow laurels, if as another victor you

28

Eclogues, IV. 32. In the prologue to the Vergier d’Honneur, André de la Vigne also dreamed that Christianity in the form of a woman implored Charles VIII to rescue her; see Marjorie Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages: A Study in Joachimism (Oxford: Oxford University Press: 1969; repr. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1993), p. 355.

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will be decorated with the spolia opima on your chariots, if then you will be borne up into the assembly of the gods?)

The repeated references in Jerusalem’s lament to ‘the infidel and tyrant Moor’ is doubly significant. The usurping duke of Milan, Ludovico Sforza, was popularly known as ‘Il Moro’ for his swarthy complexion.29 The poet conveniently exploits such wordplay to cast Louis’s invasion of Milan as the precursor to the intended crusade. After Louis’s successful campaign in 1499, Milan rebelled (1 February 1500) and within days Ludovico ‘Il Moro’ was back in the city. Louis immediately launched a second invasion and in late March Ludovico had to flee again. ‘Il Moro’ was taken prisoner at Novara in April and transferred to France where he died in captivity in the prison at Loches (15 May 1508), thus fulfilling, albeit obliquely, the King’s promise to Jerusalem: Perdita restituam, teque in tua regna locabo, Iherusalem, moresque dabo servare fideles. Nostri iuris erit. Maurus quodcumque tyrannus possidet invitus reddet, si plura teneret. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 95r) (I will make good the losses, and I will place you, Jerusalem, in your kingdoms and I will permit the faithful to preserve their customs. It will be our duty. The tyrant Moor will unwillingly restore whatever he possesses, even if he occupies many places.)

As the kings of France had made a common cause with the papacy against the infidel in the Middle Ages, so Nagonius hopes that Louis XII will revive those glorious days. The call for a crusade was a leitmotif throughout the papacy of Alexander VI who, like his predecessors, devoted a great deal of energy to exhorting the heads of State to this great cause of Christendom. On 1 July 1500 Alexander issued a papal bull calling upon the princes of Europe to launch a crusade and an expedition against the Ottomans. It seems that the purpose of Nagonius’s manuscript was to remind the King that his primary goal was to take military action against the Turks, and he emphasizes the immortal fame that victory would bring the crusading hero. Despite the papal pressure and the poet’s impassioned plea, in the cold light of real politics Louis could not be brought to place the good of Christendom above self-interest. While the King was keen to exploit the propaganda of the call for a crusade to launch his invasion of Lombardy and Naples, once his objectives had been achieved he was content to let the matter drop.

29

See Elizabeth McGrath, ‘Ludovico il Moro and His Moors’, JWCI, 65 (2002), 67–94.

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Further Connections When Louis XII made his triumphal entry into Milan on 6 October 1499 he was accompanied by a group of northern Italian lords. The Venetian diarist Marino Sanuto records the report of the Venetian ambassadors who witnessed the scene: la regia majestà cavalchò solo soto un baldachin d’oro, fodrà de varo, portato per 8 cavali, et I primarij de questa terra. A la staffa se ritrovava 16 zenthilomeni de questa terra, tutti vestitti nobilissimamente. Intorno el baldachin era tutto el collegio de i doctori, in gran numero, vestiti de scarlato, cum i suo’ bavari et barete de scarlato, fodrate de varo. Drieto sua majestà cavalchò el legato et San Piero in Vincula; deinde monsignor de Roam, et lo illustrissimo ducha de Savogia; tertio nui ambassasatori; deinde li illustrissimi ducha di Ferara et Valentinoes; da poi el marchexe da Mantoa, et marchexe de Monferà; deinde el marchexe de Saluzo et signor Constantin; da poi li oratori zenovesi, fiorentini, senesi, luchesi et pisani; deinde, turba magna quam nemo dinumerare poterat. Avanti sua majestà erano homeni 500, armati parte cum lanze, parte cum manarole, che è quelli de la sua guardia, cum cerca 300 homeni armati a cavallo, tutti ellecti et ben im ponto. Tutti li altri baroni francesi cavalchavano avanti sua majestà, et i più propinqui a loro era el signor Zuan Jacomo di Triulzi, monsignor di Ligni et merascalcho de Giaè. Le strate erano tute coverte de pani de lana de diversi colori, sopra le qual era concorso gran multitudine de populo, monstrando tutti gran jubilo et alegreza. Sua majestà cum questo triumpho andò a la chiesa cathedral […] (The king rode under a golden baldacchino; eight of the chief men of Milan, mounted on horseback, carried it; and sixteen others, all in rich attire, rode by the side. Around the baldacchino was grouped the whole College of Doctors, who were clad in scarlet robes with collars, and wore hats trimmed with fur. Behind His Majesty rode the Legate and Cardinal of S. Pietro in Vincula [Giuliano della Rovere]; then His Eminence of Rouen [Georges d’Amboise] and the illustrious duke [Filiberto] of Savoy; then we ambassadors came; behind us rode the illustrious dukes of Ferrara [Ercole d’Este] and Valentinois [Cesare Borgia]; then the marquis of Mantua [Francesco Gonzaga] with the marquis [Guglielmo] of Montferrat, and the marquis of Saluzzo with signor Constantino [Arianiti]; then the ambassadors of Genoa, Florence, Siena, Lucca, and Pisa; and finally a great company whom no man could number. Before His Majesty went five hundred men of the Royal Guard, armed with lances and axes, and three hundred men-at-arms on horseback, all picked troops, and every man admirably equipped. All the French lords rode in front of His Majesty, the nearest to him being Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, sieur [Louis, count of] Ligny, and marshal Gié. The decorated streets were filled by a great concourse of people, who showed the utmost pleasure and delight. In this triumphal procession His Majesty proceeded to the cathedral […])30

30

Sanuto, III, 24–25; translation adapted by the author from John S. C. Bridge, A History of France from the Death of Louis XI, 5 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1921–36), III (1929), 93–94.

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Many of these lords also had manuscripts dedicated to them by Nagonius. This group includes Ercole d’Este, Filiberto II, duke of Savoy, and Guglielmo II, marquis of Monferrat. As Gian Giacomo Trivulzio had featured so prominently in the manuscript for Louis XII it can probably be assumed that the manuscript which Nagonius dedicated to him (unfortunately now lost) can also be included here. The contents of these manuscripts are similar and seem to be derived from the manuscript offered to Louis. They all focus upon the call for a crusade to liberate Jerusalem. Comparison of the content of these manuscripts with that offered to Pierre, duke of Bourbon reveals that this manuscript was also composed at this time. This group of manuscripts also has physical elements in common. Unlike the fine vellum volumes produced by professional scribes in the 1490s, these manuscripts are all transcribed by the poet himself onto paper. Comparison of the opening lines of this group of manuscripts with the opening lines of the manuscript for Louis XII is instructive and reveals the poet’s method of composition. The text for Louis XII begins simply enough with a token nod in the direction of Virgil: Arma Ludovici describimus inclyta Regis Gallorum, votis patulum celebrata per orbem omnibus, imperio Persas et maxima contra Marte graves furiosa novo,[…] (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 9r) (We are describing the famous arms of Louis, king of France, celebrated throughout the whole world with prayers by everyone, the arms greatest in imperial power and frenzied against the troublesome Persians in a new war,[…])

These opening lines are repeated and adapted for each new dedicatee. The following sections offer a brief review of the opening of each manuscript from this group and highlight passages of particular relevance to each dedicatee.

A Manuscript for Pierre, Duke of Bourbon, c. 1500 Pierre II, sire de Beaujeu (15 December 1438–6 October 1503), later duke of Bourbon (1488), was among the highest ranking officials in France.31 In 1474 he had married Louis XI’s elder daughter Anne with whom he acted as effective

31

Pierre, fourth son of Charles, duke of Bourbon and Agnes of Burgundy, succeeded to the dukedom on the death of his brother Jean in 1488. For a preliminary biography, see M. Prevost, DBF, 5, pp. 1104–05.

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governor of France during the minority of Charles VIII (1483–91). Although Pierre largely retired from court life after Charles VIII’s death and the accession of Louis XII, he was, however, still influential. It is during this later period that Nagonius’s manuscript was presented. Bound in crimson velvet and decorated with the dedicatee’s coat of arms, the text of the manuscript for Pierre, duke of Bourbon, is only slightly modified from the manuscript for Louis XII.32 The opening lines are expanded with echoes taken from Claudian:33 Inclita magnanimi Petri describimus arma clara Ducis, veterumque patrum, regnique serenum sydus et auspiciis quantum regalibus urgent fata Ducem patriamque velint florere potentem imperio, reduces alto sub principe fasces ecce Petro redeunt isto, dominique togati armatas renovant leges habitusque resumunt patritios Gallique docent vexilla Quirini; O dux Petre tuo sub cernimus ista Ducatu tempora, perpetuumque decus revirescere genti invictae gaudentque togas calcasse Latinas te duce Francigenae et mores sumpsisse serenos Francigenis ducibusque piis. O quanta renascit gloria, purpurei fasces celebresque curules atque triumphales leges, invicta Ducumque castra patrum, votis patulum celebrata per orbem omnibus, imperio Persas et maxima contra Marte graves furiosa novo,[…] (BnF, MS lat. 8133, fol. 9r–v) (We are describing the famous and renowned arms of noble Duke Pierre, and the ancient forefathers and the serene star of the kingdom and how much the fates are spurring on

32 Paris, BnF, MS lat. 8133; see Part III, Catalogue, ‘Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 8133’; Figures 12, 13). 33 Compare the opening of the Panegyric on the Fourth Consulship of the Emperor Honorius: Auspiciis iterum sess regalibus annus induit et nota fruitur iactantior aula, limina nec passi circum privata morari exultant reduces Augusto consule fasces. cernis ut armorum proceres legumque potentes patricios sumant habitus et more Gabino discolor incedit legio positisque parumper bellorum signis sequitur vexilla Quirini? (Claud., IV., Cons. Hon., 1–8)

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the duke with royal auspices and they wish the powerful fatherland to flourish in imperial power; behold the returning fasces are coming back under this lofty prince Pierre, and the toga-clad lords are renewing the laws of war and are donning again patrician dress, and the Gauls are displaying the banners of Quirinus. O Duke Pierre, during your reign as duke we see that these times and the perpetual glory of an invincible race revives, and the Franks rejoice that, under your leadership, they have trampled upon Latin togas, and that the pious French lords have assumed serene customs. O how much glory is reborn and the purple fasces and famous curule chairs34 and the triumphant laws and invincible camps of dukes and ancestors. This glory is celebrated throughout the whole world by everyone’s prayers, and is greatest in imperial power and frenzied against the troublesome Persians in a new war, […])

The verse has been adapted to reflect the venerable age of the dedicatee who, at sixty-two years of age, is referred to as senex or senex venerandus. Other changes to the text are mostly cosmetic: the vocative Aureliane becomes O Dux Petre, while extra verses are simply tagged onto the end of the shorter poems in the later books to customize the verse. There are, however a couple of longer passages that are unique to this manuscript. On the plains of Elysium there is a pageant of French lords which celebrates the House of Bourbon: Ille prior pater antiquus quem clara propago Borbonii sequitur, Fuxensis, Lanson et alter, atque Ducis frater vita breviore Iohannes functus, ab eximio spectatus numine patris. Quanta in hoc pietas et quanta in preside virtus regnabit, quantum fidei prestabitur isti. Diliget egregios mores vitamque pudicam excolet, excultos vates et semper amabit. Post hunc Trimoliae dominus fiducia regis Ligninique Comes sequitur custodia sacri principis et lateri sacro sic semper inherens. Tuque satus prudens generosa stirpe Mathee regales servabis opes generaliaque arma fratre tuo patruoque duce admirante nepotes. (BnF, MS lat. 8133, fols 50v–51r) (That man in front is the venerable father from whom the renowned lineage of the house of Bourbon35 is descended, then the lords of Foix36 and the second Alençon37, and Jean,

34

The curule chairs were a symbol of Roman magisterial power. The first of the line of Bourbon was Adhémar or Aimar who was invested with the barony towards the end of the ninth century. In 1272 Beatrix, daughter of Agnes of Bourbon-Dampierre and John of Burgundy, married Robert, count of Clermont, sixth son of Louis IX of France. 35

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the short-lived brother of the Duke,38 esteemed by the extraordinary divinity of his father. How much piety there is in this man and how much virtue will reign in this guardian and how much faith there will be displayed in him. He will cherish excellent morals and cultivate a virtuous life, and he will always love refined poets. After him comes lord La Trémoille39 (in the king’s confidence) and the count of Ligny40 follows, the guardian of the sacred prince and thus always at his side. You too, prudent Mathieu,41 sprung from noble stock, will safeguard the royal wealth and the universal arms, as your brother and uncle the Duke admire their descendants.)

The parade continues with an image of Pierre’s brother-in-law, the recently deceased Charles VIII, who is mourned by his wife Anne of Brittany (1477–1514) and his sister Anne of France (1461–1522): Ille parum tristis tenero deceptus ab aevo Charolus est Rex, Anna soror quem plangit amare, Fletibus et duris repetit Regina serena Charole coniunx dulcis, sic moestissima, ‘Plango’. (BnF, MS lat. 8133, fol. 51r–v)

The elder branches of the family had become extinct, and their son Louis became duke in 1327. 36 Jean de Grailly de Foix, viscount of Narbonne († November 1500). He was married to Louis XII’s sister Marie. For a preliminary biography, see Roman d’Amat, DBF, 14, pp. 206–07. 37 Charles IV d’Alençon (1489–1525), son of Jean II, duke of Alençon († 1474), betrothed to Pierre’s daughter Suzanne 21 March 1501. For preliminary biographies, see Roman d’Amat, DBF, 1, pp. 1417–18. 38 Jean II, duke of Bourbon (1427–88). For a preliminary biography, see Roman d’Amat, DBF, 6, p. 1399. 39 Louis II sire de La Trémoille, viscount of Thouars, prince of Talmont (1460–1525), premier chambellan, and general at Fornovo. He was married to Gabrielle de BourbonMontpensier. For his part in the expedition to Milan, see Philippe Contamine, ‘Sul “viaggio a Milano”: Louis de La Trémoille, Luigi XII e Ludovico il Moro’, in Milano nell’età di Ludovico il Moro, ed. by Giulia Bologna, 2 vols (Milan: Archivio Storico Civico e Biblioteca Trivulziana, 1983), I, 79–92; and in general, Laurent Vissière, Louis de La Trémoille (1460–1525): “sans poinct sortir hors de l’orniere” (Paris: Champion, 2008). 40 Louis de Luxembourg, count of Ligny († 31 December 1503). 41 Mathieu de Bourbon, le Grand bâtard de Bourbon, natural son of Jean II, duke of Bourbon and Marguerite de Bruant; seigneur de Bouth‚ on-en-Forez (20 July 1486), de Château-Regnier (October 1486), and de Bois-d’Oingt (1495), governor and admiral of Guyenne, governor of Picardie (1498), marshal and sénéchal of the Bourbonnais (1503), died in September 1505. At the Battle of Fornovo Mathieu de Bourbon was appointed frère d’armes to Charles VIII. His horse was killed under him while defending the King and he was taken prisoner by the Italians, but later released. In 1499 he followed Louis XII to Milan where he remained until 1503. He was one of the executors of his uncle Pierre’s will. For a preliminary biography, see Roman d’Amat, DBF, 6, pp. 1412–13.

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(That rather sad man is King Charles snatched away at an early age, whom his sister Anne bitterly mourns, and the serene queen, the sweet wife of Charles, demands him back with resentful tears, thus the very sad lady says: ‘I mourn’.)

A Manuscript for Ercole d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, c. 1500 The opening lines of the manuscript for Ercole d’Este42 are barely altered from that offered to Louis: Herculis invicti victricia scribimus arma clara Ducis, votis patulum celebrata per orbem omnibus, imperio Persas et maxima contra Marte graves furiosa novo, […] (BEM, Est. lat. 234 (α.M.5.2), fol. 6r) (We are describing the famous victorious arms of invincible Ercole, celebrated throughout the whole world with prayers by everyone, the arms greatest in imperial power and frenzied against the troublesome Persians in a new war, […])

As can be seen from the opening lines, this manuscript contains little original material. This is surprising. At the beginning of the sixteenth century Ercole d’Este was the most prominent individual ruler in northern Italy whose long reign was marked by his keen support of the visual arts, letters, and music. As Thomas Tuohy has shown, the centre of court life was focused around the newly decorated Palazzo del Corte which was ornamented with carved images of the Twelve Caesars. This new ducal palace was connected to the medieval Castel Vecchio by a covered passage painted with the Labours of Hercules, beyond which was a garden with a fountain within a pavilion surmounted by a statue of Hercules.43 Performances of the classical comedies of Plautus and Terence (in translation) were regularly staged and Latin poetry flourished at his court. 44 42

Born in 1431; duke of Ferrara 19 August 1471–25 January 1505; Modena, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, Est. lat. 234 (α.M.5.2); Part III, Catalogue, ‘Modena, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, MS Est. lat. 234’; Figure 9. 43 Tuohy, Herculean Ferrara, pp. 303–04. 44 The Latin poetry, with a few exceptions (notably the work of Ercole and Tito Vespasiano Strozzi and Ludovico Ariosto), has been uncharitably characterized by the nineteenth-century Italian literary critic Giulio Bertoni as akin to the croaking of frogs on a Ferrese bog (La Biblioteca Estense e la coltura ferrarese ai tempi del Duca Ercole I, 1471–1505 (Turin: Loescher, 1903), p. 110); in a review of Edmund G. Gardner, Dukes and Poets in Ferrara (London: Constable, 1904), Bertoni did, however, characterize the work of Nagonius as ‘un vero e proprio poema’ (Giornale storico della letteratura Italiana, 45 (1905), 383).

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References to contemporary people and events suggest that the manuscript was composed between 7 April 1498 (the accession of Louis XII) and October 1501. Although there are repeated references to Ercole’s son and heir, Alfonso I (1486–1534), who replaces Trivulzio in the trip to the underworld, the manuscript contains no reference to his marriage to Pope Alexander VI’s daughter Lucrezia Borgia which was notoriously celebrated by proxy at Rome in October 1501. Repeated references to Louis XII as ‘novus rex’ (the new king) suggest that this manuscript can also be dated early in Louis’s reign. The manuscript contains conventional references to other members of the D’Este family: Hinc Ferdinandus frater praeclarus in armis et Sigismundus patruus duo fulmina Martis. Corpus in oppositum placuit properantius hastam scindere flammatus veluti concurreret hosti. (BEM, Est. lat. 234 (α.M.5.2), fol. 71r) (Then the twin thunderbolts of Mars, his brother Ferrante, renowned in arms, and his uncle Sigismundo. It was pleasing to shatter the lance on the body of the charging opponent, enflamed as though he were running against an enemy.)

These twin thunderbolts (cf. duo fulmina belli, Verg., Aen., VI. 842) can be identified as Alfonso’s younger brother Ferrante (1477–1540) and his uncle Sigismundo (1433–1507). Sigismondo reappears with Ercole’s other brothers Borso (1413–71) and Leonello (1407–50) on the shield presented by Mars (fol. 74r). The manuscript also contains an extended lament for Borso d’Este (fols 27v–29r). Only a few lines, however, refer specifically to Borso. 45 Although there is no record of Nagonius’s visit to the D’Este court at Ferrara,46 the poet was obviously acquainted with the city as in the epic narrative of the

45

The same elegy appears, with minor variations, in all Nagonius’s manuscripts except that for Niccolò Orsini. It seems, however, that the original lament was penned for a young member of the Orsini family (perhaps identifiable as the seven-year-old son of Paolo Orsini killed during the siege of Mentana, near Monterotondo, in January 1486): talis Roma sui deflet modo funera Pauli principis Ursorum decus admirabile gentis qui fuerat, (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 18v) 46 ‘Di questo Gio. Michele Nagonio nulla troviamo nei documenti estensi e nulla sanno gli storici della letteratura’, Domenico Fava, La Biblioteca Estense nel suo sviluppo storico (Modena: Vincenzi, 1925), p. 85.

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opening books there is a detailed description of it. Leaving Modena, the ambassadors eventually arrive at Ferrara: Post latus ad dextrum tendunt, et amena Latini hospicia accipiunt patres, Ferrara dives quae monstrat labente Pado prope moenia pulchra Herculis invicti, placidis circundata tectis. Urbs est Heridano collectis amnibus alto nobilis, exurgens nitidis ad sydera tectis, Hercule clara Duce, ingentes ostendit et agros dives opum tellus, et certat turribis atque urbibus Italiae, et Romanis emula muris; roscida semper aquis, Ducis et decora alta potentis, templaque monstrat avum, vel quae maxima vindex urbe nova struxit dignum subeuntibus illis prebuit hospicium, et pallatia longa paravit innumeri lustrant aedes tectumque ducale. (BEM, Est. lat. 234 (α.M.5.2), fols 57v–58r) (Then they direct their path to the right and the Latin fathers take the agreeable lodgings which wealthy Ferrara shows as the River Po laps against the pleasant walls surrounding the peaceful rooftops of invincible Ercole. At the confluence of the streams of the deep Eridano, the noble city Ferrara, rising to the stars with its gleaming rooftops, with renowned Ercole as duke, displays broad fields and a land rich with resources, and with its towers vies with the cities of Italy and rivals the walls of Rome; always bathed by its waters, it shows the lofty achievements of the powerful duke and the churches of his ancestors, or the great buildings which the avenging duke has built in the new city, and presents hospitality worthy of those arriving. He has built vast palaces, and innumerable buildings encircle the ducal palace.)

Although this description would be adapted to describe Venice (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Foundation of Venice by Antenor’), the poet specifically celebrates Ercole’s building works, referring both to his marsh clearance and land reclamation projects, and the building of the Addizione Ercole: Templaque pauperiem pius excolit Herculis acta quisque Ducis mille, terraque tota probat. Laudat et omnis eques renovata sacraria ab ipso Hercule vestales auxit in urbe nurus. Ipsa Duci quantum debes Ferraria sancto aris et terris te quoque cinxit aquis. (BEM, Est. lat. 234 (α.M.5.2), fols 105v–06r) (Every pious person admires the churches and the austerity and the thousand deeds of Duke Ercole and the whole land approves. Every knight praises the sanctuaries renovated by the Ercole himself and he has increased the number of nuns in the city. Ferrara, how

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much you yourself owe to the pious duke in altars and land and he has surrounded you with canals.)

This praise is grounded in fact: as well as increasing the number of religious houses in the city, in 1492 Duke Ercole had embarked upon a plan to enlarge Ferrara by laying out streets and an arcaded square in a large area to the north enclosed within a moat and defensive ramparts. It was this ambitious campaign of urban planning which led Jacob Burckhardt, in his commentary on the state as a work of art, to describe Ferrara as ‘the first really modern city in Europe’.47

A Manuscript for Filiberto II, Duke of Savoy, 1501 The manuscript for Filiberto II, duke of Savoy,48 seems to have been presented on the occasion of Filiberto’s marriage to Margaret of Austria (3 December 1501; first performed by proxy at Brussels on 26 September). Nagonius took part in the wedding celebrations and was rewarded with the handsome sum of 200 golden ducats for his contribution to the festivities (see above, Part I, Chapter 1, ‘Towards a Biography of Johannes Michael Nagonius’; see below Part III, Chapter 9, ‘An Epithalamium for Guglielmo II, Marquis of Monferrat and Anne D’Alençon’). Throughout the manuscript Nagonius refers to Filiberto as ‘gener’ (son-in-law), thereby emphasizing Filiberto’s alliance with the Habsburgs. The crusading theme is immediately announced in the opening lines as the poet makes reference to the young Duke’s illustrious crusading forebears: Arma Phyliberti describimus ore canoro clara Ducis, quantumque parens regione Philippus gessit in Ausonia, bis victa Neapolis idem approbat insignes genitoris laudat et ausus Parthenope, vultumque patris commendat equestrem, et quantum Solymi tollunt ad sydera campi illustres proavos, et avos, celebresque nepotes laudibus innumeris, antiqua Sabaudia priscis

47

Jacob Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, trans. by S. G. C. Middlemore, rev. and ed. by I. Gordon (New York: Random House, 1954), p. 39; note also Helge Gamrath, ‘The Herculean Addition to Old Ferrara: The Birth of Modern Town-Planning?’, in La corte di Ferrara e il suo mecenatismo 1441–1598, ed. by Marianne Pade and others (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanums; Modena: Panini, 1990), pp. 151–58. 48 10 April 1480–10 September 1504; Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS F.V.5; Part II, Catalogue, ‘Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS F.V.5.’.

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quos genuit decorata notis, pulchrisque triumphis imperio subiecta tuo. Quotiensque vetustam Iherusalem, sanctosque lares animosa redemit hostibus invisis, propter quod nobilis albam portat terra crucem, dominis insigne serenis. Quid referam ulterius, Dux inclyte, bellica vestra castra ducum, votis patulum celebrata per orbem omnibus, imperio persas et maxima contra Marte graves furiosa novo, […] (BnT, MS F.V.5, fol. 1r) (We are describing the famous arms of Duke Filiberto with a melodious voice and how much his father Philip achieved in Italy; twice-conquered Naples49 likewise approves, and Parthenope praises the remarkable daring of the father and commends the equestrian features of the father; and how much the plains of Jerusalem raise to the stars the illustrious ancestors and forefathers and their famous grandsons whom old Savoy brought forth, distinguished with ancient marks and renowned triumphs, having been subjected to your empire. How often has courageous Savoy redeemed ancient Jerusalem and the holy places from the hateful enemies, on account of which the noble land carries the white cross, the badge of the serene lords. What should I say further, renowned duke, about the military camps of your generals, celebrated throughout the whole world with prayers by everyone, and greatest in imperial power and frenzied against the troublesome Persians in a new war, […])

The poet imagines Filiberto with his new father-in-law Maximilian and his brother-in-law Philip leading the proposed crusade: Teque novo florebit avo terra Itala, magnum et Latium populis gaudebit praeside Divo. Cum Iove divisum regnum velut alter habebis Caesar, tu terris, coelo sic imperet alto Iuppiter, imposita gemini vos sorte regetis tu gener, et socer, Archiduce et regnante potenti imperium patris et regnum cunctante secundum. Aurea cumque fide per te nunc nascitur aetas, et soboles antiqua redit, delapsa per auras Iustitia insultans liquidas venit alma tyrannis tot saevis obsessa soror. Concordia leges apperit oppressas obscuro in carcere Diva. Dotibus hiis auctus, tantoque insignis honore, cui parent et castra, Duces, famulantur et astra

49

References to ‘twice-conquered Naples’ also help date the manuscript. The poet is here referring to the conquest of Naples by Louis XII’s troops under d’Aubigny (4 August 1501), the first conquest being by Charles VIII five years earlier.

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flammea, cum fatis concurrunt omine sortes. Num te cura movet? semperque iacebit inulta Iherusalem? lacerata fero crudeliter hoste Sulthanoque truci, dominis sum praeda severis. Ah scelus est. (BnT, MS F.V.5, fols 90v–91r) (Italy will flourish in a new age and great Latium will rejoice in its peoples as God watches over you. With God on your side, like a second Caesar you will have a kingdom divided in its lands; thus Jupiter may decree from the lofty heavens that you both, son-in-law and father-in-law, will rule by due lot, together with the powerful Archduke who now rules the empire of his father and is expectant of another kingdom.50 Now a Golden Age with faith is born through you and the ancient offspring returns. Sweet sister Justice, having descended through the fluid breeze, comes skipping having been besieged by a crowd of savage tyrants. The goddess Concord releases laws oppressed in a dark prison. Having been increased by these dowries and renowned for so much honour, Lords, whom both the camps obey, and the flaming stars attend, surely you are concerned when Destiny completely runs in accord with the Fates? Will Jerusalem lay always unavenged? Cruelly wounded by the enemy sword and by the pitiless sultan, I am the booty of wicked masters. Ah! It is a crime.)

Filiberto is one of the few dedicatees of Nagonius’s manuscripts who seems to have taken the idea of a crusade seriously. In response to increasingly menacing reports from the east and renewed Venetian!Turkish hostilities (see below, Part II, Chapter 5), in late autumn 1499 Alexander issued an invitation to all the Christian princes to send representatives to Rome in the ensuing March to deliberate on the formation of a league against the Turks.51 This invitation met with such little response that in February 1500 it was found necessary to repeat it.52 On 1 June Alexander issued a bull for a crusade. It was addressed to all Christendom urging everyone to unite against the common enemy. Filiberto

50

The archduke is Maximilian’s son Philip, who had taken over the reigns of government in the Low Countries from his father in 1493. His wife Joanna of Castile had inherited the title of queen of Castile on the death of her mother Isabella in 1504. Philip was appointed prince of both Castile and Aragon by consent. 51 Edouard Bouyé, ‘Alexandre VI, les Turcs et la croisade’, in Alessandro VI dal Mediterraneo all’Atlantico, ed. by Myriam Chiabò and Anna Maria Oliva-Olivetta Schena (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2004), pp. 169–86. 52 Pastor, VI. 88.

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made the journey to Rome to discuss the projected crusade with the Pope.53 This visit is perhaps commemorated in the following lines: Ex illis unum roseo decoravit honore Pastor Alexander, sanctoque sacravit amore tempora perstrinxitque comas pietate galero. (BnT, MS F.V.5, fol. 38r) (Pope Alexander honoured one [Filiberto] of these men [Filiberto’s ancestors] with a rose and blessed his temples with sacred love and in piety bound his hair in a cap.)

Alexander’s second call for a crusade also met with little response. This may account for the inclusion of the plea to Filiberto to lead and inspire other European princes (‘tu socerum succende tuum’ ( inspire your father-in-law), etc.; fol. 107v) that occurs towards the end of Book III (fols 107v–08v).

A Manuscript for Guglielmo II, Marquis of Monferrat, 1508 The manuscript for Guglielmo II, marquis of Monferrat, seems to be copied directly from the manuscript for Louis XII or its exemplar.54 The text is virtually identical. The epigrams in the later books all follow the same order and their titles have only been superficially adapted to accommodate Guglielmo, who succeeded to the title of marquis in 1493 at the age of seven.55 The date of this manuscript is more difficult to establish. References to the marquis’s imperial investiture in 1504 (cf. de laetitia suae assumptionis in Marchionatum, fol. 179r) are fairly generic and do not help date the manuscript.

53

Samuel Guichenon, Histoire généalogique de la royale maison de Savoie, 2 vols (Turin: Jean Briolo, 1778), II, 184. 54 BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf.; Part II, Catalogue, ‘Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf.’; Figures 2, 10, 26. Guglielmo (10 August 1486–4 October 1518) is usually referred to as IX. Nagonius refers to the marquis as II because he is the second marquis of the house of Paleologo, hence Nagonius refers to his uncle as Guglielmo I. See Roberto Maestri, Cenni storici sui marchesi Paleologi de Monferrato (1306–1536) (Genoa: Brigati, 2006), pp. 16–17. 55 On fol. 203r there is an interesting scribal correction. The scribe copied the A from the first word of the epigram for Louis (beginning Aureliane), realized his mistake and hastily corrected this A to the first part of the M for Marchione and then covered his mistake by decorating the initial with a flourish across the central crossbar of the A. This curious upper case M is repeated through the subsequent folios.

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In the opening lines Nagonius compares the young Marquis to the Emperor Honorius and his brother Archadius. The point of reference is again Claudian’s Panegyric on the Fourth Consulship of Honorius. Whereas the poet was able to celebrate the return of Roman law and order under the elder statesman Pierre, duke of Bourbon, here the young Marquis’s equestrian skills are praised just as Claudian had done for Honorius (IV., Cons. Hon., 539–60): Inclyta Marchionis Gulielmi fata secundi scribimus, et quantum Latiis supereminet armis iste puer, iuvenis titulis Octavius alter cernitur et frontem miratur Roma serenam Caesaris armipotens, seu pulcher Honorius alta indole conspicitur, rutilo vel frater in orbe imperet Archadius. Quid si (mirabile dictu) ardentem deflectit equum perque aiera vertit cornipedem, quam promptus adest, calcaribus urget aeripedem et strictis, quam dextro iussa moratu observat sonipes, metas nec transilit ullas. Dum patulos discurrit agros, hic Cyllarus alter proditur et maior celebratur Castore pulcher Marchio, succubuit velox et cessit Arion, Pegasus et fortis. Iuvenis modulamur et arma Marchionis, votis patulum celebrata per orbem omnibus, imperio Persas et maxima contra Marte graves furiosa novo, […] (BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fol. 9r–v) (We are describing the famous destiny of marquis Guglielmo II, and how much this boy distinguishes himself in Latin arms; in his titles the youth is regarded as a second Octavian and valiant Rome marvels at the serene brow of this Caesar and wonders whether handsome Honorius is glimpsed in his noble character, or his brother Archadius rules in the bright world. What if (marvellous to say) he wheels about his fiery steed and turns his horse, who is keen, towards the breeze, and spurs the beast on and how the charger observes the commands to stop from a right hand and does not omit any turning post. As he charges across the open fields here is revealed another Cyllarus and the handsome marquis is celebrated greater than Castor, and swift Arion has stopped and brave Pegasus has conceded defeat.56 We are singing the arms of the young marquis, celebrated throughout the whole world with prayers by everyone, the arms greatest in imperial power and frenzied against the troublesome Persians in a new war, […])

56

The reference is to famous mythological horses. Cyllarus was a horse given by Neptune to Juno who gave it to the twins Castor and Pollux to tame. Arion was a speaking horse which Neptune gave to Adrastus. Pegasus was the winged horse which sprang from the blood of Medusa and produced the fountain of Hippocrene by a blow from his hoof.

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At the foot of the Alpine passes, sandwiched between the duchies of Savoy and Milan, Monferrat was strategically important (see Map 2). Bordering also upon the French enclave of Asti the compliance of the marquisate was essential to ensure the safe passage of French troops to and from Italy. During the marquis’s minority, Charles VIII placed the marquisate under the regency (1495–1500) of Guglielmo’s great uncle, the Venetian!Albanian soldier of fortune Constantino Arianiti (Comnenus).57 His tepid enthusiasm for Louis XII’s invasion ensured his dismissal. He was arrested by Louis XII and replaced by Benvenuto di San Giorgio (1500–12). Both appear in the pageant of heroes on the plains of Elysium.58 The manuscript concludes with a series of wedding hymns (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘An Epithalamium for Guglielmo II, Marquis of Monferrat and Anne D’Alençon’). The young Marquis’s bride was Louis XII’s cousin, Anne Marie d’Alençon (1492–1562), daughter of René de Valois, duke of Alençon, and Margaret of Lorraine.59 Throughout the text Nagonius refers to her as ‘Maria’:

57

On Constantino Arianiti, see Franz Babinger, DBI, 4, pp. 141–43; see also Léon-Gabriel Pélissier, Louis XII et Ludovic Sforza (8 avril 1498–23 juillet 1500), 2 vols (Paris: Thorin, 1896), II, 392–97. 58 Cominus inde vident tristi cum vertice euntem egregium virtute ducem, quem Grecia dignis illustravit avis, vero de nomine fertur Constantinus eques, celebrem fera bella timebant et tot castra ducem, Latii flevere triumphi. (BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fol. 46r) Illa prior soboles, Sancti est domus alta Georgi nobilitate, vigens titulis celeberrima et armis, et iuveni pergrata Duci, populisque subactis extat et antiquos mores procerumque Latinas haec superat virtute togas fascesque vetustos opprimit et priscas simili gravitate curules. Interpres ille est legum, magnique vocatus consilii pater, et custos et preses habetur et dignus morum censor probitatis et auctor unus honorate Gulielmi iura secundi arbiter admittit. (BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fol. 50r–v) 59 See Pierluigi Piano, ‘Anne d’Alençon, marchesa di Monferrato (1492–1562)’, in La Chivasso dei Paleologi di Monferrato, ed. by Roberto Maestri (Acqui Terme: Impressioni Grafiche, 2007), pp. 49–66.

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Rex Ludovicus tibi nunc propinquus addet ingentes merito triumphos, et tibi laudes melius perhennes sanguine iuncto. Nuper uxorem Mariam puellam ipse duxisti, Mariam pudicam hanc domus Lanson genuit superba sanguine regis. Tu mares uxor paries marito splendidos pulchro, niveasque natas candida, extolles veteres et ortus sanguine mixto. (BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fol. 125r–v) (King Louis, now a kinsman of yours, will award you great triumphs through your merit and, even better, everlasting praise by the joining of the bloodline. Lately you yourself have taken the girl Maria for your wife. The House of Alençon, proud with royal blood, produced this chaste Maria. You, sweet wife, will beget splendid sons for your handsome husband and fair daughters, you will enhance the ancient origins through the mixing of bloodlines.)

The young couple were betrothed in 1502 at Blois but, owing to their youth (she was nine years old, he was fifteen), did not marry until May 1508. The engagement was celebrated with lavish entertainments at the French court including a joust in which the marquis distinguished himself by breaking three lances and being awarded first place.60 An epigram (incipit ‘Foelices phalerae gemmis auroque nitentes’; fol. 175v), in which the poet addresses Guglielmo’s charger, refers to these tournaments at Blois: Ipse recordaris, dum Marchio staret in urbe Blesi, tu quanto vertice promptus eras. Quis te spectabat? Rex et Regina sereni atque oratores innumerique patres. Et iuvenem pulchrum facile tua frena regentem hastiludentem turba stupebat equum. Conspicuos inter iuvenes altissime princeps, gaudeat hic vestro numine semper equus. (BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fol. 176v)

60

‘Si fecero giostre, in cui il marchese Guglielmo ruppe tre lancie con tanta forza e destrezza, che ricevette il primo premio’ (Vincenzo De’Conti, Notizie storiche della città di Casale di Monferrato, 11 vols (Casale: Mantelli, 1838–42), V, 12).

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(You yourself recall, while the marquis was at Blois, with how much approval you had been displayed. Who was watching you? Their serene highnesses the king and queen and innumerable ambassadors and senators. The troop of horses stood in amazement at the handsome youth easily controlling your reins in the joust. Prince, most noble among illustrious youths, may this horse always rejoice in your divine power.)61

From 2 July to 15 December of the following year, Guglielmo was again with the French court at Lyon. An elegy, unique to this manuscript, laments Guglielmo’s prolonged absence from Monferrat: Ad eundem invictissimum principem Gulielmum | II, Montis Ferrati Marchionem splendissimum | Elegia qua poeta notat Casale Vasii expectasse | reditum ipius diu et conqueri diem nimis sero redire | venturo principe in Italia et ad urbem. Lampades aetheae venturo principe fulvum ferte diem, Paphium tu quoque redde iubar. Iuerat ad Gallos Maria pro coniuge pulcher Marchio, quottidie ‘quando redibit’ aiunt, ‘Aut cras, aut hodie?’ crebro pia turba ferebat, ‘advenit ecce dies, qua rediturus adest’. Tanta tuis populis tardas cur gaudia Phoebe non possunt vestras plus tollerare moras. Occiduis immitte diem Tithonia terris, hanc Casale rogat, hanc pia turba petit. (BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fol. 205r) (To the same invincible Lord Guglielmo II, the splendid Marquis of Monferrat, an elegy in which the poet notes that his return to Casale has been awaited for a long time and complains that the day of his return into Italy and to the city is too late in coming. You heavenly lights bring forth the golden day with the return of the prince and you also return the Paphian brightness. The handsome marquis had gone to the French for his wife Maria. Every day they say: ‘When will he return, either tomorrow or today?’ The pious crowd was repeatedly saying: ‘behold the day has arrived on which his return is at hand’. Why Phoebus do you delay such joy to your people? They can no longer endure your tardiness. Tithonia, send this day to the western lands. Casale asks for this day, the pious crowd seeks it too.)

It is possible that Nagonius’s manuscript for Guglielmo was presented as part of the wedding celebrations in 1508. The prominent inscription celebrating Nagonius’s link with the marquisate through his wife (see above, Part I, Chapter

61 v

223 .

There are further references to this joust at BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fols 197v and

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1, ‘Towards a Biography of Johannes Michael Nagonius’; Figure 2) and the annexation of the enclave of Ticineto from the Radicati Lords of Cocconato in 1507 seem to confirm the date.

Conclusion Although these manuscripts are all very similar, this should not be a reason to doubt the sincerity of the poet’s call for a crusade. Leonardo Dati had addressed identical crusading epigrams to Kings Henry VI of England and Louis XI of France who, he declared, were eagerly awaited by Jerusalem.62 Nagonius is working within the same tradition but on a much grander scale.63 The repeated re-dedication of complete manuscripts to a succession of princes may seem like courtly opportunism but must be placed within a wider context. The genuine sense of fear and panic created by the Turkish advance across the eastern Mediterranean should not be underestimated. In the optimistic atmosphere of excitement generated by the Jubilee, Pope Alexander VI sent legates across Europe to preach a crusade, but with little response. On 1 July 1500 the Pope issued the Bull for the crusade and, at the same time, a Brief was drawn up addressed to Louis XII. In it Alexander complained of the lack of response to his previous summons and turned to the King of France, who, now that he was ruler of Milan, was doubly bound to come forward and protect Italy from the Turks.64 It seems that the purpose of all Nagonius’s manuscripts from this period was to press the dedicatee to take up arms against the Turks and lead a crusade. The lack of a strong leader among the secular princes and the failure to inspire them to join a crusade will

62

See Robert Black, Benedetto Accolti and the Florentine Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 236. 63 Tito Vespasiano Strozzi’s Borsiad was begun for Borso d’Este but adapted after his unexpected death in 1471 to his successor Ercole. Similarly, the soldier-poet Michael Marullus wrote an epigram on the farewell of Mary of Burgundy to her son Philip which he later modified for Clarissa Orsini, her husband Lorenzo de’Medici and their son Piero: ‘Marullus, then, must have considered this a good format for the praise of a widowed ruler and sent out both versions to noble patrons in the confidence that they were extremely unlikely to compare notes’ (Carol Kidwell, Marullus: Soldier Poet of the Renaissance (London: Duckworth, 1989), p. 137). The tradition of rededication has venerable origins. Ausonius’s Cento nuptialis, made up from tags of Virgil ingeniously pieced together, was originally written for the Emperor Valentinian, but rededicated years later to Paulus (Raby, Secular Latin Poetry, I, 59). 64 Pastor, VI. 90.

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eventually compel the poet to redraft Jerusalem’s lament into a separate book and rededicate his call for a crusade to the bellicose Pope Julius II who, perhaps more than any other dedicatee in the opinion of the poet, seemed capable of effecting her rescue (see below, Part II, Chapter 6, ‘‘Hierusalem miserere tuae’: A Manuscript for Pope Julius II, 1509’).65

65 ‘Far from even contemplating a new crusade to the Holy Land, however, Julius found preserving papal temporal power in Italy required all his military and diplomatic skills.’ Charles Stinger, ‘Roma triumphans: Triumphs in the Thought and Ceremonies of Renaissance Rome’, Medievalia et Humanistica, 10 (1981), 191.

Chapter 5

VENICE AND THE CAESARS

T

he French invasion of the Italian peninsula and the Muslim advance across the Mediterranean provide the main themes of Nagonius’s later manuscripts. Although eventual eastern conquest had become a traditional feature in the prediction of a new Golden Age, few realized that the fall of Constantinople in 1453 had permanently changed the balance of power and it was no longer practical to dream of expelling the Turks from Europe. In 1499 fresh hostilities had broken out between the Ottomans and the Venetian Empire in the eastern Mediterranean. Particularly keen to support the Venetians in their efforts against the Turks, Pope Alexander VI renewed his efforts to launch a crusade. The collection of a crusading tenth was authorized and even the College of Cardinals was called upon to contribute. A league was eventually formed between Venice, Hungary, and the Pope, and a combined fleet organized. While Alexander continued to make intense preparations for a crusade, Nagonius travelled to Venice. Repeating the ploy of offering manuscripts to the French king Louis XII and his General Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, Nagonius now presents manuscripts to the new Doge Leonardo Loredan (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213; see Part III, Catalogue, ‘Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 5213’; see Figure 5) and the captain-general of the Venetian armies, Niccolò Orsini, count of Pitigliano and Nola (Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950); see Part III, Catalogue, ‘Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, MS lat. XII, 75’). While in Venice, Nagonius also presented a slim volume containing a prose history of the descendants of the Emperor Constantine to the merchant (and future doge) Andrea Gritti who had recently returned to Venice after two and a half years in Turkish captivity and who was now negotiating a peace between Venice and Sultan Bājazīd II (BMV, MS lat. Z. 407 (=1585); see Part III, Catalogue, ‘Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, MS lat. Z. 407’).

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Figure 5. Manuscript for Doge Leonardo Loredan and the Senate of Venice with the Loredan coat of arms and the Doge’s beretta in the initial I and the arms of the Mocenigo, Giustinian, and Cornaro families. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 8 r. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican).

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A Manuscript for Doge Leonardo Loredan, c. 1503 The election on 2 October 1501 of Leonardo Loredan (16 November 1436–22 June 1521) as doge of Venice initiated a period of change in Venetian foreign policy.1 At the time of his election, Venice had been continuously at war with the Turks for almost three years. The damage to Venice’s commercial trade and the expenses entailed by this disastrous war had been excessive. The Venetian diarist Marino Sanuto comments: This new prince, entered upon the dogeship, found our republic in great distress because of the Turkish war, in which we have been engaged for three years, a thing which arose out of no good cause; and he found the public treasury greatly exhausted, together with the faculties of the citizens.2

Upon his election the new Doge immediately began to negotiate a peace settlement. On 20 May 1503 Loredan finally concluded a peace treaty with Sultan Bājazīd II in which the recent Turkish conquests on the gulf of Corinth (Lepanto) and on the Messenian peninsula (Modon, Coron, and Zonchio) were all ceded to Turkey.3 Although this treaty, which entailed the loss of strategic ports on the trade routes to the Levant, was far from favourable to Venice, a new spirit of optimism and jubilation pervaded the city after the protracted Turkish wars. It is against this background that Nagonius presented the new Doge and Senate of Venice with a volume of his panegyric verse. 4

1

See Michela dal Borgo, DBI, 65, pp. 771–74. Sanuto, IV, 144; cited by James C. Davis, ‘Shipping and Spying in the Early Career of a Venetian Doge, 1496–1502’, Studi Veneziani, 16 (1974), 97–108 (p. 106). 3 See Simon Pepper, ‘Fortress and Fleet: The Defence of Venice’s Mainland Greek Colonies in the Late Fifteenth Century’, in War, Culture and Society in Renaissance Venice: Essays in Honour of John Hale, ed. by David S. Chambers, Cecil H. Clough, and Michael E. Mallett (London: Hambledon, 1993), pp. 29–55; also Robert Finlay, Politics in Renaissance Venice (London: Benn, 1980), pp. 65–67. The treaty is celebrated in an elaborate Latin oration by Francesco Marcello, BMV, MS lat. XI, 16 (= 4427) who praises Loredan and the Senate for rescuing him from the Turkish threat: ‘Nam quales sunt Princeps (ut Divinus scribit Plato) tales solent esse et reliqui cives, qui splendore eorum accensi, ac veluti quondam exemplari ducti nichil nisi saluberrimam atque insigne ornamentum excogitant. Foelix inquam Imperium Venetorum LEONARDO LOREDANO’ (fol. 6r–v). For an account of the war, see Bembo, II. vi–vii. 4 Nagonius’s attitude towards Venice is not always favourable: see, for example, his account of the Battle of Fornovo (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Battle of Fornovo’). In the manuscript for Vladislav II the Venetians are described as tumidos (‘arrogant’ or ‘ambitious’) and the policy of expansion into the terrafirma is criticized: Regius ille sibi frater coniunctus in arma 2

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References within the text to political events date the manuscript with a certain precision to c. 1503–04. Although Ludovico Sforza had appealed to Venice for support against Louis XII, the Venetians signed a treaty with France (the Treaty of Blois 1499) whereby both Venice and France would make a combined assault upon the duchy of Milan. The Lombard territories would be divided up, and Venice receive Cremona and all the surrounding territory between the Adda, the Oglio, and the Po. After the French victory, however, relations between France and Venice soon turned sour. This was in no small measure due to the help that Louis XII was affording Cesare Borgia to conquer territories in the Romagna thereby threatening Venetian interests in the terrafirma. Once their control in Lombardy had been secured, the French turned their attention upon Naples. Although Venice feigned neutrality, throughout 1503 the Venetian Senate was conspiring to undermine French authority in the peninsula by helping Naples. Despite the vast exertions and outlay incurred by Venice on the side of Naples in the city’s defence against both France and Spain, the Spaniards under Gonsalvo de Cordova entered the city in triumph on 14 May 1503. At the same time Venetian interests along the Dalmatian coast, in the Peloponnese, and in Crete and Cyprus were also being secured. This then is the highly specific context for the dedication of Nagonius’s manuscript. Reference to Naples’s call for support against France confirms the date of the manuscript as c. 1503: Atque Leonardo tradant invicta senatus regna duci, secum qui fortia vota ligabit, ingentemque globum telis sociabit avitis. Ambo regent latos populos, turmisque severis innumeros fines vastabunt milite multo. Dalmaticosque sinus, et Cretica regna resument, atque tuam Cyprum, Venus O pulcherrima forma, inde orbem Graium; et Maurorum castra senatus franget, et hostiles certabit classe tyrannos. Parthenopem dulcem paulatim ad iura vocabit, et pulchrum Latium totum sibi vinciet, arva iam Rheni famulantis avis Germanica parent. Hispani, Gallique simul velocius arma effugient, Marchumque pium vexilla timebunt

Ibit et in campis connectet fortia castra. Ambo regent tumidos Venetos turmisque severis Illiricos fines vastabunt milite multo. (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), bk I, ll. 360–64)

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extera, qui toti mundo donabit habenas. Est pater Italiae Marchus, regnique futurus Ausonii princeps, et recto maximus orbis. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 22r–v) (And so, invincible kingdoms, surrender to Doge Leonardo who will bind the Senate to himself with strong vows and will unite in partnership the whole world by his ancestral weapons. Both will rule extensive peoples and will plunder innumerable countries with severe troops and many soldiers. They will recover the Dalmatian coast and the Cretan kingdoms and your Cyprus, most lovely Venus, and the whole of Greece; the Senate will crush the camps of the Moors, and will fight the enemy tyrants with their fleet. Gradually it will call sweet Naples to order and will bind the whole of Latium to itself. Already the Germanic fields are obeying the ancestors of the servant of the Rhine. The Spaniards and French together will rather swiftly avoid war and they will fear foreign standards and pious Mark, who will give the reins of government to the whole world. Mark is the father of Italy, the future prince of the Italian kingdom, and by right the greatest in the world.)

In the dedicatory verses Nagonius puns on the Doge’s names. By creating a spurious etymology from the Latin leo (‘lion’) and nardus (‘an aromatic balsam’) the poet links the name Leonardus with the lion symbol of the Evangelist protector of the city, Saint Mark, and further equates the surname Loredan with the laurel of victorious Roman generals: Est pater Italiae Marchus, quia laurea terris cum duce se tollit Cesareana suo. Est leo terribilis, nardus perfundit odores cognomen victrix nobile laurus habet. Haec sunt quae rigidos totiens pepulere tyrannos finibus Hesperiis: Laurea, Marchus, odor. O foelix, invicte, potens, sapiensque senatus plaude duci, solus nomen utrumque tenet. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 1r) (Mark is the patron saint of Italy, because the Caesarean laurel raises itself from the land with its own leader. There is a fierce lion, the balsam pours out perfumes, the victorious laurel has a noble surname. These are the things which have so often banished the savage tyrants from the Italian shores: laurel, Mark, incense. O happy, unconquered, powerful, and wise Senate, applaud the Doge: he alone holds each of the two names.)

Thus the twin themes of Christianity and imperial expansion are presented as intrinsically linked. Nagonius adapts the text of the manuscript offered to Louis XII and celebrates Loredan as a Roman hero, Venice as an ‘altera Roma’ (a second Rome; fol. 14v), and the Venetians themselves, through their descent from the Trojan hero Antenor, as true heirs to the Roman imperium:

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Et tu terra potens rerum, sapiensque senatus Romanae dilecte cheli, sub principe tanto facta superba nimis laudata Venetia gestis, altera Roma mihi, titulis maioribus aucta, non miscens cum plebe patres, victoria maior pulchrior et gravior, ducibus celeberrima claris, sic opibus dives (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 14v) (And you, wise Senate, dear to the Roman lyre, and you Venice, a land powerful in possessions, and made proud under such a great prince, praised greatly in your deeds, seem to me a second Rome, augmented with greater titles, not mixing senators with plebs. A greater victory, sweeter and more serious, very well known by renowned generals, thus rich in resources)

The narrative of Book I is familiar and repeated from previous manuscripts. Alarmed at the portentous signs in the heavens, Venus arrives on Olympus, seeking an explanation: ‘Is it now time for Rome to complete the promised destiny that was only partially fulfilled under the empire of the Caesars?’ she inquires. Jove unrolls the book of Fate and informs her that the strange portents in the heavens signal honours for the Trojans and their descendants, who are here identified as the Venetians: Promissumque diu nobis Romana potestas surget avis ducibusque suis et patribus illis. Iam Venetos hoc credo patres, similesque nepotes Romanis, gestis proceres celebremque Senatum imperio titulisque parem, similesque triumphos emensos terramque fretum mihi saepe canebas. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 17v) (For a long time now it has been promised us that the might of Rome will rise up from their ancestors and their Doges and their senators. I believe this now. The Venetian senators and their descendants resemble the Romans, and their noblemen are similar by their deeds and the renowned Senate is equal to the empire in its titles and you often predicted to me similar great triumphs by land and sea.)

Jove’s speech outlines the extent of Venice’s future greatness and prosperity: Par erit omnis honor donec se fata resolvant in melius, dentur Venetis tua regna superbis. Iam rediere dies quos dudum Roma moratur altera, Troiano fundataque sceptra colono, sed meliora volent, maioraque carpere credes nunc Veneti, sub honore Duces et lege tenebunt. Hi cupiunt et semper avent, meditantur et ardent

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tendere laurigeros proles edocta triumphos expetit, Ausonios superabit et illa nepotes. Est placitum nobis nascetur origine magni Dux Leonardus avi, fundantis tecta potentis urbis et aequorea cingentis moenia fossa. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 18v) (All honour will be equal until the Fates release themselves into better times. Let your kingdoms be granted to the proud Venetians. The days have now returned which a second Rome for a long time now has been expecting: the kingdom founded by a Trojan farmer. But better times will speed on, and now believe that the Venetians will seize better times, and the Doges will hold power under an honourable law. These men desire this, and are always eager for this and think about this and are inspired. This learned progeny aspire to lead laurel-bearing triumphs and they will overcome the descendants of Rome. We are pleased that Doge Leonardo will be born from a great dynasty and the house of a powerful founder of the city and of someone surrounding the walls with a watery moat.)

And so the narrative continues. As has already been noted, imaginative genealogies allowed most of the major European dynasties at the turn of the sixteenth century to claim descent from Rome.5 Venice, however, traced the foundation of the city back to Troy itself.6 The longest original passage in the Loredan manuscript recounts the myth of the foundation of the city by the Trojan refugee Antenor.7 The story relates that the elderly counsellor had advised the Trojans to return Helen to the Greeks and for this he was spared by the victors. Antenor left Troy and took with him the Eneti from Paphlagonia (who had lost their king in the war), and settling at the head of the Adriatic, he founded the city of Patavium (Padua). With the aid of a devious genealogy supported by a dubious etymology, the Venetians usurped the myth to claim descent from the Eneti and exploited the story to emphasize the superiority of Venice over Rome,

5

Some with more ingenuity and invention had their genealogies traced back as far as the Garden of Eden: for example, Johann Stabius worked out a genealogy for Charles V which, without skipping a single generation, traced him right back to Adam by way of Caesar, Aeneas, and Hercules; see Marie Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aeneas: The Habsburgs and the Mythic Image of the Emperor (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), passim, but especially pp. 67–118. 6 The claim of direct descent from Troy is not without certain drawbacks as the Turks were sometimes also identified as the progeny of the Trojans; see Robert H. Schwoebel, ‘Coexistence, Conversion, and the Crusade against the Turks’, Studies in the Renaissance, 12 (1965), 164–87 (p. 165). The theory was emphatically denied in Venice; see Andrea Cambini, Della origine de’ Turchi (Venice: [n. pub.], 1538), cited by Schwoebel, ‘Coexistence’, p. 165, n 3. 7 For the passage, see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Foundation of Venice by Antenor’.

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which was, they claimed, only later founded by a second Trojan settler, Aeneas.8 When Nagonius refers to Venice as ‘another Rome’, he is thus repeating contemporary Venetian propaganda.9 The poet makes the myth relevant to his panegyric by describing Loredan in Virgilian terms as a new Antenor and, appropriately for the leader of a maritime Republic, as ‘Gubernator Veneti Senatus’ (helmsman of the Venetian Senate; fol. 177r). The two images are frequently combined: Gaudet Antenor pater urbis altae quod decus tantum peperit Senatus, quod tenes sceptrum Venetum ducale, Regna gubernans. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 184v) (Antenor, father of the lofty city, is rejoicing because the Senate has produced such a great ornament as you hold the Ducal power of Venice, governing kingdoms.)

Nagonius promotes Venetian propaganda by also describing Loredan as a new Augustus. The garland of laurel associated with Augustus’s house on the Palatine is here awarded to Loredan:10 Iam vides Cyprum imperio subactam, divitem Cretam pariter Senatus, Marte pugnaces populos, et urbes, oppida victa. Aequor et victum quotiens remansit, plurima tectum trabe saevientis hostis, infido ratibus natante per sale Thurco. Bella cum Mauris totiens peracta vidimus, forti superata pugna

8

The principal sources for Aeneas’s arrival in Italy after Antenor are: Liv., I. 1. 1–4 and Verg., Aen., I. 241–49; note also Ovid: ‘serus ab Iliacis et post Antenora flammis | attulit Aeneas in loca nostra deos’ (Fast., IV. 77–78). 9 As David Chambers observes, ‘By the end of the fifteenth century, the inheritance of Rome reborn in Venice had become a favourite theme for patriotic orations, literary dedications, historiography, art, popular verse and much else’ (The Imperial Age of Venice 1380–1580 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1970), p. 12). For another contemporary example of the myth, see the fifteenth-century Cronaca Ariana, BMV, MS It. VIII, 33 (=7804) fol. 1r. 10 Compare Ovid’s lines on Augustus’s house on the Palatine: ‘state Palatinae laurus, praetextaque quercu | stet domus’ (Fast., IV. 953–54).

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agmina, et captos violenter hostes Marte Senatus. Quanta prudentes monumenta patres orbe liquerunt patulo, subactis gentibus, terris, regione multa et maris hoste. Quanta rectores pelagi dedere proelia audaces Venetum iubente navibus iunctis varii Senatu, inter utrosque. Inde Lauredana domus quid ipsa egit: infestos meliore Turchos ense confecit, ratibusque Mauros pressit atroces. Quot duces summi periere bello urbe navali geniti vetusta, hostibus victis spolium superbum quotque tulere. Marte terrestri quotiens triumphos agmen ad pulchrum rediens senatum rettulit, Lauro memorans ab alta stemma vetustum. O dea ingentes celebra triumphos nunc domus, lauro decorata sacra stat domus, clara et titulis sereni principis extat. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fols 188v–89r) (Already you see Cyprus subjugated to the power of the Senate and likewise rich Crete, warlike peoples and towns and cities conquered in war. How often the sea has remained conquered, covered with many planks from the boats of the raging enemy, the treacherous Turk floating through the brine. We have many times seen wars waged with the Moors, battle lines conquered in savage war, and enemies of the Senate violently captured in war. What a great number of monuments have the wise senators left in the wide world, when peoples and lands, and a large area of the sea and the enemy had been subdued. When both fleets engaged, what a great number of battles have various bold leaders waged by sea with the encouragement of the Venetian Senate. Then what has the Loredan house itself achieved: it has killed the enemy Turks with a more able sword and oppressed the fierce Moors with their fleet. How many great leaders born in the ancient city have perished in

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naval battle and how much sumptuous spoil have they carried off from the defeated enemy? How often returning from land battles has the army brought back triumphs for the fine Senate, remembering the old coat of arms from the lofty laurel. O goddess, celebrate great triumphs! Now the house stands decorated with sacred laurel and the house stands famous with the titles of the serene Lord.)

Nagonius was not the only poet to make these associations and is here working within a familiar tradition. In a tortuous genealogy the Loredan claimed that their family name was derived from the Roman hero Mucius Scaevola, who famously had proved Roman courage and indifference to physical pain by holding his right hand in fire before the Etruscan general Lars Porsenna.11 It was affirmed that the surname Loredan was originally ‘Maniarda’ or ‘Mainarda’ from ‘Mucius Scaevola manum ardeo’ (I, Mucius Scaevola, burn my hand).12 The surname was changed from Mainardi into Loredani in the late Roman period either after their victory over the castle at Loreo (near Rovigo), or for the many laurel crowns awarded to the family for feats of arms in that war.13 Pope Alexander III (1159–81) later ennobled the family with roses on the coat of arms for their deeds in the struggle against Barbarossa. The Loredan roses feature throughout Nagonius’s manuscript. Together with the Doge’s cap, they decorate the initial capital letter of each new book (see Figures 5 and 24). In Book I, priests in the Temple of Venus ask the goddess for a sign to explain recent heavenly apparitions. In imitation of Virgil (Aen., VI. 190 ff.), two doves descend from the sky carrying six roses. These are immediately recognized as the arms of the Loredan family: Signa dabant monstrante dea, spirante Dyone aurea portabant sacrati insignia Marci, sexque rosas duplici campo variante colore, armaque tot patrum Venetum diversa docebant. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 33r) (As the goddess had revealed, they were displaying the portents; as Venus was wafting them forward, they were carrying the golden insignia of sacred Mark, six roses with contrasting colours on a double field, and were showing many different arms of the Venetian patricians.)

11

Liv., II. 12–13. Other Venetian families claimed equally exotic forebears. The Cornaro traced their origins to Scipio Africanus, while the Contarini linked themselves to the Aurelii, the family of the second-century emperor Marcus Aurelius. 13 Andrea da Mosto, I dogi di Venezia nella vita pubblica e privata (Milan: Martello, 1960), p. 217. 12

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The condottiere Niccolò Orsini (1442–1510), count of Pitigliano (1466) and Nola (1485), who was promoted to supreme command of the Venetian armies on 24 March 1504 (see below, ‘‘Tu alter Caesar eris’: A Manuscript for Niccolò Orsini, 1507’), assumes the role of the central protagonist, Ursus, in the epic narrative of the opening books:14 Alios ante emicat Ursus conductor generalis avum, Venetique senatus rector eques Nicolaus adest praecinctus ab armis. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 36r) (The hired general Orsini shines in front of the others, and the aged Senate of Venice, the leader of the cavalry, Niccolò, is here surrounded by his army.)15

This role had previously been occupied by Niccolò’s cousin, Virginio Orsini, in the manuscript for Maximilian Habsburg (see above, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘‘Sic ego sum Caesar Maximilianus orbis herus’: A Manuscript for Maximilian, 1494’). A marginal note (fol. 31r) makes the identification explicit: ‘Nicolaus comes | Pitiliani armorum | senatus Veneti | ductor’ (Niccolò, count of Pitigliano, general of the armies of the Venetian Senate).16 Orsini’s victories on the terrafirma are also recalled. It seems that Orsini’s promotion was, in part, prompted by his success in the Romagna where in the previous season’s campaign he had recovered a number of cities for the Republic from Cesare Borgia. In particular Orsini’s

14

Riccardo Predelli, Commemoriali, I libri commemorali della Republica di Venezia regesti (Venice 1876–), XIX, 49. 15 A reference to Pope Alexander VI (fol. 85r) who died on 18 August 1503 supports the date 1503. In later manuscripts the papal reference is replaced by the generic pastor honorandus, for example, BMV, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fol. 48v. 16 These marginal notations continue throughout Book I. Often the word Ursus (expected from comparison with other manuscripts) is replaced by Nicolaus. For example: non vilior ibat hic nicolaus eques famulantum nube ministrum progreditur spectatus equo. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 49v) non vilior ibat ipse deis Ursus famulantum nube ministrum progreditur speciosus equo. (NKP, MS VIII.H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 147–49) Orsini joined the Venetians after escaping from the French at the battle of Fornovo (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Battle of Fornovo’). He certainly did not ride into Venice with a splendid troop from Rome as Nagonius suggests.

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victory at Faenza, which fell to Venice on 19 November 1503, is celebrated.17 After continual bombardment during one month’s siege and a twelve-hour battle, the city was eventually taken by the Venetian forces. Shortly afterwards, Orsini was taken ill and such was the fear for his life that on 5 June 1504 he made his will.18 Nagonius makes further reference to the history of Faenza. The manuscript contains a lament for the Lord of Faenza, Astorre Manfredi, who had been taken by Cesare to Rome in 1501 where shortly afterwards he died in mysterious circumstances and his body was found floating in the Tiber. Nagonius leaves no doubt as to who is to blame for the young Lord’s death. Indeed the passage is highlighted by two marginal notes: ‘Faventia’ (Faenza) and ‘Pigmallion | Nero Cesar | Sylla cruente | Grecus [sic] crudelis’ (Pygmalion, the Emperor Nero, cruel Sulla with Greek blood). Talis clara sui miseranda Faventia deflet funera parva ducis, quem durus Caesar ademit gutture perstrincto, crudeli morte necavit Borgia, Pigmalion fertur, Nero Caesar et alter impius et Sylla, Graioque severior hoste. Orba suo nato lacerat miseranda capillos Mater, nunc miserasque genas moestissima rumpit. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fols 29v–30r) (In this way renowned Faenza mourns the pitiable little funeral of its duke, whom cruel Cesare Borgia abducted and strangled in cold blood. He is called Pygmalion,19 a second Nero, an impious Sulla, more savage than the Greek enemy.20 His distraught mother, deprived of her son, rips her hair and scratches at her pitiful cheeks.)

Other members of the Venetian hierarchy appear in Nagonius’s text. The opening page of Book I is also decorated with the arms of three other Venetian

17

From the deposition of Astorre Manfredi (25 April 1501) until 26 October 1503, Faenza was under the control of Cesare Borgia. From 19 November 1503 to May 1509 the city was under Venetian domination: see Guglielmo Donati, La fine della Signoria dei Manfredi in Faenza (Turin: Paravia, 1938). 18 Giuseppe Bruscalupi, Monografia Storica della Contea di Pitigliano (Florence: Servi, 1906), p. 278, n. 119; p. 642. 19 The legendary king of Tyre and brother of Dido whose husband Sychaeus he treacherously killed in the hope of obtaining his wealth (Verg., Aen., I. 343–64). 20 Lucius Cornelius Sulla (138–78 BC) captured and sacked Athens in 86 BC during the war against Mithridates VI of Pontus.

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families: Mocenigo, Giustinian, and Cornaro (Figure 5).21 A prefatory prayer identifies individual members of each one: Vivat magnanimus, triumphet atque hic noster Venetus diu Senatus. Vivat magnificus Leoque nardus, vivat Laurea, principis sereni; Et tres perpetuo sub orbe patres. Primus Iustinianus inter omnes sic Laurentius urbe clarus unus. Est alter Leonardus ortus alta Mocenicus origine, hunc vetusta stirps, proles equitem ducum superba illustrat, decorat patrumque fama censu, sanguine regiaque stirpe, est Cornelius omnium supremus qui virtute Georgius togata urbem tertius extulit potentem. Vivant imperium patres regentes isti tres Venetum, serene tecum princeps, O, Leonarde laus senatus. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fols 4r–5v) (May this our generous Venetian Senate live and triumph for a long time. And may magnificent Leonardo live on and may the laurel tree of the serene Doge live on, and the three senators under a perpetual sun. The first among all the others is Lorenzo Giustinian, singularly famous in the city.22 Second there is Leonardo Mocenigo sprung from a noble house, an ancient family, a proud line of Doges, distinguished this knight and the renown of his ancestors increases his reputation;23 with blood and royal lineage there is Giorgio Cornaro, the greatest of all three, who with Roman virtue has advanced the powerful city.24 May these three senators ruling the empire of the Venetians live on, with you, O serene lord Leonardo, as the glory of the Senate.)

An oblique reference at the opening of Book I indicates the importance of these three men. Their names appear in the margin on folio 9v beside the words Iura trium (underlined in red for emphasis). 25 21

For information on the families, see Capelari; the Mocenigo family are also in Litta. Lorenzo Giustinian (1432–1514). 23 Leonardo Mocenigo, the son of Doge Giovanni Mocenigo. 24 Giorgio Cornaro (1454–1527), the brother of Caterina Cornaro, the dispossessed Queen of Cyprus; see Giuseppe Gullino, DBI, 19, pp. 212–16. 25 The exact meaning of this term is unclear. The ius trium (‘the right of three children’) was part of the social legislation of Augustus aimed at motivating larger families. Perhaps Giustinian, Mocenigo, and Cornaro each had three or more sons? Perhaps the term refers to the three state 22

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In Book III Nagonius includes a poem in praise of the Senate in which he lists the leading members (see Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Venetian Senate’). Although the Council of Ten are frequently mentioned throughout the manuscript, this is the only extended reference to named members of the Venetian Senate. This is not surprising. Nagonius’s panegyric, based upon the celebration of individual achievement, conflicts with the Venetian distrust of the cult of the personality, which the Republic consistently endeavoured to suppress. Despite the dedication to the Senate and these occasional references to individual members, the panegyric is really addressed only to Leonardo Loredan and his family. Indeed the form of the poem cannot comfortably accommodate more than a single dedicatee, although the pageant of heroes on the plains of Elysium allows the poet to include other members of the Senate without straining the classical allusion: Hosne vides clara spectantes fronte senatum ante ducem stare, et proceres splendere serenos inter, patritios florereque pulchrius omnes? Iustinianus eques, plenus gravitate vigebit urbe superbifica, titulis Laurentius altis, plebis amor patrumque decus decorabitur omne. Ille secundus eques, tanta probitate relucens, est Leonardus, avi ducis ingens gloria, cretus prole Mocenicha, Cornelius ille Georgius tertius, ille suis ex ordine stabit equestri pro meritis, quem cara soror regina superbo sanguine nobilitat, ceris, et Cypria fratrem. Hanc aliam turbam laudabit publica carae

avogadori (attorneys) who were elected to sixteenth-month terms by the Great Council. The three avogadori were ‘elected to sixteen month terms by the Great Council, [and] were the State Prosecutors in the three supreme courts or Quarantie and at least one state attorney was required to be present in all councils to guard against violations of the law’ (Finlay, Politics, pp. xvi–xvii). Both Giorgio Cornaro and Leonardo Mocenigo were elected as Savi da Consiglio in 1503. Leonardo Mocenigo was one of the delegation sent to Rome in 1503 to congratulate Giuliano della Rovere on his election to the Papal See (1 November 1503); see Eugenio Albèri, Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti al Senato, 2nd ser., 15 vols (Florence: Tipografia all’insegna di Clio, 1839–63), III (1846), viii. In 1502 Lorenzo Giustinian was elected avogadore di Comun and in 1503 governatore delle pubbliche entrate. The provenance of the manuscript for Loredan is vague. As the manuscript is now preserved in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, one wonders whether it ever left Rome. The decoration is certainly not Venetian: see below Part II, Chapter 7, ‘Decoration and Illumination’. Was it written in Rome for either Antonio Giustinian, who was resident Venetian ambassador in Rome to Julius II from 1503–08, or Leonardo Mocenigo to deliver?

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res urbis, prestabit opus magnumque rependet presidium populis, quae tanto nomine fulget. Patribus ille sedens maior Leonardus honore est dux egregius, qui rumperet organa vatum virtutes numerare suas si maxima vellent. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fols 42v–43r) (Do you see those men watching the Senate with a serene brow and standing in front of the Doge and distinguished among the serene nobles and flourishing rather beautifully among all the patricians? The knight Lorenzo Giustinian, full of seriousness, will thrive in the proud city with lofty titles, the love of the people and all the worth of his forefathers will be honoured. The next knight, shining with so much probity, is Leonardo, the great glory of his ancestor Doge, descended from the line of Mocenigo. That third man is Giorgio Cornaro. He will stand out from the equestrian ranks by his own merits, the brother whom the dear Cyprian queen, his sister, has made noble with proud blood and waxen seals. The republic of the dear city will honour this other crowd, which is resplendent in such a great name, and will offer wealth and give a great defence to its people. That man sitting greater in honour than the senators is famous Doge Leonardo, who would defeat the greatest abilities of poets should they want to enumerate his virtues.)

Nagonius concludes the pageant with a vision of Loredan in the familiar ‘Virgilian’ mode: Aspicis huncne ducem Latiis ut nititur armis murice Sydonio gemmis et iaspide fulvus? Huc oculos converte tuos, O Patria foelix, ad summum imperium que nunc te fata vocarunt. Laurigerum cognosce ducem prolisque memento quanta in hoc pietas, et quanta in principe virtus regnabit, quantum fidei prestabitur isti. Diliget illustres patres, vitamque pudicam excolet, eximos vates et semper amabit. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 43r) (Do you behold that lord, gleaming with jasper and jewels and Sidonian murex, as he leans upon his arms? O happy Fatherland, turn your eyes in this direction to the greatest empire to which the Fates have now called you. Be sure to acknowledge your laurelbearing Doge and his descendants. How much piety and how much virtue will reign in this prince and how much faith will stand out in this man. He will esteem the illustrious senators and cultivate a chaste life and will always love fine poets.)

Other members of the Loredan family are also included in the text. A marginal note refers to Loredan’s four sons: ‘filii ducis Laurentius | Bernardus Iheronymus | Ludovicus’ (The sons of the Doge: Lorenzo, Bernardo, Gerolamo, and

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Ludovico).26 Earlier in the manuscript Nagonius also refers to Loredan’s brother Pietro (1466–1510) and his father Gerolamo (1407–74): Post pater ille ducis, patrum ditissimus unus, quem vultu festo natum spectare iuvabit ore gravi, gravibusque oculis ille inclytus armis Andreas, fraterque ducis, natique sereni quattuor, a sacra iactantes stemmata lauro. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 16r) (Afterwards there is the father of the Doge, the richest of the senators, whom it will please to behold with a serious expression his son’s smiling face; and there is that famous brother of the Doge, Andrea, renowned in arms, with a stern expression, and the four serene sons glorying in laurel from the sacred coat of arms.)

As in previous manuscripts, Nagonius imagines the honorand receiving the fatalia dona, the divine gift of armour awarded to mythical heroes. Loredan marvels at these divine gifts just as Aeneas had stood in amazement at the shield decorated for him by Vulcan with images from Roman history. Here, however, Virgil’s description is given a Venetian emphasis as the Battle of Actium depicted on Aeneas’s shield becomes, in Nagonius’s rifacimento, a contemporary naval conflict between the Venetians and the Turks. The exotic eastern army assembled by Antony and Cleopatra provides the perfect model for Nagonius’s description of a polyglot Turkish fleet: Parte Leonardus media sic arduus ingens agmen agens aderat circum radiantibus armis. Sicut et Augustus Francos in proelia fortes barbara cum patribus populisque potentibus urget puppe sedens celsa, cui tempora dulce corona navali rostrata nitent, stant undique Thurci barbarico ritu turbantes aequora capti. Hinc vires Orientis habet, supremaque secum Aegypto cum Bactra vehens et littora rubra. Et ferro caelatus erat certamine Mavors ut furit in medio contra tot milia victor,

26

These are: Lorenzo (1462–1534); Gerolamo (1468–1532); Alvise (Ludovico) (1472–1521); Bernardo (1481–1519). See Giuseppe Gullino, ‘I Loredan di Santo Stefano: Cenni Storici’, in Palazzo Loredan e l’Instituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, ed. by Elena Bassi and others (Venice: L’Istituto, 1985), pp. 11–24. For the identification of Giovanni Bellini’s ‘Portrait of Doge Leonardo Loredan with Four Councillors’ as a portrait of Loredan and his sons, see Ettore Merkel, ‘Il Mecenatismo artistico dei Loredan e il loro Palazzo a Santo Stefano’, in Palazzo Loredan, ed. by Bassi and others, pp. 53–56.

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quem sequitur Bellona soror succensa flagello sanguineo, Diraeque deae, et furialis Enio. Desuper omnis Arabs vertebat terga subactus, atque omnes Indi, et facto terrore Sabaei. Thraces erant fortes, et perturbantes Araxes, indomitique Getae, caput et surgentis Eoi urbs nova, Romanis mirum sic aemula regnis. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fols 70r–71v) (In the middle there was great Leonardo, standing aloft leading the squadrons, his weapons gleaming around; and just like Augustus together with the powerful Senate and people, sitting in the high quarter-deck, he urges the brave French into savage battle. His temples gleam beaked with the sweet naval crown; on all sides stand the captured Turks, stirring up the sea with barbaric rite. On this side he has depicted the strength of the east, leading with it distant Bactria together with Egypt and the coasts of the Red Sea. And moulded in iron there was Mars as he rages victorious in the midst of the battle against so many thousands, whom his sister Bellona with her bloody scourge and the dread Furies and cruel Enio follow. Above, every conquered Arab has turned his back and fled at the terror created, together with all the Indians and the Sabeans. The strong Thracians were there and the frightening Araxes and the fierce Getae and the head of the rising East: a new city emulous of the Roman kingdoms and marvellous to report.)27

In another part of the shield is the figure of Jerusalem, reminding Loredan of his Christian duty and looking forward to the impassioned plea for salvation with which the personified figure of the City concludes Book II:

27

Nagonius has combined Virgil’s description of Augustus with that of Agrippa: hinc Augustus agens Italos in proelia Caesar cum patribus populoque, penatibus et magnis dis, stans celsa in puppi, geminas cui tempora flammas laeta vomunt patriumque aperitur vertice sidus. parte alia ventis et dis Agrippa secundis arduus agmen agens: cui, belli insigne superbum, tempora navali fulgent rostrata corona. (Aen., VIII. 678–84) […] saevit medio in certamine Mavors caelatus ferro, tristesque ex aethere Dirae, et scissa gaudens vadit Discordia palla, quam cum sanguineo sequitur Bellonas flagello Actius haec cernens arcum intendebat Apollo desuper: omnis eo ferrore Aegyptus et Indi omnis Arabs, omnes vertebant terga Sabaei […] (Aen., VIII. 700–06)

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Iherusalem supplex alia de parte micabat sancta choris matrum comitata, frequentibus aris instabat vigilans, pansis ad sydera dextris, orans multa patres, venturaque fata moratur in lachrymas versata diu; numenque precatur principis armisoni, Venetum famamque triumphos priscorum attollens et tanti gesta senatus. Maximus in clypeo spectabat talia Princeps et rerum clara gaudebat imagine victor. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 71r) (In another part Holy Jerusalem was radiant as a suppliant. Accompanied by a band of matrons, she was standing vigilant at the crowded altars, with arms outstretched to the stars, beseeching many things of the senators, and driven to tears for such a long time, delays the forthcoming Fates; and begs the divine power of the warlike prince, exalting the renown and triumphs of the ancient Venetians and the deeds of the great Senate. The greatest prince was looking at such things on the shield and the conqueror was rejoicing in the clear depiction of the events.)

Nagonius prefigures the concluding vision of Jerusalem and her plea for salvation with marginal annotations which highlight the sacrifice already made by the Loredan family in the struggle against the Ottomans: ‘Andreas Laured | anus bello nava | li pro patria periit’ (Andrea Loredan perished in a naval encounter fighting for the fatherland). Andrea Loredan, the Governor of Corfu, had won fame by attacking the Turkish fleet off Lepanto in 1499.28 His example inspired other Venetian captains to follow suit, but the admiral of the Venetian fleet, Antonio Grimani, hesitated with the result that his own sailors raised the shout, ‘Loredan! Loredan!’ Andrea died in the ensuing battle while Grimani survived and was later exiled for incompetence.29 References to Andrea Loredan’s illustrious exploits against the Turks are repeated throughout the manuscript to emphasize the need for a crusade. In a poem in Book III (incipit ‘Pervaga Sarmaticas penetravit fama sagittas’) Andrea appears alongside another member of the family, the Venetian provveditore in Albania, Antonio Loredan. He had distinguished himself in the defence of Scutari, which had been besieged in 1474 by the Turkish forces.30 With a handful of soldiers Antonio had resisted repeated Turkish assaults, repairing

28

See Michela dal Borgo, DBI, 65, pp. 742–44. Bembo, II. v. 9–11. 30 See Giuseppe Gullino, DBI, 65, pp. 744–47. 29

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each night the damages from the incessant bombardment during the day, so that the enemy eventually gave up the siege: 31 Te modo navali bello decoravit, et armis vicit continuis Dux vaga regna vigens. Occidit Andreas preclarum stemmatis alti Lumen, et aequoreis fata reliquit aquis. Illeque pro cecidit patriis Antonius ausis, et multi, quos nunc Dardana Musa silet. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 106r–v) (The Doge thriving in perpetual war has recently adorned you (Jerusalem) and conquered wavering kingdoms in a sea battle. Andrea, the renowned light of the lofty house, died and left his Fates upon the oceans. And that famous Antonio fell fighting for his country and many others whom now the Dardanian Muse leaves unmentioned.)

Nagonius suggests that after his death Loredan will be honoured with a magnificent tomb or an equestrian monument: Optimum semper Leonarde finem cogita princeps, patriam gubernans, ut tibi pulchrum statuant sepulchrum postea patres. Corpus aut forma decorent equestri, funus aut multo celebrent vapore, saepe et extinctum memorent cadaver carmine patres. sentiet clarae monumenta vitae spiritus dulcis, iubilabis inter ipse foelices Leonarde campos crede perhenne. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 193r) (Prince Leonardo, when you are governing the fatherland always consider the best end, so that afterwards the senators will decree a beautiful tomb to you. Or the senators may glorify your body with an equestrian statue or celebrate your funeral with much incense 31

‘Turcas Scodram mensibus obsidionis corona quattuor cengentes duo mille horrendum Plutonem visere volvit Antonius Laurentanus.’ De Illustrissimae Lauretanorum Familiae origine, atque praeclarissimis laudibus Oratio Ad Aemilio Finetto Civi Veneto, Monarcho Cassinate conscripta Per Illustris Montonensium Communitatis Publico Lectore ab stipendio (Udine: [n. pub.], 1631), fol. 162v. For an account of the whole campaign, see Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, II, 514–24; also G. Cogo, ‘La guerra di Venezia contro i Turchi (1499–1501)’, Nuovo archivio veneto, 18 (1899), 5–76, 348–421.

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and often remember your deceased body with poetry. Your sweet spirit will receive the monuments to a famous life and you, Leonardo, believe that you will rejoice in the fields of the blessed forever.)

The claim is repeated throughout the manuscript as the poet imagines both Antonio and Andrea Loredan included among the statues of the Doge’s glorious ancestors upon his imaginary funerary monument: Hoc si magnanimus Venetum tua facta Senatus, atque tui vitam turba probabit avum, inde triumphalem statuet tibi pulchrius archam, et Lauredanae tot monumenta domus et natos cum patre tuos, pulchrosque parentes inscribet tumulo docta caterva patrum, in fastis volet esse suis, pelagique labores, per te susceptos, per celebremque domum. His erit Andreas, Antonius, aequore stantes, qui bene pro patria sic volvere mori. Omnis eques Venetus pulchro leget ista sepulchro, cum Lauredanis, Laurea, Laurus adest. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fols 147v–48r) (If the magnanimous Venetian Senate will approve this and your deeds and the assembly of ancestors will approve your life, then it will set up a triumphal arch to you rather magnificently and many monuments of the Loredan house and will inscribe your sons with their father and your famous relatives on a tomb. The learned crowd of senators will want to include in its own list of festivals the labours at sea undertaken by you and by the famous house. Andrea will be among these, and Antonio, standing by the sea, who thus resolved to die well for the fatherland. Each Venetian lord will read these laurels on a beautiful tomb: Loredan is here with the Loredani.)

Upon his death, however, Loredan was buried beneath a simple slab in front of the high altar of SS Giovanni e Paolo. Owing to posthumous charges of corruption, Loredan was not honoured with a magnificent monument in the church until 1572. The claim, repeated from earlier manuscripts, that Sultan Bājazīd would soon be paraded in chains (fol. 27r) also reveals the extent to which Nagonius’s panegyric is removed from contemporary political circumstances. Yet the prophetic poet must offer hope of eventual victory in his Pronostichon. Elsewhere Nagonius’s poetry accurately presents the Doge winning back lost territories and increasing the Venetian Empire; the following epigram from Book III is typical in this respect: Dulcia pacator Venetis das ocia terris et claudis rigida templa togata sera. Concurrunt avidae gentes altaria adorant

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et bene pro votis dona opulenta ferunt. Quantus in Oceano fuerat conventus ad aras venit, et invicto pro Duce turba litat. Creta pari ritu transit quoque Cyprus adepta et victae terrae thura Sabea ferunt. Et Dyomedis ager tibi servit, maxime princeps, optat et id dulcis Parthenopeus eques. Et consueta tibi deferre Neapolis ardet inclyta depulsa gente tributa Duci. Totus et Ausoniae populus conatur habere patritias leges iuraque sancta patrum. Si iam concurrunt urbes dominique remoti suscipe devoto numine regna precor. Dum fulmen mittis solio tu celsus in hostes, qui nescit Venetum te putat esse Iovem. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fols 104v–05r) (Peacemaker, you give sweet repose to the Venetian lands and you close the Roman temples with a rigid bolt. Peoples eagerly run together and adore the altars and dutifully bring opulent gifts to fulfil vows. There was a great assembly on the seas which came to the shrines and a multitude makes an offering for the invincible Doge. Crete comes across with the same rite and Cyprus also has arrived and conquered lands bring eastern incense. And the land of Diomedes is subject to you, great prince, and the sweet knight, Parthenopeus, chooses to do likewise. And renowned Naples burns to bring the accustomed tributes to you, Doge, when the foreigners have been expelled. The whole people of Ausonia tries to have the patrician laws and the blessed rights of the senators. If already remote cities and lords are coming together, take these kingdoms under your protection, I pray, as the divine power has vowed. While you, lofty city, send a thunderbolt from your throne against the enemies, anyone who knows would think that you are the Jupiter of the Venetians.)

‘Tu alter Caesar eris’: A Manuscript for Niccolò Orsini, 1507 It is reported that the learned Vittorino da Feltre recognized the spark of military genius in the twelve-year-old Federigo da Montefeltro and, adapting a line from Virgil,32 predicted ‘Tu quoque Caesar eris’ (you also will be a Caesar).33 However

32

‘Tu Marcellus eris […]’ (Aen., VI. 883). The pageant of Roman heroes on the plains of Elysium culminates in the vision of the young Marcellus, who, it is prophesied, would have rivalled his namesake from the Second Punic War but for his untimely death. 33 For the prediction, see Luciano Cheles, Lo studiolo di Urbino: iconografia di un microcosmo principesco (Ferrara: Panini, 1991), p. 87, n. 87.

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apocryphal the story may be, the comparison became a standard formula as fifteenth-century panegyrists tirelessly paraded an endless pageant of ancient heroic comparisons before their soldier-scholar patrons. It is a commonplace repeated throughout Nagonius’s panegyric and particularly emphasized in the manuscripts presented to the condottieri patrons. Unlike his Milanese contemporary and frequent adversary Gian Giacomo Trivulzio (1441–1518), the condottiere Niccolò Orsini (1442–1510), count of Pitigliano, is not noted for his patronage of literature and the arts.34 Although Orsini did not have the celebrated aesthetic acumen of the condottiere Federigo da Montefeltro,35 the few references and fragments that survive suggest that he surrounded himself with the usual trappings of the ‘refined’ soldier-of-fortune.36 He enjoyed pomp and spectacle: he could turn out his company of soldiers in 34

Trivulzio and Orsini, regarded as the leading generals of their day, were rivals not only on the battlefield but also for employment. For example, both were sent by Alfonso II of Naples with his son, Ferdinand, against the French in 1494, see: Francesco Guicciardini, Istoria d’Italia, 10 vols (Milan: Società tipografia de’classici italiani, 1803), I, 92. The expedition was a disaster. The two generals squabbled, Trivulzio joined forces with the French, Orsini and his cousin Virgilio retired to Nola, and the Aragonese fled to Sicily. Later both were considered by the Venetians for the important post of captain-general to which Orsini was eventually appointed in 1504: see Michael E. Mallett and John R. Hale, The Military Organisation of a Renaissance State: Venice c. 1400–1617 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 158–59. Trivulzio at the head of the French forces was Orsini’s opponent in the subsequent campaign. ‘Among […] condottieri Renato and Gian Jacopo Trivulzio and Antonio Giacomini stand out as book collectors’. Michael E. Mallett, ‘Some Notes on a Fifteenth-Century Condottiere and his Library: Count Antonio da Marsciano’, in Cultural Aspects of the Italian Renaissance: Essays in Honour of P. O. Kristeller, ed. by Cecil H. Clough (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1976), p. 202. For an account of the Trivulzio library, see Emilio Motta, Libri di casa Trivulzio nel secolo XV (Como: Franchi de Vismara, 1890). For Pitigliano’s early career, see Christine Shaw, ‘Lorenzo dei Medici and Niccolò Orsini’, in Lorenzo dei Medici, Studi, ed. by Gian Carlo Garfagnini (Florence: Olschki, 1992), pp. 257–79. 35 See Cecil H. Clough, ‘Federigo da Montefeltro’s Patronage of the Arts, 1468–1482’, JWCI, 36 (1973), 129–44; reprinted in Cecil H. Clough, The Duchy of Urbino in the Renaissance (London: Variorum, 1981). 36 Leonardo da Vinci, for example, sought to borrow a copy of Archimedes from the condottiere Vitellozzo Vitelli; see Jean Paul Richter, The Literary Works of Leonardo da Vinci, 2 vols (London: Oxford University Press, 1939), II, 354. Orsini was not as ‘refined’ as he would appear. His castle at Ghedi was described in 1499 as a ‘siccoro rifugio, contro ogni legge e protesta’ for ‘molti banditi per delitti di sangue’ (Storia di Brescia, ed. by Giovanni Trecanni degli Alfieri, 5 vols (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1961–64), II (1963), 206). Orsini was a tough campaigner. He personally supervised the work on the castles guarding the Ghiaraddada before Agnadello (Mallett and Hale, The Military Organisation, p. 410).

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splendid dress for a civic occasion37 and entertained lavishly.38 He owned a number of castles and palaces across Italy, some of which were highly (if somewhat crudely) decorated.39 Vasari records that Pinturicchio painted his portrait in the Borgia apartments in Castel Sant’Angelo (now lost).40 Three funerary monuments survive,41 as well as a series of portrait medallions by Caradosso.42 Marc’Antonio Casanova wrote poetry in his honour,43 and when he received the baton of command of the Florentine forces in 1486 his promotion was celebrated by the eminent classicist Cristoforo Landino with an elaborate public oration. 44 37

Caterina Cornaro, queen of Cyprus, was accompanied by Pitigliano’s mounted crossbow men on her entry into Brescia on 4 September 1497. For a description of the pageant, see Alvise Zorzi, Caterina Cornaro da Cipro ad Asolo (Venezia: Cini, 1988), pp. 57–59. 38 For the lavish engagement (?) celebrations of his illegitimate son Chiappino with the daughter of Pietro Martinengo in 1506, see Storia di Brescia, ed. by Alfieri, II, 203, n. 2. According to Litta the wedding never took place. 39 Besides the palaces at Pitigliano and Nola, Orsini also owned a number of other properties. Shortly after 1494 Orsini received Ghedi colla sua quadro (Leno, Castelletto, Malpaga, and Montirone) as a fief from Venice: ‘egli vi fece costruire un palazzo ove viveva come un feudatario, né premetteva che il vicario bresciano si ingerisse nelle sue faccende (lamentele della città in Provissioni, 18 gennaio 1499)’, Storia di Brescia, ed. by Alfieri, II, 223, n. 2. The castle he built at Ghedi was looted and razed by the Emperor’s troops in 1516. Some fresco decoration still remains, preserved in the Pinacoteca Tosio Martinengo, Brescia. A fragment by Gerolamo Romanino (?) has been variously identified as a portrait of Orsini (Storia di Brescia, ed. by Alfieri, II, 203; 1000, n. 2) and Bartolomeo D’Alviano; see Gioacchino Lanza Tomasi, Ritratto del condottiero (Turin: Rai Radiotelevisione Italiana, 1967), p. 100. 40 Giorgio Vasari, Opere, ed. by Gaetano Milanesi, 9 vols (Florence: Casa Editrice le Lettere, 1906; repr. 1981), III, 500. The portrait, which now hangs in the Uffizi, by Cristofano Altissimo (1552–1605) is not a contemporary likeness but seems based upon the medallion portrait by Caradosso. 41 These are: the sepulchre from Ghedi by Gasparo Coirano now in the Museo Cristiano, Brescia; the monument in the Chiesa Maggiore, Fiano; the equestrian statue (by Lorenzo Bregno?) in SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice. 42 George Hill, ‘Medals of Niccolò Orsini, Count of Pitigliano and Nola’, Numismatic Chronicle, 5th ser., 5 (1926), 380–84. 43 BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5227, 2 vols, vol. I. The manuscript also includes verses written for the Colonna family. 44 Firenze, Biblioteca Marucelliana cod. CCLI no. I. A translation of the text into Italian can be found in Francesco Sansovino, De gli huomini illustri della Casa Orsini (Venice: Bernardino & Filippo, 1565), fols 39v–46v. Nagonius, too, celebrated Orsini’s Florentine service: Belliger fortis neque te silebo Preliis audax Nicolae magnus: Nempe quo duros melius labores Nemo refringit:

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Niccolò Orsini occupies a unique position in Nagonius’s extant œuvre. Not only does Orsini have a manuscript personally dedicated to him, but he also appears as a central figure in the manuscript dedicated to Doge Leonardo Loredan where Orsini is identified with the hero of the epic, Ursus, who leads a group of Romans in search of the new Aeneas/Augustus figure who will save Italy and then reconquer the Holy Land.45 Orsini’s own manuscript is of further interest as a number of other works by important literary figures are appended, perhaps revealing a rare glimpse of the condottiere’s own literary taste. The Orsini manuscript was transcribed between 11 March and 1 June 1507.46 A disparaging reference in the preface to Cesare Borgia ‘at whose death all Italy rejoices’47 and a scribal inscription on the last folio (Die primo Junii 1507; fol. 191v) provide the termini a quo – ad quem for the transcription of the text. Codicological and palaeographic evidence, however, suggests that this manuscript is a copy of Nagonius’s original dedication volume. The fact that the handwriting in particular does not conform to any other in Nagonius’s œuvre suggests that the manuscript was copied under unusual (and as yet unexplained) circumstances.

Stemmatis clari velut arbor amnis Herculis ripa iuget: atque crescit Fama per summas orientis oras Occiduasque: Gesta Florentis referam Senatus Et decem patrum memoranda facta: Quanta que magno pariter peregit Acta sub orbe: (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 194r–v) Surprisingly this third stanza is omitted in the manuscript dedicated to Orsini himself. 45 The identification is only effective in the Loredan manuscript, where Ursus/Orsini discovers that the Doge is the one chosen to unite Italy and lead the country to a new Golden Age. This identification could not continue into the manuscript presented to Orsini himself without drastically rewriting the narrative. Obviously Ursus/Orsini could not go in search of himself — this is not the age of psychological introspection — so in the Orsini manuscript Ursus remains a fictional character and Niccolò Orsini the object of his quest. 46 The manuscript (Svajer 256) was one of 340 volumes to enter the Marciana in 1794 from the collection of the German merchant Amadeo Svajer (1727–91). It still bears his ex libris. 47 De reconciliatione | habita in populum romanum et universam Italiam | ob mortem illius sceleratissimi hostis Ducis | Valentini Borgiae quae plurrimum gaudii nobis | attulit (fol. 5r). Cesare Borgia was killed in a skirmish during the siege of Viana, Spain, on 11 March 1507. This prose preface, excepting minor variations (including the reference to the death of Cesare Borgia), is similar to those which precede other manuscripts by Nagonius.

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Although the manuscript was transcribed in mid-1507, the contents, it seems, are slightly older. Throughout the text the poet makes repeated reference to Orsini’s command of the Venetian forces. Indeed, this promotion is recorded in the opening lines of the manuscript: Roma tui comitis Nicolai scribimus arma Inclyta, qui Venetum pulchrae nunc obtinet altum militiae imperium, […] (BMV, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fol. 7v) (Rome, we are describing the renowned arms of your count Niccolò who now holds the lofty command of the glorious army of the Venetians, […])

Orsini had entered Venetian service in 1495. The first Istrumento della condotta was issued on 30 October of that year.48 It was renewed three years later (26 October 1498)49 and again in March 1504 at Ravenna,50 which from 1441 had been under Venetian domination and garrisoned by Venetian forces under Orsini ‘in case Borgia, untrustworthy as he was, should make any hostile move against the Republic’.51 In 1504 Orsini was given supreme command and promoted from governor-general to captain-general of the Venetian forces: Illis diebus, propterea quod Nicolao Ursino, qui Ravennae erat, reipublicae copiarum praefecturae tempus explebatur, ob eius fidem atque constantiam, quod, a compluribus civitatibus et regibus, ut ipsorum stipendia faceret, magnis pollicitationibus invitatus, rempublicam deserere noluerat, per triennium imperatorium ei nomen cum stipendio annuo auri librarum quingentarum senatus dandum censuit. (About this time, the term of office of Niccolò Orsini, the captain of the Venetian troops, who was at Ravenna, was nearing completion. In return for his loyalty and constancy (he had refused to desert the Republic, although tempted with great promises by many cities and rulers to enter their service), the Senate voted to give him the title of captain-general for three years, with an annual salary of 500 gold pounds.)52

48

Predelli, Commemoriali, XVIII, 33. Predelli, Commemoriali, XVIII, 137. 50 ‘Allegato 1504, ind. VII Marzo 18 — Nicolò Orsini count of Pitigliano e di Nola capitano generale delle milizie di Venezia, nomina suoi procuratori Sebastiano Preda da Milano condottiere, Pietro da Bibbiena e Giordano da Firenze, suoi segretari, con faccoltà di rinnovare la sua condotta ai servigi di Venezia. Fatto in Ravenna nel monastero di S. Maria in Cosmedin, residenza del mandante.’ Predelli, Commemoriali, XIX, 73. 51 Bembo, II. vi. 36. 52 Bembo, II. vi. 66, p. 174. His command was renewed again on 30 December 1506 (Predelli, Commemoriali, XIX, 129). 49

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This promotion is recorded in Nagonius’s text. After visiting the Sibyl’s cave, the Roman ambassadors find Orsini in Ravenna: Demum Caesareae cernent pia tecta Ravennae, quam tenet imperium, pulchrae Nicolaus et altae militiae ductor generalis possidet unum atque caput, cuius prudentia tanta videtur cum Venetis, sublime decus conceditur uni. (BMV, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fol. 49r) (At last the ambassadors catch sight of the pious rooftops of Imperial Ravenna which the Venetian Empire has in its possession, and the captain-general, Niccolò, possesses the supreme command of the glorious and lofty army. His great prudence is acknowledged among the Venetians: the highest honour is conceded to this one man.)

The text can thus be dated with some precision to late 1503/1504 when Orsini was sent into the Romagna by the Venetians to defend their territories which had been threatened by Cesare Borgia.53 It was during this campaign that the Venetians took control of Faenza, wrested by Cesare from the Manfredi in 1501. Before he entered Venetian service in 1495, the Count had enjoyed an amicable relationship with Pope Alexander VI, though like so many Italian lords he was wary of Cesare.54 This perhaps explains why Nagonius takes every opportunity to denigrate Cesare Borgia.55 His cruelty is emphasized again in a later poem and in its marginal annotations: ‘Dux Valentinus | Quartus Nero | est appellatus’ (The Duke of Valentinois is called a fourth Nero): 53

Bruscalupi, Monografia, pp. 276–78. Orsini entertained Pope Alexander VI at Pitigliano from 20–22 November 1493 (Bruscalupi, Monografia, p. 268). As captain-general of the papal armies he was sent by Alexander in 1494 to liberate Ostia from the control of Giuliano della Rovere. Niccolò’s relationship with the Borgia does not seem to have been affected by the Pope’s vacillating attitude towards other members of the Orsini family. His wife was at one time lady-in-waiting to Lucrezia and Cesare was ordered by the Pope to refrain from attacking Pitigliano. 55 The Venetians felt their territories were threatened by Cesare Borgia’s victories in the Romagna. Gian Battista Egnazio stresses the enmity between the Borgia and Orsini in his funeral oration for Niccolò Orsini: ‘Meministis (credo) patres Borgianam foedissimam illam Valentini Caesaris tempestatem, quae per Ursinae in primis familiae debacchata est cum vos coniumctissimam cum vestra Rep. familiam, non solum miserati estis, sed quantum in vobis fuit, iuvistis, sustulistis, erexistis ne fundatissima familia unius obnoxia saevitiae funditus interiret.’ Johannes Baptista Egnatius, Oratio habita in funere clarissimi imperatori Nicolai Ursinii Nolae Petilianique principis (Venice: [n. pub.], 1510) (= BMV, MS Rari 643, fols not numbered). The text is translated into Italian in Sansovino, De gli Huomini Illustri, fols 47r–59r. 54

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Ursino hostia detur ampla Marti, quam victoria perdito tyranno qui fertur Nero quartus orbe toto poscit, purpureis lares coronet foelix patria splendidos perhenne. (BMV, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fol. 115v) (May the great sacrifice which victory demands be made to warlike Orsini, since the tyrant, who is called a fourth Nero56 throughout the world, has been destroyed. May the happy fatherland crown his splendid home with purple forever.)

The use of figures from antiquity as archetypal patterns of virtue and vice was an essential element of panegyric. So here we see that just as Nagonius praises Niccolò Orsini as a ‘second Caesar’, so Cesare Borgia is denigrated as another Nero. In this he is following the recommendation of Cicero who, in his defence of the poet Archias, advises that the lives of ancient Romans should provide patterns of behaviour for his contemporaries: ‘Quam multas nobis imagines non solum ad intuendum, verum etiam ad imitandum fortissimorum virorum expressas scriptores et Graeci et Latini reliquerunt’ ( Just think of the number of vividly drawn pictures of valiant men of the past that Greek and Latin writers have preserved for our benefit: not for mere inspection only, but for imitation as well).57 By the fifteenth century Cicero’s advice had become formulaic.58 The cult of Julius Caesar was certainly widespread.59 Nagonius not only compares Orsini to 56

Neros two and three are the Emperors Domitian and Titus, dubbed a second Nero at the start of his reign (Suet., Tit., 7. 1). 57 Cic., Arch., vi; trans. by Grant, p. 155. 58 ‘scrive Cicerone quattro cose esser necessarie al Capitan Generale, cioè scientia militare, virtù, autorità e felicità Quali adunque di queste diremo esser mancate, o piu toste non esser state compiutamente perfette nel nostro invittissimo Capitano?’ Cristoforo Landino alla Republica Fiorentina, quando ella dette il bastone del Generalato al Signor Nicola Orsino Count of Pitigliano’, from Sansovino, De gli Huomini Illustri, fol. 42r. Francesco Sforza and Piccinino were compared to both Scipio and Hannibal; see Mallett, ‘Some Notes’, p. 203, n. 7. In the frontispiece decoration to Giovanni Simonetta’s Latin history of the Milanese condottiere Francesco Sforza, popularly known as the Sforziada, the miniaturist Giovan Pietro Birago depicted the General dressed à l’antique sitting as the ninth Roman worthy with Pompey, Caesar, and the others; on this, see Mark L. Evans, ‘New Light on the “Sforziada” Frontispieces of Giovan Pietro Birago’, British Library Journal, 13 (1987), 232–47. 59 Leonello d’Este wrote Caesar-like commentaries on his own life; on this, see Caroline Elam, ‘Mantenga and Mantua’, in The Splendours of the Gonzaga, exhibition catalogue ed. by David Chambers and Jane Martineau (London: Museum, 1981), p. 22. The figure of Julius Caesar, however, offered a range of interpretations. In a rhetorical tract Praeceptum demonstrativae

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Caesar but continues to liken him to Fabius, Curius, Cato, Fabricius, Metellus, Marius, Camillus, Lucullus, Pompey, Titus, and Scipio — to name but a few: ‘Alter Caesar ave, quo non illustrior extat | temporibus nostris, nec fuit ante reor’ (BMV, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fols 144v–145r) (Hail second Caesar, there is no one more illustrious in our time, nor was anyone before, I believe). In a later poem, the hyperbole of the comparison is taken to its logical conclusion as Nagonius claims that, like Julius Caesar,60 Orsini too will be venerated as a star: Inter Caesareos locandus heros, tali sydere ductor es colende, aut igni Paphio verende, Caesar, Romae flosque decor, Gradivus alter, […] (BMV, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fol. 96r) (You, Caesar, must be placed among the Imperial heroes, to be worshipped with such a star, or revered by a Paphian comet, the ornament and glory of Rome, another Mars, […])

The indistinct boundary between ancient history and mythology is blurred even further as epic motifs provide exempla for the condottiere. As we have seen, in the manuscript presented to Henry VII Nagonius noted recent developments in Anglo-Papal diplomacy — the pope’s gift to the Tudor king of the sword and Cap of Maintenance — and deftly incorporated these into his poem (see above, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘A Renaissance Court in England: A Manuscript for Henry VII, 1496’). In Nagonius’s verse these are transformed into the fatalia dona, the divine gifts awarded to mythical heroes. The epic motif is expanded in all Nagonius’s later manuscripts. Mars himself appears to Orsini and presents him with a set of armour: Ore refert proprio Gradivus. ‘Suscipe ductor optime belligerae generosus originis auctor hunc clypeum, galeamque meam, fatalia dona, auratumque ensem lateri subcinge superbo. Thurcorum tibi regna dabunt et Caesaris arma vota Iovis divumque vocant te sydera caeli, antraque Calcidicae Manes et virginis imi. Alter Caesar eris, Paphio veneraberis igni

materiae, designed to teach students the rudiments of epideictic composition or encomia (quae vulgo laudativa dicetur), the fifth-century orator Emporius had shown how episodes from the life of Cicero and Caesar could become either laudatory or deprecatory; see Rhetores latini minores, ed. by Carolus Halm (Leipzig: Teubner, 1863; repr. Frankfurt: Minerva, 1964), pp. 567–70. 60 See Ov., Met., XV. 745 ff.

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captivisque ducum spoliis dux magne frueris. Macte animis, imitate meos imitate labores, qui cupis ammissas tam longo tempore sedes reddere, proque fide Thurcos expellere regno, ad veteres concurere locos, ubi Christus amarae sustinuit tormenta crucis, commissaque nostra pertulit, ut populos raperet de faucibus Orci.’ (BMV, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fol. 58v) (Mars spoke in his own voice: ‘Great general and noble founder of warlike birth, take up this shield and my helmet, the arms given by fate, and strap the golden sword to your proud side. The arms of Caesar will give you the kingdoms of the Turks, and the prayers of Jupiter and the gods and the stars of high heaven, and the shades of the Underworld and the caves of the Cumaean Sibyl call upon you. You will be a second Caesar and will be venerated by a Paphian star, and, great leader, you will enjoy the spoils and captives of generals. A blessing on your spirit. Imitate my labours, you who, on account of your faith, desire to restore those lands subjugated for such a long time and expel the Turks from the kingdom, and run to the ancient places where Christ endured the tortures of the bitter cross, and took on our crimes, to snatch the people from the jaws of Hell.’)

Again Nagonius combines Pagan virtues and Christian piety so that Orsini is transformed into the ideal Christian knight. The condottiere’s combination of classical heroism and Christian piety had been remarked upon earlier in Orsini’s career by Cristoforo Landino when he received the baton of command of the Florentine armies: Percioche potendo la mortal generatione per due specie di virtù farsi immortale, o per religione, alla quale mentalmente è aggiunta ogni dottrina speculativa, o per disciplina militare, la quale nella vita attiva ottiene il Principato, chi non sai che la casa Orsini e nell’una e nell’altra è stata sempre eccellente. (Seeing that mortals can make themselves immortal by two types of virtue, either through religion, which is achieved through every philosophical contemplation, or through military discipline, which in the active life obtains a principality, who does not know that the Orsini family has always been excellent in both.)61

That Orsini saw himself in a similar vein seems apparent from an anonymous poem De felicitate militiae Jesu which is appended to Nagonius’s text and concludes the manuscript (for this, see below, Part III, Catalogue, ‘Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, MS lat. XII, 75’). Nagonius elaborates the theme further by basing the passage upon Aeneas’s reaction to the gift of divine armour (Aen., VIII. 619 ff.):

61

Cristoforo Landino, fol. 40r.

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versatque manus, interque serena bracchia, miratur tantas spectare figuras in clypeo, variasque vices, et imaginis altum ingenium, ignipotens illic confecerat omnem progeniem Venetum et partos ex hoste triumphos … (BMV, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fols 59v–60r) (He turns [the gift] over in his hands and between his glad arms and marvels to see the great figures on the shield and the various deeds, and the high quality of the images. Here the god of fire had cast all the descendants of the Venetians and the triumphs achieved over their enemies …)

Virtually any Roman victory in the East is used to predict Venetian triumph: Scipio and the Carthaginians, Marius and Jugurtha, and, of course, Pompey are all cited: Alter Magnus erit (bk III, fol. 117r) offers a variation on the familiar tag. As in the manuscript for Leonardo Loredan, the myth of the foundation of the City of Rome by Romulus is replaced by the story of Antenor: Antenor mediis stabat fundator in undis Illyricis sua prima locans Pallatia Troiis. Anser Tarpeiae custos argenteus arcis in clypei summa fulgebat, Manlius utque pervigilat trepidus Capitolia parva tenebat Brenno obsessa duce, et Gallos sub noctis opacae munere defensos Vulcanus struxerat aere. (BMV, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fol. 60r) (The founder Antenor was standing in the midst of the waves, placing his Palladium from Illyrian Troy in the first place. A goose in silver, guardian of the Tarpeian citadel, was gleaming at the top of the shield, as anxious Manlius was keeping watch and defending the little Capitol as the General Brennus lay siege, and Vulcan had cast in bronze the Gauls protected by the gift of a dark night.)62

62

On the foundation of Venice by Antenor, see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Foundation of Venice by Antenor’; cf., in summo custos Tarpeiae Manlius arcis stabat pro templo et Capitolia celsa tenebat, Romuleoque recens horrebat regia culmo atque hic auratis volitans argenteus anser porticibus Gallos in limine adesse canebat; Galli per dumos aderant arcemque tenebant defensi tenebris et dono noctis opacae: (Aen., VIII. 652–58)

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Nagonius adheres to the classical prescriptions for the composition of encomia whereby the topos πράξεις should stress both the military qualities of the hero and his unstinting liberality in times of peace.63 Although the martial theme continues in the later books, as the poet moves from epic to epigram the emphasis shifts away from war to Orsini’s victorious triumphs and an ensuing peace which will herald a return to the Golden Age: ‘Aurea regna fovent Veneti ductore sub isto’ (The Venetians enjoy golden times under this man’s protection). Nagonius also suggests that Orsini is worthy of an equestrian statue. He claims that this would not only preserve the General’s reputation for posterity but would also reflect the prestige of the Republic. Haec si tu facies statuam tibi ponet equestrem et dabit auratos ipse Senatus equos, inque foro vestri semper cernentur honores, Marcus et ostendet divus in urbe decus Atque videntur parti sudore triumphi. (BMV, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fol. 173v) (If you will do these things the Senate itself will set up an equestrian statue to you and will give golden horses and your honours will always be seen in the square, and Saint Mark will display your honours and the triumphs achieved with sweat will be seen in the city.)

Other writers saw Orsini’s achievements in similar terms. In his funeral oration, Gian Battista Egnazio repeatedly stresses Orsini’s role as both soldier and peacemaker; his speech also concludes with a plea for the Senate to honour the General with an equestrian statue.64 Nagonius’s request not only reflects contemporary 63

Menander Rhetor, 372.25 ff., ‘you should divide such “actions” into times of peace and times of war, and put war first, if the subject of your praise has distinction in this’. Menander Rhetor, ed. and trans. by Russell and Wilson, pp. 84–85. 64 Egnatius, Oratio, fols not numbered. Egnazio notes that other generals have already been honoured by the Republic with equestrian statues and cites as examples the monuments to Paolo Savelli, Gattamelata, and Bartolomeo Colleoni. For a description of these monuments, see Eugenio Vittoria, I Cavalli di Venezia (Venice: Evi, 1972). For the Orsini monument in particular, see Franca Zava Boccazzi, La Basilica Dei Santi Giovanni e Paolo in Venezia (Venice: F. Ongania, 1965), pp. 176–80. Orsini’s governor of light cavalry, Leonardo da Prato, and his captain of infantry, Dionysio di Naldo, were similarly honoured in the church. If the fresco fragment now preserved in the Pinacoteca Tosio Martinego, Brescia depicts Orsini then he had already been portrayed on horseback in his own castle at Ghedi. The obverse of Caradosso’s medallion portrait also shows Orsini mounted on horseback in full armour. Nor was Niccolò Orsini the only member of the family to be honoured with an equestrian monument. In the church of S. Maria di Monterotondo there is an equestrian statue in memory of the condottiere Giordano di Lorenzo Orsini who died in Florence in 1483 (see Litta, vol. IX, tav.8). Giordano and

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opinion but is also a literary trope. In the Ninth Philippic Cicero had attempted to convince the Senate that Servius Sulpicius Rufus deserved a public funeral and a gilt statue on the rostra.65 Despite Nagonius’s enthusiastic encouragement Orsini did not prove himself a second Julius Caesar. Continually menaced in the east by the increasing might of the Turkish forces and in Italy itself by the threat of a powerful alliance of hostile neighbour states, Venice was not in any position to launch a crusade for the recapture of Constantinople and Jerusalem. The accession of Giuliano della Rovere to the papacy as Julius II (elected 1 November 1503) marked the beginning of one of the most difficult periods in Venetian history.66 Julius was intent on recovering the papal territory in the Romagna which had been lost after the fall of Cesare Borgia and at the same time checking Venetian incursions into the mainland. Deteriorating Roman!Venetian relations eventually led to the formation of the League of Cambrai and the crushing defeat suffered by the Venetians at Agnadello on 14 May 1509. Orsini, whose bickerings with Bartolomeo d’Alviano had been, in part, responsible for the rout was, however, able to unite the remnants of the Venetian forces and make a valiant stand against Maximilian Habsburg’s troops around the walls of Padua. This last brave effort was honoured by the Venetian Senate with the gilded monument which stands in the church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo.67 Flanked by Tullio Lombardo’s allegorical figures of ‘Faith’ and ‘Prudence’, a youthful Orsini astride a golden charger stares out into the church in a pose ultimately derived from the equestrian portrait of another Caesar, the Emperor Marcus Aurelius. The statue, like Nagonius’s poetry, presents an idealized image of the condottiere that is far-removed from reality.68

Niccolò’s careers overlap as both were employed by Naples and Sixtus IV from 1470 to 1480. Niccolò Orsini was captain of the Florentine forces from 1487 to 1489. Egnazio argues in his oration that even the Florentines erect statues to their military heroes. A letter from Antonio del Pollaiuolo to Gentil Virginio Orsini (dated 13 July 1494) details the Florentine artist’s plans to cast an equestrian monument to immortalize the condottiere; see Anna Cavallaro, ‘Gentil Virginio Orsini: Vita culturale e committenze artistiche’, in Bracciano e gli Orsini: Tramonto di un progetto feudale. Il Quattrocento a Roma e Lazio (Rome: De Luca, 1981), p. 37; document 8. 65 In his private correspondence, however, Cicero deprecates the ‘turma inauratarum equestrium’ (‘the cavalcade of gilded equestrian statues’) of the Scipio family (Att., VI. i). 66 See Felix Gilbert, ‘Venice in the Crisis of the League of Cambrai’, in Renaissance Venice, ed. by John Hale (London: Faber and Faber, 1973), pp. 274–92; Pastor, VI, 232–58. 67 Sanuto, XIX, 331; XX, 67. Venice regularly used public funerals as part of a system of rewards designed to convince their condottieri of the respect in which they were held and thereby consolidate their loyalty to the Republic. 68 A contemporary described Orsini as ‘homo grande et grosso et bello et iustissimo, coronato

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Indeed, Orsini’s military prowess has been summed up, perhaps a little harshly, thus: ‘Capitano di non grande facoltà creativa nei suoi disegni d’operazione’ (a commander of no great creativity in his strategies).69 In fact, not quite the stuff of which Caesars are made.

A Compendium of Roman History: A Manuscript for Andrea Gritti, 1502 In the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice, there is a manuscript dedicated to the Venetian merchant (and future doge) Andrea Gritti (17 April 1455–28 December 1538).70 This manuscript is signed twice with a variant form of Nagonius’s usual signatory formula, ‘totus deditus Johannes Michael Nagonius civis Romanus et poeta laureatus’ (fols 2v, 65r). There seems no reason to doubt the attribution. However, this handsome little volume is quite unlike any other in the poet’s œuvre. The script and decoration have been identified as the work of the professional Venetian scribe Alberto de’Maffei (Albertus Mapheanus) who worked in Venice at the beginning of the sixteenth century copying texts in Latin and Italian by a number of minor Italian humanists (Figure 6).71 Transcribed onto fine white vellum, this slim volume does not contain poetry but a prose history of the fourth-century Roman Emperor Constantine the Great and his descendants. A prefatory prose epistle explains the dedication and lists the contents: Magnifico ac Generoso Domino Andreae Gritti Patritio Veneto salutem. Maiores nostri, magnifice ac splendide Andrea, ex Grittorum nobilissima familia natus, patritorum Venetum unum specimen et ornamentum singulare, non imperium nec divitias sed rerum gestarum gloriam laudem et aeternitatem summa accuratione semper

de virtu et piacevole’ quoted in Storia di Brescia, ed. by Alfieri, II, 227, n. 3. Nagonius similarly idealizes the condottiere’s appearance: Quantus erit iuvenis forma et fulgentibus armis egregius, quantusque viros supereminet omnes cernite. (BMV, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fol. 38v) On the idealization of the image of Niccolò Orsini’s equestrian statue, see Tomasi, Ritratto del condottiero, p. 162. 69 Piero Pieri, Enciclopedia Italiana di Scienze Lettere ed Arti, 36 vols (Rome: Treccani, 1935–43), XXV (1935), 610. 70 Benzoni, DBI, 59, pp. 726–34. 71 Suzy Marcon, ‘Ornati di penna e di pennello: appunti su scribi-illuminatori nella Venezia del maturo umanesimo’, La Bibliofilia, 89 (1987), 121–43.

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exquisivisse consueverunt, huiusque immortalitatis tantum studiosissimi. Cum illam adepti videbantur cum morte vitam facile commutabant et ipsa vivendi cupiditate allecti, saepenumero in deorum consortio per posteros haberi et referri posse arbitrabatur. Quibus ego utar exemplis? Decii pro patria bello Latino se devoverunt; ob id perhenne nomen eis inditum est. Brutus pro libertate || Romana liberis non pepercit; divi Caesares in propagando imperio sanguinem proprium effundere non dubitarunt; Scipiones? Metelli? Cathones? Camilli? Et Marii a provintiis hostibusque domitis cognomina sublima sumpsere? Magnus ille Pompeius super omnes illustris a rerum gestarum magnitudine domi forisque alter Macedo sic est apellatus. Aliqui pro sua solita liberalitate et pro splendida eorum vita, ut Luculli et Mecenates memoriam sempiternam assecuti sunt. In quorum numero Magnificentiae Andrea vivis, vives et imposterum maxime cum bene legent de te. Nuper Constantinopolim, quam novam Romam vocamus, profecturus, quid tibi offerrem non habui praeter vitam Flavii Valentinis Constantini magni, fundatoris urbis pacisque et liberatoris, habes et vitam Magnentii, Britannionis, Silvani Bonitii filii, Galli, Constantii, et Julii Juliani, Varroniani, Joviani, Fl. Val. Valentiniani, et Valentis Augusti, Theodosii Augusti et Fl. Val. Macrini Augusti, Fl. Val.Leonis, Fl. Val. || Zenonis, Fl. Val. Anastasii, Fl. Val. Iustini, Fl. Val. Iustiniani, Fl. Val. Iustini, Tiberi, Mauritii, Phocae, Heraclii, et novi Constantini Caesarum. Haec omnia quae animum tuum delectare poterunt tibi dicata sunt. Accipies quaeso splendide Andreaea fronte magnifica (qua soles caetera) hoc parvulum volumen ut inter senatores venetos et amplissimos generososque cives tuos solus vivere gloriose videaris. Vale. Eidem Vestrae Magnificentiae, totus deditusIohannes Michael Nagonius civis Romanus et poeta laureatus. (BMV, MS lat. Z. 407 (=1585), fols 1r–2v) (Greetings to the Magnificent and Noble Lord Andrea Gritti, Patrician of Venice. Magnificent and splendid Andrea, born to the most noble family of the Gritti, a unique example among the Venetian patriciate and its singular ornament. Our forefathers were not accustomed to seek power or riches, but rather eternal praise and glory in their achievements, which they took the greatest care to acquire. They were most studious of this type of immortality. When they seemed to have achieved this, they readily exchanged life for death and having been attracted by that very desire for living, it was often thought that they could be recorded and considered in the company of the gods by those coming after. Why should I give examples? The Decii72 vowed themselves to death on behalf of the fatherland in the Latin War; on account of this an everlasting name was proclaimed for them. Brutus73 did not spare his sons on behalf of Roman liberty; the divine Caesars did not hesitate to spill their own blood in extending the empire; did not the Scipios,74

72

Two consuls of this family Publius Decius Mus, father and son of the same name, deliberately sacrificed themselves in battle to ensure victory for Roman armies, the father in 340 BC in the Latin War and the son in 295 BC in battle against the Samnites (Liv., 8. 9; 10. 28). A later tradition has it that a grandson acted in a similar way at the battle of Ausculum. 73 Lucius Iunius Brutus, the traditional founder of the Roman Republic, ordered the execution of his own sons for plotting a counter-revolution to restore Tarquin Superbus. 74 Publius Cornelius Scipio (236–184/3 BC) was named ‘Africanus’ after the battle of Zama

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the Metelli,75 the Catos,76 the Camilli,77 and the Marii78 all take surnames from the provinces and the enemies they had conquered? That great Pompey, famous above all others, from the magnitude of his deeds both at home and abroad was thus named a second Alexander.79 Some because of their customary liberality and their splendid lives, such as the Luculli80 and the Maecenases,81 have achieved an eternal memorial. You live among this number, magnificent Andrea. You will live on in future ages, especially when they will read well about you. Recently about to set out for Constantinople, which we call the new Rome, I did not have anything to offer you other than a life of Flavius Valentinus Constantine the Great,82 the liberator of the city and the founder of peace and liberator; you have also the life of Magentius,83 Britannion,84 Silvanus the son of Bonitius,85 Gallus,86 Constantius,87 and Julius Julianus,88 Varronianus,89 Junianus,90 Flavius

(202 BC) and his defeat of the Carthaginians in the Second Punic War; his brother Lucius Cornelius Scipio took the surname ‘Asiaticus’ for his victories in the east. Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus Minor (185–129 BC) utterly destroyed Carthage in 146 BC, and so received the agnomen ‘Africanus’ as his grandfather had before him. 75 Quintus Caecilius Metellus surnamed ‘Macedonicus’ for his victories in northern Greece. His three sons were similarly honoured Quintus Caecilius Metellus ‘Baliaricus’; Lucius Caecilius Metellus ‘Delmaticus’; and Quintus Caecilius Metellus ‘Numidicus’. 76 Marcus Porcius Cato (234–149 BC), the implacable foe of Carthage, was famed as the custodian of traditional Roman virtues; Marcus Porcius Cato (95–46 BC) surnamed ‘Uticensis’ from his governorship of Utica during the Civil War. 77 Marcus Furius Camillus, the saviour and second founder of Rome after the Gallic invasion (387/6 BC). 78 Gaius Marius (c. 157–86 BC) Roman general and seven times consul and his nephew Marcus Marius Gratidianus, second cousin of Cicero, killed by his brother-in-law Catiline. 79 Gnaeus Pompeius (106–48 BC) called ‘Magnus’ (‘the Great’). 80 Lucius Licinius Lucullus, soldier, administrator, and generous patron of the arts and his younger brother Marcus Terentius Varro Lucullus, friend of Cicero. 81 Gaius Cilnius Maecenas, the patron and protector of Horace and Virgil. 82 Flavius Valerius Aurelius Constantinus, Roman emperor 306–37. 83 Flavius Magnus Magnentius, Roman usurper 350–53. 84 Brittannion (Vetranius? Persuaded to assume the title Caesar in March 350?). 85 Claudius Silvanus, son of the Frankish General Bonitus, emperor for twenty-eight days in 355. 86 Gallus, proclaimed Caesar by Constantius 351. 87 Constantius II (337–61). 88 Julian the Apostate (360–63). 89 Varronianus, distinguished tribune and father of Jovian, who died shortly after learning that his son had become Augustus. 90 Jovian (363–64).

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Valerius Valentinianus91 and Valens Augustus,92 and Theodosius,93 and Flavius Valerius Macrinus Augustus,94 Flavius Valerius Leo,95 Flavius Valerius Zeno,96 Flavius Valerius Anastasius,97 Flavius Valerius Justinus,98 Flavius Valerius Justinianus,99 Flavius Valerius Justinus,100 Tiberius,101 Mauricius,102 Phocas,103 Heraclius,104 and Novus Constantinus.105 All these things, which can delight your mind, are dedicated to you. You will receive this little volume I beg, splendid Andrea, with that magnificent expression (with which you are accustomed to receive everything else) so that you alone may seem to live gloriously among the Venetian senators, your most kind and generous fellow citizens. Farewell, Johannes Michael Nagonius, Roman citizen and poet laureate totally dedicated to Your Same Magnificence.)

A second inscription (fol. 4r; Figure 6) addresses the manuscript ‘in Constantinopoli mercatori, celeberrimo patritio Veneto’ (to the most famous, noble Venetian merchant in Constantinople).106 Gritti had been a successful merchant in Constantinople for many years and, since the expulsion from the city in 1492 of the official Venetian bailo (‘consul’), had been informally representing Venetian interests. When war with the Turks broke out in 1499, Gritti was arrested. Together with a group of nearly forty Venetians, he was imprisoned for almost two and a half years as a Venetian spy.107 These merchants and lower class Venetian subjects were taken up the Bosphorus and thrown into what Sanuto

91

Flavius Valerius Valentinianus I (364–75). Valens (364–78). 93 Theodosius the Great (379–95). 94 Marcian (450–57). 95 Flavius Valerius Leo I (457–74). 96 Zeno (474–91). 97 Anastasius (491–518). 98 Justin I (518–27). 99 Justinian I (527–65). 100 Justin II (565–78). 101 Tiberius II (I) Constantine (578–82). 102 Maurice (582–602). 103 Phocas (602–10). 104 Heraclius (610–41). 105 Constans II (641–68). 106 On Gritti’s early career, see James C. Davis, ‘Shipping and Spying’, pp. 97–108. 107 ‘Under the impulse of youthful patriotism, Gritti had written in code to the governor at Lepanto on a wide range of matters, in particular about the sultan’s plans, and he consequently suffered harsher conditions of imprisonment than all the rest, and came close to being killed.’ Bembo, V. 5, II. 7. 92

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Figure 6. Manuscript for Andrea Gritti. Opening of the Life of Constantine with pen decoration and the Gritti coat of arms. BMV, MS lat. Z. 407 (=1585), fol. 4 r. Reproduced with permission of the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice.

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calls ‘Castel-novo de la bocha de mar Mazor’ (probably the infamous Rumeli Hisar built by Mohammed II).108 Although he was badly treated at first, Gritti was eventually allowed to send letters to Venice which informed the Senate that Bājazīd II was sending ambassadors to France because he desired to arrange a peace settlement through Louis XII. On his release in January 1502 and return to Venice on 15 March, Gritti was treated as a public hero: Restituerat idem rex paulo ante ad libertatem cives Venetos quos, belli initio Byzantii in vincula coniectos, in turri ad fretum servandos miserat. Ii se libris auri centum redemerunt. Quorum e numero Andreas Grittus Idibus Martii ad urbem rediit, eique est universa civitas gratulata. Attulit is ab Admete, Baiasetis duce, litteras ad senatum cum mandatis, ut si bello quod inter ipsos et Baiasetem vigebat vellent finem imponere, mitterent Byzantium aliquem ad pacis condiciones tractandas; ei se adiutorem futurum. (A little earlier, the sultan had also restored to liberty the Venetian citizens that he had imprisoned at Constantinople at the outset of the war and he had sent to be kept in a tower on the Bosphorus. They ransomed themselves for 100 gold pounds. One of their number, Andrea Gritti, returned to Venice on 15 March and was congratulated by the entire city. He brought with him from Bayazid’s general Admete a letter to the Senate with a proposal that if they wanted to end the war which existed between them and Bayazid, they should send someone to Constantinople to negotiate peace terms, in which Admete would support him.)109

Gritti was then appointed oratore straordinario for the Republic to negotiate this treaty. The manuscript can, therefore, be dated with some precision. The reference in the dedicatory epistle to Gritti’s imminent departure for Constantinople (nuper Constantinopolim […] profecturus) suggests that the manuscript was presented to Gritti in 1502, that is after his triumphal return to Venice (15 March),110 but before his departure for Constantinople where a temporary agreement was confirmed by the sultan (14 December 1502). This agreement paved the way for the formal peace that was publicly announced by Venice on 20 May 1503.111 Later that year (1503) Gritti travelled to Rome as a member of the official delegation sent to congratulate Giuliano della Rovere on his election to 108

Sanuto, III, 15; Davis, ‘Shipping and Spying’, pp. 103–04. Bembo, VI. 34, II. 134–35; Sanuto, IV, 244. 110 For Gritti’s role as oratore straordinario to Bājazīd II, see V. Lazari, ‘Relazioni di Baili di Ambasciatori Veneti alla Porta Ottomana nel secolo XVI’, in Le Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti al Senato, ed. by Eugenio Albèri and others, 3rd ser., 15 vols (Florence: Clio, 1839–63), III (1855); also Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, II, 508–42. The Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana contains two volumes of Gritti’s personal correspondence from this period which, as far as I know, have never been edited: it. VII, 878 (=8652); it. VII, 879 (=8505). 111 Pastor, VI, 101. 109

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the Papal See (November 1503). 112 These events mark the entry of Gritti upon a successful political career which would culminate in his election as doge (1523–38). Although the theme of the dedicatory epistle of self-sacrifice and eternal renown was particularly apposite for someone about to embark on a potentially dangerous embassy into enemy territory, there are no further references to Gritti within the text. As we have noted above (see ‘A Manuscript for Doge Leonardo Loredan, c. 1503’), at about this same time Nagonius dedicated a volume of panegyric poetry to Doge Leonardo Loredan. It seems reasonable to infer that while in Venice Nagonius took the opportunity to dedicate a volume to the hero of the hour and presented Gritti with a work that would seem interesting and pertinent to him in his new official role as ambassador to the Porte. Nagonius’s history, however, is not his own work. The text has been taken almost verbatim from Pomponius Laetus’s Compendium Romanae Historium, completed shortly before his death (9 June 1499), and sent to Venice for his friend and pupil Marc’Antonio Sabellico to see through the press.113 This compilation contains the biographies of the later Roman emperors from the death of Giordanus III (244) to the last descendants of Heraclius. The editio princeps was issued in Venice in 23 April 1499,114 and a second corrected edition appeared a year later on 12 December 1500.115 Both were published by Bernardinus Venetus (Bernardino dei Vitali).116 The obvious hypothesis is that Nagonius used one of

112

Le Relazioni, ed. by Albèri and others, 2nd ser., III, p. viii. The early history of the first printed editions of Pomponius Laetus’s, Romanae historiae compendium is problematic: see Francesca Niutta, ‘Il Romanae historiae compendium di Pomponius Laetus dedicato a Francesco Borgia’, in Principato ecclesiastico e riuso dei classici: gli umanisti e Alessandro VI, ed. by Davide Canfora and others (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2002), pp. 321–54. Niutta discusses both BMV, MS lat. Z. 407 (=1585) and BMV, MS lat. X. 253 (=3751) in a forthcoming article, ‘Fortune e sfortune del Romanae historiae compendium di Pomponio Leto (Con notizie su alcuni codici)’. 114 Hain 9828. All quotations are taken from Marc. Inc., 880, Romanae historiae compendendium ab interitu Gordiani Iunioris usque ad Iustinum III. Per Pomponium Laetum. Cum Privilegio. Fols not numbered. 115 Pomponius Laetus, Romanae historiae compendium to which has been appended M. Antonius Sabellicus Pomponii Vita Impressum Venetiis per Bernardinum Venetum de Vitalibus Anno Domini M.CCCCC Die. Xii. Decemb. 116 C. Castellani, ‘Eccellenti edizioni fece à Bernardino dei Vitali, che stampò anche a Rimini e a Roma, 1496 al 1500’, in La Stampa in Venezia dalla sua origine alla morte di Aldo Manuzio seniore (Venice: Ongania,1889), p. 31. For a general history, see Horatio F. Brown, The Venetian Printing Press (London: Nimmo, 1891); Martin Lowry, The World of Aldus Manutius: Business 113

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these editions to provide material for the Gritti manuscript. Certainly the Venetian poet and scholar Apostolo Zeno (1668–1750) thought as much.117 As we have already seen, Nagonius was acquainted with Pomponius Laetus and may even have been a member of his Academy (see above, Part I, Chapter 1, ‘Towards a Biography of Johannes Michael Nagonius’).118 There are, however, a number of interesting differences between the manuscript and the early printed editions that permit an alternative hypothesis. Nagonius has abridged and adapted the work to appeal to Gritti by focusing upon the eastern emperors. He has omitted both the entire first book of Laetus’s Compendium, the death of Gordianus III (244) to the accession of Diocletian (284), and the first twenty-seven pages of Book II, which contains an account of the life of the Emperor Diocletian interspersed with numerous lengthy digressions (for example, Magnitudo imperii Romani, De triumpho et ovatione, De Nemesi dea). Having replaced Laetus’s dedicatory epistle with his own address to Gritti, the history now begins with the life of Constantine (fols 4–12), which is also extensively annotated by the professional scribe Maffei indicating passages of interest. The life of Heraclius (c. 585–642), including the long digression on Mohammed from the end of the Compendium, has also been omitted. Although the lives of Heraclius’s descendants (De progenie Heraclii) are retained, the title has been altered to Constantinus Novus Heraclonas Augg. (fol. 63r) to provide a rather abrupt concluding paragraph. Both the manuscript and the printed edition conclude with the death of Constantine IV and the succession of Justinian II Rhinotmetus (685), the last of the house of Heraclius. There are, however, a number of passages in the Gritti manuscript which are not included in the printed edition. For example, the short phrase from Erat in exercitu Magnentius comes ordinum Augustae is greatly expanded in the manuscript to read: and Scholarship in Renaissance Venice (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1979). 117 ‘Non avremmo però fatto qui menzione di questo Nagonio, se non avessimo osservato, che le Vite de’ Cesari, contenute nel Codice del Recanati, altro non sono, che quelle di Pomponius Laetus, diverse solo in qualche luogo dalle stampate’ (Apostolo Zeno, Dissertazione Vossiane, 2 vols (Venice: Albrizzi, 1752), II, chap. lxxxix , pp. 240–41). 118 Banfi in his brief outline of Nagonius’s career comments: ‘Alcuni dei sopracitati codici lasciano supporre che il suo maestro fosse stato Pomponius Laetus il quale, sin dal 1466 insegnando alla Sapienza romana l’eloquenza, raccoglieva intorno a sè tutti i letterati dell’Urbe, e fondava quell’Accademia Romana che, malgrado la congiura del 1468, riusci ad assurgere a luminosi fastigi.’ Whether these manuscripts prove the existence of an ‘amichevoli relazioni con Pomponius Laetus’ and ‘il prediletto discepolo’ is another matter. Banfi, ‘Nagonius Panegirista’, p. 204.

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Erat in exercitu Magnentius natus patre britanno comes ordinum: hoc duce milites in caput principis conspirarunt: sed videamus quibus insidiis peritus est Imperator Magnentius comes ordinum Augustae. (BMV, MS lat. Z. 407 (=1585), fol. 13r)

Similarly the phrase post ab filio Cambisae regis Persarum ibi submerso vocatus Orontes is continued in the manuscript to read: ‘post ab filio Cambisae regis Persarum ibi submerso vocatus Orontes est et alter in Scythia Orontes’ (BMV, MS lat. Z. 407 (=1585), fol. 16 r). The variant readings in each case could be due either to the scribe shrewdly expanding the printed text or to compositorial homoeoteleuta. Such a simple explanation cannot account for the difference between the spelling of the name BRINANNION (Compendium) and BRITTANION (manuscript fol. 17r) and the alternative spelling of the name of Justinian I’s Longobard general Belisarius (Compendium) to the Greek equivalent Vilissarius (Gritti manuscript) which occurs ten times between fols 52v and 57r. The phrase ‘ad diruit solo equatis aque ductibus’ is found in the manuscript (fol. 53v) but omitted from the printed text. A gap in the printed version: ‘Sed tu […] venti facto concederes […]’ is found complete in the manuscript: ‘Sed tu ut inminenti fato concederes’, etc. (BMV, MS lat. Z. 407 (=1585), fol. 59 v). Again this indicates either compositorial confusion or a shrewd guess on the part of the scribe. Similarly an extra passage on Mazeses is included on the last page of the manuscript but omitted from the printed edition: ‘Ille Mazeses non bene conciliatis pretorianorum animis Imperium invadens a Constantino Constantis Filio una cum coniuratis cesus est’ (BMV, MS lat. Z. 407 (=1585), fol. 64v). Another manuscript in the Marciana, also ascribed to Nagonius, perhaps clarifies the problem of the variant readings found in the Gritti manuscript. BMV, MS lat. X. 253 (=3751) is dedicated to an unidentified member of the Borgia family: ‘Certi summus procul dubio libellos tibi, Borgia, placituros, […]’ (We are sure that these little books will undoubtedly please you, Borgia, […]). Presumably the unknown Borgia to whom the manuscript is dedicated is the same as the dedicatee of the printed editions: Francesco Borgia (1432–1511), papal treasurer (from September 1493) and (after 19 August 1495) bishop of Teano. If so, the Marciana manuscript can be also dated after 19 August 1495 when Borgia was created bishop of Teano.119

119

Gaspare De Caro, DBI, 12, pp. 709–11; for further biographical information, see M. Borretti, ‘Francesco Borgia Arcivescovo di Cosenza (1500–1511)’, extract from La Provvidenza

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Unlike the elegant vellum manuscript presented to Andrea Gritti, this large paper volume bears no indication of ‘authorship’. The manuscript was presented to the Marciana early in the nineteenth century as part of a legacy from Giacomo Morelli who was at one time librarian there.120 Possibly on the evidence of the Gritti manuscript, which had been in the Marciana since 1722,121 Morelli also attributed his manuscript to Nagonius. He wrote falso by the manuscript’s only title: Dionis Casii Historia;122 and scribbled on the flyleaf: ‘Joannis Michaeliis Nagonii | Vitae Imperatorum quorundam et Tyrannorum Romanorum.’ The Borgia manuscript is not the work of a single scribe,123 nor can any of the four distinct hands in the manuscript be compared with the script which I have identified as Nagonius’s own. Throughout the manuscript the original text has been thoroughly revised: the Latin has been corrected; the punctuation and spelling altered; and new passages added, usually as marginal annotations. In the case of the life of Heraclius, a new leaf, which folds to form fols 95 and 96, has been tipped in. It is the hand of this corrector (hand 4; see Figures 7 and 8) which is of particular interest. Such detailed and precise alterations suggest a close acquaintance with the text which only the author himself could possibly have had. Indeed comparison of the hand of this corrector with Laetus’s own script (Cosenza, 1939), pp. 1–4; Niutta, ‘Il Romanae historiae compendium’, pp. 336–39. 120 See Marc., MS it. XI. 325 (=7136) Indice delli Codici Manoscritti Latini, Greci Italiani ed altri de me Don Giacomo Morelli R. C. Cav. Biblo da esser consegnati alla I.R. Biblioteca di Venezia dopo la mia morte, compilato e scritto di mia mano nel Decembre 1817 e Gennaro 1818. 415 Jo. Michaelis Nagonii Vitae Imperatorum quorundam Classis X et Tyrannorum Romanorum. fo. Chart. saec.XVI.ineditae. Cod. CCLIII. 121 See Marc., MS it. XI. 63 (=6794) Index ms Codicum Io. Baptistae Recanati Patricii Veneti, Anno Domini MDCCXXII Ab eodem exaratus et ex autogr. transcriptus Latini. LXXXIII Vitae Imperatorum a Flavio Val. Constantino usque ad | Heraclium per Johannem Michaelem Nagonium Civem | Romanum et Poetam Laureatum. Magnifico ac generoso | D. Andreae Gritti Pat. Veneto dicale [sic] Codex | membran. in 4o minio conscriptus ac picturis ornatus | saeculi XVI et ultra. 122 On the sources of Laetus’s Compendium, see Niutta, ‘Il Romanae historiae compendium’, pp. 340–54. 123 Four different hands are discernible: 1). Main scribe of text: untidy humanistic cursive in faded brown ink, often corrects his own text. 2). Red ink scribe (perhaps identifiable with hand 1) adds colour to titles, names, and occasionally writes marginal notes. 3). Later cursive hand responsible for one note. 4). Black ink corrector, annotations visible throughout the text. This hand is also responsible for fols 95–96.

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confirms the hypothesis.124 Laetus’s distinctive ampersand and uncial g (which Muzzioli identifies as unique to the fourth and last period of the development of Laetus’s script)125 are plainly evident. This hand compares with the script identified as Laetus’s own in a manuscript of Ovid’s Fasti.126 The physical appearance of these two manuscripts is also similar.127 Both the ‘corrections’ and the Fasti text appear to have been written with the same type of black ink (which leaves a waxy oil stain around the letters) on similar paper with identical watermarks.128 Pomponius Laetus died on 9 June 1498 and the first edition of his Romanae historiae compendium was printed 23 April 1499, which suggests that these corrections were perhaps one of Laetus’s last projects.129 The extended passages in the Gritti manuscript can be found in the Borgia manuscript. The revised ending with the life of Heraclius (fols 95 and 96) in Laetus’s own hand is included in its entirety (though there seems to have been some confusion over Laetus’s corrections and marginal notes). The passage on Mazeses is also found in the

124 Professor Albinia de la Mare agreed: ‘The corrections are definitely in the hand of Pomponius Laetus.’ Private correspondence, 17 January 1988. 125 For further characteristics of Laetus’s script, see Giovanni Muzzioli, ‘Due nuovi codici autografi di Pomponio Laeto’, Italia medioevale e Umanistica, 2 (1959), 337–51. 126 BAV, MS Vat. lat. 3263. ‘La scrittura di quest’ultimo codice può essere ritenuta come di transizione fra il terzo e il quarto periodo, poiche vi si insinciano i primi esempi, che divengono frequenti nell’ultima parte, del nesso “et” caratteristico del quarto periodo.’ Muzzioli, ‘Due nuovi codici autografi’, p. 349. 127 The pages are also approximately the same size — 210 mm x 290 mm. 128 Mermaid; see Charles-Moïse Briquet, Les Filigranes: Dictionnaire historique des marques du papier dès leur apparition vers 1282 jusqu’en 1600, 4 vols (Geneva: Jullien, 1907; repr. Leipzig 1923; Stuttgart 1984; facs. repr. of the 1907 edition with supplementary material, ed. by Allan H. Stevenson (Amsterdam: Paper Publications Society, 1968)), IV. The nearest example is 13.884, Rome 1501 (A. di Stato: Raccoltà di Carte Var. ident. Rome 1502) but this example lacks the detail of the watermark in the Borgia and Vatican manuscripts: for example, no hands gripping the tail. The mermaid mark appears enclosed in a circle throughout the Borgia manuscript except on folio 95 where there is no circle, though the size of the mermaid is exactly the same. An entirely different mark (a boat?) appears on fol. 9. 129 ‘Scripsit postremo de Caesaribus a Iunioris Giordiani interitu exorsus: descenditque in Iustine exilium: estque mira brevitate usus: sed in qua ipsius studium inrecognoscenda vetustate facile agnoscas’ (M. Antonius Sabellicus, Vita Pomponii (Venice, 1500), BMV, MS Marc. Rari, V. 96, fols not numbered).

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Figure 7. Pomponius Laetus’s corrections to the Romanae historiae compendium. BMV, MS lat. X. 253 (=3751), fol. 23v. Reproduced with permission of the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice.

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Figure 8. Pomponius Laetus’s corrections to the Romanae historiae compendium. BMV, MS lat. X. 253 (=3751), fol. 95r. Reproduced with permission of the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice.

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Borgia manuscript: Ille Mazeses non bene conciliatis pretorianorum [Aminiis] Imperium Invadens a Constantino Constatis filio: cum coniuratis cesus est (BMV, MS lat. X. 253 (=3751), fol. 97 v). The inclusion of this passage in the Gritti manuscript, along with the other examples already cited, suggests that the professional scribe Maffei was not copying the life of Constantine from any of Bernardino dei Vitali’s Venetian editions, but was, in fact, using Laetus’s own corrected text.130 The correspondences between these two manuscripts are greater than the differences. If, as I have suggested, the Gritti manuscript was taken from Laetus’s original manuscript, the question remains how Nagonius had Laetus’s original manuscript in his possession and why? Could Nagonius have brought Laetus’s manuscript from Rome to Venice for Marc’Antonio Sabellico to see through the press and while the manuscript was in his care seized the moment and had a version copied and adapted for Andrea Gritti, who had recently returned from Constantinople?

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One further example highlights the link between the two manuscripts. The Borgia manuscript (fol. 58r) originally read: At uxor Imperatoris moritur. Imperatoris was crossed out and replaced by constantii augusti which the printed edition retains. The Gritti manuscript, however, (fol. 25v) retains Imperatoris which cannot have been taken from the published text.

Chapter 6

THE LAST CRUSADE

‘Hierusalem miserere tuae’: A Manuscript for Pope Julius II, 1509

T

he manuscript which Nagonius dedicated to Pope Julius II and his nephew Francesco Maria della Rovere represents the summation of the poet’s literary career.1 The double dedication is unique in the poet’s œuvre. The manuscript, divided into eight books, contains the complete range of Nagonius’s poetry. It was probably the poet’s last work. Written on vellum in the author’s own hand and decorated with an illumination of the Pope and his nephew riding in a triumphal car all’antica (Plate 6), the manuscript was recorded among the books in an inventory of Julius’s private library. 2 This small but select collection contained many Latin classics and included the works of Livy, Cicero, Virgil, Silius Italicus, Sallust, Suetonius, and Lucan, with Latin translations by Valla of Thucydides, Herodotus, and Homer. Although Julius owned copies of Petrarch, Boccaccio, and Bruni there were few works by contemporary authors. Raffaele Maffei claimed that Julius was indifferent to learning and did not even

1

BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682; Part III, Catalogue, ‘Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 1682’. Francesco Maria della Rovere (1490–1538) was the only surviving son of Julius II’s younger brother Giovanni della Rovere (1457–1501) and Giovanna da Montefeltro (†1514). 2 BAV, MS Vat. lat. 3966, fols 111r–114v. The catalogue has been edited by Léon Dorez, ‘La Bibliothèque privée du pape Jules II’, Revue des bibliothèques, 6 (1896), 97–124; see also Eugène Müntz, La Bibliothèque du Vatican au XVe siècle d’après des documents inédits (Paris: Thorin, 1887); and Pastor, III, 882–83. Julius’s library, it seems, was situated in the Vatican Apartments in the room now known as the Stanza della Segnatura famous for Raphael’s frescoes: see Dorez, ‘La Bibliothèque privée’, pp. 101–08; John Shearman, ‘The Vatican Stanze: Functions and Decoration’, Proceedings of the British Academy, 57 (1971), 369–424 (pp. 379–83).

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read the titles of books dedicated to him.3 However, the same Maffei also observed that the Pope could appreciate well written Latin poetry.4 Nor was Julius immune to the effects of verse. In 1493 he is supposed to have had the poet Jacopo Corsi murdered because he sang some pieces at a banquet that were critical of him.5 In contrast, Elisabeth Schröter has argued that Julius was a major patron of letters and that his deeds provided the inspiration for a number of poets who regarded the Pope as their own Apollo.6 Paris de Grassis records the award of a laurel crown to two poets by the Pope in 1512. Seemingly unimpressed by the poetry or perhaps by the spectacle (one of the poets performed in the guise of Orpheus surrounded by a group of boys dressed as nymphs), Julius solemnly adjured them in future to write of matters and deeds ad ecclesiam pertinentes.7 The inclusion of Nagonius’s manuscript among Julius’s books, therefore, seems all the more surprising. Its appearance upon the list of books owned by the Pope 3

John F. D’Amico, ‘Papal History and Curial Reform in the Renaissance: Raffaele Maffei’s Brevis Historia of Julius II and Leo X’, Archivum historiae pontificiae, 18 (1980), 157–200 (p. 200). Mandell Creighton observes: ‘Julius II was too much engaged in practical pursuits to pay much attention to literature. Occasionally he was pleased with a complimentary harangue, and recompensed the orator with a present, but he attracted no literary men to Rome’ (A History of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome, 6 vols, new edn (London: Longman, 1907–11), V (1911), 201). For Julius’s patronage of the arts see Pastor, III, 878–82: Ingrid D. Rowland, The Culture of the High Renaissance: Ancients and Moderns in Sixteenth-Century Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 4 D’Amico, ‘Papal History’, p. 200. 5 John F. D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome: Humanists and Churchmen on the Eve of the Reformation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), p. 56. 6 Elisabeth Schröter, ‘Der Vatikan als Hügel Apollons und der Musen. Kunst und Panegyrik von Nikolaus V. bis Julius II’, Römische Quartalshrift, 75 (1980), 208–40. Much of the evidence to support this argument is, in fact, taken from Nagonius’s manuscript for Julius, which Schröter reviews in isolation from the poet’s oeuvre. Other dedicatees had been praised with exactly the same conceits. Indeed the poems, which are singled out as proof of Julius’s interest in literature, can all be found in Nagonius’s other manuscripts. Niccolò Orsini, Doge Leonardo Loredan, Louis XII, Guglielmo II, and Ercole d’Este are all ‘Apollo’ for the inspired poet. An inscription composed for Julius’s triumphal entry into Rome on Palm Sunday 28 March 1507 associates the Pope with Apollo: ‘Nocte pluit tota, radiat modus clarus Apollo | Indulget Iulo tartara tela poli’ (cited by Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 34, n. 118). Nagonius’s role in these celebrations would, perhaps, prove a profitable line of enquiry. The verse sung and recited to welcome Julius on his triumphal return has much in common with Nagonius’s work. 7 Paris de Grassis, Diarium Curiae Romanae (BL, MS Add. 8440–44) cited by Creighton, A History of the Papacy, V, 313–14. The two poets were Vincenzo Pimpinelli and Francesco Maria Grapaldi. See also Pastor, III, 880; Trapp, ‘The Poet Laureate’, pp. 114–16.

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can, perhaps, be explained by another entry in the library inventory: 180 Laurenti Parmenii libellus, ex membranis, in servico rubro.8 This volume can be identified as Laurentius Parmenius de operibus et rebus gestis Julii (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 3702), i.e. Lorenzo Parmenio’s account of Julius II’s campaign against Perugia and Bologna and the description of his triumphal return to Rome on 25 March 1507. These events are also celebrated (albeit nominally) in Nagonius’s manuscript. This seems to support the idea that Julius’s interest in contemporary literature did not extend much beyond panegyrical accounts of his own achievements. Nagonius’s manuscript seems to have been presented to the Pope some time after his return to Rome from Bologna. Whether it was written, as Charles Stinger claims, ‘in the flush of the extravagant praise that greeted Julius following his conquest of Bologna’ is, however, another matter.9 The Bentivoglio ‘tyrants’ were expelled from Bologna on 2 November 1506 and, apart from a brief ‘restoration’ in 1511–12, ceased to be a force in the city.10 The references in Nagonius’s text to the conquest of Bologna and the expulsion of the Bentivogli are slight.11 These events are only mentioned twice and both references are found in the dedicatory matter: there are no further references to events in Bologna in the main body of the text, which suggests that celebration of this incident was not the poet’s main concern. References, however, to other contemporary events help date the manuscript with more precision. Roberto Weiss noted that throughout the manuscript Francesco Maria della Rovere is always called the duke of Sora and prefect of Rome and never referred to as the duke of Urbino, thus proving that the manuscript ‘cannot be later than 1508 when Francesco succeeded Duke Guidobaldo I’.12 The manuscript also includes an epithalamium which Nagonius

8

Dorez, ‘La Bibliothèque privée’, pp. 97–124 (p. 116). This slim volume still retains the original boards covered with red silk, though four green silk ties have long since disappeared. 9 Charles Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985), p. 109. 10 For the previous history of Bologna and the papacy see Ian Robertson, Tyranny under the Mantle of St Peter: Pope Paul II and Bologna (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002); also Anna Laura Trombetti Budriesi, ‘Alessandro VI e i Bentivoglio’, in La Fortuna dei Borgia, ed. by Ovidio Capitani and others (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2005), pp. 87–114. 11 Fols 1v; 9v. 12 Roberto Weiss, ‘The Medals of Pope Julius II (1503–1513)’, JWCI, 28 (1965), 163–82 (p. 180). Guidobaldo da Montefeltro died on 11 April 1508, and Francesco Maria della Rovere was proclaimed duke of Urbino two days later; see James Dennistoun, Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino, 3 vols (London: Longman, 1851), II, 66–83.

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claims to have composed in honour of the forthcoming wedding between Francesco Maria della Rovere and Eleonora Gonzaga.13 The wedding took place on 24 December 1508 when the bride was fifteen years old.14 Other references to the alliance between France and the Papal States suggest that the manuscript was written as the project of a Holy League against Venice came to fruition.15 Nagonius implies that Francesco Maria is already in charge of the papal armies (he accepted the gonfalone of the Church at San Petronio in Bologna on 4 October 1508). The poet also refers to future Spanish conquests in Northern Africa. These occurred from 1509 to 1510.16 As these latter references are not specific, it seems fair to conclude that the manuscript was written and presented to the Pope sometime in 1509. The manuscript divides into three books of hexameter verse followed by five books of lyrics in assorted metres. The epic complaint in which the personified figure of Jerusalem calls upon the Pope to mount a crusade against the Infidel forms Book I. The familiar epic narrative of the search for the new ‘Roman’ hero with the visit to the Sibyl of Cumae occupies Books II and III. The remaining books contain verses on a variety of themes. With only a few exceptions, these had already been offered to other dedicatees. An epigrammatic variation of the ‘Go

13

Ad eundem Divum Julium II pontificem maximum | et illustrissimum Ducem Sorae: almae urbis prefe|ctum: D. D. Franciscum mariam de ruvere: | nepotem celeberrimum, sylva de futuris nu|ptiis: edita subito calore (fols 239v–42v). 14 Tournoy-Thoen, ‘Les premiers épithalames’, p. 201, confuses the date of the wedding and engagement and consequently misdates the manuscript. Francesco Maria della Rovere was contracted in marriage to Eleonora Gonzaga in January 1505 but the ceremony was postponed for four years on account of the youth of the bride and groom. The ceremony took place in Urbino on Christmas Eve 1508. There seems to be some confusion concerning the date of the actual marriage. I follow the chronology given by Dennistoun; Litta dates the marriage 25 September 1509. Dennistoun cites Leoni, followed by Riposti and others, who record that the marriage was privately performed at Mantua in February 1509. 15 The League was signed at Cambrai on 10 December 1508, by Margaret of Austria, regent of the Netherlands, on behalf of her father, Maximilian, and by Cardinal d’Amboise, representative of Louis XII. Although Julius had instigated the League he did not join until 25 March 1509. The object of the League was the partition of the mainland possessions of Venice ‘on the pretext that the maritime Republic, by retaining Ravenna and Cervia, impeded the pacification of Christendom and a general armament against the Turk’ (Dennistoun, Memoirs, II, 310). 16 Reference to Spain’s invasion of North Africa is repeated on fol. 249r: ‘Putat hunc Iberia Martem | venturum in fines lybicos.’

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Little Book’ topos affords a fine example of Nagonius’s dexterous handling of the double dedication: Ad eundem divum Iulium II Pont[ificem] Max[imum] | et ill[ustrissimu]m Ducem Sorae, almae Urbis Prefectum | D[ominum] D[ominum] Franciscum Mariam de Ruvere nepo|tem celeberrimum elegia qua poeta Musas | rogat ut ad suos tendant principes, suoque no[m]i[n]e | ei salutem dicant: Ite meae Musae Pastorem noscite sanctum, ibis et ad sanctum, turba canora, patrem; ite mei versus, nostri non amplius estis, ibitis ad tanti principis ora deae, Franciscum et Mariam Phoebo comitante petetis, ibis et ad Sorae pulcher Apollo ducem. Nomine vos nostro dicetis mille salutes, dux Martis salve, Caesar et alter ave, ad te nos mittit vates tuus ille Michail servulus, et vestrum numen adire iubet. Venimus, et sanctos intramus turba penates, perfusa Aonio carmine turba sumus. Suscipe nos grato Pastor dignissime vultu, fronteque magnifica, nos tua cura sumus, auratae quercus descripsimus optime pastor Laudes, et variis lusimus acta modis. Blandiri Musis Sorae Dux maxime debes, quae nomen vestrum semper in orbe canent. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fols 242v–43r) (To the same holy supreme Pontiff Julius II and most illustrious Duke of Sora, prefect of the kindly city of Rome, Lord Francesco Maria della Rovere, most renowned nephew. An elegy in which the poet asks the Muses to go to their princes and to greet them in his name: Go my Muses, acknowledge the holy shepherd, you, melodious crowd, will go to the Holy Father. Go my verses, you are no longer ours, go goddesses to the presence of such a great prince. Seek out with Apollo in attendance Francesco Maria and go fair Apollo to the Duke of Sora. In our name you will say a thousand greetings: hail warlike lord, and greetings, second Caesar. Your humble servant, your poet, the famous Michael, sends us to you, and orders us to attend upon your divine power. We have come, and as a crowd have entered the holy house. We are a crowd imbued with Aonian song. Most worthy Shepherd, receive us with a pleasing expression and with magnificent looks. We are your responsibility. Best shepherd, we have described the praises of the golden oak, and we have played your deeds in various modes. Mighty Duke of Sora, you ought to flatter the muses who will always sing your name across the globe.)

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Just as Nagonius had punned upon the word ‘laurus’ (laurel, laurel crown, triumph) in the manuscript offered to Doge Leonardo Loredan (see above, Part II, Chapter 5, ‘A Manuscript for Doge Leonardo Loredan, c. 1503’)17 so in the manuscript offered to the Della Rovere he plays upon the derivation of their name from the Latin robur (oak, oak wood, strength) and upon the heraldic oak which formed their coat of arms (Figure 18):18 Quis negat antiquos domini clarescere fasces Pontificis Sixti, vel patruique genus. Presens orbe pater lucet, diademaque sacrum portat, et Ausonias purpura sancta togas. Hic ornamentum gentis, specimenque parentum nobile, nomen habet pastor Iulus avi. Demissit sobolem series Sixtina nepoti Pontifici, patruus dat quoque stemma Duci. Glandibus auratis arbor sic claruit orbe, ornavit Latios aurea quercus avos. O foelix quercus repetis quae sancta triumphos Caesaris, et sanctos non peritura gradus. Vive diu foelix quercus sacrata Tonanti, dedita tu Sixto es, cum patruoque Duci. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 239r–v) (Who denies that the ancient fasces of lord Pope Sixtus or the family of the uncle are shining? The present Pope radiates across the globe, he wears the sacred crown and the

17

Haec est apta tuae nunc Princeps gloria famae, Pyeridum fontem quo sacer ipse colas. Maiores maiora tibi dent munera, versus Muneribus prestant o Leonarde mei. Laurum semper ama, te daphnidos arbor amabit, Prima tibi virtus, ultima fitque precor. Convenit ut Laurum domus a qua dicta, sereno Lauredana colas. Facta superba duce. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 94v) 18 ‘Mavortis vires et robur in armis | resplendet’ (fol. 249v). For other verses on ‘the Golden Oak’, see fols 151v; 188r; 188v. Of course Nagonius was not the only poet to pun upon the Della Rovere name. In 1506 Filippo da Luprano composed verses in honour of the marriage of Julius’s niece Lucrezia Gora to Marcantonio Colonna, in which he plays upon references to the oak of the Della Rovere; the column of the Colonna and the titular church held by Julius when a Cardinal, S. Pietro in Vincoli: ‘Quercus iuncta columna est, nectunt vincula quercum’. Quoted by Peter Partner, Renaissance Rome (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), p. 123. For further such examples in literature and art, see Schröter, ‘Der Vatikan als Hügel Apollons’, passim.

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Italian togas of holy purple. This man is the ornament of his family, the noble mark of his parents. Pope Julius has the title of his ancestor. The Sistine series of descendants has given forth progeny in the papal nephew and the uncle also gives the coat of arms to the duke. Thus the tree with golden acorns shone around the globe, and the golden oak decorated the Italian ancestors. O fortunate holy oak, you who seek again the triumphs of Caesar, and will not lose its sacred position. Live forever, happy oak sacred to Jupiter: you are dedicated to Sixtus, and to the duke and his uncle.)

Throughout the manuscript Nagonius associates the Della Rovere oak with the Roman querna corona or corona civica: the oak leaf garland of victory.19 The image of the Pope as a classical triumphator is emphasized by the frontispiece (fol. 8v; Plate 6) which shows Julius and his nephew riding in a triumphal quadriga, and by the ornamental border of the title page opposite (fol. 9r; Plate 7) which is adorned with pseudo-classical ‘portraits’ of members of the Della Rovere family surrounded by oak wreaths (see below, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘Decoration and Illumination’). These images allude both to Julius’s prophesied victory over the Turks and his recent triumphal return from Bologna.20 In the dedicatory prose epistle the Bentivogli are equated with the Infidel and their expulsion from Bologna is seen as a prelude to the crusade which Nagonius urges Julius to undertake: Quis Anthiochiam, Ptolomaidam, Alexandriam, et nostrae salutis officinam Hierosolymam ex barbarorum dentibus exthraere aliquando praesumpserit, nisi Iulius II? Quis ad Euphratem et Tigrim signum crucis portare et Edissam Mesopotaniae urbem christiano nomini restituere ausus erit, nisi Iulius II? Quis vexatam, laceratam, conculcatam, et omnibus modis direptam, et oppressam ab illo nequissimo tyranno Io[hanne] Bentivolo, Bononiensem urbem liberati pontificiae restituit, nisi Iulius II? Gaude igitur Iuli secunde. Nulla gens tam barbara, tam inculta, et tam inhospita est ad quam tui gloria, fama, laus, et aeternitas non pervenerit. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 9v) (Who will ever presume to extract Antioch, Ptolomais, Alexandria, and the workshop of our salvation Jerusalem from the jaws of the barbarians, if not Julius II? Who will dare to carry the sign of the Cross to the River Euphrates or Tigris and restore the city of Odessa in Mesopotamia to the Christian name, if not Julius II? Who has restored to papal liberty

19

An oaken garland, which was originally voted to Romans who had saved the life of fellow citizens, was awarded to Augustus, in perpetuam, in token of his care of the people, and hung up in his palace (Res gestae, 22). 20 For details of Julius’s campaign against Bologna see the diary of Paris de Grassis, excerpts from which have been edited by Luigi Frati, Le due spedizioni militari di Giulio II (Bologna: Regia, 1886). For further references to Julius’s entry into Bologna, see Bonner Mitchell, Italian Civic Pageantry in the High Renaissance: A Descriptive Bibliography of Triumphal Entries and Selected Other Festivals for State Occasions (Florence: Olschki, 1979), pp. 15–17.

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the city of Bologna ravaged, harassed, oppressed, and looted in every way by that most foul tyrant Giovanni Bentivoglio, if not Julius II? Therefore rejoice, Julius II. There is no race so barbarous, so rough, so inhospitable that your glory, fame, praise, and immortality will not reach.)21

Book I is entirely devoted to the call for a crusade against the Turks, an established theme in poetry since the fall of Jerusalem.22 In fact by the sixteenth century the theme of the Turkish threat had become commonplace enough to be considered an appropriate topic for an exercise in rhetorical training.23 As we have seen, the call for a crusade is a recurrent theme throughout Nagonius’s œuvre: in the manuscript offered to Henry VII the poet urges the King to wield the sword sent from Pope Alexander VI against the Infidel. In the manuscript given to Vladislav II, Nagonius praises Hungary’s stand against the Turks. Jerusalem’s lengthy complaint first appeared in the manuscript dedicated to Louis XII, where the personified figure of the city also appeared as a bas-de-page miniature among the frontispiece illuminations (Plate 2; see below, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘Decoration and Illumination’). The crusading theme is not, therefore, unique to the manuscript for Julius II. Indeed, the call for a crusade was a popular theme in the works of the humanists in the latter half of the fifteenth century. Francesco Filelfo bemoaned the failure of his repeated calls to the emperor and kings and princes of Europe to launch an assault upon the Turks. Robert Gaguin in the same spirit addressed the royal court of England concerning the crusade plans of Charles VIII, ‘a designe, that he could not arise in the minde of any king that did not stedfastly looke up unto God, whose quarrell this is’.24 However, Nagonius expects Pope Julius to succeed where mere monarchs have failed. 25 21

The list of cities that Nagonius cites to motivate the Pope to continue his efforts is standard, see John W. O’Malley, ‘The Vatican Library and the Schools of Athens: A Text of Battista Casali, 1508’, The Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 7 (1977), 271–87. 22 From the fall of Jerusalem in 1099, there were innumerable works dedicated to European powers on the recovery of the Holy Land, for example, Pierre Dubois, De Recuperatione terrae sanctae (1306) dedicated to Edward I. For a history of the relationship between the papacy and the Turks, see Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, passim. 23 Benedetto Colucci suggested the call for a crusade was a suitable topic for rhetorical training in his Declamationes, in which he represented Ficino assigning the subject to five of his pupils. See Schwoebel, ‘Coexistence’, pp. 164–87. 24 Schwoebel, ‘Coexistence’, p.183. 25 As Scheller observes,‘however ephemeral the notion of a crusade may have been in practice it is so much a part of political history around 1500 that it must be acknowledged as a not inconsiderable factor in the political manoeuvring of the day’ (‘Imperial Themes’, p. 19). The idea

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Nagonius’s complaint is remarkable in that he has couched the Christian theme within a classical framework. As we have seen (above, Part II, Chapter 4, ‘‘Accipe fatalem clypeum’: A Manuscript for Louis XII, 1499’), the image of Jerusalem with dishevelled hair, tear-stained face, and torn cheeks recalls figures of mourning from classical epic and elegy. 26 The speech opens with a direct plea for Julius to pity her plight and rescue her from the hands of the Infidel. Jerusalem calls upon the Pope to follow the example of Ferdinand of Aragon who in 1509 sent an expedition under Cardinal Ximenes into Northern Africa:27 Hierusalem miserere tuae, Syonque iacenti optime da dextram pastor, terramque fidelem eripe Maurorum manibus, vinclisque nephandis solve domum sanctam, tu Sixti gloria Quarti non moritura manes, patrui tu fama beati proderis orbe vago, tune ille es Iulius alter? Pontificum splendor veterum spectatus in aris ecclesiae solus decor admirabilis extas. Infidas extende crucis vexilla per oras quae reges dominique duces invicta sequentur. Subdita Catholico iam serviet Aphrica Regi, vicinique omnes, quos cepit Iberia victrix. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 10r–v) (Pity your Jerusalem, and give a hand, great Shepherd, to Syon lying in ruins and wrest the faithful land from the hands of the Moors, and release the holy house from their wicked bonds. You, the immortal glory of Sixtus IV, remain; you, the fame of the blessed uncle,

of a crusade against the Turk was preached as the ultimate objective of the ‘Ideal Renaissance Pope’: ‘Once the Pope has again established a united and peaceful Christendom, he is to turn its wrath against the Turks in a crusade that will free those Christian peoples now held captive, recover those territories lost, and forever end the threat of this faithless people. The foremost care of the ideal Pope must be such a war against the infidels, and this responsibility is unquestionably a religious one. Like the Good Shepherd in the gospel, the Pope must be willing to defend his sheep and even to lay down his life for them. Such active intervention by the papacy against the Turks is justified by an appeal to history. The anonymous Callixtus panegyrist lists twelve previous Popes who were active in efforts against the Turks, from Urban II and the First Crusade through the efforts of Eugene IV. Almost all the Popes of this period are praised for their efforts in this regard’ (John M. McManamon, ‘The Ideal Renaissance Pope: Funeral Oratory from the Papal Court’, Archivum historiae pontificiae, 14 (1976), 9–70 (p. 52)). 26 Numerous complaints by patron deities to Jove against the destruction of their cities can be found throughout classical literature. The complaints of Claudian’s personified figures of Rome and Africa, for example, provide close parallels to Jerusalem’s lament. 27 The Cardinal’s successes in Oran, Algiers, and Tripoli were, however, short lived.

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are noted throughout the whole world. Are you that famous other Julius? The splendour of the ancient popes esteemed at the altars, you stand out as the singular wonderful ornament of the Church. Unfurl the invincible banners of the Cross, which kings and lord dukes will follow, through the Infidel shores. Conquered Africa and all the neighbours, whom victorious Spain has captured, will now obey the Catholic king.)

Just as Jupiter had prophesied that a Trojan Caesar, after his conquest in the East, will usher in a gentler age characterized by a return of law and the ancient virtues,28 so Julius, as a second Caesar, will be victorious in the East and his triumphs will herald a new Christian Golden Age, in which Justice, accompanied by Faith and Concord, will return to earth: Aurea cumque Fide per te nunc nascitur aetas, et soboles antiqua redit, delapsa per auras Iustitia insultans liquidas venit alma, tyrannis tot saevis obsessa soror, Concordia leges apperit oppressas obscuro in carcere diva. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 11r) (Now through you a Golden Age is born with Faith and the ancient progeny returns. Sweet Justice descends and comes dancing through the liquid breezes. Her sister, the goddess Concord, besieged by so many tyrants, opens up the laws that have been crushed down in a dark prison.)

After praising Julius’s martial skill, Jerusalem turns to her own plight and describes her subjugation by hostile forces: Plena fui tellus populo sanctissima quondam Hierusalem infoelix, sacrarum uberrima legum mater eram, nulli penitus submissa tributo. Nunc sedeo viduata viris, et sola gemisco facta tributorum princeps, mea defleo fata serva manens, ducibus sum facta rapina profanis. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 11v) (I, unhappy Jerusalem, was once a most holy land full of people. I was the most fertile mother of sacred laws, not subject at all to tribute. Now I sit widowed and alone, and I am the first to bewail the deeds of taxes. I mourn my fate remaining a slave. I have been plundered by profane generals.)

The vivid account continues as Jerusalem describes her deserted shrines. The use of personification emphasizes the horror of the city being sacked:

28

Verg., Aen., I. 283–94.

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Sum genetrix fidei deserta, et lumine sancto Hierusalem privata dei, requiesque nec ulla est mihi, nunc alias Moyses migravit in oras. Ecce viae Syon vestro pro crimine lugent quum videant tepidos festa ad solemnia patres, et Solymas cessare nurus, defecit in aris turba sacerdotum, templis nec cura litandi amplius ulla viget, pallenti vertice mirum virgineusque chorus cessavit ab ordine sacro. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 12r) (I am mother Jerusalem, deserted by faith, and deprived of the sacred light of God. I have no respite. Moses has now migrated to other shores. Behold the roads of Syon mourn your crime when they see that feeble fathers and Jewish women leave off the solemn feasts, and the band of priests has forsaken the altars, and the care of sacrificing in the temples no longer flourishes, and the virgin chorus with a pale face has stopped performing the sacred rite.)

Jerusalem recalls how much the city has suffered in the past and describes the horrific scenes when Roman troops under Titus razed the Temple.29 This recollection prompts Jerusalem to tell the story of Christ’s betrayal. She describes the events in the Garden of Gethsemane, the scenes before Herod and Pilate and the Crucifixion. On the way to Calvary Christ foretells the destruction of the city: Tunc Deus exanguis volvens pia lumina retro aspexit miseram turba comitante parentem flebilis aspectu, et lachrymis crescentibus inquit, ‘Hierusalem nolite nurus mea plangere fata, mentibus haud tacitis tantum versare dolorem. Sed super adventum belli, casusque futuros flete, super vos et natos iam flere potestis Matres hierusalem. Venient nam tempora certa in quibus hoc referent. Quae non peperere beatae et steriles mansere nurus, foelitia lacte ubera, nutrici pariter privata liquore. Insurgent domini rerum vestrumque potentes imperium tollent, et totam milite terram obsidione prement Phrygio. Pro crimine vestro ibitis errantes, odium parietis in omnes terrarum profugi partes, non extera regna

29

The description of the desperate citizens committing suicide and slaying one another resembles Silius Italicus’s account of the siege of Saguntum where the furies provoke the inhabitants to kill each other to escape the wrath of Hannibal (Sil., I. 592 ff.).

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vos capient, ager et nullus tibi serviet exul O Iudea, meis semper contraria dictis.’ (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 15r–v) (Then pale God, surrounded by a crowd, rolling his pious eyes looked behind at his desolate mother with a sorrowful expression, and with welling tears said: ‘Jerusalem, my nurse, do not mourn my fate, and pour out such a great pain with unquiet thoughts. But weep over the coming of war and future misfortunes, and then you mothers of Jerusalem can weep over your sons. For certain times will come in which they will refer to this. The blessed women are the ones who have not given birth and the wives who have remained sterile. The breasts deprived of milk will be happy, equally so the wet-nurse. Powerful lords will rise up and take away the control of your possessions and in a siege with the military might of Rome will oppress the whole world. Because of your crime you will go aimlessly, as fugitives, and you will be hated in every corner of the world: no foreign kingdoms will take you in, no field will protect you in your exile, O Judea, always contrary to my words.’)

Jerusalem encourages Julius to begin a Holy War, emphasizing the justice of his cause, and naturally predicts a glorious outcome to the campaign. Again classical and Christian imagery combine as the Pope is portrayed as the ideal Christian knight: Accipe fortunam proles Sixtina faventem, sortibus auguriisque datam, diadema resume infractum capiti, et Martis fatalia dona. In dextra clypeum fortunatissime patrum alter Caesar habe, munitaque pila memento excubias inter vigiles decernere prudens. Nempe tibi pastor cuncti debere fatemur Pontificum splendor, possis si tanta mereri. Cur tardas monumenta Pater? iam stringe minaces in Thurcas enses, subitis animentur et hastae aestibus, et Mauros vexilla beata sequantur. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 16r–v) (Accept your good fortune, descendant of Sixtus, given by destiny and by lot, take up the broken crown to your head and the destined gifts of Mars.30 Most fortunate second Caesar, wear the shield of your forefathers on your right arm, and as a prudent man remember to look out for cannon balls during the night watch. Of course we all confess, shepherd, the splendour of the Popes, to owe it to you, if you should deserve such an

30

fatalia dona: an example of how little Nagonius has adapted these verses to suit the dedication to Julius. In other manuscripts Jerusalem’s complaint follows Mars’s gift of divine armour (compare BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fols 72 ff.). The fatalia dona do not appear until Book III when Mars presents them to Francesco Maria della Rovere.

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honour. Why do you delay such achievements, father? Now unsheathe your swords against the menacing Turks31 and let spears be animated with a sudden fire and let the blessed banners pursue the Moors.)

Whereas Aeolus had released the winds to stir up the sea to prevent Aeneas’s arrival in Italy,32 here the god will help the crusade by calming the waves so that Julius’s ships will have a safe passage across the sea (fol. l8v). The aim of this war, Jerusalem claims, without irony, is universal peace. She continues by describing the grand triumph that will be celebrated in Rome. The Pope’s brow will, of course, be bound by a glorious garland of oak leaves. Again she recounts the outrages that she suffered at the hands of the barbarian soldiers and stresses again that Julius is her only hope. Under his protection the city will rise like the Phoenix (fol. 20v). Jerusalem warns, however, that if the crusade is not soon launched, their initiative will be lost. The Infidel may even invade Italy. Perhaps they are already preparing to do so (‘Maurus tibi forte profanas | iam parat insidias’; fols 20v–21r). Jerusalem compares the armadas launched by Cyrus, Xerxes, and Agamemnon with the might of the Infidel fleet.33 These examples should stimulate action. As your cause is just, she says, a star will light your way as previously the Magi were guided to Jerusalem. The hills of the Holy Land rejoice as Jerusalem catalogues famous landmarks which will celebrate Julius’s arrival: Mount Syon, the Mount of Olives, Mount Tabor, Lebanon, Samaria, and the whole of Palestine will join in the festivities (fols 24v–25r). Moved by Jerusalem’s plight, Julius assures her that he will summon a crusade. ‘Teque in tua regna locabo’ (I will place you in your kingdoms; fol. 25r), he proudly claims and continues: Tempus adest. Quanto flagrant nunc pectora Marte Romula, iam litui resonant, iuvat inde cohortes optatas audire tubas, vocesque cruentas horrificis afflare sonis, et tela ciere. Me rectore petent partes regionis ad omnes Barbaricae, sub patre cadent, et iura timebunt invicto gentes, nostrisque iacebit Eoum viribus imperium et sancta ditione subibit. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fols 25v–26r)

31

Thurcas: in the manuscript for Doge Leonardo Loredan (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 78v) this is replaced by the word grecos. A series of Venetian raids along the Greek coast were celebrated as a victory for Christendom. 32 Verg., Aen., I. 81–91. 33 Cf. Luc., III. 284–90.

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(The time is at hand. Now with how much war the Roman hearts blaze, already the bugles are blaring, the squadrons delight to hear the longed-for trumpets, and inspire the blood-thirsty shouts with their dreadful din, and to shake their weapons. With me as commander they will make for all parts of the barbaric region, they will fall to the invincible Pope, and the peoples will fear the laws, and the command of the East will fall to our troops and come under the holy sway.)

Reassured by the Pope’s words, Jerusalem thanks him and tells him that she will always be at his side in battle. The image of Jerusalem vanishes and Julius immediately makes plans for the crusade and addresses the army: Me regnante cadent Maurorum ingentia regna, Constantinopolis magnae nunc emula Romae, Imperium miles nobis impendet Eouum. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 27v) (With me in command, the vast kingdoms of the Moors will fall, now Constantinople is envious of mighty Rome, and soldiers threaten our authority in the East.)

In the manuscript for Louis XII an ordinary soldier steps forward to voice the support of the whole army. Here, however, Nagonius links Jerusalem’s complaint with the succeeding epic narrative by replacing the soldier with both Julius’s sonin-law Gian Giordano Orsini and his nephew Francesco Maria della Rovere:34 Franciscus Maria et Iordanus postea gratus militiae Ductor sanctae, praefectus et Urbis pontificisque nepos carus tunc dulce profatus. ‘Te quocumque loco sequimur, quocumque sequemur, viribus infracti pastor tua castra’, locutus contorsit iaculum dextra nec plura virili. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 27v) (Francesco Maria, the grateful general of the holy army, the prefect of the City and the dear nephew of the Pope, and afterwards Giordano, then spoke affectionately: ‘We,

34

Gian Giordano Orsini was the son of Virginio Orsini, Lord of Bracciano, who had appeared as the protagonist Ursus in Nagonius’s manuscript for Maximilian Habsburg (ÖNB, MS 12.750; see above, Part II, Chapter, ‘‘Sic ego sum Caesar Maximilianus orbis herus’: A Manuscript for Maximilian, 1494’). He married Julius’s natural daughter Felice in May 1506. Nagonius mentions that Ursus replies to the French embassy in their own language. Orsini seems to have had particularly close ties with the French Court: in 1498 he accompanied Cesare Borgia to France and was made a knight of the order of Saint Michel. Later he served as a general for Louis XII and built a palace at Blois where the French Court was in residence. Indeed it was with Louis’s protection that Giordano survived the vendetta waged by the Borgias against the Orsini family from 1502–03. See Bridge, A History of France, III, 183.

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humble in strength will follow you Shepherd, wherever and will follow your camp wherever.’ And not having said more, he brandished a spear in his strong right hand.)

The Book concludes with Julius’s benediction of the army and an extended comparison of his nephew to a list of Roman generals renowned for their conquests in the East.35 The martial imagery continues to be associated with Francesco Maria della Rovere in the later books: Ad eundem Divum Iulium II pont[ificem] | max[imum] et ill[ustrissimu]m ducem Sorae, almae Urbis | prefectum D[ominum] D[ominum] Franciscum Mariam de Ruvere, nepotem celeberrimum sylva edita subito furore in laudem suae iuventutis: Quis nostro generosus eques? Quis tempore miles fortior? aut ductor numeretur maximus orbe? Vel quis nobilior de Sixti sanguine natus inventus Prefectus erit? regimenque tributum patre Duci merito? nullam certamen habetur inter militiam, nullas concernit et iras Mavors, unanimes sunt pro rectore phalanges. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 243v) (To the same holy Pope Julius II and most illustrious Duke of Sora, prefect of the kindly city of Rome, lord Francesco Maria della Rovere, most renowned nephew, a rustic verse, written in the heat of the moment, in praise of his youth. Who is the knight of noble birth in our opinion? Which soldier is braver in our times? Or who is numbered the greatest general in the world? Or who more noble born from the line of Sixtus will have become Prefect? And the control awarded to the duke worthy of the father? No dispute is had among the military, Mars sees no anger, the squadrons are all unanimous in favour of their leader.)

Although Nagonius may claim that the sylva was edita subito furore,36 poetic inspiration was not quite as spontaneous as the poet implies: the same verses had previously been offered to Niccolò Orsini.37 Indeed a similar miles gloriosus theme,

35

The catalogue also includes Titus who in AD 68 razed the Temple at Jerusalem: ‘Et Titus ille nimis invenis post fata parentis | Quum tulit Imperium sacras transgressus ad aedes’ (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 28v). 36 It was a poetic convention since Statius to claim that silvae were composed subito calore (‘in the heat of the moment’). See Stat., Silv., Preface to Book I; also Angelo Poliziano, Oratio super Fabio Quintiliano Statii Sylvis, ed. by Eugenio Garin in Prosatori Latini del Quattrocento (repr. Turin: 1977), pp. 869–85. 37 BMV, MS lat. X, 75 (=3950), fol. 174r.

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which had been dominant in the manuscript for Orsini, can also be found in the manuscript offered to Francesco Maria della Rovere: ‘Hic Mars alter adest’ (fol. 45r), Nagonius says of Francesco Maria della Rovere as he had previously predicted ‘tu alter Caesar eris’ for Niccolò Orsini. Nagonius must have had difficulty in finding material with which to praise Julius’s young nephew who was barely eighteen years old when Nagonius dedicated the manuscript to him.38 Although his birth and parentage could be praised he had not yet achieved anything of note and was thus an unpromising subject for a full panegyric. Rather than praise his accomplishments, instead the poet emphasizes Francesco Maria della Rovere’s potential, for which a panegyrical prognosticon was ideally suited. Nagonius stresses the early promise he has shown, his uncle’s regard, and the general esteem in which he is held. 39 The familiar epyllion of Books II and III is given an added dimension by the call for a crusade and the inclusion of negotiations for a Franco-Papal alliance.40 The epic motif of two doves bearing symbolic flowers gives divine sanction to the alliance and confirms the prophecy surrounding Francesco Maria della Rovere:41

38

Francesco Maria’s youth, however, had not been without incident. In 1502 he had been forced to flee Senigallia when Borgia troops under Oliverotto Eufredducci besieged the town and a year later he was put to flight again when Urbino suffered a surprise assault by Cesare Borgia himself. See Dennistoun, Memoirs, II, 3–20. 39 Panegyric allows the praise of potential as well as actual achievements; see Aristotle, Rh, I. ix. 33 (1367b). That many of Nagonius’s references and comparisons had been previously offered to other dedicatees and do not refer specifically to Francesco Maria della Rovere is of little consequence. The aim of panyegyric is to provide the dedicatee with suitably inspiring models against which he can compare his own actions. Charles Hope, discussing Titian’s portrait of Francesco Maria della Rovere (Florence, Uffizi), makes a similar point: ‘The “Portrait of Francesco Maria della Rovere” shows very clearly why Titian was so much in demand as a portraitist, for it perfectly illustrates his ability to convey an impression of aristocratic poise and magnanimity. But as an actual likeness it is probably not very faithful; at any rate the Duke’s features are scarcely different from those of several of Titian’s other princely sitters. In the sixteenth century accuracy in this respect does not seem to have been considered of much importance. On more than one occasion Titian painted individuals whom he had never seen, and his pictures were nonetheless thought to be entirely satisfactory. His portraits were admired primarily because they showed his sitters as embodiments of the ideals of their social class, and as a result they continued to provide the models for aristocratic portraiture throughout Europe until the end of the eighteenth century’ (Titian (London: Jupiter, 1980), p. 80). 40 The object of the League of Cambrai was the division of Venice’s mainland territories. 41 For the epic motif of two doves see Virgil:

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Tunc Venus aurato loquitur circumdata cultu, ‘Aspicitis volucres nostro de vertice missas numen habent, et fata gerunt, et regna superba portendunt, sed laeta parum tenet una columba lilia, quae subito mutabunt versa colorem. Altera pontificis meliori sorte fovebit glandes, ostendit venturaque fata nepoti Francisco Mariae. Quid enim moror? Alma Sybilla concinet et certis inscribet cetera cartis’. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 52r–v) (Then Venus, enveloped in a golden glow, spoke: ‘Look at the birds sent from our brow. They have divine power, convey the fates, and portend proud kingdoms, but one happy bird of the pair holds lilies, which when turned will suddenly change colour. The other, by a better fortune, will favour the papal acorns and reveals the forthcoming fates to nephew Francesco Maria. Why do I delay? The sweet Sibyl will sing and inscribe the rest of the events on fixed papers.’)

Book III offers a slight variation on the narrative offered to Louis XII. The fame of Francesca Maria della Rovere spreads abroad and foreign ambassadors arrive in Rome to discover the truth of the rumours. Although his praises are sung constantly, Francesco figures remarkably little in the narrative. After the obligatory tour of the ruined sites of Rome and a sumptuous banquet, the ambassadors are entertained by a joust in which the leading members of the warring Orsini and Colonna factions participate: Primus inire manum vario certamine turmas Dux Franciscus equo docet, agmina deinde severa atque acies comitesque simul versarier armis. Prosilit in campum Iordanus Romulus hasta, cui dedit officium bellandi maximus heros. Desuper armorum et tantae suadente Gradivo militae imperium regat et communia castra. Cassis erat munita feris: triplexque resurgit crista iubas, erat intorquens discrimina ponti Scylla super, mirosque canum portabat hiatus. […]

vix ea fatus erat geminae cum forte columbae ipsa sub ora viri caelo venere volantes, et viridi sedere solo. (Aen., VI. 190–92)

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Hunc Prosper sequitur simili preclarus honore, tam comes egregius, pervasto robore pactus, Fabritiusque decens: rigidi duo fulmina Martis. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 83r–v) (Duke Francesco teaches the cavalry to enter the lists with various bouts on his horse, then the forbidding troops and the battle lines and the friends exchange arms. Roman Giordano springs onto the field with a lance, whom the greatest hero has made his champion. With Mars’s influence from above he has command of the weapons and of the great army and the ordinary camp. His helmet was protected by iron,42 the plume rose up in a triple mane, on top was Scylla stirring up sea battles, and he was wearing the amazing jaws of her dogs. […] The worthy count Prospero follows him, renowned with equal honour, and upright Fabrizio, illustrious for his enormous strength, these twin thunderbolts of stern Mars.)43

Mars appears with the gift of divine armour and, encouraged by the portent, a Roman delegation under the command of Gian Giordano Orsini sets off to encourage others to join the crusade. They leave Rome by the Via Flaminia and there follows the usual digression on the origins of Castel Sant’Angelo and the life of the Roman emperor Hadrian (fols 87r–92v). They journey north to Bologna and Modena where the company separates, some travelling to Germany, others to Venice, while the remainder will cross into France. At Modena Nagonius recalls the battle of Mutina fought between Antony and Octavian in 43 BC. They move on through Parma and Piacenza where they encounter the shade of the Roman general Flaminius, who confirms the Sibyl’s prophesy and states that the crusade will avenge the disasters inflicted by Hannibal’s Carthaginians: Nunc apud est manes auditum, ‘Marte superbo nascetur iuvenis, Sixti de sanguine Quarti. Iam bello maturus adest, qui barbara rumpet

42

Gian Giordano Orsini wears a helmet similar to that worn by Flaminius at the Battle of Trasimene: aere atque aequorei tergo flavente iuvenci cassis erat munita viro; cui vertice surgens triplex crista iubas effundit crine Suëvo; Scylla super, fracti contorquens pondera remi, instabat saevosque canum pandebat hiatus (Sil., V. 132–36) 43 The two families had been brought closer together by a generous act of heroism at the siege of Capua (1501) when Giordano Orsini saved the life of Fabrizio Colonna. With Julius II acting as intercessor and mediator, the feud between the Orsini and Colonna finally came to an end: a declaration of peace was signed by the two families and celebrated with due solemnity in Rome in 1511.

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Agmina, Retheosque potens acquiret honores indubitatus amor Martis, quo semper ovabit Pastor, quum similes poterit sibi quaerere laudes et laurum, currusque sacros, et visere quercum augustam, et festa Capitolia scandere fronde victor, et in niveo portabitur aureus axe Urbe triumphator, templis suspendet opima hic spolia, et raptos habitus, galeamque coruscam. Et quot tela ducum sublata viriliter addet.’ Haec memorans abiit. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fols 94v–95r) (Now among the shades this was heard: ‘By proud Mars a young man will be born from the line of Sixtus IV. He is now ready for war. He will break the barbarian armies and, powerful, will acquire Trojan honours in his certain love of war. The Shepherd will always triumph with him. Then he will be able to procure similar praise for himself and laurels, and the sacred chariots and view the Augustan oak and ascend the Capitol with festal boughs as victor. He will be drawn through the city in a gleaming chariot as a golden triumphator, and he will hang up the spolia opima (“the spoils of honour”), the armour seized from the enemy and gleaming helmets in the temples there. And what a number of weapons taken from the generals will he add manfully.’ Recalling these events he went away.)

The ghost’s appearance prompts recollection of a battle fought recently nearby. There then follows the long account of the Battle of Fornovo which took place on 6 July 1495 between the retreating army of Charles VIII and a hastily summoned Italian League (see below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Battle of Fornovo’). The legates hurry on their journey to France via Asti, Savoy, and Lyons to arrive eventually in Paris. They announce the Sibyl’s prophecy to Louis XII who thus replies: Romulei patres, et tu Iordane, paratus sponte ego sum Princeps infidos vincere Mauros, et Duce cum Sorae nostras connectere vires, spondeo Iberiacas pariter, fortes Britannos, hostibus ut Solymas iam nos penetremus ad oras exactis, et sancta domus, Syonque subacta Gaudeat adventu nostro, Duce castra regenti. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 108v) (Roman fathers, and you Giordano, I am a prince prepared of his own accord to conquer the faithless Moors,44 and to join our forces with the Duke of Sora. I pledge similarly the

44

A punning reference to Ludovico Sforza ‘Il Moro’, who had been ousted from Milan and taken captive back to France.

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Spaniards and the brave Britons to travel to the shores of Jerusalem when the enemy has been driven out, and, as the Duke rules the camp, the holy house and subjugated Syon rejoice at our arrival.)45

Louis’s words are reported to Julius II and the book closes with the Pope’s benediction: Chare nepos audi referunt quae, tendere contra nos vocat alma Fides Mauros, et vincere Turchas, flebilis ut Syon nostro de Marte triumphet. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 108v) (Dear nephew, listen to what they say. Sweet Faith summons us to proceed against the Moors and to conquer the Turks, so that tearful Syon may triumph from our war.)

By emphasizing the poet’s role as prophetic seer Nagonius was able to offer an extended panegyric to the young Francesco Maria della Rovere whose own achievements when the manuscript was written were somewhat limited.46 As has been noted previously, panegyric functions not only to praise but also to instruct. By setting examples of classic heroism within a Christian framework Nagonius was providing inspirational exempla for the young prince. A number of poems in the remaining books contain admonitory lessons47 and the panegyric with which the manuscript concludes cites a list of Roman heroes from Aeneas to Stilicho worthy of imitation: Haec virtus Stilichonis erat, quis credere posset? Germanos servire dedit, Rhenumque diebus edomuit totidem, quem non potuere sub annis rectores alii ferro, seu milite, solus impiger alloqueris Romanae tradidit Urbi. Sic modo tu fretus tali virtute neposque Vince feros hostes, Stiliconis suscipe mores. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 253v) (This was Stilicho’s worth. Who could believe it? He enslaved the Germans and tamed the Rhine in as many days as other generals could not do in the same number of years

45

Francesco Maria della Rovere was captain-general only of the papal troops. Compare Erasmus’s letter to Nicolas Ruistre, bishop of Arras: ‘Nec alia prorsus aeque efficax emendandi principes ratio quam si eis sub laudandi specie boni principis exemplar offeras, modo sic virtutes tribuas, sic vicia detrahas, ut ad illas adhortari, ab hiis deterrere videare.’ (Erasmus, Epistolae, ed. by P. S. Allen, 12 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1906–58), I (1484–1514), 397). 47 See for example Part III, Catalogue, ‘Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 1682’; BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fols 162v; 204v; 210r; 224v; 233v; 237r. 46

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with sword or military. You, alone and energetic, spoke and they surrendered to Rome.48 Thus in this way, nephew, relying on such courage, conquer savage enemies and imitate the behaviour of Stilicho.)

Subsequent events, however, prove how little Francesco Maria della Rovere took the poet’s advice to heart.49

48

These lines are adapted from Claud., Cons. Stil., I. 195–98. Despite Nagonius’s fulsome praise, Francesco Maria della Rovere did not live up to expectations. He is described in Litta as, ‘subito all’ira, orgoglioso, vendicativo’. When he was seventeen he organized the murder of his sister’s suitor Giovanni Andrea Bravo as he did not approve of the match (perhaps Nagonius’s frequent disparaging references to the anger of Achilles and Aeneas and the poet’s emphasis of the virtue of restraint conceal a veiled reference to this murder?). In 1512 he murdered his rival Cardinal Alidosio. In 1527 his campaigns against the advancing German forces earned him the title, Veni, Vidi, Fugi; see Vincent Cronin, The Flowering of the Renaissance (London: Collins, 1969), p. 92. For a more sympathetic account see Ian F. Verstegen, ‘Francesco Maria and the Duchy of Urbino, between Rome and Venice’, in Patronage and Dynasty: The Rise of the Della Rovere in Renaissance Italy, ed. by Ian F. Verstegen (Kirksville: Truman State University Press, 2007), pp. 141–59. 49

Plate 1. Sic ego su[m] Cesar Maxim[ilianus] orbis herus. ÖNB/Vienna, Picture Archive, Cod. 12750, fol. 4v. Reproduced with permission.

Plate 2. Manuscript for Louis XII. Coronation of Louis XII with bas de page illumination of Jerusalem. BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 4 v. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France.

Plate 3. Manuscript for Louis XII. Heraldic oak hung with portraits of the French kings. BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 5r. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France.

Plate 4. Triumph of Louis XII. BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 8 v. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France.

Plate 5. Decorated title page and opening lines of the first book of poetry for Louis XII. BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 9r. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France.

Plate 6. Triumph of Pope Julius II and Francesco Maria della Rovere. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 8v. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican).

Plate 7. Decorated title page and opening lines of the first book of poetry for Pope Julius II and Francesco Maria della Rovere. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 9 r. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican).

Plate 8. Title page of the manuscript for Vladislav II. NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), p. 1. Reproduced with permission of the Národni a Universitni Knihovna, Prague.

Chapter 7

‘GO LITTLE BOOK’

A Strategy for Recognition

A

great deal of money was invested in the production of Nagonius’s presentation manuscripts and a number of different professional scribes and illuminators were employed in their production. While the panegyric content is fairly constant, the physical appearance of these handsomely executed presentation manuscripts is remarkably diverse. As some volumes were presented as diplomatic gifts their physical aspect was extremely important.1 The initial impact made by the visual appearance of a manuscript could influence an author’s reception. Consequently, a great deal of care was lavished on the binding as the dedicatees did indeed judge a book by its cover.2 From the early years of the fourteenth century onwards, rich textiles such as velvets and silk brocades were used for covering especially valuable manuscripts. 3

1

On this, see Giorgio Montecchi, ‘Il libro come emblema nel Rinascimento italiano: Un modello di rappresentazione del potere dalla corte di Borso d’Este alle corti europee’, in Giorgio Montecchi, Il libro nel Rinascimento (Milan: La Storia, 1994), pp. 21–50. 2 Froissart recounts his tactics for catching the attention of the King and describes how the exquisite binding of a volume of his work impressed Richard II: ‘Then the King desired to see the book that I had brought for him, so he saw it in his chamber, for I had laid it there ready on his bed. When the King opened it, it pleased him well, for it was fair illumined and written, and covered with crimson velvet with ten buttons of silver and gilt and roses of gold in the midst with two great clasps gilt richly wrought.’ Jean Froissart, Chronicles, chap. CXCVII (CCI) trans. by John Bourchier (London: Macmillan, 1913), p. 430. 3 Giles Barber, Textile and Embroidered Bindings (Oxford: Bodleian Library, 1971), p. 3.

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Often these were further ornamented with clasps and bosses in precious metals. 4 The binding of deluxe manuscripts in rare and precious fabrics became increasingly popular in the fifteenth century.5 This refinement was largely the work of professional embroiderers rather than bookbinders and the bindings, individually decorated in delicate and perishable fabrics, tended to be unique productions. Unfortunately the fragility of most textiles as a binding material has meant few survivals and those bindings that have lasted are labelled ‘chance and rare survivors’.6 The binding of Nagonius’s presentation manuscripts is no exception. Early in 1496 the poet arrived in England and presented King Henry VII with a volume of his occasional verse, once magnificently bound in crimson velvet cloth of gold, woven in two heights of silk pile. From ‘chance survivors’ like this, which retain traces of their opulent binding, and the early catalogue descriptions of Nagonius’s other works it is possible to reconstruct with some degree of accuracy the splendour and appeal of these presentation volumes. The manuscripts can be divided in two distinct groups: variously sized deluxe manuscripts written on vellum originally bound between textile-covered pasteboards, and larger volumes all of similar dimensions written on paper and bound between leather-covered boards.7 There is little evidence, however, in the majority of cases of the manuscripts’ early boards and bindings. The pillaging and raiding of

4 Bosses played an important part on textile bindings as they raised the books from the shelving upon which they lay and so protected the material from the wooden surface. 5 Note, for example, the Wardrobe Accounts for the binding materials of Edward IV’s books: Delyvered for the coveryng and garnysshing vj of the Bookes of oure saide Souverain Lorde the Kinges, that is to say, oon of the Holy Trinite, oon of Titus Lyvius, oon of the Gouvernal of Kinges and Princes, a Bible, a Bible Historialle, and vjthe called Frossard, Velvet, vj yerdes cremysy figured; corse of silk, ij yerdes di’ and a naille blue silk weying an unce iij q’ di’; iiij yerdes di’ di’ quarter blac silk weying iij unces; laces and tassels of silk, xvj laces; xvj tassels weying to girder vj unces and iij q’; botons, xvj of blue silk and gold; claspes off coper and gilt, iij paire smalle with roses uppon them; a paire myddelle, ij paire grete with the Kinges armes uppon them; bolions coper and gilt, lxx; nayles gilt, CCC.

BL, MS Harley 4780, fols 21v; 40v, repr. by Nicholas H. Nicolas, The Privy Purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York: The Wardrobe Accounts of Edward IV (London: Pickering, 1830), p. 152; see also Miriam M. Foot, ‘English Decorated Bookbindings’, in Book Production and Publishing in Britain 1375–1475, ed. by Jeremy Griffiths and Derek Pearsall (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 65–86. 6 Dorothy Miner, A History of Bookbinding 525–1950 AD (Baltimore: Baltimore Museum of Art, 1957), p. 48. 7 On the use of pasteboards in fifteenth-century bindings, see Anthony R. A. Hobson, Humanists and Bookbinders (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 252–54.

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libraries, the ravages of time, in one case the destruction wrought by a disastrous library fire,8 natural decay, and the disintegration of the binding materials (often helped by moths) have stripped many Renaissance books of their original covers. These have since been replaced by the uniform and more durable morocco bindings favoured by later ‘restorers’ and collectors. Without any other support than the sewing tapes and the endpapers to connect the book to its covers it is easy to understand why so many of Nagonius’s manuscripts have needed rebinding. In many cases, as the spines became worn and the joints broken, the old covers must simply have fallen off. The rich gilt and gauffering of the head, tail, and fore-edges are now the only glimpse of the volumes’ former glory. A contemporary catalogue of Pope Julius II’s private library, for instance, records that the manuscript presented to him by Nagonius was originally covered in red velvet, while a note at the end of the catalogue adds that many of the books listed have silver or silverplated clasps.9 Similarly, the catalogue made in 1518 of royal books kept at Blois describes the binding of the manuscript presented by Nagonius to Louis XII: Les oeuvres d’ung aultre poëte nommé‚ Michael Vagonnius [sic] qu’ilz envoya au roy Loys XIIe, escriptes toutes d’azur et de vermeillon, richement historiez au commencement et bien illuminez, couvertes de drap d’or, à ung esmail et fermans d’argent. (The work of another poet named Michael Vagonius [sic] which they sent to King Louis XII, written throughout in azure and vermilion, richly painted at the beginning and finely illuminated, covered in cloth of gold, with an enamel and silver clasp.)10

The original boards covered in cloth of gold have long since disappeared. Even the later re-binding is now in need of repair: an elastic band replacing the long-lost silver clasp sadly gives little indication of its earlier magnificence. In contrast, although the headbands and spine of the manuscript presented to Pierre, duke

8

Giovanni Gorrini, L’incendio della biblioteca nazionale di Torino (Turin-Genoa: Streglio, 1904); Manoscritti danneggiati nell’incendio del 1904: Mostra di recuperi e restauri (Turin: Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino, 1986). 9 ‘Inventarium librorum a Iannocto Lobera ex custodia rerum secretarium pape habitorum. 23. Joannis Michaelis Nagonii Pronosticon Hieroslymitanum, ex membranis, in veluto rubro. Nonnulli ex supranotatis libris habent serraturas argenteas et aliqui deargentatas; aliqui sunt minimi pretii’ (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 3966, fols 111r–13v). Dorez comments on the precious nature of Julius’s collection of books, ‘Peut-être n’a-t-on compris dans ces inventaires que les exemplaires particulièrement précieux, soit par la beauté du velin, soit par la richesse de leurs reliures’ (‘La Bibliothèque privée’, p. 109). 10 Omont, Anciens inventaires, I. 50, no. 330.

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of Bourbon, were repaired in 1976, the binding survives in remarkable condition.11 Every presentation volume, whether written on paper or vellum, was finished and bound to a very high standard. The manuscripts presented by Nagonius to Ercole d’Este and Guglielmo II, marquis of Monferrat, both retain their original leather-covered boards. Apart from the brilliant green of the dyed leather used to cover the manuscript given to the Marquis of Monferrat, these two bindings are otherwise unremarkable. The headband of the D’Este manuscript has been sewn with pink silk and the boards have been covered with plain brown leather that has been tooled with the simple pattern of two lines running parallel with the edge of the book and crossing at the corners.12 Although the leather covers are not particularly remarkable, both have been elaborately gauffered, which more than compensates for the rather plain binding. 13 The manuscript presented to Ercole I, duke of Ferrara, has the ducal arms of the D’Este gauffered in precise detail along the fore-edge (Figure 9).14 Other

11

‘Les tranchesfilles et le dos de la couvrure de velours ont été refaits à l’Atelier de restauration de la Bibliothèque nationale en 1976, mais les plats de carton, le reste de la couvrure et la couture sont originaux.’ Personal communication with the restoration department of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, 26 June 1987. 12 For a comprehensive coverage of leather binding in Ferrara during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries: Giuseppe Fumagalli, L’arte della legatura alla corte degli Estensi, a Ferrara e a Modena, dal sec. XV al XIX col catalogo delle legature pregevoli della Biblioteca Estense di Modena (Florence: de Marinis, 1913). 13 Many edges of the manuscripts of Nagonius’s works have been gauffered with elaborate patterns: for example, the interlocking lozenges along the edges of the manuscript dedicated to Pierre, duke of Bourbon, and the reticulated diaper pattern inset with circle motifs along the edges of the volume dedicated to Leonardo Loredan. The tail edges of Nagonius’s manuscripts for Ercole d’Este and the Marquis of Monferrat also have the poet’s name stamped over the gauffering in ugly black letters, which seems to indicate that these manuscripts were ordered on the shelves of their respective libraries with the tail edge facing out. 14 For a full description of the d’Este arms and their origins, see Fumagalli, L’arte della legatura, pp. 4–5: ‘Cosicchè l’arma completa quale si vede nella maggior parte delle legature estensi, si può così blasonare: Inquartata, nel 1o e 4o d’oro all’aquila bicipite di nero, coronata, membrata e imbeccata del campo (secondo altri, di rosso) che è dell’Impero; nel 2o e 3o, d’azzurro a tre gigli d’oro, che è di Ferrara antica. L’inquartatura divisa da un palo di rosso, caricato da due chiavi pontificie, una d’oro e l’altra d’argento, legate d’azzuro. Sul tutto, d’azzurro, all’aquila dal volo spiegato (talora abbassato) d’argento, imbeccata, membrata, e coronata d’oro, che è d’Este. Lo scudo è timbrato dalla corona ducale. Ma questa era l’arme del principe regnante e del suo primogenito.’ For other fine examples of the D’Este arms emblazoned across their manuscripts, see the two

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emblems associated with the D’Este family such as the flaming torch, cornucopia and Roman amphora surround this heraldic device.15 Similarly the manuscript presented to Guglielmo II, marquis of Monferrat, is gauffered with the arms of the Paleologo family and a clearly recognizable profile portrait of the young Marquis. This seems comparable with the images of Guglielmo on the obverse of the local coins (either the silver testone or ‘cavallotto’ issued by the mint of Casale Monferrato; see Figure 10b).16 Although gentle rounding did take place by the fifteenth century, these manuscripts show that it was customary for the spines to be left square to the boards so that the gauffering was impressively visible. Later rebinding and ‘restoration’, which favours exaggerated rounding of the spine, often distorts this magnificent feature, as has happened, for example, to the manuscript dedicated to Doge Leonardo Loredan where the diaper pattern gauffered into the fore-edge can now barely be distinguished. Nor was the cloth, with which the boards of the manuscripts were covered, hard wearing. As the Blois catalogue shows, the manuscript presented to Louis XII was bound in cloth of gold. Such binding is at best delicate as cloth of gold quickly wears down to grey thread. The luxury features of this particular binding continue into the finest details: for example, the manuscript still preserves the original rainbow headband sewn in multicoloured silks.17 Although the bindings are now in a poor state of preservation, the manuscripts presented to Henry VII and Vladislav II were originally covered in cut velvet damask embroidered on a cloth of gold thread. This costly fabric, dyed in the most expensive colour, crimson, was clearly of the highest quality. The elaborate ‘pomegranate’ design, typical of luxurious silk damasks of this period, can still be discerned on the back of the York manuscript (Figure 11a), while a large bloom with the corolla swirling

silver bosses in the centre of the two volumes of the Bible of Borso d’Este, BEM, Est. lat. 422–23 (V.G.12). 15 The border decoration of the miniatures which illuminate the Bible of Borso d’Este are littered with symbolic images associated with the d’Este: Domenico Fava and Mario Salmi, I manoscritti miniati della Biblioteca Estense di Modena (Florence: Electa, 1950), I, 90–133. 16 For the silver testone, Corpus nummorum Italicorum, 5 vols (Rome, [n. pub.], 1910–14), II (1911), 105, n. 27; for the ‘cavallotto’, Corpus nummorum Italicorum, II, 108 nn. 54–62, plate IX, n. 3; Domenico Promis, Monete dei Paleologi marchesi di Monferrato (Turin, [n. pub.], 1858), plate IV, nn. 8–9; see also Alessandro Baudi di Vesme, ‘Giovan Francesco Caroto alla Corte di Monferrato’, Archivio Storico dell’Arte, 2nd ser., 1 (1895), 33–42. The process by which the foreedges were decorated and the specialist craftmen involved needs further investigation. 17 The pink silk of the headbands of the manuscripts presented to Andrea Gritti and Ercole d’Este are also still visible.

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to a point, surrounded with buds and big, rag-edged leaves against a gold ground sewn in a diaper pattern is also clearly visible on the front cover of the Prague manuscript (Figure 11b).18 Some idea of the original splendour of this design can be gleaned by comparing the embroidered pattern of the binding with the background pattern of swirling flora of the heraldic frontispiece in the manuscript for Pierre, duke of Bourbon (Figure 12). Nagonius’s manuscript for Henry VII was fourth in the list of manuscripts sent from the Minster Library for rebinding on 26 April 1820. It was rebound for 4 shillings 6 pence, with the stipulation that the ‘antique sides’ be preserved.19 It appears that the velvet damask on the back and front of the manuscript was simply cut from the boards and stuck on to the new red velvet cover. Although the velvet pile has thinned, the similarity between the brocades of these two deluxe manuscripts suggests a common (Roman?) source. It must be admitted, however, that such floral designs were commonly used in the second half of the fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth centuries, on velvets, silks, and sometimes even woollens. 20 At first glance the bindings of the manuscripts presented to Vladislav II and Henry VII seem identical, as both volumes have been covered in the same style and with similarly patterned silk velvets. There are four small holes visible near the fore-edges of both the upper and lower boards of the Prague manuscript indicating, probably, that this manuscript originally had ties or clasps which have since been lost. There is no evidence that the York manuscript ever possessed such features, although the clasps may have been lost and the holes covered when the manuscript was rebound in the early nineteenth century. The two manuscripts also seem closely related in date and provenance. Although the illuminated frontispieces in each manuscript are the work of different artists (see below, ‘The Identity of the Illuminators’), both manuscripts were written by the same scribe and bound and

18

For a similar design compare Tammaro de Marinis, La legatura artistica in Italia nei secoli

XV e XVI, 3 vols (Florence: Alinari, 1960), III, no. 2555, plate 428. For the use of similar motifs in

contemporary textiles, see Rosalia Bonito Fanelli, ‘Il motivo della melagrana nei tessuti italiani al tempo di Piero della Francesca’, in Tessuti italiani al tempo di Piero della Francesca, ed. by Fabio Inghirami and others (Sansepolcro: Petruzzi, 1992), pp. 36–43; Lisa Monnas, Merchants, Princes and Painters: Silk Fabrics in Italian and Northern Paintings 1300–1550 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008). 19 The nineteenth-century cover has since worn away revealing the gilt edges of the (original?) pasteboards beneath. Such superfluous detail seems an unlikely nineteenth-century addition especially as it would be concealed beneath the cloth cover. 20 Compare, for example, the fragment of blue silk brocaded with gold in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London (museum number 1340–1864).

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presented in the mid-1490s. These facts strongly suggest that both manuscripts were the product of the same workshop and were commissioned and bound in Rome within about eighteen months of each other. The present, often deplorable, condition of the bindings of Nagonius’s manuscripts, therefore, belies their original splendour: the fine textiles, elaborate workmanship, and precious clasps formed part of the poet’s strategy for recognition at court, especially when the reward for such presentations was often subject to the whim of the dedicatee. 21 So when the poet writes in the dedicatory verses, ‘accipe candidum libellum’ (accept this brilliant little book)22 and describes his volume as: ‘cultus, splendidus aureusque totus, | tamquam flosculus, elegans, politus’ (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 1r) (neat, splendid, and golden all over, just like a little flower, elegant and refined). This is not merely rhetorical bravado (emphasized further by an oblique reference to the Roman poet Catullus)23 but was actually endorsed by the physical appearance of the book-bound dyed leathers and the costliest of fabrics. The high quality of these bindings was both an indication of the status of the gift and the giver and, taken in conjunction with the two surviving records of payment to the poet, suggests, in Nagonius’s case at least, that the investment in a deluxe binding paid off. 24 21

As Green notes: ‘not only was the author put to the expense of having a suitably impressive presentation volume prepared, but also he could never guarantee that it would be received as enthusiastically as he might wish’ (Princepleasers, p. 205). If Nagonius indeed travelled independently to England ‘of his free will’ as the Exchequer warrant suggests (TNA, E.101/414/6) then he would personally have borne the expense of having the volume prepared for Henry VII. This seems unlikely. 22 Alternatively, suscipe candidum volumen (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 3r, ll. 3–4.) or accipe candidum volumen (BnF, MS lat. 8133, fol. 1r, ll. 3–4). 23 ‘Cui dono lepidum novum libellum | Arida modo pumice expolitum?’ (Catull. 1. 1–2). Cf. also Mart., III. ii. 24 For further examples of the ‘Go Little Book’ formula, see Holzknecht, Literary Patronage, pp. 116–23; Mary Beth Winn, ‘Antoine Vérard’s Presentation Manuscripts and Printed Books’, in Manuscripts in the Fifty Years after the Invention of Printing, ed. by Joseph B. Trapp (London: Warburg Institute, 1983), pp. 66–74. Note also Green’s caveat: ‘It is important to set literary presentations against the general background of presentations at court, for much more has been made of them than the facts seem to warrant. As in the case of literary commission, the custom of presenting books to the king seems merely to reflect one aspect of what was a widely recognised system; there is no reason for supposing that the man who presented the king with a book (whether or not he had written it himself) was acting from very different motives than the host of other donors who appear in the accounts. Like them he probably hoped for a generous reward or intended to recommend himself to the king by his gift, seeking either an introduction to the court as an outsider, or further promotion as one of its members’ (Princepleasers, p. 64).

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Figure 9. Fore-edge and head of the manuscript for Ercole d’Este gauffered with the Este arms and devices. BEM, MS Est. lat. 234 (α.M.5.2). Courtesy of the Ministero Beni e Att. Culturali.

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Figure 10b. Obverse of the ‘cavallotto’ of Guglielmo II, marquis of Monferrat. © The Trustees of the British Museum, London.

Figure 10a. Fore-edge of the manuscript for Guglielmo II gauffered with a profile portrait of the marquis and the arms of the Paleologe family. BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf. Reproduced with permission of the Veneranda Biblioteca Ambrosiana.

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Figure 11a. Manuscript for Henry VII. Damask binding, back cover of MLY, MS XVI.N.2. Reproduced with permission of the Dean and Chapter of York Minster.

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Figure 11b. Manuscript for Vladislav II. Damask binding, front cover of NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659). Reproduced with permission of the Národni a Universitni Knihovna, Prague.

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Decoration and Illumination The decoration of Nagonius’s presentation manuscripts ranges from the occasional pen flourish in the large paper volumes to full-page illuminations in the vellum series, a range that no doubt reflects both the poet’s itinerant career and his changing circumstances. The palaeographical and codicological data gleaned from close examination of the physical appearance of the manuscripts in Nagonius’s œuvre not only supplement the meagre details of the poet’s biography but also supply tangible evidence of the poet’s method of working and his relationship with the dedicatees. Seemingly insignificant details, such as the watermarks, provide important clues about the way in which the manuscripts were written and presented. Although individual results are often inconclusive, the cumulative evidence, alongside the texts themselves, provides more information about the poet’s career and the courts celebrated in his verse. The illumination of the manuscripts written on paper is limited, often confined to the coat of arms of the dedicatee painted in colour at the foot of the title page, although this simple decoration can be impressive in itself.25 The manuscript presented to Pierre, duke of Bourbon, for instance, has two sets of arms painted on the opening folios: the arms of Bourbon (‘d’azur semé de fleurdelys d’or à une bande de gueules brochant sur le tout’) at the foot of the dedicatory epistle (fol. 9r; Figure 13) and opposite (fol. 8v; Figure 12) a full-page illumination on a red ground worked with a floral motif of the arms of France superior (‘d’azur à trois fleurdelys d’or possées deux et une’) and inferior the arms of Bourbon. It has been suggested that this manuscript was bound in Lyons,26 yet the watermarks confirm the paper as Italian, indicating that, although the paper was acquired (and the text written?) in Italy, the book was perhaps prepared for presentation, decorated, and bound in France. In the manuscript dedicated to Doge Leonardo Loredan and the Senate of Venice, the initial capital of each book is decorated with the Loredan coat of arms

25

The artist decorating the manuscript for Filiberto II missed the opportunity to illustrate the opening of Nagonius’s narrative in which the poet celebrates the coat of arms awarded to the Duke’s ancestors for their achievements in the Holy Land: ‘propter quod nobilis albam | portat terra crucem, dominis insigne serenis’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol.1r) (on account of which the noble land (of Savoy) carries the white cross, the badge of the serene lords). Here, however, the coat-of arms depicted is a black (tarnished silver?) cross on a red field. 26 Personal communication with the restoration department of the Bibliothèque nationale de France.

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Figure 12. Arms of Pierre, duke of Bourbon. BnF, MS lat. 8133, fol. 8 v. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France.

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Figure 13. Title page of the manuscript for Pierre, duke of Bourbon. BnF, MS lat. 8133, fol. 9r. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France.

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and the Doge’s beretta or corno (Figure 24), while the first page of Book I (fol. 8r: Figure 5) is also decorated with the arms of the Mocenigo, Giustinian, and Cornaro families and a (somewhat crude) image of the lion of Saint Mark in a banner across the top of the page. Although these decorated initials seem to be the work of a professional miniaturist rather than the scribe,27 they cannot compare with the fine decoration of the official documents and commissioni that were produced in Venice for the Doge.28 They are perhaps the work of the binder or cartolaio who was responsible not only for the binding but occasionally for the decoration of the text as well.29 The images of the dedicatee, which adorn the title pages and illuminated frontispieces of Nagonius’s fine vellum manuscripts, have excited a great deal of critical interest. These images, however, are often discussed in isolation with little or no consideration of the accompanying text and consequently with scant regard for the circumstances in which they were produced.30 Indeed, the importance of

27

The script of the manuscript presented to Doge Leonardo Loredan compares with that which I have identified as Nagonius’s own (see below, ‘A Note on the Script’). Although a small guiding letter, indicating an omitted capital, was written by the scribe at the beginning of the epigrams in the later books there are a number of mistakes, suggesting that the scribe and initialwriter/illuminator were different people. 28 Giordana Mariani Canova, ‘La decorazione dei documenti ufficiali in Venezia dal 1460–1530’, Atti dell’Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 126 (1967), 319–34. 29 For an indication of the prices charged for this kind of work, see the following table: Prezzi di Lavori di Miniatura mini ‘principali’ (con figure) lir.4 l’uno lettere di pennello s.2 den.10 l’una lettere (a penna, ornate) s.13 il cento lettere piccole (a penna) s.18 l mille From a bill of payment to Gherardo di Giovanni in 1473. Quoted by G. S. Martini, ‘La bottega di un cartolaio fiorentino della seconda metà del Quattrocento’, La Bibliofilia, 58 (1956), Supplemento, p. 50. 30 The decoration and illumination of the vellum manuscripts dedicated to Andrea Gritti, Maximilian I, Vladislav II, Henry VII, Louis XII, and Pope Julius II are each the work of a different artist. Only the scribe/artist who decorated the manuscript for Andrea Gritti has been identified with any degree of certainty. The illuminations in the manuscripts for Louis XII and Pope Julius II have been discussed at length by Scheller; ‘Gallia cisalpina’, pp. 5–60. The frontispiece in the manuscript for Julius II is reproduced and discussed in Ernst Steinmann, Die Sixtinische Kapelle, 2 vols (Munich: Bruckmann, 1901–05), II, 18; 46; Fig. 6; Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome, pp. 109–10; Raffaello e la Roma dei Papi, ed. by Giovanni Morelli (Rome: Città del Vaticano, 1985), p. 65; Plate 68. The frontispiece of the manuscript for Maximilian has perhaps excited the most critical attention; see below, ‘The Identity of the Illuminators’.

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locating the presentation of the manuscript and the occasional verse that it contains within its immediate historical context cannot be overemphasized. For by divorcing the image from the text that it illustrates, these dislocated images can only be partially explained. Epideictic rhetoric was strongly visual in content and the language of panegyric rich in visual imagery. Sabine MacCormack has demonstrated how the actions described are often expounded in terms that readily call to mind images and that panegyric presents tableaux rather than events in an historical narrative.31 The relationship between epideictic and ekphrasis has long been acknowledged. This, however, needs further refinement. Ruth Webb has shown how the rhetorical term ekphrasis has often been misapplied and alerts us to its original meaning in the progymnasmata.32 Here ‘the authors define ekphrasis first and foremost as a type of speech (logos) that has a certain effect upon the audience. An ekphrasis appeals to the mind’s eye of the listener, making him or her “see” the subjectmatter, whatever it may be’ (pp. 11–12). She reiterates, ‘What distinguishes ekphrasis is its quality of vividness, enargeia, its impact on the mind’s eye of the listener who must, in Theon’s words, be almost made to see the subject’ (p. 13). The illuminators of Nagonius’s manuscripts aid this process by illustrating not a specific moment in the poetry, but by providing an image that encompasses the message of the entire text, thus also ‘contributing to the persuasive effect of the whole’ (p. 14). The fifteenth-century court was a vastly complex stage and forum reflecting the tastes and ambitions of the ruler. Renaissance princes were surrounded by a rich and multifarious symbolism, regularly appropriated from classical models, which both expressed the various aspects of their authority and upheld and enhanced their position.33 This symbolism was frequently more important than the action it represented. Indeed the satisfaction for both court and patron was in the simultaneous recognition of past meanings and present propriety. Certainly none of the images in the frontispieces to Nagonius’s manuscripts could be considered a true likeness or treated as the literal representation of a real event; on the contrary, in these illustrations the royal authority of the dedicatee is

31

MacCormack, ‘Latin Prose Panegyrics’, pp. 29–77. Ruth Webb, ‘Ekphrasis Ancient and Modern: The Invention of a Genre’, Word and Image, 15 (1999), 7–18. 33 D’A. J. D. Boulton, ‘Insignia of Power: The Use of Heraldic and Paraheraldic Devices by Italian Princes, c. 1350–c.1500’, in Art and Politics in Late Medieval and Early Renaissance Italy: 1250–1500, ed. by Charles M. Rosenberg (London: University of Notre Dame Press, 1990), pp. 103–27. 32

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symbolized by various devices such as coats of arms, insignia of office et cetera, in each case supplemented by a panoply of classical allusion and reference. One such example is the frontispiece of the manuscript dedicated to Maximilian Habsburg (ÖNB, MS 12.750, fol. 4v; Figure 14; Plate 1), which presents a strikingly hieratic image of the dedicatee. It combines the two juridical traditions that buttressed the monarch’s claim to sacral power: the Judeo-Christian image of the priest-king (Rex Sacerdos) and the God-emperor (Imperator Deus) of the Roman Empire.34 Thus Maximilian is seen as both the vicar of Christ and direct heir to the Roman emperors. A pair of eagles, emblems of Roman victory and triumph, draws back the curtains of a rich green baldachin stitched and shimmering with the golden letters S.P.Q.R. (Senatus Populusque Romanus) to reveal a youthful, long-tressed Maximilian sitting on an ivory throne (perhaps in imitation of the throne of Solomon, I Kings 10. 18), carved with classicizing reliefs and covered with a golden, brocaded cloth of honour, which stretches over the back, across the seat, down and off the suppedaneum. 35 Maximilian is dressed in a splendid suit of contemporary silver armour.36 The breastplate is decorated in the style of an imperial Roman cuirass with a Medusa head, or gorgoneion, to protect the wearer from evil.37 Over this he wears a blue velvet mantle lined with ermine. He holds the imperial insignia, a sword drawn to defend his subjects and the orb of universal dominion, and wears the distinctive double-arched crown (Bügelkrone) of the Holy Roman Empire. Fine golden rays

34 For the fullest discussion of this tradition, see Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957). 35 The image recalls Vespasian and Titus receiving the acclamation of their troops before their triumph in Rome after the capture of Jerusalem: ‘A dais had been set up in front of the colonnades, and on it placed ready for them were ivory chairs. On these they proceeded to sit; whereupon the soldiery shouted acclamations, one and all bearing full testimony to their prowess. The central figures were unarmed, in silken robes and wreathed with bay’ (Josephus, The Jewish War, trans. by G. A. Williamson (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1959), pp. 348–49). Compare also the image of Augustus receiving tribute on the shield of Aeneas, Verg., Aen., VIII. 716–26. 36 Perhaps recalling the suit of silver armour that Maximilian wore for his triumphal entry into Ghent, 18 August 1477. See Silver, Marketing Maximilian, p. 72. 37 Over 600 complete or fragmentary examples of the Roman portrait type known as a cuirassed statue survive; on these see Cornelius C. Vermeule, Hellenistic and Roman Cuirassed Statues: Concordance of Greek and Roman Cuirassed Statues in Marble and Bronze (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1980). Domitian, with whom Maximilian is repeatedly compared (see above, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘‘Sic ego sum Caesar Maximilianus orbis herus’: A Manuscript for Maximilian, 1494’), wore a cuirass decorated with the Gorgon’s head in his Sarmatian expedition, AD 92; see Mart., VII. i; XIV. clxxix.

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emanate from him beyond the frame of the miniature and into the border echoing the extent of his authority to the confines of the world. The border itself is decorated with a flower in each corner. These can be identified and their symbolism adds to the meaning of the image. Top left, there is a rose, symbolizing victory and pride; top right is a columbine, symbolizing the gifts of the Holy Spirit as recounted in Isaiah, 11. 2: ‘And the spirit of the Lord shall rest upon him, the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of counsel and might, the spirit of knowledge and of the fear of the Lord’; bottom left, a lily stands for purity; and bottom right, a carnation symbolizes marriage and the promise of love, here included with reference to Maximilian’s recent marriage to Bianca Maria Sforza (30 November 1493). The accompanying epigraph written on a flat banderole further underlines the message. Maximilian has universal dominion. He is depicted as world ruler: ‘Sic ego su[m] Cesar Maxim[ilianus] orbis herus’ (Thus I am Caesar, Maximilian, lord of the world). This image proclaims the universal nature of Maximilian’s authority and presents his rule as the fulfilment of Jupiter’s prophecy for the Romans: ‘imperium sine fine dedi’ (Aen., I. 279). His imperium is presented as an earthly reflection of divine rule in heaven and recalls the Queen of Sheba’s extravagant flattery of King Solomon (II Chronicles, 9. 7–8): ‘Happy are thy men, and happy are these thy servants, which stand continually before thee and hear thy wisdom. Blessed be the Lord thy God, which delighted in thee to set thee on his throne, to be king for the Lord thy God.’ The carvings on the sides of the throne add to the image of Maximilian as wise judge. Top left, there is Adam and Eve accompanied (top right) with a scene of the Expulsion from the Garden of Eden; bottom left, there is an image identifiable as the Council of Juno (Consilium Iunonis)38 accompanied (bottom right) by an image of Cupid revealing a sleeping woman, which belongs to the sarcophagus-type ‘Mars and Rhea Silvia’. Scenes of Biblical judgement are above images of Classical gods pertinent to Nagonius’s text. These emphasize both Maximilian’s role as legal Holy Roman emperor and God’s highest secular representative upon earth and his direct descent from the Roman Caesars.

38

Verg., Aen., VII. 592. There is a fifteenth-century plaquette, inscribed as such, produced in two early editions, one in Rome and one in Florence, attributed with strong probability to the Barbo workshop in Palazzo San Marco in Rome, before 1470, as a direct cast from an ancient gem, see F. Rossi, ‘Le Gemme Antiche e le Origini della Placchetta’, in Italian Plaquettes, ed. by Alison Luchs, Studies in the History of Art, 22 (1989), 55–69.

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This image of canopied, enthroned majesty conforms to an iconographic type traditionally reserved for the Almighty known as the Seat of Mercy or the Throne of Grace. Compare, for example, the contemporary miniature from the Mayer van den Bergh Breviary, fol. 326v (Figure 15).39 These associations are reinforced by Nagonius’s text that predicts and celebrates Maximilian’s imminent coronation in Rome as Holy Roman emperor and presents him as the worthy successor to the Roman emperors. The frontispiece image of enthroned majesty is remarkably similar to the depiction of Maximilian with orb and sceptre on the gouden reaal of 1487, struck for Holland at Dordrecht and later reused on the imperial seal (Figure 14).40 Like these numismatic images, Maximilian is enthroned facing the viewer in all his majesty. The reverse of the gouden reaal, the imperial double-headed eagle shield of the Holy Roman Empire, is also depicted in the lower border of the title page opposite supported by two angels further suggesting that this golden coin provided a model for the artist. Indeed both the obverse and reverse were depicted because each side of the coin presents, in its own terms, an equally striking image of imperial authority. This is even more apparent in the triumphal imagery which decorates the frontispieces of the manuscripts for Henry VII, Louis XII, and Julius II. Triumphal imagery proliferated in Italian manuscript illumination in the second half of the fifteenth century. Illustrated editions of Petrarch’s Trionfi had established a literary and iconographical tradition which proved increasingly popular in Quattrocento art and spectacle.41 The humanists too exploited their improved grasp of the ancient historians in detailing the elements of the triumph all’antica, while the arches of Titus, Septimius Severus, Constantine, and others were all well known and frequently reproduced.42 Although the illumination of

39

See Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts, 1475–1550, ed. by Maurits Smeyers and Jan Van der Stock (Ghent: Ludion, 1996), passim, especially pp. 84–85. 40 See Hendrick E. van Gelder and Marcel Hoc, Les Monnaies des Pays-Bas bourguignons et espagnols 1434–1713: Répertoire général (Amsterdam: Schulman, 1960), pp. 64–66. 41 Joseph B. Trapp, ‘Illustrations of Petrarch’s Trionfi from Manuscript to Print and Print to Manuscript’, in Studies of Petrarch and his Influence (London: Pindar, 2003), pp. 201–43. 42 Charles Stinger, ‘Roma Triumphans: Triumphs in the Thought and Ceremonies of Renaissance Rome’, Medievalia et Humanistica, 10 (1981), 189–201 (p. 193); also Roy Strong, Art and Power: Renaissance Festivals 1450–1650 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1984), pp. 44–47.

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Figure 14b. Gouden reaal (1487 struck for Holland at Dordrecht) obverse. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission.

Figure 14a. Manuscript for Maximilian. ÖNB/Vienna, Picture Archive, Cod. 12750, fols 4v–5r. Reproduced with permission.

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Figure 14c. Gouden reaal (1487 struck for Holland at Dordrecht) reverse. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission.

Figure 14a. Cont/d.

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Figure 15. Seat of Mercy from the Mayer van den Bergh Breviary, c. 1510. Antwerp, Museum Mayer van den Bergh, inv. 946, fol. 326 v. Reproduced with permission of Museum Mayer van den Bergh, Antwerp.

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Nagonius’s presentation manuscripts falls squarely within this tradition,43 the originality of these illuminations, intended to evoke the precedent of ancient imperial celebrations of military prowess and authority, cannot be overemphasized. There is also, perhaps, a didactic element to these triumphant images. In the dedicatory letter to his Roma triumphans Flavio Biondo had explained that, by reading about ancient Roman victories, the reader would understand the magnitude of the great triumph to be celebrated after reconquering Jerusalem and expelling the Turks from the Holy Land. In the manuscript presented to Henry VII of England, the King is depicted en face riding in a triumphal carriage flanked by silver trophies and pulled by two white horses (MLY, MS XVI.N.2, fol. 5v; 16). In the lower left a conquered king kneels beside the chariot with his hands bound behind his back awaiting the King’s judgement.44 Tents can be seen in the distance but otherwise the low horizon has no distinguishing features. Henry sits on a throne composed of classical volutes and a scallop-shell niche. The back of the throne is covered by brocade embroidered with fleurs-de-lis. The King is wrapped in a cloth of gold 43 Any number of classical sources may have provided Nagonius with the details for a description of a classical triumph as these ancient spectacles were certainly of interest to the circle of Pomponius Laetus. A compendium of descriptions of classical triumphs was readily available to the poet in Book X of Flavio Biondo’s Roma triumphans, written in 1457–59 and first published in Brescia (Hain, 9828–31) (c. 1473–75) (Hain, 3244; Gesamtkatalog, 4424). It seems likely that Nagonius would have known Biondo’s work as both poet and historian share an interest in the topography of ancient Rome and both seem to have been acquainted with Pomponius Laetus (see Roberto Fubini, ‘Flavio Biondo’, DBI, 10, pp. 536–59). Laetus himself concludes his life of the Emperor Diocletian in his Romanae historiae compendium (Hain 9828–31) with a description of the triumph celebrated with Maximianus. Laetus concludes this description with a lengthy digression De Triumpho and De Ovatione. As we have seen, Nagonius was certainly acquainted with Laetus’s Compendium, as he plagiarized this text to present Andrea Gritti with a history of the descendants of the Roman emperor Constantine (see above, Part II, Chapter 5, ‘A Compendium of Roman History, 1502’). However, the poet’s own knowledge of the Classics precludes exclusive dependence upon either Biondo’s or Laetus’s text. Such details as the chariot drawn by snow-white horses may be derived directly from a classical text, such as Octavian’s vision of his son’s destiny in Suetonius (Aug., xciv), or Ovid’s Fasti, which Nagonius echoes throughout his panegyric (compare, for example, Ovid’s couplet on the triumph awarded to Aulus Postumius Tubertus, Fast., VI. 723–24). On the Roman triumph in general see Mary Beard, The Roman Triumph (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007). 44 There is no reason to suppose that the kneeling prisoner beside the chariot represents Richard III. Richard is never mentioned in the poetry nor does the poet ever allude to Henry’s victory at Bosworth. If the figure must be identified with an historical character, then the royal impostor Perkin Warbeck, who features throughout the text, would seem the more likely candidate.

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mantle lined with ermine; he carries a sceptre and orb and wears an imperial singlearch closed crown.45 The image thus combines enthronement, imperial majesty, and triumph. A prayer for the King’s safety and well-being inscribed upon a scroll, which illusionistic hands unfurl below the frontispiece, provides a caption for the illumination and its interpretation: HENRICE DII TE SERVENT: DII TE PERPETVENT: DII TE | EX HOSTIVM MANIBVS IMPVRIS ERIPIANT: FOELICEM | ANGLIAM IMPERIO TVO: HENRICE SEPTIME DII TE | CONSERVENT (Henry, may the gods preserve you; may the gods make you live forever; may the gods rescue you from the foul hands of your enemies; may the gods maintain England happy in your rule and preserve you, Henry VII.)46

The decoration of the manuscript for Henry VII repeats the formula that had previously been used in the volume presented to Maximilian and appears to be based upon numismatic imagery. While the miniature clearly belongs to the general tradition of illustrations for Petrarch’s Trionfi,47 and is related to the images of Italian potentates drawn in triumphal chariots which the Petrarchan illustrations inspired,48 the depiction of Henry is based upon the image of the King found on the new golden sovereign minted in England for the first time in 1489 (Figure 16b and 16c).49 On the obverse the King is seated on an elaborate 45

Philip Grierson, ‘The Origins of the English Sovereign and the Symbolism of the Closed Crown’, British Numismatic Journal, 33 (1964), 118–34. 46 The inscription, repeated in the border decoration of the manuscript for Louis XII (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 4v), is taken from the acclamations of the Senate reported by Aelius Lampridius in his life of the Emperor Severus Alexander, Scriptores historiae augustae, Severus Alexander, VI–VII. 47 Compare, for example, Francesco d’Antonio del Cherico’s illuminations for Petrarch’s Canzoniere e Trionfi, Milan, Bib. Triv. 905; reproduced in Giulia Bologna, Miniature italiane della Biblioteca Trivulziana (Milan: Comune Ripartizione cultura, 1974), p. 98; also V. Masséna, prince d’Essling and Eugène Müntz, Pétrarque: Ses études d’art, ses portraits et ceux de Laure, l’illustration de ses écrits, son influence sur les artistes (Paris: [n. pub] 1902); Giovanni Carandente, I Trionfi nel primo Rinascimento (Turin: Rai Radiotelevisione Italiana, 1963). 48 Compare, for example, the Triumph of Alfonso of Aragon, Antonio Panormita, BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1565, fol.123v; reproduced in Anselm M. Albareda, Miniature del Rinascimento (Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1950), Plate 8. The most famous images of contemporary figures riding in a trionfo are probably those by Piero della Francesca of Federigo da Montefeltro and his wife Baptista Sforza now in the Uffizi, Florence. 49 The sovereigns were probably minted for distribution on the occasion of Prince Arthur’s creation as prince of Wales, on 30 November 1489; the sovereign which Grierson classes as type D and Metcalf as number 80 seems particularly close to the image of Henry found in Nagonius’s manuscript: Grierson, ‘The Origins of the English Sovereign’, pp. 124–25; Metcalf, The Coins of Henry VII, pp. xxvii–xxx, Plate 6, 80; Gwynne, ‘The Frontispiece’, pp. 266–70.

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throne, wrapped in an ermine-lined mantle, holding an orb and sceptre, and wearing the closed crown. The field is fleur-de-lis. Although this type of image of enthroned majesty is fairly common in this period,50 the reverse of the sovereign is also reproduced. The Tudor rose and royal escutcheon correspond to the arms carried by the putti on the folio opposite (MLY, MS XVI.N.2, fol. 6r; Figure 16). Although the artist appears to have increased the number of petals and somewhat confused their symmetrical five-and-five arrangement, the rose is clearly recognizable as the Tudor badge. As the miniature of Maximilian also appears to have been based on a coin, it seems that medallion ‘portraits’ provided illuminators with ready-made images which were easily transferable to the frontispiece decoration of deluxe manuscripts. The profile portrait of Pope Julius II among the medallion images in the border of the title page of his manuscript (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 9r; Plate 7) is, in fact, an exact copy of the bust of Julius on the obverse of the so-called ‘Belvedere’ medal (Figure 19c).51 The important role played by coins and seals in the far-reaching dissemination of royal images should not be underestimated.52 Although not minted in large quantities and perhaps originally intended as ceremonial pieces,53 these special coins could well have been distributed as portrait medallions or dispatched with ambassadors for circulation.54 In this respect numismatists and historians have long acknowledged that Henry’s reign ‘is notable for interesting experiments at the mint’55 and have emphasized in particular the development of the profile portrait of the monarch on the testoon (shilling), groat, and half-groat as one of the most striking features of his reign, showing the King to be in touch with the new ideas of the Renaissance.56 The representation of Henry VII on a royal coin would probably have been the only image of the English king readily accessible to an Italian illuminator.

50 Compare, for example, the obverse of the Castilian enriques minted for Enrique IV and the réal d’or of Maximilian, Metcalf, The Coins of Henry VII, Fig. 4, p. xxviii. 51 Weiss, ‘The Medals of Pope Julius II’, pp. 180–82. 52 On the link between coinage and panegyric in the late Roman Empire, see MacCormack, ‘Latin Prose Panegyrics’, p. 48. 53 Christopher E. Challis, The Tudor Coinage (Manchester: Manchester University Press 1978), appendix III. 54 This was certainly the case with the large portrait coins issued by Maximilian; see Erich Egg, Die Münzen Kaiser Maximilians I (Innsbruck: Tiroler Münzhandlung Dr. Colins, 1971), pp. 33–34. 55 Challis, The Tudor Coinage, p. 220. 56 Grierson, ‘The Origins of the English Sovereign’, p. 134.

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The illumination of the King riding in a triumphal chariot does not merely decorate the opening folios of the manuscript but also provides a visual complement to the panegyric by illustrating the poet’s text. Throughout the manuscript Nagonius portrays Henry as an epic hero, and in his role as prophetic vates or seer the poet repeatedly forecasts a triumph for the King on a classical scale (see above, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘A Renaissance Court in England: A Manuscript for Henry VII, 1496’). In the epic narrative of Book I, Nagonius describes a banquet held to celebrate the arrival at the English court of an embassy from Rome. The guests are entertained by two poets. The first poet takes his subject from mythology; the second, however, sings of contemporary events: Marius meliore loquela parte alia recitat Scotos ut regia castra laurigeris duxere rotis Gallosque rebelles, captorum templo regum diademata pendent sacro multorum quot capta viriliter arma; utque fuit nuper iuvenis confractus in undis Oceanis et classe valens deprehensus in alto, ante petens currum veniam vultumque potentis principis Henrici lachrymis manantibus orans; utque sedet victor regali veste serenus, comptus ut in fulvo totusque notabilis auro, obvius ut totiens stetit hostibus inclytus armis innumeris, quos sola dedit prudentia regis in vincla et partos detraxit in urbe triumphos. (MLY, MS XVI.N.2, fols 39v–40r) (Marius, in his turn, in a more fitting strain, sings how the royal armies led the Scots and rebellious French in triumphal procession, and how many crowns of numerous vanquished kings and trophies valiantly taken are hanging in the sacred temple.57 He sings how lately there was a young man wrecked on the ocean waves and, although powerful with a fleet, he was taken on the high seas; he is seeking pardon before the chariot and beseeching the stern expression of mighty prince Henry, with streaming tears. He sings how the conqueror sits serene in royal garb, dressed resplendently from head to foot in shining gold, as renowned in arms he has so often stood against innumerable enemies whom the prudence of the King alone has put in chains and drawn through the city in awarded triumphs.)

57

Although the poet is here repeating a classical topos, the verses may allude to contemporary practice. After the battle of Bosworth, Henry rode into London and at the North door of Saint Paul’s offered up three standards, ‘oon was of the Armys of Seynt George, The Secund a Red ffyry dragon peyntid upon whyte & Grene Sarcenet, and the third was a Baner of Tarteron bett wyth a dun Cowe’. Quoted by Anglo, Spectacle, p. 10.

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It is thus tempting to identify the bound figure kneeling beside the triumphal car in the illumination with the young man (iuvenis) in Marius’s song. The reference here is to Perkin Warbeck who continued to harass Henry with the threat of invasion throughout 1495 and 1496 (see above, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘A Renaissance Court in England: A Manuscript for Henry VII, 1496’). Rather than hazard a specific identification, all that can be said with any certainty is that the bound figure is a composite and symbolic representation of all Henry’s vanquished enemies, past, present, and future. Nagonius repeatedly emphasizes that Henry’s reign has brought peace and stability to England: O quantum tibi nunc spondet amoena quies (O what peaceful repose now stretches before you) the poet claims — somewhat prematurely — in the liminary verses (fol. 1r). Perhaps the prisoner beside the King’s chariot may also be intended to recall the image of Furor impius who, Jove prophesied, would be bound by Henry and locked behind the closed doors of Janus’s temple.58 While details such as the bound prisoner, trophies, and the chariot drawn by white horses associate Henry with the idea of a classical triumphator, other elements in the miniature have imperial connotations and link Henry’s reign with the idea of the Renovatio Imperii.59 In contrast with the open circlet worn by the bound figure of the prisoner kneeling beside the triumphal car, Henry wears a single-arch closed crown. The difference is important. At this period, when the regalia of a king were directly connected with his claims to dominion, the arched crown was associated with the idea of empire. In a propaganda war with Maximilian, Charles VIII of France adopted the closed crown as a royal symbol

58

Post cum victor erit, partis ex hoste tropheis, claudet templa sera rigida cum candida princeps armipotens Ianique fores custodiet ore multiplici, nutu rabidas arcebit et iras; includetque intus saevos hic arma furores, castraque devicto totiens subrepta maniplo conpescet centum nodis bella horrida Martis.

(fols 12r–13v) Cf. Verg., Aen., I. 292–96. Mary Beard notes that the Forum of Augustus was decorated with an image by the painter Apelles showing ‘War as a captive, hands bound behind his back, and Alexander triumphing in a chariot’ (The Roman Triumph, p. 44). Claudian similarly includes allegorical and mytho-logical elements in the description of Stilicho’s triumph, Claud., Cons. Stil., II (XXII), 367–76. 59 For a brief outline of the history of the idea of Empire and the translatio imperii, see Frances A. Yates, Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century (Harmondsworth: Peregrine, 1977), pp. 1–20.

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Figure 16b. Henry VII gold sovereign (Grierson type D) obverse. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission.

Figure 16a. Manuscript for Henry VII. MLY, MS XVI.N.2, fols 5 v–6r. Reproduced with permission of the Dean and Chapter of York Minster.

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Figure 16c. Henry VII gold sovereign (Grierson type D) reverse. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission.

Figure 16a. Cont/d.

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Figure 17a. Triumphal procession of the future emperor Titus, from the Arch of Titus, Rome. Photograph author.

Figure 17b. Reverse of the silver denarius minted in 101 BC to commemorate Marius’s triumph. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission.

Figure 17c. Reverse of a silver denarius from the first century BC showing a charioteer carrying a palm of victory and receiving recognition from heaven. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission.

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adding to Maximilian’s anxiety that the real aim of the French invasion of Italy was the Imperial throne.60 Traditionally, the English kings had worn an open crown.61 Henry VII has often been acknowledged as the first English monarch to recognize and exploit the power of propaganda,62 and although the introduction of the closed crown into England has been credited to him, its origin as a symbol of royal authority can be traced at least as far back as the reign of Richard II.63 The miniaturist has illustrated Nagonius’s triumphal description of Henry VII by combining the imperial image of the Tudor monarch from the new golden sovereign with the depiction of a ruler as classical triumphator, based upon a tradition derived from illustrations to Petrarch’s Trionfi. This combination of motifs, each with different resonances, would be repeated by other artists in the frontispiece illuminations for Nagonius’s later manuscripts. As has been shown, coins, both ancient and modern, with their combination of brief, abbreviated text and profile portraits, low relief scenes, and figures were particularly well suited for the decoration of the title pages and frontispieces of Nagonius’s deluxe volumes of poetry. The fact that coins carried inscriptions made them immediately compatible with the written text and these often match or complement the themes of Nagonius’s panegyric. Indeed the link between the images and legends on imperial coinage and other types of public language, including panegyric and court poetry, has long been recognized.64 Ancient coins provided by far the most accessible supply of figured images to survive from the ancient world and were regarded as tangible evidence (albeit in miniature) for succeeding generations of the majesty of imperial power, quite literally as ‘reduced versions of great sculptural and architectural monuments of antiquity long ago destroyed or buried’ (see Figure 17).65 That Roman coins, the least expensive and most abundant of antiquities, should have provided the models for the classicizing

60

Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 39. Grierson, ‘The Origins of the English Sovereign’, pp. 127–32. 62 Anglo, Spectacle, passim, especially pp. 8–51; Pamela Neville, ‘Richard Pynson King’s Printer (1506–29): Printing and Propaganda under the Early Tudors’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Warburg Institute, University of London, 1989). 63 Grierson, ‘The Origins of the English Sovereign’, pp. 129–30. 64 Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, ‘Image and Authority in the Coinage of Augustus’, The Journal of Roman Studies, 76 (1986), 66–87. 65 John Cunnally, Images of the Illustrious: The Numismatic Presence in the Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), p. 11; Philip V. Hill, The Monuments of Ancient Rome as Coin Types (London: Seaby, 1989). 61

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illuminators of Nagonius’s manuscripts is, therefore, not surprising.66 Nor were the coins that were reproduced chosen at random. Their imagery deliberately illustrates the texts they decorate and provides a material link between the past and the new Caesars lauded in the poet’s verse. The appearance of the manuscript for Vladislav II of Bohemia and Hungary had to rival the collection of handsomely bound and illuminated manuscripts in the library amassed by his predecessor King Matthias Corvinus. Although Nagonius’s manuscript for Vladislav II does not have any full-page frontispiece of the King riding in triumph, the splendid title page border, composed of floral and antique motifs in imitation of the borders of the Corviniana manuscripts (Plate 8), serves a similar purpose. Again ancient coins reinforce the poet’s message. Two winged putti perch on the top corners of the title space holding swags which hang from a central medallion depicting a profile portrait of an emperor wearing a radiate crown. This can, perhaps, be identified as a dupondius of the divine Augustus, issued shortly after his death by his successor Tiberius. This identification, which accords with the interpretation of the text offered above (Part II, Chapter 3, ‘A Manuscript for Vladislav II, 1497’), endorses the imperial pretensions of the new monarch of Hungary. At the foot of the page two more winged putti support Vladislav’s arms (Hungary quartered with Bohemia with the Polish spread eagle on the escutcheon of pretence). Roman arms and armour decorate each side border together with two tondi bearing inscriptions. The inscription in the left-hand border, ‘VLADISLOAS IMP[eratori] INVICTO’ (to the unconquered Emperor Vladislav) is contained in a lozenge while the inscription on the right, ‘VIC[tor] PANN[oniae]’ (the conqueror of Hungary) is written on the side of an altar at which two figures in antique costume are sacrificing (a bull and a pig?).67 Lacking an image of the King, the unknown illuminator resorted to antique coins to create an idealized image of the monarch in antique guise. The most sumptuously decorated of all Nagonius’s manuscripts is that presented to Louis XII (Plates 2–5) Ad Divum Ludovicum XII Aurelianum Fran/ciae regem Christianissimum pium foelicem et semper invictum (‘to divine Louis XII Orléans, the most Christian, pious, happy, and invincible King of France’). The text is written throughout in a variety of coloured inks; the

66

‘Coins were the most fluid of all antiquities, enjoying a vigorous circulation in Renaissance Europe’ (Cunnally, Images of the Illustrious, p. 4). 67 Perhaps illustrating the sacrifice of the vicomagistri as depicted on the reverse of imperial coins?

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beginning of each new book is enlivened with an elaborate patterned border and a large faceted initial ornamented with jewels. Three pairs of richly illuminated frontispieces and title pages alternate with the prefatory matter: the ‘Go Little Book’ dedicatory verse (‘Carmen phaletium quo poeta | rogat suum volumen ut vadat ad Regem’), the familiar prose epistle (‘Cum mecum cogitarem’), and a celebration of France in an anthology of classical quotations. It has been frequently observed that these splendid images present a new iconography for a French monarch, but rarely, if ever, just how thoroughly they are all grounded in the political and diplomatic circumstances of the manuscript’s presentation. 68 As discussed in Chapter 4, in the late fifteenth century the kings of France claimed titles in Italy. Charles VIII had pretensions to Naples, while Louis XII had designs on Milan. The idea of a crusade provided the perfect excuse for the pursuit of these dynastic ambitions and invasion of the Italian peninsula. Upon his accession it was immediately apparent that Louis XII would follow his predecessor’s policy and pursue French claims to Italian territories in both the north and south of the peninsula. As we have seen, it is within the context of Louis’s first campaign in Lombardy that Nagonius’s manuscript must be placed. Indeed, Louis’s dynastic intensions are reflected in the images which illustrate Nagonius’s verse. The first pair of miniatures (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fols 2v–3r; Figure 4) is composed of two classical aediculae painted illusionistically against speckled porphyry grounds. In the left-hand image two creamy marble (pavonazzetto?) pilasters with gilt-bronze Corinthian capitals and bases support a frieze with the inscription: ‘LVDOVICVS XII AVRELIANVS’. Above are perched twin sculpted putti holding the golden trumpets of fame decorated with ribbons. Between the columns below, Mars, dressed in antique armour and identified by the inscription ‘BELLIPOTENS MAVORS’ written around his crested helmet, is depicted presenting a shield to Louis. This is decorated with a small, schematic world map with the three continents identified (in the T–O pattern): ‘LY[bia] EV[ropa] ASIA’.69 An inscription around the shield (‘CLYPEVS FATALIS 68 The images are discussed without reference to the text in Pascale Thibault, Louis XII: Images d’un roi de l’imperator au père du peuple, exh. cat., Château de Blois, 18 December 1987–14 February 1988 (Blois: Château de Blois, 1987), pp. 56–58; Didier Le Fur, Louis XII: Un autre César (Paris: Perrin, 2001); Nicole Hochner, Louis XII: Les dérèglements de l’image royale (1498–1515) (Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2006). 69 The T-O map format is here inverted. This map represents the earth as a circle bisected by a horizontal diameter. Usually Asia lies above the horizontal and below, divided by a radius drawn to the bottom of the circle, are situated Europe and Africa (Lybia). Either way, Jerusalem remains at the centre of the circle.

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H[ab]ETVR’) identifies the miniature as illustrating that moment in the narrative when Mars appears to Louis with a gift of divine armour. A verse inscription in golden lettering against lapis lazuli explains the scene: ACCIPE FATALEM CLYPEVM TIBI REG[n]A PARA[n]TEM EXTERA QVI TERRAM POSSIDET ASTRA FRETVM. IN QVOSCV[m]Q[ue] LOCOS TENDES COMITABIMVR ARMA GALLICA VICTRICES ET TVA CASTRA TVBAS (Accept the shield ordained by fate; it is providing foreign kingdoms for you. The shield possesses the earth, the heavens, the sea. Wherever you will direct your course, we will accompany your Gallic arms and camps and victorious trumpets.)

As a convention of epic narrative, the dialogue between an immortal and human confers privileged status on the latter. The image thus casts Louis as Mars’s favourite and further underlines his support in the victory that the poet predicts for the King. The emphasis given to the shield in the illustration also associates Louis with the Emperor Augustus who had been presented with an ornamental shield, inscribed with his virtues, by the Roman Senate in 27, again stressing Louis’s role as the direct successor to the line of Roman emperors.70 The second aedicula (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 3r) is decorated with classical rams’ heads (above) and eagles clutching rings in their beaks and tortoises in their talons (below). It is crowned by two volutes supporting a cameo portrait of Louis (identified by the abbreviated inscription ‘LVD XII’). He is depicted in the style of a Roman emperor wearing a garland of victory. A monumental inscription, derived from classical prototypes, heightens the antique effect: CHRISTIANISSIMO REGI N[ost]RO | HVMANI: GENERIS DEFENSORI | IMPERII DITIONISQVE CHRI|STIAN[a]E FVNDATORI SECVRI|TATIS ETIAM AETERN[a]E LVDOVICO XII AVRELIANO | FOELICI REGVM MAXIMO PI|O ET SEMPER INVICTO DIVI | CHAROLI AVRELIANI FILIO SE|MPER ET VBIQVE VENERAB|ILIS IO[hannes] MICHAIL NAGONIVS ANTONIAN|VS VICES SACRAS GESTAQVE EX|COLENS NVMINI MAIESTATIQVE | EIVS DICATISSIMVS (To our most Christian king, defender of mankind, founder of empire and Christian authority and eternal security, Louis XII of Orléans, most fortunate of kings, greatest in 70 ‘quo pro merito meo senatus consulto Augustus appellatus sum et laureis postes aedium mearum vestiti publice coronaque civica super ianuam meam fixa est, et clupeus aureus in curia Iulia positus, quem mihi senatum populumque Romanum dare virtutis clementiaeque et iustitiae et pietatis caussa testatum est per eius clupei inscriptionem’ (Res gestae, 34, 2). For a detailed commentary on the significance of this key passage, see Alison E. Cooley, Res gestae divi Augusti: Text, Translation, and Commentary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 256–71.

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piety and always invincible, the son of divine Charles of Orléans, venerable always and everywhere, Giovanni Michele Nagonio Antonio honouring your sacred succession and deeds, and most devoted to his majesty and godhead.)

The formula N.M.Q.Eius Dicatissimus can be found on an inscription for the Emperor Constantine.71 Thus the ‘most Christian king’ is firmly aligned with the first Christian emperor. Following the dedicatory epistle, the next pair of illuminations (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fols 4v–5r; Plates 2 and 3) celebrates Louis’s accession to the throne and complement the accompanying text which recounts the early history of France and the role of the early kings in the crusades. The left-hand folio (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 4v; colour Plate 2) depicts Louis’s coronation. An epigraph again identifies the scene: ‘SACRATISSIME CORONATIONI FRANCIE | LVDOVICI XII DVCIS OLIM AVRELIANI’ (For the most holy coronation of Louis XII of France formally duke of Orléans). At the centre of the composition Louis, wrapped in an ermine gown, is seated on a throne composed of classical volutes and under an elaborately embroidered canopy while a group of courtiers crowd around as a priest places the crown upon his head. According to Scheller the scene bears no correspondence to the actual ritual of the French coronation and is entirely ‘the product of the artist’s imagination’.72 Yet this is not important, as the image is not intended as an accurate illustration of Louis’s coronation. As with the frontispiece depicting Maximilian enthroned, it is the idea of Louis’s divine right that is being emphasized in both the image and text. The scene is surrounded by an inscription (essentially repeated from that found in the frontispiece of the manuscript for Henry VII, see Figure 16) which similarly underlines the sacred nature of Louis’s kingship: INVICTISSIME FRANCOR[um] REX DII TE SALVE[n]T | DII TE EX HOSTIVM MANIBVS IMPVRIS ERIPIANT | DII TE PROSPERENT DII TE FORTVNENT | FOELICEM GALLIAM IMPERIO TVO (Invincible king of the Franks, may the gods protect you; may the gods rescue you from the foul hands of your enemies; may the gods cause you to succeed; may the gods keep France happy in your rule.)

Below the coronation scene are the crowned arms of France (left) and Milan (right). Between these there is a miniature landscape in which a woman floats 71

Johann Caspar von Orelli, Inscriptionum Latinarum selectarum amplissima collectio ad illustrandum Romanae antiquitatis, 3 vols (Zurich: 1828–56), I, 1083. 72 Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 21.

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above a city. With hair streaming and a tear-stained face, she is dressed in mourning weeds and carries two pennants: a crusade banner with a red cross on a white field and a guidon with fleurs-de-lis. The verse inscription below identifies the woman as a personification of Jerusalem and looks forward to the central theme of the verse: ERIPE MAVROR[um] MANIBVS FORTISSIME REGVM SIDERA IHERVSALEM TE MARE TERRA ROGANT (Wrest Jerusalem from the hands of the Moors, most courageous of kings, the stars, the sea, the lands beseech you.)

The image both glosses the text opposite and illustrates the appearance of Jerusalem herself later in the verse (see above, Part II, Chapter 4, ‘Accipe fatalem clypeum: A Manuscript for Louis XII, 1499’). The page opposite celebrates the royal lineage of France (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 5r; Plate 3): ‘AD DIVVM LVDOVICVM XII | FRANCIE REGEM INVICTISS[imum] | DE LAVDIBVS GALLIE ET | REBVS GESTIS PER FRANCOS’ (To the divine unconquered King of France Louis XII, concerning the praises of France and the achievements by the Franks). This title is bordered with an heraldic oak hung with the royal arms of France, Milan, and Naples (the golden cross of Jerusalem clearly visible), together with twelve rather stereotyped portraits of French monarchs from Francus, the Trojan founder of the line, through Pepin, Hugh Capet (Ugo), to the Valois monarchs, as a kind of secular Jesse tree.73 Scheller suggests that, ‘the miniaturist drew his inspiration from the medals of Charles VIII and his successor, for the prominent noses of these two kings have been affixed, with little attempt at variation, to the faces of the other

73

This is a traditional design for a genealogy; compare the claim of Henry VI to the thrones of England and France, BL, MS Royal 15 E VI, fol. 3. The word quercus, perhaps, explains ‘the deeper significance’ for the use of the oak as a genealogical tree sought by Scheller (‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 22, n. 74). The list of monarchs is repeated again in Book III when the Roman ambassadors are entertained at Louis’s court by a poet who celebrates the Royal descent from Francus: Proelia quanta manu Francus bene gesserit acri principe quo servat bellatrix Francia nomen subsidium fidei sanctae legisque sacratae robur ab antiquis expertum regibus unum. Utque sedet victor regali veste quadriga laurigera, et quanto Francus resplendet auro. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 76v) The words robur ab antiquis expertum regibus seem to have been illustrated quite literally by the illuminator.

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monarchs.’74 Indeed, none of the portraits can be considered a genuine likeness, but that does not matter. The importance lies in the heraldic genealogy joining Louis to the ancient kings of France. This genealogy is repeated in the pageant of heroes in Book I where the Sibyl, in response to Trivulzio’s inquiry, identifies Louis’s heroic forebears: Tunc Iacobus eques loquitur, vatemque perorat ut doceat quae turba virum sit maxima lauro et quercu sic digna sacra. Tunc alma Sybilla conventus trahit in procerum, tumulumque parumper conscendit, tres unde potest addiscere stirpes, Francorumque genus regumque ex ordine stemma nobile. Francus adest a quo nunc Francia dicta bellorum illustris tellus, virtuteque Martis insignis, nomenque suum donavit Olympo. Ille alter Pipinus, Ugo, sequiturque Rubertus tam placidus stirpi, populis fuit ille vocatus religione sacer, morum probitateque divus. Atque Ludovicus veterum comitatur Arigum indole presignem generans de prole Philippum. Ecce alii gemini fulgentes laudibus amplis Turchorum spoliis celebres, clarisque triumphis: his duo nascuntur voto propiore parentum foelices sanctum terris peperistis alumnum. Hos alios cernis fidei duro ense sequentes igneque flammanti merita feritate rebelles. Aspice quinque alios reges inimica tyrannis corda malis semperque animum mentemque ferentes. supremum fulmen belli, cui gloria cessit Martis non ne vides gestis ut tollitur altis. Nunc moesto applaudit nato: brevioreque vita infoelix queritur genitor. Post ultimus ille ille Ludovicus iam iam successor adibit grandius in regnum, specimen memorabile regum. progeniemque ducum foelix ad sydera ducet. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fols 38v–39r) (Then the knight Giacomo speaks and begs the seer to identify for him which crowd of men is the greatest thus worthy of the sacred oak. Then the genial Sibyl draws the crowd into a long file and ascends a hill for a while, whence she can point out the three ancestral families, the race of the Franks and the noble line of kings in order. Here is Francus from whom now France, the illustrious land of war, is named; renowned in the virtue of war

74

Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 22.

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he gave his name to Olympus. The next man is Pepin, then Hugh; Robert, such a peaceloving member of the family, follows. He was named holy by the populace because of his faith and a saint because of the goodness of his character. Louis accompanies old Arigus who produced worthy Philip from noble stock. Behold, another two gleaming with great praise and famous with the spoils of the Turks and renowned triumphs; this happy pair is born by the more recent vow of the parents. You have brought forth a blessed child for these lands. You see these others following rebels with the sharp sword of faith and fiery torches in deserved savagery. Look at five other kings always bearing hearts hostile to evil tyrants and a courageous mind and spirit. Surely you can make out the greatest thunderbolt of war before whom the glory of Mars yields as he is raised up by his lofty deeds. Now the unhappy father applauds his sad son, complains about his brief life. Last is that famous Louis. Already now successor he will go greater into the kingdom a remarkable example for kings. The happy man will lead his ducal progeny to the stars.)

It was the duty of the panegyrist to glorify his subject by comparison with his subject’s predecessors. Here the poet outlines Louis’s royal ancestry and the succession of the Valois. By illustrating the passage of the French crown from the mythical founder Francus through the Capetian monarchs to the current possessor of the crown, both Louis’s lineage and the legitimacy of the cadet line of the Valois dynasty are certified. On the left-hand side of the next pair of miniatures (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fols 8v–9r; Plates 4 and 5) Louis is depicted riding through an open vaulted arcade in a triumphal quadriga drawn by four white horses.75 An elegiac inscription, which is echoed in a later poem, identifies the scene: HIC TOTA IMPERII MOLES SPECTATA TRIVMPHAT QVATTVOR IN NIVEIS ECCE SVPERBIT EQVIS (Here the whole wonderful structure of empire triumphs. Behold, he will look proud as he is drawn along by four snowy-white horses).76

The King is preceded by a group of Roman soldiers carrying trophies and a French flag. A winged victory carrying a palm frond holds a crown of victory over his head. Scheller notes that Louis is wearing ‘a paludament, the classical cloak of a general over contemporary armour’ and concludes that ‘the scene was inspired by the well known relief on the Arch of Titus’ (Figure 17a).77 The overlapping of the 75

The architectural structure dominating the composition resembles the scene of Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini before the Diet of Mantua painted by the Pinturicchio workshop in the Piccolomini Library, Siena. The figures in exotic costume also recall the eastern figures depicted elsewhere in the fresco series by the Pinturicchio workshop. 76 Four white horses were decreed to Caesar for his triumph in 46 BC, according to Dio Cassius. 77 Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 22. Nagonius was obviously aware of the reliefs on the Arch of Titus as he refers to the monument in his poetry, BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 9v.

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horses, and their gait and profiles, clearly suggests an ancient prototype such as the Arch of Titus or the Marcus Aurelius panels which until 1515 were in the church of Santa Martina in the northwest corner of the Forum; however, other less grand sources could be suggested, such as ancient coins and medals. Some of the figures around the King may be identified by the Sibyl’s prophecy. The two figures in eastern costume with their hands bound behind their backs each represent a conquered Turk (probably to be identified as Sultan Bājazīd II)78 and a Moor (the latter identified by his darker complexion). Scheller’s supposition based on contemporary coinage that the figure below the baton in Louis’s outstretched hand represents Federigo III of Naples is supported by references in the text to the proposed Neapolitan campaign.79 Scheller’s putative identification of the young man immediately below Louis as the Dauphin, however, seems unlikely. He suggests that ‘the miniaturist has here given physical form to the author’s pious wish by including an image of Louis’s prophesied heir’.80 However, an image of the prophesied Dauphin would surely be placed alongside his father in the triumphal chariot rather than before it (compare the representations of Julius II and Francesco Maria della Rovere riding side by side in colour Plate 6). A more likely identification, consistent with Scheller’s interpretation of the other figure as Federigo III, king of Naples, would perhaps be that the unidentified figure represents Federigo’s son and heir, the young Duke of Calabria, rather than an imaginary Dauphin.81 Perhaps the soldiers in Roman armour are intended to represent French barons whom the Sibyl identifies for Trivulzio: Ille prior Burboni et dux, Fuxensis et alter, Albretanus eques lateris fiducia sacri. Tuque satus prudens generosa stirpe Trivulci regales servabis opes, generaliaque arma Ausonios contra dominos animosus habebis et tibi committet sic debellare tyrannos. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 40r–v) 78 Nagonius predicts that Louis will conquer Sultan Bājazīd II and lead him in triumph: ‘Precipue ducet Baisetum in vincula captum’ (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 23r). 79 ‘Not only does his profile resemble portraits of Federigo on coins and medals, but he was the only ruler on the peninsula at the time who was entitled to wear a royal crown’ (Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 24). 80 Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 24. 81 The identification of the two figures as Federigo and his son the Duke of Calabria dates the manuscript before the French invasion of Naples. When Federigo fled Naples for Ischia the Duke of Calabria was left behind at Taranto where he was later taken by the invading Spanish forces. Federigo later settled in France while the Duke remained in Spain.

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(The man in the first place is the duke of Bourbon and the other is Jean de Foix, the knight Alain d’Albret with assurance in his sacred flanks. And you too, prudent man, sprung from the generous line of the Trivulzio will protect the royal resources, and you, courageous, will have universal weapons against the Italian lords and thus he will entrust you to overthrow tyrants.)

Louis’s prophesied role as classical triumphator is made explicit by an inscription upon a votive tablet hanging over the scene: ‘DIVO LVDOVICO XII | OPTIMO PRINCIPI | TRIVMPHATORIQ[ue] | MAX[imo]’ (To divine Louis XII, the best prince and the greatest triumphator). Again the scene seems to illustrate verses later in the manuscript where Louis is celebrated as a classical hero and portrayed as a Roman triumphator: Ecce sedet curru testanti proelia gesta, quattuor et vehitur veste superbus equis et secum Turchos, Mauros trahit, inde tirannos pompa triumphalis prosequiturque ducem. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 132v) (Behold, he sits on a chariot, the witness of the deeds accomplished in battle, and proud in his attire he is drawn along by four horses, and he drags along with him Turks and Moors, then tyrants, and a triumphal procession accompanies the duke.)

The triumphal imagery continues in the border decoration of the page opposite where the first book of Nagonius’s panegyric begins (‘Arma Ludovici describimus | inclyta regis’; BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 9r; Plate 5). Trophies composed of Roman arms and armour, including a shield decorated with the biscia of Milan (shown as a large crowned snake swallowing a ‘flayed’ Turk), three cameos (a hero leaning on a spear; sacrifice at a classical altar; a rider trampling a fallen warrior) and a bronze aes of the emperor Nero add to the classical effect and transferral of associations.82 The French coat of arms at the bottom of the page is supported by 82

The legend reads: ‘NERO CAESAR AVG[ustus] PONT[ifex] M[a]X[imus] TR[ibunicia].’ This is a truncated version of the legend which appeared on late coinage: ‘IMP NERO CAESAR AVG PONT MAX TR PPP’; see C. H. V. Sutherland, The Roman Imperial Coinage, 2 vols, rev. edn, (London: Spink, 1984–2007), I (1984), 156; also David W. MacDowall, The Western Coinages of Nero (New York: American Numismatic Society, 1979), pp. 207–14. Together with the cameos and antique armour, Nero’s coin is included to emphasize the classical connection and does not have any perjorative significance. Indeed, coins of Nero were particularly prized in the Renaissance and sought by such collectors as Antonio Agustín (Cunnally, Images of the Illustrious, p. 37). Scheller compares Memling’s Portrait of a Man Holding a Neronian Coin, Antwerp, Museum voor Schone Kunsten (‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 24, n. 78). Later in the manuscript, however, Nagonius refers to Nero as rabidus and in another

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two putti who in turn are leaning on the arms of Naples and Jerusalem (left) and Milan (right). A monumental title in gold against a red ground introduces the first book of Nagonius’s verse and continues the theme of a crusade to recapture Jerusalem and the Holy Land: AD POTENTISS[imum] LVDOVICV[m] | FRANCIE REGEM INVICTISS[imum]| IHERVSALEM SICILIE ET VLTRA | PHARVM DOMINVM SERENISS[imum]| MEDIOLANIQVE | DVCEM ILLVS|TRISS[imum] PANAGIRICON PRONO|STICHONQVE IO[hannis] MICHAELIS NAGONII CIVIS RO[mani] ET POET[a]E LAVREATI (To the most powerful and invincible Louis king of France, most serene lord of further Sicily (beyond the lighthouse), Jerusalem, and most illustrious duke of Milan, the panegyric and pronosticon of Giovanni Michele Nagonio, Roman citizen and poet laureate.)

Nagonius emphasizes the magnitude of Louis’s empire by listing the peoples subject to him. These repeated titles and inscriptions are important as they emphasize how the dedicatees wished to be presented to the world. Here a subtle variation upon the traditional titles of the kings of the two Sicilies from citra Pharum (meaning ‘this side of the straits of Messina’) to ultra Pharum (‘Sicily beyond the lighthouse’, i.e. Jerusalem) refers to the forthcoming campaign and crusade, which is the central theme of Nagonius’s text. The victorious image of Pope Julius II (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 8v; Figure 18a; Plate 6) similarly contains several iconographic ingredients, which, in turn, illustrate the accompanying panegyric. Columns of lapis lazuli, wreathed with spiralling vine tendrils and topped with Corinthian capitals, and the hint of an architrave provide both an aedicule for the miniature and give the illusion that the triumph is glimpsed as it passes behind a colonnade. The idea was probably taken from Mantegna’s The Triumphs of Caesar, which were originally displayed between a series of narrow pilasters.83 Although The Triumphs were produced for

manuscript Cesare Borgia is unfavourably compared to the Emperor; see above, Part II, Chapter 5, ‘‘Tu alter Caesar eris’: A Manuscript for Niccolò Orsini, 1507’. 83 Andrew Martindale, The Triumphs of Caesar by Andrea Mantegna in the Collection of her Majesty the Queen at Hampton Court (London: Harvey Miller, 1979); Carla Cerati, I Trionfi di Cesare di Andrea Mantegna e il Palazzo di S. Sebastiano in Mantova (Mantua: Tipografia Commerciale Cooperativa, 1989), and more recently Caroline Elam, ‘Les Triomphes de Mantegna: La forme et la vie’, in Mantegna 1431–1506, ed. by Giovanni Agosti and Dominique Thiébaut (Paris: Hazan, 2008), pp. 363–403, and passim.

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Figure 18a. Triumph of Pope Julius II and Francesco Maria della Rovere. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 8v. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican).

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Figure 18b. Reverse of fourthcentury coin of the Emperor Constantine as charioteer being received by the hand of God into heaven. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission.

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Figure 18c. Arch of Constantine (detail from the frieze). Photograph author.

Figure 18d. Bolognino d’oro, obverse with the portrait of Giovanni Bentivoglio. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission.

Figure 18e. Trionfo della Pudicizia from Petrarch’s Trionfi (printed at Florence for Pietro Pacini, 1499). Reproduced with permission.

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the Gonzaga Court in Mantua between 1486 and 1492, Mantegna’s preliminary designs were popularized through a series of woodcuts by Jacopo da Strasbourg, which were issued in Venice in 1503 and later pirated by Simon Vostre.84 More generally, the composition and landscape recall the woodcut illustrations of the Trionfo della Pudicizia from Petrarch’s Trionfi (compare, for example, the series printed at Florence for Pietro Pacini in 1499, and again in 1508; Figure 18b). Note that the trionfo on which the Pope rides seems closer to Mantegna’s solid triumphal cart than the Roman chariots depicted on classical reliefs. However, a classical precedent can also be provided by the images on the Arch of Constantine, where the first Christian emperor is depicted sitting on a carriage rather than standing in a triumphal chariot (Figure 18c). Julius himself was acutely aware of the propaganda effects of triumphal imagery. After his victorious campaign against Bologna, the Pope celebrated a triumphal entry into Rome on Palm Sunday 28 March 1507 during the course of which he passed under the Arch of Titus (known to contemporaries as the Arch of Domitian). Contemporary reports stated that it was as if Domitian himself were celebrating another triumph.85 The entry concluded at Castel Sant’Angelo, where a triumphal chariot pulled by four white horses and containing ten boys dressed as winged putti (pueri alati) waving palm fronds and singing a welcoming hymn, greeted the Pope.86 The winged putto driving the Pope’s triumphal car probably makes reference to this spectacle. A replica of the Arch of Constantine was also constructed for this triumphal entry. It was decorated with scenes from Julius’s recent campaign. The commemorative medal, which was issued to mark the event, symbolized both the secular and the religious aspects of Julius’s pontificate. The inscription on the reverse, ‘BENEDI[ctus] QV[i] VENIT I[n] NO[mine] D[omini]’ (Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord) was Christ’s greeting as he entered Jerusalem on Palm Sunday. The motto on the obverse (‘IVLIVS CAESAR PONT[ifex] II’) proclaimed Julius as the second Caesar.87 The illuminated frontispiece emphasizes these triumphal allusions. Julius, as another member of the Flavian dynasty, should imitate their example and recapture Jerusalem. The first Christian emperor, Constantine, also provided an exemplary model of imperial authority exercised on behalf of the Church and his triumphal Arch was associated with his

84

Strong, Art and Power, p. 45. Francesco Albertini, Opusculum de mirabilibus novae urbis Romae, ed. by August Schmarsow (Heilbronn: Henninger, 1886), p. xxiii. 86 Pastor, VI, 287. The description by Paris de Grassis is reprinted in Fabrizio Cruciani, Teatro nel Rinascimento, 1450–1550 (Rome: Bulzoni, 1983), pp. 324–26. 87 Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome, pp. 236–38. 85

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providentially guided victory over Maxentius at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge in 312. In Nagonius’s manuscript Julius’s victories are similarly guided by providence, perhaps further symbolized by the winged putto driving the triumphal chariot in the frontispiece illumination.88 Constantine also provides another point of reference. Julius had effectively reasserted papal authority against the dissident lords in the Romagna and preserved the Papal States. Constantine had also successfully preserved the Roman Empire as a vast, single political unit. The triumphal car on which Julius is seated is pulled by four white horses richly caparisoned in trappings of red and gold. The Pope, dressed in a golden cope and the triple tiara, is immediately recognizable. The identities of other figures in the scene are more difficult to establish. The young figure standing beside the Pope dressed in Roman armour with his helmet wreathed by an oak leaf garland is certainly Francesco Maria della Rovere, the dual dedicatee of Nagonius’s manuscript. Two figures in contemporary costume (representing a cardinal and a knight?) stand behind the Pope. Scheller believes that this may be an illusion to the theory of the two swords.89 One of the figures (the knight) can perhaps be identified as the condottiere Gian Giordano Orsini, who figures prominently in the text. Two possibilities for the unidentified cardinal suggest themselves: the Legate in Bologna, Francesco Alidosio, cardinal of Pavia,90 or Raffaele Riario.91 Among those being triumphed over, perhaps, the clean-shaven figure with his hands bound behind his back is Giovanni Bentivoglio, the expelled lord of Bologna; his profile portrait on a range of contemporary coinage, such as the Bolognino d’oro, bears a close resemblance and supports the identification (see Figure 18d).92 The artist would thus be here using coins to highlight a specific identification just as had been done previously in the manuscript for Louis XII. Contemporary figures mix with antique and allegorical motifs in the illumination as they do in the text. A soldier dressed in Roman armour carries a pennant with the Della Rovere arms while other soldiers, distinguished by their contemporary striped hose and jerkins, guard the prisoners. Of particular interest are the two figures wearing the generic toga-like robes of Biblical characters, holding the ropes 88

For winged putti riding the Triumph of Fame, see Petrarch, De viris illustribus, BnF, MS lat. 6069, fol. 1r; Masséna and Müntz, Pétrarque, p. 125; Carandente, I Trionfi, Plate 1. 89 Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 36. 90 On the antipathy between Alidosio and Francesco Maria della Rovere, see Dennistoun, Memoirs, II, 314–26. 91 On Raffaele Riario, see G. Borghini, ‘Il Salone Riario nell’Episcopio di Ostia’, in Il Quattrocento a Roma e nel Lazio: Il Borgo di Ostia da Sisto IV a Giulio II (Rome: De Luca, 1981), pp. 91–103. 92 See Lisa Bellocchi, Le Monete di Bologna (Bologna: Grafis, 1987), p. 143.

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that bind the captives. They stand in distinct contrast to the other figures wearing contemporary garb. They may be tentatively identified as the apostles James and Philip to whom the Basilica of SS. Apostoli was dedicated. As Cardinal Protector of the Franciscans, the church and the adjoining palace had been one of the favourite Roman residences of Julius when cardinal. The triumph progresses across a rural landscape through which a river meanders. A city with church spires can be seen in the distance. A figure clad in black appears from a cloud high above the city. Julius and his nephew look up and point at the apparition. A verse inscription describes the scene: HIERVSALEM SYONQVE TVVS PATER ECCE TRIVMPHAT IVLIVS EXPVLSIS HOSTIBVS ATQVE NEPOS (Jerusalem and Syon, behold your father Julius and his nephew are celebrating a triumph when the enemies have been expelled).

A scroll unfurls across the sky identifying the figure in the cloud as a personification of the city of Jerusalem. With obvious reference to the Psalms the caption reads: ‘HIERVSALEM MISERERE TV[a]E’ (Pity your Jerusalem). The imperative plea echoes the opening words of Jerusalem’s lament in the hexameters that follow (fol. 10r). The frontispiece illuminations provide a visual accompaniment to both the dedicatory epistle, which asks Julius to undertake a crusade, and the poetic prognostication, which predicts his success against the Turks.93 The details of the illumination, however, indicate a different reading of this scene than the triumphal images of Henry VII or Louis XII. The appearance of Jerusalem is markedly different from the image on the manuscript for Louis XII. Her appearance here making a direct appeal to the Pope from among the clouds associates her with the heavenly Jerusalem described in Revelation 21. 2:

93 ‘Quum igitur ades, beatissime pastor, inter omnes tuos predecessores successoresque unus commemorandus nostrorum temporum specimen et ornamentum Pontificumque corona sublimis et quoddam inter fratres tuos reverendissimos, dilectos electosque filios iubar coruscans et sydus maxime rutilans, non ad illorum virtutis emulationem te cohortabor, sed unum tantum tuae pontificiae maiestati mea tenui eloquentia persuadere audebo, ut civitatis sanctissimae Hierusalem aliquando miserearis et ex barbarorum servitute eripias. tuum enim auxilium tuum presidium, tuam potentiam, tuam denique in decernendo exercitu deliberationem, urbs serva, vestibus moesta lugubribus, genis squallida laceris, capillis per colla pendentibus, lachrymis continuo per ora manantibus, longo desyderio, et pietatis offitio percunctatur. Imitare veteres patres, illos dico laurea inmortalitatis dignos, quos ante oculos continuo habere debes. qui totiens terram sanctam et universum orientem debellatis hostibus saepe numero recuperant et spolia ducum regumque opima singulari certamine capta ad urbem Italiamque potentissimam totiens insigni victoria detulere.’ BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fols 8v–9r.

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‘And I John saw the holy city, new Jerusalem, coming down from God out of heaven.’ The image seems based upon an iconographic type originating on the reverse of fourth-century coinage of the apotheosis of the Emperor Constantine which depict him as a charioteer being received by the hand of God into heaven (Figure 18e).94 Note that the beseeching hand of Jerusalem is given prominence in the illumination. Thus by rescuing the terrestrial Jerusalem, Julius has an assured place in its celestial counterpart.95 The Solomonic columns, the triumphal car echoing those on the Arch of Constantine, and the position of Jerusalem herself in the scene suggest an image of apotheosis and reception among the stars which were traditional topoi of panegyric.96 The interpretation can, perhaps, be taken further. At the top of the facing page (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 9r) there appears the familiar ‘IHS’ monogram of the name of Christ. The ‘IHS’ monogram can be expanded to read In Hoc Signo with reference to Constantine’s victory at the Milvian bridge. Taken in conjunction with the framing spiral columns, which, perhaps, allude to the pergula in Old Saint Peter’s, then Julius’s projected crusade acquires added significance. The ornamental border of the illuminated title page opposite (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 9r; Figure 19a; Plate 7) is decorated with eight profile ‘portraits’ of figures wearing oak leaf garlands that obviously pun on the family name which

94

Guy Lacam, ‘La Main de Dieu: Son origine hébraïque, son symbolisme monétaire durant le Bas Empire romain’, Rivista Italiana di Numismatica e Scienze Affini, 94 (1992), 143–62. 95 Horace had similarly associated triumph with immortality: ‘hac Quirinus | Martis equis Acheronta fugit’ (by this virtue (uprightness and strength) Quirinus escaped Acheron, drawn by the horses of Mars) (Carm., iii. 3.15–16). The idea was echoed on contemporary coinage. A silver sestertius shows a quadriga driven by a charioteer carrying a palm of victory and receiving recognition from the heavens. Elaborating upon the Augustan theme Constantine used the charioteer image to even greater effect. The palm of victory and the whispering figure have now disappeared; instead the charioteer makes a direct link with the eternal by stretching to grasp a hand reaching down from the heavens while the team of horses rears up from the ground in eager expectation of apotheosis. 96 The image is also reminiscent of the iconographic tradition of the ascent of Elijah into heaven. The prophet was often represented riding in a quadriga as for example in the thirteenth-century fresco from the cathedral crypt in Anagni; see Lorenzo Cappelletti, Gli affreschi della Cripta Anagnina Iconologia (Rome: Editrice Pontificia Università Gregoriana, 2002), Plates 26–27.

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Figure 19a. Trajanic relief with eagle and garland of victory. Portico of the Basilica of SS. Apostoli. Photograph author.

Figure 19b. Obverse of the Mettius denarius minted in 44 BC to commemorate Caesar’s dictatorship. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Reproduced with permission.

Figure 19c. Obverse of the ‘Belvedere’ medal with a profile portrait of Pope Julius II. © The Trustees of the British Museum, London.

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Figure 19d. Decorated title page and opening lines of the first book of poetry for Pope Julius II and Francesco Maria della Rovere. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 9 r. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican).

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means ‘of the oak tree’.97 In addition each image is surrounded by the corona civica wreath of oak leaves. This recalls the Trajanic relief that was once in Julius’s collection of antiquities (now in the portico of the basilica of SS. Apostoli; Figure 19b).98 These profile portraits with their accompanying legends are intended to recall imperial coins. Indeed they seem remarkably similar to the image of Julius Caesar on the obverse of the so-called Mettius denarius minted in 44 BC to commemorate Caesar’s dictatorship (Figure 19c). More generally, the series recalls contemporary fresco cycles such as the medallions of the eight Roman emperors painted by Mantegna on the ceiling of the Camera degli Sposi in Mantua or the busts of Roman generals (now lost) painted by Pinturicchio in the loggia of Castel Sant’Angelo.99 Three ‘portraits’ are identified as members of the Della Rovere family by inscriptions which deliberately recall the legends on Imperial coins: FR[ranciscus] MA[ria] PRE[fectus] VR[bis] NEPOS (Francesco Maria, prefect of Rome, nephew) IO[hannes] AL[mae] PR[efectus] VR[bis] FRATER (Giovanni, prefect of kindly Rome, brother) TRIVMPHVS PONTIFICVM IVL[ius] P[a]P[a] II (Pope Julius II, the triumph of the popes)

Only the ‘portrait’ of Julius (based upon the Belvedere medal; see Figure 19d) can be considered in any sense a likeness. Julius’s younger brother Giovanni had died in early November 1501; despite the personal animosity of the Borgia Pope, Alexander VI confirmed Francesco Maria as prefect of Rome to succeed his recently deceased father. Upon his accession to the papal throne Julius immediately reconfirmed his nephew’s appointment. Consequently, the inscriptions, taken together, celebrate the Della Rovere family: 97 On the variety of leaf garlands note Pseudo-Dionysius 259: ‘The oak is sacred to Zeus, and is the first and oldest food of men; it is not dumb, but one spoke at Dodona. If the crown is of olive, this is sacred to Athena, is a cure for pains, the ancients made trophies of this tree, it is the symbol of victory, and Athena garlanded herself with it first, when she defeated Poseidon; moreover, it is especially appropriate to the competitors — gymnastic exercise involves the use of olive oil — and it contributes to the speech by which festivals were honoured. Of the bay, you will say that it is sacred to Apollo, and a prophetic tree; if you care to touch upon the myth of Daphne this will not be out of place. Similarly if there is any other crown — e.g. of wheat or pine — you will have much to say of it’ (cited by Russell and Wilson, Menander Rhetor, p. 364). 98 For Julius’s collection of antiquities, see Sara Magister, Arte e politica: La collezione di antichità del cardinale Giuliano della Rovere nei palazzi ai Santi Apostoli (Rome: STI, 2002). 99 Anna Cavallaro, ‘Pinturicchio “familiare” della corte borgiana: l’Appartamento di Alessandro VI a Castel Sant’Angelo’, in Roma di fronte all’Europa al tempo di Alessandro VI, ed. by Myriam Chiabò and others, 3 vols (Rome: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2001), III, 781–801.

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IVLII GLORIA | FR MA PRE VR NEPOS | AVGVSTI VICTORIA | QVERCVS HONOR | IO PR AL VR FRATER | CETERIS CLARIOR | TRIVMPHVS PONTIFICVM IVL PP II | LAVRO ILLVSTRIOR (The glory of Julius, his nephew Francesco Maria, prefect of Rome, the victory of Augustus; the honour of the oak tree, his brother Giovanni, prefect of kindly Rome; more famous than the rest, Pope Julius II, the triumph of the popes, more illustrious in a laurel crown.)

Here the poet skilfully combines a subtle reference to Julius as Caesar (Francesco Maria being then equated with Augustus) in a celebration of the family crest which is given a magnificent full-page illumination on folio 3v (Figure 20).100 Nagonius also compares the oak and the laurel, implying that the achievements of the Della Rovere are polished by the poet’s art.101 The key to the meaning of the two pages is contained in the opening verses of the poet’s Pronostichon which begins on this page: IHS | AD DIVV[m] IVLIV II | PONT[ificem] MAX[imum] ET BEATISS[imu]M | PRONOSTICHON HIERO|SOMILYTANV[m] IO[hannis] MICHAE|LIS NAGONII CIVI[s] RO|[mani] ET POET[a]E LAVREATI Libera Hierusale[m] iam | pro rectore secu[n]do | sedis Apostolice aut | fidei pro principe nostre. | Cur tardas pia thuri dare | et persolvere vota? | humani generis pater | est hic Iulius amplis | quem celebrat titulis arbor Sixtina, nepotem heredemque suum quercus nunc aurea novit. Haec est quae strinxit praefulvis glandibus olim

100

Scheller suggests the following reading: ‘The fame of Caesar (Pope Julius), the victory of Augustus (Francesco Maria), the honour of the della Roveres (the oak), famed above all others, made more resplendent by their laurels.’ Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 36, n. 126. This ingenious interpretation ignores Julius’s brother Giovanni and moreover translates lauro by a plural and refers it back to the Della Rovere. For the identification of Julius II with Julius Caesar: John W. O’Malley, ‘Giles of Viterbo: A Reformer’s Thought on Renaissance Rome’, Renaissance Quarterly, 20 (1967), p. 10; Nicholas Temple, ‘Julius II as Second Caesar’, in Julius Caesar in Western Culture, ed. by Maria Wyke (London: Blackwell, 2006), pp. 110–27. For a critique of the extent of the Julius-as-Caesar theme, see Christine Shaw, Julius II: Warrior Pope (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), pp. 189–207. 101 Compare, for example, Nagonius’s suggestion: ‘Laurum semper ama: te daphnidos arbor amabit’ (fol. 171v). See Elisabeth Schröter, ‘Der Vatikan als Hügel Apollons und der Musen: Kunst und Panegyrik von Nikolaus V bis Julius II’, Römische Quartalshrift, 75 (1980), 208–40. For the association of the laurel crown with generals and poets compare Ennius’s speech in Petrarch, Africa, IX. 108–23.

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Caesaris Augusti crines, et tempora divum, invictas patrumque comas, concessa triumphis ista fuit Latiis, et splenduit orbe subacto Syon, et annosos arcus decoravit honore multiplici, Romamque suis dodona trophaeis frons veterem, septemque ornavit nomine colles, Pontifici dilecta iterum, monumenta sereni prisca Titi retinet, qui te vallavit acerbo milite, et assidua populos, gentesque cohorte cinxit, et extremo Caesar tua tecta labore sancta domus, prostravit humo quoque moenia sacra, templa, pios adytus, aras, urbemque superbam relligione sua, cineres et liquit multos. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fols 9r–10v) (Jesus | To divine and blessed Pope Julius II, the Jerusalem Prognostication of Giovanni Michele Nagonio Roman citizen and poet laureate. Liberate Jerusalem now for the successful ruler of the Apostolic seat, for the head of our faith. Why do you delay to give incense and fulfil the pious vows? Julius is here, father of the human race, whom the Sistine tree celebrates with distinguished titles and the golden oak now recognizes his nephew and heir. This is the tree which once bound with golden acorns the hair of Caesar Augustus and the temples of the gods and the invincible locks of the senators; it was awarded for Latin triumphs and it illuminated Syon when the world was conquered and decorated the venerable arches with multiple honours and the oaken boughs adorned ancient Rome with its own trophies and the seven hills with its name. Now again held dear to the Pope the branches cling to the ancient monuments of serene Titus, who besieged you [Syon] with savage soldiery and surrounded your race and peoples with an unremitting army, and with a last effort Caesar tore down the holy roof of your house and also flattened to the ground the sacred walls, the temples, the sacred entrance courtyard, the altars, and the city proud in its own religion and he left behind heaps of ashes.)

The prominence of the oaken garlands adds to the significance. As oaken crowns were only awarded to those who had set free a fellow citizen in war, their appearance here not only puns on the Della Rovere name, but more importantly looks forward to the family’s reward for launching a successful crusade to liberate Jerusalem (see above, Part II, Chapter 6, ‘‘Hierusalem miserere tuae’: A Manuscript for Pope Julius II, 1509’). We may conclude from this survey that, despite the variety of decorative styles and the diversity of hands, Nagonius’s deluxe presentation manuscripts demonstrate an imaginative interaction of image, text, and ornament. The illuminations and the accompanying poetry are inextricably linked. Just as Nagonius had used classical Latin texts to heighten his panegyric, so the artists

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Figure 20. Della Rovere coat of arms. Manuscript for Julius II. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 3v. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican).

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involved in the decoration of the manuscripts used motifs taken from Roman antiquities both large and small to illustrate the verse. Together text and image reflect the ubiquitous desire of the princes of Renaissance Europe to appear as the legitimate heirs of Rome and invest their exercise of power with the aura of Roman imperial authority. Certainly, the depiction of a non-Italian monarch such as Henry VII or Louis XII, invested with the full panoply of a classical hero, was quite new. Similarly, Weisbach remarks that the depiction of a Pope in the guise of a Roman emperor is unusual.102 The appeal of this triumphal image to a Pope who fashioned himself as a second Julius Caesar and would-be conqueror of the East is not hard to grasp. Scheller, noting that it was the first time that a French monarch had been depicted in a triumphal scene all’antica, concludes, ‘the location of a topical scene in a classical setting represents an important step towards the glorification of the monarch’.103 It was certainly the first time that an English monarch was depicted riding in a triumphal car all’antica and is the earliest example of Renaissance classicism to arrive in England. Such images would have obvious appeal to monarchs such as Henry VII who had already exploited the triumphal entry to great theatrical effect in his progresses north and into Worcester in 1486 to allay tensions after the Battle of Bosworth (see above, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘A Renaissance Court in England: A Manuscript for Henry VII, 1496’). That Nagonius’s own interest in the remains of the ancient city is everywhere apparent should not be surprising from the verse of someone so closely associated with the circle of Pomponius Laetus. In the epic narrative he describes a number of archaeological remains including the recently excavated Domus Aurea: ‘Post adeunt rabidi fulgentia tecta Neronis’ (Afterwards they visit the gleaming ceilings of mad Nero) (BnF, MS lat. 8133, fol. 56v). There is a conscious debt to antiquity in both the poetry and the illuminations. These complement each other and, taken together with the deluxe bindings, combine to offer a greater gift to the dedicatee so that materiam superabat opus.104

102

Werner von Weisbach, Trionfi (Berlin: Grote, 1919), p. 69. For an account of the triumphs held in contemporary Rome, see Stinger, ‘Roma Triumphans’, pp. 189–201. 103 Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 24. 104 Ov., Met., II. 5.

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The Identity of the Illuminators The decoration of Nagonius’s volume presented to Maximilian Habsburg is obviously not Italian. The gothic script of the titles of the individual books (see Figure 14); the elaborate initial and the floral border of the title page (fol. 5r; Figure 14), delicately painted with accurately observed flowers (including daisies, forget-me-nots, pinks, pansies, roses, and strawberries), birds (a jay and two peacocks), and butterflies strewn against a matt gold ground, locates the manuscript in the Low Countries. This type of decoration is characteristic of the group of illuminators from the Ghent-Bruges school of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century who specialized in a new illusionistic style of border painting. The same floral motifs can also be found surrounding the frontispiece depicting Maximilian (Plate 1). The high quality of execution of this panel suggests a separate commission from a skilled master. Yet the artist responsible for this accomplished work remains anonymous and the place of production is disputed. Gerard David,105 the Master of Mary of Burgundy (sometimes identified as Alexander Bening),106 the Master of the First Prayer Book of Maximilian I, Gerard 105

For the attribution to Gerard David, active in Bruges 1493–1504, see Dagmar Thoss, Flämische Buchmalerei: Handschriftenschätze aus dem Burgunderreich (Graz: Akademische Druckund, 1987), Fig. 18, p. 106; Hans J. van Miegroet, Gerard David, trans. by M. Gibson (Antwerp: Mercartorfonds, 1989). Maryan W. Ainsworth affirms this identification in ‘Diverse Patterns Pertaining to the Crafts of Painters or Illuminators: Gerard David and the Bening Workshop’, Master Drawings, 41 (2003), 240–65; see also Illuminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe, exh. cat., ed. by Thomas Kren and Scot McKendrick (Los Angeles: Getty Museum, 2003), cat. no. 104, pp. 156–58. 106 Wolfgang Hilger, Das ältere Gebetbuch Maximilians I: Vollständige Faksimile-Ausgabe im Originalformat des Codex Vindobonensis 1907 der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek (Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1973), identifies the ‘Master of the First Prayer Book of Maximilian’ as Alexander Bening. This is accepted by De Winter in The Cleveland Bulletin of the History of Art, 68 (1981), 342–427, and Renaissance Painting in Manuscripts: Treasures from the British Library, ed. by Thomas Kren (London: British Library, 1983). Gerard I. Lieftinck, Boekverluchters uit de omgeving van Maria van Bourgondië c.1475–c.1485 (Brussels: Paleis der Academiën, 1969), shows that this ‘Master’ was the first artist of the second secession group of the ‘Master of Mary of Burgundy’. Anne H. van Buren (‘The Master of Mary of Burgundy and his Colleagues: The State of Research and Questions of Method’, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 38 (1975), 308, n. 13) dates the frontispiece, and consequently the entire manuscript, pre-1489: ‘The miniature showing a very young Maximilian dressed as emperor is probably as proleptic as the text, written well before the author’s death in 1505 [sic], which refers to him as emperor though he was not crowned until 1508. Because of the Flemish style of the illumination this must date from before Maximilian’s departure in 1489.’ Leaving aside questions of style, the date of the

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Horenbout, and the Master of James IV of Scotland107 have all been suggested. As the manuscript can be dated mid- to late 1494, when Maximilian was in Antwerp making preparations for his coronation in Rome, then the identification of the artist as a member of the circle of Gerard Horenbout is, perhaps, most plausible. However, the identification of a scene on Maximilian’s throne (the so-called Consilium Junonis) with a medallion that appears on the back wall in Gerard David’s 1498 Justice of Cambyses panel The Arrest of Sisames perhaps favours David as the artist.108 Whoever the miniaturist may have been (and the exact identity is unlikely to be established with any degree of certainty), the fact that the manuscript appears to have been decorated in situ is truly significant. For it confirms the theory, indicated by the watermarks of the paper manuscripts (see below, ‘A Note on the Watermarks’), that local artists and binders were sometimes employed to put the finishing touches to the presentation volumes as the poet travelled across Europe. The identification of the artist responsible for decoration of the magnificent manuscript for Louis XII (see Plates 2–5) is similarly a matter of conjecture. Robert Scheller hypothesizes that the artist may have been Roman and ‘should be sought in the group of classicizing artists who have been attributed with several frescoes in the Palazzo dei Conservatori in Rome, as well as the recently discovered murals in the Episcopal palace at Ostia’.109 He suggests Jacopo

poet’s death (Nagonius died some time after 1508), and the significance of Maximilian’s title ‘Emperor’, the poet’s ‘proleptic text’ indicates that the manuscript was written some time after 1489 (see above, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘‘Sic ego sum Caesar Maximilianus orbis herus’: A Manuscript for Maximilian, 1494’). More recently the illumination has been tentatively ascribed to the Maximilian Master (sometimes identified with Gerard David); see Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts, 1475–1550, ed. by Maurits Smeyers and Jan Van der Stock (Ghent: Ludion, 1996), pp. 31–32. 107 For the attribution to Gerard Horenbout: Georges Dogaer, Flemish Miniature Painting in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, trans. by Anna E. C. Simoni and others (Amsterdam: Israël, 1987), pp. 161–67. For the identification of Gerard Horenbout as the ‘Master of James IV of Scotland’: Friedrich Winkler, Die Flämische Buchmalerei des XV. und XVI. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig: Seeman, 1925), pp. 119–20; 197–98, Fig. 73; Leslie MacFarlane, ‘The Book of Hours of James IV and Margaret Tudor’, The Innes Review, 11 (1960), 3–21. 108 See Hugo van der Velden, ‘Cambyses for Example: The Origins and Function of an exemplum iustitiae in Netherlandish Art of the Fifteenth, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, Simiolus, 23 (1995), 5–62. 109 Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 21; on the attribution of these frescoes to Jacopo Ripanda see, Vincenzo Farinella, Archeologia e pittura a Roma tra Quattrocento e Cinquecento: Il caso di Jacopo Ripanda (Turin: Einaudi, 1992).

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Ripanda, Baldassare Peruzzi, Cesare da Sesto, and Amico Aspertini as possible candidates.110 The repertoire of classical motifs (candelabra, grotesques, Roman military trophies, armour, and the paraphernalia of war), which Silvana Pettenati identifies as typical of Roman illuminators of this period, are found in abundance in the border decoration of all Nagonius’s other manuscripts illuminated on vellum.111 Given the date of this manuscript (1499) and Borgia patronage, the artist should, perhaps, be sought among the associates of Pinturicchio.112 As yet, there has been no attempt to identify the artists responsible for the frontispiece illuminations of the manuscripts presented to Henry VII, Vladislav II, and Julius II. With the absence of any evidence to the contrary, it seems fair to assume that these manuscripts, too, may have been the work of Roman illuminators and originated from a Roman shop.

110

As the œuvre and identification of the hand of these artists is a matter of dispute (Scheller, ‘Gallia cisalpina’, p. 21, n. 70) a specific attribution of the miniatures in Nagonius’s manuscripts seems impossible. The illuminations accord with contemporary decorative schemes of classical subjects, such as those in the Borgia Apartments; the Palazzo dei Conservatori and the episcopal palace at Ostia. This, of course, supposes that the manuscripts were decorated in Rome. If the miniatures were painted elsewhere in Italy (and Nagonius seems to have been in Northern Italy c. 1500) then other artists such as those of the Lombard school of illumination and the followers of Giovan Pietro Birago should be considered. 111 Silvana Pettenati, ‘La Biblioteca del Cardinal Domenico della Rovere: I codici miniati di Torino, 4, Aggiornamento del committente: il messale di Francesco Marmitta’, in La Miniatura Italiana tra Gotico e Rinascimento, ed. by Emanuela Sesti, 2 vols (Florence: Olschki, 1985), II, 694. 112 The inscription ‘IDEM’ (the same) written within the small red tablet below each of the putti supporters standing in the lower border of fol. 9r may, perhaps, provide a clue to the miniaturist’s identity. If the miniaturist is making reference to the putti standing above, could this inscription, which otherwise has no sense, refer to the artist’s name? And may he be identified as the mysterious ‘Bimbo’ (‘Bimbo’= putto; i.e. ‘the same’) who collaborated with Pinturicchio creating the grotesque decoration for the Piccolomini Library in Siena?

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A Note on the Script The script of Nagonius’s manuscripts is surprisingly diverse. The volumes presented to Henry VII (MLY, MS XVI.N.2; Figures 16, 21, 27), Vladislav II (NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659); Figure 22, Plate 8), Louis XII (BnF, MS lat. 8132; Figure 23; Plates 2–5), and Andrea Gritti (BMV, MS lat. Z. 407 (=1585); Figure 6) are the work of professional scribes, only one of whom has, so far, been identified. The manuscript presented to Andrea Gritti has been identified as the work of the Venetian scribe Alberto de’Maffei (Figure 6). The manuscripts for Henry VII and Vladislav II are written in red ink in a fluent humanistic cursive book script. Both manuscripts appear to be the work of a single scribe (compare Figures 21 and 22).113 The identical binding materials and close proximity in date suggest that both manuscripts originated from the same source. The manuscript for Louis XII, written in a clear humanist antiqua script (see Plates 2–5; Figure 23), is the work of another professional scribe, as yet unidentified. There are, however, similarities with the manuscripts for Henry VII and Vladislav II, in that the texts of all three volumes have been corrected throughout by an unidentified third party. The script of seven other manuscripts is of such conformity that they are undoubtedly the work of a single scribe (see Figures 2, 3, 5, 13, 14, 24–26). These are: BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682 (Figure 25); BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213 (Figures 5 and 24); BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I.165.inf. (Figures 2 and 26); BEM, MS Est. lat. 234 (α.M.5.2) (Figure 1d); BnF, MS lat. 8133 (Figure 13); BnT, MS F.V.5 (Figure 3); ÖNB, MS 12.750 (Figures 1a and 14). The manuscript for Niccolò Orsini has been omitted from this group (Figure 28; see below). These seven manuscripts are written in a script that has been characterized as, ‘elegante e grossa scrittura calligrafica della fine del Quattrocento’.114

113 Albinia de la Mare originally thought that the manuscript was the work of two scribes, Book III (fols 58r–76r) appearing to be written in a slightly different hand to that of the first and second books (fols 6r–58r). Subtle variations can be discerned. For example, the script of Book III has a slight lean to the right which is further emphasized by the scribe’s use of oblique strokes on minuscule i whereas in the previous books the i’s have been clarified by the more familiar dot. Certain letters appear in slightly different form: majuscule M having gained a flourish has become a little more elaborate. Similarly the distinct closed descender loop of the minuscule g in the first two books develops into a triangular looped tail. However, these are only minor differences and Professor de la Mare was later to conclude: ‘I was wrong at one time to think two hands were involved. It is more likely to be one scribe varying a bit.’ Personal comment, 23 August 1986. 114 Domenico Fava, La Biblioteca Estense nel suo sviluppo storico (Modena: Vincenzi, 1925), p. 85.

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In comparison with the assured regularity of the professional scribe this hand straggles across the page often with little attention to the ruling and margins. The difference is further exaggerated by the fact that the titles in all these manuscripts were originally written in a red ink which has now faded and discoloured, whereas the black ink of the text has remained sharp and distinct (see Figure 26). While this cursive Italic is ungainly in comparison with the humanist cursive and antiqua script of the professional scribes, it has a regularity that is easily legible. It also has its own idiosyncrasies. The most conspicuous feature is the crinkled bar given to capital A and N (see Figures 24–26). H remains surprisingly free of such embellishments. Rounded C, E, G, D seem uniform, though occasionally a square E appears (see Figure 25). Often C is decorated with a down stroke (see Figure 26). Another distinctive feature is the capital Q which is formed of a small closed bowl high in the line with a long tail which usually extends beneath the following letters (see Figure 24). There is no consistency in the use of majuscules and minuscules. Within a title it is not unusual to find minuscule n or t enlarged to form a majuscule when in the next word there is the more familiar N and T (for example, BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I.165 inf., fol. 2r; Figure 2). The scribe is equally inconsistent in the writing of the poet’s name, though no significance can be attached to the spelling of Nagonius with a small n as Wormald has suggested.115 The minuscule script is regular and unremarkable. The tall ascenders of h, d, b, l, are all marked with a slight hook at the top, d and b formed without lifting the pen from the page. Few letters are joined together, a, e, n, m, i, u being the most obvious. Even so, i is dotted for clarity as is &. There seems to be no discrimination in the use of the rounded s and the tall, upright form. Both forms can be found in the same word and the scribe uses either form to begin a word but only uses the rounded s to finish. The large closed descender loop of minuscule g is a distinctive feature, as is the crooked minuscule x with its long cross-stroke hardly oblique (see Figure 24). Abbreviations and contractions are minimal and again uniform: -qz is always written for the connecting particle -que; a subscript stroke like a cedilla below ę indicates æ diphthong and the genitive plural -orum/-arum is always contracted. Punctuation too is regular though monotonously confined to colons and the occasional full stop. Question marks are formed by adding an oblique stroke to the upper dot of a colon. The uniformity of the script of these seven manuscripts, written over a tenyear period, and the absence of corrections to the text suggest that this scribe can 115

Wormald, ‘An Italian Poet’, p. 119, n. 1.

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be identified as Nagonius himself. The poet, however, did not illuminate any of the manuscripts. The appearance of small guiding letters at the beginning of individual books and poems suggest that a letter-writer/illuminator was employed to embellish his manuscripts.116 That a decorated letter is occasionally omitted or wrong suggests that these were not the responsibility of the poet/scribe. In the manuscripts for Maximilian Habsburg, Doge Leonardo Loredan, and Pope Julius II, these initial capital letters are elaborately decorated (see Figures 5, 14, 24, 25): in the other manuscripts, however, the decoration of these capitals seems random and confined to a simple dividing pattern in the stem (see Figures 13 and 26). Whether the distinctive features of Nagonius’s script offer any information about the poet’s education and early career is virtually impossible to discover. Perhaps the features that are now recognized and called ‘humanistic’ (a substroke on ę indicating the diphthong æ, the reformed spelling of mihi for michi and t replacing c in words ending -cio) by the 1490s had become so widespread to be unremarkable. And yet evidence from the manuscripts themselves suggests otherwise. These are precisely the corrections to the work of the professional scribes found in the luxury volumes presented to Henry VII, Vladislav II, and Louis XII. Close inspection of the manuscript presented to Henry VII reveals that the neat humanist cursive book script is littered with minute alterations and corrections. These corrections are often of such detail that it must be concluded that they are the work of the author himself. Not only has the grammar, punctuation, and spelling been corrected (often by expunctuation) but blurred readings have also been clarified and passages of particular interest to the dedicatee have been indicated with a marginal flourish or the familiar nota bene abbreviation. The deluxe manuscript presented to Louis XII bears evidence of similar ‘proof reading’. Although every detail of the physical appearance of this manuscript is of the highest quality, including the script written in multi-coloured inks, it is peppered with minute corrections and additions in black ink. These take the familiar form (additional colons, question marks, subscript strokes to ę, etc). These emendations, by their very nature intended to be inconspicuous, do not provide absolute proof that Nagonius himself was responsible for them, yet their precision virtually precludes the involvement of anyone else. It is almost impossible to

116

p. 99).

‘In 1482 it cost 4 ducats per month to hire an illuminator’ (Lowry, Aldus Manutius,

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compare such minute intrusions into the text with the script of the manuscripts assumed to be in the poet’s own hand. When two or more letters are corrected, great care is taken so that the amended text, although written in black ink, should conform as far as possible to the original script. However in the manuscript presented to Henry VII there is a curious annotation which may provide the missing link (MLY, MS XVI.N.2, fol. 33v; Figure 27). It is written in the same black ink and seems to conform to other corrections in the manuscript. The exact meaning of this marginal note is, however, unclear (perhaps M[ichael] vates | P[apiensis] N[agonius] o[rator]?). Although the word vates which appears in this cryptogram is indeed extremely close in form to the way in which the word is written in the manuscripts assumed to be in Nagonius’s own hand, one word is hardly adequate proof of common authorship. Further supporting evidence is equally tenuous. The manuscripts which Nagonius himself can be assumed to have written bear no signs of external revision. Indeed the manuscript for Julius II is monotonously clean. In these manuscripts correction is minimal. When it occurs it seems to indicate a momentary lapse in concentration, which is immediately corrected, rather than ignorance of the text, which the more obvious mistakes in the York and Paris manuscripts imply. The spelling, and in particular the punctuation, agrees with the corrected forms in the manuscript presented to Henry VII and Louis XII. Although the evidence is slight, it seems reasonable to conclude that Nagonius himself proofread the text after the manuscripts for Henry VII and Louis XII (and possibly Vladislav II)117 had been copied by professional scribes. The script in the manuscript for Niccolò Orsini is quite distinct (see Figure 28). It does not seem to be the work of a professional scribe nor does it compare with the script identified as Nagonius’s own. Although the manuscript is dated, references in the text seem to contradict the date (perhaps indicating that the manuscript is a copy of an earlier text). The addition of a number of other poems to the manuscript after Nagonius’s text complicates the issue further, as these texts appear to be in separate hands. The script of Nagonius’s text appears so varied that it is not certain how many scribes were involved in the production of the manuscript. The watermarks indicate that the paper for the manuscript was

117

I can find only two instances of the work of a ‘correcting hand’ in the Prague manuscript. These are extremely minor examples and can be found in Book I at line 550 where re has been added to the word soluta and at line 690 where the word cretus has been changed in black ink to read satus.

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produced locally at Brescia. Although the manuscript does not appear to have been written by Nagonius himself, there is no real evidence to suggest that the Marciana manuscript is not the copy presented by the poet to Orsini. The provenance of the manuscript is vague. The early history is unknown. We only know that it was among the collection of manuscripts owned by the Venetian merchant Amadeo Svajer acquired by the Marciana in 1794.118

118

156 Jo. Michaelis Nagonii Civis Romani de laudibus Nicolai Ursini Pitiliani Comitii Libri IV [sic] fol. 191. XVI. Catalogue of manuscripts owned by Amadeo Svajer, BMV, MS it. XI, 321 (=7134), fol. 3v.

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Figure 21. Manuscript for Henry VII, professional scribe. MLY, MS XVI.N.2, fol. 9 r. Reproduced with permission of the Dean and Chapter of York Minster.

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Figure 22. Manuscript for Vladislav II, professional scribe. NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), p. 57. Reproduced with permission of the Národni a Universitni Knihovna, Prague.

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Figure 23. Manuscript for Louis XII, professional scribe. BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 68 r. Reproduced with permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France.

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Figure 24. Manuscript for Leonardo Loredan, Nagonius’s own script. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 44r. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican).

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Figure 25. Manuscript for Julius II, Nagonius’s own script. BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 67r. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican).

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Figure 26. Manuscript for Guglielmo II, Nagonius’s own script. BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fol 9r. Reproduced with permission of the Veneranda Biblioteca Ambrosiana.

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Figure 27. Manuscript for Henry VII. Nagonius’s corrections and marginalia. MLY, MS XVI.N.2, fol. 33v. Reproduced with permission of the Dean and Chapter of York Minster.

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Figure 28. Manuscript for Niccolò Orsini. BMV, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950), fol. 40 r. Reproduced with permission of the Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana.

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A Note on the Watermarks As we have seen, Nagonius’s manuscripts written on paper are not as elaborately decorated as those transcribed onto vellum. All conform to the same basic type. The pages are all of a similar size (c. 290 mm x 210 mm); with the exception of the manuscript for Niccolò Orsini, they all are written in the same script in the same black ink, with the titles of individual books and poems enlivened in red ink. Occasionally an illuminator has been employed to decorate an initial letter or add the dedicatee’s coat of arms. Apart from references in the poetry to contemporary events, the manuscripts give little indication of date or place of origin. Individual watermark types, however, can also be used to help date and locate these paper manuscripts119and provide further evidence of their production. 120 The range of different watermarks which appear in Nagonius’s paper manuscripts (flowers, ox-heads, mermaids, jugs, and ladders) immediately differentiates them from each other. The volumes presented to Filiberto II and Guglielmo II both contain the same motif, a flower with eight leaves and pistil. This watermark can be found at regular intervals throughout the manuscript quires. Briquet and Piccard both agree that this mark was common at the end of the fifteenth century in northern Italy, particularly in Pavia and Casale.121 These manuscripts were both dedicated to the lords of states in northwest Italy: Savoy and Monferrat. The Savoy manuscript can be dated precisely as it contains a poem written to celebrate the marriage of Filiberto to Margaret of Austria, which took place on 3 December 1501 (although the manuscript may not have been presented until September 1502). Nagonius declares that he is a native of Pavia and prefaces the manuscript to Guglielmo, marquis of Monferrat, with an inscription recording his marriage into a local family. Taking the evidence of the watermarks found in these

119

The following albums of watermarks have been consulted:Briquet, Les Filigranes; Gerhard Piccard, Die Wasserzeichenkartei Piccard im Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart, 17 vols (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1961–97); Zonghi’s Watermarks: Monumenta Chartae Papyraceae Historiam Illustrantia, III, ed. by E. J. Labarre (Hilversum: Paper Publications Society, 1953). 120 The authors of the albums of watermarks suggest that the results should be used with caution and only in conjunction with other data: ‘one must, besides the water-mark, take note of all palaeographic criteria’ (Zonghi, Watermarks, p. 61). Jozef IJsewijn is similarly cautious: ‘Watermarks […] can suggest or confirm the date of a work, but seldom if ever actually prove it’ (IJsewijn and Sacré, Companion, II, 440). 121 Briquet, Les Filigranes, II, nos 6585–6607, esp. 6599 and 6601: ‘est un des plus anciens filigranes; […] Nous croyons les nos 6585 […] 6607 originaires de la Lombardie’ (p. 373); cf. Piccard, Die Wasserzeichenkartei, nos 126,659; 126,660.

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manuscripts in conjunction with biographical detail it seems fair to conclude that c. 1500 Nagonius returned to the neighbourhood of Pavia where these two manuscripts were transcribed onto locally produced paper, then bound and presented. The manuscripts presented to Ercole d’Este and Pierre, duke of Bourbon, also contain similar watermarks. The paper in the D’Este manuscript again has a single image appearing at regular intervals: a variant on the ox or bull-head motif.122 Unfortunately this cannot be identified among any of the watermarks categorized by Piccard. The same image is also one of three distinct watermarks found in the paper of the Bourbon manuscript. As well as the unidentified ox-head variant there is also a jug and a ladder within a circle surmounted by a six-pointed star. The particular occurrence of these marks is important. The jug mark is only found on the endpapers while the ladder image dominates the main text. On the evidence of the image on the endpapers, the restoration department of the Bibliothèque nationale de France came to the following conclusion: Les feuillets de garde portent un filigrane dont Briquet, Les Filigranes, no. 12545, indique la provenance: le Sud-Est de la France. Cette localisation pourraît être aussi celle de la reliure mais je suggèrerais plutôt Lyon, sans pouvoir l'affirmer. Le style italianisant des ciselures des tranches dorées confirmerait plutôt mon hypothèse. (The endpapers have a watermark (Les Filigranes, no. 12545) which indicates their provenance: southeast France. This could also be the provenance of the binding, I would particularly suggest Lyons without being able to confirm this. The Italianate style of the gauffering would also support my hypothesis.)123

This conclusion needs qualifying, as the image of the ladder must also be taken into consideration. The image is easily identifiable from the albums of Zonghi and Briquet.124 Zonghi, identifying the mark from the paper mills of Fabriano, comments on the wide diffusion of their product: The paper mills of Fabriano possessed paper warehouses at Fano for the Marches of Ancona, at Perugia for Umbria, at Florence for Tuscany and for overseas countries at 122

Two further variants of this bull-head motif appear on the blank folios at the end of the volume (fols 221, 224, and 225). 123 Private letter from Marie-Pierre Laffitte, Conservateur. 124 Zonghi, Watermarks, tav. III, nos 1548–57; Briquet, Les Filigranes, II, nos 5920 and 5922. Briquet observes: ‘L’éschelle est un filigrane exclusivement italien, mais qui a été employé dans plusieurs régions de la péninsule. Inscrite dans un cercle sans autre ornament, l’éschelle se trouve dans le centre et dans le nord de l’Italie. Les figures surmontées d’une étoile sont plus nombreuses et sont allées plus loin, jusqu’en Allemagne et en Autriche-Hongrie elles proviennent probablement de l’Italie centrale’ (Les Filigranes, p. 345).

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Talamone on the Tyrrhenian Sea, and whence the product of Fabriano was shipped to Marseilles, Aigues-Mortes, Montpellier and Beaucaire, at all of which places famous annual fairs or markets were held and visited by merchants from the greater part of Europe.125

The evidence seems a little contradictory. The endpapers originate in France while the paper for the main body of the book is Italian in origin, though it could possibly have been bought in France. The obvious conclusion is that the poetry was written in Italy but the book was bound in France.126 The four watermarks in the volume presented to Niccolò Orsini (plain oxhead, ox-head with ornamentation, fleur-de-lis, and mountain surmounted by a cross) confirm the provenance of the manuscript. All the paper originates from northern Italy. The plain ox-head is a common Italian motif. Briquet notes: ‘Un grand nombre sont certainement originaires des États de Venise, mais il serait téméraire de les attribuer tous à cette région d’Italie’ (A great number certainly originate from the Veneto, but it would be rash to attribute them all to that region).127 Briquet overcomes his reticence, however, and suggests that paper with this decorated ox-head watermark originates from Brescia.128 Orsini’s castle at Ghedi, received as a fief from Venice after 1494, was situated fifteen kilometres south of Brescia. It may be concluded that the manuscript was produced locally. No comparable image of the fleur-de-lis can be found. The image of ‘le groupe des six monts imbriqués’ compares favourably with a mark Briquet identifies as Italian and locates at Trento c. 1514.129

125

Zonghi, Watermarks, p. 56. This theory is further supported by a number of small but significant details. The texture of the two papers is quite different. The poetry is written on thick paper in which the chain-lines run vertically in horizontal stripes, whereas the chain-lines on the thin endpapers run horizontally in vertical stripes. The division of the two papers neatly divides the coats of arms at the beginning of the volume. In the other manuscripts with coats-of-arms these always appear at the foot of the first page of script. The Bourbon arms are similarly situated in this manuscript but they are also faced by a full-page illumination of the Royal arms of France and of Bourbon painted on two shields. This emblazoned page is quite unique in Nagonius’s works. Perhaps it was added as an afterthought during the binding process and may be the work of a French rather than an Italian illuminator. 127 Briquet, Les Filigranes, IV, 730. 128 Watermarks ‘avec une sorte de triangle pendu au mufle, sont originaires de Brescia’. Briquet, IV, 731. 129 Briquet, III, no. 11,945. 126

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Thus by confirming biographical details and helping to solve codicological problems, the seemingly insignificant watermarks can often prove extremely useful. They not only differentiate the various manuscripts into groups but also help to confirm a date and place of origin. They also provide valuable clues about the poet himself and his method of working. In this respect, the identification of two different provenances for the paper in the Bourbon manuscript raises some interesting questions about the physical delivery of the book. The use of French endpapers suggests that the poet travelled with his work written on unbound quires and employed a binder to add covers later at his destination, in this case the French court at Lyons. This echoes the process of the production of the manuscript for Maximilian Habsburg which was transcribed by the poet and later decorated by a professional illuminator in the Low Countries.

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CONCLUSION

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s we have seen, Nagonius’s success as a panegyric poet lay in his ability to flatter the aspirations of the rulers of Renaissance Europe with images of themselves as the spiritual heirs to Ancient Rome, its Latin culture, and — more importantly — its imperium. Contemporary events are aggrandized and the image of honorand recast in heroic guise. In order to do this, the poet looked to the classical tradition and used a wide range of sources to comment on current events. In a short poem (incipit ‘Quo nos, Phoebe, iubes rogamus ire?’) Nagonius cites those ancient authors who have been particularly inspirational. Apollo leads the poet to the Heliconian spring and inspires him to sing the deeds of his great dedicatee (in this case it is King Louis XII of France, but the same verses are repeated throughout the poet’s œuvre): O dilecta deo, tuoque regi foelix Gallia, et O beata multum quae gaudere tuo potes poeta, Phoebo carmina digna qui reponit. Torvo Mantua laeta sit Marone, iactet Parthenope Papiniumque et vates celebrent suos Iberi, tu gaudere tuo potes poeta. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 115r) (O France, beloved of God, and fortunate in your king, and O how extremely blessed, you can rejoice in your poet, who restores songs worthy of Apollo. Let Mantua be happy with grim Virgil, and Naples boast of Statius and the Spaniards celebrate their own poets: you, France, can rejoice in your own poet.)

Nagonius not only acknowledges his sources (Virgil, Statius, the Spanish poets, i.e. Lucan and Martial) but, more importantly, sees himself as following in their

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footsteps and continuing the classical tradition until the present.1 Through the works of panegyric poets such as Nagonius, classical texts acquired a new and immediate relevance. The recipients of the deluxe manuscripts of Nagonius’s verse, often illuminated with images of the honorand in the guise of a triumphant Roman general, and the audience before whom his verse was recited were encouraged to see themselves as a vital element in the continuation of this tradition. In order to do this Nagonius created a series of poems, including an epic narrative, based upon motifs taken from classical literature. As we have frequently observed, Nagonius’s poetry is a ‘mosaic’; his verse consists of similar metrical and verbal patterns, close paraphrases, and quotations from the classical authorities ingeniously linked together.2 Virgil is the dominant, but by no means exclusive, epic presence. Lucan too is used, as is Silius Italicus (see below, Index Locorum Citatorum).3 These silver Latin authors had not chosen mythological events from the distant past as the subjects for their epic narratives, but had looked instead to Rome’s recent history.4 In so doing, they provided later writers, including Nagonius, with examples of how contemporary events could be adapted to the epic genre. As well as borrowing extensively from the epic poets, Nagonius’s chief sources also include Statius (both the Silvae and Thebaid), Claudian, Ovid (particularly the Fasti), Martial, Horace, and Propertius. Nagonius remodels episodes from these authors, borrowing verses and half-lines

1

There is no evidence that Nagonius knew any Greek. Despite occasional references to Greek writers such as the philosopher Anaxagoras (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 67r) and to events in Greek literature and history, it seems certain that Nagonius’s knowledge of Greek was derived from Latin authors. 2 On the use of the term mosaic, see Roberto Cardini, Mosaici: Il ‘nemico’ dell’Alberti (Rome: Bulzoni, 1990; repr. 2004). 3 The silver Latin poets had been ranked with Virgil as suitable models for epic throughout the Middle Ages. Ordericus Vitalis says that Guy of Amiens turned to both Virgil and Statius for inspiration when writing his contemporary narrative on the battle of Hastings, De Hastingae Proelio (Raby, Secular Latin Poetry, I, 359). As early as March 1663 Georg Osterman Plachy observed that Nagonius imitated Lucan: ‘Laureatus iste Poeta Nagoni, quamvis | quidem prisco Lucani incedens cothurno | alicubi hiulcus sit, alicubi mendis scateat: | attamen ob antiquitatem domesticae historiae, | ab homine extero et quidem Romano conglo|batim potius decantatae, quam ordine descri|ptae; ne ab aliquopiam dismembretur | conservari et custodiri debet; praesertim si | hoc exemplar sit (ut est) ipsum origi|nale.’ NKP, MS VIII. H.76 (1659), flyleaf. 4 Naevius’s third-century Bellum Punicum, Ennius’s Annales, and the fragments of poems on the civil wars demonstrate that from the earliest times there was a thriving tradition of historical epic at Rome: see D. C. Feeney, The Gods in Epic: Poets and Critics of the Classical Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 99–128; 250–312.

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from the originals, to lend an authentic ‘tone’ and anchor his own poetry within the classical tradition.5 This attempt at recreation of the classical style is continued into the finest details. As well as borrowing liberally from the literary canon, Nagonius also uses inscriptions from classical monuments and legends from ancient coins to imbue his writing with an aura of authenticity so that even the smallest phrases resonate with classical echoes. Comparison of Nagonius’s verse with his classical models reveals that the poet’s conception of imitation, which includes wholesale borrowing of phrases, today would be considered at best as unoriginal and at worst as plagiarism. Such judgements, however, presuppose that creativity lies in an originality more absolute than Renaissance literary culture expected or even esteemed. As Walter Bullock has shown, ‘plagiarism (or what is little short of it) was not only countenanced but deliberately urged upon budding authors by the most influential literary theorists of the day until well into the second half of the Cinquecento’.6 It is important, then, not to project modern sensibilities back on the Renaissance and divorce Nagonius’s work from the social and cultural milieu in which it was written and presented.7 It was expected that allusions and quo-tations from earlier poets would be recognized and the poet applauded by the discerning audience for his ability to adapt his model to the present situation. The poet’s skill lay in the art with which these quotations were woven together. Originality, as such, was not encouraged.8 The idea of ‘imitation’ was not new to the Renaissance.9 In the De Oratore Cicero encouraged imitatio as a method of rhetorical composition: ergo hoc sit primum in praeceptis meis, ut demonstremus quem imitetur, atque ita ut quae maxime excellent in eo quem imitabitur, ea diligentissime persequatur. tum accedat exercitatio, qua illum quem delegerit imitando effingat atque exprimat ita ut

5

In the Africa, Petrarch too borrows lines and phrases from classical authors. See, for example, Africa, V. 684, where two half-lines from Horace are combined (Carm., I. i. 2; I. iii. 8). 6 Walter L. Bullock, ‘The Precept of Plagiarism in the Cinquecento’, Modern Philology, 25 (1928), 293–312; also Richard T. Bruère, ‘Lucan and Petrarch’s Africa’, Classical Philology, 56 (1961), 83–99. 7 See Thomas M. Greene, The Light in Troy: Imitation and Discovery in Renaissance Poetry (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982). 8 See David Quint, Origin and Originality in Renaissance Literature: Versions of the Source (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), esp. pp. 1–42; Martin L. McLaughlin, Literary Imitation in the Italian Renaissance: The Theory and Practice of Literary Imitation in Italy from Dante to Bembo (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995). 9 For the classical period, see Donald A. Russell, ‘De Imitatione’, in Creative Imitation and Latin Literature, ed. by David West and Tony Woodman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), pp. 1–16.

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multos imitatores saepe cognovi, qui aut ea, quae facilia sunt, aut etiam illa, quae insignia ac paene vitiosa, consectentur imitando. (Let this then be the first of my precepts: to assign a model for imitation; and in such a way that the best aspects of that model may most diligently be studied. Then must come practice, until the imitator really resembles his chosen model.)10

Cicero, however, urges the author to use discretion and imitate only the best aspects (quae maxime excellent) of the model chosen for imitation and he warns against imitating trivial qualities (quae facilia sunt) or even defects (ac paene vitiosa). The pseudo-Ciceronian Ad Herennium similarly defines imitatio: ‘imitation stimulates us to attain, in accordance with a studied method, the effectiveness of certain models in speaking.11 The idea was repeated by Longinus, who boldly states that, ‘imitation is not plagiarism’,12 and given detailed treatment by Quintilian.13 Even Virgil, as Seneca states explicitly (Suas., 3. 7), wanted his allusion to and borrowings from earlier writers to be recognized. Girolamo Vida’s tract, De arte poetica (1527), reveals the extent to which imitatio could be taken in the sixteenth century: Then, if any writer is far superior to all the rest, I bid you learn power and skill in composition from him; you must constantly strive to resemble him as far as possible […] But meanwhile, I warn you, do not on that account abstain from exploiting the works of other poets, using their phrases, and taking various treasures from them all […] Let us take from one a well-formed plot, from another the arrangement, the sense of the phrases and phrases themselves. It is no shame to speak sometimes with another’s mouth. If you plan to steal from well-known poets, however, tread rather more warily, and be careful to disguise your stolen lines by altering the key words; put your readers off the track by changing the arrangement; let the appearance be altered, the impression different.14

Although published some twenty years after Nagonius was writing, Vida’s comments no doubt reflect previous, as well as contemporary, practice and seem to summarize particularly well Nagonius’s method of composition. A thorough survey of the early editions of the classical texts available to the poet would

10

Cic., De or. II. 22. 90, ed. by Kazimierz Kumaniecki (Leipzig: Teubner, 1969). ‘Imitatio est qua impellimur, cum diligenti ratione, ut aliquorum similes in dicendo valeamus esse’, [Cic.] Her. I. ii. 3, ed. with a translation by Harry Caplan (Cambridge: Loeb, 1981), p. 9. 12 Longinus, ‘On Sublimity’, 13. 4, trans. by Donald A. Russell in Russell and Winterbottom, Ancient Literary Criticism, p. 476. 13 Quint., Inst. 10. 2, trans. by Michael Winterbottom, in Russell and Winterbottom, Ancient Literary Criticism,pp. 400–04. 14 Girolamo Vida, De arte poetica, the text of the 1527 edition, ed. with a translation by Ralph G. Williams (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), bk III, 188 ff. 11

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certainly reveal the full extent of his borrowings and probably go some way to explaining the difficulties of certain passages where the poet has imitated a corrupt text to produce some impossible lines.15 As Jozef IJsewijn cogently observed, It often happens that modern editions of classical authors offer readings totally different from what the humanists found in their manuscripts or printed books. Many of these variants are no longer found in the modern critical editions. We need not explain the importance of this fact for the understanding and correct interpretation of the humanistic writings.16

This is particularly true of Nagonius. Variant readings from the manuscripts and the notoriously flawed early editions of Claudian, Statius, and others would certainly explain many of the problematic passages in Nagonius’s text. An annotated edition of a complete manuscript, cataloguing Nagonius’s sources and classical references from contemporary editions, would further highlight the poet’s method of composition and, perhaps, reveal his debt to the scholars (such as Pietro Marso and Pomponius Laetus) who lectured at the Studium urbis. It has frequently been argued that neo-Latin panegyric poetry does not find a sympathetic modern audience. Reasons have been suggested why this is so. Yet to ignore the wealth of material in this important literary genre in the history of Renaissance literature is to ignore a vital element in the history of the Renaissance itself. In this study Nagonius’s work has been viewed, for the most part, in isolation from the work of his fellow poets. This has been a deliberate policy, as comparison with the work of his contemporaries would entail a volume many times larger than this. However, comparison with the work of contemporary panegyrists, similarly educated in Rome, would reveal interesting correspondences between their work. The selection of passages chosen for inclusion in Part III is an attempt to allow this discourse to begin. In the final analysis, then, the value of Nagonius’s œuvre lies less in its literary merits than in its cultural significance. Although the impressive list of Nagonius’s dedicatees reveals something of his contemporary reputation, it has to be admitted that Nagonius has not survived to us as a major literary figure and his poetry has no claim to intrinsic literary importance. However, as David Maskell has remarked, ‘the very deficiencies of second- or third-rate writers can illuminate the process of literary creation and afford a clearer picture of the literary climate in which they 15

See below, Part III, Chapter 9, ‘An Epithalamium for Guglielmo II, Marquis of Monferrat and Anne D’Alençon’, for a very preliminary essay in this direction. 16 IJsewijn and Sacré, Companion, p. 461.

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worked’.17 Indeed, the value of Nagonius’s work lies in the circumstances of its composition and presentation; and in the reception and re-use of classical motifs to flatter a courtly elite. Used carefully and systematically, his manuscripts provide a rich and unique source of information about the individuals Nagonius wrote for and the society in which he worked. While Nagonius praised the different dedicatees of his manuscripts generically and interchangeably, his work is still an important and valuable source for tracking contemporary political events and ideas. In terms of self-fashioning, Nagonius’s manuscripts helped to shape the honorands’ social and intellectual identity. A careful assessment of his Latin poetry allows us to reconstruct an important — and frequently overlooked — element of Renaissance court culture and explore the interaction of the literary and political ideals that informed this world and gave it significance. By examining why and how he adapted what he had inherited from the classical tradition we acquire an insight, on a general level, into an important link in the revival and transmission of the Latin literary tradition. Regrettably in this respect, the role of itinerant poets like Nagonius in spreading humanist scholarship to courts, where romances and the epics of chivalry dominated literary circles, has long been underestimated or ignored. His peripatetic career emphasizes the international nature of humanism in the late Quattrocento and early Cinquecento and stresses, in particular, the relationship that existed between court culture, international diplomacy, and literary activities. In addition, his volumes of occasional panegyric verse highlight the tradition of praise and advice that existed in the Renaissance and the interaction between text and image in humanist presentation manuscripts. Nagonius’s deluxe manuscripts thus provide a unique entrée into the social role of the itinerant poet laureate and allow the impact of neo-Latin poetry and classical culture across the courts of Europe at the end of the fifteenth century to be gauged and assessed. Perhaps a verse from Horace (Epist., I. xvii. 35) can be applied to offer the most fitting tribute to the poet’s achievement: ‘principibus placuisse viris non ultima laus est’ (It is some distinction to have pleased great men).

17

David Maskell, The Historical Epic in France 1500–1700 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 4.

Part III Panegyric Compositions and Catalogue

Chapter 9

A SELECTION OF THE PANEGYRIC COMPOSITIONS OF NAGONIUS

The Senators and Matrons of Rome (MS ÖNB, 12.750, fols 20v–23v)

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Necnon sollicitus festas Marcellus ad aras raptabat nuptasque nurus non foedera passas, ignotasque thori ducebat rite puellas Martigena de stirpe satus. Pomponius inde cura deum Letus, vatum qui grandior ore et princeps Latiique chori, quo nullus habetur clarior eloquio, et Phoebeo pectine maior. Fonte suo puroque lacu nunc ora perenne nostra natant, spargitque novos in plectra liquores, cogebat similis pubem doctamque catervam. Sic etiam Marsus terris memorabile nomen Ausoniaeque decus, cultae mirantur Athenae quippe virum, super extremos extenditur Indos, ac Gangen, Latias fama exaudita per urbes, hic magnum replevit opus Ciceronis et artes. Scipio post sequitur Romana celsus in arce Peoniis (ni fallor) adest prestantior herbis. Pergamon huic memorant docto turbamque medentum concessisse locum, cessit Peantius idem atque repertor opis tacitae scrutator et artis. Rectius hic poterat salientis pollice venas pertentare suo, et dubiam depellere pestem. Sic etiam proceres precibus raptabat ad aras

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cura deum Bibulus suffusus lumina terra. Marte dabat leto tam vivida membra laborque providus astabat, sollertia tecta quiete bellatoris equi Latias imponere matres festinat curatque nurus ut templa vaporent; sic quoque persimiles Marius tendebat honores Melina de gente satus quo clarior alter haud fuit Hectoridum, vultuque decentior illo, ambo Romulei servantes ora senatus. Expediunt omnes iussos adolere Penatis. Iunoni pallam, Paphiae sua corda dicabant. Imprimis voto declinat numina dextro Aeneadum forma mulier pulcherrima matrum et sobole insignis castas imitata Sabinas ore rogat proprio Romano candida velo, ‘Si veneris regina Iovis, Cythereaque mater annueris fatis fulvam sub tegmine vestem quam niveae nevere manus Lucretia tradam.’ Ante deam manibus supplex penetralia adorat atque colit Paphiae numen pia Iulia imo ex Pelusiaco, simulacraque nota Dyones Pergameis onerat telis vincentia virgo, cui superare datur flores et lilia Nili, Pharsalicasque rosas, et dotes ferre Sicanas, Cecropiam Tyrio veneratur Pallada et ostro. Inde ferunt adytis Cybales velamen in auro. Marta frequens Veneri maius laudabile donum imponit, sequitur mulier quae Pallade docta Celestina fuit consacrans munus olivae. Dum Bibulus priscos aris indicit honores alma Venus comitante remo prior ore profatur, se certam confessa deam, superisque videri quanta solet, faciem nitido radiabat amictu. ‘Querite Dardanidae Cumanum protinus antrum illinc venturae sortis responsa potestis percipere et vestri redientia Cesaris arma. Hinc iter ad Stygias sedes, quis docta Sybilla praesidet, et vatis lustrabitis antra severae.

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Illa locis rabidis oracula sancta remittet.’ Vix ea complerat subito inter tempora perstans sensit aves. Memorant Paphiae venisse columbas e celo, super ora viri posuere volantes. Procumbant letis alis plausuque frequenti nunc tangunt aras, libant nunc Iulia templa. At Bibulus cognovit aves, matremque precatur tunc Venerem, ‘Cytherea ducis ne desere regna progenies Troiae sumus, hinc delubra Dyones prosequimur, venerata manent multusque resultat gentis honos, omen firma, sanctumque teneto augurium, plenum fatis surgentis Iuli.’ Inde volant geminae sacri super ardua tecti culmina, dehinc liquidas captant applausibus auras. Una tenet Phaetonta novum, radiosque priores quos vehit aurato surgens Aurora iugali. Altera ad Oceanum penna ducente cucurrit. Parte alia Masius templis, hinc aere superbus Marganus, Paulusque suus, qui certat harenis auriferis Hermique Tagi, fulvoque metello Pactoli Duriique potens, pia vota vovabat. Tugius et patriae servator nobilis almae Pieridum numeros gaudens aequasse mearum, et natos genuisse novem, virtutis aventes, conspicuosque toga, et dociles dulcedine laudum. Hos omnes generosus eques per sacra trahebat. Necnon instaurat florens Antonius annis inde focos vivaeque colens altaria flammae nubibus et lenta quod sudat fronde Sabeis. Post Marianus erat, sequitur quem Brancha pudicis vocibus, et patrem passu servabat Iulus. Iulius ore decens flavos gestare capillos certantes auro et radiantis crine Batavi, Saxorumque domus titulis hinc clara vetustis, nunc aris sacrisque locis intenta sedebat, attribuuntque senes propriis sua numina divis. Tanta adeo fuerat templis reverentia totis, quod iam perfectis, superum meditantur honores,

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100 non aspernatos Helice, admirante Quirino, armigeroque deo, finito munere patres exultant, Phrygiosque iuvat placasse Penates. Dum Roma antiquo celebrat penetralia ritu, […]

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Translation Also Marcellus, sprung from warlike stock, was anxiously hurrying along to the festal altars wives and unmarried women and was leading with the proper rites girls ignorant of the marriage bed. Then Pomponius Laetus, beloved of the gods, who is the elder guardian of the seers and the Roman band; no one is considered more brilliant in eloquence or more outstanding with Apollo’s lyre; our speech bathes continually in his pure fountain and lake, and he sprinkles new waters on the plectrum; he was likewise bringing together a learned crowd of young men. Thus also Marsus a name renowned throughout the world and worthy of Italy; indeed, cultivated Athens admires the man. His fame stretches beyond furthest India and the Ganges and is heard throughout the Italian towns. He restored the great work of Cicero and his skills. Scipio, foremost on the Roman citadel, follows. He is (unless I am mistaken) rather famous for his use of Peonian herbs. At Pergamum they relate that the crowd of doctors has granted a place to this learned man; likewise Apollo, the father of medicine and examiner of the silent art, has yielded. He could rather skilfully test throbbing veins with his thumb and diagnose a doubtful illness. Thus also Bibulus, beloved of the gods, with eyes streaming to the ground, was hurrying the elders along with prayers to the altars. The prophetic work and resourcefulness concealed by calm was giving to deathly Mars the living limbs of a warhorse; he hurries to assign a place to the Roman mothers and see to it that the women make the temples smoke with incense; thus also Marius, descended from the house of Melina, was performing similar rites. There was no one of the sons of Hector more famous nor more handsome than him, both men serving the Roman Senate. They all perform the orders and honour the Penates. They were offering a robe to Juno and their hearts to Venus. Firstly the most beautiful of the Roman matrons, distinguished in her offspring, dazzling white in a Roman veil in imitation of the chaste Sabine women, calls down the deities with a fitting prayer and makes a request in her own voice: (39) ‘If you, queen of Jove, will have come, and if you, Cytherean mother, will have approved the Fates, I, Lucretia, will offer a cloak spun with gold which white hands have woven.’ (42) In front of the shrines the suppliant with her hands worships the goddess and pious Julia honours the divine power of Venus, and the girl loads with Roman cloth from the deepest Nile the famous and conquering statues of Dione, who surpasses the flowers and lilies of the Nile and Pharsalian roses and brings Sicilian dowries; she also reveres Athenian Pallas with Tyrian purple. Then they bring to the sanctuaries of Cybele a golden veil. Marta, a regular worshipper, places a

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greater praiseworthy gift to Venus and the matron Celestina, who was learned in the lore of Athena, was consecrating a gift of olive. While Bibulus pronounces the ancient offices at the altars, kindly Venus, accompanied by an oar, as she is accustomed to be seen by the gods, in a glittering veil and with a radiant expression, acknowledging that she is a true goddess, speaks first: (57) ‘Sons of Dardanus, immediately seek out the Cumanean cave; in that place you can understand the answers to the future Fate and the returning arms of your Caesar. Then journey down to the Stygian kingdom, over which the learned Sibyl presides, and you will purify the caves of the severe prophetess. She will emit holy oracles from those mad places.’ (63) She had scarcely finished when, standing among the temples, she suddenly heard birds. They recall that Venus’s doves came from the heavens, and fluttering they settled above the gaze of the man. They glide down on happy wings and with frequent flapping they now touch the altars and skim the Julian temples. But Bibulus recognizes the birds, and then prays to mother Venus, (69) ‘Guides, do not forsake the Cytherean kingdoms. We are the descendants of Troy, hence we follow the shrines of Venus. They remain venerated, and resound with much honour from the people; affirm the omen, confirm the sacred prediction that is full of the destiny of rising Julius.’ (74) Then the two birds fly over the high tops of the sacred roof. From there they catch the yielding breezes with their flapping wings. One takes to the new sun and the first beams which rising Aurora rides with her golden team. The other hastened to the Ocean on her wings. (79) In another part Masius was offering pious prayers at the temples, then Marganus proud with bronze and his son Paulus, who competes with the goldbearing sands of the rivers Haemus and Tagus and the rivers Pactolus and Durius, powerful in the yellow metal. Tugius also, the celebrated conservator of the kindly fatherland, rejoicing to have equalled the number of my Muses and to have fathered nine sons, all desirous of virtue and illustrious in the toga, and responsive to the sweetness of praises. The noble knight was leading all these through the sacred rites. Also Antonius in the prime of youth was repeating the vows, then honouring the hearths and altars of living flame which also sweats with clouds of Sabaean incense from slow-burning fronds. Afterwards there was Marianus, whom Branca followed with virtuous words, and Iulus was keeping in step with his father. Julius with a becoming expression, sporting blond hair that vied with the golden hair of the shining Batavian, and then the house of the Saxons, renowned with ancient titles, now was sitting intent at the altars and the sacred places. The old men are attributing to each divinity their own divine power. So

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great was the reverence at all the temples because, when these offices now were completed, they reflected upon the honours of the gods not spurned under Ursa Major, with Quirinus and the armour-bearing god admiring. When the rites were finished the fathers exulted and were pleased to have placated the Phrygian Penates. (103) While Rome was worshipping at the shrines in ancient rite, […]

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Commentary The sacrifice is based upon the religious observances at Rome after Hannibal’s victory at Lake Trasimene as reported in Silius Italicus (VII. 64–90). Nagonius lists a number of contemporary figures renowned for their interest in antiquity and associated with Pomponius Laetus and the Roman Academy. The matrons are, however, more difficult to identify with any degree of certainty. Their names (Lucrezia, Giulia, etc.) are common names both in antiquity and in fifteenthcentury Rome (for example, Lucrezia Borgia and Giulia Farnese). They are, perhaps, the wives or daughters of the male figures, but this has yet to be corroborated. The passage may have been inspired by the opening ceremony of the Studium Urbis on 18 October at the beginning of each new academic year (see Maria Cristina Dorati da Empoli, ‘I lettori dello Studio e i maestri di grammatica a Roma da Sisto IV ad Alessandro VI’, Rassegna degli Archivi di Stato, 40 (1980), 98–147). The inclusion of such figures as Cristoforo del Bufalo and Mario Mellini, who had been sent as ambassadors in 1495 to treat with Charles VIII, adds an urgency and poignancy to the description in the manuscript for Maximilian. The passage is expanded in later manuscripts. 1

Cf.

At patres Latiasque nurus raptabat ad aras cura deum. maesto suffusae lumina vultu femineus matres graditur chorus; (Sil., VII. 74–76)

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Marcellus: here identified as the prominent curialist and papal orator Cristoforo Marcello (†1527); see Irene Polverini Fosi, ‘Il ms Vaticano Latino 5800: un’opera inedita di Cristoforo Marcello’, in Le chiavi della memoria: Miscellanea in occasione del I centenario della Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia Diplomatica e Archivistica (Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1984), pp. 441–60. Pomponius: Pomponius Laetus (1425–98), antiquarian, scholar, founding member of the Roman Academy, and lecturer in rhetoric at the Studium Urbis, 1474; 1481–83; 1494–96; see Dorati da Empoli, ‘I lettori dello Studio’, p. 122. Marsus: Pietro Marso (1441–1511) lecturer in rhetoric at the Studium Urbis, 1482–84; 1494–96; see Dorati da Empoli, p. 121. He published commentaries on Cicero, De Officiis (Venice, 1481); Silius Italicus (Venice,

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17 18 19 24 25 26 27 29

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1492), and Ovid; see Marc Dykmans, L’Humanisme de Pierre Marso (Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1988). Scipio: Scipio Lancillotti (†1517), lecturer in medicine at the Studium Urbis, 1483–1513; see Dorati da Empoli, p. 132. He was later doctor to Pope Julius II. Lancillotti is also included among the list of celebrated Romans by Francesco Arsilli in his metrical catalogue De poetis urbanis ad Paulum Iovium libellus (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 2754, fols 130v–39v); see IJsewijn, Coryciana, pp. 344–64. Peoniis […] herbis: ‘with Paeonian herbs’, i.e. with medicines; from the adjective Paeonius, from Paean, an appellation of Apollo as the god of healing, and transferred to his son Aesculapius; see Ov., Met., XV. 535. Pergamon: Pergamum, here with reference to Aesculapius, the god of healing, who had a celebrated temple in the city. Peontius: of or belonging to Paean, i.e. Apollo; see above, l. 17. Bibulusque: here identified as Cristoforo del Bufalo, cancelliere of the city sent to meet Charles VIII (active 1444–1511). suffusus lumina: cf. Sil., VII. 75. tam vivida membra laborque: cf. Sil., VII. 64. Cf. ‘providus et cauta sollertia tecta quiete’; Sil., VII. 65. bellatoris equi: cf. Sil., VII. 68. Marius […] Melina de gente satus: Mario Mellini, signore di Monterano, apostolic abbreviator and cancelliere perpetuo of the Roman Commune. He was sent by the Roman people to treat with Charles VIII in 1495; see Carlo Cecchelli, Le grandi famiglie romane, 4 vols (Rome: Istituto di studi romani, 1942–46), IV, 44. Cf. Sil., VII. 77. Cf. Sil., VII. 80–81. Lucretia: unknown, perhaps Lucrezia Altieri (active 1489–1513), sister of Marco Antonio, Mariano, and Lorenzo Altieri (see below, l. 91). Iulia: unknown. Pelusiaco: adj. ‘Pelusiac’ with reference to the Egyptian city Pelusium in the Nile delta, hence ‘Egyptian’. Marta: unknown. Celestina: unknown. Venus comitante remo: ‘Venus with a rudder’, as on the reverse of the denarius struck in honour of Faustina the younger, the daughter of Antoninus Pius. The rudder is the symbol of Venus anadyomene, ‘the sea-born queen’.

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The appearance of the doves is modelled upon Virgil, cf. Vix ea fatus erat geminae cum forte columbae ipsa sub ora viri caelo venere volantes (Aen., VI. 190–91)

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Iuli: here with reference to Maximilian. Masius: Maesius? unknown. Marganus: Stefano Margani (†1501). Paulusque suus: Paolo Margani, son of Stefano. The Margani were a family of minor Roman nobility, noted among the supporters of the Colonna. The manuscript for Vladislav II adds further details: Hinc aere superbus Marganus, tumida nimium pietate podagra contorsus, Paulusque suus qui certat harenis (NKP, MS VIII.H.76 [1659], bk I, ll. 669–71)

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Hermique: the goldbearing River Hermus in Aeolis. Tagi: the River Tagus in Lusitania, celebrated for its golden sands. Pactoli: Pactolus, a river in Lydia which was said to bring down golden sands. Servius tells the story of King Midas washing away his ‘golden touch’ in this river. Duriique: Durius, one of the principal rivers in Spain, now the Douro. Tugius: unknown. Antonius: Marco Antonio Altieri (1450–1532)? or Marc’Antonio Sabellico (c. 1436–1506)? nubibus […] Sabeis: cf. Stat., Silv., IV. viii. 1–2. Marianus: here identified as Mariano Altieri; mentioned together with his brother Lorenzo in the manuscript for Doge Leonardo Loredan (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213). Brancha: Paolo Branca, lecturer at the Studium Urbis, 1474; 1481–83; 1494–96; see Dorati da Empoli, ‘I lettori dello Studio’, p. 141. Iulus: unidentified son of Paolo Branca. Iulius: unknown. Batavi: the Batavians, Hollanders, Dutch. Cf. Sil., VII. 88. Helice: the constellation Ursa Major. Cf. ‘Dum Roma antiquos templis indicat honores’, Sil., VII. 90.

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The Oration and Verses to Welcome Piotr Vapowski to Rome (BNP, E.XXIII.39, fols not numbered) A)

GENEROSO DO|MINO PETRO VAPOWSKI A DA|now Dapifero terrae Sanocensi et c[etera] singulari | suo Mecoenati, Matt Franconius foeli|citatem exoptat.

NON multis transactis diebus, vir clarissime, Oratio et Elegia civis Romani, 5 Reverendo Domino Petro Vapowski Canonico Cracoviensi patruo tuo charissimo, olim Romae nuncupatim dedicata mihi oblata est, et ea quidem in membranam exarata, quam squallore et rubine [sic] aliquantulum exesam, iterum atque iterum perlegi commodum in mentem venit, operae precium me facturum, si eam pro mea virili, aliquantulum in pristinum nitorem 10 revocarem typisque excudendam traderem. Nullus est tam magnus labor, nullum munus, in litteris tam sordidum, quod defugiendum esse censeo, quum omnis fere defuncto, quae pertinet ad ingenuas disciplinas, non potest esse non honesta, non splendida, non magnifica. Nihil est tam firmum quod non aliquando consumat vetustas. Sed quos literarum praeconio celebratos 15 esse videmus, illis nulla honoris, et gloriae, allatura finem est aetas. Hoc perpenderunt primores nostri, et eos qui eorum virtutes tulerunt ad astra, summis honoribus affecerunt. Siquidem Chirilus ab Alexandro incultis pro versibus, et male natus, retulit acceptos regale numisma philippos. Et Pompeius Magnus Theophanem Mytilenaeum scriptorem rerum suarum in 20 contione militum civitate do||nabat. Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus quoque Enniam intimum habere suum, pulcherrimum triumphum laureatum sequi et Corneliorum monumenta demum inferre iussit, ut Ovidius elegantissime lusit. Ennius emeruit, Calabris in montibus ortus, 25 Contiguus poni, Scipio magne, tibi. Praeterea patruus tuuus (piae memoriae) tanti momenti apud S[anctissimum] M[aiestatem] R[egem] Poloniae fuit, ut prae caeteris et gravissimis et doctissimis viris, Romae in tanto amplissimorum patrum consessu, celeberrimoque totius orbis theatro de re ardua difficillimaque, 30 insignis oratoris munere summa cum laude functus est. Quanta igitur perita in omni disciplinarum genere, et virtute non modo refertus fuerat, verum etiam affluens atque exuberans, facile colligere licet. Eam ob causam non me literatum proletarium, sed classicum quendam suarum virtutum buccinatorem exposcere videatur, malo hoc loco de illius laudibus perterire

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35 silentio, quam impar scribendi onus subire. Ne tamen ingratitudinis, ac ignaviae, quae teterrima sunt in homine vicia T. E. me accuset, non ut T. E. sed mihi ipsi satisfacerem, hanc orationem in laudem patrui tui conscriptam, ex umbra (ut aiunt) in lucem prodire sub tuo nomine optimo iure duxi, quo mentem meam omni in re honesta T. E. esse obnoxiam cognosces. Tu 40 quoque clarissime Petre, aeque bonique consulas, quicquid litterarum munusculi est, non in meo (ut aiunt) agro natum. Petre valeque diu foelicibus utere fatis, Hoc precor ex animo, vir generose meo. Et tibi cuncta poli vertet foelicia rector, 45 Praebeat ac votis omnia coepta tuis.

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Translation Matthias Franconius longs for happiness for the noble Lord Piotr Vapowski from Dynow, steward of Terra Sanocensis et cetera, and his singular Maecenas. (3) Not many days ago, most renowned Lord, the oration and elegy of a Roman citizen, once dedicated in Rome to your most dear uncle, the most reverend Lord Piotr Vapowski, canon at Kraków, was brought to me. It had been written out on vellum, which had been somewhat eaten away by dirt and mildew; I read it through again and again and it opportunely came into my mind that I would do something worthwhile if, through my endeavour, I should restore that work somewhat to its former glory and I should hand it over to be printed. There is no labour so great, no duty in respect of letters so sordid, that I think it must be shied away from, when almost every duty which pertains to native skills, is unable to be dishonest, not splendid, not magnificent. Nothing is so stable that age does not at some time consume it. But we see that there are men celebrated by literary praise; no age will bring an end to their glory and honour. Our forefathers recognized this and they rewarded those who had raised their virtues to the stars with the greatest honours. Indeed Choerilus received gold coins on Alexander’s orders from the royal mint in reward for his poor and badly executed verse. And before an assembly of the troops Pompey the Great bestowed citizenship on Theophanes of Mytilene, the writer of his exploits. Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus also held his Ennius dear and ordered that this beloved man follow his triumph garlanded with laurel and finally be buried in the monument of the Cornelii as Ovid elegantly sings: (19) ‘Ennius, born in the Calabrian mountains, deserved to be buried near you, great Scipio.’ (21) Besides, your uncle (of pious memory) was held in such esteem by his Most Holy Majesty the King of Poland that in front of other most serious and learned men in Rome, in such a great assembly of most eminent fathers, and in the most famous theatre of the whole world, he performed the office of renowned orator — a most difficult and hard thing — with the highest praise. Therefore it is easy to sum up not only how much great skill in every kind of discipline and virtue he was filled with, but even overflowing and abounding in. Because of this it would seem right that I, not a proletarian scholar but a certain classical scholar, demand to be the trumpet of his virtues. I prefer to pass over in silence in this place his virtues, rather than undertake the unequal burden of writing. However, so that T. E. may not accuse me of ingratitude and idleness, which are the worst vices in man — not that I would satisfy T. E. but myself — I rightly decided to

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bring this oration, written in honour of your uncle, from the shade (as they say) into the light under your great name, by which, T. E., you will understand that my mind is given over to every honest undertaking. May you also, renowned Piotr, equally take in good part whatever small present of literature has been born in my field (as they say). (34) Piotr, farewell and enjoy the happy Fates for a long time. This I pray from the heart, my most noble man. And may the Lord of Heaven ascribe all happiness to you and may He give every success to your prayers.

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Commentary 1 14

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Sanocensi: modern Nowotaniec, in southeast Poland. Chirilus: Choerilus of Iasus in Caria, an epic poet who travelled with Alexander the Great celebrating the glorious deeds of his master: ‘Gratus Alexandro regi Magno fuit ille | Choerilus, incultis qui versibus et male natis | rettulit acceptos, regale nomisma, Philippos’ (Hor., Ep., II. i. 232–34). According to the pseudo Acron, Alexander gave the poet a piece of gold for every good verse he wrote. The poet received only seven pieces in total. Theophanem: Theophanes of Mytilene in Lesbos enjoyed the friendship and patronage of Pompey: ‘noster hic Magnus, […] nonne Theophanem Mitylenaeum, scriptorem rerum suarum, in contione militum civitate donavit’ (Cic., Arch., x). Ovidius: Ov., Ars am., III. 409–10.

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AD REVEREN|DVM DOMINVM PETRVM VA|POWSKI PATRICIVM POLONVM | Reverendissimi Domini, D[omini] Cardinalis | Cracovien[sis], Oratorem gravissimum.

Arbitratus saepenumero, gravissime Orator, prisca illa maiorum monumenta 5 litteris atque hominum memoriae inexquisitae tradita, per eos nostros disertissimos oratores, qui olim floruere, cui consecrarem ignorabam, cum ea temporum ac posterum aeternitatis existant. Ego autem tanquam illorum discipulus et illius dicendi generis effigiem amplexari volens, tot tantisque tuis virtutibus cognitis, et ab illustri omnium consensu, istoque sacratissimo 10 Cardinalium senatu, Alexandrique Sexti Pontificis maximi nutu et eloquentia comprobatis, te silentio praetereundum minime censui; propterea tibi, Legato dignissimo, has meas vigilias dedicabo, quas rogo perhumaniter suscipias, quoniam aliquid futurae gloriae (quae dulcis est) in posterum assecuturum te certo scio maximamque tibi voluptatem polliceor allaturas. 15 Consideraris itaque quid aequius esse? quid salubrius? quid laude dignius? quid homine humanissimo magnificentius? quid denique utilius? quam ingenii emolumenta ad illum destinare, a quo cursus praesentis || oratoris virtutum extollendarum emanavit, aut quod magis debeam, quam meos rivulos, ad ipsum fontem referre, qui omnibus fere populis Poloniae ingenio, 20 animo, eloquentia, variaque doctrina, et veteri familia praestat, et antecellit. Nam licet antea quicquid otii supererat, ad scribendi solertiam, ne per secordiam efflueret, mea sponte meoque liberali studio iam tibi conferre statueram. Erat tamen paulo remissior animus temporum, an dixero superiorum, sed potius Principum culpa extitisse, cum omne ferme tempus 25 non in literarum prout optabam studiis, sed in quaestu ad vitae sustentaculum consumi rerum inopia ac difficillimarum artium varietas urgeret: et certe quanquam vitae meae institutum id semper fuerit, ut pluris virtutem peritissimorumque hominum penuriam atque literarum stabile peculium omni industria comparandum quam pecuniam aliarumque rerum 30 opulentissimarum luxum fecerim. Hoc unum tamen audebo affari, et mihi fasso veniam indulgebis, nimium aliquando (si verum loqui licet) nostri reverendissimi patres in erigendis ornandisque doctorum virorum ingeniis dormitarunt, paucis tamen ex illo sanctissimo collegio exceptis. Quidam bonarum artium inscitia, quidam ita pecuniae addicti, ut plus apud eos 35 ambitionis et questus quam virtutis aut exercendarum artium ratio valuerit, quae res bonis viris aliqua scientiarum cognitione praeditis, praeclaris etiam moribus decoratis gravis, summopere || quoniam plurimorum hominum

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mentem a scribendi peritia semovit. Indignum quippe indico nec sapientibus animo ferendum esse, ut imperiti mortales et ab omni dicendi facultate remoti, literis auctoritateque maxima illustratos multarumque provinciarum dignos, antecellant. Quoniam ubi scientiarum et dicendorum generum cessant exercitia, ubi nullum inter disertos et ignaros discrimen viget, ubi nullus virtuti locus, ubi nulla studiorum et varietatum excolendarum ratio habetur; vitia ibi regnent, torpescant ingenia, principatus et regna decidant, rerumque omnium dominentur confusio, necesse est. Itaque pro meritis, memorabilis Legate, tua singularis probitas, quae talia non sequitur, ac virtus illustris per me laudari satis nunquam potest. Repetens haec animo, te solum unicum dominum meum ingenium conspexit, qui probe noscis virtutem et mores vitae mortalium duces et aurigas esse: nam praestantis doctrina laudabiliorique disciplinarum munere viros sublevas, et ab inerti otio ad scribendum negotium traducis: hoc de te satis mihi compertum est, et a nonnullis et percepi, qui doctrina praestantiaque valent. Quamobrem meum studium meique labores, ut opinor, tibi mirifice extabunt, et voluntas quaedam egregia, nam spem aliquam probitatis ac munificentiae indolem praeclaram ac gratam maxime nobis praebes. Nondum finem ullum facio cogitandi de his rebus, quae ad me devotum clientem tuum erga || dignitatem tuam pertinere arbitrabor, quod cum de omn[i]bus plerumque tractare soleo, tamen me id imprimis tibi uni plurimum debere existimo, quod nobis et studio nostro pauloante dixi blandieris, aut servitutis nostrae tua ingenti humanitate recordaberis. Mediusfidius si orandi facultate affluerem, eloquentia ac rerum gestarum cognitione valerem, nunquam a tuis laudibus, quae existimatae plurimum sunt apud hanc sedem Pontificiam, tuo regio Cardinali Cracoviensi nuper decoratam, me alienum fore intelligeres, nec unquam pro temporis difficultate mentem meam defatigarem, haud studio laboreve diurno eam afficerem, sed voluptate summa potius relaxarem. Ast unum sane obstat, quod ipse mei ingeniole vires esse tenues animadverto: nam penes tuam eminentem dignitatem expavesco et a tanto ausu conspectuque nobili quasi deterreor, quia longum et immensum profecto esset, et forte nimia prolixitate oratio nostra haberetur, si in explicandis dilucidandisque tuis honoribus, declarandisque virtutibus, ac erga sedem Pontificiam benemeritis se dilatare vellet, maiori eloquentia necessarium foret et longe meam superante. Nam quis tam peritissimo legato multis virtutibus insignito, unquam sua oratione etiam si flumen ingenii haberet, tibi satisfaceret? Quis de provintiis tuo consilio tuaque singulari providentia conservatis se dicturum satis polliceatur, magnam hanc vim eloquentiae

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homini datam, aut cuius oratorum divinam potius quam humanam || procul dubio affirmarem. Quis de pontificia auctoritate et fide maxima inter cardinales Reverendissimos, praecipue apud Ursinum totius collegii speculum distincte se satis ad dicendum spoponderit? Unusquisque profecto tantam provintiam, istud ac grave onus nostris humeris imponendum recusaret. Omitto regum tuorum illustrissimorum consuetudinem, quam per Herculem plurimi facio. Omitto domini tui illustrissimi et Reverendissimi Cardinalis Cracoviensis domesticam familiaritatem. Quis Polonorum Oratorum te illustrior? te sincerior? te eloquentia copiosior? te demum virtute exuberantior? Omitto tuae familiae ortum laudabilemque originem. Omitto incomparabilem propaginem tanto homine pollentem. Praetereo quod si ullae provintiae in expeditione tibi viro prudentissimo demandarentur, a te non minori cura et solertia administrarentur. Quemadmodum ille a Senatu populoque Romano consulibus Paulo Hirtio et C. Pansae destinate, qui nisi suum diem clausissent extremum, quippe foelicissimum successum ad rem publicam denuntiassent. Praetereo G. Trebonium, M. Brutum, C. Cassium, G. Plancum, L. Domicium praestantissimum virum, relinquo Servium Sulpicium eiusque collegam M. Marcellum, Lucium Affranium ac Petreium ornatissmos in Hispania questores; in mentem non repeto Pub. Lentulum in omnibus rebus singularem, Appium Claudium pari nobilitate et voluntate praeditum. Non commemoro || Publium Scipionem virum clarissimum maiorumque suorum simillimum. Illius etiam Gn. Pompei in regendis provinciis singulare consilium reticebo. Non recordor illius eloquentiae Quinti Hortensii prudentiaeve Catonis. Nec loquar de Tito Fonteio Scipionis legato; haud referam de praeclarorum oratorum providentia et consilio Pub. Postumii Albi, Marci Manilii, Publii Sulpicii Camernis [sic], quos Romani miserant Athenas, ut inclytas leges describerent et aliarum Graeciae civitatum, instituta, mores iuraque noscerent, quibus Romam reversis tunc creati erant Decemviri, multa denique istorum exempla quae in mentem non veniunt. Qua de re circumspectissime Orator, tum virtutibus tuis, tum etiam auctoritate amplissima, non vereor, quin ad dignitatis culmen brevi accedas. Igitur tali dicendi munere minime imbutus, brevitate gloriatus sum, et caeteras laudes tuas nonnullis versibus perstinxi, ad quas componendas, tui aperti pectoris liberalitas, vigiliarum laborumque de re suscipienda, quoad potui, magnopere me excitarunt. Quoniam optimus ille vir est atque omni egregia virtute extollendus, de cuius virtutibus omnium est fama consentiens. Sit satis superque evagata oratio nostra, tempus est ut receptui canamus,

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unum tantum superest ut studium meum, quod in te uno dependet, procul 115 dubio sequaris et quantum fieri poterit dabis operam ut sciam. Ego enim tam libenter perficiam, quam studiose incepi, quod || si mihi hanc studendi gratiam praestiteris, ut spero, non vereor Deo dante teque nobis parumper auspicante, brevi me in summum virum evasurum.

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Translation To the reverend Lord, Polish noble, Piotr Vapowski, the most venerable orator of the most reverend lord Cardinal of Kraków. Most venerable Orator, having repeatedly thought about our ancestors’ literary achievements, handed down through literature and the inscrutable memory of men, by those our most eloquent orators, who once flourished, I was uncertain whom I should immortalize since those monuments remain through time and ever after. However, just as I am a student of those men and want to emulate that type of speaking, I decided that you could hardly be passed over in silence, since your many and great virtues have been acknowledged by clear and unanimous consent and confirmed by the most sacred College of Cardinals and by the assent and eloquence of the supreme pontiff Alexander VI. Therefore, I will dedicate these my waking hours to you, most worthy Legate, and I ask that you accept them kindly, since I am certain that some future glory (which is sweet) will befall you, and I promise that they will bring you the greatest pleasure. So what will you have considered more favourable, what more wholesome, what more worthy of praise, what more magnificent and finally more useful to a most cultured man, than to dedicate the rewards of learning to that very man from whom the course of the praised virtues of this present orator has emanated, or what rather should I do than to direct my streams back to their very font? This man indeed stands above all the people of Poland and is superior in skill, spirit, eloquence, and in the variety of his learning and in ancient family. For, although some casualness towards the skill of writing previously had the upper hand, in order that it should not be dissipated by sloth, of my own accord and liberal zeal I had already decided to concentrate my efforts on you. However, my spirit was at times somewhat subdued, or I will have said rather that the fault of princes had existed in former times, since both my poverty and the variety of these most difficult skills was urging that most of my time be consumed not in the studies of literature, as I wished, but in acquiring sufficient to live upon. And indeed, my way of life has always been that I have reckoned the virtue and poverty of the most learned men and the sure rewards of letters, acquired with every industry, of more value than money and the soft living of sumptuous surroundings. Yet, I will dare to say this one thing and you will forgive me for having spoken in this way. Sometimes (if it is allowed to speak the truth) our most reverend fathers have been somewhat slow to inspire and reward the skill of learned men, with the exception, naturally, of a few members of this most sacred College. There are certain men, ignorant of the

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liberal arts, who are so addicted to money that ambition and profit are more valued among them than the idea of virtue or the encouragement of learning; which is a serious matter for good men endowed with some notion of learning, even for famous men refined with good character, particularly since it has removed the interest of many men from the skill of writing. Certainly I think it a shame, and not to be patiently endured by wise men, that unskilled mortals and those without any skill in speaking should be superior to those men renowned in literature and with the greatest authority and worthy of many provinces. It is a fact that where learning is not practiced and the various forms of speaking are lacking, where no distinction between ignorant and learned men exists, where virtue has no place, where the liberal arts and a range of disciplines are not promoted, in that place vices must reign, talent grow listless, principalities and kingdoms fall, and confusion dominate everything. And so, praiseworthy Legate, your singular probity, which does not follow such things, and your renowned virtue can never be praised sufficiently by me in proportion to your merits. Rehearsing these things in my mind, my ability recognized that you alone were my single master, you who honestly acknowledge that virtue and habits are the leaders and drivers of the life of mortals; for by your excellent example and by the more praiseworthy gift of your knowledge you encourage men and you lead them from idle leisure to the business of writing. I have discovered this much about you and I have learned this from some men who value learning and excellence. Therefore my studies and my labours, as I think, will be wonderfully visible to you and a certain radiant good will, for you set before us some hope of uprightness and more especially that famous and appealing quality of munificence. I have not yet finished thinking about these things, which to me your devoted client I think pertain to your dignity, since I am generally accustomed to discuss everything. However, I think that I owe it in the first place very much to you alone, because as I said a little while ago you will flatter us and our enthusiasm, or you will recall our service with your great kindness. By heaven, if I were abounding in any skill in speaking, and were to have any eloquence and celebate achievements, you would understand that I would never be a stranger to your praises, which have been greatly esteemed here in this Pontificial palace which has been recently honoured by your royal Cardinal from Kraków. I would never tire my mind before the difficulty of the time, and it would not be affected by daily zeal and labour, but rather relaxed with the greatest pleasure. But one thing clearly stands in the way, for I myself realise that my meagre ability is weak: for I grow pale in the presence of your excellent dignity and I am almost deterred from such a great undertaking in such a noble presence, because our speech would assuredly be

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lengthy and unending and, perhaps, considered too long-winded, if in describing and commenting upon your honours and declaring your virtues and my speech would wish to include the pontifical seat, a better man’s eloquence would be necessary and conquer my own by a long way. For who, even if his speech should ever possess a river of talent, could satisfy you, such a skilled legate renowned for many virtues? Who could promise that he would speak enough about the provinces preserved by your council and by your singular foresight or could I affirm without doubt that such a great power of eloquence, divine rather than human, has been given to any man or orator? Who could swear that he has sufficient skill to speak about the authority of the Pope and the greatest faith among the most reverend cardinals especially before Orsini, the mirror of the whole college? Without hesitation we would all refuse such a great task and that weighty responsibility placed on our shoulders. I am passing over the deeds of your most illustrious kings, which I know, by Hercules, are many. I omit the close friendship of your most illustrious and reverend Lord Cardinal of Kraków. Which Polish orator is more famous than you? Who more sincere? Who more abounding in eloquence? And finally, who more rich in virtue than you? I pass over the rise of your family and its praiseworthy origin. I pass over the incomparable lineage powerful in such a man. I do not mention the provinces that may be entrusted to your pastoral care, most prudent man, and governed by you with no less attention and solicitude. Just as by destiny that famous man appointed by the Roman Senate and people during the consulships of Paulus [sic] Hirtius and Gaius Pansa, who if they had not died would indeed have announced the happy outcome to the Republic. I pass over Gaius Trebonius, Marcus Brutus, Gaius Cassius, Gnaeus Plancus, Lucius Domitius, the most outstanding of men. I leave aside Servius Sulpicius and his colleague Marcus Marcellus, Lucius Afranius, and Petreius, most decorated questors in Spain. I will not call to mind Publius Lentulus outstanding in all things; Appius Claudius, endowed with nobility and good will in equal measure. I do not commemorate Publius Scipio, the most famous of men and most similar to his ancestors. I will even keep quiet about the unique wisdom of renowned Gnaeus Pompeius in ruling provinces. I will not recall that famous eloquence of Quintus Hortensius or the prudence of Cato. I will not speak of Titus Fonteius, Scipio’s lieutenant. I will not bring up the matter of the foresight and government of the famous orators Publius Posthumius Albius [sic], Marcus Manilius [sic], Publius Sulpicius Camerinus, whom the Romans sent to Athens to record the city’s famous laws and those of the other states of Greece, and get to know their institutions, customs, and conventions, and when they returned to Rome were made Decemvirs. In sum, there are many other examples of this sort,

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which do not come to mind. Thus, most attentive Orator, on account of your virtues and your widespread authority, I do not doubt that in the shortest time you will climb to the peak of honour. So, because I have not been blessed with such a gift for speaking, I have taken pride in brevity, and have touched lightly upon your other praises with some verses, in the composition of which the liberality of your open heart particularly inspired me in the undertaking of vigils and labours as far as I could. Since he is the best man and must be celebrated for every outstanding virtue; everyone is in agreement about this. Our meandering speech has continued long enough and more than enough, it is time that we sound the retreat. Only one thing remains: that without doubt you follow my zeal which depends upon you alone, and you will pay attention as much as it is possible, as I am sure. For I will finish as willingly as I zealously began, because if you will have given me this pleasure of studying, as I hope and I do not fear, God willing, that in a short while under your favourable auspices, I will turn out a very great man.

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Commentary 78 89

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Ursinum: Giovanni Battista Orsini, created Cardinal of Santa Maria in Domnica by Sixtus IV 15 November 1483, died 22 February 1503. Paulo Hirtio: Aulus Hirtius and Gaius Vibius Pansa Caetronianus, consuls 43 BC. Both took arms against Antony and, with Octavian, raised the siege of Mutina but were killed in the process, afterwards receiving a public funeral. G. Trebonium: Gaius Trebonius: although appointed consul suffectus by Caesar in 45 BC he is said to have plotted against him in that year and he took part in the actual assassination in 44 BC, detaining Antony outside. M. Brutum: Marcus Iunius Brutus and Gaius Cassius Longinus: the two most famous murderers of Caesar, here, however, included for their oratorical skills. Brutus is one of the main interlocutors in the treatise named after him by Cicero, while of Cassius Cicero says: ‘multum potuit non eloquentia, sed dicendo tamen’ (Cic., Brut., 97). G. Plancum: Gnaeus Plancius: as quaestor in 58 BC he visited Cicero in exile. His election to the office of aedile led to a prosecution for ambitus, against which Hortensius and Cicero successfully defended him. He fought for Pompey in the Civil War. L. Domicium: Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus: husband of Cato’s sister Porcia and Pompey’s general. In 49 BC the Senate granted him Gaul, but his march northwards, unsupported by Pompey, ended in capitulation at Corfinium, though by Caesar’s clemency he survived to defend Massilia and to fall at Pharsalus. Of his oratorical skills Cicero says: ‘nulla ille quidem arte, sed Latine tamen et multa cum libertate dicebat’ (Cic., Brut., 267). Servium Sulpicium: Servius Rufus Sulpicius, friend and correspondent of Cicero; consul in 51 BC with Marcus Claudius Marcellus. After Pharsalus he withdrew to Samos until his pardon and reconciliation with Caesar. He was a member of Caesar’s Senate in 49 BC and governor of Achaea in 46 BC. He died on an embassy to Antony in January 43 BC and was honoured with a public funeral and a statue on the Rostra. Cicero eulogizes him in the Ninth Philippic. M. Marcellum: Marcus Claudius Marcellus, friend of Brutus and Cicero. After Pharsalus he retired to Mytilene, but in September 46 BC Caesar allowed his return; Cicero in gratitude delivered the oration Pro Marcello.

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However, on the return journey in May 45 BC Marcellus was murdered at Piraeus by one of his own retinue. Lucium Affranium: Lucius Afranius and Marcus Petreius, governed Hispania as Pompey’s legates; see Luc., IV. 4–5. Pub. Lentulum: Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther: consul 57 BC. He made the motion for Cicero’s recall. Appium Claudium: Appius Claudius Pulcher, father-in-law of Brutus, consul in 54 BC. He joined his colleague L. Domitius Ahenobarbus in a scandalous electoral compact with L. Memmius and Cn. Domitius Calvinus candidates for 53 BC. After governing Cilicia, he was prosecuted for misconduct but helped by Pompey, M. Brutus, and others he was acquitted and became censor. In 49 BC he followed Pompey, and died in Greece early in 48 BC. Cicero says of him: ‘hic iam et satis studiosus et valde cum doctus tum etiam exercitatus orator’ (Cic., Brut., 267). Publium Scipionem: Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus Numantinus: destroyer of Carthage. His combination of cultured interests, military success, and political eminence, fortified by his opposition to the Gracchans, roused the admiration of Cicero, who idealized him as the paragon of the wise, beneficent statesman and used him as the central character of his De Republica. Gn Pompei: Gnaeus Pompeius (Magnus), the triumvir. Of his eloquence Cicero says: ‘erat oratione satis amplus, rem prudenter videbat; actio vero eius habebat et in voce magnum splendorem et in motu summam dignitatem’ (Cic., Brut., 239). Quinti Hortensii: Quintus Hortensius Hortalus. Although Cicero distrusted him in his lifetime, after his death, he paid him many tributes especially in the Brutus. Catonis: Cato, a cognomen of several celebrated Romans: Marcus Porcius Cato ‘the Censor’, a rigid judge of morals; or the great grandson of the same name, Marcus Porcius Cato ‘the younger’, an implacable enemy of Caesar and a major protagonist in the civil war 49–45 BC. Tito Fonteio: Titus Fonteius, the lieutenant of Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus (Liv., XXV). Pub. Postumii Albi: Spurius Postumius Albus, Aulus Manilius, and Publius Sulpicius Camerinus were sent to Athens in 453 BC with instructions to copy the laws of Solon (Liv., III. 33).

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C) AD EUNDEM ELEGIA

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Romana insigni stat Petrus clarus in urbe, qui summa manat celsus adusque domo. Sarmatiae clara generatus styrpe Vapowsky nobilis, et magnum crescit ab aede genus. Inclyta Sarmatiae portas gestanda trophaea, qui maior fama conditione fide. Fraternas habuisse vices te credo Tonantis, cum tot de titulis splendida signa geras. Interpres legum primum Capitolia scandis tectaque fulminei tu Iovis alta foves. En lustras solio regali corda sacerdos, Pontificis facies accumulata tibi. Miranda cecinere poli nunc voce deorum prodigia: an veteres Roma videbit avos. Floruit alma deum sedes viridesque resultant, Pimplei montes Romuleaeque domus, Et quid Tarpeiae resonant gaudentque curules, sunt donata loco qui sua iura modo. Carpitur e scopulis quondam desertus in alto, qui tulerat populis arma togasque suis. Coelicolum toto lustratis orbe vagatur moenibus: Astraeae si reor una soror. Expulsae e terris redeunt mirare sorores, dimaduere nives flatus et ira Noti. Suspexit nubes summo de vertice Olympus, et nequeunt tenebras culmina ferre iugi. Propulsant nebulas vasto de gurgite rupes, et nullis frondent nubibus aethereis. Aspera non poterit Scythicas persolvere brumas, utque nives calido tempore fecit hyems. Reppulit Emonidum impulsam nec sydere Thetim carmen: nec tonitrus sentiet axis humus. Non sonat ignaro fulgur Iove: vocibus istis nec geminos possunt vertere nempe polos. Intumuit mirum pontus cessantibus Austris,

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has voces magicas abstulit ille Deus. Nec sua Sarmaticum poterit proscindere littus ars Rhodanum stantem praecipitabit Arar. Semiferi cessant centauri ferre sagittas, nulla Pelectroniis sunt dubitanda locis. Libera sunt nemora et morsu turbata lupino, per loca per sylvas tutus abire vales. Hyrcano in saltu posuit fera murmura tigris, pollutas fauces nec magis illa tenet. Apparet mollis facies tam dira leonis, nec sequitur profugas ira superba feras. Iam lustrat Phaeton diris loca rapta tyrannis, et revocat patrios munere dignus equos. Tuque caput radia devinctum floribus almum, legati, patriae qui decus ipse suae est. Ut vidit Petrum contraxit lumina Titan, per terras niveos ille remisit equos. Es charus domino nimium tu Petre Vapowski, in domino regna iure parique fide. Foelix terra viro veluti Berecynthia tellus, quae tenet in curru turrigerasque comas. Laeta deum soboles tantum complexa nepotem, Curia pontificis te probat alto modo. Flecte oculos Romane Deus nunc aspice prolem tuque nurus, repetit num Venus alma lares? Consulis en fasces. foelix num regna Dianae quaerunt et priscos purpura vestit avos? Hoc libuit superis tanto decorare triumpho, et titulis Petrum qui ditione nitet. Est tibi clara domus tibi magna potentia terris, undique magnifica stirpe notandus ades. Te reverende pater clari genuere parentes, tu nunc in terris cum Iove stare para. Phoebe voca comites ducentes voce choreas, et Petro laudes reddite vos meritas. Illi agite et grates et vestris flectite votis preconio pulsat sydera celsa suo. Vos o Romulide Troiano a sanguine creti

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ferte preces sacro cinxit honore caput. Oro vos omnes sublimi voce canatis carmina, pro tanti munere digna viri. Sic precor ut valeas, nostris succurre camenis Mecoenas, laudes quae cecinere tuas. Hic tibi Phoebeus Romana gente Michael destinat, et paucis plurima dicta sonis. Exiguum pro laude dedi tibi munus, at illi quod restat magno foenore supplet amor.

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Translation An elegy to the same man. Distinguished Piotr, whose renown spreads throughout this lofty house, stands in the distinguished Roman city. Noble Vapowski descended from a famous family of Sarmatia, and a great race arises from that house. You bear the celebrated trophies of Poland which need to be reported, you who have a greater fame founded on faith. Since you are bearing so many splendid tokens from the titles of the Thunderer I believe that you have had a fraternal exchange. An expounder of the laws, you ascend the Capitol before all and you favour the high rooftops of Jove with his lightning bolts. Behold, as a priest you purify the hearts upon the royal throne. You will bring great rewards from the Pope on yourself. Now with the voice of the gods the heavens have sung marvellous prodigies and Rome will see the forefathers of old. The kindly seat of the gods has blossomed and the green mountains of Pimpleus and the house of Romulus resound. And the Tarpeian rock echoes and the curule chairs rejoice that their own oaths have been given in that place now. Once upon a time the man who had brought arms and togas to his people, having been left on his own, is snatched from these rocks on high. The walls of the gods having been traversed she wanders throughout the whole world, a sister of Astraea as I believe. The sisters having been driven from the earth are returning to look in wonder and the arrogance and anger of Notus has thawed the snows. Olympus rose into the clouds at its top peak and the heights of the ridge cannot even bear their shadows. Rocks are repelling mists from the vast abyss and without rain they burst into leaf. Bitter winter will not be able to dissolve the Scythian winter solstice just as it has made snow in a hot time. A spell has neither driven back the Thessalian sea drawn by a star nor may the earth feel thunder on its axis. The lightning does not rattle from unfeeling Jove, nor can they turn the twin poles off course with these charms. The sea has swollen marvellously as the south wind ceases. A god has stolen these magic voices. And his art will not cut through the Polish shore and the Arar will flow into the stagnant Rhone. The semi-human centaurs cease to carry arrows and nothing should be doubted in the Pelectronian places. The groves, disturbed by the bite of a wolf, have been liberated, and you are able to go safely through the places and through the woods. In the Hyrcanian ravines the wild tigress roars and she no longer has her jaws polluted. The lion’s ferocious countenance appears soft and he ceases to chase the fleeing wild beasts in arrogant anger. Now Phaeton purifies the places snatched by mad tyrants, and, worthy of reward, calls back his father’s horses. And you

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radiate beams, sweet head of the legate, bound with flowers. He is an honour himself to his fatherland. When he saw Piotr, the Sun contracted his rays and sent his white horses across the land. You, Piotr Vapowski, are too dear to the Lord and in the Lord reign with equal law and faith. Earth be kind to the man, just like the land of Cybele, who stands with turreted hair in a chariot. The happy offspring of the gods has embraced such a great descendant and the pontifical court approves you in high manner. Now, Roman lord, turn your gaze, now, god, look and, nurse, look at the son, and surely kindly Venus seeks again the shrines. Look, the fasces of the consul, surely they are seeking the kingdoms of Diana and the happy purple clothes the ancient forefathers. It pleased the gods to honour Piotr, who shines with authority, with this great triumph and titles. You have a famous house, great power throughout the land and everywhere the house is noted for its magnificent lineage. Renowned ancestors have given you birth, reverend father. Now prepare to stand on earth with Jove. Phoebus leading the choruses with your voice, call your companions and bring back due praises to Piotr. Do this for him and give thanks to him and turn to him with your prayers. He strikes against the lofty stars by his very own commendation. You, descendants of Romulus, born from Trojan blood, bring prayers and he has encircled his head with sacred honour. I beg that you all sing worthy songs with a sublime voice, as a gift for such a great man. Thus I pray that you, Maecenas, be able to support our songs, which have sung your praises. Here Phoebean Michael (of Roman stock) sends many words with few sounds to you. I have given this little gift to you as a praise, but love supplies that which remains to him with great interest.

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Commentary 3

Sarmatiae: Sarmatia, the country of the Sarmatians, a Slavonic people dwelling from the Vistula to the Don, i.e. Poland; see Tadeusz Ulewicz, ‘Il problema del sarmatismo nella cultura e letteratura polacca’, Ricerche Slavistiche, 8 (1960), 126–98. 16 Pimplei […] montes: a hill in Pieria where the spring Pimpla and the region about it, on the northern foothills of Olympus, were sacred to the Muses (cf. Catullus, 105. 1). 20 qui: i.e. Romulus. 22 Astraeae […] una soror: Astraea, the goddess of Justice who fled the earth appalled at the degeneration of humankind. According to mythology the return of Astraea and her sisters Eunomia (Good Government) and Eirene (Peace) will herald a new Golden Age. 24–38 The list of strange natural phenomena is taken from Lucan’s description of effects of the magical spells of the Thessalian witches (Luc., VI. 461–84). 24 dimaduere nives: cf. Luc., VI. 479. 25 Cf. Luc., VI. 477. 31 Cf. Luc., VI. 479–80. 33 Cf. Luc., VI. 467. 35 Cf. Luc., VI. 469–70. 39–40 Cf. ‘Illic semiferos Ixionidas Centauros | Feta Pelethroniis nubes effudit in antris:’ (Luc., VI. 386–87). 40 pelectroniis: Pelethronian, from a region in Thessaly inhabited by the Centaurs. 41–46 Natural harmony among the animal kingdom is a traditional topos of the Golden Age (cf. Hor., Epod., XVI. 31–34). 41–42 Cf. Hor., Epod., XVI. 19–20. 47 Phaeton: Phaeton, the son of Helios and Clymene, who, having obtained from his father permission to drive the sun’s chariot for a day, lost control of the steeds, and was struck down by a thunderbolt to prevent his setting the earth on fire (cf. Ov., Met., II. 47 ff.). Here as a synonym for the sun. 55 Berecynthia: Berecyntian, from the mountain Berecynthus on the banks of the River Sangarius in Phrygia sacred to Cybele. 56 turrigerasque comas: personifications of cities often wore this kind of crown.

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Dedicatory Letter to Maximilian I (MS ÖNB, 12.750, fol. 2r–v) Divo Caesari Maximiliano semp[er] augusto Imperatori electo Invict[issi]mo salutem.

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Accipies, Potentissime Caesar, in sacrum romanum imperium Imperator designate, quem ceteri principes ducesque horrent, socii verentur, milites adorant, has nostras (licet tenues) lucubrationes, ad tui sacratissimi nominis sublimitatem alligatas, ea maiestate serena qua soles. Existimabis enim has vigilias non nisi lustratas velut ante aras ad tuum numen accedere. Cum igitur ad id pervenerint illis pro tua incredibili clementia blandiri debes. Posses hoc dicere, ad quid, Poeta romane? respondeo tibi Caesar. Continent arma, innumeros tui triumphos, gesta incredibilia, demum Pronostichon de futuro imperio propagando, et quid vis Caesar? vives. Quap[ro]p[ter] tua Roma hoc unum tibi supplicat, ut cum ocium nactus fueris, nostro hoc || labore frequentius fruaris. Habebis enim memoriam aeternam (si litteras) et arma (quod certo scio) dilexeris. Hoc idem Caius Caesar sepenu[mer]o dicere solebat. Nescio quid imperatori preclarius. Si hoc effeceris (ut spero) de te obstupescent posteri, admirabuntur et imperia Caesar. Ad huius virtutis emulationem non te cohortabor, quoniam ab his moribus alienus minime haberis. Preterea si haec nostra munuscula tibi forte parva videbuntur (quod verum est) maiora melioraque indies tuae maiestati splendidissimae pollicemur, et quicquid ingenii, studiive in nobis est, id totum pro tua aeterna memoria, invictissime Caesar, absumemus. VALE. Et imperium Romanum tibi foelix faustumque. V[estrae] Ser[enissi]mae Ma[iesta]tis s[er]vulus Ioannes Michail Nagonius civis Romanus poeta Laureatus.

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Translation Greetings to the divine Caesar Maximilian, always worthy of honour, invincible Emperor elect. O most powerful Caesar, Emperor designate to the Holy Roman Empire, whom other princes and leaders fear, allies revere and soldiers adore, will you accept these our (albeit meagre) studies, bound up with the sublimity of your most sacred name, with that serene majesty with which you are accustomed. For you will judge that these late-night vigils only approach your godhead purified as though before an altar. Since they have thus come to your notice you ought to flatter them in accordance with your great forbearance. You may say this: ‘to what do they pertain, Roman poet?’ Caesar, I will tell you. They contain your deeds in arms, your innumerable triumphs, and incredible achievements, finally a prediction about the empire undoubtedly destined for expansion in the future. And what more could you wish for, Caesar? You will live forever. So, your Rome begs this one thing of you, namely that when you have found some free time you may enjoy our endeavours more often. For if you have delighted in deeds in war (which I know for certain) and if you also take pleasure in literature, you will have an eternal memorial. Caius Caesar used to say the same thing on many occasions. I do not know what will bring more renown to a ruler. If you do this (as I hope), future generations will stand amazed at you, Caesar, and your commands will be admired. I will not encourage you to emulate this virtue since you are by no means considered unfamiliar with this behaviour. Besides, if our little gift seems by chance insignificant to you (which is true) we promise your most splendid majesty greater and better gifts daily; and whatever talent or learning we possess, we will use it entirely for your eternal memory, invincible Caesar. Farewell. The Roman Empire is happy and fortunate in you. Johannes Michael Nagonius, Roman citizen and poet laureate, the humble servant of Your Most Serene Majesty.

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Commentary Throughout the manuscript dedicated to Maximilian Nagonius makes repeated references to the Emperor Domitian and his victorious campaigns against the Sarmatians (see above, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘‘Sic ego sum Caesar Maximilianus orbis herus’: A Manuscript for Maximilian, 1494’). It is not, therefore, surprising that this prose dedication to Maximilian also borrows phrases from the dedicatory epistles of Martial’s books of epigrams to Domitian (Book VIII in particular). 3 5 7 19 22

Accipies: cf. Accipe, Mart., VII. i. 1. ad tui sacratissimi nominis sublimitatem alligatas: cf. ‘ad maiestatem sacri nominis tui alligata sit’ (Mart., VIII, ep. dedic. 15). non nisi lustratas velut ante aras ad tuum numen accedere: cf. ‘non nisi lustratos accederead templa’ (Mart., VIII, ep. dedic. 17). maiora melioraque: cf. ‘et maiora et meliora’ (Mart., VIII, ep. dedic. 15). foelix faustumque: classical formula to bring good fortune; cf. Cic., Div., 1. 45. 102.

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A Hunting Expedition among the Ruins of Ancient Rome (MS ÖNB,12.750, fols 48r–50r)

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Tunc redeunt patres votis tamen ante peractis confestim nemorum properant invadere saltus et sylvas Triviae lustris nudare ferarum. Campus ab umbrosa circundatus undique fronde conditus et ramus foliisque retextus amoenis. Arboribus tegitur patulis, vix solis ad ire urgentur radii, stipatus ubique coronis stat latus, nostro merulus de tempore dictus. Pinguis odore canum locus est, aestate ferarum fertilis omne patens, et plenus amore Dyane, venantum dexter iaculis et commodus extat. Illic Ascanius claro de sanguine cretus aeternisque duci nodis et foedere vinctus Sforziadum domus, et coetu prestantior omni cardineo, roseoque gradu generosior almus dulce thoros virides thalamosque pararat opacos, quos cuperent habitare deae nereides, omnis nympharumque chorus pharetrataeque agmina divae Cyrrhei Lyciique pares aetate ministri. Tale sibi proprium mallent habuisse Camenae rus nemoris, densumque cohors Nysea cubile suaderetque etiam Clarium Poeana subire tot virides pia turba casas, umbrosaque tecta apta iocis, mulcere animos aestusque levare. Hic pius invitat proceres Romanaque mensis agmina Dardanios voluit discumbere opimis ante ducem Ascanius, circum trabeatus et ordo ambit ovans natum qui maiestate serena terret avos patremque suum magno ore Philippum. Regia credo Iovis tunc aemula facta potenti Cesaris imperio, numerem quo carmine festas, Phoebe, dapes epulasque thoros variataque luxu prandia quae nunquam gustavit barbarus hostis talia, nec Phrygius conviva sumpserat heros cum vidit testes ululantes de via nymphas.

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Postquam epulae tenuere modum redimitaque vina diffugiunt omnes et claudunt undique saltus. Ille trahit linum, dociles vocat ille Molossos diversumque genus disponunt ordine servi. Illic Thestiades, illic Acteon adibant, experti turbare feras, venatibus apti dulcibus, innumeri linqunt sine murmure sylvas. Quanta fuit caedes, miserarum praeda ferarum quanta iacet prostrata duce, Ascanioque potenti, et natus cervos, capreas quot perdidit apros fulmineos, tigresque feras, fulvosque leones comprimeret si tale genus dant Itala tellus. Foelix Ascanius summo iam dignus Olympo qua decorem tua vota lyra, tibi contigit uni omne decus, probitas, foelicia tempora, nomen Cesareum, clarumque capax virtutis honestae ingenium moresque boni, vitaeque modestae luxus, quanta sacrum reverentia praestat Iulum. Vivere teque sinent terris et carmina caelo nostra reor, vivesque tui sub imagine vatis. Pectine Meonio non possem tanta referre quanta tibi debent convivia maxima sumptus regales, tantas superi defendimus aulas. Arripiuntque vias et sacra ad moenia tendunt. Ut primum Caesar solio subnixus in alto intravit secreta domus, tunc inclytus Ursus se tulit in medium turba mirante parentum. Caesaris ante thorum, fandi datur inde facultas Virginio:

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Translation When their prayers are complete, the senators return and immediately hasten to take possession of the groves of the forest and strip the thickets of Diana of the dens of wild beasts. The plain is surrounded on all sides by shady boughs and the branches woven and hidden by pleasant leaves. It is roofed by wide-spreading trees — the rays of the sun can scarcely enter — and stands encircled by garlands. In our time it is called merulus. The fertile place is rich with scents for hunting dogs, in summer revealing every type of wild beast, and a favourite haunt of Diana and is suitable and propitious for the spears of hunters. In this place kind Ascanius, descended from the noble line of the house of Sforza, bound by eternal knots and treaties to the duke, more illustrious than the whole College of Cardinals and rather noble in his rosy step, had sweetly prepared green couches and shady chambers, which all the nymph goddesses, every band of nymphs and the troops of quiver-bearing goddess and the Delphic and Lycian ministers of the same age might wish to inhabit. The Muses would prefer to have had such a rural grove as their own thick bed, and the Nysaean band would have even persuaded Apollo to bring his pious Paeonian troop into the green cottages and shady roofs made for pleasure, to soothe their minds and relieve agitation. Here pious Ascanius invites the Dardanian noblemen and wanted the Roman crowd to dine at sumptuous tables before the duke, and the trabeated rank sits in a circle praising Prince Philip who, in his serene majesty, overawes his ancestors and his own father by his handsome expression. I believe that the regal deeds of Jupiter are similar to the powerful empire of Caesar. With what song, Apollo, should I enumerate the merry banquet, and the dishes varied in luxury and the couches and the luncheon the like of which the barbarian enemy never tasted, nor had the Phrygian hero ever consumed such banquets when off the beaten track he saw the witness nymphs shrieking. After the courses have been eaten and the wines drunk in moderation, everyone scatters and surrounds the grove on all sides. One man drags the nets, another calls the tame Molossian hounds, and the servants disperse the different breeds in due order. The sons of Thestius were going there, and Actaeon skilled in beating out prey. Innumerable men, equipped for pleasant hunting, leave the groves without a sound. What a great kill was made, how many wretched wild beasts fell dead before the duke and powerful Ascanius, and how many stags and goats and destructive wild boar the son killed; he would have killed savage tigers and tawny lions if Italy had such breeds. Happy Ascanius, already worthy of lofty Olympus, with what song should I grace your desires? Every merit, virtue, all the happy times, an imperial name all come together in you

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alone, together with an ample and renowned disposition towards honest goodness and upright morals and the splendour of a simple life. Such respect distinguishes sacred Iulus. I think that our songs will allow you to live on across the lands and in heaven, and you will live through the imagination of your poet. I could not relate in Maeonian song such great things and how much the great feasts and regal banquets owe to you. We, the gods above, defend such courts. They take the road and head back to the sacred walls. As soon as Caesar had entered his private palace and was raised on his lofty throne, renowned Ursus took himself into their midst as a crowd of relatives stood by admiring. Then, before Caesar’s throne, the power of speaking is given to Virginio:

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Commentary Hunting was a standard pastime at the Renaissance court. Ascanio Sforza seems to have particularly enjoyed hunting and was noted for his kennels (see Pellegrini, Ascanio Maria Sforza, I, 393). In spring 1492 he organized a hunting expedition in the environs of Rome to entertain Ercole d’Este when he visited the city (see Tuohy, Herculean Ferrara, p. 244, n. 54). By the fifteenth century defending a cardinal’s involvement in hunting had become a humanist commonplace. It was permissible because it maintained physical condition and had classical precedents (see McManamon, Funeral Oratory, p. 76). Ascanio’s passion for hunting was also celebrated by other poets. Pietro Giannetti wrote Latin verses for Ascanio De arte et studio venationis, while Adriano Castellesi (later Cardinal) composed the long poem in hendecasyllables Venatio ad Ascanium Cardinalem printed by Aldus Manutius at Venice in 1505 and going through eighteen editions (cited in Milan nell’età di Lodovico il Moro, ed. by Bologna, p. 315; p. 329). There seems to be no specific classical source for Nagonius’s description of the chase. The description of the grove seems fairly generic. As the company have just visited the Temple of Hercules, Prop., IV. ix. 23 ff. is a possibility. Compare also Verg., Aen., IV. 129 ff.; XI. 522–31; Ov., Met., III. 143 ff. 3 8

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Triviae: Diana, so-called because her statues were three-formed and set up at crossroads. merulus: the ancient via Merulana. In the Middle Ages the name was also applied to the area between S. Giovanni in Laterano and Santa Maria Maggiore (see Flavio Biondo, Roma instaurata, bk II, chap. xxx, ed. by Cesare D’Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento: la città degli Umanisti (Rome: Romana Società, 1989)). Nagonius is here referring to the huge suburban area, including the ruins of the Baths of Diocletian (and perhaps the Castra Praetoria), which Ascanius converted into a park with hunting lodge and stocked with various breeds of deer (Pellegrini, Ascanio Maria Sforza, I, 393). odore canum: cf. Verg., Aen., IV. 132. The poet Serafino Aquilano satirized Ascanio’s neglect of literature in favour of his hunting dogs in savage verses, for example, ‘Sonetto de Seraphin sopra un chan de Aschagno’, incipit ‘Bau bau bau parlar non so’ (cited by Bologna, Milan nell’età di Lodovico il Moro, p. 321). Dyane: Diana, the goddess of hunting.

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Ascanius: Ascanio Maria Sforza (3 March 1445–28 May 1505), papal administrator of Pavia (1479) and cardinal (17 March 1484). He held a number of other important benefices including the bishoprics of Novara, Cremona, and Pesaro as well as the abbeys of Chiaravalle and S. Ambrogio in Milan. He was rewarded with the office of papal vice-chancellor (1492) by Pope Alexander VI for his support in the papal election. The papal master of ceremonies, Johann Burchard notes that Ascanio was out hunting a few hours before he died: ‘Veneris, XXIII maii, fuit consistorium secretum, cui cardinalis Ascanius interfuit sanus: post prandium ivit ad venationem; similiter die sabbati ivit ad venationem, de qua reversus sensit se alteratum et gravatum’ (Liber notarum, II. 484). aeternisque duci nodis: in 1493 Ascanius’s niece, Bianca Maria Sforza (5 April 1472–31 December 1510) married Maximilian I. pharetrataeque […] divae: Diana. cf. Stat., Theb., I. 535. Cyrrhei: pertaining to Apollo from Cirrha (Cirra), an ancient town in Phocis near Delphi devoted to Apollo, hence Cirrhaeus adj. Delphic. Lyciique: Lycian, with reference to Apollo from his oracle at Patara in Lycia. Camenae: the Muses. Numa devoted a grove to them in the vicinity of Porta Capena. Nysea: Nysaean (Bacchic) from Nysa, a city in India on Mount Meros, the birthplace of Bacchus. Clarium: an epithet of Apollo. trabeatus: wearing the trabea, a robe of state worn by augurs, the equestrian order and the consulate. Philippum: Maximilian’s son Philip, archduke of Burgundy (1478–1506). barbarus hostis: Hannibal, with reference to the magnificent feast given to Hannibal and the Carthaginians by the Capuans; see Sil., XI. 270 ff. Phrygius […] heros: here Aeneas, as the reference in the next line makes clear. Cf. Verg., Aen., IV. 168. Molossos: Molossian hounds were famous hunting dogs. Thestiades: the sons of Thestius, Plexippus, and Toxeus, participants in the Calydonian boar hunt; see Ov., Met., VIII. 434 ff. Acteon: Actaeon, the grandson of Cadmus and hunter of great repute; see Ov., Met., III. 230 ff. Neither of these two classical references are entirely apposite. Plexippus and Toxeus were both killed by Meleager for depriving Atalanta of the hide of the Calydonian boar; Actaeon was torn to pieces by

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his own hounds in revenge for having chanced upon Diana as she was bathing. Here, Nagonius uses them as generic examples of great hunters from classical mythology. 50–51 nomen | Cesareum: ‘an imperial name’ with reference to Aeneas’s son Ascanius. 53 Iulum: Iulus, an alternative name for Ascanius, the son of Aeneas; here referring to Ascanius Sforza. 56 Pectine Meonio: literally ‘with a Maeonian plectrum’, i.e. in epic verse; from the country of Maeonia in Lydia, with particular reference to Homer, the Maeonid. 59 The hunting party journey into Rome where Maximilian is presented with the fatalia dona with which to fulfil his destiny. 64 Virginio: the condottiere Virginio Orsini, lord of Bracciano and Great Constable of Naples (†17 January 1497)

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Epigrams for Philip, Archduke of Burgundy, and Arthur, Prince of Wales A)

Ad eundem illustrem ducem Philippum Cesareanum | in Regem Romanorum electum epigramma quo | poeta existimat habuisse nomen a Philippo | Rege Macedum:

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Grande Philippus atrox Macedum qui praefuit oris Nomen Alexandro contulit orbe pater. Postea de caelo demissit sorte Philippo Magnus Alexander quod patris ante fuit. Hoc nisi portendit multo regnaberis aevo cum patruis atavis et seniore patre. Celestis virtus sic efferet astra Philippum qui transcendet avos indole dulce suos. Caesaris hunc iuxta radiabunt tempora natum Sumpserit ut caelo tarda senecta patrem. Foelices quod vos genuistis in orbe Philippum O patres, terras qui reget ense suo. Cresce tuos annos primo delebis in aevo Hostiles populos atque rebelle genus. Bellatrix cicius cupit haec Germania Princeps In patrios mores erudiende puer. (MS ÖNB, 12.750, fols 80 v–81r)

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Translation To the same illustrious Caesarean Duke Philip King of the Romans elect: an epigram in which the poet thinks that he took his name from Philip King of the Macedonians. Fierce Philip of Macedon who controlled the region, the father bestowed the great name on Alexander with the world. Afterwards Alexander the Great sent down from the heavens by lot to Philip that name which beforehand belonged to his father. This reveals that you will be ruling for many years with your paternal ancestors and aged father. His heavenly virtue will thus proclaim Philip to the stars, he will transcend his ancestors by his sweet character. Even Caesar’s reign will brighten up on account of this son, and a tardy old age will have taken up the father into heaven. O happy parents, because you have brought forth into the world Philip, who will rule the lands with his sword. Increase your years, in your prime you will conquer the enemy peoples and the rebel race. Warrior Germania desires these things rather swiftly, Prince and boy due to be educated in the customs of the fatherland.

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Ad illustrem Principum Arturum quem poeta nomen | ab Arctophilace stella habuisse arbitratur:

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Arctophilax nitido demissit nomen Olympo et dedit Harturo quod stetit ante polo. Hoc nisi portendit multo regnaberis aevo cum patruis atavis et seniore patre. Harturum virtus celestis ad efferet astra transcendetque suos indole clarus avos. Et patris hunc iuxta radiabunt tempora natum sumpserit ut celo tarda senecta patrem Foelices quod vos genuistis in orbe parentes Hostiles terras qui reget ense suo. Cresce tuos annos primo delebis in aevo et Gallos Scottos atque rebelle genus. Bellatrix citius cupit ista Britannia princeps in patrios mores erudiende puer. (MLY, MS XVI. N. 2., fol. 69r)

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Translation To the same illustrious Prince Arthur whom the poet thinks took his name from the constellation Arctophilax. Arctophilax sent down from gleaming Olympus the name (which previously stood in the sky) and gave it to Arthur. This name reveals that you will be ruling for many years with your paternal ancestors and aged father. His heavenly virtue will raise Arthur to the stars and renowned in his character he will surpass his ancestors. Even his father’s reign will brighten up on account of this son, as a tardy old age will have taken up the father in heaven. O happy parents because you have brought into the world that man who will rule enemy lands with his sword. Increase your years, in your prime you will conquer the French and the Scots and the rebel race. Warrior Britannia desires these things rather swiftly, Prince and boy due to be educated in the customs of the fatherland.

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Commentary A monarch’s greatest gift to his subjects was a son and heir who would both assure the continuation of the dynasty and the good order which his father had established. The manuscripts for both Maximilian and Henry VII contain a number of epigrams for each monarch’s young son and heir. However, the princes’ youth places the panegyric poet under severe constraints. Nagonius extricates himself from this predicament by exploiting the epideictic mode which not only allows actual achievements but also the potential for great deeds to be praised. In consequence the poems are written in such general terms that, without the titles to distinguish them, these epigrams are easily transferable and could be reused to address any young princeling. Nagonius dedicates six epigrams to Maximilian’s son Philip (fols 80r, 80v, 81r, v 83 , 86v, and 87r). In the first epigram the poet catalogues ancient heroes famous for their youthful exploits (‘Ad eundem illustrem ducem Philippum primigenitum | sererenissimi Caesaris Maximiliani semper Augusti epigram | ma quo poeta admiratur de praeclara indole’; fol. 80r). The theme continues in the epigram, cited above, which, by playing on the conceit of the prince’s name, suggests that Alexander the Great himself had conferred his own father’s name upon the young Archduke (fol. 80v). Another epigram wishes Philip a long life renowned for valorous deeds (‘Ad eundem illustrem ducem Philippum serenissimi | Caesaris Maximiliani semper Augusti excellentissimi | potentissimi invictissimique epigramma quo | poeta incitat eum ad praeclara facinora’; fol. 81r). The remaining poems are general encomia: ‘Ad illustrem ducem Philippum divi Caesaris Maxi | miliani semper Augusti filium’ (fol. 83v); ‘Ad illustrem ducem Philippum Caesaris filium | epigramma’ (fol. 86); ‘Ad illustrem ducem Philippum caesareanum epigramma | quo poeta hortatur ut aliquid praeclari agat in tenera aetate’ (fol. 87r). Three epigrams (fols 80v, 80r, and 83v) are repeated, with only minor alterations, to Henry’s son Arthur, prince of Wales (1486–1502). These are: ‘Ad Arturum Vualiae principem excellentissimum | divi Henrici septimi filium paterna | indole insignitum’ (fol. 63r); the poem cited above (fol. 69r); and ‘Ad eundem inclytum principem Arturum | regium natum de ipsius praeclarissima indole | et de eo spe habenda’ (fol. 69v). As Philip of Habsburg had been compared with Philip of Macedon, so Nagonius uses the same conceit to derive Arthur’s name from the constellation of the Bear-keeper, Arcturus, the brightest star in the constellation Bootes (syn. Arctophylax). In the preface to a genethliacon celebrating Arthur’s birth, Bernard André had attempted a similar etymological derivation of the Prince’s name: ‘Post

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tam prosperam sidus Arturi sterili tunc novellorum principum mundo collatum omnes Erebi Furiae longe profligatae sunt. Orta enim Arcturi stella, quae secundum genetliacos xii calend. Octobris oritur, Arturus quoque princeps natus est’ (Gairdner, Memorials, p. 41, quoted by Sydney Anglo, ‘The British History in Early Tudor Propaganda’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 44 (1961–62), 17–48 (p. 32, n. 2)).

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Descriptions of Buda, Jerusalem, and Constantinople (NKP, MS VIII.H.76 [1659], bk III, poem 10, incipit ‘Nostrae Pierides favete linguae’, ll. 32–54); Analecta nova, pp. 369–70 A) 32 Urbs est Pannonico sinu locata muris undique fortibus superba, pulchro Danubio, decens et Hystro 35 sevis aggeribus vocata Buda. Hinc stat ceruleis madens in undis urbs et perspicuum videt liquorem, dives terra, potens, ferax agrorum, illic Triptolemi quies remansit; 40 fluxas orbita cum rotas reliquit, hic accincta Ceres sinus refersit, suffecit cupidos satis ligones ipsa; Bacchus adest, bonus Lyeus, gaudens vitiferis honoribusque 45 umbrat palmite sobriique ruris colles et latices suis racemis; hinc cedit Latium mero Falernum, Tmolus pampineis decensque succis, et Metymna ferax fruens sapore 50 leto, vinifera magisque Nysa, florens Massicus et comes superba uvis Setia montibus revincta, Bacchei gracilis vel uva Gauri qui tunc Icariis comis ovabat.

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Translation There is a city located in the lap of Hungary proud in its strong walls on all sides with the beautiful Danube and the attractive Hister, named Buda with the strong ramparts. Here the city stands bathed in the blue waves and looks out upon the limpid waves; a rich land, powerful, fertile in the fields, in that place Triptolemus found repose. Here belted Ceres filled the hollows when bereaved she left her flowing wheels; she supplied the greedy hoes enough; Bacchus is here, good Lyeus, rejoicing in the honours of the vine. He shades the hills with the vine-branches of the sober fields and the springs with his clusters of grapes, here Latin Falernum yields to the wine, Tmolus rich with the juices of the vine and fruitful Metymna enjoying the happy taste and great vine-bearing Nyssa; flourishing Massicus and proud companion Setia restrained by the grapes on the mountains or the sweet grape of Bacchic Gaurus which once was triumphing with Icarian fronds.

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Commentary This idyllic description of the city of Buda is an aside in a long hendecasyllabic poem which primarily celebrates Vladislav’s victory over Maximilian in the contest for the vacant Hungarian throne (see above, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘A Manuscript for Vladislav II, 1497’): Iam nos magnanimi canemus arma stilo principis et remissiori, victo Caesare Maximiliano, victis hostibus impiisque Turcis, prisci gloria sanguinis videtur Vuladislaus eques, serenus atque clarus, splendidus, arduus et ingens rex inter reliquos notatus unus, […] (NKP, MS VIII.H.76, bk III, 10, ll. 10–17) (Now we will sing in a more subdued style of the battles of the magnanimous prince when the Holy Roman Emperor Elect Maximilian was defeated, and the impious enemy Turks were conquered and the knight Vladislav is seen with the glory of his ancient race, serene and renowned, splendid, hard-working and great, the one king marked out among the rest, […])

Despite the martial theme, the call to the Muses (Pierides) in the opening line allows for a pastoral digression in which the poet compares the fertility of the fields around the city to the famous vineyards of antiquity. 32 34 35 39 41 43 47

Pannonico: adj. ‘of Pannonia’, a district on the Danube, part of modern Hungary, hence ‘Hungarian’. Danubio: the River Danube in the upper part of its course. Hystro: the River Hister, the lower part of the Danube. Buda: the Hungarian capital is situated on the steep Gellert hill on the west bank of the Danube. Triptolemi: Triptolemus, a son of Celeus, king of Eleusis; he was the inventor of agriculture. Ceres: the goddess of agriculture, here described as orbita ‘bereaved’, i.e. of her daughter Proserpina. Bacchus: the god of wine; as such he is also called Lyaeus ‘the caredispeller’. Falernum: Falernian wine from Campania, at the foot of Mount Massicus; see below, l. 51.

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Tmolus: a mountain in Lydia producing excellent wines. Metymna: Methymna, a town in Lesbos, famous for its excellent wine. Nysa: a city in India on Mount Meros, the birthplace of Bacchus. Massicus: a mountain in Campania (now Monte Masso) noted for its excellent wine. Setia: an ancient mountain-city in Latium celebrated for its excellent wine. Gauri: Gaurus, a mountain in Campania (now Monte Barbaro) noted for its wine. Icariis comis: ‘with Icarian fronds’, i.e. vines, which Bacchus taught Icarus to cultivate.

The idyllic picture of Buda contrasts sharply with the horrors of war in the succeeding verses. Few other verses refer specifically to Buda. In the epic narrative of Book II Nagonius describes the journey from Italy to Hungary and the sea crossing from Ancona: Ad portum venere pares, ubi nobilis Ancon continuis rotatur aquis, semperque feritur Adriaco supposta mari, dant vela per altum plena Notis, currunt pelagus, perque altius aequor irrumpunt dense vento properante carina, Illyricum superant mare postea, plena secundis flatibus et tumidum frangebant carbasa pontum. (NKP, MS VIII.H.76, bk II, ll. 156–62) (The companions came to the port where incessant waves whirl around the noble city of Ancona and jutting into the Adriatic Sea is continually buffeted; they set the sails to the south winds and hasten across the open sea through the deep, and burst through the breakers as the ship hurries along with a strong head wind; afterwards they cross the Illyrian sea, and filled by the favourable winds the sails were vanquishing the swelling currents.)

Notwithstanding the epic flourish, this seems an accurate description. The usual route from Italy to Buda was across the northern Adriatic to the port of Senj in Croatia, from there to Zagreb, then to southern Hungary and finally to Buda. Few other verses refer specifically to the city. A poem in Sapphic stanzas, nominally addressed to the city (‘Carmen lyricum, quo poeta | rogat Budam urbem ut velit deo gratia agere, pro tanto principe | in regem suscepto’), subsumes description of Buda in a general panegyric of Vladislav’s victory over Maximilian.

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In later manuscripts the poem (incipit ‘Nostrae Pierides favete linguae’) is altered and expanded as the poet imagines a crusade to liberate Jerusalem. The idealized vision of the fertile fields around Buda is transferred to a fairly accurate topographical description of Jerusalem before the devastation of invasion: B)

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Urbs est Iherusalem locata monte pendens moenibus et suis ruinis, et templis decorata stat vetustis. Una parte novos tuetur ortus, et Phoebi radios videt priores, qua mons est venerandus inter astra sacratas alit eminens olivas, pacis, luminis, et locus salutis. Imis visceribus iacentis urbis vallis iudicii manet futuri. Cedron inferius parum moratur torrens, arida sustinens ab ora latrantis canis et leonis usti. Illic virgineum vides sepulchrum, illic sunt monumenta virginisque: illic relliquiae vigent pudicae intactae Mariae, propinquus hortus quo Christus patiens homo rogabat, lignum dulce crucis fuit repertum. Phoebo sub medio sedet superba Aegyptus, spoliis decora partis et grandis Babylon, reposta soli. Olim Iherusalem sacris prophaetis decantata fuit, relicta nostris dives terra, potens, ferax et audax, sed Ihesu male grata predicanti. Illic Triptolemi quies remansit (BnF, MS lat. 8133, fol. 208 r–v)

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Translation The city of Jerusalem is situated on a mountain hanging down with its ruins and walls and stands adorned with its old temples. On one side it watches over the new sunrise and sees the first rays of the sun where the lofty, venerable mountain is between the stars and nourishes the sacred olives. It is a place of peace, light, and safety. With the deep innermost parts of the city lying in ruins, the valley awaits the Last Judgement. The fervid Cedron lies a little further away, holding back from its dry banks the barking dogs and parched lion. Over there you see the tomb of the Virgin, over there are the monuments of the Virgin, over there the relics of the chaste Virgin Mary thrive, near the Garden where Christ as a suffering man was making His request, where the sweet wood of the Cross was found. Proud Egypt sits under the middle sun and great Babylon is hidden from the sun. The sacred prophets once proclaimed Jerusalem as a rich land, powerful, fruitful, and brave, but, as Jesus was predicting, it is ignored and disregarded by us. In that place Triptolemus found repose.

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Commentary 11

The Valley of Cedron (Kidron): the ravine, nearly three miles in length, which bounds the plateau of Jerusalem on the east. Towards the Mount of Olives, where it turns south, there are a number of ancient tombs. As the valley approaches the east wall of the city there is the Church of the Tomb of the Blessed Virgin and then the Garden of Gethsemane. Because of the custom of burying Israelites there it is the supposed scene of the Last Judgement.

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In the manuscripts for Pierre, duke of Bourbon and Guglielmo II, marquis of Monferrat, the same poem (incipit ‘Nostrae Pierides favete linguae’) also contains a description of Constantinople. C)

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Constantinopolis secunda Roma Europae ultimus angulus notatus urbs est inclyta, collibusque septem munita et triplici locata muro, ingentique manet cavata fossa. Unam terra tenet plaga rigenti partem firma, mari duae repostae spectantes Asiam, oppidumque priscum urbis, Memnoniam domum tuentes. Portum tertia conficit quietum nautis, advenientibus carinis. Clausis fit statio fidelis undis. Intus Cesareae vigent columnae signatae titulo decentiori, et docta artificis manu notatae. Monstrant proelia, continent et arma, et victritia castra, laureasque raptas hostibus, oppidumque captum, victrices galeas nitente crista, fulgentes clypeos, parique forma, consertas acies, ferasque turmas. Illic atria, porticus serenae lucent marmore, templa mira, quod non quisquam crederet haud videndo, sumptu sunt crustrata novo et theatra crede. Vates omnia vidit urbe magna. Hanc urbem eripias, superbe princeps, quam Thurcus male possidet tyrannus. (BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165. inf., fols 147 r–48r)

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Translation In the furthest known corner of Europe there is another Rome, the renowned city of Constantinople. Placed on seven hills and safeguarded by a triple wall it stands by a great, deep trench. A wide plain occupies one side of the city. Two sides sheltered from the wild sea look towards Asia, watching over the Memnonian house and ancient city. A third part makes a calm port for sailors and ships putting into dock. It is a sure anchorage shut off from the waves. Inside Caesarean columns thrive marked by a particularly appropriate inscription, and inscribed by the learned hand of an engraver. They describe battles and recount wars and successful campaigns and triumphs snatched from enemies and conquered towns, victorious helmets with shining crests, gleaming shields, and with the same style engaged battle lines and wild cavalry charges. In that place halls and bright colonnades gleam, there are marvellous temples and theatres encrusted with new expense, things which no one would believe without seeing, trust me. A poet has seen all these things in the great city. May you, great prince, take by force this city, which the tyrannical Turk wickedly possesses.

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The Battle of Fornovo (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fols 94v–104v) The same account can also be found in BnF, MS lat. 8132, fols 53r–68v; BnF, MS lat. 8133, fols 67r–78r; BnT, MS F.V.5., fols 55r–65r. A shortened version can be found in BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf. 68r–78r. The battle scenes are repeated in the account of the struggle for the Hungarian throne, NKP, MS VIII.H.76 (1659), bk II, ll. 539–804.

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Postquam Romuleo legati sanguine ripas liquerunt Trebiae sceleratas, ire parumper hos iuvat, et parvum Furni conscendere collem unde Novi possunt horrendo proelia Marte viribus acta ducum paribus non. Ista docebis nunc Eratho facunda tuum certamina vatem. Maius opus resono, maioraque bella movemus auguriis, fatisque deum, monitisque Sybillae. Charolus Hesperias rex invictissimus oras venerat, et Latium saevis temptaverat armis subdere, Cumanos pariter submittere campos. his actis celeri cursu discedere terris cogitur, et fines urgetur linquere nostros. Iussus abit. Posita redeunt cito Gallica castra obsidione, petunt hostes, pugnamque lacessunt. Hinc Venetum turmae, ducis et prudentia Mauri obstiterant Francis, vallatis undique campis stant acies, equitesque feri, peditesque frequentes et saxis tormenta suis instructa manebant aggere sublimi, quantum super ora virorum extendunt adversa queunt. Haec ante peracta infixit stratis tentoria candida terris, multa super Regno meditans, super amne propinquo cogitat et turmas demum conclamat in unum terribiles fervore suo dextraque minanti Charolus alloquitur stantes sermone benigno. ‘Magnanimi comites nimiaque cupidine capti Martis, in egregios tendentes semper honores hostili numquam saturati sanguine, queso, sumite quae referam consultaque nostra phalanges

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pars adversa furit patulo certamina campo saeva petens, et tela volens nos provocat hostes. Conveniunt urgente tuba, clamoreque multo agglomerant gentes, et magno ardore laborant castra locare locis lituis strepitantibus auras. Ut peterem Ausoniam vos hac me sorte vocastis in regnum, vestrumque ducem, dominumque futurum. Ipse libens veni, duxi fortesque phalanges Belligeros equites et multis agmina signis insignita meis croceos gestantia flores. Nunc opus est animis, numero non adsumus aequo, pars Venetum maior longe, numerosaque turba unus proque decem, sed nos nisi sanguine fuso hoc gaudemus iter, tractareque bella sodales. Hos iniusta movet, vos autem causa minores iusta secundabit, discamus Caesaris illo esse sub exemplo, quotiens qui recta negarit omnia, crede, dabit, donum id Fortuna reservat. Gens inimica sacrum temerando rumpere foedus ausa fuit, iurata Iovi promissaque pacta Hesperii fregere duces, sic perfidus ensis audet inire manus, et mecum tela movere. Quisque suas vires monstret, corpusque periclis omnibus opponat, nec curet vulnera miles. Haec est illa dies quae vestrum nomen Olympo attollet, tribuet vobis et vivere caelo. Hostis adest, cupit ille furens concurre mecum haudque pari certare viro, non linquite vestrum castra ducem, iam tempus erit, nec spernite dicta.’ Hinc se connectit nobis inimica iuventus Marchio, Turchus eques saevit furialibus armis, per se bella libent, animo succenditur acri et placet ense mori, quamque munere vellet ab isto defficere, et proprias foedasse in sanguine dextras hostili, praelata suis nec viribus ulla castra putat fortis gesturus prelia magno cum duce Gallorum. Simili cum robore mentis ipse Rhodulphus adest firmum comes addidit hastis

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auxilium, spondetque viros ad bella feroces pro Venetis. Tota clamatus ad arma cohorte solus Turchus erat, lateri pars magna potentum exercent adnexa sacro, Bellonaque tota irruit et nubes excedens agmen adibat principis imperium. Venisse in proelia turmas quot numerem, et trepidum turba coeunte tumultum Marte sub adverso, gestantes lilia dextra innumeri coiere globi, cum pectore firmo regis honorati servabant classicha saeva. His adiunctus eques cupidos properabat in hostes per diversa ruens, linquens et vota Trivulchus totus in arma furit, cui stat firmissima pubes bellatrixque nimis. Validis circundata telis, castra petit numerosa manus, iaculumque retorquet aethera per Turchus rumpens violentius auras signa sequens. Alia Veneti de parte rebelles milite diffuso superabant vertice Martem, descendebat equo mortem nec vulnera curans Turchus atrox, multo plenas tyrone cohortes secum ducebat discrimina nulla paventes et doctas superare neces, hominumque furores. In bellum pronus dux inclytus addidit aestus militibus, gentesque feras in castra coegit voce gravi, pariter neglecto principe turmas; accenditque viros in regis tela volentes tendere, et armatos clamabat ad ora maniplos; composuitque minas vultu, subitoque repressit militis ardentes motus, animoque furentes convocat hinc acies miso clamore repente dulcius aspectu, saevaque silentia dextra iussit, et affatur socios quantum arserit ira. ‘Stabimus electi contra tot Gallica tela decretum est equites, bellum cum rege movere horrendum, atque ipsum nostris depellere terris. Iure manet nobis, fungamur iuribus oro. non sumus ignari socii, Venetique dedere sponte sua titulos, iam nos in laude vocarunt

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et propria regnare domo voluere superbi.’ Haec postquamque fatus fortem dux magnus in orbem vertit equum, statim sequitur quem tota caterva ductorum, gyro sonipes cui flectitur alto in campum levis ut totas captaret habenas. Tunc alia validus de parte Trivultius ingens contorsit telum percussus fulmine Martis, aethere suspensum iaculum libravit et alto in medio cetu princeps speciosus in armis ibat, et armigeros in cunctos ore premebat. Qualis Agenoreum pulcher quum tenderet Archas ad bellum, infoelix ingens superaverat agmen Parthenopeus eques, facie raroque decore. Sicut et ad Thebas exibant ordine reges inmixti splendore suo, quo pectore gentes, dicite quo vultu vincebant agmina septem. Qualis et effigie calcabat dulce Latinos ille nepos Veneri, fulvum descendere colle quum vellet iaculis urgeret et ense leonem. Non secus egregio cultu tendebat in hostes promptos, et comitum turbis coeuntibus ausus. Ut bene consultum est, subito fervore sub aequor elegere locum pugnae, tentoria primum expandunt tellure nova candentia palis. Compositis rebus calida prolatus ab ira rex iter exardens iam dudum erumpere durum affatur prius armatas sic dulce cohortes eventus belli varios sub pectore versans. ‘Belligeri castris qui mecum proelia tanta gesistis, totiens experti vulnera fratres, curarum socii semper mansistis, et omnes in commune malum sortes casusque tulistis summus honor vobis hodie promittitur, una quot laudes dabit inde dies, monumenta quot addet in fastis unquamque nullo peritura sub aevo. Qualem fama volans et vobis spondet honores pro factis, gestisque decus, quantumve decorem. Divitias fortuna parat. Non ultima turbae

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145 pars ego sum tantae, patris clarissima magni regia sum proles. Iaculis hastaque virili primus inibo manus et multa caede cruentus saevius incendam mentes animumque furentem. Setiger irato sicut venabula dente 150 excandescit aper, spumis manantibus ore irritat, ostensas flammatus convomit iras, inrequietus adhuc inimicum querit in umbras condensas nemorum, latebras et lustra pererrans; sic ego descendam tanta ad certamina miles, 155 hos ardor, solusque labor mihi tradet honores. Tu me iam sequere et tantas non despice laudes. Non procul nostris expectat sedibus hostis Turchus et horrifico discurrit milite campos. nos omnes, parat atque uni vos tradere leto. 160 Non sperate fugam, sed pectore sumite ferrum insequar ipse furens nullo discrimine terga. Nos Venetum arma parum facimus, si mente virili aggrediamur eos, tractemus et acriter enses. Non vos civilis discordia poscit ad iram, 165 non vos Armenii, Scythici nec tela minantur. Iure vetant reditum nobis, nos legibus ergo omnibus utamur nostris. Qui proelia iusto Marte movet, fortuna favet, studio tuetur. Pars comitum divisa fuit, partita potentum 170 militia, una mihi perstat, pars altera Turcho. Virtus quanta viget belli fortissime miles. Est nobis Iacobus eques spes plurima Martis dotibus ornatus patriis, et corpore firmo. Hinc et belligeros inter spectabilis unus 175 Fuxensis comites, veterique ab origine celsus in titulis, transgressus avos atavosque superbos. regales custodit opes fidissimus iste. Hos equites claros insigni laude sequuntur ingentes alii domini. quo robore pacti? 180 pectore quo pressi valido? victritia castra ista dies vobis spondet, patulumque per Alpes pandit iter quod quippe negant mihi iure tyranni.’

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His dictis tollunt animos, viresque ministrant infractas comites adverso Marte potentes. Ut leo percussus gaudet cervice comantes excussisse iubas, infixum corpore telum frangit et infremitans iras ex ore remittit, non aliter forti crescit violentia regi. Tela manu vibrant equites, hostesque lacessunt ignavos Turchi qui iam decurrere gliscunt agmen in oppositum. Sensit pars altera tales erupisse sonos. ‘Nil est quod verba retardent. Marchio adest, adsunt fortes in proelia turmae. Bella manu tractemus acri, paribusque ruamus auspiciis. Stat sola nephas fortuna periclis.’ Iamque aderat funesta dies tempusque micandi finierat latum, quascumque ad tela phalanges excitat atque acies disponit in ordine totas. In terris Aurora novos laxaverat ortus Armiferis, et luce rubra lustraverat amnem Hystoriae factura fidem, cedisque futurae. Ut primum crepuere tubae, lituique dedere tot sonitus, sonipes resono clangore movetur, arva quatit pedibus, geminas et surrigit aures, diffunditque iuba, haud certo et stare tumultu ille pedum pugnat motus stridore tubarum ire redire cupit, tactu turbantia frenos ora tenens rigidos calcaribus ardet in arvis verberibus quatiuntur equi, fit maximus illis impetus, incursuque fero portantur in hostes. Tunc campi tremuere sono, percurrere contra et miscere manus se commodat apta iuventus. Ut vero incubuit belli deflebile fatum in pedites, armis sic undique saepta* corona obruitur, rectis pendebant eminus hastis; cominus obliquis alii, non sanguine fuso hi pereunt, non vulneribus, sternuntur equorum impulsu, nimbo telorum et membra teruntur. l. 214, MS scepta.

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Sic etiam armatum stipatur pectore corpus colliso, tantae parvum stringuntur in orbem atque acies, metuens tantum spisantur in agmen densantur caedes, turbae miserabile leto perduntur gladiis, ceciditque in strage suorum miles, et a proprio mirum contunditur ense. Inpiger ad letum compressus sanguine vitam alter odit, demum moriens traxitque tenebras quisque suas. Numero ex tanto quot pauca superstes turba fuit, vario quae mansit saucia ferro extitit, et crebris poterat vix ictibus ire. Quot tensi volucres arcus vomuere sagittas; quotque venenosos calamos; quot tela per hostes quos et equos celeres memorem per castra vagantes; quot clypeos spatio insignes; quot pila per altum aiera vicinos iaculata viriliter hostes inter, et umbones vix illa emissa tenebant, armorum versus quanti, quot pectore fixa vulnera quot mortes hominum miserabile dictu. Vix stantes novere suos. Exarserat ira quanta illic cedis nostris celebranda Camenis. Ancipites casus habuit mors improba belli quam fortuna dabat. Venetum pars maior adempta est et melior, steteratque prius cui tanta potestas Succubuit periens infoelix perdidit arma Marchionis patruus, cum multa strage cohortis occubuit, vitamque leves sic sparsit in auras. Tanta adeo clades fuerat de sanguine gentis Viperae, quod erat pulvis compressus ubique factaque erant mestis nimium loca lubrica campis. Non tantum Marius vidit, nec Sylla cruentus sanguinis effusi metuendaque vulnera stragis. Heu miseri pedites ictus in corpore primos excipitis semper, luitis damnataque tela. Insurgunt equites alia de parte feroces sternere cede viros et circum castra sedere Maurifera et duro properant deposcere Marte. Agmina concurrunt, acies densantur in alas

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extremae geminas. pugnantes viribus aequis cum ducibus multi comites sternuntur in unum. Gallorum virtus et regis magna furentis tendit in adversos hostes illustribus hastis. Inque equites violenta furit mortemque minatur. Arida correptis veluti Vulcania pestis arva furens flammis extenditur undique crescens ignis adurit agros urgente incendia vento. Talis in hoste ruit tensa violentius hasta Charolus, apparet dominus quem castra verentur. Viribus haud impar micat ense Trivultius illis ictibus erumpit magnis et clamat in hostes pectore sic fulgens, et corpus perforat ingens militis egregii, ferrum penetrabile dextra abstinuit, veniamque dedit sic ipse petenti. Turchus ut aspexit fortes ad prelia turmas currere, et in medio certantem ex agmine regem tunc gelidus timido sanguis in corpore mansit non ausus certare manu, nec tendere contra. Marchio stans in equo, nequidquam plura volutans instaurat verbis acies, atque addidit aestus quos potuit, mentemque tulit viresque parabat. ‘Fata vocant hodie nos, credo inimica phalanges O Venetum, perstat nobis iam cedere fatis. Ante tamen vultu tractemus tela virili nunc virtutis opus forsan fraudabimus hostes.’ Extimuere omnes non ausi tendere contra. Utque iterum Gallos cernunt properare potentes arripuere fugam, passi non amplius ipsi arma superba ducis victritia et undique castra diffugiunt, rapido nam marchio in agmina cursu vix evasit equi Gallis iaculantibus hastas. Huic sonipes defessus erat, sudoribus hartus fumabant, pulsusque gravis trahit illia vasta. Non stimulis neque verberibus torquetur equorum turba, cruentato portabant ora lupato sicca, gemunt raucis et creber anhellitus urget vocibus et squallent emissa arentia lingua

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295 corpora cornipedum; non impetus amplius illi manserat, urgentur nullis calcaribus ipsi. Vix habuere fugam monstrantes terga cohortes territae, et in tuto traxerunt agmina campo. Tunc ait extrenuus cernens has terga dedisse 300 Charolus, ‘Hae melius poterant ostendere pectus, atque ictus cepisse meos, et robur acuto munitum ferro, gustasse in corpore Turchus. Num puduit ceptis ingentibus ense remisso defecisse modo? puduit num linquere castra 305 O Veneti, audaces sic effugisse catervas Francorum, molles nimium mansistis harenis nullum terga decus nec habent fugientia laudes agmina, nec fugiens miles gestabit honores.’ Haec referens hastam immanem contorsit in hostes 310 Francus, et a longe percussit militis ictu terga volantis equo, sequitur quem caetera pubes Gallica mixta duci claro dominisque serenis. ‘Ite, ite, O pavidae gentes, non castra sequamur amplius, indigni nullos meruistis honores. 315 Prelia cum Gallis non amplius ista geratis O Venetum Maurique duces: profugeque phalanges. Praemia pro meritis quae vos referetis Olympo ampla satis, dignasque vices donabitis amni quas vestrum tormenta neces succensa dedissent 320 ni subitis vertisset aquis clementia divum. Arrisit fortuna nimis, vobisque pepercit; condignum scelus id fuerat persolvere poenas quippe graves, sanctum foedus violastis iniqui. Gens Cadmea velut perfregerat impia pactum 325 quae totiens astricta Iovi conventa negarat iuratamque fidem sceleravit perfida proles. Contuso primae stimulans conamine pugnae Romuleas classes, iterum sub gurgite fractis Trinacrio ceptis instaurat tela capescens 330 tertia molitur Lybicus dux Hannibal arma.’ Intumuit mirum subitis post alveus undis collectis et crevit aquis et littore currens excessit proprio, veluti foret unus in hostes

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limes et armatos homines a cede vetaret. Multa tamen secum traxit violenter in undas corpora et in siccas madefacta cadavera ripas evomuit. Quod si non impetus ille fuisset quanta virum leto et quot corpora cesa tulisset littus harenosum celeberrima funera mesto una dies. O prisce iterum tot vulnera ripis non caperes Ticine tuis, nec sanguine retro reflueret Trebia Hesperio stipantibus hastis, turbida nec tantum Trasimenus stagna paveret. Haud Latii Cannae tumulus, mersumque cruore spectarent campum Phrygio, dubiumque per hartus Aufidus Hadriaci caesos clyposque virorum rumperet haud iter, et fluvius memoranda taceret acta ducum; pietas superum ni prompta fuisset insperata salus etiam data gentibus esset. principis et virtus probitas et honesta voluntas profuit et clemens rex salvos reddidit hostes. Non ultra dicens inhumanata cadavera terrae agricolis mandare iubet cristasque rubentes sanguine consistunt tumulo, tumulantur harenis ossa virum truncata manu, spoliataque membra inde cremant, multis decisis undique ramis. Cassis plura super meditans sic ore locutus. ‘Illustris titulis animarum turba valete sanguine quae sparso cecidistis, dona suprema sumite et hoc nostrum vestris insigne tropheum pro meritis instauro libens et munera trado.’ Charolus hiis abiit dictis, Taurinaque castra cepit et in Rhodanum gressus dat turma furentem. tectaque Lugduni rediens intravit aquosi Gallica diversis querens ingressibus arva. Nec non attoniti memorantes talia patres has decorant animas, cumulant ornantque sepultos muneribus moestis et vota suprema relinquunt. Forte recedentes spectant dum fata diserti ista oratores, Phoebus laxaverat ortus ipse novos et luce sua rutilaverat amnem funere tristantem multo casumque dolentem.

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Translation After the ambassadors have left the banks of the River Trebbia polluted with Roman blood, they are pleased to travel on a little further and they are able to climb the small hill where the battle of Fornovo was waged in savage war by unequal forces. Now, eloquent Erato, you will teach your poet those battles. I sing a greater work and we undertake greater battles under the auspices and Fates of the gods and the warnings of the Sibyl. The most invincible King Charles had come to the Italian shores and had attempted to subdue Rome with savage arms and at the same time to subjugate the Cumaean plains. When these objectives had been achieved, he is compelled to depart from these lands with a swift march, and he is pressed hard to leave our territories. The word goes out he is leaving. When the blockade had been set up, the French army swiftly returns, seeks out the enemy, and provokes a battle. On one side, when their camps had been walled in on all sides, the Venetian cavalry squadrons and the prudence of Duke Ludovico Il Moro have blocked the French, the battle-lines are drawn up. Fierce knights and a host of infantry and war machines loaded with stones were waiting behind an imposing rampart; they stretch out as much as they can beyond the faces of the men opposite. Thinking about the many things already accomplished in the Kingdom of Naples, Charles has pitched the white tents on the level ground, and turns his attention to the stream nearby and with his threatening right hand calls his fierce troops together, and then in his excitement addresses the assembly with an encouraging speech: (27) ‘Stout-hearted comrades, seized by excessive desire for war, always aiming for the gleaming honours never sated with enemy blood, I beseech you, listen to what I say and our advice. An enemy battalion is raging on the open plain seeking savage engagements; eager for war the enemy is challenging us. The peoples are coming together as the trumpets urge them and are gathering with a great commotion, and they strive with great zeal to set up camp in the place as the bugles blare on the breeze. By this destiny you summoned me, your leader and future lord, into this kingdom to attack Italy. I came willingly, I led brave battalions and warlike knights and an army distinguished with many standards and wearing my yellow fleur-de-lis. Now it is time to fix your courage. We are not equal in number: the Venetians are greater by far and the numerous enemy outnumbers us ten to one, but we, except by shedding blood, rejoice in this march and in waging war as comrades. An unjust cause moves them, but a righteous cause will favour you though outnumbered. Let us learn to be under that example of Caesar; believe, Fortune will give everything, whenever he denied the right path;

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Fortune reserves that gift. An enemy people have wantonly dared to break the sacred treaty and the Italian leaders have violated the oaths promised and sworn to Jupiter, thus the perfidious sword dares them to form an army and move arms against me. Let each man show his strength and expose his body to every danger and let not the soldier worry about his wounds. This is the very day that will raise your name to Olympus, and allow you to live among the immortals. The enemy is at hand, in his fury he desires to join battle with me and to fight on unequal terms; do not forsake the camps and your general, now is the time, do not disregard my words.’ (60) Then the enemy youth, the marquis of Mantua, engages us; the stratioti horsemen go wild with frenzied arms. Wars are agreeable in themselves, and their fierce spirit is set alight and they find it pleasing to die by the sword and do not want to be denied that gift and to have stained their own right hand in enemy blood. The marquis does not think that any army surpasses his own strength as he goes into battle against the great leader of the French. Count Ridolfo himself is at hand with similar determination and gave great support with his lances and pledges the fierce men to war on behalf of Venice. The Turk alone from the entire army had been called to arms, and a great part of their power harasses the baggage train on the sacred flank and Bellona dashes in everywhere and spreading gloom the troops were undertaking the prince’s command. Can I number how many squadrons wearing the fleurs-de-lis on their armour came into battle and the bustle and confusion of the assembling troops in adverse war? Innumerable masses clashed together; with a stout heart the honoured knights of the king were paying attention to his fierce commands. Having engaged these, the knight Trivulzio was hastening against the greedy enemy. Rushing headlong through different places and putting aside his vows, he rages in the thick of battle. A most courageous youth, extremely warlike, stands at his side. A large band of soldiers makes for the camps surrounded by stout weapons, and the Turk flings back a javelin through the air which violently splits the breeze, as he makes for the standards. In another part the rebellious Venetian soldiers, spread out across the eddies, were winning the battle. The savage Turk was descending from his horse, with no care for wounds or death, and was leading away with him divisions filled with many fearless recruits having been taught to overcome death and the fury of men. The renowned general, keen for battle, fired up the soldiers and, ignoring the prince, with a deep voice urged both the fierce race and squadrons against the camps; he inflamed the men eager to proceed against the weapons of the king and was calling the armed companies to their faces; his expression carried threats and quickly suppressed the soldiers’ enthusiastic manoeuvres and he calls back the furious

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battle-line with a sudden shout and milder expression, and his savage right hand ordered silence and he speaks to his comrades as much as his anger flared. (101) ‘It has been decreed we, chosen knights, will stand against so many French weapons and wage horrid war with the king, and expel him from our lands. By right he is waiting for us, let us perform this right I beg you. We are not inexperienced companions, of their own accord the Venetians have given us titles and now they have called us to glory and those proud men want to rule in their own home.’ (108) Having spoken these things, the great leader turned his brave horse into the thick of the fighting and immediately the whole band of commanders followed him. He wheels his light steed in a wide arc onto the plain so that it might make a full charge. Then on another part of the field, powerful and mighty Trivulzio, struck by the thunderbolt of Mars, hurled his weapons and the javelin hung suspended on the breeze, and the prince, splendid in his armour, went in the midst of the throng and was closely pressing against all the soldiers. Just like when handsome Mercury set off for the Theban war, the unlucky warrior great Parthenopaeus had surpassed the soldiery by his appearance and rare charm. Like those men marching out against the Theban kings in proper order and rank, they were astounding in their own splendour. Recount with what fervour or with what expression were the seven armies conquering the people. Just as that grandson of Venus with his sweet expression was trampling the Latins underfoot when he wanted the tawny lion to descend from the hill and goaded it with the sword and javelins, with similar renowned splendour he was charging against the enemy at hand and he was made bold by the assembling crowds of his companions. As it was well planned, with a sudden fervour they chose a level place for the battle and first they spread out the gleaming tents on the new ground with pegs. When this had been done, the King, carried along by a white-hot fury and desiring for a long while to break the hard journey, spoke first to the armed squadrons turning over the various events of the war in his mild heart. (135) ‘Warlike comrades who have fought such great battles with me, brothers so often enduring wounds, you have always remained partners of my cares, you have all borne the fates against the common evil. Today the greatest honour is promised to you. Then how many accolades will this one day give, how many enduring monuments will it add to the calendar? Winged fame has pledged honours for you befitting your actions and deeds. What kind of renown or how great will it be? Fortune prepares riches. I am never at the back of the fighting; I am the most famous royal descendant of a great father. I will go in the first band with spears and a strong lance, and bloodied with great slaughter I will incite more

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ferociously your minds and furious spirit. Just like a bristling wild boar rages at the hunting spears with his wild tusks and with a snout wet with foam is excited and enraged vomits real anger, still restless he seeks out the enemy through the thick shade of the wood and wanders the groves and thickets. So I a soldier will descend to the great battlefields. This passion and labour alone will give these honours to me. Follow me now and do not despise such great praise. Not far from our camp the enemy Turk is waiting and he is running amok over the field with his savage soldiery. He is preparing to deliver you and us all to one death. Do not put your hope in flight, but steel your hearts. I myself will attack those retreating, furious with no quarter. We take no account of the Venetian army, if we attack them with a strong mind; let us wield our swords vehemently. Civil discord does not call you to anger; the Armenians are not threatening you, nor the arms of the Scythian. By law they forbid our return, therefore let us use all our rights. Fortune favours the man who fights in a just war, and protects his zeal. Part of the army has been divided, the power of the army is thus divided, one part stands firm with me, and the other against the Turk. Bravest soldiers, how much courage thrives in war! The great hope of Mars, the knight Giacomo, is with us, decorated with the wealth of his fatherland and with a resolute heart. Here among our warlike companions is the singularly renowned comte de Foix from an ancient line distinguished with titles; he has already surpassed his proud ancestors. That most faithful man guards the royal wealth. Other great lords with renowned praise follow those famous knights. By what strength are they in agreement? What noble heart overpowers them? This day promises you victories and reveals an open path through the Alps which tyrants deny to me by right.’ (183) After he said these things, they raise their spirits and the powerful companions supply strength broken by defeat in war. Just like a wounded lion rejoices as he tosses the luxuriant mane on his neck, snaps off the spear fixed in his body and roars angrily, so the aggressiveness of the brave King increases. The knights, who are now keen to charge the opposing enemy, shake their weapons in their hands and provoke the cowardly enemy of the Turk. The other half of the army hears that such shouts have erupted. (192) ‘There is nothing that words may slow down. The marquis is at hand; the brave companies come into the battle. Let us perform the battle with a violent hand and let us charge with equal auspices. In times of danger Fortune stands alone a portent.’ (196) And now the fatal day was at hand and the long time of trembling had finished and whatever battalions there are he excites to war and places all the battle-lines in proper order. The dawn had newly risen over the battlefield and

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illuminated the river with a red light, a day about to make history by its future slaughter. As soon as the trumpets have sounded, and the bugles have given as many blasts, the war-horses are roused by the echoing blare and shake the fields with their hooves and prick up their ears, spread their mane and, stirred up by the sound of the trumpets, refuse to stand still, shifting their clattering hooves. They are keen to charge off and return, holding the tight reins in their agitated mouths. Disturbed by the touch of the spurs, they blaze forth across the fields which are shaken by the thundering horses as they make a great charge and are ridden against the enemy in a wild rush. Then the plains shook with their thunder and the keen soldier steels himself to rush forward in attack and to join combat. Then indeed the lamentable doom of war bore down upon the infantry and so the formations, surrounded on all sides, are overwhelmed with weapons; some are skewered on the straight lances at long range, others by slanting thrusts at close quarters; some men perish not by the loss of blood, nor from their wounds, but are trampled by the cavalry charge, and their bodies are mown down under a hail of missiles. In this way even an armoured body is crushed by the pressure of another, so many soldiers are packed into a small compass, and greatly afraid they are packed together into a press as the slaughter piles up, and the squadrons are lost to a miserable death by swords and the soldiers fell amid the heaps of their own comrades and unbelievably they are wounded by their own weapons. One man eager for death and covered in blood hates life and, finally dying, dragged off his own shade. From such a great number only a small band was left standing, and these were wounded with various weapons and were scarcely able to move because of so many blows. It is miserable to relate how many taut bows threw out winged arrows; how many poisoned darts; how many spears were thrown at the enemy and which swift horses were wandering through the camp; the number of famous shields on the ground; the number of bronze cannon balls boldly launched through the air into the enemy nearby and their shields hardly able to withstand these missiles; the quantity of armed men opposing, the wounds inflicted on bodies, and the number of dead. Those left standing could scarcely recognize their comrades. How great an anger had flared in that place ought to be celebrated in our song of slaughter. The shameful death which the Fortune of war was giving held misfortunes for both sides. The greater and better part of the Venetians were lost and the great power which had previously been theirs collapsed; dying, the unfortunate uncle of the marquis lost his weapons and met his death amid the great slaughter of the army, and thus scattered his life to the light breezes. Indeed, so great was the destruction of the Milanese, that the battlefield was covered with their blood and places made slippery on the mournful plains. Neither Marius nor

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bloodthirsty Sulla saw so great an outpouring of blood and such fearful wounds in the carnage. Alas, wretched infantry, you are always the first to receive blows to the body and to suffer the accursed missiles. In another part the ferocious cavalry rise up to lay low men in slaughter and to surround the Milanese camp and they hasten to seek stern war. The armies run together, the extreme battle-lines are thick on the two wings. Fighting with equal strength many companions are laid low in one place together with their commanders. With great courage the French and the furious king aim their renowned lances at the opposing enemy. The cavalry rages in violence and threatens destruction. Just as Vulcan’s plague spreads through the dry countryside furious with creeping flames and rising on all sides, the fires scorch the fields, the blaze fanned by the pressing wind. So Charles rushes violently against the enemy with outstretched lance and the lord appears whom the camps fear. Hardly inferior in strength, Trivulzio glitters with his sword and sallies forth dealing great wounds and, with the armour on his chest gleaming, challenges the enemy and he pierces the great body of a famous warrior, but the right hand restrained the penetrating steel and he himself showed mercy to those seeking it. When the Turks saw the brave squadrons rushing into battle and the King fighting in the midst of the ranks then cold blood ran through their fearful frames and they did not dare join battle. The marquis sitting on his horse, thinking over many things, in vain offers encouragement to the troops and adds to their fury as much as he is able and focused his mind and was preparing his strength. (279) ‘O inimical battalions of Venetians, I believe that the Fates are calling us today. It remains for us now to yield to the Fates. First, however, let us wield our weapons with a brave show. Now there is a need for courage. Perhaps we will deceive the enemy.’ (283) They were all afraid and did not dare attack as again they see the powerful French are charging down. They took flight and did not endure further the proud conquering arms of the general, and on all sides the camps are scattering; for the marquis in the battle-line by swiftly manoeuvring his horse barely escaped the spears hurled by the French. His horse was worn out, its joints were reeking with sweat and the heavy pulse contracts its great lungs. Neither with goads nor by a beating can the troop of horses be wheeled around. Their dry mouths were carrying the bloody bit, they groan and heavy panting forces hoarse coughs and their thirsty tongues hang out and the horses’ bodies are dirty; but they cannot make another charge and no spurs can force them forward. The terrified soldiers turned their backs and were scarcely able to flee as the cavalry dragged the troops across the whole battlefield.

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(299) Seeing that they had fled, tireless Charles then spoke: ‘They could have better shown their fronts and taken my blows and the Turk could have tasted on his body my strength furnished with cold steel. Is my sheathed sword not ashamed that it has been idle recently in such a great undertaking? O Venetians, surely it is a shame to leave the battlefield, and thus to have fled from the brave bands of French. You have remained too soft on the sandy shores. Backs bring no glory, fleeing soldiers have no praise, nor will the deserter have honour.’ (309) Saying these things, the French man flung a huge spear at the enemy and from a distance struck the back of a soldier as he was fleeing on his horse, whom the rest of the other Gallic youth pursued together with the noble duke and serene lords. (313) ‘Flee, flee, cowardly race! Let us not pursue the army further! Unworthy people, you have deserved no honours. You, commanders of the Venetians and the Moor, and deserting battalions, may you not wage war any further with the French. The rewards for true merit which you will refer to Olympus are ample enough. You will give due honours to the river which the flaming cannon would have given if the mercy of the gods had not altered murder in running waters. Fortune has smiled too much and has spared you; it was a crime wholly deserving the death penalty. Unjust people, you have violated a sacred treaty. Just like the impious Carthaginians, who so often had broken the pact and denied the contracts agreed by Jove, and the treacherous race defiles the sworn oath. The Carthaginian general Hannibal, goading the Roman fleet when the attempt of the first war had been crushed and broken under the Sicilian torrents, snatching weapons again he rises up and sets in motion a third war.’ (331) Then astonishingly the river bed swelled high with a sudden influx of water and increased in waves and, rolling on, has left its own shore, as if it would be a boundary against the enemy and keep armoured men from slaughter. However, it dragged many bodies violently with it under the waves and it threw up many bloated corpses onto the dry banks, but if that flood had not happened how many renowned funerals had one day brought men to gloomy death and how many slaughtered bodies would one day have been brought to the sandy shore. If the mercy of the gods had been as prompt and an unexpected haven had been given to the people, O ancient Ticinus, you would never have taken again so many wounds on your banks; the Trebbia would not flow backwards blocked with lances stained with Italian blood; nor Trasimene stand so alarming in its disturbed pools; at Cannae, the Romans would not have seen so many tombs and the plain soaked in Phrygian blood, and the Aufidus would not have forced a doubtful passage to the Adriatic through the shields and severed limbs of men, and the river

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would be silent about the memorable deeds of the commanders. The courage and honesty of the prince and his honourable goodwill overflowed and the merciful king rendered the enemy safe. (352) Saying no more he orders the farmers to commit the unburied bodies to the earth, and they set up the plumes of a helmet tinged with blood on the grave, and the bones of men maimed in the battle are buried on the sand and when many branches had been cut down from all around, they then cremate the despoiled limbs. Thinking over many empty things he thus spoke: (358) ‘Farewell bands of spirits with illustrious titles who have fallen in spilled blood! Receive the last gifts. I willingly set up this trophy, our mark for your merits, and I hand over gifts.’ (362) With these words Charles left and made for his base in Turin and the army directs its course towards the fast running Rhone and, seeking French fields by different routes and entering humid Lyons, they return home. (369) The senators, visibly shaken by the recollection of these events, honour these spirits and decorate the graves with sad gifts, perform the final rites and leave. It so happened that while the eloquent ambassadors were withdrawing and considering these events, the sun had set and with his fading light had made the river glow red and sad, grieving for so much death and misfortune.

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Commentary The Battle of Fornovo took place along the banks of the River Taro, a tributary of the Po, near the small town of Fornovo on 6 July 1495; for an Italian account of the battle by someone who took part, see Alessandro Benedetti, Diaria de Bello Carolino, ed. with a translation by Dorothy M. Schullian (New York: Renaissance Society of America, 1967); for a contemporary French version of events, see Philippe de Commynes, Mémoires, ed. by Joël Blanchard, 2 vols (Geneva: Droz, 2007), I, livre VIII, vii–xiv, 623–61. For modern accounts of the battle, see Yvonne Labande-Mailfert, Charles VIII et son milieu (1470–98): La jeunesse au pouvoir (Paris: Klincksieck, 1975), pp. 379–414; Michael E. Mallett, Mercenaries and their Masters: Warfare in Renaissance Italy (London: Bodley Head, 1974), pp. 238–48; David Nicolle, Fornovo 1495: France’s Bloody Fighting Retreat (Oxford: Osprey, 1996). For the events leading up to the French invasion, see The French Descent into Renaissance Italy, 1494–95: Antecedents and Effects, ed. by David Abulafia (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1995). A number of other contemporary poetic accounts of the battle survive. The longer poems include Panfilo Sasso, De Bello Tarrensi; Battista Spagnoli (il Carmelita), Trophaeum pro Gallis expulsis, while shorter verses were written by Fausto Andrelini and Lelio Capilupi among others. Nagonius’s version is heavily indebted to classical models, notably Virgil, Lucan (especially the account of the battle between Gaius Curio and King Juba in Book IV), and Silius Italicus. These classical allusions generate an epic context for the battle that elevates its significance to the clash between the Trojans and the Latins; Pompey and Caesar; Scipio and Hannibal. Nagonius’s account follows the course of the battle through its various stages. The army of the hastily formed Italian League under the command of Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, encamped on the level plain near the village of Giarola and waited for the retreating French army to descend from the mountains. The first engagement was a skirmish between the French advance guard and the stratioti, the dreaded Albanian light cavalry, hired by the Venetians (1 July). The main French army arrived during the following days and, encamped between Ricco and Fornovo, was continually harassed by the stratioti. While negotiations between the commanders were taking place, early on Sunday morning (6 July) the French crossed the River Taro pursued by the League’s light cavalry and the stratioti. These fell upon the French baggage train. It was during this raid that Niccolò Orsini and his cousin Virginio Orsini escaped from their French captors. By early afternoon the League decided to pursue the French, but

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their attack was hampered by the rising river. In the meantime, the French turned to face the League’s advance across the Taro. Gonzaga launched a ferocious charge which almost broke the French line. This was not supported by the light cavalry and crossbowmen who, instead, joined the attack upon the French baggage train. The Milanese cavalry retreated back across the river. Fierce fighting continued during which Ridolfo Gonzaga was killed, thus preventing the League’s reserves from being deployed. The bulk of the League cavalry then retreated back across the Taro and by late afternoon the two armies had disengaged. The French army, having lost its baggage, was forced to spend the night without food and cover, and buried its dead the following day before moving on to Asti. 1 2 6 7 11 12

14 16 17 23

legati: the embassy is en route to Paris. Trebiae: the river in Cisalpine Gaul celebrated for Hannibal’s victory over the Romans in 218 (now Trebbia). See Liv., XXI. 52; Sil., IV. 495–703. Eratho: Erato, usually the muse of lyric and amorous poetry; meton. a Muse in general. Cf. Verg., Aen., VII. 37. maius opus resono: cf. ‘maius opus moveo’, Verg., Aen., VII. 45. In imitation of Virgil’s second invocation to the Muse, Nagonius now asks for divine inspiration to sing of the battle of Fornovo in a more lofty strain. Cumanos campos: the Cumaean plains, the kingdom of Naples, from Cumae in Campania). The French entered Naples in triumph on 20 February 1495. his actis: the occupation had lasted exactly three months. Charles, leaving a small force in Naples, began the long march back to France on 20 May 1495. An Italian League between Rome, Venice, Milan, and a number of satellite states was hastily formed to oppose the King’s march north. celeri cursu: cf. Luc., III. 502. Iussus: cf. Luc., I. 307. obstiterant Francis: the French army was met by a Venetian force that numbered about 25,000 men of whom about 5000 were in Milanese service; see Mallett, Mercenaries, p. 243. vallatis undique campis: the Italian army was waiting for the retreating French in a camp fortified with a ditch and a pallisade (see Mallett, Mercenaries, p. 243). Regno: ‘the kingdom’ i.e. of Naples, technically known as the Regnum Sicilie citra pharum, lit. the ‘Kingdom of Sicily this side of the lighthouse’ (i.e. the straits of Messina) or simply the Regno, the Kingdom par excellence.

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27 43 48 49 51 61

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amne propinquo: ‘The village of Fornovo stands at the foot of the Apennines at the apex of the valley through which the Taro flows northwards to its confluence with the Po above Casalmaggiore. Narrowing in on either side at the point where the stream flows out on to the plain, the two chains of low hills which enclose the valley open out again to the south in a kind of amphitheatre, and over the strip of flat ground between them the river finds its shifting and uncertain course. Sometimes the Taro is an insignificant rivulet, tricking peacefully towards the plain; sometimes it is a raging torrent, tearing headlong down, and covering the valley with boulders and stones’ (Bridge, A History of France, II, 253); Mallett observes that rains had suddenly swollen the river ‘and this was seriously to effect the Italian plan’ (Mercenaries, p. 245); see below lines 331 ff. prosopopoeia: Nagonius, following classical tradition, ‘reports’ Charles’s speech to his troops before the battle (Benedetti similarly includes a speech made by the king; Diaria, bk I. 39). The speech is modelled upon various exhortations made by Caesar to his troops in Lucan. nimiaque cupidine: cf. Luc., I. 87. nisi sanguine fuso: cf. Luc., II. 439. Fortuna reservat: cf. Verg., Aen., V. 625. temerando rumpere foedus: cf. Sil., I. 11. Hesperii fregere duces: cf. ‘Sidonii fregere duces’, Sil., I. 10; punica fides was a by-word among the Romans for perfidy. With supreme irony Nagonius attributes Punic perfidy to the Italian leaders. Marchio: Francesco II Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua (1466–1519), appointed captain-general of the Venetian forces in April 1495. Turchus eques: the stratioti cavalry, light-armed swift horsemen recruited in Greece and Albania by the Venetians (Benedetti refers to these as Graeci milites). Commynes, who saw the cavalry muster on the Lido, comments: ‘Stradiotz sont gens comme genetaires,vestuz a pied et a cheval comme les Turcs, sauf la teste, ou ilz ne portent ceste toille qu’ilz appellent tolibam, et sont dures gens et couchent dehors tout l’an et leurs chevaulx’ (I. VIII. vii. 625). furialibus armis: cf. Stat., Theb., XI. 90. Francesco Gonzaga harrassed the advance guard under Trivulzio on 1 July with the stratioti. They achieved a minor success. The stratioti attacked again on 5 July carrying back on their lances the heads of the French soldiers they had killed. For this they were rewarded by Gonzaga.

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ipse Rhodulphus adest: Ridolfo Gonzaga (1451–95), uncle of Francesco Gonzaga, commander of the Venetian forces (see below note to l. 244 patruus). 75 trepidum turba coeunte tumultum: cf. Luc., I. 297. 76 Marte sub adversa: cf. Luc., I. 308. 80 per diversa ruens: cf. Luc., II. 467. Trivulchus: Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, acting as dux itineris, led the French advance guard with Pierre de Rohan-Guéménée, seigneur de Gié (Marshall of France since 1475). 81 pubes: Trivulzio’s son, Gianiccolò, who accompanied his father throughout the campaign and was rewarded by Charles VIII for his bravery. 82 validis circundata telis: cf. Luc., II. 478. 91 dux inclytus: Francesco Gonzaga. 95 et armatos clamabat ad ora maniplos: cf. Luc., I. 296. 99 saevaque silentia dextra | iussit: cf. Luc., I. 298. 117 pulcher Archas: the god Mercury. 119 The simile compares Trivulzio to the Arcadian warrior Parthenopaeus, the son of Meleager and Atalanta, one of the seven who went against Thebes. See Stat., Theb., IV. 246 ff. 124 ille nepos Veneris: Julius Caesar. 145 patris […] magni: King Louis XI. 147 primus inibo: just like Aeneas, Charles is first into battle. Cf. Aen., X. 310. 175 Fuxensis: Jean de Foix, vicomte de Narbonne, comte d’Etampes. The French battle-line was, in fact, divided into three parts: the first led by Gié and Trivulzio (Iacobus eques, l. 172); the second led by the king and Jean de Foix, and the rear-guard under Louis II, seigneur de la Trémoille, and Louis d’Armagnac, comte de Guise. 181–82 For the route by which the French leave Italy see below ll. 361 ff. 185 Ut leo percussus: for the simile, cf. 68

Poenorum qualis in arvis saucius ille gravi venantum vulnere pectus tum demum movet arma leo, gaudetque comantis excutiens cervice toros fixumque latronis impavidus frangit telum et fremit ore cruento: (Verg., Aen., XII. 3–7)

193 203

Marchio: Francesco Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua. Nagonius has here adapted lines from Lucan: Quippe ubi non sonipes motus clangore tubarum Saxa quatit pulsu rigidos uexantia frenos

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Ora terens spargitque iubas et subrigit auris Incertoque pedum pugnat non stare tumultu: (Luc., IV. 750–53)

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The description of the war-horse is a common trope. Cf. the description of Honorius’s war-horse, Claud., IV. Cons. Hon., 546–50. The description of the densely packed battle-line has a number of classical precedents (cf. Sil., IX. 304 ff.). Again, Nagonius has borrowed many phrases and half-lines from Luc., IV: Tum campi tremuere sono, terraque soluta, Quantus Bistonio torquetur turbine, pulvis Aera nube sua texit traxitque tenebras. Ut vero in pedites fatum miserabile belli Incubuit, nullo dubii discrimine Martis Ancipites steterunt casus, sed tempora pugnae Mors tenuit; neque enim licuit procurrere contra Et miscere manus. Sic undique saepta iuventus Comminus obliquis et rectis eminus hastis Obruitur, non volneribus nec sanguine solum, Telorum nimbo peritura et pondere ferri. Ergo acies tantae parvum spissantur in orbem, Ac, si quis metuens medium correpsit in agmen, Vix inpune suos inter convertitur enses; Densaturque globus, quantum pede prima relato Constrinxit gyros acies. Non arma movendi Iam locus est pressis, stipataque membra teruntur; Frangitur armatum conliso pectore pectus. Non tam laeta tulit victor spectacula Maurus Quam fortuna dabat; fluvios non ille cruoris Membrorumque videt lapsum et ferientia terram Corpora: compressum turba stetit omne cadaver. (Luc., IV. 766–87)

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Benedetti similarly uses the topos of the crowded battlefield to describe the mêlée: ‘Tum Galli Latinique palantes manus conserunt adeoque implicantur adeo impigre utrinque gladios stringunt ut qui victores victique essent a nemine dignosceretur et ita omnes cohaerebant ut armis arma pulsarent’ (Benedetti, Diaria, I. 45). Venetum pars maior adeptum est: it is difficult to assess the respective losses of the two armies. For a review of the sources, see Bridge, A History of France, II, 285–87, who concludes: ‘if we assume that the Italians lost 3000 men at the least, and the French 200 at the most, we shall have reached a

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conclusion which seems upon the whole to have behind it the greatest weight of reliable authority.’ patruus: Ridolfo Gonzaga. Benedetti relates his death: ‘in hoc tumultu Rhodulphus Gonzaga in medio hostium agmine memorabili edita pugna aperta galea in facie graviter vulneratur ac protinus concidit’ (Benedetti, Diaria, I. 47). Viperae: the Milanese troops, from the dragon badge of the Visconti. Marius: Gaius Marius, Roman general in the war against Jugurtha. Sylla: Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix, who finally secured the surrender of Jugurtha. Maurifera: ‘Milanese’, lit. ‘having or bearing Moors’ referring, presumably, to Ludovico Sforza, il Moro. By the repeated reference to the Venetian stratioti as Turks and to the Milanese by the adjective mauri (cf. l. 312), the battle assumes the appearance of a crusade by the French. Vulcania pestis: cf. Sil., XIV. 423; for the simile cf. Verg., Aen., X. 408–10. Cf. Lucan’s description of Pompey at Pharsalia: Vidit ut hostes in rectum exire catervas Pompeis nullasque moras permittere bello, Sed superis placuisse diem, stat corde gelato Attonitus; tantoque duci sic arma timere Omen erat. (Luc., VII. 336–40)

276–81 In his funeral oration for Francesco Gonzaga, Francesco Vigilio similarly stressed that the situation had become desperate for Gonzaga. While other members of the Italian League were considering flight, Gonzaga exhorted all who wished to save Italy to follow him. He threw himself against the French and had his horse shot from under him. See McManamon, Funeral Oratory, p. 117. 289 The description of the tired war-horse is taken from Lucan: Fessa iacet cervix, fumant sudoribus artus, Oraque proiecta squalent arentia lingua Pectora rauca gemunt, quae creber anhelitus urguet, Et defecta gravis longe trahit ilia pulsus, Siccaque sanguineis durescit spuma lupatis. Iamque gradum neque uerberibus stimulisque coacti Nec quamuis crebris iussi calcaribus addunt: Volneribus coguntur equi; nec profuit ulli Cornipedis rupisse moras, neque enim impetus ille Incursusque fuit: tantum perfertur ad hostis Et spatium iaculis oblato uolnere donat. (Luc., IV. 754–64)

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Extra lines are inserted in the manuscript for Filiberto II, duke of Savoy, which transfer Charles’s contempt for the retreating Italian forces to an urgent plea to pursue the victory from Filiberto’s father Filippo II, Senza Terra (duke of Savoy, 16 April 1496–07 November 1497): Tunc ait extenso valido virtute philippus Ense gravis: ducis hic genitor quem musa canoris Laudibus extollit: Rex O fortissime martem Charole prosequimur cuncti: votisque serenis Hostis adnichilum cupimus deducere nostros. Addidit hec iuvenis cernens hos terga dedisse Charolus: (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 63v)

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Filippo accompanied the king throughout the Italian campaign (see Labande-Mailfert, Charles VIII, under ‘Philippe, comte de Bresse’). The Savoyard dukes had never become reconciled to the Sforza capture of Milan, which had deprived the dowager duchess of Milan, Maria of Savoy (the wife of Duke Filippo Maria Visconti) of her succession rights, and the loss of some border territory to Francesco Sforza after the Peace of Lodi. The dukes played an important role at the French court, and so allowed the French troops to pass through their lands en route to Italy. Gens Cadmea: lit. ‘the people of Cadmus’, i.e. Carthaginians, from the foundation of Phoenicia by Cadmus’s brother Phoenix (cf. Sil., I. 6). Nagonius again compares the broken faith of the Italians with Carthaginian treachery. sub gurgite | Trinacrio: ‘under Sicilian torrents’. A reference to the whirlpool Scylla located off the coast of Sicily (see Verg., Aen., I. 196). Intumuit: cf. Luc., IV. 638. Juno’s prophesy of Hannibal’s victories in Italy is here repeated (Sil., I. 43–54): over Publius Scipio at the River Ticinus in 218 BC; over Scipio and Sempronius Longus at the River Trebbia in 218 BC; and over Flaminius beside Lake Trasimene in 217 BC. In 216 BC near Cannae, a small village on the south bank of the Aufidus, Hannibal inflicted the worst defeat the Romans had known. Heaps of bodies rolling in a river had become a panegyric trope. Cf. Aen., I. 100–01; VIII. 538–40; also Panegyrici Latini, XII for the bodies in the Tiber after the Battle of the Milvian Bridge. Immediately after the battle there was a truce until noon the next day (7 July) to allow the dead to be buried. See Benedetti, Diaria, I. 56, who observes: ‘plurima cadavera Tarro flumine in Padum devoluta sunt’.

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On 8 July Charles moved camp and was pursued by a small force under Giovanni Francesco Sanseverino, count of Caiazzo, harrassing the retreat. Francesco Gonzaga used the main force to stop the French army joining the forces of Louis, duke of Orléans (later Louis XII) at Novara. Charles escaped first to Asti. After pausing at Turin, the King made his way into France crossing the Alps at Mont Genêvre to arrive in Lyons on 7 November.

Both sides claimed a victory: Francesco Gonzaga commissioned Mantegna to paint the ‘Madonna della Vittoria’ (now in the Musée du Louvre, Paris). Mallett summarizes the outcome: ‘The French had achieved their aim of opening a road northwards, as they were able to resume their march stealthily the next night. They had inflicted the heavier casualties on Gonzaga’s army which lost over 2000 men, including a number of captains. The Italians could claim to be masters of the field as the French drew off, and they captured the French baggage. […] They also took more prisoners. These perhaps, in terms of Italian warfare, were indications of victory; but Fornovo was fought for specific objectives, and Gonzaga failed to achieve his objective; so he can be said in real terms to have lost the battle’ (Mercenaries, pp. 246–47); see also Labande-Mailfert, Charles VIII, pp. 409–14. Nagonius’s account of the battle is obviously biased in favour of the French. Although this description was excluded from the manuscript for Doge Leonardo Loredan, the poet refers to the battle in Sapphic stanzas which claim victory for the Venetians: Quis tui dotes animi superbas: Bella quis narret manifesta cunctis: Et tot tantos referat triumphos Sanguine partos: Galliae sensit iuvenilis Heros Charolus: quantum potuit senatus Ad novum Furnum fluvio propinquum Divite pugna: Terga quot cursu subito dedere Castra Ductores venetum paventes: Quot duces capti: similique marte Agmina vincta: Noluit Regem Pietas senatus Ut triumphalem sequeretur axem: Cui satis victum placuit videre Totque phalanges: (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fol. 171r–v)

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An Epithalamium for Guglielmo II, Marquis of Monferrat, and Anne D’Alençon (BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fols 248r–52r) The marginal notes in the poet’s own hand have also been included. Italics indicate borrowings from Claudian. Ad eundem invictiss[imu]m principem Guliel|mum ii Montis Ferrati Marchionem ex[cellentissimu]m | et ad illustriss[im]am Marchionissam D. D. Mariam | regalem de Lanson iterum carmen nupti|ale eiusdem poetae Io[hannis] Mich[ae]lis Nagonii.

5 A quanto illustri sanguine nata est uxor Gulielm|ii ii

10 exhortatio ad marchionem

15

20 Marchio virilis

25

Connubiale tuis carmen mihi quando licebit Marchio, seu numeros thalamis intendere doctos? Tempus adest, maturus Hymen, nox pronuba taedas et vocat ad festas, primos regalis amores expectat nunc sponsa tuos, et facta mariti uxor in amplexus veniet pulcherrima tanti. Principibus quantis, ducibus, ductoribus atque eveniet foecunda nurus, quantisque feretur laudibus, et quantos Hymenaeus tradet honores, digna vago dotanda mari, regioneque lata terrarum, et nuptae dos serviat omnibus arvis. Marchio tu pulchros ornatus elige sponsae, iam meruit consors cultus gestare Latinos, ut regina foret, quicquid venerabilis olim Livia monstravit populis, matronaque Romae, apta videretur coniunx Lansonia ferre. Marchio festina, longae suspiria noctes Educunt, pariter nocturnaque proelia vellent venturis inferre thoris, aestuque propinquo flagrant, unde calor moestis novus iste renascit noctibus, et teneri suspirant durius ignes. Non tibi prima Venus, nec stas ignarus amandi sed iaculum torquere potes, vulnus quoque noscis quod bene finxit Amor, nec tu secreta rubescis spicula, non tacitas artes effingere prudens.

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Honorius Imp. filii Theodosii uxorem h[ab]uit

30

35 Laetitia ingens ob nuptias Mariae uxoris Honorii

40

Honorius pulcher Maria pulchra

50 Apollo promittit Aliq[uid] pulchrum carmen in nuptii marchio| nalibus

55

60 Galli pro nuptia nova festa facient

Sic tener in tenerum flagrabat Honorius ignem Caesar, et in primos iuvenis versabat amores. Erubuit quotiens vultum spexisse maritae insignes Mariaeque habitus, raramque figuram dotis foemineae, stupefactus imagine tanta extimuit, rubor ille genis quantusque tenellis nempe videbatur, quum munera carpere nuptae sperabat, puros et carae virginis actus sumere et intactos gemmae decerpere flores. Tunc ducibus ludebat eques, passimque phalanges ducebant vigiles mixtisque cohortibus horas. Permissisque iocis gaudebat miles honorus, legibus et tetricis puer exultabat in ipsa virgine, cum pueris et turba licentior ibat nunc Hymenea vocans, nunc sacri Caesaris ingens nomen, in aethereis resonabant Honorius olim axibus, haec pelagus terram transibat et omnem vox, populis servanda piis, fingenda metallis, sic et Erictreis semper memoranda lapillis: ‘Formosam Mariam Formosus Honorius arsit’. Talia dum meditor, fateor, non parva poposcit Phoebus, si strepuit foelix Hymenaeus Olympo iam tuus ignito, nervos et temperat arcum iudice sub plectro digitis variantibus aure, qui domuit tot monstra canens, tot traxit et ornos, erexit quantas turres, amnesque moratus nobiliore lyra, venturos spondet amores ludere, et ardentes tentabit pectine taedas. Non eris inferior laudato Caesare versu Marchio, nec Maria minor uxor habebitur ista. Ista tibi ventura modo, cultusque minores nec geret exardens, ornataque nupta decore. Curia regalis quid tunc monstrabit in aula seu laudis decorisque ioci, pulchrae choreae, depositis armis clamosi pompa theatri atque resultabit pulchra pro coniunge praesul regius, et Franci tanto pro munere patres. Hinc veteres acies posito certamina fastu

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70

Desiderium mag|num Cupidinis

Incendium Am|oris

Verba Veneri ad Cupidinem

80 Cupido ad ma|trem Venerem

85 Optima p[rin]cipia Marchionis ado|lescentis Continentia in prin|cipe q[uam] optima e[st] Scipio Lybicus [con]tinens Quantum dedecus Hannibalis qui scivit vincere nescivit Marchus Antonius captus amore Cleopatre Capti quoq[ue] Caesares ab amore fuere

festa dabunt, dominumque suum castra ipsa sequentur vocibus auditis caelo, tollentque per astra nomen, et assiduum concedet turma favorem: ‘O foelix omen thalamis, taedisque futurum dulcibus augurium’. Tali dum Marchio questu te solor, subrisit Amor, iactantior alas explicuit totas, matrem sic increpat almam, ‘Quando erit, oro, dies? numquam dabiturne iugalis Marchioni nox illa tuo? pulchramve sereno trades ipsa duci Mariam? nunc tempus. Amores solve, precor, Cytherea parens, imisque beatum ossibus immittas ignem, aestusque medullis adde tuos, flammasque pares firmosque calores coniugibus concede sacris’. Tunc oscula matri ssuspensus puer infixit, ‘Laetare, Cupido’, prodidit alma parens, ‘princeps immane trophoeum promissa capiet de virgine Marchio, nate, et nostrum tacitasque faces consensit amorem.’ ‘Iam propera, mater, sublimibus annue votis, belligerum succende ducem, consistere molli nunquam permittes gremio aut intendere menti. Hunc nutrit Mars ipse ducem, semperque refovit bellipotens armis; tenuesque resumere noctes instituit, qui bella facit, seu proelia miscet, regia foederibus iactis vel castra gubernat, aut regimen regale tenet. tractare Dyonem continuam pudor est. Regnarunt, credimus, unquam arma, Venus simul. Hinc preclaram Scipio laudem rettulit, oblatum castris qui sprevit amorem. Hannibal hinc partos extinxit Poenus honores melle Cupidineo captus, Capuaeque relaxis delitiis, longo damnavit iniqua libido sed victoria utitempore sudatum castris et milite munus. Quot tulit intrepidus soles, quot frigora passus, perdidit una Venus. Phariis Antonius oris captus, et inprudens Romanam perdidit urbem, egregiumque domus nomen famamque vetustam. Caesaris et sacri superis cognomen inhaerens

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110 Marchio factus est ductor reg|ius

115

Venus laudat marchionissa

125 Bonifacius mar|chio pater Gulielmus p[ri]mus patruus

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optima devotio poetae

denigravit Amor, simili non ordine mater ipsa novis onera connubia pulchra Dyone, muneribus gravibusque feres diadema smaragdis intextum, nuptae trades haec dona, precamur, promeruit consors thalamis ventura beatis, atque salutabis dominam, Cytherea, futuram, et referes, ‘Paphias aedes, Cyprumque’, maritae, ‘te propter liqui caram, sedesque vetustas deserui, libuit tantos et ferre labores O ventura nurus, claro de sanguine nata O digno socianda viro, nectendaque tanto consors imperio, regimen tuus iste maritus iam regale tenet, maioraque sceptra moratur per quae tu forsan regina fereris in orbe. Gallia teque potens venerabitur inclyta votis foemineusque chorus tibi serviet ore verendo barbarus, et populis eris ut regina remotis. Quae fronte aequali mulier censebitur unquam regia, virgineosque greges sic dignior inter?’ Haec dicens abiit geminorum mater Amorum. Marchio, promissam te sic habuisse maritam hortatur, prolemque decens Lansonia noscat, augeat atque suos per te generosa nepotes facta domus, videatque tuum monstrantia patrem pignora, vel patruum sic sic referentia sacrum. Dii tibi foelici concedant numine taedas, Marchio, te propriis natis Natura beatum efficiat, mentemque tuam Fortuna secundet susceptis maribus, regali ludat in aula ut puer optatus, superet qui fronte parentem, et patruum maiore gradu, vel parvus avorum transeat ingentem famam, nomenque perhenne, Optat foelitatem poeta p[rin]cipi Marchio, et in Solymo vivat tibi semper honore. suo FINIS CAR|minis nup|talis.

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Translation To the same invincible prince, the most excellent Guglielmo II, marquis of Monferrat, and to the most illustrious royal Marchioness Maria d’Alençon: another wedding hymn by the same poet Giovanni Michele Nagonio. Marquis, when will I be allowed to sing the wedding hymn or present learned poetry for your marriage? The time is at hand, Hymen is ready, the wedding night calls to the festal torches, and the royal bride now awaits your first loves and the most beautiful bride shall come prepared into the embraces of such a husband. The fertile bride will arrive with so many princes, dukes, and generals, and she will be borne along with such rejoicing, and many honours will the wedding song bestow! She is worthy to be dowered with the inconstant sea, broad swathes of territory and with every land. May the dowry be of service to the bride. Marquis, choose beautiful jewels for your bride: your consort already has deserved to wear Italian fashions. The suitable Alençon bride should seem to wear whatever noble Livia, the matron of Rome, once displayed to the people, so that she might be queen. Hurry Marquis, the long nights are drawing forth sighs. They would like to bring nocturnal battles onto the marriage couches that are coming as well, and they burn up from the neighbouring heat, whence that new warmth revives throughout the gloomy nights and tender fires burn more rigorously. This is not the first time Venus has come to you, and you are not ignorant of love, but you can thrust the spear and you also know too well the wound that Cupid can inflict, and you do not blush at Love’s secret arrows and prudently do not display the silent skills. In this way inexperienced Honorius Caesar was flaring up into voluptuous love, and the young man was dwelling upon his first loves. How often did he blush when he saw his bride’s face and Maria’s stunning appearance and the rare figure of her feminine gift. Stupefied he stood shaking before such a vision, and how those tender cheeks reddened when he was hoping to seize the gifts of his betrothed and to embrace the pure acts of a sweet virgin and pluck the untouched flowers of that gem. Then the knight was joking with the generals and, the cohorts having been combined, everywhere the squadrons and watchmen were revelling all night long. The decorated soldier was enjoying permitted jokes and the boy was exulting against the harsh laws with his girlfriend and a band of youths was going around with more licence than usual shouting at one moment ‘Hymen’, and at another the great name of sacred Caesar; once upon a time they were echoing from pole to pole the name ‘Honorius’, and this shout was crossing all the lands and seas and to be observed by pious people, cast in bronze, and marked out forever in pearls thus: ‘handsome Honorius loves beautiful Maria’.

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(46) While I was thinking about such things, I confess Apollo demanded no small thing if your happy wedding song should redound to fiery Olympus and Apollo, who dominated so many beasts and who dragged along so many trees by his singing, built so many towers and delayed rivers with a more noble song, tunes the strings and the bow with quick fingers and a judicial ear, and guarantees to play future loves and will excite the burning torches with his plectrum. Marquis, you will not have verse inferior to that for Caesar when he was praised, nor will this Maria be considered a lesser bride. The passionate bride will come to you now, decked with charm, and will not wear lesser refinements. What then will the royal court display in the hall other than praise and the suitable jests of the ladies in waiting, arms having been put aside. The applause of the noisy theatre will resound and the royal ambassador will leap up on account of such a beautiful wife and the French senators for such a great gift. Then ancient foes, enmity having been put aside, will give festive tournaments, and each camp will follow its own lord. With shouts raised to the skies they will raise her name to the stars and the companies will continually give praise. O happy wedding omen, and future blessing with sweet torches. (68) While I was comforting you, Marquis, with such song, Cupid smiled and proudly unfurled his wings to their full extent and thus chides his sweet mother: ‘When will that day be, I beg, will that wedding night never be given to your Marquis? Or will you yourself never hand over beautiful Maria to the serene lord? Now is the time. Mother Venus, release your Cupids, I beg, and send a blessed fire through their bones and add your flames to their marrow, and grant equal flames and steadfast desire to the sacred couple.’ Then the fluttering boy fixed kisses on his mother. ‘Be happy, Cupid’, the sweet mother replies, ‘Son, the prince marquis will take the great trophy from the promised bride; he has also felt silent torches and our love’. ‘Now hasten, mother, and assent to their sublime prayers and inflame the warlike duke and never permit him to delay for long or fix his attention on the soft lap. Mars himself, powerful in arms, nourished this duke, and always favoured him; it is ordained that those who wage war or engage in battle, or govern royal camps when treaties have been thrown aside, or hold royal office are allowed to resume tender nights. It is a shame to follow Venus continuously. We believe that arms have ever ruled Venus at the same time. In this way Scipio, who spurned the women brought into the camps, gained great renown. In this way Carthaginian Hannibal, captured by Cupid’s honey, lost the honours that he had earned and, relaxing in luxury at Capua, wicked lust discredited the sweat of the long hours on the battlefields and the hardships of military life. Venus wasted in a single day all the suns he had fearlessly endured, all

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the cold he had suffered. Antony enraptured on the Egyptian shore imprudently lost Rome, and the famous name and ancient renown of his house. Cupid, obeying the gods, denigrated the surname of sacred Caesar; you yourself mother, sweet Venus, knew marriage burdens with those not similar in rank; we pray that you will give these gifts to the bride and will carry a crown heavily encrusted with emeralds. The future consort has deserved a blessed marriage. And you, Venus, will greet the future mistress and you will say to the bride, ‘For your sake I have left the Paphian shrines and sweet Cyprus and have deserted the ancient haunts and it was pleasing to endure such labours, O future bride, born from a famous race, to be united to a man worthy of you. O consort to be joined to such a great empire, this man your husband already holds a royal office, and greater power awaits him, through which you perhaps will be considered queen of the whole world. Powerful France and a maiden chorus will honour you with prayers, and the barbarian with a reverent expression will be your slave and you will be considered a queen at the ends of the earth. What royal queen with a serene expression will ever thus be esteemed more worthy among the virgin crowds?’ Saying these things the mother of the twin Cupids went away. (121) Marquis, she encourages you to take the promised bride and that the seemly Alençon bride may know offspring and that through you the noble woman may increase your descendants and the achievements of your house, and the displayed children may see your father and thus these children see the revered uncle. May the gods give you a happy marriage, Marquis, may Nature bless you with your own children, and Fortune favour your well-being, when sons have been given, so that the desired son may play in the royal halls and surpass his father with his beauty and his uncle by a greater degree and the little boy outshine the great renown and everlasting name of his ancestors, Marquis, and he may live for you always with honour in Jerusalem.

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Commentary The text of the manuscript for the Marquis of Monferrat is here reproduced rather than the earlier poem written on the occasion of the marriage of Filiberto II, duke of Savoy, to Margaret of Austria (BnT, MS F.V.5., fols 205r–08v) owing to the occasional illegibility and partial loss of text in the latter caused by a library fire at the beginning of the twentieth century. This epithalamium originally seems to have been written for the marriage of Filiberto II to Margaret of Austria. Nagonius took part in these wedding celebrations and was rewarded with the handsome sum of 200 golden ducats for his contribution to the festivities. The otherwise unreliable Vita Pingonii records that a poet (Nagonius?) read his work as part of the marriage celebrations (see above, Part I, Chapter 1, ‘Towards a Biography of Johannes Michael Nagonius’). If this is so, it seems likely that this epithalamium, which first appears in the Turin manuscript, would have been read rather than the second poem (incipit ‘Ordiar Ismariis an collibus?’; fols 209 r–11v) which had earlier been offered to Louis XII (for the text, see BnF, MS lat. 8132, fols 185v–88r, ed. by Tournoy-Thoen, ‘Les premiers épithalames’). The epithalamium in the manuscript for Louis XII reappears in the manuscript for Julius II, on the occasion of the betrothal of Francesco Maria della Rovere to Eleonora Gonzaga (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fols 239v–42v); and in the manuscript for the Marquis of Monferrat (BAM, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf., fols 244r–47v). Rosmini also notes the inclusion of an unidentified wedding hymn in the manuscript for Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, celebrating the wedding of his son Gianniccolò to Paola di Ridolfo Gonzaga in 1503. Nagonius has borrowed extensively from Claudian, not only from the Epithalamium de nuptiis Honorii Augusti but also from the Fescennine verses in honour of the marriage of the emperor Honorius and the Panegyric on the Fourth Consulship of the Emperor Honorius. The few surviving marginal annotations often make the borrowings explicit, for example, ‘Dux Phylibertus conpa|ritur Honorio | Margarita Cesareana | Mariae Augustae’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 206r). Surprised by the blatant plagiarism, Godelieve Tournoy-Thoen comments: Dans son épithalame, Nagonio s’est laissé aller sinon à une copie exacte, du moins à une imitation presque servile de l’épithalame de Claudien. Ne peut-on pas supposer à juste titre que la diffusion encore assez restreinte de l’oeuvre de Claudien, surtout en France, a poussé l’humaniste italien à reproduire des pièces entières de son épithalame? (‘Les premiers épithalames’, p. 202).

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Nagonius borrows lines and references from Claudian throughout to create a poem that is obviously based upon his classical sources but different in tone. The Monferrat wedding will be celebrated with all the pomp that Claudian had used to praise Honorius; however, Guglielmo and the young Emperor are sharply contrasted. The poem opens with the poet complaining that he has not yet been allowed to present his wedding song. The time is ripe. The marquis must select presents suitable for his new bride. The allusion to Claudian serves to contrast the attitude of the virile marquis with the trepidation of the fourteen-year-old Emperor Honorius before his first meeting with his new bride, and even allows Nagonius to turn a simple reference in Claudian into a bawdy joke: whereas the lovesick Honorius blushed at the thought of his bride’s arrival, ‘non tibi prima Venus, nec stas ignarus amandi | sed iaculum torquere potes’. The poet recalls the celebrations held for Honorius’s wedding and the licence that event allowed (ll. 27–45). As the poet remembers the emperor’s marriage, he promises to sing the marquis’s nuptials in an equally lofty strain. Nagonius implies that the Marquis is immensely favoured by the presence of a Latin poet able to honour his wedding with verse which places the happy couple within the ancient Roman cultural tradition to which the court aspired. The poet then imagines the bride’s arrival at court and the festivities held to welcome her. At line 68 there is an abrupt shift and change of scene as Cupid appears and complains to his mother Venus that the wedding has been postponed too long. Venus assures her son that everything is in order. This leads to a rather curious digression in which Cupid lists the famous warriors in antiquity who succumbed to lust (Hannibal, Antony, various emperors) and compares their dissipation with the continence of Scipio Africanus. Cupid then asks his mother to take gifts to the new bride and welcome her (104–20). The poem closes with the poet’s prayer for a happy marriage and the alliance blessed with many offspring. As many direct borrowings as possible from Claudian have been indicated with italics in Nagonius’s text to provide an immediate visual impression of their extent. More could perhaps be added. For example, Nagonius’s phrase: ‘vulnus quoque noscis | quod bene finxit Amor’ (ll. 23–24) is expanded from Claudian ‘in vultus quos finxit Amor’. Here, however, variant manuscript readings of Claudian have ‘vulnus quod finxit Amor’ indicating that Nagonius’s borrowings from the early printed editions are probably more extensive. Title: Ad […] principem Gulielmum ii: Guglielmo is usually referred to as IX. Nagonius refers to the Marquis as II because he is the second marquis of the house of Paleologo, hence Nagonius refers to his uncle as Guglielmo I (see below, note to l. 126).

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Marchionissam D. D. Mariam | regalem de Lanson: the bride was Anne Marie d’Alençon (1492–1551), the daughter of René d’Alençon and Margaret of Lorraine. Throughout the text Nagonius refers to her as ‘Maria’. 1–9

The opening lines are a rifacimento of Claudian: cum tibi protulerit festas nox pronuba taedas! quae tali devota toro, quae murice fulgens ibit in amplexus tanti regina mariti? quaenam tot divis veniet nurus, omnibus arvis et toto donanda mari? quantus feretur idem per Zephyri metas Hymenaeus et Euri! o mihi si liceat thalamis intendere carmen conubiale tuis, si te iam dicere patrem! tempus erit, […] (IV. Cons. Hon., 644–51)

7

The princes, dukes, and generals are the bride’s relatives. A marginal note explains the meaning: ‘from what an illustrious bloodline the wife of Guglielmo is descended’. 14–16 quicquid venerabilis olim | Livia: Claud., Epith., 12–13. 20–25 Cf. Claudian: Hauserat insolitos promissae virginis ignes Augustus primoque rudis flagraverat aestu; nec novus unde calor nec quid suspira vellent, noverat incipiens et adhuc ignarus amandi. non illi venator equus, non spicula curae, non iaculum torquere libet; mens omnis aberrat in vulnus, quod fixit Amor. (Epith., 1–7)

Honorius: having already taken a number of verses from Claudian’s marriage hymns for Honorius and Maria, Nagonius now makes the comparison explicit. 35–43 Cf. Claudian: 26

Ducant pervigiles carmina tibiae permissisque iocis turba licentior exultet tetricis libera legibus. passim cum ducibus ludite milites, passim cum pueris ludite virgines. haec vox aetheriis insonet axibus, haec vox per populos, per mare transeat: ‘formosus Mariam ducit Honorius’. (Nupt. Hon. et Mar., IV (XIV), 30–37)

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Erictreis […] lapillis: Erythraean stones, i.e. pearls, fished up in the Persian Gulf (from Erythras, a fabulous king of southern Asia after whom the Red Sea or the Arabian and Persian Gulfs were named). Compare Statius: ‘nox et Erythraeis Thetidis signanda lapillis | et memoranda diu geniumque habitura perennem!’ (Silv., IV. vi. 18–19). Pearls were used for marking a ‘white’ day, i.e. a day that was particularly auspicious. 47 foelix Hymenaeus Olympo: cf. Claud., Epith., Praef. 21. 47–53 Cf. Claudian: 44

tum Phoebus, quo saxa domat, quo pertrahit ornos, pectine temptavit nobiliore lyram venturumque sacris fidibus iam spondet Achillem, iam Phrygias caedes, iam Simoënta canit. (Epith., Praef. 17–20)

69 71 77 78 79 83

subrisit Amor: cf. Claud., Epith., 47–48. dabiturne iugalis: cf. Claud., Epith., 45. oscula matri: cf. Claud., Epith., 116. suspensus: cf. Claud., Epith., 116. immane trophoeum: cf. Claud., Epith., 117. iam propera: cf. Claud., Epith., 121. annue votis: cf. Claud., Epith., 121. 89 Dyonem: Dione, the mother of Venus, often used of Venus herself. 91–102 In a debate between virtus and voluptas Nagonius contrasts those who succumbed, Hannibal (l. 93); Mark Antony (l. 98); and various emperors (l. 101) with Scipio (l. 91) who showed restraint; marginal notes reinforce the message. 91 Scipio: for Scipio’s decision to follow Virtue rather than Pleasure see Sil., XV. 18 ff. 94 Capuaeque: a reference to the lavish hospitality afforded the Carthaginians by the Capuans. See Sil., XI. 259–368. 98 Phariis […] oris: Egypt. 105 Cf. Claud., Epith., 173. 109 te propter: cf. Claud., Epith., 254. 116 Gallia: owing to their strategic geographical position in the Alpine passes both Savoy and Monferrat were obliged to make alliances with France as Louis XII renewed French claims in Milan and Naples. 125 patrem: the marginal note clarifies the reference: Bonifacius mar|chio pater i.e. Bonifazio III (marquis 28 February 1483; abdication 1493; dies 31 January 1494).

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patruum: the marginal note clarifies the reference: Gulielmus primus patruus, i.e. Guglielmo I (marquis 1464–83). Cf. Claud., Epith., 338.

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primos: vestros: Filiberto had been ‘married’ (1496) to Jolanda, the daughter of Charles, duke of Savoy. The ‘marriage’ was never consummated as the young bride died on 2 October 1499. 5 expectat nunc sponsa tuos: ‘Margarita modo cunctatur’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 205r) with the marginal note, ‘Margarita filia cesa|ris maximiliani’. 14–16quicquid venerabilis olim | Livia: Claudian, Epithalamium, 12–13. There are extra lines in the Savoy manuscript (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 205r) with the marginal note, ‘Margarita fuit do|tata a natura forma | insigni et rara’: Livia monstravit populis, matronaque Romae Dardana, meoniis tectis aut extera coniunx apta videretur thalamis de caesare nata ferre tuis tantumque decus pulcherrima forma

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A marginal note in the Turin manuscript reads: ‘Magnus applausus | fuit celebratus in | nuptiis mariae et ho|norii cesaris’. A marginal note in the Turin manuscript reads: ‘de phoebo’. A marginal note in the Turin manuscript reads: ‘de orpheo’. erexit: ‘Extruxit’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 206r). A marginal note in the Turin manuscript reads: ‘Dux phylibertus conpa|ritur honorio: | Margarita cesareana | mariae augustae’. veteres: ‘fortes’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 206v). dum Marchio: ‘phyliberte’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 206v). te: ‘Dum’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 206v). Marchioni: ‘Genero’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 206v). Mariam: ‘iuvenem’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 206v). solve: ‘Necte’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 206v). de virgine Marchio nate: ‘Phylibertus coniunge: iam’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 207r). et nostrum: ecce meum (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 207r).

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Replaces ‘Iunge thoros avidos gremio consistere molli’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 207r). aut regimen regale tenet: ‘Caesaris aut regimen retinet’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 207r). ‘Margarita thoris meruit’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 207v). There is an extra line following: ‘Diceris Imperii pignus regale sereni’. regale: ‘Imperii’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 208r). prolemque decens Lansonia: ‘celebrisque genus Sabaudia’ (BnT, MS F.V.5., fol. 208r). The manuscript for Filiberto concludes thus (fol. 208 v): Marte tuum pariter: mores et vincat [ ] Transeat atque suos patruos virtute [ ] [ ] Socerum Generumque premat bellante gradivo. Vincat et Imperium maiores tradat habenas Et populis: nactus patrio de more triumphos Transeat ingentem famam: nomenque perhenne Phylibertiades proavorum parvulus; alto O Dux et semper vivat tibi natus in ostro.

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The Foundation of Venice by Antenor (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fols 8r–9v)

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Inclyta magnanimi describimus arma senatus conscriptos venetumque patres, urbisque serenum sydus, et auspitiis quantum regalibus urgent fata ducem, patriamque velint florere potentem imperio. Reduces alto sub principe fasces, ecce Leonardo redeunt, proceresque togati armatas renovant leges, habitusque resumunt patritios, Venetique docent vexilla Quirini. Romulus Ausonia colitur non urbe Latinus amplius, antiquum nomen sublata tulere regna sibi, sceptro veneratur in urbe superbo nunc Venetum fausta tectis Arx invida vestris, consilio, haud impar regno; nec Marte Quirites inferior, nec sorte quidem nunc emula saevae dicitur urbs procerum Romae. Sors iusta revisit causas: irarum motus clementia magnae, abstulit uxoris divum, si tempore longo Dardanus Hesperiis regnavit finibus Heros? Anthenor spacium cur non ereptus ab igni debeat optatum Graio? similique remotos aut regere imperio populos et subdere terras Illyricas? Patavique domos ditare vetusto Euganeis ductis Eneto duce iura ferenti, atque sinus, requiemque datam Troianus honore et decus et Venetae nomen memorabile genti? Cur non concessum fatis, tribuisse perhenne ut fuit Aeneae Romanae prolis origo nobilis? a nato cuius gens Iulia sumpsit principium, aeternique tenet monumenta triumphi Caesareana domus, semper Iunone vetanti. Sic liceat Venetis antique vocabula Troiae sumere et advectae mutato nomine stirpis patribus et tantae renovare exordia molis, pro Venetis Enetos sic appellare vetustas. Si iustum Sors aequa fovet, redeuntibus armis,

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iam Veneti regnare patres Iunone volenti imperio, similique modo sua tempora debent. Quae fateor, Romane, rogo patiare. Triumphi amplius haud tibi sunt, prostrataque sceptra videmus hostibus, imperium bellatoremque senatum amissum, terris amissa potentia vestris, atque negat solitum provintia tradere munus. Quid referam ulterius? Surgunt nova regna senatu nunc Antenoreo procerum Patavique vetustam instaurat sedem et muros prudentia patrum. Lauredane, tuo sub cernimus ista Ducatu tempora, perpetuumque decus revirescere proli Palladiae, qui regna decem foelicia Princeps das patribus, gaudentque togas calcasse Latinas te Leonarde Duce et mores superasse togatos. Patritiis gravibusque viris O quanta refulsit gloria, purpurei fasces, celebresque curules, atque triumphales leges, invicta virumque iura trium, votis patulum celebrata per orbem omnibus, […]

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Translation We are describing the renowned arms of the noble senate and the senators of Venice and the serene glory of the city, and how much the Fates spur on the Doge with royal auspices and how much they wish the powerful fatherland to flourish in its empire. Behold! Under the rule of a great prince Leonardo they are bringing back the returning fasces and the toga-clad noblity are restoring the armed laws and they are resuming the patrician habits and the Venetians are displaying the standards of Quirinus. Latin Romulus is no longer worshipped in the Ausonian city, proud kingdoms have taken the ancient name for themselves. The Arx envious of your rooftops is now revered with proud government in the auspicious city of the Venetians, equal in council and empire; it is said that the city, emulous of the great men of warlike Rome, is neither inferior in war to the Romans, nor even in destiny. Just Fate is revisiting the reasons: has the mercy of the great wife of the gods taken away her impulse to anger if the Dardanian hero has ruled on the coasts of Italy for such a long time? Why should Trojan Antenor, snatched from the fire by the Greek, not have his chosen land and a bay and due rest with honour, and a name both an ornament and fitting for the Venetian race? Or rule remote peoples in a similar empire and subdue Illyrian lands? And enrich the lands of Padua, by bringing laws as the leader of the ancient Eneti, when the Euganean peoples had been persuaded? Why is this not conceded to the Fates just as the noble origin of the Roman race was allocated to Aeneas in perpetuity, from whose son the gens Julia takes its origin, and the Caesarean house holds the monuments of eternal triumph, with Juno always in opposition? Thus may the Venetians be allowed to assume the name of ancient Troy and, when the name of the race of the travellers was changed, to restore for the fathers the beginnings of such a great city. Thus in antiquity the Venetians were called the Eneti. If an equal Fate favours the just man, with arms returning, by Juno’s approval the Venetian fathers ought now to rule their own times in an empire and in a similar way. O Roman, I confess that I ask you to allow these things. You no longer have triumphs, we see your rule overthrown by enemies and the empire and the warrior senate lost and the power lost to your lands and the provinces refuse to pay their accustomed tribute. What more should I say? New kingdoms are now arising for the Antenorean senate of nobles and the Prudence of the senators restores the ancient seat of Padua and its walls. During your Dogeship, Loredan, we observe that these times revive everlasting honour for the Palladian race. You Prince, who give happy kingdoms to the Council of Ten, with you as Doge Leonardo, they are

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happy to despise the Latin togas and to have surpassed the customs of the Romans. O how much glory radiates upon the serious patricians: the purple fasces, the famous consuls, and triumphant laws and the invincible authority of the Council of Three, honoured with everyone’s prayers throughout the whole world, […]

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Commentary The myth is repeated throughout the manuscript presented to Leonardo Loredan (and repeated in the manuscript given to Niccolò Orsini). A brief description of the city alludes to the foundation by Antenor: Urbs prima Italiae est, celebrata Venetia terris omnibus, aequoreis quae semper cingitur undis roscida semper aquis, Enetis fundata colonis. Dives opum sedes, exurgit ad aethera tectis urbs nitidis, propriis et certat turribus altae urbibus Italiae, et Romanis emula regnis mole sua superat quascumque Venetia terras, sic populosa vigens, et tantis patribus aucta innumerisque togis. illis subeuntibus urbem praebuit hospicium et pallantia longa paravit, regia digna deis, procerum vallata coronis. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fols 55v–56r) (Venice is the first city of Italy, celebrated throughout the world, and always wet surrounded by the seawaters, founded by Eneti settlers. A place rich in resources, the city with its gleaming rooftops rises up to the heavens and rivals with its towers the cities of lofty Italy, and in its own structure Venice emulates Roman kingdoms and is superior to every other land. Thus populous Venice thrives, increased by such great and innumerable toga-clad senators. Hospitality presents the city to those arriving and has prepared long colonnades, palaces worthy of the gods, fortified by cordons of noblemen.)

Note the prescription for praising a city given by Quintilian: Cities are praised in a similar way to men. The founder takes the place of the parent, and age lends authority, for example to those who are said to be ‘sprung fron the earth’; virtues and vices in actions are the same as they are in individuals. What is special to this subject derives from the position and fortification of the site. Citizens do honour to cities as children to parents. Praise is given also to buildings; and herein honour, utility, beauty and originator are considered (honour as in temples, utility as in walls, beauty and originator in both). There is praise too for countries, like the encomium of Sicily in Cicero. Hence we examine beauty and utility in beauty in places by the sea, level or pleasant; utility in places that are healthy or fertile. (Quint., Inst., 3. 7. 26 ff., cited by Russell and Wilson, Menander, p. xxiv)

The main classical sources for the myth are the accounts given by Livy and Virgil. Indeed Livy’s account was used by Virgilian commentators such as Servius and later Pomponius Laetus to annotate the reference to Antenor in the Aeneid: quem das finem, rex magne, laborum? Antenor potuit mediis elapsus Achivis

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Illyricos penetrare sinus atque intima tutus regna Liburnorum et fontem superare Timavi, unde per ora novem vasto cum murmure montis it mare proruptum et pelago premit arva sonanti. hic tamen ille urbem Patavi sedesque locavit. Teucrorum et genti nomen dedit armaque fixit Troia, nunc placida compostus pace quiescit. (Verg., Aen., I. 241–49) Iam primum omnium satis constat Troia capta in ceteros saevitum esse Troianos: duobus Aeneae Antenorique, et vetusti iure hospitii et quia pacis reddendaequa Helenae semper auctores fuerunt, omne ius belli Achivos abstinuisse; casibus deinde variis Antenorem cum multitudine Enetum, qui seditione ex Paphlagonia pulsi et sedes et ducem rege Pylaemene ad Troiam amisso quaerebant, venisse in intimum maris Hadriatici sinum Euganeisque, qui inter mare Alpesque incolebunt, pulsis, Enetos Troianosque eas tenuisse terras. Et in quem primum egressi sunt locum Troia vocatur, pagoque inde Troiano nomen est, gens universa Veneti appellati (Liv., I. 1. 1–4). Antenor vir magni animi: cuius sanctitas et gravitas nota erat: semper conatus est inter Priamum et graecos pacem componere: Legatos graecos boni honestique sectator hospitio excepit insidias filiorum priami quomodo caverent docuit suasor semper fuit reddendae Helenae: Glaucum filium quia sequebatur paridem abdicavit: regis coniugem et filias miserabatur cum excidio patriae servituras: quae commiseration ipsum etiam Priamum senio confectum invaserat eundem glaucum ab agamemnone interfectum non flevit: credebatur infensus Priamo et priamidis propter amicitiam ulyxis et Diomedis qui ei promiserant dimidium priami regnum uni filiorum eius: capto ilio decreta omnia servata sunt: Cum nuntiaretur in eum conspirari ab Aenea et Troianis cum omni patrimonio et familia mare conscendit: eneti qui sub phelemene fuerunt cum eo concessere: Antenor superato egeo Ionium ingressus mare inde superi idest Hadriaci aequoris fauces Septentrionem versus dalmatas illiricos liburnos linquens hinc apulos et picenum ad stagna hadriatici pervenit pulsis inde euganeis patavium condidit provintia ab enetis qui sub eo erant post Venetia appellata. Cato putat Venetos Troiana stirpe ortos: […] (Pomponii Doctissimi Viri, Interpretatio in Aeneide Virgilii)

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The Venetian Senate (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 5213, fols 111r–12r)

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Quam tua persimilis spectatur imago senatus magnanimi, clari frons tibi patris inest. Per te vivet avus, merito tu grande mereris nomen avi, tibi deest nil nisi nomen avi. Mores, forma, decus, mens et presentia larga, regia frons, animus, par quoque corpus inest. Templa tenent currus testantes fortia patrum gesta, nitent spoliis nunc et honusta suis. Lauredana prior dependens Laurea tectis cernitur, et centum factaque tanta patrum. Quam titulis sequitur celebris domus ampla Leonis, et cum Marcellis, Iustiniana suis. Capelli, Tronique simul clarique Georgi et cum Dolfinis Foschara turba nitet. Privola progenies et Contarina relucet, atque Morescini, gens quoque Gritta viget. Quam decorat regina decens, Cornelia splendet et domus, et vestrum Dandole in aede genus. Sunt serie innumeri Venetorum credite patres hi renitent gemmis, Dux Leonardus eques hos actus imitare rogo, monumentaque patrum concipe, tam similem te decet ista sequi. Si facies toti vives gratissimus urbi carmina cum Ducibus vivere teque sinent. Dilige perpetuos princeps super omnia vates, te ponent superos inter et astra ferent. His sine non poteris, princeps, extollere famam vatibus, an quam sint scribere plura licet.

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Translation How your appearance is considered so very appropriate for the noble senate. You have the brow of a renowned senator. Your grandfather will live again through you, by your great merit you deserve the reputation of your ancestor. You lack nothing only your grandfather’s name. Your behaviour, appearance, virtue, intellect and prompt generosity, regal brow, courage are the same, you even have the same build. Churches display triumphal chariots which bear witness to the brave deeds of your forefathers, and these venerable things now shine with their own spoils. The Loredan laurels are seen hanging down in front from the roofs and the hundred great deeds of his forefathers. As full with famous titles the house of Leon follows, together with the Marcello and the Giustiniani with theirs. The Capelli together with the Tron and renowned Georgi, and crowds of Foschari and Dolfini stand out. The Privola family and Contarini shine forth, and the Morescini and also the house of Gritti thrive. How a fitting queen adorns and distinguishes the Cornelia family and your race in the house of Dandolo. Believe it: the Venetian senators are innumerable, these men shine again with jewels. Doge and knight Leonardo, imitate these deeds I beg. Think of the achievements of your forefathers. It befits you, so alike, to copy them. If you will do this, you will live on particularly appreciated in the whole city. Poems will allow you to live on among the Doges. Prince, hold poets dear above everything else: they will place you among the perpetual heroes and carry you to the stars. Let them write as much as they may; without these poets, prince, you will not be able to achieve fame.

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Commentary For further information on the families listed by Nagonius see Cappelari. Note the absence of the Grimani who, since the death of Andrea Loredan in the naval battle around Lepanto in 1499, had been the sworn enemies of the Loredan (see above, Part II, Chapter 5, ‘A Manuscript for Doge Leonardo Loredan, c. 1503’).

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The Vision of Francesco Maria della Rovere (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1692, fols 63v–66r)

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‘Huncne vides claro spectantem vertice Sixtum, et patruum, gentemque piam pastoris Iuli Urse gener, prolemque satam de sanguine sacro? Almae Urbis prefectus adest, Soraeque vetustae dux celebris patris atque nepos pietate Secundi Franciscus Maria, est Martis laudabile fulmen. Auxilium tribuet Latio, magnumque rependet praesidium populis, princeps hic alter adibit grandius imperium, qui nunc loca proxima carpsit Caesareos inter dominos, divosque serenos. Filius hic Urbis prefectus grandis habetur, sub patrio quantas ostendit, conspice, vires robore, presignis patria pietate vel armis quem circum lambit Lygurum pulcherrima proles, pontificumque genus, quod tanto nomine fulget. Debebunt huic regna sibi, sceptrumque superbum Caesaris invicti, Latiis qui nititur hastis murice Sydonio, gemmis et iaspide fulvus utque natat pulcher radianti totus in auro ante patrem, patruum, regum cognomina ponet, Sumet et imperium victrici Marte Latinum. Huc oculos converte tuos, hic Iulius alter qui caput attollet caelo, divusque feretur. Turba ministrantum qualis subsedit et ante ora ducis comitum fulvo presignis et ense. Omnis Barbaries domino, quem fata vocarunt, Serviet, et domino spoliis parebit honusto. Hic primum Turchas invadet ductor atroces et Mauros, gentemque feram, populosque rebelles. Post sacra Hierusalem renovabit templa subactae Mauris, grande nephas, urbem quod perfida regna possideant, teneatque piam gens barbara Syon. Hinc ad Memnonias percurret magnus habenas. Victor erit, titulis glatialem comprimet Histrum, et Geticam Peucen, viduataque regna pharetris

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atque graves Persas, odiosaque castra fugabit gentis Achemeniae, cessabit spicula saeva mittere pugna fugax, tradent et tergora versa. Parebit domino celebrataque pectine tellus Meonio, in regno stabunt claraeque Micenae magnorum herouum cedet sibi gloria, lausque Augusti, (quamvis toto veneratur ab orbe) Caesaris, hunc memorant exculta volumina vatum. Hic et magnus erit sacram colit ecce poesim, Romanos et amat numeros, Latiasque Camenas, vatibus auxilium tradet, studiumque fovebit. Hic erit ille vagus totum qui circuet orbem, longo Marte Getas, Babylonis et omnia iura ducet in Hesperiam saevas et comprimet hostes. Suscipiet tellus leges et gentibus addet clara, cathenatos et vinctos ordine reges. Altius attonito excipiet Germania Daco principis arma sui, Caesar Germanicus alter dicetur, montem populo mirante subibit splendidus, et festam gaudebit tangere quercum cum lauro sacra fulvis et glandibus iste. Parte alia natus superum pietate futurus pontificum veniet magna de stirpe parentum concedens dextra Assaracis, et luce paterna aspiciet Romam resoluto pondere priscam. Hic eques imperium sistet vexante tumultu Romuleum magno, sternet durosque tyrannos. Quantus erit iuvenis forma, et fulgentibus armis egregius, quantusque viros supereminet omnes, cernite, spem qualem vobis mirantibus addit, et qualis comitum strepitus, circaque ministrum ordo frequens alium Martem, et quantum instar in illo. Francisci Marie pater est, pater ille Iohannes Pontificis frater Sixti et de sanguine Quarti. Has superas animas trepidabunt barbara regna donec vita sibi fuerit seniumque moleste, ductores circum stantes quot cernis ad ora huius et in vultu lambentes semper amico?

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Quanta manet pietas et quanta in principe virtus Regnabit, quantum fidei praestabitur isti. Diliget egregios mores, vitamque pudicam excolet, eximios vates et semper amabit. Urbini Dux ille alter, cui Scipio cessit bellicus, et totiens Latii Mavortis honores, et Bellona soror quotiens amplexa parentem et natum Ducis armiferi, prolemque virilem. Illa prior soboles Sixti de sanguine Quarti quae virtute viget, sancto comitata senatu extat, et antiquos mores, procerumque Latinas haec superat gravitate togas, fascesque vetustos opprimit et priscas simili gravitate curules. Interpres ille est legum, magnique vocatus consilii pater et custos et praeses habetur, et dignus morum censor, probitatis et auctor unus honoratae, pater est hic Iulius alter flos, decus, et lumen sacri memorabile cetus. Nomen ovat, gaudetque sibi victoria prisci Caesaris, ingentes Fabios memorare iuvabit quid nunc et Curios? omnes si laude Cathones vincis, Fabritium tenuem veteresque parentes. O Roma exulta talem elegisse parentem in patrem, dominumque tuum, populoque fideli pastorem tribuisse pium, qui iura ministrat omnibus et gentes meritis sibi reddit amicas. Hierusalem et redimet caro pugnante nepote et Syon, trucibus Mauris feritate subactam. Urse tuos imitare duces, et disce vereri arma Ducis Sorae, toto celeberrima mundo.’

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Translation ‘Son-in-law Orsini, do you see that man looking at Sixtus with famous brow and at his uncle and the pious family of Pope Julius, and the descendants sprung from sacred blood? Here is the Prefect of the kindly city of Rome, the Duke of ancient Sora and of a famous father, Francisco Maria, nephew in piety of Julius II. He is the praiseworthy thunderbolt of Mars, he will help Latium, and will give as a reward great protection to the people. This second prince, who now has found a very close place among the Caesarean lords and the serene gods, will undertake a greater empire. This son will be considered a great Prefect of the city of Rome. Look, how much strength he displays under the paternal oak, outstanding in hereditary piety and arms around whom the most beautiful descendants of Liguria fawn and the papal family which gleams with such a great name. Kingdoms and the proud sceptre of invincible Caesar will be due to this man, who is leaning upon Latin spears dressed in Sidonian purple and resplendent in jewels and jasper. How the beautiful boy swims from head to foot in shining gold before his father and uncle. He will put on the surname of kings and assume the Italian command in victorious war. Turn your gaze in this direction: he will be a second Caesar who will raise his head to the heavens, and will be considered a god. What a great crowd of servants and companions sits before the face of the Duke resplendent with his golden sword. All the barbarian countries will serve this master, whom the fates summoned, and will submit spoils to their honest lord. As general this man will first attack the savage Turks and Moors, and the wild tribes and rebellious peoples. Afterwards he will restore the sacred temples of Jerusalem overthrown by the Moors, a great crime, because the faithless kingdoms possess the city and the barbarous race has control of pious Syon. Then the great man will rush onto the Ethiopian shores. He will be victorious and he will suppress the frozen Ister with honours and the Thracian Danube and the kingdoms widowed by the bow and the strong Persians, and he will put the hateful camps of the Achaemenian race to flight and, fleeing battles, will cease to throw sharp arrows, and with their backs turned they will surrender and the land will obey the lord and be celebrated in epic song, and famous Mycene will be included in the kingdom and the glory of the great heroes will be ceded to him and the renown of Augustus Caesar (although he is revered across the whole world), and the elegant volumes of poets will celebrate this man. He will be a great man. Behold, he cultivates sacred poetry and loves Latin verse and Roman song. He will help poets and cherish study. He will be a wanderer who will circle the whole world. In long war he will lead the Getians and Babylonians and all treaties into Italy and oppress the savage enemies. The famous land will receive laws and he will give to the

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people kings bound and chained in long lines. In a rather grand manner he will receive German arms from the amazed Dacian and will be called a second Germanicus Caesar, and this splendid man will ascend the mountain with the people admiring and he will rejoice to touch the solemn oak with sacred laurel and golden acorns. In another part, by the piety of the gods, a future son will come from the great line of the papal family granting his strength to the Romans, and with paternal light he will look upon ancient Rome, the burden having been set free. This knight will prop up the Roman Empire when a great commotion troubles and he will lay low cruel tyrants. See, how great the young man will be distinguished by his beauty and shining arms and how he will outstrip all other men, and what hope he brings to you as you stand marvelling and how much noise of companions and numerous band of servants stands around this other Mars, and what a great presence in himself. He is the father of Francesco Maria, that famous father Giovanni, brother of the Pope and of the bloodline of Sixtus IV. While he is alive and in noisome old age, barbarous kingdoms will be nervous at his great powers. How many leaders do you see standing around in his presence and always basking in his friendly countenance. How much piety stays and how much courage will reign in that prince, and with how much will he be pre-eminent in that faith. He will highly esteem praiseworthy morals and cultivate a chaste life, and will always love fine poets. That other warrior is the second duke of Urbino, before whom Scipio yields, and just as many times as there are honours of Latin Mars to him, so equally his sister Bellona has embraced the mother and the son of the warlike Duke, a virile progeny. That first offspring of the bloodline of Sixtus IV, which flourishes with virtue and appears attended upon by a holy band, and in seriousness surpasses the ancient morals and the Roman togas of the ancestors and suppresses the ancient fasces and ancient consul with a similar seriousness, that man, called the father of great counsel, is an interpreter of the laws and is considered both guardian and protector, and a worthy censor of morals and the unique author of praiseworthy honesty. Here is the second Julius, Pope, the blossom, honour, and memorable light of a sacred band. The name rejoices and he enjoys the victories of ancient Caesar. What now does it pay to remember the great Fabii and Curii, if you surpass all the Catos in praise and poor Fabricius and the old ancestors? O Rome, rejoice to have chosen such a parent as your Pope and lord and to have awarded to the faithful people such a pious shepherd, who administers laws to everyone and brings back to himself friendly peoples by his merits. With his dear warrior nephew he will redeem both Jerusalem and Syon overcome by the savagery of the pitiless Moors. Orsini, imitate your leaders and learn to respect the arms of the Duke of Sora, most celebrated throughout the whole world.’

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Commentary The vision of the honorand, based upon the pageant of Roman heroes in Verg., Aen., VI, is repeated in all Nagonius’s manuscripts. The passage in the manuscript for Julius II and Francesco Maria della Rovere is one of the longest and most elaborate of all the Sibyl’s visions with a number of specific references to the Della Rovere family. 1

Hunc: i.e. Francesco Maria della Rovere. Sixtum: Francesco della Rovere (1414–84), Pope Sixtus IV (9 August 1471–12 August 1484). 2 patruum: Francesco’s paternal uncle, Giuliano della Rovere, Pope Julius II. 3 Urse gener: Gian Giordano Orsini. He married Felice della Rovere, natural daughter of Julius II. 4 Urbis prefectus: Francesco was made Prefect of Rome on 24 April 1502. Sorae: the fiefdom of Sora in the Neapolitan territory was granted to Giovanni della Rovere by Sixtus IV in 1475, though much of his time was spent at Rome or in the vicariate of Senigallia. After the death of her husband, Giovanna da Montefeltro spent some time at Sora. Francesco succeeded his father to the title. 12 quantas ostendit, conspice, vires: cf. Verg., Aen., VI. 771. 13 robore: while the oak tree obviously has a special relevance to the Della Rovere, the same reference is found in the manuscript for Louis XII where the oak is used as a symbol of royal authority. pietate vel armis: cf. Verg., Aen., VI. 769. 14 Lygurum pulcherrima proles: Francesco della Rovere was born in the village of Celle, on the Ligurian coast near Savona. 17 qui nititur hastis: cf. Verg., Aen., VI. 760. 18 Cf. Verg., Aen., IV. 261–63. 20 ante patrem patruum: the two brothers Giovanni and Giuliano della Rovere ( Julius II). 23 For the association of Julius II with Julius Caesar, see above, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘Decoration and Illumination’. 33 Memnonias: Memnonian, i.e. Oriental, Moorish from Memnon, the son of Tithonus and Aurora, and king of the Ethiopians. 34–54 References to the Danube and to Persia are a poetic conceit for ‘the corners of universe’ (cf. 47–49); compare the list of Roman territories catalogued by Stat., Silv., V. ii. 132 ff. in the poem to Crispinus, the son of Vettius Bolanus, congratulating him on his appointment as military tribune.

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glatialem […] Histrum: ‘frozen Ister’, the lower part of the Danube. Geticam Peucen: the Getae were a Thracian tribe on the Danube; Peuce, the name of an island in the Danube (Luc., III. 202); in mythology the wife of Ister, Stat., Silv., V. ii. 137. 37 Achemeniae: Persian derived from from Achaemenes, the ancestor of the Persian kings, the grandfather of Cyrus. 40 Meonio: Maeonian, Lydian, with particular reference to the Maeonid, Homer. Micenae: Mycenae, the celebrated city in the Argolis, of which Agamemnon was king. 48 Getas: the Getans. 52 Daco: Dacian, a member of the famous warlike people, akin to the Thracians. 53 Caesar Germanicus: the surname of several Roman generals who gained victories over the Germans, especially Nero Claudius Drusus Germanicus and his son, Germanicus Julius Caesar. The Emperor Domitian, for his victory over the Catti, also received the title Germanicus. For the association of Maximilian Habsburg with Domitian, see above, Part II, Chapter 3, ‘‘Sic ego sum Caesar Maximilianus orbis herus’: A Manuscript for Maximilian, 1494’. 55–56 The oak and acorn were the heraldic arms of the Della Rovere. 59 Assaracis: Assaracus, king of Phrygia, son of Tros, brother of Ganymede and Ilus. He was the father of Capys and grandfather of Anchises; see Ov., Met., XI. 750; hence Assaraci gens, the Romans, Verg., Aen., IX. 643. 61 Cf. Verg., Aen., VI. 857–58. 63 fulgentibus armis: cf. Verg., Aen., VI. 861. 64 Cf. Verg., Aen., VI. 856. 65 mirantibus addit: cf. Verg., Aen. VI. 854. 66 comitum strepitus: cf. Verg., Aen. VI. 865. 67 et quantum instar in illo: cf. Verg., Aen., VI. 865. 68–69 pater ille Iohannes | Pontificis frater: Giovanni della Rovere, the younger brother of Julius II and father of Francesco; see La quercia dai frutti d’oro: Giovanni della Rovere (1457–1501) e le origini del potere roveresco, ed. by Marinella Bonvini Mazzanti and Gilberto Piccinini (Ancona: Deputazione di storia patria per la Marche, 2004). 74 pietas: although the claim is made for other dedicatees it is not mere flattery for it seems that Giovanni della Rovere was renowned for his piety, see Dennistoun, II, 282. 34 35

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Urbini Dux ille alter: Guidobaldo da Montefeltro, duke of Urbino from 10 September 1482 until his deposition by Cesare Borgia in 1503. parentem: Giovanna da Montefeltro, the daughter of the condottiere Federigo da Montefeltro (1422–82), duke of Urbino 23 March 1474, and the wife of Giovanni della Rovere (1474). The verse probably refers to her defiant stand against Cesare Borgia at the siege of Senigaglia. natum: Giovanna’s eldest son. Ducis: Giovanni della Rovere, duke of Sora. illa prior soboles: Julius II. Fabios: the name of a Roman gens with a number of distinguished members, including Quintus Fabius Maximus Cunctator, the dictator in the second Punic war. Curios: a Roman gens who included Marcus Curius Dentatus, the conqueror of Pyrrhus. Cathones: Cato, a cognomen of several celebrated Romans: Marcus Porcius Cato ‘the elder’, a rigid judge of morals; Marcus Porcius Cato ‘the younger’, an implacable enemy of Caesar. Fabricium: Fabricius, noted for his incorruptibility. Although poor, he refused the bribes of King Pyrrhus.

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Manuscripts Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 12.750 (suppl. 350) An. 1494, membrane, 240 mm x 160 mm, with nineteen lines in a written space measuring 142 mm x 97 mm.; ff. 90; nineteenth- century binding. Iohannis Michaelis Nagonii ad divum Caesarem Maximilianum carminum libri III. Praeeunt:1 (fol. 1v). Epistula ad Maximilanum numeris adstricta. Divo Cesari Maxi. Semper Augusto Invictissimo. Inc. Cesar bellipotens hunc nostrum sume libellum etc. Des. Non venus hunc, Pallas Ce¸sareana colit. V.Ser.me¸. Ma.tis, Devotus servulus Ioannes Michail Nagonius civis Romanus poeta laureatus. 2 (fol. 2) Epistula oratione soluta. Divo Caesari Maximiliano semper augusto Imperatori electo Invictissimo salutem. Inc. Accipies Potentissime Cesar, in sacrum romanum imperium Imperator designate, etc. Des. id totum pro tua aeterna memoria invictissime Cesar absumemus. VALE. Et imperium Romanum tibi foelix faustumque. V.Ser.me¸. Ma.tis, Servulus Ioannes Michail Nagonius Civis Romanus poeta laureatus.3 (fol. 3) Ad eundem divum Cesarem Maximilianum excellentem carmen phaletium, quo poeta hortatur librum ut eat ad Ce¸sarem patronum suum qui sibi plurimum blandietur. Inc. Clari ce¸saris ad lares meabis etc. Des. Germana, excipiet manumque tradet. E.V.Ser.me¸. Ma.tis, idem servitor Ioannes Michail Nagonius poeta. 4 (fol. 4). Ad divum Cesarem Maximilianum

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semper augustum Romanorum regem serenissimum, pronostichon de futuro imperio propagando, Michaelis Nagonii, civis Romani, poete laureati. Inc. Contudidit extremos valido quis marte furores etc., Des. Phoebus, et argutas plectro resonare Camenas.5 (fol. 52) Ad eundem divum Cesarem maximilanum in imperium romanum imperatorem electum invictissimum liber secundus carminis lyrici. Inc. Scipio qualis lybicis in oris etc. Des. Inclyte Ce¸sar.6 (fol. 54) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Colle sacrato videant nepotes etc. Des. Terra colitque.7 (fol. 56) Ad eundem etc. carmen saphicum. Inc. O decus summum latii potentis etc. Des. Morte solutus.8 (fol. 58) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Diva que¸ solo genita es parente etc. Des. Desine tandem.9 (fol. 60) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum Inc. Bos phoroneis stabulata tectis etc. Des. Splendide Cesar.10 (fol. 62v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Iam cohors docti satiata phoebi etc. Des. Turba det hymnos.11 (fol. 64) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Cesaris laudes canimus poete¸ etc. Des. Et puer orant.12 (fol. 65v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum, quo poeta precatur pro Cesare si contigerit pugna navali hostes opprimere. Inc. Vos precor fluctus nimium procaces etc. Des. Astraque parent.13 (fol. 67) Ad eundem etc. liber tertius elegiarum epigrammatumque. Inc. Proxima tarpeo nunc spectas flavia monti etc. Des. Cesare sub nostro nunc quoque sacra manet.14 (fol. 68v) Ad eundem etc. de letitia coronationis in romanum Imperium quod felix faustumque. Inc. Quam tibi laute dies Ce¸sar pulcherrima luxit etc. Des. Prima tibi virtus ultima sitque precor.15 (fol. 71) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de fama et incredibili populorum letitia. Inc. Quanta quirinalem crevit tua fama per urbem etc. Des. Ille bona divos qui colit ecce fide.16 (fol. 71v) Ad eundem etc. de eminentia imperiali epigramma. Inc. Qualis olympiacis divos supereminet oris etc. Des. Templa nitent, pariter martis et arma vigent.17 (fol. 72v) Ad eundem etc. de Potentia in terris. Inc. Quid referent superi? Votis te quisque fatigat etc. Des. Altitonans, Cesar suppeditare potest.18 (fol. 73) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Atria dispositis annosa micantia Ce¸ris etc. Des. Magna duci, magno nam Iove numen habet.19 (fol. 73v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Conticeant veteres narrare poemata reges etc. Des. Imperiumque sacrum quod bene Roma colit.20 (fol. 74) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Magna per ausonias tua fama increbuit oras etc. Des. Prodere, iam superos restat adire deos.21 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Olim laudis erat direptis castra maniplis etc. Des. Mollia, vos moneo cedite turba duci.22 (fol. 74v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Alter in hesperio Cesar nunc orbe renatus etc. Des. Spiritus augusti qui fuit ante, tuis.23 (fol. 75) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta indicat totum mundum sibi debere obtemperari. Inc. Iam dominum mundi gentes et roma salutant etc. Des. Lumina, de votis facta opulenta novis.24 (fol. 75v) Ad eundem etc. distichon. Inc. Nox ruerat nimbis, surgent nova lumina mane etc. Des. Cesar cum domino dividit astra Iove.25

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(fol. 76) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Sit sacrata suo quamvis dodona tonanti etc. Des. Roma, tuum castris iam bene numen habes.26 (fol. 76v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta hortatur ut divitias negligat et sola litterarum monumenta assequatur. Inc. Quid tibi divitie¸? Quid avarum proderit aurum? etc. Des. Cesar, et aeternum tu mihi crede decus.27 (fol. 77) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Atria si Cesar spectasses magna Quiritum etc. Des. Illud erat crebro gentibus ore loqui.28 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de presentia imperiali. Inc. Cesaris effigiem vultu, qua mente superbit etc. Des. Quid loquor? Armipotens ora superna tenet.29 (fol. 79v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo comparatur maximilianus semper augustus leoni et aquile¸ qui nisi seviunt in nobiles et fortissimos greges. Inc. Inter qualis aves volucrum regina veretur etc. Des. Se¸vit, et fortes non nisi castra duces.30 (fol. 78) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta conqueritur diem nimis sero venire venturo Romam maximiliano ad incoronationem. Inc. Lampadas aethe¸e venturo Principe Romam etc. Des. Ibis equis, festum turbaque dicet Io.31 (fol. 79) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta rogat mensem decembrem quo triumphavit Domitianus ut deponat iram si contigerit nostro Cesari maximiliano tali mense romam proficisci. Inc. Pone ferum boree¸ stridorem se¸ve december etc. Des. Romanis illum vos date que¸so diem.32 (fol. 79v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta promittit sibi consecrare capitula valerii maximi de liberalitate. Inc. Alter Cesar ave quo non illustrior alter etc. Des. Flumen et aligeri nosceret discet equi.33 (fol. 80) Ad eundem illustrem ducem philippum primigenitum sereni Cesaris maximiliani semper augusti epigramma quo poeta admiratur de preclara indole. Inc. Sit puer Emilius tenera qui perdidit hostem etc. Des. Quod cernam maius ce¸sareanus habes.34 (fol. 80v) Ad eundem illustrem ducem Philippum Cesareanum In regem romanorum electum epigramma quo poeta existimat habuisse nomen a philippo rege macedum. Inc. Grande Philippus atrox macedum qui pre¸fuit oris etc. Des. In patrios mores erudiende puer.35 (fol. 81) Ad eundem illustrem ducem philippum etc. epigramma quo poeta incitat eum ad preclara facinora. Inc. Quam tua persimilis spectatur imago Philippe etc. Des. Vatibus, an quam sint scribere multa licet.36 (fol. 81v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta precatur deos ut illum conservent. Inc. Vivi templa foci que¸ rome maximus auctor etc. Des. Nomina consuetum fascibus egit iter.37 (fol. 178) Ad eundem etc. de convivio et congiario dato romanis in sua coronatione. Inc. Nuper in arce fori vidi discumbere patres etc. Des. Nos sacer in rostris nectare Ce¸sar habet.38 (fol. 82v) Ad eundem etc. de victoriis pictis in pallatio Capitolino epigramma. Inc. Numine quam simili spectatur in herculis aede etc. Des. Alcides, Cesar contulit ora Iovi.39 (fol. 83v) Ad eundem Illustrem ducem Philippum etc. Inc. Maxima cesarea proles celeberrima stirpe etc. Des. Pulchra, frequentabunt alta trophoea nurus.40 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de meritis suis pigramma. Inc. Idibus altitonans libant dum viscera flammis etc.

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Des. Circuit herculeas ore pavente feras.41 (fol. 84) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Summe Caledonii peleia gesta repultans etc. Des. Belliger, herculeas inter habende notas.42 (fol. 84v) Ad eundem etc. de fama inclyta epigramma. Inc. Notus in orbe satis fama pervenit ad astra etc. Des. Crede mihi Cesar cum Iove magnus eris.43 (fol. 84v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta existimat regnante cesare romanos aurea secula possidere. Inc. Ce¸sare regna phryges nunc aurea stante fovebunt etc. Des. Cernet apelleas et tua Roma notas.44 (fol. 85) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Visurus gelidam Cesar si leserit arcton etc. Des. Moribus ut vivat martia Roma suis.45 (fol. 85v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Paulisper latias vati concede Camenas etc. Des. Tu potes ingenium da mihi Iule tuum.46 (fol. 86) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Vittatum Cesar sertis musisque ministrum etc. Des. Cesar preterea iam venerare deas.47 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Inclyta romulidum sileant exempla nepotum etc. Des. Turba ducum, cedat laudibus ara suis.48 (fol. 86v) Ad Illustrem Ducem Philippum Cesaris filium epigramma. Inc. Gentis dardanie¸ declamas rostra philippe etc. Des. Et capitolinum Ce¸sareane Iovem.49 (fol. 87) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta indicat quasi totum mundum romam venisse quoniam cesar diadema imperiale assumpsit cum pace et tranquillitate. Inc. Pacator latii domine¸ das ocia Rome¸ etc. Des. Ignari, magnum te retulere Iovem.50 (ibid.) Ad Illustrem ducem philippum cesareanum epigramma. Inc. Histrum bellipotens glatialem sterne philippe etc. Des. Sed bene consulto dant sua pila duci.51 (fol. 87v) Ad eundem etc. de fama epigramma. Inc. Per vaga sarmaticas penetravit fama sagiptas etc. Des. Imperium, spectet quam prius alme tuum.52 (fol. 88) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Tarpe¸¸e custos venerandaque Iulia templa etc. Des. Altitonans, pro me nil rogitare queo.53 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta ostendit fuisse spectacula in sua coronatione. Inc. Prisca fides sileat miracula Cesar harene¸ etc. Des. Miratur nimium Cesar in urbe tua.54 (fol. 88v) Ad eundem etc. de tauro ante rotundam in conspectu ipsius ce¸so mirabiliter epigramma. Inc. Cesaris ante foras vidit spectator agrippe¸ etc. Des. Vexit et europem romula turba sonat.55 (fol. 89) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta finem facit. Inc. Pone modum dictis sacrarum turba sororum etc. Des. Imperio semper Maximiane tuo. E.V.R. Mtis. Devotus servulus Ioannes Michail Nagonius civis Romanus, poeta laureatus. Tabulae codicum manuscriptorum praeter Graecos et orientales in Bibliotheca Palatina Vindobonensi asservatorum, ed. by Academia Caesearea Vindobonensis, 11 vols (Vienna: Gerold’s Sohn, 1864–1912), VII (1892), 142.

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York, Minster Library, MS XVI.N.2 An. 1496, membrane, 226 mm x 146 mm, with eighteen lines in a written space measuring 125 mm x 84 mm; ff.77; covers of red damask worked with gold thread pasted to later nineteenth-century pasteboards. Rebound in 1820. Iohannis Michaelis Nagonii ad divum Henricum Septimum carminum libri III. Praeeunt:1 (fol. 1) Epistula ad Henricum numeris adstricta. Divo Henrico Septimo Angliae Franciae quae (sic) regi invictiss. sal. Inc. Nunc Henrice tuum valido stat robore Regnum etc. Des. O quantum tibi nunc spondet amena quies.2 (fol. 2v) Carmen phaletium. Rogat poeta librum suum ut eat ad patronum suum sereniss. Henricum regem septimum qui sibi sua solita humanitate blandietur. Inc. Clari principis ad lares meabis etc. Des. Qui tantos capis et foves honores. 3 (fol. 6) Ad divum Henricum Septimum Anglie Francieque regem sereniss. potentiss. invictiss. et Hibernie dominum illustriss. de sorte et eius felici contra hostes victoria pronostichon Io. Michaelis Nagonii civis Ro. poeteque laureati. Inc. Redde tuum vatis Opulenta Britannia regem etc. Des. Crederim sine Te sorderent Anglica Regna.4 (fol. 46) Ad eundem divum Henricum sept. etc. liber secundus. Inc. Scipio qualis Lybicis in oris etc. Des. Inclite Princeps.5 (fol. 48) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. O Decus summum validi Britanni etc. Des. Desine tandem.6 (fol. 50v) Ad eundem etc. congratulatio que¸ Rome¸ fuit de eius nomine et inclyta fama ob ensem auratum nuper sibi destinatum per Alexandrum sextum Pont. Max.. Inc. Colle sacratos videant nepotes etc. Des. Splendide Princeps.7 (fol. 54v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum Inc. Iam cohors docti satiata phoebi etc. Des. Alter Apollo.8 (fol. 55v) Ad eundem. Inc. Principis laudes canimus poete¸ etc. Des. Et puer orant.9 (fol. 65v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Vos precor fluctus nimium procaces etc. Des. Inclite Princeps.10 (fol. 58) Ad eundem etc. liber tertius. Inc. Proxima tarpeo nunc spectas flavia monti etc. Des. Una etiam Regi sacra ferenda puto.11 (fol. 59v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma in quo Poeta precatur deum ut eum ex hostibus sceleratis eripiat conservetque perpetuo. Inc. Vivi templa foci que¸ Rome¸ Maximus Auctor etc. Des. Nomina consuetum fascibus egit iter.12 (fol. 60) Ad eundem etc. de convivio habito in letitiam et memoriam ensis aurati et infule consularis. Inc. Nuper in arce fori vidi discumbere patres etc. Des. Nos alit Henricus Rex meliore cibo.13 (fol. 60v) Ad eundem etc. de eius victoriis in Palatio deaurato notandis gradatim. Inc. Atria dispositis annosa micantia ce¸ris etc. Des. Qui vel ab Augusto vel Iove numen habet.14 (fol. 61) Ad eundem etc. de suorum meritorum observantia. Inc. Idibus altitonans patres dum viscera libant etc. Des. Cernet, et herculeas ore pavente feras.15 (fol. 61v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Summe calidonii Peleia gesta repultans etc. Des. Belliger hectoreos

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interhabende duces.16 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de inclyta et eius prestantissima fama. Inc. Notus in orbe potens fama pervenit ad astra etc. Des. Crede mihi nimium cum Iove magnus eris.17 (fol. 62) Ad eundem etc. sub quo iubare tota insula coruscat triumphatque. Inc. Aurea Regna fovent Henrico stante Britanni etc. Des. Cernet apelleas templa opulenta notas.18 (fol. 62v) Ad eundem etc. de fama comparanda cum Ducum Romanorum gestis. Inc. Inclita Romulidum taceant exempla nepotum etc. Des. Cedat honos, cedat laudibus ara suis.19 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de animi eius magnitudine. Inc. Angligene¸ gentis declamas tempora et artes etc. Des. Rex capitolinum noscere et ipse Iovem.20 (fol. 63) Ad Harturum Vualie¸ principem excellentiss. Divi Henrici Septimi filium paterna indole insignitum. Inc. Maxima vualigenis proles bene nata sub oris etc. Des. Inde, frequentabunt alta trophe¸a nurus.21 (fol. 63v) Ad eundem etc. de hostibus superatis pacificata Insula. Inc. Dulcia pacator longe das ocia terre¸ etc. Des. Qui nescit, magnum te feret esse Iovem.22 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de animo habendo in hostes. Inc. Bellipotens histrum glacialem comprime princeps etc. Des. Sed bene consulto dant sua tela duci.23 (fol. 64) Ad eundem etc. de eius fama per universum fere orbem penetrata. Inc. Per vaga samaticas penetravit fama sagittas etc. Des. Henricus Paphio qui tenet igne comas.24 (fol. 64v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium quo Poeta optat sibi longam vitam. Inc. Annorum genitor biceps Iane¸ etc. Des. Tarpee¸ Iovis et iugum monete¸.25 (fol. 65) Ad eundem de templo fortune¸ sibi construendo in colle iterum Quirinali. Inc. Illa dies iterum sacrata est colle Quirini etc. Des. Le¸tor et officiis demeruisse nimis.26 (fol. 65v) Ad eundem etc. Admonitio. Inc. Princeps sytomas nuper venture triones etc. Des. Hoc est quod moneo me monitore frui.27 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de suarum divitiarum fama. Inc. Maxima versatur de te vaga fama per orbem etc. Des. Et genus et nomen divitias et habes.28 (fol. 66) Ad eundem etc. admonitio si aliquando navigare contigerit. Inc. Visurus gelidam princeps si leserit arcton. Des. Insula si proprio paret et unda duci.29 (fol. 66v) Ad eundem etc. de eius presentia Regali que ceteros Reges principes et duces supereminet. Inc. Qualis olympiacis divos supereminet oris etc. Des. Henrice, et tantum composuisse virum.30 (fol. 67) Ad eundem etc. de mira eius potentia et numine. Inc. Quid referent superi votis te quisque fatigat etc. Des. Iuppiter, Henricus contribuisse potest.31 (fol. 67v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo comparatur aquile et leoni qui nisi in nobiles greges se¸viunt. Inc. Inter qualis aves volucrum Regina veretur etc. Des. Se¸vit et in fortes non nisi castra duces.32 (fol. 68) Ad eundem etc. de suorum maiorum similitudine. Inc. Quam tua persimilis spectatur imago superbi etc. Des. Vatibus, an quam sint scribere plura licet.33 (fol. 68v) Ad eundem etc. de eius fama que¸ Romae maxima est et ubique merito predicatur. Inc. Quanta Quirinalem crevit iam fama per urbem etc. Des. Ille bona divos qui colit ecce fide.34 (fol. 69) Ad illustrem Principem Harturum quem poeta

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nomen ab arctophilace stella habuisse arbitratur. Inc. Arctophilax nitido demissit nomen olympo etc. Des. In patrios mores erudiende puer.35 (fol. 69v) Ad eundem Inclytum principem Harturum Regium natum de ipsius preclariss. indole et de eo spe habenda. Inc. Sit puer Aemilius tenera qui perdidit hostem etc. Des. Quod cernam maius tu nisi maior habes.36 (fol. 70) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta indicat esse sibi quoque templa et monumenta sacranda. Inc. Sit sacrata suo quamvis dodona tonanti etc. Des. Insula, de meritis facta decora ducis.37 (fol. 71) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Alter Caesar ave quo non illustrior alter etc. Des. Flumen et aerei noscere discet equi.38 (fol. 71v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta demonstrat se descripturum eius nomen et gesta. Inc. Conticeant veteres narrare poemata Reges etc. Des. Henrici, et nomen quod bene Roma colit.39 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de eius fama quomodo creverit Rome¸. Inc. Magna per ausonias tua fama increbruit oras etc. Des. Prodere, iam superos restat adire deos.40 (fol. 72) Ad eundem etc. qui alter Caesar habetur in mundo et maxime apud Britannos. Inc. Alter in oceano Caesar nunc orbe renatus etc. Des. Spiritus Augusti qui fuit ante, tuus.41 (fol. 72v) Ad eundem etc. de fama incomparabili eius prudentie. Inc. Nunc Henrice sciens si fama resultat in orbe etc. Des. Hoc puto cum superas inclyta facta patris.42 (fol. 73) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo Poeta hortatur ut divitias negligat et sola litterarum monumenta consequatur. Inc. Quid tibi divitie¸? Quid avarum proderit aurum? etc. Des. Stabis et in claros non moriturus avos.43 (fol. 74) Ad eundem etc. de venatione. Inc. Tu modo venaris tacita cum fraude Molossi etc. Des. Regna poli virtus inclita tanta feret.44 (fol. 74v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quemadmodum devictis hostibus longo desiderio expectabatur Londoniis, Poeta conqueritur diem nimis sero redire. Inc. Lampadas aethee venturo rege coruscam etc. Des. Nocte licet venias Rex venerande dies.45 (fol. 75) Ad eundem etc. de convivio celebrato. Inc. Lauta licet memorem convivia grandis elyse etc. Des. Et probat illustres rex celebrande dapes.46 (fol. 75v) Ad eundem etc. qui semper carmina et Musas appetit. Inc. Quantum erit aonio satur hoc epigramma lepore etc. Des. Semper et Henrico fons aganyppe¸ dabis.47 (fol. 76v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Rex Henrice tuum solita pietate poetam etc. Des. Stet precor, ad superos vita perennis eat. Finis. E.V.R.M.S. devotus servulus Io Michail Nagonius Civis Romanus et Poeta Laureatus. Edward Bernard, Catalogi librorum manuscriptorum Angliae et Hibernae, 2 vols (Oxford: Adams, 1697), II, 4, no. 55. Neil R. Ker and A. J. Piper, Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), pp. 746–47. Iter, IV, 278.

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Prague, Národni a Universitni Knihovna, MS VIII. H.76 (1659) An. 1497, membrane, 230 mm x 158 mm; seventeen lines in a written space 148 mm x 96 mm; ff. 116 (=232 pp. num.); original binding. Iohannis Michaelis Nagonii ad divum Vvladislaum carminum libri IV. Praeeunt: 1 (p. 1) Ad divum Vvladislaum serenissimum potentissimumque Vngharie ac Bohemie regem semper invictum Pronostichon et Panagyrichon editum per Iohannem Michaelem Nagonium civem Romanum et poetam laureatum. Inc. Ordiar armiferi devicto Caesare Regis etc. Des. Et Romam petiere patres melioribus horis.2 (p. 65) Ad eundem etc. liber secundus. Inc. Princeps interea per latas panditur oras etc. Des. Vuladislae Rogant mecum mare sydera Terre¸. Finis. Eiusdem Vestre Sacre Regie Maiestatis. Servulus Iohannes Michail Nagonius civis Romanus et poeta laureatus.3 (p. 117) Ad eundem etc. liber tertius. Inc. Scipio qualis libicis in oris etc. Des. Inclyte Princeps.4 (p. 123) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum quo Poeta summopere desiderat eius gesta et laudes describere. Inc. O decus summum patrie¸ potentis etc. Des. Morte solutus.5 (p. 127) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum quo Poeta indicat ipsum esse speculum et lumen gentis sue. Inc. Quia que¸ solo genita es parente etc. Des. Postea Coelo.6 (p. 133) Ad eundem etc. congratulatio ob eius victoriam pannonicam superato Maximiliano habita Rome per Hungaros tamquam in templo fortunae optime¸ Inc. Colle sacratos videant nepotes etc. Des. Inclite Princeps.7 (p. 137) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum quo poeta rogat numina maris ut foveant ceptis Regiis si aliquando contra turchos navigare contigerit. Inc. Vos precor fluctus nimium procaces etc. Des. Splendide Princeps.8 (p. 145) Ad eundem etc carmen lyricum. Inc. Principis laudes canimus Poete etc. Des. Et puer orant.9 (p. 147) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum qui alter Caeser vocatur ob eius merita. Inc. Iam cohors docto saturata phoebo etc. Des. Turba det hymnos.10 (p. 151) Ad eundem etc. qui summopere musas colit, Poetarumque delitias amat et in dicendo varietates. Inc. Pyndarum Vates cecinere sacrum etc. Des. Vive perenne.11 (p. 154) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium quo Poeta timet ire ad tante maiestatis presentiam cum ipse sit Rex Doctissimus. Inc. Quo nos Phoebe iubes Rogamus ire etc. Des. Quos ut fronte hilari legas Rogamus.12 (p. 158) Ad eundem etc. carmen endechasyllabum quo Poeta rogat musas invocatque ut velint aliquid canere in hoc stilo de victoria pannonica devicto Maximiliano et reliquis hostibus Turcisque. Inc. Nostre¸ Pierides favete lingue¸ etc. Des. Invictus pius et beatus unus.13 (p. 173) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum quo poeta rogat Budam urbem ut velit deo gratias agere pro tanto principe in regem suscepto. Inc. Buda devictis spetiosa tectis etc. Des. Inclyta Buda.14 (p. 177) Ad eundem etc. liber quartus. Inc. Proxima Tarpeio nunc spectas

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flavia monti etc. Des. Una etiam Regi sacra ferenda puto.15 (p. 179) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo Poeta precatur deos ut illum ex hostium manibus inpuris eripiant conservantque. Inc. Qui templa foci que Rome maximus auctor etc. Des. Nomina, consuetum fascibus egit iter.16 (p. 180) Ad eundem etc. de convivio habito in letitiam et memoriam adepti regni pannonici victo Maximiliano. Inc. Nuper in arce fori vidi discumbere patres etc. Des. Nos alit egregius Rex meliore cibo.17 (p. 180) Ad eundem etc. de victoriis eius notandis in palatio deaurato. Inc. Atria Dispositis annosa micantia ceris etc. Des. Qui vel ab Augusto vel Iove numen habet.18 (p. 182) Ad eundem etc. de suorum meritorum observantia et Relligione. Inc. Idibus altitonans patres dum viscera libant etc. Des. Cernet et herculeas ore pavente feras.19 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Summe caledonii pelleia gesta repultans etc. Des. Belliger, hectoreos inter habende duces.20 (p. 184) Ad eundem etc. eius fama. Inc. Notus orbi satis fama pervenit ad astra etc. Des. Crede mihi nimium cum Iove magnus eris.21 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. sub cuius iubare tota Hungaria et Bohemia coruscat triumphatque. Inc. Aurea regna fovent hoc principe stante Bohemi etc. Des. Cernet apelleas terra opulenta notas.22 (p. 185) Ad eundem etc. de fama comparanda cum gestis ducum Romanorum. Inc. Inclyta Romulidum taceant exempla nepotum etc. Des. Cedat honos, cedat laudibus ara suis.23 (p. 186) Ad eundem etc. de animi ipsius magnitudine. Inc. Hungarice¸ gentis declamas tempora et artes etc. Des. Rex capitolinum noscere et ipse iovem.24 (p. 187) Ad eundem etc. paterna indole insignitum. Inc. Maxima Polonicis proles bene nata sub oris etc. Des. Inde frequentabunt alta trophea nurus.25 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de hostibus fractis precipue Maximiliano pacata pannonia. Inc. Dulcia pacator longe¸ das ocia Bude¸ etc. Des. Qui nescit, magnum te putat esse Iovem.26 (p. 188) Ad eundem etc. de animo habendo in hostes maxime in turchos. Inc. Bellipotens histrum glacialem comprime Princeps etc. Des. Sed bene consulto dant sua pila Duci.27 (p. 189) Ad eundem etc. de eius fama per universum fere orbem penetrata et maxime devicto Caesare Maximiliano. Inc. Per vaga sarmaticas penetravit fama sagiptas etc. Des. Hic princeps, paphio qui tenet igne comas.28 (p. 190) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium quo Poeta optat sibi longam vitam. Inc. Annorum genitor bicepsque iane etc. Des. Tarpee¸ Iovis et iugum monete¸.29 (p. 191) Ad eundem etc. de templo fortune¸ sibi construendo in colle iterum quirinali. Inc. Illa dies iterum sacrata est colle Quirini etc. Des. Letor et officiis demeruisse nimis.30 (p. 192) Ad eundem etc. admonitio si aliquando contigerit se in externas conferre Regiones. Inc. Princeps sytonios nuper venture Triones etc. Des. Hoc est quod moneo, me monitore frui.31 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de suarum divitiarum magnitudine famaque maxima de sua munificentia. Inc. Maxima versatur de te vaga fama per orbem etc. Des. Et genus et nomen Divitias et habes.32 (p. 193) Ad eundem etc. admonitio si aliquando navigare contigerit per

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mare exterum. Inc. Visurus gelidam Princeps si leserit arcton. Des. Parent magnanimo si duo regna Duci.33 (p. 194) Ad eundem etc. de eius presentia regali que ceteros Reges Duces principesque antecellit. Inc. Qualis olympiacis divos supereminet oris etc. Des. Vuladislaue, potens et genuisse virum.34 (p. 195) Ad eundem etc. de mira eius potentia et numine. Inc. Quid referent superi? votis te quisque fatigat etc. Des. Altitonans, Princeps contribuisse potest.35 (p. 196) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo comparatur aquile et leoni qui in nobiles nisi greges se¸viunt. Inc. Inter qualis aves volucrum Regina veretur etc. Des. Sevit et in promptos non nisi castra duces.36 (p. 197) Ad eundem etc. de suorum maiorum similitudine. Inc. Quam tua persimilis spectatur ymago superbi etc. Des. Vatibus, an quam sint scribere plura licet.37 (p. 198) Ad eundem etc. de eius fama que Rome maxima est et ubique predicatur, de Caesare superato et de victoria Pannonica. Inc. Quanta Quirinalem crevit iam fama per urbem etc. Des. Ille bona divos qui colit ecce fide.38 (p. 200) Ad eundem etc. quem poeta nomen ab arctophilace veloci stella habuisse arbitratur. Inc. Arctophilax nitido demisit nomen olympo etc. Des. In patrios mores erudiende potens.39 (p. 201) Ad eundem etc. de ipsius preclarissima indole et de eo spe habenda in posterum. Inc. Sit puer Aemilius tenera qui perdidit hostem etc. Des. Quod cernam maius tu nisi maior habes.40 (p. 202) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo Poeta indicat esse sibi quoque templa et monumenta sacranda. Inc. Sit sacrata suo quamvis dodona tonanti etc. Des. Pannon de meritis facta decora ducis.41 (p. 204) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo Poeta demonstrat ipsum esse alium Caesarem. Inc. Alter Caesar ave quo non illustrior alter etc. Des. Flumen et aerei noscere discet equi.42 (p. 205) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo Poeta vult describere eius nomen et gesta. Inc. Conticeant veteres narrare poemata Reges etc. Des. Principis, et nomen quod bene Roma colit.43 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de eius fama quomodo creverit Rome. Inc. Magna per ausonias tua fama increbruit oras etc. Des. Prodere iam superos restat adire deos.44 (p. 206) Ad eundem etc. qui alter Caesar habetur in mundo et maxime aput Romanos ob victoriam Pannonicam superato Maximiliano. Inc. Alter in ausonio Caesar nunc orbe renatus etc. Des. Spiritus augusti qui fuit ante, tuus.45 (p. 207) Ad eundem etc. de fama incomparabilis prudentie eius. Inc. Vuladislae sciens si fama resultat in orbe etc. Des. Hoc puto, cum superas inclyta facta patris. 46 (p. 209) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo Poeta hortatur ut divitias negligat et sola litterarum monumenta consequatur. Inc. Quid tibi divitie¸? Quid avarum proderit aurum? etc. Des. Stabis et in claros non moriturus avos.47 (p. 210) Ad eundem etc. de venatione sepositis curis. Inc. Tu modo venaris tacita cum fraude molossi etc. Des. Regna poli virtus inclyta tanta feret.48 (p. 211) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo Poeta conqueritur diem nimis sero redire cum longo desiderio Bude¸ expectetur superatis hostibus. Inc. Lampadas aethee¸ venturo Rege coruscum etc. Des. Nocte licet venias Rex venerande dies.49 (p.

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212) Ad eundem etc. de convivio celebrato Bude post victoriam Pannonicam Devicto Maximiliano. Inc. Lauta licet memorem convivia grandis elyse¸ etc. Des. Et probat illustres Rex celebrande dapes.50 (p. 214) Ad eundem etc. qui semper optat musas et carmina. Inc. Quantum erit aonio satur hoc epigramma lepore etc. Des. Semper et huic Regi fons aganyppe dabis.51 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. quo Poeta rogat ut poesim diligat. Inc. Vuladislae tuum solita pietate Poetam etc. Des. Stet precor, ad superos vita perennis eat.52 (p. 215) Ad eundem etc. quomodo cum castra sequuntur et Turci parent, tanto eius Maiestatis numini. Inc. Iam Turci Dominum noscunt, et castra sequuntur etc. Des. Lumina, devotis facta opulenta meis.53 (p. 217) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Olim laudis erat direptis castra maniplis etc. Des. Addet, maiores post tua fata dabit.54 (p. 218) Ad eundem etc. qui vivet perpetuo quoniam poetas amat. Inc. Vuladislae meis semper memorande Camenis etc. Des. De vestris semper laudibus ipse canam.55 (p. 219) Ad eundem etc. de mira eius presentia indole et forma elegantiss. Inc. Principis effigiem vultu, qua mente superbit etc. Des. Es decus, et patriae flosque domusque tue¸.56 (p. 220) Ad eundem etc. qui non timeat de immortalitate quia perpetuo vivet. Inc. Vuladislae times? nullum moriture per aevum etc. Des. Castraque victrici vincere marte scient.57 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. quem Poeta rogat ut bella moveat in Turchos Nostre¸ fidei rebelles quoniam omnia bonis auspiciis gerentur. Inc. Pannonis ora potens cur pro tu principe tardas etc. Des. Cernet, Io quantum gens dabit aucta tibi.58 (p. 222) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta admiratur de eius persona in equo cum multe gentes ad eum spectandum concurrere studeant. Inc. Castoreo presignis equo dum moenia lustrat etc. Des. Principe si virtus et decor arma vigor.59 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de mira eius fortitudine que¸ similis herculis videtur elegia. Inc. Numine quam simili spectatur in herculis aede etc. Des. Vuladislaus habet, prestat et ora potens.60 (p. 224) Ad eundem etc. de lititia coronationis Regni Hungarie habita in Alba Regali elegia. Inc. Quam tibi laute dies princeps pulcherrima luxit etc. Des. Prima tibi virtus ultima sitque precor.61 (p. 228) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta rogat choros poeticos ut Regi applaudant pro victoria pannonica. Inc. Pegasidum rorate lacus, date docta camene etc. Des. Gesta, licet vultu nobiliore colas.62 (p. 231) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo Poeta rogat musas ut vadant ad dominum suum qui eis sua innata pietate blandietur. Inc. Ite mee¸ Muse Dominum cognoscite vestrum etc. Des. Vuladislae, sacrum gloria rara Ducum. Finis. Eiusdem Vestre¸ Sacre¸ Regie¸ Maiestatis devotus servulus Iohannes Michail Nagonius Civis Romanus et Poeta Laureatus.

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Josef Truhlář, Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum latinorum qui in C. R. Bibliotheca Publica atque Universitatis Pragensis asservantur (Prague: Regiae societas scientiarum bohemicae, 1905–06), I, 614. Florio Banfi, ‘Panegirico di Giovanni Michele Nagonio su Uladislao II di Boemia ed Ungheria’, L’Europa Orientale, 16 (1937), 408–17. Csaba Csapodi, The Corvinian Library, History and Stock, trans. by Imre Gombos (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1973), pp. 290–91. The poems were printed by Leopold Scherschnik, Joannis Michaelis Nagonii civis romani et poetae laureati ad Vladislaum II Boemiae et Hungariae Regem Poematum libri IV (Prague, 1777) (National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh (Rob. II. 3. 23)); reprinted in Analecta nova, pp. 297–404. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 8132 An. 1499, membrane, 267 mm x 177 mm; twenty-two lines in a written space 163 mm x 104 mm; ff. 189; nineteenth-century binding. Iohannis Michaelis Nagonii ad divum Ludovicum XII Aurelianum Francie regem carminum libri VI. Praeeunt:1 (fol. 1) Ad divum Ludovicum XII Aurelianum Francie regem Christianissimum pium foelicem et semper invictum Carmen phaletium quo poeta rgat suum volumen ut vadat ad Regem qui sibi plurimum pro sua incredibili clementia et humanitate blandietur. Inc. Clari principis ad lares meabis etc. Des. Docti postea posteri probabunt. Finis. V.S.R. Maiestatis. Devotus servulus Iohannes Michael Nagonius Civis Romanus et poeta laureatus.2 (fol. 1v) Epistula oratione soluta. Divo Ludovico Aureliano Francie regi XII Christianissimo Regum maximo et potentissimo humilem salutem Ioannes Michail nagonius Civis romanus et poeta Laureatus dicit. Inc. Dum mecum cogitarem Christianorum pricipum Rex potentissime quid tibi velut alteri Augusto Cesari etc. Des. Que te facilius defatigare quam nos satiare possent. V ale.3 (fol. 5) Epistula oratione soluta. Ad divum Ludovicum XII etc. Inc. Francia caput et superior ac maior portio gallie¸ cuius laudes recitare curavi etc. Des. Quod si id effeceris ut spero de tuis triumphis de tuis laudibus de tua gloria deque tua memoria tempore ullo et presentes et ventura posteritas nunquam profecto conticessant.4 (fol. 9) . Ad Potentiss. Ludovicum Francie regem etc. Io Michaelis Nagonii civis Ro. et poete¸ laureati. Inc. Arma Ludovici describimus inclyta Regis etc. Des. Et pater et natus veterem melioribus horis.5 (fol. 41v) Ad eundem etc. liber secundus. Inc. Vix altos rutilo spargebat apolline pulchra etc. Des. Da lachrymas me¸stusque suos miserere parents.6

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(fol. 68) Ad eundem etc. liber tertius. Inc. Delfini post fata patres conantur adire etc. Des. Aureliane petunt mecum mare, Sydera, terre.7 (fol. 98) Ad eundem etc. liber Quartus Carminis Lyrici. Inc. Gallie summum decus O potentis etc. Des. Morte solutus.8 (fol. 100v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Perse devicto Emilius superbo etc. Des. Optime regum.9 (fol. 103) Ad eundem etc. carmen Liricum. Inc. Diva que¸ solo genita es parente etc. Des. Postea celo.10 (fol. 106) Ad eundem etc. congratulatio ob eius triumphalem coronationem habita Rome tanquam in templo olim fortune optime. Inc. Colle sacratos videant nepotes etc. Des. Aequa serenis.11 (fol. 107v) Ad eundem etc. carmen saphicum quo poeta rogat numina maris et terre ut faveant ei si aliquando navigare contra infideles contigerit maxime pro recuperenda Iherusale. Inc. Vos precor fluctus nimium furentes etc. Des. Aureliane.12 (fol. 111) Ad eundem etc carmen lyricum. Inc. Principis laudes canimus poete etc. Des. Orat et infans.13 (fol. 112) Ad eundem etc. Carmen Lyricum quo Caeser alter appellatur. Inc. Iam cohors docto saturata phoebo etc. Des. Turba det hymnos.14 (fol. 113v) Ad eundem etc. qui summopere musas colit, poetarumque delitias amat et indicendo varietates. Inc. Pyndarum Vates cecinere sacrum etc. Des. Vive perenne.15 (fol. 114v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium quo poeta notat quo poeta timet ad tante maiestatis presentiam accedere quum ipse sit Rex excultissimus. Inc. Quo nos phoebe iubes rogamus ire etc. Des. Quos ut fronte hilari legas precamur.16 (fol. 117) Ad eundem etc. carmen endechasyllabum quo poeta rogat musas ut velint aliquid canere de victoria Iherosolimitana per francos reges habita in honorem Gallie¸ universe¸. Inc. Nostre¸ Pierides favete lingue¸ etc. Des. Inter Cesareos duces loceris.17 (fol. 124) Ad eundem etc. Carmen Lyricum quo poeta rogat Franciam ut velit suo regi applaudere et sacrificare pro regno suscepto. Inc. Terra suscepto venerate rege etc. Des. Francia Regem.18 (fol. 128) Ad eundem etc. Carmen phaletium quo Constantinopolis rogat numen et Maiestatem Regiam ut recordetur etiam sue¸ redemptionis promittendo sibi maxima. Inc. Rex bellipotens decus tuorum etc. Des. Tanto munere, Flavias quadrigas.19 (fol. 130) Ad eundem etc. Epigrammatum elegiarumque Liber Quintus. Inc. Bellica Romulidum taceant exempla nepotum etc. Des. Ut maneat toto mitis in orbe deus.20 (fol. 130v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo rogat Iherusalem princiem ut eam e manibus impiorum eripiat. Inc. Iherusalem supplex manibus tua numina pansis etc. Des. Ponet et in Phrygios te Cythera duces.21 (fol. 131) Ad eundem etc. de letitia coronationis habita Parisius triumphalique pompa celebrata. Inc. Quam tibi laute dies princeps pulcherrima luxit etc. Des. Prima tibi virtus, ultima sitque precor.22 (fol. 132) Ad eundem etc. Elegia qua poeta rogat choros poeticos ut Regi pio foelici et semper invicto blandiantur pro sua foelici coronatione. Inc. Pegasidum rorate Lacus, date docta Camene¸ etc. Des. Gesta, colas vultu nobiliore licet.23 (fol. 132v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta rogat ut bella in

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turchos moveat quoniam omnia prospere gerentur. Inc. Libera Ihersualem iam cur pro principe tardas etc. Des. Cenet, Io quantum gallica terra dabit.24 (fol. 133) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta admiratur de eius persona in equo quum multe¸ gentes ad eum spectandum conveniant. Inc. Castoreo presignis equo dum moenia lustrat etc. Des. Principe si virtus, et decor, arma, vigor.25 (fol. 133v) Ad eundem etc. de ornamentis equi regalis in coronatione ostensis. Inc. Foelicies phalere¸ gemmis auroque nitentes etc. Des. Gaudeat hic tanto numine semper equus.26 (fol. 134) Ad eundem etc. de laudibus et titulis regiis in templo et fastis collocandis. Inc. Proxima tarpeio nunc spectas flavia monti etc. Des. Turba Ludovico Gallica templa dedit.27 (fol. 135) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo Poeta precatur numina ce¸lestia ut illum servent a malis eminentibus et impiis proditoribus. Inc. Vivi templa foci que¸ Rome¸ maximus auctor etc. Des. Orbe sub immenso Iulius alter erit.28 (fol. 135v) Ad eundem etc. de convivio habito in memoriam et leticiam pacati regni gallici. Inc. Nuper in arce sacra vidi discumbere patres etc. Des. Nos alit egregius rex meliore cibo.29 (fol. 136) Ad eundem etc. de eius laudibus et titulis adnotandis in pallatio deaurato ubi sunt duces famosissimi. Inc. Atria Dispositis annosa micantia ce¸ris etc. Des. Qui vel ab augusto, vel Iove numen habet.30 (fol. 136v) Ad eundem etc. de suorum meritorum observantia. Inc. Idibus altitonans patres dum viscera libant etc. Des. Ante tuum numen victima multa cadet.31 (fol. 137) Ad eundem etc. de mira eius fortitudine. Inc. Magne Caledonii pelleia gesta retractans etc. Des. Belliger, hectoreos inter habende duces.32 (fol. 137v) Ad eundem etc. de inclita eius et prestantissima fama. Inc. Notus in orbe satis fama pervenit ad astra etc. Des. Alter crede cum Iove Cesar eris.33(ibid.) Ad eundem etc. sub cuius regno tota gallia coruscat triumphatque. Inc. Aurea Regna fovent isto sub principe Galli etc. Des. Thura Ludovico vota precesque dabit.34 (fol. 138) Ad eundem etc. de eius animi magnitudine. Inc. Francorum veterum declamas tempora et artes etc. Des. Rex capitolinum noscere et ipse Iovem.35(ibid.) Ad eundem etc. indole patria insignitum. Inc. Maxima francigenos proles auctura nepotes etc. Des. Inde frequentabunt parta trophoea patres.36 (fol. 138v) Ad eundem etc. de hostibus fractis et pacato regno francie. Inc. Dulcia pacator validis das ocia Gallis etc. Des. Qui nescit magnum te putat esse Iovem. 37 (fol. 139) Ad eundem etc. de animo eius habendo contra hostes. Inc. Bellipotens histrum, et glatiales comprime partes etc. Des. Sed bene consulto dant sua pila duci.38 (fol. 139v) Ad eundem etc. de eius fama per universum fere orbem penetrata. Inc. Per vaga sarmaticas penetravit fama sagittas etc. Des. Hic princeps, paphio qui premit igne comas.39(ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Carmen Phaletium quo poeta rogat sibi longam vitam. Inc. Annorum genitor bicepsque Iane etc. Des. O innupta parens, deique mater.40 (fol. 140v) Ad eundem etc. de templo fortune¸ sibi construendo in monteromuli ob eius menti. Inc. Illa dies iterum sacranda est colle

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Quirini etc. Des. Letor et ex armis hec meruisse tuis.41 (fol. 141) Ad eundem etc. de eius presentia regali que ceteros superat principes. Inc. Qualis olympiacis divos supereminet oris etc. Des. Aureliane potens, et genuisse timent.42 (fol. 141v) Ad eundem etc. de suarum divitiarum fama et de magnitudine liberalitateque cesarea. Inc. Maxima versatur de te vaga fama per orbem etc. Des. Hoc est quod moneo, me monitore frui.43 (fol. 142) Ad eundem etc. admonitio si aliquando navigare contigerit per mare externum. Inc. Visurus gelidam princeps, si leserit Arcton etc. Des. Temperat imperiis, si mare terra tuis.44 (fol. 142v) Ad eundem etc. de mira eius potentia et numine. Inc. Quid referent superi? votis te quisque fatigat etc. Des. Iuppiter, hic nobis contribuisse potest.45 (fol. 143) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta comparat cum aquile¸ et leoni qui nisi in nobiles nisi se¸viunt greges. Inc. Inter qualis aves volucrum regina veretur etc. Des. Que¸ decorant currum, regis et ora ducum.46 (fol. 143v) Ad eundem etc. de suorum maiorum similitudine. Inc. Quam tua persimilis spectatur imago parenti etc. Des. Vatibus, an quam sint scribere plura licet.47 (fol. 144) Ad eundem etc. de eius memoria et fama que¸ rome¸ maxima est et ubique predicatur. Inc. Quanta Quirinalem crevit iam fama per urbem etc. Des. Extera cum Latio te quoque turba colit.48 (fol. 144v) Ad eundem etc. de nomine suscepto a regum veteri prosapia. Inc. Progenies regum demisit nomen ab alto etc. Des. Bellorum, sub quo militat omnis eques.49 (fol. 145) Ad eundem etc. de ipsius preclarissima indole que¸ a teneris annis magnam spem Gallis semper prebuit. Inc. Sit puer Emilius tenera qui perdidit hostem etc. Des. Quod spectent proceres haud puto maius habes.50 (fol. 146) Ad eundem etc. de templis et monumentis sibi ob ipsius merita faciendis. Inc. Sit sacrata suo quamvis dodona tonanti etc. Des. Sepius id repetam Syon et alma vocat.51 (fol. 146v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta indicat ipsum esse alium Cesarem augustum. Inc. Alter Caesar ave quo non illustrior extat etc. Des. Numen et aligeri noscere discet equi.52 (fol. 147) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta Romanus se sponte demonstrat de scripturum eius et gesta preclarissima. Inc. Conticeant veteres narrare poemata reges etc. Des. Belligeri, et famam quam bene Roma colit.53 (fol. 147v) Ad eundem etc. de eius fama quomodo creverit Rome et per universam italiam. Inc. Magna per ausonias tua fama increbruit oras etc. Des. Prodere, iam superos restat adire deos.54 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. qui alter Caesar habetur in mundo et maxime aput romanos superatis antiquis regibus sua maxima virtute. Inc. Alter in oceano Caesar nunc orbe renatus etc. Des. Te decet aeternum nomen habere modo.55 (fol. 148) Ad eundem etc. de fama incomparabilis potentie¸ prudentie¸que. Inc. Aureliane potens si fama resultat in orbe etc. Des. Haud virtus acri marte tremenda tibi.56 (fol. 149) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta hortatur ut divitias temnat, et sola litterarum monumenta consequatur. Inc. Quid tibi divitie¸? Quid avarum proderit aurum? etc. Des. Et bene pro numeris Vatis

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adibis avos.57 (fol. 149v) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta notat Parisiensem urbem diu regem expectasse pre letitia coronationis et etiam conquestam fuisse diem nimis sero venturo principe cum equitatu redire. Inc. Lampades aethee¸ venturo Rege coruscum etc. Des. Nocte licet venias te caritura dies.58 (fol. 150v) Ad eundem etc. de convivio celebrato Parysius in coronatione. Inc. Lauta licet memorem convivia grandis elyse¸ etc. Des. Et probat illustres ausonis ora dapes.59 (fol. 151) Ad eundem etc. qui semper optat musas et carmina libenter audit. Inc. Quantum erit aonio satur hoc epigramma lepore etc. Des. Ista Ludovico Fons Aganippe dabis.60 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta rogat ut poesym diligat. Inc. Aureliane tuum solita pietate poetam etc. Des. Regibus antiquis et patre maior eris.61 (fol. 151v) Ad eundem etc. quomodo eum tanquam imperatorem maximum castra sequuntur et turci maurique pavent. Inc. Iam thurci dominum noscunt, et castra sequuntur etc. Des. Lumina, devotis facta opulenta meis.62 (fol. 152) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Olim laudis erat direptis castra maniplis etc. Des. Addet, et aeternum nomen inire feret.63 (fol. 153) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta indicat ipsum suis musis futurum immortalem. Inc. Aureliane meis semper memorande camenis etc. Des. De vestris semper laudibus ipse canam.64(ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de miro eius in effigie numine contemplando. Inc. Principis effigiem, vultu, qua mente superbit etc. Des. Tu patris et regum flosque decusque manes.65 (fol. 153v) Ad eundem etc. quo nullo pacto de immortalite vereatur. Inc. Aureliane times nullum moriture per aevum etc. Des. Castraque victrici vincere marte scient.66 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de toga sumenda Imperatoria. Inc. Sume togam iam tempus adest mea Roma precatur etc. Des. Urbeque romulea fronte decoris eris.67 (fol. 154) Ad eundem etc. de toge¸ splendore. Inc. Cesareana clamis lana splendente phalanti etc. Des. Excoluisse forum nil tibi maius erit.68 (fol. 154v) Ad eundem etc. de eius illustri origine. Inc. Stemmatis egregii decus adimirabile princeps etc. Des. Ut sit nobilior te mea toma duce.69(ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de eius nobilitate. Inc. Quis negat antiquos regis clarescere fasces etc. Des. Fluxit et in phrygios gloria tanta duces.70 (fol. 155) Ad eundem etc. de eius convivio et epulis. Inc. Extat ut in fastis perfusus nectare multo etc. Des. Et placidum fontes murmur arionii.71 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta notat eius animum erga virtutes optimum fore. Inc. Noster Scipiades, aut hannibal alter in orbe etc. Des. Gallica, romuleis iungere seque choris.72 (fol. 156) Ad eundem etc. Liber sextus epigramatum et elegiarum et principio rogat ut rempta Iherusalem in reditu lauro sua coronat principe. Inc. Phoebe micans, qui saxa domas qui protrahis ornos etc. Des. Nos alio augusto sub tua cura sumus.73 (fol. 157v) Ad eundem etc. Elegia qua poeta rogat Venerem Cypream ut congratuletur regi venturo in paphum in redita Iherosolimitano. Inc. Gallicus ut Cyprum Salaminaque liquerit heros etc. Des. Quamvis sit vestra cautior arte venus.74 (fol. 157v) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo

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poeta admonet principem ut se continentem servet, et nullo pacto libidini animum prestet. Inc. Aureliane reos armis domiture tyrannos etc. Des. Et pallas aderit Cesareana tibi.75 (fol. 158) Ad eundem etc. de illustri et regali moderamine in populos habendo. Inc. Omnibus insignis princeps moderamine rebus etc. Des. Gloria maiorum famaque scripta monet.76 (fol. 159) Ad eundem etc. de magnitudine pallatii Regalis. Inc. Que iactas babylon suggesta theatra columnis etc. Des. Et patris et nati gesta superba canam.77 (fol. 159v) Ad eundem etc. de tauro rome interfecto ob letitiam sue in regnum assumptiones. Inc. Principis ante forum mansit spectator in urbe etc. Des. Quid faceres presens Aureliane fores.78 (fol. 160) Ad eundem etc. de eiusdem Maiestatis numine et gratia erga poetas. Inc. Paulisper musas sertis et numine princeps etc. Des. Corporis egregias aureliane tui.79 (fol. 160v) Ad eundem etc. de oblectatione sumenda in venatione. Inc. Aureliane nimis venando tempora numquam etc. Des. Magne solet sacris Diva favere piis.80 (fol. 161) Ad eundem etc. de experientia et ipsius rei militaris prudentia. Inc. Sidonias delevit Eques Cornelius arces etc. Des. Ferre tuos, bene tunc quisque merebit eques.81 (fol. 161v) Ad eundem etc. de avaritia non habenda in principe. Inc. Crassus dives erat, Marcus narratur avarus etc. Des. Imperium dare sic, hoc habuisse duci.82 (fol. 162) Ad eundem etc. de superbia evitanda. Inc. Non maiestati tumefacta superbia sacre¸ etc. Des. Fastus odit reges Aureliane nimis.83 (fol. 162v) Ad eundem etc. de liberalitate a principibus servanda. Inc. Maximus in multo fabius memoratur honore etc. Des. Maiorem, larga nec sibi fronte parem.84 (fol. 164) Ad eundem etc. de humanitate habenda in homines et clementia prestanda per illustrissimos dominos et maxime per te optimumet omnium regum maximum, Carmen endecassilabum. Inc. Si clementia maximum virorum etc. Des. Regum, gloria principumque fama.85 (fol. 168) Ad eundem etc. de preclara in principe gratitudine retinenda Carmen Lyricum quo poeta rogat regem ut velit continuo beneficiorum memor. Inc. Maximi semper memor esto facti etc. Des. Aureliane.86 (fol. 170) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta rogat numen regium et eius eminentiam ut in scribendo spiritum mentemque natis inspiret. Inc. Det titulis opulente sacris, et numine tanto etc. Des. Nil preter famam, perpetuumque decus.87 (fol. 171) Ad eundem etc. de religione a regibus observanda percipue a te principum maximo. Inc. Marcum Tarquinius librum secreta tenentem etc. Des. In terris maior te puto nullus erit.88 (fol. 172) Ad eundem etc. quo merito poterit triumphare romano more si sanctam terram et Constantinopolim in pristinum statum sua ictrici militia redegerit. Inc. Imperium sine fine tenens Augustus honores etc. Des. Gallorum et comites tanta trophoea tuos.89 (fol. 173) Ad eundem etc. de ipsius preclarissima maiestate que¸ spectantium amorem singularemque benivolentiam contrahit Carmen endechassylabum. Inc. Maiestas phrygii fuit senatus etc. Des. Omnes te similem rogant fideles.90 (fol. 175) Ad

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eundem etc. Carmen lyricum quo poeta rogat principem ut se fortem prestet in militia laboribusque bellicis et percipue contra hostes. Inc. Romule aeterne¸ mihi parce fortis etc. Des. Nuntia toto.91 (fol. 177) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta rogat ipsum fore constantissimum contra hostes barbaros maxime cum inceperit bella iustissima etiam adversus tyrannos. Inc. Gentibus invisos debellature tyrannos etc. Des. Hoc est pro meritis officiisque tuis.92 (fol. 178) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta rogat ut se in castris semper continentissimum et abstinentissimum una cum suis militibus servet, custodiatque tedas maritales. Inc. Pectus avarities, et foeda libido sereni etc. Des. Carminibus variis Aureliane cano.93 (fol. 178v) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta precatur maiestatem ut efficiatur clementissima erga hostes, sitque prompta ad indulgendum. Inc. Hostibus indulge, si qui sunt forte reperti etc. Des. Hostibus et nullum crimen inesse puta.94 (fol. 179) Ad eundem etc. de pietate habenda in patriam provintiamque gallicam. Inc. Dilige francorum patriam pietate serena etc. Des. Regis, habet fortes Aurelianus equos.95 (fol. 180) Ad eundem etc. de severitate non habenda in caros proceresque. Inc. Romulus alter adest brutus qui pignora cara etc. Des. Atque foves caros Aureliane viros.96 (fol. 180v) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta monet ipsum fore severum contra rebelles. Inc. Armet duritia pectus corpusque superbus etc. Des. Et semper proavos Aureliane viros.97 (fol. 181) Ad eundem etc. de custodia sue¸ vite¸ advertenda. Inc. Qualis habenda tue¸ referam custodia vite¸ etc. Des. Gentibus ausoniis barbaricisque locis.98 (fol. 182) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta notat robur eius esse simile illi herculis et similem quoque effigiem possidere, essetque sacranda ei statua in foro romano. Inc. Numine quam simile spectatur in herculis aede etc. Des. Aurelianus habet, Gallica castra regens.99 (fol. 183) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta existimat iterum mitti sibi feras a provintiis subactis. Inc. Gratior in festis ludet Panthera quotannis etc. Des. O patrie¸, quibus est gloria tanta ioci.100 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de musis benemeritis. Inc. Aureliane vides patrum monumenta tuorum etc. Des. Contribuam numeris Aureliane meis.101 (fol. 183v) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta rogat Calliopem musam ut principi salutem dicat qui ei blandieur sereno vultu. Inc. De grege pierio, medioque helicone salutem etc. Des. Aeternum capies iudice vate decus.102 (fol. 184) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta rogat musas esse intentas laudibus regiis studeantque pro gloria et fama. Inc. Fas audire iocos mecum vos ludite dive¸ etc. Des. Et pro Iherusalem carmina docta duci.103 (fol. 184v) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta invidos detestatur, nam erunt aliqui qui invidebunt regiis scriptisque nostris et non patientur libenter. Inc. Cur mea non pateris? Patior si livide que¸ sunt etc. Des. Pectora, et a taetro perfluat ore cibus.104 (fol. 184v) Ad eundem etc. de incessu regio pendente ex humeris palio togaque. Inc. Princeps regius in toga serena etc. Des. Regi, calcidice¸ et dies Sybille.105

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(fol. 185) Ad eundem etc. quomodo pervenit merito ad nomen regium. Inc. Quis negat antiquos domini clarescere fasces etc. Des. Fluxit et in reges Aureliana domus.106 (fol. 185v) Ad eundem etc. de futuris nuptiis silva edita subito calore. Inc. Ordiar Ismariis an collibus? unde sorores etc. Des. Quod foelix faustumque tibi sit Lusimus omen.107 (fol. 189) Ad eundem etc. Epigramma quo poeta rogat musas rogat ut ad suum tendant principem, suoque nomine ei salutem dicant. Inc. Ite mee¸ muse¸ regem cognoscite vestrum etc. Des. Aureliane, sacrum gloria rara ducum. Finis Sexti libri et ultimi eiusdem poete Io. Michaelis nagonii Civis romani et poete laureati. E.V.S.R. Maiestatis devotus servulus Iohannes Michail Nagonius civis Romanus et poeta laureatus. Jean d’Auton, Chroniques de Louis XII, ed. by René de Maulde La Clavière, 3 vols (Paris: Renouard, 1889–95), I, 396–404. Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Regiae, 4 vols (Paris: Typographia Regia, 1739–44), IV, 430. Léopold Delisle, Le Cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque impériale, 4 vols (Paris: Imprimerie Imperiale, 1868–81), I, 123. Henri Omont, Anciens inventaires et catalogues de la Bibliothèque nationale, 5 vols (Paris: Leroux, 1908), I, 50. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 8133 An. 1500, chart., 282 mm x 205 mm; eighteen lines in a written space 180 mm x 110 mm; ff.228; twentieth-century binding. Iohannis Michaelis Nagonii de gestis Petri ducis Borbonii carminum libri VII. Praeeunt:1 (fol. 1) Ad Invictissimum et excellentissimum Dominum D. Petrum de Francia Borbonii Ducem Illustrem Carmen phaletium. Inc. Antiqui Ducis ad Lares meabis etc. Des. Docti postea posteri Ducales. Finis. V.Ill.me¸.D. Devotus servulus Iohannes Michael Nagonius Civis Romanus et poeta laureatus.2 (fol. 3) Epistula oratione soluta. Invictissimo et sapientissimo D.D. Petro de Francia Borbonii Duci optimo Io. michail nagonius Civis romanus et Poeta Laureatus salutem. Inc. Dum mecum cogitarem etc. Des. Que¸ te facilius defatigare quam nos satiare possent. V ale.3 (fol. 5) Epistula oratione soluta. Inc. Cum igitur Invictissime Princeps borboniensis Dux Petre inter hos Duces regesque immortales unus commemorandus etc. Des. Quod si id effeceris (ut spero) de tuis triumphis, de tuis laudibus, de tua gloria, deque tua memoria, tempore ullo et presentes et ventura posteritas nunquam profecto conticescent. Vale.4 (fol. 6) Epistula oratione soluta. Ad eundem etc. de Laudibus

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Gallie¸. Inc. Francia caput provintiarum et superior ac maior porti gallie¸ cuius laudes recitare curavi etc. Des. Demum quid pluribus immoror. Nulla gens tam barbara, tam inculta, tam inhospita est, ad quam francorum gloria et famam non pervenerit. Finis. Invictissimo Duci nostro humani generis defensori imperii ditionisque Christiane Gallice fundatori securitatis et aeterne Petro Borbonii foelici ducum maximo pio et semper invicto et ubique venerabili Io. Michail Nagonius Antonianus vices sacras ducum gestaque excolens numini eius dicatissimus.5 (fol. 9) . IHS MARIA Ad eundem etc. Carminis Heroici liber primus Io. Michaelis Nagonii civis Ro. et poete¸ laureati. Inc. Inclita magnanimi Petri describimus arma etc. Des. Et pater et natus veterem melioribus horis.6 (fol. 52) Ad eundem etc. liber secundus. Inc. Vix altos roseo spargebat apolline pulchra etc. Des.Da lachrimas moestusque suos miserere parents.7 (fol. 86) Ad eundem etc. Liber Tercius. Inc. Delfini post fata Patres conantur adire etc. Des. O Dux petre petunt mecum mare, sydera, terre¸.8 (fol. 114) Ad eundem etc. Liber Quartus. Inc. Bellica Romulidum sileant exempla nepotum etc. Des. Ut maneat franco mitis in orbe deus.9 (fol. 114v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Iherusalem supplex manibus tua numina pansis etc. Des. Ponet et in phrygios te tua vita duces.10 (fol. 115) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quam tibi laute dies Princeps pulcherrima luxit etc. Des. Prima tibi virtus, ultima sitque precor.11 (fol. 116v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Pegasidum rorate lacus, date docta Came¸ne¸ etc. Des. Gesta, colas vultu nobiliore licet.12 (fol. 118v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Libera ihersualem iam cur pro principe tardas etc. Des. Cenet, io quantum gallica terra dabit.13 (fol. 119) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Castoreo pre¸signis equo dum moenia lustrat etc. Des. Principe si virtus, et decor, arma, vigor.14 (fol. 119v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Foelicies phalere¸ gemmis auroque nitentes etc. Des. Gaudeat hic tanto numine semper equus.15 (fol. 120) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Proxima tarpeo nunc spectas flavia monti etc. Des. Turba Duci Petro gallica templa dedit.16 (fol. 121v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Vivi templa foci que¸ rome¸ maximus auctor etc. Des. Orbe sub immenso Charolus alter erit.17 (fol. 122) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Nuper in arce fori vidi discumbere patres etc. Des. Custodit, dextris sortibus atque Duces.18 (fol. 122v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Atria dispositis annosa micantia ce¸ris etc. Des. Qui vel ab augusto, vel iove numen habet.19 (fol. 123) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Idibus altitonans patres dum viscera libant etc. Des. Ante tuum numen victima multa cadet.20 (fol. 123v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Magne caledonii peleia gesta retractans etc. Des. Belliger, hectoreos inter habende duces.21 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Notus in orbe satis fama pervenit ad astra etc. Des. Alter crede cum iove Ce¸sar eris.22 (fol. 124) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Aurea regna foventpetro sub principe Galli etc. Des. Atque seni castas fundet adusque preces.23 (fol. 124v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Francorum veterum declamas tempora et artes etc. Des. Dux capitolinum noscere et ipse iovem.24(ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Maxima francigenos

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proles auctura nepotes etc. Des. Inde frequentabunt parta trophoea patres.25 (fol. 125) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Dulcia pacator validis das ocia Gallis etc. Des. Qui nescit, magnum te putat esse Iovem.26 (fol. 125v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Bellipotens histrum et glaciales comprime partes etc. Des. Et bene consulto dant sua pila Duci.27 (fol. 139v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Pervaga sarmaticas penetravit fama sagittas etc. Des. Hic princeps, paphio qui premit igne comas.28 (fol. 126v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Annorum genitor bicepsque Iane etc. Des. O innupta parens, deique mater.29 (fol. 127) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Illa dies iterum sacranda est colle Quirini etc. Des. Le¸tor et officiis hec meruisse tuis.30 (fol. 127v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Qualis olympiacis divos supereminet oris etc. Des. Dux Petre, fama ducum vel genuisse timent.31 (fol. 128v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Maxima versatur de te vaga fama per orbem etc. Des. Hoc est quod moneo, me monitore frui.32 (fol. 129) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Visurus gelidam princeps, si le¸serit arcton. Des. Petre, Ducum specimen regis et unus amor. 33 (fol. 130) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quid referent superi? votis te quisque fatigat etc. Des. Iuppiter, hic nobis contribuisse potest.34 (fol. 130v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Inter qualis aves volucrum regina veretur etc. Des. Que decorant currum, vel Ducis ora ducum.35 (fol. 131) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quam tua persimilis spectatur imago parenti etc. Des. Vatibus, an quam sint scribere plura licet.36 (fol. 131v) Ad eundem etc. Inc.Quanta Quirinalem crevit iam fama per urbem etc. Des. Extera cum latio te quoque turba colit.37 (fol. 132v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Progenies regum demisit nomen ab alto etc. Des. O sapiens, sub quo militat omnis eques.38 (fol. 133) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Sit puer ¸emilius tenera qui perdidit hostem etc. Des. Quod spectent Galli non puto maius habent.39 (fol. 133v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Sit sacrata suo quamvis dodona tonanti etc. Des. Saepius id repetam Syon et alma vocat.40 (fol. 134v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Alter ce¸sar ave quo non illustrior extat etc. Des. Numen et aligeri noscere discet equi.41 (fol. 135) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Conticeant veteres narrare Poemata reges etc. Des. Belligeri, et famam quam bene roma colit.42 (fol.135v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Magna per ausonias tua fama increbruit oras etc. Des. Prodere, iam superos restat adire deos.43 (fol. 136) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Alter in oceano Ce¸sar nunc orbe renatus etc. Des. Te decet aeternum nomen habere modo.44 (fol. 136v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. O Dux Petre potens si fama resultat in orbe etc. Des. Haud virtus acri marte tremenda tibi.45 (fol. 137v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quid tibi divitie¸? Quid avarum proderit aurum? etc. Des. Et bene pro numeris Vatis adibis avos.46 (fol. 138) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Lampadas aethe¸¸e Petro veniente coruscum etc. Des. Nocte licet venias, non caritura dies.47 (fol. 139) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Lauta licet memorem convivia grandis elyse¸ etc. Des. Et probat illustres ausonis ora dapes.48 (fol. 139v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quantum erit aonio satur hoc epigramma lepore etc. Des. Ista Duci

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Petro Fons aganippe dabis.49 (fol. 140) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Dux Petre magne tuum solita pietate Poetam etc. Des. Regibus antiquis et patre maior eris.50 (fol. 140v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Iam Thurci dominum noscunt, et castra sequuntur etc. Des. Lumina, de votis facta opulenta meis.51 (fol. 141v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Olim laudis erat direptis castra maniplis etc. Des. Addet, et aeternum nomen inire feret.52 (fol. 142) Ad eundem etc. Inc. O Petre dux nostris semper memorande camenis etc. Des. De vestris semper laudibus ipse canam.53 (fol. 142v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Principis effigiem, vultu, qua mente superbit etc. Des. Tu patris es, regum flosque decusque Ducum.54 (fol. 143) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quid Dux Petre times nullum moriture per aevum etc. Des. Castraque victrici vincere marte scient.55 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Sume togam iam tempus adest mea roma precatur etc. Des. Urbeque borbonia fronte decorus eris.56 (fol. 143v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Cesareana clamis lana splendente phalanti etc. Des. Excoluisse forum nil tibi maius erit.57 (fol. 144) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Stemmatis egregii decus adimirabile princeps etc. Des. Principibus, Ducibus, regibus et proavis.58 (fol. 144v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quis negat antiquos Ducis inclarescere fasces etc. Des. Fluxit et in francos gloria tanta Duces.59 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Extat ut in fastis perfusus nectare multo etc. Des. Et placidum fontis murmur arionium.60 (fol. 145) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Noster Scipiades, aut hannibal alter in orbe etc. Des. Gallica, romuleis iungere seque choris.61 (fol. 146) Ad eundem etc. Liber Quintus Inc. Phoebe micans, qui saxa domas, qui protrahis ornos etc. Des. Nos alio augusto sub tua cura sumus.62 (fol. 146v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Gallicus ut cyprum salaminaque liquerit heros etc. Des. Quamvis sit vestra cautior arte venus.63 (fol. 148) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Cum petre rege reos armis domiture tyrannos etc. Des. Et pallas aderit ce¸sareana tibi.64 (fol. 149) Ad eundem etc. Inc.Omnibus insignis princeps moderamine rebus etc. Des. Gloria Francorum famaque prima Ducum.65 (fol. 150) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Que iactas babilon suggesta theatra columnis etc. Des. Dilectus sacris regibus ipse manes. 66 (fol. 151) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Principis ante forum mansit spectator in urbe etc. Des. Quid faceres presens si modo fores.67 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Paulisper musas sertis et numine princeps etc. Des. Corporis egregias Dux memorande tui.68 (fol. 151v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. O Dux Petre nimis venando tempora numquam etc. Des. Petre solet sacris diva favere piis.69 (fol. 152) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Sidonias delevit eques Cornelius arces etc. Des. Ferre tuos, bene tunc quisque merebit eques.70 (fol. 152v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Crassus dives erat, marchus narratur avarus etc. Des. Imperium dare sic, hoc habuisse duci.71 (fol. 153) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Non Maiestati tumefacta superbia sacre¸ etc. Des. Fastus odit reges Dux celebrande nimis.72 (fol. 154) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Maximus in multo Fabius memoratur honore etc. Des. Maiorem, larga nec sibi fronte parem.73 (fol. 156) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Si clementia maximum virorum etc.

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Des. Regum, maximus et repertus unus.74 (fol. 161) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Maximi semper memor esto facti etc. Des. Postea patres.75 (fol. 163v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. De titulis opulente senex et numine tanto etc. Des. Nil preter famam, perpetuumque decus.76 (fol. 164v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Marchum Tarquinius librum secreta tenentem etc. Des. In terris maior te puto nullus erit.77 (fol. 166) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Imperium sine fine tenens Augustus honores etc. Des. Gallorum et comites tanta trophoea tuos.78 (fol. 167) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Maiestas phrygii fuit senatus etc. Des. Servato ordine posteris futuris.79 (fol. 170) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Romule aeterne¸ mihi parce fortis etc. Des. Nuntia toto.80 (fol. 172v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Gentibus invisos debellature tyrannos etc. Des. Hoc est pro meritis Petre superbe tuis.81 (fol. 173v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Pectus avarities, et foeda libido sereni etc. Des. Carminibus variis, Dux cano Petre senex.82 (fol. 174) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Hostibus indulge, si qui sunt forte reperti etc. Des. Hostibus et nullum crimen inesse puta.83 (fol. 174v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Dilige francorum patriam pietate serena etc. Des. Petrus habet fortes Dux memorandus equos.84 (fol. 176) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Romulus alter adest, brutus qui pignora cara etc. Des. Atque foves caros Dux modo petre viros.85 (fol. 176v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Armet duritia pectus, corpusque ducale etc. Des. Et semper proavos Dux pie petre viros.86 (fol. 177v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Qualis habenda tue¸ referam custodia vite¸ etc. Des. Gentibus ausoniis barbaricisque locis.87 (fol. 188v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Numine quam simile spectatur in herculis aede etc. Des. Gallia, regali cum Duce castra regit.88 (fol. 179v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Gratior in festis ludet panthera quotannis etc. Des. Barbara, sub tali dignaque rege modo.89 (fol. 180) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Nonne petre vides patrum monumenta tuorum etc. Des. Contribuam numeris Dux petre rite meis.90 (fol. 180v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. De grege pierio, medioque helicone salutem etc. Des. Aeternum capies iudice vate decus.91 (fol. 184) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Fas audire iocos, mecum vos ludite muse¸ etc. Des. Vestri maiores hoc habuere decus.92 (fol. 181v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Cur mea non pateris? Patior si livide que¸ sunt etc. Des. Pectora, et a tetro perfluat ore cibus.93(ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Princeps regius in toga Ducali etc. Des. Petro, calcidice et dies Sybille.94 (fol. 182v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quis negat antiquos petri clarescere fasces etc. Des. Fluxit et in dominos borboniensis avos.95 (fol. 183) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Virtutes celebres habere semper etc. Des. Martis, perpetuo quibus vigebis.96 (fol. 186) Ad eundem etc. Liber Sextus. Inc. Gallie¸ summum decus O potentis etc. Des. Borboniensis.97 (fol. 188) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Perse devicto E ¸ milius superbo etc. Des. Optime regum.98 (fol. 191) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Diva que¸ solo genita es parente etc. Des. Postea coelo.99 (fol. 193v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Colle sacratos videant nepotes etc. Des. Fama ducumque.100 (fol. 195v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Vos precor fluctus nimium furentes etc. Des. Dux petre grandis.101 (fol. 199v) Ad

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eundem etc. Inc. Principis laudes canimus poete¸ etc. Des. Orat et infans.102 (fol. 200v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Iam cohors docto saturata phoebo etc. Des. Borbonienses.103 (fol. 202v) Ad eundem etc. Inc.Pindarum vates cecinere sacrum etc. Des. Vive perenne.104 (fol. 203v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quo nos phoebe iubes rogamus ire etc. Des. Quos ut fronte hilari legas precamur.105 (fol. 206v) Ad eundem etc. Liber Septimus. Inc. Nostre¸ pierides favete¸ lingue¸ etc. Des. Inter ce¸ sareos Duces loceris.106 (fol. 217) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Terra suscepto venerate Petro etc. Des. Diva triumphans.107 (fol. 222) Ad eundem etc. Inc. O Dux bellipotens decus tuorum etc. Des. Tanto munere, flavias quadrigas.108 (fol. 223v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Laurea antiqui Ducis O saluto etc. Des. Gallia victrix. Finis Septimi et ultimi libri eiusdem Poete. E.V.Illme¸.D. devotus servulus Io. Michail Nagonius civis Romanus et Poeta Laureatus. A. J. V. Le Roux de Lincy, Catalogue de la bibliothèque des ducs de Bourbon en 1507 et en 1523 (Paris: [Crapelet], 1850) Modena, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, MS Est. lat. 234 (α.M.5.2) An. 1500, chart. , 287 mm x 202 mm; seventeen lines in a written space 180 mm x 120 mm; ff. 220 +6; original binding. Iohannis Michaelis Nagonii de gestis ducis Herculei ducis de Est. carminum libri VI. Praeeunt:1 (fol. 1)YHS. MARIA. Ad Invictissimum excellentissimumque Ferrarie¸ Ducem Herculem de Est. Principem sapientisssimum carmen phaletium Io. Michaelis Nagonii civis Romani et poete laureati. Inc. Aedes Herculis ad Ducis meabis etc. Des. Docti postea posteri probabunt. V.Ill.me¸.D. Devotus servulus Iohannes Michail Nagonius civis Romanus et poeta laureatus.2 (fol. 3) Epistula oratione soluta. Excellentissimo Principi Herculi Ferrarie Duci optimo pio et relligioso idem poeta salutem. Inc. Dum mecum cogitarem etc. Des. Que¸ te facilius defatigare quam nos satiare possent. V ale.3 (fol. 6) . Ad eundem etc. panegyris Liber primus. Inc. Herculis invicti victricia scribimus arma etc. Des. Et pater et natus veterem melioribus horis.4 (fol. 44v) Ad eundem etc. Liber Secundus. Inc. Vix altos roseo spargebat apolline pulchra etc. Des. Magne ducum poscunt mecum mare, sydera, terre¸. Devotus servulus Iohannes Michail Nagonius civis Romanus et poeta laureatus.5 (fol. 97) Ad eundem etc. Liber Tercius. Inc. Bellica Romulidum sileant exempla nepotum etc. Des. Ut maneat toto mitis in orbe pater.6 (fol. 97v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Iherusalem supplex manibus tua numina pansis etc. Des. Ponet et in phrygios te cytherea duces.7 (fol. 98) Ad eundem etc.

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elegia. Inc. Quam tibi laute dies Princeps pulcherrima luxit etc. Des. Prima tibi virtus, ultima sitque precor.8 (fol. 100) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Pegasidum rorate lacus, date docta Came¸ne¸ etc. Des. Gesta, colas vultu nobiliore licet.9 (fol. 101v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Libera Ihersualem cur iam pro principe tardas etc. Des. Cenet, io quantum terra serena dabit.10 (fol. 102v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Castoreo pre¸signis equo dum moenia lustrat etc. Des. Hercule si virtus, et decor, arma, vigor.11 (fol. 103) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Foelicies phalere¸ gemmis auroque nitentes etc. Des. Gaudeat hic tanto numine semper equus. 12 (fol. 103v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Proxima tarpeo nunc spectas flavia monti etc. Des. Italia estensis non minor ista domus.13 (fol. 105) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Vivi templa foci que¸ rome¸ maximus auctor etc. Des. Orbe sub immenso Iulius alter adest.14 (fol. 105v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Nuper in arce fori vidi discumbere patres etc. Des. Aris et terris te quoque cinxit aquis.15 (fol. 106) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Atria dispositis annosa micantia ce¸ris etc. Des. Qui vel ab augusto, vel Iove numen habet.16 (fol. 107v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Idibus altitonans patres dum viscera libant etc. Des. Ante tuum numen victima multa cadet.17 (fol. 107v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Magne caledonii peleia gesta retractans etc. Des. Belliger, hectoreos inter habende duces.18(ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Notus in orbe satis fama pervenit ad astra etc. Des. Alter crede cum Iove Ce¸sar eris.19 (fol. 108) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Aurea regna fovent isto sub principe Gents etc. Des. Thura Duci sacro vota precesque dabit.20 (fol. 108v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Estensum veterum declamas tempora et artes etc. Des. Dux capitolinum noscere et ipse iovem.21 (fol. 109) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Maxima cesareos proles auctura nepotes etc. Des. Inde frequentabunt parta trophoea patres.22 (fol. 109v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Dulcia pacator patriis das ocia partis etc. Des. Qui nescit, magnum te putat esse Iovem.23 (fol. 110) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Bellipotens histrum et glaciales comprime partes etc. Des. Sed bene consulto dant sua pila Duci. 24 (fol. 110v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Pervaga sarmaticas penetravit fama sagittas etc. Des. Hic princeps, paphio qui premit igne comas.25 (fol. 111) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Annorum genitor bicepsque Iane etc. Des. O innupta parens, deique mater.26 (fol. 111v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Illa dies iterum sacranda est colle Quirini etc. Des. Le¸tor et ex armis hec meruisse tuis. 27 (fol. 112v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Qualis olympiacis divos supereminet oris etc. Des. O Dux Magne potens et genuisse timent.28 (fol. 113v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Maxima versatur de te vaga fama per orbem etc. Des. Hoc est quod moneo, me monitore frui.29 (fol. 114) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Visurus gelidam vindex, si le¸serit Arcton. Des. Temperat imperiis itala terra tuis.30 (fol. 114v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quid referent superi? votis te quisque fatigat etc. Des. Iuppiter, hic nobis contribuisse potest.31 (fol. 1115) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Inter qualis aves volucrum

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regina veretur etc. Des. Que decorant currum, regis et ora ducum.32 (fol. 116) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quam tua persimilis spectantur imago parenti etc. Des. Vatibus, an quam sint scribere plura licet.33 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quanta Quirinalem crevit iam fama per urbem etc. Des. Extera cum latio te quoque turba colit.34 (fol. 117v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Progenies patrum demisit nomen ab alto etc. Des. Bellorum, sub quo militat omnis eques.35 (fol. 118) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Sit puer Emilius tenera qui perdidit hostem etc. Des. Quod spectent proceres haud puto maius habent. 36 (fol. 119) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Sit sacrata suo quamvis dodona tonanti etc. Des. Saepius id repetam Syon et alma vocat.37 (fol. 120) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Alter ce¸sar ave quo non illustrior extat etc. Des. Numen et aligeri noscere discet equi.38 (fol. 120v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Conticeant veteres narrare poemata reges etc. Des. Belligeri, et famam quam bene roma colit.39 (fol. 121) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Magna per ausonias tua fama increbruit oras etc. Des. Vidit virgineos crescere vesta focos.40 (fol. 121v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Alter in oceano Ce¸sar nunc orbe renatus etc. Des. Te decet aeternum nomen habere modo.41 (fol. 122) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Vindex magne potens si fama resultat in orbe etc. Des. Haud virtus acri marte tremenda tibi.42 (fol. 123) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quid tibi divitie¸? Quid avarum proderit aurum? etc. Des. Et bene pro numeris Vatis adibis avos.43 (fol. 124) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Lampadas aethe¸¸e venturo Patre coruscum etc. Des. O princeps fulgens in Duce lumen erit.44 (fol. 125) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Lauta licet memorem convivia grandis Elyse¸ etc. Des. Dum probat illustres ausonis ora dapes.45 (fol. 125v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quantum erit aonio satur hoc epigramma lepore etc. Des. Ista Duci nostro Fons aganippe dabis.46 (fol. 126) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Vindex magne tuum solita Pietate poetam etc. Des. Antiquis ducibus vel patre maior eris.47 (fol. 126v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Iam thurci dominum noscunt, et castra secuntur etc. Des. Lumina, devotis facta opulenta meis.48 (fol. 127) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Olim laudis erat direptis castra maniplis etc. Des. Addet, et aeternum nomen inire feret.49 (fol. 128) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Magne meis vindex semper memorande camenis etc. Des. De vestris semper laudibus ipse canam.50 (fol. 128) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Herculis effigiem, vultu, qua mente superbit etc. Des. Tu patris, et patrum flosque decusque manes.51 (fol. 128v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Audi magne ducum nullum moriture per aevum etc. Des. Castraque victrici vincere marte scient.52(ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Sume togam iam tempus adest mea roma precatur etc. Des. Urbeque romulea fronte decorus eris.53 (fol. 129) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Cesareana clamis lana splendente phalanti etc. Des. Excoluisse forum nil tibi maius erit.54 (fol. 130) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Stemmatis egregii decus adimirabile princeps etc. Des. Ut sit nobilior te nova terra duce.55 (fol. 130) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quis negat antiquos huius clarescere fasces etc. Des. Fluxit et in estenses gloria tanta duces.56 (fol. 131) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Extat ut in fastis perfusus nectare multo etc.

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Des. Et placidum fontis murmur arionii.57 (fol. 131v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Noster Scipiades, aut hannibal alter in orbe etc. Des. Estensi latiis iungere seque choris.58 (fol. 132) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Que iactas babilon suggesta theatra columnis etc. Des. Et patris et fraris tecta superba canam.59 (fol. 133) Ad eundem etc. Liber Quartus. Inc. Phoebe micans qui saxa domas, et prothrais ornos etc. Des. Hercule nos alio sub tua cura sumus.60 (fol. 133v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Ut Vindex Cyprum salaminaque liquerit heros etc. Des. Quamvis sit vestra cautior arte venus.61 (fol. 135) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Vindex magne reos armis domiture tyrannos etc. Des. Et pallas aderit ce¸sareana tibi.62 (fol. 136) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Omnibus insignis princeps moderamine rebus etc. Des. Gloria maiorum famaque tanta Ducum.63 (fol. 137v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Principis ante forum mansit spectator in urbe etc. Des. Quid faceres Dux memorande fores.64(ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Paulisper musas sertis et numine princeps etc. Des. Corporis egregias Herculis atque decus.65 (fol. 138) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Vindex magne nimis venando tempora numquam etc. Des. Magne solet sacris diva favere piis.66 (fol. 138v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Sidonias delevit eques Cornelius arces etc. Des. Et fratris famam nobiliore gradu.67 (fol. 139) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Crassus dives erat, Marcus narratur avarus etc. Des. Imperium dare sic, hoc habuisse duci.68 (fol. 140) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Non maiestati tumefacta superbia sacre¸ etc. Des. Fastus odit semper Dux memorande duces.69 (fol. 141) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Maximus in multo Fabius memoratur honore etc. Des. Hercule maiorum fama suprema ducum.70 (fol. 143) Ad eundem etc. carmen endechassilabum. Inc. Si clementia maximum virorum etc. Des. Patrum, Gloria principumque fama.71 (fol. 148v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Maximi semper memor esto facti etc. Des. Dux decorande.72 (fol. 151) Ad eundem etc. Inc. De meritis opulente sacris et numine tanto etc. Des. Nil preter famam, perpetuumque decus.73 (fol. 152) Ad eundem etc. carmen saphicum. Inc. Romule aeterne¸ mihi parce fortis etc. Des. Nuntia toto.74 (fol. 155v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Marcum Tarquinius librum secreta tenentem etc. Des. In terris maior te puto nullus erit.75 (fol. 157) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Imperium sine fine tenens Augustus honores etc. Des. Hercules et natos tanta trophoea tuos.76 (fol. 158) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Maiestas phrygii fuit senatus etc. Des. Sacrorum cumulator unus urbis.77 (fol. 161) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Gentibus invisos debellature tyrannos etc. Des. Hoc est pro meritis officiisque tuis.78 (fol. 161v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Pectus avarities, et foeda libido sereni etc. Des. Carminibus variis, Dux celebrande cano.79 (fol. 162v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Hostibus indulge, si qui sunt forte reperti etc. Des. Hostibus et nullum crimen inesse puta.80 (fol. 163) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Dilige tu estensem patriam pietate serena etc. Des. Tot populi vindex interhabende duces.81 (fol. 164) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Romulus alter adest, brutus qui pignora cara etc.

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Des. Atque foves caros Dux decorande viros.82 (fol. 164v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Armet duritia pectus, corpusque superbus etc. Des. Et semper proavos Dux memorande viros.83 (fol. 165v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Qualis habenda tue¸ referam custodia vite¸ etc. Des. Gentibus ausoniis barbaricisque locis.84 (fol. 166v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Numine quam simile spectatur in herculis aede etc. Des. Dux habet hic noster, marte decente vigens.85 (fol. 167v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Gratior in festis ludet panthera quotannis etc. Des. O patrie¸ quibus est gloria tanta ioci.86 (fol. 180) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Nonne petre vides patrum monumenta tuorum etc. Des. Contribuam numeris Dux petre rite meis.87 (fol. 168) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Ite mee¸ muse¸, dominum cognoscite vestrum etc. Des. Que¸ vestrum semper nomen in orbe canent.88 (fol. 169) Ad eundem etc. Liber Quintus. Inc. O Decus summum Latii potentis etc. Des. Morte solutus.89 (fol. 171) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Perse devicto Emilius superbo etc. Des. Optime Vindex.90 (fol. 174v) Ad eundem etc. carmen saphicum. Inc. Diva que¸ solo genita es parente etc. Des. Postea ce¸lo.91 (fol. 178) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Colle sacratos videant nepotes etc. Des. Aequa serenis.92 (fol. 180) Ad eundem etc. carmen saphicum. Inc. Vos precor fluctus nimium furentes etc. Des. Optime Vindex.93 (fol. 185v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Principis laudes canimus poete¸ etc. Des. Orat et infans.94 (fol. 133v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum Inc. Iam cohors docto saturata phoebo etc. Des. Turba det hymnos.95 (fol. 188) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Pyndarum vates cecinere sacrum etc. Des. Vive perenne.96 (fol. 189) Ad eundem etc. carmen endeccassylabum Inc. Quo nos phoebe iubes rogamus ire etc. Des. Quos ut fronte hilari legas precamur.97 (fol. 192) Ad eundem etc. carmen endacassyllabum Inc. Nostre¸ Pierides favete lingue¸ etc. Des. Sic foelix maneat, senexque frater.98 (fol. 195v) Ad eundem etc. carmen saphicum Inc. Terra suscepto venerata patre etc. Des. Auson et ipsa.99 (fol. 201) Ad eundem etc. Liber Sextus. Inc. O Dux bellipotens decus tuorum etc. Des. Gestis nobilis Hercules superbis.100 (fol. 202v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Laurea O magni Herculis saluto etc. Des. Atque beatus.101 (fol. 207) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Hercules magno sub honore lectus etc. Des. Saepe triumphet. 102 (fol. 211v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Vindex belligera stirpe triumphis etc. Des. Cum Iove et imperium consociasse tuum.103 (fol. 214) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Quis ducis laudes recitare vellet etc. Des. Semper honores.104 (fol. 217) Ad eundem etc. carmen endeccassylabum. Inc. Virtutes celebres habere semper etc. Des. Martis perpetuo quibus vigebis. Finis. E.V.Illme¸.D. idem devotus servulus Iohannes Michail Nagonius civis Romanus et poeta laureatus.

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Domenico Fava, La Biblioteca Estense nel suo sviluppo storico (Modena: Vincenzi, 1925), pp. 85–86. Iter, I, 379. Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS F.V.5 (Biblioteca Reale, MS 489, K.11.23) An. 1501, chart., badly damaged by fire and restored; seventeen lines in a written space c. 170 mm x 105 mm; ff. 223. Iohannis Michaelis Nagonii de gestis Phyliberti Sabaudiae ducis carminum libri V. Praeeunt:1 (fol. 1) . Inc. Arma Phyliberti describimus arma ore canoro etc. Des. Et pater et natus veterem melioribus horis.2 (fol. 41) Ad eundem Illustrem Sabaudie Ducem Dominum Phylibertum Ce¸saris Maximiliani Generum Splendissimum Liber secundus eiusdem Poete¸. Inc. Vix altos roseo spargebat apolline pulchra etc. Des. Da lachrymas moestusque suam miserere parentem.3 (fol. 73) Ad eundem etc. Liber Tertius. Inc. Illustris post fata ducis fortuna rebellis etc. Des. O Phyliberte petunt mecum mare, sydera, terre. Finis Carminis Heroici et Libri III.4 (fol. 111) Ad eundem etc. Liber Quartus. Inc. Bellica Romulidum taceant exempla nepotum etc. Des. Cesaris ut maneat mitis in orbe Gener.5 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Iherusalem supplex manibus tua numina pansis etc. Des. Ponet et in phrygios te cytherea Duces.6 (fol. 112) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quam tibi laute dies Gener O pulcherrima luxit etc. Des. Prima tibi virtus, ultima sitque precor.7 (fol. 113v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Pegasidum rorate lacus, date docta Came¸ne¸ etc. Des. Gesta, colas vultu nobiliore licet.8 (fol. 115) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Libera Iherusalem iam cur pro principe tardas etc. Des. Cernet, Io quantum terra sabauda dabit.9 (fol. 115v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Castoreo pre¸signis equo dum moenia lustrat etc. Des. Principe si virtus, et decor, arma, vigor.10 (fol. 116) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Foelicies phalere¸ gemmis auroque nitentes etc. Des. Gaudeat hic tanto numine semper equus.11 (fol. 116v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Proxima tarpeo nunc spectas flavia monti etc. Des. Turba phyliberto templa sabauda dedit.12 (fol. 117v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Vivi templa foci que¸ rome¸ maximus auctor etc. Des. Orbe sub immenso nam pater alter erit.13 (fol. 118) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Nuper in arce sacra vidi discumbere patres etc. Des. Gesta parant, cedant Iuppiter astra modo.14 (fol. 118v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Atria dispositis annosa micantia ce¸ris etc. Des. Qui vel ab augusto, vel Iove numen habet.15 (fol. 119) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Idibus altitonans patres dum viscera libant etc. Des. Continuasque dabit turba sabauda preces.16 (fol. 119v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Magne caledonii peleia gesta retractans etc. Des. Belliger, hectoreos inter habende duces.17

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(ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Notus in orbe satis fama pervenit ad astra etc. Des. Alter crede mihi cum Iove cesar eris.18 (fol. 120) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Aurea regna fovent isto sub principe gentes etc. Des. Et caro Genero vota, precesque dabit.19 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Tu veterum patrum declamas tempora et artes etc. Des. Dux capitolinum noscere et ipse Iovem.20 (fol. 120v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Maxima sabigenos proles auctura nepotes etc. Des. Inde frequentabunt parta trophoea patres.21 (fol. 121) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Dulcia pacator veteri das ocia terre¸ etc. Des. Qui nescit, socerum te putat esse tuum.22 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Bellipotens histrum et glaciales comprime partes etc. Des. Sed bene consulto dant sua pila duci.23 (fol. 121v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Pervaga sarmaticas penetravit fama sagittas etc. Des. Hic princeps, paphio qui premit igne comas.24 (fol. 122) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Annorum genitor bicepsque Iane etc. Des. O innupta parens, deique mater.25 (fol. 122v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Illa dies iterum sacranda est colle Quirini etc. Des. Letor et ex armis hec meruisse tuis.26 (fol. 123) Ad eundem etc. Inc.Qualis olympiacis divos supereminet oris etc. Des. O phyliberti potens, et genuisse timent.27 (fol. 124) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Maxima versatur de te vaga fama per orbem etc. Des. Hoc est quod moneo, me monitore frui.28 (fol. 124v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Visurus gelidam Dux O, si le¸serit Arcton. Des. Temperat imperiis si mare terra tuis.29 (fol. 125) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quid referent superi? votis te quisque fatigat etc. Des. Iuppiter, hic nobis contribuisse potest.30 (fol. 125v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Inter qualis aves volucrum regina veretur etc. Des. Que decorant currus, et ducis ora mei.31 (fol. 126) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quam tua persimilis spectatur imago parenti etc. Des. Vatibus, an quam sint scribere plura licet.32 (fol. 126v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quanta Quirinalem crevit tua fama per urbem etc. Des. Extera cum latio te quoque turba colit.33 (fol. 127) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Progenies celebrata ducum, tibi nomen ab alto etc. Des. Bellorum, sub quo militat omnis eques.34 (fol. 127v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Sit puer emilius tenera qui perdidit hostem etc. Des. Omen et augurium, sors superum dedit.35 (fol. 128v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Sit sacrata suo quamvis dodona Tonanti etc. Des. Saepius id repetam, Syon et alma vocat.36 (fol. 129) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Alter Ce¸sar ave quo non illustrior extat etc. Des. Numen et aligeri noscere discet equi.37 (fol. 129v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Conticeant veteres narrare poemata reges etc. Des. Belligeri, et famam quam bene Roma colit. 38 (fol.130) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Magna per ausonias tua fama inclaruit oras etc. Des. Concipe, sint semper gesta paterna tibi.39 (fol. 130v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Alter in oceano cesar nunc orbe renatus etc. Des. Te decet aeternum nomen habere ducum.40 (fol. 131) Ad eundem etc. Inc. O phyliberte decens si fama resultat in orbe etc. Des. Suspende in templis pulchra trophoea tui.41 (fol. 132) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quid tibi divitie¸? Quid avarum proderit aurum? etc. Des. Inter avos veteres et quoque maior eris.42 (fol. 132v) Ad

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eundem etc. Inc. Lampades aethe¸¸e duce iam veniente coruscum etc. Des. Nocte licet venias te caritura numquam.43 (fol. 133v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Lauta licet memorem convivia grandis Elyse¸ etc. Des. Dum probat illustres ausonis ora dapes.44 (fol. 134) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quantum erit aonio satur hoc epigramma lepore etc. Des. Ista phyliberto fons aganippe dabis.45 (fol. 134) Ad eundem etc. Inc. O Phyliberte tuum solita pietate Poetam etc. Des. Antiquis Ducibus, vel patre maior eris.46 (fol. 134v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Iam thurci dominum noscunt, et castra sequuntur etc. Des. Lumina, de votis facta opulenta meis.47 (fol. 135v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Olim laudis erat direptis castra maniplis etc. Des. Addet, et aeternum nomen mire feret.48 (fol. 136) Ad eundem etc. Inc. O Phyliberte meis semper memorande camenis etc. Des. De vestris semper laudibus ipse canam.49(ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Principis effigiem, vultu, qua mente superbit etc. Des. Tu patris, et proavum flosque decusque manes.50 (fol. 136v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. O Phyliberte times nullum moriture per aevum etc. Des. Castraque victrici vincere marte scient.51 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Sume togam iam tempus adest mea Roma precatur etc. Des. Urbeque romulea fronte decorus eris.52 (fol. 137) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Cesareana clamis lana splendente phalanti etc. Des. Excoluisse forum nil tibi maius erit.53 (fol. 137v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Stemmatis egregii decus adimirabile Princeps etc. Des. Ut sit nobilior te mea Roma Duce.54 (fol. 138) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quis negat antiquos Generi clarescere fasces etc. Des. Fluxit et in phrygios gloria tanta duces.55 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Extat ut in fastis perfusus nectare multo etc. Des. Et placidum fontis murmur arionium.56 (fol. 138v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Noster Scipiades, aut hannibal alter in orbe etc. Des. Virtus, romuleis iungere seque choris.57 (fol. 138v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Phoebe micans, qui saxa domas, qui protrahis ornos etc. Des. Nos alio augusto sub tua cura sumus.58 (fol. 139v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Phrygius ut cyprum salaminaque liquerit heros etc. Des. Quamvis sit vestra cautior arte venus.59 (fol. 140v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. O Gener invisos armis domiture tyrannos etc. Des. Et pallas aderit Ce¸sareana tibi.60 (fol. 141v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Omnibus insignis princeps moderamine rebus etc. Des. Gloria belligeri, Dux memorande diu.61 (fol. 142v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Que¸ iactas babylon suggesta theatra columnis etc. Des. Et Ducis, et patris gesta superba canam.62 (fol. 143) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Principis ante forum mansit spectator in urbe etc. Des. Quid faceres presens si phyliberte fores.63 (fol. 143v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Paulisper musas sertis et numine princeps etc. Des. Corporis egregias O phyliberte tui.64 (fol. 144) Ad eundem etc. Inc. O phyliberte nimis venando tempora numquam etc. Des. Magne, solet sacro diva favere Duci.65 (fol. 144) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Sidonias delevit eques Cornelius arces etc. Des. Ferre tuos, bene tunc quisque merebit eques.66 (fol. 144v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Crassus dives erat, marchus narratur avarus etc. Des. Imperium dare sic, hoc habuisse Duci.67 (fol. 145)

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Ad eundem etc. Inc. Non tumefacta Duci damnata superbia sacre¸ etc. Des. Fastus odit tales O phyliberte Duces.68 (fol. 146) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Maximus in multo Fabius memoratur honore etc. Des. Maiorem, larga nec sibi fronte parem.69 (fol. 147v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Si clementia maximum virorum etc. Des. Regum, gloria principumque fama.70 (fol. 152v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Maximi semper memor esto facti etc. Des. O phyliberte.71 (fol. 154v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. De titulis opulente sacris, et numine tanto etc. Des. Nil preter famam, perpetuumque decus.72 (fol. 155v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Marchum tarquinius librum secreta tenentem etc. Des. In terris maior te Duce nullus erit.73 (fol. 157) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Imperium sine fine tenens Augustus, honores etc. Des. Et Ducis, et comites tanta trophoea tuos.74 (fol. 158) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Maiestas phrygii fuit senatus etc. Des. Ut Divi veteres merendo coelum.75 (fol. 160v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Romule aeterne¸ mihi parce fortis etc. Des. Nuntia toto.76 (fol. 163) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Gentibus invisos debellature tyrannos etc. Des. Hoc est pro meritis, officiisque tuis.77 (fol. 163v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Pectus avarities et foeda libido sereni etc. Des. Nomen et aeternum vatis in orbe dabunt.78 (fol. 164v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Hostibus indulge, si qui sunt forte reperti etc. Des. Hostibus et nullum crimen inesse puta.79 (fol. 165) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Dilige taurini patriam pietate serena etc. Des. Patris, et a socero fata resume tuo.80 (fol. 165v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Romulus alter adest brutus qui pignora cara etc. Des. Atque foves caros O phyliberte viros.81 (fol. 166) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Armet duritia pectus, corpusque superbus etc. Des. Et semper proavos O phyliberte viros.82 (fol. 166v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Qualis habenda tue¸ referam custodia vite¸ etc. Des. Adventumque timet thracius omnis eques.83 (fol. 167v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Numine quam simile spectatur in herculis aede etc. Des. Marte feros, subitis debilitare modis.84 (fol. 168) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Gratior in festis ludet panthera quotannis etc. Des. Aphrica, mitte feras obsecro terra tuas.85 (fol. 168v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. O Phyliberte vides patrum monumenta tuorum etc. Des. Contribuam numeris O phyliberte meis.86 (fol. 169) Ad eundem etc. Inc. De grege pierio medioque helicone salutem etc. Des. Aeternum capies iudice vate decus.87 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Fas audire iocos, mecum vos ludite Dive¸ etc. Des. Et date diversos in Ducis acta sonos.88 (fol. 169v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Dux quam regius in toga serena etc. Des. Solus comprimis omnium supremus.89 (fol. 170) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quis negat antiquos Domini clarescere fasces etc. Des. Si generum fecit Cesaris ampla sui. Finis quarti libri sequitur quintus eiusdem poete.90 (fol. 171) Ad eundem splendissimum Sabaudie Ducem Dominum Phylibertum Cesaris Maximiliani Generum Pulcherrimum Liber Quintus elegiarum epigramatumque eiusdem poete¸. Inc. Dux patris summum decus O potentis etc. Des. Morte solutus.91 (fol. 172v) Ad eundem

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etc. Inc. Perse devicto emilius superbo etc. Des. Phyliberte.92 (fol. 175v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Diva que¸ solo genita es parente etc. Des. Postea coelo.93 (fol. 178) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Colle sacratos videant nepotes etc. Des. Aequa serenis.94 (fol. 179v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Vos precor fluctus nimium furentes etc. Des. Maximianus.95 (fol. 183v) Ad eundem etc Inc. Principis laudes canimus poete¸ etc. Des. Orat et infans.96 (fol. 184v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Iam cohors docto saturata phoebo etc. Des. Turba det hymnos.97 (fol. 186) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Pindarum vates cecinere sacrum etc. Des. Vive perhenne.98 (fol. 187) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Quo nos phoebe iubes rogamus ire? etc. Des. Quos ut fronte hilari legas precamur.99 (fol. 189v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Nostre¸ pierides favete lingue¸ etc. Des. Inter ce¸sareos Duces locandus.100 (fol. 198) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Pro Duce accepto venerata tellus etc. Des. Ipsa Ducemque.101 (fol. 202v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. O Dux bellipotens decus tuorum etc. Des. Tanto munere, flavias quadrigas. Finis Quinti libri et ultimi carminis lyrici Hendacassylabi eiusdem Poete.102 (fol. 204v) Beatissimis Phyliberto Duci et Ducisse Margarite¸ Carmen Nuptiale eiusdem Poete¸. Inc. Connubiale tuis carmen mihi quando licebit etc. Des. O Dux et semper vivat tibi natus in ostro. Finis.103 (fol. 208v) Ad eundem excellentissimum Sabaudie Ducem de nuptiis futuris sylva edita subito calore per eundem poetam laureatum. Inc. Ordiar Ismariis an collibus? unde sorores etc. Des. Quod foelix faustumque tibi sit Lusimus omen. Finis. E.V.Illme¸.D. Idem servulus poeta Laureatus.104 (fol. 252v) Ad eundem etc. Carmen phaletium quo poeta hortatur ut semper virtutes colat. Inc. Virtutes celebres habere semper etc. Des. Martis, perpetuo quibus vigebis. Finis voluminis E.V.Illme¸.D.105 (fol. 215) Splendissimo Phyliberto Duci Totum opus nostrum ob eius immortalitatem editum dedicavimus pie et Margarite ducis(sae) Cesareane con(iugi) benemerenti. Joseph Pasini, Codices manuscripti Bibliothecae regii taurinensis athenaei per linguas digesti, 2 vols (Turin: Ex typographia regia, 1749), II, 112. Filippo Saraceno, ‘Nota sopra un manoscritto falsamente attribuito a G. Michele Pingon’, Miscellanea di Storia Italiana, 25 (1887), 299–305. Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, MS Fondo Cimelii I. 165 inf. An. 1508, chart., 286 mm x 203 mm; fifteen to seventeen lines in a written space 176 mm x 107 mm; ff. 271 +1; original binding. Iohannis Michaelis Nagonii de gestis Gulielmi II marchionis montis ferrati carminum libri VIII.

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Praeeunt:1 (fol. 2) Inscriptio oratione soluta.2 (fol. 2v) Volumen Poete Dedicatum. (fol. 3) Excellentissimo et Illustrissimo Marchioni Nostro Humani Generis Defensori Sacri Romanique Imperii Vicario Perpetuo Ditionisque Christiane¸ Fundatori Securitatis etiam Aeterne, Gulielmo II Bonifaciano Foelici Marchionum Virtuosissimo Pio et semper Invicto Divi Bonifacii Semper et Ubique Venerabilis Filio Splendidissimo. (fol. 3v) Iohannes Michail Nagonius Antonianus Publico Decreto Romanus Civis Vices Marchionales Gesta Fataque Excolens Numinique Eius Pariter Dicatissimus Libenter Vovit.3 (fol. 4) Ad Invictissimum Gulielmum Secundum Montis ferrati Marchionem fortissimum Carmen Phaletium quo poeta rogat suum volumen ut vadat ad ipsum qui sibi plurimum pro sua incedibili clementia et humanitate blandietur. Inc. Pulchri Principis ad Lares meabis etc. Des. Docti postea posteri probabunt. V.Ill.me¸.D. Servulus humilimius Io. Michail Nagonius.4 (fol. 6v) Ad eundem etc. elegia quo poeta rogat musas ut ad suum vadint Principem suoque nomine et salutem dicant. Inc. Ite mee¸ muse¸ dominum cognoscite vestrum etc. Des. Marchio marchigene¸ gloria rara domus.5 (fol. 7v) Epistula oratione soluta. Inc. Dum mecum cogitarem etc. Des. Que¸ te facilius defatigare quam nos satiare possent. Vale.6 (fol. 9) . Ad eundem etc. Panagyris Io. Michaelis Nagonii Civis Romani et poete¸ laureati. Liber primus. Inc. Inclyta marchionis Gulielmi fata secundi etc. Des. Et pater et natus veterem melioribus horis.7 (fol. 53) Ad eundem etc. liber secundus. Inc. Vix altos roseo spargebat apolline pulchra etc. Des. Pegasidum, simul ipsa choris ruat aurea proles.8 (fol. 92) Ad eundem etc. Liber Tercius. Inc. Mater ut emicuit defleti memnonis urbe etc. Des. O Gulielme petunt mecum mare, sydera, terre¸.9 (fol. 117) Ad eundem etc. Liber IIII. Ad eundem etc. Inc. Scipio qualis numidum sub oris etc. Des. Marchio pulcher.10 (fol. 120) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. O Decus summum Latii potentis etc. Des. Morte solutus.11 (fol. 122) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Diva que¸ solo genita es parente etc. Des. Sanguine mixto.12 (fol. 125v) Ad eundem etc. Carmen lyricum. Inc. Colle sacratos videant nepotes etc. Des. Aequa serenis.13 (fol. 127v) Ad eundem etc. Carmen lyricum. Inc. Vos precor fluctus nimium procaces etc. Des. Marchio pulcher.14 (fol. 132) Ad eundem etc. Carmen lyricum. Inc. Principis laudes canimus poete¸ etc. Des. Orat et infans. 15 (fol. 133v) Ad eundem etc. Carmen lyricum quo alter Ce¸sar appellatur. Inc. Iam cohors docto saturata phoebo etc. Des. Turba det hymnos.16 (fol. 135v) Ad eundem etc. Carmen lyricum. Inc. Pindarum vates cecinere sacrum etc. Des. Vive perhenne.17 (fol. 137) Ad eundem etc. Carmen phaletium quo poeta notat Marchionem esse excultissimum. Inc. Quo nos phoebe iubes rogamus ire etc. Des. Quos ut fronte hilari legas precamur.18 (fol. 140) Ad eundem etc. Carmen endacassyllabum de victoria Iherosolimitana olim habita per francos reges et Marchiones veteres monti ferrati. Inc. Nostre¸ pierides favete

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lingue¸ etc. Des. Inter Ce¸sareos Duces loceris.19 (fol. 152) Ad eundem etc. Liber Quintus quo rogat patriam montis ferratis ut velit applaudere tanto principi pro dignitate affinitateque regia facta. Inc. Patria O foelix domino sereno etc. Des. Palma triumphans.20 (fol. 157) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Pulcher marchio qui decus tuorum etc. Des. Tanto munere flavias quadrigas.21 (fol. 158v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Lauta o Patris, Patrui et saluto etc. Des. Stemmatis atque.22 (fol. 163v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Romule aeterne¸ mihi parce fortis etc. Des. Nuncia toto.23 (fol. 166v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Maximi semper memor esto facti etc. Des. Ut videare.24 (fol. 169v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium de humanitate et clementia habenda in homines. Inc. Si clementia maximum virorum etc. Des. Qua nil carius addito tenebis.25 (fol. 175) Ad eundem etc. Liber Sextus elegiarum epigrammatumque. Inc. Bellica Romulidum taceant exempla nepotum etc. Des. In patrios mores discat et ipse mori.26 (fol. 175v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de ornamentis sui sonipedis. Inc. Foelices phalere¸ gemmis auroque nitentes etc. Des. Gaudeat hic tanto numine semper equus.27 (fol. 176v) Ad eundem etc. elegia exhortatoria. Inc. Libera ihersualem iam cur pro principe tardas etc. Des. Cernet, Io quantum Marchio terra dabit.28 (fol. 177v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta admiratur de eius persona in equo. Inc. Castoreo pre¸signis equo dum moenia lustrat etc. Des. Principe si virtus, et decor, arma, vigor.29 (fol. 178) Ad eundem etc. de urbe Solymorum. Inc. Iherusalem supplex manibus tua numina pansis etc. Des. Ponet et in phrygios te Cytherea duces.30 (fol. 115) Ad eundem etc. elegia de letitia sue¸ assumptionis in Marchionatum. Inc. Quam tibi laute dies Princeps pulcherrima luxit etc. Des. Prima tibi virtus, ultima sitque precor.31 (fol. 180v) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta rogat choros poeticos ut blandiantur ei pro sua foelici assumptione in marchionatum. Inc. Pegasidum rorate lacus, date docta Camene¸ etc. Des. Fata, colas vultu nobiliore licet.32 (fol. 183) Ad eundem etc. elegia de laudibus et titulis imperatoriis in templo et fastis collocandis ut perpetuo micant. Inc. Proxima tarpeio nunc spectas flavia monti etc. Des. Iste domus Princeps ecce triumphus adest.33 (fol. 184v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta optat sibi foelicitatem. Inc. Vivi templa foci que¸ Rome¸ maximus auctor etc. Des. Orbe sub immenso Iulius alter adest.34 (fol. 185) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Nuper in arce sacra vidi discumbere patres etc. Des. Nos alit egregius dux meliore cibo.35 (fol. 185v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Atria dispositis annosa micantia ce¸ris etc. Des. Qui vel ab augusto, vel Iove numen habet.36 (fol. 186v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Idibus altitonans patres dum viscera libant etc. Des. Ante tuum numen victima multa cadet. 37 (fol. 187) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de mira eius fortitudine. Inc. Magne caledonii peleia gesta retractans etc. Des. Belliger, hectoreos interhabende duces.38 (fol. 187v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de eius fama inclyta. Inc. Notus in

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orbe satis fama pervenit ad astra etc. Des. Alter crede mihi cum Iove ce¸sar eris.39 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta notat regionem montis ferrati triumphare regnante marchione. Inc. Aurea regna fovent isto sub principe gentes etc. Des. Thura Duci Iuveni, vota precesque dabit.40 (fol. 188) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de eius animi magnitudine. Inc. Priscorum patrum declamas tempora, et artes etc. Des. Et capitolinum noscere nempe Iovem.41 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Maxima marchigenas proles auctura nepotes etc. Des. Inde frequentabunt parta trophoea duces.42 (fol. 189) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de tranquillitate status sui. Inc. Dulcia ferrato monti das ocia Princeps etc. Des. Qui nescit magnum te putat esse Iovem.43 (fol. 189v) Ad eundem etc. de animo eius habendo contra hostes. Inc. Bellipotens histrum, et glaciales comprime partes etc. Des. Cunctando, aut propere, castra inimica tere.44 (fol. 190) Ad eundem etc. de fama per universum fere orbem penetrata epigramma. Inc. Pervaga sarmaticas penetravit fama sagittas etc. Des. Hic princeps, paphio qui premit igne comas.45 (fol. 191) Ad eundem etc. Carmen phaletium quo poeta optat sibi vitam longam. Inc. Annorum genitor bicepsque Iane etc. Des. O innupta parens, deique mater.46 (fol. 191v) Ad eundem etc. de templo fortune¸ sibi construendo. Inc. Illa dies iterum sacranda est colle Quirini etc. Des. Communes aras, et pia thura, preces.47 (fol. 192v) Ad eundem etc. de eius presentia imperatoria que¸ ceteros marchiones et principes superat. Inc. Qualis olympiacis divos supereminet oris etc. Des. O Gulielme decens, et genuisse timent.48 (fol. 193v) Ad eundem etc. de fama liberalitatis. Inc. Maxima versatur de te vaga fama per orbem etc. Des. Mandare, esse Largus Marchio phoebe tuus.49 (fol. 194) Ad eundem etc. admonitio si aliquando navigare contigerit per mare externum. Inc. Visurus gelidam si Marchio leserit Arcton etc. Des. Temperat imperiis regia tota tuis.50 (fol. 195) Ad eundem etc. de claro eius numine et potentia. Inc. Quid referent superi? votis te quisque fatigat etc. Des. Iuppiter, hic nobis Marchio ferre potest.51 (fol. 195v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta comparat cum aquile¸ et leoni qui nisi in nobiles greges se¸viunt. Inc. Inter qualis aves volucrum regina veretur etc. Des. Que¸ decorant currum, vivere teque sinent.52 (fol. 196) Ad eundem etc. de suorum maiorum similitudine epigramma. Inc. Quam tua persimilis spectatur imago parenti etc. Des. Vatibus, an quam sint scribere plura licet.53 (fol. 197) Ad eundem etc. de eius memoria et fama que¸ rome¸ maxima est et ubique predicatur. Inc. Quanta Quirinalem crevit tua fama per urbem etc. Des. Extera cum latio te quoque turba colit.54 (fol. 198) Ad eundem etc. de nomine suscepto a patrum veteri prosapia. Inc. Progenies patrum Gulielmo nomen ab alto etc. Des. Bellorum, sub quo militat omnis eques.55 (fol. 198v) Ad eundem etc. de eius preclarissima indole que¸ a teneris annis magnam spem italis semper prebuit. Inc. Sit puer emilius tenera qui perdidit hostem etc. Des. Quod spectent proceres haud puto maius habes.56 (fol. 199) Ad eundem etc.

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de monumentis sibi et templis ob ipsius merita construendis. Inc. Sit sacrata suo quamvis dodona tonanti etc. Des. Saepius id repetam syon et alma vocat.57 (fol. 200v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta indicat ipsum esse alium Ce¸sarem. Inc. Alter Cesar ave, quo non illustrior extat etc. Des. Numen et aligeri noscere discet equi.58 (fol. 201) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta demonstrat se descripturum eius stemma et gesta inclyta. Inc. Conticeant veteres narrare poemata reges etc. Des. Belligeri, et famam quam bene Roma colit.59 (fol. 201v) Ad eundem etc. de eius fama quomodo creverit Rome¸ et per universam Italiam. Inc. Magna per ausonias tua fama increbruit oras etc. Des. Prodere, iam superos restat adire deos.60 (fol. 202) Ad eundem etc. qui alter Cesar habetur in mundo et maxime apud romanos superatis antiquis sua maxima virtute. Inc. Alter in oceano Ce¸sar nunc orbe renatus etc. Des. Te decet aeternum nomen habere modo.61 (fol. 203) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de eius fama incomparabili. Inc. Marchionale decus si fama resultat in orbe etc. Des. Haud virtus acri marte tremenda tibi.62 (fol. 204) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta hortatur eum divitias parum facere, et sola litterarum monumenta consequatur. Inc. Quid tibi divitie¸? Quid avarum proderit aurum? etc. Des. Et bene pro numeris vatis adibis avos.63 (fol. 205) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta notat Casale Vasii expectasse reditum ipius diu et conqueri diem nimis sero redire venturo principe in Italia et ad urbem. Inc. Lampades aethee¸ venturo principe fulvum etc. Des. Marchio, nocte licet sique redire velis.64 (fol. 206) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de convivio. Inc. Lauta licet memorem convivia grandis Elyse¸ etc. Des. Dum probat illustres ausonis ora dapes.65 (fol. 206v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Quantum erit aonio satur hoc epigramma lepore etc. Des. Ista Duci Iuveni fons aganippe dabis.66 (fol. 207) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta rogat ut poesym amet. Inc. O Gulielme tuum solita pietate poetam etc. Des. Patribus antiquis, et patre maior eris.67 (fol. 208) Ad eundem etc. Liber septimus. elegia de magni futuri imperii propagatione. Inc. Iam thurci Iuvenem noscunt, et castra sequuntur etc. Des. Lumina, de votis facta opulenta meis. 68 (fol. 209) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Olim laudis erat dirreptis castra maniplis etc. Des. Addet, et aeternum nomen inire feret.69 (fol. 209v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta indicat ipsum suis musis futurum immortalem. Inc. O Gulielme meis semper memorande Came¸nis etc. Des. De vestris semper laudibus ipse canam.70 (fol. 210) Ad eundem etc. de miro eius in effigie numine contemplando. Inc. Principis effigiem, vultu, qua mente superbit etc. Des. Tu patris, et patrui flosque decusque domus.71 (fol. 210v) Ad eundem etc. quod nullo pacto timeat de immortalite. Inc. O Gulielme times nullum moriture per aevum etc. Des. Castraque victrici vincere marte scient. 72 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. de toga sumenda Imperatoria. Inc. Sume togam, iam tempus adest, mea Roma precatur etc. Des. Urbeque casali fronte decoris eris.73 (fol. 211) Ad eundem etc. de miro splendore

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toge¸. Inc. Cesareana clamis lana splendente phalanti etc. Des. Excoluisse forum nil tibi maius erit.74 (fol. 211v) Ad eundem etc. de eius illustri origine. Inc. Stemmatis egregii decus admirabile princeps etc. Des. Ut sis nobilior, nobiliore duce.75 (fol. 212) Ad eundem etc. de eius nobilitate. Inc. Quis negat antiquos domini clarescere fasces etc. Des. Fluxit et in veteres gloria tanta duces.76 (fol. 212v) Ad eundem etc. de eius convivio et epulis. Inc. Extat ut in fastis perfusus nectare multo etc. Des. Et placidum fontis murmur arionii.77 (fol. 213) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta notat eius animum erga virtutes optimum fore. Inc. Noster Scipiades, aut hannibal alter in orbe etc. Des. Bellica, romuleis iungere seque choris.78 (fol. 213v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Phoebe micans, qui saxa domas qui prothrais ornos etc. Des. Nos alio Augusto sub (tua cura) sumus.79 (fol. 214v) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta rogat Venerem Cypream ut congratuletur Gulielmo March. venturo in paphum. Inc. Belliger ut Cyprum Salaminaque liquerit heros etc. Des. Quamvis sit vestra cautior arte venus.80 (fol. 216) Ad eundem etc. elegia quo poeta admonet eum ut se continentem servet, et nullo pacto libidini animum prestet. Inc. O Gulielme reos armis domiture tyrannos etc. Des. Et pallas aderit Ce¸sareana tibi.81 (fol. 217) Ad eundem etc. de moderamine habendo in populos. Inc. Omnibus insignis Princeps moderamine rebus etc. Des. Gloria maiorum, famaque scripta monet.82 (fol. 218v) Ad eundem etc. de pallatio. Inc. Que¸ iactas babylon suggesta theatra columnis etc. Des. Tu quoniam Patruo, Pareque maior ades.83 (fol. 219v) Ad eundem etc. de spectaculo et alludit ad patruum Carolem. Inc. Principis ante forum mansit spectator in urbe etc. Des. Quid faceres presens O Gulielme fores.84 (fol. 220) Ad eundem etc. de gratia et numine erga poetas. Inc. Paulisper musas sertis et numine princeps etc. Des. Corporis egregias O Gulielme tui.85 (fol. 220v) Ad eundem etc. de oblectatione sumenda in venatione. Inc. O Gulielme nimis venando tempora numquam etc. Des. Magne, solet sacris diva favere piis.86 (fol. 221) Ad eundem etc. de experientia et ipsius rei militaris prudentia. Inc. Sidonias delevit Eques Cornelius arces etc. Des. Ferre tuos, bene tunc quisque merebit eques.87 (fol. 221v) Ad eundem etc. de avaritia non habenda in principe. Inc. Crassus dives erat, marchus narratur avarus etc. Des. Imperium dare sic hoc habuisse Duci.88 (fol. 222) Ad eundem etc. de superbia evitanda. Inc. Non maiestati tumefacta superbia sacre¸ etc. Des. Fastus odit dominos O Gulielme nimis.89 (fol. 223) Ad eundem etc. de liberalitate a principibus observanda. Inc. Maximus in multo Fabius memoratur honore etc. Des. Conveniunt pulchre¸ Marchio militie¸.90 (fol. 225v) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta rogat numen marchionis ut inscribendo spiritum vati impendat. Inc. De titulis opulente sacris, et numine tanto etc. Des. Nil preter famam, perpetuumque decus.91 (fol. 226v) Ad eundem etc. de relligione observanda. Inc. Marchum tarquinius librum secreta tenentem etc. Des. In terris

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maior te puto nullus erit.92 (fol. 228v) Ad eundem etc. de sua victrici militia. Inc. Imperium sine fine tenens augustus honores etc. Des. Et sub te discet quisque merere Duce.93 (fol. 230) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium de ipsius corporis maiestate. Inc. Maiestas phrygii fuit senatus etc. Des. Omnes te similem petunt videre.94 (fol. 233) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta rogat ipsum foret constantissimum contra hostes barbaros et maxime adversus tyrannos infideles. Inc. Gentibus invisos debellature tyrannos etc. Des. Hoc est pro meritis officiisque tuis.95 (fol. 234) Ad eundem etc. de abstinentia servanda. Inc. Pectus avarities, et foeda libido sereni etc. Des. Carminibus variis, O Gulielme cano.96 (fol. 234v) Ad eundem etc. de clementia habenda hostibus. Inc. Hostibus indulge, si qui sunt forte reperti etc. Des. Hostibus et nullum crimen inesse puta.97 (fol. 235) Ad eundem etc. de pietate habenda in patria. Inc. Dilige ferrati montis pietate subactos etc. Des. Et patris, et patrui candida vita tui.98 (fol. 236) Ad eundem etc. de severitate non habenda in caros proceres. Inc. Romulus alter adest brutus qui pignora cara etc. Des. Atque foves proceres Marchio digne tuos.99 (fol. 237) Ad eundem etc. de severitate habenda contra rebelles. Inc. Armet duritia pectus corpusque virilis etc. Des. Et semper proavos Marchio digne viros.100 (fol. 238) Ad eundem etc. de sue¸ vite¸ custodia advertenda. Inc. Qualis habenda tue¸ referam custodia vite¸ etc. Des. Officiis, digna est numine tanta domus.101 (fol. 239) Ad eundem etc. de effigie herculea sacranda in foro. Inc. Numine quam simile spectatur in herculis aede etc. Des. Marchio bellipotens, Herculis ora tenens.102 (fol. 240v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta existimat aliquando sibi mitti feras a provintiis pro spectaculis. Inc. Gratior in festis ludet panthera quotannis etc. Des. Gentibus ut possit plaudere saepe suis.103 (fol. 241) Ad eundem etc. de musis benemeritis. Inc. O Gulielme vides patrum monumenta tuorum etc. Des. Contribuam numeris O Gulielme meis.104 (fol. 241v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta rogat Calliopem ut domino salutem dicat. Inc. De grege pierio, medioque helicone salutem etc. Des. Aeternum capies iudice vate decus.105 (fol. 242) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta rogat musas esse intentas laudibus ipsius pro fama et gloria. Inc. Fas audire iocos mecum vos ludite muse¸ etc. Des. Et pro iherusalem carmina docta duci.106 (fol. 242v) Ad eundem etc. de gravi incessu pendentibus ex humeris pallio togaque carmen phaletium. Inc. Pulcher Marchio sub toga serena etc. Des. Longos perpetue¸ et dies sybille.107 (fol. 243v) Ad eundem etc. quomodo pervenit merito ad marchionalem dignitatem. Inc. Quis negat antiquos domini clarescere fasces etc. Des. Sub quo nunc splendet marchiolana domus.108 (fol. 244) Ad eundem etc. Liber Octavus de futuris nuptiis sylva edita subito calore. Inc. Ordiar Ismariis an collibus? unde sorores etc. Des. Sit foelix faustumque tibi quod Lusimus omen.109 (fol. 248) Ad eundem etc. et ad illustrissimam marchionissam D.D. Mariam regalem de Lanson iterum carmen

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nuptiale. Inc. Connubiale tuis carmen mihi quando licebit etc. Des. Marchio, et in Solymo vivat tibi semper honore.110 (fol. 252v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium quo poeta hortatur eum ad virtutes. Inc. Virtutes celebres habere semper etc. Des. Martis, perpetuo quibus vigebis.111 (fol. 255v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum de Laudibus eius. Inc. Quis tui laudes recitare vellet etc. Des. Semper honores.112 (fol. 259) Ad eundem etc. carmen saphicum de eius laudibus. Inc. Marchio ingenti sub honore lectus etc. Des. Saepe triumphet.113 (fol. 264) Ad eundem etc. elegia etc. Inc. Marchio belligera generatus stirpe, triumphis etc. Des. Cum Iove, et Imperium consociasse tuum.114 (fol. 266v) Ad eundem etc. sylva de laudibus ipsius. Inc. Tempore quis nostro famosus Marchio? vel quis etc. Des. Hostibus et fractis, socio sub marte triumphet. Finis VIII libri et ultimi.115 (fol. 271v) epigramma in lividum Detractorem. Inc. Cur mea non pateris? patior si livide que¸ sunt etc. Des. Pectora, et a te¸tro perfluat ore cibus. Idem servulus Io. Michail Nagonius Civis romanus et poeta Laureatus. Inventario Ceruti dei manoscritti della Biblioteca Ambrosiana, 5 vols (Milan: Etimar, 1975!79), II (1976), 512–13. Iter, I, 326. Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 5213 An. 1503, chart., 282 mm x 198 mm; seventeen lines in a written space 175 mm x 106 mm; ff. 229 +3; nineteenth-century binding. Iohannis Michaelis Nagonii de gestis Leonardi Lauredani carminum libri VI. Praeeunt:1 (fol. 1) Inscriptio ad Leonardum numeris adstricta. Divo Marcho Veneto et Leonardo Lauredano Principi Optimo. Inc. Est pater Italie¸Marchus, quia laurea terris etc. Des. Plaude Duci, solus nomen utrumque tenet. V.Invictiss.me¸.Ser.tis Devotus servulus Iohannes Michail Nagonius, civis Romanus et poeta laureatus.2 (fol. 1v) Epistula oratione soluta. Inc. Dum mecum cogitarem etc. Des. Que¸ te facilius defatigare quam nos satiare possent. Vale.3 (fol. 4) Invictissimo Senatui Veneto et Leonardo Lauredano Principi Serenissimo. Inc. Clari Principis ad Lares meabis etc. Des. Docti postea posteri probabunt. V.Invictiss.me¸.Ser.tis. devotus servulus Iohannes Michail Nagonius, civis Romanus et poeta laureatus.4 (fol. 6) Eidem etc. Inc. Ite mee¸ muse¸, venetos cognoscite Patres etc. Des. Atque decem Patrum, facta triumque dee¸.5 (fol. 7v) Inscriptio: Sacrum. Invictissimo Senatui Veneto humani generis defensori imperii ditionisque Christiane¸ fundatori securitatis etiam aeterne¸ et Leonardo Lauredano

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Venetiarum Principi Serenissimo Ducum maximo optimoque semper et ubique venerabili Iohannes Michail Nagonius civis ro. po.la. Antonianus vices sacras gestaque excolens numini maiestatique eius dicatissimus.6 (fol. 8) Inc. Inclyta magnanimi describimus arma senatus etc. Des. Venturosque brevi Veneta de gente Triumphos.7 (fol. 44) Ad eundem etc. liber secundus. Inc. Vix altos roseo spargebat apolline pulchra etc. Des. O leonarde petunt mecum mare, sydera, terre¸.8 (fol. 92) Ad eundem etc. liber tertius. Inc. Bellica Romulidum taceant exempla nepotum etc. Des. Atque decem patres, regna triumque viros.9 (fol. 92v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Iherusalem supplex manibus tua numina pansis etc. Des. Ponet et in phrygios te cytherea duces.10 (fol. 93) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Quam tibi laute dies Princeps pulcherrima luxit etc. Des. Lauredana colas, facta superba duce.11 (fol. 94v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Pegasidum rorate lacus, date docta Came¸ne¸ etc. Des. Per mare, per terras, quanta domique foris.12 (fol. 96v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Libera ihersualem iam cur pro principe tardas etc. Des. Cenet, Io quantum turba togata dabit.13 (fol. 97) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Castoreo pre¸signis equo dum moenia lustrat etc. Des. In te? Quid maius sors dabit esse duci.14 (fol. 97v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Foelices phalere¸ gemmis auroque nitentes etc. Des. Gaudeat hic vestro numine semper equs.15 (fol. 98) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Proxima tarpeo nunc spectas flavia monti etc. Des. Templa Leonardo turba togata dabit.16 (fol. 100) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Vivi templa foci que¸ Rome¸ maximus auctor etc. Des. Quicquid et in titulis, Urbs tene, aequor habet.17 (fol. 100v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Nuper in arce sacra vidi discumbere patres etc. Des. Nos meliore cibo Dux Leonardus alit.18 (fol. 101) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Atria dispositis annosa micantia ce¸ris etc. Des. Qui vel ab Augusto, vel Iove numen habet.19 (fol. 102) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Idibus altitonans patres dum viscera libant etc. Des. Numen et ante ducis victima multa cadet.20 (fol. 102v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Magne caledonii peleia gesta retractans etc. Des. Optime,dardanios interhabende duces.21 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Notus in orbe satis fama pervenit ad astra etc. Des. Alter crede cum Iove Ce¸sar eris.22 (fol. 103) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Aurea regna fovent veneti sub principe tanto etc. Des. Thura Leonardo vota precesque dabit.23 (fol. 103v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Priscorum venetum declamas tempora et artes etc. Des. Lauredana, suo facta serena Duce.24 (fol. 104) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Maxima patritios proles auctura nepotes etc. Des. Inde frequentabunt parta trophoea duces.25 (fol. 104v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Dulcia pacator venetis das ocia terris etc. Des. Qui nescit, venetum te putat esse Iovem.26 (fol. 105) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Bellipotens Histrum, et glatiales comprime partes etc. Des. Sed bene consulto dant sua pila Duci.27 (fol. 105v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Pervaga sarmaticas penetravit fama

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sagittas etc. Des. Constue, et emeritos est tibi nosse duces.28 (fol. 106v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Annorum genitor bicepsque Iane etc. Des. O innupta parens, deique mater.29 (fol. 108v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Illa dies iterum sacranda est colle Quirini etc. Des. Letos et ex armis hec meruisse tuis.30 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Qualis olympiacis divos supereminet oris etc. Des. O Leonarde potens, et genuisse timent.31 (fol. 109) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Maxima versatur de te vaga fama per orbem etc. Des. Consiliumque decem nobile credo patrum.32 (fol. 109v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Visurus gelidam Princeps si leserit Arcton etc. Des. Temperat imperiis si mare, terra tuis.33 (fol. 110) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Quid referent superi votis te quisque fatigat etc. Des. Iuppiter, hic nobis contribuisse potest.34 (fol. 110v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Inter qualis aves volucrum regina veretur etc. Des. Que¸ decorant currum, et Ducis, acta patrum.35 (fol. 111) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Quam tua persimilis spectantur imago senatus etc. Des. Vatibus, an quam sint scribere plura licet.36 (fol. 112) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Quanta Quirinalem crevit iam fama per urbem etc. Des. Publica, magnanimum te quoque regina ducem.37 (fol. 113) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Progenies lauro demisit nomen ab alta etc. Des. O Princeps, sub quo militat omnis eques.38 (fol. 114v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Sit puer emilius tenera qui perdidit hostem etc. Des. Quod spectent proceres haud puto maius habes.39 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Sit sacrata suo quamvis dodona tonanti etc. Des. Thurcus habet, decus est restituisse tibi.40 (fol. 115v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Alter Ce¸sar ave, quo non illustrior extat etc. Des. Numen et aligeri noscere discet equi.41 (fol. 116) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Conticeant veteres narrare Poemata reges etc. Des. Belligeri, et famam quam mare terra colunt.42 (fol. 116v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Magna per ausonias tua fama increbruit oras etc. Des. Prodere, iam superos restat adire deos.43 (fol. 117) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Alter in oceano Ce¸sar nunc orbe renatus etc. Des. Dux, Lauredano sanguine clarus avum.44 (fol. 118) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. O Leonarde potens si fama resultat in orbe etc. Des. Tempus, in exosos arma ciere viros.45 (fol. 119) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Quid tibi divitie¸? Quid avarum proderit aurum? etc. Des. Et bene pro numeris vatis adibis avos.46 (fol. 119v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Lampadas aethe¸¸e venturo principe fulvum etc. Des. Etat, tu quoniam fundis ab ore iubar.47 (fol. 120v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Lauta licet memorem convivia grandis Elyse¸ etc. Des. Dum probat illustres ausonis ora dapes.48 (fol. 121) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Quantum erit aonio satur hoc epigramma lepore etc. Des. Ista Leonardo fons aganippe dabis.49 (fol. 121v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. O Leonarde tuum solita pietate poetam etc. Des. Pro gestis tanti principis esto memor.50 (fol. 123) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Iam thurci dominum noscunt, et castra sequuntur etc. Des. Precipuum magne¸

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numen et urbis eris.51 (fol. 123v) Ad eundem etc.epigramma. Inc. Olim laudis erat direptis castra maniplis etc. Des. Addet, et aeternum nomen inire feret.52 (fol. 124) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. O Leonarde meis semper memorande Came¸nis etc. Des. De vestris semper laudibus ipse canam.53 (fol. 124v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Principis effigiem, vultu, qua mente superbit etc. Des. Principe, coelesti munere facta domus.54 (fol. 125) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. O Leonarde senex nullum moriture per aevum etc. Des. Castraque victrici vincere marte scient.55 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Sume togam, iam tempus adest, mea Roma precatur etc. Des. Urbeque patritia fronte decoris eris.56 (fol. 125v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Cesareana clamis lana splendente phalanti etc. Des. Excoluisse forum nil tibi maius erit.57 (fol. 126) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Stemmatis egregii decus admirabile princeps etc. Des. Principe, nobilius sit mare, terra quoque.58 (fol. 126v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Quis negat antiquos ducis clarescere fasces etc. Des. Lauro progenies, inclyta facta Duce.59 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Extat ut in fastis perfusus nectare multo etc. Des. Et placidum fontis murmur arionium.60 (fol. 127) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Noster Scipiades, aut hannibal alter in orbe etc. Des. Lauredana, meis iungere seque choris.61 (fol. 128) Ad eundem etc. liber quartus. Inc. Phoebe micans, qui saxa domas qui prothrais ornos etc. Des. Nos alio augusto sub tua cura sumus.62 (fol. 128v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Optimus ut Cyprum Salaminaque liquerit heros etc. Des. Quamvis sit vestra cautior arte Venus.63 (fol. 130) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. O Leonarde reos armis domiture tyrannos etc. Des. Imperio cuius, stat mare, terra, polus.64 (fol. 131) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Omnibus insignis Princeps moderamine rebus etc. Des. Optime, maiorum fama serena Ducum.65 (fol. 132) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Que iactas Babylon suggesta theatra columnis etc. Des. Principis, et Patrum gesta superba canam.66 (fol. 133) Ad epigramma. Inc. Principis ante forum mansit spectator in urbe etc. Des. Quid faceres presens si Leonarde fores.67 (fol. 133v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Paulisper musas sertis et numine princeps etc. Des. Corporis ingenium Dux Leonarde tui.68 (fol. 134) Ad eundem etc. Inc. O Leonarde nimis venando tempora numquam etc. Des. Pauperiem Princeps et pietate reges.69 (fol. 134v) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Sidonias delevit eques Cornelius arces etc. Des. Dulcis Parthenope te quoque moesta rogat.70 (fol. 135v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Crassus dives erat, marchus narratur avarus etc. Des. Imperium dare sic, hoc habuisse Duci.71 (fol. 136) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Non maiestati tumefacta superbia sacre¸ etc. Des. Fastus odit dominos Dux Leonarde nimis.72 (fol. 138) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Maximus in multo Fabius memoratur honore etc. Des. Maiorem, larga nec sibi fronte parem.73 (fol. 138v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Si clementia maximum virorum etc. Des. Pulsis euganeis, Ducis sola.74 (fol. 144) Ad

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eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Maximi semper memor esto facti etc. Des. Cesareanis.75 (fol. 146v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. De titulis opulente sacris, et numine tanto etc. Des. Cum Lauredanis, Laurea, Laurus adest.76 (fol. 148) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Marchum tarquinius librum secreta tenentem etc. Des. De patria meritos Urbs et amica patres.77 (fol. 150) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Imperium sine fine tenens Augustus honores etc. Des. Principis, et comites tanta trophoea patres.78 (fol. 151) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Maiestas phrygii fuit senatus etc. Des. Omnes te pariter rogan fideles.79 (fol. 153v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Romule aeterne¸ mihi parce fortis etc. Des. Nuncia toto.80 (fol. 156v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Gentibus invisos debellature tyrannos etc. Des. Hoc est pro meritis officiisque tuis.81 (fol. 157) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Pectus avarities, et foeda libido sereni etc. Des. Carminibus variis, Dux Leonarde cano.82 (fol. 158) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Hostibus indulge, si qui sunt forte reperti etc. Des. Hostibus et nullum crimen in esse puta.83 (fol. 158v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Dilige tu venetum patriam pietate serena etc. Des. Urbis, habet fortes urbs opulenta patres.84 (fol. 159v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Romulus alter adest brutus qui pignora cara etc. Des. Atque foves caros Dux Leonarde patres.85 (fol. 160) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Armet duritia pectus corpusque superbus etc. Des. Principis ulcisci est id potuisse fuit.86 (fol. 161) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Qualis habenda tue¸ referam custodia vite¸ etc. Des. Officiis, digna est numine tanta domus.87 (fol. 162) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Numine quam simile spectatur in herculis aede etc. Des. Dux leonardus habet, castra togata regens.88 (fol. 163) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Gratior in festis ludet panthera quotannis etc. Des. O patrie¸? Quibus est gloria tanta ioci.89 (fol. 163v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. O Leonarde vides patrum monumenta tuorum etc. Des. Contribuam numeris O Leonarde meis.90 (fol. 164) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. De grege pierio, medioque helicone salutem etc. Des. Aeternum capies iudice vate decus.91 (fol. 164v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Fas audire iocos, mecum vos ludite dive¸ etc. Des. Cum Lauredanis Laurea vivat avis.92 (fol. 165) Epigramma. Inc. Cur mea non pateris? Patior si livide que¸ sunt etc. Des. Semper et illustres tollere ad astra togas.93 (fol. 165v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Princeps regius in toga serena etc. Des. Clarum Principe, splendidumque prole.94 (fol. 167) Ad eundem etc. liber quintus. Inc. O Ducum splendor veterum coruscans etc. Des. Vincat atroces.95 (fol. 169) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Perse devicto Aemilius superbo etc. Des. Regna triumphi.96 (fol. 172v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Diva que¸ solo genita es parente etc. Des. O Leonarde.97 (fol. 175v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. O Decus magnum ducibus notandum etc. Des. Semper honores.98 (fol. 177v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Dux ducum ingenti sub honore lectus etc. Des.

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Regnaque donent.99 (fol. 181) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Antiqua de stirpe satus Leonarde, triumphis etc. Des. Cum Iove, et imperium consociasse tuum.100 (fol. 183v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Urbe sacratos videat senatus etc. Des. Laurea Lauro.101 (fol. 185v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Vos precor fluctus nimium furentes etc. Des. O Leonarde.102 (fol. 190v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Principis laudes canimus poete¸ etc. Des. Flamma capillos.103 (fol. 193v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Iam cohors docto saturata phoebo etc. Des. Turba det hymnos.104 (fol. 195) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Pindarum vates cecinere sacrum etc. Des. Vive perenne.105 (fol. 196v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Quo nos phoebe iubes rogamus ire etc. Des. Quos ut fronte hilari legas precamur.106 (fol. 199) Ad eundem etc. liber sextus. Carmen phaletium. Inc. Nostre¸ pierides favete lingue¸ etc. Des. Semper hostibus atque de tyrannis.107 (fol. 210v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Urbis invicte¸ proceres serem etc. Des. Palma Ducemque.108 (fol. 216) Ad eundem. Inc. Dux decens sacri titulis senatus etc. Des. Et decor urbis.109 (fol. 219v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Virtutes Leonarde habere semper etc. Des. Lauredana domus per orbis oras.110 (fol. 222v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. O Dux bellipotens decus tuorum etc. Des. Tanto munere flavias quadrigas.111 (fol. 224) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Dardano maius decus O senatu etc. Des. Semper amantes. E.V.Ser.tis idem devotus servulus Iohannes Michail Nagonius civis Romanus et poeta laureatus. Iter, II, 332. Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, MS lat. XII, 75 (=3950) An. 1507, chart., 287 mm x 196 mm; variable number of lines, eighteen to twentyone, in a written space c. 213 mm x 136 mm; ff. 192; eighteenth-century binding. Iohannis Michaelis Nangonii (sic) de laudibus Nicolai Ursini Pitiliani comitis imperatoris clarissimi libri VI. Praeeunt:1 (fol. 1) IESVS. Distichon: Pulchre¸ militie¸ datur parenti/plenum Castaliis volumen undis.2 (fol. 1v) Volumen poetae dedicatum. Invictissimo imperatori exercitus Veneti humani generis imperiique militaris optimae gesti fundatori securitatis etiam aeterne¸ defensori Nicolao Ursino Romano principi Pitiliani comiti foelici imperatorum maximo pio et semper augusto divi parentis ubique venerabilis filio splendidissimo Iohannes Michail Nagonius Antonianus publico decreto civis Romanus vices Ursinas gestaque Nicolai comitis Romani

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principis imperatorisque excolens numini Excellentie¸que eius dicatissimus libenter vovit.3 (fol. 2) Ad eundem imperatorem Veneti exercitus invictissimum Dominum D. Nicolaum Ursinum Pitiliani comitem excellentissimum carmen phaletium. Inc. Clari Principis ad lares meabis etc. Des. Docti postea posteri probabunt. V.Excell. Devotus servulus Iohannes Michail Nagonius civis Romanus et poeta laureatus.4 (fol. 4) Epistula oratione soluta. Invicto et semper augusto imperii militaris principi fortissimo Domino D. Nicolao Ursino Pitiliani comiti excellentissimo slautem plurimam dicit. Idem poeta. Inc. Dum mecum cogitarem etc. Des. Ad quam Ursine gentis familie¸ romane¸ florentissime¸ fama et gloria non pervenerit. Vale. E.V.Excell. Idem servulus poeta Iohannes Michael Nagonius.5 (fol. 7v) . Ad eundem etc. Pronostichon Panegyrisque liber primus. Inc. Roma tui comitis Nicolai scribimus arma etc. Des. Marte suo nato, veterem melioribus horis.6 (fol. 40) Ad eundem etc. Liber II. Inc. Vix altos roseo spargebat apolline pulchra etc. Des. Et te romana genitum de stirpe memento.7 (fol. 75v) Ad eundem etc. Liber Tertius. Inc. O Decus summum Latii potentis etc. Des. Morte solutus.8 (fol. 77v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Perse devicto Aemilius superbus etc. Des. Optime Patrum.9 (fol. 79v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Diva que¸ genita es parente etc. Des. Postea caelo.10 (fol. 82) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Colle sacratos videant Nepotes etc. Des. Teque memento.11 (fol. 84) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Vos precor fluctus nimium furentes etc. Des. O Nicolae.12 (fol. 87) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Principis laudes canimus Poete¸ etc. Des. Claraque facta.13 (fol. 88v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Iam cohors docto saturata phoebo etc. Des. Turba det hymnos.14 (fol. 89v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Pyndarum sacrum cecinere vates etc. Des. Vive perenne.15 (fol. 90v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Quo nos Phe¸be iubes rogamus ire? etc. Des. Quos ut fronte hilari legas precamur.16 (fol. 93) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Nostrae Pierides favete linguae etc. Des. Rome¸ flosque decor Gradivus alter.17 (fol. 96) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. O Vetus Patrem venerans ravenna etc. Des. Tu Nicolaum. 18 (fol. 100) Ad eundem etc. carmen endechasyllabum. Inc. Ductor bellipotens decus tuorum etc. Des. Tanto munere flavias quadrigas.19 (fol. 101v) Ad eundem etc. Liber Quartus. Inc. Romule aeterne¸ mihi paret fortis etc. Des. Nuntia toto.20 (fol. 104) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Laurea O Patrum celebrum saluto etc. Des. Nobilitatis.21 (fol. 106) Ad eundem etc. carmen endechasyllabum. Inc. Virtutes celebres habere semper etc. Des. Martis, perpetuo quibus vigebis.22 (fol. 108) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Quis tui laudes recitare vellet? etc. Des. Semper honores.23 (fol. 110) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Ductor ingenti sub honore lectus etc. Des. Deque tyrannis.24 (fol. 113) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. O Comes Ausonia generatus stirpe Triumphis etc. Des. Cum Iove, et Imperium consotiasse

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tuum.25 (fol. 115) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Auxit spes italas favente marte etc. Des. Et patres veneti potentiores.26 (fol. 117v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Maiestas phrygii fuit senatus etc. Des. Et solum specimen domus vetustae.27 (fol. 119v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. O Comes semper memor esto facti etc. Des. O Nicolae.28 (fol. 121v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Si clementia maximum virorum etc. Des. Pulchrae militie¸ reculta terris.29 (fol. 125v) Ad eundem etc. Liber V. Inc. Bellica Romulidum taceant exempla nepotum etc. Des. Et pariter niveis inque triumphet equis.30 (fol. 126) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Iherusalem supplex manibus tua numina pansis etc. Des. Ponet et in phrygios te Cytherea duces.31 (fol. 126v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Quam tibi laute dies ductor pulcherrima luxit etc. Des. Prima tibi virtus ultima sitque precor.32 (fol. 128) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Pegasidum rorate lacus, date docta Came¸ne¸ etc. Des. Gesta, colas vultu nobiliore licet.33 (fol. 129v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Libera Ihersualem iam cur pro principe tardas etc. Des. Cenet, Io quantum Roma superba dabit.34 (fol. 130) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Castoreo pre¸signis equo dum tecta ravenne¸ etc. Des. Principe si virtus, et decor, arma, vigor.35 (fol. 130v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Foelicies Phalere¸ gemmis auroque nitentes etc. Des. Gaudeat hic tanto numine semper equus.36 (fol. 131) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Proxima Tarpeo nunc spectas flavia monti etc. Des. Et statuis, templis est quoque dignus avum.37 (fol. 132) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Vivi templa foci que¸ Rome¸ maximus auctor etc. Des. Orbe sub immenso Iulius alter erit.38 (fol. 132v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Nuper in arce sacra vidi discumbere patres etc. Des. Damnans Ce¸sareas ipsa ravenna dapes.39 (fol. 133) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Atria dispositis annosa micantia ceris etc. Des. Qui vel ab Augusto, vel Iove numen habet.40 (fol. 133v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Idibus Altitonans patres dum viscera libant etc. Des. Ante tuum numen victima multa cadet.41 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Magne Caledonii Peleia gesta retractans etc. Des. Belliger, hectoreos inter habende duces.42 (fol. 134) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Notus in orbe satis fama pervenit ad astra etc. Des. Alter crede mihi cum Iove Ce¸sar eris.43 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Aurea regna fovent veneti ductor sub isto etc. Des. Votum, Thura, preces et Nicolae dabit.44 (fol. 134v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Militie¸ veteris declamas tempora, artes etc. Des. Et capitolinum magnus habere Iovem.45 (fol. 135) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Maxima Romanos proles auctura nepotes etc. Des. Inde frequentabunt parta trophe¸a patres.46 (fol. 135v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Dulcia Pacator venetis das ocia terris etc. Des. Qui nescit martem te putat esse ferum.47 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Bellipotens histrum, et glaciales comprime partes etc. Des. Sed bene consulto dant sua pila Duci.48 (fol. 136) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Pervaga sarmaticas penetravit fama sagittas etc. Des.

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Hic princeps, Paphio qui premit igne comas.49 (fol 136v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Annorum genitor bicepsque Iane etc. Des. O innupta parens, deique mater.50 (fol. 137) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Illa dies iterum sacranda est colle Quirini etc. Des. Imperium, sub quo militat omnis eques.51 (fol. 137v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Qualis olympiacis divos supereminet oris etc. Des. Contribuere, tua pro Nicolae fide.52 (fol. 138v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Maxima versatur de te vaga fama per orbem etc. Des. Hoc est quod moneo, me monitore frui.53 (fol. 139) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Visurus gelidam Princeps si leserit arcton etc. Des. Temperat imperio si mare terra suo.54 (fol. 139v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Quid referent superi? votis te quisque fatigat etc. Des. Iuppiter, hic nobis contribuisse potest.55 (fol. 140) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Inter qualis aves volucrum regina veretur etc. Des. Que¸ decorant currum patris et ora ducum.56 (fol. 140v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Quam tua persimilis spectatur imago parenti etc. Des. Te, Phrygio liceat vivere more comes.57 (fol. 141) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Quanta Quirinalem crevit iam fama per urbem etc. Des. Hic Nicolaus, avos inter honorus eques.58 (fol. 142) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Progenies patrum dimisit nomen ab alto etc. Des. Bellorum, sub quo castra latina vigent.59 (fol. 142v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Sit puer emilius tenera qui perdidit hostem etc. Des. Quod spectent veneti non puto maius habent.60 (fol. 143) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Sit sacrata suo quamvis dodona Tonanti etc. Des. Saepius id repetam, syon et alma vocat.61 (fol. 143v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Alter Cesar ave, quo non illustrior extat etc. Des. Numen et aligeri noscere discet equi.62 (fol. 144) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Conticeant veteres narrare poemata patres etc. Des. Nomen sydereum restat habere decus. 63 (fol. 144v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Magna per Ausonias tua fama increbruit oras etc. Des. Prodere, iam superos restat adire deos.64 (fol. 145) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Alter in ausonia Ce¸sar nunc orbe renatus etc. Des. Te decet ¸eternum nomen habere modo.65 (fol. 145v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. O Nicolae potens si fama resultat in orbe etc. Des. Haud virtus acri marte tremenda tibi.66 (fol. 146v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Quid tibi divitie¸? Quid avarum proderit aurum? etc. Des. Et bene pro numeris vatis adibis avos.67 (fol. 147) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Lampadas aethee¸ venturo patre coruscum etc. Des. Tu quoniam fundis semper ab ore iubar.68 (fol. 147v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Lauta licet memorem convivia grandis Elyse¸ etc. Des. Dum probat ursinas ausonis ora dapes.69 (fol. 148) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Quantum erit Ausonio satur hoc epigramma lepore etc. Des. Ista meo comiti Fons Aganippe dabis.70 (fol. 148v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. O Nicolae tuum solita

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pietate poetam etc. Des. Tu ducibus Latiis, et patre maior eris.71 (fol. 149) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Iam Turci dominum noscunt, et castra sequuntur etc. Des. Lumina, de votis facta opulenta meis.72 (fol. 149v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Olim laudis erat direptis castra maniplis etc. Des. Addet, et astrigerum nomen inire feret.73 (fol. 150) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. O Nicolae meis semper memorande Came¸nis etc. Des. De vestris semper laudibus ipse canam.74 (fol. 150v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Principis effigiem, vultu, qua mente superbit etc. Des. Tu patrie¸, et Latii flosque decusque manes.75 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. O Comes Urse times nullum moriture per aevum etc. Des. Castraque victrici vincere marte scient.76 (fol. 151) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Sume togam, iam tempus adest, tua Roma precatur etc. Des. Urbeque romulea fronte decorus eris.77 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Cesareana clamis lana splendente phalanti etc. Des. Excoluisse forum nil tibi maius erit.78 (fol. 151v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Stemmatis egregii decus admirabile Ductor etc. Des. Ut sit nobilior, te tua Roma duce.79 (fol. 152) Ad eundem etc. Liber Sextus. Inc. Phoebe micans, qui saxa domas qui protrahis ornos etc. Des. Nos alio Augusto sub tua cura sumus.80 (fol. 152v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Quis negat antiquos comitis clarescere fasces? etc. Des. Fluxit in ursinos gloria tanta duces.81(ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Extat ut in fastis perfusus nectare multo etc. Des. Et placidum fontis murmur Arionii.82 (fol. 153) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Noster Scipiades, aut hannibal alter in orbe etc. Des. Bellica, Romuleis iungere seque choris.83 (fol. 153v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Dardanus ut Cyprum salaminaque liquerit heros etc. Des. Quamvis sit vestra cautior arte venus.84 (fol. 154v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. O Nicolae reos armis domiture tyrannos etc. Des. Et pallas aderit ce¸sareana tibi.85 (fol. 155) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Omnibus insignis Ductor moderamine rebus etc. Des. Gloria Romani nominis urse comes.86 (fol. 156) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Que¸ iactas babylon suggesta theatra columnis etc. Des. Et patris et nati facta superba canam.87 (fol. 157) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Principis ante forum mansit spectator in urbe etc. Des. Quid faceres presens si comes ipse fores.88 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Paulisper musas sertis et numine princeps etc. Des. Corporis armiferas O Nicolae tui.89 (fol. 157v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. O Nicolae nimis venando tempora numquam etc. Des. Urse, solet piis diva favere viris.90 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Sidonias delevit eques Cornelius arces etc. Des. Ferre acies, bene tunc quisque merebit eques.91 (fol. 158) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Crassus dives erat, Marcus narratur avarus etc. Des. Imperium dare sic, hoc habuisse Duci.92 (fol. 158v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Non maiestati tumefacta superbia sacre¸ etc. Des. Fastus odit magnos O Nicolae viros.93 (fol. 159v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Maximus in multo fabius memoratur honore

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etc. Des. Maiorem, larga nec sibi fronte parem.94 (fol. 161) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. De titulis opulente sacris, et numine tanto etc. Des. Nil pre¸ter famam, perpetuumque decus.95 (fol. 162) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Marcum Tarquinius librum secreta tenentem etc. Des. In terris maior non erit alter eques.96 (fol. 163) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Imperium sine fine tenens, Augustus honores etc. Des. Principis, et comites tanta trophoea tuos.97 (fol. 164) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Gentibus invisos debellature tyrannos etc. Des. Hoc est pro meritis, officiisque tuis.98 (fol. 164v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Pectus avarities, et foeda libido sereni etc. Des. Carminibus variis, O Nicolae cano.99 (fol. 165) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Hostibus indulge, si qui sunt forte reperti etc. Des. Si te alium martem, plura quid? arma colunt.100 (fol. 165v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Dilige tu venetum patriam pietate Latina etc. Des. Ursus habet fortes ductor ad arma viros.101 (fol. 166v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Romulus alter adest brutus qui pignora cara etc. Des. Protegis, et princeps regna superba patrum.102 (fol. 167) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Armet duritia pectus, corpusque virile etc. Des. Et semper proavos O Nicolae viros.103 (fol. 167v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Qualis habenda tue¸ referam custodia vite¸ etc. Des. Patribus ausoniis, barbaricisque locis.104 (fol. 168v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Numine quam simile spectatur in herculis ¸ede etc. Des. Belligera, hectoreo sanguine natus adest.105 (fol. 169v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Gratior in festis laudet panthera quotannis etc. Des. O patrie¸, quibus est gloria tanta ioci.106 (fol. 170) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. O Nicolae vides patrum monumenta tuorum etc. Des. Et domus ursorum concelebranda ducum.107 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Fudit pypleo carmen moderatius antro etc. Des. Aeternum capies Iudice vate decus.108 (fol. 170v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Fas audire iocos, mecum vos ludite dive¸ etc. Des. Et reduces musas ursus amabit eques.109 (fol. 171) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium. Inc. Ductor Dardanus in toga serena etc. Des. Tali nobilitate roma Marte.110 (fol. 171v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Quis negat antiquos comitis clarescere fasces? Des. Fluxit in ursinas sic opulenta domus.111 (fol. 172) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Cur mea non pateris? Patior si livide que¸ sunt etc. Des. Pectora, et a te¸tro perfluat ore cibus. 112 (fol. 172v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Depositis armis, et clauso bellica iano etc. Des. Semper apollineos urbs venerata viros.113 (ibid.) Tethrastichon. Inc. O Nicolae tuis finem iam nostra poesis etc. Des. O comes, O patrum gloria rara phrygum.114 (fol. 173) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Ite mee¸ Muse¸ Martis cognoscite patrem etc. Des. Cogito, si numeris ursus amicus erit.115 (fol. 174) Ad eundem etc. sylva edita subito calore. Inc. Quis nostro famosus eques? Quis tempore miles etc. Des. Hostibus et fractis socio sub marte triumphet. Finis VI et ultimi libri. E. V. Ex. humilis servulus Iohannes Michail Nagonius civis Romanus, publico decreto et poeta laureatus.116 (fol. 178) Iovianus Pontanus,

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Naenia.117 (fol. 183v) De Aedificatione urbis Venetiarum. Inc. Anno domini a nativitate quadringentesimo vigesimo primo ultimo anno Innocentii primi, nativitate albanensis etc.118 (fol. 185) Leonardo Giustinian, Ad Mariam Virginem. Inc. Maria virgine bella etc.119 (fol. 186) De felicitate militiae Jesu. Inc. Terreno quicunque luto se et fece volutat etc. (fol. 191v) Finis. Die primo Iunii 1507 (fol. 192v) M. D. XXIIII die dominico XIIII mensis augusti hora XII pars ea pontis quae Rivo | alto adiuncta erat vitium fecit, duobus aut tribus ruina oppressis. Pietro Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici Latini della Biblioteca nazionale marciana di Venezia, 3 vols (Trezzano sul Naviglio: Etimar, 1980–85), II (1981), 165. Iter, II, 241; VI, 256. Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, MS lat. Z. 407 (=1585) An. 1502, membrane, 209 mm x 140 mm; nineteen lines in a written space 133 mm x 80 mm; ff. 65; nineteenth-century binding. Vitae Imperatorum a Flavio Val. Constantino usque ad Heraclium per Iohannem Michaelem Nagonium civem Romanum et poetam laureatum. 1 (fol. 1) Epistula oratione soluta. Magnifico ac Generoso Domino Andree¸ Gritti Patritio Veneto S. Inc. Maiores nostri, Magnifice ac splendide Andrea, ex Grittorum nobilissima familia natus etc. Des. solus vivere gloriose videaris. Vale. E.V.Magnificentiae, totus deditus Iohannes Michael Nagonius civis Romanus et poeta laureatus.2 (fol. 4) Splendido ac praeclaro domino Andreae Gritti in Constantinopoli mercatori celeberrimo patritio Veneto vita Fl. Val. Constantini ob eius animi magnitudinem dicata. FLAVIVS VAL. CONSTANTINVS Inc. Natus est in Brittanniis, patre Constantio, matre Helena, etc. Des. sed credibilius est huius clamdestino consilio facinus per actum fuisse.3 (fol. 12) CONSTANTINVS Inc. Constantinus qui in Gallia imperabat etc. Des. imperavit triennio non dum finito vixit annos XXV.4 (fol. 12v) CONSTANS Inc. Post meritam caedem fratris omni conatu superatis alpibus Galliam intrat etc. Des. Imperavit dies duo de XXX.5 (fol. 14v) MAGNENTIVS Inc. Magnentius comes duorum ordinum dolo imperator factus etc. Des. victor multavit dum in Gallia esset.6 (fol. 17) BRITTANNION Inc. Brittannion ante Tyranni pericula etc. Des. Vixit annos VI post decessit. 7 (fol. 17v) SILVANVS Inc. Silvanus Bonitii filius qui bello Liciniano clarus etc. Des. praefuit paulo post duobus mensibus.8 (fol. 18) GALLVS Inc. Gallus natus est in Massa etc. Des. post primum lapidem sepulcro maiorum in latum est.9 (fol. 19) CONSTATIVS Inc. Constantius in oriente adversa fortuna res gessit etc. Des. In Gallis et Pannoniis

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triumphales arcus erexit, magno provincialium dispendio.10 (fol. 29v) C.L. IVLIVS IVLIANVS Inc. Iulianus natus est Constantinopoli etc. Des. Iuvianus eligitur domesticorum primus.11 (fol. 33) VARRONIANVS Inc. Varronianus comes ordinum agri Igidonemsis incola in Pannonia fuit etc. Des. ut quiesceret et agricolationi incumberet.12 (fol. 33v) IVVIANVS Inc. Iuvianus electus est princeps etc. Des. Imperavit mensis VII a Valentiniano in divos relatus est.13 (fol. 35) FL. VAL. VALENTINIANVS ET VALENS AVGG. Inc. Post Iuviani mortem exercitus etc. Des. liberaliter exceptus est.14 (fol. 37v) THEODOXIVS AVG Inc. Theodoxius qui sex ante annos etc. Des. honusti praeda Libiam repetunt.15 (fol. 46) FL. VAL. MACRINVS AVG Inc. Cum haec in occidente aguntur etc. Des. populus patrem interfecit cum filio.16 (fol. 47) FL. VAL. LEON Inc. Factione et suffragiis Asparis Leon dicitur imperator etc. Des. supra conclidem columnam sponte corruit.17 (fol. 49) FL. VAL. ZENON Inc. Zenonem Leon secundus sua manu coronavit etc. Des. praefuit Zenon annos XVII.18 (fol. 50) FL. VAL. ANASTASIVS Inc. Anastasius Diocorus magno consensu princeps electus etc. Des. Imperavit annos XXIIII mensis duo diebus XXIX.19 (fol. 51) FL. VAL. IVSTINVS Inc. Iustinus Thrax sine imaginibus etc. Des. Imperavit annos VIIII mensis II Mavortio consule.20 (fol. 52) FL. VAL. IVSTINIANVS Inc. Iustinianus reparando imperio animum admovit etc. Des. Imperavit annos XXXVIIII.21 (fol. 56v) FL. VAL. IVSTINVS Inc. Iustinus patre Ilurico etc. Des. Tiberius quem ante adoptaverit ei successit.22 (fol. 57v) TIBERIVS Inc. Tiberio pax erat cum Longobardis etc. Des. Imperavit annos VII Mauricium generum suum consortem imperii fecit qui successit.23 (fol. 58) MAVRICIVS Inc. Mauricius gerendis rebus in initio felix etc. Des. Imperavit Mauritius annos XX.24 (fol. 60) PHOCAS Inc. Phocas ab scelerato exercitu cuius dux erat etc. Des. Senatus ingenti clamatione probavit.25 (fol. 61v) HERACLIVS Inc. Heraclii Sergius Constantinopolitanus Pontifex caput diademate cinxit etc. Des. Imperavit Heraclius annos XXXI.26 (fol. 63v) CONSTANTINVS NOVVS HERACLONAS AVGG Inc. Heraclius ex Fabia uxore etc. Des. Praefuerunt omnes annos LXXXVII. FINIS. E.V.Magnificentie¸ totus deditus Iohannes Michael Nagonius civis Romanus et poeta laureatus. Joseph Valentinelli, Bibliotheca manuscripta ad s.Marci Venetiarum, 6 vols (Venice: Typographia Commercii, 1868–73), VI, 49. Iter, II, 213.

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Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 1682 An. 1509, membrane, 315 mm x 205 mm; eighteen lines in a written space 182 mm x 110 mm; ff. 257; nineteenth-century binding. Iohannis Michaelis Nagonii ad divum Iulium II et Franciscum Mariam nepotem carminum libri VIII. Praeeunt:1 (fol. 1v) Epistula ad Iulium II numeris adstricta. Inc. Sanctos pontificis lares adibis etc. Des. Docti postea posteri probabunt. E.V.Beatitudinis humilimus servulus Iohannes Michael papiensis.2 (fol. 4) Epistula oratione soluta. Incomparabili pontifici nostro humani generis defensori imperii ditionisque christiane fundatori securitatis etiam aeterne: Divo Iulio II de ruvere foelici pontificum maximo pio et semper beatissimo divi sixti IIII sempr venerabilis nepoti ubique splendidissimo: Iohannes Michail Nagonius Iuliane maiestati veluti dicatissimus salutem plurimam dicit. Inc. (fol. 4v) Dum mecum cogitarem Beatissime pater quid tibi velut alteri Iulio augusto etc. Des. Ad quam tui gloria fama laus et aeternitas non pervenerit: diu. vale.3 (fol. 9) . IHS. Ad divum Iulium II Pontificem Maximum et Beatissimum Pronostichon Hierosomilytanum Io Michaelis Nagonii Civis Romani et poete¸ Laureati. Inc. Libera Hierusalem iam pro rectore secundo Des. Ut redimas, optant mecum mare, sydera, terre¸.4 (fol. 29) Ad eundem divum Iul. II Pont. Max. et Ill.m Franciscum Mariam nepotem De Ruvere liber II. Inc. Francisci Marie describimus arma nepotis etc. Des. Pontificis, quid signa velint de Principe sore¸.5 (fol. 67) Ad eundem etc. liber III. Inc. Vix altos roseo spargebat Apolline pulchra etc. Des. Flebilis ut syon nostro de marte triumphet.6 (fol.109) Ad eundem etc. liber IIII. Inc. India auratam petimus coronam etc. Des. Postea signent.7 (fol. 114) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. O decus pastor latii secunde etc. Des. Morte solutus.8 (fol. 116) Ad eundem etc. et Illm Ducem sore¸, alme¸ urbis prefectum D.D. Franciscum mariam de ruvere nepotem celeberrimum etc. carmen lyricum Inc. Perse devicto Emilius superbo etc. Des. Dux referamus.9 (fol. 119) Ad eundem etc. Inc. Diva que¸ solo genita es parente etc. Des. Et sacra proles.10 (fol. 122) Ad eundem etc. congratulatio ob eius triumphalem coronationem habita Rome¸, tamquam in templo olim Fortune¸ optime¸. Inc. Colle sacratos videant nepotes etc. Des. Orbe nepotis.11 (fol. 123v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum, quo poeta rogat numina maris et terre¸ ut faveant ei si aliquando contigerit navigare contra infideles maxime pro redimenda hierusalem. Inc. Vos precor fluctus nimium furentes etc. Des. Optime Pastor.12 (fol. 127v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Iulii laudes canimus poete¸ etc. Des. Orat et infans.13 (fol. 129) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum quo alter caesar appellatur. Inc. Iam cohors docto saturata phoebo etc. Des. Turba det hymnos.14 (fol. 130v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Pindarum vates

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cecinere sacrum etc. Des. Vive perhenne.15 (fol. 132) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium, quo poeta notat, quo pacto timet ad tante¸ Beatitudinis presentiam accedere, quum ipse pontifex sit excultissimus. Inc. Quo nos phoebe iubes rogamus ire etc. Des. Quos ut fronte hilari legas precamur.16 (fol. 135) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium, quo poeta rogat musas ut velint aliquid canere de futura victoria contra infideles in honorem ro. ecclesie¸. Inc. Nostre¸ pierides favete lingue¸ etc. Des. Inter caesareos duces locandus.17 (fol. 145) Ad eundem etc. liber V. Inc. Roma suscepto venerata patre etc. Des. Et domus alma.18 (fol. 149v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium, quo Constantinoplis rogat numen pontificium ut recordetur sue¸ redemptionis promittendo sibi maxima. Inc. O dux bellipotens decus secundi etc. Des. Tanto munere flavias quadrigas.19 (fol. 151v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum de laudibus quercus auree¸. Inc. Quercus, O Patrum geminis saluto etc. Des. Semper in orbe.20 (fol. 155v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Ductor ingenti sub honore lectus etc. Des. Saepe triumphet.21 (fol. 159v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum. Inc. Quis tui laudes recitare vellet etc. Des. Semper honores.22 (fol. 162v) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum, quo Poeta rogat ducem sore¸ ut se fortem prestet in militia laboribusque bellicis et maxime contra hostes. Inc. Romule aeterne¸ mihi parce fortis etc. Des. Nuntia toto.23 (fol. 165) Ad eundem etc. carmen lyricum, quo poeta rogat velit continuo memor esse beneficiorum. Inc. Maximi semper memor esto facti etc. Des. Et tibi Pacem.24 (fol. 168) Ad eundem etc. liber VI. Inc. Hierusalem supplex manibus tua numina pansis etc. Des. Ponet et in phrygios te domus alma duces.25 (fol. 168v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Bellica romulidum taceant exempla nepotem etc. Des. Ut maneat semper mitis in urbe deus.26 (fol. 169) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Sancta domus sancto iam cur Pro Principe tardas etc. Des. Cernet, io quantum tunc tibi roma dabit.27 (fol. 170) Ad eundem etc. elegia de letitia coronationis habita Rome¸. Inc. Quam tibi sancte dies Pastor Pulcherrima luxit etc. Des. Prima tibi virtus, ultima sitque Precor.28 (fol. 171v) Ad eundem etc. elegia, qua poeta rogat musas ut blandiantur ei pro sua coronatione. Inc. Pegasidum rorate lacus, date docta camene¸ etc. Des. Pastor, nam sanctum nomen in orbe canent.29 (fol. 173) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de persone mira admiratione in equo veluti victori. Inc. Castoreo presignis equo dum moenia lustrat etc. Des. Principe si virtus, et decor, arma, vigor.30 (fol. 173v) Ad eundem etc. elegia de ornamentis equi pontificalis in urbe et maxime in coronatione populo mirante ostensis. Inc. Foelices phalere¸, gemmis auroque nitentes etc. Des. Dux sore¸, et rarum Roma videre ducem.31 (fol. 174v) Ad eundem etc. elegia de titulis in templo et fastis collocandis. Inc. Proxima tarpeo que¸ spetas Flavia monti etc. Des. Hoc est pro officiis roma nepotis, ave.32 (fol. 176) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta rogat numina ce¸lestia ut eos servent a malis. Inc. Vivi templa foci que¸ rome¸ maximus auctor etc. Des. Orbe sub immenso Iulius alter adest.33 (fol. 176v) Ad eundem etc. de convivio solemni habito rome in memoriam et

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letitiam populi romani. Inc. Nuper in arce sacra vidi discumbere patres etc. Des. Dat populis geminas Iulius ipse dapes.34 (fol. 177) Ad eundem etc. de suorum meritorum observantia epigramma. Inc. Idibus altitonans patres dum viscera libant etc. Des. Ante tuum numen victima multa cadet.35 (fol. 177v) Ad eundem etc. elegia de laudibus adnotandis in pallatio aurato. Inc. Atria dispositis annosa micantia ceris etc. Des. Qui vel ab Augusto vel Iove numen habet.36 (fol. 178) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Magne caledonii peleia gesta retractans etc. Des. Belliger hectoreos inter habende duces.37 (fol. 178v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Notus in orbe satis fama pervenit ad astra etc. Des. Alter crede mihi cum iove caesar eris. (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Aurea regna fovent isto sub praeside gentes etc. Des. Roma, sibi laudes pro quoque te tribuet.39 (fol. 179) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Actus caesareos declamas, tempora, et artes, etc. Des. Dux, capitolinum noscere et ipse iovem.40 (fol. 179v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Iulia romanos Proles auctura nepotes etc. Des. Inde frequentabunt parta trophea patres.41 (fol. 180) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de hostibus fractis et devictis. Inc. Dulcia pacator sancte¸ das ocia rome¸ etc. Des. Qui nescit magnum te putat esse iovem.42 (fol. 180v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de animo habendo in hostes. Inc. Bellipotens histrum et glatiales comprime partes etc. Des. Sed bene consulto dant sua pila Duci.43 (fol. 181) Ad eundem etc. de eius fama per universum fere orbem penetrata epigramma. Inc. Pervaga sermaticas penetravit fama sagittas etc. Des. Pro Patruo Paphio qui premit igne comas.44 (fol. 181v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium quo poeta rogat eis longam vitam. Inc. Annorum genitor bicepsque Iane etc. Des. O innupta parens deique mater.45 (fol. 182v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de templo fortune¸ sibi construendo propter merita. Inc. Illa dies iterum sacranda est colle Quirini etc. Des. Letor et officiis hec meruisse tuis.46 (fol. 183) Ad eundem etc. elegia de presentia. Inc. Qualis olympiacis divos supereminet oris etc. Des. Pastor, habes quoniam tanto in honore ducem.47 (fol. 184) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de suarum divitiarum liberalitate. Inc. Maxima versatur de te vaga fama per orbem etc. Des. Hoc est quod moneo, me monitore frui.48 (fol. 184v) Ad eundem etc. elegia de navigatione per mare exterum habenda. Inc. Visurus gelidam Ductor si leserit Arcton etc. Des. Imperiis paret si mare terra tuis.49 (fol. 185v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de mira eorum potentia et numine. Inc. Quid referent superi? Votis te quisque fatigat etc. Des. Parent mandatis pro meritis et amant.50 (fol. 186) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta eum comparat aquile¸ et leoni qui nisi in nobiles saeviunt greges. Inc. Inter qualis aves volucrum regina veretur etc. Des. Que¸ decorant currum patris et ora ducis.51 (fol. 186v) Ad eundem etc. elegia de suorum maiorum similitudine. Inc. Quam tua persimilis spectatur imago parenti etc. Des. Vatibus, an quam sint scribere plura licet.52 (fol. 187v) Ad eundem etc. elegia de eorum memoria et fama que¸ rome¸ et ubique predicatur. Inc. Quanta Quirinalem crevit tua fama per urbem etc. Des.

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Extera cum latio vos quoque turba colit.53 (fol. 188) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de nomine suscepto a veteri prosapia. Inc. Progenies Patrum nomen demissit ab alto etc. Des. O pastor, sub quo militat omnis honor.54 (fol. 188v) Ad eundem etc. elegia de indole praeclarissima. Inc. Sit puer Emilius tenera qui perdidit hostem etc. Des. Quid melius tribuet Sancte secunde tibi?55 (fol. 189v) Ad eundem etc. elegia de templis construendis ob eorum merita. Inc. Sit sacrata suo quamvis dodona tonanti etc. Des. Qui parat amissos restituisse locos.56 (fol. 190v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta indicat ipsum esse alium caesarem. Inc. Alter caesar ave, quo non illustrior extat etc. Des. Saepius id repetam syon et alma vocat.57 (fol. 191) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Conticeant veteres narrare Poemata patres etc. Des. Convenit, et famam quam bene roma colit.58 (fol. 191v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de fama quo modo creverit rome¸ et per italiam. Inc. Magna per ausonias tua fama increbruit oras etc. Des. Prodere, iam superos restat adire deos.59 (fol. 192) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Alter in oceano caesar nunc orbe renatus etc. Des. Te decet aeternum nomen habere modo.60 (fol. 192v) Ad eundem etc. elegia de famam incomparabilis potentie¸. Inc. Pastor Iule potens si fama resultat in orbe etc. Des. Haud virtus acri marte tremenda tibi.61 (fol. 193v) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta eos hortatur ut divitias negligant. Inc. Quid tibi divitie¸? Quid avarum proderit aurum? etc. Des. Et bene pro numeris vatis adibis avos.62 (fol. 194) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta notat romanum diu eum expectasse in pastorem, et conquestam fuisse tempus nimis sero venisse. Inc. Lampades aethee¸ venturo patre coruscum etc. Des. (Nocte lice veniat) non caritura dies.63 (fol. 195) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de convivio celebrato rome¸ in sua coronatione. Inc. Lauta licet memorem convivia grandis elyse¸ etc. Des. Et laudat sanctas roma superba dapes.64 (fol. 195v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quomodo optat musas, et carmina libenter audit. Inc. Quantum erit aonio satur hoc epigramma lepore etc. Des. Et Patruo, et Sixto, carmina apollo feres.65 (fol. 196) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta rogat ut poesym diligat. Inc. O Francisce tuum solita pietate poetam etc. Des. Patribus antiquis et patre maior eris.66 (fol. 197) Ad eundem etc. elegia quomodo barbari iam eum timent. Inc. Iam thurce¸ dominum noscunt et castra sequuntur etc. Des. Numina, de votis facta opulenta meis.67 (fol. 198) Ad eundem etc. liber VII. Inc. Phoebe micans qui saxa domas et prothrais ornos etc. Des. Nos alio augusto sub tua cura sumus.68 (fol. 198v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Olim laudis erat direptis castra maniplis etc. Des. Addet, et aeternum Pastor Iule decus.69 (fol. 199v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Pastor iule meis semper memorande camenis etc. Des. De vestris semper laudibus ipse canam.70 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de numine. Inc. Principis effigiem sancti, qua mente superbit etc. Des. Tu patrui sixti flosque decusque manes.71 (fol. 200) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quod nullo pacto timeat de Immortalitate. Inc. Pastor Iule times nullum moriture per aevum etc. Des. Castraque victrici vincere marte scient.72

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(fol. 200v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de toga a duce imperatoria sumenda. Inc. Sume togam, iam tempus adest, tua roma precatur etc. Des. Urbeque romulea Dux pater alter eris.73 (fol. 201) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de splendore pontificalis toge¸. Inc. Pastor Iule clamis lana splendente phalanti etc. Des. Excoluisse patrem nil tibi maius erit.74 (fol. 201v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Sixtini generis decus admirabile Pastor etc. Des. Ut sit nobilior te mea roma patre.75 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de ipsorum sancta et antiqua nobilitate. Inc. Quis negat antiquos patris clarescere faces etc. Des. Fluxit et in patrem, gloria et ipsa ducem.76 (fol. 202) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de ipsorum convivio et epulis. Inc. Extat ut in fastis perfusus nectare multo etc. Des. Et placidum fontis murmur arionii.77 (fol. 202v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de eorum animo erga virtutes optimo. Inc. Noster scipiades aut hannibal alter in orbe etc. Des. Iulia, romuleis iungere seque choris.78 (fol. 203) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta rogat ut congratuletur ei venturo in papham venerem. Inc. Franciscus maria ut cyprum Dux liquerit heros etc. Des. Quamvis sit vestra cautior arte venus.79 (fol. 204v) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta admonet eum ut se continentem servet, et nullo pacto libidini animum prestet. Inc. O Francisce reos armis domiture tyrannos etc. Des. Et pallas aderit Iulia Pontificis.80 (fol. 205v) Ad eundem etc. elegia de pontificali et illustri moderamine. Inc. Omnibus insignis Pastor moderamine rebus etc. Des. Consilium, et Patrui gloria, fama nepos.81 (fol. 206v) Ad eundem etc. elegia de magnitudine pallatii pontificalis. Inc. Que iactas babylon suggesta theatra columnis etc. Des. Pontificis, Sore¸ gestaque sancta Ducis.82 (fol. 207v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de tauro rome interfecto ob letitiam coronationis. Inc. Ante forum patris mansit spectator in urbe etc. Des. Atque Ducem Sore pastor Iule feris.83 (fol. 208) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Paulisper musas sertis et numine Pastor etc. Des. Pontificem Sixtem, te quoque Iule, Ducem.84 (fol. 208v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de oblectatione sumenda in venatione. Inc. O Francisce nimis venando tempora numquam etc. Des. Queso, solet sacris diva favere piis.85 (fol. 209) Ad eundem etc. elegia de ipsius rei militaris experientia et prudentia bellica. Inc. Sidonias delevit eques Cornelius arces etc. Des. Bella Ducis Sore¸, presidiumque patris.86 (fol. 209v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de avaritia non habenda in pontifice neque in principe. Inc. Crassus dives erat, marcus narratur avarus etc. Des. Sed semper populis libera corda gerat.87 (fol. 210) Ad eundem etc. elegia de superbia evitanda. Inc. Non maiestati tumefacta superbia sancte¸ etc. Des. Sancta, deus noster pastor iule vetat.88 (fol. 211) Ad eundem etc. elegia de liberalitate a Pontifice et a principibus servanda. Inc. Maximus in multo Fabius memoratur honore etc. Des. Vertice, nempe ducum libera facta tenet.89 (fol. 212v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium de humanitate habenda in homines et clementia prestanda per eos, et maxime per te patrem optimum. Inc. Si clementia maximum virorum etc. Des. Commendo precibus, domumque sanctam.90 (fol. 217v) Ad eundem etc. elegia

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qua poeta rogat numen sanctum et eius eminentiam ut in scribendo ei spiritum ministret inspiretque. Inc. De titulis opulente sacris, et numine tanto etc. Des. Nil preter famam, perpetuum decus.91 (fol. 219) Ad eundem etc. elegia de relligione observanda maxime a te patre omnium optimo. Inc. Marcum Tarquinius librum secreta tenentem etc. Des. Perpetuum acquires Pastor Iule decus.92 (fol. 220v) Ad eundem etc. elegia quomodo poterit merito triumphare si hierusalem redemerit et constantinopolim in pristinum statum fidelem redegerit. Inc. Imperium sine fine tenens Augustus honores etc. Des. Et pastor comites pulchra per arma tuos.93 (fol. 221v) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium de eorum preclarissima maiestate que¸ spectantium animos singularemque benivolentiam contrahit. Inc. Maiestas phrygii fuit senatus etc. Des. Omnes te similem rogant fideles.94 (fol. 224) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta rogat ipsum fore constantissimum contra hostes barbaros, maxime quum inceperit bella iustissima etiam adversus tyrannos inobedientes sue¸ beatitudini. Inc. Gentibus invisos debellature tyrannos etc. Des. Hoc est pro meritis officiisque patris.95 (fol. 224v) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta rogat ut se in castris semper continentissimum et abstinentissimum servet, una cum suis militibus. Inc. Pectus avarities, et foeda libido nepotis etc. Des. Perficere hoc debes quod pia Syon avet.96 (fol. 225v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta precatur pontificiam maiestatem ut efficiatur clementissima erga hostes, sitque prompta ad indulgendum. Inc. Hostibus indulge, si qui sunt forte reperti etc. Des. Hostibus et nullum crimen inesse puta.97 (fol. 226) Ad eundem etc. elegia de pietate habenda in patriam provintiasque fideles. Inc. Dilige romanam patriam pietate secunde etc. Des. Ut tibi det numen pastor iulus avi.98 (fol. 227) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de severitate non habenda in principe erga caros proceres. Inc. Romulus alter adest brutus qui pignora cara etc. Des. Urbem prefectus, mitis in urbe nepos.99 (fol. 228) Ad eundem etc. liber VIII. Inc. Virtutes celebres habere debes etc. Des. Laudes, perpetuo quibus vigebis.100 (fol. 230v) Ad eundem etc. elegia. Inc. Dux Sore¸ armifera generatus stirpe triumphis etc. Des. Cum Iove, et imperium consociasse tuum.101 (fol. 233) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta monet ipsum fore severum contra rebelles et tyrannos. Inc. Armet duritia pectus corpusque secundus etc. Des. Et semper proavos Pastor Iule viros.102 (fol. 233v) Ad eundem etc. de custodia sue¸ vite¸ advertenda. Inc. Qualis habenda tue¸ referam custodia vite¸ etc. Des. Gentibus ausoniis barbaricisque locis.103 (fol. 235) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta notat robur eius esse simile illi herculis et similem quoque effigiem possidere, essetque sacranda ei statua in foro romano. Inc. Numine quam simile spectatur in herculis aede etc. Des. Dux Sore¸ et Sancti prelia patris agit.104 (fol. 236) Ad eundem etc. epigramma, quo poeta existimat iterum sibi mitti feras a provintiis subactis. Inc. Gratior in festis ludet panthera quotannis etc. Des. O patrie¸, quibus est gloria tanta ioci.105 (ibid.) Ad eundem etc. epigramma de musis benemeritis. Inc. Pastor Iule vides patrum monumenta tuorum etc. Des.

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Contribuam numeris pastor Iule meis.106 (fol. 236v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta rogat calliopem ut pastori humani generis salutem dicat. Inc. De grege pierio, medioque helicone salutem etc. Des. Aeternum capies iudice vate decus.107 (fol. 237) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta rogat musas esse intentas laudibus pontificiis et ducalibus. Inc. Fas audire iocos mecum vos ludite muse¸ etc. Des. Et pro hierusalem carmina docta Duci.108 (fol. 237v) Ad eundem etc. epigramma quo poeta invidos detestatur. Inc. Cur mea non pateris? Patior si livide que¸ sunt etc. Des. Pectora, et a te¸tro perfluat ore cibus.109 (fol. 238) Ad eundem etc. carmen phaletium de incessu ducali pendente ex humeris palio togaque. Inc. Dux Sore¸ inclytus in toga Quirina etc. Des. Patri, calcidice¸ et dies Sybille¸.110 (fol. 239) Ad eundem etc. epigramma. Inc. Quis negat antiquos domini clarescere fasces etc. Des. Dedita tu Sixto es, cum Patruoque Duci.111 (fol. 239v) Ad eundem etc. sylva de futuris nuptiis edita subdito calore. Inc. Ordiar ismariis an collibus? Unde sorores etc. Des. Quod foelix faustumque tibi sit lusimus omen.112 (fol. 242v) Ad eundem etc. elegia qua poeta musas rogat ut ad suos tendant principes, suoque nomine ei salutem dicant. Inc. Ite mee¸ muse¸ Pastorem noscite sanctum etc. Des. Que¸ nomen vestrum semper in orbe canent.113 (fol. 243v) Ad eundem etc. sylva edita subito furore in laudem sue Iuventutis. Inc. Quis nostro generosus eques? Quis tempore miles etc. Des. Hostibus et fractis socio sub marte triumphet.114 (fol. 248) Ad Ill.m Invictissimumque Ducem Sore¸ alme¸ urbis etc. Panagyris in eius laudes inclytas. Inc. Iulia ductores pleno iam signa favore etc. Des. O Francisce nepos Solymos renovabis honores. E.V.Ill.D. humilis servulus Iohannes Michael Nagonius publico decreto civis Romanus et poeta laureatus. Bartolomeo Nogara, Codices Vaticani Latini (Città del Vaticano: In Biblioteca Vaticana), III (1912), 174–81. Léon Dorez, ‘La Bibliothèque privée du pape Jules II’, Revue des bibliothèques, 6 (1896), 97–124.

Dubious Attribution Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, MS lat. X. 253 (=3751) Chart., 285 mm x 206 mm; ff. 98. Prose history of the Emperor Constantine and his descendants, dedicated to an unnamed Borgia (probably Cardinal Francesco) Valentinelli, VI, 48. Iter, II, 233.

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Lost Works Six Books of Poems Dedicated to Giovanni Bentivoglio of Bologna The manuscript for Giovanni Bentivoglio, lord of Bologna, seems to have disappeared without trace. Lancetti records that the manuscript was in the possession of Lorenzo Legati of Cremona.1 Legati gives a brief description of the volume: Ioannis Michaelis Nagonii Antoniani, publico decreto Civis Romani e Poetae Laureati, de Gestis Ioannis II Bentivoli Bononiensium Principis, Variorum Carminum Libri VI.2

It seems likely that the manuscript conformed in style with the large paper manuscripts dedicated to other northern Italian princes c. 1500, for example the manuscript for Ercole d’Este, now in the Biblioteca Estense in Modena. The title recorded by Legati suggests that the manuscript must have been presented to Giovanni Bentivoglio before his expulsion from Bologna by Pope Julius II on 2 November 1506. This event is celebrated, albeit nominally, in the apostrophe to the book at the beginning of the manuscript for Julius. Here the expulsion of the Bentivoglio is described as already having taken place by the victorious pope: qui nunc Bentivolum pius tyrannum armata pepulit cohorte, terram et doctam asseruit Bononiensem. (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 1682, fol. 1v) (the pious man who with his armed battalions has already expelled the Bentivoglio tyrant and freed learned Bologna.)

One of the captive figures around Julius’s triumphal chariot in the frontispiece to this manuscript (Plate 6) has been identified as Giovanni Bentivoglio (see above, Part II, Chapter 7, ‘Decoration and Illumination’) Apart from a second reference in the dedicatory epistle to Julius’s conquest of Bologna, the Bentivogli do not feature in any other of Nagonius’s works. Bologna itself appears conventionally as docta Bononia (with reference to the University) among the list of Italian towns whose future the Sibyl refuses to reveal. 1

Lancetti records that according to Gregorio Leti (Italia regnante, overo nova descrittione dello stato presente di tutti prencipati e republiche d’italia (Geneva: Guglielmo e Pietro de la Pietra, 1676), p. 150. Legati once thought of publishing the text, but nothing seems to have come of this. 2 Lorenzo Legati, Museo Cospiano annesso a quello famoso Ulisse Aldrovandi e donato alla sua patria (Bologna: Giacomo Monti, 1677), p. 431.

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Book of Poems Dedicated to Gian Giacomo Trivulzio (Formerly Biblioteca Trivulziana, 2097. Chart.) armorum comes et Trivultius quid ductor magnanimus facit? loquamur. (BnF, MS lat. 8132, fol. 115r) (What does the brave count Trivulzio, leader of armies do? Let us speak […])

The present location of the manuscript which Nagonius dedicated to the condottiere Gian Giacomo Trivulzio (1440–5 December 1518) is unknown. The manuscript was recorded in the Trivulzio Library by Porro,3 but was not among those manuscripts given together with the art collection to the city of Milan by the family in 1935 and now housed in the Castello Sforzesco. Kristeller notes that, although some manuscripts were retained by the family, the manuscript by Nagonius is not among these.4 A nineteenth-century copy of this manuscript and other panegyrics offered to Trivulzio by contemporary poets was also retained by the family.5 A description of the contents of Nagonius’s manuscript is given by Rosmini in his life of Trivulzio: Poco possiamo dire eziando di Gio. Michele Nagonio, il quale due Panegirici scrisse in versi latini in onor del Trivulzio, il primo de’ quali disgraziatamente nel Codice della Libreria Trivulziana è mancante del fine. Oltracciò si leggon pure cinque Odi latine tutte in encomio del Maresciallo, e finalmente un Canto epitalamico per gli sponsali del Conte di Musocco suo figliuolo con Paola Gonzaga. Questo epitalamio pure nel codice di cui parliamo manca del principio, il qual per altro si legge in un gran volume in foglio scritto di mano del Canonico Valerio, ove ha raccolte molte iscrizione che sparse si trovavano in diverse luoghi della città di Milano, e vi ha eziando inserite molte composizioni poetiche che illustrano i personaggi de’ quali parlano quelle iscrizioni. Tutti questi componimenti del Nagonio sono preceduti da un epigramma nel quale il Poeta invita il Maresciallo Trivulzio, da che allora erano cessate le guerre, a leggere il libro suo ove avea descritte le geste di lui che avean ricondotta la pace in Italia. Il Panegirico primo ha per oggetto principale il descrivere gli avvenimenti accaduti in Lombardia nel 1499, e 1500, ove tanta parte ebbe il Trivulzio. Il secondo poi tratta delle virtù così

3

Giulio Porro, Catalogo dei codici manoscritti della Trivulziana (Turin: Stamperia reale di G. B. Paravia E. Comp., 1884), p. 484; Iter, I, 360. 4 Iter, VI, 83. 5 Porro, Catalogo, p. 490, formerly Biblioteca Trivulziana 2062.

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militari come politiche e morali che l'adornavano. Abbiam detto poc’anzi che poco o nulla possiam dir di Gian-Michele Nagonio.6

From the references to the marriage of his son and to events in Lombardy (Nagonius dedicates the manuscript to Trivulzio ad […] magnum magistrum Franciae) it seems that the manuscript can be dated c. 1503: that is after the period when Trivulzio was named lieutenant-general of the French forces in Italy (25 April 1498) and the wedding of his son Gianniccolò (1479–1512) to Paola di Ridolfo Gonzaga in 1503. The Trivulzii were Milanese nobility of some antiquity, with major feudal holdings. Gian Giacomo Trivulzio was one of the most successful military commanders of the period and was involved in the complex policies of these years at the highest levels.7 His capture of the important fortress of Alessandria, which blocked the way to Milan, on 28 August 1499, opened the roads into Lombardy for the French forces, and it was he who led the king’s army into Milan a few days later. A commemorative medal, attributed to Caradosso, of Trivulzio’s victory at Alessandria was commissioned at this time, as were two volumes of Livy.8 Nagonius’ panegyric celebrating Trivulzio’s military prowess would certainly complement these commissions when Trivulzio was at the height of his career, accruing titles and honours. The manuscript seems to conform in style with the other large paper volumes in Nagonius’s œuvre: Sulla prima carta di risguardo si legge, in rosso, un epigramma: ‘Ad Illustrissimum dominum D. Jo. Jacobum Trivultium Magnum Magistrum Franciae ductoremque regium fortissimum quem poeta rogat ut legat suum opusculum’. Questo epigramma ha la sottoscrizione autografa, ‘V[estre] Ill[ustrissi]me D[omi]ne Servulus Jo[hannes] Michael Nagonius poeta laureatus’. I titoli, le iniziali e le postille marginali sono scritte in rosso.9

Although the present whereabouts of the manuscript for Trivulzio is unknown, some idea of the contents can be gleaned from other manuscripts in Nagonius’s 6

Carlo de’ Rosmini, Dell’istoria intorno alle militari imprese e alla vita di Gian Giacomo Trivulzio detto il Magno, 2 vols (Milan: Destefanis, 1815), I, 611–12. 7 In general, see Francesco Malaguzzi-Valeri, La Corte di Lodovico il Moro (1476–1499), 4 vols (Milan: Hoepli, 1915–29; repr. 1970); and Storia di Milano, VII: L’età Sforzesca; and VIII: Tra Francia e Spagna (Milan: Fondazione Trecani degli Alfieri, 1956–57) 8 George F. Hill, A Corpus of Italian Medals of the Renaissance before Cellini, 2 vols (London: British Museum, 1930), I, nos 655–66; John J. G. Alexander, ‘The Livy (MS 1) Illuminated for Gian Giacomo Trivulzio by the Milanese Artist “B. F.”’, repr. in Studies in Italian Manuscript Illumination (London: Pindar Press, 2002), pp. 334–50. 9 Porro, Catalogo, p. 484.

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œuvre. As general of the French armies in the campaigns in northern Italy, Trivulzio figures in all the manuscripts with strong French connections (i.e., Louis XII; Pierre, duke of Bourbon and Filiberto II, duke of Savoy) In these manuscripts Trivulzio accompanies the Sibyl and Ursus to the Underworld and witnesses the pageant of heroes. Trivulzio, together with his son Gianniccolò who fought alongside his father and was rewarded by Charles VIII for his bravery,10 both feature in the poet’s account of the Battle of Fornovo (see Part III, Chapter 9, ‘The Battle of Fornovo’)

Printed Books Poznan´, Biblioteka Narodowa, E.XXIII.39 Chart. ff. 8. Oratio Michaelis Nagonii Civis Romani ad Rev. Patrem Dom. Petrum Vapowski a Rachonicze Patricium Polonum Cantorem et Canonicum. Ad eundem Elegia.1 (fol. 1) Oratio Michaelis Nagonii Civis Romani ad Reverendum Patrem Dominum Petrum Vapowski a Rachonicze Patricium Polonum Cantorem et Canonicum etc. Illustrissimi ac Reverendiss. Domini D. Frederici divina favente clementia Cardinalis Archiepiscopi Gnes. Et Cracovien. Episcopi Secretarium et Oratorem gravissimum. Ad eundem Elegia.2 (fol. 1v) Epitaphium Reverendi D. Petri Vapowski Canonici Cracovien. etc. Inc. Ingenio clarus, virtutis splendo et almae etc. Des. Partis heu bullae fidere quaeso cave.3 (ibid.) Vmbra ad Christum. Inc. Splendor caeli vitae spes unica nostrae etc. Des. Et tibi pallidulam dedico nunc animam.4 (fol. 2) Epistula oratione soluta. Generoso Domino Petro Vapowski A Danow Dapifero terrae Sanocensi etc. singulari suo Mecoenati, Matt Franconius foelicitatem exoptat. Inc. Non multis transactis diebus,etc. Des. Tu quoque clarissime Petre, aeque bonique consulas, quicquid litterarum munusculi est, non in meo (ut aiunt) agro natum.5 (fol. 2v) Carmen. Inc. Petre valeque diu foelicibus utere fatis etc. Des. Praebeat ac votis omnia coepta tuis.6 (fol. 3) Epistula oratione soluta. Ad reverendum Dominum Petrum Vapowski Patricium Polonum Reverendissimi Domini, D Cardinalis Cracovien. Oratorem gravissimum. Inc. Arbitratus saepenumero, gravissime Orator, prisca illa maiorum monumenta litteris etc. Des.

10

‘lo creò cavaliere sul campo di battaglia; il solo a cui in quella famosa giornata venisse compartito un tal onore’. Litta, vi, tav. III.

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non vereor Deo dante teque nobis parumper auspicante, brevi me in summum virum evasurum. 7 (fol. 6) Ad eundem elegia. Inc. Romana insigni stat Petrus clarus in urbe etc. Des. Quod restat magno foenore supplet amor. Impressum Cracoviae per Hieronymum Vietorem Anno Domini M.D.XXXVII. Mense Maii. Printed at Cracow by Hieronymous Victor, 1537. Sebastiano Ciampi, Bibliografia critica delle antiche reciproche corrispondenze politiche, ecclesiastiche, scientifiche, letterarie, artistiche dell’Italia colla Russia, colla Polonia ed altre parti settentrionali, 3 vols (Florence: Allegrini e Mazzoni, 1834–42), II, 1. Karol Estreicher, Bibliographia Polska (Kraków, [n. pub], 1875), pp. 23, 172. Kaspra Niesiecki, Herbarz Polski, 11 vols (Leipzig, [n. pub], 1839–46), IX (1842), 226.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources Manuscripts Nagonius’s manuscripts are listed separately; see above, Part III, 10. Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Ottob. lat. 1188 Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 3255 Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 3263/4 Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 3279 Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 3302 Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 3311 Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 3351 Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 3415 Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 3702 Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 3966 Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 5227 Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 5626 Kew, The National Archives, E.36/214 Kew, The National Archives, E.101/414/6 Kew, The National Archives, E.404/81 London, British Library, MS Add. 33736 London, British Library, MS Add. 33772 London, British Library, MS Add. 45131 London, British Library, MSS Add. 8440–8444 London, British Library, MS Cotton Vespasian B.iv London, British Library, MS Harley 336 London, British Library, MS Harley 4780 London, British Library, MS Royal 12 A. XXIX Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, MS 4377

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INDEX LOCORUM CITATORUM

Aristotle Rh., I. iii. 4 Rh., I. ix. 33

5n 242n

pseudo-Aurelius Victor De vir., III (51.1)

155n

Catullus 1.1–2 105.1 Cicero Arch. vi Arch. viii Arch. ix Arch. x Arch. xi Arch. xii Att. VI. i Brut. 97 Brut. 239 Brut. 267 Div. 1, 45, 102

255n 361 207n 54n 44n, 55n 53, 345 1n 55n 212 354 355 354, 355 364

Fam. V. 12, 3 De Or. II. 22. 90 De Or. II. 39 [Cic.] Her. I.ii.3 Claudian Bell. Gild. I. 21–27 Cons. Stil. I. 195–98 Cons. Stil. II. (XXII), 367–76 Cons. Stil. III. Praef. (XXIII), 5–6 IV. Cons. Hon. 1–8 IV. Cons. Hon. 539–60 IV. Cons. Hon. 546–50 IV. Cons. Hon. 644–51 Epith. Praef. 17–20 Epith. Praef. 21 Epith. 1–7 Epith. 12–13 Epith. 45 Epith. 47–48 Epith. 116 Epith. 117

54n 325 78n 325n 160n 247n 275n 56n 165n 175 409 422 423 423 422 422, 424 423 423 423 423

528

Index Locorum Citatorum

Epith. 121 Epith. 173 Epith. 254 Epith. 338 Nupt. Hon. et Mar. IV (XIV), 30–37 Horace Ars P. 73 Ars P. 357–58 Carm. I. i. 2 Carm. I. ii Carm. I. iii. 8 Carm. I. vi Carm. III. iii Carm. III. iii. 15–16 Carm. III. v Carm. III. vi. 1–4 Carm. IV. ix, 28 Ep. I. xvi. 27 Ep. I. xvii. 35 Ep. II. i. 232–34 Epod. xvi. 19–20 Epod. xvi. 31–34 Isidore Et. VI. 8, 7 Lactantius Div. inst. I. 15, 13 Livy I. 1, 1–4 II. 12–13 III. 33

423 423 423 424 422

48 77n 325n 64n 325n 45n 64n 295n 64n 94n 55 45 328 77n, 345 361 361

53n

53n 188n, 431 190 355

VIII. 9 X. 28 XXI. 52 XXV XXXVIII. 56, 4 Lucan I. 45 ff. I. 87 I. 185–90 I. 296 I. 297 I. 298 I. 307 I. 308 II. 35 ff. II. 439 II. 467 II. 478 III. 202 III. 284–90 III. 502 IV. 638 IV. 750–53 IV. 754–64 IV. 766–87 V. 165 ff. VI. 386–87 VI. 461–84 VII. 336–40 IX. 964–1003 IX. 980–81 X. 110–26 X. 139–40 Martial Mart. III. ii

214n 214n 406 355 44n 66n 407 160 408 408 408 406 408 160 407 408 408 441 239n 406 411 409 410 409 66n 361 81, 361 136n, 410 93 55n 70 70 255n

529

Index Locorum Citatorum

Mart. VII. i. Mart. VIII. ep. dedic. 15 Mart. VIII. ep. dedic. 17 Mart. IX. ci Mart. XI. liii Mart. XII. xxi Mart. XIV. clxxix Ovid Ars am., III. 409–10 Fast. IV. 77–78 Fast. IV. 953–54 Fast. V. 549 ff. Fast. VI. 723–24 Met. II. 5 Met. II. 47 ff. Met. II. 221 Met. III. 143 ff. Met. III. 230 ff. Met. VIII. 434 ff. Met. XI. 750 Met. XV. 535 Met. XV. 745 ff. Propertius IV. ix, 23 ff. Plato Ion, 534 Laws, 817a–d Resp. X. 607a Pliny the Elder HN., VII. xxx. 114

265n, 364 364 364 94 91 91 265n

44n, 345 188n 188n 66n 271n 302n 361 39n 369 370 370 441 339 208n

369 54n 54 54 44n

Quintilian Inst. 2.10.11 Inst. 3.7.26 ff. Inst. 10.2

80n 430 326n

Res gestae Divi Augusti. 13 22 34.2

91n 233n 282n

Scriptores Historiae Augustae Severus Alexander, vi–vii Silius Italicus I. 6 I. 10 I. 11 I. 43–54 I. 592 ff. III. 32 ff. III. 557 ff. IV. 154–55 IV. 430 ff. IV. 495–703 V. 132–36 VII. 64–90 IX. 304 ff. XI. 259–368 XI. 270 ff. XIII. 531 ff. XIV. 423 XV. 18 ff. Statius Silv. I. ii Silv. I. iii

411 407 407 411 237n 68n 65n 66n 66n 406 66n, 244n 338–40 409 423 68n, 370 66n 410 423 69 69

530

Index Locorum Citatorum

Silv. I. v Silv. II. ii Silv. III. i Silv. III. i. 166 Silv. IV. i Silv. IV. ii. 18–20 Silv. IV. ii. 26–31 Silv. IV. v Silv. IV. vi. 18–19 Silv. IV. viii. 1–2 Silv. V. ii. 132 ff. Silv. V. ii. 137 Theb. I. 24–32 Theb. I. 535 Theb. IV. 246 ff. Theb. IV. 265 ff. Theb. XI. 90 Suetonius Aug. 28. 3 Aug. 94 Dom. 6 Dom. 18 Tit. 7. 1 Virgil Aen. I. 81–91 Aen. I. 100–01 Aen. I. 204–05 Aen. I. 223 ff. Aen. I. 234–38 Aen. I. 241–49 Aen. I. 256 ff. Aen. I. 279 Aen. I. 283–94 Aen. I. 286

69 69 94 95n 46 69–70 69–70 91n 423 440 441 64n 370 408 66n 407 95 271n 86n 87n 207n

239n 411 62n 66n 66n 188n, 431 66n 266 236n 64n

Aen. I. 286–96 Aen. I. 292–96 Aen. I. 343–64 Aen. IV. 129 ff. Aen. IV. 132 Aen. IV. 168 Aen. IV. 173 ff. Aen. IV. 261–63 Aen. V. 625 Aen. VI. 1 ff. Aen. VI. 190 ff. Aen. VI. 190–92 Aen. VI. 192 Aen. VI. 734 Aen. VI. 756–63 Aen. VI. 760 Aen. VI. 769 Aen. VI. 771 Aen. VI. 801–04 Aen. VI. 840 Aen. VI. 842 Aen. VI. 851–53 Aen. VI. 854 Aen. VI. 856 Aen. VI. 857–58 Aen. VI. 860–86 Aen. VI. 861 Aen. VI. 865 Aen. VI. 883 Aen. VII. 37 Aen. VII. 45 Aen. VII. 170 ff. Aen. VII. 177 ff. Aen. VII. 592 Aen. VIII. 184–305

91 275n 192n 369 369 370 68n 440 407 66n 190 243n 158n 112n 67 400 440 440 96 62 169 91 441 441 441 44 441 441 201n 406 155, 406 69 92 266 94

531

Index Locorum Citatorum

Aen. VIII. 280–369 Aen. VIII. 538–40 Aen. VIII. 619 ff. Aen. VIII. 652–58 Aen. VIII. 678–84 Aen. VIII. 700–06 Aen. VIII. 716–26 Aen. IX. 643 Aen. X. 310

68n, 93 411 209 210 197n 197n 265n 441 408

Aen. X. 405–09 Aen. X. 408–10 Aen. XII. 3–7 Ecl. IV. 32 Ecl. XI. 47–49 G. I. 34–35 G. III. 291–92 G. IV. 560–62

135n 410 135n, 408 161n 64n 64n 55 70

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Academy, Roman, see Studium urbis pseudo Acron, 345 Aelius Spartianus, 154 Aemilius, Julius (Milius), physician to Vladislav II, 124 Aemilius Paullus, Lucius, 72 Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius, 45, 99 Albertus Mapheanus, see de’Maffei. Alberto d’Albret, Alain, 143, 288 d’Albret, Charlotte, 143 d’Albret, Jean, king of Navarre, 143 Aldovrandi. Ulisse, 92 d’Alençon, Anne, 20, 43, 73, 171, 176–77, 413–24 d’Alençon, Charles IV, 167 Alexander the Great, 44, 77n, 275n, 345, 376 Alexander III, pope, 190 Alexander VI, pope, 26, 29, 31, 36, 38, 76, 79, 82, 83n, 84, 98, 99, 107–08, 109, 110, 113, 127, 141–42, 154, 162, 169, 173–74, 179, 181, 191, 206, 234, 298, 350, 370 Alfonso I, king of Naples, 61 Alfonso II, king of Naples, 58, 202n

Alidosio, Francesco, cardinal, 247n, 293 Altieri,Lorenzo, 339, 340 Altieri,Lucrezia, 339 Altieri, Marco Antonio, 339–40 Altieri, Mariano, 339–40 d’Alviano, Bartolomeo, 212 d’Amboise, Georges, cardinal, 163, 230n Anaxagoras, 324n André, Bernard, 107n, 376–77 Andrelini, Fausto, 405 Anne of Beaujeu, 1, 64, 167–68 Anne, duchess of Brittany, queen of France, 142–43, 145, 157, 167–68 Antenor, 185, 187–88, 210, 426–31 Antoninus Pius, Roman emperor, 339 Antony, 196, 244, 354, 421, 423 Aquilano, Serafino: Sonetto de Seraphin sopra un chan de Aschagno, 369 Archadius, 175 Archelaus, king of Macedon, 44 Arianiti, Constantino (Comnenus), 163, 176 Aristotle, 5, 47, 242n d’Armagnac, Louis, comte de Guise, 408 Arrivabene, Gian Pietro: Gonzagiad, 49 Arsilli, Francesco: De poetis urbanis ad

534 Paulum Iovium libellus, 339 Arthur, king, 73 Arthur Tudor, prince of Wales, 99, 114, 115, 118, 119, 272n, 374–77 Aspertini, Amico, 304 Attendolo, Muzio, 83n d’Aubigny, Béraud Stuart, 145, 172n Augustus, Roman emperor, 4n, 44–46, 48, 64, 67, 70, 91, 95–97, 137–38, 161, 188, 197, 204, 233n, 244, 280, 282, 299, 354 pseudo-Aurelius Victor, 155n Ausonius: Cento nuptialis, 179n Ayala, Pedro de, 120n Bacon, Francis, 101n, 109 Bājazīd II, Sultan, 127, 181, 183, 200, 218, 287; Plate 4 Bakócz, Tamás, bishop of Agria, 126 Balbi, Girolamo, 124 Barbarigo, Agostino, doge, 108 Barbarossa, Frederick, 160, 190 Barbo, Marco, cardinal, 30, 92–93 Barbo, Pietro, see Paul II, pope Bartolini, Riccardo: Austrias, 99 Basini, Basinio: Hesperis, 57 Báthory, Miklós, bishop of Vác, 135 Beatrice, queen of Hungary, 129 Beaujeu, Pierre de, see Pierre II Belisarius (Vilissarius), 221 Benedetti, Alessandro: Diaria de Bello Carolino, 405, 407, 409, 410, 411 Benincasa, Francesco Cinzio, 124 Bentivoglio, Annibale, 67n Bentivoglio, Giovanni, lord of Bologna, 27, 293, 502; figure18c Berengar, emperor, 49 Beroaldo, Filippo the Elder, 124, 138n

Index of Proper Names

Bessarion, cardinal, 156 Biondo, Flavio: Roma triumphans, 271 Roma instaurata, 369 Birago, Giovan Pietro, 207n, 305n Blois, Treaty of, 143, 184 Boccaccio, 227 Bonfini, Antonio, 68n, 124, 128 Rerum Hungaricum decades, 129n, 130n, 132n, 133n, 134n Boniface VIII, pope, 129n Borgia, Cesare, 9, 27, 84, 143, 163, 184, 191, 192, 204, 205, 206, 207, 212, 240n, 242, 289n, 442 Borgia, Francesco, bishop of Teano, 219n, 221–22 Borgia, Lucrezia, 169, 206n, 338 Borgia, Rodrigo, see Alexander VI, pope Borgo Franco (modern Suardi), 18, 19, 27 Bosworth, battle of, 101, 115, 271n, 274n, 302 Bourbon, Jean II, duke of Bourbon, 164n, 167 Bourbon, Mathieu de Bourbon, le Grand bâtard de Bourbon, 167 Bourbon, Pierre de, see Pierre II Branca, Paolo, 340 Bruni, Leonardo, 227 del Bufalo, Cristoforo, 338, 339 Burchard, Johann, 61n, 76n, 108n, 370 Burckhardt, Jacob, 58, 171 Caesar, see Julius Caesar Camillus, Marcus Furius, 208, 215 Campin, Robert, see the Master of Flémalle Cantalicio, Giovanni Battista:Borgiad, 49 Capet, Hugh, founder of the Capetian dynasty, 152–53, 284 Capetian dynasty in France, 152–53,

535

Index of Proper Names

284–86 Capilupi, Lelio, 405 Caracciolo, Giovanni Battista, 89n Caracciolo, Marino Ascanio, 89n Caradosso, 203, 504 Carafa, Diomede, count of Maddaloni, 89 Carafa, Giovanni Tommaso, count of Maddaloni, 89 Carmeliano, Pietro, 104, 105n, 121 Casanova, Marc’Antonio, 203 Castellesi, Adriano, cardinal, 101, 369 Venatio ad Ascaniam Cardinalem, 369 Cato, 208, 215, 354, 355, 442 Catullus, 255 Charlemagne, emperor, 49, 149–52 Charles the Bold, duke of Burgundy, 147 Charles IV of Bohemia, emperor, 82, 138 Charles V, emperor, 187n Charles V, king of France, 153 Charles VIII, king of France, 29, 58, 82, 84, 85, 100, 109n, 114n, 140, 141, 142, 147, 155, 160, 161n, 165, 167, 172, 176, 234, 245, 275, 281, 284, 338, 339, 387–412, 505 Charles of Anjou, 129n Charles Orlando, son of Charles VIII, 147, 156, 157–58 Chigi, Agostino, 13n, 59n Christina of Sweden, 4 Choerilus of Iasos, 44, 77n, 345 Choerilus of Samos, 44 Cicero, 1, 33, 53, 54, 55, 78, 118, 207, 208, 212, 215n, 227, 324, 325–26, 338, 354 Claudian, 2, 45n, 46, 47, 48, 56, 160n, 165, 175, 275n, 324, 327, 420–24 Clement VII, pope, 13n Cleopatra, 70, 196 Cocconato, 19, 20, 179

Cola di Rienzo, 160 Colleoni. Bartolomeo, 221n Coloccio, Angelo, 124n Colonna, Fabrizio, 244n Colonna Marcantonio, 232n Commynes, Philippe de: Mémoires, 405, 407 Comnenus, see Arianiti, Constantino Constantine, Roman emperor, 181, 213, 215, 220, 226, 267, 271n, 283, 292, 295; figures 18b, 18e Cornaro, Caterina, queen of Cyprus, 193n, 195, 203n Cornaro, Giorgio, 193, 194n, 195 Corippus, 49 Corsi, Jacopo, 228 Corvinus, János, illegitimate son of Matthias Corvinus, 127n, 129 Corvinus, Matthias, see Matthias Corvinus Csáktornyai, Zsigmond Ernuszt, bishop of Quinqueecclesiae, 126 Cyrus, 239 Dati, Leonardo, 179 David, Gerard, 303 Demosthenes, 156 Desmarais, Jean, 50, 51 Diocletian, Roman emperor, 220, 271n Dionysio di Naldo, 211n Domitian, Roman emperor, 46, 64, 69, 70, 86–87, 207n, 364, 441 Donatus, Aelius, 44n, 48 Donatus, Tiberius Claudius, 48 Dynham, John, 115 Edward IV, king of England, 109, 110, 250n Edward V, king of England, 104n, 110

536 Egnazio, Gian Battista, 55n, 206n, 211 Elizabeth of York, queen of England, 102–03, 105n, 117n Elizabeth I, queen of England, 52 Ennius, 44, 57n, 77n, 299n, 324n Erasmus, Desiderius, 50, 246n Encomium Moriae (Praise of Folly), 53 Institutio principis Christiani (Education of a Christian Prince), 51–52 Panegyricus, 50–51 d’Este, Alfonso I, duke of Ferrara, 15n, 67n, 169 d’Este, Beatrice, 67n d’Este, Borso, duke of Ferrara, 169, 179n, 249n, 253n d’Este, Ercole I, duke of Ferrara, 15n, 60n, 62, 66–67, 163–64, 168–71, 179n, 228n, 369 d’Este, Ferrante (brother of Ercole), 169 d’Este, Ferrante (son of Ercole), 67n d’Este, Giulio (son of Ercole), 67n d’Este, Ippolito (son of Ercole), 67n d’Este, Isabella, 67n d’Este, Leonello, duke of Ferrara, 169 d’Este, Lucrezia, 67n d’Este, Sigismondo (brother of Ercole), 169 d’Este, Sigismondo (son of Ercole), 67n Fabricius Luscinus, Gaius, 72, 208 Federigo III of Aragon-Naples, 287; Plate 4 Ferdinand I, king of Aragon, 84, 120n, 235 Ferdinand I, king of Bohemia and Hungary, emperor, 139 Ferrante I, king of Naples, 84, 89, 109n, 129 Ferreto de’ Ferreti, 5n

Index of Proper Names

Filelfo, Francesco, 4n, 57, 58 Sphortias, 57 Filiberto II, duke of Savoy, 20, 25, 26, 27, 28, 36, 38, 60, 100, 114, 163–64, 171–74, 411, 420, 505 Filippo II, Senza Terra, duke of Savoy, 411 Fisher, John, 62 Flaminius, Gaius, Roman consul, 155n, 144n, 411 Flamininus, Titus Quinctius, Roman consul, 155 de Foix, Anne, 122, 124 de Foix, Jean, viscount of Narbonne, 158, 167, 288, 408 Foscari, Francesco, doge, 61n Fornovo, battle of, 7, 61, 140, 147, 156, 183n, 191n, 245, 387–412, 505 Fox, Richard, bishop of Winchester, 105n Francis I, king of France, 146 Franconius, Matthias, 77–78 Francus the Trojan, 152, 284–86 Frederick III, emperor, 16n, 83, 90, 132n Froissart, Jean: Chronicles, 249n Frulovisi, Tito Livio dei: Humfroidos, 57 Fulvius Nobilior, 44 Gaguin, Robert, 234 Galeotto Marzio da Narni, 4n Gallus, Aegidius, 13 Garzoni, Giovanni, 124 Gattamelata (Erasmo da Narni), 211n Guarino, Baptista, 62 Giannetti, Pietro: De arte et studio venationis, 369 Giarole, 18, 19 Gié, Pierre de Rohan-Guéménée, 163, 408 de’ Gigli, Giovanni, bishop of Worcester, 30n, 104, 105n, 108, 121

Index of Proper Names

Gilles of Paris: Carolinus, 49 Giustinian, Antonio, 194n Giustinian, Lorenzo, 193, 194n, 195 Giustiniani, Bernardo, 61n Glarole (family), 19 Gonsalvo de Cordova, 184 Gonzaga, Eleonora, 230 Gonzaga, Francesco II, marquis of Mantua, 67n, 163, 405, 407–08, 410, 412 Gonzaga, Paola di Ridolfo, 420, 504 Gonzaga, Ridolfo, 406, 408, 410 Gordon, Katherine (wife of Perkin Warbeck), 112 Goritz, Hans, 13n Grassis, Paris de, 61n, 228, 233n Grimani, Antonio, 198 Gritti, Andrea, 7, 17, 31, 181, 213–26, 271n Guarino, Baptista, 62 Guicciardini, Francesco, 202n Guy of Amiens: De Hastingae Proelio, 324n Guglielmo II, marquis of Monferrat, 18, 20, 43, 73, 163–64, 171, 174–79, 228n, 413–424; Figure 10 Habsburg, Albrecht, emperor, 129n Habsburg, Frederick, see Frederick III Habsburg, Maximilian, see Maximilian I Habsburg, Philip, see Philip, archduke of Burgundy Hadrian, Roman emperor, 147, 154, 244 Hannibal, 4n, 68n, 72, 128n, 155n, 156, 207n, 237n, 244, 338, 405, 410, 421, 423 Henry VI, king of England, 103, 108, 179 Henry VII, king of England, 2, 7, 14–16, 28, 29, 31, 62, 70–3, 101–21, 140, 146,

537 208, 234, 250, 279, 283, 294, 302, 376; figure 16a–c Henry VIII, king of England, 59, 117n Herodotus, 227 Heron, John, 107n Hildebert of Lavardin, archbishop of Tours Hispanus, Petr, 121–22 Holy League, 109, 140 Homer, 44, 48, 227, 371 Honorius, Roman emperor, 46, 48, 421–22 Horace, 45, 48, 55, 64, 81, 215n, 295n, 324, 325n Horenbout, Gerard, 303–04 Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, 57 Inghirami, Tommaso, 61n Innocent VIII, pope, 26, 36, 38, 105n, 108 Isabella of Castille, Queen of Spain, 84, 120n Isocrates, 1n Jagiellon, Alexander Grand Duke of Lithunia, 131n Jagiellon, Fryderyk, archbishop of Kraków, 76 Jagiellon, Jan Olbracht I, king of Poland, 76n, 129–31 Jagiellon, Kazimierz IV, king of Poland, 76n, 131n, 133 Jagiellon, Sigismund I, king of Poland, 77, 130, 131n Jagiellon, Vladislav II, king of Bohemia and Hungary, see Vladislav II James, apostle, 294; figure18a, Plate 6 James IV, king of Scotland, 112 Jeanne of France, 141

538 Jerusalem personified, 61, 70, 100, 147, 159–62, 180, 197–98, 234, 235–40, 294–95; figure 18a, Plates 2, 6 Joanna of Castile, 84, 105n, 173n Jugurtha, 210, 410 Julius Caesar, 55, 63–64, 72, 93, 136, 156, 158, 207, 208, 211, 236, 286n, 299, 302, 354, 405, 408, 440, 442; figure 19b Julius II, pope, 2, 7, 18, 27, 31, 61n, 62, 100, 108n, 163, 180, 206n, 211, 219, 227–47, 251, 273, 339, 440–42, 502; figure 18a, 19c–d; Plates 6, 7 Justin, emperor, 49 Juvenal, 49 Kálmáncsehy, Dominic, bishop of Várad, 126 Laetus, Pomponius, 6, 16, 31–32, 219–26, 271, 302, 327, 338 Excerpta, 95n Compendium Romanae Historiae, 7, 17, 219–26, 271n; figures 7, 8 Interpretatio in Aeneide Virgilii, 431 Lancillotti, Scipio, 32–33, 339 Landino, Cristoforo, 203, 207n, 209 Langton, Thomas, bishop of Winchester, 115 Lars Porsenna, 190 Lazzarelli, Lodovico, 87n Lemaire, Jean, de Belges, 151 Leonardo da Prato, 211n Leonardo da Vinci, 202n Leonidas, 4n Leto, Pomponio Giulio, see Laetus, Pomponius Ligny, Louis de Luxembourg, count of,

Index of Proper Names

158, 163, 167 Livy, 227, 504 Lobkovicz, Bohuslav Hasištenjnský de, 121 Lombardo, Tullio, 212 Loredan, Andrea, governor of Corfu, 196, 198–200, 434 Loredan, Antonio, 198–200 Loredan, Bernardo, son of Leonardo, 195–96 Loredan, Gerolamo, father of Leonardo, 196 Loredan, Gerolamo, son of Leonardo, 195–96 Loredan, Leonardo, doge of Venice, 2, 7, 31, 181–201, 219, 228n, 232; figure 5 Loredan, Lorenzo, son of Leonardo, 195–96 Loredan, Ludovico, son of Leonardo, 195–96 Loredan, Pietro, brother of Leonardo, 196 Louis IX, king of France, 153, 166n Louis XI, king of France, 164, 179, 408 Louis XII, king of France, 2, 7, 14n, 30, 33–34, 62, 84n, 140, 141–80, 181, 184, 218, 228n, 230n, 234, 240, 245–46, 251, 293–94, 302, 304, 323, 412, 423, 505; figure 4, Plates 2–5 Louis II, king of Hungary, 139 Lucan, 55, 64, 70, 81, 136, 156, 160, 227, 323, 405, 408 Lucullus, Lucius Licinius, 208, 215 Lucceius, 54 Lucia da Narni, 67 Lysander, 44 Maecenas, 4n, 215, 360 de’Maffei. Alberto (Albertus Mapheanus), 213, 306; figure 6

539

Index of Proper Names

Maffei, Raffaele, 62, 227–28 Malatesta, Sigismondo, 57 Malipiero, 127 Magonius, see Nagonius Manetti, Giannozzo, 61n Manfredi, Astorre, 192, 206 Mantegna, Andrea: The Triumphs of Caesar, 289–90, 292; Camera degli Sposi 298; Madonna della Vittoria, 412 Marcello, Cristoforo, 338 Marcello, Francesco, 183n Marcellus, 44, 201n Marcus Aurelius, Roman emperor, 190, 211 Margani, Paolo, 340 Margani Stefano, 340 Margaret of Austria, duchess of Savoy, 20, 26, 36, 38, 100, 171, 230n, 319, 420 Margaret, duchess of Burgundy, 109, 112 Marius, 72, 137, 161, 208, 210, 215, 410; figure 17b Mark, saint, 185, 190, 211, 263 Marso, Pietro, 32–33, 327, 338 Martial, 94, 99, 323–24, 364 Marullus, Michael, 160, 179n Mary of Burgundy, 179n, 303 Mary of Habsburg, 139 Master of the First Prayer Book of Maximilian I, 303 Master of Flémalle (Robert Campin), 303 Master of James IV of Scotland, 304 Master of Mary of Burgundy, 83n, 303 Matthias II Corvinus, king of Hungary, 68, 122–24, 128, 131–32, 280 Maxentius, Roman emperor, 293 Maximian Augustus, Roman emperor, 87, 95

Maximilian I Habsburg, emperor, 2, 7, 16, 20n, 28–29, 30–31, 43, 62, 82–100, 111n, 112, 125, 127–40, 146, 172, 173n, 191, 212, 230n, 273, 275, 279, 283, 303, 338, 340, 370–71, 376, 380–81, 441; figure 14a–c, Plate 1 Mayer van den Bergh Breviary, 267; figure 15 de’ Medici, Cosimo, 84n de’ Medici, Ippolito cardinal, 13n de’ Medici, Lorenzo, 65n Mellini, Mario, 338, 339 Menander Rhetor, 211 Messalla Corvinus, Marcus Valerius, 45, 46 Metellus, Quintus Caecilius, 208, 215 Mithridates VI of Pontus, 54, 192n Mocenigo, Leonardo, 193, 194n, 195 Mohammed, 220 da Montefeltro, Federigo, duke of Urbino, 201, 202, 424 da Montefeltro, Giovanna, 227n, 440, 442 da Montefeltro, Guidobaldo I, duke of Urbino, 229, 442 Morton, John, archbishop of Canterbury, 108 Mucius Scaevola, 190 Nago, 18 Nagomotini, see Nagonius Nagonius, Johannes Michael (Giovanni Michele Nagonio): breadth of his travels, 2, 7, 14, 75 place of birth, 17–18 education, 8 confused identifications, 7, 15, 21, 146 fictional rival (Giovanni Michele Pingonio), 7, 15, 20, 21, 26, 36–39, figure 3

540 crowned poet laureate, 15–16 association with Pomponius Laetus, 16–17, 31–32, 219–26 marriage and family, 18–20 oration for Piotr Vapowski, 16n, 20n, 29, 44, 60, 75–81, 82, 341–61, 505–06 manuscript for Maximilian I, 16, 17, 22, 28, 32n, 33, 70, 82–100, 127, 139, 255n, 263n, 265–67, 272, 303–04, 306, 308, 322, 331–40, 362–73, 443–46; figures 1a, 14, Plate 1 manuscript for Henry VII, 15–16, 29, 32, 60–61, 63, 71–72, 84n, 101–21, 127, 250, 253–54, 263n, 267, 271–79, 305, 306, 308–09, 374–75, 447–49; figures 11a, 16a, 21, 27 manuscript for Vladislav II, 22, 43, 60, 63–64, 68, 73, 121–40, 253–54, 263n, 280, 305, 306, 308–09, 324n, 340, 378–81, 387, 450–54; Figures 1b, 11b, 22, Plate 8; manuscript for Louis XII 14n, 22, 33–34, 73, 145–80, 228n, 251, 253, 263n, 267, 280–89, 304–05, 308–09, 324n, 387, 420, 454–61, 503, 505; figures 1c, 4, 23, Plates 2–5 manuscript for Pierre, duke of Bourbon, 153n, 164–68, 252, 254, 260, 302, 306, 320, 322, 382–86, 387, 461–66, 505; figures 12, 13 manuscript for Ercole d’Este, 22, 168–71, 228n, 252–53, 306, 320, 466–71; figures 1d, 9 manuscript for Filiberto II, Duke of Savoy, 15, 16n, 20, 21, 25–26, 35, 60, 100, 114, 171–74, 260n, 306, 319, 387, 411, 424–25, 471–75, 505; figure 3 manuscript for Guglielmo II, Marquis of

Index of Proper Names

Monferrat, 18, 20, 23, 25, 73, 145,174–79, 228n, 252–53, 306–07, 319, 320, 327n, 385–86, 387, 413–24, 475–82; Figures 2, 10a, 26 manuscript for Doge Leonardo Loredan, 15n, 65n, 66n, 70n, 183–201, 204, 228n, 239n, 252n, 253, 260–63, 306, 308, 340, 412, 426–34, 482–87; figures 5, 24 manuscript for Niccolò Orsini, 14, 18, 27, 55n, 65n, 201–13, 228n, 309–10, 319, 321–22, 430, 487–93; figure 28 manuscript for Andrea Gritti, 17, 213–26, 253n, 263n, 306, 493–94; figure 6 manuscript for Julius II and Francesco Maria della Rovere, 15n, 17–18, 66n, 70n, 125n, 227–47, 251, 263n, 267, 273, 287n, 289–300, 305–06, 308, 387–412, 420, 435–42, 494–501, 502; figures 18a, 19d, 20, 25, Plates 6–7 manuscript for Giovanni Bentivoglio, 502 manuscript for Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, 420, 503–05 Nero, Roman emperor, 46, 64, 206–07, 288, 302; Plate 5 Nicholas V, pope, 83 Octavia, 44 Octavian, see Augustus Opicius, Johannes, 102n, 103, 114n Orléans, Louis, duke of, see Louis XII Orsini, Battista, cardinal, 30, 354 Orsini,Gian Giordano, 66n, 240, 245–46, 293, 440 Orsini, Giordano di Lorenzo, 212n Orsini, Niccolò, count of Pitigliano, 7, 18, 27, 31, 55n, 66n, 181, 191, 228n, 241,

541

Index of Proper Names

405 Orsini, Paolo, 169n Orsini, Virginio, 66n, 88, 96, 212n, 240, 371, 405 Otakar II Přemysl, king of Bohemia, 128n Ovid, 45, 64, 223, 324, 339, 345 Panegyrici Latini, 46, 87, 91, 95, 411 Pangonius, see Nagonius Parmenio, Lorenzo (Laurentius Parmenius): de operibus et rebus gestis Julii, 229 Parron, William (Gulielmus Parronus ‘Placentinus’), 115 Paul II, pope, 91, 93 Pepin, father of Charlemagne, 151–52, 284–86 Pérault, Raymund, cardinal, 85 Perseus, King, 72 Peruzzi, Baldassare, 304 Petrarch, 55–57, 65n, 82, 227 Africa, 49, 68n, 160, 299n, 325n Coronation oration, 55–56 Trionfi, 267, 272, 279, 292; figure 18d Philibert, duke of Savoy, see Filiberto of Savoy Philip, Apostle, 294; figure18a, Plate 6 Philip, archduke of Burgundy, 50, 83n, 97, 99, 100, 111n, 115, 119, 146–47, 172, 173n, 179n, 370, 372–76 Philip II Augustus, king of France, 49, 153 Philip of Macedon, 156, 376 Piccinino, Iacopo, 207n Piccolomini, Aeneas Silvius, see Pius II Piccolomini, Francesco Todeschini, see Pius III Pierre II, sire de Beaujeu, duke of Bourbon, 153n, 164–68, 252, 288, 505

Pindar, 1, 48, 71 Pingon, Emmanuel-Philibert de, 27 Pingon, Jean Michel, see Pingonius Pingonio, Giovanni Michele, see Pingonius Pingonius, Johannes Michael (Pingon, Jean Michel; Pingonio, Giovanni Michele),7, 15–16, 20–21, 26–27, 35, 36–39 Pinturicchio, 203, 286n, 298, 305 Pirckheimer, Willibald, 62 Piso, Calpurnius Piso, 46 Pius II, pope, 148, 286 Pius III, pope, 26, 28, 36, 38, 105–06, 109 Plato, 54 Plautus, 62, 168 Poliziano, Angelo, 241n Pollaiuolo, Antonio del, 212n Pompey, 54, 72, 77n, 156, 161, 207n, 208, 210, 215, 354, 355, 405 Pomponio Leto, see Laetus, Pomponius Pomponius Laetus, see Laetus, Pomponius Poulet, Quentin, 107n Prince Marko, 1 Propertius, 324 Pyrrhus I, king of Epirus, 72, 442 Qasida poetry, 1 Quintilian, 326, 430 Riario, Raffaele, cardinal, 293 Richard Plantagenet, duke of York (second son of Edward IV), 111 Richard II, king of England, 249n, 279 Richard III, king of England, 104n, 115, 271n Ripanda, Jacopo, 304 Rome: Ara Maxima, 94, 95 Arch of Constantine, 267, 292, 295, figure

542 18e Arch of Titus (Arch of Domitian), 137, 267, 286–87, 292, figure. 17a Arch of Septimius Severus, 267 Aventine Hill, 94 Baths of Diocletian, 369 Capitoline Hill, 93, 160 Castel S. Angelo (Mausoleum of Hadrian), 127, 154, 203, 244, 292, 298 Castra Praetoria, 369 Circus Maximus, 94 Colosseum, 92 Domus Aurea, 302 Forum Boarium, 94–95 Milvian Bridge, battle of, 293, 295, 411 Palazzo dei Conservatori, 95, 304 Palazzo di San Marco (Palazzo Venezia), 70, 91–92, 96n, 100, 266n Palatine Hill, 188 Pantheon, 99 Piazza Navona, 18 Porta Capena, 370 SS. Apostoli, 294, 298, figure. 19a S. Giovanni in Laterano, 369 Santa Maria del Popolo, 109n Santa Maria Maggiore, 369 Santa Martina, 287 S. Pietro in Vincoli, 232n Theatre of Marcellus, 92 Via Flaminia, 90, 244 Via Merulana, 369 della Rovere, Felice, 240n, 440 della Rovere, Francesco, see Sixtus IV della Rovere, Francesco Maria, 7, 60n, 227–47, 293, 435–42, figure 18a; Plate 6 della Rovere, Giovanni, 227n, 298–99,

Index of Proper Names

440, 441, della Rovere, Giuliano, see Julius II Sabellico, Marc’Antonio, 219, 223n, 226, 340, Sallust, 227 Salutati, Coluccio, 96n San Giorgio, Benvenuto di, 176 Sannazzaro, Jacopo, 58 Sannazzaro, castle (Giarole), 19 Sannazzaro de’ Burgondi, 19 Sanseverino, Giovanni Francesco, count of Caiazzo, 412 Sanuto, Marino, 108n, 163, 183, 212n, 218n Sasso, Panfilo: De Bello Tarrensi, 405 Savelli, Paolo, 211n Scaliger, Julius Caesar (Giulio Cesare della Scala): Poetices libri septem, 47 Scipio Africanus, 4n, 44, 72, 77n, 128n, 156, 161, 190n, 207n, 208, 210, 212n, 215, 405, 421, 423 Scriptores Historiae Augustae, 154 Seneca, 326 Septimius Severus, Roman emperor, 267 Servius, 48, 430 Servius Sulpicius, 212, 354 da Sesto, Cesare, 304 Sforza, Ascanio Maria, cardinal, 30, 85, 89n, 365–71 Sforza, Bianca Maria, 83n, 370 Sforza, Francesco, duke of Milan, 57, 83, 207n, 411 Sforza, Galeazzo Maria, duke of Milan, 58 Sforza, Gian Galeazzo, duke of Milan, 83n Sforza, Ludovico ‘il Moro’, duke of Milan, 67n, 105n, 113n, 143, 145, 162, 184, 245n, 410

543

Index of Proper Names

Sforza, Ottaviano, 83 Sherborne, Robert, 109 Sidonius, panegyric to Avitus, 160 Sigismund, emperor, 82n Silius Italicus, 8, 128n, 132, 156, 227, 237, 324, 338, 405, Sixtus IV, pope, 95, 104n, 212n, 232–33, 235, 245, 354, 440, Smíšek chapel, Saint Barbara’s Cathedral, Kutná Hora, 137 Solomon, 265, 266 Spagnoli, Battista, (il Carmelita): Trophaeum pro Gallis espulsis, 405 Spenser, Edmund, 1 Statius, 8, 46, 49, 64, 92, 94, 323–24, 327 Stefanardo da Vimercate, 5n Stilicho, 46, 48, 246–47 Strozzi, Tito Vespasiano: Borsiad, 49, 72, 179n Studium urbis, 6, 8, 32, 327, 338, Suardi, see Borgo Franco Suetonius, 227 Sulla, 192, 410 Svajer, Amadeo, 204n, 310 Terence, 168 Theophanes of Mytilene, 77n, 345 Thucydides, 227 Ticineto, 19, 179 Tiberius, Roman emperor, 280 Tibullus, 46 Titus, Roman emperor, 137, 161, 207n, 208, 237, 241n, 265n, 267; figure17a de La Trémoille, Louis II, 167, 408 Trajan, Roman emperor, 138 Tragurinus, Matthaeus Andronicus, 124 Trivulzio, Gian Giacomo, 143, 145, 153–54, 158, 163–64, 169, 181, 202,

408, 420, 503–05 Trivulzio, Gianniccolò, 408, 420, 504–05 Urban II, pope, 161, 235n Vagonnius, see Nagonius Vapowski, Bernard, 76, 77 Chronicae Polonarum, 77 In victoriam Sigismundi I regis de Moschis, 77 Vapowski, Piotr, 29, 31, 33, 44, 60, 75–81, 341–61 Váradi, Péter, archbishop of Kalocsa, 126 Varius Rufus, Lucius, 45 Vasari, Giorgio, 203 Vegio, Maffeo, 82n Venantius Fortunatus, 48 Venetus, Bernardinus, see Bernardino dei Vitali Verard, Antoine, 107n Vergil, Polydore, 101, 120n Vespasian, Roman emperor, 265n Vida, Marco Girolamo: De arte poetica, 326 Vietor, Hieronymus, 75 de la Vigne, André: Vergier d’Honneur, 61n Vilissarius, see Belisarius Virgil, 8, 44–45, 48–49, 55, 57, 62–67, 69–70, 81, 94, 112n, 118, 155, 164, 179n, 190, 201, 215n, 323–24, 326, 340, 405–06 Visconti, Filippo Maria, 411 Visconti, Gian Galeazzo, Duke of Milan, 141 Visconti, Valentina, 141–42 dei Vitali, Bernardino (Bernardinus Venetus), 219, 226

544 Vitalis, Ordericus, 324n Vitelli, Vitellozzo, 202n Vittorino da Feltre, 201 Vladislav II Jagiellon, king of Bohemia and Hungary, 2, 7, 43, 63, 68, 76n, 83n, 100, 108n, 121–40, 145, 234; Plate 8 Warbeck, Perkin, 102, 107–08, 111–13, 271n, 275

Index of Proper Names

Wenceslas, emperor, 128n William the Breton: Philippeis, 49 Xerxes, 239 Ximenes, Cardinal, 235 Zeno, Apostolo, 220 Zulu Praise-Poetry, 1